Islamic Law: The Journal of
Islamic Law: The Journal of
Islamic Law: The Journal of
com/abstract=1221202
THE JOURNAL OF
ISLAMIC LAW
Addressing Issues ofLaw, Religion and Culture
\
Volume 3
Number I
Spring/Summer 1998
CONTENTS
Articles
Reinterpreting the Guardian's Role
in the Islamic Contract of Marriage:
The Case of the Malikl School
by Mohammad Fadel 1
AJ-Mu'allaqa: The Muslim Woman
Between Divorce and Real Marriage
by Abdul Hakim Quick 27
The Myth of Misogyny: A Reanalysis of Women's
Inheritance In Islamic Law
by Zainab Chaudhry . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .. 41
Research Tools
Selected List of U.S.-based
Writers, Lecturers & Consultants on Islam 99
List of Muslim Women Organizations
of North America 104
Electronic copy available at: http://ssrn.com/abstract=1221202
Reinterpreting the Guardian's Role in the
Islamic Contract of Marriage:
The Case of the Maliki School
Mohammad Fader
CONTENTS
I. INTRODUCTION ..................................... I
II. BACKGROUND ..................................... 5
III. THE WAI.I AS AGENT OFTHE WOMAN/COMMUNITY 12
IV. O N L \ ~ O N 2]
A'fllN01X:
MMI!l. MARRIAGE CONTRACT ........................ 24
I. INTRon'ICTION
It is not unusual to hear said in the popular media that Islamic law
d'./ldvantages women. Indeed, the behavior of many Muslim
soclenes, and their interpretations of Islamic law, seem to provide
clear support to this popular perception.' I do not wish to counter this
popular perception in this brief essay. Rather, my goal is merely to
Unlvmlty ofChieago. Ph.D.. 1995;University of Virginia, J.D., 1999(expected)
I Themlmstllrk examples. of course, is the Taliban's so-called Islamicregime in
Afghanistan. Unfortunately, I do not believethe recordof Saudia Arabia in this
rtlt.rd is much better.
2
The Journal of Islamic Law
[Vol 3:1
take a critical look at a doctrine that is often cited - by Muslims and
non-Muslims alike - as indicative of Islamic law's systematic
gender discrimination: the legal requirement that a Muslim woman,
prior to her marriage, must gain the permission of her father, or
another male relative. This is in contrast to a Muslim male, who, it
is said, may marry without the permission of his father, or any other
relative.
A proper understanding of this legal requirement is critical for
modem Muslims in the United States, given the centrality of notions
of personal autonomy and gender equality in modem American life
- notions that Muslims in the United States generally accept as
normative, and believe are compatible with Islam, at least at an
abstract level.
The challenge is whether we can reconcile our modem notions of
individual autonomy and gender equality with a body of legal
doctrines - as well as boisterous claims by obscurantist Muslims -
that apparently fly in the face of these concepts. In particular, the
popular understanding that Islamic law requires a woman to garner
her father's approval to marry, or the approval of another male
relative, smacks of patriarchy - a vestige ofa system in which males
had quasi-property interests in the female members of the family. In
fact, medieval Islamic law' poses many conundrums of the sort raised
by the apparently differential treatment of men and women vis-a-vis
the requirement of the guardian prior to marriage. It is simply
because most of us will marry that we become aware of the rules
regarding the guardian in marraige, and its seemingly discriminatory
nature. When the problem is so acute, self-serving repetition of
slogans about the dignity of women in Islam are not sufficient to
answer the troubling question of whether Islamic law awards males
a property interest' in their female relatives.
2 When I use the term "medieval Islamic law," I am referring to the post-formative
period of Islamic law, when the schools oflaw had become firmly established and
each had produced an authoritative body oflegal doctrine and legal texts, roughly
from the 13'h century to the 18'h century of the Christian Era.
J This alleged property right, however, is only partial -- it is limited to the power
to exclude. It would not include other incidents of property, e.g., the right to
alienate, the right to enjoy, etc. As I will argue, the nature of the guardian's
Spring/Summer 1998] Guardian's Role in Marriage Contract 3
This essay will not attempt a detailed analysis of all the rules
regarding the role of the guardian in the marriage contract. That in
itself would require a monograph. Instead, I attempt to provide a
broad overviewof the competing interpretations that have been given
to the guardian's role in one school ofIslamic law, the MaIild school.
The Malik! school is named after Malik b. Anas, the great legist of
Medina who died in the second century of the Hijra. It subsequently
CAme to predominate in Northern, Western and sub-Saharan Africa.
My choice of the Maliki school is merely one of convenience, since
that is the body of fiqh which I have studied in most detail. It is
possible that other schools of jurisprudence offer entirely different
readings of the guardian's role.
Based on a close reading of Malik! doctrines" on the guardian, I
have reached the following conclusions. The first and most important
conclusion is a negative one - while Muslims might have good faith
disputes regarding the positive role that a guardian is to play in a
marriage, there is no basis to the belief that Islamic law requires a
male guardian because the guardian has a private interest in the
marriage of his female relative that Islamic lawprotects by stipulating
Ihe guardian's assent to the contract. In other words, there is no basis
10 conclude that Islamic law, at least as interpreted by the Malikis,
subordinates female autonomy to the private interests of her male
relatives, Therefore, Islamic law categorically rejects the notion that
men have a property interest in their female relatives.
The second conclusion is more in the nature of an observation:
Miiliki doctrine is characterized by a deep split regarding the role of
Ihe public authority in the marriage contract.' Although prevailing
rehllionship to the woman cannot beanalogized to a form of private property.
The Maliki school, like other schools ofjurisprudence, was characterized by a
areal deal of internal dispute regarding what the "right" rule for a given issue
chould be. Nonetheless, the school did have a dominate opinion whose technical
label was the mashhiir, i.e., the "famous" opinion. An things being equal, which
often was not the case, courts are supposed to apply the mashhiir opinion.
Muslimjurists would generally refer to the public authority, interchangeably, as
the "ImAm,"or the "sultan," or the "hakim." Thus, when jurists say something like
"It is a matter for the Imam," it should not be taken Iiterally. In other words, they
are ~ y i n it is merely a question for the public authority, not Iiterally that the
4
The .Journal ofIslamic Law
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Malik! doctrine sought to involve the public in the contract whenever
possible. later Malikis, especially in Egypt. sought to minimize the
role of public authorities in the supervision of marriages, preferring
to keep marriage entirely within the private sphere of the natural
family.
Third, as a matter of legal doctrine, the importance of the
guardian's role is exclusively a function of the majority, or lack
thereof, of the ward, not the gender of the ward. Thus, the guardian
ofa minor. assuming he is the biological father, has almost absolute
powers to compel the marriage of both his minor sons and daughters.
At the other extreme, the biological father has no power to compel the
marriage of either his adult son or daughter. The problem for Muslim
women. however, was that the Malik! school established
discriminatory standards of emancipation (tarshid), namely, that
while a male was presumptively emancipated from his father's
control upon reaching the age of majority, a woman had to prove that
she was capable of managing her own affairs to win emancipation.
Otherwise. she remained subject to her father's control as though she
were a minor until her first marriage:
Fourth. where the woman has been emancipated. although the law
stipulates the permission of a guardian, in fact, the woman is free to
ignore the wishes ofber male relatives and instead ask for permission
to marry from the public authority. This suggests, based on the
general structure of Islamic constitutional law, that the authority
person with the title of"'mam" isempowered to resolveit. It should be noted that
use of the term "qadi" or judge also qualifiesas a generic representative of the
public authority because the judge is a creatureof the public.
I argue, however, that even assumingthe Malikis' distinctionbetween males and
females inregardto emancipation was legallyjustified. theircontinuedtreatment
of an adult femaleincapable of managingher own affairs as a minor was an error
because in this case the cause of her legal incapacityis no longer minority, but
rather the legal cause of her allegedincompetence is managingber property. A
father did not have power to compel the marriageof an adult male whose legal
incompetence was a consequence of his inability to manage his own financial
affairs. Therefore, the proper treatmentof anadult. unemancipated woman should
have been the same as a malewhowas incapableof managinghis own financial
affairs, i.e., while the father hasthepowerto vetosuchan incompetent's marriage,
he does not have tbe power to compelher to marrycontraryto her will.
1998) Guardian's Role in Marriage Contract 5
exercised hy a guardian. understood as the closest male relative of the
female. in the marriage of an adult woman. is not by virtue of a
vested private right. but rather as a delegation from the public
nnthority. In other words. Islamic law created. as a default rule. that
Amale relative ofthe bride would act as the public's representative in
each marriage. Because the guardian is acting pursuant to a
delegation of power. it is within the prerogative of the public
authority to change the default entitlement. withdraw it from the
family of the bride. and exercise it directly through the public's
Agents. Were this suggestion to be followed. and if the public's
agents routinely served as guardians of marriages. rather than
exceptionally as is presently the case. the perception that Islam's
requirement of a guardian is rooted in gender discrimination would
he replaced with the more accurate. and to modems at least, the more
appealing notion that Islam requires a guardian to insure that the
public's interest in the marriage is being protected.
II, OACKGROUND
Miiliki works of positive law (fury.) such as
do not discuss why a guardian is required in all marriage contracts but
rather take the requirement for granted." These works proceed by
dividing guardians into two types. those that have the power to
compel the marriage of their wards, and those that do not.' In
general, the Miilikis award a father the power to compel the first
marriage of his daughter." A father also retains the power to compel
Cf. Ibn Rushd tbe Grandson, 2 Billhul-mujlabid wa nihiyat 7-9
(Bierut; Dir alfi1<r, n.d.) (arguing Ihal the sc:ripluTll basis for thestipulalion of a
guardian in Ihe marriage conll'lcl for a mature wornan is conjectuTlI at best).
The power 10compellhe ward 10marry is called jabr. A guardian possessed of
such power is called a mujbir. The ward, depending on whether he is a male or a
female, is called mujbar and mujbara, respectively.
'In other words, Ihe falher has Ihe righllo compel his virgin daughter's marriage.
However. virginity is a term of art, meaning never having been married, not
physical virginity. Thus, al-Dardir stales in colorful language thlllS far IS Ihelaw
is concerned, a girl who hIS never been married, bUI nonetheless hIS repealedly
engaged in unlawful sexual intercourse such thaI the "cloak ofmodesly hIS left her
The .Inurnal nf Islamic Law
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I
l
the marriage of his previouslymarried(thayyib) minor daughter who
became a widow prior to puberty.'? Finally. the father enjoys the
power to compel the marriage of a daughter who suffers from a
permanent state of mental disability." The only limitation on the
father's right to exercise this power is that the daughter suffers no
legally cognizable harm from the marriage."
In the absence of the father. the general rule is that no successor
guardian hy relation. e.g., brother. paternal uncle, etc., possesses the
power to compel marriage." The deceased father, however, can
choose to convey this power to his daughter's designated guardian
(was /) by testament. In the absence of an express grant of this
authority. however, the father's testatory successor in guardianship
does not enjoy the power to compel marriage." It would seem that
face," is nevertheless 3 virgin for purposesof this rule.
11'\ 1"the pre-modem era. marriage of minors was a common practice, although
consummation W3!; not to occuruntil theonset of puberty. Thisrule simply states
that aminor girlwho is married but whose marriage is neverlegally consummated.
retains the legal status of a virginforthequestionof the father's power to compel
her subsequent marriage.
11 In other words. a father could not compel the marriage of his schizophrenic
daughter. assuming she suffered only periodic attacks of schizophrenia. on grounds
of her insanity. Of course. he could still compel her marriage on either of the two
previously mentioned grounds.
u Abii al-Barakat Ahmad b. Dardir,2 AI-Shari) a l ~ ~ 355 ("wa mahalljabr 01-
ahfI al-thatatha idh 10myalzom 'alii tazwTjiha darar 'ado . . . mimmayuroddu
al-zawj bih: sharon" = "The father enjoys the power 10 compel in lire three
{mentionedcases] so long 0.' no harm. by which lire husband would beconsidered
legally unfit. results 10herfrom the (compelled] marriage"). [Edila,'s note: The
essence of the principles from the Arabic language authorities upon which the
author of this article relied are treated within the body of the text. Transliterated
quotations of those principles. accompanied by English translations, are set out in
the footnote, of the article. as demonstrated here.]
.. ld., p. 356 ("thumma bdda . . al-ab wa wasiyyihiII al-bikr wo al-sagh7'0 wo
al-ma}"iina Iiijabra li-ahad mtn al-awliyD:lCo{Q unthO ~ a g h r a aw lab 7'0." =
"Other thon the[other, and the guardian by teslamentary de.,lgnotiOrJ. wilh respect
to a virgin. on orphan. or menIally disabled female. no gua,dian has lire power 10
compel the marriage ofa female. be she on adull or a minor ").
" Id, p. 355 C'fa-wosiyyuhu . . . in'oyyono lahu . . . al-zawja . . . awamarahu ..
bih! [al-jahr1 ow bl-I-nilcQh." = "Then the guardian by testamentary
SI',lnllfSlIl11mel 1'l9RJ Guardian's Role in Marriage Contract 7
",hrll' the father dies or disappears. and he fails to appoint a guardian
fnl his minor daugher, or fails to convey to that guardian the power
In compel her marriage, the orphaned daughter could not marry prior
In leaching the age of majority and then only with her consent." In
fnct. however. the power to compel her marriage upon the father's
demise. according to the Malikis. devolves to the state. Thus, a judge
can permit her guardian by relation to contract her marriage if the
orphan daughter has reached marriageable age. and there is evidence
that failure to marry will lead to either her moral corruption or
economic ruin."
Putting these rules together, what emerges is a private power in
t he father to compel his minor daughter's marriage that does not pass
by inheritance. although it can beconveyed by designation (wasiy'ya).
In the absence of the father, and his designated successor (was!), the
private power to compel marriage disappears. In its place the public
assumes this power through its agent. the state, which usually
delegates this power to the judge. Finally. in the absence of the state,
this power devolves to the community of Muslims. 11
designation ... if the father designatedfor him the husband. . . . or [the father]
commanded him to compel [her marriage) . . . or marriage. ").
" Id. !'P. 356-57("wa idhii lam yakun li-ahad minlrumjabrfa.innamii tuzawwaj
haigh . . . bi-idhnihii wa riaahii sawa' kanat al.biiligh bikran ow thayyiban."
"Since none ofthem can compel [the marriage]. she may only be married as an
adult .., with her permission and consent. whether she has Or has not been
previously married ").
"Id. p. 357 ("illii ... yotlma ... kh7fa 'alayhii immii li-fasiidihiiji al-d7n . . . wa
immii li-dayii 'ihii [I al-duayii li-faqrihii waqillat al.irrfiiq'alayhii ow likhawf
dayi1 malina." s "vnless ... .rheis on orphan ... whose moral corruption is
'eared . . . or tlrat she will sllffer economic ruin due to her poverty and lack of
'resollrces or fear that her property will be dissipated "),
" Al'madb. Muhammad alSiw!. 2 Blllgiratalsaik ilii oqrab afmasaik 358 ("fa
i"..lamiiijad qQtinyushiiwar li'adamihi ow liA:ownihiziiliman kajQ jamirat ol-
muslimIn." "If there is nojudge to be consulted. due either to his actual absence
or because he is IInjust, the cammllnity of Muslims is sufficient. "). Interestingly.
the EgyptianMiilikis of the lateOttomanperiod, m>m whichbothalOarOlT andal-
Siw; hailed. rejectedthis rule, and stated that the maleguardianby relation could
compel the marriage of his orphan ward withOllIthe permission of the public
authorities. SO longas the guardianhad evidence that failureto marry would harm
The Journal ofIslamic Law
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1
1
It would be easy for a casual observer to assume that the power
to compel the marriage of a minor girl is simply a function of a
patriarchical system of family relations characterized by the
subordination of females to males. Such a conclusion, however,
would be hasty, since Miiliki doctrineexplicitly provided that a father
enjoyed the same power over his minor sons. In the father's absence,
this power could be exercised either by the minor's designated
guardian (wasT). or the state through the judge." In an important
respect, however, the law was less protective of a male's autonomy
than a female's -- whereas the designated guardian (wasT) could only
compel a female's marriage if the father had expressly conveyed that
hereither morally or materially. Thus, al-Dardir states that ifherguardian compels
hertomarry failure toconsult thejudge will not render the marriage invalid solong
as the other legaI requirements have beenmet. However.he does statethat it is
"better" to consult the judge to insure the validity of the marriage ("ntram
tustahsan almu.<lrawara Iithubiil al.wOjihOt wa rat almuniiztriil" ~ "yes.
consultation (of thejudge) is preferable in order toascertain (Ihefulfillment) of
l ~ l obligatio.... and resolving disputes."). Al-Dardir, 358. AIsaw; goes further
ingranting thesuccessor guardian thesame powers ofthefather byremoving the
requirement thatshe at leastreachmarriageable age. concludingthatthe guardian
cancompel themarriage ofhisminor female ward whenever hefears forhermoral
or material welfare ("qawluhu [al-Dardir] "ow lam lablugh 'ashran" ziihiruhu
annaha idha lam tobtugh "ashran wa zuwwljat md' khawfal-fasiidyufsakh qabl
aldukhiil wa alliil wa lay..a ka-<1hiilika bal huwa sah Th ibliean ... illii idhii
zuwwijat min ghayri khawfifasad." ~ "As far his [al-Dordir] saying 'or she has
not reached len. ' il would appear that if she has nOI reached len, and she was
married off due to fear of ruin. it would be invalidated, unless she dwell for a
lengthy period with him (with her husband), bUI Ihat is not the case; rather the
marriage is valid at the time of can/racting ... unless she was married (for a
reason] other than fear ofruin. "), AI-saw;. 358. Theprobable explanation for
theirrejection of the Malik; school's basic distinction between thepowers of a
guardian whois a father andallother private guardians is therelative decline in
prestige of theEgyptian state inthelate18th andearly 19th centuries.
"2 Al-Dardir 396 ("wajabara ob wawasT wa hiikim Iii ghayruhum dhakaran ..
. saghTran Ii-mas/aha." ~ "A falher, a guardian by testamentary designation. and
a judge no nne else >- can compel the marriage of a male orphan for his
benefit. ").
llrrinlllSummer 1998] Guardian's Role in Marriage Contract 9
rower to him. supra, the designated guardian's power to compel an
orrhlln hoy's marriage was part of his default powers."
The most important difference between male and female children
with respect to freedom to marry was a consequence of the rules of
emancipation. Whereas a male child was automatically emancipated
from his father's jurisdiction upon reaching biological and social
maturity, a female wasnot emancipated from her father's jurisdiction
until two additional requirements were satisfied - entry into her
marital home and the testimony of reliable witnesses that she could
successfully manage her property." Alternatively, a female could be
emancipated ifher father. or her guardian as designated by her father.
declared her to be mature in front ofa court." In both cases. a female
could only become emancipated after the intervention of legal
process.
'" 2 AI-Siw' 396("/iI-was Tjabr al-dhalear li-l-maslaha wa law lam yaku" lahu
iahr al-u"tha leama idha qala (al-ahllahu: anta wasiyyi 'ala waladT." = 'The
guardian by te..flamenarydesignatio can compel the marriage ofa male for his
henefit. eve"though he [the guardia" hy testame"tary designation] does not have
(,he power] to compel [the marriage] ofafemale, as is the case.far example, whe"
the father tells him, 'You are my desig"ated successor over my children. '"). It
shouldbe noted. however. that the jurists' tone in discussingthe exercise of this
power is substantiallydifferent in the case of a male than a female: A guardian
compelsthe marriage of his malewardto gainan advantage for his ward. whereas
theguardiancompelsthe marriageof his femaleward out of fear for her moral or
material well-being. 3 AI.Hatlib. MawQhihal.,jam 458 ("I a khi/iiffljawiiz i"lean
ih"ihi al.saghTr . . . idhii kana flh alghihta wa al-raghha lo-nilonihi mtn 01
ma"a al-mlisara." = "There is "" dispute regardi"g the permissihility of
compelling ,he marriage ofa minor hoy ... so long as it [the marriage] is desirable
and advantageous, as is the case, for example, in his marriage to a wealthy
woma". I .
.. 3 AIDanru38283 ("wa al-sob] mahjiir 'atayhi. .. /i.buliighihi rashTdan . . .
wa zTdo . . . fT al.unthii duthiil zawj hihii. " wa shahiidat al-'udUJ bi-hjftihii
malaho." = "A minor male is legally i n p o i t t ~ until he auains puberty, in a
sound state ofmind . . . It is also required In the case ofa woman that she enter her
marital home ... and the testimony ofupright wime.ues that she can maltOge her
property. "),
n 5 AI-Hatlib 69 ("wa /i.I-ah tarshTduhii qabla dukhii/ihii . . . ka-IWQST." = "nre
father, ltke the guardian by designatio", may emancipate her prior to her taking
up residence i" her marital home. ").
10
The .Iournal of Islamic Law
[Vol 3:1
This di fferent treatment of males and females by the law of
emancipation was justified - at least in the sight oflater Malikis -
hya factual stereotype of women as profligate." In effect, then, the
law of emancipation presumed - subject to rebuttal in court - that
a biologically mature woman was unable to manage her financial
affairs independently. Thus, although a physically and socially
mature male could not he subject to the guardianship of a third person
unless his inability to manage his own affairs was proven in court,
women had to demonstrate their social maturity prior to enjoying
their legal rights as autonomous individuals.
Analytically. then. a female's legal incapacity can be divided into
two stages; First, she is legally incapacitated because of youth;
second. upon reaching physical maturity, she is treated as legally
incapacitated because of presumed inability to manage her property
(safah)." While identifying the precise ground upon which the
female's incapacity rested seems irrelevant, it is in fact critical in
determining the limits of the guardian's power over his ward. While,
as we have seen above. the father and his designated guardian
enjoyed the power to compel the marriage of minors, that power does
not seem to be afforded to the guardian of a ward who suffers from
legal incapacity arising from an inability to manage property
reasonably (safah). While I have not found an explicit rule stating
that the guardian of a profligate male lacks the power to compel his
marriage, that is impliedly the rule provided by al-Dardir, who states
that the only free males whose marriages can be compelled are those
of the insane and minors."
Instead. the male profligate (al-safih) enjoys a right to marry that
is contingent on the approval of his guardian. Thus, a guardian, upon
" :I AID"rdir J8J ("wo innoma iht/jo li-I-/shhi1dli-anna sh'ana ol-nisa' al-isrO/
(o-m"dar al-rvshd 'il'ldona 'ala sown aI-mal faqat." "Tire reason testimony
If'rinr 10 her emancipation] is needed isbecause women are generally profligate,
and for II.'. [social] mntllrity is so/ely a question of (the ability] to preserve
f'roperl)'. "),
" Id p. 381 (the five grounds for the legal incapacity are bankruptcy. insanity.
youth, profligacy (tahdh/r), and slavery).
" Id pp. 39596 (mentioning that only the father, his designated successor. and the
judge may compel the marriage of the insane and minor males).
!ll'ring/Sllmmer 1998] Guardian's Role in Marriage Contract II
lenrning that his profligate ward has married, is given the option of
annuling the marriage or leaving it be.
25
Indeed, if the profligate was
found to have reformed in the time between he contracted his
marriage and the moment his guardian discovered it, the guardian is
deprived of all authority over the marriage." This is in sharp contrast
I(l the marriage of a female subject to a guardian's power to compel
her marriage - the marriage contract is considered invalid from its
origin, and therefore, whenever this defect is discovered, it is subject
10 mandatory annulment under all circumstances."
Thus. the argument presented here is that there is a fundamental
mistake of law in the Miiliki treatment of a guardian's powers over a
lemaIe ward who has attained physical maturity: Since the proferred
reason for her continued legal incapacity is an inability to manage her
affairs independently, she is a profligate (sa/fha), and therefore
should no longer be subject to the guardian's power to compel her
marriage. Thus, even within the strict parameters of the MiilikI
school, a physically mature woman's marriage cannot be compelled.
The fact that Miilikis allowed such a woman to be married against her
will, insofar as they considered her to lack complete legal capacity,
can only be described as a major error in legal reasoning."
'< Id p. 394 ("wa ii-walT sa{fh tazawwaja bi-ghayr! idhn wallyyihi radd nikiihihi
... in lam yarshud," = "the guardian of a profligate male. who has married
without lhe permission ofhis guardian. may void the marriage . . . so long as (the
profligate male] does not anain (social] maturity. .. )
ze Id. ("fa-in rashada fa-Ia kDlama Ii-wallyyihi." = "But. if he attains social
maturity. then the guardian has no standing (to void the marriage). "].
" Id. pp. 363-64 ("wa sahha ai-niMh bi-ab'ad... mcf wujiidaqrab fii yujbir ...
wa ilia bi-an Goa ai-wafT mujbiron . . . ft1-1ayasi/.rIJ . . . ,..,fuslkho abodan." = "A
marriage is valid when contracted bya distant (gwrdian] . . . although a more
closely related guardian -. present. so long as he did nOl hovethe power to
compel (marriage]. Otherwise, where the close guordian has the power to compel,
the marriage is invalid and it is null (no malter how long the couple lives
together). ").
11 Insomesense. it is charitable to describe this as a "mistake" andnot attribute it
to some other, less benign. explanations.
12 The .Journal of Islamic Law
[Vol 3:1
TIl. THE WALT AS AGENT OFTHE WOMAN/COMMUNITY
In the absence of a guardian possessing the power to compel the
marriage of his ward, a female can only be married with her
consent." Despite an adult woman's apparent freedom to reject
marriage, Maliki law nevertheless conditioned the validity of her
marriage upon the approval of her guardian. In trying to understand
the possible functions of such a rule, as a preliminary matter two
questions need to be answered. The first is who exercises jurisdiction
over her power to marry; the second is what is the function of this
guardian under a regime that avowedly denies the guardian any rights
to compel his female ward to accept any proposed marriage?
Interestingly, the Malikis did not assign the father priority in this
respect; rather, the woman's son was the law's first choice to be her
guardian in such a case. Her grandson was its second choice, and her
father was its third choice." Of course, in many cases, perhaps even
most, the father would be the first choice to serve as her guardian
because she would have no children of her own. Nonetheless, the
priority given to the son is significant insofar as it signifies that the
role of guardian in the marriage contract cannot be explained simply
as a means for the patriarchical family to control its female members.
More importantly. the role of the guardian in validating the marriage
of an adult woman is greatly diluted when compared to his role in the
marriage of a minor. Thus, although the law may specifiy a specific
male relative as her guardian, she is in fact free to have any of her
male relatives serve as her guardian in the marriage, even though the
proper guardian is present and opposes the marriage, in which case
the marriage would be valid so long as she consented," Indeed, the
1'l ld. p. 356.
JO Id. p. 359-360.
J1 ld. (wa sahha al-nikiih bi-ab-ada min al-awliyti' ka-samm wa ibnihi mcf wujud
aqraba fa yujbir ka-ab wa ibnft sharTfa wa ghayrihiifa-fOyufsakh hi-ha I" =
"The marriage is valid with a distant guardian, e.g., a paternal uncle and his son,
even though a closer, non-compelling guardian, e.g.. afather and son, is present;
so (such a marriage] is not to be annulled under al'1)' circumstances. '1pp, 363-64;
see also. 3 Al-Mawwaq 432 (providing citations to ancient Miiliki sources who
recognizethe validityof such a maniage contract so longas the woman consents).
Spring/Summer 1998] Guardian's Role in Marriage Contract 13
woman need not use a male relative as her guardian - she is free to
ask the judge to serve as her guardian even though her male relatives
are present and object to the marriage." The fact that an adult woman
has the right to use any male relative as her guardian, or even the
judge when she is unable to find a cooperative male relative, implies
that she is entitled to marry the groom of her choice, and indeed, it is
the rule of the Maliki school that the guardian of an adult woman is
duty bound to marry her to any free, male Muslim whom she wishes
to marry." The fact that an adult woman need not obtain the
permission of her actual guardian to marry makes her right to sue her
guardian to compel performance of his legal duties almost
superfluous." In conclusion, then, an adult woman's right to marry
32 2 AI-saw! 363 ("wa law kana al-abiad al-hakim mat wujud akhass ol-owuyd'
fa-idhalam tarda al-mar'a bi-fJudiir abad min aqa ribiha wa zawwajaha al-lJakim
kiina al-nikiilJ sahThan"="lfthe more distant [guardian] is the ruler. and the
closest [natural] guardian is also present, but the woman does not consent to the
presence ofanyone ofher relatives. and the ruler marries her off, the marriage is
valid "); 3 AI-Halliib 432 ("al-nikiih yasifi1idha 'oqadahu al-abiad mat wujud al-
aqrab idha lam yakun mujbiran wa law kGnaal-abiad huwa al-hakim" = "The
marriage is valid when the more distant guardian contracts it despite the nearer
guardian's presence, so long as the near cannot compel marriage, even if the more
distant guardian [approving the marriage] is the ruler. "), According to al-Sawi
the requirement of a guardian. at least in the order of priority recognized in the
Miiliki school. is either supererogatory (nadb). or obligatory (w0ib). but not a
condition forthe validity of the marriage. 2 AI-Saw! 363.
II 2 Al-Dardi r 375 ("wa calaal-wall wujUban al-ifiiba li-kuf" radiyat bihi al-zawja
al-ghayr al-mujbara" = "When the woman cannot be compelled to marry. the
guardian is legally obliged to consent to a groom whom she desires, so long as the
groom is her peer. "): 3 Al-Mawwaq 439 ("wa kufuhiiawla;ji/iO[al-mudawwana]
idha radiyat thayyib bi-kuf" ft dlnihi wa huwa armahiijT al-nasab wa raddahu ab
aw wal] zawwajahii minhu at-imam" = "It is better ffor her to marry] the peer of
her [choice]; in it [the Mudawwana] 'when a previously married woman desires
[to marry a man] who is her equal in religion, but beneath her in ancestry. so the
father or [another] guardian rejects him [on that account] the Imam can contract
the marriage between the man and the woman. '").
l4 The rule of the Miiliki school is that when a guardian of an aduIt woman refuses
to marry her to a husband whom she wishes to marry. she has the right to initiate
a complaint in court. and upon a judicial finding that the husband is a free. male
Muslim (kuf).. the guardian is declared to be cOdI. an active participle derived from
14
The Journal of IslamicLaw
[Vol 3:1
whom she wishes, even if her wish contradicts that of her legal
guardian, was protected by two rules: the first allowed her to use any
of her male relatives or the judge as her guardian, and the second
allowed her to sue her own guardianfor what amounts to a remedy of
specific performance of his duties as guardian.
The fact that legal doctrine creates two mechanisms whereby an
adult woman can circumvent the opposition of her guardian to her
marriage suggests that the requirement of a guardian does not
function to subject the woman to the guardian's physical control." If
the guardian has no legal power to block her marriage, then, what
function does the guardian play in the marriage of an adult woman?
Al-Mawwaq quotes the Andalusian jurist, Ibn Lubb, as saying "The
requirement of a guardian is only to assure that the [requirement of]
kafii'a is met, [which is accomplished] by means of the guardian's
judgment."36 Kafii'a is a term ofart in Islamic law that refers to the
social and religious status of the bride and groom. In the Maliki
school, however, it is limited to simply religion and physical
condition. Thus, it is defined as piety, i.e., in the sense of possessing
religious consciousness (tadayyun), and an absence of physical
a verb whose meaning is to cause another person trouble, and the judge orders the
guardian to marry her to the husband of her choice. Ifhe persists in his refusal, the
judge will then act as her guardian unless the guardian shows good cause for his
refusal to accede to her desire to marry. 2 Al-Dardi r 376 ("wa ilia [yuzawwijha
min kujfhiij bi-an imtanda min kuf radiyat al-zawja bihi kOna Cadi/an bi-
mujarrad al-imtinif fa-ya' muruhu al-hakim in raftt:atlahu bi-tazwTjiha thumma
in imtanoia zawwoja al-fiilcim" = "Ifhe does not [let her marry whom she Wishes]
by rejecting a suitor whom she desires, he becomes Cadi/ simply by the act of
refusal, in which case, the judge orders him, if she files a claim, to consent to
marriage. It he continues to refuse, thejudge can contract the marriage. ").
J5 Of course, one cannot speculate about the efficacy of these remedies. It is
conceivable that social attitudes, political considerations, etc., would conspire to
deprive an adult woman of any real remedy to her guardian's refusal to allow her
to marry the husband of her choice. What is important to note in this context,
however, is simply that legal doctrine provides two strong remedies for an adult
woman who finds herself in this undesirable situation.
36 3 Al-Mawwaq 432("talab al-wal] innama huwa i t a ~ u l al-/wj(i'a bi-nazar al-
waiT" = "The requirement ofa guardian is stipulated only to guarantee kafti'a
through the vehicle ofthe guardian. "),
Spring/Summer 1998] Guardian's Role in Marriage Contract 15
defects that by law give the other party an option to annul the
marriage (al-saldma min al-cuyiib al-mujiba li-l-raddy/! Moreover,
lca.fii>a is only optional; both the wife and the guardian are free to
accept a groom that is not the social "peer" of the wife."
If the legal function of the guardian is to insure the existence of
an attribute, kifli'a, that is not very stringent, and at any rate, is
subject to waiver, it is not surprising that Malik} doctrine should
make it relatively easy for an adult woman to circumvent her
guardian's refusal to agree to her marriage. Does this mean that the
requirement ofa guardian in the marriage ofan adult woman is nearly
an empty form? Not necessarily, although the real answer may have
more to do with the dynamics of contracting than with the legal role
played by the guardian. The principal role of the guardian, where the
woman is an adult, is not to determine whom she will marry but
rather the terms on which she will marry. In other words, although
the law describes this person as a guardian, wall; in fact his role is
more akin to an agent, wakTl. Normally, however, a principal is
always free to contract for himself without the intermediation of an
agent. What needs explanation, then, is why medieval Islamic law
would require female principals to conduct marriage contracts
exclusively through an agent.
I think the answer to this question lies in the nature of the
marriage contract as occupying an intermediate position between a
purely private relationship, and a publicly regulated relationship. The
ambiguous role of the guardian reflects this tension. On the one
hand, the fact that an adult woman needs the permission of a guardian
to marry restricts her power to marry." On the other hand, a woman
37 2 Al-Dardir 399-400.
]I ld: ("wa lalla . . . wa li-l-wal] tarkullaay: al-ka/irawa al-ridii bi-sadamiha wa
al-tazwTj bi-fiisiq owmatyiih [sic.] aw'abd" = "Boththe wifeand the guardian can
waive it, ie.. Jcofii'a, and they may consent, despite its absence, to marriage to a
dissolute groom, a physically disabled groom, or a slave. "),
)9 Incidentally, this also necessarilyrestricts the right of men to marry as well.
Werethe govemment to play the roleof guardian inthe marriages of all adults, the
guardian's roleas protector of publicinterests wouIdbeseen more clearly, and the
requirementof the guardianwouldbe lesscloselylinkedwith the interests ofthe
woman's malerelatives. See the discussion of this point in greater detail, infra.
16
The Journal of Islamic Law
[Vol 3:1
will normally have a series of guardians to whom she can turn in the
event that her closest guardian refuses to allow her to marry. Finally,
the state exists as a guardian of last resort for a woman who is unable
to find a male relative willing to pennit her marriage. The fact that
a woman is not subject to an absolute "veto" necessarily lessens the
ability of a guardian to exercise his authority arbitrarily.
If the guardian is conscientious, and performs according to the
requirements of law, i.e., he approves any marriage that his principal
agrees to so long as the minimal requirements of kaftl'o have been
met, does it make any sense to require the woman to contract her
marriage through the agency of her guardian rather than directly?
Such a requirement could make sense if one assumes that the
guardian will strike a better "bargain" for his principal than the
principal could strike for herself. Such a justification need not be
based on a paternalistic assumption regarding female negotiating
abilities." Rather, it might be a recognition that parties to a marriage,
because of the nature ofthe relationship, are poorly situated to reach
the bargain that both parties would presumably want to reach. In
other words, if the prospective bride were to bargain directly with the
prospective groom over the terms of the contract, the transaction
costs" would be sufficiently high so that either agreement would not
be reached, or one or both parties will agree to "unreasonable" terms
woman's male relatives. See the discussion of this point in greater detail, infra.
40 For example, women were not required to act in the marketplace through an
agent.
41 By transaction costs I refer to the costs required to reach an agreement. In certain
situations, even though an agreement would benefit both parties, transaction costs
may prevent the parties from reaching agreement. In the context of the marriage
contract, for example, a consequence of direct bargaining over the terms might be
a reduction in the feelings of affection between the prospective betrotheds. (fthe
"costs" associated with bargaining over the terms exceed the benefit of the
marriage itself, the parties will not marry. Therefore, reduction oftransaetion costs
is a salutory goal of law because it enables more beneficial exchanges to occur.
Although the term transaction costs is an economic term, it corresponds roughly to
the concept of "rafcal haraj," i.e., removal of difficulty, in Islamic law. The
importance of this concept in Islamic law is too great to do it justice other than in
an independent article.
Spring/Summer 1998] Guardian's Role in Marriage Contract 17
because of a fear that "tough bargaining" would risk the agreement
entirely.
Therequirement ofa guardian may be a function of the need to
lessen the transaction costs that prevent the prospective betrotheds
from reaching the optimal set of contractual terms. When the
guardian is the state, moreover, there is the added benefit that the
parties' agreement wiIl reflect society's interests in the success of the
relationship, something that may be ignored if the marriage contract
is treated purely as a private relationship between the man and the
woman. On the other hand, one would expect - given the obviously
large number of marriages that would be contracted under this
bargaining arrangement - that a set of "optimal" default contract
terms reflecting a majoritorian understanding of the "optimal" terms
would be reached rather quickly." In this case the guardian's role
would be little more than ministerial. Nonetheless. preservation of
the requirement of a guardian may be justified when we realize that
majoritarian contract terms are "optimal" only on the average;
particular couples may always desire to deviate from the majoritarian
model. I believe it is particularly in these circumstances. viz., when
contracting parties wish to depart from majoritarian default rules, that
the guardian's role as an independent bargainer may be the most
useful. Because the transaction costs present in any attempt by one
or both of the parties to alter majoritarian default rules are obviously
high, the guardian, in consultation with the parties, may be in a better
position to individualize the terms of the contract than the parties
themselves.
Arguably, then, the mandatory use of a guardian, although in
some sense paternalistic, nonetheless can be justified on efficiency
grounds because the presence of a third-party guardian allows
idiosyncratic parties to reach individualized agreements that would
not otherwise have been reached in the guardian's absence. Even
were we to assume that parties with idiosyncratic preferences would
02 Indeed, this seems to be what in fact occurred historically, as one can find the
terms of "model" marriage contracts that were developed by notaries (01-
muwaththiqTn) in "form" books from the Middle Ages. I have translated such a
model marriage contract for the appendix of this essay.
18
The Journal of Islamic Law
[Vol 3:1
eventually marry anyway, their inability to individualize the terms of
their agreement would probably lessen to some degree the likelihood
of the success of their relationship. Therefore, to the extent that we
believe that individualized contract terms reflecting parties' ex ante
expectations are positively linked with the success of their marriage,
requiring a guardian as a facilitator of individualized contractual
terms is a rule promoting efficient outcomes, i.e., successful
marriages.
The previous analysis of the role of the guardian in the formation
ofthe marriage contract leads to the following inescapable conclusion
- whatever the "correct" rule may be regarding the identity of the
guardian or his powers, the requirement of a guardian is not intended
to protect a private right of the guardian. In other words, it is a
mistake to consider the requirement of a guardian as a vestige of a
system characterized by families having property interests in their
women. This raises an important question: if the guardian is not
acting to protect his own interests, whose interests is he representing?
I believe the only answer can be that the guardian promotes the
interests of the Muslim community by ensuring that the contract is an
equitable arrangement between the husband and the wife. This is at
once both a more attractive and more accurate interpretation than one
that claims that his role is to protect the woman's interests in the
marriage. After all, the requirement of a guardian also burdens a
man's right to marry. The fact that the guardian is usually from the
wife's family, however, gives the impression that his role is
exclusively to "protect" the woman's interest. As mentioned above,
however, if we assume that the woman is an adult, she is always free
to have the state function as her guardian rather than one of her male
kin.
Indeed, if it were the case that the state, rather than the wife's
family, routinely served as the guardian for the contract, the nexus
between the requirement of a guardian and gender would becut out
by its roots. This is precisely the solution which I advocate - the
requirement of a guardian should be understood to mean that a
marriage under Islamic law requires the recognition of some public
authority. To the extent that Islamic law authorized private persons,
viz., the family ofthe woman, to exercise this power, they did so only
Spring/Summer 1998] Guardian's Role in Marriage Contract 19
pursuant to a grant of power from the public authority; they were not
exercising a vested private right outside the legitimate review of the
community's political authorities. Thus, it is always the right of a
Muslim government to refuse to delegate this authority to the family
of the woman and instead exercise it itself."
That the role of the guardian in marriage should be interpreted as
though the guardian was exercising a delegated power from the state
is implicit in the jurisdictional structure of Islamic law. As far as I
know, it is a fundamental premise oflslamic constitutional law that
all jurisdictional authority of limited authority (wiliiya is
exercised pursuant to a delegation (tafwT4) from the Imam, who is
the fountainhead of all lesser jurisdictions in the Islamic
constitutional order." Therefore, under Islamic constitutional law,
the state is both the guardian of those who lack a natural guardian,
and those with natural guardians. Although jurists routinely justify
'.' This conclusion is implicit in the jurisdictional structure of an Islamic state,
where lesser jurisdictions are explained as delegations from the central authority.
Thus, Islamic constitutional law did not recognize the jurisdictional independence
of any of the sub-units ofthe state. Therefore, according to traditional doctrine, the
community appoints a ruler whose jurisdiction over community affairs is both
general and unqualified ('amm mutlaq). In tum, he delegates this authority to
others, e.g., judges and governors. It is my contention that, under Islamic law, just
as a person could only be a judge pursuant to a valid delegation, one could only be
the "guardian" ofa marriage pursuant to a valid delegation. The fact that relatives
of the bride exercised this power without explicit delegation of power is not
dispositive of the question I am raising, viz., what was the source of that power?
I am arguing that use of relatives as the "guardian," rather than someone officially
appointed by the state, couIdbeviewed as an implicit delegation by the state, based
on the reasonable assumption that a relative of the bride's was the best person to
carry out this public duty. This is not simply clever lawyer talk. In the so-called
"Constitution of Medina" al-madlna}, it is well-known that the Prophet
(5) allowed tribes to exercise jurisdiction over certain crimes, so long as they
involved only members of that particular tribe. Yet, no one argues, as far as I
know, that families have a vested right to exercise initial jurisdiction over crimes
occurring between members of a family. Therefore, the mere fact that Islamic
states have allowed relatives to exercise this authority is no evidence that they
enjoyed a vested entitlement to that office outside the normal jurisdictional
structure of the Islamic state. Wa allahu a'iam .
.. AI-Miiwardi AI-Alrkamal-sulfaniyya. (n.d.)
20 The .Journal of Islamic Law
[Vol 3;1
the state's intervention in otherwise private relationships on the
grounds that the state is the guardian of those who do not have a
natural guardian, they did not accept the negative pregnant (mafhum
al-khiliij) of this statement. Thus, a Maliki authority noted that "its
negative pregnant, viz., the state [i.e., the judgeJis not a guardian for
whomsover has a guardian, is not correct. Rather, the judge [i.e., the
state] is the guardian of every person. "45
Likewise, although medieval jurists assumed that the guardian
would usually be a male member of the woman's family, it is not
clear whether they thought this was a vested right or simply a custom-
based default rule. What is true is that jurists assumed that the
normal legal requirements of integrity (Cadala) were required of
"natural" guardians, just as it was a requirement for other holders of
public office. Thus, Ibn Qayyim al-Jawziyya reported that some
jurists wanted to strip "natural" guardians of their authority over
marriage contracts on the grounds that they lacked the integrity
necessary for that office in favor, presumably, ofthe guardianship of
an official of the state. While Ibn al-Qayyim disagreed with this
position, his argument is revealing - while he admitted "natural"
guardians might lack the integrity required under the strict standards
of the law, it was not clear to him that (l) public officials were
necessarily any more upright; and, (2) he believed that "natural"
guardians were generally superior to public guardians because ofthe
feelings of kinship. When it comes to a choice between public and
private guardians, Ibn al-Qayyim prefers the private guardian not
because ofa vested, God-given right the private guardian is presumed
to enjoy, but rather because of the perception that the "natural"
guardian is better situated to perform the role intended by the law for
the guardian. In other words, the private guardian, according to Ibn
45
3 AI-Hauab 432("qawluhu wall man fii waliyya lahu majhiimuhuman lahawal]
fa-Iaysa bi-wal] lana walaysa Iw-dnalika bal ai-qadi wal] kulli wfi/:Jid" = "The
statement. 'Guardian for those who have no [natural] guardian, ' its negative
pregnant is 'The judge is not the guardian of any woman having a natural
guardian, ' but that is not the case; indeed, the judge is the guardian of every
person. ").
Spring/Summer 1998] Guardian's Role in Marriage Contract 21
al-Qayyim, bears a strong family resemblance to that well-known
figure of American tort law - the Best Problem Solver."
IV. CONCLUSION
All this might be interesting, but the reader must surely be
wondering whether any of the preceding discussion has any relevance
to the conduct of marriages pursuant to Islamic law in the United
States. I assure you that it does, and in the remaining few pages, I
will try to make that relationship clear. It goes without saying that the
power of a guardian to compel the marriage of his minor children,
whether male or female, although it was understood to be a natural
outgrowth of the father's duty to take care of his children, has no
place in the practice of the modern Muslim community in North
America. Just as the guardian's power to contract marriages for his
minor children was limited by situations that were deemed by the law
to beharmful for the child, surely the vast majority of Muslims living
in North America would recognize the marriage of children to be
categorically harmful to their interests and therefore unlawful under
Islamic law." More importantly, and more controversially, I propose
that Muslim communities play the role of guardian in the marriages
of American Muslims rather than the "natural" family of the woman.
.. Ibn Qayyim al-Jawziyya., Al-Turuq al-hukmiyya 256 (1978).
C1 Supra, note 12. Not to mention the fact that such a practice could lead, in certain
situations, to criminal prosecution under the laws of the several states. Some
readers might wonder whether it is legitimate, as a matter of Islamic law, to declare
something categorically harmful, e.g., the marriage of minors, which has not been
previously considered to be harmful. This question raises important theoretical
issues that can only be dealt with in a summary fashion in this context. First,
Islamic law understands that "harm" is a relative matter, i.e., what might be
harmful to A, might not be harmful to B. Second, harm is a matter of fact, not a
matter of law. Therefore, because whether something is harmful is an empirical
determination that is relative, the fact that someone said marriage of minors is not
harmful per se is irrelevant as a matter of law to the question of whether the
marriage ofminors in American society is harmful per se. Muslim jurists discussed
this question under the rubric of the difference between riwaya (narration) and
shahlida(testimony). See, Sherman Jackson, The Constitutional Jurisprudence of
Shihab ai-Din al-Qarlifi (1996).
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The Journal of Islamic Law
[Vol 3:1
There are several reasons for this suggestion. As a matter of legal
doctrine, the Muslim community, when it is not living under the
authority of a Muslim state, enjoys the legal prerogatives of the
Muslim state."
Thus, Muslim communities in North America have the legal right
to recognize only those marriage contracts that meet their standards.
Obviously, they also have the right to delegate this authority to the
"natural" guardians of the wife, or to any other Muslim, male or
female. In my opinion, however, there are advantages to keeping this
authority in the hands of the community. Unless marriage contracts
are made with the active participation of the community, the
community will be deprived of the critical information necessary to
determine what are the equitable "default" terms of a marriage
contract between Muslim men and women in North America.
Moreover, when both parties knowthat the community intervenes as
a matter of course in the matter of the marriage contract, it is more
likely the parties will be more willing to share their concerns about
their future relationship, since the moral authority of the community
can be used to help fashion the final agreement between the parties.
Furthermore, the regular use of the community as the marriage
guardian will help to insure that each party's legal rights are being
respected, and that the interests of the Muslim community in the
success of the marriage are adequately protected. If the role of
guardian is fulfilled by the Muslim community rather than a male
relative of the wife, the perception that the legal capacity of a woman
is less than a man's will be removed. and needless to say, fightingthis
perception is extremely important.
Indeed, while I have only anecdotal evidence supporting this
proposition, it seems that many Muslim women, especially the more
highly educated of them, are reluctant to marry out of a perception
that the "rules" are stacked against them. Ofcourse, ifmy suggestion
were enforced, but the "community" was not represented in a
democratic fashion such that the views of Muslim men and women
48 Al-Mawwaq quotes al-Qabisi as sayingthat "theactionof the community [of
Muslims], intheabsence of an Imam [viz., anorganized political state],is likethe
ruling of the Imam." 4 AI-7Oj wa-al-iklTI156.
Spring/Summer 1998] Guardian's Role in Marriage Contract 23
were not taken into account in fashioning the community's view on
what constitutes an equitable marriage contract, this reform could
conceivably make things worse for those women whose "natural"
guardians would have routinely carried out their preferences.
Finally, by reasserting that marriage is not simply a private
relationship between the husband, wife, and to a lesser extent their
families, but also one that affects the interests of the community as a
whole, the community will be in a better position to help work with
couples after marriage to help resolve differences between spouses
amicably, and failing that, to minimize the damage that can occur as
a result of a failed marriage.
[See next page for Model Marriage Contract]
24
The Journal of Islamic Law
ApPENDIX
(Model Marriage Contract)
[VoI3:l
A Father's Marriage of His Virgin Daughter
Who Is Under His Authority
by Muhammad b. Ahmad al-Urnawi, d. 399/1009
This is what So-and-so, son of So-and-so, gave to his wife, So-
and-so, the daughter of So-and-so, as a dowry. He gave her such-
and-such gold coins of the prevailing currency in Cordova at the time
of this writing, [some in] cash and [some as] a debt.
The cash portion of the dowry was such-and-such gold coins. 80-
and-so, her father, took possession of them from her husband, as she
is a virgin under his authority and subject to his direction. He took
possession [of the cash dowry] so that he could prepare her trousseau
and other accoutrements for marriage. He [the father] declared that
he [the groom] satisfied [the cash obligation of payment of the
dowry]; therefore, he [the groom] is free of that obligation.
The debt portion of the dowry is such-and-such gold pieces ofthe
same quality, the husband's payment of which is deferred, due in
payments upon such-and-such years, the first of which is such-and-
such month in such-and-such year.
So-and-so, son of So-and-so, has undertaken the following
obligations to his wife, willingly and freely, in order to win her
affection and to seek her utmost happiness:
Never to take another wife while married to her nor to take a
concubine nor an umm walad'" Ifhe does any of these things, she
becomes master of her own affair [i.e., she can divorce him], the
40 Umm walad is a term that literally means the mother of a child. It refers to a
slave woman that has bore her master a child. An umm walad enjoys certain
privileges that other slaves do not. It is not clear to me what the difference is
between a promise not to take a concubine, viz., Iii yatOS"amdallii., and a promise
not to take an umm walad, since it would seem that former would necessarily
encompass the latter.
Spring/Summer 1998] Guardian's Role in Marriage Contract 25
second wife is divorced, the umm walad is emancipated for the sake
of God the Great, and control of the concubine is in her hands: if she
wishes, she can sell her; if she wishes, she can [pennit him] to retain
her; and, if she wishes, she can emancipate her from his ownership.
[He also has promised:) Never to desert her, whether [the journey
is] near or far, for more than six months unless he is undertaking the
duty of Pilgrimage, in which case he may beapart from her for up to
three years, on condition that he announces this intention when he
departs on his journey, setting out toward [Makka], leaving her
sufficient funds for her maintenance, clothing, and housing. If his
absence should exceed both limits, or either of them, she is free to do
as she wishes; and, she is to be believed, upon [her claim of] the
passing of either of the two time limits, after she swears in her home,
in the presence of two reliable witnesses, who warn her of God [i.e.,
the consequences ofa false oath), that he [i.e., her husband] has been
absent for longer than the stipulated period. Then, she is free to do as
she wishes [i.e., she can divorce herself], or she may wait for his
return, but her waiting shall not nullify her stipulation [i.e., her right
to divorce herself].
[He also promised): Never to take her from her home that is in
such-and-such city without her permission and her consent; and ifhe
removes her against her will, she is free to do as she wishes. If she
departs with him willingly, and then she requests to return, but he
does not return her within thirty days of her request, she is free to do
as she wishes, and he is obliged to compensate her for the expense of
the journey, both going and returning.
[He also promised]: Never to prevent her from visiting all her
female relatives and her closest male relatives whom she is forbidden
to marry [maharim), nor to prevent them from visiting her in the
manner that is customary among family and relatives. Ifhe does this,
she is free to do as she wishes.
He is obliged to be a good companion for her, and use his best
efforts to live with her harmoniously, as God, may He be sanctified
and glorified, has commanded him; and he has the right to the same
good companionship and best efforts from her, just as God has said,
"And husbands have over them [i.e., their wives] a degree."
26 The Journal of Islamic Law [Vol 3:1
So-and-so, the son of So-and-so, knows that his wife, So-and-so,
is not one who serves herself, but that, because of her social position
and condition, she is in need of servants; he declares that he is able to
provide her servants and that his property is sufficient for that, and he
has willingly obliged himself to serve her.
He married her according to the word of God, may He be
glorified and elevated, and according to the practice of His prophet
Muhammad, may God grant him blessings and peace, so that she will
be with him as a trust from God [amana! allQh], may He besanctified
and glorified, and [he married her] knowing that God gave wives
rights over their husbands, namely, that they live together with the
kindness required by custom, or they separate on generous terms.
Her father, So-and-so, the son of So-and-so, gave her to him in
marriage as a never before married girl, under his authority and
control, in good health, pursuant to the authority God, may He be
glorified and elevated, gave him over her person and over her
marriage contract.
There witnessed the declarations of the husband So-and-so, the
son of So-and-so, and the father So-and-so, son of So-
and-so, who were mentioned in this writing, against themselves
according to what was mentioned about them in it [the writing] those
who heard that from them and knew them, and [that their statements
occurred] while they were of sound mind and bodyand of full legal
capacity, on the month of such-and-such of the year such-and-such.