The document discusses the history and evolution of the Moro Islamic Liberation Front (MILF) separatist movement in the Philippines. It began in the 1960s after Muslim trainees were massacred by government forces. The movement sought an independent Bangsamoro nation and engaged in armed conflict with the government for decades. Several peace agreements and autonomous regions were established but issues remained around the scope of powers and whether independence or autonomy should be pursued. The proposed Memorandum of Agreement on the Ancestral Domain would have granted the new Bangsamoro Juridical Entity state-like powers and status, but this was inconsistent with the Philippine constitution.
The document discusses the history and evolution of the Moro Islamic Liberation Front (MILF) separatist movement in the Philippines. It began in the 1960s after Muslim trainees were massacred by government forces. The movement sought an independent Bangsamoro nation and engaged in armed conflict with the government for decades. Several peace agreements and autonomous regions were established but issues remained around the scope of powers and whether independence or autonomy should be pursued. The proposed Memorandum of Agreement on the Ancestral Domain would have granted the new Bangsamoro Juridical Entity state-like powers and status, but this was inconsistent with the Philippine constitution.
The document discusses the history and evolution of the Moro Islamic Liberation Front (MILF) separatist movement in the Philippines. It began in the 1960s after Muslim trainees were massacred by government forces. The movement sought an independent Bangsamoro nation and engaged in armed conflict with the government for decades. Several peace agreements and autonomous regions were established but issues remained around the scope of powers and whether independence or autonomy should be pursued. The proposed Memorandum of Agreement on the Ancestral Domain would have granted the new Bangsamoro Juridical Entity state-like powers and status, but this was inconsistent with the Philippine constitution.
The document discusses the history and evolution of the Moro Islamic Liberation Front (MILF) separatist movement in the Philippines. It began in the 1960s after Muslim trainees were massacred by government forces. The movement sought an independent Bangsamoro nation and engaged in armed conflict with the government for decades. Several peace agreements and autonomous regions were established but issues remained around the scope of powers and whether independence or autonomy should be pursued. The proposed Memorandum of Agreement on the Ancestral Domain would have granted the new Bangsamoro Juridical Entity state-like powers and status, but this was inconsistent with the Philippine constitution.
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History
In the midst of the martial law regime during the 1960s, a
geopolitical revolutionary movement in the Philippines was born and will continue to exist today a movement that will shape the political, social and economic landscape of the Philippines for almost half a century! It was said that sometime in 196", #" $uslim volunteers were massacred by government troops in what was %nown as the &abidah $assacre, and which is widely considered as the catalyst that birthed the Islamic separatist movements in $indanao! In 1" $arch 196", between 1' to 6" (ilipino $uslim military trainees were massacred in )orregidor by soldiers of the *rmed (orces of the Philippines +*(P, under its )ommander in )hief President (erdinand $arcos! It was popularly called the &abidah $assacre! -he impact was an outrage among the $uslims in $indanao especially those who are from .ulu where these military trainees were recruited! /ot ta%ing this lightly, /ur $isuari, a 0niversity of the Philippines professor rose to become the leader of this outraged group and he founded the $oro /ational 1iberation (ront in 1969! -he original aim of this movement is the liberation of the $oro nation from the terror, oppression and tyranny of (ilipino colonialism and to secure a free and independent state for the 2angsa $oro people! In pursuit of their goal of liberating the 2angsamoro, the $/1( engaged the government forces in extensive armed collisions and insurgencies, to the extent that the $/1( even held a substantial number of municipalities under its control! -his movement caused tremendous impact on the government! (or nearly 3ve decades and 3ve presidents, they have tried to completely put an end to these rebellions, utili4ing either force or diplomacy! -hus, because of the tremendous impact of this movement, the then $arcos regime tried to beef up its military presence in most $uslim parts in $indanao! 2ut this was never enough! (ortunately, in what was considered as the 3rst victory, the -ripolo *greement was signed in 1956, which introduced the concept of an autonomous $uslim region in $indanao! -his was later on incorporated in the 19"5 Philippine )onstitution and in fact, later on, during the *6uino administration, )ongress enacted the creation of *utonomous 7egion in $uslim $indanao! 0nfortunately, the problem with the creation of *7$$ was that out of 18 provinces and 9 cities, only ' provinces became part of the *7$$! 9orse, the creation of *7$$ further divided the $/1(! Instead of bringing $uslim leaders together, it fragmented the $/1( because some factions within the group preferred independence over autonomy! )onse6uently, the group of Hashim .alamat bro%e away and formed the $oro Islamic 1iberation front to continue their armed struggle for an independent 2angsamoro nation in $indanao! /egotiations were pursued during the 7amos administration with this new movement! :uring the ;strada administration, there was a sudden shift of policy! Instead of exerting diplomatic e<orts, President ;strada declared an all out war against the $I1(! ;strada=s all out war led to the capture of )amp *buba%ar, the main head 6uarter of the $I1(! 0nder the *rroyo administration, several rounds of negotiations were pursued, which would eventually fail because of military involvement and activities! -he most signi3cant contribution of the *rroyo administration was the creation of the $emorandum of *greement on the $uslim *ncestral :omain, or the $>*?*:! 0nder the proposed memorandum of agreement on ancestral domain +$>*?*:,, the planned homeland also referred to as the 2angsamoro &uridical ;ntity +2&;, was to include the *utonomous 7egion in $uslim $indanao +.ulu, $aguindanao, 1anao del .ur, -awi?-awi, 2asilan and $arawi )ity,@ six municipalities in 1anao del /orte@ hundreds of villages in the provinces of .ultan Audarat, 1anao del /orte and /orth )otabato, which voted in #001 to become part of the *7$$@ and parts of Palawan! It was to have its own Bbasic law,C police and internal security force, and system of ban%ing and 3nance, civil service, education and legislative and electoral institutions, as well as full authority to develop and dispose of minerals and other natural resources! -he $>*?*: is inconsistent with the )onstitution and laws as presently worded! In general, the obDections against the $>*?*: center on the extent of the powers conceded therein to the 2&;! Petitioners assert that the powers granted to the 2&; exceed those granted to any local government under present laws, and even go beyond those of the present *7$$! 2efore assessing some of the speci3c powers that would have been vested in the 2&;, however, it would be useful to turn 3rst to a general idea that serves as a unifying lin% to the di<erent provisions of the $>*? *:, namely, the international law concept of association! .igni3cantly, the $>*?*: explicitly alludes to this concept, indicating that the Parties actually framed its provisions with it in mind! 2ac% to the $>*?*:, it contains many provisions which are consistent with the international legal concept of association, speci3cally the followingE the 2&;Fs capacity to enter into economic and trade relations with foreign countries, the commitment of the )entral Government to ensure the 2&;Fs participation in meetings and events in the *.;*/ and the speciali4ed 0/ agencies, and the continuing responsibility of the )entral Government over external defense! $oreover, the 2&;Fs right to participate in Philippine oHcial missions bearing on negotiation of border agreements, environmental protection, and sharing of revenues pertaining to the bodies of water adDacent to or between the islands forming part of the ancestral domain, resembles the right of the governments of (.$ and the $arshall Islands to be consulted by the 0!.! government on any foreign a<airs matter a<ecting them! -hese provisions of the $>* indicate, among other things, that the Parties aimed to vest in the 2&; the status of an associated state or, at any rate, a status closely approximating it! -he concept of association is not recogni4ed under the present )onstitution /o province, city, or municipality, not even the *7$$, is recogni4ed under our laws as having an IassociativeI relationship with the national government! Indeed, the concept implies powers that go beyond anything ever granted by the )onstitution to any local or regional government! It also implies the recognition of the associated entity as a state! -he )onstitution, however, does not contemplate any state in this Durisdiction other than the Philippine .tate, much less does it provide for a transitory status that aims to prepare any part of Philippine territory for independence! ;ven the mere concept animating many of the $>*?*:Fs provisions, therefore, already re6uires for its validity the amendment of constitutional provisions, speci3cally the following provisions of *rticle JE .;)-I>/ 1! -he territorial and political subdivisions of the 7epublic of the Philippines are the provinces, cities, municipalities, and barangays! -here shall be autonomous regions in $uslim $indanao and the )ordilleras as hereinafter provided! .;)-I>/ 1K! -here shall be created autonomous regions in $uslim $indanao and in the )ordilleras consisting of provinces, cities, municipalities, and geographical areas sharing common and distinctive historical and cultural heritage, economic and social structures, and other relevant characteristics within the framewor% of this )onstitution and the national sovereignty as well as territorial integrity of the 7epublic of the Philippines! -he 2&; is a far more powerful entity than the autonomous region recogni4ed in the )onstitution It is not merely an expanded version of the *7$$, the status of its relationship with the national government being fundamentally di<erent from that of the *7$$! Indeed, 2&; is a state in all but name as it meets the criteria of a state laid down in the $ontevideo )onvention, 1K' namely, a permanent population, a de3ned territory, a government, and a capacity to enter into relations with other states! ;ven assuming arguendo that the $>*?*: would not necessarily sever any portion of Philippine territory, the spirit animating it ? which has betrayed itself by its use of the concept of association ? runs counter to the national sovereignty and territorial integrity of the 7epublic! -he de3ning concept underlying the relationship between the national government and the 2&; being itself contrary to the present )onstitution, it is not surprising that many of the speci3c provisions of the $>*?*: on the formation and powers of the 2&; are in conLict with the )onstitution and the laws! *rticle J, .ection 1" of the )onstitution provides that IMtNhe creation of the autonomous region shall be e<ective when approved by a maDority of the votes cast by the constituent units in a plebiscite called for the purpose, provided that only provinces, cities, and geographic areas voting favorably in such plebiscite shall be included in the autonomous region!I +;mphasis supplied, *s reLected above, the 2&; is more of a state than an autonomous region! 2ut even assuming that it is covered by the term Iautonomous regionI in the constitutional provision Dust 6uoted, the $>*?*: would still be in conLict with it! 0nder paragraph #+c, on -;77I->7O in relation to #+d, and #+e,, the present geographic area of the *7$$ and, in addition, the municipalities of 1anao del /orte which voted for inclusion in the *7$$ during the #001 plebiscite - Baloi, Munai, Nunungan, Pantar, Tagoloan and Tangkal ? are automatically part of the 2&; without need of another plebiscite, in contrast to the areas under )ategories * and 2 mentioned earlier in the overview! -hat the present components of the *7$$ and the above? mentioned municipalities voted for inclusion therein in #001, however, does not render another plebiscite unnecessary under the )onstitution, precisely because what these areas voted for then was their inclusion in the *7$$, not the 2&;! -he *6uino administration resumed once again peace negotiations with the $I1(, and last $arch #5, #01', the )omprehensive *greement on the 2angsamoro was signed and witnessed by our President, $I1( )hairman and $alaysian Prime $inister! 9hat is the implication of the )omprehensive *greement on the 2angsamoroP -he agreement would pave the way for the creation of the new $uslim autonomous entity called B2angsamoroC under a law to be approved by the Philippine )ongress! -he agreement calls for $uslim self?rule in parts of the southern Philippines in exchange for deactivation of rebel forces by the $I1(! -he agreement recogni4es Bthe Dustness and legitimacy of the cause of the 2angsamoro people, their aspiration for meaningful autonomy through a democratic process@ the aim of 3nding a solution to the 2angsamoro 6uestion with honor, Dustice, and dignity@ the aim to end the 3ghting between the government and the $I1( and promote peace and stability@ the recognition of the responsibilities of the parties to protect and enhance the rights of the 2angsamoro people and all other inhabitants, correct historical inDustice, and e6uitably di<use wealth and political power!C -he 2angsamoro autonomous political entity will replace the *utonomous 7egion in $uslim $indanao +*7$$, by #016! It will be presided over by a ministerial form of government! It is not an Islamic state! However, the scope of its territory will be settled after a plebiscite on the 2angsamoro 2asic 1aw! -he ministerial government, which will be in the form of an assembly with an elected chief minister, will have an Basymmetric relationshipC with the national government! -he 2angsamoro 2asic 1aw, which is still being drafted, will de3ne the relations of the local government units, the 2angsamoro government and the central government! -he *nnex on Power .haring states that the relationship should be BreLective of the recognition of the 2angsamoro identity and their aspiration for self?governance!C )ivil courts for non?$uslims will be maintained while .haria courts for $uslims will be established! * Dudicial process for indigenous rights will also be allotted for! -he 2angsamoro government will have taxing powers similar to that of the *7$$! It will collect funds from fees and charges, grants and donations, loans and other sources of revenues! >f the national taxes, fees and charges collected by the central or national government within the territory, 5K percent will go to the 2angsamoro government! In the long?run, the 2angsamoro should be less dependent on the national government! )riti6ue on the new agreementE .he said the Philippine governmentFs agreement with the $oro Islamic 1iberation (ront is unconstitutional becauseE the government panel and the *6uino administration ImisrepresentedI themselves as the Philippine government and went beyond its authority@ the entity that will replace the *utonomous 7egion for $uslim $indanao is a Isubstate,I not provided for in the 19"5 )onstitution, and will have powers that IdiminishesI the sovereignty of the Philippine government@ and the agreement gives the governmentFs IconsentI to amend the )onstitution! 9hat were the causes the peace negotiations have made little progress over the past years and decadesP 1! Qarious disruptions of hostilities #! )ompeting policy positions 8! :i<erent negotiating strategies and obDectives characteri4ed by incrementality '! .tructural obstacles 9hat has been achieved over the past yearsP -hat the negotiations have survived decades is a testament to its secure place in the whole peace process! -he most important gain is in the building of framewor%s and terms of reference, which lay for substantial progress therein! )ease3re mechanisms have been in placed International third party facilitation Growing civil society participation