Notes on

Acts
2 0 0 7 E d i t i o n Dr. Thomas L. Constable

Introduction
TITLE The title "Acts of the Apostles" is very ancient. The Anti-Marcionite Prologue to the Gospel of Luke (A.D. 150-180) contains the oldest reference to the book by this name. The title is a bit misleading, however, because the book contains only a few of the acts of some of the apostles, primarily Peter and Paul. The book is more a story of the extension of the church from Jerusalem to the ends of the ancient world than it is a complete history of the apostles' acts. WRITER Two lines of argument lead to the conclusion that Luke, the friend, fellow missionary, and physician of Paul wrote this book, under the inspiration of the Holy Spirit. First, there is the internal evidence, the passages written in the first person plural that can refer to Luke (16:10-40; 20:521:18; 27:128:16). Second, we have external evidence indicating that Luke wrote Acts. This evidence includes references by early church fathers,1 comments in collections of New Testament books,2 and editorial statements in early notes on certain New Testament books.3 DATE AND PLACE OF COMPOSITION The date of composition was probably in the early sixties, A.D. 60-62. In view of his emphases, Luke probably would have mentioned several important events had they occurred by the time he wrote. These include the destruction of Jerusalem in A.D. 70, the Neronian persecution of Christians that began in A.D. 64, and Paul's death in A.D. 68. We do not know for sure where Luke was when he wrote Acts. Perhaps he composed it over a period of years, drawing on various sources, and then put it into its final form in Rome where Paul was in confinement for two years (28:30-31; A.D. 60-62).

Irenaeus, c. 180 A.D. the Muratorian Canon, second century A.D. See Documents of the Christian Church, pp. 28-29, for an English translation of the text. 3E.g., the Anti-Marcionite Prologue to the Gospel of Luke, second century A.D. See T. W. Manson, Studies in the Gospels and Epistles, p. 49, for an English translation.
2E.g.,

1E.g.,

Copyright 2007 by Thomas L. Constable Published by Sonic Light: http://www.soniclight.com/

Dr. Constable's Notes on Acts "Fortunately the intelligibility and value of the book are largely independent of a knowledge of the precise situation in which it was written. While the finer points of the interpretation of Acts can still cause intense discussion among scholars, the essential themes of the book are basically clear and simple."4 SCOPE

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The events recorded in Acts cover a period of about 30 years beginning with the Lord's ascension in A.D. 33 to Paul's two-year Roman house arrest that ended about A.D. 62.5 PURPOSE There seems to have been a three-fold purpose for the writing of Acts. As with the other books of the Bible that record history in narrative form, certainly the Holy Spirit had a historical purpose.6 He intended to provide an inspired record of selected events that show the spread of the gospel and the church. They branched out from Jerusalem, the center of Judaism where the church began, to Rome, the uttermost part of the Gentile earth in Luke's day. "Streeter suggested that an alternative title for the book of Acts might be 'The Road to Rome', for this is indeed the significance of Luke's work. Whatever minor motifs Luke had in mind, such as the establishment of Christianity in men's minds as a constructive and not destructive element in the social order, his main concern was to show that, in God's plan for the renewal of the life of mankind, Jerusalem, the heart of old Israel, was the goal of Stage I [i.e., the Book of Luke], while Rome, the centre of the world, was the goal of Stage II [i.e., the Book of Acts]."7 However the fact that Luke included what he did and omitted much other historical data indicates a second, theological purpose. He showed how the plans and purposes of God were working out through history. In particular, he showed how Jesus Christ was faithfully and irresistibly building His church (Matt. 16:18).8 This involved clarifying how God's dealings with humankind had taken a different course because of the Jews' rejection of their Messiah. Third, Luke evidently had an apologetic purpose in writing. He frequently pointed out the relationship of the church to the Roman state by referring to many Roman officials not one of whom opposed Christianity because of its doctrines or practices. This would
Howard Marshall, The Acts of the Apostles, p. 49. Appendix 1 at the end of these notes for a table of Paul's activities. 6William Barclay, The Acts of the Apostles, p. xvii, is one commentator who believed Luke's purpose was primarily historical. 7William Neil, The Acts of the Apostles, p. 27. 8Richard N. Longenecker, "Acts," in John-Acts, vol. 9 of The Expositor's Bible Commentary, pp. 212-14, has shown that Luke's method of writing history was in line with current historiography of his day.
5See 4I.

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Dr. Constable's Notes on Acts

have made Acts a powerful defensive tool for the early Christians in their struggle to survive in a hostile pagan environment.9 ". . . the Acts is to be seen in close literary association with the Gospel [of Luke]. They form two parts of one work, conceived in its final form as a unity, whether or not the original composition of the Gospel took place independently of the plan to produce the two-part work. Although there are other examples of literary compositions in two parts (Josephus, Contra Apionem, is one of the nearest parallels to Luke-Acts in time and cultural context), Luke's work appears to be unique among Christian writings and to have no close secular precedents in its combination of the stories of a religious leader and of his followers."10 ". . . Luke in Acts is not merely concerned to draw a link between the time of Jesus and the time of the early church, as is commonly noticed, but also between the time of Israel and the time of Jesus and His church. Acts insists that the God who was at work in the history of his ancient people, Israel, bringing them salvation, is the same God who is at work in the church."11 UNIQUE FEATURES Acts is the only New Testament book that continues the history begun in the Gospels. "The book which we call the Acts of the Apostles may be said to complete the Pentateuch of New Testament history. Four of these books present the Person of our Lord; while the fifth gives the first page of the history of the Church . . ."12 Acts is also an indispensable historical record for understanding the Apostle Paul's epistles; without it we could not understand some of the things he wrote. It is the only Bible book that records the historical transition from Judaism to Christianity. It provides basic information about and insight into the early church. And it challenges every modern Christian.13 STRUCTURE Longenecker identified five phenomena about the structure of Acts that the reader needs to recognize to appreciate what Luke sought to communicate.
pp. 216-21, identified Luke's purposes as kerygmatic, apologetic, conciliatory, and catachetical. For a very good discussion of the major theological emphases in Acts, see Marshall, pp. 23-34. 10Idem, "Acts and the 'Former Treatis,'" in The Book of Acts in Its First Century Setting; Vol. 1: The Book of Acts in Its Ancient Literary Setting, p. 182. 11Brian S. Rosner, "Acts and Biblical History," in ibid., p. 82. Cf. George E. Ladd, "The Acts of the Apostles," in The Wycliffe Bible Commentary, pp. 1123-24. 12G. Campbell Morgan, The Acts of the Apostles, p. 9. 13Stanley D. Toussaint, "Acts," in The Bible Knowledge Commentary: New Testament, p. 349.
9Ibid.,

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"1.

"2.

"3.

"4. "5.

It begins, like the [Third] Gospel, with an introductory section of distinctly Lukan cast dealing with the constitutive events of the Christian mission (1:12:41) before it sets forth the advances of the gospel 'in Jerusalem, and in all Judea and Samaria, and to the ends of the earth' (1:7). This introductory section is followed by what appears to be a thematic statement (2:42-47). This material, while often viewed as a summary of what precedes, most probably serves as the thesis paragraph for what follows. In his presentation of the advance of the Christian mission, Luke follows an essentially geographical outline that moves from Jerusalem (2:426:7), through Judea and Samaria (6:89:31), on into Palestine-Syria (9:3212:24), then to the Gentiles in the eastern part of the Roman Empire (12:2519:20), and finally culminates in Paul's defenses and the entrance of the gospel into Rome (19:2128:31). In his presentation, Luke deliberately sets up a number of parallels between the ministry of Peter in the first half of Acts and that of Paul in the last half.14 Luke includes six summary statements or 'progress reports' (6:7; 9:31; 12:24; 16:5; 19:20; and 28:31), each of which seems to conclude its own 'panel' of material.15

"Taking all these literary and structural features into account, we may conclude that Luke developed his material in Acts along the following lines: "Introduction: The Constitutive Events of the Christian Mission (1:1 2:41) Part I: The Christian Mission to the Jewish World (2:4212:24) Panel 1The Earliest Days of the Church at Jerusalem (2:42 6:7) Summary Statement: 'So the word of God spread. The number of disciples in Jerusalem increased rapidly, and a large number of priests became obedient to the faith' (6:7). Panel 2Critical Events in the Lives of Three Pivotal Figures (6:89:31) Summary Statement: 'Then the church throughout Judea, Galilee and Samaria enjoyed a time of peace. It was strengthened; and encouraged by the Holy Spirit, it grew in numbers, living in the fear of the Lord' (9:31).
14W. H. Griffith Thomas, The Acts of the Apostles: Outline Studies in Primitive Christianity, pp. 25-26, offered some helpful comparisons between Peter's ministry and Paul's in Acts. For two lists of 16 parallels between Acts 112 and 1328, see Charles H. Talbert, Literary Patterns, Theological Themes, and the Genre of Luke-Acts, pp. 23-24. This book contains many tables of interesting parallels within Acts, within Luke, and between Luke and Acts. 15Cf. Dictionary of the Bible, ed. by James Hastings, s.v. "The Chronology of the New Testament," by C. H. Turner, 1:421. Turner's first panel included 1:12:41.

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Dr. Constable's Notes on Acts Panel 3Advances of the Gospel in Palestine-Syria (9:3212:24) Summary Statement: 'But the word of God continued to increase and spread' (12:24). Part II: The Christian Mission to the Gentile World (12:2528:31) Panel 4The First Missionary Journey and the Jerusalem Council (12:2516:5) Summary Statement: 'So the churches were strengthened in the faith and grew daily in numbers' (16:5). Panel 5Wide Outreach Through Two Missionary Journeys (16:619:20) Summary Statement: 'In this way the word of the Lord spread widely and grew in power' (19:20). Panel 6To Jerusalem and Thence to Rome (19:2128:31) Summary Statement: 'Boldly and without hindrance he preached the kingdom of God and taught about the Lord Jesus Christ' (28:31)."16

OUTLINE I. The witness in Jerusalem 1:16:7 A. The founding of the church 1:12:47 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. B. The resumptive preface to the book 1:1-5 The command to witness 1:6-8 The ascension of Jesus 1:9-11 Jesus' appointment of a twelfth apostle 1:12-26 The birth of the church 2:1-41 The early state of the church 2:42-47

The expansion of the church in Jerusalem 3:16:7 1. 2. 3. 4. External opposition 3:14:31 Internal compromise 4:325:11 Intensified external opposition 5:12-42 Internal conflict 6:1-7

II.

The witness in Judea and Samaria 6:89:31 A. The martyrdom of Stephen 6:88:1a 1. 2. 3. Stephen's arrest 6:87:1 Stephen's address 7:2-53 Stephen's death 7:548:1a

pp. 233-34. For those interested in further study of background issues such as the history, authorship, unity, text, composition, theology, church, and ministry of the Book of Acts, I heartily recommend the Introduction in Richard B. Rackham, The Acts of the Apostles, pp. xiii-cxv.

16Longenecker,

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B.

The ministry of Philip 8:1b-40 1. 2. The evangelization of Samaria 8:1b-25 Philip's ministry to the Ethiopian eunuch 8:26-40

C.

The mission of Saul 9:1-31 1. 2. 3. Saul's conversion and calling 9:1-19a Saul's initial conflicts 9:19b-30 The church at peace 9:31

III.

The witness to the uttermost part of the earth 9:3228:31 A. The extension of the church to Syrian Antioch 9:3212:24 1. 2. 3. 4. B. Peter's ministry in Lydda and Joppa 9:32-43 The conversion of Cornelius 10:111:18 The initiatives of the Antioch church 11:19-30 The persecution of the Jerusalem church 12:1-24

The extension of the church to Cyprus and Asia Minor 12:2516:5 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. The divine appointment of Barnabas and Saul 12:2513:3 The mission to Cyprus 13:4-12 The mission to Asia Minor 13:1314:21a Paul and Barnabas' return to Antioch of Syria 14:21b-28 The Jerusalem Council 15:1-35 The strengthening of the Gentile churches 15:3616:5

C.

The extension of the church to the Aegean shores 16:619:20 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. The call to Macedonia 16:6-10 The ministry in Macedonia 16:1117:15 The ministry in Achaia 17:1618:17 The beginning of ministry in Asia 18:18-22 The results of ministry in Asia 18:2319:20

D.

The extension of the church to Rome 19:2128:31 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. Ministry on the way to Jerusalem 19:2121:16 Ministry in Jerusalem 21:1723:32 Ministry in Caesarea 23:3326:32 Ministry on the way to Rome 27:128:15 Ministry in Rome 28:16-31

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Exposition
I. THE WITNESS IN JERUSALEM 1:16:7 A. THE FOUNDING OF THE CHURCH 1:12:47 1. The resumptive preface to the book 1:1-5 Luke wrote these introductory statements to connect the Book of Acts with his Gospel.17 In the former book Luke had recorded what Jesus had begun to do and to teach during His earthly ministry. In this second book he wrote what Jesus continued doing to build His church through Spirit-indwelt Christians (cf. John 14:12). 1:1 Luke referred to his Gospel as "the first account." The Greek word proton means "first," but it does not imply that Luke intended to write more than two books.18 It simply means that Luke was the first of these two books that he wrote. "Theophilus" means lover of God. Some interpreters have suggested that Theophilus was not an actual person and that Luke was writing to all lovers of God whom he personified by using this name (cf. Luke 1:3). All things considered it seems more likely that Theophilus was a real person. There is no reason he could not have been. Such is the implication of the address, and Theophilus was a fairly common Greek proper name. Luke wanted his readers to be careful to note that the remarkable supernatural events he was to unfold were ultimately the work of Jesus Christ. They were not just those of His enthusiastic followers. As here, doing should always precede teaching. There will be no more power in our words than there is in our lives. Jesus "did" for 30 years before he began to "teach" (cf. Ezra 7:10). "The order of the words 'doing' and 'teaching' is noteworthy. Deeds first; then words. The same order is found in Luke 24:19 (contrast Acts 7:22). The 'doing' comes first, for Christianity is primarily life. The teaching follows afterwards, for 'the life is the light of men.'"19 1:2 Jesus was "taken up" at His ascension (Luke 24:51). The orders that He had given His apostles were that they should remain temporarily in

Longenecker, p. 252, for an explanation of the parallel structures of Luke 12 and Acts 12. has been the unnecessary conclusion of many scholars, e.g., E. M. Blaiklock, The Acts of the Apostles, p. 49. 19Thomas, pp. 18-19.
18This

17See

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Jerusalem (1:4; Luke 24:49). Then they should go out into the whole world to herald the good news of salvation (1:8; Luke 24:47; Matt. 28:1920). Apostles are by definition sent ones. However this term here has specific reference to the few disciples to whom Jesus gave this command personally. Their calling was unique; these men laid the foundation of the church (Eph. 2:20). All Christians are apostles in the sense that Christ has sent all of us on this mission. Yet the 12 apostles (and Paul) were a unique group with special powers the Lord did not give to the rest.20 "Each of these four factorsthe witness mandate, the apostles, the Holy Spirit, the ascended Lordis a major emphasis that runs throughout Acts; each receives special attention in chapters 1 and 2."21 1:3 The Greek word tekmeriois, translated "proofs," occurs only here in the New Testament. It refers to proof by incontrovertible evidence as contrasted with the proof alleged by a witness. Luke claimed that Jesus Christ's resurrection was beyond dispute. "The fact of the resurrection was to be the solid foundation of the apostles' faith and the chief ingredient of their early message."22 As 40 days of temptation in the wilderness preceded Jesus' earthly ministry (Luke 4:2), so He introduced His present ministry with a 40-day period of preparation.23 God had instructed Moses for 40 days on Mt. Sinai in preparation for Israel's mission in the world. Now Jesus instructed the Apostles for 40 days in preparation for the church's mission in the world. "What Luke is describing is a new beginning, yet a beginning which recalls the beginning already made in the Gospel and with which the story of Acts is continuous. The forty days, therefore, is a vital vehicle for conveying Luke's theology of continuity . . ."24

20See Robert D. Culver, "Apostles and the Apostolate in the New Testament," Bibliotheca Sacra 134:534 (April-June 1977):131-43. 21Longenecker, p. 253. 22Blaiklock, p 49. 23Jesus' baptism with the Spirit occurred before his 40-day test, whereas the reverse order of events appears here in Acts. 24John F. Maile, "The Ascension in Luke-Acts," Tyndale Bulletin 37 (1986):54.

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Dr. Constable's Notes on Acts The term "kingdom" occurs only eight times in Acts but 39 times in Luke and 18 times in the New Testament epistles. The "kingdom of God" of which Jesus taught His disciples between His resurrection and ascension undoubtedly refers to God's earthly kingdom program for the future.25 Sometimes this phrase refers to God's heavenly rule over humans throughout history. Both are biblical uses of the term "kingdom of God." An earthly kingdom seems clearly in view here since the disciples had expected Jesus to inaugurate the messianic kingdom predicted in the Old Testament on earth then (v. 6). However God postponed that kingdom since Israel rejected her King (v. 7).26 Evidently during those 40 days before His ascension Jesus gave His disciples further instruction concerning the future and the postponed kingdom.27

1:4

What Jesus told His disciples to wait for in Jerusalem was the promised baptism of the Holy Spirit (Luke 24:49; cf. 1:5; John 14:16, 26; 15:26; 16:7). It must have been difficult for these disciples to wait for God to do what He had promised, as we find it is. Jesus viewed the Spirit as a significant gift of God's grace to His people (cf. Luke 11:13). He is not just a means to an end but a major part of the blessings of salvation. "No New Testament writer more clearly emphasises [sic] the Divine Personality and continuous power of the Spirit of God. Thus in the two-fold emphasis on the Exalted Lord and the Divine Spirit we have the most marked feature of the book, namely, the predominance of the Divine element over the human in Church life and work."28

1:5

"Baptized" (Gr. ebaptisen) means dipped or immersed with the result of union with something (cf. 1 Cor. 10:1-2). John the Baptist predicted that Jesus would baptize with the Holy Spirit (Matt. 3:11; Mark 1:8; cf. John 7:39). Jesus now announced that this baptism would take place in just a few days (v. 5). It took place 10 days after His ascension (ch. 2). As the

believe that Jesus Christ will rule on the earth as Messiah in the future. Progressive dispensationalists, along with covenant premillennialists, amillennialists, and postmillennialists, believe that the messianic kingdom began during Jesus' first advent ministry and that the church is the present form of the messianic kingdom on earth. Normative dispensationalists (i.e., other than "progressives") believe that the Jews' rejection of Jesus resulted in a temporary withdrawal of the kingdom and that the church is a distinct entity, not another name for the messianic kingdom. They believe that the messianic kingdom is an earthly kingdom and that it will begin when Jesus Christ returns to reign personally on the earth. 26J. Dwight Pentecost, Thy Kingdom Come, pp. 214, 225-28. See also Cleon L. Rogers Jr., "The Davidic Covenant in the Gospels," Bibliotheca Sacra 150:600 (October-December 1993):458-78. 27There may be some significance in the fact that God renewed the broken Mosaic Covenant with Moses on Mt. Sinai in 40 days (Exod. 34:5-29), as suggested by J. Manek, "The New Exodus in the Books of Luke," Novum Testamentum 2 (1957):8-23. For a synopsis of the New Testament revelation concerning the kingdom of God, see Robert L. Saucy, "The Presence of the Kingdom and the Life of the Church," Bibliotheca Sacra 145:577 (January-March 1987):30-46. 28Thomas, p. 15.

25Dispensationalists

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Holy Spirit had baptized Jesus and had thereby empowered Him for service, so His successors also needed such a power-producing baptism. "Luke's purpose in writing his history is not primarily apologetic. He writes in order to provide his readers with an orderly account of the rise and progress of Christianity.29 But since this movement was 'everywhere spoken against' (Acts 28:22), it seemed desirable to refute some of the current objections to it. The first Christian historian found himself accordingly obliged to be the first Christian apologist. Of three main types of Christian apologetic in the second century Luke provided first-century prototypes: apologetic in relation to pagan religion (Christianity is true; paganism is false); apologetic in relation to Judaism (Christianity represents the fulfillment of true Judaism); apologetic in relation to the political authorities (Christianity is innocent of any offense against Roman law)."30 2. The command to witness 1:6-8 The key to the apostles' successful fulfillment of Jesus' commission was their baptism with and consequent indwelling by the Holy Spirit. Without this divine enablement they would only have been able to follow Jesus' example, but with it Jesus could literally continue to do His work and teach His words through them. Consequently their preparation for the baptism of the Spirit was very important. Luke recorded it to highlight its foundational significance. Verses 6-8 announce the theme of Acts and set the stage for all that follows. "The concept of 'witness' is so prominent in Acts (the word in its various forms appears some thirty-nine times) that everything else in the book should probably be seen as subsumed under iteven the primitive kerygma [preaching] . . ."31 1:6 The Old Testament associated Spirit baptism with the beginning of the messianic (millennial) kingdom (Isa. 32:15-20; 44:3-5; Ezek. 39:28-29; Joel 2:283:1; Zech. 12:8-10). It was natural therefore that the disciples would ask if that kingdom was about to begin in view of Jesus' promise

L. C. Alexander, "Luke's Preface in the Context of Greek Preface-Writing," Novum Testamentum, 28 (1986):48-74. 30F. F. Bruce, "Paul's Apologetic and the Purpose of Acts," Bulletin of the John Rylands University Library 89:2 (Spring 1987):389-90. See also pages 390-93. David Peterson, "The Motif of Fulfilment and Purpose of Luke-Acts," in The Book of Acts in Its First Century Setting; Vol. 1: The Book of Acts in Its Ancient Literary Setting, p. 104, came to the same conclusion: primarily Luke's purpose was edification and secondarily apologetic. 31Longenecker, p. 256.

29See

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Dr. Constable's Notes on Acts that the Spirit would baptize them in a few days. "This time" refers to "not many days from now" (v. 5). In the Septuagint, the term "restoration" (Gr. apokatastaseos) technically refers to God's political restoration of Israel (Ps. 16:5; Jer. 15:19; 16:15; 23:7; Ezek. 16:55; 17:23; Hos. 11:11).32 The Gentiles had taken the Jews' kingdom from them dating from Nebuchadnezzar's conquest in 586 B.C. Clearly the messianic kingdom is in view here.33 "In the book of Acts, both Israel and the church exist simultaneously. The term Israel is used twenty times and ekklesia (church) nineteen times, yet the two groups are always kept distinct."34

11

1:7

Note that Jesus did not correct the disciples for believing that the messianic kingdom would come.35 He only corrected their assumption that they could know when the kingdom would begin and that the kingdom would begin in a few days. "Jesus' answer to the question about restoring the reign to Israel denies that Jesus' followers can know the time and probably corrects their supposition that the restoration may come immediately, but it does not deny the legitimacy of their concern with the restoration of the national life of the Jewish people."36 "This passage makes it clear that while the covenanted form of the theocracy has not been cancelled and has only been postponed, this present age is definitely not a development of the Davidic form of the kingdom. Rather, it is a period in which a new form of theocratic administration is inaugurated. In this way Jesus not only answered the disciples' question concerning the timing of the future Davidic kingdom, but He also made a clear distinction

Carroll, Response to the End of History, p. 146, n. 124. Darrell L. Bock, "Evidence from Acts," in A Case for Premillennialism: A New Consensus, pp. 18788; Ladd, p. 1125. 34Arnold G. Fruchtenbaum, "Israel and the Church," in Issues in Dispensationalism, p. 118. He counted and listed 73 occurrences of "Israel" in the New Testament (pp. 118-20). 35See John A. McLean, "Did Jesus Correct the Disciples' View of the Kingdom?" Bibliotheca Sacra 151:602 (April-June 1994):215-27. Amillennialists do not believe that God will restore an earthly kingdom to Israel as Israel but that He will restore a spiritual kingdom to the church, which they believe has replaced physical Israel as "spiritual Israel" or "the new Israel." Premillennialists believe that since the promises about Messiah's earthly reign have not yet been fulfilled, and since every reference to Israel in the New Testament can refer to physical Israel, we should anticipate an earthly reign of Messiah on the earth following His second coming. 36Robert C. Tannehill, The Narrative Unity of Luke-Acts, 2:15.
33See

32J.

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Jesus' disciples were not to know yet when the messianic kingdom would begin. God would reveal the "times" (Gr. chronous, length of time) and "epochs" (Gr. kairous, dates, or major features of the times) after Jesus' ascension, and He would make them known through His chosen prophets (cf. 1 Thess. 5:1; Rev. 619). "In Acts 3:20 [sic, 19], the phrase chosen is kairoi anapsuxeos (seasons of refreshing). . . . In other words, the last days of fulfillment have two parts. There is the current period of refreshing, which is correlated to Jesus' reign in heaven and in which a person shares, if he or she repents. Then at the end of this period Jesus will come to bring the restoration of those things promised by the Old Testament."38 "There is a close connection between the hope expressed in 1:6 and the conditional promise of Peter in 3:19-21, indicated not only by the unusual words 'restore' and 'restoration . . .' but also by the references to 'times . . .' and 'seasons . . .' in both contexts. The 'times of restoration of all that God spoke' through the prophets include the restoration of the reign to Israel through its messianic King."39 1:8 Rather than trying to figure out when the kingdom would come, the disciples were to give their attention to something different, namely, worldwide witness. Moreover the disciples would receive divine enablement for their worldwide mission (cf. Luke 24:47-49). As God's Spirit had empowered the Israelites and Jesus as they executed their purposes, so God's Spirit would empower the disciples as they executed their purpose. "What is promised to the apostles is the power to fulfil their mission, that is, to speak, to bear oral testimony, and to perform miracles and in general act with authority. This power is given through the Spirit, and conversely the Spirit in Acts may be defined as the divine agency that gives this power."40

37Pentecost, 38Darrell

p. 269. L. Bock, Dispensationalism, Israel and the Church, p. 57. 39Tannehill, 2:15-16. 40C. K. Barrett, A Critical and Exegetical Commentary on the Acts of the Apostles, 1:79.

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Dr. Constable's Notes on Acts "You shall be" translates a future indicative verb (as in "you shall receive"). Is the clause "You shall be" a prediction or a command? Grammatically it could be either. The apostles clearly felt compelled to preach (cf. 10:42). However if it was a command it could have been stated more forcefully. Therefore both verbs ("you shall be" and "you shall receive") are probably predictions, statements of fact, rather than commands. "They were now to be witnesses, and their definite work was to bear testimony to their Master; they were not to be theologians, or philosophers, or leaders, but witnesses. Whatever else they might become, everything was to be subordinate to the idea of personal testimony. It was to call attention to what they knew of Him and to deliver His message to mankind. This special class of people, namely, disciples who are also witnesses, is therefore very prominent in this book. Page after page is occupied by their testimony, and the key to this feature is found in the words of Peter: 'We cannot but speak the things which we have seen and heard' (4:20)."41 This verse contains an inspired outline of the Book of Acts. Note that it refers to a person (Jesus Christ), a power (the Holy Spirit), and a program (ever expanding worldwide witness). Luke proceeded to record the fulfillment of this prediction until the gospel and the church had reached Rome. From that heart of the empire God would pump the gospel out to every other remote part of the world. Starting from Jerusalem the gospel message radiated farther and farther as ripples do when a stone lands in a placid pool of water. Rome was over 1,400 miles from Jerusalem. "The Christian church, according to Acts, is a missionary church that responds obediently to Jesus' commission, acts on Jesus' behalf in the extension of his ministry, focuses its proclamation of the kingdom of God in its witness to Jesus, is guided and empowered by the self-same Spirit that directed and supported Jesus' ministry, and follows a program whose guidelines for outreach have been set by Jesus himself."42 Jerusalem was the most wicked city on earth in that it was there that Jesus Christ's enemies crucified Him. Nevertheless there, too, God manifested His grace first. The linking of Judea and Samaria preserves an ethnic distinction while at the same time describing one geographic area. The phrase "to the remotest part of the earth" is literally "to the end of the

13

41Thomas,

42Longenecker,

p. 21. p. 256.

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earth." It is rare in ancient Greek, but it occurs five times in the Septuagint (Isa. 8:9; 48:20; 49:6; 62:11; Pss. Sol. 1:4). Jesus was evidently alluding to Isaiah's predictions that God would extend salvation to all people, Gentiles as well as Jews.43 "Witnessing to the Jews meant witnessing to those who held a true religion, but held it for the most part falsely and unreally [sic]. "Witnessing in Samaria meant witnessing to those who had a mixed religion, partly true, and partly false, Jewish and Heathen. "Witnessing to the uttermost part of the earth meant witnessing to those who had no real and vital religion at all."44

GOSPEL OUTREACH IN ACTS

Reference
Acts 112 Acts 1328

Center
Jerusalem Antioch

Chief Person
Peter Paul

Gospel to
Judea and Samaria The uttermost part of the earth

Evangelism
Jewish Gentile

This pericope (vv. 6-8) is Luke's account of Jesus' farewell address to His successors (cf. Gen. 49; Num. 20:26; 27:16-19; Deut. 31:14-23; 34:9; 2 Kings 2; et al.). Luke used several typical features of a Jewish farewell scene in 1:1-14.45 3. The ascension of Jesus 1:9-11 1:9 Jesus Christ's ascension necessarily preceded the descent of the Holy Spirit to baptize and indwell believers in God's plan (John 14:16, 26; 15:26; 16:7; Acts 2:33-36). "While they were looking on" stresses the fact

43Tannehill, 2:16; Thomas S. Moore, "'To the End of the Earth': The Geographical and Ethnic Univarsalism of Acts 1:8 in Light of Isaianic Influence on Luke," Journal of the Evangelical Theological Society 40:3 (September 1997):389-99. 44Thomas, p. 22. 45See D. W. Palmer, "The Literary Background of Acts 1:1-14," New Testament Studies 33:3 (July 1987):430-31, for more information concerning the literary forms Luke used to introduce Actsnamely, prologue, appearance, farewell scene, and assumption. See William J. Larkin Jr., "The Recovery of LukeActs as 'Grand Narrative' for the Church's Evangelistic and Edification Tasks in a Postmodern Age," Journal of the Evangelical Theological Society 43:3 (September 2000):405-15, for suggestions for using Luke-Acts in a postmodern age.

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Dr. Constable's Notes on Acts that the apostles really saw Jesus ascending, which they witnessed to later. This reference supports the credibility of their witness. In previous postresurrection appearances Jesus had vanished from the disciples' sight instantly (Luke 24:31), but now He gradually departed from them. The cloud seems clearly to be a reference to the shekinah, the visible symbol of the glorious presence of God (cf. Exod. 40:34; Matt. 17:5; Mark 1:11; 9:7). Thus what the disciples saw was the symbol of God's presence receiving and enveloping Jesus into heaven. This connoted God's approval of Jesus and Jesus' entrance into the glory of God. "It was necessary that as Jesus in a moment of time had arrived in the world in a moment of time He should leave it."46

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1:10-11

"Intently" (Gr. atenizein) further stresses that these men really did see Jesus ascend (v. 2; Luke 24:51).47 "Into the sky" (lit. into heaven, eis ton ouranon) occurs four times in these two verses. Luke emphasized that Jesus was now in heaven. From there He would continue His ministry on earth through His apostles and other witnesses. The two "men" were angelic messengers who looked like men (cf. Matt. 28:3; John 20:12; Luke 24:4).48 The 11 disciples were literally "men of Galilee" (v. 11). Judas Iscariot was the only one of the Twelve who originated from Judea.49 The "men" announced two things: the Jesus they had known had entered into His heavenly abode, and the Jesus they had known would return to the earth. Jesus ascended in a cloud personally, bodily, visibly, and gloriously, and He will return the same way (Dan. 7:13; Matt. 24:30; Mark 13:26; 14:62; Luke 24:50-51; Rev. 1:7).50 He will also return to the same place, the Mount of Olives (Zech. 14:4).51 This was no repetition of the Transfiguration (Luke 9:27-36). "Throughout the period of the post-resurrection forty days, Jesus had frequently appeared to the disciples, and during the intervals he had disappeared. Each time, apparently, they had no reason to suppose that he would not reappear shortly, and until this time he had not disappointed them."52

p. 6. used this dramatic Greek word 12 times. It only appears two other times in the New Testament. 48Some commentators have suggested that they may have been Enoch and Elijah, or Moses and Elijah, but this seems unlikely. Probably Luke would have named them if they had been such famous personages. Moreover the similarity between Luke's description of these two angels and the ones that appeared at Jesus' tomb (Luke 24:1-7) suggests that they were simply angels. 49This conclusion assumes the traditional interpretation that "Iscariot" translates the Hebrew 'ish qeriyot, "a man of Kerioth," Kerioth being Kerioth-Hezron, which was 12 miles south of Hebron. See The New Bible Dictionary, s.v. "Judas Iscariot," by R. P. Martin. 50See John F. Walvoord, "The Ascension of Christ," Bibliotheca Sacra 121:481 (January-March 1964):312. 51Jesus' own descriptions of His return to the earth appear in Matthew 24:30; 26:64; Mark 13:26; 14:62; and Luke 21:27. 52Homer A. Kent Jr., Jerusalem to Rome: Studies in the Book of Acts, p. 23.
47Luke

46Barclay,

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What filled these disciples with great joy (Luke 24:52) was probably the hope that they would see Jesus again soon. Without this hope His departure would have made them very sad. The joyful prospect of the Lord's return should have the same effect on us. John Maile summarized the significance of the ascension narratives in Luke-Acts as follows. First, he stated, "The ascension is the confirmation of the exaltation of Christ and his present Lordship." Second, it is "the explanation of the continuity between the ministry of Jews and that of the church." Third, it is "the culmination of the resurrection appearances." Fourth, it is "the prelude to the sending of the Spirit." Fifth, it is "the foundation of Christian mission." Sixth, it is "the pledge of the return of Christ."53 "Rightly understood, the ascension narratives of Luke . . . provide a crucial key to the unlocking of Luke's theology and purpose."54 "Luke's point is that the missionary activity of the early church rested not only on Jesus' mandate but also on his living presence in heaven and the sure promise of his return."55 "In Luke's mind the Ascension of Christ has two aspects: in the Gospel it is the end of the story of Jesus, in Acts it is the beginning of the story of the Church, which will go on until Christ comes again. Thus for Luke, as Barrett says, 'the end of the story of Jesus is the Church, and the story of Jesus is the beginning of the Church'."56 4. Jesus' appointment of a twelfth apostle 1:12-26 Peter perceived the importance of asking God to identify Judas' successor in view of the ministry that Jesus had said the Twelve would have in the future. He led the disciples in obtaining the Lord Jesus' guidance in this important matter (cf. vv. 21, 24). From his viewpoint, the Lord could have returned at any time to restore the kingdom to Israel (v. 6), so the Twelve had to be ready for their ministry of judging the twelve tribes of Israel when He did. The disciples' spiritual preparation 1:12-14 1:12-13 The disciples returned to Jerusalem to await the coming of the Holy Spirit. The short trip from where Jesus ascended on Mt. Olivet to the upper room was only a Sabbath day's journey away (about 2,000 cubits, two-thirds of a mile, one kilometer; cf. Exod. 16:29; Num. 35:5).57 This upper room

53Maile, 54Ibid.,

pp. 55-59. p. 59. 55Longenecker, p. 258. 56Neil, p. 26. 57Mishnah Sotah 5:3.

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Dr. Constable's Notes on Acts seems to have been the same one in which the disciples had observed the first Lord's Supper with Jesus (Luke 22:12). It was probably there too that He had appeared to them following His resurrection (Luke 24:32, 36; John 20:19, 26).58 The repetition of the apostles' names recalls Jesus' previous appointment of them as apostles (cf. Luke 6:13-16).59 This list, however, omits Judas Iscariot and sets the stage for the selection of his replacement.

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1:14

The apostles gave themselves to prayer (Gr. proseuche) probably for the fulfillment of what Jesus had promised would take place shortly (cf. Dan. 9:2-3; Luke 11:13).60 Luke stressed their unity, a mark of the early Christians that Luke noted frequently in Acts. The disciples were one in their purpose to carry out the will of their Lord. Divine promises should stimulate prayer, not lead to abandonment of it. "In almost every chapter in Acts you find a reference to prayer, and the book makes it very clear that something happens when God's people pray."61 ". . . when God is going to do some great thing he moves the hearts of people to pray; He stirs them up to pray in view of that which He is about to do so that they might be prepared for it. The disciples needed the self-examination that comes through prayer and supplication, that they might be ready for the tremendous event which was about to take place . . ."62 The women referred to were apparently the same ones who accompanied the disciples from Galilee to Jerusalem (Luke 8:1-3; cf. 23:49; 23:55 24:10).63 "Mary, the mother of Jesus, was there, but you will notice they were not praying to Mary, nor were they burning candles to her; they were not addressing themselves to her, nor asking her for any blessing; but Mary, the mother of

definite article "the" with "upper room" in the Greek text (to hyperoon) and the emphatic position of this phrase suggest that Luke meant to identify a special upper room that the reader would know about from a previous reference to it. Rainer Riesner, "Synagogues in Jerusalem," in The Book of Acts in Its First Century Setting; Vol. 4: The Book of Acts in Its Palestinian Setting, p. 206, suggested that this upper room, as well as the ones mentioned in 9:37, 39, and 20:8, may have been part of a synagogue. 59See Margaret H. Williams, "Palestinian Jewish Personal Names in Acts," in ibid., pp. 79-113. 60"The" prayer (in Greek) suggests that they may have been praying at the Jewish designated times of prayer (cf. 2:42; 6:4). Proseuche sometimes has the wider meaning of worship, and it may mean that here. 61Warren W. Wiersbe, The Bible Exposition Commentary, 1:405. 62Harry A. Ironside, Lectures on the Book of Acts, pp. 28-29. For evidence of the cause and effect relationship of prayer and revival, see J. Edwin Orr, The Fervent Prayer: The Worldwide Impact of the Great Awakening of 1858, ch. 1: "The Sources of the Revival." 63Luke's interest in women, so evident in his Gospel, continues in Acts.

58The

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Dr. Constable's Notes on Acts Jesus, was kneeling with the eleven and the women, and all together they prayed to the Father."64

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Jesus' half-brothers (John 7:5; Mark 6:3) apparently became believers following His death and resurrection (cf. 1 Cor. 15:7). The choice of Matthias 1:15-26 1:15 In view of Peter's leadership gifts, so obvious in the Gospels, it is no surprise that he is the one who took the initiative on this occasion. "Undoubtedly, the key disciple in Luke's writings is Peter. He was the representative disciple, as well as the leading apostle.65 "Brethren" is literally "disciples" (Gr. matheton). The group of 120 that Peter addressed on this occasion (cf. vv. 13-14) was only a segment of the believers living in Jerusalem at this time (cf. 1 Cor. 15:6, which refers to more than 500 brethren). Nonetheless this was a tiny group from which the church grew. God can take a small number of people, multiply them, and eventually fill the earth with their witness. 1:16-17 Peter addressed the assembled disciples in a way that was evidently customary when speaking to Jews. Here "brethren" is literally "men, brothers" (andres, adelphoi). This same salutation occurs elsewhere in Acts always in formal addresses to Jews (cf. 2:29, 37; 7:2; 13:15, 26, 38; 15:7, 13; 22:1; 23:1, 6; 28:17). Notice the high regard with which Peter viewed the Old Testament. He believed David's words came from the Holy Spirit (2 Tim. 3:16), and he viewed them as Scripture (holy writings). Peter interpreted David's words about false companions and wicked men who opposed God's servants as applying to Judas. What God had said through David about David's enemy was also true of Jesus' enemy since Jesus was the LORD's Anointed whom David anticipated. "Since David himself was God's appointed king, many times Scripture treats him as typical of Christ, the unique Anointed One, and David's enemy becomes a type of Jesus' enemy."66 Peter said this Scripture "had" (Gr. dei, by divine necessity) to be fulfilled.

64Ironside, 65Bock,

pp. 26-271. This is, by the way, the last reference to Mary the mother of Jesus in the Bible. "A Theology . . .," p. 148. 66Kent, p. 27.

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Dr. Constable's Notes on Acts "The understanding [of Peter] here is . . . (1) that God is doing something necessarily involved in his divine plan; (2) that the disciples' lack of comprehension of God's plan is profound, especially with respect to Judas who 'was one of our number and shared in this ministry' yet also 'served as guide for those who arrested Jesus'; and (3) that an explicit way of understanding what has been going on under divine direction is through a Christian understanding of two psalms that speak of false companions and wicked men generally, and which by means of the then widely common exegetical rule qal wahomer ('light to heavy,' or a minore ad majorem) can also be applied to the false disciple and wicked man par excellence, Judas Iscariot."67

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1:18-19

Luke inserted these verses assuming his readers were unfamiliar with Judas' death and did not know Aramaic, the language spoken in Palestine in the first century. This helps us understand for whom he wrote this book. Judas purchased the "Field of Blood" indirectly by returning the money he received for betraying Jesus to the priests who used it to buy the field (Matt. 27:3-10). Probably the name "field of blood" was the nickname the residents of Jerusalem gave it since "blood money" had purchased it. This account of Judas' death differs from Matthew's who wrote that Judas hanged himself (Matt. 27:5). Undoubtedly both accounts were true. Perhaps Judas hanged himself and in the process also fell (lit. flat on his face) and tore open his abdomen. Perhaps the rope or branch with which he hanged himself broke. Perhaps when others cut his corpse down it fell and broke open as Luke described. The traditional location of Hakeldama is southeast of Jerusalem near where the Hinnom and Kidron Valleys meet. This description of Judas' death stressed the awfulness of that apostle's situation. It was Judas' defection, which led to his horrible death, and not just his death that led to the need for a successor. Matthias succeeded Judas because Judas had been unfaithful, not just because he had died.68

1:20

Peter's quotations are from Psalms 69:25 and 109:8. Psalm 69 is an Old Testament passage in which Jesus Himself, as well as the early Christians, saw similarities to and foreviews of Jesus' experiences (cf. John 2:17; 15:25; Rom. 15:3).69 Jesus fulfilled the passage Peter cited in the sense that His situation proved to be the same as David's, only on a more significant messianic scale. Peter did not appeal to Psalm 69:25 to justify replacing Judas with another apostle, however. He used the quotation from

p. 263. this text provides no support for the view that Christ intended one apostle to succeed another when the first one died. We have no record that when the apostle James died (12:1-2) anyone succeeded him. 69Cf. also Rom. 11:9-10. See C. H. Dodd, According to the Scriptures, pp. 61-108.
68Thus

67Longenecker,

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Psalm 109:8 to do that. It is another verse that Peter applied to Jesus' case since it described something analogous to Jesus' experience. He used what David had written about someone who opposed the LORD's king to support the idea that someone should replace Judas in his office as one of the Twelve. 1:21-22 Why did Peter believe it was "necessary" to choose someone to take Judas' place? Evidently he remembered Jesus' promise that the 12 disciples would sit on 12 thrones in the messianic kingdom judging the 12 tribes of Israel (Matt. 19:28; Luke 22:30; cf. Rev. 21:14). To be as qualified for this ministry as the other 11 disciples the twelfth had to have met the conditions Peter specified. "In 1:21 Peter speaks not of being with Jesus but of going with him on his journeys. . . . This emphasis on journeying with Jesus, particularly on his final journey to the cross, suggests that the apostolic witnesses are qualified not simply because they happened to be present when something happened and so could report it, like witnesses to an accident. Rather they have been taught and trained by Jesus for their work. They shared Jesus' life and work during his mission. In the process they were tested and discovered their own defects. That discovery may also be part of their preparation. The witness of the Galileans does not arise from casual observation. They speak out of a life and mission shared with Jesus, after being taught and tested. From this group the replacement for Judas is chosen."70 "The expression 'went in and out among us' [NIV] is a Semitic idiom for familiar and unhindered association (cf. Deut 31:2; 2 Sam 3:25; Ps 121:8; Acts 9:28)."71 Having been a witness to Jesus Christ's resurrection was especially important. The apostles prepared so that if Jesus Christ returned very soon and set up His kingdom on the earth they would be ready. Often in biblical history God replaced someone who proved unworthy with a more faithful steward (e.g., Zadok for Ahithophel, Shebna for Eliakim, Samuel for Samson, David for Saul, et al.). These two verses provide the basis for distinguishing a technical use of "apostle" from the general meaning of the word. By definition an apostle (from apo stello, to send away) is anyone sent out as a messenger. Translators have frequently rendered this word "messenger" in the English
70Tannehill,

71Longenecker,

2:23. p. 265.

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Dr. Constable's Notes on Acts Bible. Barnabas, Titus, an unnamed brother, and Epaphroditus were apostles in this sense (Acts 14:4, 14; 2 Cor. 8:23; Phil. 2:25). Every Christian should function as an apostle since Christ has given us the Great Commission. Nevertheless, the Twelve were apostles in a special sense. They not only went out with a message, but they went out having been personally discipled by Jesus Christ during His earthly ministry. They were the official apostles, the apostles who occupied the apostolic office (v. 20) that Jesus established when He first chose and sent out the Twelve (Luke 6:13). As we shall see, Paul was also an official apostle though he had not been personally discipled by Jesus as the Twelve had. This address of Peter (vv. 16-21) is the first of some 23 speeches that Luke reported in Acts.72 How accurate did Luke attempt to be when he recorded them? "To an extent, of course, all the speeches in Acts are necessarily paraphrastic, for certainly the original delivery contained more detail of argument and more illustrative material than Luke includedas poor Eutychus undoubtedly could testify (Acts 20:7-12)! Stenographic reports they are not, and probably few ever so considered them. They have been reworked, as is required in any prcis, and reworked, moreover, in accord with the style of the narrative. But recognition of the kind of writing that produces speeches compatible with the narrative in which they are found should not be interpreted as inaccurate reporting or a lack of traditional source material. After all, a single author is responsible for the literary form of the whole."73

21

1:23-26

Those present, probably the other apostles, nominated two apparently equally qualified men. Joseph is a Hebrew name, Barsabbas is Aramaic meaning "Son of the Sabbath," and Justus is Roman. Matthias is Hebrew and is a short form of Mattithia. The apostles then prayed for the Lord to indicate which one He chose (cf. 6:6; 13:3; 14:23; 1 Sam. 22:10; 23:2, 4, 10-12). They acknowledged that only God knows people's hearts (1 Sam. 16:7) and did not make the mistake that the Israelites did when they chose King Saul. They wanted God to identify the man after His heart as He had done with David. Next they cast lots probably by drawing one of two designated stones out of a container or by throwing down specially marked objects (cf. Lev. 16:8; Josh. 14:2; 1 Sam. 14:41-42; Neh. 10:34;

Appendix 2, "Sermons and Speeches in Acts," at the end of these notes for a chart of them. See Neil, pp. 38-45, for a helpful discussion of the speeches in Acts. 73Longenecker, p. 230.

72See

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11:1; Prov. 16:33).74 The Lord identified Matthias as His sovereign choice to fulfill the ministry (service) and apostleship (office) of Judas.75 ". . . it was not enough to possess the qualifications other apostles had. Judas's successor must also be appointed by the same Lord who appointed the Eleven."76 This instance of casting lots to determine God's will is the last one the New Testament writers recorded. This was not a vote. Casting lots was necessary before the permanent indwelling of the Holy Spirit, but when He came He provided the guidance inwardly that God had formerly provided externally. Christians do not need to cast lots to determine God's will since now the indwelling Holy Spirit provides that guidance. He does so objectively through Scripture and subjectively through impressing His will on yielded believers. Was Peter correct in leading the believers to recognize a twelfth apostle, or did God intend Paul to be the replacement?77 Paul was, of course, an apostle with authority equal to that of the Twelve. However, Paul had not been with Jesus during His earthly ministry. Luke, Paul's friend, spoke of the Twelve without equivocation as an official group (Acts 2:14; 6:2). Furthermore the distinctly Jewish nature of the future ministry of the Twelve (Matt. 19:28) supports Paul's exclusion from this group. His ministry was primarily to the Gentiles (Gal. 2:9). Paul never claimed to be one of the Twelve, though he did contend that his official apostleship had come to him as a direct commission from the Lord. However, it came from the risen Lord, and he considered himself abnormally born as an apostle (1 Cor. 15:7-8). Finally, there is no hint in Scripture that the decision made on this occasion was a mistake. ". . . the pericope suggests that a Christian decision regarding vocation entails (1) evaluating personal qualifications, (2) earnest prayer, and (3) appointment by Christ himselfan appointment that may come in some culturally related fashion, but in a way clear to those who seek guidance."78 "Matthew concludes with the Resurrection, Mark with the Ascension, Luke with the promise of the Holy Spirit, and John with the promise of the Second Coming. Acts 1 brings all four records together and mentions each

ancient Greeks used pebbles in voting, black for condemning and white for acquitting. A. T. Robertson, Word Pictures in the New Testament, 3:19, 446. 75Matthias received no further mention in the New Testament. Legend has it that he died as a martyr in Ethiopia (Blaiklock, p. 53). 76Longenecker, p. 266. 77Blaiklock, p. 53; Morgan, p. 24; and J. Vernon McGee, Thru the Bible with J. Vernon McGee, 4:514; believed that Paul was God's intended replacement. 78Longenecker, p. 266.

74The

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Dr. Constable's Notes on Acts of them. The four Gospels funnel into Acts, and Acts is the bridge between the Gospels and the Epistles."79 5. The birth of the church 2:1-41

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The Holy Spirit's descent on the day of Pentecost inaugurated a new dispensation in God's administration of the human race.80 Luke featured the record of the events of this day to explain the changes in God's dealings with humankind that followed in the early church and to the present day. This was the birthday of the church.81 "The plot of a work can often be illuminated by considering the major conflict or conflicts within it. Although Jesus' witnesses face other conflicts, the central conflict of the plot, repeatedly emphasized and still present in the last major scene of Acts, is a conflict within Judaism provoked by Jewish Christian preachers (including Paul). Acts 2:18:3 traces the development of this conflict in Jerusalem."82 The descent of the Spirit 2:1-4 Luke introduced the beginning of Jesus' earthly ministry with His baptism with the Spirit (Luke 3:21-22). He paralleled this with the beginning of Jesus' heavenly ministry with the Spirit baptism of His disciples (Acts 2:1-4). The same Spirit who indwelt and empowered Jesus during His earthly ministry would now indwell and empower His believing disciples. John the Baptist had predicted this Pentecost baptism with the Spirit (Matt. 3:11; Luke 3:16) as had Jesus (Acts 1:8). Jesus did the baptizing, and the Spirit came upon the disciples. 2:1 The day of Pentecost was an annual spring feast at which the Jews presented the first-fruits of their wheat harvest to God (Exod. 34:22a). The Jews also called Pentecost the Feast of Harvest and the Feast of Weeks. They celebrated it at the end of seven weeks (i.e., a week of weeks) following the Feast of Passover. God received a new crop of believers, Christians, on this particular day of Pentecost. The Jews also celebrated Pentecost as the anniversary of the giving of the Mosaic Law (cf. Exod. 19:1). Paul regarded the Spirit's indwelling presence as God's replacement for the external guidance that the Mosaic Law had provided believers under that old covenant (Gal. 3:3, 23-29).

4:515. more information about the dispensations, see Charles C. Ryrie, Dispensationalism Today, or idem, Dispensationalism. 81Many non-dispensationalists, as well as most dispensationalists (except ultradispensationalists), view the coming of the Holy Spirit on Pentecost as the beginning of the church (e.g., James D. G. Dunn, Baptism in the Holy Spirit, p. 49; Eduard Schweizer, Theological Dictionary of the New Testament, s.v., "pneuma . . .," 6:411; Emil Brunner, The Misunderstanding of the Church, p. 161; Neil, p. 71; Longenecker, p. 271; Morgan, p. 22). For a summary of the views of ultradispensationalists, see Ryrie, Dispensationalism Today, ch. 10; or idem, Dispensationalism, ch. 11. 82Tannehill, 2:34.
80For

79McGee,

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"Pentecost" is a Greek word, transliterated into English, that means fiftieth. This feast fell on the fiftieth day after Passover. It was one of the feasts at which all the male Jews had to be present at the central sanctuary (Exod. 34:22-23). Jews who lived up to 20 miles from Jerusalem were expected to travel to Jerusalem to attend these feasts. Pentecost usually fell in late May or early June. Travelling conditions then made it possible for Jews who lived farther away to visit Jerusalem too. These factors account for the large number of Jews present in Jerusalem on this particular day. ". . . by paralleling Jesus' baptism with the experience of Jesus' early followers at Pentecost, Luke is showing that the mission of the Christian church, as was the ministry of Jesus, is dependent upon the coming of the Holy Spirit. And by his stress on Pentecost as the day when the miracle took place, he is also suggesting (1) that the Spirit's coming is in continuity with God's purposes in giving the law and yet (2) that the Spirit's coming signals the essential difference between the Jewish faith and commitment to Jesus, for whereas the former is Torah centered and Torah directed, the latter is Christ centered and Spirit directed all of which sounds very much like Paul."83 The antecedent of "they" is apparently the believers Luke mentioned in 1:15. It is not possible to identify the place (lit. the house, Gr. ton oikon) where they assembled certainly. Perhaps it was the upper room already mentioned (1:13) or another house. Clearly the disciples were indoors (v. 2). 2:2 The sound like wind came from heaven, the place where Jesus had gone (1:10-11). This noise symbolized the coming of the Holy Spirit in power. The same Greek word (pneuma) means either "wind" or "spirit." Ezekiel and Jesus had previously used the wind as an illustration of God's Spirit (Ezek. 37:9-14; John 3:8). "Luke particularly stresses the importance of the Spirit in the life of the church [in Acts]."84 "A friend of my daughter lives in Kansas and went through the experience of a tornado. It did not destroy their home but came within two blocks of it. When she wrote about it to my daughter, she said, 'The first thing we noticed was a sound like a thousand freight trains coming into town.'
p. 269. The Acts . . ., p. 32. Jesus' earlier breathing on the disciples and giving them the Holy Spirit (John 20:22) seems to have been only a temporary empowerment with the Spirit along the lines of Old Testament empowerments.
84Marshall, 83Longenecker,

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Dr. Constable's Notes on Acts Friend, that was a rushing, mighty wind, and that was the sound. It was that kind of sound that they heard on the Day of Pentecost."85

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2:3

Fire, as well as wind, symbolized the presence of God (cf. Gen. 15:17; Exod. 3:2-6; 13:21-22; 19:18; 24:17; 40:38; Matt. 3:11; Luke 3:16). The believers received a visual as well as an audible indication that the promised Holy Spirit of God had come. Evidently the apparent fire came at first in one piece and then separated into individual flames, which always resemble tongues of fire.86 One of these "flames" abode on each believer present. God could hardly have visualized the distribution of His Spirit to every individual believer more clearly. The Spirit had in the past abode on the whole nation of Israel corporately symbolized by the pillar of fire. Now He abode on each believer, as He had on Jesus. This fire was obviously not normal fire because it did not consume what it touched (cf. Exod. 3:2-6). Probably the Jews present connected the tongues with which the believers spoke miraculously with the tongues of fire. They probably attributed the miracle of speaking in tongues to the God whose presence they had identified with fire in their history and who was now present. Was this the fulfillment of John the Baptist's statement that Jesus would baptize with the Holy Spirit and fire (Matt. 3:11; Luke 3:16)? Probably it was.87 What we have in this verse is a gracious baptizing that involved the Holy Spirit and the presence and power of God symbolized by fire. Another more complicated view is that John was referring to Old Testament passages that predicted that Messiah would baptize with the Holy Spirit (Joel 2:28-29) and fire (Mal. 3:2-5). The Malachi prophecy speaks of fire as a refining or purifying agent. Both prophecies involve the nation of Israel as a whole primarily. According to this second view John referred to Israel's judgment in the Tribulation88 or Jewish Messiah rejectors in hell.89

2:4

Spirit filling and Spirit baptism are two distinct ministries of the Holy Spirit. Both occurred on this occasion, though Luke only mentioned filling specifically. We know that Spirit baptism also took place because Jesus predicted it would take place "not many days from now" before His ascension (1:5). Moreover, Peter spoke of it as having taken place on Pentecost a short time later (11:15-16).90

4:516. themselves" translates diamerizomenai, a present and probably a middle participle, suggesting that the fire was seen dividing itself. 87See Barrett, 1:114-15. 88Wiersbe, 1:403. 89Ladd, p. 1126. 90See Fruchtenbaum, pp. 116-17.
86"Distributing

85McGee,

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Filling with the Spirit was a phenomenon believers experienced at various times in the Old Testament economy (Exod. 35:30-34; Num. 11:26-29; 1 Sam. 10:6, 10) as well as in the New. An individual Christian can now experience it many times. God can fill a person with His Spirit on numerous separate occasions (cf. Acts 4:8, 31; 6:3, 5; 7:55; 9:17; 13:9, 52). Furthermore God has commanded all believers to be filled with the Spirit (Eph. 5:18). Luke used "filling" to express the Holy Spirit's presence and enablement.91 Filling by the Spirit results in the Spirit's control of the believer (Eph. 5:18). The Spirit controls a believer to the degree that He fills the believer and vice versa. Believers experience Spirit control to the extent that we yield to His direction. On the day of Pentecost the believers assembled were under the Spirit's control because they were in a proper personal relationship of submission to Him (cf. 1:14). In the Book of Acts whenever Luke said the disciples were Spirit-filled, their filling always had some connection with their gospel proclamation or some specific service related to outreach (2:4; 4:8, 31; 9:17; 13:9).92 ". . . Luke always connects the 'filling of the Holy Spirit' with the proclamation of the gospel in Acts (Acts 2:4; 4:8, 31; 9:17; 13:9). Those who are 'full of the Holy Spirit' are always those who are faithfully fulfilling their anointed task as proclaimers (Acts 6:3, 5; 7:55; 11:24; 13:52)."93 "No great decision was ever taken, no important step was ever embarked upon, by the early Church without the guidance of the Spirit. The early Church was a Spiritguided community. "In the first thirteen chapters of Acts there are more than forty references to the Holy Spirit. The early Church was a Spirit-filled Church and precisely therein lay its power."94 The Christian never repeats Spirit baptism in contrast to filling, God never commanded Spirit baptism, and it does not occur in degrees. Spirit baptism normally takes place when a person becomes a Christian (Rom. 8:9). However when it took place on the day of Pentecost the people baptized were already believers. This was also true on three later occasions (8:17; 10:45; 19:6).95 These were unusual situations, however, and not typical of Spirit baptism.96 Spirit baptism always unites a believer
L. Bock, "A Theology of Luke-Acts," in A Biblical Theology of the New Testament, pp. 98-99. R. Harm, "Structural Elements Related to the Gift of the Holy Spirit in Acts," Concordia Journal 14:1 (January 1988):30. 93Walt Russell, "The Anointing with the Holy Spirit in Luke-Acts," Trinity Journal 7NS (Spring 1986):63. 94Barclay, pp. 12, 13. 95Chapter 19 does not clearly identify John's disciples as believers, but they may have been. 96See my comments on these verses in these notes for further explanations.
92Frederick 91Darrell

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Dr. Constable's Notes on Acts to the body of Christ (1 Cor. 12:13). The "body of Christ" is a figure that the New Testament writers used exclusively of the church, never of Israel or any other group of believers. Therefore this first occurrence of the baptizing work of the Holy Spirit marks the beginning of the church, the body of Christ (cf. Matt. 16:18). Speaking with other tongues was the outward evidence that God had done something to these believers inwardly (i.e., controlled them and baptized them into the body). The same sign identified the same thing on the other initial instances of Spirit baptism (10:46; 19:6). In each case it was primarily for the benefit of Jews present, who as a people sought a sign from God to mark His activity, that God gave this sign (Luke 11:16; John 4:48; 1 Cor. 1:22).97 One of the fundamental differences between charismatic and noncharismatic Christians is the issue of the purpose of the sign gifts (speaking in tongues, healings on demand, spectacular miracles, etc.). Charismatic theologians have urged that the purpose of all the gifts is primarily edification (cf. 1 Cor. 12:7).98 They "always seem to be spoken of as a normal function of the Christian life . . . [in which the Spirit] makes them willing and able to undertake various works for the renewal and upbuilding of the Church."99 Many non-charismatics believe that the purpose of the sign gifts was not primarily edification but the authentication of new revelation. There is an ". . . inseparable connection of miracles with revelation, as its mark and credential; or, more narrowly, of the summing up of all revelation, finally, in Jesus Christ. Miracles do not appear on the page of Scripture vagrantly, here, there, and elsewhere indifferently, without assignable reason. They belong to revelation periods, and appear only when God is speaking to His people through accredited messengers, declaring His gracious purposes. Their abundant display in the Apostolic Church is the mark of the richness of the Apostolic Age in revelation; and when this revelation period closed, the period of miracle-working had passed by also, as a mere matter of course."100

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William G. Bellshaw, "The Confusion of Tongues," Bibliotheca Sacra 120:478 (April-June 1963):145-53. 98E.g., Jack Deere, Surprised by the Power of the Spirit, pp. 134-36. 99E. D. O'Connor, The Pentecostal Movement in the Catholic Church, pp. 280, 283. See also Ernest Swing Williams, a classical Pentecostal theologian, Systematic Theology, 3:50; Bernard Ramm, Rapping about the Spirit, p. 115; John Sherrill, They Shall Speak with Other Tongues, pp. 79-88; and Catalog of Oral Roberts University (1973), pp. 26-27. 100Benjamin B. Warfield, Counterfeit Miracles, pp. 25-26.

97See

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Dr. Constable's Notes on Acts "Thus, glossolalia [speaking in tongues] was a gift given by God, not primarily as a special language for worship; not primarily to facilitate the spread of the gospel; and certainly not as a sign that a believer has experienced a second 'baptism in the Holy Spirit.' It was given primarily for an evidential purpose to authenticate and substantiate some facet of God's truth. This purpose is always distorted by those who shift the emphasis from objective sign to subjective experience."101

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Other non-charismatics believe that the specific purpose of the sign gifts was to identify Jesus Christ as God's Son and to authenticate the gospel message that the apostles preached. Most non-charismatics grant that the sign gifts were edifying in their result, but say their purpose was to authenticate new revelation to the Jews (Acts 2:22; Mark 16:20; Acts 7:36-39, 51; Heb. 2:2-4; 1 Cor. 14:20-22).102 Jews were always present when tongues took place in Acts (chs. 2, 10, and 19). It is understandable why God-fearing Jews, whom the apostles asked to accept new truth in addition to their already authenticated Old Testament, would have required a sign. They would have wanted strong proof that God was now giving new revelation that seemed on the surface to contradict their Scriptures. God had told the Jews centuries earlier that He would speak to them in a foreign language because they refused to pay attention to Isaiah's words to them in their own language (Isa. 28:11; cf. 1 Cor 14:21). Jews who knew this prophecy and were listening to Peter should have recognized that what was happening was evidence that it was God who was speaking to them. "Barclay and others have puzzled over the necessity for using various dialects when it would have been more expedient to simply use either Greek or Aramaic languages known to speaker and hearer alike.103 However to suggest this is to miss the point of the record. The Spirit desired to arrest the attention of the crowd. What better means could He adopt than to have men who quite evidently did not speak the dialects in question suddenly be endowed with the ability to speak these languages and 'declare the wonders of God' before the astonished assembly? The effect would be a multiple one. Attention would be gained, the evidence of divine intervention would be perceived, the astonished crowd would be prepared to
C. Gerlach, "Glossolalia," Wisconsin Lutheran Quarterly 70:4 (October 1973):251. See also John F. Walvoord, The Holy Spirit at Work Today, p. 41; and Culver, p. 138. 102See also S. Lewis Johnson Jr., "The Gift of Tongues and the Book of Acts," Bibliotheca Sacra 120:480 (October-December 1963):309-11. 103Barclay, p. 16.
101Joel

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Dr. Constable's Notes on Acts listen with interest to the sermon of Peter, and thus the Spirit's purpose in granting the gift would be realized."104 ". . . the startling effect of the phenomenon on those who in difficult circumstances desperately wished otherwise (as in Acts 4:13-16; 10:28-29; 11:1-3, 15-18; and 15:1-12) supports the purpose of authentication (and not edification) for the sign gifts."105 God gave the gift of tongues also to rouse the nation of Israel to repentance (1 Cor. 14:22-25).106 It is clear from the context of Acts 2:4 that this sign involved the ability to speak in another language that the speaker had not previously known (vv. 6, 8). However the ability to speak in tongues does not in itself demonstrate the baptism of the Holy Spirit. Satan can give the supernatural ability to speak in other languages, as the blasphemous utterances of some tongues speakers have shown. Sometimes an interpreter was necessary (cf. 1 Cor. 14), but at other times, as at Pentecost, one was not.

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INSTANCES OF SPEAKING IN TONGUES IN ACTS

Reference Tonguesspeakers
Jewish believers

Audience
Unsaved Jews and Christians

Relation to conversion
Sometime after conversion

Purpose

2:1-4

10:44-47

Gentile believers

To validate (for Jews) God's working as Joel prophesied To validate (for Jewish Immediately Jews) God's believers after working among who doubted conversion Gentiles as He God's plan had among Jews

19:1-7

Believers

Jews who needed Immediately To validate (for Jews) Paul's after confirmation conversion gospel message of Paul's message

p. 30. Lanier Burns, "A Reemphasis on the Purpose of the Sign Gifts," Bibliotheca Sacra 132:527 (JulySeptember 1975):245. 106Zane C. Hodges, "The Purpose of Tongues," Bibliotheca Sacra 120:479 (July-September 1963):226-33. Some good books that deal with speaking in tongues exegetically include Robert G. Gromacki, The Modern Tongues Movement; Robert P. Lightner, Speaking in Tongues and Divine Healing; John F. MacArthur Jr., The Charismatics: A Doctrinal Perspective; and Joseph Dillow, Speaking in Tongues: Seven Crucial Questions.
105J.

104Harm,

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Dr. Constable's Notes on Acts ". . . glossolalia, or 'speaking with tongues', was a regular phenomenon in the life of the early Church and has never been altogether absent in its subsequent history. Although it is the result of genuine religious experience, it can get out of hand, as Paul found at Corinth. People in the grip of such spiritual ecstasy are known to utter foreign words normally unknown to them, mingled with other unintelligible noises."107

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Were the tongues here the same as in Corinth (1 Cor. 12; 14)? If so, was ecstatic speech present on both occasions, and or were foreign languages present on both occasions? Or were the tongues here foreign languages and the tongues in Corinth ecstatic speech?108 "It is well known that the terminology of Luke in Acts and of Paul in 1 Corinthians is the same. In spite of this some have contended for a difference between the gift as it occurred in Acts and as it occurred in Corinth. This is manifestly impossible from the standpoint of the terminology. This conclusion is strengthened when we remember that Luke and Paul were constant companions and would have, no doubt, used the same terminology in the same sense. . . . In other words, it is most likely that the early believers used a fixed terminology in describing this gift, a terminology understood by them all. If this be so, then the full description of the gift on Pentecost must be allowed to explain the more limited descriptions that occur elsewhere."109 Probably, then, the gift of tongues was a term that covered both speaking in a language or languages that the speaker had never studied and uttering ecstatic speech that needed translation. This gift was very helpful as the believers began to carry out the Great Commission, especially in their evangelization of Jews. Acts documents and emphasizes the Lord's work in executing that mission. Evidently most if not all the believers present spoke in tongues (vv. 3, 711).110 God gave three signs of the Spirit's coming to the Jews who were celebrating the Feast of Passover in Jerusalem: wind, fire, and inspired speech. Each of these signified God's presence in Jewish history.
p. 73. Kent, pp. 30-32, for a clear presentation of these views. 109Johnson, pp. 310-11. See also Rackham, p. 21. Longenecker, p. 271, pointed out the differences between tongues in Acts 2 and 1 Cor. 12 and 14. 110See my note on 19:6 for further comments on the cessation of the gift of tongues.
108See 107Neil,

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Dr. Constable's Notes on Acts "At least three distinct things were accomplished on the Day of Pentecost concerning the relationship of the Spirit with men: (1) The Spirit made His advent into the world here to abide throughout this dispensation. . . . [i.e., permanent indwelling] (2) Again, Pentecost marked the beginning of the formation of a new body, or organism which, in its relation to Christ, is called 'the church which is his body.' . . . [i.e., Spirit baptism] (3) So, also, at Pentecost the lives that were prepared were filled with the Spirit, or the Spirit came upon them for power as promised." [i.e., Spirit filling]111

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The amazement of the onlookers 2:5-13 2:5-6 The Jews living in Jerusalem were probably people from the Diaspora (dispersion, residing outside the land of Palestine) who had returned to settle down in the Jewish homeland.112 "It was . . . customary for many pious Jews who had spent their lives abroad to return to end their days as close to the Temple as possible."113 A list of nations from which they had come follows in verses 9 and 10. The sound that attracted attention may have been the wind (v. 2) or the sound of the tongues speakers (v. 4).114 The context seems to favor the sound of the tongues speakers.115 The text does not clearly identify when what was happening in the upper room became public knowledge or when the disciples moved out of the upper room to a larger venue. Evidently upon hearing the sound these residents of Jerusalem assembled to investigate what was happening. When they found the source of the sound, they were amazed to discover Galileans speaking in the native languages of the remote regions from which these Diaspora Jews had come. The Jews in Jerusalem who could not speak Aramaic would have known Greek, so there was no need for other languages. Yet what they heard were the languages that were common in the remote places in which they had lived. Perhaps the sound came from the upper room initially, and then
S. Chafer, He That Is Spiritual, pp. 19-21. Luke's other uses of katoikountes ("living") in Acts 1:20; 7:2, 4, 48; 9:22; 11:29; 13:27; 17:24, 26; and 22:12, and compare this with epidemeo ("sojourning") in verse 10. 113Neil, p. 73. Cf. Kent, p. 30, n. 9. 114The Greek word translated "noise" in verse 2 is echos, but the word rendered "sound" in verse 6 is phones. 115Verse 2 says the noise filled the house where the disciples were, but there is no indication that it was heard outside the house. Also verse 6 connects the sound with the languages being spoken.
112Compare 111L.

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when the disciples moved out into the streets the people followed them into the Temple area. Since about 3,000 people became Christians this day (v. 41) the multitude (v. 6) must have numbered many thousands. About 200,000 people could assemble in the temple area. This fact has led some interpreters to assume that that may have been where this multitude congregated. 2:7-11 The majority of the disciples was Galileans at this time. They were identifiable by their rural appearance and their accent (cf. Matt. 26:73). "Galileans had difficulty pronouncing gutturals and had the habit of swallowing syllables when speaking; so they were looked down upon by the people of Jerusalem as being provincial (cf. Mark 14:70). Therefore, since the disciples who were speaking were Galileans, it bewildered those who heard because the disciples could not by themselves have learned so many different languages."116 Parthians, Medes, Elamites, and Mesopotamians lived to the east and north of Palestine. Some of them were probably descendants of the Jews who did not return from the Assyrian and Babylonian captivities. Many texts do not include "Judea," but if authentic it probably refers to the Roman province of Judea that included Syria. Pontus, Asia, Phrygia, and Pamphylia were all provinces in Asia Minor to the northwest. Egypt, Libya, and Cyrene lay to the south and west.117 Rome, of course, lay farther northwest in Europe. Luke had a special interest in the gospel reaching Rome, so that may be the reason he singled it out for special mention here. It may be that some of these Roman expatriates returned to Rome and planted the church there.118 A proselyte was a Gentile who had adopted Judaism and had become a part of the nation of Israel by submitting to three rites.119 These rites were circumcision (if a male), selfbaptism before witnesses, and ideally the offering of a sacrifice.120 Cretans lived on the island of Crete, and "Arabs" refers to the Arabians who lived east of Palestine between the Red Sea and the Euphrates River. All these heard the mighty deeds of God (i.e., the gospel) in their own languages. This was a reversal of what took place at Babel (Gen. 11) and illustrated the human unity that God's unhindered working produces. "Although every Jew could not be present for Peter's speech, the narrator does not hesitate to depict
p. 272. of Cyrene, in North Africa, had carried Jesus' cross (Luke 23:26). 118Ambrosiaster, a fourth-century Latin father, wrote that the Roman church was founded without any special miracles and without contact with any apostle (Longenecker, p. 273). 119Acts and Matthew are the only New Testament books that mention proselytes. 120F. F. Bruce, Commentary on the Book of Acts, p. 64.
117Simon 116Longenecker,

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Dr. Constable's Notes on Acts representatives of the Jews of every land as Peter's listeners. This feature shows a concern not just with Gentiles but with a gospel for all Jews, which can bring the restoration of Israel as a united people under its Messiah."121

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2:12-13

Unable or unwilling to accept the miraculous working of God in their midst some observers charged that the believers were under the control of wine rather than the Holy Spirit (cf. Eph. 5:18; 1 Cor. 14:23). The Greek word for wine here (gleukous) means sweet wine, which had a higher alcoholic content than regular wine.122

Peter's Pentecost sermon 2:14-41 "The miraculous is not self-authenticating, nor does it inevitably and uniformly convince. There must also be the preparation of the heart and the proclamation of the message if miracles are to accomplish their full purpose. This was true even for the miracle of the Spirit's coming at Pentecost. . . . All this prepares the reader for Peter's sermon, which is the initial proclamation of the gospel message to a prepared people."123 Barclay pointed out four different kinds of preaching that the early Christians practiced,124 and I would add two more. The first is kerugma, which means proclamation of the clear facts of the Christian message. The second is didache or teaching. This was explanation and interpretation of the factsthe "so what?" Third, there was paraklesis, exhortation to apply the message. Fourth, there was homilia, the treatment of a subject or area of life in view of the Christian message. Fifth, there was prophesia, the sharing of a word from God be it new revelation or old. Sixth, there was apologia, a defense of the Christian message in the face of hostile adversaries. Often the speaker combined two or more of these kinds of address into one message as Peter did in the sermon that follows. Here we find defense (vv. 14-21), proclamation (vv. 22-36), and exhortation (vv. 37-41). Peter's defense 2:14-21 2:14-15 Peter, again representing the apostles (cf. 1:15), addressed the assembled crowd. He probably gave this speech in the Temple outer courtyard (the court of the Gentiles). He probably spoke in the vernacular, Aramaic or Koine (common) Greek, rather than in tongues. Peter had previously denied that he knew Jesus, but now he was publicly representing Him. The apostle distinguished two types of Jews in his audience: native Jews living within the province of Judea, and all who were living in Jerusalem. The Diaspora contingent was probably the group most curious about the

121Tannehill,

2:27. p. 58. 123Longenecker, p. 273. 124Barclay, pp. 16-17.

122Blaiklock,

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tongues phenomenon. Peter began by refuting the charge of drunkenness. It was too early in the day for that since it was only 9:00 a.m.125 "Unfortunately, this argument was more telling in antiquity than today."126 "Scrupulous Jews drank wine only with flesh, and, on the authority of Ex. xvi. 8, ate bread in the morning and flesh only in the evening. Hence wine could be drunk only in the evening. This is the point of Peter's remark."127 2:16-21 Was Peter claiming that the Spirit's outpouring on the day of Pentecost fulfilled Joel's prophecy (Joel 2:28-32)? Conservative commentators express considerable difference of opinion on this point. This is an interpretive problem because not only Joel but other Old Testament prophets prophesied that God would give His Spirit to individual believers in the future (Isa. 32:15; 44:3; Ezek. 36:27; 37:14; 39:29; Zech. 12:10). Moreover John the Baptist also predicted the pouring out of God's Spirit on believers (Matt. 3:11; Mark 1:8; Luke 3:16; John 1:33). Some commentators believe that Peter was claiming that all of what Joel prophesied happened that day. "The fulfillment of the prophecy of Joel which the people had just witnessed was a sign of the beginning of the Messianic age . . ."128 "What was happening was to be seen as the fulfillment of a prophecy by Joel. . . . Peter regards Joel's prophecy as applying to the last days, and claims that his hearers are now living in the last days. God's final act of salvation has begun to take place."129 "For Peter, this outpouring of the Spirit began the period known in Scripture as the 'last days' or the 'last hour' (1 John 2:18), and thus the whole Christian era is included in the expression."130

125The Jews began each day at sundown. There were about 12 hours of darkness, and then there were 12 hours of day. So the third hour of the day would have been about 9:00 a.m. 126Longenecker, p. 275. 127Blaiklock, p. 58 128F. J. Foakes-Jackson, The Acts of the Apostles, p. 15. 129Marshall, The Acts . . ., p. 73. 130Kent, p. 32. See also Longenecker, pp. 275-76; John R. W. Stott, The Message of Acts, p. 73; Barrett, 1:135-39; Robertson, 3:26-28.

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Dr. Constable's Notes on Acts Other scholars believe God fulfilled Joel's prophecy only partially. Ironside and Hodges, for example, believed that He fulfilled verses 17-18 on the day of Pentecost, but He will yet fulfill verses 19-21 in the future.131 I believe Toussaint's explanation falls into this category. "This clause does not mean, 'This is like that'; it means Pentecost fulfilled what Joel had described. However, the prophecies of Joel quoted in Acts 2:19-20 were not fulfilled. The implication is that the remainder would be fulfilled if Israel would repent."132 Others believe that this was a partial fulfillment but in a different sense. They hold that the eschatological age had begun but that the complete fulfillment of Joel's prophecy awaited the return of Christ to the earth. They regard "the last days" as referring to the eschatological era that Jesus inaugurated at His first advent but will be realized only at His second advent. "Certainly the outpouring of the Spirit on a hundred and twenty Jews could not in itself fulfill the prediction of such outpouring 'upon all flesh'; but it was the beginning of the fulfillment."133 Still others believe Peter was not claiming the fulfillment of any of Joel's prophecy. They believe he was only comparing what had happened with what would happen in the future as Joel predicted. "Peter was not saying that the prophecy was fulfilled at Pentecost or even that it was partially fulfilled; knowing from Joel what the Spirit could do, he was simply reminding the Jews that they should have recognized what they were then seeing as a work of the Spirit also. He continued to quote from Joel at length only in order to be able to include the salvation invitation recorded in verse 21."134

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131Ironside, pp. 46-48; Zane C. Hodges, "A Dispensational Understanding of Acts 2," in Issues in Dispensationalism, pp. 168-71. See also Homer Heater Jr., "Evidence from Joel and Amos," in A Case for Premillennialism: A New Consensus, pp. 157-64; Walter C. Kaiser Jr., Back Toward the Future: Hints for Interpreting Biblical Prophecy, p. 43; Daniel J. Treier, "The Fulfillment of Joel 2:28-32: A Multiple-Lens Approach," Journal of the Evangelical Theological Society 40:1 (March 1997):13-26. 132Toussaint, p. 358. Cf. Pentecost, p. 271. 133Bruce, Commentary on . . ., p. 68. See also Bock, Dispensationalism, . . ., pp. 47-48; Ladd, pp. 1127-28; Kenneth L. Barker, "The Scope and Center of Old and New Testament Theology and Hope," in Dispensationalism, Israel and the Church, pp. 325-27; Robert L. Saucy, The Case for Progressive Dispensationalism, pp. 74, 178-80; and D. A. Carson, Exegetical Fallacies, p. 61. 134Charles C. Ryrie, The Acts of the Apostles, pp. 20-21. See also McGee, 4:519; and Warren W. Wiersbe, "Joel," in The Bible Exposition Commentary/Prophets, p. 333.

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Dr. Constable's Notes on Acts "It seems quite obvious that Peter did not quote Joel's prophecy in the sense of its fulfillment in the events of Pentecost, but purely as a prophetic illustration of those events. As a matter of fact, to avoid confusion, Peter's quotation evidently purposely goes beyond any possible fulfillment at Pentecost by including events in the still future day of the Lord, preceding kingdom establishment (Acts 2:19-20). . . . In the reference there is not the slightest hint at a continual fulfillment during the church age or a coming fulfillment toward the end of the church age."135 "Virtually nothing that happened in Acts 2 is predicted in Joel 2. What actually did happen in Acts two (the speaking in tongues) was not mentioned by Joel. What Joel did mention (dreams, visions, the sun darkened, the moon turned into blood) did not happen in Acts two. Joel was speaking of the outpouring of the Holy Spirit on the whole of the nation of Israel in the last days, while Acts two speaks of the outpouring of the Holy Spirit on the Twelve Apostles or, at most, on the 120 in the Upper Room. This is a far cry from Joel's all flesh. However, there was one point of similarity, an outpouring of the Holy Spirit, resulting in unusual manifestations. Acts two does not change or reinterpret Joel two, nor does it deny that Joel two will have a literal fulfillment when the Holy Spirit will be poured out on the whole nation of Israel. It is simply applying it to a New Testament event because of one point of similarity."136 "Peter did not state that Joel's prophecy was fulfilled on the day of Pentecost. The details of Joel 2:30-32 (cp. Acts 2:19-20) were not realized at that time. Peter quoted Joel's prediction as an illustration of what was taking place in his day, and as a guarantee that God would yet completely fulfill all that Joel had prophesied. The time of that fulfillment is stated here ('aferward,' cp. Hos. 3:5), i.e. in the latter days when Israel turns to the LORD."137

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135Merrill F. Unger, "The Significance of Pentecost," Bibliotheca Sacra 122:486 (April-June 1965):176-77. See also John Nelson Darby, Meditations on the Acts of the Apostles, 1:17; and idem, Synopsis of the Books of the Bible, 4:13. Underlining added for clarification. 136Arnold G. Fruchtenbaum, Israelology: The Missing Link in Systematic Theology, pp. 844-45. See also Arno C. Gaebelein, The Acts of the Apostles: An Exposition, p. 53; Thomas D. Ice, "Dispensational Hermeneutics," in Issues in Dispensationalism, p. 41; Renald E. Showers, Maranatha: Our Lord, Come! A Definitive Study of the Rapture of the Church, pp. 36-38; Merrill F. Unger, Zechariah, p. 215; Wiersbe, 1:409. Underlining added for clarification. 137The New Scofield Reference Bible, p. 930. Underlining added for clarification.

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Dr. Constable's Notes on Acts I prefer this last view and find confirmation of it in the fact that Peter did not use the word "fulfilled" in verse 16. He said only that Joel had "spoken of" the phenomenon his hearers had witnessed. However, some writers have pointed out that the phrase "this is what" (touto estin to) was a particular type of expression called a "pesher." "His use of the Joel passage is in line with what since the discovery of the DSS [Dead Sea Scrolls] we have learned to call a 'pesher' (from Heb. peser, 'interpretation'). It lays all emphasis on fulfillment without attempting to exegete the details of the biblical prophecy it 'interprets.'"138 Did Peter use these words as a pesher formula to identify a fulfillment, or did he use them to distinguish a similarity from a fulfillment? It seems to me that he did the latter. In his previous speech (1:16-22) he argued from analogy. There he called it fulfillment (1:16). Here his argument seems to be another analogy. He seems to have been claiming that what God had predicted through Joel for the end times was analogous to the events of Pentecost. The omission of "fulfilled" here seems deliberate to help his hearers avoid concluding that what was happening was the fulfillment of what Joel predicted. It was only similar to what Joel predicted. Peter made a significant change in Joel's prophecy as he quoted it from the Septuagint, and this change supports the view that he was not claiming fulfillment. First, he changed "after this" (Joel 2:28) to "in the last days" (Acts 2:17). In the context of Joel's prophecy the time in view is the day of the Lord: the Tribulation (Joel 2:30-31) and the Millennium (Joel 2:2829). Peter interpreted this time as the last days. Many modern interpreters believe that when Peter said "the last days" he meant the days in which he lived. However, he was not in the Tribulation or the Millennium. Thus he looked forward to the last days as being future.139 There are some similarities between what Joel prophesied would come "after this" (Joel 2:28) and what happened on Pentecost. The similarities are why Peter quoted Joel. Yet the differences are what enable us to see that this prophecy was not fulfilled then. For example, God had not poured out His Spirit on "all mankind" (v. 17), as He will in the future. He had only poured out His Spirit on some believers in Jesus. Joel referred to deliverance in the Tribulation (Joel 2:32), but Peter applied this offer to those who needed salvation in his audience. Joel referred to Yahweh as the LORD, but Peter probably referred to Jesus as the Lord (cf. 1:24).

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p. 275. "last days" is a phrase that some New Testament writers used to describe the age in which we live (2 Tim. 3:1; Heb. 1:2; James 5:3; 1 Pet. 1:5, 20; 2 Pet. 3:3; 1 John 2:18; Jude 18), but in view of what Joel wrote that must not be its meaning here.
139The

138Longenecker,

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Progressive dispensationalists understand Peter as saying that Joel's prophecy was fulfilled initially on Pentecost (view three above). Baptism with the Spirit, which would mark the eschatological kingdom age (Joel 2:28), had begun. Therefore the kingdom had come in its first phase, which they view as the church.140 Other aspects of Joel's prophecy will find fulfillment after Jesus begins His reign on earth. Not all normative dispensationalists agree on the interpretation.141 Some of them, like Toussaint, see a partial fulfillment on Pentecost, while others, like Ryrie, see no fulfillment then. How one views the church will affect how he or she understands this passage. If one views the church as the first stage of the messianic kingdom, as progressive dispensationalists do, then he or she may see this as the fulfillment of Old Testament prophecies about the outpouring of the Spirit in the eschatological age. If one views the church as distinct from the messianic (Davidic) kingdom, then one may or may not see this as a partial fulfillment. It seems more consistent to me to see it not as a fulfillment but as a similar outpouring, specifically the one Jesus predicted in the Upper Room (John 14:16-17, 26; 15:26; 16:7). Some normative dispensationalists who hold this no fulfillment position distinguish baptism with the Spirit, the future event, from baptism by the Spirit, the Pentecost event.142 There does not seem to be adequate exegetical basis for this distinction.143 "Realized eschatologists and amillennialists usually take Peter's inclusion of such physical imagery [i.e., "blood, and fire, and vapor of smoke," and "the sun will be turned into darkness, and the moon into blood"] in a spiritual way, finding in what happened at Pentecost the spiritual fulfillment of Joel's prophecya fulfillment not necessarily tied to any natural phenomena. This, they suggest, offers an interpretative key to the understanding of similar portrayals of natural phenomena and apocalyptic imagery in the OT."144

the New Covenant had begun, and the Holy Spirit's indwelling was a sign of that, but that does not mean the messianic reign had begun. After all, the Old Covenant went into effect some 500 years before any king reigned in Israel. One progressive dispensationalist wrote, ". . . the new covenant is correlative to the kingdom of God . . ." (Saucy, The Case . . ., p. 134). I think not. 141By "normative dispensationalists" I mean traditional dispensationalists, not progressives, including classical and revised varieties, the labels assigned by Craig A. Blaising in Progressive Dispensationalism, pp. 9-56. 142E.g., Merrill F. Unger, The Baptizing Work of the Holy Spirit. 143See Saucy, The Case . . ., p. 181. 144Longenecker, p. 276.

140Evidently

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Dr. Constable's Notes on Acts By repeating, "And they will prophesy" (v. 18), which is not in Joel's text, Peter stressed prophecy as a most important similarity between what Joel predicted and what his hearers were witnessing. God was revealing something new through the apostles. Peter proceeded to explain what that was.

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Another variation of interpretation concerning the Joel passage that some normative dispensationalists espouse is this. They believe that Peter thought Joel's prophecy could have been fulfilled quite soon if the Jewish leaders had repented and believed in Jesus. This may be what Peter thought, but it is very difficult to be dogmatic about what might have been in Peter's mind when he did not explain it. Jesus had told the parable of the talents to correct those "who supposed that the kingdom of God was going to appear immediately" (Luke 19:11-27). He also predicted that "the kingdom of God will be taken away from you [Jews], and given to a nation producing the fruit of it" (Matt. 21:43). Daniel predicted that seven years of terrible trouble were coming on the Jews (Dan. 9:2427; cf. Matt. 2425). There had to be at least seven years of tribulation between Jesus' ascension and His return. If advocates of this view are correct, Peter either did not know this, or he forgot it, or he interpreted the Tribulation as a judgment that God would not send if Israel repented. Of course, Peter did not understand, or he forgot, what the Old Testament revealed about God's acceptance of Gentiles (cf. ch. 10). Peter may have thought that Jesus would return and set up the kingdom immediately if the Jewish leaders repented, but I do not think that God was reoffering the kingdom to the Jew through Peter.145 Peter's proclamation 2:22-36 In this part of his speech Peter cited three proofs that Jesus was the Messiah: His miracles (v. 22), His resurrection (vv. 23-32), and His ascension (vv. 33-35). Verse 36 is a summary conclusion. 2:22 Peter argued that God had attested to Jesus' Messiahship by performing miracles through Him. "Miracles" is the general word, which Peter defined further as wonders (miracles eliciting awe) and signs (miracles signifying something).146 Jesus' miracles attested the fact that God had empowered Him (cf. John 3:2), and they led many people who witnessed them to conclude that He was the Son of David (Matt. 12:23). Others, however, chose to believe that He received His power from Satan rather than God (Matt. 12:24). Peter pointed out that Jesus' crucifixion had been no accident but was part of God's eternal plan (cf. 3:18; 4:28; 13:29). Peter laid guilt for Jesus' death at the Jews' feet (cf. v. 36; 3:15; 4:10; 5:30; 7:52; 10:39; 13:28) and

2:23

will say more about the reoffer of the kingdom view later. view is that these three words describe three different things. Miracles accomplished one purpose, signs a different purpose, and wonders another purpose. See McGee, 4:519.
146Another

145I

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on the Gentile Romans (cf. 4:27; Luke 23:23-25). Note Peter's reference to both the sovereignty of God and the responsibility of man in this verse. "God had willed the death of Jesus (John 3:16) and the death of Judas (Acts 1:16), but that fact did not absolve Judas from his responsibility and guilt (Luke 22:22). He acted as a free moral agent."147 The ultimate cause of Jesus' death was God's plan and foreknowledge, but the secondary cause was the antagonism of godless Jewish and Roman men. Really the sins of every human being put Jesus on the cross. 2:24 God, a higher Judge, reversed the decision of Jesus' human judges by resurrecting Him. God released Jesus' from the pangs of death (Gr. odinas tou thanatou), namely, its awful clutches (cf. 2 Sam. 22:6; Ps. 18:4-6; 116:3). A higher court in heaven overturned the decision of the lower courts on earth. It was impossible for death to hold Jesus because He had committed no sins Himself. He had not personally earned the wages of sin (Rom. 6:23), but He voluntarily took upon Himself the sins of others. Peter appealed to Psalm 16:8-11 to prove that David prophesied Messiah's resurrection in the Jewish Scriptures.148 Psalm 16 is perhaps the clearest prediction of Messiah's resurrection in the Old Testament. As earlier (1:20), Peter saw that Messiah's (Jesus') experiences fulfilled David's words. In this Psalm David spoke of God as being at his right hand, a figure for close association and powerful assistance. Peter saw Jesus' presence in heaven at God's right hand as an extension of what David had written. 2:26 God's presence with David made him happy and hopeful. Likewise the fact that Jesus was now at God's right hand made Peter happy and hopeful. David said he would not go to Hades (the place of departed spirits, Old Testament Sheol), and his body would not suffer decay. This was a poetic way of expressing his belief that God would not allow him to experience ultimate humiliation. David referred to himself as God's devout one. Peter saw this fulfilled literally in Jesus' resurrection from the grave after only three days. Jesus was the supremely devout one. David ended this psalm by rejoicing that, in spite of his adversaries, God would spare his life and enable him to enjoy God's presence in the future.

2:25

2:27

2:28

3:29. Gregory V. Trull, "Views on Peter's Use of Psalm 16:8 in Acts 2:25-32," Bibliotheca Sacra 161:642 (April-June 2004):194-214, for seven views. See also idem, "Peter's Interpretation of Psalm 16:8-11 in Acts 2:25-32," Bibliotheca Sacra 161:644 (October-December 2004):432-48.
148See

147Robertson,

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Dr. Constable's Notes on Acts Peter interpreted these statements as referring to Jesus' entering into new life following His resurrection and into God's presence following His ascension. "Peter quotes from Psalm 16, not to teach that Christ is on the Davidic throne, but rather to show that David predicted the resurrection and enthronement of Christ after His death. The enthronement on David's throne is a yet-future event while the enthronement at His Father's right hand is an accomplished fact."149

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2:29-31

Peter next argued that David's words just quoted could not refer literally to David since David had indeed died and his body had undergone corruption. David's words were a prophecy that referred to Messiah as well as a description of his own experience. God's oath to place one of David's descendants on his throne as Israel's king is in Psalm 132:11 (cf. 2 Sam. 7:16).150 Peter did not say that Jesus now sits on David's throne (v. 30).151 He said that David prophesied that God had sworn to seat a descendant of David on David's throne. Jesus now sits on a throne in heaven, but He has yet to sit on David's throne, which is a throne on earth. He will sit on David's throne when He returns to the earth to reign as Messiah.

2:32

Peter equated Jesus with the Christ (Messiah, v. 31). He also attributed Jesus' resurrection to God again (cf. v. 24). The resurrection of Jesus Christ was one of the apostles' strongest emphases (cf. 3:15, 26; 4:10; 5:30; 10:40; 13:30, 33-34, 37; 17:31; 26:23). They proceeded to bear witness to what they had seen and heard as Christ had commanded and foretold (1:8). Peter next explained that it was Jesus, now at God's right hand, who had poured forth the promised Holy Spirit from the Father (John 14:16-17, 26; 15:26-27). The evidence of this was the tongues of fire and demonstration

2:33

pp. 273. Robert F. O'Toole, "Acts 2:30 and the Davidic Covenant of Pentecost," Journal of Biblical Literature 102:2 (1983):245-58. 151Bock, Dispensationalism, . . ., pp. 49-50, and other progressive dispensationalists have argued that Peter meant that Jesus had begun to reign on David's throne. For other statements of the progressive dispensational interpretation, see Blaising, Progressive Dispensationalism, pp. 175-87; and Saucy, The Case . . ., p. 59-80. For refutations of the progressive dispensationalist view, see John F. Walvoord, "Biblical Kingdoms Compared and Contrasted," in Issues in Dispensationalism, especially pp. 89-90; David A. Dean, "A Study of the Enthronement of Christ in Acts 2 and 3" (Th.M. thesis, Dallas Theological Seminary, 1992); McLean, pp. 223-24; Ryrie, Dispensationalism, pp. 168-69; Hodges, "A Dispensational . . .," pp. 174-78; and Stanley D. Toussaint, "The Contingency of the Coming of the Kingdom," in Integrity of Heart, Skillfulness of Hands, pp. 231-32. See Charles C. Ryrie, The Basis of the Premillennial Faith, pp. 81-82; and John F. Walvoord, Jesus Christ Our Lord, pp. 224-26, for the normative dispensational interpretations of the Davidic Covenant passages.
150See

149Pentecost,

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of tongues that his audience saw and heard. The right hand of God figuratively repesents supreme power and authority, and reference to it sets up the quotation of Psalm 110:1 in the next verse. Peter mentioned all three members of the Trinity in this verse. 2:34-35 Peter then added a second evidence that Jesus was the Christ. He had proved that David had prophesied Messiah's resurrection (v. 27). Now he said that David also prophesied Messiah's ascension (Ps. 110:1). This was a passage from the Old Testament that Jesus had earlier applied to Himself (Matt. 22:43-44; Mark 12:35-37; Luke 20:41-42). It may have been Jesus' use of this passage that enabled His disciples to grasp the significance of His resurrection. It may also have served as the key to their understanding of these prophecies of Messiah in the Old Testament. David evidently meant that the LORD (Yahweh, God the Father) said the following to David's Lord (Adonai, Master, evidently a reference to Messiah or possibly Solomon).152 Yahweh, the true King of Israel, extended the privilege of serving as His administrator to Messiah (or Solomon), His vice-regent. Yahweh included a promise that He would subdue His vice-regent's enemies. Peter took this passage as a prophecy about David's greatest son, Messiah. Yahweh said to David's Lord, Messiah, sit beside me and rule for me, and I will subdue your enemies. This is something God the Father said to God the Son. Peter understood David's reference to his Lord as extending to Messiah, David's ultimate descendant. "Peter's statement that Jesus is presently at 'the right hand of God,' in fulfillment of Psalm 110:1, has been a focal point of disagreement between dispensational and nondispensational interpreters. Traditional dispensationalists have understood this as teaching the present session of Christ in heaven before his return to fulfill the Davidic messianic kingdom promise of a literal reign on earth. They are careful to distinguish between the Davidic throne and the position that Christ presently occupies in heaven at the right hand of God (Ac 2:30).153 "Non-dispensationalists, by contrast, see Peter's statement as a clear indication that the New Testament has reinterpreted the Davidic messianic prophecies. The messianic throne has been transferred from Jerusalem to

may have composed this psalm on the occasion of Solomon's coronation as Israel's king. Clearly it is an enthronement psalm. 153Alva J. McClain, The Greatness of the Kingdom, p. 401.

152David

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Dr. Constable's Notes on Acts heaven, and Jesus 'has begun his messianic reign as the Davidic king.'154"155 "This does not mean that Jesus is at the present time ruling from the throne of David, but that He is now at 'the right hand of the Father' until His enemies are vanquished (Acts 2:33-35)."156 ". . . it is preferable to see David's earthly throne as different from the Lord's heavenly throne, because of the different contexts of Psalms 110 and 132. Psalm 110 refers to the Lord's throne (v. 1) and a Melchizedekian priesthood (v. 4) but Psalm 132 refers to David's throne (v. 11) and (Aaronic) priests (vv. 9, 16). . . . "Because the Messiah is the anointed Descendant of David and the Davidic Heir, He presently possesses the right to reign though He has not yet assumed David's throne. This was also true of David, who assumed the throne over Israel years after he was anointed. "Before Christ will be seated on David's throne (Ps. 110:2), He is seated at the right hand of God (v. 1). His present session is a position of honor and power, but the exercise of that power is restricted to what God has chosen to give the Son. God the Father reigns and has decreed that Christ dispense blessings from the Holy Spirit to believers in this present age. When Christ returns to earth to begin His messianic reign on David's throne, He will conquer His enemies (Ps. 110:2, 5-7). Until then, He is now seated at God's right hand (v. 1), exercising the decreed role of the Melchizedekian King-Priest (v. 4), the believer's great High Priest (Heb. 2:17; 4:14-15; 5:10; 6:20; 7:26; 8:1; 9:11; 10:21)."157 "Christ's enthronement at the time of His ascension was not to David's throne, but rather was a restoration to the position at His Father's right hand (Heb. 1:3; Acts 7:56), which position He had given up at the time of the

43

E. Ladd, A Theology of the New Testament, p. 336. Cf. Oswald T. Allis, Prophecy and the Church, p. 136. 155Saucy, The Case . . ., pp. 69-70. His discussion of "the right hand of God" (pp. 72-74) is helpful. 156Cleon L. Rogers Jr., "The Davidic Covenant in Acts-Revelation," Bibliotheca Sacra 151:601 (JanuaryMarch 1994):74. 157Elliott E. Johnson, "Hermeneutical Principles and the Interpretation of Psalm 110," Bibliotheca Sacra 149:596 (October-December 1992):434, 436.

154George

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Dr. Constable's Notes on Acts Incarnation (Phil. 2:6-8). It was for this restoration that Christ had prayed to His Father in John 17:5. Since Christ had never occupied David's throne before the Incarnation it would have been impossible to restore Him to what He had not occupied previously. He was petitioning the Father to restore Him to His place at the Father's right hand. Peter, in his message, establishes the fact of resurrection by testifying to the Ascension, for one who had not been resurrected could not ascend."158 Normative dispensationalists: Progressive dispensationalists: Non-dispensational premillenarians: Non-millennarians: Christ's messianic reign will be on earth. Christ's messianic reign is now from heaven and will be on earth. Christ's messianic reign is now from heaven and will be on earth. Christ's messianic reign is now and will be from heaven.

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2:36

Peter wanted every Israelite to consider the evidence he had just presented because it proved "for certain" that Jesus of Nazareth (cf. v. 22) was God's sovereign ruler (Lord) and anointed Messiah (Christ). It is clear from the context that by "Lord" Peter was speaking of Jesus as the Father's coregent. He referred to the same "Lord" he had mentioned in verse 21. "This title of 'Lord' was a more important title than Messiah, for it pictured Jesus' total authority and His ability and right to serve as an equal with God the Father."159 Normative dispensationalists (both classical and revised, to use Blaising's labels) hold that Peter only meant that Jesus of Nazareth was the Davidic Messiah. Progressive dispensationalists, along with covenant theologians (i.e., non-dispensationalists), believe that Peter meant that Jesus not only was the Davidic Messiah but that He was also reigning as the Davidic Messiah then. Thus the Davidic messianic kingdom had begun. Its present (already) phase is with Jesus on the Davidic throne ruling from heaven. and its future (not yet) phase will be when Jesus returns to earth to rule on earth.

pp. 272. Hodges, "A Dispensational . . .," pp. 172-78, also refuted the view of covenant theologians and progressive dispensationalists that Jesus is now ruling on David's throne. 159Bock, "A Theology . . .," p. 104.

158Pentecost,

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Dr. Constable's Notes on Acts Progressive dispensationalists (and covenant theologians) also believe that Jesus' reign as Messiah began during his earthly ministry.160 They see the church as the present stage in the progressive unfolding of the messianic kingdom (hence the name "progressive dispensationalism"161). Normative dispensationalists interpret the Davidic kingdom as entirely earthly and say that Jesus has not yet begun His messianic reign. He now sits on the Father's throne in heaven ruling sovereignly, not on David's throne fulfilling Old Testament prophecies concerning the Davidic king's future reign (cf. Rev. 3:21). Peter again mentioned his hearers' responsibility for crucifying Jesus to convict them of their sin and to make them feel guilty (cf. v. 23).162 "Peter did not present the cross as the place where the Sinless Substitute died for the world, but where Israel killed her own Messiah!"163 "The beginning and ending of the main body of the speech emphasize the function of disclosure. Peter begins, 'Let this be known to you,' and concludes, 'Therefore, let the whole house of Israel know assuredly . . .,' forming an inclusion (2:14, 36). In the context this is a new disclosure, for it is the first public proclamation of Jesus' resurrection and its significance. Acts 2:22-36 is a compact, carefully constructed argument leading to the conclusion in v. 36: 'God made him both Lord and Christ, this Jesus whom you crucified.' Peter not only proclaims Jesus' authority but also reveals the intolerable situation of the audience, who share responsibility for Jesus' crucifixion. The Pentecost speech is part of a recognition scene, where, in the manner of tragedy, persons who have acted blindly against their own best interests suddenly recognize their error."164 "The Pentecost speech is primarily the disclosure to its audience of God's surprising reversal of their intentions, for their rejection has ironically resulted in Jesus' exaltation as Messiah, Spirit-giver, and source of repentance and forgiveness."165

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Progressive Dispensationalism, p. 248. p. 49. 162See Darrell L. Bock, "Jesus as Lord in Acts and in the Gospel Message," Bibliotheca Sacra 143:570 (April-June 1986):147-48. 163Wiersbe, 1:410. 164Tannehill, 2:35. 165Ibid., 2:37.
161Ibid.,

160Blaising,

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God bestowed His Spirit on the believers on Pentecost (and subsequently) for the same reason He poured out His Spirit on Jesus Christ when He began His earthly ministry. He did so to empower them to proclaim the gospel of God's grace (cf. 1:8). Luke recorded both outpourings (Luke 3:21-22; Acts 2:2-4; cf. Acts 4:27; 10:28). This fact is further evidence that Luke wanted his readers to view their own ministries as the extension of Jesus' ministry (1:1-2). "Luke's specific emphasis (and contribution) to NT pneumatology is that the Holy Spirit was poured out on the church not just to incorporate each believer into the body of Christ or provide the greater new covenant intimacy with him, but also to consecrate the church to the task of worldwide prophetic ministry as defined in Luke 4:1630."166 Peter mentioned that Jesus was now at the right hand of God in heaven four times in this part of his speech (vv. 25, 30, 33, 34). This had particular relevance for "all the house of Israel" (cf. vv. 14, 22, 29). "Apparently, therefore, the messiahship of Jesus was the distinctive feature of the church's witness within Jewish circles, signifying, as it does, his fulfillment of Israel's hopes and his culmination of God's redemptive purposes. "The title 'Lord' was also proclaimed christologically in Jewish circles, with evident intent to apply to Jesus all that was said of God in the OT . . . . But 'Lord' came to have particular relevance to the church's witness to Gentiles just as 'Messiah' was more relevant to the Jewish world. So in Acts Luke reports the proclamation of Jesus 'the Christ' before Jewish audiences both in Palestine and among the Diaspora, whereas Paul in his letters to Gentile churches generally uses Christ as a proper name and proclaims Christ Jesus 'the Lord.'"167 Peter's exhortation 2:37-41 2:37 The Holy Spirit used Peter's sermon to bring conviction, as Jesus had predicted (John 16:8-11). He convicted Peter's hearers of the truth of what he said and of their guilt in rejecting Jesus. Their question arose from this two-fold response. Notice the full meaning of their question. These were Jews who had been waiting expectantly for the Messiah to appear. Peter had just explained convincingly that He had come, but the Jewish nation had rejected God's anointed King. Jesus had gone back to heaven. What would happen to the
166Russell,

p. 63. p. 281.

167Longenecker,

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Dr. Constable's Notes on Acts nation over which He was to rule? What were the Jews to do? Their question did not just reflect their personal dilemma but the fate of their nation. What should they do in view of this terrible situation nationally as well as personally?

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2:38

Peter told them what to do. They needed to repent. Repentance involves a change of mind and heart first and secondarily a change of conduct. The Greek word translated repentance (metanoia) literally means a change of outlook (from meta and noeo meaning to reconsider). The Jews had formerly regarded Jesus as less than Messiah and had rejected him. Now they needed to accept Him and embrace Him. John the Baptist and Jesus had previously called for repentance in their audiences (Matt. 3:2; 4:17; et al.), and the apostles continued this emphasis (Acts 3:19; 5:31; 8:22; 11:18; 13:24; 17:30; 19:4; 20:21; 26:20). "The context of repentance which brings eternal life, and that which Peter preached on the day of Pentecost, is a change of mind about Jesus Christ. Whereas the people who heard him on that day formerly thought of Him as mere man, they were asked to accept Him as Lord (Deity) and Christ (promised Messiah). To do this would bring salvation."168 When people speak of repentance they may mean one of two different things. We use this English word in the sense of a conduct change (turning away from sinful practices). We also use it in the sense of a conceptual change (turning away from false ideas previously held). These two meanings also appear in Scripture. This has led to some confusion concerning what a person must do to obtain salvation. "The Greek verb [metanoeo, translated "to repent"] means 'to change one's mind,' but in its Lucan usage it comes very close to the Hebrew verb for repent which literally means 'to turn or turn around' (sub). . . . A change of perspective, involving the total person's point of view, is called for by this term. In fact, John called for the Israelites to bring forth fruit worthy of repentance ([Luke] 3:8). This passage is significant for it separates repentance from what it produces, and also expresses a link between repentance and fruit. One leads to the other. "In summary, Luke saw repentance as a change of perspective that transforms a person's thinking and approach to life."169

168Charles 169Bock,

C. Ryrie, Balancing the Christian Life, p. 176. "A Theology . . .," pp. 129-30, 132.

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If a person just thinks of repentance as turning from sinful practices, repentance becomes a good work that a person does. This kind of repentance is not necessary for salvation for two reasons. First, this is not how the gospel preachers in the New Testament used the word, as one can see from the meaning of the Greek word metanoia (defined above). Second, other Scriptures make it clear that good works, including turning from sin, have no part in justification (e.g., Eph. 2:8-9). God does not save us because of what we do for Him but because of what He has done for us in Christ.170 Repentance by definition is not an act separate from trusting Christ. It is part of the process of believing.171 When a person trusts Christ, he or she abandons his or her false notions about the Savior and embraces the truth. The truth is that Jesus Christ is God's provision for our eternal salvation. When we rest our confidence in Him and the sufficiency of His cross work for us, God gives us eternal life. This is not just giving mental ascent to facts that are true. Saving faith does that but also places confidence in Christ rather than in self for salvation.172 ". . . it needs ever to be insisted on that the faith that justifies is not a mere intellectual processnot simply crediting certain historical facts or doctrinal statements; but it is a faith that springs from a divinely wrought conviction of sin which produces a repentance that is sincere and genuine."173 Peter called for individual repentance ("each of you," Gr. second person plural). The Jews thought corporately about their responsibilities as God's chosen people, but Peter confronted them with their individual responsibility to believe in Jesus. The New Testament uses the word baptism in two ways: Spirit baptism and water baptism. This raises the question of which type Peter was calling for here. In verse 38 "baptism" is probably water baptism, as most commentators point out. A few of them believe that Peter was referring to Spirit baptism in the sense of becoming identified with Christ. "The baptism of the Spirit which it was our Lord's prerogative to bestow was, strictly speaking, something that
170See

Joseph C. Dillow's excellent discussion of the true and false definitions of repentance in The Reign of the Servant Kings, pp. 30-36. See also Kent, pp. 33-34. I will say more about repentance in the comments on the passages that refer to it that follow in these notes. 171A few scholars who hold the free grace position believe repentence plays no part in salvation but that repentence is a condition for harmonious fellowship with God (e.g., Zane C. Hodges, Absolutely Free, pp. 145-6). 172See Thomas L. Constable, "The Gospel Message," in Walvoord: A Tribute, p. 207. 173Harry A. Ironside, Except Ye Repent, pp. 9-10.

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Dr. Constable's Notes on Acts took place once for all on the day of Pentecost when He poured forth 'the promise of the Father' on His disciples and thus constituted them the new people of God; baptism in water continued to be the external sign by which individuals who believed the gospel message, repented of their sins, and acknowledged Jesus as Lord, were publicly incorporated into the Spirit-baptized fellowship of the new people of God."174 This verse is a major proof text for those who believe that water baptism is essential for salvation.175 Many people refer to this viewpoint as sacramental theology as contrasted with evangelical theology. It encounters its greatest problem with passages that make the forgiveness of sin, and salvation in general, dependent on nothing but trust in Christ (e.g., Acts 16:31; 10:43; 13:38-39; 26:18; Luke 24:47; John 3:16, 36; Rom. 4:117; 11:6; Gal. 3:8-9; Eph. 2:8-9).176 Peter later promised forgiveness of sins on the basis of faith alone (5:31; 10:43; 13:38; 26:18). ". . . Christian [water] baptism was an expression of faith and commitment to Jesus as Lord."177 What is the relationship of repentance, water baptism, forgiveness, and the gift of the Spirit that this verse brings together? At least three explanations are possible if we rule out the idea that water baptism results in the forgiveness of sins.178 1. One acceptable option is to take the Greek preposition translated "for" (eis) as "because of" or "on the basis of." This is not the usual meaning of the word. The usual meaning is "for" designating aim or purpose. However it clearly means "because of" in some passages (e.g., Matt. 3:11; 12:41; Mark 1:4). This explanation links forgiveness with baptizing. We could paraphrase this view as follows. "Repent and you will receive the gift of the Spirit. Be baptized because your sins are forgiven."179

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Commentary on . . ., pp. 76-77. Aubrey M. Malphurs, "A Theological Critique of the Churches of Christ Doctrine of Soteriology" (Th.D. dissertation, Dallas Theological Seminary, 1981). 176See Charles C. Ryrie, So Great Salvation; Hodges, Absolutely Free! and Robert N. Wilkin, "Repentence and Salvation," Journal of the Grace Evangelical Society 1:1 (Autumn 1988):11-20, and 2:1 (Spring 1989):13-26. 177Marshall, The Acts . . ., p.81. 178Lanny T. Tanton, "The Gospel and Water Baptism: A Study of Acts 2:38," Journal of the Grace Evangelical Society 3:1 (Spring 1990):27-52, discussed six interpretations of this passage. 179Advocates of this view include Ryrie, The Acts . . ., p. 24; W. A. Criswell, Acts, p. 96; H. E. Dana and Julius R. Mantey, A Manual Grammar of the Greek New Testament, pp. 103-4; Kenneth S. Wuest, Word Studies in the Greek New Testament, 3:76-77; Robertson, 3:35-36; and Wiersbe, 1:410.
175See

174Bruce,

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Other interpreters emphasize the correspondence between the number (singular and plural) of the verbs and pronouns in the two parts of the sentence. "Repent" is plural as is "your," and "be baptized" and "you" (in "each of you") are singular. Repent (second person plural) be baptized (third person singular) each (third person singular) of you for the forgiveness of your (second person plural) sins According to this view Peter was saying, "You [all] repent for [the purpose of] the forgiveness of your sins, and you [all] will receive the Spirit." Then he added parenthetically, "And each of you [singular] be baptized [as a testimony to your faith]." This explanation links forgiveness with repentance.180 "Repentance demands the witness of baptism; forgiveness is followed by the gift of the Holy Spirit [i.e., Spirit baptism]."181

3.

A third, less popular, view is that God withheld Spirit baptism from Palestinian converts to Christianity when the church was in its infancy. He did so until they had entered into communion with God by obeying His command to undergo baptism in water (Acts 2:38; 22:16). Their Christian experience unfolded in this sequence of events: regeneration, water baptism, forgiveness of sins, fellowship with God, Spirit baptism. These Palestinian converts were individuals who had exposure to but had rejected the ministries of both John the Baptist and Jesus. One advocate of this view felt that it accounts best for the instances of Spirit baptism in Acts 2:38; 8:12-17; 19:1-7; and 22:16. He took these occurrences as non-normative Christian experience unique in the early years of Christianity. Acts 10:43-48 reflects normative Christian experience where regeneration, forgiveness, and Spirit baptism take place simultaneously with water baptism following. By the time Paul wrote Romans this later sequence had become normative (Rom. 8:9; cf. 1 Cor. 12:13).182

Toussaint, "Acts," p. 359; Ned B. Stonehouse, "The Gift of the Holy Spirit," Westminster Theological Journal 13 (1949-51):1-15; Frank Stagg, The Book of Acts, p. 63; Bob L. Ross, Acts 2:38 and Baptismal Regeneration, pp. 45-49; Malphurs, pp. 167-69; and Luther B. McIntyre Jr., "Baptism and Forgiveness in Acts 2:38," Bibliotheca Sacra 153:609 (January-March 1996):53-62. This seems to me to be the best explanation. 181Blaiklock, p. 60. 182Rackham, p. 30; and Zane C. Hodges, The Gospel Under Seige, pp. 101-4.

180See

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Dr. Constable's Notes on Acts Baptism in water was common in both Judaism and early Christianity. Converts to Judaism commonly baptized themselves in water publicly as a testimony to their conversion. The apostles evidently took for granted that the person who trusted in Christ would then submit to baptism in water. ". . . the idea of an unbaptized Christian is simply not entertained in [the] NT."183 "Since baptism signifies association with the message, group, or person involved in authorizing it [cf. 1 Cor. 10:12], baptism in the name of Jesus Christ meant for these people a severing of their ties with Judaism and an association with the messages of Jesus and His people. Baptism was the line of demarcation. Even today for a Jew it is not his profession of Christianity nor his attendance at Christian services nor his acceptance of the New Testament, but his submission to water baptism that definitely and finally excludes him from the Jewish community and marks him off as a Christian."184 Was Peter violating the Lord Jesus' instructions when the apostle told his hearers to be baptized in the name of Jesus Christ alone? Jesus had commanded His disciples to baptize "in the name of the Father and the Son and the Holy Spirit" (Matt. 28:19). I do not think so. When Jesus gave the Great Commission, He had in view the discipling of the nations, everyone. When evangelizing non-Christians, it was necessary to have them identify with the triune God of Christianity through water baptism. Peter's audience on the day of Pentecost, however, was Jewish. They needed to identify with the true God too, but identification with Jesus Christ is what Peter stressed since baptism in the name of Jesus would have been a particular problem for Jews. It meant acknowledging Jesus as their God. Jews already accepted the fatherhood of God and the idea that God is a Spirit. The gift of the Holy Spirit was baptism with the Spirit. The Spirit is the gift. Peter connected reception of the Spirit with repentance. The Holy Spirit immediately baptized those who repented (11:15). Their Spirit baptism was not a later "second blessing." Notice that Peter said nothing in this verse about acknowledging Jesus as Lord in the sense of surrendering completely to His lordship to receive eternal life. Those who contend that submission to the lordship of Christ is essential for salvation must admit that Peter did not make that a requirement here. This would have been the perfect opportunity for him to

51

183Bruce, 184Ryrie,

Commentary on . . ., p. 77. See also Longenecker, p. 284. The Acts . . ., pp. 23-24. See also Longenecker, p. 286.

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Dr. Constable's Notes on Acts

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do so. Peter did not mention submission to the lordship of Christ because he did not believe it was essential for salvation. Admittedly he referred to Jesus as Lord in verse 36, but as I have explained, the context argues for "Lord" meaning God rather than master there.185 2:39 The "promise" is the gift of the Holy Spirit (1:5, 8; 2:33). Those "far off" probably include the Diaspora Jews and the Gentiles. Peter had already expressed his belief that Gentiles could be saved (v. 21; cf. Joel 2:32), a fact taught repeatedly in both the Old and the New Testament. Peter's later problem involving the salvation of Cornelius was not due to a conviction that Gentiles were unsaveable. It was a question of the manner by which they became Christians (i.e., not through Judaism, but directly without becoming Jews first). Note, too, Peter's firm belief in God's sovereignty (cf. v. 23). God takes the initiative in calling the elect to salvation, and then they repent (v. 38; cf. John 6:37; Rom. 8:28-30). The Greek word translated "generation" (genea) sometimes has a wider scope than simply all the people living within the same generational period. It has a metaphorical meaning here as elsewhere (e.g., Matt. 17:17; Mark 9:19; 13:30; Luke 9:41; 16:8). It means "a race of men very like each other in endowments, pursuits, character; and especially in a bad sense a perverse race."186 Here the reference seems to be to unbelieving Jews of all time but particularly those living during Peter's lifetime. "Generation" in this larger sense is virtually the same as "race." Jesus had announced that the actual generation of Jews who had rejected Him would experience God's judgment on themselves and their nation (Matt. 21:41-44; 22:7; 23:3424:2). In view of that prediction it seems that Peter may have had that impending judgment in mind when he issued this call to his hearers. Jesus' promised judgment fell in A.D. 70 when Titus invaded Jerusalem, destroyed the temple, and scattered the Jews. "This exhortation shows that Peter viewed that generation under the physical, temporal judgment about which Christ had spoken so forcefully and clearly. What Jesus had warned them about earlier (Matt. 12:31-32) had come on them and was inescapable. . . . "While judgment on the nation was inescapable, individuals could be delivered from it. Peter's answer was, 'Be baptized, every one of you, in the name of Jesus Christ so that your sins may be forgiven,' that is, they were no longer to participate in the repeated sin of the nation in rejecting Christ. The confession of their faith in Christ and
185Further 186A

2:40

discussion of the "lordship salvation" view will follow in these notes. Greek-English Lexicon of the New Testament, s.v. "genea," p. 112.

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Dr. Constable's Notes on Acts of their identification with him by baptism would demonstrate their separation from the nation. They would be put out of the synagogue and lose all identity in the nation. Thus, by this separation they would individually not undergo the judgment on that generation since they ceased to be a part of it. Baptism did not save them. Only their faith in the One in whose name they were being baptized could do that. But baptism did terminate their identity with the nation so that they could escape its judgment."187

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2:41

Peter had called on his audience to repent and to be baptized (v. 38). Luke recorded the response of the believers. This reference, too, is probably to water baptism. More people may have become Christians on this one day than did so during the whole earthly ministry of our Lord Jesus Christ (cf. John 14:12). Luke evidently meant that 3,000 were added to the 120 mentioned in 1:15 since he was describing the visible relationships of the believers.188 Some interpreters believe that this verse does not describe what took place immediately following the conclusion of Peter's sermon, however. Luke may have been summing up the results of Peter's preaching as a new point of departure in his narrative. He often used the Greek word translated "then" (men) in Acts to do this. Furthermore "day" (hemera) can refer to a longer time as well as to one 24-hour period. Here it could refer to the first period in the church's life.189

The period between the death of Christ and the destruction of Jerusalem in A.D. 70 was a transitional period. The tearing of the temple veil when Jesus died (Matt. 27:51) symbolized the termination of the old Mosaic order and the beginning of a new order. The new order began when Jesus Christ died. However it took several decades for God's people to make the transition in their thinking and practice. The Book of Acts documents many of those transitions. "The transition was extensive. Ethnically, there was a transition from dealing primarily with Jews to dealing with both Jew and Gentile without distinction. There was also a transition in the people with whom God was dealing, from Israel to the church. Likewise, there was a transition in the principle on which God was dealing with men, from Law to grace. There was a transition from the offer to Israel of an earthly Davidic kingdom to the offer to all men of salvation based on the death and resurrection of Jesus Christ. There was a transition from the prospect of Messiah's coming
Dwight Pentecost, "The Apostles' Use of Jesus' Predictions of Judgment on Jerusalem in A.D. 70," in Integrity of Heart, Skillfulness of Hands, pp. 139-40. 188Kent, p. 34, n. 14. 189Rackham, pp. 31-32; Neil, p. 80.
187J.

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Dr. Constable's Notes on Acts to the historical fact that the promised One had come. There was a transition from the promise that the Spirit would be given to the historical fact that the Spirit had come. "Again, all these transitions were made positionally in the brief period of time from the death of Christ to the Day of Pentecost. Yet experientially these truths were understood and entered into only over a span of some four decades. The Book of Acts records the positional transition as well as the experiential transition in the development of the theocratic kingdom program."190 ". . . the Book of the Acts is particularly valuable as giving to us the earliest models of several ordinances and institutions which have since become part of the life of the Christian Church. These first occasions should be studied as types and models of what all subsequent occasions should be. "The first descent of the Spirit (chap. 2); the first Christian preaching (chap. 2); the first Christian Church (chap. 2); the first opposition to Christianity (chap. 4); the first persecution (chap. 4); the first prayer meeting (chap. 4); the first sin in the Church (chap. 5); the first Church problem (chap. 6); the first martyr (chap. 7); the first Church extension (chap. 8); the first personal dealing (chap. 8); the first Gentile Church (chap. 11); the first Church Council (chap. 11). "The first missionary (chap. 13); the first missionary methods (chaps. 13, 14); the first Church contention (chap. 15); the first Church in Europe (chap. 16); the first address to Christian ministers (chap. 20)."191 ". . . what Acts aims to do is to give us a series of typical exploits and adventures of the great heroic figures of the early Church."192 6. The early state of the church 2:42-47

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Luke now moved from describing what took place on a particular day to a more general description of the life of the early Jerusalem church (cf. 4:325:11; 6:1-6). Interestingly he gave comparatively little attention to the internal life of the church in Acts. His selection of content shows that his purpose was to stress its outward expansion. 2:42 These new converts along with the disciples gave ("devoted," Gr. proskartereo, cf. 1:14) themselves to two activities primarily: the apostles' teaching and fellowship. The grammar of the Greek sentence sets these actions off as distinct from the following two activities that define

190Pentecost, 191Thomas,

Thy Kingdom . . ., pp. 266-67. pp. 86-87. This list could be developed even further. 192Barclay, p. xiii.

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Dr. Constable's Notes on Acts fellowship. The apostles' teaching included the Jewish Scriptures as well as the teachings of Christ on earth and the revelations He gave to the apostles from heaven. This means the early Christians gave priority to the revealed Word of God.193 "The steady persistence in the apostles' teaching means (a) that the Christians listened to the apostles whenever they taught and (b) that they assiduously practised what they heard."194 The fellowship (Gr. te koinonia) refers to sharing things with others. The presence of the article with fellowship indicates that this fellowship was distinctive. It was a fellowship within Judaism. Even though their fellowship extended to material goods its primary reference must be to the ideas, attitudes, purposes, mission, and activities that the Christians shared. Two distinctive activities marked the fellowship of the early church. The "breaking of bread" is a term that here probably included the Lord's Supper as well as eating a meal together (cf. v. 46; 20:7; 1 Cor. 10:16; 11:23-25; Jude 12).195 Elsewhere the phrase describes both an ordinary meal (Luke 24:30, 35; Acts 20:11; 27:35) and the Lord's Supper (Luke 22:19; 1 Cor. 10:16; 11:24). Probably these early Christians ate together and as part of the meal, or after it, used their common food, bread and wine, to commemorate Christ's death.196 In "the prayers" the believers must have praised and thanked God as well as petitioning and interceding for His glory (cf. Matt. 6:9-13). The article with prayer probably implies formal times of prayer (cf. 1:14), though they undoubtedly prayed together at other times too.197 "Just as Luke has set up in Luke-Acts the parallelism between the Spirit's work in relation to Jesus and the Spirit's work in the church, so he also sets up the parallelism between prayer in the life of Jesus and prayer in the life of the church."198

55

193See Steven J. Lawson, "The Priority of Biblical Preaching: An Expository Study of Acts 2:42-47," Bibliotheca Sacra 158:630 (April-June 2001):198-217. 194Barrett, 1:163. 195Kent, pp. 34-35; Blaiklock, p. 61. 196Neil, p. 81. 197See Daniel K. Falk, "Jewish Prayer Literature and the Jerusalem Church," in The Book of Acts in Its First Century Setting; Vol. 4: The Book of Acts in Its Palestinian Setting, pp. 267-301. 198Longenecker, p. 290. Cf. 1:14, 24; 4:24-31; 6:4, 6; 9:40; 10:2, 4, 9, 31; 11:5; 12:5; 13:3; 14:23; 16:25; 22:17; 28:8.

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Dr. Constable's Notes on Acts "Prayer is an expression of dependence, and when the people of God really feel their need you will find them flocking together to pray. A neglected prayer meeting indicates very little recognition of one's true need."199

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Their persistence in these activities demonstrated their felt need to learn, to encourage one another, to refocus on Christ's death, and to praise and petition God (1:1). 2:43 The feeling of awe that the obvious working of God in their midst inspired continued among all the people in Jerusalem. The wonder-inspiring miracles that the apostles performed pointed to God's hand at work and kept this spirit alive. Not the least of these wonders must have been the remarkable unity and self-sacrifice of the believers. Compare 2:22, where Peter said Jesus had done "wonders and signs," with this verse, where Luke wrote that the apostles performed "wonders and signs." This shows again Jesus' continuing work through His servants following His ascension.200 These early believers had frequent contact with each other. Communal living was voluntary and temporary in the Jerusalem church (4:32, 34-35; 5:4); it was not forced socialism or communism. No other New Testament church practiced communal living to the extent that the Jerusalem Christians did. The New Testament nowhere commands communal living, and Acts does not refer to it after chapter five.201 Their willingness to sell their property (real estate, cf. 5:37) and personal possessions to help others in need demonstrated true Christian love. They were probably giving to non-believers as well as to their Christian brethren, but what Luke stressed was their sacrificial giving to one another. Beside Christian love it may have been their hope that Jesus Christ would return very soon that motivated them to live as they did. Furthermore since Jesus had predicted judgment on Jerusalem, what was the use of keeping property? 2:46-47 This progress report summarizes the growth of the church thus far. It is one of seven in Acts each of which concludes a major advance of the church in its worldwide mission (cf. 6:7; 9:31; 12:24; 16:5; 19:20; 28:3031).

2:44-45

Lectures on . . ., p. 77. a good evaluation of the "signs and wonders movement," which teaches that believers today may perform the same kind of miraculous works Jesus and the apostles performed to authenticate the gospel message, see Ken L. Sarles, "An Appraisal of the Signs and Wonders Movement," Bibliotheca Sacra 145:577 (January-March 1988):57-82; or idem, "All Power & Signs," Kindred Spirit 13:2 (Summer 1989):8-11. 201See Brian Capper, "The Palestinian Cultural Context of Earliest Christian Community of Goods," in The Book of Acts in Its First Century Setting; Vol. 4: The Book of Acts in Its Palestinian Setting, pp. 323-56. See also Jerome Murphy-O'Connor, "The CenacleTopographical Setting for Acts 2:44-45," in ibid., pp. 303-22.
200For

199Ironside,

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Dr. Constable's Notes on Acts The believers met with one another daily, enjoying the unity of the Spirit. They congregated in the temple area probably for discussion and evangelization (cf. 3:11; 5:12). Probably these Jewish believers considered themselves the true remnant within Israel until they began to realize the distinctiveness of the church. They ate meals and observed the Lord's Supper together in homes. In the ancient Near East eating together reflected a common commitment to one another and deep fellowship. A meal shared together was both a mark and a seal of friendship. In contemporary pagan religions the meal formed the central rite of the religion because it established communion between the worshippers and between the worshippers and their god. In Judaism too eating some of the offerings of worship symbolized these things, especially the peace offering. Public church buildings were unknown until the third century. At the time chapter two records, there was no significant opposition to the Christian movement, though there was, of course, difference of opinion about Jesus. The believers enjoyed the blessing of their Jewish brethren. People trusted Christ daily, and the Lord added these to the church so that it grew steadily. Luke, in harmony with his purpose (1:1-2), stressed the Lord Jesus' work in causing the church to grow (v. 47; cf. Matt. 16:18). ". . . this is one of the few references in Acts to the Christians worshipping God in the sense of rendering thanks to him. The fewness of such phrases reminds us that according to the New Testament witness Christian gatherings were for instruction, fellowship, and prayer; in other words for the benefit of the people taking part; there is less mention of the worship of God, although of course this element was not absent."202 "Christianity was no proletarian movement. It appealed to a broad spectrum of classes."203 B. THE EXPANSION OF THE CHURCH IN JERUSALEM 3:16:7

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Luke recorded the events of this section to document the continued expansion of the church and to identify the means God used to produce growth. In chapters 35 the emphasis is on how the Christians' witness brought them into conflict with the Jewish leaders.

The Acts . . ., pp. 85-86. A. Fiensy, "The Composition of the Jerusalem Church," in The Book of Acts in Its First Century Setting; Vol. 4: The Book of Acts in Its Palestinian Setting, p. 230.
203David

202Marshall,

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Dr. Constable's Notes on Acts 1. External opposition 3:14:31

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Opposition to the Christians' message first came from external sources, particularly the leaders of Judaism. The healing of a lame man 3:1-10 Luke had just referred to the apostles' teaching, to the awe that many of the Jews felt, to the apostles doing signs and wonders, and to the Christians meeting in the temple (2:4344, 46). Now he narrated a specific incident that included these elements. The Gospel writers also chose a healing to illustrate the nature of Jesus' early ministry (Matt. 8:2-4; Mark 1:40-45; Luke 5:12-16, 24; John 4:46-54). The healing of this man resulted in the leaders of the Jews changing their attitudes toward the disciples from favorable to antagonistic (4:1-4). The Christians were not able to continue to enjoy favor with all the people (2:47). 3:1-2 The John in view was undoubtedly the writer of the fourth Gospel, the brother of James. The temple was Herod's temple, and the Jewish hour of prayer was 3:00 p.m. (cf. 10:9, 30; Dan. 6:10; 9:21). The early Jewish Christians continued to follow their former habits of worship in Jerusalem. The lame man had been in his condition for over 40 years (4:22). Furthermore he had to be carried by others. His was a "hopeless case." The term "Beautiful Gate" is descriptive rather than specific. We do not know exactly which of the three main entrances into the temple from the east Luke referred to.204 He could have meant the Shushan (or Golden) Gate that admitted people into the Court of the Gentiles from the outside world.205 He could have meant the Corinthian (or Eastern) Gate that led from the Court of the Gentiles into the Women's Court.206 Another possibility is that it was the Nicanor Gate that led from the Women's Court into the Court of Israel.207 Josephus' descriptions of the temple do not solve the problem since he described both of these latter gates as very impressive.208 The last two of the above options appear more probable than the first.

Barrett, pp. 179-80, for a brief discussion of the problem. Finegan, The Archaelolgy of the New Testament, pp. 129-30. 206Longenecker, p. 294; Kent, p. 37; Wiersbe, 1:412. 207See Dictionary of the Bible, s.v. "Temple," by W. T. Davies, 4:713-14. 208Flavius Josephus, Antiquities of the Jews, 15:11:5-7; idem, The Wars of the Jews, 5:5:3. Martin Hengel, "The Geography of Palestine in Acts," in The Book of Acts in Its First Century Setting; Vol. 4: The Book of Acts in Its Palestinain Setting, pp. 37-41, wrote a long discussion of the alternatives.
205Jack

204See

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Dr. Constable's Notes on Acts

59

Court of Priests Temple Altar Court of Israel Court of Gentiles

Women's Court (Treasury)

Outside World

Nicanor Gate

Corinthian Shushan Gate Gate

3:3-6

"In the East it was the custom for beggars to sit begging at the entrance to a temple or a shrine. Such a place was, and still is, considered the best of all stances because, when people are on their way to worship God, they are disposed to be generous to their fellow men."209 Peter told the beggar to look at him and John so Peter could have his full attention. Peter than gave him a gift far better than the one he expected to receive. This is typical of how God deals with needy people.210 ". . . the Church's opportunity is lame humanity, lame from its birth."211 The name of a person represented that person. When Peter healed this man in the name of Jesus, he was saying that it was Jesus who was ultimately responsible for the healing, not Peter. Peter healed him in the power of and with the authority of Jesus of Nazareth (cf. v. 16). This was the first of three crippled people that Luke recorded the apostles healing in Acts (9:32-34; 14:8-10; cf. John 5; 9). The gift of healing as it existed in the early church was quite different from the so-called gift of healing some claim to possess today. Examples of people using this gift in the New Testament seem to indicate that the person with this gift could heal anyone, subject to God's will (cf. Matt. 10:1, 8; Acts 28:8-9; et al.). The sick person's belief in Jesus Christ and in God's ability to heal him or her also seems to be a factor (v. 16; cf. Mark 6:5-6).212 Jesus Christ gave this gift to the early church to convince people that He is God and that the

p. 28. we give people the gospel, we give them God's best gift. 211Morgan, p. 82. 212Note the similar account of Paul healing a lame man in Lystra in 14:8-10 where Luke said the man's faith was crucial.
210When

209Barclay,

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gospel the Christians preached had divine authority. He gave it for the benefit of Jewish observers primarily (1 Cor. 1:22). "The New Testament gift of healing is a specific gift to an individual enabling him to heal. It is not to be confused with the healing performed by God in answer to prayer. "There is little correspondence between modern-day charismatic 'healings' and the healings recorded in the New Testament. The differences are so vast that many of today's healers are careful to point out that they do not have the gift of healing, but are merely those to whom God often responds with healing."213 3:7-8 Peter evidently did not touch the lame man to heal him as much as to help him to his feet. God healed this man completely and instantaneously. The healed beggar began to test the capability of his strengthened limbs immediately. He evidently followed Peter and John into whatever part of the temple they were entering praising God. Almost everyone in Jerusalem would have known this beggar since he had sat for so long at an entrance to the temple. Jesus may have passed this man many times as He walked in and out of the temple. There would have been no doubt about the genuineness of his healing. Peter performed this sign (a miracle with significance) as Jesus had healed lame people before His crucifixion. By doing it in Jesus' name it would have been evident to all that the power of Jesus was now at work through His apostles. Isaiah had predicted that in Israel's future "the lame will leap like a deer" (Isa. 35:6). The healing of this lame man, as well as the healing of other lame people in the Gospels and Acts, indicated to the Jews present that the Messiah had come. Peter claimed that Jesus was that Messiah. ". . . the similarity between Jesus' healing of the paralytic and Peter's healing of the lame man lies less in the healing itself than in the function of these scenes in the larger narrative. In both cases the healing becomes the occasion for a fundamental claim about Jesus' saving power, emphasizing its importance and general scope ('on earth,' Luke 5:24; 'under heaven,' Acts 4:12). In both cases the healing leads to proclamation of a saving power that goes beyond physical healing. In both cases the claim is made in the face of new opposition and is directly related to the mission announced in the Scripture quotation in the inaugural speech."214

3:9-10

R. Edgar, "The Cessation of the Sign Gifts," Bibliotheca Sacra 145:580 (October-December 1988):376, 378. Of course, many other modern healers do claim that their healings are the same as what the New Testament records. 214Tannehill, 2:51-52.

213Thomas

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This incident and the other miracles recorded in Acts have led readers of this book to wonder if God is still working miracles today. He is. God can and does perform miracles whenever and wherever He chooses. Regeneration is one of God's greatest miracles. Perhaps a better question would be, does God still give the gift of working miracles to believers today as He gave this ability to Peter, Paul, and other first-century apostles? Significantly each of the three periods in biblical history when God manifested this gift dramatically to selected servants was a time when God was giving new revelation through prophets.215 Each period was brief spanning no more than two generations of people. When the miraculous gift was present not even those who had it healed everyone who could have benefited from it (e.g., Mark 6:5-6; Phil. 2:27; 2 Tim. 4:20; et al.). Peter's address in Solomon's colonnade 3:11-26 "It seems strange, at first glance, that in his narrative Luke would place two such similar sermons of Peter so close together. But his putting the Pentecost sermon in the introductory section of Acts was evidently meant to be a kind of paradigm of early apostolic preachinga paradigm Luke seems to have polished for greater literary effectiveness. As for the Colonnade sermon, Luke seems to have included it as an example of how the early congregation in Jerusalem proclaimed the message of Jesus to the people of Israel as a whole."216 "In his sermon at Pentecost, Peter had to refute the accusation that the believers were drunk. In this sermon, he had to refute the notion that he and John had healed the man by their own power [cf. 14:8-18]."217

three periods are the times of Moses and Joshua, Elijah and Elisha, and Jesus and the apostles. However, God has performed miracles throughout history. 216Longenecker, p. 296. 217Wiersbe, 1:412.

215These

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Dr. Constable's Notes on Acts The setting of the sermon 3:11 Peter and John, with the healed lame man clinging to them, moved into the portico of the temple, and a large crowed, amazed by the healing, followed them (cf. 21:30). A covered porch supported by a series of columns surrounded the outer temple courtyard, the Court of the Gentiles. The eastern portion of this porch bore the name Solomon's portico "because it was built on a remnant of the foundations of the ancient temple."218 Peter addressed the curious throng from this convenient shaded area, where Jesus had formerly taught (John 10:23). Peter's proclamation 3:12-16 "In his former address Peter had testified to the power and presence of the Spirit of God at work in a new way in the lives of men through R o ya l P or t i c o Jesus. Now he proclaims the power and authority of the name of Jesus by which his disciples are enabled to continue his ministry on earth. In both speeches there is a call for repentance for the crime of crucifying the Messiah, but here Peter stresses the role of Jesus as the Suffering Servant of God and as the new Moses who must be obeyed."219 3:12-15
Herod's Temple Area Antonia Fortress Portico

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Court of Gentiles S o l o mo n 's P o rt i co

Luke recorded seven of Peter's addresses in Acts (1:16-22; 2:14-36; 3:1226; 4:8-12: 10:34-43; 11:4-17; 15:7-11). It is noteworthy that in these sermons Peter did not discuss abstract doctrines or reason about profound theological problems. He presented the person and work of Christ in simple terms. Peter spoke to his audience as a fellow Jew. First, he denied that it was the power or godliness of himself or John that was responsible for the healing. Rather it was the God of the patriarchs, the God of their fathers, who was responsible. He had performed this miracle through the apostles to glorify His Servant Jesus (cf. 2:22). It was God's Servant Jesus whom Peter's hearers had disowned and put to death preferring a murderer, Barabbas, to Him.

P o r t i co

Temple Precincts

218Robertson, 219Neil,

3:42.

p. 84.

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Peter called Jesus the Servant (Gr. paida) of the Lord, the subject of messianic prophecy (Isa. 42:1; 49:6-7; 52:13; 53:11; cf. Mark 10:45); the Holy One, a title of Messiah (Ps. 16:10; Isa. 31:1; cf. Mark 1:24; 1 John 2:20); the Righteous One (Isa. 53:11; Zech. 9:9; cf. 1 John 2:1); and the Prince (Author) of Life (Ps. 16; cf. John 1:1-18; Col. 1:14-20; Heb. 1:2-3; 2:10; 12:2). Peter pointed out three inconsistencies in the Jews' treatment of Jesus and contrasted their treatment of Him with God's. They had condemned Him when Pilate was about to release Him (v. 13). They rejected the Holy and Righteous One out of preference for a murderer, Barabbas (v. 14; Luke 23:18-19). Furthermore they executed the Author of Life whom God raised from the dead, of which the apostles were witnesses (v. 15). Prince or Author of Life presents Jesus as the resurrected Messiah who gives life that overcomes death.220 3:16 The proclamation portion of Peter's sermon expounds "the name of Jesus" (cf. v. 6). The "name" of Jesus summarizes everything about Him here as elsewhere in Scripture. Peter attributed the beggar's healing to the power of Jesus and to the man's trust in what he knew about Jesus. Jesus had given him faith. If the beggar had had no confidence in the deity and divine power of Jesus, he would not have responded to Peter's invitation to walk (v. 6). His response demonstrated his faith. Undoubtedly this man had seen and heard Jesus when He was in the temple. Jesus had given him "perfect health." "The Christian knows that so long as he thinks of what I can do and what I can be, there can be nothing but failure and frustration and fear; but when he thinks of 'not I, but Christ in me' there can be nothing but peace and power."221
Peter's exhortation 3:17-26

3:17-18

If Peter's charges against his hearers were harsh (vv. 13-15), his concession that they acted out of ignorance was tender. He meant that they did not realize the great mistake they had made. Peter undoubtedly hoped that his gentle approach would win a reversal of his hearers' attitude. "Israel's situation was something like that of the 'manslayer' who killed his neighbor without prior malicious intent, and fled to the nearest city of refuge (Num. 35:9-34)."222 Jesus did not demonstrate His deity as convincingly as He might have during His earthly ministry. Consequently the reaction of unbelief that many rulers as well as common Israelites demonstrated was partially due

220Ibid.,

p. 85. p. 31. 222Wiersbe, 1:413.

221Barclay,

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to their ignorance. They were also ignorant of the fact that Jesus fulfilled many messianic prophecies in the Old Testament. Peter hastened to point out that Jesus' sufferings harmonized with those predicted of the Messiah by Israel's prophets. It was the prophets' revelations about the death of Messiah that the Jews in Peter's day, including Jesus' own disciples, had difficulty understanding. "Doubtless many in Peter's Jewish audience would have been agreeable to much of the preceding statement. They would not have been averse to accepting the idea of a genuine miracle, nor were they unfamiliar with Jesus' reputation as a miracle worker. The problem they faced was identifying Jesus as their conquering Messiah in the light of the crucifixion."223 3:19-21 If Jesus was the Messiah, where was the messianic kingdom? Peter proceeded to explain from Scripture that the Jews needed to accept their Messiah before the messianic kingdom would begin. He again called on his hearers to repent in view of what he had pointed out (cf. 2:38). He also invited them to "return" to a proper relationship to God that was possible only by accepting Jesus. The result would be forgiveness of their sins. Note that there is no reference to baptism as being essential to either repentance or forgiveness in this verse (cf. 2:38). What is repentance, and what place does it have in salvation? The Greek noun translated "repentance" (metanoia) literally means "after mind," as in afterthought, or change of mind. Concerning salvation it means to think differently about sin, oneself, and the Savior than one used to think. Peter's hearers had thought Jesus was not the Messiah. Now they needed to change their minds and believe He is the Messiah. "True repentance is admitting that what God says is true, and because it is true, to change our mind about our sins and about the Saviour [sic]."224 The Greek verb metanoeo, translated "repent," does not mean to be sorry for sin or to turn from sin. These are the results or fruits of repentance. "The conclusive evidence that repentance does not mean to be sorry for sin or to turn from sin is this: in the Old Testament, God repents. In the King James Version, the word repent occurs forty-six times in the Old Testament. Thirty-seven of these times, God is the one repenting (or
223Kent,

224Wiersbe,

p. 41. Cf. Blaiklock, p. 63. 1:413.

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not repenting). If repentance meant sorrow for sin, God would be a sinner."225 People can repent concerning many things, not just sin, as the Scriptures use this term. They can also change their minds about God (Acts 20:21), Christ (Acts 2:37-38), and works (Heb. 6:1; Rev. 9:20; 16:11), as well as sin (Acts 8:22; Rev. 9:21). This shows that in biblical usage repentance means essentially a change of mind. Repentance and faith are not two steps in salvation but one step looked at from two perspectives. Appeals to repent do not contradict the numerous promises that faith is all that is necessary for salvation (e.g., John 1:12; 3:16, 36; 5:24; 6:47; 20:30-31; Rom. 4; et al.). The faith that saves includes repentance (a change of mind). One changes from unbelief to belief (Acts 11:17-18). Sometimes the New Testament writers used the two terms together (e.g., Mark 1:15; Acts 20:21; Heb. 6:1). Sometimes they used repentance alone as the sole requirement for salvation (Acts 2:38; 3:19; 17:30; 26:20; 2 Pet. 3:9). Nonetheless whether one term or both occur, they are as inseparable as the two sides of a coin. ". . . true repentance never exists except in conjunction with faith, while, on the other hand, wherever there is true faith, there is also real repentance."226 "Biblical repentance may be described thus: the sinner has been trusting in himself for salvation, his back turned upon Christ, who is despised and rejected. Repent! About face! The sinner now despises and rejects himself, and places all confidence and trust in Christ. Sorrow for sin comes later, as the Christian grows in appreciation of the holiness of God, and the sinfulness of sin."227 "We believe that the new birth of the believer comes only through faith in Christ and that repentance is a vital part of believing, and is in no way, in itself, a separate and independent condition of salvation; nor are any other acts, such as confession, baptism, prayer, or faithful service, to be added to believing as a condition of salvation."228

Michael Cocoris, Evangelism: A Biblical Approach, pp. 68-69. His chapter "What is Repentance" is very good. 226Louis Berkhof, Systematic Theology, p. 487. See also Lewis S. Chafer, Systematic Theology, 3:373. 227Donald G. Barnhouse, God's River, p. 202. See also Robert N. Wilkin, "Repentance and Salvation: A Key Gospel Issue," Grace Evangelical Society News 3:6 (June-July 1988):3. 228Doctrinal Statement of Dallas Theological Seminary, Article VII: "Salvation Only Through Christ."

225G.

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"Therefore, in a word, I interpret repentance as regeneration, whose sole end is to restore in us the image of God that had been disfigured and all but obliterated through Adam's transgression."229 The phrase "times of refreshing" (v. 19) seems to refer to the blessings connected with the day of the Lord, particularly the Millennium, in view of how Peter described them in verses 20-21.230 They connect with the second coming of Messiah, the "period" of restoration of all things. They are the subject of Old Testament prophecy. Zechariah predicted that the Jews would one day accept Messiah whom they had formerly rejected (Zech. 12:10-14; cf. Deut. 30:1-3; Jer. 15:19; 16:15; 24:6; 50:19; Ezek. 16:55; Hos. 11:11; Rom. 11:25-27). Peter urged them to do that now. Some dispensational expositors believe that if the Jews had repented as a nation in response to Peter's exhortation Christ might have returned and set up His kingdom. There seems to be nothing in scriptural prophecy that would have made this impossible. Peter, therefore, may have been calling for both individual repentance and national repentance. The result of the former was individual forgiveness and spiritual salvation. The result of the latter would have been national forgiveness and physical deliverance from Rome, and the inauguration of the messianic (millennial) kingdom. "Was Peter saying here that if Israel repented, God's kingdom would have come to earth? This must be answered in the affirmative for several reasons: (1) The word restore (3:21) is related to the word 'restore' in 1:6. In 3:21 it is in its noun form (apokatastaseos), and in 1:6 it is a verb (apokathistaneis). Both occurrences anticipate the restoration of the kingdom to Israel (cf. Matt. 17:11; Mark 9:12). (2) The concept of restoration parallels regeneration when it is used of the kingdom (cf. Isa. 65:17; 66:22; Matt. 19:28; Rom. 8:20-22). (3) The purpose clauses are different in Acts 3:19 and 20. In verse 19 a so that translates pros to (some mss. have eis to) with the infinitive [in the NIV]. This points to a near purpose. The two occurrences of that in verses 19b and 20 are translations of a different construction (hopos with subjunctive verbs), and refer to more remote purposes. Thus repentance would result in forgiveness of sins, the near purpose (v. 19a). Then if Israel as a whole would repent, a second more remote goal, the
Calvin, Institutes of the Christian Religion, 3:3:9. For an analysis of the view of H. A. Ironside concerning repentance, see Bob Wilkin, "Did H. A. Ironside Teach Committment Salvation?" Grace Evangelical Society News 4:6 (June 1989):1, 3. Ironside did not teach that repentance is a separate step in salvation. 230See Bock, "Evidence from . . .," p. 189.
229John

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coming of the kingdom (times of refreshing at the second coming of Christ) would be fulfilled. (4) The sending of the Christ, that is, Messiah (v. 20) meant the coming of the kingdom. (5) The Old Testament 'foretold these days' (v. 24; cf. v. 21). The Old Testament prophets did not predict the church; to them it was a mystery (Rom. 16:25; Eph. 3:1-6). But the prophets often spoke of the messianic golden age, that is, the Millennium. "This offer of salvation and of the Millennium pointed both to God's graciousness and to Israel's unbelief. On the one hand God was giving the Jews an opportunity to repent after the sign of Christ's resurrection. They had refused the 'pre-Cross' Jesus; now they were being offered a postResurrection Messiah. On the other hand Peter's words underscore Israel's rejection. They had been given the sign of Jonah but still they refused to believe (cf. Luke 16:31). In a real sense this message confirmed Israel's unbelief. "Some Bible scholars oppose the view that the kingdom was offered by Peter. They do so on the basis of several objections: (1) Since God knew Israel would reject the offer, it was not a legitimate offer. But it was as genuine as the presentation of the gospel to any nonelect person. (2) This puts kingdom truth in the Church Age. However, church truth is found before the church began at Pentecost (cf. Matt. 16:18; 18:17; John 10:16; 14:20). (3) This view leads to ultradispensationalism. But this is not a necessary consequence if this offer is seen as a transition within the Church Age. Acts must be seen as a hinge book, a transition work bridging the work of Christ on earth with His work through the church on earth. "In conclusion, Acts 3:17-21 shows that Israel's repentance was to have had two purposes: (1) for individual Israelites there was forgiveness of sins, and (2) for Israel as a nation her Messiah would return to reign."231 Other dispensational interpreters, including myself, believe that this was not a reoffer of the kingdom to Israel. "Here Peter was not reoffering the kingdom to the nation, nor was he telling them that if the nation repented the
"Acts," pp. 361-62. Bold type omitted. See also idem, "The Contingency . . .," pp. 228-30; and Stanley D. Toussaint and Jay A. Quine, "No, Not Yet: The Contingency of God's Promised Kingdom," Bibliotheca Sacra 164:654 (April-June 2007):141-45.
231Toussaint,

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kingdom would be instituted at that time. Rather he was telling the nationthe same nation that had committed the sin for which there is no forgiveness [cf. Matt. 12:22-37] what they must do as a nation in order to enter into the benefits of the kingdom that had been covenanted and promised to them. In a word, they must 'repent.' . . . "The time 'for God to restore everything,' to which Peter refers in Acts 3:21, is the same restoration referred to in 1:6. Therefore, this statement does not constitute a reoffer of the kingdom, since the necessary prerequisites are not at hand. Jesus Christ is not personally present and offering Himself to the nation. Only He could make a genuine offer of the kingdom. . . . ". . . Peter was not offering the kingdom to Israel, nor was he stating that the kingdom had already been instituted; instead he was stating the conditions by which the nation will eventually enter into their covenanted blessings."232 Some individual Jews did repent, but the nation as a whole did not in response to Peter's exhortation (4:1-4).233 "Luke's manner of representing the nationalistic hopes of the Jewish people implies that he himself believed that there would be a future, national restoration. If Luke really believed that there would not be a restoration, he has certainly gone out of his way to give the contrary impression."234 "In his first sermon S. Peter had explained the Lord's absence by the necessity for the outpouring of the Spirit: now he answers the difficulty about the Messianic kingdom by unfolding its true nature."235 3:22-23 Peter proceeded to quote from the first writing prophet to confirm what he had just stated. Moses had predicted that God would provide prophets similar to himself through whom He would make His will known to His people (Deut. 18:15-19; cf. Lev. 23:29). As time passed, the Jews saw that this prophecy referred to one prophet in particular who would appear and

Thy Kingdom . . ., pp. 275, 276. See also McLean, p. 225. The New Scofield . . ., p. 1166. 234Larry R. Helyer, "Luke and the Restoration of Israel," Journal of the Evangelical Theological Society 36:3 (September 1993):329. See also J. Randall Price, "Prophetic Postponement in Daniel 9 and Other Texts," in Issues in Dispensationalism, p. 137. 235Rackham, p. 49.
233See

232Pentecost,

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who would be like Moses in other respects as well. He would deliver and judge His people.236 Thus believers in Peter's day regarded this passage as messianic prophecy (cf. John 1:21b, 25; 7:40). Peter, by quoting this prophecy, affirmed that Jesus was the Messiah and urged his readers to accept Him or face destruction (v. 23). Destruction followed in A.D. 70. Belief in Moses should have led to belief in Jesus, and belief in Jesus would have made Peter's hearers obedient to Moses. "The particular interest of this sermon lies in the way in which it gives further teaching about the person of Jesus, describing him as God's servant, the Holy and Righteous One, the Author of life and the prophet like Moses. This indicates that a considerable amount of thinking about Jesus, based on study of the Old Testament, was taking place [in Jerusalem following Jesus' death and resurrection]."237 3:24 Samuel announced that David would replace Saul (1 Sam. 13:14; 15:28; 28:17; cf. 1 Sam. 16:13), but we have no record that he ever gave an explicitly messianic prophecy. Peter seems to have meant that in announcing David's reign Samuel was also anticipating Messiah's reign. The other prophets Peter apparently had in mind were all those who spoke of David's continuing dynastic rule. Peter's statement in this verse, by the way, shows that Joshua did not fulfill Moses' prophecy about the coming prophet. Peter's hearers were the sons of the prophets in that they were the descendants of those people, not prophets themselves. They were sons of the covenant God made with Abraham because they were Abraham's physical descendants. They were part of Abraham's physical seed through whom God purposed to bring blessing to all the families of the earth (Gen. 12:3; 22:18; 26:4). Their acceptance of God's Messiah was essential to their fulfilling all God's purposes through them and in them. God desired to bless all people, but He purposed to bless humanity by first blessing the Jews. It was to bless first the Jews and then all humanity that God had called Jesus forth as a prophet. "For you first" (v. 26, Gr. hymin proton) reflects the emphatic position of this phrase in the Greek text, which stresses the primacy of Jewish blessing. It seems that in view of the context the phrase "raised up" (v. 26) refers to God raising up Jesus as a prophet like Moses (v. 22). He probably did not mean that God raised Him up from the grave by resurrection, though obviously God did that too.
the article to which I referred earlier, Jindrich Manek developed the idea that Luke emphasized the correspondance between the Exodus in the Old Testament and Jesus' fulfillment of those events in His earthly life. 237Marshall, The Acts . . ., p. 89.
236In

3:25-26

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The gospel went to the Jews before it went to the Gentiles (cf. Matt. 10:56; Acts 13:46; Rom. 1:16) because the establishment of Christ's earthly kingdom depends on Israel's acceptance of her Messiah (Matt. 23:39; Rom. 11:26). Before Christ can reign on the earth, Israel must repent (Zech. 12:10-14).
The arrest of Peter and John 4:1-4

In chapters 47 there is a series of similar confrontations with each one building up to the crisis of Stephen's death and the persecution that followed. The first four verses of chapter 4 conclude the incident recorded in chapter 3 ("as they were speaking," v. 1) and introduce what follows in 4:5-31. 4:1 Evidently John spoke to the people as well as Peter ("they"). Three separate though related (5:17) individuals and groups objected to Peter and John addressing the people as they did. Jesus had also encountered opposition from leaders who questioned His authority when He taught in the temple (Mark 11:27-28; Luke 20:1-2). The captain (Gr. strategos) of the temple guard, the commanding officer of the temple police force,238 apparently feared that this already excited throng of hearers might get out of control. The Sadducees were Levitical priests who claimed to represent ancient orthodoxy. They opposed any developments in biblical law, and they denied the doctrine of bodily resurrection (23:8) and so disagreed with Peter's teaching on that subject (cf. John 12:10). They believed that the messianic age had begun with the Maccabean heroes (168-134 B.C.) and continued under the Sadducees' supervision, so they rejected Peter's identification of Jesus as the Messiah.239 "For them the Messiah was an ideal, not a person, and the Messianic Age was a process, not a cataclysmic or even datable event. Furthermore, as political rulers and dominant landlords, to whom a grateful nation had turned over all political and economic powers during the time of the Maccabean supremacy, for entirely practical reasons they stressed cooperation with Rome and maintenance of the status quo. Most of the priests were of Sadducean persuasion; the temple police force was composed entirely of Levites; the captain of the temple guard was always a high-caste Sadducee, and so were each of the high priests."240

Talmud referred to this officer as the Sagan. This individual was second in command under the high priest (Josephus, Antiquities of . . ., 20:6:1; 20:9:3; idem, The Wars . . ., 2:17:1; 6:5:3). 239See Steve Mason, "Chief Priests, Sadducees, Pharisees and Sanhedrin in Acts," in The Book of Acts in Its First Century Setting; Vol. 4: The Book of Acts in Its Palestinian Setting, pp. 147-56. 240Longenecker, p. 301.

238The

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Two things disturbed these leaders. First, the apostles were teaching the people. This was the Sadducees' function since they were the recognized leaders of the Jews. Second, they were teaching that Jesus had risen from the dead and that there was resurrection from the dead. ". . . a woman called and asked me to serve on a committee that was trying to clean up downtown Los Angeles. I agreed it needed cleaning up, but I told her that I could not serve on the committee. She was amazed. 'Aren't you a minister?' she asked. 'Aren't you interested in cleaning up Los Angeles?' I answered, 'I will not serve on your committee because I don't think you are going about it in the right way.' Then I told her what the late Dr. Bob Shuler had told me years ago. He said, 'We are called to fish in the fish pond, not to clean up the fish pond.' This old world is a place to fish. Jesus said He would make us fishers of men, and the world is the place to fish. We are not called upon to clean up the fish pond. We need to catch the fish and get the fish cleaned up. "I have found that the biggest enemies of the preaching of the gospel are not the liquor folk. The gangsters have never bothered me. Do you know where I had my trouble as a preacher? It was with the so-called religious leaders, the liberals, those who claimed to be born again. They actually became enemies of the preaching of the gospel. It was amazing to me to find out how many of them wanted to destroy my radio ministry."241

4:3

It was too late in the day to begin a hearing to examine Peter and John formally, though this had not stopped the Sanhedrin from abusing Jesus (cf. Luke 22:63-66). Therefore the temple officials arrested them and put them in jail, probably the Antonia Fortress. Thus the Sadducees became the first opponents of Christianity (cf. 2:47). Belief was the key factor in many more becoming Christians (cf. 3:19), not believing and being baptized (2:38). Note that Luke wrote that they "believed" the message they had heard. The total number of male converts in Jerusalem now reached 5,000 (cf. 1:15; 2:41) because of Peter's message.242 Normally most of the people in the temple courtyard who would have witnessed these events would have been males. Estimates of

4:4

241McGee,

4:526. Having worked with Dr. McGee, I know that he sought to help people physically as well as spiritually. His point here was that spiritual help is more important than physical help. 242The Greek word andron specifies males rather than people.

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Jerusalem's total population range from 25,000 to 250,000, though the lower figure seems more probable.243
Peter's explanation before the Sanhedrin 4:5-12

4:5

The "Council" (v. 15) before which soldiers brought Peter and John the next day was the Sanhedrin, which was the senate and supreme court of Israel. It consisted of the high priest, who served as its presiding officer, and 70 other men. Its aristocratic members, the majority, were Sadducees, and its lay leaders were Pharisees. Most of the experts in the Jewish law were Pharisees who were also nationalistic, but the Sadducees supported Rome. The Sadducees were more conservative, though rationalistic theologically, and the Pharisees were more liberal since they accepted oral traditions as authoritative in addition to the Old Testament. The Sanhedrin normally held its meetings, including the one described in this chapter, in a hall adjoining the southwest part of the temple courtyard, the Chamber of Hewn Stone.244 "Rulers" were priests who represented the 24 priestly courses (cf. 23:5; Matt. 16:21), "elders" were tribal and influential family heads of the people, and "scribes" were teachers of the law. Individuals from these three groups made up this body (cf. Luke 9:22). The rulers and elders were mainly Sadducees while most of the scribes were Pharisees. "The Sanhedrin was acting within its jurisdiction when it convened to examine Peter and John. The Mosaic Law specified that whenever someone performed a miracle and used it as the basis for teaching, he was to be examined, and if the teaching were used to lead men away from the God of their fathers, the nation was responsible to stone him (Deut. 13:1-5). On the other hand, if his message was doctrinally sound, the miracle-worker was to be accepted as coming with a message from God."245

4:6

Annas, whom Luke called the high priest here (v. 6), was technically not the high priest at this time. He had served as high priest from A.D. 6 to 15, but since A.D. 18 his son-in-law Caiaphas had been the high priest. However, Annas continued to exert great influence (cf. Luke 3:2; John 18:13-24). He was so powerful that Luke could refer to him as the high

The Acts . . ., pp. 98-99. Fiensy, p. 214, argued for 60,000 or more inhabitants. Wolfgang Reinhardt, "The Population Size of Jerusalem and the Numerical Growth of the Jerusalem Church," in The Book of Acts in Its First Century Setting; Vol. 4: The Book of Acts in Its Palestinian Setting, p. 263, believed 100,000 to 120,000 people inhabited the city in the forties. 244Josephus, Antiquities of . . ., 5:4:2. 245Kent, pp. 45-46. This is the first of four times some of Jesus' followers stood before the Sanhedrin according to Acts. The others were Peter and the apostles (5:27), Stephen (6:12), and Paul (22:30).

243Marshall,

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priest even though he was only the power behind the office (cf. Luke 3:2; John 18:13; Acts 7:1). At this time in Israel's history, the Roman governor of Palestine appointed the high priest. "John" may refer to Jonathan, a son of Annas who succeeded Caiaphas as high priest in A.D. 36. Luke did not mention Alexander elsewhere, and he is presently unknown.

THE HIGH PRIESTS OF ISRAEL

(ca. A.D. 6-66)
ANNAS (ca. A.D. 6-15): the co-high priest with Caiaphas during Jesus' trial (Luke 3:2; John 18:13, 24), and the high priest who, with Caiaphas, tried Peter and John (Acts 4:6)

Eleazar (ca. A.D. 16-17): the son of Annas

CAIAPHAS (ca. A.D. 18-36): the son-in-law of Annas, the high priest during Jesus' earthly ministry (Luke 3:2; Matt. 26:3, 57; John 11:49-50), and the high priest who with Annas tried Peter and John (Acts 4:6)

Jonathan (ca. A.D. 36-37): the son of Annas, and possibly the "John" of Acts 4:6 Theophilus (ca. A.D. 37-41): the son of Annas Matthias (ca. A.D. 42): the son of Annas
ANANIAS (ca. A.D. 47-59): tried Paul in Jerusalem and Caesarea (Acts 23:1-10; 24:1-23)

Annas (ca. A.D. 61): the son of Annas Matthias (ca. A.D. 65-66): the son of Theophilus, grandson of Annas 4:7 The healed lame man was also present (v. 14), though we do not know if he had been imprisoned with Peter and John or was simply brought in for the hearing. The Sanhedrin wanted to know by what authority or in whose name (with whose jurisdiction) Peter and John (plural "you") had behaved as they had. Jesus had promised that when the disciples stood before hostile adversaries God would give them the words to speak (Luke 21:12-15). This special filling appears to be in view in verse 8. Again, filling reflects control by the Holy Spirit. The Holy Spirit filled (controlled) Peter as he served as a witness in obedience to Jesus (1:8).246 Peter addressed all the Sanhedrin members as "rulers and elders" of the Jews. Peter referred to the "trial" as a preliminary hearing (Gr. anakrinomai), which it was. Jewish law required that people had to be informed of the consequences of their crime before being punished for it.247 Peter's answer

4:8

4:9-10

aorist passive participle plestheis ("filled") indicates an act performed on Peter rather than a continuing state. 247Joachim Jeremias, "Untersuchungen zum Quellenproblem der Apostelgeschichte," Zeitschrift fr die Neutestamentliche Wissenschrift 36 (1937):208-13.

246The

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was straightforward and plain: the power of Jesus had benefited a sick man by healing him. This was good news not only for the Sanhedrin but for all the people of Israel. Peter used a Greek word that means saved (sothenai), which the translators have rendered "made well." His use of this word prepares for the use of the same word in verse 12 where it has a broader meaning. Peter's intent was obviously to prick the consciences of these men too (cf. 2:23, 36; 3:13-15). He laid the guilt for Jesus' death at their feet and gave witness that God raised Him from the dead. The Sanhedrin did not here or at any later time attempt to deny the fact that Jesus had arisen. 4:11 Peter showed that this teaching did not lead the people away from God but rather fulfilled something that God had predicted. In quoting Psalm 118:22 Peter applied to Jesus Christ what David had said about the nation Israel (cf. Matt. 21:42; Mark 12:10; Luke 20:17). Israel's leaders had rejected Jesus as an unacceptable Messiah, but He would prove to be the most important part of what God was building. Some scholars believe Peter meant that Jesus was the cornerstone, the foundation of what God was building (cf. Isa. 28:16; 1 Pet. 2:7). Others believe he meant the capstone, the final piece of what God was building (cf. Dan. 2:34-35).248 If the former interpretation is correct, Peter was probably anticipating the church as a new creation of God (cf. 1 Pet. 2:48). In the latter view, he was viewing the Messiah as the long-expected completion of the house of David. Since Peter was addressing Israel's rulers, I think he probably meant that Jesus was the capstone, their Messiah. These rulers, the builders of Israel, had rejected their Messiah. 4:12 The verses immediately following Psalm 118:22 in the Book of Psalms refer to Messiah's national deliverance of Israel. It seems that Peter was referring to both national deliverance and personal salvation in this address, as he had in the previous one. The former application would have been especially appropriate in view of his audience here. The messianic age to which the Jews looked forward could only come if Israel's leaders repented and accepted Jesus as their Messiah. Peter boldly declared that salvation comes through no one but Jesus, not the Maccabean heroes or the Sadducees or anyone else.249 He stressed that Jesus was a man: He lived "under heaven" and "among men." Jesus, the Messiah, the Nazarene (v. 10), is God's only authorized savior. Apart from Him there is no salvation for anyone (cf. John 14:6; 1 Tim. 2:5).

Longenecker, pp. 304-5. (Luke 1:69), Simeon (Luke 2:30), and John the Baptist (Luke 3:6) had previously connected God's salvation with Jesus.
249Zechariah

248E.g.,

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". . . when we read the speech of Peter, we must remember to whom it was spoken, and when we do remember that it becomes one of the world's great demonstrations of courage. It was spoken to an audience of the wealthiest, the most intellectual and the most powerful in the land, and yet Peter, the Galilaean fisherman, stands before them rather as their judge than as their victim. But further, this was the very court which had condemned Jesus to death. Peter knew it, and he knew that at this moment he was taking his life in his hands."250
The Sanhedrin's response 4:13-22

4:13-14

The Sanhedrin observed in Peter and John what they had seen in Jesus, namely, courage to speak boldly and authoritatively without formal training (cf. Matt. 7:28-29; Mark 1:22; Luke 20:19-26; John 7:15). They may also have remembered seeing them with Jesus (John 18:15-16). "They spoke of the men as having been with Jesus, in a past tense. What was the truth? Christ was in the men, and speaking through the men; and the similarity which they detected was not that lingering from contact with a lost teacher, but that created by the presence of the living Christ."251 These powerful educated rulers looked on the former fishermen with contempt. What a change had taken place in the apostles since Peter had denied that he knew Jesus (Luke 22:56-60)! The rulers also observed facility in handling the Scriptures that was extraordinary in men who had not attended the priests' schools. The examining board could not dispute the apostles' claim that Jesus' power had healed the former beggar. The obvious change in the man made that impossible. They had no other answer. Unwilling to accept the obvious, the Sanhedrin could offer no other explanation. Several details in the stories of the apostles' arrests recall Jesus' teaching concerning the persecution that the disciples would experience (cf. Luke 12:12 and Acts 4:8; Luke 21:12 and Acts 4:3 and 5:18; Luke 21:13 and Acts 4:8-12 and 5:29-32; Luke 21:15 and Acts 4:13).

4:15-17

Evidently someone in the Sanhedrin, or someone else present in the room who was then or later became a Christian, reported the information in these verses to Luke. Perhaps Gamaliel told Paul, and Paul told Luke. The most the Sanhedrin felt it could do was to warn and try to intimidate the apostles. The Sanhedrin members acknowledged that a miracle had taken place.
p. 36. p. 96.

250Barclay, 251Morgan,

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It seems clear that the Jewish leaders could not disprove the miracle. They were completely silent about the apostles' claims that Jesus was alive. After all, the simplest way to discredit the apostles would have been to produce Jesus' body or in some other way prove to the people that Jesus had not risen. 4:18-20 The Sanhedrin ordered the apostles not to speak or teach at all as Jesus' spokesmen. This order provided a legal basis for further action should that be necessary (cf. 5:28). Peter and John saw the command of the Sanhedrin as contradicting the command that Christ had given them (1:8; Matt. 28:19-20). They could not obey both, so they had to obey God (cf. Jer. 20:9). This is the only basis for civil disobedience that Scripture permits. In all other matters we must obey those in authority over us (Rom. 13:1-7; 1 Pet. 2:13-17).252 Speaking what one has seen and heard (v. 20) is the essence of witnessing (1:8). Contempt and threats have silenced many witnesses, but these tactics did not stop the Spirit-filled apostles.253 Even in the face of open defiance the Sanhedrin could do no more than threaten the apostles again. Peter and John had done nothing wrong. Furthermore they had become popular heroes by this healing. By punishing them the rulers would have antagonized the people. "Yet a legal precedent had been set that would enable the council to take, if necessary, more drastic action in the future."254
The church's reaction 4:23-31

4:21-22

4:23-28

After hearing the apostles' report, the Christians sought the Lord (Gr. Despota, sovereign ruler) in prayer. "Three movements may be discerned in this prayer of the early church: (1) God is sovereign (v. 24). (2) God's plan includes believers' facing opposition against the Messiah (vv. 25-28). (3) Because of these things they petitioned God to grant them boldness to preach (vv. 29-30)."255 They contrasted God's position with that of His servants David (v. 25), Jesus (vv. 27, 30), and themselves (v. 29).256 The opening reference to

Charles C. Ryrie, "The Christian and Civil Disobedience," Bibliotheca Sacra 127:506 (April-June 1970):153-62. This article has been reprinted with minor changes in idem, You Mean the Bible Teaches That . . ., pp. 11-22. 253See Barrett, p. 238. 254Longenecker, p. 307. 255Toussaint, "Acts," p. 364. 256The word translated "servant" (pais), used of David and Jesus, contrasts appropriately with the word rendered "bond-servants" (doulos), used of the disciples.

252See

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God's creative power in the disciples' prayer (v. 24) has many parallels in other Old Testament prayers (e.g., Exod. 20:11; Neh. 9:6; Ps. 146:6; Isa. 42:5; cf. Acts 14:15; 17:24). This was a common and appropriate way to approach God in prayer, especially when a request for the exercise of that power followed, as it did here (cf. 2 Kings 19:15-19; Isa. 37:15-20). Note the testimony to the divine inspiration of Psalm 2 contained in verse 25. God is the author of Scripture who has worked through human instruments to announce and record His revelations (cf. 2 Tim. 3:16; 2 Pet. 1:21). The believers saw a parallel to Jesus' crucifixion in the psalmist's prophecy that Messiah would experience opposition from Gentiles and leaders. This prophecy will find its fullest fulfillment in events still future from our time in history. God anointed Jesus at His baptism (cf. 10:38). David's references to Gentiles, the peoples, kings, and rulers (vv. 25-26) applied to the Roman Gentiles, the Israelites, Herod, and Pontius Pilate (v. 27). However the believers saw God's sovereign hand (the ultimate cause) behind human actions again (the secondary cause, v. 28; cf. 2:23a; 3:18). "They see in this beginning of persecution the continued fulfilment [sic] of Scripture which had been evident in the Passion of Jesus."257 4:29-30 The disciples called on God to note the threats of the Sanhedrin. They may have done so to stress their need for more of His grace rather than to call down His wrath on those rulers. The will of God was clear. The disciples were to witness for Christ (1:8; Matt. 28:19-20). Consequently they only needed enablement to carry out their task. They did not assume that God would automatically give them the courage to witness boldly, as He had done in the past. They voiced a fresh appeal for this grace since additional opposition and temptations lay ahead of them (cf. Mark 9:29). They also acknowledged that God, not they, was doing a spiritual work. In these respects their prayer is a helpful model for us. "Prayer is not an escape from responsibility; it is our response to God's ability. True prayer energizes us for service and battle."258 "It might have been thought that when Peter and John returned with their story a deep depression would have fallen on the Church, as they looked ahead to the troubles which were now bound to descend upon them. The one thing that never even struck them was to obey the
257Neil,

258Wiersbe,

p. 91. 1:416.

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Sanhedrin's command to speak no more. Into their minds at that moment there came certain great convictions and into their lives there came a tide of strength."259 4:31 It is not clear whether we should understand the shaking of the place where the disciples had assembled literally or metaphorically (cf. Exod. 19:18; 1 Kings 19:11-12; Isa. 6:4; Acts 16:26). In either case those assembled received assurance from this phenomenon that God was among them and would grant their petition. "This was one of the signs which indicated a theophany in the Old Testament (Ex. 19:18; Isa. 6:4), and it would have been regarded as indicating a divine response to prayer."260 The same control by the Spirit that had characterized Peter (v. 8) and the disciples earlier (2:4) also marked these Christians. They now spoke boldly (Gr. parresias, with confidence, forthrightly; cf. v. 13, 29) as witnesses, as Peter had done. Note that tongues speaking did not occur here. This was not another baptism with the Spirit but simply a fresh filling. "In Luke 22:39-46, just before Jesus' arrest and just after Peter's assertion of readiness to suffer, Jesus urged the disciples to pray in order that they might not enter into temptation. Instead, the disciples fell asleep and were unprepared for the following crisis. In Acts 4:23-31 Jesus' followers are again confronted with the dangerous opposition of the Sanhedrin. Now they pray as they had previously been told to do. As a result they receive power from God to continue the mission despite the opposition. We have already noted that Peter's boldness before the Sanhedrin in Acts contrasts with his denial of Jesus in Luke. The church in Acts, finding power for witness in prayer, also contrasts with the disciples who slept instead of praying in Luke. These contrasts contribute to the narrator's picture of a dramatic transformation in Jesus' followers."261
2. Internal compromise 4:325:11

As was true of Israel when she entered Canaan under Joshua's leadership, failure followed initial success. The source of that failure lay within the company of believers, not their enemies. "The greater length of the story of Ananias and Sapphira should not lead to the conclusion that it is the important incident, the preceding section being merely an introduction to give it a setting; on the contrary, it is more
259Barclay,

p. 39. The Acts . . ., p. 107. 261Tannehill, 2:71-72.

260Marshall,

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likely that 4:32-35 describes the pattern of life, and is then followed by two illustrations, positive and negative, of what happened in practice."262
The unity of the church 4:32-35

This brief pericope illustrates what Luke wrote earlier in 2:44-46 about the early Christians sharing and selling their possessions as well as giving verbal witness. Luke recorded this description to emphasize the purity and unity in the church that resulted from the Spirit's filling (v. 31). 4:32 The unity of the believers extended beyond spiritual matters to physical, material matters (cf. Matt. 22:37-39). They owned personal possessions, but they did not consider them private possessions. Rather they viewed their belongings as common (Gr. koina, cf. koinonia, "fellowship") property. Customarily they shared what they had with one another (cf. 2:44, 46; Deut. 15:4). Their unity manifested itself in a sense of responsibility for one another. Love, not law, compelled them to share (cf. 1 John 3:17-18). "Their generosity sprang not from coercive legislation (as modern Socialists and Marxists demand) but from a true union of hearts made possible by regeneration."263 The economic situation in Jerusalem was deteriorating due to famine and political unrest.264 Employment opportunities were declining, and unsaved Jews were beginning to put economic and social pressure on the Christians. 4:33 The power in the witness of the believers was their love for one another (cf. John 13:35), not just their rhetorical (homiletical) and miraculous power. Notice the central place the resurrection of Jesus occupied in their witness. His resurrection fulfilled prophecy and identified Jesus as the Messiah (cf. 2:29-32). The abundant grace that rested upon these Christians was the divine enablement that God granted them to speak and to live as they did. This grace was on the young church as it had been on the young Jesus (cf. Luke 2:40). The voluntary sharing described in verse 32 seems to have been customary, but the occasional selling mentioned here was evidently exceptional (cf. 2:45).265 The apostles were in charge of distributing help to those in need (cf. 6:1-4). The Christians were witnessing with their works (vv. 32, 34-35) as well as with their words (v. 33).

4:34-35

262Marshall, 263Kent,

The Acts . . ., p. 108. p. 50. 264Joachim Jeremias, Jerusalem in the Time of Jesus, pp. 121-22. 265The imperfect tense verbs here imply "from time to time" (NIV).

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Sincerity or insincerity could motivate these magnanimous deeds. An example of each type of motivation follows.
The generosity of Barnabas 4:36-37

Luke now gave a specific instance of what he had just described in verses 34 and 35. This reference to Barnabas is significant because it introduces him to the reader. Barnabas becomes a major character in Acts later. Furthermore Barnabas provides a vivid contrast to Ananias in chapter 5. 4:36 His given Jewish name was Joseph, but people called him by his Jewish nickname (cognomen), Barnabas, which means "Son of Encouragement" (Gr. huios parakleseos).266 They probably did so because he was a constant positive influence on those around him, as further references to him in Acts will demonstrate (cf. 9:27; 11:22-30; 13:114:28; 15:2-4, 12, 22, 36-41; 1 Cor. 9:6).267 Luke probably mentioned that he was a Levite just to identify him more specifically, not to throw a cloud of suspicion over him since the Mosaic Law forbade Levites from owning property (Num. 18:24). ". . . the rule was no longer rigidly adhered to, and would not have applied to those living overseas."268 Levites had connections to the temple, but not everyone with temple connections opposed the apostles (cf. 4:1). Barnabas had lived on the island of Cyprus at some time, though he had relatives in Jerusalem, namely, John Mark, Mark's mother, and perhaps others (cf. 12:12; Col. 4:10). 4:37 Barnabas evidently sold some of his landwhere it was we do not knowto provide cash for the needs of the church members. He humbly presented the proceeds of the sale to the apostles for their distribution. "Barnabas is a first example in Acts of the tendency to introduce an important new character first as a minor character, one who appears and quickly disappears. Philip (6:5) and Saul (7:58; 8:1, 3) are similarly introduced before they assume important roles in the narrative. This procedure ties the narrative together, and in each case the introductory scene contributes something significant to the portrait of the person."269

Jews often called a person "son of ___" to denote his or her characteristics (e.g., "son of Beliel"). Michael Pocock, "The Role of Encouragement in Leadership," in Integrity of Heart, Skillfulness of Hands, pp. 301-7. 268Neil, p. 94. Cf. Jer. 1:1; 32:6-15. 269Tannehill, 2:78.
267See

266The

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The hypocrisy of Ananias and Sapphira 5:1-11

We might conclude from what precedes that the church was a sinless community at this time. Unfortunately this was not the case. There were sinning saints in it. This episode reveals that God was working dramatically in the church's early days in judgment as well as in blessing. Luke did not idealize his portrait of the early church but painted an accurate picture, warts and all.
The death of Ananias 5:1-6

5:1-2

"But" introduces another sacrificial act that looked just as generous as Barnabas' (4:37). However in this case the motive was quite different. Ananias' Jewish name means "Yahweh is gracious," and Sapphira's Aramaic name means "beautiful." Their names proved as ironic as their behavior was hypocritical. The Greek word nosphizo, ("kept back") also appears at the beginning of the record of Achan's sin in the Septuagint (Josh. 7:1, translated "took"). Ananias presented their gift to the apostles exactly as Barnabas had done (4:37).

5:3-4

Rather than allowing the Holy Spirit to fill him (cf. 2:4; 4:8, 31), Ananias had allowed Satan to control his heart. Ananias' sin was lying. He sought to deceive the Christians by trying to gain a reputation for greater generosity than he deserved. By deceiving the church, Ananias was also trying to deceive the Holy Spirit who indwelt the church. In attempting to deceive the Holy Spirit, he was trying to deceive God. Note the important identification of the Holy Spirit as God in these verses. His sin was misrepresenting his gift by claiming that it was the total payment that he had received when it was really only part of that.270 This is the sin of hypocrisy, a particular form of lying. "I am a preacher of the Worda glorious privilegeand if I have prayed once I have prayed a thousand times and said, 'Don't let me be able to preach unless in the power of the Holy Ghost.' I would rather be struck dumb than pretend it is in the power of the Spirit if it isn't; and yet it is so easy to pretend. It is so easy to come before men and take the place of an ambassador for God, and still want people to praise the preacher instead of giving the message only for the Lord Jesus."271

270Since

271Ironside,

believers could keep their money, the Jerusalem church did not practice socialism or communism. Lectures on . . ., p. 129.

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Achan, as well as Ananias and Sapphira, fell because of the love of material possessions (cf. 1 Tim. 6:10; 2 Tim. 4:10). "Like Judas, Ananias was covetous; and just as greed of gain lay at the bottom of most of the sins and failures in the Actsthe sin of Simon Magus, the opposition of Elymas, of the Philippian 'masters' and the Ephesian silversmiths, the shortcomings of the Ephesian converts and the injustice of Felixso Ananias kept back part of the price."272 Lying to the Holy Spirit is a sin that Christians commit frequently today. When Christians act hypocritically by pretending a devotion that is not theirs, or a surrender of life they have not really made, they lie to the Holy Spirit. If God acted today as He did in the early Jerusalem church, undertakers would have much more work than they do. 5:5 Peter identified Ananias' sin, but God judged it (cf. Matt. 16:19). Luke did not record exactly how Ananias died even though he was a physician. His interest was solely in pointing out that he did die immediately because of his sin.273 Ananias' sin resulted in premature physical death. It was a sin unto death (cf. 1 John 5:16; 1 Cor. 11:30). We should not interpret the fact that God rarely deals with sinners this way as evidence that He cannot or should not. He does not out of mercy. He dealt with Ananias and Sapphira, Achan, Nadab and Abihu, and others severely when He began to deal with various groups of believers. He did so for those who would follow in the train of those judged to illustrate how important it is for God's people to be holy (cf. 1 Cor. 10:6). Furthermore God always deals more severely with those who have greater privilege and responsibility (cf. Luke 12:48; 1 Pet. 4:17). 5:6 Immediate burial was common in Palestine at this time, as the burial of Jesus illustrates. Evidently some of the younger and stronger believers disposed of Ananias' corpse by preparing it for burial.274 Many people were buried in caves or holes in the ground that had been previously prepared for this purpose, as we see in the burials of Lazarus and Jesus. "Burial in such a climate necessarily followed quickly after death, and such legal formalities as medical certification were not required."275

p. 65. Greek word ekpsycho ("breathed his last") occurs in the New Testament here and only where God strikes someone in judgment (v. 10; 12:23; cf. Judg. 4:21, LXX, where Sisera was the victim). 274Barrett, p. 269. 275Bruce, Commentary on . . ., p. 114.
273The

272Rackham,

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Dr. Constable's Notes on Acts The death of Sapphira 5:7-11

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5:7

The answers to questions such as whether someone tried to find Sapphira to tell her of Ananias' death lay outside Luke's purpose in writing. He stressed that she was as guilty as her husband and so experienced the same fate. Peter graciously gave Sapphira an opportunity to tell the truth, but she did not. He did not warn her ahead of time by mentioning her husband's death because he wanted her to speak honestly. She added a spoken lie to hypocrisy. Peter's "why" question to her means virtually the same thing as his "why" question to Ananias (v. 3). Putting God to the test means seeing how far one can go in disobeying Godin this case lying to Himbefore He will judge (cf. Deut. 6:16; Matt. 4:7). This is very risky business. Some readers of Acts have criticized Peter for dealing with Sapphira and Ananias so harshly. Nevertheless the text clearly indicates that in these matters Peter was under the Holy Spirit's control (4:31) even as Ananias and Sapphira were under Satan's control (v. 3). Peter had been God's agent of blessing in providing healing to people (3:6), but he was also God's instrument to bring judgment on others, as Jesus Christ had done. "Peter was severe, and the fate of the two delinquents shocking, but the strictures of Christ on hypocrisy must be borne in mind (Mt. xxiii). . . . The old 'leaven of the Pharisees' was at work, and for the first time in the community of the saints two persons set out deliberately to deceive their leaders and their friends, to build a reputation for sanctity and sacrifice to which they had no right, and to menace, in so doing, all love, all trust, all sincerity. And not only was the sin against human brotherhood, but against the Spirit of God, so recently and powerfully manifest in the Church."276

5:8

5:9-10

5:11

Luke reemphasized the sobering effect these events produced in all who heard about them (v. 5; cf. 2:43). People probably said, "There but for the grace of God go I!" Here is the first use of the word "church" in Acts.277 The Greek word, ekklesia, means "called out assembly." This was a common word that writers often used to describe assemblies of people that met for political and various other types of meetings. The word "church," like the word

276Blaiklock, 277The

p. 69. Western (Beza) text used it in 2:47, but it is probably incorrect there.

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"baptism," can refer to more than one thing. Sometimes it refers to the body of Christ as it has existed throughout history, the universal church. Sometimes it refers to Christians living in various places during one particular time (e.g., the early church). Sometimes it refers to a group of Christians who live in one area at a particular time, a local church. Here it seems to refer to the local church in Jerusalem. "When Luke speaks of 'the church' with no qualification, geographical or otherwise, it is to the church of Jerusalem that he refers."278 The writers of Scripture always referred to the church, the body of Christ, as an entity distinct from the nation of Israel. Every reference to Israel in the New Testament refers to the physical descendants of Abraham, Isaac, and Jacob. This is true in the Old Testament also.279 Ananias and Sapphira presented an appearance of commitment to God that was not true of them. They were insincere, appearing to be one way but really not being that way. Had Ananias and Sapphira never professed to be as committed as they claimed when they brought their gift, God probably would not have judged them as He did. They lacked personal integrity. "So familiar are we with 'spots and wrinkles' in the church that we can with difficulty realize the significance of this, the first sin in and against the community. It corresponds to the entrance of the serpent into Eden with the fall of Eve in the OT: and the first fall from the ideal must have staggered the apostles and the multitude. . . . The sin really was not the particular deceit, but the state of heart [cf. v. 3]hypocrisy and unreality."280 Some interpreters have wondered if Ananias and Sapphira were genuine believers. Luke certainly implied they were; they were as much a part of the church as Barnabas was. Are true Christians capable of deliberate deceit? Certainly they are.281 "It is plain that the New Testament not only teaches the existence of the carnal Christian [1 Cor. 3:1-3; Gal. 5:16; Eph. 5:18] but of true Christians who persisted in their carnality up to the point of physical death [cf. 1 Cor. 3:15; 5:5; 11:30; Heb. 10:29; 1 John 5:16-17].282

278F. F. Bruce, "The Church of Jerusalem in the Acts of the Apostles," Bulletin of the John Rylands University Library of Manchester 67:2 (Spring 1985):641. 279See Ryrie, Dispensationalism Today, pp. 132-55; C. I. Scofield, Rightly Dividing the Word of Truth, pp. 5-12. 280Rackham, p. 64. 281Kent, pp. 53-54, gave four reasons to conclude that they were real Christians. 282Dillow, The Reign . . ., p. 64.

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God's power manifest through the apostles in blessing (3:1-26) as well as in judgment (5:1-11) made an increasingly powerful impact on the residents of Jerusalem. The Jewish leaders increased their opposition to the apostles as they had increased their opposition to Jesus. Luke preserved the record of the developing attitudes that resulted. The Sadducees became more jealous and antagonistic, the Pharisees chose to react with moderation, and the Christians gained greater joy and confidence.
The expanding influence of the apostles 5:12-16

This pericope is another of Luke's summaries of conditions in the church that introduces what follows (cf. 2:42-47; 4:32-35). It also explains why the Sadducees became so jealous that they arrested not only Peter and John but other apostles as well. The apostles were gaining great influence not only in Jerusalem but also in the outlying areas. The healing of one lame man had triggered initial opposition (3:1-10), but now many people were being healed. 5:12 The lame beggar was not the only person who benefited from the apostles' ministry of performing miracles. Many other needy people did as well. These miracles signified who Jesus really was (signs), and they filled the people with awe (wonders). The believers continued to meet in Solomon's portico (cf. 3:11). The "rest" (Gr. hoi loipoi), probably the unbelieving Jews,283 steered clear of the Christians because of the Jewish leaders' opposition (4:18) and the apostles' power (vv. 1-10). The "people" (Gr. ho laos), the responsive Jews, honored the believers. Luke stopped giving numbers for the size of the church (cf. 1:15; 2:41; 4:4) and just said that God was adding multitudes of both men and women to the church constantly. Peter's powerful influence reminds us of Jesus' influence during the early days of His Galilean ministry when all Capernaum gathered at His door (Mark 1:32-34). Elsewhere Luke described the power of God's presence overshadowing someone (cf. Luke 1:35; 9:34). The text does not say that Peter's shadow healed people. It says that people wanted to get close to Peter because he was so powerful.284 Even today some people in the Orient superstitiously believe that a person's shadow carries his power. Eastern parents have pulled their children away from the shadow of a wicked person and thrust them into the shadow of an honored individual. The action of these first century Near Easterners shows their respect for

5:13

5:14

5:15

283See 284See

Kent, pp. 55-56. Barrett, pp. 276-77.

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Peter who had the power to heal. These signs and wonders authenticated the apostles as Jesus and God's representatives (cf. 19:11-12; Matt. 10:8). "I have often told how my oldest son at one time had an eclipse of faith until one day several of us were invited to spend an afternoon with William Jennings Bryan in his Florida home, and I was asked to bring my son. During that visit, for two or three hours we discussed the Word of God and exchanged thoughts on precious portions of Scripture. The young man sat apart and said very little, but as we left that place he turned to me and exclaimed, 'Father, I have been a fool! I thought I couldn't believe the Bible, but if a man like that with his education and intelligence can believe, I am making a fool of myself to pretend I cannot accept it.' So much for the shadow ministry of William Jennings Bryan."285 5:16 News of the apostles' powers was spreading beyond Jerusalem. People from outlying areas were bringing their sick friends to them just as people had brought sick friends to Jesus from miles around (cf. Luke 5:15). Luke probably meant that all whom the apostles sought to heal experienced restoration, not that they healed every single individual who was sick (cf. Matt. 8:16). Even Jesus' healings were limited in their scope (cf. Luke 5:17).286 This verse is one of the texts that advocates of the "prosperity gospel" appeal to as proof that it is never God's will for anyone to be sick.287

This section is very similar to 4:32-35, though this summary shows the church gaining many more adherents and much greater influence than the former one documented.
The apostles' appearance before the Sanhedrin 5:17-33

The popularity and effectiveness of the apostles riled the Sadducees just as Jesus' popularity and effectiveness had earlier. "One of the central motifs of Acts is the rejection of the Gospel by the Jewish nation. This section [vv. 17-42] traces a further step in rejection and persecution by the Jewish officials."288

Lectures on . . ., p. 136. Deere, pp. 58-64. 287Other texts they use include Exod. 15:26; 23:25; Ps. 103:3; Prov. 4:20-22; Isa. 33:24; Jer. 30:17; Matt. 4:23; 10:1; Mark 16:16-18; Luke 6:17-19; and Acts 10:38. For a critique of this movement, see Ken L. Sarles, "A Theological Evaluation of the Prosperity Gospel," Bibliotheca Sacra 143:572 (OctoberDecember 1986):329-52. 288Ladd, "The Acts . . .," p. 1133.
286See

285Ironside,

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The high priest "rose up" (Gr. anastas, cf. v. 34) taking official action as leader of the Sanhedrin. As mentioned above, the high priest and most of the Sanhedrin members were Sadducees (4:1). The Holy Spirit filled the believers, Satan had filled Ananias and Sapphira, and now jealousy filled the Sanhedrin members, particularly the Sadducees. They had the apostles arrested and confined in a common (public) jail (Gr. teresis demosia). "Sadduceeism is rampant, so is Pharisaism; they are represented to-day by rationalism and ritualism. These are the opponents of living, vital Christianity to-day, just as they were in Jerusalem."289 "It is amazing how much envy can be hidden under the disguise of 'defending the faith.'"290 Peter and John have been the apostles in view to this point, but now we read that Peter and the apostles (plural) stood before the Sanhedrin (v. 29). It is probable, therefore, that more apostles than just Peter and John are in view in this whole incident beginning with verse 17.

5:19

"Angel" (Gr. angelos) means messenger. Wherever this word occurs, the context usually determines whether the messenger is a human being or a spirit being. Luke did not identify which kind of messenger God used here. His point was that the Lord secured the apostles' release. The messenger's message had a very authoritative ring, so probably he was a spirit being (cf. 12:6-10; 16:26-27). This is one of three "jail door miracles" that Luke recorded in Acts (cf. Peter in 12:6-11; and Paul and Silas in 16:26-27). The angel instructed the apostles to go (Gr. poreuesthe) and stand their ground (stathentes). They were to resist the opposition of the Sanhedrin. They were to continue addressing "the people," the Jews, with the full message that they had been heralding. They were not to back down or trim their words. The message of "this life" is a synonym for the message of salvation (cf. 4:12; 13:26).291 The apostles obeyed their instructor and began teaching in the temple again early the next morning. At the same time the full Sanhedrin assembled to try the apostles whom they assumed were still in jail. Luke's account of the temple police's bewilderment is really quite amusing. This whole scene calls to mind scenes from old Keystone Cops

5:20

5:21

5:22-23

p. 129. 1:424. 291Longenecker, p. 319. The Greek words zoe ("life") and soteria ("salvation") both translate the same Hebrew word, hayyah.
290Wiersbe,

289Morgan,

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movies. The people readily accepted the miracles that the apostles were performing, but their leaders seem to have been completely surprised by this miracle. 5:24 The major concern of the leaders was the public reaction when what had happened became known. They appear again to have been more concerned about their own reputation and security than about the facts of the case. "If they had only known how this grain of mustard seed would grow into the greatest tree on earth and how dwarfed the tree of Judaism would be beside it!"292 5:25 Eventually word reached the Sanhedrin that the prisoners were teaching the people in the temple. Probably they expected that the apostles had fled the city. The apostles were so popular with the people that the captain and his temple police had to be very careful not to create the impression that they were going to harm the apostles. The apostles had become local heroes. Earlier Israel's leaders had wanted to arrest Jesus but were careful about how they did so because they feared the reaction of the people (Luke 20:19; 22:2). Perhaps the apostles accompanied the captain and his officers submissively because they remembered Jesus' example of nonviolence and nonretaliation when He was arrested (Luke 22:52-53). Furthermore the guards' power over them was inferior to their own. They may have offered no resistance too because their appearance before the Sanhedrin would give them another opportunity to witness for Christ. The high priest introduced his comments with a reference to the authority of Israel's leaders. Pilate had similarly threatened Jesus with his authority (cf. John 19:10-11). The high priest showed his dislike for Jesus by not referring to the Lord by name. Official Jewish opposition to Jesus was firm. He believed the authority of the Sanhedrin was greater than the authority of Jesus (cf. Matt. 28:18). The leaders earlier had instructed Peter and John not to teach (3:18, 21), but Peter had said they would continue to do so because of Jesus' authority (3:19-20). Moreover Peter had charged Israel's leaders with Jesus' death (4:10-11). These rulers had rationalized away their guilt for Jesus' death probably blaming it on Jesus Himself and the Romans (cf. 3:15). The Jewish leaders felt the disciples were unfairly heaping guilt on them for having shed Jesus' blood. However only a few weeks earlier they had said to Pilate, "His blood be on us and on our children" (Matt. 27:25; cf. Matt. 23:35).

5:26

5:27-28

292Robertson,

3:64-65.

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This verse clarifies that the authorities had arrested other apostles besides Peter and John. Peter as spokesman for the apostles did not attempt to defend their civil disobedience but simply repeated their responsibility to obey God rather than men, specifically the Sanhedrin (4:19; cf. Luke 12:4-5).293 Peter also reaffirmed that the God of their fathers had raised Jesus from the dead and that the Sanhedrin was responsible for His crucifixion, an extremely brutal and shameful death. "Hanging Him on a cross" is a euphemism for crucifying Him (cf. Deut. 21:22-23; 1 Pet. 2:24). Peter further claimed that God had exalted Jesus to the place of supreme authority, namely, at His right hand. The Sanhedrin had asked Jesus if He was the Christ, and Jesus had replied that they would see Him seated at God's right hand (cf. Luke 22:67-71). Jesus was Israel's national Prince (leader, Messiah) and the Jews' individual and collective Savior (deliverer). Jesus had the authority to grant a change of mind about Himself to the nation and consequently forgiveness of sins. Jesus' authority to forgive sins had been something Israel's leaders had resisted from the beginning of the Lord's ministry (Luke 5:20-24). The apostles thought of themselves not just as heralds of good news but as eyewitnesses of that to which they now testified. The witness of the Holy Spirit to which Peter referred was evidently the evidence that Jesus was the Christ that the Spirit provided through fulfilled messianic prophecy. The apostles saw themselves as the human mouthpieces of the Holy Spirit whom Jesus had promised to send to bear witness concerning Himself (John 15:26-27). They announced the fulfillment of what the Holy Spirit had predicted in the Old Testament, namely, that Jesus was the promised Messiah. Furthermore God had now given the Holy Spirit to those who obeyed God by believing in Jesus (John 6:29). The Holy Spirit was the greatest gift God gave people who lived under the Old Covenant (cf. Luke 11:13). These leaders needed to obey God by believing in Jesus and then they too would receive this wonderful gift. The early gospel preachers never presented belief in Jesus Christ as a "take it or leave it" option in Acts. God has commanded everyone to believe in His Son (e.g., 2:38; 3:19; 17:30). Failure to do so constitutes disobedience and results in judgment. The Holy Spirit now baptizes and indwells every person who obeys God by believing in His Son (John 3:36; 6:29; Rom. 8:9). This must be the obedience Peter had in mind.

5:30

5:31

5:32

5:33

Peter's firm but gracious words so infuriated the Sadducees that they were about to order the death of the apostles regardless of public reaction.

293This

is Peter's fourth speech that Luke reported.

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"While the Sanhedrin did not have authority under Roman jurisdiction to inflict capital punishment, undoubtedly they would have found some pretext for handing these men over to the Romans for such actionas they did with Jesus himselfhad it not been for the intervention of the Pharisees, as represented particularly by Gamaliel."294
Gamaliel's wise counsel 5:34-40

Gamaliel's advocacy of moderation is the main point and reason for Luke's record of the apostles' second appearance before the Sanhedrin. Whereas the Sadducees "rose up" against the apostles (v. 17), Gamaliel "rose up" against the Sadducees (v. 34). He proved to be God's instrument for preserving the apostles, and perhaps all the early Christians in Jerusalem, at this time. 5:34 As mentioned previously, the Pharisees were the minority party in the Sanhedrin. There were more than 6,000 of them in Israel at this time.295 They were, notwithstanding, far more influential with the masses than the Sadducees were. The Pharisees looked for a personal Messiah. They believed in the resurrection of the dead and the existence and activity of angels and demons. They tried to live a simple life in contrast to the Sadducees' luxurious living.296 The name "Pharisee" evidently comes from the Aramaic verb peras, meaning "to separate." They considered themselves to be separated to holiness and dedicated entirely to God. Most of the scribes, the Bible expositors of that day, were Pharisees. Consequently the Sadducees listened to the Pharisees and especially to Gamaliel. Gamaliel was the leader of the more liberal school of Hillel, one of the two most influential parties within Pharisaism. He had been a protg of Hillel, who was his grandfather,297 and Saul of Tarsus was one of his own promising young disciples (22:3). People called him Rabban Gamaliel. Rabban (lit. "our teacher") was a title of higher honor than rabbi (lit. "my teacher"). Gamaliel was the most respected Pharisee of his day. The Mishnah, a collection of commentaries on the oral laws of Israel published toward the end of the second century A.D., contains the following statement about him. "Since Rabban Gamaliel the elder died there has been no more reverence for the law; and purity and abstinence died out at the same time."298
294Longenecker, 295Josephus,

p. 321. Antiquities of . . ., 17:2:4. 296Ibid., 13:5:9; 18:1:2-3; idem, The Wars . . ., 2:8:14. 297Neil, p. 98; Kent, p. 58. 298Mishnah Sotah 9:15. Cf. Bruce, Commentary on . . ., p. 124.

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Gamaliel was able to direct the Sanhedrin as he did through his personal influence, not because he had any superior official authority within that body. 5:35-36 After the apostles had left the meeting room, Gamaliel addressed his colleagues with the traditional designation "Men of Israel" (cf. 2:22). He warned his brethren to do nothing rash. He pointed to two similar movements that had failed when their leaders had died. Historians do not know anything about this Theudas, though he may have come to prominence shortly after Herod the Great's death (ca. A.D. 4).299 Judas of Galilee led a revolt against Rome in A.D. 6.300 The census in view was probably the one that Quirinius, legate of Syria, took in A.D. 6 when Archelaus was deposed and Judea became part of the Roman province of Syria.301 Judas founded the Zealot movement in Israel that sought to throw off Roman rule violently. "Judas was a fanatic who took up the position that God was the King of Israel; to Him alone tribute was due; and that all other taxation was impious and to pay it was a blasphemy."302 His influence was considerable, though it declined after his death. Gamaliel seems to have been playing the influence of Judas down a little more than it deserved. 5:38-39 Gamaliel's point was that if God was not behind the apostles their efforts would prove futile in time. Obviously Gamaliel believed this was the case or he would have become a Christian. He offered the theoretical option that if the apostles were of God the Sanhedrin would find itself in the terrible position of fighting against God. Obviously Gamaliel believed in the sovereignty of God. He advised his brethren to wait and see. He did not believe that the apostles presented as serious a threat to the leaders of Judaism as the Sadducees believed they did. Saul of Tarsus took a different view of how the Jews should respond to the growing threat of Christianity. He executed many Christians, but that was after the number and influence of the Christians had increased dramatically (cf. chs. 67). "The point made . . . by Gamaliel . . . has already been made by the narrator through the rescue from prison and the ensuing scene of discovery. Here we have an instance
299See Longenecker, p. 228, or any of the conservative commentaries for discussion of the problem of this Theudas' identification. 300Josephus, Antiquities of . . ., 2:8:1. 301Neil, p. 100. 302Barclay, pp. 48-49.

5:37

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of reinforcement through reiteration. A message is first suggested by an event and then clearly stated in the interpretive commentary of a story character."303 Gamaliel's counsel helps us understand how objective unbelieving Jews were viewing the apostles' claims at this time. There had been others beside the apostles who had insisted that their leaders were great men. Yet their claims had eventually proved false. Many of the Jews, whom Gamaliel represented, likewise viewed the apostles' preaching as wellmeaning but mistaken. Jesus was no more someone special than Theudas or Judas of Galilee had been. Other than their ideas about Jesus being the Messiah, the apostles held views that did not challenge fundamental Pharisaic theology. 5:40 Gamaliel convinced his fellow Sanhedrin members. They decided to settle for flogging the apostles, probably with 39 lashes (Deut. 25:3; Acts 22:19; 2 Cor. 11:24),304 for disobeying their former order to stop preaching (4:18). This is the first instance of Christians receiving a physical beating for witnessing that Luke recorded in Acts. The rulers also threatened the apostles again and then released them (cf. 4:21). The official ban against preaching in Jesus' name remained in force.

The response of the apostles 5:41-42

5:41

Rather than emerging from their beating repentant, the apostles went home rejoicing. They did not enjoy the beating, but they considered it an honor to suffer dishonor for the sake of Jesus' name (cf. 3:6; 16:25). Jesus had predicted that people would hate and persecute His disciples and had told them to rejoice in it (Matt. 5:10-12; Luke 6:22-23). Peter later wrote that Christians should count it a privilege to suffer for Christ's sake (1 Pet. 4:13; cf. 2:18-21; 3:8-17; Phil. 1:29). As the Master had suffered abuse from His enemies so, too, His servants were suffering abuse for their witness. This treatment did not discourage the apostles at all. Instead they continued explaining (Gr. didasko) and evangelizing (euaggelizomai) daily, publicly in the temple and privately from house to house (cf. 2:46), that Jesus was the Messiah (cf. 28:31). "It [v. 42] is a statement that has nuances of defiance, confidence, and victory; and in many ways it gathers together all Luke has set forth from 2:42 on."305

5:42

303Tannehill, 304See

2:66. Mishnah Makkoth 3:10-15a for a description of how the Jews normally did this. 305Longenecker, p. 325.

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The scene shifts back to life within the church (cf. 4:325:11). Luke wrote this pericope to explain some administrative changes that the growth of the church made necessary. He also wanted to introduce the Hellenistic Jews who took the lead in evangelizing the Gentiles. Their activity began shortly after the event he recorded here. In this chapter we see two of Satan's favorite methods of assailing the church that he has employed throughout history: internal dissension (vv. 1-7) and external persecution (vv. 8-15). 6:1 The number of the disciples of Jesus continued to grow. This is the first mention of the word "disciple" in Acts where it occurs 28 times. The word appears about 238 times in the Gospels but nowhere else in the New Testament. This is probably because when Jesus was present, or had just departed to heaven, the New Testament writers referred to His followers in relationship to Him. Afterward they identified them in relation to one another and society.306 Two types of Jews made up the Jerusalem church. Some were native "Hebrews" who had lived primarily in Palestine, spoke Aramaic predominantly but also Greek, and used the Hebrew Scriptures. The others were "Hellenists" who originally lived outside Palestine (Jews of the Diaspora) but were now living in Palestine. Many of these Jews returned to Palestine to end their days in their ancestral homeland. They spoke Greek primarily, as well as the language of the area where they had lived, and they used the Septuagint translation of the Old Testament.307 Within Judaism frequent tensions between these two groups arose, and this cultural problem carried over into the church. The Hebrews observed the Mosaic Law much more strictly than their Hellenistic brethren. Conversely the Hellenists regarded the Hebrews as very narrow-minded and self-centered. The Hebrews and the Hellenists had their own synagogues in Jerusalem,308 but when they became Christians they came together in one fellowship. As the church grew, some of the Christians believed that the church leaders were discriminating against the Hellenists unfairly (cf. Eph. 4:31; Heb. 12:15). The conflict arose over the distribution of food to church widows (cf. 2:44-45; 4:325:11). Care of widows and the needy
p. 74. Apostle Paul classed himself among the Hebrews (2 Cor. 11:22; cf. Phil. 3:5) though he grew up outside Palestine. The basic difference between the Hebrews and Hellenists, therefore, appears to have been linguistic. Those who could speak a Semitic language were Hebrews, and those who could not were Hellenists. See C. F. D. Moule, "Once More, Who Were the Hellenists?" Expository Times 70 (October 1958-September 1959):100. 308Jewish Encyclopaedia, s.v. "Alexandrians in Jerusalem," by Emil Schrer.
307The 306Blaiklock,

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was a priority in Judaism (Exod. 22:22; Deut. 10:18; et al.). The Jews provided for their widows weekly in the synagogues along with the poor.309 "It is not here said that the murmuring arose among the widows, but because of them. Women and money occasion the first serious disturbance in the church life."310 6:2-4 The 12 apostles wisely delegated responsibility for this ministry to other qualified men in the congregation so it would not distract them from their primary duties.311 Serving tables probably involved the organization and administration of ministry to the widows rather than simply serving as waiters or dispensers (cf. Matt. 21:12; Luke 19:23).312 The leaders of the church asked the congregation to nominate seven qualified men whom the apostles would officially appoint. The qualifications were a good reputation, Spirit control, and wisdom. Many churches today take this approach in selecting secondary church leaders basing their practice on this model. For example, the congregation nominates deacons, and the elders appoint some or all of them. This approach was common in Judaism. It was not a new plan that the apostles devised, though it was new to the church. "Selecting seven men may go back to the tradition in Jewish communities where seven respected men managed the public business in an official council."313 These men needed to have good reputations, to be under the Spirit's control, and to be wise (v. 3). The Twelve then would be free to concentrate on their primary responsibilities: prayer and the ministry of God's Word (v. 4). "It is not necessarily suggested that serving tables is on a lower level than prayer and teaching; the point is rather that the task to which the Twelve had been specifically called was one of witness and evangelism."314

W. Winter, "Providentia for the Widows of 1 Timothy 5:3-16," Tyndale Bulletin 39 (1988):89. See Barclay, p. 50, for how the Jews cared for their needy at this time. See also Emil Schrer, The History of the Jewish People in the Age of Christ, 2:437, n. 49; Jeremias, Jerusalem in . . ., pp. 126-34. 310Robertson, 3:72-73. 311This is the only reference to the Twelve in Acts (cf. 1 Cor. 15:5), though Luke referred to the Eleven earlier (2:14). 312Longenecker, p. 331. 313Toussaint, "Acts," p. 367. 314Marshall, The Acts . . ., p. 126.

309B.

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As elsewhere in Scripture, prayer is the primary way God has ordained whereby His people secure His working in human affairs. "Prayer is the most powerful and effective means of service in the Kingdom of God . . . It is the most dynamic work which God has entrusted to His saints, but it is also the most neglected ministry open to the believer. "The Bible clearly reveals that believing prayer is essential for the advancement of the cause of Christ. It is the essential element for Christian victory . . . "We may marvel at the spiritual power and glorious victories of the early apostolic church, but we often forget that its constant prayer life was the secret of its strength . . . "If the church today would regain the spiritual power of the early church it must recover the truth and practice of prayer as a vital working force."315 6:5 All seven men whom the congregation chose had Greek names. Luke gave the impression by using only Greek names that these seven were from the Hellenistic group in the church, though many Palestinian Jews at this time had Greek names. Thus Hellenists appear to have been given responsibility for settling a Hellenist complaint, a wise approach. Stephen and Philip appear later in Acts in important roles as apologist and evangelist respectively. Luke did not mention Prochorus, Nicanor, Timon, and Parmenas again. Nicolas was a Gentile who had become a Jew by the proselyte process and then became a Christian. He came from Antioch of Syria, which Luke may have mentioned because of Antioch's later prominence as a center of Christianity. Traditionally Antioch was Luke's hometown. Tradition also links this Nicolas with the doctrine of the Nicolaitans (Rev. 2:6, 15), but this connection is questionable since there is no solid evidence to support it. Many Jews lived in Syria because of its proximity to Judea, and most of these lived in Antioch.316 Laying hands on someone symbolized the bestowal of a blessing (Gen. 48:13; et al.). It also represented identification with the person (Lev. 1:4; 3:2; et al.), commissioning as a kind of successor (Num. 27:23), and granting authority (8:17-19; 9:17; 13:3; 19:6; 1 Tim. 4:14; 5:22; Heb. 6:2). Prayer accompanied this ceremony on this occasion, as was customary.

6:6

315D.

316Irena

Edmond Hiebert, Working With God: Scriptural Studies in Intercession, pp. 19-20. Levinskaya, The Book of Acts in Its Diaspora Setting, p. 128.

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Many Bible students regard these seven men as the first deacons of the church. However, the text never uses the term "deacon" to describe them (cf. 21:8). The Greek word diakonos (deacon) does not occur in Acts at all, though related forms of the word do even in this pericope.317 I think it is more likely that these seven represent a stage in the development of what later became the office of deacon. They probably served as a model for this office. Office typically follows function. The historical origin of deacons lies in Jewish social life. The historical origin of the elder office, incidentally, lies in Jewish civil and religious life, most recently in synagogue organization. As the Jerusalem church grew and as its needs and activities proliferated, it adopted some of the organizational features of Jewish culture that these Jewish believers knew well. "The early church had problems but, according to Acts, it also had leaders who moved swiftly to ward off corruption and find solutions to internal conflicts, supported by people who listened to each other with open minds and responded with good will."318 6:7 This verse is another one of Luke's summary progress reports that ends each major section of Acts (cf. 2:47; 9:31; 12:24; 16:6; 19:20; 28:31). It also corresponds to other summary paragraphs within this section of the book (cf. 4:32-35; 5:12-16). Luke linked the spread of God's Word with church growth. This cause and effect relationship has continued throughout history. The advances of the gospel and the responses of the people were his primary concern in 3:16:7. Many of the numerous priests in Jerusalem were also becoming Christians.319 The gospel did not win over only the "laity" in Israel. "The ordinary priests were socially and in other ways far removed from the wealthy chief-priestly families from which the main opposition to the gospel came. Many of the ordinary priests were no doubt men holy and humble of heart, like Zacharias, the father of John the Baptist, men who would be readily convinced of the truth of the gospel."320 This pericope helps us see several very important things about the priorities of the early church. First, the church showed concern for both spiritual and physical needs. Its leaders gave priority to spiritual needs (prayer and the ministry of the Word), but they also gave attention to correcting injustice and helping the poor. This reflects the Christians'
317Diakonia ("serving" or "distribution" and "ministry") appears in verses 1 and 4, and diakonein ("serve" or "wait on") occurs in verse 2. 318Tannehill, 2:81. 319Fiensy, p. 228, estimated that about 2,000 priests lived in Jerusalem at this time. 320Bruce, Commentary on . . ., pp. 131-32. Cf. Jeremias, Jerusalem in . . ., pp. 198-213.

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commitment to loving God wholeheartedly and loving their neighbors as themselves, God's great ethical demands. Second, the early church was willing to adapt its organizational structure and administrative procedures to minister effectively and to meet needs. It did not view its original structure and practices as binding but adapted traditional structures and methods to facilitate the proclamation of the gospel and the welfare of the church. In contrast, many churches today try to duplicate the form and functions of the early church because they feel bound to follow these. Third, the early church did not practice some things that the modern church does. Rather than blaming one another for the problem that arose, the disciples corrected the injustice and continued to give prayer and the ministry of the Word priority. Rather than paternalistically feeling that they had to maintain control over every aspect of church life, the apostles delegated authority to a group within the church and let them solve the distribution problem.321 Verse 7 concludes Luke's record of the witness in Jerusalem. From that city the gospel spread out into the rest of Judea, and it is that expansion that Luke emphasized in the chapters that follow next.
II. THE WITNESS IN JUDEA AND SAMARIA 6:89:31

In this next major section of Acts, Luke narrated three significant events in the life and ministry of the early church. These events were the martyrdom of Stephen, the ministry of Philip, and the conversion of Saul of Tarsus. Luke's presentation of these events was primarily biographical. In fact, he began his account of each event with the name of its major character (6:8; 8:5; 9:1). The time when these events took place was probably shortly after those reported in the earlier chapters of the book.
A. THE MARTYRDOM OF STEPHEN 6:88:1A

Luke presented the events surrounding Stephen's martyrdom in Jerusalem next. He did so to explain the means God used to scatter the Christians and the gospel from Jerusalem into Judea, Samaria, and the uttermost parts of the earth. This record also throws more light on the spiritual strength and vitality of the church at this time. Stephen's experiences as recorded here resemble those of our Lord, as Peter's did in the earlier chapters.
1. Stephen's arrest 6:87:1

6:8

Stephen was full of grace (cf. cf. 4:33; Luke 4:22) and power (cf. 2:22; 4:33) as well as the Holy Spirit (vv. 3, 5), wisdom (v. 3), and faith (v. 5). His ability to perform miracles seems unrelated to his having been appointed as one of the Seven (v. 5; cf. 21:8). Jesus and the Twelve were not the only ones who had the ability to perform miracles (cf. 2:22, 43; 5:12).

321Longenecker,

pp. 331-32.

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Many different synagogues existed in Jerusalem at this time (cf. 24:12). The Talmud said there were 390 of them before the Romans destroyed the city.322 Like local churches today, they tended to attract people with similar backgrounds and preferences. Many families that had experienced liberation from some kind of slavery or servitude evidently populated the Synagogue of the Freedmen.323 "The Freedmen were Roman prisoners (or the descendants of such prisoners) who had later been granted their freedom. We know that a considerable number of Jews were taken prisoner by the Roman general Pompey and later released in Rome, and it is possible that these are meant here."324 These people had their roots in North Africa (Cyrene and Alexandria) and Asia Minor (Cilicia and Asia). Thus these were Hellenistic Jews, the group from which Stephen himself probably came. Since Saul of Tarsus was from Cilicia, perhaps he attended this synagogue, though he was not a freed man. The leading men in this congregation took issue with Stephen whom they had heard defend the gospel. Perhaps he, too, attended this synagogue. However they were unable to defeat him in debate. Stephen seems to have been an unusually gifted defender of the faith, though he was not one of the Twelve. He was a forerunner of later apologists. God guided wise Stephen by His Spirit as he spoke (cf. Luke 21:15). This is the first occurrence in Acts of someone presenting the gospel in a Jewish synagogue. Until now we have read that the disciples taught and preached in the temple and from house to house (5:42). We now learn that they were also announcing the good news in their Jewish religious meetings. Paul normally preached first in the synagogue in towns he evangelized on his missionary journeys. "While not minimizing the importance of the apostles to the whole church, we may say that in some way Stephen, Philip, and perhaps others of the appointed seven may well have been to the Hellenistic believers what the apostles were to the native-born Christians."325

6:11

Failing to prove Stephen wrong by intellectual argumentation, his adversaries falsely accused him of defying Moses and God (cf. Matt. 26:61, 65). At this time the Jews defined blasphemy as any defiant sin.326

Fiensy, p. 234. scholars believe that as many as five synagogues are in view in this reference, but the best interpretation seems to be that there was just one. See Riesner, pp. 204-6. 324Marshall, The Acts . . ., p. 129. See also Barrett, pp. 323-24. 325Longenecker, p. 335. 326Gustaf H. Dalman, The Words of Jesus, p. 314.
323Some

322See

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Stephen's accusers stirred up the Jewish people, the Jewish elders (family and tribal leaders), and the scribes (Pharisees) against Stephen. Soldiers then arrested him and brought him before the Sanhedrin as they had done to Jesus, Peter, John, and the other apostles (4:15; 5:27; cf. 22:30). The false testimony against Stephen was that he was saying things about the temple and the Mosaic Law that the Jews regarded as untrue and unpatriotic (cf. Matt. 26:59-61). Stephen appeared to be challenging the authority of the Pharisees, the Mosaic Law, and a major teaching of the Sadducees, namely, the importance of the temple. He was evidently saying the same things Jesus had said (cf. Matt. 5:21-48; 12:6; 24:1-2; Mark 14:58; John 2:19-21). "Like the similar charge against Jesus (Matt. 26:61; Mark 14:58; cf. John 2:19-22), its falseness lay not so much in its wholesale fabrication but in its subtile and deadly misrepresentation of what was intended. Undoubtedly Stephen spoke regarding a recasting of Jewish life in terms of the supremacy of Jesus the Messiah. Undoubtedly he expressed in his manner and message something of the subsidiary significance of the Jerusalem temple and the Mosaic law, as did Jesus before him (e.g., Mark 2:23-28; 3:1-6; 7:14-15; 10:5-9). But that is not the same as advocating the destruction of the temple or the changing of the lawthough on these matters we must allow Stephen to speak for himself in Acts 7."327 "For Luke, the Temple stands as a time-honored, traditional place for teaching and prayer in Israel, which serves God's purpose but is not indispensable; the attitude with which worshippers use the temple makes all the difference."328

6:13-14

6:15

Luke may have intended to stress Stephen's fullness with the Holy Spirit that resulted in his confidence, composure, and courage by drawing attention to his face. Moses' face similarly shone when he descended from Mt. Sinai after seeing God (cf. 7:55-56; Exod. 34:29, 35). Perhaps Stephen's hearers recalled Moses' shining face. If so, they should have concluded that Stephen was not against Moses but like Moses. Stephen proceeded to function as an angel (a messenger from God), as well as looking like one, by bringing new revelation to his hearers, as Moses had. The Old Covenant had come through angelic mediation at Mt. Sinai (Heb. 2:2). Now revelation about the New Covenant was coming through one who acted like and even looked like an angel.

p. 336. D. Weinert, "Luke, Stephen, and the Temple in Luke-Acts," Biblical Theology Bulletin 17:3 (July 1987):88.
328Francis

327Longenecker,

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7:1

The "high priest" probably refers to Caiaphas, the official high priest then, but possibly Luke meant Annas (cf. 4:6).329 Jesus had stood before both these men separately to face similar charges (John 18:13-14, 24; Matt. 26:57). This was the third time that Christian leaders had defended their preaching before the Sanhedrin that Luke recorded in Acts (cf. 4:15; 5:27).
2. Stephen's address 7:2-53

As a Hellenistic Jew, Stephen possessed a clearer vision of the universal implications of the gospel than did most of the Hebrew Jews. It was this breadth of vision that drew attack from the more temple-bound Jews in Jerusalem and led to his arrest. His address was not a personal defense designed to secure his acquittal by the Sanhedrin. It was instead an apologetic for the new way of worship that Jesus taught and His followers embraced. "On the surface it appears to be a rather tedious recital of Jewish history which has little relevance to the charges on which Stephen has been brought to trial; on closer study, however, it reveals itself as a subtile and skilful proclamation of the Gospel which, in its criticism of Jewish institutions, marks the beginning of the break between Judaism and Christianity, and points forward to the more trenchant exposition of the difference between the old faith and the new as expressed by Paul and the author of the Letter to the Hebrews."330 Luke evidently recorded this speech, the longest one in Acts, to explain and defend this new way of worship quite fully. He showed that the disciples of Jesus were carrying on God's plan whereas the unbelieving Jews had committed themselves to beliefs and behavior that God had left behind and disapproved. The story of his speech opens with a reference to the God of glory (v. 2) and closes with mention of the glory of God (v. 55). The form of Stephen's defense was common in his culture, but it is uncommon in western culture. He reviewed the history of Israel and highlighted elements of that history that supported his contentions. He built it mainly around outstanding personalities: Abraham, Joseph, Moses, and, to a lesser degree, David and Solomon. The first section (vv. 2-16) deals with Israel's patriarchal period and refutes the charge of blaspheming God (6:11). The second major section (vv. 17-43) deals with Moses and the Law and responds to the charge of blaspheming Moses (6:11) and speaking against the Law (6:13). The third section (vv. 44-50) deals with the temple and responds to the charge of speaking against the temple (6:13) and saying that Jesus would destroy the temple and alter Jewish customs (6:14). Stephen then climaxed his address with an indictment of his hard-hearted hearers (vv. 51-53).331
329See

my comments on 5:6. pp. 107-8. 331Longenecker, pp. 337-48, believed Stephen's main subjects were the land (vv. 2-36), the Law (vv. 3743), and the temple (vv. 44-50), plus a concluding indictment (vv. 51-53).
330Neil,

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"Stephen . . . was endeavoring to show how the Christian message was fully consistent with and the culmination of OT revelation."332 Stephen's purpose was also to show that Jesus experienced the same things Abraham, Joseph, and Moses had experienced as God's anointed servants. As the Sanhedrin recognized them as men whom God had anointed for the blessing of Israel and the world, so should they recognize Jesus. The people to whom these three patriarchs went as God's representatives all initially rejected them but later accepted them, which is also Jesus' history. Stephen quoted from the Septuagint (Greek) Old Testament. This was the translation most commonly used by Hellenistic Jews such as himself. His selective history of Israel stressed the points that he wanted to make. "In this discourse three ideas run like cords through its fabric: "1. There is progress and change in God's program. . . .

2. The blessings of God are not limited to the land of Israel and the temple area. . . . "3. Israel in its past always evidenced a pattern of opposition to God's plans and His men."333
Stephen's view of God 7:2-16

The false witnesses had accused Stephen of blaspheming God (6:11). He proceeded to show the Sanhedrin that his view of God was absolutely orthodox. However in relating Israel's history during the patriarchal period, he mentioned things about God and the patriarchs that his hearers needed to reconsider.
The Abrahamic Covenant 7:2-8

Stephen began his defense by going back to Abraham, the father of the Jewish nation, and to the Abrahamic Covenant, God's foundational promises to the Jews. 7:2-3 Stephen called for the Sanhedrin's attention addressing his hearers respectfully as "brethren and fathers" (cf. 22:1). These men were his brethren, in that they were fellow Jews, and fathers, in that they were older leaders of the nation. He took the title "God of glory" from Psalm 29:2 where it occurs in a context of God revealing His glory by speaking powerfully and majestically. God had revealed His glory by speaking this way to their
332Kent,

333Toussaint,

p. 66. "Acts," p. 369. Italics omitted.

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father (ancestor) Abraham when he was in Mesopotamia (cf. Gen. 15:7; Neh. 9:7). Genesis 12:1-3 records God's instruction for Abraham to leave his homeland to go to a foreign country that God would show him. Stephen was quoting from the Septuagint translation of Genesis 12:1.334 God directed Abraham to a promised land. The Promised Land had become a Holy Land to the Jews, and in Stephen's day the Jews venerated it too greatly. We see this in the fact that they looked down on Hellenistic Jews, such as Stephen, who had not lived there all their lives. What was a good gift from God, the land, had become a source of inordinate pride that made the Jews conclude that orthodoxy was bound up with being in the land. 7:4 Obeying God's call Abraham left Mesopotamia, specifically Ur of the Chaldeans (cf. Gen. 15:7; Josh. 24:3; Neh. 9:7), and settled temporarily in Haran, near the top of the Fertile Crescent. After Abraham's father Terah died, God directed Abraham south into Canaan, the land the Jews occupied in Stephen's day (Gen. 12:5). "A comparison of the data in Genesis (11:26, 32; 12:4) seems to indicate that Terah lived another 60 years after Abraham left [Haran]. . . . The best solution seems to be that Abraham was not the oldest son of Terah, but was named first because he was the most prominent (11:26)."335 The father of Judaism was willing to depart from where he was to follow God into unknown territory on the word of God alone. The Jews in Stephen's day were not willing to depart from where they were in their thinking even though God's word was leading them to do so, as Stephen would point out. Stephen wanted them to follow Abraham's good example of faith and courage. 7:5 Stephen also contrasted Abraham's lack of inheritance in the land with God's promise to give the land to Abraham's descendants as an inheritance (Gen. 12:7; cf. Heb. 11:8). God promised this when the patriarch had no children. Thus the emphasis is on God's promise of future possession of the land through descendants to come. Of course, Abraham did possess the cave of Machpelah in Canaan (Gen. 23:3-20), but perhaps Stephen meant that God gave no continuing or full possession to Abraham.

p. 342. According to Rackham, pp. 99-102, this is one of 15 historical problems in Stephen's speech, but these problems include additions to previous revelation as well as apparent contradictions. See Gleason L. Archer, Encyclopedia of Bible Difficulties, pp. 378-82, for suggested solutions to problems in verses 4, 14, 16, and 43. 335Kent, p. 68.

334Barrett,

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The Jews of Stephen's day needed to realize that God had not exhausted His promises to Abraham in giving them what they presently had and valued so highly. There was greater inheritance to come, but it would come to future generations of their descendants, not to them. Specifically it would come to those who continued to follow Abraham's good example of faith by believing in Jesus. God sought to teach these Jews that there were spiritual descendants of Abraham who were not his physical descendants (Gal. 3:6-9, 29). 7:6 God also told Abraham that his offspring would be slaves and suffer mistreatment outside their land for 400 years (Gen. 15:13).336
REFERENCES TO ISRAEL'S YEARS IN EGYPT
1875 1845 The 430 year sojourn in Egypt (Exod. 12:40-41; Gal. 3:17) The 400 years of bondage in Egypt (Gen. 15:13, 16; Acts 7:6) The "about" 450 years of bondage, wandering, and conquest (Acts 13:19-20) The Exodus and the giving of the Mosaic Covenant The Conquest completed 1446 1395

Jacob moves to Egypt

Israelites enslaved

The Israelites were currently under Roman oppression but were about to lose their freedom and experience antagonism outside the land for many years. Jesus had predicted this (Matt. 23:125:46). 7:7 God promised to punish the nations that oppressed Israel (Gen. 12:3) and to bring her back into the land eventually (Gen. 15:13). God had told Moses that he would bring the Israelites out of Egypt and that they would worship Him at Mt. Sinai (Exod. 3:12). Stephen's point was that God had promised to punish those who oppressed His people. The Jews had been oppressing the Christians by prohibiting their preaching and even flogging them (4:18; 5:40). Gamaliel had warned that if the Christians were correct the Jewish leaders would be fighting against God by opposing them (5:39). God's promise to judge His people's oppressors went back into the Abrahamic Covenant, which the Jews treasured and Stephen reminded them of here.

from the year their enslavement began, evidently 1845 B.C., to the Exodus, 1446 B.C. Some interpreters take the 400 years as a round number. See also Harold W. Hoehner, "The Duration of the Egyptian Bondage," Bibliotheca Sacra 126:504 (October-December 1969):306-16.

336I.e.,

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Stephen probably referred to God giving Abraham the covenant of circumcision (Gen. 17) because this was the sign that God would deliver what He had promised. It was the seal of the Abrahamic Covenant. God's promise was firm. Moreover God enabled Abraham to father Isaac, whom Abraham obediently circumcised, and later Isaac gave birth to Jacob who fathered the 12 patriarchs. Thus this chapter in Israel's history ends with emphasis on God's faithfulness to His promises to Abraham. The Sanhedrin needed to reevaluate these promises in the light of how God was working in their day.

Stephen affirmed belief that the God of glory had given the Abrahamic Covenant, which contained promises of land (vv. 2-4), seed (v. 5), and blessing (vv. 6-7). He had sealed this covenant with a sign, namely, circumcision (v. 8). Circumcision was one of the Jewish customs that would pass away in view of the new revelation that had come through Jesus Christ (cf. 6:14). Throughout his speech Stephen made many statements that had revolutionary implications for traditional Jewish thinking of his day. He did not expound these implications, but they are clear in view of what the disciples of Jesus were preaching. As such his speech is a masterpiece of understatement, or rather non-statement. That the Sanhedrin saw these implications and rejected them becomes clear at the end of the speech when they reacted as negatively as possible.
God's faithfulness to His people 7:9-16

Stephen next proceeded to show what God had done with Joseph and his family. He selected this segment of the patriarchal narrative primarily for two reasons. First, it shows how God miraculously preserved His people in faithfulness to His promises. Second, it shows the remarkable similarity between the career of Joseph, a savior God raised up, and that of Jesus. Jesus repeated many of Joseph's experiences illustrating God's choice of Him. Also the Israelites in the present were similar to Joseph's brothers in the past. Stephen's emphasis continued to be on God's faithfulness to His promises even though Joseph's brothers were wicked and the chosen family was out of the Promised Land. Stephen mentioned Jesus explicitly only once in his entire speech, in his very last sentence (v. 52). Nevertheless he referred to Him indirectly many times by drawing parallels between the experiences of Joseph and Moses and those of Jesus. 7:9-10 The patriarchs, Joseph's brothers, became jealous of him (Gen. 37:11) and sold him as a slave into Egypt (Gen. 37:28). Nevertheless God was with him (Gen. 39:2, 21) and rescued him from prison, gave him favor and wisdom before Pharaoh (lit. great house), and made him ruler over Egypt (Gen. 41:41) and his father's family. God was with Joseph because he was one of God's chosen people and because he followed God faithfully. This is what the Christians were claiming to be and do. "The treatment of Joseph by his Hebrew brothers should have been a pointed reminder of the way Jesus had been dealt with by the Jewish nation."337
337Kent,

pp. 67-68.

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Like Joseph, Jesus' brethren rejected and literally sold Him for the price of a slave. Nevertheless God was with Joseph and Jesus (v. 9). God exalted Joseph under Pharaoh and placed Him in authority over his domain. God had done the same with Jesus. 7:11-12 The Jews' forefathers suffered from a famine in the Promised Land and sent to Egypt for food (Gen. 41:54-55; 42:2, 5). When hard times came upon God's people, He sustained them and brought them into blessing and under the rule of Joseph. So will it be in the future with Jesus. The Jews would suffer hardship (in the destruction of Jerusalem and in the Tribulation) and then God will bring them into blessing under Jesus' rule (in the Millennium). On their second visit, Joseph revealed himself to his brothers, who could not believe he was their ruler, and he revealed his family's identity to Pharaoh (Gen. 45:1-4). In the future Israel will finally recognize Jesus as her Messiah (Zech. 12:10-14). Joseph then invited Jacob and his family, who numbered 75, to move to Egypt (Gen. 45:9-10). I take it that this was the number of people invited to Egypt. Some interpreters believe 75 people entered Egypt. "Stephen apparently cited the LXX figure which really was not an error, but computed the total differently by including five people which the Masoretic text did not."338 "One of the most widely accepted solutions is to recognize that the Hebrew text includes Jacob, Joseph, and Joseph's two sons, Ephraim and Manasseh (a total of 70), but that the Septuagint omits Jacob and Joseph but includes Joseph's seven grandchildren (mentioned in 1 Chron. 7:1415, 20-25). This is supported by the Hebrew in Genesis 46:8-26 which enumerates 66 names, omitting Jacob, Joseph, and Joseph's two sons."339 7:15 The number of people who made the trip and entered Egypt was probably 70 (Gen. 46:26-27; Exod. 1:5; Deut. 10:22). Jacob died safe and blessed under Joseph's rule. So will Israel end its days under Jesus' rule in the Millennium. Jacob died in Egypt as did his sons and their immediate descendants. Thus verses 11-15 record a threat to the chosen people and God's preservation of them, a second testimony to God's faithfulness in this pericope (cf. vv. 9-10). From Egypt the chosen people eventually returned to the Promised Land. God had been with them out of the land, and He now returned them to the land. Believers in Jesus will end up in the final resting place of Jesus, heaven.
p. 69. "Acts," p. 370. See also J. A. Alexander, Commentary on the Acts of the Apostles, pp. 226-67.

7:13-14

7:16

338Ibid.,

339Toussaint,

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Shechem was of special interest to Stephen. The Israelites buried Joseph's bones there after their initial conquest of the land (Josh. 24:32). Stephen's allusion to this event was his way of concluding this period of Israel's history. Moses wrote that Jacob, not Abraham, had purchased the tomb from Hamor in Shechem (Gen. 33:19; cf. 23:16; 50:13). This is probably a case of attributing to an ancestor what one of his descendants did (cf. Heb. 7:9-10). In the ancient oriental view of things, people regarded an ancestor as in one sense participating in the actions of his descendants (Gen. 9:25; 25:23; cf. Mal. 1:2-3; Rom. 9:11-13). Abraham had purchased Joseph's burial site in the sense that his grandson Jacob had purchased it (cf. Heb. 7:9-10). Stephen probably intended that his reference to Abraham rather than to Jacob would remind his hearers of God's faithfulness in fulfilling the promises God gave to Abraham. He did this in one sense when Israel possessed Canaan under Joshua's leadership. Israel will experience the ultimate fulfillment of God's land promises to Abraham when she enters rest under Jesus' messianic rule in the Millennium. Two other explanations of this apparent error are these. Stephen telescoped two events into one: Abraham's purchase from Ephron in Hebron (Gen. 23:1-20), and Jacob's purchase from Hamor in Shechem.340 Second, Abraham really did purchase the plot in Shechem, though Moses did not record that (cf. Gen. 12:6-7), and Jacob repurchased it later because the Canaanites had retaken it.341 In Stephen's day Shechem was in Samaritan territory. He reminded the Sanhedrin that their ancestral deliverer was buried in the land that orthodox Jews despised and avoided. This was another instance of helping them see that they should not think that the only place God worked was in the Promised Land. Stephen had already referred to Mesopotamia as where God had revealed Himself to Abraham (v. 2).
Stephen's view of Moses and the Law 7:17-43

Stephen continued his review of Israel's history by proceeding into the period of the Exodus. He sought to refute the charge that he was blaspheming against Moses (6:11) and was speaking against the Mosaic Law (6:13).
The career of Moses 7:17-36

Stephen's understanding of Moses was as orthodox as his view of God, but his presentation of Moses' career made comparison with Jesus' career unmistakable. As in the previous pericope, there is a double emphasis in this one, first, on God's faithfulness to His promises in the Abrahamic Covenant and, second, on Moses as a precursor of Jesus.
340Bruce, 341J.

Commentary on . . ., p. 149, n. 39. Rawson Lumby, The Acts of the Apostles, pp. 164-65. See also Wiersbe, 1:431.

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"More specifically than in the life of Joseph, Stephen sees in the story of Moses a type of the new and greater MosesChrist himself."342 7:17-18 Stephen had gotten ahead of himself briefly in verse 16. Now he returned to his history of Israel just before the Exodus. "The promise" God had made to Abraham was that He would judge his descendants' enslaving nation and free the Israelites (Gen. 15:14). This was a particular way that He would fulfill the earlier promises to give Israel the land, to multiply the Israelites, and to curse those nations that cursed Israel (Gen. 12:1-3, 7). The Israelites increased in Egypt until another Pharaoh arose who disregarded Joseph (Exod. 1:7-8). Similarly Christ had come in the fullness of time (Gal. 4:4). Before Moses appeared on the scene, Israel increased in numbers and fell under the control of an enemy that was hostile to her. Likewise before Jesus appeared, Israel had increased numerically and had fallen under Roman domination. 7:19 This Pharaoh took advantage of the Israelites and mistreated them by decreeing the death of their infants (Exod. 1:10, 16, 22). Like Pharaoh, Herod had tried to destroy all the Jewish babies at the time of Jesus' birth. Moses, the great deliverer of his people, was born, preserved, protected (by Pharaoh's daughter no less), and educated in Egypt. ". . . the pillar of the Law was reared in a foreign land and in a Gentile court."343 Moses became a powerful man in word (his writings?) and deed. All this took place outside the Promised Land, which further depreciated the importance of that land. Like Moses, Jesus was lovely in God's sight when He was born, and Mary nurtured Him at home before He came under the control of the Egyptians temporarily (cf. Matt. 1:18-21). Moses had great knowledge, as did Jesus; both became powerful men in words and deeds (v. 22). ". . . after forty years of learning in Egypt, God put him [Moses] out into the desert. There God gave him his B. D. degree, his Backside of the Desert degree, and prepared him to become the deliverer."344

7:20-22

342Neil,

p. 110. p. 111. 344McGee, 4:539.

343Ibid.,

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Moses' presumptive attempt to deliver his people resulted in his having to flee Egypt for Midian where he became an alien (cf. v. 6). These verses relate another story of an anointed leader of God's people, like Joseph, being rejected by those people. Yet God did not abandon Moses or his people. God blessed Moses in a foreign land, Midian, by giving him two sons. Moses offered himself as the deliverer of his brethren, but they did not understand him. The same thing happened to Jesus. Moses' Jewish brethren who did not recognize that God had appointed him as their ruler and judge rejected him even though Moses sought to help them. Likewise Jesus' Jewish brethren rejected Him. Moses' brethren feared that he might use his power to destroy them rather than help them. Similarly the Jewish leaders feared that Jesus with His supernatural abilities might bring them harm rather than deliverance and blessing (cf. John 11:47-48). This rejection led Moses to leave his brethren and to live in a distant land where he fathered sons (v. 29). Jesus too had left His people and had gone to live in a distant land where He was producing descendants (i.e., Christians).

7:30-34

It was in Midian, after 40 years, that God appeared to Moses in the burning bush. The angel that appeared to Moses was the Angel of the Lord, very possibly the preincarnate Christ (vv. 31-33; cf. Exod. 3:2, 6; 4:2; John 12:41; 1 Cor. 10:1-4; Heb. 11:26). God commanded Moses to return to Egypt as His instrument of deliverance for the Israelites. God revealed Himself and His Law outside the Holy Land. Moses received a commission from God in Midian to return to his brethren to lead them out of their oppressed condition. Jesus, on God's order, will return to the earth to deliver Israel from her oppressed condition during the Tribulation when He returns at His second coming.

7:35-36

The very man whom the Israelite leaders had rejected as their ruler and judge (v. 27) God sent to fulfill that role with His help. Moses proceeded to perform signs and wonders in Egypt, at the Red Sea, and in the wilderness. The third reference to 40 years (cf. vv. 23, 30, 36) divides Moses' career into three distinct parts. These stages were (1) preparation ending with rejection by his brethren, (2) preparation ending with his return to Egypt, and (3) ruling and judging Israel. The parallels with the career of Jesus become increasingly obvious as Stephen's speech unfolds. "Jesus too had been brought out of Egypt by Joseph and Mary, had passed through the waters of Jordan at his baptism (the Red Sea), and had been tempted in the wilderness for forty days."345

345Neil,

p. 111.

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As Moses became Israel's ruler and judge with angelic assistance, so will Jesus. As Moses had done miracles, so had Jesus. The ultimate prophet that Moses had predicted would follow him was Jesus (cf. 3:22). "Stephen naturally lingers over Moses, 'in whom they trusted' (Jn. v. 45-47), showing that the lawgiver, rejected by his people (35), foreshadowed the experience of Christ (Jn. i. 11)."346
The teaching of Moses 7:37-43

Stephen continued dealing with the Mosaic period of Israel's history, but he focused more particularly now on Moses' teaching, the Mosaic Law. This is what the Jews of his day professed to venerate and follow exactly, but Stephen showed that they really had rejected what Moses taught. 7:37-38 Stephen stressed the fact that "this" Moses was the man who had given the prophecy about the coming prophet (Deut. 18:15) and had received other divine oracles for the Israelites.347 Stephen clearly respected Moses, but he noted that Moses himself had predicted that a prophet like himself would appear (cf. Acts 3:22). Therefore the Jews should not have concluded that the Mosaic Law was the end of God's revelation to them.348 ". . . preaching Christ was not disloyalty to an ancient tradition, but its fulfilment. This was powerful argument, and a continuation of Peter's theme (iii. 22, 23). (This truth was to be more fully developed for similar minds in the Epistle to the Hebrews; see iii. 1-6, ix. 18-20, xii. 24).)"349 Jesus had spent a time of temptation in the wilderness (40 days) and had heard God speaking audibly from heaven at His baptism. He too had rubbed shoulders with Israel's leaders and had received revelations from God for His people. 7:39-40 The Israelites in the wilderness refused to listen to Moses and repudiated his leadership of them (Num. 14:3-4; Exod. 32:1, 23). By insisting on the finality of the Mosaic Law so strongly, as they did, Stephen's hearers were in danger of repudiating what Moses had prophesied about the coming prophet.

p. 76. (Gr. houtos estin) with the articular adjectival participle in verses 37 and 38 is an intensified form of the demonstrative pronouns translated "this" in verses 35 (touton) and 36 (houtos). 348The fact that Stephen spoke of the Mosaic Law as "living oracles" suggests that he viewed it more in its revelatory than in its regulatory aspect. See Ronald Y. K. Fung, The Epistle to the Galatians, p. 61. 349Blaiklock, p. 76.
347"This"

346Blaiklock,

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The Israelites refused to follow Moses but sought to return to their former place of slavery. So had Israel refused to follow Jesus but turned back instead to her former condition of bondage under the Law (cf. Gal. 5:1). 7:41-43 The Israelites turned from Moses to idolatry, and in this their high priest, Aaron, helped them. Consequently God gave them over to what they wanted (cf. Rom. 1:24). He also purposed to send them into captivity as punishment (Amos 5:25-27). By implication, turning from the revelation that Jesus had given amounted to idolatry. Stephen implied that by rejecting Moses' coming prophet, Jesus, his hearers could expect a similar fate despite the sacrifices they brought to God. "Stephen's quotation of Amos 5:27, 'I will carry you away beyond Babylon,' differs from the OT. Both the Hebrew text and the LXX say 'Damascus.' The prophet Amos was foretelling the exile of the northern kingdom under the Assyrians which would take them beyond Damascus. More than a century later, the southern kingdom was captured because of her similar disobedience to God and was deported to Babylon. Stephen has merely substituted this phrase in order to use this Scripture to cover the judgment of God on the entire nation."350 Israel had turned from Jesus to idolatry, and her high priest had helped her do so. The Israelites rejoiced in their idolatry in the wilderness and more recently since Jesus was out of the way. God had turned from them for their apostasy in the past, and He was doing the same in the present. They did not really offer their sacrifices to God, and He did not accept them since they had rejected His anointed Ruler and Judge. The Israelites were heading for another wilderness experience. They adopted a house of worship and an object of worship that were not God's choice but their creations. God would remove them far from their land in punishment (i.e., in A.D. 70). Stephen had answered his accusers' charge that he had spoken against Moses (6:11, 13) by showing that he believed what Moses had predicted about the coming prophet. It was really his hearers who rejected Moses since they refused to allow the possibility of prophetic revelation that superseded the Mosaic Law. "Joseph's brethren, rejecting the beloved of their father, Moses' people, turning with scorn and cursing on the one who only sought to give them freedomthese were prototypes which the audience would not fail to refer to themselves."351
350Kent,

351Blaiklock,

pp. 70-71. p. 76.

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Stephen's view of the temple 7:44-50

Stephen effectively refuted the general charges that he blasphemed God and Moses (6:11; cf vv. 2-16) and spoke against the Law (6:13; cf. vv. 17-43). He next addressed the charge that he spoke against the temple (6:13). The charges that he had said Jesus would destroy the temple and alter Jewish customs (6:14) were really specific accusations growing out of Stephen's view of the temple. The Jewish leaders of Stephen's day attached inordinate importance to the temple, as they did to the Mosaic Law and the Promised Land. They had distorted God's view of the temple as they had distorted His meaning in the Law. Instruction concerning both the Law, which specified Israel's walk before people, and the tabernacle, which specified her worship of God, came to Moses when he was out of the Promised Land, at Mt. Sinai. 7:44 Stephen pointed out that it was the tabernacle of testimony in the wilderness that God had ordered built, not the temple. God even gave Moses blueprints to follow in constructing it because its design had instructive value. The tabernacle of testimony was important primarily because it contained God's revealed will and it was the place that God's presence dwelt in a localized sense. The "testimony" was the tablets of the Mosaic Law that rested in the ark of the covenant. The tabernacle was so important that the Israelites brought it into the Promised Land when they conquered it under Joshua's leadership. The Greek form of "Joshua" is "Jesus." God drove out the Canaanites in faithfulness to His promise to give the land to His people. The tabernacle continued to be God's ordained center of worship through David's reign. God blessed David's reign, and the tabernacle, not the temple, existed then. The initiative to build the temple was David's, not God's. It had been David's desire to build God a more glorious place in which to dwell. However, God did not "jump" at this suggestion because He did not need another place in which to dwell. "The temple, Stephen implies, was a royal whim, tolerated of God."352 7:47 God did not even permit David to build the temple. He was not that eager to have a temple. However, He allowed Solomon, a king who did not find as much favor in God's sight as David did, to build it. Stephen hastened to clarify that the Most High God, for whom a suitable house was certainly a reasonable desire, does not restrict Himself to a habitation constructed by humans. Solomon himself had acknowledged this when he dedicated the temple (cf. 1 Kings 8:27; Isa. 66:1-2).

7:45

7:46

7:48-50

352Ibid.,

p. 77.

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"Judaism never taught that God actually lived in the temple or was confined to its environs but spoke of his 'Name' and presence as being there. In practice, however, this concept was often denied. This would especially appear so to Stephen, when further divine activity was refused out-ofhand by the people in their preference for God's past revelation and redemption as symbolized in the existence of the temple."353 Stephen quoted Isaiah 66:1-2 for support. He referred to Isaiah as "the prophet." As a prophet Isaiah was worthy of as much respect as Moses. Significantly the last part of Isaiah 66:2 says that God esteems those who are humble and contrite in spirit and who tremble at His word. Stephen left this timely and powerful challenge unstated for his hearers. "It would seem that these verses form the real thrust of Stephen's speech. In quoting with approval Isaiah's words, Stephen would appear to imply that, as Christ is the new Moses, he is also the new Temple. In him and through him alone can men approach God."354 Stephen reminded the Sanhedrin that the temple, which they venerated excessively, was not the primary venue of God's person and work. He was arguing that Jesus was God's designated replacement for the temple, as the writer of the Epistle to the Hebrews also taught.355 "Throughout his speech he has, of course, been undermining the superstition which exalted a place of worship. The first great revelations of God had, in fact, taken place in foreign lands, Ur, Sinai, Midian, long before the temple existed (2-4, 29-34, 44-50)."356
Stephen's accusation 7:51-53

Stephen concluded his defense by indicting his accusers. They had brought charges against him, but now he brought more serious charges against them. In his first speech to the Sanhedrin, Peter had been quite brief and forthright (4:8-12). He had presented Jesus as the only name by which people must be saved (4:12). In his second speech to that body, Peter had again spoken briefly but more directly (5:29-32).
p. 346. p. 114. Cf. John 2:19, 21; Eph. 2:19-22; 1 Pet. 2:5. 355There have been three major interpretations of Stephen's view of the temple: God would replace it, God had rejected it, or God is above it. For a discussion of this subject, see Dennis D. Sylva, "The Meaning and Function of Acts 7:46-50," Journal of Biblical Literature 106:2 (1987):261-75. All three views are implications of Stephen's words. 356Blaiklock, p. 77.
354Neil, 353Longenecker,

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He had charged the Sanhedrin with crucifying the Prince and Savior whom God had provided for His people (5:30-31). In this third speech before the Sanhedrin, Stephen spoke extensively giving even more condemning evidence. The Sanhedrin was guilty of unresponsiveness to God's word and of betraying and murdering the Righteous One (v. 52). 7:51 By rejecting Jesus the Sanhedrin was doing just what their forefathers had done in rejecting God's other anointed servants, such as Joseph and Moses. They were "stiff-necked," a figure of speech for self-willed. Moses used this expression to describe the Israelites when they rebelled against God and worshipped the golden calf (cf. Exod. 33:5; Deut. 9:13). While Stephen's hearers had undergone physical circumcision, and were proud of it, they were uncircumcised in their affections and responsiveness to God's Word. They were resisting the Holy Spirit rather than allowing Him to control (fill) them. They were similar to the apostates in Israel's past (cf. Lev. 26:41; Deut. 10:16) whom former prophets had rebuked (cf. Jer. 4:4; 9:26). The Sanhedrin members were behaving just as their forefathers had. Note that Stephen had previously associated himself with "our fathers" (vv. 2, 11-12, 15, 19, 39, 44-45), but now he disassociated himself from the Sanhedrin by referring to "your fathers." "Our fathers" were the trusting and obeying patriarchs, but "your fathers" were the unresponsive apostates. The Jews' ill treatment of their prophets was well known and self-admitted (cf. 2 Chron. 36:15-16; Neh. 9:26; Jer. 2:30). They had consistently resisted God's messengers to them, even killing the heralds of God's Righteous One (cf. 3:14; 1 Kings 19:10, 14; Neh. 9:26; Jer. 26:2024; Luke 6:23; 11:49; 13:34; 1 Thess. 2:15; Heb. 11:36-38). Stephen said the Sanhedrin members were responsible for the betrayal and murder of that one, Jesus. Their guilt was all the greater because they had received God's law, which angels had delivered (Deut. 33:2 [LXX]; cf. Gal. 3:19; Heb. 2:2), but they had disobeyed it. They were the real blasphemers (defiant sinners). Stephen, as an angel (cf. 6:15), had brought them new insight, but they were about to reject it too.

7:52

7:53

The primary theme of Stephen's speech is that Israel's leaders had failed to recognize that God had told His people ahead of time that they could expect a change. They had falsely concluded that the present state of Judaism was the final stage in God's plan of revelation and redemption. We too can become so preoccupied with the past and the present that we forget what God has revealed about the future. We need to keep looking ahead. "He [Stephen] saw that the men who played a really great part in the history of Israel were the men who heard God's command, 'Get thee out,' and who were not afraid to obey it [cf. vv. 3, 15, 29, 36, 45]. The great men were the men who were prepared to make the adventure of faith.

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With that adventurous spirit Stephen implicitly contrasted the spirit of the Jews of his own day, whose one desire was to keep things as they were and who regarded Jesus and His followers as dangerous innovators."357 A second related theme is that Israel's leaders had departed from God's priorities to give prominence to secondary issues for their own glory (the Holy Land, Moses, the temple). We also can think too highly of our own country, our leaders, and our place of worship. Another related theme, the theme of Israel's rejection of the Lord's anointed servants, also runs through Stephen's speech. Jesus was another of God's anointed servants. The Jews had dealt with Him as they had dealt with the other anointed servants whom God had sent them. They could expect to experience the consequences of their rejection as their forefathers had. We need to observe the pattern of humiliation followed by glorification that has marked the careers of God's servants in the past and to anticipate that pattern in our own careers. ". . . it [Stephen's defense] is not designed to secure Stephen's acquittal of the charges brought against him, but to proclaim the essence of the new faith. It has been well said that, although the name of Christ is never mentioned, Stephen is all the while 'preaching Jesus'. He is demonstrating that everything in Israel's past history and experience pointed forward to God's culminating act in his plan for the redemption of the world in sending the Christ. The witness of Abraham, Joseph, Moses and David in one way or another underlined the transitory nature of existing Jewish institutions and the hollowness of Jewish claims to have the monopoly of the way to salvation. The presence of God could not be restricted to one Holy Land or confined in one holy Temple, nor could his Law be atrophied in the ceremonialism of the Sadducees or the legalism of the Pharisees."358 Stephen's speech demonstrated remarkable insight, but this was more than mere human genius because the Holy Spirit was controlling (filling) Stephen (6:5, 10). While it is easy to overstate Stephen's importance, He seems to have understood the changes that would take place because of the Jews' rejection of Jesus. He did so earlier and more clearly than some of the other leaders of the Jerusalem church such as Peter (cf. ch. 10). He appears to have been an enlightened thinker whom God enabled to see the church's future in relationship to Israel as few did this early in the church's history. Many Hebrew Jewish Christianswho still observed the Jewish hour of prayer, feasts, and temple ritualprobably did not appreciate this relationship. Stephen was in a real sense the forerunner of Paul who became the champion of God's plan to separate Christianity from Judaism. "So he [Stephen] perceived, and evidently was the first to perceive clearly, the incidental and temporary character of the Mosaic Law with the temple
357Barclay, 358Neil,

p. 53. p. 116.

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and all its worship. This was the first germ of doctrine which S. Paul was afterward to carry out to its full logical and far-reaching consequences, viz. the perfect equality of Jew and Gentile in the church of God . . . "S. Stephen then is the connecting link between S. Peter and S. Paula link indispensable to the chain. Stephen, and not Gamaliel, was the real master of S. Paul. . . . For 'the work' of Stephen lasts on till chapter xii (see xi 19), and then it is taken up by his greater pupil and successorPaul."359
3. Stephen's death 7:548:1a

Stephen's speech caused a revolution in the Jews' attitude toward the disciples of Jesus, and his martyrdom began the first persecution of the Christians. Luke recorded the Sanhedrin's response to Stephen's message to document Jesus' continued rejection by Israel's leaders. He did so to explain why the gospel spread as it did and why the Jews responded to it as they did following this event. 7:54 "Cut to the quick" is a figure of speech that describes being painfully wounded. Stephen's words convicted and offended the members of the Sanhedrin. They retaliated fiercely. Gnashing (grinding) the teeth pictures brutal antagonism. "The possibilities are that what took place was a spontaneous act of mob violence or that Stephen was legally executed by the Sanhedrin, either because there was some kind of special permission from the Romans or because there was no Roman governor at the time and advantage was taken of the interregnum. The first of these possibilities is the more likely."360 7:55 Fully controlled by the Holy Spirit (cf. 6:3, 5, 8, 15) Stephen received a vision of Jesus standing beside God in all His glory. This vision of God's throne room in heaven is similar to visions that Isaiah, Ezekiel, Daniel, and John saw. The unusual fact that Stephen saw Him standing rather than seated, as the biblical writers elsewhere describe Him (e.g., Ps. 110:1), may imply several things. It may imply His activity as prophet and mediator standing between God and man, and as a witness since He was witnessing through His witnesses on earth.

p. 87-88. Adolph Harnack, The Mission and Expansion of Christianity, 1:50, believed that Stephen probably did not understand the issues behind the cause for which he died. 360Marshall, The Acts . . ., p. 148.

359Rackham,

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"Stephen has been confessing Christ before men, and now he sees Christ confessing His servant before God. The proper posture for a witness is the standing posture. Stephen, condemned by an earthly court, appeals for vindication to a heavenly court, and his vindicator in that supreme court is Jesus, who stands at God's right hand as Stephen's advocate, his 'paraclete.' When we are faced with words so wealthy in association as these words of Stephen, it is unwise to suppose that any single interpretation exhausts their significance. All the meaning that had attached to Ps. 110:1 and Dan. 7:13f. is present here, including especially the meaning that springs from their combination on the lips of Jesus when He appeared before the Sanhedrin; but the replacement of 'sitting' by 'standing' probably makes its own contribution to the total meaning of the words in this contexta contribution distinctively appropriate to Stephen's present role as martyr-witness."361 "Standing" may also imply Jesus' welcome of Stephen into His presence as the first Christian martyr. "Here Jesus, functioning as Judge, welcomed Stephen into heaven, showing that despite earthly rejection, Stephen was honored in heaven."362 Psalm 110:1 describes Messiah as at God's right hand, where Stephen saw Jesus. Jesus' position in relation to God suggests His acceptance by Him, His authority under God, and His access to God. 7:56 Stephen announced his vision and described Jesus as the "Son of Man" (cf. Rev. 1:13; 14:14). This was a title of the Messiah that implied the universal aspect of his rule that Daniel used (Dan. 7:13-14). Jesus alone used this title of Himself in the Gospels. He had used it of Himself when He stood before the Sanhedrin not many weeks earlier (Mark 14:62; Luke 22:69). Stephen was virtually saying that his vision confirmed Jesus' claim to be the Son of Man. Access to God is through Jesus Christ, not through temple ritual, as the Jews taught (1 Tim. 2:5). 7:57-58 Stephen's declaration amounted to blasphemy to the Sanhedrin. They knew that when he said "Son of Man" he meant "Jesus." The Sanhedrin members therefore cried out in agony of soul, covered their ears so they would hear no more, and seized Stephen to prevent him from saying more
Commentary on . . ., pp. 168-69. "A Theology . . .," p. 111.

361Bruce, 362Bock,

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or escaping. Stoning was the penalty for blasphemy in Israel (Lev. 24:16; Deut. 17:7), and the Sanhedrin members went right to it. In the three trials before the Sanhedrin that Luke recorded thus far, the first ended with a warning (4:17, 21), the second with flogging (5:40), and the third with stoning (7:58-60). The Sanhedrin now abandoned Gamaliel's former moderating advice (5:35-39). It did not have the authority to execute someone without Roman sanction, and Jewish law forbade executing a person on the same day as his trial.363 However since witnesses were present to cast the first stones, as the Mosaic Law prescribed, Stephen's death seems not to have been simply the result of mob violence but official action. Probably it was mob violence precipitated and controlled by the Sanhedrin along the lines of Jesus' execution. "The message of Stephen, it seems, served as a kind of catalyst to unite Sadducees, Pharisees, and the common people against the early Christians."364 Saul of Tarsus was there and cooperated with the authorities by holding their cloaks while they carried out their wicked business (cf. 8:1; 22:20). He was then a "young man" (Gr. neanias, cf. 20:9; 23:17-18, 22), but we do not know his exact age. Since he died about A.D. 68 and since Stephen probably died about A.D. 34, perhaps Saul was in his mid-thirties. Jesus and Paul appear to have been roughly contemporaries. This verse, of course, does not imply that Saul was a member of the Sanhedrin.365 7:59-60 Stephen died as Jesus did, with prayers for his executioners being his last words (cf. Luke 23:34, 46; cf. 2 Chron. 24:22). However, Stephen prayed to Jesus whereas Jesus prayed to His Father. Luke probably wanted his readers to connect the two executions, but they were not exactly the same.366 "Between Stephen and Jesus there was communion of nature, there was communion of testimony, there was communion of suffering, and finally there was communion of triumph."367

Sanhedrin 4:1. p. 351. 365See Simon Lgasse, "Paul's Pre-Christian Career according to Acts," in The Book of Acts in Its First Century Setting; Vol. 4: The Book of Acts in Its Palestinian Setting, pp. 365-90. 366Some commentators (e.g., Charles H. Talbert, Luke and the Gnostics, p. 76) have argued that Luke presented Stephen's execution as a reenactment of Jesus' execution. 367Morgan, p. 142.
364Longenecker,

363Mishnah

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Stephen's body, not his soul, fell asleep to await resurrection (cf. 13:36; John 11:11; 1 Thess. 4:13, 15; et al.). "For Stephen the whole dreadful turmoil finished in a strange peace. He fell asleep. To Stephen there came the peace which comes to the man who has done the right thing even if the right thing kills him."368 "As Paul is to become Luke's hero, in that he more than any other single man was instrumental in spreading the Gospel throughout the Gentile world, so Stephen here receives honourable recognition as the man who first saw the wider implications of the Church's faith and laid the foundations on which the mission to the Gentiles was built."369 8:1a Saul's active approval of Stephen's execution reveals his commitment to the extermination of Jesus' disciples, which he proceeded to implement zealously. This verse introduces Saul and provides a transition to what follows later concerning Saul's conversion and subsequent ministry.
B. THE MINISTRY OF PHILIP 8:1B-40

Luke next featured other important events in the expansion of the church and the ministry of another important witness. Philip took the gospel into Samaria and then indirectly to Ethiopia, one of the more remote parts of the earth (cf. 1:8). The account of Philip's ministry in this chapter has several connections with chapters 6 and 7. Philip, like Stephen, was a member of the Seven (6:5). The persecution begun in chapters 6 and 7 continues in chapter 8, and the church continued to feel Saul's antagonism.
1. The evangelization of Samaria 8:1b-25

The first part of Philip's important witness took place in Samaria. Luke recorded the cause of Philip's ministry there (vv. 1b-3), its nature (vv. 4-8), and its effects (vv. 9-24).
The dispersion of the witnesses 8:1b-3

This short section sets the stage for Philip's ministry by giving us its cause. 8:1b Stephen's execution ignited the first popular persecution of Christian Jews.370 Since Stephen was a Hellenistic Jew, the Hellenistic Jewish Christians were probably the main targets of this antagonism. The unbelieving Jews living in Jerusalem turned against the believing Jews.

p. 62. p. 105. 370See Ernst Bammel, "Jewish Activity against Christians in Palestine according to Acts," in The Book of Acts in Its First Century Setting; Vol. 4: The Book of Acts in Its Palestinian Setting, pp. 357-64.
369Neil,

368Barclay,

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This hostility resulted in many of the believers leaving Jerusalem for more secure places of residence. They took the gospel seed with them and planted churches in all Judea (cf. 1 Thess. 2:14) as well as in Samaria.371 This persecution was hard on the Christians, but it was good for the church since it resulted in widening evangelization. The apostles probably stayed in Jerusalem because they believed their presence there was essential regardless of the danger. Moreover the persecution seems to have been against Hellenistic Jews particularly, and the Twelve were Hebrews. 8:2 The "devout men" who buried Stephen were probably God-fearing Jews like Joseph of Arimathea and Nicodemus who buried Jesus (Luke 23:5053). There were undoubtedly many Jews in Jerusalem who were still sympathetic with the Christians (cf. 6:7). Some of them evidently gave Stephen a burial suitable to his importance. The Mishnah considered open lamentation for someone who had suffered death by stoning as inappropriate.372 Luke's notation that people made loud lamentation for Stephen may, therefore, be evidence that there were many Jews who regarded Stephen's stoning as extremely unfortunate. The Greek word translated "ravaging" (lumainomai) occurs only here in the New Testament. The Septuagint translators used it in Psalm 80:13 to describe wild boars destroying a vineyard. In English we use "ravaging" as a synonym for raping. This is how Saul began behaving.373 He was a leader of the persecution in Jerusalem (9:1-2, 29; 22:4-5; 26:11). Evidently Stephen's execution fueled Paul's hatred for the Christians and resulted in his increasing antagonism toward them. He not only went from house to house arresting Christians (cf. 2:46; 5:42) but also carried his purges into the synagogues (cf. 6:9) and tried to force believers to blaspheme there (22:19; 26:11).

8:3

Philip's evangelization of Samaria 8:4-8

8:4

Whereas persecution resulted in the death of some believers it also dispersed the disciples over a wider area. Luke described what they did as scattered believers as "preaching the word" (Gr. euaggelizomenoi ton logon, lit. "proclaiming good news the word"). The gospel message is in view. Sometimes what appears to be very bad turns out to be very good (Matt. 16:18). ". . . the thrust of the church into its mission after the persecution of the Christian community in Jerusalem is

Greek word diesparesen, translated "scattered" here and in v. 4, comes from the verb speiro, used to refer to sowing seed (cf. Matt. 6:26; 13:3-4, 18; 25:24, 26; Luke 8:5; 12:24; et al.). 372Mishnah Sanhedrin 6:6. 373The verb is evidently an inceptive imperfect indicating the beginning of the action.

371The

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parallel with Luke's portrayal in his Gospel of the spread of Jesus' fame after the devil's assault in the wilderness."374 "As the mission begins to move beyond Jerusalem and Judea, it is useful to distinguish two roles within it: the role of the initiator and the role of the verifier. The apostles shift at this point from the former to the latter role. That is, their function is reduced to recognizing and confirming the work of the evangelists who bring the gospel to new areas and groups, or to working as evangelists in areas already opened for mission (cf. 8:25; 9:32-42)."375 8:5 Philip was apparently a Hellenistic Jew like Stephen. This was Philip the evangelist who was one of the Seven (cf. 6:5), not the Philip who was one of the Twelve. He travelled north from Jerusalem to Samaria. He followed Jesus' example of taking the gospel to the Samaritans (cf. John 4). The other Jews did not like the people who lived in this area and had no *Caesarea dealings with them (John 4:9). They regarded them as racial and *Samaria religious half-breeds. They did so since their ancestors were Jews Joppa who had intermarried with the * * Lydda Gentiles whom the Assyrians had sent to live there following * Jerusalem Assyria's conquest of Israel in 722 *Gaza B.C. Furthermore the Samaritans had opposed the rebuilding of the temple in Ezra's day and had erected their own temple on Mt. Gerizim in competition with the temple on Mt. Zion in Jerusalem. In view of Stephen's depreciation of the Jerusalem temple (7:44-50), it is not incredible to read that Philip took the gospel to Samaritans. The Samaritans accepted only the Pentateuch as authoritative and looked for a personal Messiah who would be like Moses.

374Longenecker, 375Tannehill,

p. 355. 2:102.

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We do not know exactly where Philip went because Luke did not identify the place specifically.376 It was "down" from Jerusalem topographically, not geographically. Some ancient versions of Acts refer to "a city of Samaria" whereas others have "the city of Samaria." Probably "the city" is correct. This capital town stood a few miles west and a little north of Old Testament Shechem and very near New Testament Sychar (cf. John 4:5). The Old Testament city of SamariaSebaste was its Greek namehad been the capital of the northern kingdom of Israel. Philip's willingness to preach "the Christ" (cf. v. 12) to the Samaritans demonstrates an openness that had not characterized Jesus' disciples formerly (cf. John 4:9). Sometimes God moves us out of our comfort zone because He has a job for us to do elsewhere. A whole new people-group came to faith in Christ. 8:6-8 Philip also could perform miracles like Jesus and the apostles. He cast out demons and healed paralyzed and lame people. These signs attracted the attention of multitudes of Samaritans and supported Philip's profession that God was with him. Perhaps the fact that Philip had been rejected by the Jerusalem Jews made him appealing to the Samaritans since they too had experienced rejection by those Jews. Again, deliverance brought rejoicing (cf. 2:46-47). "It is not too difficult to imagine what would have happened had the apostles at Jerusalem first been the missioners [sic] to Samaria. Probably they would have been rebuffed, just as they were rebuffed earlier in their travels with Jesus when the Samaritans associated them with the city of Jerusalem (cf. Luke 9:51-56). But God in his providence used as their evangelist the Hellenist Philip, who shared their fate (though for different reasons) of being rejected at Jerusalem; and the Samaritans received him and accepted his message."377 Simon the Sorcerer's conversion 8:9-13 8:9-11 Another person who was doing miracles in Samaria, but by satanic power, was Simon whom people have sometimes called Simon Magus. Magus is the transliteration of the Greek word magos meaning magician or sorcerer. The magic that he did was not sleight of hand deception but sorcery, the ability to control people and or nature by demonic power. This ability had made Simon very popular, and he had encouraged people to think that he was a great power whom God had sent.378

376See

Hengel, pp. 70-76, for a full discussion of this enigmatic reference. p. 359. 378Ibid., p. 358, summarized the teaching of the early church fathers concerning Simon.
377Longenecker,

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"As the counterfeit of the true, these false prophets were among the most dangerous enemies of Christianity; and the distinction between the true and the false, between religion and spiritualism, had to be sharply drawn once for all."379 8:12 Simon promoted himself, but Philip preached Christ. "I believe that Simon is the first religious racketeer in the churchbut, unfortunately, not the last."380 Luke described Philip's message as the good news about God's kingdom and the name of Jesus Christ. Those who trust in Christ become partakers in His spiritual rule over them now and eventually will enter into His future earthly millennial rule. The phrase "name of Jesus Christ" points to the fact that Jesus is the Christ, the anointed Messiah (cf. 1 John 5:1). Note that water baptism followed conversion almost immediately (cf. 2:38). Both men and women were believing and were undergoing baptism. This was clearly water baptism since they did not experience Spirit baptism until later (v. 17). 8:13 Even Simon believed. I see no reason to conclude that Simon's faith was spurious.381 The text says that he believed just as the others Luke mentioned (v. 12), and there is no reason to doubt the reality of their faith. Having practiced Satan's magic Simon could not believe the difference between Philip's God-given miracles and his own magic.

Compromise in the Samaritan church 8:14-24 8:14-17 The 12 apostles were, of course, the divinely appointed leaders of the Christians (ch. 1). It was natural and proper, therefore, that they should send representative apostles to investigate the Samaritans' response to the gospel. This was especially important in view of the hostility that existed between the Hebrews and the Samaritans. It was important that both the Samaritan Christians and the Hebrew Christians believe that God had united them in Christ.382 When Peter and John came down, they observed that these Samaritans also had accepted Jesus as the Messiah. They asked God in prayer to send His Holy Spirit to baptize them as He had baptized the Jews who believed in Jesus (cf. Luke 11:13).

p. 113. 4:543 381Ibid., 4:544, 545; Toussaint, "Acts," p. 373; and Wiersbe, 1:435-36, believed his faith was spurious, that he was an unbeliever. 382The way the Jews and the Samaritans felt about one another is similar to how most Israelis and Palestinians feel about one another today.
380McGee,

379Rackham,

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"This was a period of transition from the OT dispensation to the NT era, and these believers at Samaria were in a position similar to the believers at Jerusalem prior to Pentecost."383 However the baptism of the Spirit occurred somewhat differently here than it had in Jerusalem (ch. 2). There it happened spontaneously, but here it came in answer to the apostles' prayer and with the laying on of their hands. There the sound of a mighty wind, visible flames of fire, and speaking in tongues accompanied it. Here there is no mention that these phenomena were present. Perhaps tongues were not spoken here because the Jews and the Samaritans spoke the same language. In both places, Jerusalem and Samaria, the Spirit's reception for permanent indwelling through Spirit baptism is in view, and the Holy Spirit baptized people who were already believers in Jesus Christ. "But what if the Spirit had come upon them [the Samaritans] at their baptism when administrated by Philip? Undoubtedly what feelings there were against Philip and the Hellenists would have carried over to them, and they would have been doubly under suspicion. But God in his providence withheld the gift of the Holy Spirit till Peter and John laid their hands on the SamaritansPeter and John, two leading apostles who were highly thought of in the mother church at Jerusalem and who would have been accepted at that time as brothers in Christ by the new converts in Samaria."384 Does what happened in Jerusalem and Samaria set a precedent for a "second blessing" experience (i.e., the baptism of the Spirit as a separate work of God subsequent to regeneration)? Paul described normative Spirit baptism in 1 Corinthians 12:13 and Romans 8:9. The person who has not experienced Spirit baptism is not a Christian (Rom. 8:9). Therefore the instances of Spirit baptism in Acts when it followed salvation later must have been exceptional occasions. This unusual separation of salvation and Spirit baptism is understandable. People needed to perceive Spirit baptism as such at the beginning of the church's history. God baptized believers with the Spirit in this way to validate Jesus' promise that He would send the Spirit to indwell believers permanently, something not true previously (John 14:16, 26; 15:26; 16:7).385 In chapter 2 God identified Spirit baptismwhich normally takes place without the believer being aware that it is happeningwith wind, fire, and
383Kent, 385See

p. 79.

384Longenecker,

p. 359. Harm, pp. 30-33.

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speaking in tongues. These things served as signs to the Jews present of God's working. Here in chapter 8 signs apparently did not announce the baptism of the Spirit but accompanied Philip's preaching. What would have impressed the Samaritans that the baptism of the Spirit was taking place? What would have impressed the Jews in Jerusalem that it had taken place in Samaria? The Spirit's baptizing work taking place in response to the laying on of the apostles' hands would have done so. This is, of course, exactly what God did. "Peter used the keys committed to him (Matt. 16:18, 19) to open the door officially to the Samaritans, just as he did to 3,000 Jews at Pentecost, and would again a little later to the gentiles at the house of Cornelius (chap. 10). It would be a great mistake, however, to treat this incident at Samaria as normative for all subsequent believers. A look at the Spirit's coming upon Saul (9:17) and Cornelius (10:44) will reveal considerable differences, so that the Samaritan experience was not the regular pattern in the Book of Acts."386 8:18-19 Clearly some external sign accompanied the coming of the Spirit to baptize because the people present perceived it as happening. Perhaps the sign was speaking in tongues as in chapter 2. Simon desired to buy the ability to precipitate Spirit baptism and its accompanying sign from Peter and John. This practice, the attempt to buy spiritual powers and offices, has become identified with Simon's name (i.e., simony). Simon failed to appreciate the uniqueness of Spirit baptism. He appears to have wanted to produce this in anyone, not just believers. Perhaps Simon's error was an innocent mistake due to theological ignorance. Note that it was clear to Simon that the laying on of hands communicated Spirit baptism (v. 19). 8:20-23 Peter's stern response, however, revealed the seriousness of Simon's error. J. B. Phillips paraphrased Peter's opening words, "To hell with you and your money!"387 By his request Simon had revealed that he hoped he could buy God's gifts, namely, the Holy Spirit and the ability to impart the Holy Spirit to others. Peter corrected him harshly. God's gifts are gifts; people cannot purchase them because God gives them freely. Simon had much to learn about the grace of God. Peter told him God would not grant the ability he sought because his heart was not right with God. Simon wanted to be able to bring glory to himself rather than to God.388 Proper

pp. 79-80. New Testament in Modern English. Literally Peter said, "Your silver be with you into perdition." 388Barclay, p. 68, referred to James Denney, the Scottish preacher, has having said that we cannot at one and the same time show that we are clever and that Christ is wonderful.
387The

386Kent,

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motives are essential as we seek to serve Jesus Christ. Simon's flesh rather than the Holy Spirit still controlled him. Bitterness, bondage, and iniquity still characterized him (v. 23). "Peter describes Simon's offer as poison and a chain."389 Simon was to the Samaritan church what Ananias and Sapphira were to the Jerusalem church: an early instance of self-seeking (cf. 5:1-11). Peter may have wondered if God would judge Simon as He had Ananias and Sapphira, if Simon was about to fall dead at his feet. 8:24 Peter's rebuke terrified Simon. A man with the spiritual power Simon had seen Peter demonstrate was no one to antagonize. Probably Simon's request for prayer that God would be merciful to him was sincere though superficial. Many interpreters believe that Simon was not a genuine believer, but he may have been. True Christians can do and have done everything that Simon said and did. His background, fresh out of demonism, makes his conduct easier to understand. I see him as another Ananias except that Ananias knew exactly what he was doing whereas Simon's error seems to have involved ignorance to some extent. Probably that is why he did not suffer the same fate as Ananias. Both men became examples to the Christians in their respective areas of how important it is to behave under the control of the Holy Spirit (cf. Eph. 5:15-21). Evangelism elsewhere in Samaria 8:25 The subjects of this verse are evidently Peter and John. The fact that while they were returning to Jerusalem the apostles preached the gospel in other Samaritan towns shows that they fully accepted the Samaritans as fellow believers. Furthermore they welcomed them into the church. Quite a change had taken place in John's heart in particular, and in Peter's, since these disciples had visited Samaria with Jesus. John had wanted to call down fire from heaven on a Samaritan village (cf. Luke 9:52-54). This mission into Samaria constituted a further gospel advance to the Gentiles. The Jews regarded the Samaritans as half Jew and half Gentile. In view of Peter's later reluctance to go to the Gentiles (ch. 10) this incident was clearly part of God's plan to broaden his vision. It prepared him to accept Gentiles into the church equally with Jews. 2. Philip's ministry to the Ethiopian eunuch 8:26-40 Luke recorded this incident to show the method and direction of the church's expansion to God-fearing Gentiles who were attracted to Judaism at this time. This man had visited Jerusalem to worship, was studying the Old Testament, and was open to instruction by a
389Robertson,

3:108.

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Jew. Therefore he was much more sympathetic to the Christians' gospel than the average Gentile. This man was the first full-fledged Gentile that Luke recorded being evangelized in Acts. "The admirably-told story of the Ethiopian is probably in Philip's own words, passed on to the author when he and Paul were entertained in the evangelist's house at Caesarea, twenty years later (xxi. 8). As a piece of narrative it ranks with the stories of the Lord's own personal work (e.g. John iii and iv)."390 8:26 God's messenger (an angel? cf. 5:19) directed Philip to go south to a road that ran from Jerusalem to Gaza. Philip did not return to Jerusalem with Peter and John. Whenever Luke introduced "an angel of the Lord" (Gr. angelos kyriou) into his narrative he desired to stress God's special presence and activity (Luke 1:11; 2:9; Acts 12:7, 23; cf. Acts 7:30, 35, 38; 10:3, 7, 22; 11:13; 12:11; 27:23).391 The Lord's direction was evidently strong because Philip had been involved in evangelizing multitudes successfully (v. 6). Now God definitely told him to leave that fruitful ministry to go elsewhere. Luke did not say exactly where Philip was when he received this direction, but he was probably somewhere in Samaria or in Caesarea, where we find him later (v. 40; 21:8). "The church did not simply 'stumble upon' the idea of evangelizing the Gentiles; it did so in accordance with God's deliberate purpose."392 Luke added for the benefit of Theophilus (1:1), who was evidently not familiar with the geography of Palestine, that this was desert territory. The word "desert" can modify either "road" or "Gaza." "The old town was referred to as 'Desert Gaza', and this is probably meant here rather than a desert road, which properly begins only at Gaza on the way to Egypt."393 To get from Jerusalem to Gaza a traveler such as this eunuch would normally route himself west through the hill country of Judah, the Shephelah (foothills), and down to the coastal plain. There he would finally turn south onto the international coastal highway that ran along the Mediterranean Sea connecting Damascus and Egypt. Only as it left Gaza,

390Blaiklock,

pp. 80-81. p. 362. 392Marshall, The Acts . . ., p. 161. 393Neil, p. 123.

391Longenecker,

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the southeasternmost city in Palestine, did the road pass through desert. This is in the modern Gaza Strip. The Ethiopian's spiritual condition when Philip met him was as arid as the desert. However when the two men parted the eunuch had experienced the refreshing effects of having been washed by the Water of Life. 8:27-28 We can see Philip's yieldedness to the Spirit's control in his obedience. On the road he met the man who was evidently in charge of the Ethiopian treasury (cf. Isa. 56:3-8; Ps. 68:31). The name "Ethiopia" at this time described a kingdom located between modern Egypt and the Sudan (i.e., Nubia). It lay between the first Nile cataract at Aswan and the modern city of Khartoum, about 200 miles from Jerusalem.
PHILIP'S TRAVELS

* Caesarea * Samaria

* Azotos

* Jerusalem

* Gaza Coastal Highway

"When told that a man was Ethiopian, people of the ancient Mediterranean world would assume that he was black, for this is the way that Ethiopians are described by Herodotus and others."394 Candace was the dynastic title of the queen mother who at this time served as the head of the government in Ethiopia. Her personal name was evidently Amanitare (sometimes spelled Amantitere; A.D. 25-41).395 The king of Ethiopia did not involve himself in the routine operations of his country since his people regarded him as the child of the sun. It was not uncommon for men in high Near Eastern government positions to be castrated. This prevented them from impregnating royal women and then making claims on the throne. However the word "eunuch" (Gr. eunouchos) appears often in the Septuagint (e.g., of Potiphar, Gen. 39:1) and in other Greek writings describing a high military or political
2:109. See Herodotus 2.22, 3.101; and Philostratus, The Life of Apollonius 6.1. See also J. Daniel Hays, "The Cushites: A Black Nation in the Bible," Bibliotheca Sacra 153:612 (October-December 1996):408. 395Piers T. Crocker, "The City of Meroe and the Ethiopian Eunuch," Buried History 22:3 (September 1986):67.
394Tannehill,

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figure.396 This eunuch may, therefore, not have been emasculated but simply a high official. This seems probable since Luke repeatedly referred to him as a eunuch (vv. 27, 34, 36, 38, 39).397 This official had made a pilgrimage to worship Yahweh. Somehow he had heard of Him and had come to reverence Him. On the trip home (to the capitol city of Meroe) in his "covered wagon"398 he was reading the Septuagint translation of Isaiah's prophecy (i.e., Isa. 53:7-9; cf. Isa. 56:38). Perhaps he had purchased this roll of Isaiah in Jerusalem. "The chariot would have been in fact an ox-drawn wagon and would not have moved at much more than a walking pace, so that it would cause no difficulty for Philip to run alongside it and call out to the occupant."399 It was unusual for a non-Jew to possess a personal copy of the Old Testament.400 Scrolls were expensive in the first century, but this man could afford one. Perhaps he was able to do so because of his high government position, or perhaps he had only a part of Isaiah's prophecy that he or someone else had copied. In any case his great interest in the Jews' religion is obvious. "In those days the world was full of people who were weary of the many gods and the loose morals of the nations. They came to Judaism and there they found the one God and the austere moral standards which gave life meaning. If they accepted Judaism and were circumcised and took the Law upon themselves they were called proselytes; if they did not go that length but continued to attend the Jewish synagogues and to read the Jewish scriptures they were called God-fearers. So this Ethiopian must have been one of these searchers who came to rest in Judaism either as a proselyte or a God-fearer."401 "Some of the God-fearers were only one step from becoming converts [to Judaism], while others just added the Jewish God to their pantheon. So long as they showed some kind of sympathy with the Jewish religion they were considered God-fearers."402
p. 363. pp. 425-26, considered this man both a eunuch and a high government official. 398Bruce, Commentary on . . ., p. 186. 399Marshall, The Acts . . ., p. 162. 400Longenecker, p. 363. 401Barclay, p. 70. 402Levinskaya, p. 78. Chapters 2-7 of this book deal with proselytes and God-fearers in the Diaspora. See especially pp. 120-26, "God-fearers in the Book of Acts."
397Barrett, 396Longenecker,

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Philip felt compelled by the Holy Spirit's leading to approach the wagon (cf. v. 26). The Spirit's leading is essential in evangelism; He sometimes directs us to people whom He has prepared to trust in Jesus Christ. Possibly this important official was part of a caravan that was heading to Africa, and Philip joined it temporarily.403 Evidently the eunuch's vehicle was either standing still or moving slowly down the road. Luke's comment that Philip ran up to the wagon may reflect the evangelist's willing compliance or simply the fact that he needed to run to catch up with it. There were probably other people besides Philip who were walking beside the various vehicles in this caravan. As he approached, Philip heard the Ethiopian reading aloud. This was the common method of reading in ancient times due to the difficulty of deciphering sentences with no spaces between words and no punctuation marks.404 Philip recognized what the Ethiopian was reading and struck up a conversation with him. The official was having difficulty understanding what he read so he invited Philip into his wagon to see if he could get some help.

8:32-35

Philip responded to the eunuch's perplexity by explaining how Jesus fulfilled Isaiah's prophecy of the Suffering Servant. ". . . there is no evidence that anyone in pre-Christian Judaism ever thought of the Messiah in terms of a Suffering Servant."405 Most of the Jews regarded Isaiah 52:1353:12 as referring to their nation or to the Gentile nations. Jesus quoted Isaiah 53 as finding fulfillment in His passion (Luke 22:37). Philip followed Jesus' interpretation and from this passage proceeded to preach Jesus to the eunuch. This is an excellent example of the Spirit of God using the Word of God through a man of God to bring salvation to the elect of God (cf. 1 Pet. 1:23-25).

8:36-38

The road on which this conversation took place crossed several stream beds that empty water from the higher elevations into the Mediterranean Sea during the wetter months. Even though the land generally was desert, water was not entirely absent at some times of the year. The Ethiopian may have already known about water baptism since he had an interest in Judaism. The Jews required water baptism of Gentile converts. Philip may have instructed him further on the importance of baptism (cf. 2:38; 8:12). In any case the official was eager to submit to it. The Jews did not baptize physical eunuchs and take them in as proselytes of Judaism (Deut. 23:1).

403Blaiklock, 404See

p. 82. Henry J. Cadbury, The Book of Acts in History, p. 18. 405Longenecker, p. 364.

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If he was a physical eunuch, perhaps this is why the official asked if there was some reason he could not undergo baptism as a Christian. Obviously there was enough water for Philip to immerse the Ethiopian, the normal method of baptism in Judaism and early Christianity. Some interpreters have argued, however, that the two men may have stood in the water while Philip poured water over or sprinkled the Ethiopian. This is a possibility but, I believe, it is improbable. The normal meaning of the Greek word baptizo (to baptize) is to immerse, and this was the common custom. The Ethiopian official testified to his faith in Jesus as the Messiah by submitting to water baptism (cf. 2:38; 8:12). 8:39-40 The Holy Spirit directed Philip to the eunuch (v. 29), and He led him away from him (v. 39). Luke stressed the Spirit's leadership in this evangelism of the first Gentile convert in Acts (Matt. 12:18). God had prepared both Philip (v. 29) and the eunuch (v. 30) for their especially important conversation. Luke described the Lord's leading of Philip away from the eunuch very dramatically. Perhaps the Spirit jerked Philip out of the wagon physically (cf. 1 Kings 18:12; 2 Kings 2:16).406 More likely, I think, this description reflects the Lord's immediate direction to another place where He wanted Phillip to serve next. "Philip's behavior in this incident is reminiscent of that of Elijah, following impulses which he recognizes as divine prompting, appearing in unexpected places, and disappearing equally unexpectedly. It has also often been noted that there are curious correspondences between Zeph. 23 and this passageamong other similarities Gaza, Ethiopia and Azotus are mentioned in both."407 "There is a contrast between Simon Magus and this Ethiopian treasurer which recalls the contrast between Gehazi and the stranger Naaman who was baptized in the Jordan."408 The eunuch rejoiced in his new faith (cf. 2:46-47; 8:8; 16:34). Presumably he returned home and became one of the earliest Gentile witnesses and missionaries in Africa. This is what happened according to early Christian tradition.

406Kent, 407Neil,

p. 82. p. 123. 408Rackham, p. 120.

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Philip proceeded up the coast north, probably along the international highway, to Azotus (Ashdod) and farther on to Caesarea. He preached the gospel in all the intermediate cities. About 20 years later we find him living in Caesarea (21:8). In the Roman world the average distance that people would travel in one day on land was about 20 miles.409 Philip was the first Jewish Christian in Acts to evangelize a Gentile who lived at what the first readers of this book regarded as the uttermost part of the earth (cf. 1:8). "The conviction that the Ethiopians lived at the ends of the earth is well documented in ancient literature."410 The very first Christians were Jews (2:1-8:4). Then Samaritans became Christians (8:525). Now a Gentile who was a Jewish proselyte or near-proselyte entered the church. Probably all these converts thought of themselves now as simply religious Jews who believed that Jesus was the Messiah. Only later did they learn that what God was doing was not just creating a group of believers in Jesus within Judaism but a whole new entity, namely, the Christian church (cf. Eph. 23). C. THE MISSION OF SAUL 9:1-31 The writer focused our attention next on a key figure in the spread of the Christian mission and on significant events in the development of that mission to the Gentiles. Peter's evangelization of Cornelius (ch. 10) will continue to advance this theme. Luke has given us three portraits of significant individuals in the evangelization of Gentiles: Stephen, Philip, and now, climactically, Saul. He stressed that Saul's conversion and calling to be an apostle to the Gentiles came supernaturally and directly from God, and Saul himself played a passive role in these events. Paul retold the story of his conversion and calling twice in Acts 22 and 26 and again in Galatians 1. Its importance in Acts is clear from its repetition.411 Saul became God's primary instrument in taking the gospel to the Gentile world. 1. Saul's conversion and calling 9:1-19a Luke recorded the conversion and calling of Saul to demonstrate the supernatural power and sovereign direction of God. Saul's conversion was one of the most miraculous and significant instances of repentance that took place during the early expansion of the church.412 His calling to be God's main missionary to the Gentiles was equally dramatic.

409Robert

410Tannehill,

Jewett, A Chronology of Paul's Life, p. 138. 2:109. See Homer, The Odyssey 1.23; Herodotus 3.25, 3.114; Strabo, Geography 1.1.6,

1.2.24. 411See Ernst Haenchen, The Acts of the Apostles, p. 327. 412See Timothy J. Ralston, "The Theological Significance of Paul's Conversion," Bibliotheca Sacra 147:586 (April-June 1990):198-215.

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Saul's conversion on the Damascus road 9:1-9 "No conversion has been more significant in the history of the Church . . ."413 "In this passage we have the most famous conversion story in all history."414 "The conversion of the Ethiopian eunuch was in a chariot; the conversion of Saul of Tarsus was down in the dust."415 9:1-2 Since Stephen's martyrdom (cf. 8:3), Saul had been persecuting Jews who had come to believe that Jesus was the Messiah.416 "The partitive genitive of apeiles [threats] and phonou [murder] means that threatening and slaughter had come to be the very breath that Saul breathed, like a warhorse who sniffed the smell of battle. He breathed on the remaining disciples the murder that he had already breathed in from the death of the others. He exhaled what he inhaled."417 The Jewish high priest's Roman overseers gave the high priest authority to extradite Jews who were strictly religious offenders and had fled outside the Sanhedrin's jurisdiction.418 Saul obtained letters from the high priest (evidently Caiaphas) giving him power to arrest Jesus' Jewish disciples from Palestine who had fled to Damascus because of persecution in Jerusalem. This grand inquisitor undoubtedly believed that he was following in the train of other zealous Israelites who had purged idolatry from Israel (e.g., Moses in Num. 25:1-5; Phinehas in Num. 25:6-15; Elijah in 1 Kings 18; Mattathias in 1 Macc. 2:23-28, 42-48). "Saul never forgave himself for that. God forgave him; the Christians forgave him; but he never forgave himself . . . 1 Cor. 15:9[;] Gal. 1:13."419 The King of the Nabateans who governed Damascus at this time cooperated with Saul. He was Aretas IV (9 B.C.-A.D. 40).420 Damascus
p. 125. p. 71. 415McGee, 4:548. 416See Appendix 1, "Sequence of Paul's Activities," at the end of these notes. 417Robertson, 3:113. 418Longenecker, p. 369; Kent, pp. 82-83. 419Ironside, Lectures on . . ., pp. 203-4. 420F. F. Bruce, "Chronological Questions in the Acts of the Apostles," Bulletin of the John Rylands University Library of Manchester 18:2 (Spring 1986):275.
414Barclay, 413Neil,

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stood about 150 miles to the northeast of Jerusalem, about a weeks journey. It was within the Roman province of Syria and was one of the towns of the Decapolis, a league of 10 self-governing cities. "The Way" was one of the earliest designations of Christianity (cf. 19:9, 23; 22:4; 24:14, 22), and it appears only in Acts. It meant the path characterized by life and salvation. This title may go back to Jesus' teaching that He was the way and that His way of salvation was a narrow way (John 14:6; Matt. 7:14). 9:3-4 Other passages throw more light on the details of Saul's blinding vision. It took place about midday when the sun would have been shining its brightest (22:6; 26:13). What blinded Saul was not the sun, however, but a revelation of Jesus Christ (vv. 17, 27; 22:14; 26:16; 1 Cor. 9:1; 15:8). He saw the same person Stephen had seen as Saul witnessed Stephen dying (7:55). Jesus spoke to Saul from heaven addressing him by his Jewish name and in the language of the Jews (cf. 26:14). After riveting his attention, Jesus asked Saul why he was persecuting Himselfnot His followers, but Himself. Saul would have understood the voice as God's since in rabbinism a voice from heaven always connoted a rebuke or instruction from God.421 "Therefore when the voice went on to ask the question 'Why do you persecute me?' Saul was without doubt thoroughly confused. He was not persecuting God! Rather, he was defending God and his laws!"422 Jesus' question made Saul begin to appreciate the intimate union that Christians enjoy with Jesus, the Head of the body, the church. He was in His disciples, not just with them or ruling over them, by His Spirit (cf. John 14:17). What they suffered He suffered. 9:5-6 In what sense did Saul address Jesus as Lord (Gr. kyrios)? It seems from Saul's reaction to this vision and his descriptions of it later that he realized the person addressing him was God. "Lord" therefore seems to be more than a respectful "Sir." Yet God was Saul's master already, even before he became a Christian, so he probably addressed the voice as his personal master as well as God. The identity of the voice was not completely clear to Saul. When Stephen had a similar vision, he recognized Jesus (7:55-56), but Saul did not recognize Him. This may imply that Saul had never seen Jesus during Jesus' earthly ministry. Or perhaps he asked "Who are you?" because, even though he believed God was speaking to him, he had never heard a voice from heaven before.

421Longenecker, 422Ibid.,

pp. 370-71.

p. 371.

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Jesus' self-revelation totally shocked Saul who until then had regarded Jesus as a blasphemous pretender to Israel's messianic throne. Saul now discovered that Jesus was God or at least with God in heaven, yet He was in some sense also present in His followers whom Saul was persecuting. Jesus again referred to Saul's persecution of Himself, a doubly convicting reminder of Saul's erroneous theology and sinful conduct. Jesus did not condemn him but graciously commanded him to enter Damascus and to wait for further directions from Himself. Saul learned that Jesus had a mission for him though he did not know what or how extensive it would be. 9:7-9 Evidently Saul's traveling companions heard a voice-like sound, but only Saul understood Jesus' words (cf. v. 7; 22:9; 26:14; cf. John 12:29). They all fell to the ground when they saw the light (26:14), but now they stood speechless. The light of the vision he had seen had blinded Saul temporarily. His companions had to lead him off into Damascus where he waited for three days for further instructions, blind, fasting, and praying (cf. 1:14).423 "He who had intended to enter Damascus like an avenging fury was led by the hand into that city, blind and helpless as a child."424 "In the light of Paul's subsequent career, his single-minded devotion to Christ, his tireless efforts to bring Jews and Gentiles alike face to face with the same Lord as he had encountered on the Damascus road, his remorse for his vindictive cruelty, his atonement for it in selfless service of the Church he had tried to crush, it is frivolous to attempt to explain away Paul's conversion as a hallucination, an attack of sunstroke, or an epileptic fit [as some Bible critics have alleged]. It was as is every genuine conversion experience a miracle of the grace of God."425 Saul's calling from the Lord 9:10-19a 9:10-12 Evidently Ananias was not a refugee from Jerusalem (22:12) but a resident of Damascus. He, too, received a vision of the Lord Jesus (v. 17) to whom he submitted willingly (cf. 1 Sam. 3:4, 10). Jesus gave Ananias specific directions to another man's house in Damascus where he would find Saul. Straight Street is still one of the main thoroughfares running through Damascus east and west. Saul had been preying on Christians, but now he was praying to Christ. Saul, like most Pharisees, was a man of prayer, and he continued to give prayer priority after his conversion (cf. 16:25; 20:36;

the practice of fasting, see Kent D. Berghuis, "A Biblical Perspective on Fasting," Bibliotheca Sacra 158:629 (January-March 2001):86-103. 424Barclay, p. 73. 425Neil, p. 128.

423On

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22:17). Luke recorded that Jesus was also a man of prayer (Luke 3:21; 6:12; 9:18, 28; 11:1; 22:41). The Lord sovereignly prepared both Ananias and Saul with revelations of Himself so when He brought them together they would have no doubt about His personal dealings with them (cf. Philip and the Ethiopian in 8:26-40; Peter and Cornelius in 10:1-23). 9:13-14 Ananias wanted to make sure he had heard the Lord correctly since Saul had become infamous for harming believers in Jesus. He had heard of Saul's reason for visiting Damascus and the authority to extradite that he had received from the chief priests. Ananias referred to the believers in Jerusalem as "saints," set apart ones, the equivalent of those who call on the Lord's name. This is the first time Luke used the name "saints" for Christians in Acts. "The Lord's work is revealed through events that overthrow human expectations. Humans calculate the future on the basis of their normal experience. These calculations leave them unprepared for the appearance of the Overruler, who negates human plans and works the unexpected. This is a problem not only for the rejectors of Jesus but also for the church, which, as our narrative indicates, is led by the Lord into situations beyond its fathoming. The narrator's sharp sense of God (and the exalted Messiah) as one who surprises appears again in this episode, and the reaction of Ananias (and in 9:26 the Jerusalem disciples) shows that the church, too, has difficulty keeping up with such a God."426 9:15-16 God revealed His purpose for Saul to bolster Ananias' courage. The inquisitor was to become Jesus' chosen instrument, the proud Pharisee His apostle to Gentiles and kings, and the golden boy of Judaism a persecuted Christian. "To bear my name" means to bear witness of Jesus. In the Greek text of verse 16 "I" is emphatic. Jesus meant that Ananias need not fear going to Saul because Jesus Himself would show Saul how much he would suffer; Ananias would not need to do that. This assurance would have encouraged Ananias further to go to Judas' house in search of Saul. "In highlighting these features of being a 'chosen instrument,' sent to 'the Gentiles,' and to 'suffer for my [Jesus'] name,' Luke has, in effect, given a theological prcis of all he will portray historically in chapters 13 28a prcis that also summarizes the self-consciousness of Paul himself as reflected in his own letters."427

426Tannehill,

427Longenecker,

2:117. p. 373.

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Ananias communicated his Christian love for his new Christian brother with a touch and a loving word of greeting: "Brother." He then explained his purpose for coming to Saul. It was to restore his sight and to enable Saul to experience the filling of the Spirit. Ananias' purpose was not to commission Saul. Saul's commission came directly from the Lord, though Ananias announced it (22:14-16). "The choice of Ananias for this task made it clear that Saul of Tarsus was not dependent upon the Twelve, and also that an apostle was not required for bestowing the Spirit (as might have been concluded from the case in Samaria)."428 The Holy Spirit filled Saul as he responded to God's Word appropriately. We may infer that Saul's conversion happened on the Damascus road and that he received the baptism of the Spirit at the same time.429 Notice again the importance of being filled with (under the control of) the Holy Spirit.

9:18-19a

God then restored Saul's sight. The impression given in the text is that the first thing he did was identify with Christ and the disciples of Christ by water baptism (cf. 8:12, 38). He did this even before breaking his fast of three days. Then he ate and received strength physically. 2. Saul's initial conflicts 9:19b-30

The changes that took place in Saul were important because of his subsequent activity. Luke wrote this pericope to note those changes so his readers would understand why Saul behaved as he did. Luke stressed the genuineness of Saul's conversion by showing the radical change it made in him. Saul's preaching in Damascus 9:19b-22 9:19b-20 How verses 19b-20 fit into the chronology of events in Saul's life is not perfectly clear. They could fit in any number of ways. We should probably understand "immediately" in a general sense. As soon as Saul became a Christian he began to contend that Jesus was the Messiah when he attended synagogue worship, which he did regularly (cf. 13:5, 14; 14:1; 17:2, 10, 17; 18:4, 19; 19:8). This proclamation was the result and evidence of his being filled with the Holy Spirit (v. 17) as well as the result of his conversion. Saul later wrote that immediately following his conversion he did not consult with others about the Scriptures but went into Arabia and later returned to Damascus (Gal. 1:15-17). "Arabia" describes the kingdom of the Nabateans that stretched south and east from Damascus. Damascus
428Kent, 429Ibid.,

pp. 83-84. p. 85.

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was in the northwest sector of Arabia. After Saul's conversion and baptism he needed some time and space for quiet reflection and communion with God. He had to rethink the Scriptures, receive new understanding from the Lord, and revise his Pharisaic theology. So as Moses, Elijah, and Jesus before him, he retired into the wilderness. This is the only mention in Acts of someone proclaiming Jesus as the "Son of God" (but cf. Da masc us 13:33). This fact reflects * ARABIA the clear understanding of Jesus that Saul had * Je r usa l e m even shortly after his conversion. As used in the Old Testament, this title referred to Israel (Exod. 4:22; Hos. 11:1), ETHIOPIA Israel's anointed king (2 Sam. 7:14; Ps. 89:26), and Messiah (Ps. 2:7). Saul recognized that Jesus was the Son of God predicted there. He used this title of Jesus frequently in his epistles (Rom. 1:3-4, 9; 5:10; 8:3, 29, 32; 1 Cor. 1:9; 15:28; 2 Cor. 1:19; Gal. 1:16; 2:20; 4:4, 6; 1 Thess. 1:10). 9:21-22 Saul's conduct understandably bewildered the Jews who lived in Damascus. Instead of persecuting the Christians he was proving that Jesus was the Christ, the Son of God. This is what people then and now need to believe to obtain salvation (cf. 1 John 5:1). Saul had made a 180-degree change in his thinking and in his conduct; he had truly repented. Saul's understanding and commitment kept growing as he continually sought to convince the Damascus Jews that Jesus was their Messiah. Perhaps Saul's sojourn in Arabia occurred between verses 21 and 22 or between verses 22 and 23.

Saul's escape from Damascus 9:23-25 Luke included this incident to prove the genuineness of Saul's conversion. He who had been persecuting to the death believers in Jesus had now become the target of deadly persecution because of his changed view of Jesus. 9:23-24a It is hard to determine how "many days" had elapsed, but evidently Saul remained in Damascus several months. F. F. Bruce dated his return to Jerusalem about A.D. 35 and his conversion in 33.430 I think it is more probable that he became a Christian in 34 and returned to Jerusalem in

430Bruce,

Commentary on . . ., p. 205. Cf. Gal. 1:18.

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A.D. 37.431 Regardless of the dates, we know that he finally left Damascus for Jerusalem three years after his conversion (Gal. 1:18). "No one persecutes a man who is ineffective and who obviously does not matter. George Bernard Shaw once said that the biggest compliment you can pay an author is to burn his books. Someone has said, 'A wolf will never attack a painted sheep.' Counterfeit Christianity is always safe. Real Christianity is always in peril. To suffer persecution is to be paid the greatest of compliments because it is the certain proof that men think we really matter."432 9:24b-25 It would have been natural for Saul's enemies to watch the gates of Damascus since he would have had to pass out of one of them to leave the city under normal circumstances. "Disciples" everywhere but here in Acts refers to followers of Jesus. Here it describes followers of Saul probably to indicate that his preaching had resulted in some people coming to faith in Christ. Perhaps it was one of these disciples who owned the house on the wall from which Saul escaped the city. Paul described his escape from Damascus in 2 Corinthians 11:32-33, and it is there we learn that someone lowered him in a basket from a house built on the city wall. The fact that Paul did not minimize this ignominious exit in his writings says a lot for his humility and the transformation God affected in this once haughty Pharisee. The local Jews arranged this attempt on his life, and their Nabatean governor supported them. "Saul's plans for persecuting Christians in Damascus took a strange turn; he had entered the city blind and left in a basket! Ironically he became the object of persecution."433 Saul's reception in Jerusalem 9:26-30 Luke concluded each of his narratives of the Samaritans' conversion (8:4-25), Saul's conversion (9:1-31), and Cornelius' conversion (10:111:18) with references to the mother church in Jerusalem. He evidently wanted to stress the fact that all these significant advances were part of one great plan that God orchestrated and not just independent occurrences (cf. Matt. 16:18; Acts 1:8). 9:26 Perhaps the fact that Saul had not sought out the apostles and other Christians in Jerusalem for three years following his conversion made the believers there suspicious of him (cf. Gal. 1:18). They had not met him

to Harold W. Hoehner, Chronological Aspects of the Life of Christ, p. 143, Jesus died on April 3, 33 A.D. 432Barclay, p. 77. 433Toussaint, "Acts," pp. 377-78.

431According

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personally, and since they were being persecuted they may have wondered if Saul had adopted clandestine methods to oppose them. 9:27 Barnabas willingly reached out to the new convert in Jerusalem, as Ananias had done in Damascus. His behavior here is consistent with what we read of him elsewhere in Acts (cf. 4:36-37; 11:22-30; 13:114:28; 15:2-4, 12, 22). Barnabas proved to be a true "Son of Encouragement" (4:36) for Saul. "First, the Church owed Paul to the prayer of Stephen. Then the Church owed Paul to the forgiving spirit of Ananias. And now we see that the Church owed Paul to the large-hearted charity of Barnabas. . . . The world is largely divided into people who think the best of others and people who think the worst of others; and it is one of the curious facts of life that ordinarily we see our own reflection in others, and we make them what we believe them to be."434 The apostles whom Saul met were Peter and James, the Lord's half brother (Gal. 1:17-19). Paul wrote later that he stayed with Peter for 15 days (Gal. 1:15), but he may have been in Jerusalem somewhat longer at this time. James was an apostle in the general sense of that term. He was not one of the Twelve.435 Barnabas pointed out three indications that Saul's conversion was genuine for the benefit of the Christian skeptics. Saul had seen the Lord, he had talked with Him, and he had witnessed boldly in Damascus in Jesus' name. Imagine how difficult it must have been for those Christians who had relatives whom Saul had persecuted to sit down with him in church meetings and share the Lord's Supper. 9:28-29 While Saul was in Jerusalem he resumed Stephen's work of debating the Hellenistic Jews. He was himself a Hellenist, as Stephen apparently was, having been born and reared in Tarsus.436 At first he enjoyed freedom in the city, but soon the unbelieving Jews tried to silence him too. Evidently Saul continued evangelizing in Jerusalem until it became obvious to the other believers that he must leave immediately or suffer death as Stephen had. They probably envisioned a recurrence of the persecution of the disciples that followed Stephen's martyrdom. Saul's concerned Christian brethren travelled with him to Caesarea. We do not know how long he stayed there, but Luke's account gives the

9:30

p. 78. my comments on 14:4. 436Paul described himself as a Hebrew of the Hebrews (Phil. 3:5; cf. 2 Cor. 11:22) by which he meant that his training in Jerusalem and his sympathies were more in line with the Hebrews than with the Hellenists.
435See

434Barclay,

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impression that it was not long. Saul then departed, apparently by ship, to Tarsus in Cilicia, his hometown (21:39; Gal. 1:21), probably to tell his family and others about Jesus. Paul traveled about 690 miles from Jersalem to Damascus, back to Jerusalem, and to Tarsus, excluding his trip into Arabia, which cannot be calculated (cf. Gal. 1:17-19).437 In 22:17-21 Paul testified that during this visit to Jerusalem he received a vision of Jesus who told him to leave Jerusalem because God wanted to use him to evangelize the Gentiles. Thus his departure from Jerusalem was willing rather than forced. Saul remained in the province of Cilicia until Barnabas sought him out and brought him to Syrian Antioch (11:19-26). This was some six years later. We have no record of Saul's activities during this period (probably A.D. 37-43) except that many of his experiences that he described in 2 Corinthians 11:24-27 and 12:1-9 seem to fit into these silent years. If they do, we know that Saul was active in ministry gaining experience that fitted him for what we read he did later in Acts. 3. The church at peace 9:31 Notice that "church" is in the singular here. This is probably a reference to the Christians throughout Palestinein Judea, Galilee, and Samarianot just in one local congregation but in the body of Christ. Saul's departure from Palestine brought greater peace to the churches there. He was an extremely controversial figure among the Jews because of his conversion. Peaceful conditions are conducive to effective evangelism and church growth (cf. 1 Tim. 2:1-4). The church continued to experience four things: inward strengthening, a proper attitude and relationship to God (in contrast to Judaism), the comfort (encouragement, Gr. paraklesis) provided by the Holy Spirit, and numerical growth.438 This statement is Luke's third major progress report on the state of the church (cf. 2:47; 6:7; 12:24; 16:5; 19:20; 28:30-31). It closes this section dealing with the church's expansion in Judea and Samaria (6:89:31). The Lord had added about 3,000 who believed to the core group of disciples (2:41). Then He added more who became Christians day by day (2:47). Shortly He added multitudes of new believers (5:14). Then we read the number of disciples increased greatly (6:7). Now we read that the church ". . . continued to increase" (9:31). "When the Spirit of God has His way in the hearts and lives of believers, then unsaved people are going to be reached and won for Christ."439
J. Beitzel, The Moody Atlas of Bible Lands, p. 177. this verse, there are few references to Galilee in Acts (cf. 10:37; 13:31). This has led some commentators to speculate that Galilee had been evangelized during Jesus' ministry and was, by this time, fully Christian. The evidence from church history, however, indicates that there were few Christians in Galilee at this time and in later years. See Barrett, pp. 473-74. 439Ironside, Lectures on . . ., p. 228.
438Beside 437Barry

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III. THE WITNESS TO THE UTTERMOST PART OF THE EARTH 9:3228:31 Luke next recorded the church's expansion beyond Palestine to the uttermost parts of the earth (1:8). The Ethiopian eunuch took the gospel to Africa, but he became a Christian in Judea. Now we begin to read of people becoming Christians in places farther from Jerusalem and Judea. A. THE EXTENSION OF THE CHURCH TO SYRIAN ANTIOCH 9:3212:24 As Jerusalem had been the Palestinian center for the evangelization of Jews, Antioch of Syria became the Hellenistic center for Gentile evangelization in Asia Minor and Europe. The gospel spread increasingly to Gentiles, which Luke emphasized in this section of Acts. He recorded three episodes: Peter's ministry in the maritime plain of Palestine (9:32-43), the conversion of Cornelius and his friends in Caesarea (10:111:18), and the founding of the Antioch church (11:19-30). Luke then looked back to Jerusalem again to update us on what was happening there (12:1-23). He concluded this section with another summary statement of the church's growth (12:24). 1. Peter's ministry in Lydda and Joppa 9:32-43 Luke now returned to Peter's continuing ministry in Judea. Luke apparently recorded the healing of Aeneas and the raising of Tabitha to show that the gospel was being preached effectively in a region of Palestine that both Jews and Gentiles occupied. Peter, the apostle to the Jews, was responsible for its advancing farther into Gentile territory. Luke thereby helped his readers see the equality of Gentiles and Jews in the church as it continued to expand (cf. Eph. 2:113:12). The healing of Aeneas at Lydda 9:32-35 Peter continued his itinerant ministry around Palestine (cf. 8:25). 9:32 Lydda (modern Lod, the site of Israel's international airport) lay on the Mediterranean coastal plain about 10 miles from the sea. It was about 25 miles northwest of Jerusalem. It stood at the junction of the roads from Joppa to Jerusalem and the highway from Egypt to Syria.440 There were already "saints" there (cf. vv. 13, 41). Peter healed another lame man in Lydda (cf. 3:6-8; Luke 5:17-26).441 Aeneas is a Greek name. He was probably a Hellenistic Jew. We do not know if he was a Christian. The fact that Luke called him a man, but referred to Tabitha as a disciple (v. 36), may imply that he was not a believer.

9:33

the map near my comments on 8:4-8 above. Joshua Schwartz, "Peter and Ben Stada in Lydda," in The Book of Acts in Its First Century Setting; Vol. 4: The Book of Acts in Its Palestinian Setting, pp. 391-414.
441See

440See

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Peter announced that the healing was Jesus Christ's work (cf. 1:1; 3:6). Jesus had also told a paralytic in Capernaum to take up his pallet and walk (Matt. 9:6; Mark 2:11; Luke 5:24). He later told another paralytic who lay at the Bethesda pool in Jerusalem to do the same thing (John 5:8).442 The power of Jesus was still at work through Peter. The formerly paralyzed man arose immediately. Later Paul healed Publius' father (28:8). "I think every one of the different diseases mentioned in Scripture was intended by God to illustrate in some way the effects of sin."443

9:35

Sharon was the name of the section of maritime plain that stretched from Joppa to Mt. Carmel. Lydda was near its southeastern edge, and Caesarea was at its center on the Mediterranean coast. As with the healing of the lame temple beggar, and Jesus' healings of the paralytics at Capernaum and Jerusalem, the healing of Aeneas resulted in many people hearing the gospel and believing in Jesus.

One of the reasons Luke included this healing in his book seems to have been because the results of this healing affected the people living in this area of Palestine. One of these people was the Gentile Cornelius, who will figure significantly in the next chapter. The raising of Tabitha at Joppa 9:36-43 9:36 The site of Joppa (modern Yafo, a suburb of Tel Aviv) was on the Mediterranean coast 10 miles west and a little north of Lydda. It was the ancient seaport for Jerusalem (cf. 2 Chron. 2:16; Jon. 1:3). Tabitha (lit. "Gazelle") was a Jewish Christian, and she was a "disciple" (Gr. mathetria).444 Her name Tabitha is Aramaic, but Dorcas is Greek. She had a marvelous reputation for helping people in her community because she had a servant's heart. When she died, the believers sent to Peter asking him to come. Apparently they expected him to raise her back to life as Jesus had done since they did not bury her but washed and laid her body in an upper room. Luke told this story with much interesting detail. Peter accompanied the two men who came for him to Lydda (cf. 10:7, 23). The widows were evidently wearing the clothing Tabitha had made for them.445 She had made clothes for the poor widows. This was her ministry.

9:37-38

9:39

Greek clause stroson seauto literally means "spread for yourself" and can refer to making a bed or preparing a table. 443Ironside, Lectures on . . ., p. 231. 444This is the only place in the New Testament where the feminine form of the Greek word translated "disciple" appears. 445The middle voice of the Greek verb translated "showing" in verse 39 suggests this.

442The

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"She had the gift of sewing. Do you mean to tell me that sewing is a gift of the Holy Spirit? Yes, it was for this woman. May I suggest seeking a gift that is practical?446 9:40-41 Peter's procedure here was almost identical to Jesus' when He raised Jairus' daughter (Mark 5:41; Luke 8:51-56). Peter's praying here shows that he was relying on Jesus for his power just as his saying, "Jesus Christ heals you," manifested that attitude when he healed Aeneas (v. 34). There is only one letter difference in what Peter said (Tabitha qumi) and what Jesus had said (Talitha qumi, lit. "Little girl, get up"). This miracle is another evidence of Jesus' working powerfully through His witnesses in word and deed (1:1-2; cf. John 14:12).447 Jesus had given the Twelve the power to raise the dead (Matt. 10:8). Many people became believers because of the news of this miracle, too. The phrase "believed in the Lord" (v. 42) is similar to "turned to the Lord" (v. 35; cf. 11:21; 15:19). It is another way of saying "became Christians" and emphasizes that the Person they believed in was the Lord Jesus. Notice that turning is believing and that Luke mentioned no other conditions for salvation. This verse provides a geographical and ideological transition to the account of Peter's visit to Cornelius (10:111:18). Evidently Peter remained in Joppa to confirm these new converts and to help the church in that town. His willingness to stay with a tanner shows that Peter was more broad-minded in his fellowship than many other Jews. Many Jews thought tanners practiced an unclean trade since they worked with the skins of dead animals, and they would have nothing to do with them. However, Peter was about to receive a challenge to his convictions similar to the one that Saul had received on the Damascus road.

9:42

9:43

Note how God used the invitation of the people of Joppa to bring Peter there. Likewise God often uses what appear initially to be incidental occurrences to open up great ministries. Luke illustrated this divine method repeatedly in Acts. "It was important to demonstrate that Peter was in the full stream of his usefulness, and the agent of miracles curiously like those performed by his Master (Mt. ix. 23-26; Mk. v. 38-43; Jn. v. 6-9), when the call came to him to baptize a Gentile."448

4:552. pointed out many similarities between this story and the stories of Elijah, Elisha, and Jesus raising dead people in 2:126-27. 448Blaiklock, p. 94.
447Tannehill

446McGee,

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2. The conversion of Cornelius 10:111:18 Many people consider healing a lame person a great miracle and raising a dead person back to life an even greater one. But the spiritual salvation of a lost sinner is greater than both of them. The Lord performed the first two miracles through Peter (9:32-35, 36-43), and now He did the third (ch. 10). The episode concerning Cornelius is obviously very important since there are three lengthy references to it in Acts (chs. 10, 11, and 15). It deals with an important issue concerning the mission that the Lord gave His disciples. That issue is how the Christians should carry out that mission in view of the obstacle of Gentile uncleanness. Gentiles were ritually unclean and communicated ritual uncleanness to Jews, according to the Mosaic Law, mainly because they did not observe Jewish dietary distinctions (Lev. 11). This obstacle kept Jews and Gentiles separate in society. Luke stressed four things in this conversion story particularly.449 First, the Christians initially resisted the ideas of evangelizing Gentiles and accepting them into the church apart from any relationship to Judaism (10:14, 28; 11:2-3, 8). Second, God Himself led the way in Gentile evangelism and acceptance, and He showed His approval (10:3, 1116, 19-20, 22b, 30-33, 44-46; 11:5-10, 13, 15-17). Third, it was Peter, the leader of the Jerusalem apostles, whom God used to open the door of the church to Gentiles rather than Paul (10:23, 34-43, 47-48; 11:15-17). Fourth, the Jerusalem church accepted the conversion of Gentiles apart from their associating with Judaism because God had validated this in Cornelius' case (11:18). "Although Paul is the primary agent in the mission to the Gentiles, Luke wishes to make it plain, not only that Peter was in full sympathy with his position, but that, as head of the Church, Peter was the first to give its official blessing to the admission of Gentiles as full and equal members of the New Israel [i.e., the church] by his action in the case of a Roman centurion and his friends . . ."450 Cornelius' vision 10:1-8 10:1 Caesarea stood on the Mediterranean coast about 30 miles north of Joppa. Formerly its name was Strato's Tower, but Herod the Great renamed it in honor of Augustus Caesar, his patron who was the adopted heir of Julius Caesar. Herod the Great had modernized the city, made it the provincial capital of Judea (Pilate lived there), and built its magnificent harbor. It was at this time the major Roman seaport for Palestine and its most important center of Roman government and military activity.451

449Longenecker, 450Neil,

p. 383. p. 137. 451See Hengel, pp. 55-58, for more information about Caesarea.

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Cornelius was a common Roman name.452 Centurions were noncommissioned officers of the Roman army who each commanded 100 soldiers and were on about the same level of authority as a captain in the United States army. A "cohort" contained 600 soldiers, and Cornelius' cohort had connections with Italy.453 Every reference to centurions in the New Testament is positive (Matt. 8:5-10; 27:54; Mark 15:44-45; Acts 22:25-26; 23:17-18; 27:6, 43). These men were "the backbone of the Roman army."454 Cornelius was similar to the centurion of Luke 7:1-10.455 "The legion was the regiment [cf. an American division] of the Roman army, and it consisted nominally of 6000 men. Each legion was divided into ten cohorts [Amer. battalion], and again each cohort contained six centuries or 'hundreds' of men [Amer. company]. The officer in command of a cohort was called a tribune or in the Greek chiliarch: Such was Claudius Lysias of xxi 31 and xxiii 26. A century was under a centurion or kekatontarch."456 Cornelius represents a new type of person to whom the gospel had not gone before, as recorded in Acts. The Ethiopian eunuch was also a Gentile, but the Jews viewed his occupation favorably. There was nothing about his occupation that would have repulsed the Jews. However, Cornelius, in addition to being a Gentile, was a member of Israel's occupying army. The Jews would have avoided him because of his occupation even though he possessed an admirable character and was friendly to the Jews. It is interesting to note that the first Gentile Jesus dealt with during His ministry was a Roman centurion and he, too, believed. In response to that man's faith Jesus announced that many would come from among the Gentiles to join Jews in the kingdom of heaven (Matt. 8:11). 10:2 Cornelius lived a moral life because he feared God, as did the other members of his household. His generosity to the people (Gr. to lao, i.e., to the Jews) and his prayers (Gr. deomai, lit. begging) were further evidences of his respect for Israel's God. His relations with God and people were admirable (cf. Matt. 22:37-39). Cornelius had not become a full Jewish proselyte (11:3), but he did pray to the Jews' God.457 This type of Gentile

Longenecker, pp. 384-85, for its history. Barrett, p. 499. 454Bruce, Commentary on . . ., p. 215; Barclay, p. 82. 455Note especially verse 5 in that passage. 456Rackham, p. 147. 457The Jews called full Gentile proselytes who had undergone circumcision "proselytes of righteousness." They referred to Gentiles who adhered to Judaism to a lesser extent without submitting to circumcision "proselytes of the gate." Luke called these latter people "God-fearers." Cornelius may have been one of the latter proselytes or "God-fearers," and the Ethiopian eunuch may have been another (cf. 8:27).
453See

452See

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constituted fertile soil for the gospel seed (cf. 8:26-40). It was mainly such God-fearing Gentiles who responded to Paul's ministry.458 Some students of Acts have contended that Cornelius was a believer (i.e., an Old Testament saint) before he sent for Peter.459 It seems to many others and to me that in view of what we read in this chapter and the next he was not truly saved (i.e., justified) until verse 44 (cf. 11:14).460 10:3-4 The ninth hour (3:00 p.m.) was the hour of prayer (cf. 3:1), so Cornelius may have been praying. Again God prepared two people to get together by giving each of them a vision (cf. Paul and Ananias). Cornelius saw an angel, not Jesus (vv. 7, 22, 30; 11: 13; cf. 1:20). "Lord" here is a respectful address such as "Sir," but the centurion undoubtedly felt great awe when he saw this supernatural visitor (cf. v. 30). Cornelius was not calling the angel his Savior or his Sovereign. God had noted Cornelius' piety (his prayers Godward, proseuchai, and his alms manward, cf. v. 2) and was now going to give him more revelation. Modern missionaries have told stories of similar seekers after God. After they penetrated some remote tribe and preached the gospel, the natives explained how they had previously worshiped the God the missionary preached and had prayed for more light. 10:5-6 God told Cornelius to send some men to Joppa for Simon Peter who was staying with another Simon, the tanner, there (cf. 9:43). Tanners used quite a bit of water in practicing their trade, and this may be the reason this Simon lived by the Mediterranean Sea. Cornelius immediately (v. 33) sent two of his servants, probably to assist Peter, and a spiritually devout military aide to ask Peter to come. These servants appear to have been God-fearing individuals, members of his household (cf. v. 2), who were in sympathy with Cornelius' purpose.

10:7-8

debate the existence of the God-fearers as a distinct group. See, for example, the series of articles featured in Biblical Archaeology Review 12:5 (September-October 1986) under the general title, "The God-FearersDid They Exist?": Robert S. MacLennan and A. Thomas Kraabel, "The God-Fearers A Literary and Theological Invention," pp. 46-53; Robert F. Tannenbaum, "Jews and God-Fearers in the Holy City of Aphrodite," pp. 54-57; and Louis H. Feldman, "The Omnipresence of the God-Fearers," pp. 58-63. The scriptural evidence points to their existence (cf. Acts 10:2, 22, 35; 13:16, 26, 43, 50; 16:14; 17:4, 17; 18:7), and this has been the opinion of the majority of scholars over the years. 459E.g., Ironside, Lectures on . . ., pp. 245, 268. 460Some scholars argue that Cornelius was righteous before he heard Peter's gospel message, so it is unnecessary for people to hear the gospel to be saved (e.g., John Sanders, "Inclusivism," in What about Those Who Have Never Heard? Three Views on the Destiny of the Unevangelized, p. 40; but see 10:43; 11:14). For refutation of this view, see Ramesh Richard, "Soteriological Inclusivism and Dispensationalism," Bibliotheca Sacra 151:601 (January-March 1994):85-108.

458Scholars

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"Though Peter was not by training or inclination an overly scrupulous Jew, and though as a Christian his inherited prejudices were gradually wearing thin, he was not prepared to go so far as to minister directly to Gentiles. A special revelation was necessary for that, and Luke now tells how God took the initiative in overcoming Peter's reluctance."461 10:9-10 Most Jews prayed twice a day, but pious Jews also prayed at noon, a third time of prayer (Ps. 55:17; Dan. 6:10). However, Peter may have been praying more because of the recent success of the gospel in Joppa (cf. 9:42) than because praying at noon was his habit.462 He probably went up on the flat housetop for privacy and the fresh sea air. Luke's reference to Peter's hunger, which God evidently gave him, explains partially why God couched His vision in terms of food. Food was what was on Peter's mind. Peter's trance (Gr. ekstasis, v. 10) was a vision (horama, vv. 17, 19; 11:5). ". . . on weekdays Jews ate a light meal in mid-morning and a more substantial meal in the later afternoon."463 10:11-13 The sheet-like container, similar perhaps to an awning on the roof or a ship's sail, was full of all kinds of animals, clean and unclean (cf. 11:6). The issue of unclean food was the basic one that separated observant Jews like Peter from Gentiles. ". . . the point is that the Lord's command frees Peter from any scruples about going to a Gentile home and eating whatever might be set before him. It would be a short step from recognizing that Gentile food was clean to realizing that Gentiles themselves were 'clean' also."464 10:14 Peter resisted the Lord Jesus' command strongly but politely (Gr. Medamos, kurie), as Ezekiel had done when he received similar instructions from God (Ezek. 4:14).465 He had either not understood or not remembered Jesus' teaching in which He had declared all foods clean (Mark 7:14-19, cf. Rom. 14:14). Peter's "No, Lord," is, of course, an inconsistent contradiction. Nevertheless Peter's response was very consistent with his impulsive personality and former conduct. He had said, "No," to the Lord before (cf. Matt. 16:22; John 13:8). His reaction to this

p. 387. aorist tense of the Greek verb proseuchomai suggests that Peter was praying about something definite rather than generally. 463Marshall, The Acts . . ., p. 185. 464Ibid., p. 186. 465Bruce, Commentary on . . ., p. 220, suggested that Peter may have remembered and recognized the voice as that of Jesus.
462The

461Longenecker,

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instruction reminds us of Peter's similar extreme reactions on other earlier occasions (e.g., John 13:8-9; 21:7). Paul's response to the voice from heaven on the Damascus road had not been negative (9:5-8). "The clich, 'If He is not Lord of all, He is not Lord at all' is simply thata clich and not a biblical or theological truth. He can be Lord of aspects of my life while I withhold other areas of my life from His control. Peter illustrated that as clearly as anyone that day on the rooftop when the Lord asked him to kill and eat unclean animals. He said, 'By no means, Lord' (Acts 10:14). At that point was Christ Lord of all of Peter? Certainly not. Then must we conclude that He was not Lord at all in relation to Peter's life? I think not."466 10:15-16 Peter's Jewish cultural prejudices were overriding the Word of God in his thinking. For this reason God repeated the vision two more times so Peter would be sure he understood God's command correctly. "The threefold repetition might also remind Peter of an interview on a familiar beach [cf. John 21:15-17]."467 "The message pervading the whole [of Peter's vision] . . . is that the disciples are to receive the Gentiles, not before cleansing, but after God has cleansed them as He will do later through the cleansing Gospel which Peter will share with them the next day."468 "The particular application had to do with nullifying Jewish dietary laws for Christians in accord with Jesus' remarks on the subject in Mark 7:17-23. But Peter was soon to learn that the range of the vision's message extended much more widely, touching directly on Jewish-Gentile relations as he had known them and on those relations in ways he could never have anticipated."469 I wonder if Peter remembered Jonah as he thought about the mission God had given him of preaching to the Gentiles. God had also called that prophet to carry a message of salvation to the Gentiles in Nineveh, but Jonah had fled from that very city, Joppa, to escape his calling. Now Peter found himself in the same position.

466Ryrie,

So Great . . ., p. 73. p. 96. 468Harm, p. 35. 469Longenecker, p. 388.

467Blaiklock,

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"Because Jonah disobeyed God, the Lord sent a storm that caused the Gentile sailors to fear. Because Peter obeyed the Lord, God sent the 'wind of the Spirit' to the Gentiles and they experienced great joy and peace."470 The invitation from Cornelius' messengers 10:17-23a 10:17-18 Peter did not understand what the vision meant. While he pondered the subject, Cornelius' messengers called out below inquiring about Simon Peter's presence in the house. Somehow the Holy Spirit convinced Peter that God wanted him to accompany the messengers to Cornelius' house. ". . . it is both exegetically and experientially difficult, if not impossible, to draw any sharp lines between 'an angel of God [vv. 3, 22],' the Holy Spirit [v. 19], and the ascended Christ [vv. 4, 14]."471 "A God-fearer had no objection to the society of Jews, but even a moderately orthodox Jew would not willingly enter the dwelling of a Gentile, God-fearer though he were."472 Peter was to feel free to enter the house of Cornelius since the centurion was not unclean. Perhaps as Peter "was reflecting" (v. 19) he remembered Jesus' teaching in which He terminated the clean unclean distinction (cf. v. 29; Mark:7:19). 10:21-22 Peter probably descended from the roof by using a stairway on the outside of the house, as was common, and met the messengers outside the door where they had been standing. They described Cornelius as a man well spoken of by the whole nation (Gr. ethnos) of the Jews as well as a righteous and God-fearing man (cf. v. 2). They obviously wanted their description of their master to influence Peter to accompany them back to Caesarea. After learning their intent, Peter invited them inside and acted as their host. This was very unusual since Jews normally did not provide hospitality for Gentiles. Peter had apparently already begun to understand the meaning of the vision he had seen and began to apply it in his relationships with these Gentiles.

10:19-20

10:23a

1:443. p. 389. We could also add "God" (v. 28). Cf. 8:26, 29, 39; 16:6-7; Rom. 8:9-11; 2 Cor. 3:17-18. See also Neil, p. 139. 472Bruce, Commentary on . . ., p. 217.
471Longenecker,

470Wiersbe,

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Peter's visit to Cornelius 10:23b-33 10:23b-24 Peter wisely took six other Jewish Christians with him (11:12). A total of seven believers witnessed what took place in Cornelius' house. The trip from Caesarea to Joppa took part of two days (v. 30). Cornelius was so sure Peter would come that even before the apostle arrived he gathered a group of his relatives and friends to listen to him. The text gives no reason to assume that Cornelius knew that Peter was the foremost apostle among the early Christians (cf. v. 5). Cornelius had an exemplary concern for the spiritual welfare of others even before he became a Christian (cf. v. 27). Cornelius met Peter like the apostle John responded to God's angelic messenger on another occasion. Nevertheless Peter, like the angel, refused this unwarranted veneration (cf. Rev. 19:10; 22:8-9). ". . . Simon Peter would never have let you get down to kiss his big toe [as pilgrims to St. Peter's Basilica in Rome do to the statue of Peter there]. He just wouldn't permit it."473 Later Paul and Barnabas received a similar reception from the Lystrans and likewise refused worship (14:11-15). 10:27-29 It was taboo for Jews to associate with Gentiles and to visit them in their homes.474 Gentiles did not observe the strict rules Jews followed in eating, preparing, and even handling food, nor did they tithe or practice circumcision. Any physical contact with Gentiles laid a Jew open to becoming ceremonially unclean because of the Gentiles' failure to observe these Mosaic laws. "There is nothing more binding on the average person than social custom."475 Food was the crux of the issue that separated them. However, Peter had gotten the message of the sheet full of food: food does not make a person unholy or unclean. Consequently he had come without further objection. Peter's explanation in these verses stressed the fact that God had convinced him to go against traditional Jewish custom, which was wellknown among the Gentiles. "If the food laws of the Jews no longer were valid, there was no real reason to avoid social contact with gentiles, for those distinctions lay at the heart of Jewish clannishness."476
473McGee,

10:25-26

4:556. Demai 3:4. 475Robertson, 3:141. 476Kent, p. 93.

474Mishnah

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"He [Peter] violates the first rule of homiletics when he begins his message with an apology. What he says is not a friendly thing to say. In fact, it is an insult. . . . How would you feel, especially if you are a lady who is a housekeeper, if some visitor came into your home and his first words were, 'I am coming into your home, which I consider dirty'?"477 Nevertheless Peter quickly and humbly explained that he had been wrong about how he formerly felt about Gentiles (v. 29). ". . . the Christian preacher or teacher must call no man common or unclean."478 10:30-33 Cornelius then related the vision he had had to Peter. The angel in Cornelius' vision (v. 2) had looked like a man dressed in shining garments (v. 30). The vision God had given him was a response to the centurion's prayers and alms. ". . . there are certain things that do count before God. These are things which can in no way merit salvation, but they are things which God notes. . . . Wherever there is a man who seeks after God as Cornelius did, that man is going to hear the gospel of the grace of God. God will see that he gets it."479 Cornelius had responded to God admirably by sending for Peter immediately (cf. Peter's "By no means, Lord," v. 14). Cornelius then invited Peter to tell him and his guests what God wanted him to say to them. What a prepared and receptive audience this was! Luke stressed the significance of Cornelius' experience by repeating certain details (cf. 11:4-10). This is another example of his doublet style, which increases emphasis. Other examples are the repetition of Jesus' miracles by his followers and the repetition of the same types of miracles that Peter performed by Paul. Peter's message to Cornelius 10:34-43 Peter's sermon on this occasion is the first sermon in Acts addressed to a Gentile audience (cf. 14:15-17; 17:22-31). It is quite similar to the ones Peter preached in 2:1440 and 3:11-26 except that this one has more information about Jesus' pre-crucifixion ministry. This emphasis was appropriate since Peter was addressing Gentiles who would have known less about Jesus' ministry than the Jews did.
477McGee,

4:557. p. 218. 479McGee, 4:555.

478Morgan,

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"Opening his mouth" is a phrase that typically introduces something very important (cf. 8:35; 18:14; Matt. 5:2; 13:35). ". . . in Luke's eyes what Peter was about to say was indeed momentous in sweeping away centuries of racial prejudice."480 What Peter confessed he now understood was something God had revealed throughout the Old Testament (e.g., Amos 9:7; Mic. 6:8) but that most Jews had not grasped due to centuries of ill-founded pride. God had now clarified this revelation. Since God is not one to show partiality (cf. Deut. 10:17; 2 Chron. 19:7; Job 34:19), certainly Christians should not do this either. Peter proceeded to prove that God deals with all people equally through His Son (cf. vv. 36, 38, 42, 43), not on the basis of their race (cf. John 10:16). Whenever Christians practice racial discrimination they need to reread Acts 10.

10:35

God requires faith in Jesus Christ for total acceptance (v. 43; cf. 11:17). However anyone who fears God and does what is in harmony with His will, as Cornelius did, meets with His initial acceptance. All of this verse is a kind of caption for what Peter proceeded to announce to Cornelius and his guests. Its three main emphases are, first, that the message to follow was a presentation of revelation that God had sent to the Jews. Second, it was a message resulting in peace that comes through Jesus Christ. Third, Jesus Christ is Lord of all, both Jews and Gentiles. "Lord of all" was a pagan title for deity, which the Christians adopted as an appropriate title for Jesus Christ.481 "He is Lord of all" expressed Peter's new insight. It is probably the main statement in the verse. "Since Jesus is Lord over all, Peter could proclaim to Cornelius and other Gentiles that the gospel is available to all. This is one of the most central points in Luke-Acts."482 "What is the nature of Jesus' lordship [v. 36]? Because of His lordship, He had a ministry of power as He healed all who were oppressed by the devil (v. 38). As Lord, He was the object of a testimony that declared Him to be the Judge of the living and the dead (v. 42). He is the one of whom all the prophets testified that forgiveness of sins is found in His name (v. 43). Again [as in 2:21, 32-39; 5:14; and 9:42] lordship described the authority that Jesus has as the Bearer

10:36

480Longenecker, 481Ibid.,

p. 392. p. 393; Barrett, p. 522. 482Bock, "A Theology . . .," p. 105

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of salvationan authority that involves work in the past (exorcising demons), present (granting forgiveness of sins), and future (serving as Judge)."483 10:37 Peter proceeded to outline Jesus of Nazareth's career for his listeners assuming some knowledge that was common but adding more details than Luke recorded in Peter's previous speeches. These details would have been appropriate since Peter's hearers here were Gentiles. Peter's sketch followed the same general outline as Mark's Gospel, which, according to early Christian tradition, Peter influenced. Luke undoubtedly summarized Peter's message, as he did the other addresses in Luke-Acts, and stressed points important to his readers. These points included the fulfillment of Isaiah 61:1 (in v. 38, cf. Luke 4:14-30), the importance of apostolic witness (in vv. 39-41, cf. Acts 1:8), and Jesus' post-resurrection eating and drinking with his disciples (v. 41, cf. Luke 24:41-43). "The thing" to which Peter referred was the earthly ministry of Jesus. 10:38 Jesus' anointing by God with the Holy Spirit took place at His baptism by John (cf. Luke 3:21-22) when He became God's officially Anointed One (i.e., the Messiah). The "all" whom Jesus healed were the many He healed. This is hyperbole since Jesus did not heal every needy person He met.484 This is another verse advocates of the "prosperity gospel" cite to prove their case.485 Jesus' good deeds and supernatural miracles testified to God's presence with Him (cf. Gen. 39:2). The apostles regularly mentioned that they were eye-witnesses of Jesus' ministry in their preaching (2:32; 3:15; 5:32; 10:41; 13:30-31). This had tremendous persuasive appeal to their hearers. Peter divided Jesus' acts into those that He performed in the land of the Jews and in Jerusalem, their capital city. Those who put Jesus to death were the Jews (3:15; 4:10; 5:30; 7:52) and the Gentiles (4:27). Here Peter referred generally to all those involved in the Crucifixion. "Hanging him on a cross" emphasizes the horrible way the enemies of Jesus killed Him. "It is difficult, after sixteen centuries and more during which the cross has been a sacred symbol, to realize the unspeakable horror and loathing which the very mention or thought of the cross provoked in Paul's day. The word crux was unmentionable in polite Roman society (Cicero, Pro Rabirio 16); even when one was being condemned to death

10:39

483Idem, 484See

"Jesus as . . .," p. 149. my comment on 3:2. 485See my comments on 5:16.

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by crucifixion the sentence used an archaic formula which served as a sort of euphemism . . ."486 "The cross of Christ reveals the love of God at its best and the sin of man at its worst."487 10:40-41 In contrast to man's treatment of Jesus, God raised Him from the grave after three days. Jesus also appeared to selected individuals whom God chose to be witnesses of His resurrection. Among these was Peter, who even ate and drank with the risen Lord, proof that He really was alive. "The resurrection appearances were not made to the people at large. The reason appears to have been that those who saw Jesus were constituted to act as witnesses to the many people who could not see him, and this obligation was not laid on people who were unfit for it but only on those who had been prepared by lengthy association with Jesus and by sharing his work of mission."488 10:42-43 Peter referred to the Great Commission, which Jesus gave his disciples after His resurrection (v. 41), in verse 42. "This entire experience is an illustration of the commission of Matthew 28:19-20. Peter went where God sent him and made disciples ('teach') of the Gentiles. Then he baptized them and taught them the Word."489 Jesus Christ will one day judge all people as forgiven or not forgiven (cf. Acts 17:31). To be forgiven one must "believe in Him" (cf. 5:14; 9:42; 11:17). Peter said this is what the Old Testament prophets taught (e.g., Isa. 53:11; Jer. 31:34; Ezek. 36:25-26; et al.). The Messiah (Christ) would be the Judge of all people, and Jesus of Nazareth is that Messiah (cf. John 5:27). The Lord of all (v. 36) is also the Judge of all (v. 42). Note how Peter stressed the universal benefit of Jesus' ministry in this message to Gentiles; it was for Gentiles as well as Jews. Not only is Jesus Lord of all (v. 36), but He went about healing all (v. 38). Furthermore He is the Judge of all (v. 42) to whom all the prophets bore witness (v. 43a), and God forgives all who believe in Him (v. 43b).

486F.

F. Bruce, The Epistle to the Galatians, p. 271. The Acts . . ., p. 193. 1:447.

487Anonymous. 488Marshall, 489Wiersbe,

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"This simple outline [vv. 34-43] . . . is perhaps the clearest NT example of the kerygma, the earliest form in which the apostolic proclamation of the gospel was apparently couched."490 The giving of the Holy Spirit to Gentiles 10:44-48 10:44 Peter did not need to call for his hearers to repent on this occasion. As soon as he gave them enough information to trust Jesus Christ, they did so. Immediately the Holy Spirit fell on them filling them (v. 47; 11:15; cf. 2:4) and baptizing them (11:16; cf. 1:5). God gave His Spirit to individuals from both groups, Jews and Gentiles, solely because of their faith in Jesus Christ (11:17). The Gentiles did not have to do anything but believe on Jesus. They did not need to become Jewish proselytes, experience baptism in water, undergo circumcision, turn from their sins, or even say they were willing to turn from them.491 Note that Spirit baptism took place here without the laying on of an apostle's hands. The identification of Spirit baptism with the apostles was not necessary here, as it had been with the Samaritans (cf. 8:17-19). Here the important point was the connection between faith in Jesus Christ alone, apart from any external Jewish rite, and Spirit baptism. "Through Peter's experience with Cornelius it is made plain that the norm for this age for both Jews and Gentiles, is for the Holy Spirit to be given without delay, human mediation, or other conditions than simple faith in Jesus Christ for both Jew and Gentile."492 10:45 The outward evidence that God had given His Spirit to these Gentile believers as a gift was that they spoke in tongues and praised God (cf. 11:15-16).493 This amazed Peter's Jewish companions because it proved that God was not making a distinction between Jewish and Gentile believers in Jesus regarding His acceptance of them. Probably Peter and his Jewish companions heard these Gentiles praising God in Aramaic, which these Gentiles would not have known previously since Aramaic was a language the Jews spoke. The Jews present would have understood Aramaic immediately and would have recognized that the ability to speak in an unstudied language was an evidence of Spirit baptism, as it was at Pentecost.

10:46a

p. 94. Roy B. Zuck, "Cheap Grace?" Kindred Spirit 13:2 (Summer 1989):4-7, for a popular critique of "lordship salvation." 492The New Scofield . . ., p. 1179. 493See my note on 19:6 for comments on the cessation of the gift of tongues.
491See

490Kent,

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There was no reason to withhold water baptism from these Gentile converts; they could undergo baptism in water as a testimony to their faith immediately. They had believed in Jesus Christ and had experienced Spirit baptism. Baptism with the Spirit was Jesus' sign of His acceptance of them, and baptism with water was their sign of their acceptance of Him. They had done everything they needed to do. They did not need to experience anything more such as circumcision, or admission into the Jewish community, or the adoption of traditional Jewish dietary laws, or anything else. "I have heard people say sometimes that if you are baptized with the Holy Ghost you do not need to be baptized in water. It is not a question of what you needit is a question of what God has commanded."494

The events Luke recorded in 9:3210:48 prepared Peter for the Lord's further expansion of His church to include Gentiles. Peter had unlocked the door of the church to Jews on Pentecost (Matt. 16:19; cf. Eph. 2:14). What happened in Cornelius' house was "the Pentecost of the Gentile world."495 By pouring out His Spirit on these Gentiles, God showed that in His sight Jews and Gentiles were equal. The Jew had no essential advantage over the Gentile in entering the church. God observes no distinction in race when it comes to becoming a Christian (cf. Eph. 2:113:12). The Ethiopian eunuch was probably a descendant of Ham, Saul was a descendant of Shem, and Cornelius was a descendant of Japheth (cf. Gen. 10).496 Thus with the record of their conversions in chapters 810 Luke told us that the church is equally accessible to all branches of the human family. Why was the conversion of Cornelius rather than the earlier conversion of the Ethiopian eunuch the opening of the church's door to the Gentiles? The conversion of the Gentile eunuch was a case of individual private salvation. The conversion of Cornelius, on the other hand, involved several Gentiles, and it was public. God had saved individual Gentiles by faith throughout history (e.g., Ruth, Naaman, et al.). With the conversion of Cornelius, He now, for the first time, publicly brought Gentiles into the church, the new creation of God, by Spirit baptism. The eunuch became a Christian and a member of the church, but that was not evident to anyone at the time of his conversion. With Cornelius' conversion, God made a public statement, as He had at Pentecost, that He was doing something new, namely, forming a new body of believers in Jesus. In chapter 2 He showed that it would include Jews, and in chapter 10 He clarified that it would also include Gentiles. The sole prerequisite for entrance into this group (the church) was faith in Jesus Christ regardless of ethnicity, which had separated Jews from Gentiles in Judaism for centuries. The distinctive difference between becoming a Christian and becoming a Jew (religiously) was that God gave the Holy Spirit to every Christian. The
494Ironside, 495F.

Lectures on . . ., p. 257. H. Chase, The Credibility of the Acts of the Apostles, p. 79. 496McGee, 4:545.

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sign of this, for the benefit of the Jews, was that He enabled those to whom He gave the Spirit to speak in tongues. The response of the Jerusalem church 11:1-18 Peter's actions in Caesarea drew criticism from conservative Jews. Luke wrote this pericope to enable his readers to understand and appreciate more fully God's acceptance of Gentiles into the church as Gentiles. An additional purpose was to present this acceptance as essential to the fulfillment of the Great Commission. The leaders of the Jerusalem church recognized what God was doing in bringing Gentiles into the church, as they had done formerly with the Samaritan believers in Jesus (8:14-25). Luke documented this recognition in this pericope because it plays an important role in proving the distinction between Israel and the church and explaining the worldwide mission of the church. Criticism of Peter's conduct 11:1-3 News of what had happened in Cornelius' house spread quickly throughout Judea. "The brethren" (v. 1) and "those who were circumcised" (v. 2) refer to Jewish Christians, not unsaved Jews. Peter's response to their criticism of him makes this clear (e.g., v. 15). They objected to his having had contact with uncircumcised Gentiles, particularly eating with them (v. 3). Apparently Peter ate with his host while he was with him for several days (10:48), though Luke did not record this. The same taboo that had bothered Peter was bothering his Jewish brethren (cf. 10:28). They undoubtedly would have felt concern over the non-Christian Jews' reaction to themselves. Peter's actions in Caesarea could only bring more persecution on the Jewish Christians from the unsaved Jews (cf. 7:54 8:3). "It is possible to hear a subtile echo of Jesus' critics in 11:3. Jesus was also accused of eating with or lodging with the wrong kind of people. . . . Now Peter must face the kind of criticism that Jesus faced, arising this time from the circle of Jesus' disciples."497 "It is plain that Peter was not regarded as any kind of pope or overlord."498 Peter's defense of his conduct 11:4-17 Luke recorded Peter's retelling of these events to his critics to impress the significance of this incident on his readers further. Peter stressed particularly God's initiative (vv. v. 8, 9, 12, 15, 16, 17a) and his own inability to withstand God (v. 17b). Cornelius and his household were not saved from God's wrath until they heard and believed the gospel of Jesus Christ that Peter proclaimed to them (v. 14; cf. 10:43).

497Tannehill,

498Robertson,

2:137. 3:152.

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Peter was speaking of the day of Pentecost when he referred to "the beginning" of the church (v. 15, cf. 2:4). Clearly the baptism of the Holy Spirit is what he referred to (v. 16). Peter justified his actions in Caesarea by appealing to what God had done (v. 17a). Note that Peter identified believing in the Lord Jesus Christ as the only necessary prerequisite to receiving the baptism of the Holy Spirit (v. 17a). Spirit baptism was not an experience subsequent to salvation for Cornelius and his household but something that happened simultaneously with salvation. "Peter's defense did not rest on what he himself did, but on what God did. God had made no distinction between Jew and Gentile, so how could Peter?"499 The verdict of Peter's critics 11:18 Peter's explanation was satisfactory to his critics. His Jewish brethren agreed that God was saving Gentiles simply by faith in Jesus Christ just as He was saving Jews and that they should no longer regard Gentiles as "unclean." They recognized and yielded to God's initiative in this event. "The word 'repentance' summarizes Cornelius' conversion in Acts. 'Repentance' can be a summary term for conversion stressing that a change of orientation has taken place when one believes. Faith stresses what the object of belief is. Faith is directed toward a Person, namely, Jesus. Repentance stresses what belief involves in that it is a change of mind or of orientation from oneself and his own works to a reliance on Jesus to save him. The repentant man of faith recognizes that, as the hymnwriter puts it, his 'hope is built on nothing less than Jesus' blood and righteousness' and that he is to 'wholly lean on Jesus' name.' Metanoeo ('to repent') is used in Acts 2:38 and 3:19 to call Jewish audiences to come to Jesus, and it is used in the same way in Acts 17:30 and 26:20 to describe the call to or response of Gentiles. Metanoia ('repentance') is the summary term of the Great Commission in Luke 24:47. It is also used in salvation contexts in Acts 5:31 (to Jews); 11:18 (of Cornelius); 20:21 (of Jews and Gentiles who believe on the Lord Jesus); and 26:20 (in Paul's message to Jews and Gentiles)."500 It is clear, however, that not all of those who accepted Peter's explanation also understood the larger issue. Probably few of them did. The larger issue was that God had created a new entity, the church, and that He was dealing with humankind on a different basis than He had for centuries. Those whom God accepted by faith in Christ were now under a new covenant, not the old Mosaic covenant, so they did not need to continue to observe the Mosaic Law. It was no longer necessary for Gentiles to come to God through Judaism or to live within the constraints of Judaism. Opposition to this larger issue, the implications of what happened in Cornelius' home, cropped up later (15:1; cf. Gal.).
499Toussaint, 500Bock,

"Acts," p. 382. "Jesus as . . .," p. 154.

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Even today many Christians do not understand the implications of this change and their application in daily life. "It is clear that Christianity was accepted [by Peter's critics] as a reformed Judaism, not as Judaism's successor."501 Whereas the Jewish Christians in Jerusalem did come to agree with Peter, non-Christian Jews did not. They still regarded Gentiles as outside the pale of God's favor. The Christian Jews' new attitude toward Gentiles on the one hand had opened them to the Gentiles. However it also resulted in non-Christian Jews excluding Christian Jews increasingly from the life of Judaism. "Even though Peter does not convert the first Gentile [in Acts, i.e., the Ethiopian eunuch], the Cornelius episode is a breakthrough for the Gentile mission. The conversion of the Ethiopian was a private and isolated event that had no effect. The conversion of Cornelius has consequences in the following narrative, as the reference back to it in Acts 15 makes clear. It is a breakthrough not simply because Peter and the Jerusalem church now accept Gentiles for baptism but also because they recognize the right of Jewish Christians to freely associate with Gentiles in the course of their mission."502 3. The initiatives of the Antioch church 11:19-30 The scene now shifts to Antioch of Syria. It was a very significant town because from there the church launched its major missionary offensives to the uttermost parts of the earth. Luke recorded events in the early history of this church because of its significant initiatives. The disciples in Antioch reached out to Gentiles with spiritual aid, and they reached out to their Jewish brethren in Jerusalem with material aid. "With the ratification by the Jerusalem mother church of Peter's action in admitting the first group of Gentiles into the Church as his preface, Luke now launches into the main theme of the book of Actsthe expansion of the Church into the whole Gentile world. Again he emphasizes the part played by anonymous believers in spreading Christianity."503 The spiritual initiative of the Antioch church 11:19-26 11:19 Luke's reference back to the persecution resulting from Stephen's martyrdom (7:60) is significant. It suggests that he was now beginning to record another mission of the Christians that ran parallel logically and chronologically to the one he had just described in 8:411:18.504

501Blaiklock, 502Tannehill,

p. 97. 2:137. 503Neil, p. 143. 504Longenecker, p. 400; Kent, p. 97.

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Luke had already pointed out that as a result of Stephen's execution the gospel had spread throughout Judea and Samaria (8:4). Now we learn that it was that event that also led to its being taken to the uttermost parts of the earth. While Philip went to Samaria, other refugees went to the country of Phoenicia north of Caesarea, the island of Cyprus (cf. 4:36; 21:16), and the city of Antioch. Those disciples, who were Jews, were evangelizing other Jews exclusively.

Rome *

Tarsus * * Antioch CYPRUS S Y RI A

Alexandria CYRENE *

Caesarea * * Jerusalem

11:20

Some Jews from Cyprus, Barnabas' homeland not far from Antioch, and Cyrene, in North Africa (cf. 2:10; 6:9; 13:1), visited Antioch (cf. 13:1). Since Antioch was at this time the third largest city in the Roman world, after Rome and Alexandria,505 they may have travelled there on business. Antioch was about 15 miles inland from the Mediterranean Sea on the Orontes River and 300 miles north of Jerusalem. It was the capital of the Roman province of Syro-Cilicia, north of Phoenicia, and was one of the most strategic population centers of its day. It contained between 500,000 and 800,000 inhabitants about one-seventh of which were Jews.506 Many Gentile proselytes to Judaism lived there.507 Antioch was also notorious as a haven for pleasure-seekers.508 "The Roman satirist, Juvenal, complained, 'The sewage of the Syrian Orontes has for long been discharged into the

505Josephus,

The Wars . . ., 3:2:4. p. 399; Neil, p. 143. 507Josephus, The Wars . . ., 7:3:3. 508Longenecker, p. 399; Barclay, pp. 93-94. See Rackham, p. 165, for a background sketch of this city.
506Longenecker,

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Tiber.' By this he meant that Antioch was so corrupt it was impacting Rome, more than 1,300 miles away."509 "It seems incredible but nonetheless it is true that it was in a city like that that Christianity took the great stride forward to becoming the religion of the world. We have only to think of that to discover there is no such thing as a hopeless situation."510 "In Christian history, apart from Jerusalem, no other city of the Roman Empire played as large a part in the early life and fortunes of the church as Antioch of Syria."511 Some of the Hellenistic Jews also began sharing the gospel with Gentiles. This verse documents another significant advance in the mission of the church: for the first time Luke recorded Jews aggressively evangelizing non-Jews. The Ethiopian eunuch and Cornelius, who were both Gentiles, had taken the initiative in reaching out to Jews and had obtained salvation. Now believing Jews were taking the initiative in reaching out to Gentiles with the gospel. The Antiochian evangelists preached "the Lord Jesus." For Gentiles "Christ" (Messiah) would not have been as significant a title as "Lord" (sovereign, savior, and deity). Many pagan Gentiles in the Roman Empire regarded Caesar as Lord. 11:21 Luke stressed the Lord Jesus' blessing of their witness. "The hand of the Lord" is an Old Testament anthropomorphism that pictures God's power (cf. Isa. 59:1; 66:14). The early disciples put Jesus on a par with Yahweh; His deity was not a late development read back into the early history of the church.512 Response to this evangelistic work was very good. Perhaps these Gentiles were "God-fearers" similar to the Ethiopian eunuch and Cornelius.513 Perhaps they were pagans who were not Jewish proselytes but were open to the message of life because of their dissatisfaction with paganism.514 Probably both types of Gentiles responded. "The combination of faith (pisteusas) and of turning (epestrepsen) is another common way to express salvation in Acts."515
509Toussaint, 510Barclay,

"Acts," p. 383. p. 94. 511Longenecker, p. 399. 512Robertson, 3:157. 513Longenecker, p. 401. 514Neil, p. 144. 515Bock, "Jesus as . . .," p. 149.

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As the apostles had done previously when they had heard of the Samaritans' salvation, they investigated when word of the salvation of Gentiles reached Jerusalem (8:14-15). They chose a representative to visit the scene to evaluate what was happening. The Lord obviously controlled these men in their choice of an observer. Barnabas (cf. 4:36-37) was an excellent man for this mission since he, like some of the evangelists in Antioch, was from Cyprus. He was also a more broad-minded Hellenist. Furthermore he was a positive, encouraging person (4:36), and he was full of the Holy Spirit, faith, and goodness. "Although he came of a Dispersion family, he was regarded with complete confidence in Jerusalem and acted as a pivot point or link between the Hebrew and Hellenistic elements in the church."516 Barnabas rejoiced when he observed God's grace at work in Antioch, and, true to his name (son of encouragement, 4:36), he encouraged the new converts to remain faithful to the Lord. Even more people became believers because of Barnabas' ministry to these Christians. Traditionally Luke came from Antioch,517 so perhaps he was one of the converts. Luke may have described Barnabas in such glowing terms because this was a crisis for the early church. Much depended on how Barnabas would react, what he would do, and what he would report back to the mother church in Jerusalem. The evangelization of Gentiles was at stake.

11:25

As the church in Antioch continued to grow, Barnabas and perhaps others sensed the need for Saul's help. Consequently Barnabas set out to track him down in Tarsus, where Saul had gone (9:30). Saul was an ideal choice for this work since God had given him a special appointment to evangelize Gentiles (22:21). Moreover he had considerable experience in ministry already, probably about nine years of it since his conversion.518 Some Bible scholars have deduced that Saul's family in Tarsus had disinherited him (cf. Phil. 3:8). Some also believe he endured some of the afflictions he described in 2 Corinthians 11:23-27 while he ministered in and around Tarsus. These included persecution by the Jews, probably for trying to evangelize Gentiles. Furthermore some say he had the revelation to which he referred in 2 Corinthians 12:1-4 while he was ministering near there. He was undoubtedly very active in missionary work around Tarsus during his residence there even though we have no record of it.

The Acts . . ., p. 202. second century Anti-Marcionite Prologue to Luke's Gospel referred to Luke as an Antiochian of Syria. See T. W. Manson, Studies in the Gospels and Epistles, p. 49, for an English translation of the text. Eusebius also wrote in the fourth century, ". . . Luke, who was born at Antioch, . . ." (The Ecclesiastical History of Eusebius Pamphilus, p. 85). 518See the appendix "Sequence of Paul's Activities" at the end of these notes.
517The

516Marshall,

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Barnabas had earlier sponsored Saul in Jerusalem (9:27). Now Barnabas brought Saul to Antioch, a distance of about 90 miles, where they ministered together for a year teaching and leading the church. This was probably in A.D. 43, ten years after the death and resurrection of Jesus and the day of Pentecost. Luke noted another advance for the church in that observers called the believers "Christians" (lit. those belonging to Christ's party, i.e., Christ followers) first in Antioch. In other words, people now distinguished the Christians as a group from religious Jews as well as from pagan Gentiles (cf. 1 Cor. 10:32). There are only three occurrences of the name "Christian" in the New Testament, and in each case Christians did not use it of themselves (cf. 26:28; 1 Pet. 4:16).519 "Note the three elements in the name [Christian]. (i) It contains Jewish thought, as the equivalent of Messiah, the Anointed.520 (ii) It shows the Greek language in the substantive'Christ.' (iii) It also includes the Latin language in the adjectival ending 'ians' (Latin, iani). This universality is a reminder of the language of the title on the Cross."521 "They [those who used this name for believers in Jesus] . . . voiced an insight that the Christians themselves only saw clearly later on: Christianity is no mere variant of Judaism."522

The material initiative of the Antioch church 11:27-30 11:27 Prophets were still active in the church apparently until the completion of the New Testament canon. A prophet was a person to whom God had given ability to speak for Him (forth-telling, cf. 1 Cor. 14:1-5), which in some cases included the ability to receive and announce new revelation (fore-telling). Prophesying also equaled praising God (1 Chron. 25:1). "The Jews believed that with the last of the [Old Testament] writing prophets, the spirit of prophecy had ceased in Israel; but the coming Messianic Age would bring an outpouring of God's Spirit, and prophecy would again flourish. The early Christians, having experienced the inauguration of the Messianic Age [i.e., the age of
519Similarly biblical references indicate that the name "Jew" is one that people other than the Israelites used to describe them. 520For Gentiles, however, "Christ" became a personal name for Jesus. 521Thomas, p. 47. 522Longenecker, p. 402.

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fulfillment], not only proclaimed Jesus to be the Mosaic eschatological prophet (cf. 3:22; 7:37) but also saw prophecy as a living phenomenon within the church (cf. also 13:1; 15:32; 21:9-10) and ranked it among God's gifts to his people next to that of being an apostle (cf. 1 Cor 12:28; Eph 4:11)."523 11:28 God fulfilled Agabus' prophecy (cf. 21:10). In the reign of Emperor Claudius (A.D. 41-54) there was a series of severe famines and poor harvests in various parts of the Roman Empire.524 The Romans used the Greek word oikoumene ("world," lit. inhabited world) in exaggeration to refer to the Roman Empire (cf. Luke 2:1). The Christians in Antioch demonstrated love for and unity with their brethren in Jerusalem by sending them some relief money. Luke previously documented the love and generosity of the Jerusalem Christians for one another (2:42; 4:32-35). Now he revealed that the Antioch Christians even surpassed them by sharing what they had with another congregation. The giving was voluntary and according to the ability that each Christian possessed (cf. 1 Cor. 16:2; 2 Cor. 9:7). The church leaders chose Barnabas and Saul to carry the gift to Jerusalem. There they gave it to the "elders" (Gr. presbyteroi). This is the first use of that word in Acts. It can refer to older men chronologically (cf. 1 Tim. 5:1) or to officers in the church (Tit. 1:5). Probably the latter meaning is in view here since official leaders would probably have been responsible to distribute the gift. Evidently the apostles had set up elders as they had "the Seven" to facilitate the ministry there. Elders were common in Jewish synagogue worship where they served as overseers. As time passed, this organizational structure became normal in Christian churches as well. The visit to which Luke referred here probably took place about A.D. 46 when Judea suffered from a severe famine.525 This so-called famine visit to Jerusalem is probably the one Paul referred to in Galatians 2:1-10.526 As the Jerusalem church had ministered to the church in Antioch by providing leadership and teaching, the Antioch church now was able to minister to the Jerusalem church with financial aid (cf. Gal. 6:6). Luke probably included this reference to this relief to illustrate, among other things, the strength of the Gentile church outside Jerusalem, Judea, and Samaria.

11:29

11:30

p. 403. Commentary on . . ., p. 243. See also idem, "Chronological Questions . . .," pp. 278-79; Longenecker, pp. 403-4. 525Josephus, Antiquities of . . ., 3:15:3; 20:2:5; 20:5:2. 526Bruce, Commentary on . . ., p. 244; Marshall, The Acts . . ., p. 205; Longenecker, p. 405; Neil, p. 146.
524Bruce,

523Ibid.,

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"The summary of the establishment of the church in Antioch presents an important new development, both geographically and ethnically. The gospel reaches a major city of the empire and finds a ready response from people of Greek culture, including Gentiles. The narrator pulls together threads from the preceding narrative, especially chapters 2 and 8, and weaves them into a tapestry to describe the new phase of the mission."527 4. The persecution of the Jerusalem church 12:1-24 The saints in Jerusalem not only suffered as a result of the famine, they also suffered because Jewish and Roman governmental opposition against them intensified as time passed. Luke recorded the events in this section to illustrate God's supernatural protection and blessing of the church, even though the Christians suffered increased persecution, and Israel's continued rejection of her Messiah. Looked at another way, this section confirms Israel's rejection of her Messiah. The supernatural deliverance of Peter 12:1-19 "Peter's rescue from prison is an unusually vivid episode in Acts even when simply taken as a story about Peter. Because it is not connected with events in the chapters immediately before and after it, however, it may seem rather isolated and unimportant for Acts as a whole. Yet it becomes more than a vivid account of an isolated miracle when we probe below the surface, for this story is an echo of other stories in Luke-Acts and in Jewish Scripture. An event that is unique, and vividly presented as such, takes on the importance of the typical when it reminds us of other similar events. It recalls the power of God to rescue those chosen for God's mission, a power repeatedly demonstrated in the past."528 12:1-2 "About that time" probably harks back to the famine visit of Barnabas and Saul mentioned in 11:30. If this took place in A.D. 46, and Herod died in A.D. 44, then the event Luke related in chapter 12 antedated the famine visit, and probably all of 11:27-30, by about two years. ". . . Luke seems to have wanted to close his portrayals of the Christian mission within the Jewish world (2:42 12:24) with two vignettes having to do with God's continued activity on behalf of the Jerusalem church."529 "Herod the king" was Herod Agrippa I whom the Roman emperor Gaius appointed king over Palestine in A.D. 37. He ruled Judea for three years,

527Tannehill, 528Ibid.,

2:146. 2:151. 529Longenecker, p. 407.

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A.D. 41-44530 (cf. v. 23), and moved his headquarters to Jerusalem. Herod Agrippa I had Jewish blood in his veins and consistently sought to maintain favor with and the support of the Jews over whom he ruled, which he did effectively.531 As the Christian Jews became increasingly offensive to their racial brethren (cf. 11:18), Herod took advantage of an opportunity to please his subjects by mistreating some believers and by executing the Apostle James, the brother of John (cf. Matt. 20:23).532 He was the second Christian martyr whom Luke identified (cf. 7:54-60). Persecution of the Christians now swung from religious to political.
HEROD'S FAMILY TREE

HEROD THE GREAT

King of Palestine 37-4 BC (Luke 1:5) He built many cities and structures including the temple in Jerusalem. He killed the boy babies of Bethlehem (Matt. 2:1-17).

ANTIPATER

ALEXANDER

HEROD ARISTOBULUS

HEROD PHILIP I

HEROD ANTIPAS I

HEROD ARCHAELAUS

HEROD PHILIP II

He married Herodius and He ruled Galilee & Perea He ruled Judea, Samaria, He ruled Iturea & & Idumaea 4 BC-6 AD Trachonitis 4 BC-34 AD fathered Salome 4 BC-39 AD (Luke 3:1). (Matt. 2:22). (Matt. 14:3b; Mark 6:17). He beheaded John the Baptist. (Luke 3:1). Jesus called him a fox. He married Salome. He tried Jesus (Mark 6:14-29; Luke 13:31-32; 23:7-12). He married Herodius after Herod Philip I did (Mark 6:18).

HEROD AGRIPPA I
He was king of Palestine 37-44 AD. He killed James, imprisoned Peter, and God smote him (Acts 12:1-11, 23).

HEROD OF CHALSIS
He ruled 41-48 AD. He married Bernice.

HERODIUS
She married Herod Philip I and then Herod Antipas. She asked for John the Baptist's head (Matt. 14:3; Mark 6:17).

HEROD AGRIPPA II
He ruled Chalsis & the northern territory 50-70 AD. Paul addressed him and Bernice (Acts 25:1326:32).

DRUSILLA
She married Felix the ruler of Judea 52-59 AD who tried Paul (Acts 23:2624:27).

BERNICE
She married Herod of Chalsis. She heard Paul with Herod Agrippa II (Acts 25:1326:32).

SALOME
The daughter of Herodius & Herod Philip I. She danced before Herod Antipas (Mark 6:22). She married Herod Philip II.

Antiquities of . . ., 19:8:2; idem, The Wars . . ., 2:11:6; Bruce, "Chronological Questions . . .," pp. 276-78. 531See Longenecker, pp. 407-8, for a brief biography of Herod Agrippa I. 532This is the only apostle's death that the New Testament recorded.

530Josephus,

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ROMAN EMPERORS IN NEW TESTAMENT TIMES

Emperor Important Events Bible Books Written
Augustus Ordered the census that took Joseph (31 B.C.-A.D. 15) and Mary to Bethlehem (Luke 2:1). Jesus' earthly ministry conducted Tiberius during his reign (Luke 3:1; 20:22, (A.D. 15-35) 25; 23:2; John 19:12, 15). Gaius Appointed Herod Agrippa I king over Palestine (Acts 12:1). (A.D. 35-41) Extensive famines (Acts 11:28). Claudius Expelled the Jews, including (A.D. 41-54) Priscilla and Aquilla, from Rome (Acts 18:2). Paul appealed for trial before him (Acts 25:11). Favored Christianity early in his reign, but when Rome burned in 64 A.D. he blamed the Christians and Nero from then on persecuted them.Had (A.D. 54-68) Paul and Peter executed (according to early Christian tradition).

Matthew (A.D. 40-70) James (A.D. 45-48) Galatians (A.D. 49) 1 & 2 Thess. (A.D. 51) 1 & 2 Cor. (A.D. 56) Romans (A.D. 57) Luke (A.D. 57-59) Prison Epistles (A.D. 60-62) Acts (A.D. 60-62) 1 Tim. (A.D. 62-66) Titus (A.D. 62-66) Mark (A.D. 63-70) 1 Pet. (A.D. 64) 2 Tim. (A.D. 67) 2 Pet. (A.D. 67-68) Jude (A.D. 67-80) Hebrews (A.D. 68-69)

Galba (A.D. 68-69) Otho (A.D. 69) Vitellius (A.D. 69) Vespasian (A.D. 69-79) Titus (A.D. 75-81) Domition (A.D. 81-96) Nerva (A.D. 96-98) Crushed the Jewish revolt against Rome (A.D. 66-70). His son, Titus, destroyed Jerusalem (A.D. 70).

John (A.D. 85-95) 1, 2 & 3 John (A.D. 90-95) Revelation (A.D. 95-96)

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The Feast of Unleavened Bread was a seven-day celebration that began on the day after Passover each spring. This was one of the three yearly feasts in Jerusalem that the Mosaic Law required all Jewish males to attend. As on the day of Pentecost (ch. 2), the city would have been swarming with patriotic Jews when Herod made his grandstand political move of arresting Peter. These Jews knew Peter as the leading apostle among the Christians and as a Jew who fraternized with Gentiles (ch. 10). This was the third arrest of Peter that Luke recorded (cf. 4:3; 5:18). Note that this persecution of the Christians did not arise from anything they had done but simply because Herod wanted to gain popularity with the Jews. Four squads of soldiersfour soldiers made up each squadguarded Peter in six-hour shifts so he would not escape as he had done previously (5:19-24). Evidently two of the soldiers on each shift chained themselves to Peter and the other two guarded his cell door (vv. 6, 10). "Passover" was the popular term for the continuous eight-day combined Passover and Unleavened Bread festival. His captors probably imprisoned Peter in the Roman fortress of Antonia. It stood against the north wall of the temple enclosure and on the western end of this wall.533 Prisons are no match for prayers, however, as everyone was to learn. The Christians prayed fervently about Peter's fate believing that God could affect his release again.534 "The church used its only available weaponprayer."535

12:4

12:5

12:6

The night before Peter's trial and probable execution he lay sound asleep in his cell. How could he sleep soundly when God had allowed James to die? Peter, of course, had a record of sleeping when he should have been praying (cf. Matt. 26:36-46). He had no problem with insomnia. Nevertheless on this occasion God may have wanted him to sleep. Perhaps he did not fear for his life because Jesus had implied that he would live to an old age (John 21:18). Normally the Romans chained a prisoner by his right hand to his guard's left hand, but each of Peter's hands was chained to a guard on either side of him.536 Herod wanted to make sure Peter did not get away. Again an angel of the Lord (Gr. angelos kyriou) visited Peter in prison (5:19; cf. 8:26; 12:23). A light also illuminated his cell (cf. 9:3). The angel instructed him to get up quickly, and when he did his chains fell from his hands. Peter's guards slept through the whole event.

12:7

533See 534See

the diagram of Herod's Temple Area near my comments on 3:12-15 above. Hiebert, pp. 30-32, for some helpful and motivating comments on their praying. 535Kent, p. 102. 536Barclay, p. 101; Longenecker, p. 409.

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"Luke clearly regards Peter's escape as a miracle, a divine intervention by a supernatural visitant (cf. Lk. 2:9) . . ."537 Thomas Watson, the Puritan preacher, reportedly said, "The angel fetched Peter out of prison, but it was prayer that fetched the angel."538 12:8-9 The angel coached Peter as a parent to get dressed and to follow him out of the prison. Peter was so groggy that he did not know that he was really being set free. He thought he might be having another vision (10:10, cf. 9:10). Luke related this incident as though God was orchestrating Peter's release. There is no reason to take the account as anything less than this. Once outside the prison and left alone by his angelic guide Peter realized that his release was genuine. God did here for Peter what He had done for the Israelites in leading them out of their Egyptian prison in the Exodus. God's enemies can never frustrate His plans (Matt. 16:18). Why did God allow Herod to kill James but not Peter? "The answer is that this is the sovereign will of God. He still moves like this in the contemporary church. I have been in the ministry for many years, and I have seen the Lord reach in and take certain wonderful members out of the church by death. And then there are others whom He has left. Why would He do that? If He had asked me, from my viewpoint as the pastor, I would say that He took the wrong one and He left the wrong one! But life and death are in the hands of a sovereign God. . . . This is His universe, not ours. It is God's church, not ours. The hand of a sovereign God moves in the church."539 12:12 Peter went directly to a home where he may have known that Christians would be praying for him. This was the house of Mary the mother of John (Jewish name) Mark (Greek name). John Mark was the man who accompanied Paul and Barnabas on their first missionary journey (13:5). He was Barnabas' cousin (Col. 4:10) who travelled with Barnabas to Cyprus when Paul chose Silas as his companion for his second missionary journey (15:37-39). Mark later accompanied Paul again (Col. 4:10; Phile. 24), as well as Peter (1 Pet. 5:13). According to early church tradition he wrote the Gospel that bears his name, served as Peter's interpreter in Rome, and founded the church in Alexandria, Egypt.540

12:10-11

537Neil,

p. 149. 1:452-53. 539McGee, 4:562. 540The Ecclesiastical History . . ., pp. 34-35, 79, 188.
538Wiersbe,

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12:13-16

This amusing incident is very true to life. Rhoda's (Rose's) joy at finding Peter at the gate, which admitted people from the street into a courtyard, overpowered her common sense. Instead of letting him in she ran inside the house and announced his arrival. The believers could not believe that God had answered their prayers so directly and dramatically. Peter meanwhile stood outside still trying to get in. Finally they let him in hardly able to believe that it really was Peter. Evidently the Christians thought Peter's guardian angel had appeared (v. 15; Dan. 10:21; Matt. 18:10). Another explanation is that we should understand "angel" as a reference to a human messenger that Peter had sent. A third possibility is that the Christians thought that Herod had killed Peter and that the apostle's spirit had come to visit them.

12:17

The James Luke mentioned here was the half brother of Jesus (cf. 15:13; 21:18; Gal. 1:19; 2:9, 12: James 1:1). He became the foremost leader of the Jerusalem church after Peter's departure. Peter proceeded to disappear from Jerusalem. Scripture does not tell us where he went immediately. Probably he left Judea (cf. 1 Cor. 9:5). Many other believers in Jerusalem were not present in Mary's house that night. Peter wanted to be sure they learned of his release, too. Earlier Peter had returned from prison to the temple to resume preaching at the Lord's command (5:19-21). Now the Jews were much more hostile to the Christians. Saul had previously left Jerusalem for his own safety (9:29-30), and this time Peter followed his example. Peter had become infamous among the Jews in Jerusalem for associating with Samaritans and Gentiles as well as for being the leader of the Christians. Corinth and Rome are two places that Peter evidently visited (1 Cor. 1:12; 9:5; 1 Pet. 5:13), and various church fathers wrote that he ministered throughout the Jewish Diaspora.541 Peter also may have been in Antioch (Gal. 2:11-21), and he was in Jerusalem again for the Jerusalem Council (15:7-11, 14), though perhaps only as a visitor.

12:18-19

Herod evidently concluded that the guards had cooperated with Peter's escape or at least had been negligent. Roman guards who allowed their prisoners to escape suffered the punishment of those prisoners.542 These guards died. Herod then left Judea (the old Jewish name for the area around Jerusalem) and returned to Caesarea, the nominal capital of the Roman province of Judea. One wonders if Peter's escape played a role in Herod's decision to leave the center of Jewish life and so save face. Even a Roman authority could not prevent the church from growing.

541For

542Barclay,

sources, see Longenecker, p. 411. p. 101.

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The supernatural death of Herod Agrippa I 12:20-23 Herod viewed Peter as the enemy of the unbelieving Jews, which he was not. Really Herod was the enemy of the believing Christians. Having set the innocent Christian leader free, God now put the guilty Jewish Roman leader to death. 12:20 King Herod had become displeased with his subjects who lived in Tyre and Sidon on the Mediterranean coast north of Caesarea. Because these towns depended on Galilee, part of King Herod's country, for their food supply, they were eager to get on his good side again.543 Blastus, Herod's chamberlain (Gr. koitonos), was one of the king's trusted servants. Josephus recorded this incident in more detail than Luke did. He added that Herod appeared in the outdoor theater at Caesarea. He stood before the officials from Tyre, Sidon, and his other provinces on a festival day dressed in a silver robe. When the sun shone brilliantly on his shiny robe some flatterers in the theater began to call out words of praise acclaiming him a god. Immediately severe stomach pains attacked him. Attendants had to carry him out of the theater, and five days later he died.544 Doctor Luke saw Herod's attack as a judgment from God and gave a more medical explanation of his death than Josephus did. One writer suggested Herod suffered from appendicitis that led to peritonitis complicated by roundworms.545 Another diagnosed him as having a cyst caused by a tapeworm.546 More important than the effect was the cause, namely, Herod's pride (cf. Isa. 42:8; Dan. 4:30). "The pride of man had ended in the wrath of God."547 "The angel of the Lord who had delivered Peter was now to smite Herod the persecutor. He had 'smitten' Peter, and we see that the same divine visitation may be for life or for death. Herod Agrippa is the NT antitype of Pharaoh and Sennacherib, the oppressor smitten by the angel of the Lord."548 The continuing growth of the church 12:24 In contrast to Herod and like Peter, the word of the Lord, the gospel, continued to grow and multiply through God's supernatural blessing. Therefore the church continued to
543For a comparison of Herod with the King of Tyre in Ezekiel 27:17 and 28:2, see Mark R. Strom, "An Old Testament Background to Acts 12. 20-23," New Testament Studies 32:2 (April 1986):289-92. 544Josephus, Antiquities of . . ., 18:6:7; cf. 19:8:2. 545Marshall, The Acts . . ., p. 213; cf. Longenecker, p. 413. 546Neil, p. 152. 547Barclay, p. 103. 548Rackham, p. 381. McGee regarded him as a miniature of Antichrist (4:565).

12:21-23

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flourish in Jewish territory as well as among the Gentiles. This verse is another of Luke's progress reports that concludes a section of his history (cf. 6:7; 9:31). Nothing seemed capable of stopping the expansion of the church. Corruption and contention in its ranks did not kill it (5:1-11; 6:1-7). Its religious enemies could not contain it (4:1; 8:1, 3; 11:19). Even Roman officials could not control it (vv. 1-23). In the next section we see that it broke out into Asia Minor. Jesus' prediction that even the gates of Hades could not overpower it was proving true (Matt. 16:18; Acts 1:8). God's purposes will prevail! B. THE EXTENSION OF THE CHURCH TO CYPRUS AND ASIA MINOR 12:2516:5 Luke recorded that Jesus came to bring deliverance to the Jews and to the whole world (Luke 4:14-30). In his Gospel, Luke told the story of Jesus' personal ministry, primarily to the Jews. In Acts the emphasis is mainly on Jesus' ministry, through His apostles, to the Gentile world. As the mission to the Gentiles unfolds in Acts we can see that Luke took pains to show that the ministry to the Gentiles paralleled the ministry to the Jews. He did this by relating many things that the missionaries to the Gentiles did that were very similar to what the missionaries to the Jews did. This demonstrates that God was indeed behind both missions and that they are really two aspects of His worldwide plan to bring the gospel to all people and to build a worldwide church. The present section of text (12:2516:5) does more than just present the geographical expansion of the church into Asia Minor (modern western Turkey). Primarily it shows the legitimacy of dealing with Gentiles as Gentiles rather than through Judaism before and after their conversion. It becomes increasingly clear that the church and Judaism are two separate entities. God was not renewing the remnant in Israel and refreshing it with Gentile's who believed in Jesus. He was creating a new body: the church. This section culminates in the Jerusalem Council (ch. 15) in which the issue of the Gentiles' relationship to the church came to a head. The last verse (16:5) summarizes these events and issues. 1. The divine appointment of Barnabas and Saul 12:2513:3 Luke recorded these verses to set the stage for the account of Barnabas and Saul's first missionary journey that follows. "The world ministry which thus began was destined to change the history of Europe and the world."549 12:25 After delivering the Antioch Christians' gift to the church in Jerusalem (11:27-30), Barnabas and Saul returned to Antioch taking with them John Mark (12:12) who was Barnabas' cousin (Col. 4:10). The round trip between Anntioch and Jerusalem would have been a distance of about 560 miles. This verse bridges what follows with the earlier account of the virile Antioch church (11:19-30). The reference to John Mark here also connects the preceding section about the Jerusalem church (12:1-24) with
p. 102.

549Blaiklock,

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what follows. The effect is to give the reader the impression that what follows has a solid basis in both the Gentile Antioch church and the Jewish Jerusalem church, which it did. 13:1 There were five prominent prophets and teachers in the Antioch church at this time. The Greek construction suggests that Barnabas, Simeon, and Lucius were prophets (forthtellers and perhaps foretellers), and Manaen and Saul were teachers (Scripture expositors).550 Barnabas (cf. 4:36-37; 9:27; 11:22-30) seems to have been the leader among the prophets and teachers. The priority of his name in this list, as well as other references to his character qualities, suggests this. Simeon is a Jewish name, but this man's nickname or family name, Niger, is Roman and implies that he was dark skinned, possibly from Africa.551 Lucius was a common Roman name; Luke was his Greek name. He was from North Africa (cf. 11:20).552 Herod the tetrarch refers to Herod Antipas who beheaded John the Baptist and tried Jesus (Mark 6:14-19; Luke 13:31-33; 23:7-12). Saul was evidently the newcomer (cf. 7:588:3; 9:1-30; 11:25-30). This list of leaders shows that the church in Antioch was cosmopolitan and that God had gifted it with several speakers who exhorted and taught the believers. "There in that little band there is exemplified the unifying influence of Christianity. Men from many lands and many backgrounds had discovered the secret of 'togetherness' because they had discovered the secret of Christ."553 13:2 It was while these men were serving that God redirected them.554 Notice also that the ministry of these men, while to the church, was primarily to the Lord (cf. Col. 3:24). Fasting in this context undoubtedly involved going without food temporarily to give attention to spiritual matters of greater importance than eating. "Pious Jews of the time fasted twice each week, and early Christians may have continued the custom."555
particle te occurs before Barnabas and before Manaen in this list dividing the five men into two groups. 551The Latin word niger means black. Some people think this Simeon was Simon of Cyrene (in North Africa), who carried Jesus' cross (Luke 23:26). There is not enough information to prove or to disprove this theory. 552It seems unlikely that he was the Luke who wrote this book. Since Luke did not even identify himself by name as a member of Paul's entourage, it is improbable that he would have recorded his own name here. For defense of the view that this was the writer of Luke-Acts, see John Wenham, "The Identification of Luke," Evangelical Quarterly 63:1 (1991):32-38. 553Barclay, p. 105. 554Many have observed that it is easier to direct a ship that is in motion than one that is standing still. Similarly God often uses His servants who are already serving Him as they have opportunity rather than those who are not serving Him but just sitting by idly waiting for direction. 555Kent, p. 108.
550The

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The Holy Spirit probably revealed His "call" through one or more of these prophets (cf. 8:29; 10:19; 13:4). How He did it was less important to Luke than that He did it (cf. v. 4). God leads His people though a variety of means that His disciples who are walking with Him can identify as His leading. If Luke had revealed just how the Spirit gave this "missionary call," every missionary candidate that followed might expect exactly the same type of leading. One commentator speculated as follows. ". . . this would seem to suggest that at a service of divine worship one of the prophets was moved by the Spirit to propose the mission of Paul and Barnabas."556 13:3 "They" probably refers to the entire congregation together with its leaders (cf. 14:27; 15:2). The other church leaders did several things for Barnabas and Saul. They fasted and prayed, presumably for God's blessing on them. They probably fasted as they prayed indicating the priority they placed on seeking God's blessing in prayer. They also laid their hands on them, evidently not to bestow a spiritual power but to identify with and encourage them (cf. 9:17). Then they released them from their duties in Antioch so they could depart. This was a commissioning for a particular work, not ordination to lifetime service.557 "In commissioning Barnabas and Saul by the imposition of hands, the other office-bearers invest them with authority to act on behalf of the Christian community at Antioch, and symbolically identify the whole congregation with their enterprise."558 "This short paragraph [13:1-3] marks a major departure in Luke's story. Up to this point, contacts with Gentiles (one might almost say, missionary activity in general) have been almost fortuitous. Philip was despatched along an unusual road not knowing that he would encounter an Ethiopian eunuch reading Scripture; Peter was surprised by the gift of the Holy Spirit to an uncircumcised and unbaptized Gentile; the missionaries to Antioch did not set out with the intention of evangelizing Gentiles. Here, however, though the initiative is still ascribed to the Holy Spirit (v. 2), an extensive evangelistic journey into territory in no sense properly Jewish (though there was a Jewish element in the population, as there was in most parts of the Empire) is deliberately planned, and two associates of the local church are commissioned to execute it."559

556Neil, p. 154. See George W. Murray, "Paul's Corporate Evangelism in the Book of Acts," Bibliotheca Sacra 155:618 (April-June 1998):189-200. 557Marshall, The Acts . . ., p. 216. 558Neil, p. 154. 559Barrett, pp. 598-99.

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2. The mission to Cyprus 13:4-12 Luke recorded the events of Paul's first missionary journey to document the extension of the church into new territory and to illustrate the principles and methods by which the church grew. He also did so to show God's supernatural blessing on the witness of Barnabas and Saul. ". . . the account of Paul's ministry has two parts: his journeys (Acts 11 20) and his trials (Acts 2128)."560 Peter had encountered Simon, a sorcerer, when the Jerusalem church initiated its first major outreach in Samaria (8:9-24). Similarly Barnabas and Saul ran into Bar-Jesus, a false prophet and sorcerer, when the Antioch church conducted its first major outreach to Gentiles. Luke undoubtedly wanted his readers to note the parallel and to draw the conclusion that God was behind the second outreach to Gentiles as He had been behind the first one to Samaritans. 13:4 Luke carefully noted that the person ultimately responsible for the venture that followed was the Holy Spirit (cf. 1:1-2). This was another of God's initiatives in building His church. Barnabas and Saul departed from the port of Antioch, Seleucia, located about 15 miles to the west near where the Orontes River flowed into the Mediterranean Sea. The island of Cyprus (Kittim, Gen. 10:4; et al.) was Barnabas' homeland (Acts 4:36).561 "Cyprus was an island of great importance from very early times, being situated on the shipping lanes between Syria, Asia Minor, and Greece. In 57 B.C. it was annexed by Rome from Egypt and in 55 B.C. incorporated into the province of Cilicia. In 27 B.C. it became a separate province governed on behalf of the emperor Augustus by an imperial legate. In 22 B.C. Augustus relinquished its control to the senate, and, like other senatorial provinces, it was administered by a proconsul."562 13:5 Salamis was the largest town in eastern Cyprus, about 130 miles from Seleucia. It lay on the coast, and there were enough Jews there to warrant more than one synagogue.563 Barnabas and Saul habitually visited the Jewish synagogues when they preached the gospel. They undoubtedly did so because that was where the people who were God-fearing anticipators

"A Theology . . .," p. 151. some very interesting insights into travel conditions over land and water in the first century Roman world, see Jerome Murphy-O'Connor, "On the Road and on the Sea with St. Paul," Bible Review 1:2 (Summer 1985):38-47. 562Longenecker, p. 419. 563Josephus, Antiquities of . . ., 13:10:4, wrote that Salamis' population was mainly Greek, but many Jews lived there as well.
561For

560Bock,

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of the Messiah assembled, both Jews and Gentiles. Of course, this was not the first time the Christian gospel had come to Cyprus, but the Christians had only evangelized Jews earlier (cf. 11:19). John Mark probably provided assistance in many ways. Timothy served in a similar capacity when Paul and Silas left Lystra on Paul's second missionary journey (cf. 16:1-3).564 13:6-8 Barnabas and Saul travelled west across Cyprus coming eventually to Paphos, the provincial capital of the island. Paphos was 90 miles west of Salamis and lay on the western coast of Cyprus. Evidently word reached Sergius Paulus of the missionaries' preaching. Since he was an intelligent man (Gr. aner syneton, an understanding or sagacious man, cf. v. 12), he ordered them to meet with him so he could hear their message personally. "In the Greek world it was the custom for philosophers, rhetoricians, or religious propagandists, to travel about from city to city and give public orations. By this means they often secured permanent professorships. So when Sergius Paulus heard of Barnabas and Saul, he took them for similar professors, and having an interest in these matters he summoned them to give a declamation before his court."565 He was a "proconsul," the highest Roman government official on the island who was there by appointment of Rome's senate.566 Evidently BarJesus (lit. Son of a Savior) was a Jewish false prophet in the sense that he claimed to be a prophet of God but was not. He was only a magician who may have had some Satanic power (cf. 8:9). The Mosaic Law forbade Jews from practicing magic (Deut. 18:10-11). "Elymas" seems to have been a nickname. It means "sorcerer," "magician," or "fortune-teller" (Gr. magos, cf. Matt. 2:1, 7, 16). He may have opposed the missionaries because they brought the true message of God. Furthermore he may have felt that if Sergius Paulus believed the gospel his relationship to the proconsul would suffer. "It was not usual for such a character to be attached to the household of a Roman dignitary."567 13:9 Luke now introduced Saul's Greek name Paul, by which he referred to him hereafter in Acts. The reason for Luke's change at this point seems to be

the map of Paul's first missionary journey in Longenecker, p. 248, or in Toussaint, "Acts," p. 386. p. 200. See Longenecker, p. 419, for personal background on Lucius Sergius Paulus. 566See Bruce, "Chronological Questions . . .," pp. 279-80. In contrast, procurators were appointed by the emperor. Procurators mentioned in the New Testament were Pontius Pilate, Antonius Felix, and Porcius Festus. 567Neil, p. 155. Roman officials were notoriously superstitious.
565Rackham,

564See

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that here Paul's ministry to the Gentiles really began (cf. 22:21). "Paul" means "little," perhaps an allusion to his physical stature, and obviously rhymes with "Saul" (lit. asked). "Paul" was evidently a cognomen (nickname). Paul's first and family Roman names appear nowhere in Scripture.568 "Both names, Saul and Paul, were probably given him by his parents, in accordance with Jewish custom, which still prevails, of giving a child two names, one religious and one secular."569 Note Luke's reference to Paul's being filled with the Holy Spirit. We have seen that Spirit filling marked the early believers (v. 9; 2:4; 4:8, 31; 6:3, 5; 7:55; 9:17). Paul was about to announce a divine miracle designed to frustrate Satan's work in hindering the progress of the gospel (cf. 8:9-23; 16:16-18; 19:13-17). A true prophet of the Lord was getting ready to pronounce a curse on a false prophet (cf. 2 Chron. 18:9-27). This fresh filling (Gr. plestheis, an aorist participle) empowered him for the task. 13:10 Instead of being full of wisdom, Paul accused Elymas of being full of deceit and a fraud. Instead of being the son of a savior or the follower of Jesus, Bar-Jesus was a son of the devil. Instead of being the promoter of righteousness, this magician was making the straight way of the Lord crooked.570 Paul's stern words recall Peter's as he dealt with Ananias and Sapphira, and Simon the sorcerer (5:3-4, 9; 8:20-23). Perhaps Paul hoped that when God darkened Elymas' physical eyesight He might restore his spiritual eyesight, as had been his own experience (ch. 9). This show of superior power convinced Sergius Paulus of the truth of Paul's gospel, and he believed it. Notice again that belief is all that was necessary for his salvation (cf. 14:1; 17:34; 19:18). It was Paul's teaching concerning the Lord that Sergius Paulus believed.571 "This blinding of the false prophet opened the eyes of Sergius Paulus."572

13:11

13:12

p. 420. Robertson and Alfred Plummer, A Critical and Exegetical Commentary on the First Epistle of St Paul to the Corinthians, p. 341. 570This is the second of four incidents involving victory over demonic powers in Acts (cf. 8:9-23; 16:1618; 19:13-17). 571See William M. Ramsay, The Bearing of Recent Discovery on the Trustworthiness of the New Testament, pp. 150-72, for evidence that Sergius Paulus' daughter and other descendants were also Christians. 572W. J. Conybeare and J. S. Howson, The Life and Epistles of St. Paul, p. 120.
569Archibald

568Longenecker,

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The blinding of Elymas shows that Paul possessed the power of binding that God had also given to Peter (cf. Matt. 16:19). God validated Paul's message by granting a miracle. This was especially helpful in evangelism before the completion of the New Testament. This incident is significant in the unfolding of Luke's purpose because at Paphos Paul assumed the leadership among the missionaries (cf. v. 13). The mission of the church also became more Gentile oriented. Jewish response continued to be rejection, symbolized by Elymas' blindness (cf. 28:26-27). Furthermore, this was the first appearance of Christianity before Roman aristocracy and high authority, a new benchmark for the advance of the mission. Paul's conflict with Elymas is also reminiscent of others in the Old Testament in which prophets with rival messages made presentations to kings and people (cf. 1 Kings 22; Jer. 2829). "The conversion of Sergius Paulus was, in fact, a turning point in Paul's whole ministry and inaugurated a new policy in the mission to Gentiles viz., the legitimacy of a direct approach to and full acceptance of Gentiles apart from any distinctive Jewish stance. This is what Luke clearly sets forth as the great innovative development of this first missionary journey (14:27; 15:3). Earlier Cornelius had been converted apart from any prior commitment to Judaism, and the Jerusalem church had accepted his conversion to Christ. But the Jerusalem church never took Cornelius's conversion as a precedent for the Christian mission and apparently preferred not to dwell on its ramifications. However, Paul, whose mandate was to Gentiles, saw in the conversion of Sergius Paulus further aspects of what a mission to Gentiles involved and was prepared to take this conversion as a precedent fraught with far-reaching implications for his ministry. It is significant that from this point on Luke always calls the apostle by his Greek name Paul and, except for 14:14; 15:12; and 15:25 (situations where Barnabas was more prominent), always emphasizes his leadership by listing him first when naming the missioners. For after this, it was Paul's insight that set the tone for the church's outreach to the Gentile world."573 3. The mission to Asia Minor 13:1314:21a Having evangelized Barnabas' homeland the missionaries next moved into Paul's native territory of southern Asia Minor. Arrival in Pamphylia 13:13 Pamphylia was a Roman province that lay west of the kingdom of Antiochus, which was west of Cilicia, Paul's home province. Perga (modern Perge) stood 10 miles inland from the major seaport of Attalia (modern Antalya, cf. 14:25-26), but it had an inland harbor on the Cestrus River. In Perga, John Mark left Paul and Barnabas to return to Jerusalem.
573Longenecker,

pp. 420-21.

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Paul did not approve of his decision (15:38), but Luke did not record Mark's motives. The commentators have deduced several reasons including homesickness (cf. 12:12), fear of illness (cf. Gal. 4:13), and fear of danger in the Taurus Mountains north of Perga. Paul purposed to cross these mountains to get to Antioch of Pisidia. Others have cited the changes that were taking place in the mission's leadership from Barnabas to Paul. The most probable explanation, I believe, is disagreement over the validity of a direct approach to and full acceptance of Gentiles. John Mark, of course, had strong ties to the Jerusalem church and could well have resisted this approach as so many other Jews did. Ministry in Antioch of Pisidia 13:14-52 Paul and Barnabas proceeded north about 100 miles to Antioch of Pisidia. The road took them from sea level to 3,600 feet elevation through bandit-infested country.574 They arrived on a lake-filled plateau. Paul later wrote to the Galatians that he had preached the gospel to them at first because of a weakness of the flesh (Gal. 4:13). This seems to indicate that Paul was not in good health when he ministered in Antioch of Pisidia, Iconium, Lystra, and Derbe.575 Antioch of Pisidia was a Roman colony, as were Lystra, Troas, Philippi, and Corinth. Roman colonies stood at strategic places in the empire along frequently travelled roads. As such Antioch would have been a good place to plant a church. The Via Sebaste, the Roman road that ran from Ephesus to the Euphrates River, passed through this Antioch.576 "Antioch was the most important city of southern Galatia and included within its population a rich amalgam of Greek, Roman, Oriental, and Phrygian traditions. Acts tells us that it also had a sizeable Jewish population."577 "In bringing the gospel to Pisidian Antioch, Paul and Barnabas were planting Christianity in the communication nerve center and heart of Asia Minor."578 People referred to this town as Pisidian Antioch (Antioch of Pisidia) because it was close to the geographical region of Pisidia, though its site was in the geographical region of Phrygia. They called it Antioch of Pisidia to distinguish it from another Antioch in Phrygia. "It was founded by Seleucus I Nicator about 281 B.C. as one of the sixteen cities he named in honor of either his father or his son, both of whom bore the name Antiochus."579
p. 105. commentators followed the theory of William M. Ramsay, St. Paul the Traveller and the Roman Citizen, p. 93, who argued that Paul suffered from malaria, which he contracted on the lowlands of Perga. 576"Sebaste" is the Greek equivalent of the Latin "Augustus." 577Longenecker, pp. 422-23. 578Merrill F. Unger, "Pisidian Antioch and Gospel Penetration of the Greek World," Bibliotheca Sacra 118:469 (January-March 1961):48. 579Longenecker, p. 422.
575Many 574Blaiklock,

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It was in the Roman province of Galatia and was the chief military and political center in the southern part of the Galatian province.580 The visit to the synagogue in Antioch of Pisidia 13:14-15 Paul and Barnabas attended the Sabbath service in a local synagogue. "In the Hellenistic and Roman periods Asia Minor had a substantial Jewish population. . . . "The massive influx of a Jewish population into Asia Minor took place at the end of the third century BC, when Antiochus III settled two thousand Jewish families from Mesopotamia and Babylonia in Lydia and Phrygia, in order to maintain the security of his hold over this region."581 Normally the synagogue service began with the Shema ("Hear, O Israel, . . .") and the Shemoneh Esreh (a liturgy of benedictions, blessings, and prayers). Then leaders would read two passages from the Old Testament aloud, one from the Mosaic Law and a related section from the Prophets section of the Hebrew Bible. Then some competent person whom the synagogue rulers designated would give an address. The service would conclude with a benediction. On this occasion the synagogue leaders, who were local Jewish laymen, invited Paul and Barnabas to give an address if they had some encouraging word to share. Paul initiated his typical pattern of ministry in Antioch of Pisidia. In every town with a sizable Jewish population that he visited, except Athens, the apostle first preached in the synagogue to Jews and God-fearing Gentiles. When the Jews refused to listen further, he then went to Gentiles directly with the gospel. Evidently Paul went to the synagogues first because his audience there had a theological background that made it easier for them to understand and believe the gospel. "There was, of course, a practical matter involved. If they had begun evangelizing among gentiles first, the synagogue would have been closed to them."582 Paul's synagogue sermon in Antioch of Pisidia 13:16-41 Luke recorded three of Paul's evangelistic messages to unbelievers: here in Pisidian Antioch, in Lystra (14:15-17), and in Athens (17:22-31). This is the longest of the three, though Luke quite certainly condensed all of them.583

580See

Ramsay, St. Paul . . ., p. 92. p. 138. 582Kent, p. 115. 583It takes less than a minute to read what Luke wrote that Paul said here.
581Levinskaya,

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"He [Paul] may have written out notes of this sermon afterwards for Luke. The keynotes of Paul's theology as found in his Epistles appear in this sermon."584 This sermon is very similar to Peter's sermon in 2:14-40 and Stephen's in 7:2-53.585 It contains three parts marked off by three occurrences of direct address: preparation for the coming of Messiah (vv. 16-25), the rejection, crucifixion, and resurrection of Messiah (vv. 26-37), and the application and appeal (vv. 38-41).586 "The variety in these missionary sermons and the speeches of Christians on trial before Jewish and Roman bodies is no doubt meant to illustrate the different ways in which the gospel was presented to different groups of people, Jews and Greeks, cultured and uncultured, and it is hard to resist the impression that the sermons are presented as models for Luke's readers to use in their own evangelism."587 Luke probably recorded this address to help us see how Paul preached to people who knew the Hebrew Scriptures.588 "Speeches in Acts are differentiated less with reference to the speakers than with reference to the audience."589 13:16 Paul stood up and motioned with his hand, both gestures typical of synagogue exhortations. He addressed his Jewish hearers as "Men of Israel," and he called the Gentile God-fearers who were present "you who fear God." Paul first reviewed God's preparation for Israel's redemption from Abraham through David (cf. 7:2-50; Matt. 1:2-17). He highlighted five important points that the Jews often stressed in their confessions. God was the God of the Israelites (v. 17). God chose the patriarchs (v. 17). God created the Israelite nation, redeemed His people out of Egypt, and patiently led them through the wilderness (vv. 17-18). He then gave them Canaan as an inheritance (v. 19). The "about" 450 years mentioned (v. 19) probably refer to Israel's 400 years in Egypt, the 40 years in the wilderness, and the 10 years of conquest and settlement in the Promised

13:17-22

3:187. comparison with two other important initiation speeches, namely, Jesus' in Luke 4:18-21 and Peter's in Acts 2, see Tannehill, 2:160-62. For comparison of this address with Stephen's, see Rackham, pp. 208-9. 586Toussiant, "Acts," p. 389. 587Marshall, The Acts . . ., p. 33. 588See also David A. deSilva, "Paul's Sermon in Antioch of Pisidia," Bibliotheca Sacra 151:601 (JanuaryMarch 1994):32-49. 589Barrett, p. 623.
585For

584Robertson,

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Land (18451395 B.C.; cf. 7:6).590 Finally God gave the Israelites faithful King David after a succession of lesser leaders (vv. 20-22). It was particularly David's heart for God resulting in his carrying out God's will that Paul stressed (v. 22). These qualities marked David's successor, Jesus Christ, too. 13:23 Paul then announced that the promised Messiah had come and that He was Jesus. The promise in view seems to be the one in Isaiah 11:1-16, which speaks of Messiah coming from David's descendants. Most of the Jews of the dispersion knew of John the Baptist's ministry. Often the early Christian preachers began the message of Jesus with John the Baptist, who announced and prepared for His coming (cf. Mark 1:2-8). John clarified that he was not the Messiah but was His forerunner (Luke 3:15-18). "It may be that followers of John the Baptist, believing him to have been the Messiah, and constituting a sect which had spread outwards from Palestine, presented more of a problem to Christian missionaries about this time than the NT evidence would suggest; a hint of this is given in 19:35. If such were the case, it would account for Paul's strong emphasis here on John's role as merely the herald of the Messiah."591 13:26 Before proceeding to prove that Jesus is the Messiah, Paul paused to address his hearers by groups again (cf. v. 16) and to personalize the gospel message to them. He noted that the gospel is for both Jews and Gentiles. He then proceeded to narrate the rejection, crucifixion, and resurrection of Jesus (cf. 1 Cor. 15:3-5). He pointed out that all these experiences were fulfillments of Old Testament predictions, which most of the Jews living in Jerusalem did not recognize at the time (vv. 27, 29). He also noted Jesus' innocence of the charges brought against Him (v. 28). Paul stressed Jesus' resurrection particularly as God's vindication of Him (v. 30), and he highlighted the apostles' personal witness of His resurrection (v. 31; cf. 2:32; 3:15; 5:32; 10:39-41). God had vindicated and prepared Him to reign by raising Him from the dead.592 His point was that David's promised heir, the Messiah, had come (cf. v. 33).

13:24-25

13:27-31

the diagram "References to Israel's Years in Egypt" at my notes on 7:2-8. For a different explanation based on a different textual reading, see Eugene H. Merrill, "Paul's Use of 'About 450 Years' in Acts 13:20," Bibliotheca Sacra 138:551 (July-September 1981):246-57. 591Neil, pp. 158-59. 592This is the fifth time in Acts that the apostles claimed to be witnesses of Jesus Christ's resurrection (cf. 2:32; 3:15; 5:32; 10:39-41; 13:30-31).

590See

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He supported the fulfillment of this promise by quoting three Old Testament Messianic passages: Psalm 2:7 (v. 33), Isaiah 55:3 (v. 34), and Psalm 16:10 (v. 35; cf. 2:27). These Old Testament texts all found fulfillment in the raising up of Jesus. However, Paul used "raised up" in two different senses in this speech. In verses 33 and 37 he spoke of God raising up Jesus as the promised Messiah. Psalm 2:7 refers to God similarly raising up David as Israel's king. Second, Paul spoke in verses 30 and 34 of God raising up Jesus from the dead. "The 'virgin tomb' (John 19:41) was like a 'womb' that gave birth to Jesus Christ in resurrection glory."593 Jesus was always the Son of God ontologically, but God declared Him to be His Son when He raised Him from the dead and made Him the Davidic ruler (Ps. 2:7). Similarly God had declared David His son when He made David ruler over Israel (cf. 2 Sam. 7:10-14).594 "Paul did not say Jesus is now ruling over the kingdom of David, but only that the Son of David is now in a position to rule forever when He returns."595 Since Jesus rose from the dead, God can give people the blessings that He promised would come through David (v. 34; Isa. 55:3; cf. 2:25-32). The blessings mentioned in this Old Testament passage are those of the New Covenant. The fact that Jesus rose from the dead and did not undergo decay proves that He is the Holy One of whom David spoke in Psalm 16:10 (v. 35). Paul's argument was that God had raised up David and had promised a Savior from his posterity. God had fulfilled that promise by raising up Jesus as the Messiah, whom He identified as His Son by raising Him from the dead.596

13:38-39

Paul ended his exhortation (v. 15) with an application and appeal to his readers. He now addressed his two types of hearers collectively as "men brethren" (v. 38, Gr. andres adelphoi). When it comes to responding to the gospel, all people, Jews and Gentiles, are on the same level. Through

1:458. dispensationalists believe that Paul meant that Jesus is now ruling over David's kingdom. See Blaising, Progressive Dispensationalism, p. 177; Saucy, The Case . . ., p. 68. Though there are connections with Jesus' enthronement as the Davidic King in these Old Testament passages, it seems clear from Paul's emphasis on God raising up Jesus in verses 30-37 that he was using these passages to show that Jesus' resurrection proved that He is the Davidic King, not that He has begun to reign as the Davidic King. Here Paul said nothing explicitly about Jesus' reigning as Israel's King, but he said much about Jesus' being Israel's King. 595Rogers, "The Davidic . . . Acts-Revelation," p. 75. 596Cf. Neil, p. 159.
594Progressive

593Wiersbe,

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Jesus, Paul asserted, everyone who believes (the only condition) has forgiveness of sins (cf. 2:38; 10:43) and justification (God's judicial declaration of righteousness, cf. Deut. 25:1). Justification could not come through the Mosaic Law, he reminded his hearers.597 "What we have in the application of Paul's message (despite its cumbersome expression in its prcis form) are his distinctive themes of 'forgiveness of sins,' 'justification,' and 'faith,' which resound in this first address ascribed to him in Acts just as they do throughout his extant letters."598 Paul later developed the truth of justification and forgiveness apart from the Mosaic Law in his epistle to the Galatians. He probably wrote Galatians to the same people he spoke to here shortly after he completed this first missionary journey. Later he set forth these themes more fully in his epistle to the Romans. These verses summarize the arguments of Galatians and Romans in one sentence. 13:40-41 Paul concluded by applying Habakkuk's warning to all who reject the good news about Jesus Christ. God's working in their day (i.e., providing the Messiah) was something they could not afford to disbelieve and scoff at or they would perish. "Habakkuk 1:5, which Paul quoted here, refers to an invasion of Judah by a Gentile nation that would be used as God's disciplinary instrument to punish Judah for her disobedience. Paul evidently saw his generation in Israel under a similar disciplinary judgment. Paul's message, like Peter's [on the day of Pentecost] was delivered to a generation in Israel under the judgment Christ had predicted [in Luke 21:24, i.e., the destruction of Jerusalem in A.D. 70]."599 In a larger sense, of course, unbelieving scoffers perish eternally for rejecting the gospel. "Parallel with the positive theme of the preparation for the coming of the Christ through Abraham, Moses, Samuel, David and John the Baptist, he [Paul] has interwoven an admonitory reminder of those who have failed to recognize the divine plan and purposethe Canaanites, Saul, the Jerusalem Jews and Pilate. Now he presents the Dispersion Jews with a similar challenge to accept or refuse the Gospel message."600
597This

is the only reference in Acts to justification by faith in Jesus. p. 427. 599Pentecost, "The Apostles' . . .," p. 140. 600Neil, p. 160.
598Longenecker,

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The consequences of Paul's message 13:42-52 13:42-43 Paul's message created great interest in the hearts of many people who listened to him. Paul possessed great powers of persuasion (cf. 18:4; 19:8, 26; 26:28; 28:23; 2 Cor. 5:11; Gal. 1:10). He and Barnabas continued clarifying the gospel for their inquirers during the following week.601 Here "the grace of God" refers to the sphere of life into which one enters by believing in Jesus Christ. One reason for the unsaved Jews' antagonism was the large crowd that Paul's message attracted. Jealousy, rather than the Holy Spirit, filled and controlled these unbelieving Jews and again led to persecution (cf. 5:17). "Knowing (as we unfortunately do) how pious Christian pew-holders can manifest quite un-Christian indignation when they arrive at church on a Sunday morning to find their places occupied by rank outsiders who have come to hear a popular visiting preacher, we can readily appreciate the annoyance of the Jewish community at finding their synagogue practically taken over by a Gentile congregation on this occasion."602 "The majority of the Jews, including undoubtedly the leaders of the Jewish community, were apparently unwilling to countenance a salvation as open to Gentiles as it was to Jews."603 Another reason for the Jews' hostile reaction was that, like other Jews elsewhere, most of the Jews in Antioch did not believe that Jesus was the Messiah. They were "blaspheming" by saying that He was not. 13:46 As the apostles in Jerusalem had done, Paul and Barnabas responded to the opposition with bold words (cf. 4:29). It was necessary for the gospel to go to the Jews before the Gentiles not only because Jewish acceptance of Jesus is a prerequisite to the messianic kingdom (cf. 3:26). It was also necessary because Jesus was the Messiah whom God had promised to deliver the Jews. The gospel was good news to the Jews in a larger sense than it was to the Gentiles. Paul almost always preached the gospel to the Jews first in the towns he visited (cf. 13:50-51; 14:2-6; 17:5, 13-15; 18:6; 19:8-9; 28:23-28; Rom. 1:16). The Jews' rejection of the gospel led him to offer it next to the Gentiles.

13:44-45

English translators supplied "Paul and Barnabas" (NASB, NIV) or "Jews" (AV) and "the people" (NASB, NIV) or "Gentiles" (AV) for the third person plural that appears in the best ancient Greek manuscripts. 602Bruce, Commentary on . . ., p. 281. 603Longenecker, p. 429. Cf. Blaiklock, p. 106.

601The

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"Now for the first time Dispersion Jews follow the example of their Jerusalem counterparts in rejecting Christ, and for the first time Paul publicly announces his intention of turning his back on them and concentrating on the purely Gentile mission [cf. 18:5-6; 28:25-28]."604 By rejecting Jesus these Jews were really, though not consciously, judging themselves unworthy of salvation. Usually most of the Jews who heard Paul's preaching rejected it and only a few believed, but many Gentiles accepted the gospel. 13:47 Paul quoted the Isaiah commission because he was addressing Jews. Isaiah explained their duty. He and Barnabas were only carrying out God's will. The servant of the Lord is the person addressed in Isaiah 49:6. Jesus Christ, the perfect Servant of the Lord, was the ultimate light to the Gentiles who would bring salvation to the end of the earth (cf. Luke 2:2832). As Israel and Christ had been lights to the Gentiles (Gen. 46:3; Luke 2:29-32), so now were Paul and Barnabas (cf. Matt. 5:14-16). Not only had the Jews received a commission to reach out to the Gentiles with blessing (Exod. 19:5-6; Isa. 49:6), but so had Jesus' disciples (Matt. 28:1920). Luke again stressed that the results of the preaching of the gospel were due to God's work (1:1-2). The Christian evangelists were only harvesting the wheat that God had already prepared. Verse 48 is a strong statement of predestination: those whom God had previously appointed to eternal life believed the gospel (cf. Eph. 1:4, 11). "Once again the human responsibility of believing is shown to coincide exactly with what God in his sovereignty had planned."605 Good news spreads fast, and the good news of the gospel spread through that entire region. "This spreading of the word, along with the apostles' own outreach to the cities named in chapters 13 and 14, probably led to the agitation of the so-called Judaizers that resulted in the problem Paul dealt with in Galatians."606 13:50 The Jews secured Paul and Barnabas' explusion from their district through influential local residents who brought persecution on the missionaries.

13:48-49

604Neil,

p. 160. p. 114. 606Longenecker, p. 430.

605Kent,

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Some of these people were devout women, evidently God-fearers whom the unbelieving Jews turned against Paul and Barnabas (cf. 10:2). ". . . synagogue worship attracted many Gentile women as adherents of Judaism; in Asia Minor wealthy matrons exercised much more influence than was the case in most other parts of the Empire."607 13:51 Shaking the dust off one's feet was a graphic way that Jews illustrated separation from unbelievers (cf. Matt. 10:14; Luke 9:5; 10:11). Iconium (modern Konia) stood about 85 miles to the southeast of Antioch, also in Phrygian Galatia. Paul and Barnabas undoubtedly travelled the southeast branch of the Via Sebaste to arrive there.608 The identity of the "disciples" in verse 52 is not clear. They could be Paul and Barnabas or the new converts in Antioch. I tend to think the word refers to both groups. Fullness of joy and fullness of the Holy Spirit marked these disciples.

13:52

It is interesting that two references to joy (vv. 48, 52) bracket the one mention of persecution in this passage (v. 50) suggesting that the missionaries' joy overrode the discomforts of persecution (cf. 16:24-25). Ministry in Iconium 14:1-7 14:1-2 Iconium was a Greek city-state in the geographic region of Phrygia. ". . . while Rome chose Antioch of Pisidia and Lystra as bastions of its authority in the area, Iconium remained largely Greek in temper and somewhat resistant to Roman influence, though Hadrian later made it a Roman colony."609 Iconium was, ". . . a garden spot, situated in the midst of orchards and farms, but surrounded by deserts. . . . Iconium, too, owed its bustling business activity to its location on the main trade route connecting Ephesus with Syria and the Mesopotamian world, as well as its orchard industries and farm produce."610
p. 161. branch of this major road went from Antioch to Comana, about 120 miles to the north. 609Longenecker, p. 431. "Iconium" comes from eikon, the Greek word for "image." According to Greek mythology, Prometheus and Athena recreated humanity there after a devastating flood by making images of people from mud and breathing life into them (ibid., pp. 431-32). 610Merrill F. Unger, "Archaeology and Paul's Visit to Iconium, Lystra, and Derbe," Bibliotheca Sacra 118:470 (April-June 1961):107-108.
608Another 607Neil,

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In Iconium Paul and Barnabas followed the same method of evangelizing that they had used in Antioch (13:14). They visited the synagogue first. They also experienced the same results: many conversions among both Jews and Gentiles but also rejection by some of the Jews (cf. 13:43). These unbelieving Jews stirred up unbelieving Gentiles who joined them in opposing the missionaries (13:50). 14:3 Because God was saving many people, the missionaries stayed on in Iconium "a long time" regardless of opposition that evidently increased gradually. They testified boldly (cf. 13:46) and relied on the Lord Jesus for their success. The phrase "the word of His grace" (v. 3) describes the gospel message stressing the prominence of God's grace in it (cf. 20:2432). They did many miracles there too thus confirming their message (cf. 2:43; 4:30; 5:12; 6:8; 8:6, 13; 15:12; Gal. 3:5, 2 Cor. 12:12; Heb. 2:3-4). ". . . the couplet 'miraculous signs and wonders' places the ministry of Paul and Barnabas directly in line with that of Jesus (cf. 2:22) and the early church (cf. 2:43; 4:30; 5:12; 6:8; 7:36) in fulfillment of prophecy (cf. 2:19)as it does also in 15:12. Later when writing his Galatian converts (assuming a 'South Galatian' origin for the letter), Paul appeals to these mighty works performed by the Spirit as evidence that the gospel as he preached it and they received it was fully approved by God (cf. Gal 3:4-5)."611 14:4 The "apostles" were Paul and Barnabas. Luke used the word "apostle" in a technical sense to describe the Twelve apostles plus Paul in Acts. He also used it less frequently in a non-technical sense to describe any believer sent out into the world with the salvation message (e.g., v. 14; cf. Rom. 16:7; 2 Cor. 8:23; Phil. 2:25). There were only 13 men with the office of apostleship, but there were many others who, with more or less gift, did the work of an apostle. Similarly there were some with the prophetic office, but many more with prophetic ministries.612 "The schematic description of the mission in Iconium follows the pattern of the mission in Jerusalem more closely than the pattern of the mission in Antioch of Pisidia."613 The Gentiles and the Jewish rulers took the initiative to persecute the evangelists. The attempt to stone them appears to have been an act of mob violence rather than a formal Jewish attempt at execution (cf. 7:58-59).
p. 432. John E. Johnson, "The Old Testament Offices as Paradigm for Pastoral Identity," Bibliotheca Sacra 152:606 (April-June 1995):182-200. 613Tannehill, 2:176.
612See 611Longenecker,

14:5-7

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"It would have required a regular Hebrew court to sanction it [a legal stoning], and it would never have been tolerated in a Roman colony."614 "Paul and Barnabas had no idea of remaining to be stoned (lynched) by this mob. It is a wise preacher who always knows when to stand his ground and when to leave for the glory of God. Paul and Barnabas were following the directions of the Lord Jesus given to the twelve on their special tour of Galilee (Matt. 10:23)."615 Consequently Paul and Barnabas moved south into the geographical region of Lycaonia, which was also in the Roman province of Galatia. Lycaonia means "land of the wolf." This became the next area for their ministry. They left one political area to start afresh in another. "Luke's accuracy was once severely challenged on this point because abundant records exist showing that Iconium was also a Lycaonian city, and thus no border would have been crossed between Iconium and Lystra. It was careful study of this matter which changed the British scholar William Ramsay into a strong defender of Luke's accuracy when he discovered that Iconium was Lycaonian earlier and again later, but that Luke's statement 'was accurate at the period when Paul visited Lycaonia; that it was accurate at no other time except between 37 and 72 A.D.'"616 Ministry in Lystra 14:8-20a 14:8 Like Antioch of Pisidia, Lystra (modern Zoldera) was a Roman colony.617 It was the most eastern of the fortified cities of Galatia. Lystra was about 20 miles south of Iconium.618 Luke did not mention synagogue evangelism here. Evidently there were so few Jews that there was no synagogue in Lystra (or in Philippi). "The further on Paul and Barnabas went the further they got from civilisation [sic]."619 Luke stressed the hopeless case of the lame man (cf. 3:1-10; 9:33-35).
p. 128. 3:207. 616Kent, p. 116. His quotation is from Ramsay, St. Paul . . ., pp. 110-11. Cf. idem, The Bearing . . ., pp. 3552 617See my comments on 13:14-15. 618Twenty miles was a normal day's travel in the Roman Empire at this time. 619Barclay, p. 115.
615Robertson, 614Foakes-Jackson,

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"Luke undoubtedly wanted his readers to recognize the parallel between the healing of this crippled man and the healing of another one by Peter (cf. 3:1-8) . . ."620 "In opposition to those who would challenge Paul's claim to apostolic authority based on his direct commission from the risen Christ, Luke is concerned to show that his hero shares with the chief Apostle [Peter] the healing power vested in his disciples by the Lord himself (Jn 14:12) and exemplified in Jesus' own ministry (Lk. 7:22)."621 14:9-10 As is true of other similar references to a healed person's faith, this man's confidence was in God. He believed God could heal him, not that God would do so. Confidence that God would heal him, in other words, is not what made him whole. It was confidence that God through His servant could heal him that constituted his faith (e.g., Matt. 9:28-29; Mark 9:2224). His faith was a factor in his receiving healing (cf. Mark 6:5-6). ". . . Paul and Barnabas had the gifts of an apostle, the sign gifts. They came into these places without any New Testament with the message of the gospel. What were their credentials? How could they prove their message was from God? The sign gifts were their credentialsthey needed them. Today we have the entire Bible, and what people need today is to study this Bible and to learn what it has to say [cf. 17:11]."622 14:11-12 Why did Luke refer to the fact that the natives spoke in the local Lycaonian language? He probably did so to explain why their plans to honor Paul and Barnabas got as far as they did before the missionaries objected (v. 14). People who lived in Asia Minor spoke three languages: Latin (the official administrative language), Greek (the lingua franca of the empire), and the native vernacular, which in this case was Lycaonian.623 Archaeology has turned up evidence of a legend in Lystra that Zeus and Hermes once visited an elderly couple who lived there, a man named Philemon and his wife Baucis.624 This supposedly took place before Paul and Barnabas' visit. Apparently the populace concluded that these gods had returned. Zeus was the chief god in the Greek pantheon, and Hermes
620Longenecker, 621Neil, 622McGee,

p. 435.

p. 163. 4:571. 623Neil, p. 163. 624Bruce, Commentary on . . ., p. 291; Marshall, The Acts . . ., p. 237; Longenecker, p. 435. Most of the better commentaries have extensive information about this legend that appears in Ovid's Metamorphoses.

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was his herald. The residents of Lystra identified Barnabas with Zeus (whom the Romans called Jupiter). Perhaps he looked dignified and authoritative. They called Paul Hermes (the Roman Mercury) because he was the chief speaker.625 If Satan cannot derail Christian witness with persecution, he will try praise. Too much persecution has destroyed many preachers, and too much praise has ruined many others. One of the problems with miracles is that they often draw more attention to the miracle worker than to God. 14:13 Customarily the pagan Gentiles decorated animals destined for sacrifice to the Greek gods, like these oxen, with woolen garlands as they led them to the place of sacrifice. Tearing one's robe was a common way Jews expressed grief and, in this case, horror over blasphemy (cf. Mark 14:63). Usually they tore the robe for about four or five inches from the neckline. By recording the substance of what Paul and Barnabas said here, Luke preserved a sample of their preaching to pagan audiences (cf. 13:16-41; 17:22-31). "With a pagan audience it was necessary to begin a stage further back with the proclamation of the one true God."626 In earlier times God had manifested the knowledge of Himself to Gentiles mainly through creation and Israel (cf. Rom. 1). Now He was giving them more special revelation through the church. This was the first time Luke recorded the preaching of the gospel to a group that was predominantly, if not exclusively, Gentile. Thus this incident became another benchmark of worldwide gospel extension.627 "Paul's speech here, apart from his address to the Athenian philosophers (17:22ff.), is the only example in Acts of his technique in dealing with a purely pagan audience; it is a striking example of his ability to reinterpret the Gospel in terms intelligible to his hearers. It differs widely from his approach to Jews and adherents of Judaism, as illustrated by his sermon in the synagogue at Antioch (13:16ff.), where some knowledge of the scriptures could be assumed on the part of his listeners. Here, as at Athens, he proceeds on the basis of natural revelationthe providential order of the universewhich ought to lead men's thoughts from the
to Greek legend, Hermes invented speech and was an eloquent speaker. Our word "hermeneutics," the science of interpretation, comes from this word. Robertson, 3:210. 626Marshall, The Acts . . ., p. 238. 627Timothy was apparently a native of Lystra (cf. 16:1-2; 20:4; 2 Tim. 1:5).
625According

14:14

14:15-18

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cult of idols to the worship of a living God, Creator of all that exists; he expounds this line of argument more fully in Rom. 1:19ff.; 2:14f., and he writes of its successful outcome at Thessalonica in I Th. 1:9)."628 14:19-20a We do not know how long it took the hostile Jews from Antioch and Iconium to turn the tide of popular sentiment against Paul and Barnabas. They convinced the fickle residents of Lystra that the missionaries were deceivers rather than gods and deserved to die. "Disillusioned fanatics are easily led off into contradictory actions."629 Some scholars believe that Paul died from this stoning and experienced resurrection.630 However, the text only says that onlookers supposed that Paul was dead.631 Luke's description of his speedy recovery (v. 20) stresses God's powerful hand in restoring His servant (cf. 1:1-2). Paul courageously returned to Lystra, but he left town the next day (v. 20b). "It was John Wesley's advice, 'Always look a mob in the face.' Paul never did a braver thing than to go straight back into the city which had tried to murder him."632 Ministry at Derbe 14:20b-21a Paul and Barnabas next moved about 60 miles farther to the southeast to Derbe (meaning juniper, modern Kerti Hyk) on the eastern border of the Galatian province.633 Many more people became believers and disciples there (cf. 20:4). Luke did not record what the apostles experienced there, but this was the home of Gaius, one of Paul's later companions (20:4). Perhaps Gaius became a convert at this time. The larger towns of Antioch and Iconium seem to have produced more influential churches, but the smaller ones of Lystra and Derbe contributed more young men who became leaders (i.e., Timothy and Gaius). This is "a pattern not altogether different from today, where the larger churches often capture the headlines and the smaller congregations provide much of the personnel."634
p. 164. p. 117. 630E.g., Lumby, p. 264; McGee, 4:573. 631Ironside, Lectures on . . ., pp. 341-42, believed that this is when Paul was caught up into the third heaven (2 Cor. 12:2-4). There is no way to prove or to disprove this theory. 632Barclay, p. 118. 633See M. Ballance, The Site of Derbe: A New Inscription. 634Longenecker, p. 438.
629Kent, 628Neil,

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4. Paul and Barnabas' return to Antioch of Syria 14:21b-28 14:21b-22 The missionaries confined their labors to the Galatian province on this trip. They did not move farther east into the kingdom of Antiochus or the province of Cilicia that Paul may have evangelized previously during his time in Tarsus. Tarsus stood some 160 miles east of Derbe. Instead they retraced their steps to encourage, instruct, and organize the new converts (cf. 18:23).635 Apparently they did more discipleship than evangelism on this return trip to the cities where the apostles' lives had been in danger. They warned the new converts that they too should expect persecution (cf. Gal. 4:13; 6:17; 2 Tim. 3:11). The "kingdom of God" evidently refers to the messianic kingdom. Entrance into it was still future for these disciples when the missionaries gave them this exhortation. Though Christians will not go through the Tribulation, we will experience tribulation before we enter the Millennium (2 Tim. 3:12). The elders (plural) in every church (singular) that the apostles appointed must have been the more mature Christians in each congregation. Note that each of these churches had more than one leader (cf. 20:17; Phil. 1:1). There may have been more than one local church in each of these towns eventually, but at this early stage of pioneer evangelism there was probably only one church in each town. ". . . it would be unwise to read into this basic administrative necessity later and more developed ideas of church order [1 Tim. 3; Titus 1]."636 Perhaps elders from the synagogues in these communities who had become Christians became elders in the churches. Elder qualifications may have developed and become somewhat stricter between the time these elders assumed office and when Paul specified their qualifications in the Pastoral Epistles (1 Tim. 3; Titus 1). The text does not explain exactly how the appointment of these elders took place. "They" probably refers to Paul and Barnabas since they are the subjects in view in the context. However the Greek word used here (cheirotonesantes, "appointed") originally meant to elect by a vote of raised hands.637 Consequently some interpreters believe that the Christians in these churches selected the elders.638 I favor the view that Paul and Barnabas made the selections. The apostles had earlier appointed elders in the Jerusalem church (11:30).
David F. Detwiler, "Paul's Approach to the Great Commission in Acts 14:21-23," Bibliotheca Sacra 152:605 (January-March 1995):33-41. 636Neil, p. 166. 637Kent, p. 118. 638E.g., Ramsay, St. Paul . . ., pp. 121-22; Richard C. H. Lenski, The Interpretation of the Acts of the Apostles, pp. 585-86; Kent, pp. 118-19.
635See

14:23

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"Paul showed that it was his conviction that from the very beginning Christianity must be lived in a fellowship."639 Note again the importance that Paul and Barnabas placed on prayer. They forewent eating to pray (cf. 13:3). They also committed their new converts to the Lord Jesus, the Head of the church, in whom they had believed. These missionaries did not overestimate their own importance and become paternalistic, as church planters sometimes do. 14:24-26 Pisidia was the southernmost geographic region in the Roman province of Galatia. Pamphylia was the province south of Galatia and east of the kingdom of Antiochus. Perga, like Derbe, was one of the sites the missionaries visited that Luke chose not to comment on extensively (cf. 13:13-14). Perhaps Paul and Barnabas planted a church there, too. The apostles then sailed directly for Syrian Antioch by way of Attalia, the seaport 10 miles south of Perga. "Ports in antiquity were often satellite towns of larger and more important cities situated some distance inland for protection from pirates. So Luke's mention of Attalia here probably has no more significance than his mention of Seleucia (13:4), the port of Syrian Antioch, and merely identifies the place of embarkation for the voyage back to Syria."640 14:27-28 The chronological references in Acts and the Pauline epistles make it difficult to tell just how long it took Paul and Barnabas to complete the first missionary journey. Commentators estimate it took them between the better part of one year and almost two years. They travelled a minimum of 500 miles by sea and 700 by land.641 Luke was careful to record again the priority of God's initiative in this evangelistic mission (cf. 1:1-2). Paul and Barnabas had accomplished a wonderful work (v. 26), but they were careful to give God the credit for it. "Paul and Barnabas never thought that it was their strength or their power which had achieved anything. They spoke of what God had done with them. . . . We will begin to have the right idea of Christian service when we work, not for our own honour or prestige, but only from the conviction that we are tools in the hand of God."642

639Barclay,

p. 119. p. 439. 641Beitzel, p. 177, estimated that Paul covered a total of about 1,400 miles on this journey. 642Barclay, p. 120. Cf. 2 Cor. 5:20.
640Longenecker,

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The fact that God had granted salvation to Gentiles equally with Jews simply by faith in Christ would have been of special interest to Luke's early readers. This new phenomenon had taken place before on the Gaza Road, in Caesarea, and in Syrian Antioch. However now large numbers of Gentile converts were entering the church through the "door of faith" without first becoming Jewish proselytes.643 This situation constituted the background of the Jerusalem Council that Luke recorded in the next chapter. It was probably during the time Paul was in Syrian Antioch, after returning from the first missionary journey and before attending the conference in Jerusalem (ch. 15), that he wrote the Epistle to the Galatians. He did so to instruct the believers in the churches he and Barnabas had planted. This would have been in the late A.D. 40s, probably A.D. 49. Galatians appears to have been the first of Paul's inspired epistles.

PAUL'S EPISTLES
Period
After the 1st missionary journey During the 2nd missionary journey During the 3rd missionary journey

Epistle
Galatians

Origin

Date
A.D. 51 A.D. 51 A.D. 56 A.D. 56 A.D. 57 A.D. 60-62 A.D. 60-62 A.D. 60-62 A.D. 60-62 A.D. 62-66 A.D. 62-66 A.D. 67

Antioch of Syria A.D. 49

1 Thessalonians Corinth 2 Thessalonians Corinth 1 Corinthians 2 Corinthians Romans Ephesians Philippians Colossians Philemon Ephesus Macedonia Corinth Rome Rome Rome Rome Macedonia? Macedonia? Rome

During the 1st Roman imprisonment

Between the 1st and 2nd Roman 1 Timothy imprisonments Titus During the 2nd Roman imprisonment 2 Timothy

There are many ways in which Paul's ministry and Peter's corresponded. Here are a few of the correlations that Luke recorded apparently to accredit Paul's ministry that was mainly to the Gentiles and highly controversial among the Jews. Peter's ministry was primarily to the Jews. "1. Both Peter and Paul engaged in three significant tours journeys [sic] recorded in the Book of Acts. Peter: 8:14ff; 9:3211:2; 15:1-14 (see Gal. 2:11); Paul: 13:214:28; 15:3618:22; 18:2321:17.

643Paul

used the figure of a door also in 1 Cor. 16:9, 2 Cor. 2:12; and Col. 4:3.

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Early in their ministry both healed a lame person. Peter: 3:2ff; Paul: 14:8ff. Both saw extraordinary healings take place apart from physical contact with the afflicted individual. Peter's shadow in 5:15; those who brought handkerchiefs and aprons to Paul in 19:11. [The text does not say Peter's shadow was God's instrument in healing people.] Both were God's instruments to bring judgment on those who hindered the growth and purity of the infant church. Peter condemned Ananias and Sapphira (5:1-11); Paul smote Elymas with blindness (13:6-11). Each had at least one long discourse [re]produced in full which gives a summary of his preaching. Peter at Pentecost (2:14-40); Paul at Antioch (13:16-42). Both made the resurrection a primary emphasis in their proclamation. Peter: 2:24-36; 3:15, 26; 5:30; 10:40, 41; Paul: 13:30-37; 17:3, 18, 31; 24:15, 21; 25:19; 26:8, 23. Both exorcised demons. Peter: 5:16; Paul: 16:18. Both communicated the gift of the Holy Spirit by the laying on of hands. Peter: 8:17; Paul: 19:6. Both had triumphant encounters with sorcerers. Peter: 8:18ff; Paul: 13:6ff. Both raised the dead. Peter: 9:36ff; Paul: 20:9ff. Both received visions to direct them into critical witnessing efforts. Peter: 19:9ff; Paul: 16:6ff. Both experienced miraculous deliverances from prison. Peter: 12:7ff; Paul: 16:25ff."644 5. The Jerusalem Council 15:1-35

3.

4.

5.

6.

7. 8.

9. 10. 11.

12.

The increasing number of Gentiles who were becoming Christians raised a problem within the church. What was the relationship of the church to Judaism? Some Christians, especially the more conservative Jewish believers, argued that Christianity was a party within Judaism, the party of true believers. They assumed that Gentile Christians, therefore, needed to become Jewish proselytes, which involved being circumcised and obeying the Mosaic Law. Other Christians, the more broad-minded Jewish believers and the Gentile converts, saw no need for these restrictions. They viewed the church not as a party within Judaism but as a distinct group separate from Judaism that incorporated both
644Harm,

p. 40.

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believing Jews and believing Gentiles. This difference of viewpoint led to the meeting Luke recorded in this section. He described it at length to explain the issues involved and to clarify their importance. Paul and Barnabas' return to Jerusalem 15:1-5 15:1 The men from Judea who came down to Antioch appear to have been Jewish Christians who took the former view of Christianity described above. They believed a person could not become a Christian without first becoming a Jew, which included circumcision. Perhaps they based their theology on texts such as Genesis 17:14 and Exodus 12:48-49. Their claim was essentially a denial of the sufficiency of faith in Christ for salvation. They evidently claimed that James, the Lord's half brother and the leader of the Jerusalem church, endorsed their position (cf. 15:24; Gal. 2:12). Peter, who was in Antioch at this time, compromised with these men by withdrawing from eating with the Gentile Christians there. Barnabas also inclined to do so. Paul, however, saw the inconsistency and danger in this practice and rebuked Peter (Gal. 2:11, 13-14). This situation posed the fourth crisis in the history of the early church. The first was selfishness (Ananias and Sapphira, ch. 5), and the second was murmuring (over the treatment of the Hellenistic widows, ch. 6). The third was simony (Simon Magus, ch. 8), and now doctrinal controversy raised its ugly head (the "Galatian heresy," ch. 15). This was the most serious problem thus far both in terms of the issue itself and its potential consequences. It involved the conditions for becoming a Christian and therefore the gospel message. 15:2 This situation led to hot debate among the Christians generally. It ended with a decision to move the discussion to Jerusalem and to place the whole matter before the apostles and elders there for a verdict. Men from Antioch accompanied Paul and Barnabas, as witnesses undoubtedly, to protect Paul and Barnabas from accusations of distorting the facts. On the way to Jerusalem the missionaries recounted what God had done in Cyprus and Asia Minor to the Christians in Phoenicia and Samaria. These believers rejoiced because they saw a continuation of what had happened to them. "This undoubtedly means that Gentiles were converted on a direct basis apart from any necessary commitment to Judaism, because the presence of proselytes and 'Godfearing' Gentiles in the church was hardly newsworthy in A.D. 49."645

15:3

645Longenecker,

p. 443.

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When Paul's party arrived in Jerusalem, the leaders there received them and listened to their story. Note again that Luke stressed the Lord's initiative in spreading the gospel (cf. 14:27). Some in that meeting, converted Pharisees who had a high view of the Mosaic Law, repeated the same objection Paul and Barnabas had encountered in Antioch.646 ". . . it is possible that nationalist pressure [against Rome] was increasing in Judea, and that [Jewish] Christians were having to tread carefully to avoid being thought of as disloyal to their Jewish heritage."647 Unsaved Jews also believed that keeping the Mosaic Law is essential for acceptance by God (cf. 1 Thess. 2:14-16).

15:5

The Old Testament taught that Gentiles would share in the promises made to Israel (Gen. 22:18; 26:4; 28:14; Isa. 49:6; 55:5-7; Zeph. 3:9-10; Zech. 8:22). The Old Testament prophets also spoke of Gentile salvation as happening in the last days (Isa. 2:2; 11:10; 25:8-9; Zech. 8:23) through the witness of a restored Israel (Isa. 2:3; 60:2-3; Zech. 8:23). "It [the revelation stated above] was the underlying presupposition for Jewish proselytizing (cf. M[ishnah] Pirke Aboth 1:12; Matt 23:15) and was implicit in the sermons of Peter at Pentecost (2:39) and in the house of Cornelius (10:35). But the correlative conviction of Judaism was that Israel was God's appointed agent for the administration of these blessingsthat only through the nation and its institutions could Gentiles have a part in God's redemption and share in his favor."648 Peter's testimony 15:6-11 15:6 15:7-9 Evidently a large group of people observed the meeting that the church convened to debate the issue (vv. 12, 22).649 First, spokesmen for each side presented arguments pro and con. Then Peter rose and reminded those assembled that several years earlier God had chosen him as the person from whom Gentiles (i.e., Cornelius and his friends) should hear the gospel. Then God gave them His Spirit as soon as they believed in Jesus Christ. They did nothing but believe and they received the Holy Spirit, the sign of their acceptance by God. This is the same thing that had taken place among the Jews on the day of Pentecost.

were not necessarily ex-Pharisees since a Pharisee could become a Christian without relinquishing his distinctive beliefs concerning Scripture and theology. See Kent, p. 122, n. 3. 647Marshall, The Acts . . ., p. 249. 648Longenecker, pp. 440-41. 649Most commentators took the whole passage as describing public proceedings, but a few (e.g., Kent, p. 123) understood verse 6 as referring to a private meeting that took place during the public forum.

646These

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Requiring that Gentiles become Jews before God would save them would test God in that it would question the rightness of His action in giving the Spirit to Cornelius. When a Gentile became a Jewish proselyte, the Jew in charge of the ceremony said the Gentile now took up the yoke of the kingdom of heaven (cf. Matt. 23:4; Gal. 5:1).650 Peter said this yoke, the Mosaic Covenant, was an obligation that was both unbearable and unnecessary (cf. Matt. 11:29-30). By referring to the Jews being saved in the same manner as the Gentiles, instead of vise versa, Peter repudiated any thought of Jewish superiority. Clearly he had recovered from his temporary lapse at Syrian Antioch (Gal. 2:11-14). Salvation is by grace (v. 11) through faith (v. 9) plus nothing.

15:11

Barnabas and Paul's testimony 15:12 The old order of these two names recurs here. Barnabas, as a respected member of this church (4:36-37; 11:22), took the lead in relating the experiences he and Paul had undergone in ministering to Gentiles. Barnabas emphasized the signs and wonders God had performed because these would have persuaded the Jews that God had been at work in their ministry (cf. 1 Cor. 1:22). "It was a report not of their successes but of how God had acted, and its implication was that by his acts God had revealed his will."651 James' testimony 15:13-21 15:13-14 James was Jesus' half brother, the writer of the Epistle of James, and the leading figure in the Jerusalem church (12:17; Gal. 1:19; 2:9, 12).652 "Simeon" was Peter's older Jewish name. James' use of it would have emphasized Peter's Jewishness as well as implying affection for him. Peter had related the salvation experience of Cornelius, and James' reference to "first" was to that experience near the beginning of the church. ". . . he showed how he felt about the question at issue by speaking of believing Gentiles as a 'people' (laos) whom God had taken 'for himself' (to onomati autou; lit., 'for his name')thus (1) applying to Gentile Christians a designation formerly used of Israel alone and (2) agreeing with Peter that in the conversion of Cornelius God himself had taken the initiative for a direct Gentile ministry."653

Commentary on . . ., p. 307. p. 445. 652See Richard Bauckham, "James and the Jerusalem Church," in The Book of Acts in Its First Century Setting; Vol. 4: The Book of Acts in Its Palestinian Setting, pp. 415-80. 653Longenecker, p. 446.
651Longenecker,

650Bruce,

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James reminded his hearers that the Old Testament prophets supported the salvation of Gentiles apart from Judaism. Note that James did not say the salvation of Gentiles then was the fulfillment of these prophecies. He said the prophets' predictions of future Gentile salvation harmonized with the present salvation of Gentiles apart from Judaism (cf. 2:16).654 James then quoted Amos 9:11-12 as a representative prophecy.655 Neither Amos nor any other prophet said Gentiles had to become Jews to enjoy the blessings of salvation (cf. Rom. 11:12). "The passage in Amos refers primarily to the restoration of the Davidic empire, but also the Messiah's Kingdom ([']the throne of David his father,' Luke 1:32)."656 "James's major contribution to the decision of the council was to shift the discussion of the conversion of Gentiles from a proselyte model to an eschatological one. . . . James is saying, God's people will consist of two concentric groups. At their core will be restored Israel (i.e., David's rebuilt tent); gathered around them will be a group of Gentiles (i.e., 'the remnant of men') who will share in the messianic blessings but will persist as Gentiles without necessarily becoming Jewish proselytes."657

15:16-18

Amos predicted the (second) advent of Messiah after "these things" (i.e., the Tribulation, Amos 9:8-10). Messiah would set up His kingdom on the earth and restore the nation Israel (during the Millennium) under which the Gentiles would seek the Lord. We should understand the "and" in verse 17 in the sense of "even" (the epexegetical use of this conjunction). "A close examination of this passage [vv. 14-17] reveals that there is a progression of thought leading to James' conclusion. First, God visits the Gentiles, taking from them a people for His name. In other words, God has promised to bless the Gentiles as well as Israel, but each in his own order. The Gentile blessing is first. Second, Christ will returnafter the outcalling of the people for His name. Third, as a result of the coming of the Lord, the tabernacle of David will be built again; that is, the kingdom will be established exactly as promised in the Davidic Covenant. Amos clearly declared that this rebuilding will be done 'as it used to be' (Amos 9:11); that is, the blessings will be

Heater, pp. 147-57; Bock, "Evidence from . . .," pp. 195-96. view is that by "the prophets" James meant the book of the 12 minor prophets of which Amos was a part. 656Robertson, 3:230. 657Longenecker, p. 446.
655Another

654See

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earthly and national and will have nothing to do with the church. Fourth, the residue of men will seek the Lord; that is, all the Gentiles will be brought to a knowledge of the Lord after the kingdom is established. This same truth is taught in passages like Isaiah 2:2; 11:10; 40:5; and 66:23."658 There have been three main interpretations of James' use of Amos' prophecy (Amos 9:11-12).659 Some interpreters believe James meant that the inclusion of Gentiles in the church fulfilled God's promise through Amos.660 These (generally amillennial) interpreters see the church as fulfilling God's promises to Israel. This view seems to go beyond what Amos said since his prophecy concerns the tabernacle of David, which literally interpreted would involve Israel, not the church. A second group of interpreters believe James meant that God would include Gentiles when He fulfilled this promise to Israel in the future.661 However there was no question among the Jews that God would bless the Gentiles through Israel in the future. The issue was whether He would do this apart from Judaism, and this interpretation contributes nothing to the solution of that problem. This view does not seem to go far enough. A third view is that James meant that the present inclusion of Gentiles in the church is consistent with God's promise to Israel through Amos.662 The present salvation of Gentiles apart from Judaism does not contradict anything Amos said about future Gentile blessing. This seems to be the best interpretation. "In other words, James says, God is working out His own plan: Israel, His covenant people have been set aside nationally because of their rejection of the Messiah. God is now taking out a people, Jew and Gentile, to constitute the Church of God. When He completes this work, the Lord is coming back the second time. That will be the time of blessing for the whole world [i.e., the millennial reign of Christ]."663 James added the quotation from Isaiah 45:21 in verse 18b probably to add authority to the Amos prophecy.

Thy Kingdom . . ., pp. 145-46. Charles Zimmerman, "To This Agree the Words of the Prophets," Grace Journal 4:3 (Fall 1963):28-40; Kent, p. 126. 660E.g., Lenski, pp. 608-11. 661E.g., F. W. Grant, The Numerical Bible, p. 100. 662E.g., Chafer, Systematic Theology, 4:267-69; 5:328-29; The New Scofield . . ., p. 1186. Cf. Rom. 16:25; Eph. 3:9. 663Ironside, Lectures on . . ., p. 356. Cf. Wiersbe, 1:463.
659See

658Pentecost,

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"The thought that the church was the divinely intended replacement for the temple is probably to be seen in 15:1618."664 The non-dispensational understanding of this text is that James was saying that the messianic kingdom had come and Amos' prediction was completely fulfilled. Progressive dispensationalists believe he meant that the first stage of the messianic kingdom had come and that Amos' prediction was partially fulfilled.665 Normative dispensationalists view the messianic kingdom as entirely future. They believe Amos was predicting the inclusion of Gentiles in God's plan and that James was saying that the present situation was in harmony with God's purpose. Thus the Amos prediction has yet to be fulfilled. Deciding between these options depends on whether or not one believes the church replaces Israel in God's plan. If it does, one will side with non-dispensationalists here. If one believes the church and Israel are distinct in the purpose of God, then one has to decide if there is better evidence that Jesus has begun to rule over David's kingdom now (progressive dispensationalism) or not (normative dispensationalism). I believe the evidence points to the fact that David's kingdom is an earthly kingdom and that Jesus will begin reigning over it when He returns to earth at His second coming. James would have quoted a version of the Old Testament text that would have been acceptable to his audience, which included strict Jews. His quotation from Amos differs from the Hebrew text in meaning and the Septuagint in form, but it is identical to the text of 4QFlorilegium (1:12), an Essene rendering.666 15:19 Troubling the Gentiles meant imposing the requirements of Jewish proselytes on them, namely, circumcision and observance of the Mosaic Law. To help Gentile converts not put a stumbling block in the path of Jews, James recommended that Christian teachers encourage their disciples to avoid four things. These were the things (food, etc.) associated with idolatry (cf. 1 Cor. 10:14-22), and fornication (Gr. porneias, all kinds of sexual aberrations). They were also to avoid eating strangled animals rather than those with the blood drained out, and blood (the essence of life; cf. Gen. 9; Lev. 17:11). These involved ethical and moral issues and were not just matters of ceremonial defilement.667

15:20

The Acts . . ., p. 131. Saucy, The Case . . ., pp. 76-80. 666J. A. de Waard, A Comparative Study of the Old Testament Text in the Dead Sea Scrolls and in the New Testament, pp. 24-26, 47, 78-79. Toussaint's discussion of this quotation, "Acts," pp. 394-95, is clear and helpful. 667See ibid., p. 395.
665See

664Marshall,

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"Concerning the nature of the prohibitions the most likely explanation is that all four were associated to some degree with pagan religious practices. Since this association was highly offensive to Jews, Gentile believers were asked to avoid even the appearance of evil by avoiding such practices altogether. Thus the purposes of the decree and its prohibitions [cf. 15:29; 21:25] were to promote unity among believing Jews and believing Gentiles."668 15:21 The reason for these restrictions was this. In the weekly synagogue Scripture readings, teachers of the Mosaic Law had stressed Jewish scruples regarding these matters for generations. Consequently the Jews regarded them as extremely important. If Gentile Christians disregarded the convictions of these Jews, they would only alienate those they hoped to bring to faith in Jesus Christ or to growth in Christ (cf. 1 Cor. 8:13). "If there was ever a good opportunity to say that the Gentiles were under the law this was it; for that would have settled the matter simply and quickly. But the apostles, who were Jews themselves, recognized that the law had no force any longer, and they did not try to impose it."669 James was not putting Gentile converts under the Mosaic Law by imposing these restrictions. He was urging them to limit their exercise of Christian liberty to make their witness to unsaved Jews more effective and their fellowship with saved Jews more harmonious (cf. 1 Cor. 9:19-23). "To sum up, we may say that two types of 'necessary' questions were raised at the Jerusalem Council. The first had to do with the theological necessity of circumcision and the Jewish law for salvation, and that was rejected. The second had to do with the practical necessity of Gentile Christians abstaining from certain practices for the sake of Jewish-Gentile fellowship within the church and for the sake of the Jewish Christian mission throughout the Diaspora, and that was approved."670 The official formulation of the decision 15:22-29 15:22 The Jerusalem leaders chose two witnesses to return to Antioch with Paul and Barnabas to confirm verbally the decision of this council. Judas had a Jewish name so he may have been a Hebraic Jew whereas Silas had a

H. Savelle, "A Reexamination of the Prohibitions in Acts 15," Bibliotheca Sacra 161:644 (October-December 2004):468. 669Charles C. Ryrie, "The End of the Law," Bibliotheca Sacra 124:495 (July-September 1967):243. Cf. Mark 7:18-19; Luke 16:16; John 1:17; Acts 10:12; Rom 7:6; 10:4; 14:17; 1 Cor. 8:8; 2 Cor. 3:6-11; Gal. 3:19, 23; 4:9-11; 5:1; 6:2; Col. 2:17; Heb. 7:12; 9:10. 670Longenecker, p. 448.

668Charles

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Greek name and probably was a Hellenistic Jew. These men represented both segments of the Jerusalem church. Judas had the same surname as Joseph Barsabbas, the candidate with Matthias for the vacant apostleship (1:23). Consequently some interpreters have assumed that Judas and Joseph were brothers.671 We also know Silas by his Roman name, Silvanus, in Scripture (2 Cor. 1:19). He was a Hellenistic Jew who had been a leader in the Jerusalem church (vv. 22, 27). He was a prophet (v. 32), a vocal minister in Antioch (v. 32), a Roman citizen (16:37), and an effective amanuensis (1 Thess. 1:1; 2 Thess. 1:1; 1 Pet. 5:12). Silas became Paul's primary companion on his second missionary journey (v. 40). "When one considers the situation of the Jerusalem church in A.D. 49, the decision reached by the Jerusalem Christians must be considered one of the boldest and most magnanimous in the annals of church history. While still attempting to minister exclusively to the nation, the council refused to impede the progress of that other branch of the Christian mission whose every success meant further difficulty for them from within their own nation."672 15:23 The destination of this letter throws light on extensive missionary activity that had taken place, which Luke did not record. We know of the mission to Antioch, but Luke mentioned nothing about the evangelization of Syria. We know that Paul had done missionary work in Cilicia, but Luke did not tell his readers anything about it. Here we learn that there were churches in these regions already, as we may have assumed but now know for sure (cf. v. 41). Antioch was the capital city of Syria and Cilicia, which Rome administered as a single province until A.D. 72.673 The men who had come to Antioch from Jerusalem advocating circumcision (v. 1) had no authorization to do so from the Jerusalem church (v. 24). They spoke on their own. The church in Jerusalem had reached a unified opinion on the issue at hand (v. 25). The apostles presented Barnabas and Paul as men the saints in Jerusalem held in the highest regard (vv. 25-26). The church leaders had sensed the Holy Spirit's control in the decision they had reached (v. 28).674 "It should be noted that the letter traced the unanimity of the decision to the action of the Holy Spirit (15:28), even
Kent, p. 127. p. p. 450. 673Neil, p. 175; The New Bible Dictionary, s.v. "Cilicia," by E. M. B. Green. 674On the differences between the Old Uncial and the Western textual readings of verse 29, see C. K. Barrett, "The Apostolic Decree of Acts 15:29," Austrialian Biblical Review 35 (1987):50-59.
672Longenecker, 671E.g.,

15:24-29

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though the Spirit was not mentioned previously as intervening in the proceedings. This is the way in which the Spirit usually works in the church. There need not be miraculous displays to indicate his direction. Spirit-filled people can detect his presence through the harmony which prevails when men are responsive to his will."675 The delivery of the decision to Antioch 15:30-35 The decision reached at the Jerusalem Council was very important. Even though false teachers continued to propagate the view that Gentiles had to undergo the rites of proselytes to Judaism before they could enter the church, this view was now officially unacceptable. The apostles had strengthened the case for salvation by faith alone greatly. Again, the trip that Paul and Barnabas made between Antioch and Jerusalem and back again consisted of about 560 ground miles (cf. 11:3012:25; Gal. 2:1-10). 6. The strengthening of the Gentile churches 15:3616:5 Luke reported Paul and Barnabas' efforts to strengthen the churches they had planted in Cyprus and Asia Minor to emphasize the importance of this phase of church extension. He also did so to set the scene for the next major advance of the church. Paul went next into the provinces around the Aegean Sea some of which were on the European continent. The beginning of Paul's second missionary journey 15:36-41 15:36-39 Some commentators have overestimated the "sharp disagreement" between Paul and Barnabas over John Mark, in my opinion.676 The text says they disagreed vigorously over this issue, but there is no statement or implication that they ended up disliking each other, as some of the commentators have inferred. It seems that they were both led by the Holy Spirit to arrive at their respective conclusions regarding the wisdom of taking John Mark with them. Their separation, I infer, was friendly. Paul later wrote with respectful admiration of Barnabas (1 Cor. 9:6) and John Mark (Col. 4:10; Phile. 24; 2 Tim. 4:11). Their decision to go separate ways certainly resulted in greater gospel extension since more people became involved as fellow missionaries, and they covered more area in less time. Some Christians erroneously feel that any disagreement between believers is sinful, but there is no indication in the text that this difference of opinion was sinful. Barnabas' desire to offer John Mark another opportunity was certainly commendable and godly even though Paul viewed it as unwise. Many of

675Kent, 676E.g.,

p. 128. Neil, p. 176; Blaiklock, pp. 118-19; Barclay, p. 128; Robertson, 3:241.

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us would have dropped out of ministry had it not been for a gracious Barnabas who was willing to give us another chance after we failed. 15:40-41 Paul and Silas departed from Antioch with the church's blessing. This time they travelled by land north through Syria and Cilicia where Paul had been born and had previously labored. They strengthened the young churches in those Roman provinces.677

The churches of Galatia 16:1-5 16:1 Paul and Silas probably crossed the Taurus Mountains at a pass called the Cilician Gates (modern Glek Bogaz). Alexander the Great had marched east through this pass to conquer the vast Persian Empire four centuries earlier.678 This route would have led them into the kingdom of Antiochus that was west of Cilicia, to the south of Galatia, and to the east of Pamphylia. They proceeded on into Lycaonian Galatia, to Derbe, and then to Lystra. At Lystra a young believer named Timothy impressed Paul. Many Bible students have assumed that Timothy was from Lystra and had trusted Christ during Paul's first trip to that town (cf. 1 Cor. 4:17). The text does not state these facts, but they are certainly strong possibilities. Mixed marriages between Jews and Gentiles were more common outside Palestine than within it.679 Timothy's mother Eunice and his grandmother Lois were both sincere Jews and had instructed Timothy in the Hebrew Scriptures (2 Tim. 1:5; 3:15).680 This young man now filled the place that John Mark had occupied on the first journey, before Mark returned to Jerusalem. Timothy was to become one of Paul's closest friends and most faithful fellow workers. "He [Paul] was always well aware of the necessity of training a new generation for the work and for the days that lay ahead."681 16:2 "The preoccupation with character in those who assume Christian leadership is a marked feature of the story of the early Church ([verse 2,] vi. 3, x. 22, xxii. 12)."682 Paul obviously did not circumcise Timothy because he believed that rite was necessary for his justification or sanctification. He did so because it

16:3

677See

the map of Paul's second missionary journey in Longenecker, p. 249, or in Toussaint, "Acts," p. 397. p. 120. 679Bruce, Commentary on . . ., p. 322. 680See Levinskaya, pp. 12-17. 681Barclay, p. 129. 682Blaiklock, p. 120.
678Blaiklock,

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was necessary for effective evangelistic ministry among Jews (cf. 1 Cor. 9:20-22; Rom. 14:13-15). Unbelieving Jews would not have given Paul a hearing if he had travelled with an uncircumcised Gentile even though Timothy was half Jewish (cf. 1 Cor. 9:20). 16:4 Part of Paul's ministry included acquainting the churches in Galatia with the directives formulated at the Jerusalem Council. This fifth progress report concludes the section on the church's expansion into Asia Minor (12:2516:5; cf. 6:7; 9:31; 12:24; 19:20; 28:31). This part of its history was particularly crucial since in this phase of its expansion the church changed from predominantly Jewish to predominantly Gentile. C. THE EXTENSION OF THE CHURCH TO THE AEGEAN SHORES 16:619:20 The missionary outreach narrated in this section of the book took place in major cities along the Aegean coastline that major Roman roads connected. 1. The call to Macedonia 16:6-10 Luke recorded Paul's vision of the Macedonian man to explain God's initiative in encouraging Paul and his companions to carry the gospel farther west into Europe. ". . . this section [6:6-10] makes it overwhelmingly clear that Paul's progress was directed by God in a variety of ways, so that the missionaries were led into new areas of work."683 "His [Luke's] subject is the rapid extension of Christianity among the Gentiles, especially in three great provinces of the empire, Macedonia, Achaia, and Asia; and he describes the firm establishment of the church in their capitals, Thessalonica, Corinth, and Ephesus . . . These three great provinces embraced respectively the northern, western and eastern coasts of the Aegean Sea, and they were all members of one great Roman empire, and all enjoyed one great Hellenic civilization . . . "The foundation of the churches of Macedonia, Achaia, and Asia was the work of S. Paul, and it was his greatest achievement. Ch. xvi 11-xix 19 is really the record of his life work. It filled a period of five years from 49 to 54; and in the composition of the book it corresponds to the ministry of the Lord in the Gospel (Lk iv 16 to xvii 10 or xviii 30) and of S. Peter in the church of Jerusalem in the first part of the Acts (ii 14-xi 26)."684

16:5

683Marshall, 684Rackham,

The Acts . . ., p. 261. p. 272.

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Phrygia was a geographical region, and Galatia was a Roman province. Phrygia was part of Galatia as well as part of the province of Asia that lay west of Galatia. The province of Asia was one of several Roman provinces that occupied the larger district of Asia Minor. Asia Minor was ancient Anatolia and modern western Turkey. Paul evangelized Asia later (18:1919:20). The time was not right for him to go there yet. Probably Paul intended to follow the Via Sebaste westward to Ephesus, the chief city and capital of Asia. Luke did not record how the Holy Spirit closed the door to Asia at this time. His emphasis was on the One who directed Paul, not how He did it (cf. 13:1-3). "The missionary journeys of Paul reveal an extraordinary combination of strategic planning and sensitivity to the guidance of the Holy Spirit in working out the details of the main goals. This is especially noticeable here."685 "Paul may have had visions or dreams (cf. verse 9, 23:11), or inward prompting. Silas, a prophet (15:32), may have been moved to utter words of warning, or they may have had to change their plans by force of circumstances (e.g. Jewish opposition), which they afterwards recognized as the overruling intervention of Providence."686

16:7-8

Paul then turned his attention north and proposed to enter the province of Bithynia. It lay along the southern shores of the Black Sea and contained many Roman cities and Jewish colonies. Mysia was another geographical region such as Phrygia located in northwest Asia "through" (Gr. parelthontes, not "by," v. 8) which Paul's party passed to get to Bithynia. Again the Holy Spirit, whom Luke here called "the Spirit of Jesus" (cf. 1:1-2), prevented their entering that province. This unusual title of the Holy Spirit highlights Jesus' leadership in the mission. Other unidentified Christian missionaries evangelized Bithynia (cf. 1 Pet. 1:1).687 Consequently Paul turned west from where he was and proceeded to Troas. This city was a Roman colony, like Antioch of Pisidia and Lystra, located at a very strategic site. It was one of the main seaports from which travelers entered Asia Minor from the West and departed from Asia Minor for the Roman provinces farther west. It was near ancient Troy. "To the Greeks, mountains protected but separated people, whereas the sea, while frightening, united people. Therefore Troas, at the mouth of the Dardenelles, was the pivotal port between the land masses of Europe and Asia

685Longenecker, 686Neil,

p. 456. p. 179. 687See Blaiklock, p. 123.

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Minor and the great waterways of the Aegean and Black seas."688 16:9 This time God gave positive direction to Paul, and Luke recorded that He did it in a vision (cf. 9:10; 10:3, 17, 19; 11:5; 12:9). "Paul could have recognized the man in his dream as a Macedonian from what he said; but it has been conjectured that the man might have been Luke himself, who indicates his presence at this point by changing the narrative from 'they' to 'we' in the following verse. If this were so, it would suggest that Luke, a Macedonian or of Macedonian ancestry, had encountered Paul at Troas, perhaps as a medical attendant, and pressed him to preach the Gospel to the Macedonians. In this case, his appearance in Paul's dream would make him seem to be a God-sent messenger, and would clinch the matter. This is, of course, no more than an attractive speculation."689 Macedonia was a Roman province that comprised roughly the northern half of ancient and modern Greece. Its name honored Philip of Macedon, Alexander the Great's father. 16:10 Luke joined Paul's party, which consisted of Silas, Timothy, and perhaps others, in Troas. This is clear because in his narration he changed from the third to the first person. This is the beginning of the first so-called "we" section in Acts, the sections in which Luke was travelling with Paul (16:10-40; 20:521:18; 27:128:16).690 Paul surrounded himself with a group of disciples, as Jesus had done. Note that Luke used three terms to stress the fact that the triune God was leading these apostles by His Spirit. He first referred to the Holy Spirit (v. 6), then the Spirit of Jesus (v. 7), and then God (v. 10) as leading them. "Authentic turning points in history are few. But surely among them that of the Macedonian vision ranks high. Because of Paul's obedience at this point, the gospel went westward; and ultimately Europe and the Western world were evangelized. Christian response to the call of God is never a trivial thing. Indeed, as in this instance, great issues and untold blessings may depend on it."691
p. 458. p. 180. 690For an evaluation of traditional, source critical, redaction critical, and comparative literary solutions to the problem of first person narration in Acts, see Susan Marie Praeder, "The Problem of First Person Narration in Acts," Novum Testamentum 29:3 (July 1987):193-218. 691Longenecker, p. 458.
689Neil, 688Longenecker,

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This passage has become popular because in it God gave Paul definite guidance concerning where He wanted him to minister. Anyone who wants to propagate the gospel has questions about this kind of guidance. Notice that Paul was actively ministering and was seeking to do what appeared to him to be the wise thing when God said no and yes to his efforts. In providing positive direction God brought new information to Paul that impressed the apostle with a particular need God wanted him to meet. It seems to me that we should not concern ourselves mainly with the methods God uses to guide people. These varied in Acts and were not Luke's primary concern. We should, however, concentrate on where we can be of most use as the Lord's instruments. This was Paul's dominant concern. If our choices for places of ministry are equally acceptable to God, He probably will not steer us away from any of them as was true in Paul's first missionary journey. We can go wherever we please. However if He does not want us in one or more of these places, I believe He will shut one or more doors for us as He did for Paul. Lewis S. Chafer used to say that God often guides us by bringing information to our attention that enlightens our judgment when we need to make decisions. 2. The ministry in Macedonia 16:1117:15 Luke recorded Paul's ministry in Philippi, Thessalonica, and Berea to continue his history of Jesus' works in Macedonia. The Macedonians were a distinct national group, though they had strong ties to the Greeks. They had offered the most stubborn resistance against Rome's efforts to extend its influence. In an attempt to break down their strong nationalistic spirit of independence, Rome divided their territory into four districts each of which had its own local government under Rome. We see this stubborn character in the Macedonians' reaction to Paul's preaching. Nevertheless once won over, the Macedonian converts became just as loyal to Paul as they had been hostile to him at first. Ministry in Philippi 16:11-40 Luke devoted more space to Paul's evangelizing in Philippi than he did to the apostle's activities in any other city on the second and third journeys even though Paul was there only briefly. It was the first European city in which Paul preached the gospel. 16:11-12 Travelling by sea from Troas the apostolic band made its way to the island of Samothrace. From there they sailed to Neapolis (modern Cavalla), the port of Philippi in Macedonia, a journey of 125 miles. Philippi was 10 miles northwest inland. This town, previously called Crenides (lit. Fountains), also received its newer name of Philippi from Philip of Macedon. It stood at the eastern end of another major Roman highway that connected the Adriatic and Aegean Seas, the Via Egnatia (Egnatian Road). Macedonia consisted of four parts or districts, and Philippi was the chief city of one of these four districts.

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"After Mark Antony and Octavian defeated Brutus and Cassius, the assassins of Julius Caesar, near Philippi in 42 A.D., the city was made into a Roman colony. This gave it special privileges (e.g, [sic] fewer taxes) but more importantly it became like a 'transplanted' Rome . . . The primary purpose of colonies was military, for the Roman leaders felt it wise to have Roman citizens and sympathizers settled in strategic locations. So Octavian (who became Caesar Augustus, the first Roman emperor, in 27 B.C.) settled more colonists (primarily former soldiers) at Philippi after his defeat of Antony at Actium, on Greece's west coast, in 31 B.C."692 "Philippi's importance during the NT period . . . resulted from its agriculture, its strategic commercial location on both sea and land routes, its still functioning gold mines, and its status as a Roman colony. In addition, it had a famous school of medicine with graduates throughout the then-known world."693 Luke's mention of Philippi's status as a Roman colony is unusual; he did not identify Roman colonies as such elsewhere.694 Perhaps he did so here because of the events that followed in Philippi that we can understand more easily with this status in mind. Another possibility is that he did so because of his personal interest in this town. He spent considerable time there. Some scholars conjecture that Philippi was Luke's hometown or the town in which he lived before joining Paul's party.695 A Roman colony was a city that the imperial government had granted special privileges for having rendered some special service to the empire. All its free citizens enjoyed the rights of Roman citizens. Living in such a colony was similar to being in Rome away from Rome (cf. Phil. 3:20). 16:13 Normally Paul went to the synagogue on the Sabbath day, but evidently there was not a synagogue in Philippi. This suggests that there were probably very few Jews there since it only took 10 Jewish men to establish a synagogue.696 Lacking a synagogue, worshippers of Yahweh met beside the Gangites River one and one-half miles west of town to pray together

"Acts," p. 399. "Augustus" means "the august one" or "the revered one." The best modern equivalent might be "his majesty." 693Longenecker, pp. 459-60. 694Other Roman colonies that feature in Acts, which Luke did not identify as colonies, were Pisidian Antioch, Lystra, Troas, and Corinth. 695This seems unlikely to me since Paul and his party stayed with Lydia when they were in Philippi (v. 15). If Luke had a home there, they probably would have stayed with him. 696Mishnah Sanhedrin 1:6; Mishnah Pirke Aboth 3:6.

692Toussaint,

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and to do what the Jews did in a normal synagogue service.697 It was customary for Jews and Gentile God-fearers (sebomene ton theon, "worshipper of God," v. 14; 13:43; 18:7) to meet in the open air by a river or the sea when a synagogue was not available.698 Evidently no men were there the day Paul found the place. (Prayer meetings haven't changed much over the years.) Nonetheless Paul preached the gospel to the women assembled.699 "I wonder whether that prayer meeting had anything to do with Paul coming over to Europe and the vision of the man of Macedonia!"700 16:14-15 At least one of the women was a lady who was in Philippi on business. She trusted Christ. Thyatira, her hometown in the province of Asia, was a city famous for its purple dye and cloth (cf. Rev. 2:18-29).701 During the Roman Period, laws restricted who could wear clothes dyed purple because it was the most precious of all colors. Thus Lydia undoubtedly dealt with an exclusive and affluent clientele. It had not been the right time for Paul to evangelize Asia (v. 6), but God brought a woman who lived there to him in Macedonia. Her name, Lydia, may have some connection with the fact that her hometown stood in an area that was formerly part of the old kingdom of Lydia.702 Luke again emphasized God's initiative in opening her heart to the gospel (v. 14, cf. 2 Cor. 4:4) and the hearts of those in her household (cf. v. 33; 11:14). Her "household" included servants as well as her family (cf. 10:24, 44; 16:31; 18:8; Rom. 16:10-11; 1 Cor. 1:16). Water baptism is in view (v. 15). It followed her conversion immediately (cf. v. 33; 8:36; et al.). Lydia offered her large home to Paul and his companions as their headquarters while they remained in Philippi. This was a common practice in the Roman world, especially among Christians, since public housing facilities were few and unpleasant (cf. Rom. 12:13; 1 Pet. 4:9).

Greek word proseuche describes both prayer and a place of prayer. See Levinskaya, pp. 213-25, "The Meaning of PROSEUCHE." Sometimes this word for "a place of prayer" was used in Jewish writings as a synonym for "synagogue" since Jewish synagogues were essentially places of prayer. 698Josephus, Antiquities of . . ., 14:10:23. Cf. Ps. 137:1-6. 699That Paul, a former Pharisee, would preach to an audience of women reveals much about his changed attitude since the Pharisees commonly thanked God that they were not Gentiles, slaves, or women (cf. Gal. 3:28). This is hardly the picture of a woman hater that some have painted Paul as being. 700McGee, 4:583. 701Richard S. Hess, Song of Songs, pp. 121-22. 702Some scholars have even surmised that Lydia was not her name but only her place of origin. We owe coined money to the Lydian kingdom. King Croesus first produced uniform coins there in the seventh century B.C. Wealthy King Croesus may have been the person behind the legend of King Midas whose touch supposedly turned anything to gold.

697The

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"Young people sometimes hear a fervent missionary from a distant field tell of the need of young men and young women for work in Africa or China or in some other country. They say, 'I must answer the call.' They arrange to leave everything here and go out to the mission field, only to find that nobody wants them. And they say, 'Isn't that queer? They were pleading that we come, and instead of wanting us they are ready, in some instances, to kill us.' Was the missionary wrong? Did he give a false impression of conditions? Not at all! The heathen do not realize their need often until the preaching of the true God gives them a sense of their real condition, but it is that need, nevertheless, which calls for someone to help."703 16:16 Luke probably recorded the conversion of three very different individuals in Philippi to illustrate the appeal and power of the gospel. The demonpossessed "slave-girl" (cf. Rhoda, 12:13) who met the missionaries on their way to the prayer meeting (v. 13) was a tool of her masters who used her to make money through fortunetelling. The demon (Gr. pneuma pythona) within her knew of Paul and announced through her who he was and what he was doing (cf. Mark 1:24; 3:11; 5:7; Luke 4:34; 8:28). "The Python was a mythical serpent or dragon that guarded the temple and oracle of Apollo, located on the southern slope of Mount Parnassus to the north of the Gulf of Corinth. It was supposed to have lived at the foot of Mount Parnassus and to have eventually been killed by Apollo (cf. Strabo Geography 9.3.12). Later the word python came to mean a demon-possessed person through whom the Python spokeeven a ventriloquist was thought to have such a spirit living in his or her belly (cf. Plutarch De Defectu Oraculorum 9.414)."704 16:17-18 This girl's screaming recalls the behavior of the demon-possessed people whom Jesus encountered. The title "Most High God" would have had meaning for Greeks, Romans, and Jews. All of these groups had some interest in a (not "the") way of salvation. The Greeks called Zeus the "Most High God."705 Consequently the girl's crying out would have aroused the interest of Greeks as well as Jews. Paul proceeded to take advantage of this situation. She seems to have appointed herself the apostles' herald announcing them wherever they went. Paul did not want

Lectures on . . ., p. 368. p. 462. 705C. Roberts, T. C. Skeat, and A. D. Nock, "The Guild of Zeus Hypsistos," Harvard Theological Review 29 (1936):39-88. However, Levinskaya, pp. 98-100, argued that those who heard this girl probably associated the Most High God with the God of the Jews.
704Longenecker,

703Ironside,

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her to continue doing this, however. Her presence and public relations work implied that the missionaries were allies of the demon that people knew indwelt her (cf. Mark 1:24-25). Jesus working through Paul cast the demon out (Mark 9:14-29; Luke 4:33-35; 6:18; 7:21; Acts 8:9-24; 13:612; 19:13-20). Luke did not record whether this girl became a Christian, though she probably did. His interest lay in what happened as a result of this incident. Verse 18 raises a question about Paul's motivation in exorcising this demon. The text says that he became annoyed after the girl had accompanied the missionaries for many days. Why did he not cast the demon out immediately because he felt compassion for the girl? We can only conclude that God did not lead him to cast the demon out sooner because He used this witness to bring people to Himself. Undoubtedly Paul felt compassion for her since there is plenty of evidence elsewhere that Paul was a compassionate person. It was evidently the continued irritation that this girl created in Paul that God finally used to lead Paul to cast the demon out of her. 16:19-21 Clearly the actions of the girl's masters against Paul and Silas, whom the people perceived as Jews, were prejudicial. They wanted to get even for causing them financial loss (cf. 19:24-27), not for preaching the gospel. The market place was the agora. "Often, if not always, the greatest obstacle to the crusade of Christ is the selfishness of men."706 Two magistrates (praetors) governed each Roman colony.707 Recently the Emperor Claudius had expelled the Jews from Rome (18:2). Consequently anti-Semitism was running especially high throughout the empire and in Philippi, which had an unusually large military population. It was contrary to Roman law for local people to try to change the religion of Roman citizens, of which there were many in Philippi. The girl's masters assumed that Paul and Silas were proselytizing for Judaism since the customs Paul proclaimed included worship of Jesus, a Jew, rather than the emperor. "The accusation against Paul and Silas in 16:20-21 is one of a series. In Acts 1619 we find four scenes that feature accusations against Christians, and these accusations are parts of similar sequences of events. The sequence contains three basic elements: (1) Christians are forcefully brought before officials or a public assembly. (2) They are accused, and this accusation is highlighted by direct quotation. (3)

706Barclay, 707F.

p. 135. J. Foakes-Jackson and Kirsopp Lake, The Acts of the Apostles, 4:194-95.

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We are told the result of this attempt to curb the Christian mission."708 16:22 The crowd got behind the missionaries' accusers. The charges against them seemed so clear the magistrates evidently did not even investigate them but proceeded to beat and imprison Paul and Silas (cf. 2 Cor. 11:23, 25).709 Lictors (police) would have done the beating (cf. v. 35). The jailer treated his prisoners as dangerous criminals. His treatment may have reflected his own attitude more than the seriousness of their alleged crimes. "Jailers commonly were retired army veterans, who could be expected to follow orders and use their military skills as required."710 "He was no mere turn-key, but the governor of the prison,probably of the rank of a centurion, like Cornelius at Caesarea, of whose history there is much to remind us here."711 "If Lydia came from the top end of the social scale and the slave girl from the bottom, the Roman gaoler was one of the sturdy middle class who made up the Roman civil service; and so in these three the whole gamut of society was complete."712 16:25-26 We can see that Paul and Silas were full of the Spirit by the way they reacted to the pain that resulted from their beating and from being locked in stocks (cf. Ps. 42:8). The other prisoners undoubtedly wondered who these men were and how they could rejoice. Perhaps some of them became Christians and members of the Philippian church. If so, Paul's exhortations to rejoice in the Lord always in his epistle to the Philippians would have reminded them of his example on this occasion. Again God miraculously freed His servants (cf. 5:18-20; 12:3-11). "This was the first sacred concert ever held in Europe . . . "The world is watching Christians, and when they see Christians shaken by circumstances as they themselves,
2:201-2. records only two instances in which Gentiles threatened or harmed Paul (cf. 19:23-41). In both cases people were losing money in vested interests, and in both cases a Roman official vindicated Paul. 710Longenecker, p. 464. 711Rackham, p. 288. 712Barclay, p. 136.
709Acts 708Tannehill,

16:23-24

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they conclude that after all there is very little to Christianity; but when they find Christians rising above circumstances and glorying in the Lord even in deepest trial, then even the unsaved realize the Christian has something in knowing Christ to which they are strangers."713 16:27-28 "In Roman law a guard who allowed his prisoner to escape was liable to the same penalty the prisoner would have suffered (Code of Justinian 9.4.4)."714 This jailer was about to commit suicide and so avoid the shame of a public execution. He was certain his prisoners had escaped. God had restrained the other prisoners from escaping somehow, possibly out of fear or out of respect for Paul and Silas. ". . . were the other prisoners as terrified as the jailer at what they believed to be the magical power of two Jewish sorcerers which could bring about an earthquake? This might account for their failure to try to escape."715 Whatever the other prisoners may have thought, Luke's emphasis was on the love that Paul and Silas demonstrated for the jailer by remaining in prison when they could have escaped. It was primarily this love, I think, that won the jailer over. 16:29-30 Paul and Silas' love for him, in contrast to the hatred they had received from the magistrates, the police, and the jailer, transformed the jailer's attitude. Apparently the jailer had heard the gospel from Paul and Silas previously, or had at least heard what they were preaching (cf. v. 17), but had hardened his heart against it (v. 24). Now, because of his brush with death, he humbled himself and asked how he could be saved. Another possibility is that the jailer only wanted deliverance from his physical danger. ". . . if these were the jailer's exact words they probably meant: 'How can I be saved from the consequences of having ill-treated two obviously powerful magicians?' Paul uses the question as an opening for his Gospel message (verse 31)."716

713Ironside,

Lectures on . . ., p. 381. p. 464. Cf. 12:19. 715Neil, p. 184. 716Ibid., p. 185.

714Longenecker,

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In this context, "Believe" refers to trusting the sovereign God's power to deliver, which events had just pictured for the jailer.717 This verse raises the question of lordship salvation most clearly in Acts. Must a person make Jesus the Lord (Master) of his or her life to become a Christian? Most evangelicals believe that to become a Christian one need only trust in the person and finished work of Jesus Christ. It is not necessary to submit to Him completely as personal Master to be saved.718 Some contend that the sinner must also yield his life completely to Jesus as Master as well as Savior to be saved.719 Those who hold the lordship view insist on the necessity of acknowledging Jesus as Master of one's life in the act of receiving Him as Savior. According to them these are not two separate sequential acts nor successive steps but one act of faith. A few expressions of the lordship salvation view are these. "The astonishing idea is current in some circles today that we can enjoy the benefits of Christ's salvation without accepting the challenge of His sovereign Lordship."720 "In most instances the modern 'evangelist' assures his congregation that all any sinner has to do in order to escape Hell and make sure of Heaven is to 'receive Christ as his personal Savior.' But such teaching is utterly misleading. No one can receive Christ as His Savior while he rejects Him as Lord. Therefore, those who have not bowed to Christ's sceptre and enthroned Him in their hearts and lives, and yet imagine that they are trusting Him as Savior, are deceived."721 "Where there is no clear knowledge, and hence no realistic recognition of the real claims that Christ makes, there can be no repentance, and therefore no salvation."722

NET Bible note on verse 31. Lewis S. Chafer, Salvation, pp. 42-53; Ryrie, So Great Salvation; Hodges, Absolutely Free!; Toussaint, "Acts," p. 400; Constable, "The Gospel . . .". 719E.g., John Murray, RedemptionAccomplished and Applied, pp. 95-116; K. L. Gentry, "The Great Option: A Study of the Lordship Controversy," Baptist Reformation Review 5 (1976):49-79; John R. W. Stott, "Must Christ be Lord to be Savior? Yes," Eternity, September 1959, pp. 15, 17-18, 36-37; Marshall, The Acts . . ., p. 273. 720John R. W. Stott, Basic Christianity, p. 114. 721Arthur W. Pink, Studies on Saving Faith, pp. 12-13. 722J. I. Packer, Evangelism and the Sovereignty of God, p. 73. Cf. pp. 71-73.
718E.g.,

717The

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"When we teach (whether it is Matthew, or Romans, or any other book in the New Testamenteven in comparison to the Old Testament), we teach that when a person comes to Christ, he receives Him as Savior and Lord, and that genuine salvation demands a commitment to the lordship of Christ."723 "'Unless your righteousness exceeds that of the scribes and Pharisees, you will never enter the kingdom of heaven' means 'Unless you who call yourselves Christians, who profess to be justified by faith alone and therefore confess that you have nothing whatever to contribute to your own justificationunless you nevertheless conduct yourselves in a way which is utterly superior to the conduct of the very best people, who are hoping to save themselves by their works, you will not enter God's kingdom. You are not really Christians.'"724 There are many excellent evangelical scholars and expositors who believe it is not necessary to commit one's life to Jesus fully when one trusts in Him as Savior to experience salvation. Some of their statements follow. "The importance of this question cannot be overestimated in relation to both salvation and sanctification. The message of faith only and the message of faith plus commitment of life cannot both be the gospel; therefore, one of them is false and comes under the curse of perverting the gospel or preaching another gospel (Gal. 1:69)."725 "The Christian's liberty to do precisely as he chooses is as limitless and perfect as any other aspect of grace."726 "A faithful reading of the entire Book of Acts fails to reveal a single passage where people are found to acknowledge Jesus Christ as their personal Lord in order to be saved."727 "If discipleship is tantamount to salvation, then one must continue in the Word in order to be saved, for John 8:31 says, 'If ye continue in My word, then are ye My disciples
723John

MacArthur Jr., Justification by Faith, p. 10. See also idem, The Gospel According to Jesus, and idem, Faith Works: The Gospel According to the Apostles, pp. 73-85. 724James M. Boice, Foundations of the Christian Faith, p. 427. 725Ryrie, Balancing the . . ., p. 170. 726Lewis. S. Chafer, Grace, p. 345. 727Everett F. Harrison, "Must Christ Be Lord to Be Savior? No," Eternity, September 1959, p. 16. Cf. also pp. 14, 48.

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indeed.' Continuance is absolutely demanded for discipleship. If discipleship and salvation are the same, then continuance is demanded for salvation. Yet the New Testament clearly teaches that salvation is by faith and it is a gift (Eph. 2:8-9). You have eternal life at the point of faith (John 3:36). Continuance is not a requirement for salvation."728 "It is an interpretative mistake of the first magnitude to confuse the terms of discipleship with the offer of eternal life as a free gift. 'And whoever desires, let him take the water of life freely' (Rev. 22:17), is clearly an unconditional benefaction. 'If anyone comes to me and does not . . . he cannot be my disciple' clearly expresses a relationship which is fully conditional. Not to recognize this simple distinction is to invite confusion and error at the most fundamental level."729 ". . . I am not a lordship salvation person. I preach the importance of dedication to Jesus Christ. I talk about the works that follow faith. But I believe eternal life is a gift and that I receive it not by anything I do, or am, or promise to become. I take the gift that God offers."730 When people trusted Jesus Christ in Acts, what did Luke record they believed about Him? "In Acts 2, 10, and 16passages that present the most material about salvation in the Book of Actswhat one confessed was that Jesus was the Lord in that He was the divine Mediator of salvation with the total capacity and authority to forgive sins and judge men. He is the Lord over salvation because they have turned away from themselves or their own merit to the ascended Lord. He is the divine Dispenser of salvation."731 Other New Testament passages corroborate this testimony (2:38-39; 3:1926; 4:12; 8:12, 35; 10:43; 13:38-39; John 20:28; Rom. 10:9-13; 1 Cor. 12:3; 2 Cor. 4:5; James 1:1; 2:1; 1 Pet. 3:15; 2 Pet. 3:18; Jude 4, 21, 25; Rev. 19:16).732 Submitting to Jesus' total lordship is the responsibility of
Michael Cocoris, Lordship SalvationIs It Biblical? p. 16. The Gospel . . ., p. 37. 730Charles Swindoll, "Dallas's New Dispensation," Christianity Today, October 25, 1993, p. 15. 731Bock, "Jesus as . . .," p. 151. 732See also William D. Lawrence, "The New Testament Doctrine of the Lordship of Christ" (Th.D. dissertation, Dallas Theological Seminary, 1968).
729Hodges, 728G.

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all people, but not even all Christians do it (Rom. 6:12-14; 12:1-2). It is therefore not biblical, and it is unrealistic, to make it a condition for salvation.733 "In many places in the Acts it is impossible to distinguish whether Lord stands for Jehovah or the Christ: see Introd. p. lxxii."734 The Philippian jailer now believed that Jesus had the power to protect and deliver His own. He saw Him as the One with adequate power and authority to save. Note that he had previously appealed to Paul and Silas as "Sirs" (lit. "Lords," Gr. kyrioi, v. 30). Now Paul clarified that there was only one Lord (kyrion) that he needed to believe in, namely, Jesus. "The word 'Lord' in the phrase, 'Believe in the Lord Jesus Christ,' is no different than a modern equivalent such as, 'put confidence in President Reagan.' The term 'President' is his title. It indicates his position and his ability to follow through on promises. In a similar fashion, the term 'Lord,' when applied to Jesus Christ, indicates His position as God and thus His ability to save us and grant us eternal life."735 Paul did not mean that the jailer's whole household would be saved simply because the jailer believed. Other members of the jailer's household believed and were saved as he believed and was saved (cf. v. 15; 8:36). Personal salvation always depends on personal belief (John 3:16; et al.). Note also in this verse, as in the rest of Scripture, that faith logically precedes regeneration, not the other way around. "Paul and Silas did not say to the Philippian jailer, 'Be saved, and you will believe on the Lord Jesus Christ'! They said, 'Believe on the Lord Jesus Christ, and you will be saved'!"736 16:32 Paul went on to explain the gospel more fully. The only condition for salvation was trust in Jesus Christ. As elsewhere, references to household

Lewis Johnson Jr., "How Faith Works," Christianity Today 33:13 (September 22, 1989):21-25, compared the writings of Ryrie, MacArthur, and Hodges on the lordship issue. Thomas G. Lewellen, "Has Lordship Salvation Been Taught throughout Church History?" Bibliotheca Sacra 147:585 (January-March 1990):54-68, concluded it has not. See MacArthur, Faith Works, pp. 235-58, for his interpretation of the history of gospel preaching. 734Rackham, p. 462, n. 1. 735Cocoris, Lordship Salvation . . ., p. 15. Cocoris' unpublished critique of John MacArthur's The Gospel According to Jesus entitled "John MacArthur Jr.'s System of Salvation" is very helpful and is available in Turpin Library, Dallas Theological Seminary. 736Hodges, Absolutely Free! p. 219.

733S.

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members trusting Christ presuppose the ability to do so. Those who were old enough and capable enough to believe did so. 16:33-34 The jailer proceeded to wash Paul and Silas' wounds. Then they washed him with the water of baptism. He did not have to keep his prisoners under lock and key, only to deliver them at the required time. He believed they would not try to escape, so he brought them into his house and treated them as loved brothers rather than as law breakers. "The conversion of the jailer is not just one more of the many conversions in Acts but the conversion of a member of the oppressive system that is punishing Paul and Silas."737 "One of the evidences of true repentance is a loving desire to make restitution and reparation wherever we have hurt others."738 16:35-36 The policemen (Roman lictors) returned to the jailer the next morning with orders to release Paul and Silas.739 Evidently the magistrates only intended to teach them a lesson for disturbing the peace, not incarcerate them permanently. The Roman government guaranteed its citizens a public trial and freedom from degrading punishment such as beatings.740 Paul was now able to use his citizenship to advantage. He may have tried unsuccessfully to communicate his citizenship earlier during his arrest, or he may have waited for the right moment to do so. Apparently the magistrates did not challenge Paul's claim (cf. 22:27). People who made a false claim to having Roman citizenship suffered death.741 Paul's claim here resulted not only in his own protection from mistreatment but in the authorities looking on his fellow believers with favor rather than abusing them. Paul demanded what he did for the progress of the gospel, not for personal glory or revenge (cf. Phil. 1:18). Roman officials charged with mistreating Roman citizens faced the danger of discipline by their superiors. These magistrates meekly appealed to Paul and Silas not to file a complaint. They also wanted them to leave Philippi because popular opinion was still hostile to them because Paul had healed the slave-girl. Furthermore the local magistrates did not want to have to protect Paul's party of foreigners from irate local residents.

16:37

16:38-39

737Tannehill, 738Wiersbe,

2:204. Cf. Acts 10. 1:469. 739Lictors carried bundles of rods with axes attached to symbolize their authority. 740A. H. M. Jones, Studies in Roman Government and Law, p. 54. 741Robertson, 3:264.

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16:40

Paul did not leave Philippi immediately. First, he encouraged the Christians. This group formed the nucleus of the church in Philippi that forever after was a source of joy to Paul and a source of encouragement to other believers (cf. Phil. 1:3; 4:10-16).

Ministry in Thessalonica 17:1-9 17:1 Paul, Silas, Timothy, and perhaps others left Philippi and headed southwest on the Egnatian Road. Luke evidently stayed in Philippi since he again described Paul's party as "they" instead of "we" (cf. 20:5-6). Paul and Silas probably stayed overnight in Amphipolis, which is 33 miles (a day's journey by horse) along the Egnatian Way. It stood at the mouth of the Strymon River. The next day they travelled another 27 miles farther to Apollonia. Another day of travel farther west on the Via Egnatia took them to Thessalonica (modern Salonika) on the Thermaic Gulf of the Aegean Sea.742 Luke recorded more information concerning their ministry in Thessalonica where they stayed for some time. Thessalonica was the chief city and capital of Macedonia. As such it was a strategic center for the evangelization of the Balkan Peninsula (cf. 1 Thess. 1:7-8). "Thessalonica was a 'free city,' which meant that it had an elected citizens' assembly, it could mint its own coins, and it had no Roman garrison within its walls."743 17:2-3 Paul evidently spoke in the synagogue only three Sabbath days (cf. 13:5, 14; 14:1), but he seems to have stayed longer in Thessalonica (cf. 1 Thess. 4:1; 2 Thess. 2:5). We know he supported himself there by making tents (1 Thess. 2:9; 2 Thess. 3:7-10), and the Philippians sent two monetary gifts to him there (Phil. 4:15-16). Perhaps he ministered primarily to Jews the first three weeks and then turned to the Gentiles. Luke described Paul's method of evangelizing in Thessalonica as reasoning (Gr. dielexato, cf. v. 17; 18:4, 19; 19:8-9; 24:25) from the Scriptures, explaining (dianoigon), giving evidence (proving, paratithemenos), and proclaiming (katangello). These terms imply that Paul dealt carefully with his hearers' questions and doubts. He showed that the facts of gospel history confirmed what the Scriptures predicted. His subject was Jesus whom Paul believed was the Christ. His Jewish hearers needed convincing that their Scriptures taught that Messiah would suffer death and rise from the grave (cf. 3:18; 13:30, 34; Luke 24:13-27; 1 Cor. 15:1-4). Paul used the Old Testament to prove that Jesus was the Messiah (Christ).
text does not state that Paul's party stayed only overnight in Amphipolis and Apollonia, but most interpreters have inferred this from the narrative. 743Wiersbe, 1:470.
742The

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"Interpretation of the Scriptures plays a key role in Paul's message (17:2, 11)."744 17:4 Paul's reasoning persuaded (epeisthesan) some in the synagogue services (cf. 26:28; 28:23). His converts seem to have been mainly Gentiles (cf. 1 Thess. 1:9) many of whom were God-fearers (cf. 10:4; 13:43; 16:14), but some of them were Jews. Jason (v. 5), Aristarchus (Col. 4:10), and Secundus (20:4) appear to have been among these new believers. The "leading women" could have belonged to the upper classes or they may have been the wives of leading men of the city.745 In either case the gospel had an impact on the leadership level of society in Thessalonica. The Jews treated Paul harshly here as they had in Galatia (13:45, 50; 14:2, 19) because they were again jealous of the popularity and effectiveness of his message. "Loungers of the type employed here by the Jews to attack Paul and Silas were common in the agora or forum of Graeco-Roman cities. They invariably assembled around the rostrum where an orator was speaking, and applauded or heckled according to who paid them . . ."746 Jason was evidently Paul's host in Thessalonica as Lydia had been in Philippi (16:15, 40).747 17:6-7 The Jewish antagonists charged the missionaries with revolutionary teaching, namely, that another king, Jesus, would rule and reign (cf. 1 Thess. 3:13; 5:1-11; 2 Thess. 1:5-10; 2:14). "'Those,' they said, 'who are upsetting the civilised world have arrived here.' That is one of the greatest compliments which has ever been paid to Christianity. . . . When Christianity really goes into action it must cause a revolution both in the life of the individual and in the life of society."748 The Jews in Jesus' ministry made similar charges, namely, that He advocated overthrowing the emperor (Luke 23:2; John 18:33-37). These
2:206. The Acts . . ., p. 277. 746Merrill F. Unger, "Historical Research and the Church at Thessalonica," Bibliotheca Sacra 119:473 (January-March 1962):41. The AV translators described these men colorfully as "lewd fellows of the baser sort." 747This Jason may not be the same one Paul named in Romans 16:21 since that name was common among the Greeks. It is the Greek equivalent of "Joshua." 748Barclay, p. 139.
745Marshall, 744Tannehill,

17:5

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Thessalonian Jews also claimed no king but Caesar (cf. John 19:15). Jason was guilty of harboring the fugitives. Several inscriptions found in Thessalonica describe the rulers of the city as politarchs, the very word Luke used to describe them here (cf. v. 8).749 This was a title used only in Macedonia to describe city officials. "Since the term was unknown elsewhere, the critics of Luke once dismissed it as a mark of ignorance. Sixteen epigraphical examples now exist in modern Salonica, and one is located in the British Museum on a stone which once formed part of an archway. It was evidently the Macedonian term. It was Luke's general practice to use the term in commmonest use in educated circles. Hence he called the officials of Philippi 'praetors', and an inscription has similarly established the fact that this was a courtesy title given to the magistrates of a Roman colony."750 17:8-9 The city officials could not find the missionaries to bring them to trial. Consequently they made Jason and his friends pay a bond guaranteeing that Paul would cause no further trouble but leave town. If trouble continued, Jason would lose his money. If it did not, he would receive it back. Paul did leave town and wrote to the Thessalonians that Satan hindered his return (1 Thess. 2:18). His inability to return may have been the result of this tactic of his enemies. The Christians, however, carried on admirably for which Paul thanked God (1 Thess. 1:7-10; 2:14-16).

Ministry in Berea 17:10-15 17:10 For a second time Paul fled a city under cover of night (cf. 9:25; Matt. 10:23). He and Silas left the Via Egnatia at Thessalonica and took the eastern coastal road toward Athens. They headed for Berea (modern Verria) about 50 miles southwest of Thessalonica. Berea was a very old Mecedonian city situated on the Astraeus River. In spite of continued Jewish antagonism Paul and Silas again launched their ministry in this town by visiting the synagogue. The Jews in Berea did not react out of jealousy (cf. v. 5) but listened carefully to what Paul preached and compared it to the teachings of their Hebrew Scriptures. Their example of daily Bible study has inspired Christians ever since to do the same. Anyone who listens to new religious truth would do well to compare it with Scripture, as these Jews did. Many of these noble skeptics believed because Paul's teaching was consistent with the Old Testament. Here there seem to have been many Jewish

17:11-12

749E.

750Blaiklock,

D. Burton, "The Politarchs," American Journal of Theology 2 (1898):598-632. p. 129.

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converts rather than a few, the usual result of Paul's preaching. Many Gentiles also believed. Among them were more prominent women (cf. v. 4) as well as men. Sopater, who later travelled with Paul, as did Aristarchus and Secundus, evidently was one of the converts (20:4). 17:13 Hearing of Paul's presence in Berea, the Thessalonian Jews followed him there. They evidently adopted the same tactics they had used in Thessalonica to force Paul out of Berea (cf. vv. 5, 9). They had charged the missionaries with stirring up trouble (v. 6), but it was really they who were disturbing the peace. The text is not clear if Paul took a ship to Athens or travelled there by land. Perhaps his pursuers did not know either. It seems that Paul's escorts took him to the sea to give the impression that they intended to put him on a ship, but then they accompanied him to Athens by land.751 In any case he reached Athens safely and sent instructions back with the Berean brethren who had accompanied him that Silas and Timothy should join him soon. They apparently had stayed behind to confirm the new converts. They appear to have rejoined Paul in Athens as he requested (cf. 1 Thess. 3:1). "Then Timothy was sent back to Thessalonica (1 Thess 3:2). Silas, however, seems to have gone back to Macedonia (cf. 18:5)probably to Philippi, where he received from the young congregation there a gift of money for the support of the missioners (Phil 4:15). In the meantime, Paul had moved from Athens to Corinth (18:1) and was joined there by Silas and Timothy on their return from Macedonia (18:5; 1 Thess 3:6)."752 Thus Luke's account of Paul's evangelizing in Macedonia concludes. From there the gospel went south to the neighboring province of Achaia. 3. The ministry in Achaia 17:1618:17 Luke recorded this section to document the advance of the gospel and the church into the pagan darkness that enveloped the province of Achaia, southern modern Greece. Ministry in Athens 17:16-34 Paul's preliminary ministry in Athens 17:16-21 17:16 Athens stood five miles inland from its port of Piraeus, which was on the Saronic Gulf of the Aegean Sea. Athens had reached its prime 500 years

17:14-15

751Kent,

p. 138. p. 471.

752Longenecker,

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before Paul visited it, in the time of Pericles (461-429 B.C.).753 However it was still the cultural and intellectual center of the Greek world. Paul observed many of the temples and statues that still stand there today. Now these objects are of interest mainly for their artistic value, but in Paul's day they were idols and places of worship that the Greeks regarded as holy. "It was said that there were more statues of the gods in Athens than in all the rest of Greece put together, and that in Athens it was easier to meet a god than a man."754 Paul's Jewish upbringing and Christian convictions made all this idolatry repulsive to him. "The intellectual capital of the world was producing idolatry."755 17:17 Paul continued his ministry to Jews and God-fearing Greeks in the synagogue but also discussed the gospel with any who wanted to do so in the market place (Gr. agora; cf. Jer. 20:9). These people were probably not God-fearing Gentiles but simply pagan Gentiles. The Agora was the center of civic life in Athens. There the philosophers gathered to discuss and debate their views. It lay to the west of the Acropolis, on which the Parthenon still stands, and Mars Hill. Epicureans were disciples of Epicurus (341-270 B.C.) who believed that pleasure was the greatest good and the most worthy pursuit of man. They meant pleasure in the sense of tranquility and freedom from pain, disquieting passions, and fears, especially the fear of death. Epicurus taught that the gods took no interest in human affairs. Thus organized religion was bad, and the gods would not punish evildoers in the afterlife. Epicurus' followers also believed that everything happened by chance and that death was the end of all. This philosophy is still popular today. One of its fairly modern poets was A. C. Swinburne. ". . . Epicureanism is most fairly described as the ancient representative of modern utilitarianism."756 Stoics followed the teachings of Zeno the Cypriot (340-265 B.C.). The name "stoic" comes from "stoa," a particular portico (Gr. stoa) where he taught when he lived in Athens. His followers placed great importance on living in harmony with nature. They stressed individual self-sufficiency
753During this time the events of the Book of Nehemiah transpired (ca. 445-420 B.C.), and the post-exilic prophets (Haggai, Zechariah, and Malachi) ministered. 754Barclay, p. 141. 755Toussaint, "Acts," p. 402. 756Rackham, p. 304.

17:18

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and rationalism, and they had a reputation for being quite arrogant. Stoics were pantheists who believe that God is in everything, and everything is God. They were also fatalistic. Their teaching is also common today. A modern poet who set forth this philosophy of life, W. E. Henley, wrote, "I am the master of my fate; I am the captain of my soul," in his poem Invictus. Stoics were also idealists.757 The Greek word spermologos, translated "babbler," refers to someone who picked up the words of others as a bird picks up seeds. Paul's hearers implied that he had put together a philosophy of life simply by picking up this and that scrap of an idea from various sources. Others accused him of proclaiming new gods, though his critics seem to have misunderstood his references to the resurrection (Gr. anastasis) as being references to a person, perhaps a female counterpart of Jesus. 17:19-20 The exact location of the Areopagus (Gr., Areios Pagos; lit. court or council of Ares, the Greek god of war) is difficult to determine. The Athenians used the word in two ways in Luke's day.758 It referred to the Hill of Ares (i.e., Mars Hill) on which the Council of the Areopagus conducted its business in ancient times. It also referred to the group of about 30 citizens known as the Council of the Areopagus who met in the Royal Portico of the Agora. The question is, does "the Areopagus" refer to the people or the place? Luke's description is ambiguous. The Council of the Areopagus had authority over religion, morals, and education in Athens. Its members wanted to know what Paul was advocating. Enemies of Socrates had poisoned him for teaching strange ideas in Athens, so Paul was in some danger. 17:21 Luke inserted this sentence to help his readers who might not be familiar with Athenian culture know how unusually attracted the Athenians were to new ideas. "We Athenians stay at home doing nothing, always delaying and making decrees, and asking in the market if there be anything new."759 This interest gave Paul an opportunity to preach the gospel.

David A. deSilva, "Paul and the Stoa: A Comparison," Journal of the Evangelical Theological Society 38:4 (December 1995):549-64, for a comparison of Paul's teaching and the Stoics'. 758Barclay, pp. 141-42. 759Demosthenes (384-322 B.C.), quoted by Clarence E. N. Macartney, Paul the Man, p. 107.

757See

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Paul's sermon to the Athenians 17:22-31 Luke probably recorded Paul's address (vv. 22-31) as a sample of his preaching to intellectual pagans (cf. 13:16-41; 14:15-18; 20:18-35).760 In this speech Paul began with God as Creator and brought his hearers to God as Judge. 17:22 Paul was not flattering his audience by calling them "very religious;" this was a statement of fact. The Greek words simply mean that they were firm in their reverence for their gods. Paul again followed his policy of adapting to the people he was seeking to evangelize and met them where they were in their thinking (cf. 1 Cor. 9:22). "Paul really began with the note of conciliation, and from beginning to end there was nothing calculated to offend, or drive away the men whom he desired to gain."761 17:23 Paul may have meant that he was going to tell his audience more about a God whom they worshipped but did not know much about, namely, Yahweh. This interpretation assumes that there were people in Athens who were worshipping the Creator. Alternatively Paul may have meant that he would inform them of a God whom they did not know but had built an altar to honor. In either case, Paul began with the Athenians' interest in gods and their confessed ignorance about at least one god and proceeded to explain what Yahweh had revealed about Himself. "An altar has been found at Pergamum inscribed 'to the unknown deities'. Such altars had no special deity in view. The dedication was designed to ensure that no god was overlooked to the possible harm of the city."762 "His point, as in Rom. 2:14-16, is that God has revealed some knowledge of himself and his will to all men, but that this has been clarified and illuminated by his special revelation through the Scriptures and now finally in the Gospel."763 17:24 The true God created all things. Since He is Lord of heaven and earth, human temples cannot contain Him. He is transcendent over all (cf. 7:4850). This harmonized with the Epicureans' idea of God as above the world, but it corrected the Stoics' pantheism. Some Greek philosophers agreed that temples did not really house their pagan gods, but many Greeks thought they did.

760See Dean W. Zweck, "The Areopagus Speech of Acts 17," Lutheran Theological Journal 21:3 (December 1987):11-22. 761Morgan, p. 327. 762Blaiklock, p. 140. 763Neil, pp. 190-91. Cf. Acts 14:15-17.

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The true God also sustains all things; He does not need people to sustain Him. In other words, He is imminent as well as transcendent. He participates in human existence. This contradicted the Epicureans' belief that God took no interest in human affairs as well as the Stoics' selfsufficiency. The Greeks, and especially the Athenians, prided themselves on being racially superior to all other people. Still Paul told them that they, like all other people, had descended from one source, Adam. This fact excludes the possibility of the essential superiority of any race. God also determines the times of nationstheir seasons, when they rise and falland their boundaries. In other words, God is sovereign over the political and military affairs of nations. The Greeks liked to think that they determined their own destiny. God's purpose in regulating times and boundaries was that people would realize His sovereignty and seek Him (cf. Rom. 1; John 6:44; 12:32). God, Paul said, is not far from human contact. This again harmonized with some Greek philosophy, but it contradicted the teachings of other philosophers. "It is implied in Acts xvii that the pagan world had made little progress in searching for its Creator. In Romans it is more vigorously stated that, for all God's visible presence in His creation, the world at large had failed to find Him."764

17:26

17:27

17:28

Here Paul cited lines from two Greek writers who expressed ideas that were consistent with divine revelation. The Cretan poet Epimenides (ca. 600 B.C.; cf. Titus 1:12) had written, "For in thee we live and move and have our being."765 The Cilician poet Aratus (c. 315-240 B.C.), and Cleanthes (331-233 B.C.) before him, had written, "We are also his offspring."766 Paul's purpose in these quotations was to get his audience to continue to agree with him about the truth. Paul's conclusion was that idolatry, therefore, is illogical. If God created people, God cannot be an image or an idol. Paul was claiming that God's divine nature is essentially spiritual rather than material. Before Jesus Christ came, God did not view people as being as guilty as He does now that Christ has come. They were guilty of failing to respond to former revelation, but now they are more guilty in view of the greater revelation that Jesus Christ brought at His incarnation (cf. Heb. 1:1-2).

17:29

17:30

764Blaiklock, 765From

p. 142. his poem Cretica, cited by Longenecker, p. 476. 766From Aratus' Phaenomena 5, and Cleanthes' Hymn to Zeus, also cited ibid.

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God overlooked the times of ignorance (i.e., when people had only limited revelation; cf. 3:17; 14:16; Rom. 3:25; 2 Pet. 3:9) in a relative sense only. Before the Incarnation people died as unbelievers and were lost, but now there is more light. Consequently people's guilt is greater this side of the Incarnation. Obviously many people have not heard the gospel and are as ignorant of the greater revelation of God that Jesus Christ brought as were people who lived before the Incarnation. Nevertheless they live in a time when God has revealed more of Himself than previously. This makes it all the more important that Christians take the gospel to everyone. Greater revelation by God means greater responsibility for people, both for the unsaved and for the saved. God previously took the relative lack of understanding about Himself into consideration as He dealt with people. Now that Christ has come, He will hold people more responsible for their sins. "Paul appeals to the relation of Creator and creature, and to God as universal judge, in order to provide a foundation for a gospel that can address the whole of humanity. The internal impulse for this speech (internal to the implied author's perspective) comes from the need to speak of all humanity sharing an essentially similar relation to God as a basis for an inclusive gospel, a gospel commensurate with the inclusive saving purpose of God announced in Luke 2:30-32."767 "The Bible requires repentance for salvation, but repentance does not mean to turn from sin, nor a change in one's conduct. Those are the fruits of repentance. Biblical repentance is a change of mind or attitude concerning either God [Acts 20:21], Christ [Acts 2:38], dead works [Heb. 6:1], or sin [Acts 8:22]. When one trusts Christ it is inconceivable that he would not automatically change his mind concerning one or more or even all of these things."768 17:31 The true knowledge of God leads to (encourages) repentance because it contains information about coming judgment. Paul concluded his speech by clarifying His hearers' responsibility.

767Tannehill, 768Cocoris,

2:211. Lordship Salvation . . ., p. 12.

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"He has presented God as the Creator in His past work. He shows God as the Redeemer in His present work. Now he shows God as the Judge in His future work."769 Note that Paul referred to sin (v. 29), righteousness (v. 31), and judgment (v. 31; cf. John 16:5-11; Rom. 13). The resurrected Jesus is God's agent of judgment (cf. 7:13; Ps. 96:13; John 5:22, 27), the Son of Man (Dan. 7:13). Paul stressed that Jesus was a man, rather than an idol or a mythological character such as the Greek gods, whom the true God has appointed as His agent of judgment. The proof of Jesus' qualification to judge humanity is His resurrection. Jesus' resurrection vindicated His claims about Himself (e.g., His claim to be the Judge of all humankind, John 5:22, 25-29). The response to Paul's preaching 17:32-34 Most Greeks rejected the possibility of physical resurrection.770 Many of them believed that the most desirable condition lay beyond the grave where the soul would finally be free of the body (e.g., Platonists). The response of the Athenians to Paul's preaching was typical: some mocked, others procrastinated, and a few believed. Among the believers were Dionysius, a member of the Council of the Areopagus that had examined Paul, and Damaris, a woman about whom we know nothing more.771 Some Bible students have interpreted Paul's statements in 1 Corinthians 1:182:5 as evidence that the apostle believed he had taken the wrong approach in Athens.772 In that passage Paul repudiated worldly wisdom. He wrote that he determined to know nothing but Jesus Christ and Him crucified when he preached. He also said that he had entered Corinth, his next stop after Athens, with fear and trembling. In Athens, Paul had preached Christ, but he had spent considerable time, assuming Luke's summary of his sermon accurately reflects the whole, discussing natural revelation and philosophy. I agree with those interpreters who do not think Paul's statements in 1 Corinthians reflect belief that he had taken the wrong approach in Athens. The lack of response in Athens was due to the fact that the Athenians loved to discuss issues but did not like to take action. Moreover unsaved educated, intelligent people generally tend to be more critical and non-committal than others when they first hear the gospel. Paul's statements in 1 Corinthians seem to reflect his general commitment to elevate Jesus Christ in all aspects
4:591. Wiersbe, 1:473, outlined Paul's speech as presenting the greatness of God: He is Creator (v. 24); the goodness of God: He is Provider (v. 25); the government of God: He is Ruler (vv. 26-29); and the grace of God: He is Savior (vv. 30-34). 770See N. Clayton Croy, "Hellenistic Philosophies and the Preaching of the Resurrection (Acts 17:18, 32)," Novum Testamentum 39:1 (1997):21-39, for the Epicurean and Stoic views. 771Paul later wrote that the household of Stephanas were the firstfruits of Achaia (1 Cor. 16:15), so this man and his household may have been additional converts that Luke did not mention here. Or perhaps Stephanas lived in Corinth but he and his household became Christians through Paul's early ministry in Achaia. 772E.g., Neil, p. 193.
769McGee,

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of his ministry including his preaching, which he also did in Athens. I do not believe we should infer from what he wrote in 1 Corinthians that he believed he had taken a wrong approach in Athens. The absence of any reference to a church being planted in Athens in this passage or elsewhere in the New Testament is hardly an adequate basis for concluding there was none. As we have seen repeatedly in Acts, Luke made no attempt to provide a comprehensive history but selected only those facts and events he wished to emphasize. In this section (vv. 16-34) he emphasized Paul's preaching to cultured pagans. We do not know if Paul planted a church in Athens; there is no record that he did. I suspect that if he did Luke would have mentioned it since the spread of the gospel is such a major theme in Acts. However, there is evidence that the gospel took root in Athens, if not during Paul's visit. "In the next century that Church at Athens gave to the Christian church Publius, Quadratus, Aristides, Athenagoras, and others, bishops, and martyrs; and in the third century the church there was peaceable and pure. In the fourth century the Christian schools of Athens gave to the Christian Church Basil and Gregory."773 Donald R. Meisner argued that the structure of the record of Paul's missionary journeys in Acts 12:2521:16 is chiastic.774 Chiasm is "a stylistic literary figure which consists of a series of two or more elements (words, phrases, sentences, paragraphs, or longer sections) followed by a presentation of corresponding elements in reverse order."775 Writers use this device to highlight the central elements in the structure and or to clarify the meaning of paired elements. The central section of the 12:2521:16 chiasm, as Meisner saw it, is Paul's sermon in 17:16-34. "The chiastic structure of the missionary journeys narrative suggests that, of all the places on the itinerary, Athens is the most significant intermediate point as the gospel moves to the end of the earth. . . . "The Areopagus speech . . . is the only sermon reported by Luke which is preached to Gentiles by 'the apostle to the Gentiles' (except for the brief Lystra sermon [14:15-17]). . . . Now that Paul had preached the word in the spiritual capital of the Greek world, he turned his face toward the imperial capital of the Greco-Roman world. It is only after the Athens
p. 332. R. Meisner, "Chiasm and the Composition and Message of Paul's Missionary Sermons" (S.T.D. thesis, Lutheran School of Theology at Chicago, 1974), pp. 273-322; and idem, "The Missionary Journeys Narrative: Patterns and Implications," in Perspectives on Luke-Acts, pp. 199-214. 775Ronald E. Man, "The Value of Chiasm for New Testament Interpretation," Bibliotheca Sacra 141:562 (April-June 1984):146.
774Donald 773Morgan,

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climax that Luke noted Paul's expression of his necessity to go to Rome, which he stated both at Ephesus (19:21), and at Jerusalem (23:11)."776 To the Philippian jailer Paul preached Christ as the personal savior of individuals. To the Jews in Thessalonica he presented Him as the promised Messiah. To the intellectual Gentiles in Athens he proclaimed Him as the proven judge of all humankind appointed by the one true God. Ministry in Corinth 18:1-17 Silas and Timothy had evidently rejoined Paul in Athens (1 Thess. 3:1). Before leaving Athens, Paul sent Timothy back to Thessalonica (1 Thess. 3:2) and Silas back to somewhere in Macedonia (18:5), perhaps Philippi (cf. Phil. 4:16). Paul entered Corinth without these brethren, but they joined him in Corinth later (18:5; 1 Thess. 3:6). Paul's arrival in Corinth 18:1-4 18:1 Corinth, the largest city in Greece at this time, was the capital of the Roman province of Achaia and was a Roman colony. The Romans razed Corinth in 146 B.C., but it was rebuilt a century later in 46 B.C. Its site lay about 50 miles southwest of Athens at a very strategic location. Land traffic from northern Achaia to its southern peninsula, the Peloponnesus, crossed a land bridge very near Corinth. Stevedores hauled smaller ships travelling from one of Corinth's port towns, Lechaeum on the west or Cenchrea on the east, to the other overland on wooden rollers. They handled the cargoes of larger ships the same way. The distance between the ports was three and a half miles. Sea captains preferred this inconvenience because they did not want to sail 200 miles around dangerous Cape Malea at the southern tip of the Peloponnesus. Consequently Corinth constantly buzzed with commercial activity, and it possessed all the vices that have typically haunted cosmopolitan ports. Corinth was about 20 times as large as Athens at this time with a population of over 200,000 inhabitants.777 The city was infamous for its immorality that issued from two sources: its numerous transients and its temple to Aphrodite. Aphrodite was the Greek goddess of love, and here devotees promoted immorality in the name of religion.778 Her temple, which boasted 1,000 religious prostitutes, stood on the Acrocorinth, a 1,857-foot flat-topped mountain just outside the city. It is easy to understand why sexual problems plagued the Corinthian church (1 Cor. 5; et al.).

776Meisner,

"Chiasm and . . .," pp. 315-16. p. 480. 778See Dan P. Cole, "Corinth & Ephesus," Bible Review 4:6 (December 1988):20-25.
777Longenecker,

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"Beginning with the fifth century B.C., the verb 'to Corinthianize' (korinthiazesthai) meant to be sexually immoral, a reputation that continued to be well-deserved in Paul's day."779 "The reputation of Corinth is illustrated by the fact that the verb "to act like a Corinthian" was used of practicing fornication, and the phrase "Corinthian girls" designated harlots."780 Archaeologists have also discovered the remains of temples to Melkart, the god of sailors, to Apollo, the god of music and poetry, and to Asclepius, the god of healing, and there were others. When Paul entered Corinth he was fearful (1 Cor. 2:1-5), probably because of the wicked reputation of this city and perhaps because his fellow workers were not with him. "To move from Athens to Corinth was to exchange the atmosphere of a provincial university city for that of a thriving commercial metropolis . . ."781 It was as though Paul had left Boston and had landed in Las Vegas. 18:2-3 Pontus was the Roman province in Asia Minor that lay east of Bithynia on the Black Sea coast (in modern northern Turkey). Priscilla had another name, Prisca (Rom. 16:3; 1 Cor. 16:19; 2 Tim. 4:19), the latter being more formal.782 Her name frequently appears before her husband Aquila's in the New Testament (e.g., 18:18-19, 26; Rom. 16:3; 2 Tim. 4:19). This may indicate that she came from a higher social class than Aquila or that others regarded her as superior to him in some respect. Here, however, Luke mentioned Aquila first. The Roman writer Suetonius referred to an edict by Emperor Claudius ordering non-Roman citizen Jews to leave Rome, and he dated this expulsion at A.D. 49-50.783

p. 480. "The Acts . . .," p. 1158. 781Neil, p. 194. 782Luke normally used the colloquial, diminutive form of names (e.g., Silas, Sopatros, Priscilla, Apollos), but Paul preferred their formal names in his writings (e.g., Silvanus, Sosipatros, Prisca, Epaphroditus). Nevertheless he sometimes used the more popular form of a name (e.g., Apollos, Epaphras). 783Bruce, "Chronological Questions . . .," pp. 280-82. See Blaiklock, pp. 149-50, for an interesting description of Claudius. There were other expulsions of Jews from Rome in 139 B.C. and 19 A.D. See also Levinskaya, pp. 28-29.
780Ladd,

779Longenecker,

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"Because the Jews at Rome caused continuous disturbances at the instigation of Crestus, he [Claudius] expelled them from the city."784 "It was commonly supposed that Suetonius was referring to riots in the Jewish community over the preaching of Christ, but that he has misspelled the name and has perhaps erroneously thought that Christ was actually a rebel leader in Rome (Suetonius was born in A.D. 69, and wrote considerably after the event)."785 Normally tradespeople set up shop on the ground floor of a building and lived on the floor above. We do not know if Aquila and Priscilla were Christians when Paul first met them, but it seems likely that they were since Luke did not mention their conversion. Paul evidently had a financial need, so he went to work practicing his trade of tentmaking (cf. 20:34; 1 Cor. 4:12; 9:1-18; 2 Cor. 11:9; 1 Thess. 2:9; 2 Thess. 3:7-10). "Apart from occasional gifts (Phil. 4:15ff), Paul's practice was to be self-supporting by working at his trade and not to be dependent on the charity of church members . . ."786 Tent-makers made and repaired all kinds of leather goods, not just tents.787 It would be more accurate to describe Paul as a leather-worker (Gr. skenopoioi) rather than as a tent-maker. This was a common trade in his home province of Cilicia, which produced a fabric made from goats' skins called cilicium. It was common practice for Jewish rabbis to practice a trade as well as study and teach the Hebrew Scriptures.788 "Paul was a Rabbi, but according to Jewish practice, every Rabbi must have a trade. He must take no money for preaching and teaching and must make his living by his own work and his own efforts. The Jew glorified work. 'Love work,' they said. 'He who does not teach his son a trade teaches him robbery.' 'Excellent,' they said, 'is the study of the law along with a worldly trade; for the practice of them both makes a man forget iniquity; but all law

784Suetonius, 785Ibid.,

"Claudius," XXV, Twelve Caesars, cited by Kent, p. 141. pp. 141-42. 786Neil, p. 195. 787Murphy-O'Connor, p. 41. 788Neil, p. 195.

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without work must in the end fail and causes iniquity.' So we find Rabbis following every respectable trade."789 18:4 Paul continued his usual evangelistic strategy in Corinth. He reasoned with (Gr. dielegeto, 17:2, 17; 18:19; 19:8-9; 20:7, 9; 24:12, 25) and tried to persuade (epeithen, 13:43; 19:8, 26; 21:14; 26:28; 28:23) both Jews and Gentiles in the local synagogue. Paul's year and a half ministry in Corinth 18:5-11 18:5 Maybe Paul was able to stop practicing his trade and give full time to teaching and evangelizing if Silas returned from Philippi with a monetary gift, as seems likely (cf. Phil. 4:14-16; 2 Cor. 11:9). Timothy had returned from Thessalonica with encouraging news about the Christians' progress there (cf. 1 Thess. 3:6-10), but they were also having problems (1 Thess. 2:3-6; 4:135:11). Paul evidently wrote 1 Thessalonians soon after Timothy's return and 2 Thessalonians shortly thereafter also from Corinth, probably in the early A.D. 50s (cf. v. 11). Paul's hearers blasphemed when they spoke things about Jesus Christ that were not true (cf. 13:45; 26:11). Shaking out one's garment so no dust from the place remained symbolized the same thing as shaking the dust from one's sandals (13:51), namely, rejection. Paul felt he had fulfilled his responsibility to deliver the gospel to these Jews (cf. Ezek. 33:1-9). Consequently he turned his attention to evangelizing the Gentiles, as he had done before (13:7-11, 46; 14:2-6; 17:5; cf. 19:8-9; 28:23-28). Titius Justusthe name is Romanmay have been a God-fearer whom Paul met in the synagogue. He may be the person Paul called Gaius elsewhere (cf. Rom. 16:23; 1 Cor. 1:14) since Gaius is a first name and Titius and Justus are given and family names respectively.790 Crispus was another one of the few believers in Corinth that Paul baptized personally (1 Cor. 1:14). Yet many of the Corinthians believed the gospel when they heard it from Paul. Another vision quieted Paul's fears (cf. 23:11; 27:23-24). His ministry in Corinth was getting off to a rough start, as many ministries do, but it would succeed. He needed encouragement to be courageous and to keep speaking rather than falling silent. The Lord could see His elect in Corinth before their conversions even though Paul could not.

18:6

18:7

18:8

18:9-10

p. 147. M. Ramsay, Pictures of the Apostolic Church, p. 205, n. 2; Edgar J. Goodspeed, "Gaius Titius Justus," Journal of Biblical Literature 69:4 (December 1950):382-83.
790William

789Barclay,

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"Please note that divine sovereignty in election is not a deterrent to human responsibility in evangelism. Quite the opposite is true! Divine election is one of the greatest encouragements to the preaching of the Gospel. Because Paul knew that God already had people set apart for salvation, he stayed where he was and preached the Gospel with faith and courage. Paul's responsibility was to obey the commission; God's responsibility was to save sinners."791 18:11 Paul's year and a half stay in Corinth probably dates from the fall of 50 to the spring of A.D. 52. This was evidently the entire time Paul remained in Corinth. The church Paul planted in Corinth consisted of a rich mixture of people some of whom were greatly gifted but most of whom came from the lower elements of society (cf. Rom. 16:23; 1 Cor. 1:4-8, 26-29; 7:18; 12:13). Paul's appearance before Gallio 18:12-17 18:12 An inscription found at Delphi in Central Greece has enabled us to date the beginning of Gallio's term as proconsul to July 1, 51.792 Gallio was a remarkable Roman citizen from Spain. His brother, the Stoic philosopher Seneca, who was Nero's tutor, referred to him as having an unusually pleasant disposition. "No mortal is so pleasant to any person as Gallio is to everyone."793 "Even those who love my brother Gallio to the utmost of their power do not love him enough."794 Another Greek writer referred to his wit.795 A proconsul was the governor of a Roman province, and his legal decisions set precedent for the other proconsuls throughout the empire. Consequently Gallio's decision in Paul's case affected the treatment that Christians would receive throughout the Roman world. This was the first time that Paul (or any other apostle, as far as we know) stood trial before a Roman provincial governor. The "judgment-seat" (Gr. bema, v. 12) was the place where Gallio made his official decisions.

791Wiersbe, 792See

1:477. Bruce, Commentary on . . ., p. 374; idem, "Chronological Questions . . .," pp. 282-83. 793Seneca, Naturales Quaestiones 4a, Preface 11, cited by Longenecker, p. 485. 794Cited by Barclay, p. 148. 795Dio Cassius, History of Rome 61.35, cited by Longenecker, p. 485. See Marshall, The Acts . . ., p. 297.

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It was ". . . a large, raised platform that stood in the agora (marketplace) in front of the residence of the proconsul and served as a forum where he tried cases."796 Paul used the same Greek word to describe the judgment seat of Christ when he wrote to the Corinthians later (2 Cor. 5:10; cf. Matt. 27:19). 18:13 The Corinthian Jews' charge against Paul was the same as the one the Philippian Jews and the Thessalonian Jews had raised (16:21; 17:6-7, 13). They claimed he was proselytizing for a new religion. The Romans permitted the Jews to do this, but they could not proselyte among Roman citizens. To Gallio the accusations of these Jews seemed to involve matters of religious controversy that entailed no violation of Roman law. He was responsible to judge criminal cases, not theological disputations. Consequently he refused to hear the case and ordered the Jews to settle it themselves.797 This verdict effectively made Christianity legitimate in the Roman Empire. Officially hereafter for many years the Romans regarded Christianity as a sect within Judaism even though the Jews were coming to see that it was a separate faith. As a proconsul, Gallio's decision in Paul's case was much more important than the judgments that the local magistrates in Philippi and elsewhere had rendered. "They all" evidently refers to the Gentile audience at this trial. Encouraged by Gallio's impatience with the Jews, they vented their own anti-Semitic feelings. They beat up Sosthenes who had either succeeded Crispus as leader of the synagogue (v. 8) or served with him in this capacity (cf. 13:15). This Sosthenes may have become a Christian later and served as Paul's amanuensis when the apostle wrote 1 Corinthians (1 Cor. 1:1), or he may have been a different Sosthenes. Gallio did not interfere, probably concluding that this demonstration might discourage the Jews from bothering him with their religious differences in the future.

18:14-16

18:17

Gallio's decision resulted in the official toleration of Christianity that continued in the empire until A.D. 64 when Nero blamed the Christians for burning Rome. It may have encouraged Paul to appeal to Caesar when he felt the Jews in Palestine were influencing the Palestinian Roman officials against him too much (25:11).

p. 486. AV translation, "Gallio cared for none of these things," is misleading. It implies that Gallio had no interest in spiritual matters. That may have been true, but it is not what the text means. Really he was absolutely impartial and refused to involve himself in a dispute over which he had no jurisdiction. He refused to mix church and state matters. See McGee, 4:594.
797The

796Longenecker,

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4. The beginning of ministry in Asia 18:18-22 Paul had attempted to reach the province of Asia earlier (16:6). Now the Lord permitted him to go there but from the west rather than from the east. Luke recorded his initial contact in Ephesus in this section to set the scene for his ministry there when he returned from Syrian Antioch (ch. 19). 18:18 Paul stayed in Corinth and ministered quite a while after Gallio's decision. Eventually he decided to return to Jerusalem for a brief visit. He departed by ship for Syria, and Priscilla and Aquila accompanied him as far as Ephesus, where they remained (v. 19). Luke did not record what Silas and Timothy did. ". . . Paul set sail for Caesarea, giving as his reason for haste, according to the Western text, 'I must at all costs keep the coming feast at Jerusalem'. If, as is likely, the feast was Passover, he was planning to reach Jerusalem by April, A.D. 52. This was a bad time of the year for a sea voyage, and it has been suggested that one of the three shipwrecks which Paul refers to in 2 C. 11:25 may have occurred between Ephesus and Caesarea."798 This questionable textual reading may explain part of Paul's reason for going to Jerusalem, but Luke definitely recorded that Paul had taken a Nazarite vow. This vow, which was optional for Jews, involved, among other things, leaving one's hair uncut. Jews took vows either to get something from God or because God had given them something (cf. Lev. 27). They were, therefore, expressions of dedication or thanksgiving. At the end of the vow, the person who made it would cut his hair and offer it as a burnt offering, along with a sacrifice, on the altar in Jerusalem (cf. Num. 6:1-21).799 "There are a great many folk who find fault with Paul because he made a vow. They say that this is the man who preached that we are not under Law but we are under grace, and so he should not have made a vow. Anyone who says this about Paul is actually making a little law for Paul. Such folk are saying that Paul is to do things their way. Under grace, friend, if you want to make a vow, you can make it. And if you do not want to make a vow, you don't have to. Paul didn't force anyone else to make a vow. In fact, he said emphatically that no one has to do that. But if Paul wants to make a vow, that is his business. That is the

798Neil, 799See

p. 199. Mishnah Nazir 1:19:5; and Josephus, The Wars . . ., 2:15:1

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marvelous freedom that we have in the grace of God today."800 Evidently Paul had his hair cut just before he made his vow, when he left Cenchrea for Syria. He would have cut it when he arrived in Jerusalem. It seems less likely that he would have cut his hair at the end of his vow in Cenchrea and then carried it all the way to Jerusalem.801 Cenchrea was the eastern seaport of Corinth on the Aegean Sea. There was a church there later and perhaps already at this time (Rom. 16:1). 18:19-21 Ephesus was the capital and chief commercial center of the province of Asia.802 It stood near the coast of the Aegean Sea. Priscilla and Aquila remained in Ephesus, but Paul moved on to Syria after he had done some evangelism in the synagogue. The openness of the Jews to Paul's preaching there encouraged him to return. Paul's reference to God's will (v. 21) reminds us again that he subordinated his plans to the Lord's leading in his life. Paul's ship landed at Caesarea, the chief port of Jerusalem (cf. 10:1). He went from there "up" to Jerusalem and greeted the church. To "go up to" and "go down from" are almost technical terms for going to and from Jerusalem in Acts.803 Likewise "the church," without a modifier, is clearly a reference to the mother church in Jerusalem.804 When Paul had finished his business in Jerusalem, he returned to Syrian Antioch and so completed his second missionary journey (15:4018:22). Paul traveled about 2,800 miles on this trip compared to 1,400 on his first journey.805 5. The results of ministry in Asia 18:2319:20 Luke gave considerable information regarding Paul's significant ministry in Asia Minor to record the advance of the gospel and the church on the eastern Aegean shores. The beginning of Paul's third missionary journey 18:23 Luke did not record Paul's activities in Antioch, but we may safely assume he gave another report to the church as he had done when he returned from his first journey (14:27-28). Paul probably remained in Antioch from the spring or summer of 52 through
4:594. Cf. Marshall, The Acts . . ., p. 300. Even under the Old Covenant vows were optional. Lectures on . . ., p. 421, believed Paul took this vow before his conversion, but this seems unlikely. This explanation may be an attempt to separate Paul as a Christian from Jewish customs, but Paul clearly practiced other Jewish customs after he became a Christian (cf. 21:17-36). 802See Cole, pp. 25-30. 803Longenecker, p. 489; Neil, p. 199. 804Bruce, "The Church . . .," p. 641. 805Beitzel, p. 177.
801Ironside, 800McGee,

18:22

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the spring of A.D. 53.806 Leaving Antioch he seems to have followed the same route through the province of Galatia and the district of Phrygia that he had taken when he began his second journey (15:4116:6). He stopped to minister to the churches of those areas again, too. "The third journey is a journey of new mission only in a limited sense. In the first two journeys the emphasis was on the founding of new churches. In 18:23 Paul begins a journey to strengthen established churches."807 The ministry of Apollos 18:24-28 The purpose of this pericope (18:24-28) seems primarily to be to bring us up to date on what had transpired in Ephesus since Paul left that city.808 Luke also introduced his readers to another important servant of the Lord to whom Paul referred elsewhere (1 Cor. 1:12; 3:4-6, 22; 4:6; 16:12; Titus 3:13). 18:24-26a Apollos may have arrived in Ephesus after Paul had departed for Jerusalem. That is the impression Luke gave. In any case he was from Alexandria, the capital of Egypt. Furthermore he was a Christian Hellenistic Jew who had a thorough understanding of the Old Testament, a gift for communicating and defending the faith, and enthusiasm. "The way of the Lord" is another description of the Christian faith (i.e., the gospel; cf. 9:2; 16:17; 18:26; 19:9, 23; 22:4; 24:14, 22). Apollos was proclaiming what he knew of the gospel in the Ephesian synagogue, but he did not know about Christian baptism. He only knew about John the Baptist's baptism that expressed repentance for sins (cf. 19:3). Luke named Priscilla here before her husband. He did not explain the reason for this unusual order in the text.809 This couple wisely took Apollos aside and privately instructed him in subsequent revelations about "the way of God" (i.e., the gospel) that he did not know. "Before the encounter with Aquila and Priscilla, it is best to regard Apollos in the same class as OT saints. They too hoped for salvation in Messiah and had not rejected him. The entire Book of Acts depicts the transition from Judaism to Christianity. It is not surprising, therefore, to find imperfect forms of faith during those epochal days."810 Another possibility is that Apollos was a New Testament Christian who had not yet learned as much as Priscilla and Aquila had about their faith.
p. 489. 2:231. Cf. Kent, p. 147. See the map of Paul's third missionary journey in Longenecker, p. 250, or in Toussaint, "Acts," p. 406. 808Marshall, The Acts . . ., p. 302. 809See my comment on verse 2 above. 810Kent, p. 149.
807Tannehill, 806Longenecker,

18:26b

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Priscilla and Aquila were an outstanding couple who give evidence of having a strong marriage. They always appear together on the pages of Scripture. They were selfless and brave and even risked their own lives for Paul (Rom. 16:4). They were hospitable and hosted a church in their home (1 Cor. 16:19). They were flexible, as seen in their moving twice (vv. 2, 18). They worked together as leather-workers (v. 3). They were committed to Christ and to teaching others about Him, which their instruction of Apollos illustrates. "It is a needed and delicate task, this thing of teaching gifted young ministers. They do not learn it all in schools. More of it comes from contact with men and women rich in grace and in the knowledge of God's ways."811 18:27-28 Armed with this new understanding Apollos proceeded west where he ministered at Corinth by watering the gospel seed that Paul had planted (1 Cor. 3:6). The Christians in Ephesus encouraged him by providing letters of commendation that introduced him to the Corinthian church (cf. 2 Cor. 3:1). This is the first mention of a church in Ephesus. Perhaps Paul planted it (vv. 19-21), but someone else may have done so since he appears to have been there only briefly. Maybe Priscilla and Aquila planted it. Apollos was so effective at instructing the Corinthian believers and refuting Jewish objectors that he developed a strong personal following in Corinth (1 Cor. 1:12; 3:4). He does not seem to have been responsible for encouraging the party spirit that his presence there generated (1 Cor. 4:6; 16:12). He proved from the Old Testament that Jesus was the Messiah (cf. 8:35; 18:5; 1 John 5:9). The word order in the Greek text favors the view that "through grace" modifies "believed" rather than "helped." The Corinthian Christians had believed the gospel through the grace of God (v. 27; cf. Eph. 2:8-9). Paul's ministry in Ephesus 19:1-20 Luke's account of Paul's third missionary journey is essentially a record of Paul's ministry in Ephesus, the city he probably tried to reach at the beginning of his second journey (cf. 16:6). The disciples of John the Baptist 19:1-7 This is the first of two incidents taken from Paul's ministry in Ephesus that bracket Luke's description of his general ministry there. The second is Paul's encounter with the seven sons of Sceva (19:13-20).

811Robertson,

3:308.

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Two roads led into Ephesus from the east, and Paul travelled the northern, more direct route (cf. 18:23).812 Ephesus, like Athens, had reached its heyday and was in decline when Paul visited it. Its claim to fame was twofold. Its location on the west coast of Asia Minor near the mouth of the Cayster River made it an important commercial center. As commerce declined due to the silting up of the port at Ephesus, its religious influence continued to draw worshippers to the Temple of Artemis (Greek) or Diana (Roman). This magnificent temple was four times the size of the Parthenon at Athens and was renowned as one of the seven wonders of the ancient world. Alexander the Great had contributed much money for its construction in the fourth century B.C., and it lasted until A.D. 263 when the Goths destroyed it. "It was 425 feet long by 220 feet wide by 60 feet high. There were 127 pillars, each of them the gift of a king. They were all of glittering Parian marble and 36 of them were marvelously gilt and inlaid. The great altar had been carved by Praxiteles, the greatest of all Greek sculptors. The image of Artemis was not beautiful. It was a black, squat, many-breasted figure, to signify fertility; it was so old that no one knew where it had come from or even of what material it was made. The story was that it had fallen from heaven. The greatest glory of Ephesus was that she was the guardian of the most famous pagan temple in the world."813 Ephesus was a hotbed of religious superstition and occult practices. "Ephesus, for all her past splendour, was a dying city, preoccupied with parasite pursuits, living, like Athens, on a reputation, and a curious meeting-place of old and new religions, of superstition and philosophy, of East and West."814 It is difficult to determine whether the "disciples" whom Paul found in Ephesus were Christians or not. They seem quite similar to Apollos (18:25-26), and some students of Acts believe they were either Old Testament saints or untaught Christians.815 Another possibility is that they were not believers at all but only seekers after the truth.816 The second alternative seems more probable to me. Elsewhere Luke used the word

Ramsay, St. Paul . . ., p. 265. p. 153. Emperor Justinian of Byzantium later used some of the pilars for the construction of the Hagia Sophia, where they still exist, in modern Istanbul. 814Blaiklock, pp. 154-55. 815Kent, p. 150. 816Longenecker, pp. 492-93; McGee, 4:597; Morgan, p. 346.
813Barclay,

812Cf.

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"disciple" to describe John's followers (Luke 5:33; 7:18-19). Clearly these men were disciples of John the Baptist, not Jesus. Paul asked them about their possession of the Holy Spirit, probably because he saw some incongruity in their claim to be admirers of John and their evident lack of the Spirit.817 Paul's question assumed two things: they were genuine Christians, since they professed to believe John the Baptist, and everyone who believes in Jesus possesses the indwelling Holy Spirit (cf. Rom. 8:9; 1 Cor. 12:13). John had predicted the baptism of the Holy Spirit (Matt. 3:11; Mark 1:8; Luke 3:16; cf. John 1:32-33). Their response to Paul's question probably indicates that they did not know that the Lord had given the Holy Spirit as John had predicted. This enabled Paul to see that his first assumption about these disciples was incorrect; they were not Christians. 19:3 This discovery led Paul to raise another question to clarify his second assumption. What baptism had they experienced, or with whom did they identify in baptism? They replied that they had undergone John's water baptism. This response told Paul that they had not experienced Spirit baptism and so were unsaved.818 "Like Apollos (18:25), they had been baptized as a symbol of repentance only."819 19:4 Paul explained to these disciples, as Priscilla and Aquila had undoubtedly explained to Apollos, that John's baptism was good but insufficient. John had also instructed his disciples to believe in Jesus who would baptize them with the Holy Spirit. The baptism of the Spirit normally accompanied faith in Jesus. When these disciples of John heard that the Messiah had come, they believed in Jesus and submitted to water baptism in His name. This is the only explicit reference to re-baptism in the New Testament. As with the new converts in Samaria, these Ephesian disciples received the Holy Spirit when an apostle, this time Paul, laid his hands on them (cf. 8:17). In Samaria, this identification of the coming of the Spirit with Peter and John first authenticated God's giving the Spirit in a non-Jewish

19:5

19:6

correct translation is "when you believed" rather than "since you believed" (AV, cf. 1:8). The Greek text implies no second work of grace. The note in The New Scofield Reference Bible here is excellent, p. 1192. 818The other view is that they were saved, but they had not yet received the Holy Spirit. I favor the former view because I believe that by this time everyone who believed in Jesus received the Spirit at the moment of his or her conversion (Rom. 8:9; 1 Cor. 12:13). 819Neil, p. 203. However, Apollos seems to have become a Christian by the time he met Priscilla and Aquila whereas these men, I think, had not become believers in Jesus yet.

817The

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context. Here the identification of the coming of the Spirit with Paul authenticated God's giving the Spirit in a town in which demonic religious activity flourished (cf. vv. 13-19). As subsequent events would show, the Jesus whom Paul preached was the more powerful deity. These former disciples of John received the Holy Spirit when Paul laid his hands on them thus obviously connecting their endowment with Paul's message and apostolic authority.820 Note some interesting parallels between Spirit baptism as it took place in Ephesus in this chapter and how it occurred in Samaria in chapter 8.

"Chapter 8
1. Word is preached to the Samaritans (by Philip); many become disciples and are baptized (8:4-13). 2. Peter and John come to Samaria and see that the presence of the Spirit is not evident in the disciples' lives (8:14-16). 3. Peter and John lay hands on the disciples; the Holy Spirit comes upon them (8:17). 4. Peter and John's ministry engages the interest of the magician Simon (8:20-24). 5. A conflict arises between Peter and Simon. Simon is overwhelmed (8:20-24). 6. Peter and John preach in many of the Samaritan villages before returning to Jerusalem (8:25). 7. Many miracles are performed among the Samaritans by Philip (8:6-8).

Chapter 19
1. God's Word is proclaimed to the men at Ephesus (earlier by Apollos?); some become disciples and are baptized (John's baptism, 18:24-26). .2 Paul comes to Ephesus and notes that the presence of the Spirit is not evident in the disciples' lives (19:1-5). 3. Paul lays his hands on the disciples; the Holy Spirit comes upon them (19:6). 4. Paul's ministry stimulates the interest of exorcists; the seven sons of Sceva (19:13). 5. A conflict arises between the exorcists and demons. The exorcists are overwhelmed (19:14-16). 6. All those in Asia hear the Word of the Lord as a result of Paul's teaching (19:10). 7. Paul performs special miracles by the power of God (19:11), 12)." 821

was no delay in the Spirit coming on Cornelius when he believed, and Peter did not have to lay his hands on him to impart the Spirit (10:44). 821Harm, pp. 35-36.

820There

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The phenomenon of the separate conversion and Spirit baptism experiences of some Christians that Luke recorded in Acts may need further clarification. It seems that God wanted to highlight the fulfillment of Jesus' promise that He would send the Holy Spirit to be in and with believers (John 14:16-18, 26; 15:26). To do so God made the coming of that Spirit obvious until the church generally appreciated the fact that it normally occurred at the time of regeneration. "This story has often been used as the basis for doctrines about the reception of gifts of the Spirit subsequent to conversion; but it has no real connection with these. Rather Paul was dealing with an unusual situation which required special treatment. . . . ". . . it is safe to say that the New Testament does not recognize the possibility of being a Christian apart from possession of the Spirit (Jn. 3:5; Acts 11:17; Rom. 8:9; 1 Cor. 12:3; Gal. 3:2; 1 Thes. 1:5f.; Tit. 3:5; Heb. 6:4; 1 Pet. 1:2; 1 Jn. 3:24; 4:13)."822 "It should be noted that the reception of the Holy Spirit [by Christians] in Acts does not follow any set pattern. He came into believers before baptism (Acts 10:44), at the time of or after baptism (8:12-16; 19:6), and by the laying on of apostolic hands (8:17; 19:6). Yet Paul declared (Rom. 8:9) that anyone without the Holy Spirit is not a Christian. Quite obviously the transitional Book of Acts is not to be used as a doctrinal source on how to receive the Holy Spirit (cf. comments on tongues, 1 Cor. 13:814:25)."823 "Ephesus was a polyglot city of the Roman Empire. There were many languages spoken there, just as there had been in Jerusalem on the Day of Pentecost. East and West met all along that coast. . . . These men were now able to give the good news about Christ to the entire city."824 This is the last reference to speaking in tongues in Acts (cf. 2:4; 10:46; 1 Cor. 12:10, 28, 30; 13:1, 8; 14). Is this gift still in the church today? Some charismatic Christians believe that it is. They argue mainly from experience, having heard someone, perhaps themselves, speak in what others refer to as tongues. In most cases what they call tongues is gibberish, not known languages. This is different from what the New Testament identified as tongues, namely, known languages (cf. 1 Cor. 12;
822Marshall,

The Acts . . ., p. 305. See also Wiersbe, 1:481. "Acts," p. 409. Cf. Harm, p. 38. 824McGee, 4:597.
823Toussaint,

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14). In a few cases people have apparently spoken in known languages that they have not studied, the type of tongues-speaking that the New Testament describes. The real issue is what does the New Testament say about tongues? It says that they would pass away or cease of themselves, as in petering out (1 Cor. 13:8, middle voice of pauo). When would this happen? The New Testament does not specify when, but it implies that they would peter out before prophecy would end (lit. be terminated [by God], passive voice of katargeo, 1 Cor. 13:8). I do not believe that any one verse indicates that tongues would cease or did cease in the apostolic period. However, I think it is safe to conclude that they did for two reasons.825 First, other New Testament passages imply that they would and did cease then (Eph. 2:20; Heb. 2:3-4). Second, the early church fathers wrote that tongues petered out in the early history of the church even though there were rare instances of the phenomenon after that.826

SPEAKING IN TONGUES IN ACTS

Reference
2:1-4

Speakers
The Twelve and possibly others

Audience
Unsaved Jews

Time
After salvation

Purpose
To validate for Jews the coming of the Spirit

10:44-47

Gentiles Disciples of John the Baptist

To validate for Same time Jews God's Saved Jews as salvation acceptance of Gentiles Jews and Gentiles To validate for Same time Jews Paul's as salvation message

19:1-7

How can we explain the instances of people speaking in languages they have not studied today? It may be that God occasionally gives people this ability today, though the evidence of this happening is rare. Practically no
825Similarly

we believe the doctrine of the Trinity not because there is a verse that clearly teaches it but because many verses lead us to conclude that God exists as a triune being. 826Origen (c. 185-c. 254 A.D.), "Against Celsus," 7:8 in The Ante-Nicene Fathers, 4:614; Chrysostom (347-407 A.D.), "Homily 12 on Matthew," in The Nicene and Post-Nicene Fathers, 10:77; idem, "Homily 14 on Romans," ibid., 11:447; idem, "Homily 29 on 1 Corinthians," ibid., 12:168; idem, "Homily 6 on 1 Corinthians," ibid., 12:31; Augustine (354-430 A.D.), "On Baptism, Against the Donatists," 3:16:21, ibid., 4:443; idem, "The Epistle of St. John," 6:10, ibid., 7:497-98; idem, "The Epistle of 1 John. Homily," 6:10, ibid., 7:497-98; idem, "The Answer to the Letters of Petition, to Donatist," 2:32:74, ibid., 4:548; and idem, "On the Gospel of St. John, Tractate," 32:7, ibid., 7:195. See Dillow, Speaking in . . ., pp. 147-64, for further information about the historical cessation of the gift of tongues.

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one, including respected charismatic leaders, claims that the ability to speak in a language that one has not studied exists today as it did in New Testament times.827 God evidently gave the gift of prophesying to each of these Ephesian disciples to enable them to assume leadership of the church and the church's mission. 19:7 Luke may have intended this group of "about 12" to remind the reader of another core group, the 12 apostles, though these were not on the same level of authority. The Ephesian church became the center of Christian witness in western Asia Minor and the Aegean region as Antioch and Jerusalem had become earlier. Paul's general approach to ministry in Ephesus 19:8-12 19:8 Paul followed his standard procedure of preaching to the Jews in the synagogue at Ephesus as long as possible. Here the Jews were more tolerant than they had been in some other towns that Paul had evangelized, and he was able to continue speaking there for three months. As usual, Paul reasoned and persuaded (Gr. dialegomenos kai peithon) there, meaning he reasoned persuasively.828 His general subject was the kingdom of God (cf. 1:3, 6; 8:12; 14:22; 20:25; 28:23, 31). "Three months in a synagogue without a riot was something of a record for Paul. Perhaps the cosmopolitan nature of Ephesus caused the Jews there to be more tolerant."829 19:9 Eventually the Jews grew unresponsive and tried to discredit Paul's preaching of the way of salvation. Paul, therefore, withdrew from the synagogue to a neutral site. In Corinth, this had been the home of Titius Justice (18:7). In Ephesus, it proved to be a school owned and or operated by Tyrannus. Tyrannus (lit. Tyrant, probably a nickname of this teacher and or landlord) made his classroom facilities available to Paul during the afternoons. The Western text (i.e., Codex Beza), one of the ancient copies of Acts, added that this was from 11:00 a.m. to 4:00 p.m. Normally this was siesta time when people rested before resuming work after the heat of the day had subsided.

the ability to grasp a foreign language readily as one studies it is not the New Testament gift of tongues. 828This is a hendiadys, a figure of speech in which the writer expresses a single complex idea by joining two substantives with "and" rather than by using an adjective and a substantive. 829Toussaint, "Acts," p. 410.

827Obviously

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"The old sequence of events unfolded, monotonously true to form. It was not lack of sad experience which led Paul in chapters ixxi of the Epistle to the Romans to speak of the national rejection of Christ by the people privileged first to hear of Him. It was an essential part of Luke's theme to underline that fact. Hence the careful record of Paul's method, his scrupulous regard for the synagogue, his programme of patient teaching and persuasion, the crystallizing of opposition, and the altogether justifiable 'turning to the Gentiles'."830 19:10 Evidently Paul taught in Tyrannus' school for two more years. Later Paul said that he had labored in Ephesus for a total of three years (cf. 20:31).831 As a result of this work, the local Christians preached the gospel and established churches all over the province of Asia. Among these were the churches of Colosse, Laodicea, and Hierapolis in the Lycus Valley (Col. 4:13), though evidently Paul did not personally plant them (cf. Col. 2:1; 4:13). Perhaps the other churches mentioned in Revelation 2 and 3 (i.e., Smyrna, Pergamum, Thyatira, Sardis, and Philadelphia) got their start at this time too. "We may think of the 'hall of Tyrannus' as the centre of Paul's activity, attracting many Gentile enquirers from the province generally, who in due course became themselves, like Epaphras, faithful ministers of Christ on Paul's behalf (Col. 1:7)."832 "The province was intensively evangelized, and became one of the leading centres of Christianity for centuries afterwards."833 Many students of Acts do not adequately appreciate the significance of Ephesus as a center for the spread of the gospel. One must carefully note the clues in Acts and the epistles as well as later church history to understand what took place during the years Paul lived there. God had opened a wide door of opportunity for Paul, but there were many adversaries (1 Cor. 16:8-9). Timothy and later the Apostle John followed Paul in ministry there. The church at Ephesus became the recipient of at least three New Testament epistles (Ephesians, 1 and 2 Timothy) and possible as many as seven (1, 2, and 3 John, and Revelation).

p. 156. evidently began his third missionary journey and his three-year ministry in Ephesus in A.D. 53, twenty years after the death and resurrection of Jesus Christ and the day of Pentecost. 832Neil, p. 204. 833Bruce, Commentary on . . ., p. 389.
831Paul

830Blaiklock,

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Jesus continued to work the same supernatural miracles through Paul that He had demonstrated during His own earthly ministry (cf. Mark 5:27; 6:56) and that he had manifested through Peter (Acts 5:15). Note that Luke recorded Paul doing the same types of miracles as Peter. Both healed a lame man early in their ministries (14:8; cf. 3:2). Both exorcised demons (16:18; cf. 5:16), defeated sorcerers (13:6; cf. 8:18), raised the dead (20:9; cf. 9:36), and escaped from prison (16:25; cf. 12:7). Evidently it was because of the multitudes of magicians and religious charlatans that worked Ephesus that God demonstrated His power in these supernatural ways. It was to the church in Ephesus that Paul later wrote his famous instructions about spiritual warfare (Eph. 6:10-20). "The atmosphere of the city was electric with sorcery and incantations, with exorcists, with all kinds of magical impostors."834 ". . . the phrase 'Ephesian writings' (Ephesia grammata) was common in antiquity for documents containing spells and magical formulae (cf. Athenaeus Deipnosophistae 12.548; Clement of Alexandria Stromata 5.242)."835 God healed indirectly through Paul's garments in Ephesus too. The fact that God used Paul's handkerchiefs (Gr. soudarion, or sweat-cloths) and aprons (simikinthion, lit. workman's aprons) is unusual, but not without precedent. God had previously healed people who touched Jesus' cloak (Luke 8:44). The fact that some modern charlatans have abused this form of healing should not lead us to conclude that God never used it. "Paul is not said to have recommended the use of cloths from his own body as instruments of healing, but God was pleased to honor the faith of these people by granting these miracles."836 "If God never honoured any faith save that entirely free from superstition, how about Christian people who are troubled over the number 13, over the moon, the rabbit's foot? . . . God condescends to meet us in our ignorance and weakness where he can reach us."837

The seven sons of Sceva 19:13-20 The following incident throws more light on the spiritual darkness that enveloped Ephesus as well as the power of Jesus Christ and the gospel to dispel it.
834Morgan,

p. 350. p. 496. 836Kent, p. 151. 837Robertson, 3:316.

835Longenecker,

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"But" introduces a contrast to the good miracles that "God was performing . . . by . . . Paul" (v. 11). As had been Peter's experience, some of Paul's observers tried to duplicate his miracles (cf. 8:18-19). They wrongly concluded that the simple vocalization of Jesus' name carried magical power. Some people feared the Jews in the ancient world because they thought the name of God, which the Jews refused to utter, was the key to their powers, including their success in business. This was Paul's third contact with demonic powers that Luke recorded (cf. 13:6-12; 16:16-18). "The use of magical names in incantations to exorcise evil spirits was common in the ancient world, and it seems to have been especially prominent at Ephesus."838 Earlier Jesus' disciple John had asked Jesus to rebuke someone who was casting out demons in His name, and Jesus refused to do so. He replied, "Do not hinder him; for he who is not against you is for you" (Luke 9:4950; cf. Mark 9:38-40). This incident exposed an attitude of rivalry among the Twelve that existed toward other disciples of Jesus. This was not a problem of orthodoxy; that exorcist believed in Jesus. It was rather a problem of fellowship or association; he was not one of the Twelve. He appears to have been on the fringe of Jesus' followers. The Twelve wanted to exclude him, but Jesus wanted to include him. Jesus' reply was proverbial. He had stated the reverse truth earlier (Matt. 12:30). Disciples should regard people who do not oppose them as associates rather than as enemies. The exorcists whom Paul encountered in Ephesus, however, appear to have been unbelievers.

19:14-16

Sceva may have been a chief priest or the head of a priestly family (cf. 5:24), or he may have only claimed to be one.839 ". . . whoever he was, he was not a Jewish high priest who had held office in Jerusalem, since their names are all known; nor is it likely that he even belonged to a highpriestly family. It is possible that he may have been a selfstyled 'high priest' of one of the innumerable pagan cults, who found that it paid him to pass himself off as a Jew."840 Apparently two or morethe Greek word auton can mean "all" (NIV) as well as "both" (NASB) in verse 16of Sceva's sons participated in the exorcism that backfired. They were fortunate to have escaped from the house with their lives.

p. 497. See Bruce M. Metzger, "St. Paul and the Magicians," Princeton Seminary Bulletin 38 (1944):27-30. 839Bruce, The Book . . ., p. 390. Compare Simon Magus who claimed to be someone great (cf. 8:9). 840Neil, p. 205.

838Longenecker,

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"The name of Jesus, like an unfamiliar weapon misused, exploded in their hands; and they were taught a lesson about the danger of using the name of Jesus in their dabbling in the supernatural."841 19:17 News reports of this event greatly elevated the reputation of Jesus among all the Ephesians, both Jews and Gentiles. Some people in ancient times believed that the power of sorcerers' rites and incantations lay in their secrecy, as noted above. Magical secrets supposedly lost their power when they were made public. The fact that the converted Ephesian magicians disclosed these shows the genuineness of their repentance. Likewise the burning of books symbolizes the public and irreversible repudiation of their contents. Luke did not describe the silver coin to which he referred in enough detail to determine its value, though it was probably a drachma. Fifty thousand silver coins in any case represents much money and many converts. If these were drachmas, the value was 50,000 days worth of wages. That would amount to several million dollars worth of wages in present earning power. "It is all too true that too many of us hate our sins but cannot leave them. Even when we do seek to leave them there is the lingering and the backward look. There are times in life when treatment must be surgical, when only the clean and final break will suffice."842 19:20 As a consequence of the repentance described in the preceding verses, the church became purer as well as larger (cf. 5:1-11). Luke gave us this sixth progress report to mark the end of another section of his book. The section we have just completed (16:619:20) records the church's extension in the provinces around the Aegean Sea.

19:18-19

While in Ephesus Paul had considerable contact with the church in Corinth. He wrote that church a letter that he called his former letter in 1 Corinthians 5:9. Then sometime later he wrote 1 Corinthians, probably near the spring of A.D. 56. Timothy travelled from Corinth to Ephesus, then evidently went back to Corinth, and returned later to Ephesus (Acts. 18:5; 1 Cor. 4:17; 16:10-11; Acts 19:22). Following Timothy's visit to Corinth Paul evidently made a so-called "painful visit" to Corinth (2 Cor. 2:1; 12:14; 13:1-2) and returned to Ephesus. Then he wrote another "severe letter" to Corinth from Ephesus (2 Cor. 2:3-4; 7:8-12; 12:18). These facts come to us through Paul's two epistles to the Corinthians the first of which he wrote during the years he used Ephesus as his base of operations. He undoubtedly had other contacts with many other churches about which we know nothing. Luke's purpose was not to give us a complete record of Paul's ministry or the church's growth as a whole. It was to document its advance to the heart of the Roman
841Longenecker, 842Barclay,

p. 498. p. 157.

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Empire (1:8) and to show by repetition how Jesus Christ was building His church (Matt. 16:18). D. THE EXTENSION OF THE CHURCH TO ROME 19:2128:31 "The panel is introduced by the programmatic statement of 19:21-22 and concludes with the summary statement of 28:31. Three features immediately strike the reader in this sixth panel: (1) the disproportionate length of the panel, including one-third of the total material of Acts; (2) the prominence given the speeches of Paul in his defense; and (3) the dominance of the 'we' sections in the narrative portions (cf. 20:5-15; 21:1-18; 27:128:16). It cannot be said that the length is related to the theological significance of the material presented. It seems rather to be related to the apologetic purpose of Luke, particularly in the five defenses, and to the eyewitness character of the narrative with its inevitable elaboration of details (cf. the Philippian anecdotes of 16:11-40). The events narrated here span the time from approximately 56 through 62."843 "This ending of the Acts forms a striking parallel to the ending of the [third] Gospel. There the passion of the Lord with all its immediate preparation is related in great detail; so here the 'passion' of Paul is on a scale altogether disproportionate to the rest of the book. The Acts however does not end in fact with S. Paul's death, but with a condition of renewed life; similarly at the end of Part I the 'passion' of S. Peter had ended with a deliverance. Thus in each case there is a parallel to the resurrection in the Gospel."844 1. Ministry on the way to Jerusalem 19:2121:16 At this point in his ministry Paul began to focus his attention on taking the gospel to Rome. Luke recorded the events that led up to his arrival there to show how Jesus Christ extended His church to the center of the Roman (Gentile) world. Paul's plans 19:21-22 This pericope gives the reason for what follows in the remainder of Acts. 19:21 Paul evidently sensed that having laid a firm foundation in Asia Minor and the Aegean Sea region he needed to press on to Gentile areas yet unreached (cf. Rom. 15:23). Though he had some short-range goals, he ultimately wanted to go to Rome (Rom. 1:15; cf. Luke 4:43; 9:22, 51). In Romans 15:24 he wrote that he intended to go on from there to Spain, the westernmost frontier of the Roman Empire. Luke made no reference to Spain. It was his purpose to end his record of the church's expansion when the gospel reached the heart of the empire from which it then circulated everywhere.
p. 499. p. 358.

843Longenecker, 844Rackham,

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"Although the phrase en to pneumati ('in the spirit') could refer either to the human spirit or the Holy Spirit, there is reason to believe that the latter is at least included. It would be strange to attribute the journey to Jerusalem to a human decision while linking the trip to Rome to divine necessity, especially when Paul says he 'must [dei] also' see Rome, implying some comparability between the two trips. Furthermore, in 20:22-23 Paul refers to the same decision and speaks of himself going to Jerusalem 'bound in the Spirit' and of the Holy Spirit testifying in every city of coming suffering. More than a strong human resolve is indicated."845 "By the combination of en to pneumati and dei, Luke appears to be making the point in this programmatic statement that the aftermath of the Gentile mission and its extension into Rome were likewise under the Spirit's direction, just as the Gentile mission itself had been."846 The rest of Acts shows how Paul attained his purpose of reaching Rome in spite of many obstacles all of which he overcame.847 "The purpose of S. Paul, which coincided with the will of God, was achieved; but, as in other cases, the means by which he was brought to Rome were far different from what he had wished or arranged. Thus we have presented to us a typical instance of divine overruling of human plans, but to the achievement of one and the same end."848 ". . . in Paul's eyes Rome was designed to replace Jerusalem as the centre of the Christian mission (and to inherit his own apostolic responsibility). Luke's perspective was different from Paul's but from Luke's perspective too, as Jerusalem Christianity was henceforth unable to fulfill God's saving purpose in the world, it was for Roman Christianity to take up the task and carry it forward."849 Paul wanted to collect money for the poor Judean saints from the more prosperous Christians in the Aegean region and then deliver it to them in Jerusalem (cf. 24:17; 1 Cor. 16:1-4). He realized that returning to
845Tannehill,

2:239. p. 500. 847Bruce, "Paul's Apologetic . . .," p. 380. 848Rackham, p. 359. 849Bruce, "The Church . . .," p. 661.
846Longenecker,

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Jerusalem would be dangerous for him (cf. Rom. 15:30-32), but he determined to go nonetheless. Paul never let the possibility of danger to his person turn him away from doing God's will. 19:22 Paul apparently sent Timothy (cf. 18:5; 1 Cor. 4:17; 16:10-11) and Erastus to minister to the Macedonian churches. They also prepared for his coming by laying the groundwork for the collection for the poor Jerusalem saints (cf. 1 Cor. 16:1-9). This Erastus was probably not the same man Paul mentioned in Romans 16:23, though he may be the one he wrote of in 2 Timothy 4:20. Others who ministered to Paul included Silas and Titus, though Luke did not mention them here. Silas' name appears in Acts nine times between 15:40 and 18:5, but Luke did not mention him again. Paul wrote that Titus was a faithful and active associate of his (cf. 2 Cor. 2:13; 7:6, 13-14; 8:6, 16, 23; 12:18; Gal. 2:1, 3; 2 Tim. 4:10; Titus 1:4), but Luke did not mention him at all. Paul evidently stayed in Ephesus several more months, and it was probably during this time that the following incident occurred. The riot in Ephesus 19:23-41 This incident reveals more about the effects of the gospel on Ephesian society and religion (cf. vv. 13-20). "Luke's purpose in presenting this vignette is clearly apologetic, in line with his argument for the religio licita status of Christianity (cf. Panel 5 [16:619:20]) and in anticipation of the themes stressed in Paul's speeches of defense (Panel 6, esp. chs. 2226). Politically, Luke's report of the friendliness of the Asiarchs ('officials of the province,' NIV) toward Paul and of the city clerk's intervention on his behalf is the best defense imaginable against the charge that Paul and Christianity threatened the official life of the empire."850 19:23 Christianity, the Way (cf. v. 9; 9:2; 16:17; 18:25, 26; 22:4; 24:14, 22), had such an influence in Ephesian society that the local pagan worship suffered. The antagonism that Luke proceeded to record was not opposition to Paul personally; it was a reaction to the effect of the gospel in Ephesus. There were two goddesses named Artemis (Greek) or Diana (Latin) that Gentiles worshipped in the Roman Empire at this time. One was the goddess of the hunt, usually pictured as a young lady carrying a hunting bow. The other was a fertility goddess portrayed as a woman with many
p. 502.

19:24

850Longenecker,

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breasts. The latter was the one especially venerated in Ephesus. There were at least 33 other places of Artemis worship in the ancient world, but the temple in Ephesus was the chief worship center.851 The temple of Diana in Ephesus was one of the seven wonders of the ancient world, and many historians believe it was one of the most beautiful buildings ever built.852 It stood about a mile northeast of the city and served as a bank as well as a place of worship and cultic immorality. It could accommodate 50,000 people and was probably the largest Greek temple ever built. Its centerpiece was evidently a meteorite that resembled a woman with many breasts.853 The silversmiths in Ephesus took Artemis as their patron saint and, among their other wares, made miniature silver shrines containing images of the goddess that they sold to devotees. As Christianity spread, interest in Artemis and the market for her statuettes declined. The leader of the guild that made these trinkets was Demetrius. "When pilgrims came to Ephesus they liked to take a souvenir home. These silversmiths were makers of little silver model shrines which were bought and sold as souvenirs."854 19:25-27 Demetrius' words establish the extent to which the gospel had penetrated Asia and the effect it had. There is no stronger testimony than the words of a critic who acknowledges the success of his adversary. Obviously financial loss motivated Demetrius to organize this protest as much as, or perhaps more than, veneration for the goddess Artemis. ". . . vested interests were disguised as local patriotismin this case also under the cloak of religious zeal."855 "The guilds, and the problem they presented to the nonconforming Christian, haunt the background of the New Testament. They were societies not trade unions, primarily social, and multitudinous in ancient society. Records exist of guilds of bankers, doctors, architects, producers of woollen and linen goods, dyers, workers in metal, stone or clay, builders, carpenters, pastry cooks, barbers, embalmers and transport workers."856
"The Acts . . .," p. 1161. my comments on verses 1 and 2 above. 853Other meteorites that became sacred cult objects were at Troy, Pessinus, Enna, and Emeas. See Longenecker, p. 502. 854Barclay, p. 160. 855Neil, p. 207. 856Blaiklock, p. 158.
852See 851Ladd,

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The only other protest by Gentiles against the gospel that Luke recorded in Acts also resulted from financial loss (cf. 16:16-24). The profit motive still opposes the spread of the gospel. ". . . you cannot step on a man's pocketbook without hearing him say, 'Ouch!'"857 19:28-29 The temple of Artemis was a source of civic pride to the Ephesians. In view of Ephesus' commercial decline, it is easy to see how the silversmiths' protest could have so quickly aroused popular opposition to the Christian missionaries. This was a case of mob violence; many of the protesters did not understand what the issue was. A major boulevard, the Arcadian Way, ran from the harbor to the theater, and it was probably this artery that the ringleaders used to collect citizens on their march to the theater. Archaeologists have restored the theater at Ephesus. It lay on the side of Mt. Pion in the town and seated 25,000 people in 66 rows. Its semicircular design was typical of Roman outdoor theaters. Gaius was a common Greek name. This Gaius seems to have been different from the men with the same name mentioned in 20:4, Romans 16:23, and 1 Corinthians 1:14, since this one was a Macedonian.858 Aristarchus does appear later in Acts (cf. 20:4; 27:2). He came from Thessalonica. 19:30 Evidently the silversmiths did not lay hands on Paul as they did on Gaius and Aristarchus. He seems to have been elsewhere in Ephesus when this demonstration broke out. Paul seems to have desired to use this occasion to preach the gospel to the assembled throng in the theater. However the other Christians sensed his danger and would not allow him to make himself a target of their violence. The Asiarchs were educated citizens who were the political leaders of the cities of this Roman province. They were "men of substance and influence in the cities of the province of Asia who were or had been presidents of the provincial council, which dealt principally with organizing the games and with ceremonial matters connected with Emperor-worship. During his term of office, the Asiarch was styled 'high-priest' of the imperial cult."859
4:600. Greek manuscripts, however, indicate that it was only Aristarchus who was a Macedonian in which case this Gaius may have been the resident of Derbe mentioned in 20:4. 859Neil, p. 208. See Longenecker, pp. 503-4; and Lily Ross Taylor, "The Asiarchs," in Foakes-Jackson and Lake, 5:252-62, for fuller descriptions of them.
858Some 857McGee,

19:31

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Some of these men were friends of Paul. This shows again that the attitude of many leaders was friendly to Christianity at this time. Their attitude doubtless reflected what was appropriate in the empire. The Asiarchs too wanted to prevent Paul from injury. "A sect whose leader had Asiarchs for friends cannot be dangerous to the state."860 Notice that Paul had made friends with leading men of the city; he did not keep a low profile as he evangelized. 19:32 We should probably understand Luke's reference to the confusion of the crowd as pertaining to the exact grievance of the silversmiths. Most of the people did not understand the reason for the gathering; they just went along for the excitement.861 The crowd's reaction to Alexander showed distinct hostility toward him. Apparently Alexander was a leading unbelieving Jew who wanted the crowd to understand that even though Paul was a Jew the local Jewish community did not approve of him (cf. 18:12-17). However, like Gallio in Corinth, this crowd did not distinguish between Christianity and Judaism. Both faiths stood against idolatry. Perhaps the crowd assumed Alexander wanted to defend Paul who was also a Jew.862 The "townclerk" (Gr. ho grammateus) was the equivalent of a modern mayor, the locally elected executive official most responsible for what took place in the city. Consequently he was eager to end this demonstration. He made four points in his address to the assembly. First, there was no danger whatsoever that people would conclude that Artemis was a goddess made with hands since everyone knew the image of her in her famous temple had fallen from heaven. "Do nothing rash" is still good advice. The townclerk was not a Christian, but he was a wise and diplomatic man. The title "temple keeper" was an honor that Rome bestowed on selected cities that possessed temples of the imperial cult.863 Ephesus was one of these.

19:33-34

19:35-36

p. 578. Greek word translated "assembly" (cf. vv. 39, 41) is ekklesia, the normal translation of which is "church." This use illustrates the basic meaning of the word, which is an assembly of people called out of the mass for a special purpose. 862This Alexander may be the one Paul warned Timothy about (1 Tim. 1:19-20; 2 Tim. 4:14), but he may have been someone different since Alexander was a common name among both Jews and Gentiles. See Josephus, Antiquities of . . ., 4:8:10. 863Neil, p. 208.
861The

860Haenchen,

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Second, Gaius and Aristarchus had done nothing worthy of punishment. They had neither physically damaged anything nor had they spoken against Artemis. Robbing temples and blaspheming other gods were common accusations that Gentiles made against Jews, including Jewish Christians, in antiquity.864 Third, if Demetrius and his fellow silversmiths had a complaint against the Christians they should handle it in the legally authorized way and take their adversaries to court. The court that would have dealt with this kind of complaint met three times a month in Ephesus.865 Proconsuls were provincial governors. Fourth, the mayor reminded the citizens that if the provincial authorities concluded that there was no good reason for their rioting they could impose penalties on the city. Furthermore this riot was unjustified. This line of argument proved effective and the crowd disbursed.

19:38-39

19:40-41

This may have been the time Priscilla and Aquila risked their lives for Paul (Rom. 16:4). This event may also have been in Paul's mind when he wrote of fighting wild beasts at Ephesus (1 Cor. 15:32) and of despairing of life as he faced a deadly foe (2 Cor. 1:8-11). One wonders if the cooling of the Ephesian Christians' love for Jesus Christ that took place in later years connects to the zeal for Artemis that characterized this community (cf. Rev. 2:1-7). "The story [of the riot in Ephesus, vv. 23-41] is in effect a statement that Christians do not constitute a danger to the state and a plea that they be treated with toleration in a pluralistic society; only when properly defined criminal charges can he preferred against them should they be summoned before the courts."866 Paul's visit to Macedonia and Achaia 20:1-6 "This report of Paul's return visit to Macedonia and Achaia is the briefest account of an extended ministry in all of Actseven more so than the summary of the ministry at Ephesus (cf. 19:8-12). Nevertheless, it can be filled out to some extent by certain personal references and historical allusions in 2 Corinthians and Romans, which were written during this time."867 20:1 Evidently soon after the riot Paul left Ephesus to pursue his plan to return to Jerusalem through Macedonia and Achaia (19:21). He travelled up to

864Josephus, 865Bruce,

Antiquities of . . ., 4:8:10. Cf. Rom. 2:22. Commentary on . . ., p. 402. 866Marshall, The Acts . . ., p. 314. 867Longenecker, p. 506.

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Troas where he could have ministered for some time because "a door was opened" for him there (2 Cor. 2:12). Nevertheless he was uneasy about the trouble in the Corinthian church. He had sent Titus to Corinth, evidently from Ephesus, with a severe letter to the church. He was eager to hear what the reaction to it had been (2 Cor. 2:3-4; 7:8-12; 12:18). So rather than staying in Troas, Paul moved west into Macedonia where he met Titus who was returning from Corinth (2 Cor. 7:5-8). After receiving Titus' favorable report of affairs in Corinth, Paul wrote 2 Corinthians from somewhere in Macedonia, probably in the fall of A.D. 56 (cf. 2 Cor. 12:14; 13:1-2). 20:2 Paul's ministry to the province of Illyricum, which lay to the northwest of Macedonia, may have taken place while he was in this area or during his three-year ministry in Ephesus (cf. Rom. 15:19). "Greece" here refers to Achaia. Paul may have sent his Epistle to Titus at this time, but he probably wrote it after his acquittal in Rome and after he resumed his missionary travels (Titus 3:12). The "three months" appear to have been the winter months of A.D. 56-57. Paul probably spent most of this time in Corinth where Gaius (Titius Justus?) was his host (Rom. 16:23; cf. Acts 18:7). There he wrote the Book of Romans as he anticipated visiting Rome. From Rome he planned to move farther west into Spain (Rom. 15:24). During his time in Macedonia and Achaia Paul was also busy collecting the gift for the poor saints in Jerusalem (Rom. 15:26). He evidently planned to travel on a ship from Cenchrea to Caesarea and Jerusalem to celebrate one of the spring Jewish feasts there (vv. 6, 16). However when he learned of the Jews' plot to kill him on the way, he changed his plans and decided to go to Jerusalem by way of Macedonia. "Often from foreign ports Jewish pilgrim ships left for Syria to take pilgrims to the Passover. Paul must have intended to sail on such a ship. On such a ship it would have been the easiest thing in the world for the fanatical Jews to arrange that Paul should disappear overboard and never be heard of again."868 20:4 The men Luke identified here were the representatives of the churches in the provinces of Macedonia, Galatia, and Asia who accompanied Paul with the gift of money for the Jerusalem church. Sopater may be the Sosipater of Romans 16:21. Paul himself may have represented the province of Achaia and the church in Corinth while Luke may have represented the Philippian Christians, but Luke did not make this clear.

20:3

868Barclay,

p. 161.

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Apparently these men travelled from Corinth to Philippi with Paul. In Philippi Paul met Luke who may have ministered there since Paul had founded the Philippian church (cf. 16:10-40). Paul's team celebrated the feast of Unleavened Bread, which followed immediately after Passover, in Philippi.869 Then Paul's companions proceeded on to Troas. Paul and Luke, and perhaps Titus and two other representatives of the church in Achaia (cf. 2 Cor. 8:6-24), remained in Philippi briefly.870 They did so to celebrate the Passover and Unleavened Bread feasts in the spring of A.D. 57. Then they sailed from Neapolis, the port of Philippi (16:11), to Troas and joined the other messengers. This crossing took five days whereas previously Paul's ship from Troas to Neapolis made the trip in only two days (16:11).871

Paul's raising of Eutychus in Troas 20:7-12 "From 20:5 through the end of Acts (28:31), Luke's narrative gives considerable attention to ports of call, stopovers, and time spent on Paul's travels and includes various anecdotes. It contains the kind of details found in a travel journal, and the use of 'we' in 20:5-15; 21:1-18; and 28:16 shows its eyewitness character."872 20:7 We do not know if Paul or someone else planted the church in Troas (cf. 16:8-9; 2 Cor. 2:12-13). This is the first clear reference in Scripture to the early Christians meeting to worship on the first day of the week rather than on the Sabbath, the seventh day (cf. John 20:19, 26; 1 Cor. 16:2; Rev. 1:10). This day has continued to be the normal one for Christian worship. They selected Sunday because it was the day on which the Lord Jesus Christ rose from the dead. This group of believers met "to break bread" (Gr. klasai arton). "The breaking of the bread probably denotes a fellowship meal in the course of which the Eucharist was celebrated (cf. 2:42)."873 "In the early Church there were two closely related things. There was what was called the Love Feast. To it all contributed, and it was a real meal. Often it must have been the only real meal that poor slaves got all week. It was a meal when the Christians sat down and ate in loving
eight-day festival began with Passover and continued with the feast of Unleavened Bread. The Jews commonly referred to the whole holiday as the feast of Unleavened Bread since it was the longer celebration. 870Note the recurrence of "we" (vv. 5-15; cf. 16:10-17; 21:1-18; 27:128:16). 871See Bruce, "Chronological Questions . . .," pp. 288-89. 872Longenecker, p. 508. 873Bruce, Commentary on . . ., p. 408. Cf. v. 11; 1 Cor. 10:16-17; 11:17-34.
869This

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fellowship and in sharing with each other. During it or at the end of it the Sacrament of the Lord's Supper was observed. It may well be that we have lost something of very great value when we lost the happy fellowship and togetherness of the common meal of the Christian fellowship. It marked as nothing else could the real homeliness, the real family spirit of the Church."874 "Breaking bread is not merely the occasion for the Eutychus story, as v. 7 might suggest. Because Paul is departing, the community's breaking of bread becomes a farewell meal, resembling Jesus' farewell meal with his apostles, when he 'took bread' and 'broke' it (Luke 22:19). The echoes of Jesus' Jerusalem journey and its consequences that begin in Acts 19:21 and continue thereafter may suggest that this resemblance has some importance, even though it is not developed."875 Luke did not record when Paul began his address, but the apostle kept speaking all night. Probably some of the Christians present would have been slaves or employees who would have been free to attend a meeting only at night. Luke's references to time are Roman rather than Jewish. For him days ran from sunrise to sunrise, not from sunset to sunset (cf. vv. 7, 11). "I tell congregations very frankly that I'm a long-winded preacher. I'm known as that. I love to teach the Word of God. I have a system of homiletics that I never learned in the seminary. I picked it up myselfin fact, I got it from a cigarette commercial. This is it: It's not how long you make it but how you make it long. I believe in making it long; my scriptural authority for it is that Paul did it. He spoke until midnight [really until daybreak, v. 11]."876 20:8-9 Luke's reference to the many lamps (Gr. lampades hikani, lit. many torches) suggests that it was the combination of a long message and lack of oxygen that caused Eutychus to fall asleep. The Greek word translated "young man" (meanias) elsewhere describes a boy of eight to 14 years old. Doctor Luke pronounced Eutychus (lit. fortunate) dead. "The length of Paul's preaching may incline us to sympathize with sleepy Eutychus. The well-developed
874Barclay,

pp. 162-63. 2:250-51. 876McGee, 4:602.

875Tannehill,

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synoptic theme of wakefulness puts a different perspective on the matter. Falling asleep is a serious failure with potentially grave consequences. Paul's dedicated preaching makes demands on his audience. They must be dedicated listeners who hear the word and 'bear fruit with perseverance (en upomone)' (Luke 8:15). Eutychus failed and fell."877 "I confess that Paul's experience has always been a comfort to me. When I look out at the congregation and see some brother or sister out there sound asleep, I say to myself, 'It's all right. Just let them sleep. Paul put them to sleep, too.'"878 20:10-11 This seems to be a definite instance of Paul raising a dead person back to life similar to what Elijah, Elisha, and Jesus had done (cf. 1 Kings 17:2122; 2 Kings 4:34-35; Matt. 9:23-25; Mark 5:39). If so, the incident shows the miraculous power of Jesus Christ working through His apostle at this time (1:1-2). (If you are a preacher and have the gift of gab, you may also need the gift of healing!) However many competent exegetes have concluded that Euticus simply swooned and Paul revived him. "One will believe here as the facts appeal to him."879 There are also several similarities between this incident and Peter's raising of Tabitha (Dorcas) in 9:36-42. "Whereas Peter raises Tabitha by a command, following the pattern of resurrection stories in Luke, Paul 'fell upon (epepesen)' Eutychus and embraced him and then announced that he was alive (20:10). If there is a healing act here, it is by bodily contact, not by word, and follows the pattern of the Elisha story (2 Kings 4:34 = 4 Kgdms. 4:34). Peter and Paul are similar in part because they fit a common scriptural type. Through both, the prophetic power of Elijah and Elisha continues to be available to the church."880 20:11 The Christians returned to their third-story room and resumed their meeting. The Greek phrase klasas ton arton kai geusamenos, "broken the bread and eaten," can refer to an ordinary meal rather than the Lord's

877Tannehill, 878McGee,

2:250. 4:602. 879Robertson, 3:342. 880Tannehill, 2:248.

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Supper881, or the Lord's Supper may be in view here.882 Paul then continued speaking until daybreak. He and the Troas Christians realized that this might be their final opportunity to meet together, so in spite of the unusual incident involving Eutychus they made the most of their opportunity. 20:12 Luke closed his account of this incident by assuring the reader that Eutychus was indeed all right and that the believers found great comfort in Paul's ministry of restoration as well as in his teaching. "These early believers sat up all night listening to Paul. I know someone is going to say, 'If I could listen to Paul, I'd listen all night, too.' Probably Paul was nothing more than a humble preacher of the gospel. We do know that Apollos was an eloquent man, but that is not said of Paul. These believers simply wanted to hear the Word of God. How wonderful that is!"883 The journey from Troas to Miletus 20:13-16 "In a few business-like words Luke takes his readers over some of the most storied coasts of ancient myth and history."884 20:13-14 Ships had to round Cape Lectum to reach Assos (modern Bahram Koi) from Troas. This was a more time-consuming route than the road between these towns, which were 20 miles apart. By taking the land route Paul was able to stay in Troas a little longer. Mitylene was the chief city of the island of Lesbos, the largest of the islands of western Asia Minor. Chios was the major town of a small island by the same name on which the poet Homer had been born. Samos was another island off the coast of Asia directly west of Ephesus another day's sail south. Miletus stood 30 miles south of Ephesus on the mainland. Paul evidently concluded that it would be too time-consuming or dangerous to return to Ephesus. He wanted to reach Jerusalem by Pentecost, which was 50 days after Passover (cf. v. 6; 2:1). Paul's visit to Miletus, therefore, must have occurred in late April of A.D. 57.

20:15

20:16

Paul's address to the Ephesian elders 20:17-35 "Paul's farewell address to the Ephesian elders is the nearest approximation to the Pauline letters in Acts. Its general content recalls
881Longenecker, 882Neil,

p. 509. p. 212; Kent, p. 156. 883McGee, 4:603. 884Blaiklock, p. 165.

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how in his letters Paul encouraged, warned, and exhorted his converts. Moreover, its theological themes and vocabulary are distinctively Pauline. In his three missionary sermons (13:16-41; 14:15-17; 17:22-31) and five defenses (chs. 2226), Paul addressed non-Christian audiences. But he was speaking to Christians here. It is significant that, in a situation similar to those he faced in many of his letters, this farewell to the Ephesian elders reads like a miniature letter of his. This becomes all the more significant when we recall that nowhere else in Acts is there any evidence for a close knowledge of Paul's letters. "The address is constructed in a way familiar to all readers of Paul's letters. The body of it has three parts, which deal with (1) Paul's past ministry at Ephesus (vv. 18-21), (2) Paul's present plans in going to Jerusalem (vv. 22-24), and (3) the future of Paul himself and of the church at Ephesus (vv. 25-31). It concludes with a blessing (v. 32) and then adds further words of exhortation that point the hearers to Paul's example and the teachings of Jesus (vv. 33-35). Heading each section is an introductory formula: 'you know' (hymeis epistasthe) at v. 18; 'and now behold' (kai nyn idou) at v. 22; 'and now behold I know' (kai nyn idou ego oida) at v. 25; and 'and now' (kai ta nyn) at v. 32."885 This is probably one of the few speeches in Acts that Luke heard with his own ears. The Greek physician Galen wrote that his students took down his medical lectures in shorthand, so perhaps this is what Luke did on this occasion.886 20:17 Evidently Paul's ship had a several-day layover in Miletus, or he may have changed ships after spending a few days there (cf. 21:3-4, 8). It would have taken at least one day for Paul's message to reach the Ephesian elders and at least one more day for them to make their way to Miletus to join him. Paul first reviewed his past three-year ministry among these elders (v. 31). He appealed to the way he lived among them to urge them to remain faithful in the future (cf. 1 Thess. 2:1-12). He emphasized particularly his humble service of the Lord (cf. Eph. 4:2), his sorrows (cf. 2 Cor. 2:4), and the opposition of enemies of the gospel (cf. 19:9; 20:1). He also stressed his faithfulness in proclaiming what they needed to hear (cf. Rom. 1:16), his ceaseless teaching ministry (cf. 19:8-10), and his comprehensive evangelistic efforts (cf. v. 26). Teaching from house to house (v. 20) probably included home Bible classes and house churches. This defense of his ministry suggests that critics may have been prejudicing his converts against him in his absence, as they did elsewhere. Notice that several of the words and phrases in this first part of Paul's speech recur as it proceeds.
pp. 511-12. 3:346-47.

20:18-21

885Longenecker, 886Robertson,

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Repentance toward God and faith in the Lord Jesus Christ (v. 21) is a beautifully balanced way of expressing what is essential for justification (cf. 26:20-23; Rom. 10:9-10; 2 Cor. 5:206:2). One must change his or her mind Godward and place trust in the Lord Jesus Christ. 20:22-23 Next Paul described his present circumstances. Probably Paul meant that he had committed himself to visiting Jerusalem since he was sure this was what God wanted him to do even though he realized that trouble lay ahead (cf. v. 3; 9:16; 19:21). Perhaps prophets had already revealed to him that the Jews would arrest him there (cf. 21:4, 11; Rom. 15:30-31). Paul wanted to be faithful to the Lord more than he wanted to be physically safe or comfortable (cf. Phil. 1:20). "It should be noted that the Spirit did not prohibit his going, but told him what would happen when he arrived."887 20:24 Paul's "gospel of the grace of God" was a continuation of the good news Jesus preached but in a universal context. Thus he equated it with "preaching the kingdom" (v. 25). Paul continued by laying out his plans for the future. The kingdom Paul preached is God's rule over His elect. It probably includes His spiritual rule now and His messianic rule during the Millennium. "Usually in the book of Acts the kingdom of God refers to the eschatological realm of salvation (14:22). But in this passage, the kingdom of God is the summary of Paul's entire message in Ephesus and refers to the present blessings of redemption in Christ."888 "Paul clearly equated preaching the Gospel of the grace of God with the preaching of the kingdom of God. Once again [cf. 20:22-24] we see that the two terms are used interchangeably [cf. 28:23, 30-31]. . . . "Thus as we survey Paul's ministry as recorded in the Book of Acts, we see that he was an ambassador of the kingdom of Godbut his message was salvation through the death and the resurrection of Jesus Christ. No reference is made to support the notion that the earthly Davidic kingdom had been established. Rather, the message concerns entrance into a present form of the kingdom of God by faith in Jesus Christ."889

20:25

887Kent,

p. 157. "The Acts . . .," p. 1163. 889Pentecost, Thy Kingdom . . ., p. 280.

888Ladd,

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Paul was confident that all the men he addressed would not see him again, though some of them might. He did not plan to return to Ephesus for some time if ever (cf. Rom. 15:23-29). 20:26 Paul could say he was innocent (cf. Jer. 23:1-2) not because he had presented the gospel to every individual personally. He had carried out the mission God had given him of evangelizing pagan Gentile areas. The Christians remaining in Asia could continue to evangelize more thoroughly (cf. Ezek. 33:1-6). Paul had passed on to these elders what was truly profitable to them (cf. v. 20). "The whole purpose of God" refers to God's plans and purposes rather than a verse by verse exposition of the Scriptures. Their responsibility was to instruct the saints in more detail. "As I write this, I am a retired preacher. I have made many blunders and have failed in many ways. But as I look back on my ministry, I can say truthfully that when I stood in the pulpit, I declared the Word of God as I saw it. I have the deep satisfaction of knowing that if I went back to any pulpit which I have held, I haven't a thing to add to what I have already said. I don't mean I couldn't say it in a better way, but the important thing is that I declared the whole counsel of God. I have always believed that the important issue is to get out the entire Word of God."890 20:28 Paul concluded his address with a challenge because of the Ephesian elders' future responsibilities (vv. 28-31). The elders were to guard their own lives from the attacks of the adversary and then the lives of those under their care (cf. Ezek. 34:12-16; 1 Pet. 5:1-4). Paul used Jesus' familiar figure of a flock of sheep to describe His followers (John 10:27; 21:15; et al.). The term "elder" (v. 17) came from Judaism and emphasized the dignity of the leader of God's people. "Overseer" is Greek in origin and describes the responsibility of this person. "Shepherd" was both Jewish and Greek and focuses on his function. Putting them together we conclude that these men were older, more mature men in the faith who were responsible for the spiritual welfare of the church. They fulfilled their responsibility by pastoring (i.e., feeding, guiding, and guarding) the church (cf. 1 Pet. 5:14). "There was in apostolic times no distinction between elders (presbyters) and bishops such as we find from the second century onwards: the leaders of the Ephesian church are
890McGee,

20:27

4:604.

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indiscriminately described as elders, bishops superintendents), and shepherds (or pastors)."891

The Holy Spirit appointed these men in the sense that He led the apostles or others to select them as elders. A better translation of the last part of this verse would be, "He [God the Father] purchased with the blood of His own [Son]" (cf. Rom. 3:25; 5:9; Eph. 1:7; 2:13; Col. 1:20). It is important for church leaders to remember that the church belongs to God, not them. This helps balance the tendency to take too little or too much responsibility on oneself. "The church [Gr. ekklesia] of God" is a phrase we find elsewhere in the New Testament only in Paul's epistles. 20:29-30 Paul may have been certain where future trouble would come from because of his contacts with that church, by special revelation, or because of his general experience in ministry (cf. Matt. 7:15; John 10:12). What he anticipated materialized (1 Tim. 1:6-7, 19-20; 4:1-7; 2 Tim. 1:15; 2:17-18; 3:1-9; Rev. 2:1-7). Most churches face opposition from people outside and inside their fellowship. Watchfulness would be imperative for these shepherds. Paul probably labored in Ephesus from the fall of A.D. 52 to the summer of A.D. 55. Some scholars believe that he spent some of this time in prison there (cf. 2 Cor. 11:23) and that he wrote his Prison Epistles, at least Philippians, from Ephesus. This is a minority opinion, however, that does not have as strong support as the Roman origin of the Prison Epistles theory does. Reference to his tears shows that Paul's ministry was not just intellectual but also emotional; he became emotionally involved in it (cf. John 11:35). Specifically he delivered his admonitions feeling the pain that they caused his hearers. The Book of Acts does not picture Paul as weeping over the people to whom he ministered or over ministry situations. Rather it presents him as equal to any occasion. We only see this human side of his ministry from Paul's own comments here and in his epistles. 20:32 Paul concluded his address with a blessing. Since he was no longer going to be able to build up these men, he committed them to God who would, and to the Scriptures, His tool in this process. God's grace is the source of all spiritual growth and of the ultimate inheritance these elders would one day enjoy because they were believers (cf. 1 Pet. 5:1-4; Phil. 1:6; Col. 3:24). The apostle concluded with an exhortation, as he typically did in his epistles. Was Paul boasting when he reviewed his habits of life in

20:31

20:33-35

891Bruce,

Commentary on . . ., p. 415.

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Ephesus? I think not. He was reminding these elders of his example that they were to follow as they led the church as he had led them. They were to serve without concern for present material reward. Paul's policy was not to ask others to support him but to labor at his trade when he or his fellow workers or his converts needed financial support. He did not hesitate to raise money for others, but there are no references in Acts or in his epistles to his having asked for money for himself. I do not believe Paul would object to modern support-raising efforts by Christian workers provided the support raiser was willing to work if his supporters proved unfaithful. Paul emphasized motives (v. 33) and example (v. 35). He wanted to give rather than receive and to model that attitude so his converts could see how to demonstrate it in everyday life. The precise saying of Jesus to which Paul referred here (v. 35) is not in Scripture. It may have come down to Paul by oral or written tradition, or he may have been summarizing Jesus' teaching (e.g., Luke 6:38). Paul often related his exhortations to Jesus' teachings or example (cf. Rom. 1214; Phil. 2:5-11; 1 Thess. 4:1-12). Paul's departure from Miletus 20:36-38 20:36 Prayer for God's grace and protection undoubtedly bonded these men together in Christian love. The kneeling posture here, as elsewhere in Scripture, reflects an attitude of submission to the sovereign God. The normal position for praying seems to have been standing (cf. Mark 11:25), so kneeling implies a particularly solemn occasion (cf. 21:5).892 This record of the Gentile converts' affection for Paul (cf. Gen. 33:4; 45:14; 46:29) contrasts with the hatred of the Jews that he was to face soon in Jerusalem. Luke again obliquely pointed out that the Gentiles received the gospel but the Jews usually rejected it.

20:37-38

". . . through all this scene there runs one dominant feeling and that is the feeling of an affection and a love as deep as the heart itself. That is the feeling that should be in any Church. When love dies in any Church the work of Christ cannot do other than wither or fade."893 Paul may have left Timothy in Ephesus at this time. However, it seems more likely that that took place after Paul's release from Rome, his departure from that city, and his return to Ephesus (1 Tim. 1:3; 3:14; 4:13).

892Neil,

893Barclay,

p. 215. p. 166.

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The trip from Miletus to Tyre 21:1-6 The third "we" section of Acts (21:1-18) is of theological importance because it focuses on Paul's recapitulation of Jesus' passion. Note the similarities between Luke's accounts of Jesus' trip to Jerusalem and Paul's. Both stories involve a plot by the Jews and handing over to the Gentiles. There were triple predictions along the way of suffering in Jerusalem in both cases. Both Jesus and Paul steadfastly resolved to go there despite opposition, and both resigned themselves to God's will.894 Luke probably told his story as he did to help the reader appreciate the similarities between Jesus and Paul to authenticate Paul's ministry. 21:1-3 Cos was an island a day's travel by ship from Miletus. Rhodes refers to the city on the island of Rhodes, "Rhodes" meaning "roses," another day's distance. A gigantic statue of Apollo, the Colossus of Rhodes, one of the seven wonders of the ancient world, stood astride the entrance to this harbor years earlier but was now in ruins. From there, Paul's party continued east to Patara, another day's journey. There the missionaries were able to transfer to a ship bound directly for Tyre 400 miles away, probably a grain or fruit ship.895 They sailed to the south of Cyprus. Tyre was in ancient Phoenicia, then part of the Roman province of Syria. Refugees from the persecution that followed Stephen's martyrdom had evangelized Phoenicia (11:19). Paul and his companions stayed in Tyre for seven days fellowshipping with the Christians. "Sea journeys in the ancient world depended on finding shipping available, and accepting delays arising from loading and unloading. It is therefore not inconsistent that Paul was in haste to reach Jerusalem by Pentecost, yet had stopped for a week at Troas, and now spends a week at Tyre; he would have no choice."896 There is ample evidence in the text that Paul was not disobedient to God in going on to Jerusalem (cf. 9:16; 19:21; 20:22-24; 21:14; 23:1, 11).897 It seems that one or more prophets in the church at Tyre also foretold His arrest in Jerusalem (20:23) and they, anxious about his safety, urged him not to proceed. "Paul, however, regarded it not as a prohibition but a divine forewarning so that he would be spiritually prepared for what would happen."898
894Longenecker, 895Robertson,

21:4

p. 515. 3:359. 896Neil, p. 216. 897Nevertheless some students of Scripture have criticized Paul for proceeding. 898Kent, p. 159.

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"Duty called louder than warning to Paul even if both were the calls of God."899 21:5-6 As they had done when leaving the Ephesian elders, Paul and his fellow missionaries kneeled down and prayed with these believers before they parted (cf. 20:36). This reflects Paul's ongoing commitment to and dependance on God. Then they reboarded the ship, and the Christians of Tyre returned home.

Paul's advance to Caesarea 21:7-14 21:7 Ptolemais (Acco of the Old Testament and modern Acre located on the north side of the bay of Haifa) lay 20 miles south of Tyre. It was the southernmost Phoenician port. There Paul also met with the local Christians as stevedores unloaded and loaded his ship. "The man who is within the family of the Church is better equipped with friends that [sic] any other man in all the world."900 21:8-9 Caesarea was 32 miles farther south, and Paul's party could have reached it by sea or by land. It was the capital of the province of Judea and the major port of Jerusalem. Philip may have settled in Caesarea after evangelizing the coastal plain of Palestine 20 years earlier (8:40; cf. 6:5).901 His four daughters had the prophetic gift. According to early Church tradition, Philip and his daughters later moved to Hierapolis in Asia Minor. There these women imparted information about the early history of the Jerusalem church to Papias, a church father.902 It seems unusual that Luke would refer to these daughters as prophetesses without mentioning anything they prophesied. Perhaps they gave him information as they did Papias.903 Agabus previously had come from Jerusalem to Antioch to foretell the famine of A.D. 46 (11:26-27). Now he came down to Caesarea and prophesied Paul's arrest in Jerusalem (cf. Mark 9:31; 10:33; John 21:18). He illustrated his prediction graphically as several Old Testament prophets had done (cf. 1 Kings 11:29-31; Isa. 20:2-4; Jer. 13:1-7; Ezek. 4). "This is what the Holy Spirit says," is the Christian equivalent of the Old Testament, "Thus saith the Lord." His revelation came as no surprise to Paul, of course (v. 4; 9:16). Perhaps another reason Luke emphasized

21:10-11

899Robertson, 900Barclay,

3:360. p. 168. 901This man was not the Philip of the Gospels, who was a disciple of Jesus and one of the Twelve. 902Eusebius, 3:39. 903Longenecker, p. 517; Neil, pp. 216-17.

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these prophecies was to prove to his readers that Paul's arrest and its consequences were part of God's foreordained will for the church's expansion (1:1-2; cf. Mark 10:33). 21:12 It seemed clearer all the time to Paul's companions and to the local Christians that Paul was going to be in great danger in Jerusalem. Consequently they tried to discourage him from proceeding. From Paul's response to their entreaty, he seems not to have known whether his arrest would result in his death or not. Why did Paul avoid the possibility of death in Corinth (20:3) but not here? Paul's purpose to deliver the collection and so strengthen the unity of the Gentile and Jewish believers would have failed if he had died on board a ship between Corinth and Jerusalem. However arrest in Jerusalem would not frustrate that purpose. For Paul, and eventually for his friends (v. 14), the Lord's will was more important than physical well-being (cf. Luke 22:42). He believed the Spirit wanted him to go to Jerusalem (19:21; 20:22) so he "set his face" to go there (cf. Luke 9:51). "Paul, aware of the suffering and danger ahead, must make the same decision in Caesarea that Jesus made in the prayer scene before his crucifixion. In the prayer scene Jesus expressed the two options himself in internal debate: 'Take this cup from me; nevertheless, let not my will but yours be done' (Luke 22:42). In Paul's case his companions and friends express the option of escape and appeal to Paul to choose it. Paul chooses the other option. The conflict finally ends when Paul's friends recognize that they cannot persuade him and say, 'Let the will of the Lord be done' (21:14)."904 21:14 Unable to dissuade him, Paul's friends stopped urging him and committed the situation to the Lord. "Perhaps he regarded Caesarea as his temptation and Gethsemane. If so, the congregation, catching the thought, echoed the garden prayer of Christ: The will of the Lord be done . . ."905 "Paul is recognized and welcomed in Tyre and Caesarea as he was at earlier stops on his trip, and the disciples in these places show great concern for Paul's safety. Widespread respect for Paul is also indicated by the attention that he receives from figures associated with the mission in
904Tannehill, 905Blaiklock,

21:13

2:264. p. 168.

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its early days: Philip the evangelist (21:8), Agabus the prophet (21:10; cf. 11:28), and Mnason, an 'early disciple' (21:16)."906 Christians have developed a respect for Paul that is second only to Jesus Christ over more than 19 centuries of church history. However when Luke wrote Acts, Paul was a very controversial figure in the church. Luke seems to have gone out of his way to put Paul in the best possible light so his original readers would accept and appreciate his ministry. The last stage of Paul's trip to Jerusalem 21:15-16 Jerusalem was about 65 miles southeast of Caesarea, a long two-day trip. Mnason evidently became a Christian early in the history of the church, perhaps on the day of Pentecost. He was a Hellenistic Jewish Christian; he was from Cyprus, like Barnabas. As such he would have been more open to entertaining a mixed group of Jewish and Gentile Christians than many Hebrew Jewish Christians in Palestine would have been. Apparently he lived about halfway between Caesarea and Jerusalem. Paul finally achieved the first phase of his plan to visit Jerusalem and then Rome (19:21). In doing so, he brought one chapter of his ministry to a close and opened another. His return to Jerusalem was an essential part of God's plan to send Paul to Rome. This plan unfolds in the rest of chapter 21. In all, Paul traveled about 2,700 miles on his third missionary journey (cf. 14:28; 18:22).907 "Jesus too journeyed to Jerusalem, and during his journey prophesied concerning his impending sufferings; he was arrested and tried, appearing before the Jews and the Romans . . ."908 2. Ministry in Jerusalem 21:1723:32 The events that transpired in Jerusalem when Paul visited the city on this occasion proved crucial in spreading the gospel to Rome. Luke wrote these events to reveal God's methods to his readers. "The geographical extension of the church was not Luke's main interest; it was rather the movement of redemptive history from the Jews to the Gentiles. In keeping with this purpose, Luke devotes considerable space to the record of Paul's last visit to Jerusalem, not because the visit was important in itself, but because it showed the final rejection of the Gospel [sic] by Jerusalem."909

906Tannehill, 907Beitzel,

2:262. p. 177. 908Marshall, The Acts . . ., p. 337. Cf. Rackham, pp. 403-4. 909Ladd, "The Acts . . .," p. 1164.

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The advice of James and the elders 21:17-26 21:17-19 As he had done before, Paul related to a group of elders what God had done on his missionary journeys among the Gentiles (14:27; cf. 18:23). This undoubtedly helped the Jerusalem church accept the gift that Paul had brought from their Gentile brethren. James, the Lord's half-brother, was still the recognized leader of the Jerusalem church (cf. 12:17; 15:13), but this church also had elder leadership (cf. 11:30). Luke mentioned nothing about Paul's delivery of the monetary gift, Paul's main reason for going to Jerusalem (cf. Rom. 15:25-27; 1 Cor. 16:1-4). His purpose was primarily to emphasize the spread of the gospel. The Gentiles had remembered the poor as Paul had urged them to do (Gal. 2:10). Even though the third "we" section ends with verse 18, Luke may have remained with Paul in Jerusalem. He could have stopped including himself in the narrative to stress Paul's leadership. Alternatively he may have departed for some other destination. 21:20-21 Having rejoiced over Paul's account of the Gentiles' conversion, the elders also added that thousands of Jews had become believers, many of them in Jerusalem. They explained that these Jewish Christians had some misgivings about Paul's ministry about which they had heard. The word on the streets was that Paul was going beyond his actual practice of not requiring Gentile converts to undergo circumcision or to obey the Mosaic Law. They had heard he was telling Jewish converts not to practice circumcision or to observe the customs of Judaism. This was a false report. Paul did not teach that these customs were evil, just unnecessary for justification and sanctification. The elders' plan aimed to prove to the Jewish Christians in Jerusalem, and to all the Jews there, that Paul had not abandoned the customs of the Jews. He had, of course, ceased to believe and teach that salvation came by obeying the Mosaic Law. He was no longer a Jew in religion, but he was still a racial Jew and as such observed Jewish cultural practices (e.g., the Nazarite vow, 18:18). The four men in question had taken a temporary Nazarite vow of separation to God, as Paul had done earlier (18:18). At the end of the vow each of them had to bring an offering to the temple. This consisted of two lambs, one ram, a basket of unleavened cakes and wafers, a grain offering, and a drink offering (Num. 6:13-15). After presenting these to the priest, they would cut off their hair and burn it on the altar (Num. 6:18). The elders suggested that Paul go with them to the temple, purify himself with them for temple worship, and show his support of the Nazarite custom by paying for their offerings. Paul could do this, and did so, without compromising his convictions since the Jews did not regard taking a

21:22-24

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Nazarite vow as essential for acceptance by God. It was strictly voluntary. They regarded circumcision, on the other hand, as essential. However, Paul did not even object to circumcision as a custom (16:3), though he did object to it as a rite essential for God's acceptance (Gal. 2). 21:25 James and the elders repeated their former conviction regarding the instruction of Gentile converts. This was simply a point of clarification designed to emphasize that the decision of the Jerusalem Council still stood (cf. 15:20, 29). Their counsel to Paul on this occasion did not contradict their strong commitment to salvation by grace. A Nazarite would announce the completion of his vow to the priest and then seven days later present his offerings. The Law did not prescribe this week's wait, but it was customary. Paul accompanied the four men into the temple and underwent the rites of purification with them because he was paying the expenses of their vow.910 The Jews considered paying the charges for Nazirites' offerings an act of piety and a symbolic identification with the Jews. Herod Agrippa I had previously done this.911

21:26

The riot in the temple 21:27-36 21:27-28 The Jews from Asia, possibly from Ephesus, were obviously unbelievers. They charged Paul with the same kind of crimes the unbelieving Jews had accused Stephen of committing (6:11, 13-14). The Jews permitted Gentiles in the outer court of the temple, the court of the Gentiles. They could not go beyond the sacred enclosure into the women's court, or into the court of Israel, much less into the court of the priests.
Sacred Enclosure Court of Priests Temple Altar Court of Israel Women's Court (Treasury)

Court of Gentiles

few expositors (e.g., Morgan, p. 485) believed Paul compromised his convictions here. This is a minority opinion that I do not share. 911Josephus, Antiquities of . . ., 19:6:1.

910A

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Jewish men like Paul who were not priests or Levites could go no farther than the court of Israel. The priests had posted notices prohibiting Gentiles from entering the sacred enclosure, the area that included the courts of the women, Israel, and the priests. These were in Latin and Greek and were on the barrier, the Soreg, at the foot of the steps leading to this area of the temple. Archaeologists have discovered two of these notices.912 One reads as follows. "No man of another nation to enter within the fence and enclosure round the temple. And whoever is caught will have himself to blame that his death ensues."913 The Romans allowed the Jews to execute any Gentile, even a Roman citizen, for proceeding beyond this low, stone barrier.914 21:29 Trophimus the Ephesian was Paul's travelling companion from Asia (20:4) The Asian Jews had previously seen them together in the city and had assumed that Paul had brought this Gentile into the sacred enclosure of the Temple. "The possibility that Trophimus might have wandered of his own freewill into the forbidden area is about as likely as that somebody should wander into private rooms in the Kremlin for the purpose of sightseeing."915 21:30 The rumor of Paul's alleged capital offense travelled quickly throughout Jerusalem and brought a mob of zealous Jews into the Temple courtyard. ". . . the Temple was a fetish for all Jews, but for none more so than fanatically devout pilgrims from the Diaspora, who had travelled far to celebrate the festival of Pentecost in the holy city."916 Evidently the priests dragged Paul out of one of the inner courts and into the court of the Gentiles. The doors that Luke referred to separated the court of the Gentiles from the inner courts that were accessible only to Jews. The priests now closed these doors to prevent the defiling of the inner courts by the tumult and bloodshed.917

Riesner, p. 194. K. Barrett, The New Testament Background: Selected Documents, p. 50. See Adolf Deissmann, Light From the Ancient East, p. 81, or Kent, p. 163, for a photograph of this limestone block. 914Josephus, The Wars . . ., 6:2:4. 915Marshall, The Acts . . ., p. 348. 916Neil, p. 220. 917Jeremias, Jerusalem in . . ., pp. 209-10.
913C.

912See

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The Jews proceeded to beat Paul in the court of the Gentiles. News of this commotion reached the Roman commander of the Fortress of Antonia that connected with the temple area on the northwest. Herod the Great had built this fortress to house the soldiers of the Tenth Legion. The commander's name was Claudius Lysias (23:26). He was responsible for the 1,000 soldiers stationed there. When he saw the riot, he summoned soldiers and centurions (commanders of 100 soldiers each) and ran down the steps of the fortress and into the court of the Gentiles. Levites constituted the Temple police (cf. 4:1), but these Roman troops were responsible to keep peace in the whole city.918 The Jews stopped beating Paul when they saw the commander and the other soldiers. "One thing Rome insisted oncivil order. A riot was an unforgivable sin both for the populace who staged it and the commander who allowed it."919 This is the sixth time in Acts that Paul's ministry had ignited a public disturbance (cf. 14:19; 16:19-22; 17:5-8, 13; 19:25-34).

21:33-34

The commander arrested Paul assuming that he was a criminal. The two chains the Roman guards placed on Paul probably bound him to two soldiers (cf. 12:6). When the commander tried to learn who Paul was and what he had done from some members of the crowd, he received conflicting information. So he ordered Paul brought into the "barracks," the Fortress of Antonia. Stairs led up to the fortress from the city on its west side and from the temple courtyard on its south side.920 Probably the stairs in verse 35 were one of the two south stairways leading from the temple courtyard into the fortress. The anger of the Jews was evident in their desire to tear Paul apart immediately. Their cry recalls their words about Jesus some 27 years earlier (Luke 23:18; John 19:15; cf. Acts 22:22). Probably the Antonia Fortress was where the soldiers took Jesus for trial before Pilate. It was also the prison from which the angel had freed Peter (12:5).

21:35-36

Paul's defense before the Jewish mob 21:3722:22

"In this first of Paul's five defenses, Luke's apologetic interests come to the fore in highlighting the nonpolitical character of Christianity (contrary to other messianic movements of the day, cf. 21:38) and in presenting

918Ibid.,

pp. 211-12. p. 172. 920Foakes-Jackson and Lake, 4:136.

919Barclay,

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Paul's mandate to the Gentiles as being the major reason for Jewish opposition to the gospel (cf. 22:10-22)."921

Paul's request to address the people 21:37-40

21:37-38 The commander had assumed that Paul was a certain Egyptian who had appeared in Jerusalem three years earlier. This man claimed to be a prophet of God and announced that the wall of Jerusalem would collapse at his command. He further claimed that he would lead his followers from the Mount of Olives into Jerusalem where they would defeat the Romans and throw off their yoke. The Romans, however, attacked this man's followers first and killed many of them, but he had escaped. The Egyptian's followers came from the ranks of the Assassins (lit. dagger-men). These were radicals who mingled with crowds with daggers hidden under their cloaks and stabbed Romans and pro-Roman Jews stealthily in an attempt to gain Jewish independence from Rome.922 Claudius Lysias evidently thought this man had returned to the temple area to recruit more followers and the people who now recognized him as an impostor had turned against him. 21:39 Paul explained that he was a Jew and so had a right to be in the temple court of Israel. He was not a resident of Egypt but of the respected Roman city of Tarsus. Tarsus was one of the three chief centers of learning in the ancient world, along with Athens and Alexandria. It was also the capital of Cilicia and a free city in the empire. These credentials persuaded the Roman commander to let Paul address the mob. Paul motioned with his hand to the crowd, a gesture designed to quiet them and rivet their attention (cf. 12:17). Paul spoke to the Jews in Aramaic, the vernacular of Palestinian Jews, rather than in Greek. This would have helped his hearers realize that he was one of them.

21:40

Paul's speech in his defense 22:1-21

Paul needed to defend himself against the charge that he had been disloyal to his people, the Mosaic Law, and the temple (cf. 21:28). His devout Jewish audience was especially skeptical of Paul since he was a Hellenistic Jew who fraternized with Gentiles. This is an excellent example of the Holy Spirit giving the Lord's servant the words to say on the spur of the moment, as Jesus had promised He would do (Matt. 10:16-20; Mark 13:9-11).

p. 523. The Wars . . ., 2:13:3, 5; and Antiquities of . . ., 20:8:5, 6, 10. See also Richard A. Horsley, "High Priests and the Politics of Roman Palestine," Journal for the Study of Judaism 17:1 (June 1986):4243.
922Josephus,

921Longenecker,

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Paul addressed his audience warmly and respectfully in the same terms Stephen had used (7:2). Using the Aramaic language had the desired effect. The Jews paid even closer attention. "The real crime of S. Paul was preaching to the Gentiles, and the real heresy his gospel of equality of privilege. Hence he defends himself by asserting (1) his loyalty to Israel, and (2) that his preaching was simply obedience to a divine command."923

22:3

Paul began by relating his manner of life before his conversion. He emphasized his orthodox background and education under the most respected Jewish teacher of his day, Gamaliel (cf. 5:34). We have no record of how old Paul was when he came to Jerusalem in his youth.924 Paul's point in citing his background was to show his hearers that he was as zealous for his Jewish heritage as any of them (cf. Gal. 1:14). His zeal for God was clear in that he persecuted Christians to death (cf. 9:1-2). This is precisely what his hearers wanted to do in Paul's case. Paul did so as an agent of the Sanhedrin that gave him authority to pursue Christian Jews as far away as Damascus. Paul next related the events of his conversion and stressed the supernatural revelation God had given him. This revelation accounted for the radical change in his life. This account of Paul's conversion harmonizes with the other two accounts of it that Luke (9:3-19) and Paul (26:12-18) gave us in Acts. On this occasion, as well as in chapter 26, Paul emphasized features that would have been especially significant to his audience. His listeners were Jewish in chapter 22 and Roman in chapter 26. As in 9:3-6, Paul stressed that his encounter with God was an event that God had initiated. It was not something that Paul or others had originated. Jesus of Nazareth had reached out to him. Therefore Jesus is the Messiah, but He is a risen Messiah. It was this Messiah who had changed Paul's perspective and understanding. When Paul asked, "Who are you, Lord?" (v. 8), he was probably addressing the person speaking to him as God and personal master (cf. 9:5). Evidently Paul's traveling companions heard a voice-like sound, but only Paul understood Jesus' words (v. 9; cf. 9:7; 26:14; John 12:29).

22:4-5

22:6-9

p. 407. C. van Unnik, Tarsus or Jerusalem: The City of Paul's Youth, pp. 9, 28, argued that Paul spent his early childhood in Jerusalem. Richard N. Longenecker, Paul, Apostle of Liberty, pp. 25-27, believed he spent this part of his life in Tarsus. The difference in interpretation springs from two different ways of punctuating this verse. Robertson, 3:386, believed that Paul was 13 or 14 years old when he came to Jerusalem.
924W.

923Rackham,

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As a good Jew, Paul wanted to obey divine revelation, so he asked, "What shall I do, Lord?" Submissively he allowed others to lead him to Damascus where the Lord had instructed him to go to receive further instruction. Paul described Ananias as a devout Jew who carefully observed the law and one who had a good reputation among his fellow Israelites. Paul related Ananias' words more fully here than Luke did in chapter 9. This respected Jew had also received a revelation from God that he communicated to Paul in distinctly Jewish terms. Paul sought to impress his hearers with the fact that a pious Jew had communicated God's mission to him. Ananias had even called Paul his brother. Ananias explained to Paul that it was the God of their fathers who had appeared to Paul (cf. 3:14). This title for God is distinctly Jewish. God wanted Paul to know His will, to see the Righteous One (the Messiah, Jesus of Nazareth, v. 8), and to receive direct revelation from Him. Ananias also said that God had told him that Paul was to be a witness "to all men" of what Paul had seen and heard. This vindicated Paul's ministry to Gentiles. "It is important to remember that Paul in Acts is not the apostle to the Gentiles. He has been sent 'to all persons,' [v. 15] which means both Jews and Gentiles. He is the one through whom the Lord has chosen to realize the divine purpose of including both groups in salvation, as announced already in Luke 2:30-32 and 3:6."925

22:12-13

22:14-15

22:16

Verse 16 has been a problem to some readers of Acts because one might understand it to say that water baptism washes away sins. The writers of Scripture present water baptism elsewhere not as the agent of spiritual cleansing but as the illustration of spiritual cleansing that has already taken place (1 Cor. 6:11; 1 Pet. 3:21). The agent of spiritual cleansing is faith in Christ. Paul referred to faith in this verse as "calling on His name" (cf. Joel 2:32). Paul evidently experienced regeneration on the Damascus road; he believed that Jesus of Nazareth was the divine Messiah predicted in the Old Testament (v. 10; cf. Gal. 1:11-12; Acts 9:17-18). He experienced baptism in water after he called on the Lord for salvation. The Lord washed Paul's sins away when he called on the Lord. Then Paul arose and received baptism. The Greek word epikalesamenos, translated "calling on," is an aorist participle meaning "having called on."

925Tannehill,

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"Baptism symbolized the method of salvation (identification with Christ) and washing symbolized the result (cleansing from sin)."926 22:17 Paul next related his mission from God and included some new things that Luke did not record in chapter 9. Evidently Ananias gave Paul God's commission to go to the Gentiles (9:15-16). In Jerusalem God confirmed this mission to Paul by special revelation as he was praying in the temple following his return from Damascus (9:26-29; Gal. 1:18-19). This took place in the third year after his conversion. The fact that Paul was praying in the temple when God gave him direction would have positively impressed this Jewish crowd further. In this vision the risen and exalted Jesus of Nazareth instructed Paul to leave Jerusalem. Luke did not mention this instruction earlier (9:29-30) but emphasized the activity of Paul's fellow believers in sending him to Tarsus. Their insistence was in harmony with the Lord's command. Jerusalem was God's originally intended place of witness, and the temple had been His place of revelation. The reason Paul needed to leave Jerusalem was that the Jews there would not accept his testimony about Jesus even though Paul had formerly persecuted Jesus' disciples. Paul was to go to the Gentiles, the Messiah revealed to him, because the Jews would not accept his witness. Specifically the Lord directed Paul to go to the Gentiles who were far away, namely, Gentiles who had no relationship to Judaism (cf. 2:39).

22:18-20

22:21

F. F. Bruce concluded that in narrating Paul's speeches Luke followed the precedent of the Greek historian Thucydides. Thucydides wrote that he composed the speeches in his history but tried to reproduce the general meaning of what the speakers said.927 Under the Holy Spirit's inspiration Luke received guidance to write exactly what God wanted written. Almost all scholars agree that Luke summarized most if not all of the speeches that he recorded in Acts.

The Jews' response 22:22

22:22 Jews had taken messages from God to Gentiles many times in Israel's past (e.g., Jonah; the Pharisees, Matt. 23:15; et al.). That revelation could not have been what infuriated Paul's audience. What upset them was that Paul was approaching Gentiles directly about the Messiah without first introducing them to Judaism and its institutions. This was equivalent to placing Gentiles on the same footing before God as Jews, and this was the height of apostasy to the traditional Jewish mind. This is why Paul's hearers reacted so violently and allowed him to say no more.

926Kent,

927Bruce,

p. 166. See also Robertson, 3:391-92. "Paul's Apologetics . . .," p. 379.

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Paul's defense before Claudius Lysias 22:23-29

22:23-24 Claudius Lysias could not understand why the Jews reacted as they did. If he did not understand Aramaic, his confusion would have been even greater. He could not tolerate a riot, so he decided to get the truth from Paul by threatening him and, if necessary, torturing him. This type of beating, with strips of leather embedded with scraps of bone or metal fastened to a stout wooden handle, usually resulted in death or permanent crippling. This is the weapon the Roman soldiers used to beat Jesus after Pilate had declared Him innocent (Matt. 27:26; John 18:3819:1). This would have been the worst beating Paul ever experienced (cf. 16:22-23; 2 Cor. 11:24-25). "In being called as witness to this Jesus, Paul was also called to suffering (9:16), suffering that increasingly looks like Jesus' suffering (cf. 21:11-14; 22:22) and includes an extensive series of trials and threats to Paul's life. The trials, even though extended over much more time and depicted in fuller scenes, resemble Jesus' trials. Both Jesus and Paul must appear before the Jewish council, the Roman governor, and a Jewish king. Both are repeatedly declared innocent yet not released."928 22:25 Roman law protected Roman citizens from the scourge (Lat. flagellum) before they went on trial and even if they were guilty.929 The fact that Paul raised a question in his defense rather than demanding his release reflects his self-control in this dangerous situation. He was under the Spirit's control. ". . . martyrdom is only of value when it cannot be avoided."930 22:26-28 During the reign of Emperor Claudius (A.D. 41-54) it was possible to obtain Roman citizenship for a high price.931 This had not always been possible in the empire. Earlier the government conferred citizenship for rendering valuable service to a Roman general or high official.932 This is probably how Paul's father or grandfather received his citizenship. As the son of a Roman citizen, Paul inherited this status; it did not come to him because he was a citizen of Tarsus. Tarsus was a free city, not a colony of Rome like Philippi. Born citizens enjoyed greater respect than Romans who had bought their citizenship.

2:282. "The Acts . . .," p. 528. 930Morgan, p. 383. 931Claudius Lysias' name probably has some connection with the emperor Claudius since the commander had evidently purchased his citizenship under the reign of this emperor. 932Bruce, Commentary on . . ., p. 446.
929Longenecker,

928Tannehill,

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Roman citizens kept the documents proving their status in secure places, and nothing external identified them as citizens. People normally accepted a verbal claim to being a Roman citizen at face value since to claim citizenship falsely was a capital offense.933 Claudius Lysias took the course of action that was safest for him and accepted Paul's claim. 22:29 The soldiers should not have bound Paul until someone had formally charged him with a crime. "The narrative of an action-packed day ends after this indication that Paul is fully a member of the two worlds to which he has been sent. He is both a devout Jew (22:3) and a Roman citizen."934

Paul's defense before the Sanhedrin 22:3023:10

"The irregular structure of Luke's account of Paul's defense before the Sanhedrin evidently reflects the tumultuous character of the session itself. Three matters pertaining to Luke's apologetic purpose come to the fore: (1) Christianity is rooted in the Jewish doctrine of the resurrection of the dead (cf. 23:6); (2) the debate Paul was engaged in regarding Christianity's claims must be viewed as first of all a Jewish intramural affair (cf. 23:710); and (3) the ongoing proclamation of the gospel in the Gentile world stems from a divine mandate (cf. 23:11)."935 22:30 The commander released Paul from his chains but kept him in custody. He decided the Sanhedrin could discover why the Jews were accusing Paul since he could not figure this out. He ordered this body to meet to examine Paul because he was responsible for keeping peace in Jerusalem. If Paul's offenses proved inconsequential, Claudius Lysias would release him. If the Jews charged him with some religious crime, the Sanhedrin could try him. If they charged him with a civil crime, the Roman provincial governor would try him.936 This was at least the sixth time that the Sanhedrin had to evaluate the claims of Christ. The first occasion was when it met to consider reports about Jesus (John 11:47-53), and the second was Jesus' trial (Matt. 26:5768; 27:1-2; Mark 14:53-65; 15:1; Luke 22:66-71). The third meeting was the trial of Peter and John (4:5-22), the fourth was the trial of the Twelve (5:21-40), and the fifth was Stephen's trial (6:127:60).

933Suetonius, 934Tannehill,

"The Deified Claudius," in The Lives of the Caesars, 2:5:25. 2:284. 935Longenecker, "The Acts . . .," pp 529-30. 936See my comments on 4:5 for information about the Sanhedrin.

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Evidently Paul intended to give his testimony again to the Sanhedrin. He addressed this body using the formal address common among Jews (lit. "Men brothers," Gr. Andres adelphoi). He identified himself as a Jew since his loyalty to Judaism was in question. Paul frequently claimed to have lived with a clear conscience before God (cf. 20:18-21, 26-27; 24:16; Rom 15:19, 23; Phil 3:6; 2 Tim. 4:7).937 Here this claim meant that he believed that nothing he had done, which he was about to relate, was contrary to the will of God contained in the Hebrew Scriptures. Specifically his Christian beliefs and conduct did not compromise his Jewish heritage. "He was not, of course, claiming sinlessness, nor was he referring to the inner spiritual conflicts of Rom. 7. The reference was to the externals of his life, and the blamelessness of his conduct as measured by the demands of the Law (cf. Phil. 3:4-6)."938

23:2

Paul's claim to uprightness so incensed Ananias that he ordered a soldier to strike Paul on the mouth. Probably Ananias, who was a Sadducee, had already made up his mind that Paul, who had been a Pharisee, was guilty. An officer of the high priest had also struck Jesus as he testified before the Sanhedrin (cf. John 18:20-23). Ananias became high priest in A.D. 47. The Jewish high priesthood was a political appointment during Rome's occupation of Palestine. Josephus painted Ananias as a despicable person. He seized for his own use tithes that should have gone to the ordinary priests and gave large bribes to Romans and Jews. The emperor summoned him to Rome on charges of being involved in a bloody battle between Jews and Samaritans, but he escaped punishment. He was very wealthy and resorted to violence and even assassination to accomplish his ends. He was also very pro-Roman, and the Jews finally assassinated him in their uprising against Rome in A.D. 66, nine years after Paul stood before him.939

23:3

Jewish law considered a person innocent until proved guilty, but Ananias had punished Paul before he had been charged much less tried and found guilty. Paul reacted indignantly and uttered a prophecy of Ananias' judgment that God fulfilled later. A whitewashed wall is one that was frequently inferior on the inside but looked good outwardly (cf. Ezek. 13:10-16; Matt. 23:27). Paul's reaction was extreme, but as he proceeded to explain, it resulted from misunderstanding.

937Paul

referred to the conscience about 23 times in his epistles. p. 168, n. 19. 939Josephus, The Wars . . ., 2:12:6; 2:17:6, 9; Antiquities of . . ., 20:5:2; 20:6:2; 20:9:2, 4; Wiersbe, 1:494.
938Kent,

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Paul may not have known that the person who commanded the soldier to strike him was the high priest for any number of reasons. Paul had not been in Jerusalem for an extended visit for over 20 years and may not have been able to recognize the current high priest by sight. Perhaps Ananias was not wearing his high priestly robes since this was not a regular meeting of the Sanhedrin.940 Perhaps Paul was looking in another direction when Ananias gave the order to strike him. Perhaps Paul had poor eyesight,941 though this seems less likely in view of verse 1.942 Another possibility is that Paul was speaking in irony: "'I did not think that a man who would give such an order could be the high priest.'"943 Some interpreters believe that Paul simply lost his temper.944 Others believe he was apologizing.945 Paul voiced similar passionate utterances on other occasions (cf. Gal. 2:11; 5:12; Phil. 3:2). The high priest was a ruler of the Jews in a higher sense than was true of the rest of the Sanhedrin members. Paul's quotation from Exodus 22:28 showed that he was in subjection to God's revealed will that he was on trial for repudiating. Being subject to governmental authorities is a requirement under the New Covenant as it was under the Old (cf. Rom. 13:1-7; et al.). Paul quoted the Old Covenant here for the benefit of the Jews who lived under it.

23:6

Paul recognized that he could not get a fair trial in a court that did not even observe the law it purported to defend, so he changed his tactics. He decided to divide the jury and began his defense again ("Men brethren"). This time he took the offensive. The issue of the resurrection of the dead was fundamental in Paul's case (cf. 17:32). Israel's national hope of deliverance by her Messiah rested on the resurrection of that Messiah as predicted in the Hebrew Scriptures. By raising the old controversy of whether resurrection is possible, Paul divided his accusers. "Paul keeps coming back to the theme of hope and resurrection even when it no longer provokes disruption (cf. 24:15, 21; 28:20), and it will be a central theme in Paul's climactic defense speech before King Agrippa (26:68, 23). Paul is doing more than injecting a controversial subject into the Sanhedrin hearing. He is trying to change

"The Acts . . .," p. 531. 4:614. 942The passage to which some commentators appeal to argue that Paul had deficient eyesight (Gal. 4:1315) does not really say that. 943Marshall, The Acts . . ., p. 364; Neil, p. 228. 944Ironside, Lectures on . . ., p. 537. 945Kent, p. 168.
941McGee,

940Longenecker,

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the entire issue of his trial, and he will persist in this effort in subsequent scenes. Therefore, the significance of Paul's statement that he is on trial 'concerning hope and resurrection of the dead' can be understood only by considering the development of this theme in later scenes."946 23:7-8 Paul's belief in the resurrection divided the Sanhedrin. The Sadducees denied the resurrection as well as the existence of (good) angels and (evil) spirits, but the Pharisees believed in these things.947 The Pharisees sided with Paul, and the Sadducees opposed him. Their emotional dispute excluded any possibility of a serious examination of Paul's conduct or even a clarification of the charges against him. The Pharisees likewise defended Paul's claim to having received a vision on the Damascus road (22:6-11) or in the temple (22:17-21), but the Sadducees repudiated it. The Roman commander must have thrown up his hands in dismay. For a second time he could not discover what Paul had done and why so many Jews hated him. Pilate had a similar problem with Jesus (John 18:2819:15). Claudius Lysias decided to take Paul into protective custody in the Fortress.

23:9-10

The Lord's encouragement of Paul 23:11

Paul was undoubtedly wondering how he would ever get out of the mess in which he found himself. At this critical moment, during the night of the next day (Gr. te epiouse nykti), the Lord appeared to him again (cf. 9:4-6; 16:9; 18:9-10; 22:17-21; 27:23-24; Gen. 15:1). The Lord's appearances to Paul all occurred at great crises in his life. He assured the apostle that he would bear witness in Rome as he had already done in Jerusalem (1:8). This revelation is essential to Luke's purpose in writing Acts, and it certainly must have given Paul confidence as the events that followed unfolded. "When Jesus' witnesses were previously imprisoned, prison doors were wondrously opened for them (5:17-21; 12:1-11; 16:23-26). That is no longer the case. The Lord's reassurance must take the place of miraculously opening doors. The divine power that rescues from prison has become a powerful presence that enables the witness to endure an imprisonment that lasts for years."948 "This assurance meant much to Paul during the delays and anxieties of the next two years, and goes far to account for the calm and dignified bearing which seemed to mark him out as a master of events rather than their victim."949
946Tannehill, 947See

2:287. my comments on 4:1 and 5:34. 948Tannehill, 2:292. 949Bruce, Commentary on . . ., p. 455.

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The Jews' plot to kill Paul 23:12-24

23:12-15 Paul's adversaries (cf. 21:27-29) evidently agreed together not to taste food or drink again until Paul was dead (cf. John 16:2). Their plan was to have the chief priests and elders of Israel ask the Roman commander to return Paul to the Sanhedrin for further questioning. Assassins planned to kill him somewhere on the streets between the Fortress of Antonia and the hall of the Sanhedrin. These buildings were not far apart. They surely realized that Paul's Roman guards might kill some of their number in the process. "The oath was not so suicidal as it seems, since provision was made by the rabbis for releasing participants from the consequences of failure to carry out their purpose if external circumstances had made it impossible."950 23:16-17 We know nothing more about Paul's sister than what Luke stated here. She may have lived in Jerusalem, Tarsus, or elsewhere. Obviously her son, Paul's nephew, sided with his uncle rather than with the assassins.951 Other writers used the Greek word neanian, translated "young man" (v. 17), of persons in their twenties and thirties as well as younger men (cf. 7:58; 20:9). However, verse 19 suggests that he may have been younger than a teenager. Paul could receive visitors in the barracks where he was a prisoner since he was a Roman citizen in protective custody. He could also summon a centurion to do his bidding, which he did here. "I find today that there is a group of super-pious folk, very sincere and very well-meaning, which tells me I should not go to a doctor concerning my cancer or other illnesses but that I should trust the Lord to heal me. Well, I certainly do trust the Lord; I have turned my case over to the Great Physician, and I believe He provides doctors. It would have been a simple thing for Paul to have told his nephew, 'Thanks for telling me the news, but I'm trusting the Lord so you can go back home.' But we find here that Paul used the privileges of his Roman citizenship which were available to him. Obviously the Lord provides these means and He expects us to use them. This in no way means that we are not trusting Him. Rather, we are trusting God to use the methods and the means to accomplish His purpose."952

950Neil, 951This

p. 230. is the only reference to Paul's immediate family in the New Testament. 952McGee, 4:616.

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The commander took the advice of Paul's nephew seriously. He probably knew Ananias well enough to know that the high priest would go along with this assassination plot. The commander also realized that Paul's enemies in Jerusalem would stop at nothing to see him dead. As long as Paul was in Jerusalem there was a danger of rioting. Consequently Claudius prepared to send him to the Roman provincial capital with a heavy guard under cover of night. The number of soldiers may have been 270 or 470 depending on the meaning of dexiolaboi, "spearmen." This word may refer to foot soldiers or to led horses.953 The third hour of the night was 9:00 p.m. This is the third time Paul left a city secretly at night (cf. 9:25; 17:10). Obviously Claudius Lysias did not want the assassination of a Roman citizen on his record, so he took precautions to protect Paul. Paul's guards continued to treat him with the respect due a Roman citizen. The commander even provided horses for him to ride on. "The size of the escort is not excessive, in view of the troubled times and Jewish fanaticism."954

23:23-24

Lysias' letter to Felix 23:25-30

23:25 The commander had to send a copy of the background of Paul's case along with Paul himself. Luke wrote that what follows in the text was substantially what the letter contained. This is the first mention of the commander's name in Acts. His Greek name was Lysias, and when he purchased his Roman citizenship (cf. 22:28) he must have also taken the Roman name of the emperor. Felix was the governor of the Roman province of Syria, which included Judea. Claudius Lysias addressed Felix politely (cf. 1:1; 24:2; 26:25). The commander put himself in the best light possible in view of the facts. He mentioned his "rescue" of Paul in the temple courtyard but did not say that he almost flogged Paul. New in this letter is the mention of Paul's arrest by the Jews, evidently the Jewish temple police. Lysias wrote that he had rescued Paul because he knew that Paul was a Roman citizen, but the commander only learned of Paul's Roman citizenship after he had arrested him (21:34; 22:26-27). Of particular importance is the notice that in Lysias' judgment Paul was not guilty of any crime (cf. John 18:38), but his case only involved disputes over Jewish theology.955 This was another judgment favoring not only Paul but Christianity by a Roman official that

23:26

23:27-30

"The Acts . . .," p. 535; Neil, p. 231. The question is whether there were 200 infantry, 70 cavalry, plus 200 spearmen or 200 extra horses. 954Ibid. 955See Gallio's similar conclusion in 18:14-15.

953Longenecker,

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Luke carefully documented (cf. 19:40; 23:9; 25:25; 26:31-32).956 Undoubtedly Claudius Lysias told the Jewish leaders to go to Caesarea after Paul had left Jerusalem.

Paul's trip back to Caesarea 23:31-32

The large contingent of Roman soldiers escorted Paul through the Judean hill country and the Shephelah to the town of Antipatris about 37 miles northwest of Jerusalem. The remaining 28 miles to Caesarea lay over flatter terrain in an area that had a sparser Jewish population. Paul's party travelled this area in daylight. The foot soldiers returned to Jerusalem from Antipatris, and the 70 remaining cavalry soldiers escorted Paul the rest of the way to Caesarea. Paul's departure from Jerusalem was the first leg of his journey to Rome. God had used Paul as His witness in Jerusalem again and had preserved him to witness to the uttermost part of the earth.

3. Ministry in Caesarea 23:3326:32

Paul's ministry in Caesarea was from prison. Luke devoted about three chapters to Paul's ministry in Caesarea primarily to reemphasize the legality of Christianity as various Roman officials scrutinized it and to repeat major themes in Paul's addresses.

Paul's introduction to Felix 23:33-35

23:33 The governor (procurator) of Judea at this time was Antonius Felix (A.D. 52-59).957 Pontius Pilate occupied this office from A.D. 26-36. Felix had a reputation for being a harsh ruler who had risen from a lowly background. The Roman historian Tacitus described him as follows. ". . . Antonius Felix, practiced every kind of cruelty and lust, wielding the power of [a] king with all the instincts of a slave."958 He was apparently a freed man, someone who had been a bondsman but had received his freedom from an authoritative Roman who in this case was Emperor Claudius' mother, Antonia. He was the first slave ever to become the governor of a Roman province.959 Felix rose to power as a result of his influential brother, his self-serving political maneuvering, and
Roman magistrate before whom Paul appeared (Gallio, Lysias, Felix, and Festus) declared him innocent. 957Cf. Bruce, "Chronological Questions . . .," pp. 284-87; David W. J. Gill, "Acts and Roman Policy in Judaea," in The Book of Acts in Its First Century Setting; Vol. 4: The Book of Acts in Its Palestinian Setting, pp. 21-25. 958Tacitus, The Histories, 5:9. 959Barclay, p. 184.
956Every

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his three calculating marriages. He normally dealt very severely with Jews, especially the dagger-men, the terrorists who sought to overthrow Roman rule by assassinating key Romans and pro-Roman Jews (cf. 21:38). 23:34-35 Felix inquired concerning Paul's home province for the following reason. If Paul had come from an area in the empire that had its own ruler in addition to a Roman governor, that local authority had a right to witness the proceedings (cf. Luke 23:6-12). Cilicia was not such a place, however, so Felix could deal with Paul himself. He needed to hear the testimony of Paul's accusers, of course. Consequently Felix kept Paul in the governor's palace, the Praetorium, which Herod the Great had built, until those Jews arrived and he could conduct a hearing. The governor's palace had cells for prisoners. Paul would have been fairly comfortable there since he was a Roman citizen who had not even been charged formally with a crime.

Paul's defense before Felix ch. 24

"The delivery of the prisoner Paul to Caesarea marked the beginning of a two-year imprisonment in that city. During this period he stated his case, and also the case for the Christian gospel, to two provincial governors and a king, fulfilling one aspect of the Lord's prediction about his ministry (9:15)."960 "In his account of Paul's defense before Felix, Luke gives almost equal space to (1) the Jewish charges against Paul (vv. 1-9), (2) Paul's reply to these charges (vv. 10-21), and (3) Felix's response (vv. 22-27). He does this, it seems, because he wants to show that despite the devious skill of the Jewish charges and the notorious cruelty and corruptibility of Felix, no other conclusions can be drawn from Paul's appearance before him than that (1) Christianity had nothing to do with political sedition and (2) Jewish opposition to Christianity sprang from the Christian claim to legitimate fulfillment of the hopes of Judaism"961

The presentation of charges against Paul 24:1-9

24:1 The heat of the Jews' hatred of Paul is obvious from their speedy trip to Caesarea. The five days seem to describe the period from Paul's arrest in the temple courtyard to this trial (cf. v. 11; 21:27). The Jews' antagonism is also clear in that Ananias himself made the trip, and Paul's accusers had hired a special attorney to present their case. Tertullus (a diminutive form of Tertius; Rom. 16:22) was probably a Hellenistic Jew in view of his Roman name, though he could have been a Roman Gentile. "Attorney" is the translation of a Greek word that appears only here in the New
p. 172. "The Acts . . .," p. 538.

960Kent,

961Longenecker,

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Testament (rhetoros), which means a lawyer who was specially skillful in oratory. 24:2-4 Flattery of officials in formal speeches was fashionable in Paul's day, and Tertullus heaped praise on Felix. The title "most excellent" usually applied to men who enjoyed a higher social rank than Felix. Felix was a fierce ruler and the "peace" that existed was a result of terror rather than tranquillity. Tertullus praised Felix for being a peacemaker in preparation for his charge that Paul was a disturber of the peace (vv. 5-6). Felix's "reforms" were more like purges. Speakers also usually promised to be brief, which promises then as now they did not always keep. Tertullus leveled three specific charges against Paul: a personal charge, a political charge, and a doctrinal charge. First, he was a troublemaker in the Roman Empire having stirred up Jews wherever he went. This was a serious charge because Rome sought to preserve peace in the world, and Jewish uprisings were a perennial problem to Roman officials. Second, Tertullus pictured Paul as the leader of a cult outside mainstream Judaism. The Roman Empire tolerated Judaism, but the "sect of the Nazarenes" was not a part of Judaism to the Jewish leaders. This title is a unique name for Christianity found nowhere else in the New Testament. Tertullus evidently used this name to make "the Way" sound as bad as possible. "That [second charge] coupled Paul with Messianic movements; and the Romans knew what havoc false Messiahs could cause and how they could whip the people into hysterical risings which were only settled at the cost of blood."962 The first two charges gave the impression that Paul was guilty of sedition against Rome. The Jews had similarly charged Jesus with political sedition before Pilate (cf. Luke 23:2, 5). 24:6-8 Third, Tertullus claimed Paul had tried to desecrate the temple allegedly by bringing a Gentile into its inner precincts (21:28). This was a softening of the Asian Jews' earlier charge that Paul had indeed brought Trophimus into the inner precincts of the temple (21:28-29). Tertullus' statement that the Jews had arrested Paul harmonized with Lysias' report (23:27). The Jews had tried to kill Paul on the spot too (21:31-33). Perhaps Tertullus did not mention that because it would have put the Jews in a very bad light. This third charge implied that Felix should put Paul to death since Rome had given the Jews the right to execute temple desecrators.

24:5

962Barclay,

p. 185.

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All of Paul's accusers confirmed Tertullus' charges. They undoubtedly expected Felix to dispatch Paul quickly since Felix had repeatedly crucified the leaders of uprisings for disturbing the peace of Rome.963

Paul's defense before Felix 24:10-21

24:10 Paul's complimentary introduction was sincere and truthful. Felix had had contact with the Jews in Palestine for over 10 years, first in Samaria and then in Judea. Paul's introduction was also briefer than Tertullus' opening statement. "Although Tertullus is supposed to be a skilled orator, Paul demonstrates his superior skill by making use of Tertullus' words to build his own case."964 24:11 In response to Tertullus' first charge (v. 5), Paul said that since he had been in Jerusalem only 12 days he had not had time to be much of a pest. In response to the third charge (v. 6), Paul replied that he had gone to Jerusalem to worship. He had gone to bring money to the Jews there, and to present offerings to Yahweh (v. 17), not to stir up political trouble (cf. Gal. 2:7-9). His accusers could not prove that he had even carried on a discussion in the temple, or in the synagogues, or even in the city, much less fomented a riot. There was, therefore, no evidence to support these two charges against him. Paul rebutted the second charge of leading a cult (v. 5) by explaining that his beliefs harmonized with the teachings of the Hebrew Scriptures. This would have helped Felix see that the real conflict between Paul and his accusers was religious and not political, as Tertullus had made it appear. Paul was not claiming that the church is the continuation of Israel (cf. Eph. 2:11-22). His point was that his beliefs did not contradict anything predicted in the Old Testament. 24:15 Ananias was a Sadducee, and the Sadducees did not believe in the resurrection (23:8). Therefore Felix would have seen that Paul and Ananias disagreed strongly on this theological point. The Jews who accompanied Ananias to Caesarea evidently included Pharisees who did believe in the resurrection. Belief in the resurrection was the theologically conservative position of the Jews as a whole. This verse contains the only New Testament reference that Paul believed in the resurrection of the wicked as well as the resurrection of the
963Josephus, 964Tannehill,

24:12-13

24:14

The Wars . . ., 2:13:2-5. 2:298.

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righteous. Nevertheless the Scriptures speak elsewhere of God raising all people to face judgment (e.g., Dan. 12:2; Matt. 25:31-33, 46; John 5:2829; Acts 10:42; 17:31; Rev. 20:12-15). 24:16 Since Paul believed God would resurrect him, he sought to maintain a clear conscience as he lived. Conscience is the capacity to feel guilt. Rather than desecrating the temple (v. 6) Paul said he had returned to Jerusalem to give money to the Jews there and to present worship offerings in the temple. His gift was for the Jewish Christians in Jerusalem. Yet since Paul's desire was that they would evangelize the unsaved Jews there, he could honestly say that he had brought alms to his nation.965 "Alms" refers to the collection for the poor Jewish Christians, and "offerings" to Paul's paying the expenses of the four men who had taken a vow (21:23-26). He had completed the purification rites in an orderly manner when other Jews stirred up dissension and started a riot. Paul pointed out that his original accusers were not present at his hearing. They should have been. Probably the Sanhedrin ruled that out because, in view of the facts, it would have been clear that there was no basis for their charges. "Roman law imposed heavy penalties upon accusers who abandoned their charges (destitutio), and the disappearance of accusers often meant the withdrawal of a charge. Their absence, therefore, suggested that they had nothing against him that would stand up in a Roman court of law."966 24:20-21 Paul's present accusers could not even testify that the Sanhedrin had found him guilty when he appeared before that body. Some of them had disagreed with his belief about resurrection. Therefore, Paul concluded, he was on trial over the issue of the resurrection. This put Felix in the awkward position of having to decide a theological issue over which his Jewish subjects disagreed.

24:17-18a

24:18b-19

"One of the greatest things about Paul is that he speaks in his own defence with force, with vigour and sometimes with a flash of indignationbut there never emerge the accents of self-pity or of bitterness, which would have been so natural in a man whose finest actions had been so cruelly and deliberately misinterpreted and mis-stated."967

965Adolph

Harnack, The Date of the Acts and of the Synoptic Gospels, p. 74. "The Acts . . .," p. 541. 967Barclay, p. 186.
966Longenecker,

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The conclusion of Paul's hearing 24:22-23

24:22 Felix probably gained his knowledge of Christianity from several sources: his current Jewish wife, who was a Herodian, and Romans and Jews from Judea and other parts of the empire. He sought to preserve the peace by delaying the trial and by separating Paul from his accusers. Lysias had already given his testimony in his letter to Felix (23:26-30), so Felix was stalling. While Paul waited for Lysias to appear in Caesarea, the apostle continued to enjoy considerable personal freedom as well as Roman protection from his Jewish enemies. Paul's friends probably included Aristarchus, Luke, and Philip the evangelist who evidently lived in Caesarea (27:2; 21:8).

24:23

Paul's subsequent ministry to Felix 24:24-27

24:24 Sometime later Felix, along with his current wife, sent for Paul. Drusilla was the youngest daughter of Herod Agrippa I who had been king over Palestine from A.D. 37-44. It was he who had authorized the death of James, the son of Zebedee (12:1-2), and had imprisoned Peter (12:3-11). Drusilla was Felix's third wife whom he had married when she was 16 years old. She was now (A.D. 57) 19. She had previously been the wife of Azizus, the king of Emesa, a state within Syria, but Felix broke up that marriage to get her.968 Felix himself had been married twice before to princesses the first of which was the granddaughter of Anthony and Cleopatra. Felix used his marriages to advance his political career. The Herods were, of course, Idumeans, part Israelite and part Edomite. Something about Paul and or his gospel seems to have fascinated Felix. Someone commented that when Paul talked to Felix and Drusilla, enslaved royalty was addressing royal slaves.969 24:25 Paul's emphases in his interview with Felix and Drusilla were those things Jesus Christ had promised the Holy Spirit would convict people of to bring them to faith. These things were sin, righteousness, and judgment (John 16:8-11). Felix and Drusilla were notoriously deficient in all three of these areas. It is not surprising that Felix became uneasy. He apparently was willing to discuss theology but not personal morality and responsibility. These subjects terrified him (Gr. emphobos). Felix's decision to postpone making a decision about his relationship to God is a common one. Often people put off this most important decision until they cannot make it. This is probably why most people who make decisions for Christ do so when they are young. Older people normally get
968Ibid., 969Cf.

p. 187. Morgan, p. 405.

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harder to the gospel.970 We do not know if Felix ever did trust Christ; there is no evidence that he did. 24:26 We do not know for sure where Paul got the money Felix hoped he would give him or if he had it. Perhaps the Christians who heard of his imprisonment contributed to his support (cf. v. 23; 27:3).971 ". . . although provincial governors were prohibited by law from taking bribes from prisoners, the practice was common and, in the case of Felix, quite in character."972 24:27 The two years to which Luke referred were evidently the years of Paul's detention in Caesarea. Felix's superiors relieved him of his position because he had handled a conflict in Caesarea between the Jewish and Gentile residents too harshly. Too many Jews had died or been mistreated.973 His replacement, Portius Festus, served as procurator of Judea from A.D. 59-61.974 To appease the Jews, Felix left Paul in prison.975 The apostle had become a political pawn in the will of God.

Paul's defense before Festus 25:1-12

This is the shortest of Paul's five defenses that Luke documented.976 It is quite similar to Paul's defense before Felix except that now the apostle appealed to the emperor. "Luke's apologetic purpose is to show that only when Roman administrators were largely ignorant of the facts of the case were concessions made to Jewish opposition that could prove disastrous for the Christian movement."977

Festus' visit to Jerusalem 25:1-5

25:1 Portius Festus was a more moderate and wise governor than Felix.978 We can see his wisdom in his decision to meet with the Jewish leaders in

McGee, 4:620-21. Ramsay, St. Paul . . ., pp. 310-12. 972Neil, p. 236. Cf. Josephus, The Wars . . ., 2:14:1. 973Ibid., 2:13:7; Idem, Antiquities of . . ., 20:8:7. 974Bruce, Commentary on . . ., p. 474; cf. Gill, p. 25. 975It is quite likely that if Luke was with Paul at this time he used these two years to do some of the research to which he referred at the beginning of his two-part work (i.e., Luke-Acts; cf. Luke 1:3; Acts 1:1). He may even have written his Gospel then and some of Acts. A minority of scholars believes that Paul wrote some or all of his Prison Epistles during his Caesarean imprisonment. Morgan, p. 394, believed Luke wrote the Book of Hebrews under Paul's tutelage during this time. 976Paul made his five defenses to the Jewish mob on the Antonia Fortress stairway (22:1-21), to the Sanhedrin (23:1-6), to Felix (24:10-21), to Festus (25:8, 10-11), and to Herod Agrippa II (26:1-26). 977Longenecker, "The Acts . . .," p. 544. 978Josephus, The Wars . . ., 2:14:1; Antiquities of . . ., 20:8:10-11.
971See

970See

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Jerusalem soon after he took office. The province in view was Syria, which contained Judea.979 25:2-3 These Jews realized that they did not have much hope of doing away with Paul through the Roman courts.980 Their case against him was too weak. Consequently they urged the new governor to return Paul to Jerusalem so they could kill him on the way there (cf. 23:12-15). Festus did not agree to their request but promised to try Paul in Caesarea if his accusers would go down there.

25:4-5

Paul's hearing before Festus and the Jewish leaders in Caesarea 25:6-12
25:6-8 The judgement seat (Gr. bema, v. 6, cf. vv. 10, 17; 12:21; 18:12; Matt. 27:19; John 19:13; 2 Cor. 5:10) on which Festus sat was customarily in a public place. In view of Paul's defense (v. 8), the serious charges made by the Jews appear to have been the same as those Tertullus had presented (24:5-6). However the Jews could not prove them and produced no witnesses, so all Paul had to do was deny them categorically. This trial seems to have proceeded very much as the one before Felix had (ch. 24). Luke summarized the proceedings. As the new governor, Festus did not want to do anything that would turn the Jewish authorities against him, especially in view of Felix's record. He did not know how to proceed (v. 20), but he wanted to stay in the Jews' favor. Therefore he somewhat naively asked Paul if he was willing to move his trial to Jerusalem, the site of some of his alleged crimes. The fact that he asked Paul's permission indicates that Paul was not a common criminal but an unconvicted Roman citizen with rights that the governor had to respect. Paul turned this offer down perhaps because he feared that in Jerusalem popular opinion against him might sway his judge even more strongly than it had in Caesarea. His appeal for a trial in Rome was the right of every Roman citizen who believed he was in danger of violent coercion or capital punishment in a lower court.981 Only Roman citizens who were murderers, pirates, or bandits caught in the act could not make this appeal.982 At this time Nero was emperor, but in the early years of his rule (A.D. 5462) he was an admirable emperor, and Paul had no reason to fear him now
ruled over this province from about 59 until his death in A.D. 62. had succeeded Ananias as high priest during the final days of Felix's governorship. See ibid., 20:8:8, 11. 981Longenecker, "The Acts . . .," p. 545. 982Barclay, p. 189.
980Ishmael 979Festus

25:9

25:10-11

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(A.D. 59). Only after A.D. 62 did Nero begin to rule erratically and to turn against Christianity. Nothing in the New Testament indicates that Paul's appeal to Caesar was contrary to God's will. He probably saw this appeal as the way he could reach Rome having been detained in Caesarea for two year. 25:12 Paul's appeal got Festus off the hook with the Jews, so the governor willingly granted it. He could have released Paul because he was innocent (cf. 26:32), but the charges against him were political sedition and profaning the temple both of which were capital offenses. "The narrator shows unusual interest in Felix and Festus. They are complex characters with conflicting tendencies. Felix is attracted to Paul and his message, yet seeks a bribe and leaves Paul in prison to appease Paul's enemies. Festus presents a favorable image of himself to the public, but his handling of Paul's case is tainted with favoritism. Neither one is willing to offend the high priests and elders by releasing Paul. The narrator's characterization of the Roman governors contributes to a portrait of Paul as one caught in a web of self-interested maneuvers by people who vie for support within the political jungle. However, Paul is not just a helpless victim. As opportunity comes, he continues to bear witness to his Lord. Although Paul continues to be denied justice and freedom, the saving purpose of God still has use for this resourceful and faithful prisoner."983

Herod Agrippa II's visit to Festus 25:13-22

The charges against Paul, and particularly his innocence, are the point of this pericope. 25:13 This King Agrippa was Marcus Julius Agrippa II, the son of Herod Agrippa I (12:1-11), the grandson of Aristobulus, and the great grandson of Herod the Great (Matt. 2:1).984 Herod the Great had tried to destroy the infant Jesus. One of his sons, Antipas, Agrippa II's great uncle, beheaded John the Baptist and tried our Lord. Agrippa II's father, Agrippa I, executed James, the son of Zebedee and the brother of John. He also imprisoned Peter and died in Caesarea (ch. 12). His son, Agrippa II, is the man Paul now faced. He had grown up in Rome and was a favorite of Emperor Claudius. He was the last in the Herodian dynasty and was the best of the Herods. At the time he visited Festus, Agrippa was the king whom Rome had appointed over the territory northeast of the Judean province. He lived in
2:314. the diagram "Herod's Family Tree" above at 12:1-2, and Bruce, "Chronological Questions . . .," pp. 283-84.
984See 983Tannehill,

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Caesarea Philippi (Dan of the Old Testament) that he renamed Neronias in honor of Nero. Agrippa was about 30 years old at this time, and his sister, Bernice (Lat. Veronica), was one year younger. He ruled this region from A.D. 50 to 70. Drusilla, Felix's wife, was Agrippa and Bernice's younger sister. Agrippa and Bernice evidently visited Festus on this occasion to pay their respects to the new governor of their neighboring province. Agrippa and Bernice were essentially favorable to the Jews. They both tried to avert the Roman massacre of the Jews in A.D. 66-70.985 25:14a Festus apparently wanted to discuss Paul's case with Agrippa because he needed to clarify the charges against Paul (v. 27). Agrippa had a reputation for being an expert in Jewish matters since he was part Jewish and had grown up in the Herodian family. He was the person to whom Rome had given the authority to appoint the Jewish high priest and to preserve the temple treasury and vestments.986 Festus reviewed Paul's situation and confessed his own surprise at the nature of the charges the Jews had brought against him. They were matters concerning the Jewish religion (cf. 18:15; 23:29) and the resurrection of Jesus.987 Festus did not know how to deal with these charges (v. 20). "It is interesting that by this stage the question of Paul's alleged desecration of the temple has quite disappeared from sight, and the topic of the resurrection (23:4; 24:21) has replaced it. . . . The real ground of dispute is that Paul preaches the resurrection of Jesus, something which the Sadducees refused to believe on principle and which the Pharisees likewise refused to believe although they admitted the fact of a final resurrection of all men."988 25:22 The case interested Agrippa, and he asked to hear Paul. Festus readily agreed hoping that Agrippa would be able to help him understand Paul's situation and provide information he could use in his report to the emperor. Jesus had also appeared before a Jewish king, Herod Antipas, who wanted to meet Him too (Luke 23:8). However, Paul's interview with Agrippa proved to be more satisfying to this king than Jesus' appearance before Antipas had been to that king (cf. Luke 23:6-12).
The Wars . . ., 2:15:1; 2:16:4 Antiquities of . . ., 20:9:4, 7. 987Luke did not record that Paul had spoken to Festus about Jesus' resurrection previously, but obviously he had. 988Marshall, The Acts . . ., p. 388.
986Idem, 985Josephus,

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Paul's defense before Agrippa 25:2326:32

This is the longest of Paul's five defenses. It centers on the gospel with an evangelistic appeal rather than on the charges against Paul. This emphasis harmonizes with Luke's evangelistic purpose in Luke and Acts and is a fitting climax to that purpose. It also documents God's faithfulness in allowing Paul to witness before kings (cf. 9:15). "Inherent in Luke's account are at least three apologetic themes: (1) Paul's relations with the Roman provincial government in Judea did not end in dissonance but with an acknowledgment of his innocence (cf. 25:25; 26:31); (2) even though the Jewish high priests and Sanhedrin opposed Paul, the Jewish king who in Rome's eyes outranked them agreed with a verdict of innocence (cf. 26:32); and (3) Paul's innocence was demonstrated not only before Roman and Jewish rulers but also publicly before 'the high ranking officers and the leading men of the city' (25:23)."989

The preliminaries of the hearing 25:23-27

25:23 Festus used this occasion to honor Agrippa and Bernice before the local Caesarean leaders. There were five commanders based in Caesarea each with responsibility for 1,000 soldiers. They all had the same authority as Claudius Lysias, the commander of the cohort based in Jerusalem (cf. 21:3123:30; 24:22). Beside these commanders many prominent men of the city were present in the auditorium of the governor's palace. "Everyone who was anyone would have been there."990 Agrippa and Bernice conducted themselves like very important individuals, but Paul was the truly significant person in this gathering, as history has demonstrated (cf. Luke 21:12). 25:24-27 In reviewing the reasons for conducting this hearing, Festus acknowledged that Paul had done nothing worthy of death as the Jews had charged (v. 25).991 He referred to the emperor (Gr. sebastos, cf. v. 21) as his lord (kyrios, definitely majesty,992 and perhaps deity,993 vv. 25, 26), but Paul would preach his Lord, a higher authority than Nero, to this crowd (cf. John 19:19). Festus decided to send Paul to Nero rather than sending him back to Jerusalem (v. 9; cf. 26:32). After explaining his need in facesaving language, Festus turned the hearing over to Agrippa.

989Longenecker, 990The

"The Acts . . .," p. 550. NET Bible note on verse 23. 991Pilate had made a similar observation about Jesus' innocence (Luke 23:4, 14, 22). 992Werner Foerster, Theological Dictionary of the New Testament, s.v. "kyrios," 3:1054-58. 993Ladd, "The Acts . . .," p. 1171.

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"This nave confession of Festus reveals how unjust has been his whole treatment of Paul."994 Luke undoubtedly included Festus' preamble in Acts because it was another testimony by a Roman official that Paul and Christianity were not threats to the empire.

Paul's speech to the dignitaries 26:1-23

Paul was not on trial here. When he had appealed to Caesar (25:11), he had guaranteed that his next trial would be before the emperor. This was just a hearing designed to acquaint Agrippa with Paul's case so Agrippa could give Festus help in understanding it and communicating it to the emperor. "This testimony of Paul is not a defense of himself. It is a declaration of the gospel with the evident purpose of winning Agrippa and the others present to Christ. This is a dramatic scene, and this chapter is one of the greatest pieces of literature, either secular or inspired. . . . "There is a consummate passion filling the soul of the apostle as he speaks. I think this is his masterpiece. His message on Mars' Hill is great, but it does not compare at all to this message."995 The Lord had told Paul that he would bear His name before the Gentiles and kings (9:15). Jesus had also told His disciples that before the Tribulation enemies would deliver them to prison and bring them before kings and governors for His name's sake. This, He said, would lead to an opportunity for their testimony (Luke 21:12-13). This is exactly what happened to Paul, and he used this opportunity to give his testimony, as this chapter records.996 26:1 Paul apparently stretched out his hand to salute the king. The phrase "stretched out his hand" in Greek differs from the similar ones in 13:16 and 21:40. This defense is Paul's fullest, most formal, and climactic of all the ones Luke recorded in Acts (cf. 22:1-21; 23:1-6; 24:10-21; 25:8, 1011). It is quite similar to the one he delivered from the steps of the Antonia Fortress (22:1-21), but he selected his words here carefully to appeal to Agrippa and the other Romans present. Paul began with a customary introduction in which he complemented the king sincerely and urged him to listen patiently. He did not promise a short defense (cf. 24:2-4, 10).

26:2-3

3:441. 4:624, 626. 996See Alister E. McGrath, "Apologetics to the Romans," Bibliotheca Sacra 155:620 (October-December 1998):391.
995McGee,

994Robertson,

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"This was just the kind of situation Paul had longed for during two bleak years in prisonviz., a knowledgeable judge and a not inherently antagonistic audience before whom he could not only make his defense but also proclaim his message."997 26:4-7 The essence of the controversy surrounding Paul's ministry and teaching, he explained, was the fulfillment of God's promise to Israel, namely, salvation through a Messiah. This promise included personal spiritual salvation as well as national deliverance and blessing that the Hebrew prophets had predicted. The agent of this salvation would be a Savior whom God would anoint and who would rise from the dead. Paul's conclusions concerning that Savior were the basis for the Jews' antagonism against him. Paul said that it was because of his Jewish heritage, not in spite of it, that he believed and preached what he did. The Jewish hope finds fulfillment in the Christian gospel. It was, therefore, ironic that the Jews, of all people, should have charged him with disloyalty. "Paul is arguing that he has been consistent in his loyalty to the Jewish hope, whereas vv. 7-8 imply that his opponents are strangely inconsistent; what the people earnestly desire, the focus of their hope, is rejected when it arrives."998 When Paul referred to his nation (v. 4), he may have had the province of Cilicia or the Jewish community in Tarsus in mind. Personal maintenance of ritual purity and strict tithing marked the lives of Pharisees primarily (v. 5). Paul's mention of the 12 tribes of Israel (v. 7) shows that he did not believe that 10 of the tribes became lost, as some cults today claim (cf. 2:9; Matt. 19:28; Luke 2:36; 22:30; James 1:1; Rev. 7:4; 21:12).999 26:8 Paul's reference to the resurrection was appropriate because Jesus' identification as the Messiah depended on His resurrection. None of Paul's hearers could reasonably doubt the resurrection of the dead since God had raised Jesus from the dead. As a Pharisaic Jew, Paul had opposed the conclusion that Jesus of Nazareth was the Messiah. He had disbelieved in the resurrection of Jesus who did not seem to fit the scriptural image of that Savior. "Cast my vote" (v. 10) may be metaphorical (cf. 8:1; 22:20) or, less likely, literal. There is no evidence that Paul was ever a member of the Sanhedrin, but he could have voted to punish Christians in lower courts such as the ones that

26:9-11

997Longenecker, 998Tannehill,

"The Acts . . .," p. 551. 2:318. 999E.g., Herbert W. Armstrong's teachings and British Israelism.

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existed in local synagogues. Paul tried to force Christians to blaspheme by getting them to say that Jesus was not the Christ or by getting them to curse Him (cf. 1 Cor. 12:3). He was so zealous for his errant belief that he even pursued Christians to foreign cities to persecute them. "The great Christians have never been afraid to point to themselves as living and walking examples of the power of Christ. The gospel to them was not a form of words; it was not a form of intellectual belief; it was a power unto salvation. It is true that a man can never change himself; but it is also gloriously true that what he cannot do, Jesus Christ can do for him."1000 26:12-14 Luke recorded that Paul added two new bits of information that he had not mentioned in his previous testimonies (v. 14). On the Damascus road the Lord had spoken to him in Aramaic, probably to confirm to Paul that the One addressing him was the God of the Jews. Goads were sharp sticks used to drive cattle. The figure of kicking against goads was and is a common rural metaphor that describes opposing the inevitable (like "banging your head against a wall"). Such action only hurts the one doing it, not the object of his hostility. This was the case in Paul's antagonism to God that his persecution of Christians expressed. "In the Greek world this was a well-known expression for opposition to deity (cf. Euripides Bacchanals 794-95; Aeschylus Prometheus Bound 324-25; Agamemnon 1624; Pindar Pythia 2.94-95; Terence Phormio 1.2.27). Paul may have picked it up in Tarsus or during his missionary journeys. He used it here to show his Greek-oriented audience the implications of the question 'Saul, Saul, why do you persecute me?' Lest he be misunderstood as proclaiming only a Galilean prophet he had formerly opposed, he pointed out to his hearers what was obvious to any Jew: correction by a voice from heaven meant opposition to God himself. So he used a current expression familiar to Agrippa and the others . . ."1001 Paul related his conversion experience on this occasion very graphically, and he stressed the significance of these events. 26:15-17 Paul brought Jesus' words on the Damascus road (cf. 9:5-6; 22:8, 10), His instructions through Ananias (cf. 22:14-15), and His command in Paul's Jerusalem vision (cf. 22:18-21) together here. He did so to summarize and
pp. 193-94. "The Acts . . .," pp. 552-53. See also idem, Paul . . ., pp. 98-101.

1000Barclay,

1001Longenecker,

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to stress the divine commission that Jesus Christ gave him concerning his particular mission in life (cf. Jer. 1:7-8; Ezek. 2:1, 3). His reference to being sent to Gentiles would have drawn a favorable reaction from his Gentile audience. "Paul's language here becomes noticeably more biblical; he sees his call as a commission to become one of God's prophets like Ezekiel or Jeremiah and to share the role of the Servant of Yahweh."1002 26:18 This verse recalls the divine commission of Messiah (cf. Isa. 35:5; 42:6-7, 16). It is one of the best summary statements of not only Paul's mission but also the mission of every believer (cf. Matt. 28:19-20; Col. 1:12-14). The sanctification in view is positional; God sets a person apart for a special purpose when he or she trusts Christ. Paul had gone to Damascus as the apostle (i.e., sent one) of the Sanhedrin. He returned as the apostle of Jesus Christ.1003 26:19-20 We should probably understand verse 20 as a general description of Paul's ministry rather than as a strictly chronological reference in view of 9:2030 and Galatians 1:18-24. "Repent" again means essentially to change the mind. Note the distinction between repenting and performing deeds appropriate to repentance that Paul made in verse 20. "What is repentance? It is a complete change of attitude. It is a right-about-face. Here is a man who is going on living in open, flagrant sin, and he does not care anything about the things of God and is totally indifferent to the claims of righteousness. But laid hold of by the Spirit of God, that man suddenly comes face to face with his sins in the presence of God, and he turns right-about-face and comes to the God he has been spurning and to the Christ he has been rejecting and he confesses his sins and puts his trust in the Savior. All this is involved in repentance. "Here is another man. He is not living in open sin, but he has been living a very religious life. He has been very selfrighteous. He has been thoroughly satisfied that because of his own goodness and because of his punctilious attention to his religious duties, God will accept him and eventually take him to be with Himself. But suddenly he is brought to
1002Neil,

1003Barclay,

p. 244. pp. 194-95.

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realize that all his own righteousnesses are as filthy rags, that nothing he can do will make him fit for God's presence, and he faces this honestly before God. For him too there is a change of attitude. He turns away from all confidence in self, the flesh, his religion, and cries: 'In my hand no price I bring; simply to thy cross I cling.' This is repentance. It is a right-about-face."1004 26:21 "For this reason" refers to Paul's preaching to Gentiles (v. 20). Paul did not explain here exactly what he preached to the Gentiles, namely, that they could obtain salvation simply by faith in Christ. This message is what infuriated the Jews and led to Paul's arrest. Nevertheless Paul did give his hearers enough information about Jesus Christ so they could believe in Him. God had stood by Paul and had helped him, as He had promised (v. 22; cf v. 17). Paul preached a message thoroughly in harmony with Israel's faith (cf. 3:18; 17:3). Verse 23 may be Luke's condensation of Paul's exposition of many Old Testament messianic prophecies that Jesus fulfilled (e.g., Isa. 42:6; 49:6; 53:10; 60:3). Many of the Jews rejected the ideas of a suffering Messiah, His resurrection from the dead, and direct ministry to Gentiles, but Paul found support for these in the Old Testament. "Here in substance is the Gospel that Paul preached and that believers ought always to proclaim, 'that Christ died for our sins according to the scriptures; and that he was buried, and that he rose again the third day according to the scriptures' (1 Cor. 15:3-4)."1005

26:22-23

Paul's appeal to Agrippa 26:24-29

26:24 Paul's knowledge of the Hebrew Scriptures impressed Festus, added confirmation that Paul probably said more than Luke chose to record here. The Greek words ta polla . . . grammata, translated "great learning" (lit. the many writings), indicate that it was Paul's knowledge of the Scriptures that impressed Festus, not his general knowledge. However the governor did not understand the significance of Paul's beliefs. To him they seemed incomprehensible. He concluded that Paul was a zealous obscurantist and a bit crazy to risk his life defending such foolish ideas. "Festus' comment sounds like an interruption while Paul is still in full spate, but in fact the speech has reached its conclusion."1006
1004Ironside, 1005The

Lectures on . . ., pp. 613-14. New Scofield . . ., p. 1204. 1006Marshall, The Acts . . ., p. 398.

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"Down through the ages Festus's response has been echoed by men and women too trapped by the natural to be open to the supernatural, too confined by the 'practical' to care about life everlasting."1007 Some of Jesus' accusers also thought that He was mad. People sometimes think that we are mad when we explain the gospel to them and urge them to believe in the Lord. 26:25-27 Paul asserted that what Festus called madness was true and reasonable. What had not been done in a corner (v. 26) was the fulfillment of prophecy by the life, death, and resurrection of Jesus, and the preaching of the gospel. Jesus' ministry was well known in Palestine. "Done in a corner" was another Greek idiom of the day.1008 If Agrippa believed the prophets, Paul believed he could not help concluding that Jesus fulfilled what they predicted. Paul was backing the king into a corner. All of this was beyond Festus, but Agrippa knew the issues, and Paul was aiming his presentation of the gospel at him primarily. The accused had now become the accuser. Agrippa was now on the spot. If he agreed with Paul or even appeared to agree, he would have lost face with Festus as well as the rest of the Romans present. Festus had just said he thought Paul was mad. On the other hand, if Agrippa said he did not believe the prophets, his influence over his Jewish hearers and subjects would have ended. Consequently Agrippa replied noncommittally, "You are trying to make a Christian out of me in such a short interview!" His response does not mean that he was on the verge of becoming a Christian, as the AV translation implies: "Almost thou persuadest me to become a Christian." "The reply is light-hearted, but not ironic."1009 26:29 Paul responded to the king very politely but firmly. He wished that all his hearers, not just Agrippa, might become Christians. Paul's reference to his chains may have been literalhe may have been wearing chains as he spokeor perhaps metaphoricalhe may have been referring to his condition as a prisoner. I am not aware of any evidence that Agrippa ever became a Christian. "The speech before King Agrippa is more than a defense speech. It begins as a defense speech (cf. v. 1), and it develops aspects of previous defense speeches, but its functions are broader. It combines themes from the
1007Longenecker, 1008Ibid. 1009Marshall,

26:28

"The Acts . . .," p. 554.

The Acts . . ., p. 407.

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defense speeches with themes from the earlier narrative, reaching back to the missions of John the Baptist, Jesus, and the apostles, and fashions these into a summary statement of Paul's place in the unfolding purpose of God. Then Paul continues his mission before our eyes as his review of his past message becomes present proclamation, ending with a missionary appeal to King Agrippa."1010

The verdict of Agrippa 26:30-32

By rising to his feet Agrippa signaled the end of the hearing. Everyone else rose out of respect for him. Luke implied that everyone present concurred that Paul was completely innocent. This had previously been the verdict of the Pharisees (23:9), Claudius Lysias (23:29), and Festus (25:25). Now Agrippa, a Roman ruler with Jewish blood in his veins who was sympathetic to the Jews, voiced the same opinion (v. 32). In Agrippa's opinion Paul did not even need to be in prison, much less die for what he had done. "The effect of the scene as a whole is to emphasize the uprightness of Roman legal proceedings over against the partiality and injustice of the Jews, and to show that, when measured by Roman law, Paul's behavior appeared to be free from any guilt; mad he might appear to be, but not a criminal. There is tremendous emphasis on the climax: 'This man could have been set free if he had not appealed to Caesar.'"1011 "It may finally be asked whether Luke was justified in devoting so much of his limited space to Paul's examinations before the various tribunals of Rome. Paul's case, it should be remembered, was a test case. If he was finally acquitted, and the Pastoral Epistles are solid evidence that he was, Luke's final purpose is clear."1012

4. Ministry on the way to Rome 27:128:15

For a number of reasons Luke seems to have described this stage of the gospel expansion in detail. He evidently wanted to demonstrate God's protection of Paul, to illustrate the increasingly Gentile nature of gospel expansion, and to document the sovereign Lord's building of His church. "Ever since the purpose of going to Rome had been planted in Paul's mind by the Holy Spirit, his plans had been formulated with that goal in view (19:21). No warnings of dangers to come could make him deviate from that ultimate aim, nor from the intermediate stages (Macedonia, Achaia, Jerusalem). The intervening weeks had stretched into months and then into years, and Paul had been confronted with one crisis after another, but he had divine assurance that Rome would yet be reached (23:11). The means
1010Tannehill, 1011Marshall,

2:316. The Acts . . ., p. 386. 1012Blaiklock, p. 186.

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were not what Paul could have foreseen nor what he might have chosen, but God was in control and the apostle was fully willing to leave the details in His hands."1013 God led Luke to record Paul's journey to Rome in a way that is very similar to the biblical record of Jonah's journey. He may have done this so Luke's readers would note these similarities and connect the purposes for both journeys, namely, God's concern for lost Gentiles. The amount of detail in this section also raises the possibility that Luke, as a good storyteller, was building to his climax by emphasizing the improbability of Paul ever reaching Rome. He probably did this to produce a feeling of great relief and satisfaction in the reader when Paul finally did get there. Ancient Greek novelists often used this literary device for this purpose. Storms and shipwrecks were favorite obstacles heroes had to overcome to win their prizes, as in Homer's Odyssey, for example. Luke purposely built to his climax in this section as he did in his Gospel. There he described in detail Jesus' final trip to Jerusalem and His last days there, a feature peculiar to the third Gospel.1014 "The story is told with such a wealth of detail that in all classical literature there is no passage which gives us so much information about the working of an ancient ship."1015 This story also throws more light on the personality and character of Paul. Though he was a prisoner, he became the leader and savior of all those who travelled with him. Though he was weak, God made him strong. He was God's man, the Holy Spirit working in and through him, for the blessing of everyone he touched. Paul is the main subject. Some people on the trip even concluded that he was a god (28:6; cf. Luke 8:25; 23:47). Toward the end of the nineteenth century a group of Scottish unbelievers decided to expose errors in the Bible. They designated one of their number to visit all the places Luke mentioned that Paul visited with a view to proving the record in Acts inaccurate. The man chosen was Sir William Ramsay who, after thorough study of the matter, concluded that Luke was accurate in every detail. Ramsay became a Christian and wrote several books on Acts and Paul in defense of God's Word, some of which appear in the bibliography of these notes.1016

The voyage from Caesarea to Crete 27:1-8

27:1 Luke appears to have remained with Paul from the time he left Philippi on his third missionary journey (20:5). He may have ministered to him during
p. 184. the map of Paul's journey to Rome in Longenecker, "The Acts . . .," p. 251, or in Toussaint, "Acts,"

1013Kent, 1014See

p. 425. 1015Rackham, p. 476. 1016Ironside, Lectures on . . ., pp. 618-19.

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his entire two-year detention at Caesarea. We know he travelled with Paul to Rome (28:16).1017 Scholars have not been able to identify the Augustan Cohort (a battalion of 1,000 soldiers, cf. 21:31) with certainty. Some of them believe this was the cohort responsible for communications and service between the emperor and his provincial armies.1018 However this group may not have been in existence this early in Roman history.1019 Since "Augustan" was a title of honor that the government gave to several cohorts, this simply may have been one of the Augustan cohorts that was based in the Syrian province.1020 These Augustan cohorts served various police and judicial functions.1021 Since he was a Roman citizen who had appealed to Caesar, Paul would have enjoyed greater privileges than the other regular prisoners. Julius was another centurion (cf. Cornelius, ch. 10; 22:26; 24:23) who demonstrated fairness, consideration, and mercy, as this story will show. 27:2 Most likely Paul sailed from Caesarea. His ship originated from the port of Adramyttium just south of Troas opposite the island of Lesbos. It was a coastal vessel that docked at most ports along the northeastern Mediterranean shoreline. Aristarchus, like Luke, seems to have stayed with Paul during his Caesarean imprisonment (cf. 19:29) and travelled with him all the way to Rome (Col. 4:10; Phile. 24). Their presence with the apostle probably contributed to the respect that Paul received as he travelled.1022 27:3 Sidon stood about 70 miles north of Caesarea. Paul's friends were probably members of the church there (cf. 11:19). A soldier would have accompanied Paul wherever he went. Prevailing winds in the Mediterranean during spring and fall blow from west to east and often from the northwest. Consequently this ship sailed north up the east side of the island of Cyprus (cf. 21:3). Proceeding north it came to the coast of Cilicia and turned west passing Pamphylia and landing at Myra in Lysia, the southernmost region in the province of Asia.

27:4-5

1017Here

begins the longest of the four "we" sections of Acts, 27:128:16 (cf. 16:10-17; 20:5-15; 21:1-

18).
1018E.g.,

Ramsay, St. Paul . . ., p. 315. "The Acts . . .," p. 557. 1020Bruce, Commentary on . . ., p. 500. 1021Longenecker, "The Acts . . .," p. 558. 1022See Ramsay, St. Paul . . ., p. 316.
1019Longenecker,

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At Myra Julius transferred his party to another ship bound for Italy. This was a grain ship (v. 38) that had accommodations for at least 276 passengers (v. 37). Its port of origin was Alexandria, the capital of Egypt. Egypt was the major supplier of grain for Italy. A large fleet of these ships sailed between Egypt and Italy along the coast of Palestine, Syria, and Asia Minor carrying food. According to a contemporary description, these large ships were usually 180 feet long, 50 feet wide, and 44 feet deep from the deck to the hold.1023 Cnidus stood on the southwestern tip of the province of Asia where the Aegean Sea met the Mediterranean. A northwesterly wind forced Paul's ship southwest to the 180-mile long island of Crete. By sailing along Crete's eastern and southern coasts it finally reached the port of Fair Havens near a town called Lasea having rounded Cape Salmone at the island's southeastern tip.

27:7-8

The storm at sea 27:9-26

27:9-10 Evidently the captain waited for some time for the weather to improve in Fair Havens. The "Fast" refers to the day of Atonement that fell in the fall each year, sometimes as late as early October. People considered it dangerous to travel by sea between mid-September and mid-November, and the harbors closed for the winter from mid-November to midFebruary. Paul had already experienced shipwreck three times (2 Cor. 11:25). He recommended staying through the winter at Fair Havens. A strong northerly or northwesterly wind that frequently came up unexpectedly at that season of the year could blow a ship far from its destination. This is what happened. The centurion had the final word. Grain ships of this kind were part of a fleet that was under the control of the Roman government even though private individuals owned the ships.1024 The pilot (captain) and the owner (rather than captain) carried more influence with the centurion than Paul did. Fair Havens was suitable for wintering but not as desirable as Phoenix (modern Phineka), which stood 40 miles farther to the west along the Cretan coastline.1025 It is doubtful that Paul had the time or opportunity to plant a church on Crete during this visit. He or others may have planted the church there at another time. He probably visited Crete with Titus after his release from Rome (Titus 1:5).

27:11-12

1023Lionel

Casson, Ships and Seamanship in the Ancient World, pp. 158-59. Commentary on . . ., p. 507. 1025Robertson, 3:462-63, argued that modern Lutro was the site.
1024Bruce,

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"Euroquilo" means northeastern. The wind changed from a mild southerly breeze to a violent northeasterly gale. This wind drove Paul's ship southwest away from Crete and the harbor at Phoenix. "Ancient ships could not tack or face heavy seas . . ."1026

27:16-17

The small island of Clauda (modern Gavdos or Gozzo) lay south of Crete about 23 miles. There appears to have been no adequate harbor there. However this island did provide enough temporary shelter for the sailors to haul the trailing rowboat (dinghy) on board. Another safety measure was to feed ropes over the bow and hold them up against the ship's hull from each side. Drawn up tight under the ship these ropes helped to reinforce the internal braces of the hull. The "shallows of Syrtis" probably refers to the dreaded quicksand and shoals off the African coast west of Cyrene (modern Libya) toward which the ship headed.1027 The Greek word translated "sea anchors" simply means equipment and can refer to any gear, perhaps some of the sails and rigging here (cf. v. 40). Compasses did not exist at this time. Sailors plotted their courses by the stars and by using points of reference on land.

27:18-20

Evidently the ship was taking on so much water that the captain decided to jettison the wheat on board as well as other cargo and all but the most essential tackle (cf. Jon. 1:5). He kept some wheat on board probably for ballast as well as for food (v. 38). Paul presumably mentioned his former advice at Fair Havens not to gloat, but to encourage his fellow travelers to believe what he was about to tell them. What he had predicted had taken place, and what he was about to predict would also. An angelic visitor now confirmed God's former assurance to Paul that he would reach Rome (23:11). He told Paul that all on board would reach land safely. "This announcement that all will survive is remarkable. . . . This announcement is a key to understanding the rest of the episode, for it determines what must happen, and the acts of sailors, soldiers, and Paul are to be judged in light of it. From this point on, no method of escape is acceptable that doesn't include all."1028 Paul encouraged his despairing and perhaps seasick companions twice (vv. 22, 25). His reference to God's promise would interest the other passengers in his Lord when God fulfilled this prediction if not before.

27:21-26

1026Marshall, 1027See

The Acts . . ., p. 408. Pliny, Natural History, 5:26; Josephus, The Jewish . . ., 2:16:4. 1028Tannehill, 2:332-33.

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Faith in God gave Paul great confidence and hope, as it always should. Notice also Paul's beautiful expression of his total commitment to the Lord: "to whom I belong and whom I serve" (v. 23). "The prisoner had become the captain, for he is the only man with any courage left."1029

The shipwreck 27:27-44

27:27-28 The ancient name of the central part of the Mediterranean Sea was the Adriatic or Hadriatic Sea. People referred to what we now call the Adriatic Sea as the Gulf of Adria or Hadria or as the Ionian Sea.1030 The winds and currents had carried Paul's ship in a northwesterly direction from the south-central Mediterranean. The sailors may have smelled the land, which sailors can do, or they may have heard the waves breaking on shore. "Took soundings" is literally "hearing the land" in Greek. To determine the depth of the water the sailors tied a weight to a line and threw it overboard. The depth to which it sank indicated the depth of the water. A fathom is 6 feet, so these depths were 120 and 90 feet. 27:29 Four stern anchors kept the ship pointing toward the land so when the sun came up the sailors could beach it prow first. Another rendering of the Greek word for "wished" (euchomai, v. 29) is "prayed" (cf. Jon. 1:14). The ship's crew was about to abandon ship and make for land in the lifeboat leaving the passengers to fend for themselves. Paul probably realized that anchors in front of the ship were unnecessary and sensed their plan.1031 The sailors would have been valuable on board to help beach the ship safely. They were the experts at maneuvering it. Perhaps the soldiers let the dinghy drift free so the sailors would not try another escape. This small boat would have been useful later when the passengers had to swim to land. "Verses 24 and 31 provide an interesting illustration of the Biblical viewpoint regarding divine sovereignty and human responsibility. God knew that all on the vessel would be preserved (and if God knows it, it is certain and cannot be otherwise). At the same time God's sovereignty which
pp. 202-3. Commentary on . . ., p. 515; Longenecker, p. 561. 1031There is no adequate basis for concluding that because God gave Paul insight and wisdom during this voyage that all Spirit-filled Christians, therefore, have more wisdom than unbelievers. God gave Paul intelligence and perception that He does not give all His servants. Some Christians think that they can assess situations and that people should follow their advice simply because they are Christians or Spiritfilled Christians. Jesus taught that often unbelievers demonstrate more wisdom than believers, unfortunately (cf. Luke 16:8).
1030Bruce, 1029Barclay,

27:30-32

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insured their safety was not intended to discourage human effort, for this was the means by which God would achieve the end in view."1032 27:33-37 All on board needed to eat to gain strength for the work of getting ashore that lay ahead. Paul gave thanks to God publicly for the food (cf. 1 Tim. 4:4-5). This would have helped all present to connect their deliverance with God. This meal was evidently not a celebration of the Lord's Supper, as some commentators suggested.1033 The circumstances of the occasion argue against this view as does the terminology Luke used (v. 35; cf. Luke 24:30). The rest of the people followed Paul's example and ate too. "It could never be said of Paul as it was said of some people that 'they were so heavenly minded that they were of no earthly use.' He knew that hungry men are not efficient men; and so he gathered the ship's company around him and made them eat."1034 27:38 It was necessary to lighten the ship so it would ride high into shallow water when the sailors beached it. A sandy beach, traditionally St. Paul's Bay, was second best to a harbor. This type of ship had rudder-like paddles on the sides of the vessel that served to guide it. Evidently the sailors had locked these rudders in place when the ship was drifting, but now they put them into use again. The foresail on the front of the ship would have increased its maneuverability. Evidently currents from two parts of the sea converged near the entrance to this bay resulting in an accumulation of sand or mud. The sailors did not see this bar and inadvertently ran the ship aground. It stuck firmly. "Reef" implies coral reef in English, but the Greek word (topon) and investigations at the site (St. Paul's Bay) suggest that Luke probably described a sand or mud bar. The soldiers would have had to pay with their lives if their prisoners escaped (cf. 12:19; 16:27). The centurion was willing to take responsibility for the prisoners' safety to spare Paul's life. This unusual concern for the apostle raises the unanswerable question of whether this man may have become a Christian on this trip. God kept His promise to keep Paul and his fellow travelers safe (cf. v. 24).

27:39-40

27:41

27:42-44

1032Kent, 1033E.g.,

p. 189. Neil, p. 252. 1034Barclay, p. 204.

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A British yachtsman and scholar who was familiar with the parts of the Mediterranean Sea that Paul covered on this journey retraced Paul's route in the first part of the nineteenth century. His book relates his experiences and findings. It is fascinating reading and confirms the accuracy of Luke's references in this chapter.1035 This unusually dramatic and vivid chapter stresses God's sovereign control over circumstances to bring His will to pass, specifically that Paul should minister in Rome. It reminds us of Jesus' ability to control the winds and the waves of Galilee to accomplish His will and to communicate His identity. He had sent His disciples into a storm (Luke 8:22-25) just as He had sent Paul. Jesus had predicted that He would build His church and that Hades' gates would not overwhelm it (Matt. 16:18). This chapter shows to what lengths God will go to remain faithful to His promises.

Paul's preservation on Malta 28:1-6

28:1-2 Malta, also called Melita (meaning refuge, which it proved to be for Paul and his companions), lies about 60 miles south of the island of Sicily. It is about 18 miles long and 8 miles wide. It is also about 500 miles west of Crete. People of Phoenician origin inhabited it in Paul's day. Luke called them "barbarians" (Gr. barbaroi) meaning people whose culture was not Greek. These people were not savages or uncultured, however, as is clear from their hospitable treatment of the shipwreck victims. Notice that Paul made himself useful by gathering firewood; he did not sit around expecting others to take care of him. Evidently he had unknowingly picked up a small snake with his wood. It would have been sluggish because of the cold weather, but the heat of the fire woke it up. This snake is a "viper" in Greek. A viper is, of course, a specific variety of poisonous snake. The fact that there are no vipers on Malta now, which has been a stumbling block to some, simply shows that this variety of snake became extinct there after Paul's visit.1036 Vipers do not normally fasten on what they bite; they strike and then retreat. However in this case the snake was evidently still somewhat lethargic and did not behave normally. Perhaps it got hung up on Paul's hand by its fangs. "These people thought that calamity was proof of guilt, poor philosophy and worse theology."1037 People had mistaken Paul for a god previously (14:8-18). Perhaps his reaction here was the same as it had been at Lystra. Probably he used the opportunity to preach the gospel. Luke's purpose in recording this incident was probably not to supply a background for what Paul said. It was to show that God would even miraculously heal His servant to enable him to fulfill God's purpose that he bear witness in Rome (cf 23:11; 27:24).
1035James 1036See

28:3

28:4-6

Smith, The Voyage and Shipwreck of St. Paul. Ramsay, St. Paul . . ., p. 343. 1037Robertson, 3:479.

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"Paul did not deliberately pick up this viper. Paul was not tempting God. . . . "The promise of God in Mark 16:18 was fulfilled in Paul's experience. He suffered no ill effects from the venom. When folk today deliberately pick up snakes and claim that promise as their protection, they are far afield from what God had in mind."1038

The healing of Publius' father 28:7-10

28:7-8 God not only healed Paul miraculously, He also enabled him to heal the father of the island's leading citizen (cf. 3:1-10). "The leading man of the island" was a title indicating that Publius was the Roman governor of Malta.1039 Word of this healing spread across the island, and Paul was able to heal many other sick people. Doctor Luke had an obvious medical interest in physical recovery. However the Holy Spirit seems to have included these healings in the text to show that God's power was still working through Paul. God was working as strongly as ever in spite of the physical exhaustion caused by the sea voyage and shipwreck. Paul could heal anyone that God wanted healed, though not everyone (cf. 2 Tim. 4:20). "Paul could exercise the gift of healing; and yet Paul had forever to bear about with him the thorn in the flesh. He healed others while he could not heal himself. Like his Master, in another sense, he saved others when he could not save himself."1040 28:10 Paul was no god, but he was a messenger of the true God. His ministry to the people of Malta benefited them physically and spiritually, and they expressed their gratitude by honoring him in many ways. Even though Paul was a prisoner, his service of God resulted in blessing for others and for himself (cf. Matt. 6:33; Phil. 4:19). "The account of Paul's healings on Malta is quite similar to the account of Jesus' healings at Capernaum at the beginning of his ministry (Luke 4:3840). In both cases the healing of an individual is followed by the healing of 'all' or 'the rest' in a region. The individual, a relative of the healer's host, has been 'seized (sunexomene, sunexomenon)' by fever. There is also
4:635, 636. "The Acts . . .," pp. 563, 564. During World War II British General Darby was the governor of Malta. He was an outspoken Christian whom I had the privilege of meeting in England in 1949. 1040Barclay, pp. 207-8.
1039Longenecker, 1038McGee,

28:9

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reference to laying on of hands. The similarities show that Jesus' healing ministry still continues through his witnesses, with benefit both to the host who receives the healer and to the whole community. A scene from the beginning of Jesus' ministry is echoed in the last description of healing in Acts, suggesting a chiastic relationship."1041

The trip from Malta to Rome 28:11-15

28:11 Paul and his companions spent the winter on the island of Malta. Ships began to sail again toward the middle of February. The centurion was able to secure passage on another Alexandrian ship, perhaps another grain ship, that had wintered in one of the Maltese ports. Valetta was the largest of these ports. Luke's reference to the figurehead of this ship, from which it took its name, is unusual. This is the only ship's name that he recorded in Acts. The twin brothers were Castor and Pollux who were two gods thought to guard the safety of sailors. They were the sons of Zeus and Leda, queen of Sparta, whom Zeus transformed into gods, according to Greek mythology. The constellation Gemini represents them, and anyone who saw it during a storm supposedly would have good luck.1042 Perhaps Luke mentioned them to contrast God's real protection, as illustrated in the previous chapter and this one, with the protection the pagans superstitiously thought these gods provided. I can imagine Paul saying to Luke as they got ready to board this ship, "We have a better Protector than the twin brothers!" 28:12 Syracuse stood on the east coast of the island of Sicily. It was a busy port and the most important city on the island. The site of Rhegium (modern Reggio di Calabria) was near the tip of the "toe" of Italy's boot opposite Sicily. It, too, was an important harbor. Puteoli (Modern Pozzuoli) stood 180 miles farther north on the "shin" of the boot. Its site occupied the most protected part of the bay of Naples. It was a very large port and the final destination of many Egyptian wheat ships at this time. There dock-hands unloaded the cargo. It is not strange that a church existed there. Puteoli had a Jewish colony.1043 Perhaps Roman Christians had planted this church, or perhaps Jewish converts had done so. The local Christians were very generous with their hospitality to Paul and his companions. "And thus we came to Rome" expresses Luke's eagerness to reach Paul's goal city. They had not really arrived in Rome (cf. vv. 15-16), but Luke viewed Puteoli as close enough to warrant this enthusiastic announcement of their arrival.

28:13

28:14

1041Tannehill,

2:341-42. "Acts," p. 429. 1043Josephus, The Wars . . ., 2:7:1; Idem, Antiquities of . . ., 17:11:1.
1042Toussaint,

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28:15

News of Paul's arrival preceded him to Rome. An entourage of believers travelled down the Appian Way, one of the major roads in Italy, 33 miles south to the Three Taverns, a resting spot. There some of them waited while the more energetic among them proceeded another 10 miles to Appii Forum, a market town. There Paul met his first Roman Christians. He had sent them his epistle to the Romans three years earlier (in A.D. 57) from Corinth during his third missionary journey. This group of greeters would have been a great encouragement to Paul who had looked forward so long to ministering in Rome (Rom. 15:22-29). Their reception led Paul to thank God. "It [Paul's growing party of friends proceeding to Rome] becomes almost a triumphal procession [cf. Jesus' triumphal entry]."1044 Paul would have passed the tomb of the Roman poet Virgil between Puteoli and Neapolis. In his poems Virgil anticipated a savior, and Paul came with the message that God had provided one.1045

These last verses bring Luke's account of the spread of the gospel to a climax. It had gone from Jerusalem to Judea and Samaria, and now to the uttermost part of the earth (1:8). Paul was now able to bear witness in the capital of the empire. Tannehill suggested that Luke's purpose in his account of Paul's voyage to Rome was to illustrate the cooperative relationships that are possible between Christianity and pagan society.1046 This may have been part of his purpose. The journey from Caesarea to Rome probably covered about 2,250 miles.1047

5. Ministry in Rome 28:16-31

Luke's purpose in recording Paul's ministry in Rome included vindicating God's promises to Paul that he would bear witness there (23:11; 27:24). Even though a church already existed there, Paul's ministry in Rome was significant in Luke's purpose because he was the apostle to the Gentiles. The apostle to the Gentiles was now able to minister in the heart of the Gentile world.

Paul's situation in Rome 28:16

Paul was a Roman citizen who had appealed to Caesar and had gained the respect (to say the least) of his centurion escort. Therefore he was able to reside in a private rented residence with a Roman guard (v. 30).
1044Neil,

p. 256.

1045Longenecker, 1046Tannehill,

"The Acts . . .," p. 569. 2:341. 1047Beitzel, p. 177.

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This is the end of the last "we" section of Acts (16:10-40; 20:5-21:18; 27:1-28:16). We know that Luke and Aristarchus remained with Paul for some time, and Paul had other visitors including Timothy, Tychicus, and Epaphroditus. Luke and Aristarchus were with him when Paul wrote his epistles to Philemon and to the Colossians (Phile. 24; Col. 4:14), which he composed during his detention in Rome. This imprisonment probably lasted from A.D. 60 into 62 (cf. v. 30).1048

Paul's first conference with the Roman Jewish leaders 28:17-22

28:17-20 Paul began immediately to prepare to witness. He wanted to see the leaders of the Jewish community soon for two reasons. He wanted to preach the gospel to them as Jews first. He also wanted to take the initiative in reaching out to them with an explanation of why he was in Rome. He wanted to do so before they arrived at false conclusions concerning his reasons for being there.1049 Undoubtedly before sending for them he satisfied himself that they were not antagonistic to him already. He would hardly have invited to his house men who just might have been as hostile as the Jerusalem assassins. Paul may have been unable to go to the synagogues because of his prisoner status. On the other hand he may have chosen to explain his situation to a small group of Jewish leaders on his own turf. He could have done this to preclude another riot that would have complicated his formal acquittal. So, only three days after his arrival in Rome, Paul sent for these men. "Paul's statement in 28:17-20 is a summary of the preceding trial narrative and imprisonment speeches in Acts 2226. It presents what the narrator most wants readers to retain from that long narrative."1050 Paul emphasized these points in his explanation. He had done nothing against the Jews or their customs (v. 17). The Roman authorities in Judea had already declared him innocent (v. 18). He had appealed to Caesar because the Jews in Judea challenged the Romans' verdict, not because Paul had any grievance against the Jews (v. 19). His present condition grew out of the promises God had given Israel (i.e., concerning her Deliverer and deliverance, v. 20; cf. 23:6; 24:21; 26:6-8). 28:21-22 It may be that the Jewish leaders were being completely honest and straightforward with Paul in what they said. If so, God had miraculously kept these Jews from hearing about Paul's case since Jews in Jerusalem and Rome communicated frequently with each other.

Acts ends about A.D. 62, 29 years after the death and resurrection of the Savior and the day of Pentecost. 1049Levinskaya, p. 182, wrote that estimates of the Jewish population in Rome in the first century vary between 10,000 and 60,000. 1050Tannehill, 2:344.

1048Thus

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"Very possibly the Jews in Rome preferred to remain ignorant of the case; they would not have forgotten that earlier disputes over the Messiah had led to their temporary expulsion from the city (18:2 note)."1051 Perhaps the Jewish leaders realized that Paul's release was inevitable since the Jews had no real case against him in Roman courts. They may have decided to start from scratch in their campaign to do away with him. In any case, they were eager to hear what Paul had to say.

Paul's second conference with the Jewish leaders 28:23-29

28:23 Luke's concern in this pericope was to emphasize what Paul preached to these men and their reaction to it. The term "kingdom of God" probably means the same thing here as it usually does in the Gospels and Acts, namely, Messiah's rule on earth during the millennial kingdom (cf. 1:3-8; 8:12; 14:22; 19:8; 20:25; 28:31). "He [Paul] was seeking a communal decision, a recognition by the Jewish community as a whole that Jesus is the fulfillment of the Jewish hope. The presence of significant opposition shows that this is not going to happen."1052 "Is there any example of undefeatable hope and unconquerable love like this act of Paul when, in Rome too, he preached first to the Jews?"1053 28:24-27 Luke recorded for the third and last time what had become the Jews' characteristic response to hearing the gospel (v. 24; 13:46; 18:6; cf. Rom. 11:7-10). Paul's parting word was a quotation from Isaiah 6:9-10 in which God told the prophet that his Jewish hearers would not believe God's message through him (cf. Matt. 13:14-15; Mark 4:12; Luke 8:10; John 12:40-41). Paul saw that this word to Isaiah was as applicable in his own day as it had been in Isaiah's. He also regarded it as inspired by the Holy Spirit. "Note how the failure to respond to the message of the gospel is seen as a failure to turn."1054 28:28-29 Verse 28 is probably the ultimate climax of Acts. It summarizes the main theme of the book. Having presented the gospel to the Jews in Rome, and having witnessed their rejection of it, Paul now focused his ministry again

1051Marshall,

The Acts . . ., p. 423. 2:347. 1053Barclay, p. 211. 1054The NET Bible note on verse 27.
1052Tannehill,

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on the Gentiles (cf. 13:46-52; 18:6; Rom. 1:16). Until "the times of the Gentiles" run their course and Messiah's second advent terminates them, Gentiles will be the primary believers of the gospel (cf. Rom. 11:19-26). "Luke-Acts is basically a story about a mission. Acts 28:28 comments on the mission's future. The narrative prepares for this comment by reports of the Gentiles' friendly response to Paul on the voyage and the Roman Jews' contrasting response. When we recognize the careful reflection on the possibilities of mission among both Gentiles and Jews in Acts 2728, the impression that the ending of Acts is abrupt and unsuitable is considerably reduced."1055

Gentile response to the gospel 28:30-31

Paul's innocence of anything worthy of punishment is clear from his living a relatively comfortable life in Rome for the following two years (A.D. 60-62).1056 Paul was able to preach (Gr. kerysso, to proclaim as a herald) the kingdom of God and to teach (didasko, to instruct others) about the Lord Jesus Christ. Verse 23 clarifies this verse. Preaching the kingdom of God involves solemnly testifying about it, and teaching concerning Christ includes persuading people about Him. Paul could do this openly and without hindrance by the Roman authorities. This was Luke's final testimony to the credibility and positive value of the Christian gospel. "With this expression [i.e., unhindered], which is literally Luke's last word in Acts, he is saying that largely through Paul's activities, the Church is now on the march, and nothing can stop it [cf. Matt. 16:18]. Paul has built the vital bridge from Jerusalem to Rome. The Cross is in the field."1057 "In seeming to leave his book unfinished, he [Luke] was implying that the apostolic proclamation of the gospel in the first century began a story that will continue until the consummation of the kingdom in Christ (Acts 1:11)."1058 These verses contain the last of Luke's seven progress reports (2:47; 6:7; 9:31; 12:24; 16:5; 19:20). "What is the one outstanding impression made by the study of the life and work of the Apostle of the Gentiles? Is it not this:The marvelous possibilities of a wholly-surrendered and Divinely-filled life?"1059
1055Tannehill, 1056Bruce,

2:343. See also Ladd, "The Acts . . .," pp. 1177-78. "Chronological Questions . . .," pp. 289-90. 1057Neil, p. 30. 1058Longenecker, "The Acts . . .," p. 573. 1059Thomas, p. 83.

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What happened to Paul following the events recorded in Acts? There is disagreement among scholars, as one might expect. Some believe the Roman authorities condemned Paul and put him to death. However most believe they released him and he left Rome. In support of the latter view are references in other New Testament books to Paul's activities. These are difficult to incorporate into the events of his life that Acts records. We can explain them if he continued his ministry. Also Eusebius, the early church historian who died about A.D. 340, wrote the following. "After pleading his cause, he is said to have been sent again upon the ministry of preaching, and after a second visit to the city [Rome], that he finished his life with martyrdom."1060 "The tradition from Clement to Eusebius favors two imprisonments with a year [at least] of liberty between them. It has been pointed out that the leaving of Trophemus sick at Miletus (2 Tim. 4:20) could not have been an occurrence of Paul's last journey to Jeruselem, for then Trophimus was not left (Acts 20:4; 21:29); nor could it have been on his journey to Rome to appear before Caesar, for then he did not touch at Miletus. To make this incident possible, there must have been a release from the first imprisonment and an interval of ministry and travel."1061 While Paul was in Rome during the two years Luke mentioned (28:30), he evidently wrote the Prison Epistles (Ephesians, Philippians, Colossians, and Philemon). After his release and departure from Rome, he wrote the Pastoral Epistles. He probably wrote 1 Timothy between A.D. 63 and 66 to Timothy who was ministering in Ephesus, but we do not know from where he wrote it. He spoke of meeting Timothy in Ephesus later (1 Tim. 3:14; 4:13). Paul also wrote the Book of Titus probably from Illyricum or Macedonia during the same period to Titus who was on Crete (cf. Titus 3:12; 2 Tim. 4:10). Perhaps Paul visited Spain as he longed to do between A.D. 62 and 67 (Rom. 15:23-24) though there is no Scriptural record that he did or did not do so. From Rome he wrote 2 Timothy to Timothy in Ephesus shortly before his martyrdom in A.D. 68 (2 Tim. 1:16-18; 4:14, 19; 1 Tim. 1:20). Geographer Barry Beitzel estimated that Paul's travels between his release in Rome to his return and death there would have involved a minimum of 2,350 travel miles. He also calculated that Paul probably traveled a total of at least 13,400 airline miles during his years of ministry.1062 ". . . the end of Acts directs attention to the missionary situation that Paul leaves behind and to Paul's courage and faithfulness as example for the church. It points to the opportunity among the Gentiles. It underscores the crisis in the Jewish mission. It presents Paul continuing his mission by welcoming all, both Jews and Gentiles, and speaking to them 'with all

1060Eusebius, 1061The

p. 74. New Scofield . . ., p. 1208. 1062Beitzel, pp. 176-77.

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boldness' in spite of Jewish rejection and Roman imprisonment. This is the concluding picture of Paul's legacy."1063 "What almost seems like the unfinished character of the book of Acts, from a merely literary standpoint, is doubtless intended to teach us that until the fulfillment of the angels' prophecy that 'this same Jesus' shall return even as He went away, the work of evangelization for this age will not be completed. We are to heed the Word'Occupy till I come.'"1064

1063Tannehill, 1064Ironside,

2:356. Lectures on . . ., p. 651.

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Appendix 1
SEQUENCE OF PAULS ACTIVITIES
Date Event Reference
Acts 22:3 Acts 22:3 Acts 7:578:1 Acts 9:1 Acts 9:2 Acts 9:3-17 Acts 9:18 Acts 9:19-22 Gal. 1:17 Gal. 1:17 Acts 9:26; Gal. 1:18 Acts 9:27-29;Gal. 1:18-19 Acts 9:30; Gal. 1:21 Acts 11:25 2 Cor. 12:2-4 Acts 11:26 Acts 11:26 Acts 11:30; Gal. 2:1-10 Acts 12:25 Acts 13:1-3 Acts 13:414:27 Acts 13:4-12 Acts 13:13 Acts 13:13 Acts 13:14-52 Acts 14:1-7 Acts 14:8-19 Acts 14:20-23 Acts 14:24-25 Birth in Tarsus Early life and theological education in Jerusalem under Gamaliel 34 Participation in Stephens stoning outside Jerusalem 34 Leadership in the persecution of Christians in Jerusalem 34 Leadership in the persecution of Christians beyond Jerusalem to Damascus 34 Conversion on the road to Damascus 34 Baptism in Damascus 34 Preaching in Damascus 34 Trip to Arabia 34 Return to Damascus 37 Trip to Jerusalem 37 Meeting with Peter and James and preaching in Jerusalem 37 Trip to Tarsus via Caesarea 37-43 Ministry in and around Tarsus 37-43 Caught up to the third heaven 43 Move to Antioch of Syria on Barnabas invitation 43 Ministry in Antioch of Syria 47 Trip to Jerusalem with Barnabas and Titus to deliver a famine relief gift 47 Return to Antioch 47-48 Continued ministry in Antioch 48-49 First missionary journey with Barnabas and John Mark 48 Ministry in Cyprus 48 Voyage to Asia Minor 48 Separation from John Mark who departed at Perga 48 Ministry at Pisidian Antioch 48-49 Ministry at Iconium 49 Ministry at Lystra 49 Ministry at Derbe 49 Return to Attalia

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323 Acts 14:26 Acts 14:27-15:2 Gal. 2:11-14 Acts 15:3 Acts 15:4-29 Acts 15:22, 30 Acts 15:31-33 Acts 15:35 Acts 15:36-39 Acts 15:39 Acts 15:4018:22 Acts 15:41 Acts 16:1 Acts 16:2-3 Acts 16:4-6 Acts 16:7-8 Acts 16:9-10 Acts 16:11 Acts 16:12-40

Return to Syrian Antioch Ministry in Syrian Antioch Rebuke of Peter Writing of Galatians Trip to Jerusalem with Barnabas via Phoenicia and Samaria 49 Jerusalem Council 49 Return to Syrian Antioch with Barnabas, Silas, and Judas 49 Separation from Silas and Judas who returned to Jerusalem 49-50 Ministry in Syrian Antioch 50 Division of opinion with Barnabas over John Mark 50 Separation from Barnabas and John Mark who returned to Cyprus 50-52 Second missionary journey with Silas and others 50 Ministry in Syria and Cilicia 50 Ministry in Derbe and Lystra 50 Partnership with Timothy who joined Paul and Silas 50 Ministry in other Galatian churches 50 Exclusion from Asia and Bithynia 50 Macedonian vision at Troas 50 Voyage from Troas to Samothrace to Neapolis with Luke 50 Ministry in Philippi 50 Separation from Luke who remained at Philippi 50-51 Ministry in Thessalonica 51 Ministry in Berea 51 Separation from Silas and Timothy who remained in Berea 51 Ministry in Athens 51 Ministry in Corinth 51 Association with Aquilla and Priscilla 51 Reunion with Silas and Timothy 51 Writing of 1 and 2 Thessalonians 52 Trip to Ephesus with Aquilla and Priscilla 52 Separation from Aquilla and Priscilla 52 Ministry in Ephesus 52 Return to Syrian Antioch via Caesarea and Jerusalem 52-53 Layover in Syrian Antioch

Acts 17:1-9 Acts 17:10-15 Acts 17:14 Acts 17:16-34 Acts 18:1-17 Acts 18:2-3 Acts 18:4 Acts 18:18 Acts 18:18-19 Acts 18:19-21 Acts 18:21-22 Acts 18:23

324 53-57 53 53 53 53 53-56 53-56 56 56 56 56 56 56 56 56 56 56 56 56-57 57

Dr. Constable's Notes on Acts

2007 Edition Acts 18:2321:19 Acts 18:23; 19:1 Acts 18:24 Acts 18:26 Acts 18:27-28 Acts 19:120:1 1 Cor. 5:9 2 Cor., 2:1; 12:14; 13:1-2 2 Cor. 2:3-4; 7:8-12; 12:18 Acts 19:22

57 57 57 57 57 57 57 57 57 57 57 57 57 57 57 57-59 57 59

Third missionary journey Ministry in Galatia Apollos ministry in Ephesus Aquilla and Priscillas ministry to Apollos Apollos ministry in Achaia Ministry in Ephesus and Asia Writing of the former letter to Corinth Writing of 1 Corinthians The painful visit to Corinth and return Writing of the severe letter to Corinth Sending of Timothy and Erastus to Macedonia Trip to Troas from Ephesus Wait for Titus Trip to Macedonia from Troas Reunion with Titus in Macedonia Writing of 2 Corinthians Ministry in Macedonia Ministry in Greece (Achaia and Corinth) Writing of Romans Return to Macedonia and Philippi with Sopater, Aristarchus, Secundus, Gaius, Timothy, Tychicus, Trophimus, and Luke Trip of his companions except Luke to Troas Trip to Troas with Luke Ministry at Troas Trip to Assos by land while Luke and another brother travel by ship Trip to Miletus by ship with Luke and the other brother Ministry at Miletus Trip from Miletus to Caesarea with Luke and the other brother via Tyre Ministry at Caesarea Trip to Jerusalem Ministry at Jerusalem Report to the church Arrest in the temple Speech in the temple courtyard Imprisonment in Jerusalem Trip to Caesarea Ministry in Caesarea Defense before Felix Defense before Festus

Acts 20:1

Acts 20:2 Acts 20:2-3 Acts 20:3-4

Acts 20:5 Acts 20:6 Acts 20:7-12 Acts 20:13 Acts 20:14-16 Acts 20:17-38 Acts 21:1-7 Acts 21:8-14 Acts 21:15-16 Acts 21:1723:30 Acts 21:17-26 Acts 21:27-40 Acts 22:1-21 Acts 22:2223:30 Acts 23:31-35 Acts 24:126:32 Acts 24:1-27 Acts 25:1-12

2007 Edition 59 59-60 59 59 59-60 60 60-62 60-62 62 62 62-66 67 67-68 67 68

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325 Acts 26:1-32 Acts 27:128:15 Acts 27:1-8 Acts 27:9-44 Acts 28:1-10 Acts 28:11-15 Acts 28:15-31

Defense before Agrippa and Festus Journey to Rome with Luke and Aristarchus Trip to Crete Shipwreck Ministry on Malta Trip from Malta to Rome Ministry in Rome Writing of the Prison Epistles Release from Rome Return to the Aegean area Writing of 1 Timothy and Titus Arrest Imprisonment in Rome Writing of 2 Timothy Martyrdom in Rome

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Appendix 2
SERMONS AND SPEECHES IN ACTS1065
Speakers
Peter (1) Peter (2) Peter (3)

Occasions and or Hearers

Selection of successor to Judas Signs on the day of Pentecost Healing of lame man in the temple Before the Sanhedrin for preaching the resurrection of Christ Before the Sanhedrin regarding Peter and others Before the Sanhedrin after his arrest At Cornelius' house to present the gospel to Gentiles Defense to the church about what happened in Caesarea Sabbath sermon to Jews in the synagogue Crowd who wanted to worship them Church council Church council Athenians on Mars Hill

Cities
Jerusalem Jerusalem Jerusalem

References
1:16-22 2:14-36 3:12-26

Peter (4)

Jerusalem

4:8-12

Gamaliel

Jerusalem

5:35-39

Stephen

Jerusalem

7:2-53

Peter (5)

Caesarea

10:34-43

Peter (6)

Jerusalem

11:4-17

Paul (1) Paul (2) and Barnabas Peter (7) James Paul (3)

Pisidian Antioch Lystra Jerusalem Jerusalem Athens

13:16-41 14:15-17 15:7-11 15:13-21 17:22-31

1065Adapted

from The Bible Knowledge Commentary: New Testament, p. 355.

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Demetrius Town clerk Paul (4) Paul (5) Paul (6) Paul (7) Paul (8) Paul (9) Paul (10) Paul (11)

Workmen who were disturbed at Paul's preaching Riot at Ephesus Gathering of Ephesian elders Mob of people who tried to kill Paul Defense before the Sanhedrin Defense before Felix Defense before Festus Defense before Herod Agrippa II Shipmates in a violent storm Testimony to Jewish leaders

Ephesus Ephesus Miletus Jerusalem Jerusalem Caesarea Caesarea Caesarea Mediterranean Sea between Crete and Malta Rome

19:25-27 19:35-40 20:18-35 22:1-21 23:1-6 24:10-21 25:8, 10-11 26:1-23 27:21-26 28:17-20, 25-28

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Bibliography
Albright, William Foxwell. The Archaeology of Palestine. 1949. Revised ed. Pelican Archaeology series. Harmondswroth, Middlesex, England: Penguin Books, 1956. Alexander, Joseph Addison. Commentary on the Acts of the Apostles. Reprint ed. Grand Rapids: Zondervan Publishing House, n.d. Alexander, L. C. A. "Luke's Preface in the Context of Greek Preface-Writing." Novum Testamentum 18 (1986):48-74. Allen, Roland. Missionary Methods: St. Paul's or Ours? 2nd American ed., Chicago, Moody Press, 1959. Allis, Oswald T. Prophecy and the Church. Nutley, N.J.: Presbyterian and Reformed Publishing Co., 1945.
The Ante-Nicene Fathers. Edited by Alexander Roberts and James Donaldson. 10 vols. Grand Rapids: Wm. B. Eerdmans Publishing Co., 1974.

Archer, Gleason L. Encyclopedia of Bible Difficulties. Grand Rapids: Zondervan Publishing House, Regency Reference Library, 1982. Bailey, Mark L., and Thomas L. Constable. The New Testament Explorer. Nashville: Word Publishing Co., 1999. Reprinted as Nelson's New Testament Survey. Nashville: Thomas Nelson Publishers, 1999. Ballance, M. The Site of Derbe: A New Inscription. Anatolian Studies series. London: British Institute of Archaeology at Ankora, 1957. Bammel, Ernst. "Jewish Activity against Christians in Palestine according to Acts." In The Book of Acts in Its First Century Setting; Vol. 4: The Book of Acts in Its Palestinian Setting, pp. 357-64. Edited by Richard Bauckham. Grand Rapids: Wm. B. Eerdmans Publishing Co., and Carlisle, England: Paternoster Press, 1995. Barclay, William. The Acts of the Apostles. Daily Study Bible series. 2nd ed. and reprint ed. Edinburgh: Saint Andrew Press, 1962. Barker, Kenneth L. "The Scope and Center of Old and New Testament Theology and Hope." In Dispensationalism, Israel and the Church: The Search for Definition, pp. 293-328. Edited by Craig A. Blaising and Darrell L. Bock. Grand Rapids: Zondervan Publishing House, 1992. Barnhouse, Donald G. God's River. Vol. IV in Exposition of Bible Doctrines. Grand Rapids: Wm. B. Eerdmans Publishing Co., 1958.

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Barrett, C. K. "The Apostolic Decree of Acts 15.29." Australian Biblical Review 35 (1987):50-59. _____. A Critical and Exegetical Commentary on the Acts of the Apostles. Vol. 1. The International Critical Commentary series. Edinburgh: T. & T. Clark, 1994. _____. The New Testament Background: Selected Documents. New York: Harper & Row, 1961. Bauckham, Richard. "James and the Jerusalem Church." In The Book of Acts in Its First Century Setting; Vol. 4: The Book of Acts in Its Palestinian Setting, pp. 415-80. Edited by Richard Bauckham. Grand Rapids: Wm. B. Eerdmans Publishing Co., and Carlisle, England: Paternoster Press, 1995. Baxter, J. Sidlow. Explore the Book. 6 vols. London: Marshall, Morgan & Scott, 1965. Beitzel, Barry J. The Moody Atlas of Bible Lands. Chicago: Moody Press, 1985. Bellshaw, William G. "The Confusion of Tongues." Bibliotheca Sacra 120:478 (AprilJune 1963):145-53. Berghuis, Kent D. "A Biblical Perspective on Fasting." Bibliotheca Sacra 158:629 (January-March 2001):86-103. Berkhof, Louis. Systematic Theology. 4th revised ed. Grand Rapids: Wm. B. Eerdmans Publishing Co., 1959. Blaiklock, E. M. The Acts of the Apostles. Tyndale New Testament Commentaries series. London: Tyndale Press, 1959; reprint ed., Grand Rapids: Wm. B. Eerdmans Publishing Co., 1979. Blaising, Craig. A. "The Extent and Varieties of Dispensationalism." In Progressive Dispensationalism, pp. 9-56. By Craig A. Blaising and Darrell L. Bock. Wheaton: Victor Books, 1993. _____. "The Fulfillment of the Biblical Covenants Through Jesus Christ." In Progressive Dispensationalism, pp. 174-211. By Craig A. Blaising and Darrell L. Bock. Wheaton: Victor Books, 1993. _____. "The Kingdom of God in the New Testament." In Progressive Dispensationalism, pp. 232-83. By Craig A. Blaising and Darrell L. Bock. Wheaton: Victor Books, 1993. Bock, Darrell L. "Evidence from Acts." In A Case for Premillennialism: A New Consensus, pp. 181-98. Edited by Donald K. Campbell and Jeffrey L. Townsend. Chicago: Moody Press, 1992.

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_____. "Jesus as Lord in Acts and in the Gospel Message." Bibliotheca Sacra 143:570 (April-June 1986):146-54. _____. "The Reign of the Lord Christ." In Dispensationalism, Israel and the Church: The Search for Definition, pp. 37-67. Edited by Craig A. Blaising and Darrell L. Bock. Grand Rapids: Zondervan Publishing House, 1992. _____. "A Theology of Luke-Acts." In A Biblical Theology of the New Testament, pp. 87166. Edited by Roy B. Zuck. Chicago: Moody Press, 1994. Boice, James Montgomery. Foundations of the Christian Faith. Downers Grove. Ill.: InterVarsity Press, 1986. Bruce, F. F. "Chronological Questions in the Acts of the Apostles." Bulletin of the John Rylands University Library of Manchester 68:2 (Spring 1986):273-95. _____. Commentary on The Book of Acts. New International Commentary on the New Testament series. Reprint ed. Grand Rapids: Wm. B. Eerdmans Publishing Co., 1984. _____. "The Church of Jerusalem in the Acts of the Apostles." Bulletin of the John Rylands University Library of Manchester 67:2 (Spring 1985):641-61. _____. The Epistle to the Galatians. New International Greek Testament Commentary series. Exeter, England: Paternoster Press, 1982; reprint ed. Grand Rapids: Wm. B. Eerdmans Publishing Co., 1983. _____. "Paul's Apologetic and the Purpose of Acts." Bulletin of the John Rylands University Library 39:2 (Spring 1987):379-93. Brunner, Emil. The Misunderstanding of the Church. Philadelphia: Westminster Press, 1953. Burns, J. Lanier. "A Reemphasis on the Purpose of Tongues." Bibliotheca Sacra 132:527 (July-September 1975):242-49. Burton, Ernest DeWitt. "The Politarchs." American Journal of Theology 2 (1898):598632. Butcher, J. Kevin. "A Critique of The Gospel According to Jesus." Journal of the Grace Evangelical Society 2:1 (Spring 1989):27-43. Cadbury, Henry J. The Book of Acts in History. London: Black, 1955.

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Calvin, John. Institutes of the Christian Religion. Vols. XXI and XXII in The Library of Christian Classics. Translated by Ford Lewis Battles. Philadelphia: Westminster Press, 1960. Campbell, Donald K. "Paul's Ministry at EphesusA Devotional Study." Bibliotheca Sacra 118:472 (October-December 1961):304-10. Capper, Brian. "The Palestinian Cultural Context of Earliest Christian Community of Goods." In The Book of Acts in Its First Century Setting; Vol. 4: The Book of Acts in Its Palestinian Setting, pp. 323-56. Edited by Richard Bauckham. Grand Rapids: Wm. B. Eerdmans Publishing Co., and Carlisle, England: Paternoster Press, 1995. Carroll, J. Response to the End of History: Eschatology and Situation in Luke-Acts. Atlanta: Scholars Press, 1989. Carson, Donald A. Exegetical Fallacies. Grand Rapids: Baker Book House, 1984. Casson, Lionel. Ships and Seamanship in the Ancient World. Princeton: University Press, 1971.
Catalog of Oral Roberts University. Tulsa, Okla.: Oral Roberts University, 1973.

Chafer, Lewis S. Grace. Grand Rapids: Zondervan Publishing House, 1922. _____. He That Is Spiritual. Findlay, Ohio: Dunham Publishing Co., 1819. _____. Salvation. Grand Rapids: Zondervan Publishing House, 1917. _____. Systematic Theology. 8 vols. Dallas: Dallas Seminary Press, 1947-48. Chase, F. H. The Credibility of the Acts of the Apostles. London: Macmillan Co., 1902. Cocoris, G. Michael. Evangelism: A Biblical Approach. Chicago: Moody Press, 1984. _____. "John MacArthur, Jr's, System of Salvation: An Evaluation of the Book, The Gospel According to Jesus." Glendora, Calif.: By the Author, 1989. _____. Lordship SalvationIs It Biblical? Dallas: Redencion Viva, 1983. Cohen, Shaye J. D. "Was Timothy Jewish (Acts 16:1-3)? Patristic Exegesis, Rabbinic Law, and Matrilineal Descent." Journal of Biblical Literature 105:2 (June 1986):251-68. Cole, Dan P. "Corinth & Ephesus." Bible Review 4:6 (December 1988):20-30.

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Constable, Thomas L. "Analysis of Bible BooksNew Testament." Paper submitted for course 686 Analysis of Bible BooksNew Testament. Dallas Theological Seminary, January 1968. _____. "The Gospel Message." In Walvoord: A Tribute, pp. 201-17. Edited by Donald K. Campbell. Chicago: Moody Press, 1982. _____. "What Prayer Will and Will Not Change." In Essays in Honor of J. Dwight Pentecost, pp. 99-113. Edited by Stanley D. Toussaint and Charles H. Dyer. Chicago: Moody Press, 1986. Conybeare, W. J. and J. S. Howson. The Life and Epistles of St. Paul. New ed. Grand Rapids: Wm. B. Eerdmans Publishing Co., 1964. Criswell, W. A. Acts. Grand Rapids: Zondervan Publishing House, 1978. Crocker, Piers T. "The City of Meroe and the Ethiopian Eunuch." Buried History 22:3 (September 1986):53-72. Croy, N. Clayton. "Hellenistic Philosophies and the Preaching of the Resurrection (Acts 17:18, 32)." Novum Testamentum 39:1 (1997):21-39. Culver, Robert Duncan. "Apostles and the Apostolate in the New Testament." Bibliotheca Sacra 134:534 (April-June 1977):131-43. Dalman, Gustaf H. The Words of Jesus. Translated by D. M. Kay. Edinburgh: T. & T. Clark, 1909. Dana, H. E., and Julius R. Mantey. A Manual Grammar of the Greek New Testament. New York: Macmillan, 1955. Darby, John Nelson. Meditations on the Acts of the Apostles. London: G. Moorish, n.d. _____. Synopsis of the Books of the Bible. 5 vols. Revised ed. New York: Loizeaux Brothers Publishers, 1942. Dean, David A. "A Study of the Enthronement of Christ in Acts 2 and 3." Th.M. thesis, Dallas Theological Seminary, 1992. Deere, Jack. Surprised by the Power of the Spirit. Grand Rapids: Zondervan Publishing House, 1993. Deissmann, Adolf. Light From the Ancient East. Revised ed. Translated by Lionel R. M. Strachan. Grand Rapids: Baker Book Houst, 1965.

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_____. Paul: A Study in Social and Religious History. Translated by William E. Wilson. Harper Torchbook ed. New York: Harper and Row, Harper Torchbooks, 1957. deSilva, David A. "Paul and the Stoa: A Comparison." Journal of the Evangelical Theological Society 38:4 (December 1995):549-64. _____. "Paul's Sermon in Antioch of Pisidia." Bibliotheca Sacra 151:601 (January-March 1994):32-49. Detwiler, David F. "Paul's Approach to the Great Commission in Acts 14:21-23." Bibliotheca Sacra 152:605 (January-March 1995):33-41. de Waard, J. A. A Comparative Study of the Old Testament Text in the Dead Sea Scrolls and in the New Testament. Leiden, Netherlands: Brill, 1965.
Dictionary of the Apostolic Church. Edited by James Hastings. 1915 ed. S.v. "Acts of the Apostles," by Kirsopp Lake. Dictionary of the Bible. Edited by James Hastings. 1910 ed. S.v. "Acts of the Apostles," by A. C. Headham.

_____. S.v. "The Chronology of the New Testament," by C. H. Turner. _____. S.v. "Temple," by W. T. Davies. Dillow, Joseph C. The Reign of the Servant Kings. Miami Springs, Fla.: Schoettle Publishing Co., 1992. _____. Speaking in Tongues: Seven Crucial Questions. Grand Rapids: Zondervan Publishing House, 1980. "Doctrinal Statement of Dallas Theological Seminary." Dallas Theological Seminary 1988-89 Catalog.
Documents of the Christian Church. Edited by Henry Bettenson. Second ed. London, Oxford, and New York: Oxford University Press, 1967.

Dodd, C. H. According to the Scriptures. London: Nisbet, 1952. Dunn, James D. G. Baptism in the Holy Spirit. Philadelphia: Westminster Press, 1970. Edgar, Thomas R. "The Cessation of the Sign Gifts." Bibliotheca Sacra 145:580 (October-December 1988):371-86. _____. Miraculous Gifts. Neptune, N.J.: Loizeaux Brothers, 1983.

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English, E. Schuyler. "Was St. Peter Ever in Rome?" Bibliotheca Sacra 124:496 (October-December 1967):314-20. Eusebius. The Ecclesiastical History of Eusebius Pamphilus. Twin Brooks series. Popular ed. Grand Rapids: Baker Book House, 1974. Falk, Daniel K. "Jewish Prayer Literature and the Jerusalem Church." In The Book of Acts in Its First Century Setting; Vol. 4: The Book of Acts in Its Palestinian Setting, pp. 267-301. Edited by Richard Bauckham. Grand Rapids: Wm. B. Eerdmans Publishing Co., and Carlisle, England: Paternoster Press, 1995. Feldman, Louis H. "The Omnipresence of the God-Fearers." Biblical Archaeology Review 12:5 (September-October 1986):58-63. Fiensy, David A. "The Composition of the Jerusalem Church." In The Book of Acts in Its First Century Setting; Vol. 4: The Book of Acts in Its Palestinian Setting, pp. 21336. Edited by Richard Bauckham. Grand Rapids: Wm. B. Eerdmans Publishing Co., and Carlisle, England: Paternoster Press, 1995. Finegan, Jack. The Archaeology of the New Testament. Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1969. Foakes-Jackson, F. J. The Acts of the Apostles. Moffat New Testament Commentary series. London: Hodder and Stoughton, 1931; reprint ed. 1960. Foakes-Jackson, F. J. and Kirsopp Lake. The Acts of the Apostles. Part I of The Beginnings of Christianity, vols. 4 and 5. Reprint ed. Grand Rapids: Baker Book House, 1965 Fruchtenbaum, Arnold G. "Israel and the Church." In Issues in Dispensationalism, pp. 113-30. Edited by Wesley R. Willis and John R. Master. Chicago: Moody Press, 1994. _____. Israelology: The Missing Link in Systematic Theology. Tustin, Calif.: Ariel Ministries Press, 1989. Fung, Ronald Y. K. The Epistle to the Galatians. New International Commentary on the New Testament series. Grand Rapids: Wm. B. Eerdmans Publishing Co., 1988. Gaebelein, Arno C. The Acts of the Apostles: An Exposition. New York: Our Hope, 1912. _____. The Annotated Bible. 4 vols. Reprint ed. Chicago: Moody Press, and New York: Loizeaux Brothers, 1970. Gangel, Kenneth O. "Paul's Areopagus Speech." Bibliotheca Sacra 127:508 (OctoberDecember 1970):308-12.

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Gentry, K. L. "The Great Option: A Study of the Lordship Controversy." Baptist Reformation Review 5 (1976):49-79. Gerlach, Joel C. "Glossolalia." Wisconsin Lutheran Quarterly 70:4 (October 1973):23361. Gill, David W. J. "Acts and Roman Policy in Judaea." In The Book of Acts in Its First Century Setting; Vol. 4: The Book of Acts in Its Palestinian Setting, pp. 15-26. Edited by Richard Bauckham. Grand Rapids: Wm. B. Eerdmans Publishing Co., and Carlisle, England: Paternoster Press, 1995. Goodspeed, Edgar J. "Gaius Titius Justus." Journal of Biblical Literature 69:4 (December 1950):382-83. Grant, F. W. The Numerical Bible. New York: Loizeaux Brothers, n.d.
A Greek-English Lexicon of the New Testament. By C. G. Wilke. Revised by C. L. Wilibald Grimm. Translated, revised and enlarged by Joseph Henry Thayer, 1889.

Gromacki, Robert G. The Modern Tongues Movement. Philadelphia: Presbyterian and Reformed Publishing Co., 1967; reprint ed., Grand Rapids: Baker Book House, n.d. Guthrie, Donald. New Testament Introduction. 3 vols. 2nd ed. London: Tyndale Press, 1966. Haenchen, Ernst. The Acts of the Apostles. Translated by R. McL. Wilson. Philadelphia: Westminster Press, 1971. Harm, Frederick R. "Structural Elements Related to the Gift of the Holy Spirit in Acts." Concordia Journal 14:1 (January 1988):28-41. Harnack, Adolph. The Date of the Acts and of the Synoptic Gospels. Translated by J. R. Wilkinson. London: Williams & Norgate, 1911. _____. The Mission and Expansion of Christianity. 2 vols. Translated by J. Moffatt. London: Williams & Norgate, 1908. Hays, J. Daniel. "The Cushites: A Black Nation in the Bible." Bibliotheca Sacra 153:612 (October-December 1996):396-409. Heater, Homer, Jr. "Evidence from Joel and Amos." In A Case for Premillennialism: A New Consensus, pp. 147-64. Edited by Donald K. Campbell and Jeffrey L. Townsend. Chicago: Moody Press, 1992.

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Helyer, Larry R. "Luke and the Restoration of Israel." Journal of the Evangelical Theological Society 36:3 (September 1993):317-29. Hengel, Martin. "The Geography of Palestine in Acts." In The Book of Acts in Its First Century Setting; Vol. 4: The Book of Acts in Its Palestinian Setting, pp. 27-78. Edited by Richard Bauckham. Grand Rapids: Wm. B. Eerdmans Publishing Co., and Carlisle, England: Paternoster Press, 1995. Herodotus. 4 vols. With an English translation by A. D. Godley. The Loeb Classical Library. Cambridge: Harvard University Press, and London: William Heinemann, 1960. Hesner, Colin. "The Name of Felix Again." Journal for the Study of the New Testament 31 (October 1987):45-49. Hess, Richard S. Song of Songs. Baker Commentary on the Old Testament: Wisdom and Psalms series. Grand Rapids: Baker Academic, 2005. Hiebert, D. Edmond. Working With God: Scriptural Studies in Intercession. New York: Carlton Press, 1987. Hodges, Zane C. Absolutely Free! A Biblical Reply to Lordship Salvation. Dallas: Redencion Viva, and Grand Rapids: Zondervan Publishing House, Academie Books, 1989. _____. "A Dispensational Understanding of Acts 2." In Issues in Dispensationalism, pp. 167-80. Edited by Wesley R. Willis and John R. Master. Chicago: Moody Press, 1994. _____. The Gospel Under Seige. Dallas: Redencion Viva, 1981. _____. "The Purpose of Tongues." Bibliotheca Sacra 120:479 (July-September 1963):226-33. _____. Review of "A Review of The Gospel According to Jesus, by Darrell L. Bock in Bibliotheca Sacra, January-March 1989, pp. 21-40." Journal of the Grace Evangelical Society 2:1(Spring 1989):79-83. Hoehner, Harold W. Chronological Aspects of the Life of Christ. Grand Rapid: Zondervan Publishing House, 1977. _____. "Chronology of the Apostolic Age." Th.D. dissertation, Dallas Theological Seminary, 1965. _____. "The Duration of the Egyptian Bondage." Bibliotheca Sacra 126:504 (OctoberDecember 1969):306-16.

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Homer. The Odyssey. 2 vols. With an English translation by A. T. Murray. The Loeb Classical Library. Cambridge: Harvard University Press, and London: William Heinemann, 1946. Hook, H. Phillip. "A Biblical Definition of Faith." Bibliotheca Sacra 121:482 (April-June 1964):133-40. Horsley, Richard A. "High Priests and the Politics of Roman Palestine." Journal for the Study of Judaism 17:1 (June 1986):23-55. Ice, Thomas D. "Dispensational Hermeneutics." In Issues in Dispensationalism, pp. 2949. Edited by Wesley R. Willis and John R. Master. Chicago: Moody Press, 1994.
International Standard Bible Encyclopedia. Edited by James Orr. 1957 ed. S.v. "Acts of the Apostles," by A. T. Robertson.

Ironside, Harry A. Except Ye Repent. New York: American Tract Society, 1937. _____. Lectures on the Book of Acts. New York: Loizeaux Brothers, 1943. Jeremias, Joachim. Jerusalem in the Time of Jesus. Translated by F. H. and C. H. Cave. Philadelphia: Fortress Press, 1969. _____. "Untersuchungen zum Quellenproblem der Apostelgeschichte." Zeitschrift fr die Neutestamentliche Wissenschrift 36 (1937):208-13. Jewett, Robert A. A Chronology of Paul's Life. Philadelphia: Fortress Press, 1979.
Jewish Encyclopedia. S. v. "Alexandrians in Jerusalem," by Emil Schrer.

Johnson, Elliott E. "Hermeneutical Principles and the Interpretation of Psalm 110." Bibliotheca Sacra 149:596 (October-December 1992):428-37. Johnson, John E. "The Old Testament Offices as Paradigm for Pastoral Identity." Bibliotheca Sacra 152:606 (April-June 1995):182-200. Johnson, S. Lewis, Jr. "The Gift of Tongues and the Book of Acts." Bibliotheca Sacra 120:480 (October-December 1963):309-11. _____. "How Faith Works." Christianity Today 33:13 (September 22, 1989):21-25. Jones, A. H. M. Studies in Roman Government and Law. New York: Praeger, 1960. Jones, Bruce. "Real Repentance." Moody Monthly 88:2 (October 1987):21-23.

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Josephus, Flavius. The Works of Flavius Josephus. Translated by William Whiston. Antiquities of the Jews and The Wars of the Jews. London: T. Nelson and Sons, 1866. Kaiser, Walter C., Jr. Back Toward the Future: Hints for Interpreting Biblical Prophecy. Grand Rapids: Baker Book House, 1989. Kent, Homer A., Jr. Jerusalem to Rome. New Testament Studies series. Brethren Missionary Herald, 1972; reprint ed., Grand Rapids: Baker Book House and BMH Books, 1985. Ladd, George E. "The Acts of the Apostles." In The Wycliffe Bible Commentary, pp. 1123-78. Edited by Charles F. Pfeiffer and Everett F. Harrison. Chicago: Moody Press, 1962. _____. A Theology of the New Testament. Grand Rapids: Wm. B. Eerdmans Publishing Co., 1974. Lange, John Peter, ed. Commentary on the Holy Scriptures. 12 vols. Reprint ed. Grand Rapids: Zondervan Publishing House, 1960. Vol 9: John-Acts, by J. P. Lange and Gotthard Victor Lechler. Translated by Philip Schaff and Charles F. Schaeffer. Larkin, William J., Jr. "The Recovery of Luke-Acts as 'Grand Narrative' for the Church's Evangelistic and Edification Tasks in a Postmodern Age." Journal of the Evangelical Theological Society 43:3 (September 2000):405-15. Law, Robert. The Tests of Life. Edinburgh: T. and T. Clark, 1909. Lawrence, William D. "The New Testament Doctrine of the Lordship of Christ." Th.D. dissertation, Dallas Theological Seminary, 1968. Lawson, Steven J. "The Priority of Biblical Preaching: An Expository Study of Acts 2:42-47." Bibliotheca Sacra 158:630 (April-June 2001):198-217. Lgasse, Simon. "Paul's Pre-Christian Career according to Acts." In The Book of Acts in Its First Century Setting; Vol. 4: The Book of Acts in Its Palestinian Setting, pp. 365-90. Edited by Richard Bauckham. Grand Rapids: Wm. B. Eerdmans Publishing Co., and Carlisle, England: Paternoster Press, 1995. Lenski, R. C. H. The Interpretation of the Acts of the Apostles. Reprint ed. Minneapolis: Augsburg Publishing House, 1964. Levinskaya, Irena. The Book of Acts in Its Diaspora Setting. Vol. 5 of The Book of Acts in Its First Century Setting, edited by Bruce W. Winter. Grand Rapids: Wm. B. Eerdmans Publishing Co., and Carlisle, England: Paternoster Press, 1996.

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Lewellen, Thomas G. "Has Lordship Salvation Been Taught throughout Church History?" Bibliotheca Sacra 147:585 (January-March 1990):54-68. Lightner, Robert P. Speaking in Tongues and Divine Healing. 2nd ed. Schaumburg, Ill.: Regular Baptist Press, 1978. Longenecker, Richard N.. "The Acts of the Apostles." In John-Acts. Vol. 9 of The Expositor's Bible Commentary. 12 vols. Edited by Frank E. Gaebelein and J. D. Douglas. Grand Rapids: Zondervan Publishing House, 1981. _____. Paul, Apostle of Liberty. New York: Harper & Row, 1964. Lumby, J. Rawson. The Acts of the Apostles. Cambridge Greek Testament for Schools and Colleges series. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1885. MacArthur, John F., Jr. The Charismatics: A Doctrinal Perspective. Grand Rapids: Zondervan Publishing House, 1979. _____. Faith Works: The Gospel According to the Apostles. Dallas: Word Publishing, 1993. _____. The Gospel According to Jesus. Grand Rapids: Zondervan Publishing House, Academie Books, 1988. _____. Justification by Faith. Chicago: Moody Press, 1984. Macartney, Clarence E. N. Paul the Man. Westwood, N.J.: Fleming H. Revell, 1961. MacLennan, Robert S. and A. Thomas Kraabel. "The God-FearersA Literary and Theological Invention." Biblical Archaeology Review 12:5 (September-October 1986):46-53. Maile, John F. "The Ascension in Luke-Acts." Tyndale Bulletin 37 (1986):29-59. Malina, Bruce J. "'Religion' in the World of Paul." Biblical Theology Bulletin 16:3 (July 1986):92-101. Malphurs, Aubrey M. "A Theological Critique of the Churches of Christ Doctrine of Soteriology." Th.D. dissertation, Dallas Theological Seminary, 1981. Man, Ronald E. "The Value of Chiasm for New Testament Interpretation." Bibliotheca Sacra 141:562 (April-June 1984):146-57. Manek, Jindrich. "The New Exodus in the Books of Luke." Novum Testamentum 2 (1957):8-23.

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Manson, T. W. Studies in the Gospels and Epistles. Edited by Matthew Black. Philadelphia: Westminster Press, 1962. Marshall, I. Howard. "Acts and the 'Former Treatis.'" In The Book of Acts in Its First Century Setting; Vol. 1: The Book of Acts in Its Ancient Literary Setting, pp. 163182. Edited by Bruce W. Winter and Andrew D. Clarke. Grand Rapids: Wm. B. Eerdmans Publishing Co., and Carlisle, England: Paternoster Press, 1993. _____. The Acts of the Apostles. Tyndale New Testament Commentaries series. Reprint ed. Leicester, England: InterVarsity Press, and Grand Rapids: Wm. B. Eerdmans Publishing Co., 1984. Mason, Steve. "Chief Priests, Sadducees, Pharisees and Sanhedrin in Acts." In The Book of Acts in Its First Century Setting; Vol. 4: The Book of Acts in Its Palestinian Setting, pp. 115-77. Edited by Richard Bauckham. Grand Rapids: Wm. B. Eerdmans Publishing Co., and Carlisle, England: Paternoster Press, 1995. McClain, Alva J. The Greatness of the Kingdom. Reprint ed. Winona Lake, Ind.: BMH Books, 1974. McGee, J. Vernon. Thru the Bible with J. Vernon McGee. 5 vols. Pasadena: Thru the Bible Radio, 1983. McGrath, Alister E. "Apologetics to the Romans." Bibliotheca Sacra 155:620 (OctoberDecember 1998):387-93. McIntyre, Luther B., Jr. "Baptism and Forgiveness in Acts 2:38." Bibliotheca Sacra 153:609 (January-March 1996):53-62. McLean, John A. "Did Jesus Correct the Disciples' View of the Kingdom?" Bibliotheca Sacra 151:602 (April-June 1994):215-27. McNeile, A. H. An Introduction to the Study of the New Testament. 2nd ed. Revised by C. S. C. Williams. Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1965. Meisner, Donald R. "Chiasm and the Composition and Message of Paul's Missionary Sermons." S.T.D. thesis, Lutheran School of Theology at Chicago, 1974. _____. "The Missionary Journeys Narrative: Patterns and Implications." In Perspectives on Luke-Acts, pp. 199-214. Edited by Charles H. Talbert. Danville, Va.: Association of Baptist Professors of Religion, 1978. Merrill, Eugene H. "Paul's Use of 'About 450 Years' in Acts 13:20." Bibliotheca Sacra 138:551 (July-September 1981):246-57.

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Metzger, Bruce M. "St. Paul and the Magicians." Princeton Seminary Bulletin 38 (1944):27-30. Meyer, F. B. Paul: A Servant of Jesus Christ. London: Morgan and Scott, n.d.
The Mishnah. Translated by Herbert Danby. London: Oxford University Press, 1933.

Moore, Thomas S. "'To the End of the Earth': The Geographical and Ethnic Univarsalism of Acts 1:8 in Light of Isaianic Influence on Luke." Journal of the Evangelical Theological Society 40:3 (September 1997):389-99. Morgan, G. Campbell. The Acts of the Apostles. New York: Fleming H. Revell Co., 1924; reprint ed., London: Pickering and Inglis, 1965. _____. Living Messages of the Books of the Bible. 2 vols. New York: Fleming H. Revell Co., 1912. Moule, C. F. D. "Once More, Who Were the Hellenists?" Expository Times 70 (October 1958-September 1959):100-2. Murphy-O'Connor, Jerome. "The CenacleTopographical Setting for Acts 2:44-45." In The Book of Acts in Its First Century Setting; Vol. 4: The Book of Acts in Its Palestinian Setting, pp. 303-22. Edited by Richard Bauckham. Grand Rapids: Wm. B. Eerdmans Publishing Co., and Carlisle, England: Paternoster Press, 1995. _____. "On the Road and on the Sea with St. Paul." Bible Review 1:2 (Summer 1985):3847. Murray, George W. "Paul's Corporate Evangelism in the Book of Acts." Bibliotheca Sacra 155:618 (April-June 1998):189-200. Murray, John. RedemptionAccomplished and Applied. Grand Rapids: Wm. B. Eerdmans Publishing Co., 1955. "Must Christ be Lord to be Savior?" Eternity, September 1959, pp. 14-18, 36-37, 48. Neil, William, The Acts of the Apostles. New Century Bible Commentary series. London: Marshall, Morgan, and Scott, 1973; reprint ed., Grand Rapids: Wm. B. Eerdmans Publishing Co., and London: Marshall, Morgan, and Scott, 1981.
The NET (New English Translation) Bible. First beta printing. Spokane, Wash.: Biblical Studies Press, 2001. The New Bible Dictionary. Edited by J. D. Douglas. 1962 ed. S.v. "Cilicia," by E. M. B. Green.

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_____. Edited by J. D. Douglas. 1962 ed. S.v. "Judas Iscariot," by R. P. Martin.

The New Scofield Reference Bible. Edited by Frank E. Gaebelein, William Culbertson, et al. New York: Oxford University Press, 1967. The New Testament in Modern English. Translated by J. B. Phillips. New York: Macmillan Co., 1958. The Nicene and Post-Nicene Fathers. First series. Edited by Philip Schaff. 14 vols. Grand Rapids: Wm. B. Eerdmans Publishing Co., 1978.

O'Connor, E. D. The Pentecostal Movement in the Catholic Church. Notre Dame: Ave Maria Press, 1971. Orr, J. Edwin. The Fervent Prayer: The Worldwide Impact of the Great Awakening of 1858. Chicago: Moody Press, 1974. O'Toole, Robert F. "Acts 2:30 and the Davidic Covenant of Pentecost." Journal of Biblical Literature 102:2 (1983):245-58. Packer, James I. Evangelism and the Sovereignty of God. Downers Grove, Ill.: InterVarsity Press, 1961. Palmer, D. W. "The Literary Background of Acts 1.1-14." New Testament Studies 33:3 (July 1987):427-38. Pentecost, J. Dwight. "The Apostles' Use of Jesus' Predictions of Judgment on Jerusalem in A.D. 70." In Integrity of Heart, Skillfulness of Hands, pp. 134-43. Edited by Charles H. Dyer and Roy B. Zuck. Grand Rapids: Baker Book House, 1994. _____. Thy Kingdom Come. Wheaton: Scripture Press Publications, Victor Books, 1990. Peterson, David. "The Motif of Fulfilment and Purpose of Luke-Acts." In The Book of Acts in Its First Century Setting; Vol. 1: The Book of Acts in Its Ancient Literary Setting, pp. 83-104. Edited by Bruce W. Winter and Andrew D. Clarke. Grand Rapids: Wm. B. Eerdmans Publishing Co., and Carlisle, England: Paternoster Press, 1993. Philostratus. The Life of Appollonius. 2 vols. With an English translation by F. C. Conybeare. The Loeb Classical Library. Cambridge: London: William Heinemann, and New York: G. P. Putnam's Sons, 1921. Pink, Arthur W. Studies on Saving Faith. Swengel, Pa.: Reiner Publications, n.d.

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Pocock, Michael. "The Role of Encouragement in Leadership." In Integrity of Heart, Skillfulness of Hands, pp. 301-7. Edited by Charles H. Dyer and Roy B. Zuck. Grand Rapids: Baker Book House, 1994. Pollock, A. J. The Apostle Paul and His Missionary Labors. New York: Loizeaux Brothers, n.d. Praeder, Susan Marie. "The Problem of First Person Narration in Acts." Novum Testamentum 29:3 (July 1987):193-218. Price, J. Randall. "Prophetic Postponement in Daniel 9 and Other Texts." In Issues in Dispensationalism, pp. 133-65. Edited by Wesley R. Willis and John R. Master. Chicago: Moody Press, 1994. Rackham, Richard Belward. The Acts of the Apostles. Westminster Commentaries series. 9th ed. London: Methuen and Co., 1922. Ramm, Bernard. Rapping about the Spirit. Waco: Word Books, 1974. Ramsay, William M. The Bearing of Recent Discovery on the Trustworthiness of the New Testament. Reprint ed. Grand Rapids: Baker Book House, 1953. _____. The Church in the Roman Empire. 3rd ed. London: Hoddar and Stoughton, 1894. _____. Pictures of the Apostolic Church. London: Hodder & Stoughton, 1910. _____. St. Paul the Traveller and the Roman Citizen. London: Hoddar and Stoughton, 1897; reprint ed., Grand Rapids: Baker Book House, 1960. Reinhardt, Wolfgang. "The Population Size of Jerusalem and the Numerical Growth of the Jerusalem Church" In The Book of Acts in Its First Century Setting; Vol. 4: The Book of Acts in Its Palestinian Setting, pp. 237-65. Edited by Richard Bauckham. Grand Rapids: Wm. B. Eerdmans Publishing Co., and Carlisle, England: Paternoster Press, 1995. Richard, Ramesh. "Soteriological Inclusivism and Dispensationalism." Bibliotheca Sacra 151:601 (January-March 1994):85-108. Riesner, Rainer. "Synagogues in Jerusalem." In The Book of Acts in Its First Century Setting; Vol. 4: The Book of Acts in Its Palestinian Setting, pp. 179-211. Edited by Richard Bauckham. Grand Rapids: Wm. B. Eerdmans Publishing Co., and Carlisle, England: Paternoster Press, 1995. Roberts, C., T. C. Skeat, and A. D. Nock. "The Guild of Zeus Hypsistos." Harvard Theological Review 29 (1936):39-88.

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Robertson, Archibald, and Alfred Plummer. A Critical and Exegetical Commentary on the First Epistle of St Paul to the Corinthians. International Critical Commentary series. Second ed. Edinburgh: T. & T. Clark, 1963. Robertson, Archibald Thomas. Word Pictures in the New Testament. 6 vols. Nashville: Broadman Press, 1931. Rogers, Cleon L., Jr. "The Davidic Covenant in Acts-Revelation." Bibliotheca Sacra 151:601 (January-March 1994):71-84. _____. "The Davidic Covenant in the Gospels." Bibliotheca Sacra 150:600 (OctoberDecember 1993):458-78. Rosner, Brian S. "Acts and Biblical History." In The Book of Acts in Its First Century Setting; Vol. 1: The Book of Acts in Its Ancient Literary Setting, pp. 65-82. Edited by Bruce W. Winter and Andrew D. Clarke. Grand Rapids: Wm. B. Eerdmans Publishing Co., and Carlisle, England: Paternoster Press, 1993. Ross, Bob L. Acts 2:38 and Baptismal Regeneration. Pasadena, Tex.: Pilgrim Publications, 1976. Ruble, Richard L. "The Doctrine of Dreams." Bibliotheca Sacra 125:500 (OctoberDecember 1968):360-64. Russell, Walt. "The Anointing with the Holy Spirit in Luke-Acts." Trinity Journal 7NS (Spring 1986):47-63. Ryrie, Charles Caldwell. The Acts of the Apostles. Everyman's Bible Commentary series. Chicago: Moody Press, 1961. _____. Balancing the Christian Life. Chicago: Moody Press, 1969. _____. The Basis of the Premillennial Faith. Neptune, N.J.: Loizeaux Brothers, 1953. _____. "The Christian and Civil Disobedience." Bibliotheca Sacra 127:506 (April-June 1970):153:62. _____. Dispensationalism. Chicago: Moody Press, 1995. _____. Dispensationalism Today. Chicago: Moody Press, 1965. _____. "The End of the Law." Bibliotheca Sacra 124:495 (July-September 1967):243. _____. So Great Salvation. Wheaton: Scripture Press Publications, Victor Books, 1989. _____. You Mean the Bible Teaches That . . . Chicago: Moody Press, 1974.

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Sanders, John. "Inclusivism." In What about Those Who Have Never Heard? Three Views on the Destiny of the Unevangelized, pp. 21-55. Edited by John Sanders. Downers Grove, Ill.: InterVarsity Press, 1995. Sarles, Ken L. "All Power & Signs." Kindred Spirit 13:2 (Summer 1989):8-11. _____. "An Appraisal of the Signs and Wonders Movement." Bibliotheca Sacra 145:577 (January-March 1988):57-82. _____. "A Theological Evaluation of the Prosperity Gospel." Bibliotheca Sacra 143:572 (October-December 1986):329-52. Saucy, Robert L. The Case for Progressive Dispensationalism. Grand Rapids: Zondervan Publishing House, 1993. _____. "The Presence of the Kingdom and the Life of the Church." Bibliotheca Sacra 145:577 (January-March 1987):30-46. Savelle, Charles H. "A Reexamination of the Prohibitions in Acts 15." Bibliotheca Sacra 161:644 (October-December 2004):449-68. Schwartz, Joshua. "Peter and Ben Stada in Lydda." In The Book of Acts in Its First Century Setting; Vol. 4: The Book of Acts in Its Palestinian Setting, pp. 391-414. Edited by Richard Bauckham. Grand Rapids: Wm. B. Eerdmans Publishing Co., and Carlisle, England: Paternoster Press, 1995. Scofield, C. I. Rightly Dividing the Word of Truth. 1896; reprint ed. Neptune, N.J.: Loizeaux Brothers, n.d. Schrer, Emil. The History of the Jewish People in the Age of Jesus Christ. Edinburgh: T. & T. Clark, 1979. Sherrill, John. They Shall Speak with Other Tongues. Old Tappan, N.J.: Fleming H. Revell Co., 1964. Showers, Renald E. Maranatha Our Lord, Come: A Definitive Study of the Rapture of the Church. Bellmawr, Pa.: Friends of Israel Gospel Ministry, 1995. Smith, James. The Voyage and Shipwreck of St. Paul. London: Longman, Brown, Green, and Longmans, 1848. Stagg, Frank. The Book of Acts. Nashville: Broadman Press, 1955. Stewart, James S. A Man in Christ. Reprint ed. London: Hoddar and Stoughton, 1964.

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Stonehouse, Ned. "The Gift of the Holy Spirit." Westminster Theological Journal 13 (1949-51):1-15. Stott, John R. W. Basic Christianity. Grand Rapids: Wm. B. Eerdmans Publishing Co., 1958. _____. The Message of Acts. Downers Grove, Ill.: InterVarsity Press, 1990. Strabo. Geography. 8 vols. With an English translation by Horace Leonard Jones. The Loeb Classical Library. Cambridge: Harvard University Press, and London: William Heinemann, 1960. Strom, Mark R. "An Old Testament Background to Acts 12. 20-23." New Testament Studies 32:2 (April 1986):289-92. Suetonius. "The Deified Claudius." In The Lives of the Caesars. Translated by J. C. Rolfe. The Loeb Classical Lubrary. Cambridge, Mass.: and London: Harvard University Press, 1939. Swindoll, Charles. "Dallas's New Dispensation." Christianity Today, October 25, 1993, pp. 14-15. Sylva, Dennis D. "The Meaning and Function of Acts 7:46-50." Journal of Biblical Literature 106:2 (1987):261-75. Tacitus. The Histories. The Loeb Classical Library series. Translated by Clifford H. Moore. London: William Heinemann Ltd., New York: G. P. Putnam's Sons, 1931. Talbert, Charles H. Literary Patterns, Theological Themes, and the Genre of Luke-Acts. Missoula, Mont.: Scholars Press, 1974. _____. Luke and the Gnostics. Nashville: Abingdon Press, 1966. Tannehill, Robert C. The Narrative Unity of Luke-Acts: A Literary Interpretation. Vol. 2: The Acts of the Apostles. Minneapolis: Fortress Press, 1990. Tannenbaum, Robert F. "Jews and God-Fearers in the Holy City of Aphradite." Biblical Archaeology Review 12:5 (September-October 1986):54-57. Tanton, Lanny T. "The Gospel and Water Baptism: A Study of Acts 2:38." Journal of the Grace Evangelical Society 3:1 (Spring 1990):27-52.
Theological Dictionary of the New Testament. S.v. "kyrios," by Werner Foerster.

_____. S.v. "pneuma . . .," by Eduard Schweizer.

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Thiessen, Henry Clarence. Introduction to the New Testament. Grand Rapids: Wm. B. Eerdmans Publishing Co., 1962. Thomas, W. H. Griffith. The Acts of the Apostles: Outline Studies in Primitive Christianity. Chicago: Bible Institute Colportage Association, n.d. Toussaint, Stanley D. "Acts." In The Bible Knowledge Commentary: New Testament, pp. 349-432. Edited by John F. Walvoord and Roy B. Zuck. Wheaton: Scripture Press Publications, Victor Books, 1983. _____. "The Contingency of the Coming of the Kingdom." In Integrity of Heart, Skillfulness of Hands, pp. 222-37. Edited by Charles H. Dyer and Roy B. Zuck. Grand Rapids: Baker Book House, 1994. Toussaint, Stanley D., and Jay A. Quine. "No, Not Yet: The Contingency of God's Promised Kingdom." Bibliotheca Sacra 164:654 (April-June 2007):131-47. Treier, Daniel J. "The Fulfillment of Joel 2:28-32: A Multiple-Lens Approach." Journal of the Evangelical Theological Society 40:1 (March 1997):13-26. Trites, Allison A. "Church Growth in the Book of Acts." Bibliotheca Sacra 145:578 (April-June 1988):162-73. Trull, Gregory V. "Peter's Interpretation of Psalm 16:8-11 in Acts 2:25-32." Bibliotheca Sacra 161:644 (October-December 2004):432-48. _____. "Views on Peter's Use of Psalm 16:8 in Acts 2:25-32." Bibliotheca Sacra 161:642 (April-June 2004):194-214. Unger, Merrill F. "Archaeology and Paul's Visit to Iconium, Lystra, and Derbe." Bibliotheca Sacra 118:470 (April-June 1961):107-12. _____. The Baptizing Work of the Holy Spirit. Chicago: Scripture Press, 1953. _____. "Historical Research and the Church at Thessalonica." Bibliotheca Sacra 119:473 (January-March 1962):38-44. _____. "Pisidian Antioch and Gospel Penetration of the Greek World." Bibliotheca Sacra 118:469 (January-March 1961):46-53. _____. "The Significance of Pentecost." Bibliotheca Sacra 122:486 (April-June 1965):169-77. _____. Zechariah. Grand Rapids: Zondervan Publishing House, 1963.

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Unger's Bible Dictionary. Edited by Merrill F. Unger. 1957 ed. S.v. "Herod," by S. L. Bowman.

van Ommeren, Nicholas M. "Was Luke an Accurate Historian? Bibliotheca Sacra 148:589 (January-March 1991):57-71. van Unnik, W. C. Tarsus or Jerusalem: The City of Paul's Youth. Translated by G. Ogg. London: Epworth, 1962. Walvoord, John F. "The Ascension of Christ." Bibliotheca Sacra 121:481 (JanuaryMarch 1964):3-12. _____. "Biblical Kingdoms Compared and Contrasted." In Issues in Dispensationalism, pp. 75-91. Edited by Wesley R. Willis and John R. Master. Chicago: Moody Press, 1994. _____. The Holy Spirit at Work Today. Chicago: Moody Press, 1973. _____. Jesus Christ Our Lord. Chicago: Moody Press, 1969. Warfield, Benjamin B. Counterfeit Miracles. New York: Charles Scribner's Sons, 1918; reprint ed., London: Banner of Truth Trust, 1972. Weinert, Francis D. "Luke, Stephen, and the Temple in Luke-Acts." Biblical Theology Bulletin 17:3 (July 1987):88-90. Wenham, John. "The Identification of Luke." Evangelical Quarterly 63:1 (1991):3-44. Wiersbe, Warren W. The Bible Exposition Commentary. 2 vols. Wheaton: Scripture Press, Victor Books, 1989. _____ "Joel." In The Bible Exposition Commentary/Prophets, pp. 333-42. Colorado Springs, Colo.: Cook Communications Ministries; and Eastbourne, England: Kingsway Communications Ltd., 2002. Wilkin, Robert N. "An Exegetical Evaluation of the Perseverance of the Saints." Th.D. dissertation, Dallas Theological Seminary, 1982. _____. "Did H. A. Ironside Teach Commitment Salvation?" Grace Evangelical Society News 4:6 (June 1989):1, 3. _____. "Repentance and Salvation." Journal of the Grace Evangelical Society 1:1 (Autumn 1988):11-20; 2:1 (Spring 1989):13-26. _____. "Repentance and Salvation: A Key Gospel Issue." Grace Evangelical Society News 3:6 (June-July 1988):3.

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Williams, Ernest Swing. Systematic Theology. 3 vols. Springfield, Mo.: Gospel Publishing House, 1953. Williams, Margaret H. "Palestinian Jewish Personal Names in Acts." In The Book of Acts in Its First Century Setting; Vol. 4: The Book of Acts in Its Palestinian Setting, pp. 79-113. Edited by Richard Bauckham. Grand Rapids: Wm. B. Eerdmans Publishing Co., and Carlisle, England: Paternoster Press, 1995. Wimber, John. Power Evangelism. San Francisco: Harper & Row Publishers, 1986. Winter, B. W. "Providentia for the Widows of 1 Timothy 5:3-16." Tyndale Bulletin 39 (1988):93-99. Woodbridge, Charles J. A Study of the Book of Acts. Grand Rapids: Baker Book House, 1955. Zimmerman, Charles. "To This Agree the Words of the Prophets." Grace Journal 4:3 (Fall 1963):28-40. Zuck, Roy B. "Cheap Grace?" Kindred Spirit 13:2 (Summer 1989):4-7. _____. "The Doctrine of Conscience." Bibliotheca Sacra 126:504 (October-December 1969):329-40. Zweck, Dean W. "The Areopagus Speech of Acts 17." Lutheran Theological Journal 21:3 (December 1987):111-22.