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THE OSIRIS CHAPELS OF THE THIRD

INTERMEDIATE PERIOD AND THE LATE PERIOD
AT KARNAK
SOME ASPECTS OF THEIR RELIGIOUS AND HISTORICAL
SIGNIFICANCE*

It has long been acknowledged by scholars interested in Egyptian religion that there is a remarkable proliferation of Osirian cult facilities at Karnak during the first half of the first millennium BC.1 These monuments give proof of the
increasing importance Osirian beliefs held during that period even at the centre
of the old solar god of state Amun-Re, thereby bringing into focus one of the most
significant developments in Late Egyptian religion, namely, the rise of Osiris and
his paredroi to the principal deities of the country's temple cults.
Despite this fact, however, the individual Theban Osiris chapels have
never received appropriate scholarly treatment, and still less attention has been
accorded to the group as a whole. While some monuments have at least been
partly excavated and more or less superficially published by French Egyptologists
such as Mariette, Legrain, Pillet, Chevrier or Leclant2, others have escaped further notice until now.3
Fortunately enough, this unsatisfactory situation is likely to improve with
the forthcoming, long-awaited publications of the chapel of Osiris Heqadjet (Pl.

* This paper deals with some issues of my master's thesis "Die Osiris-Kapellen der Dritten Zwischenzeit und
der Sptzeit in Karnak. Vorarbeiten zu einer Gesamtanalyse des Denkmlerbestands" which was written under
the supervision of Prof. Manfred Bietak at the Institute of Egyptology, University of Vienna and was approved
in August 2004. For their support during my work in Karnak I am especially indebted to Dr. Holeil Ghaly, Dr.
Franois Larch, Dr. Aurelia Masson, Dr. Alain Arnaudis, and Dr. Ibrahim Soliman.
1 To give only two examples: GABALLA - KITCHEN 1969, 32; and more recently: TAYLOR 2000, 362.
2 The most important accounts are: MARIETTE 1875, vol. I, 9-10; 68-69; 76-70; MARIETTE 1889, 28;
LEGRAIN, 1900, 125-136; 146-149; LEGRAIN 1902, 208-214; LEGRAIN 1903, 181-184; PILLET 1925, 19-24;
LECLANT 1950, 365; LECLANT 1951, 458-465; CHEVRIER 1949, 255; CHEVRIER 1950, 437-439; LECLANT
1965, vol. I, passim; esp. 262-264.
3 The chapel of Osorkon III near the Sacred Lake, for instance, was accorded only a paragraph in the accounts
of the Prussian Expedition. Cf. LD I/2, pl. 75, no. 10; LD III, 42.

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31, background) by Lyla Brock, Donald Redford, and Gerald Kadish4, as well as
the recently excavated chapel of Osiris Nebdjefau by Laurent Coulon, who is also
supervising a French-Egyptian research project concerned with the Osiris cults of
Thebes in general.
In the following I will highlight some results of my master's thesis, in
which I tried to establish a corpus of source material pertaining to the Osirian
monuments of Late Period Thebes. By taking into account as far as possible
the archaeological, topographical, epigraphic, and historical contexts of these
structures, it was aimed at preparing the ground for a future multi-approach integrative analysis which seems to me the only way to deal with this complex issue.

QUESTIONS OF NUMBER AND DISTINCTION

One of the first questions that arose during the course of my studies was
the one about the original number and location of the chapels. Looking at the
general map of Karnak on T.1, one can see that the monuments referred to are
to be found in many different places, mainly interspersed within the temple
precincts of the Late and Graeco-Roman periods. The topographical situation at
the time the chapels were built is a different matter, however. Unfortunately,
unless further excavations are conducted one has great difficulties to gauge the
location of the contemporary temenoi and has therefore to be cautious when trying to assess the relations between the chapels and other (cult-)topographic entities. At present, at least, it seems that most chapels were originally situated outside the temple compounds.6

4 The book was scheduled to be published in spring 2005, but so far has not appeared. For the excavations
conducted in the early seventies cf. REDFORD 1973, 16-30; LECLANT 1971-75, 236; 260; 408; 189; 212
respectively.
5 I thank Dr. Coulon for the provided information. For preliminary reports on the Nebdjefau chapel see LAUFFRAY 1980, 58, 27 w. fig. 23; LECLANT - MINAULT-GOUT 2001, 409; MATHIEU 2001, 565; MATHIEU 2003,
599-600; COULON 2003, 47-60; GRIMAL - ADLY, 2005, 268-269.
6 There has been a long debate on whether the brick enclosure with buttresses, which can be seen north of the
Eastern Temple of Ramesses II, and which is recognizable on aerial photographs even further to the north, should
be dated to the Third Intermediate Period or to later times (Kushite, connected with reconstruction work by
Montuemhat? For the discussion see BARGUET 1962a, 33-38; SPENCER 1979, 74; COULON - LECLRE MARCHAND 1995, 223-225). The bastion built of bricks stamped with the name of the high priest Menkheperre,
which is situated immediately north of Ramesses' high-gate (sbA-Hrj), does at least point to building activity in this
area during the early Third Intermediate Period (cf. also the famous stela of Menkheperre mentioning the erection

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In the list accompanying T.1. a number of provisional designations

have been used which are not always in accordance with the ones employed
in other works and therefore call for a brief comment.7 Because the structures
in question do only seldom provide us with enough inscriptional material to be
associated with a specific cult form of a deity, one has to resort to other modes
of appellation (e.g. conforming to the principal officiate: "chapel of Amenirdis"
etc.). But even if a monument does offer inscriptional material in reasonable
quantities, the identification of the deity it was dedicated to often proves to be
a daunting task indeed. For instance, in the Kushite building commonly labelled
"chapel of Osiris Nebankh" in fact one of the smallest religious structures in
Karnak Osiris is provided with no fewer than five epithets, of which four are
to be found in other chapels as well.8 So the distinction we are used to make
between epitheta ornantia and cult-designations that are specific to a certain
religious structure does not always seem to be applicable to the source material. Bearing in mind that many chapels also show strong ties with the royal
(funerary) cult (or quasi-royal in the case of the God's Wives), the picture
becomes even more blurred. From a certain point of view the tomb chapels of
the God's Wives at Medinet Habu too can be "read" as sanctuaries dedicated
to Osiris, because the god is not only extensively worshipped in the relief
scenes, but also commemorated above the entrances to the offering chapels
with a central cartouche flanked by those of the deceased. Whether this proximity implies a mergence of identities is not so much of relevance here. What
counts is that these funerary chapels were considered by the Ancient Egyptians

of a new enclosure wall: BARGUET 1962a, 36-38; see also REDFORD 1973, 17). In any case, repair work conducted during the centuries has made it extremely difficult to date the remains of these mudbrick walls.
Additionally there is a certain possibility that the eastern perimeter of the enclosure of Amun was situated further to the east in the late New Kingdom and was transferred west only during the 21st Dynasty. The remnants
of east-west oriented brickwalls in the north-eastern sector of the Amun enclosure, which appear to predate the
Osiris chapels situated immediately north of them, may speak in favour of this interpretation. By contrast, the
bases of the sphinxes and obelisks with cartouches of Ramesses II before the present eastern gate cannot be
considered as a proof that Ramesses II enlarged the precinct of Amun (as suggested by BARGUET 1962a,
36), since they may have been relocated there in the 30th Dynasty. For a comparable situation at the southern
gate of the Montu-enclosure see CHRISTOPHE 1951, 10-13.
7 For instance, I have chosen to designate the building south of the chapel of Osiris Nebdjefau as "chapel of
Osiris Nebneheh" (in PM II.2, 192 it is called "B. Chapel of Amasis and Nitocris"), thereby using the first distinctive epithet of the Osirian hymn engraved left of the entrance to the sanctuary. This is, of course, a purely
provisional designation, as the more "cult-specific" cartouche-name of the god, which was most probably present on the lintel (cf. the chapel of Nebdjefau: COULON 2003, 52-3, fig. 5-6), has not been preserved.
8 Cf. LECLANT 1965, vol. I, 23-36; 269-273; LECLANT 1955, 202-203.

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to be cult places of Osiris or of an Osirian aspect. In this regard they have a

precursor in the so-called funerary apartments of the House of million years of
Ramesses III, the innermost rooms of which (nos. 23-27) are almost exclusively
dedicated to the worship of Osiris and his consorts.9
Turning to the corpus of Theban Osiris monuments of the 1st millennium
BC, it is important to differentiate between 1) in situ monuments which can be
attributed to Osiris without any doubt (T.1, red circles), 2) in situ monuments
which owe their attribution to secondary contextual criteria such as topographic
sequence (T.1, turquoise circles) for instance, in the case of the so-called
Anepigraphic chapel in the north-eastern sector of the Amun-precinct and 3)
monuments which exhibit some features of Osirian chapels without definite proof
of their Osirian nature (T.1, violet circles). In addition, one has to consider numerous dislocated and reused blocks of the periods in question (T.1, green circles)
whose decoration is either of explicitly Osirian character or is rendered in a manner comparable to the known Osiris chapels (what exactly is meant by this, shall
be demonstrated by an example below). Such blocks have been found not only
in Karnak itself, but also in Medamud, on the West Bank and even in Luxor.10
Since many chapels were constructed almost entirely of mudbricks and
have suffered corresponding deterioration, the present picture of the Karnak temple compounds is somewhat misleading. Originally, nearly all of the little stone
sanctuaries in the area were preceded by mudbrick halls and courts with
columns, giving them the appearance of temples in their own right. It is therefore
not surprising that we know of specially appointed priests for some of them.11 As

9 In these rooms the king is never depicted receiving offerings, provided that one does not consider the
vignettes of BD 110 and 148 on the lateral walls of room 24 and 25 as latent representations of the royal offering cult (cf. LESKO 1969, 455-456). Accordingly, Hlscher designates the complex as a cult place of Osiris.
HLSCHER 1941, 30; see also ARNOLD 1962, 59; HAENY 1998, 124-126. On the "sacralisation" of the tomb
concept during the Ramesside period see ASSMANN 1991, vol. I, 7.
10 Cf. for instance: Karnak: LECLANT 1965, vol. I, 54-56; BARGUET - LECLANT 1954, vol. I, 109-135; LAUFFRAY - SAAD - SAUNERON 1975, 18-20; CHRISTOPHE 1951, 117-118, no. 22; Medamud: BISSON DE LA
ROQUE 1926, 47; BISSON DE LA ROQUE 1930, 47; BISSON DE LA ROQUE 1931, 70-76; BISSON DE LA
ROQUE 1933, 59-65. It may well be that the blocks of the 25th and 26th Dynasties found reused in several
structures at Medamud do originally stem from the Karnak temple compounds. Western Thebes: NAGEL 1929,
12-15, pl. 5-6; DEWACHTER 1986, 159-163. The blocks were found inside a shaft tomb behind the village of
Deir el-Medineh but could, in fact, originate from Medinet Habu. Luxor: LECLANT 1965, vol. I, 142, 41 C;
ABDUL-QADER 1968, 255.
11 Cf. for instance the title Hm-nTr Wsjr HqA-D.t n dwA.t-nTr (^p-n-wp.t)|, which is ascribed to a certain
Djedkhonsiuefankh on a cuboid statue from the Karnak Cachette (Cairo Museum JE 37196). It can clearly be
related to the chapel of Osiris Heqadjet, the inner parts of which were built under the auspices of the God's Wife
Shepenupet I. Cf. BRESCIANI 1976, 13-21; on the date of the statue recently: JANSEN-WINKELN 2003, 35-36.

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can be seen on Pl. 32, the chapel of Osiris Nebdjefau in the north-western sector of the Amun precinct still features a re-erected papyrus bundle column, the
type of which is also found with the nearby chapel of Osiris Nebneheh, the chapel
of Nitocris, the "Kushite chapel", the chapel of Osiris-Ptah Nebankh, and the
Anepigraphic chapel (in the case of the latter two, the columns consisted of a
stone trunk surrounded by a mud coating).12 Of the mudbrick architecture encompassing the masonry only scant remains are visible in the foreground.

DEFINING "OSIRIAN CHARACTER"

Closely related to the problem of assessing the original number of

Osiris chapels is the principal question of what characterises such a building
and what sets it apart from religious structures dedicated to other gods. Of
course, one would expect an Osiris chapel to feature mentions and depictions
of Osiris or his primary cult symbols in a prominent place, as well as representations of associated gods like Horus, Isis or Nephthys. An example for this provides the chapel of Osiris Nebankh, where Osiris is present not only as a mummiform god, but also as Djed-pillar and Abydos-fetish flanked by his paredroi
(Pl. 33). Additionally, one would also look for certain iconographic motifs or religious texts embedded in Osirian theology, such as are found in the chapels of
Osiris Nebdjefau and Osiris Nebneheh respectively. Whereas the first one
shows depictions of Osirian protective daemons on the front of the door jambs
leading to the sanctuary (Pl. 34), the latter's sanctuary faade is decorated with
two hymns evocating the god as pantocrator and provider of fertility (Pl. 35).13
Unfortunately, during the course of time the primary archaeological source
material has in many cases been severely damaged, which make the afore-

12 For the columns of the chapel of Nitocris cf. CHRISTOPHE 1951, 33; chapel of Osiris-Ptah Nebankh:
LECLANT 1965, vol. I, 111; vol. II, pl. 68A; Anepigraphic chapel: LECLANT 1951, 461-462. Columns of this
technique have also been found at other places in Karnak: CHRISTOPHE 1951, 84, pl. 14, 11 ("chapelle
incendie" in Karnak-North); LECLANT 1951, 461-462, n. 1 (unpublished buildings in north-western sector of
Amun-precinct).
13 The hymn on the left side is attested on a number of monuments dating from the 25th Dynasty to the Roman
period: ROGGE 1992, 5-15 (25th Dyn.); 72-76 (26th Dyn.); GRAEFE (1981), vol. I, 239-241 (P38), pl. 16* f (26th
Dyn.); ABD EL-HAMID 1956, pl. 10 (26th Dyn.); ABKAR 1981, 141-171 (Ptolemy II); HINTZE 1962, 12-19; 33-36
(2nd half of 3rd cent. BC); PETRIE 1908, pl. 34, col. 8-14 (Ptolemy IX Soter II); HERBIN 2003, 106-107 (Roman).

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mentioned criteria sometimes difficult to apply. This is especially relevant for reutilised blocks deprived of their original context. A block of unknown provenance, most probably found somewhere at Karnak-North, presently held in the
Egyptian Museum of Cairo (TR 28/5-25/4), may serve as an illustration to this
(Pl. 36).14 Its two central scenes show Necho II, the God's Wife Nitocris and her
chief steward Padihorresnet officiating before the Theban triad. On the far left,
Necho II is flanked by Isis and Horus-son-of-Isis, while on the far right the God's
Wife and Padihorresnet stand before Montu. Unbiased, one would not necessarily attribute the block to a cult place of Osiris. A comparison with a lintel of
the chapel of Osiris Nebneheh (fig. 1), which likewise features king, God's Wife
and chief steward officiating before the Theban triad,15 makes clear, however,
that its iconography is very well compatible with such a building. I do certainly
not want to postulate that all unattributable blocks showing a God's Wife before
Amun originate from an Osiris chapel, but such a possibility should at least be
kept in mind. All the more so, as we have unequivocal evidence for many
chapels of Osirian character dedicated by the God's Wives of Amun from the
22nd, maybe even from the 21st Dynasty onwards until the end of the 26th
Dynasty,16 but, on other hand, rather few definitive clues for shrines dedicated
to other gods during this period. Or put in other words: Of roughly 15 certainly
identified Osiris chapels, 12 can be associated with at least one of the God's
Wives, while the still standing monuments of the God's Wives at Karnak are
with very few exceptions to be identified with cult places for Osiris. Thus, one
has to reckon with a certain affinity between the institution of the Divine
Consorts of Amun and the worship of Osiris from the start, no matter whether
the implications of this rest more on the religious or on the political side.

14 CHRISTOPHE 1955, 65-70, pl. 1.

15 See LD I/2, pl. 274o (wrongly attributed to "Tempelchen H"; it should be read "Tempelchen J" according to
Lepsius' nomenclature, cf. LD III, 9, n. 4); COULON 2003, 52-53, fig. 5. Most probably, the broken columns in
the centre comprised the royal titulature of Osiris as it is found on the base registers of the first gate of the
Nebdjefau chapel or at the rear of the southern corridor of the Ptolemaic Osiris catacombs in Karnak.
16 The oldest "securely" dated Osiris chapel is Chapel E within the Montu enclosure, now almost completely
destroyed (cf. PM II2, 15). Mariette reports scenes featuring Osorkon II, Takeloth (II) and the God's Wife
Karomama, which sets the t.a.q. at the middle of the 22nd Dynasty (MARIETTE 1875, vol. I, 10). The
Anepigraphic chapel, on the other hand, could be associated with a claustrum found in its neighbourhood which
features the cartouches (MAa.t-kA-Ra)| and (sA.t-nswt @nw.t-tA.wj)|, names, most probably referring to (a)
female member(s) of the 21st Dynasty (the God's Wife Henuttaui D?). The circumstances of its discovery, however, do not allow to base further conclusions on this hypothetical classification. See CHEVRIER 1951, 554555; LECLANT 1953, 85, n. 1.

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Fig. 1. Lintel from the chapel of Osiris Nebneheh (after LD I/2, pl. 274o).

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OSIRIS AND AMUN

The distinction between buildings one would consider to be Osiris

chapels, and sacred shrines of another kind is further complicated by the fact that
Amun-Re and his triad are depicted on the walls of the still standing Osiris
chapels to such an extent that it has been suggested rather to speak of sanctuaries dedicated to both Amun and Osiris.17 The chart shown in Pl. 37, giving figures for the chapel of Osiris Heqadjet, may illustrate the problem. Of course,
quantities alone cannot provide a definitive tool for evaluation; there is also a
need to consider the placement and orientation of the scenes, which might proof
even more significant. Such a contextual iconographic analysis demonstrates
that Amun-Re and his consorts tend to dominate the outer parts of the structures,
whereas depictions of Osiris or Osirian symbols are almost exclusively found
within the inner sanctuary. This may be exemplified by plates 38-43, a visual rendering of the analysis conducted for the chapel of Osiris Heqadjet. The shades of
blue are assigned to the gods of the Theban triad, blacks and greys designate
Osiris and his consorts. The divergent quantities of representations of Amun and
Osiris are further put into perspective by the fact that, with the exception of the
chapel of Osiris Heqadjet, the cult axis of the chapels suited for evaluation culminates in a symmetrically doubled depiction of the mummiform god or in a representation of one of his symmetrical cult symbols. A good example for the former option is offered by the chapel of Osiris-Ptah Nebankh (fig. 2).18
The question of the specific theological relation between Osiris and
Amun, manifesting itself in the individual chapels, is far from being solved and I
will not go into detail here. It shall be pointed out, however, that there is at least
no explicit evidence in the corpus for a syncretistic form of deity like AmunWenennefer, who features rather prominently in the 4th century BC Opet temple
at Karnak and still earlier in the Hibis temple at el-Charga oasis.19 It remains a

17 COONEY 2000, 34; 41. The remarkable prominence of Amun among the depicted deities of the chapel of
Osiris Heqadjet had already been acknowledged by its original excavator who stated: "En somme, on parle de
tout le monde, except de lui [scil. Osiris]." LEGRAIN 1900, 147.
18 Such symmetrical tableaux are attested for the chapel of Osiris Nebankh (LECLANT 1965, vol. I, 31, fig. 6;
p. 34, fig. 12), the chapel of Osiris Nebdjefau (COULON 2003, 56, fig. 10), the chapel of Nitocris
(CHRISTOPHE 1951, 43), and the chapel of Osiris-Ptah Nebankh (MARIETTE 1889, pl. 82, here fig. 14).
Compare also the Abydos chapel of Ramesses I (WINLOCK 1937, pl. 4) and the Osiris complex in the temple
of Ramesses III (THE EPIGRAPHIC SURVEY 1963, pl. 482).

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Fig. 2. Chapel of Osiris-Ptah Nebankh,

room II, rear wall (after MARIETTE
[1889] pl. 86).

Fig. 3. Tomb of Djehutiemhab (TT 194), transverse hall, northern wall (after SEYFRIED
[1995] pl. 29).

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moot question to what degree the apparent omnipresence of Amun-Re among

the subsidiary shrines of Karnak is a consequence of his status as primary god
of the region, and to what degree it should be regarded as theologically relevant.
Certainly, points of contact between Amun(-Re) and Osiris are not lacking for the
periods considered. One needs only to recall the solar aspects of Osirian resurrection that are emphasised in the chapels of the north-eastern sector,20 where
Osiris is associated with the solar iSd-tree,21 or the rites of the primeval Amun of
Djeme, centring on a primeval form of Amun, which are depicted in the chapel of
Osiris Heqadjet and the Edifice of Taharqa by the Sacred Lake.23 On the other
hand, Amun can assume the role of Osiris as a god of fertility and accordingly be
associated with the rise of the Nile.24 In this regard it is interesting to note the
close proximity of an Osiris chapel built under Osorkon III, and Shebitqu's chapel
dedicated to Amun in his aspect as provider of fertility (Pl. 44). Both buildings
relate to the religious-economic facilities in this sector, which were destined for
the production and storage of offerings.25 Surely, it is no coincidence that the
Amun figure represented on the lintel of Shebitqu's chapel is not represented
seated on a throne, as with comparable lintels, but rather rendered as ideogram
of a mummiform god (fig. 4).

A FEW COMMENTS ON THE LOCATIONS

Some further comments seem at place concerning the location of the

chapels. Apart from a few isolated examples, the majority is organised in groups

19 Opet temple: DE WIT 1968, 149; Hibis temple: DAVIES 1953, pl. 7.
20 On the concept of Solar-Osirian unity in the funerary sphere cf. NIWISKI 1988, 89-106; recently with further references: DARNELL 2004, passim; esp. 450-453.
21 On this issue see KOEMOTH 1994, 73-74; 97-122; 163; HUGONOT 1985, 25-27; SEYFRIED 1990, 60-61,
colour pl. 3a; pl. 5. The iSd in Karnak has been treated among others by BARGUET 1962b, 34; LECLANT
1965, vol. I, 275-283; COULON - LECLRE - MARCHAND 1995, 222; AUFRRE 1999, 136.
22 GOYON 1979, 49-51; DORESSE 1979, 36-48; FAZZINI 1988, 23; COONEY 2000, 15-47.
23 This association is already attested for the 19th Dynasty: cf. GABOLDE 1995, 235-258.
24 Most of the reliefs of Shebitqu's chapel were dismantled and transferred to Berlin by the Prussian
Expedition (cf. LD I/2, pl. 78, no. 9; LD V/10, pl. 3; LD III, 40). The building has recently been relocated in the
area, thereby confirming Lepsius' plan (personal communication by Aurelia Masson, CFEETK). A shallow
depression situated to the east may mark the location of Osorkon's Osiris chapel (structure no. 10 in Lepsius'
plan) of which some stone elements have also been brought to Berlin (Inv.no. 2101-2102, cf. IB II [1924] 218).
25 For the so-called Storehouse and other structures in this area cf. RICKE 1937, 124-131; TRAUNECKER
1987, 147-153; BERG 1987, 48-49.

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Fig. 4. Faade of the Chapel of Shebitqu by the Sacred Lake (after LD V/10, pl. 3a).

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or clusters that seem to correspond with thoroughfares or processional ways.26

The chapels of the north-western sector (Pl. 46) are more or less strictly aligned
with the route leading to the temple of Ptah and further north to the precinct of
Montu. As the famous Ptah stela of Thutmosis III gives proof, this route served as
processional way from the 18th Dynasty onwards.27 The second group is situated immediately southwest of the temples of Montu and Maat (Pl. 45). Since the
location of the temenos walls belonging to the Third Intermediate and the Late
Periods cannot be assessed satisfactorily, there is no way of deciding if the
chapels owe their alignment to a pre-existing wall standing either behind or in
front of them.28 Be this as it may, the linear sequence which, by the way, interestingly does not seem to conform to the chronological sequence, is a strong indication that the chapels were in some way or another connected with religious processions.29 One is inclined to think especially of the festivals performed during the
month of Choiak. The same appears to apply to the chapels of the north-eastern
sector, the "classical" Osirian area of Karnak (Pl. 45). Here they are, of course,
also to be considered in connection with the nearby tomb of Osiris, called jA.twr.t, the Great Place, where burials of small Osiris figurines are attested at least
from the beginning of the Third Intermediate Period onwards.30 Nevertheless, I
would not regard this Osirian necropolis as the only relevant factor for the placement of the chapels. It is not even clear if there existed a passage between the
two areas at the time the chapels were built. In addition, it should be noted that
all the buildings are oriented to the north, although the faades of their stone
sanctuaries do not form a straight line. The preceding mudbrick enclosures, now
mostly destroyed, could have compensated for those irregularities of course. In
the absence of tangible archaeological evidence it is a matter of speculation
whether this alignment relates to a pre-existing thoroughfare or cult axis.31

26 Cf. LECLANT 1965, vol. I, 216.

27 CG 34013, see LACAU 1909, vol. I, 28; KLUG 2002, 139; cf. also JACQUET-GORDON 1988, vol. I, 156;
ULLMANN 2002, 150.
28 Unfortunately, Christophe's accounts on the excavations of Legrain and Robichon in this sector are not at
all satisfactory. Cf. CHRISTOPHE 1951, 3-14; 61-68.
29 Further circumstantial evidence is provided by some private statues associated with the Osiris chapels.
Inscriptions on these speak of festivals and procession, in which the dedicator is hoping to eternally participate.
See for example REDFORD 1986, 3-15.
30 COULON - LECLRE - MARCHAND 1995, 205-252; esp. 221-223; LECLRE 2002, 24-44; esp. 32.
31 One should note that structures at Karnak-East (among them Akhenaten's Gempaaten) might have been
connected by such a route with a presumed temple palace of the 18th Dynasty, situated further to the west. Cf.
the plan in REDFORD 1999, 53, fig. 33. Undoubtedly, though, the buildings of the Amarna period in this area
had all been destroyed long before the end of the New Kingdom. Cf. REDFORD 1993, 3.

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THE "PRIVATE FACTOR"

Taking into consideration that we have archaeological and epigraphic evidence for many more shrines, some of which cannot have been bigger than a
modest tomb chapel,32 a comparison with the so-called cenotaphs at Abydos suggests itself.33 Like these structures, the Osiris chapels of Karnak may have served,
among other things, as a means by which the dedicator could eternally participate
in the local religious festivities, not necessarily of Osirian character alone. In this
aspect, the shrines could be viewed as an elaborated version of the votive temple
statue, which is often found associated with them (see also note 29).
It seems that during the first millennium BC not only kings and the God's
Wives of Amun were responsible for the erection of such chapels; the Theban
elite played an equally important part in this process. Thus, for example, on the
front of the so-called chapel of Osiris Wep-ished most probably a double shrine
dedicated to the Osirian triad, and incorporating features of a birth house34 one
can recognize two Djed-pillars flanking the entrance to the left sanctuary (Pl. 47).
They are decorated with an offering formula on behalf of the deceased High
Priest of Amun Nimlot C, thereby adding a personalised aspect to the cult performed in the room. The closest comparison for this scheme is found in some
Theban tombs of New Kingdom date (e.g. TT 194, fig. 3).35
Further examples are provided, for instance, by the chapel of Osiris
Nebdjefau in the north-western sector, featuring an outer gate whose door jambs
are adorned with a biographical inscription of Sheshonq A, one of the chief stewards of the God's Wife Ankhesenneferibre. Like one of his successors, Sheshonq
B in the neighbouring chapel of Osiris Nebneheh, he is also shown following his
mistress in several of the chapel's reliefs. 36

32 Inscriptional evidence for the dedication of a minute Osiris chapel is provided by a private votive stela from
the reign of Taharqa. See GRAEFE - WASSEF 1979, 103-117.
33 Cf. O'CONNOR 1985, 168-169, fig. 2.
34 Cf. REDFORD 1986, 1-15; FAZZINI 1988, 13-14.
35 SEYFRIED 1995, 44, pl. 29.
36 For Sheshonq A and B on Theban monuments see CHRISTOPHE 1956/7, 83-100; esp. 89-90; LD I/2, pl.
273e&f; 274c&o; MOSS 1973,128-129, pl. 7; also compare the biographical inscription on the stelophore Cairo
JE 36158, where Ibi, the jmj-rA-pr-wr dwA.t-nTr during the early "reign" of Nitocris, states that he was responsible for the erection of a Hw.t-nTr n nb=s [=s referring to Nitocris] Wsjr Wnn-nfr: GRAEFE 1994, 85-99, fig. 1.

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In the chapel of Osiris Herib-pa-ished, situated near the jA.t-wr.t, the

Osirian necropolis on the East Bank, the officiant's role is performed by the God's
Wife Shepenupet II and a member of her priestly entourage, the songstress of the
palace of Amun Diesehebsed.37 The fact that the latter even appears alone before
Osiris on one of the walls (Pl. 48.) may point to an intervention of her mighty brother Montuemhat, the famous mayor of Thebes during the late 25th and early 26th
Dynasties.38 Most probably it is no coincidence that an analogous association
between Shepenupet II and Diesehebsed can be observed at Medinet Habu, the
other great Theban cult place of Osiris at that time (see Pl. 46.).39 There, at the
Theban jA.t-Amt, we find the tomb chapels of Diesehebsed and her mistress in
close proximity, facing the Small Temple, which has by then become a primary place
of Osirian worship and was likely regarded as the tomb of Osiris on the West Bank.40
In any event, the setting is quite similar in both cases.

RELATIONS BETWEEN THE CHAPELS AND LITURGICAL TEXTS

The aforementioned chapel of Osiris Herib-pa-ished offers another interesting

feature. On the eastern wall of the first chamber of the sanctuary the ancient
sculptor has inscribed a text behind a pair of divine figures (Pl. 49.) which, despite
its fragmentary state of preservation, is identifiable as a spell from the so-called
Verklrungsbuch II.
The spell can be restored as follows:
10 [Dd-mdw jn As.t ?] mw.t[-nTr? a] nb.t-p.t Hnw.t-nTr.w-nb(.w) hA [Wsjr-...
b] 11 [Twt jrj mrr.t] 12 [Ra-Jtm m hrw] 13 [pn nfr m-m] 14 [nTr.w nb.w] 15
37 There have been a number of Hsj.wt Xnw n Jmn named Diesehebsed (cf. YOYOTTE 1972, 48; 50). The
one in question was a daughter of Nesptah A (LEGRAIN 1912, 174-175.).
38 Cf. LECLANT 1965, vol. I, 47.
39 For an early (25th Dynasty) attestation of Osiris hrj-jb jA.t-Amt see LECLANT 1954, 157-158, pl. 9-10.
Also to mention is a narrow stone gate adjoining the rear of the Small Temple of Medinet Habu with the following inscription: (hrq-mry-Jmn)| mry Wsjr xntj sH-nTr. Cf. HLSCHER 1939, 33-35; LECLANT 1965,
vol. I, 153, 43 E.
40 HLSCHER states that tomb no. 4 yielded several shabtis with the name of a Diesehebsed "who, as Anthes
informs me [i.e. HLSCHER], is known to have been lady-in-waiting to Shepenupet II and must have lived
about 654 B.C." HLSCHER 1954, 30, pl. 21B-C. On the published photographs of two shabtis one can recognize the sequence
and
as part of the filiation. Additionally, a relief from Diesehebsed's tomb chapel, depicting her together with Shepenupet II, is preserved in the Museum of the Oriental
Institute of Chicago (OIM 14681: TEETER 2003, 79, no. 40).

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??
11

10

free space
12

13

14

15

[j.n jmj.w] Smsw n Ra-Jtm r=k jrj.n @r n jtj=f Wsjr wnn=k jm m Hrj-tp n nTr.w
Twt wr[jmj s.t=f m-m nTr.w nb(.w) c]
10 [Reciting of words by Isis?], the mother of [God], the lady of heaven, the mistress of all gods: " O [Osiris-] 11-12 [, you are the one who does what Re-Atum
loves on this] 13 [beautiful day among] 14 [all the gods,] 15 [thus speak] to thee
[those, who are among the] entourage of Re-Atum. Horus has acted on behalf of
his father, so that you are the chief of the gods there. You are the greatest [of all
gods on his seat."]
a Bouriant, Legrain and Leclant consider the depicted goddess to be
Mut.41 Taking the Osirian context of this glorification spell into account,
however, I would rather opt for Isis. In fact, the preserved group
is positioned too low as that it could have functioned as principal designation. Instead, it might belong to the well-known epithet mw.t-nTr
with the proleptic nTr, rendered in an uncommonly elaborate manner,
thereby filling a square of its own. As such it can be found in room III of
the chapel of Osiris Heqadjet where Isis is called
.42
b Already at the time of Bouriant, the first one to publish the chapel's
inscriptions, there were no traces of the invoked's name. The funerary
papyri offering parallels to this text (see note 44) normally have hA Wsjr
NN.

41 BOURIANT 1887, 391; LEGRAIN 1912, 172; LECLANT 1965, vol. I, 45.
42 Cf. LEGRAIN 1900, 134 (paroi D).
43 TT36: KUHLMANN - SCHENKEL 1983, vol. I, 123 (Text 265); TT 389: ASSMANN 1973, 60; TT 410: ASSMANN 1977, 30-31 (Text 10b). On the Verklrungsbuch II see also ASSMANN 1986, col. 999 s. v. "Verklrung";
GOYON 1974, 78-80; esp. 80; BURKARD 1995, 6-8.

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c The passages in brackets following hA are restored on the basis of

the text versions attested in the Saite Asasif tombs TT 36, TT 389, and
TT 410.43
The Verklrungsbuch II, a collection of glorification spells later incorporated into funerary literature, is also drawn upon in many Saite tombs of the Asasif
(see note 43). Sources such as the pSchmitt or the pSkowski make it clear, however, that its original "Sitz im Leben" was the Osirian temple liturgy.44 Thus, we
are provided here with an early example of the spell in a perfectly appropriate
context.45 It should be noted that the text's solar overtones, speaking of Osiris'
ascension to Atum-Re and his followers, is paralleled by the iconographic rendering of the god as a striding, completely anthropomorphic figure (Pl. 49.).46
At least briefly should be mentioned that a comparable relationship
apparently exists between the pVienna 3865 of Roman times, a text concerned
with offering rites on behalf of Osiris during the Decade Festival,47 and the lower
registers in the innermost room of the chapel of Osiris Heqadjet which incorporate the well-known tableau of Djeme.48 The provisioning deities enumerated in

44 On pBerlin 3057 (=pSchmitt): MLLER 1900, 2-3, n. 2. pSkowski was destined for the use in private funerary cult, but explicitly states at the beginning: mDA.t n.t sAx Ax jrj m Hw.t-nTr n.t Wsjr nb-d.t (Book of
glorifying the glorified (?), performed within the temple of Osiris, the lord of Busiris.) SZCZUDOWSKA 1970,
50-52; 63.
45 It is an intriguing, yet controversial, question why the Egyptians of that time started to fill up the temple walls
with liturgical and mythological texts that had formerly at least to our knowledge been confined to non-monumental records and oral tradition.
46 The accompanying caption being broken away, there is no definitive proof of the god's identity. Whereas
Legrain calls him Amun in his brief account on the chapel (LEGRAIN 1912, 172), Leclant is inclined to identify
him with Osiris (LECLANT 1965, vol. I, 45). For the following reasons, Leclant's suggestion seems more convincing to me: 1) Room I of the roughly contemporary chapel of Osiris Nebankh has a similar distribution of
deities (Osiris on the lateral walls, Amun-Re and Mut on the rear wall, cf. LECLANT 1965, vol. I, 30-32; 291,
fig. 5-7; 35). 2) There is a parallel for the depiction of Osiris without any attributes in the tomb chapel of
Amenirdis I in Medinet Habu (PM II.2 1972, 476, 5). For Amun, in contrast, I know of no such iconographic rendering in a comparable context. 3) The glorification spell on the right of the wall is surely referring to Osiris. This
argument is also valid for the identification of the female deity as Isis, who would appropriately figure as reciter
of the sAx. Nevertheless, it cannot be fully ruled out that Mut has replaced Isis in this function here.
47 HERBIN 1984, 105-126.
48 For the latter cf. GOYON 1979, 49-51, pl. 23.
49 On the north wall of room III, lower register, one can read < 1 Htp-dj-nswt (n) Wsjr 2 xntj-jmntj.w nTr-aA 3
which should be restored as
(cf. LEGRAIN 1900, 134 [paroi D]). On the strong ties
between the Decade Festival and Osiris-of-Coptos see TRAUNECKER 1992, 391, 377.

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the papyrus have their counterparts in the figures depicted before Osiris on the
lateral walls. The scenes are also remarkable as they quite probably provide us
with the first attestation of Osiris-of-Coptos, one of the principal Osirian cult forms
in Thebes during Ptolemaic and Roman times.49
These last two remarks make it evident that a deeper understanding of
the Osiris chapels of Karnak and their theological significance can only be
achieved when they are considered in their overall context. Studied in such a way,
they will surely shed some new light on a rather obscure period of Egyptian history and allow to trace important links between the temple tradition of the New
Kingdom and the Graeco-Roman period.

Claus Jurman
Institute of Egyptology,
University of Vienna;
Institute of Archaeology and Antiquity,
The University of Birmingham

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Orientalia 42, 1973, 393-440.
LECLANT 1974 = J. Leclant, Fouilles et travaux en gypte et au Soudan, 1972-1973.
Orientalia 43, 1974, 171-227.
LECLANT 1975 = J. Leclant, Fouilles et travaux en gypte et au Soudan, 1973-1974.
Orientalia 44, 1975, 200-244.
LECLANT - CLERC 1988 = Leclant, J. - Clerc, G., Fouilles et travaux en gypte et au
Soudan, 1986-1987, Orientalia 57, 1988, 307-404.
LECLANT - MINAULT-GOUT 2001 = J. Leclant - A. Minault-Gout, Fouilles et travaux en
gypte et au Soudan, 1999-2000. Orientalia 70, 2001, 349-476.
LECLRE 2002 = F. Leclre, Fouilles dans le cimetire osirien de Karnak travaux
rcents. BSFE 153, 2002, 24-44.
LEGRAIN 1900 = G. Legrain, Le temple et les chapelles d'Osiris Karnak. Premier Article: Le
temple d'Osiris-Hiq-Djeto. RecTrav 22, 1900, 125-136 and 146-149.

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LEGRAIN 1902 = G. Legrain, Le temple et les chapelles d'Osiris Karnak III. La chapelle
d'Osiris, Matre de la vie. RecTrav 24, 1902, 208-214.
LEGRAIN 1903 = G. Legrain, Notice sur le temple d'Osiris Neb-Djeto. ASAE 4, 1903,
181-184.
LEGRAIN 1912 = G. Legrain, Recherches sur la famille dont fit partie Montouemhat.
Deuxime partie: Les enfants de Khaemhor. Chapitre troisime. RecTrav 34, 1912,
168-175.
LESKO 1969 = B.S. Lesko, Royal Mortuary Suites of the Egyptian New Kingdom. AJA 73,
1969, 453-458.
MARIETTE 1875 = A. Bey Mariette, Karnak. tude topographique et archologique
avec un appendice comprenant les principaux textes hiroglyphiques dcouverts ou
recueillis pendant les fouilles excutes Karnak, vol. I. (texte), vol. II. (planches).
Leipzig 1875.
MARIETTE 1889 = A. Pacha Mariette, Monuments divers recueillis en gypte et en Nubie,
Texte par G. Maspero. Paris 1889.
MATHIEU 2001 = B. Mathieu, Travaux de l'Institut franais d'archologie orientale en
2000-2001. BIFAO 101, 2001, 449-610.
MATHIEU 2003 = B. Mathieu, Travaux de l'Institut franais d'archologie orientale en
2002-2003. BIFAO 103, 2003, 487-664.
MLLER 1900 = G. Mller, Ueber die in einem spthieratischen Papyrus des Berliner
Museums enthaltenen Pyramidentexte. Berlin 1900.
MOSS 1973 = R. Moss, Some Unidentified Reliefs Traced back to their Original
Monuments. ZS 99, 1973, 128-129.
NAGEL 1929 = G. Nagel, Rapport sur les fouilles de Deir el Mdineh (Nord) 192., FIFAO
6/3. Cairo 1929.
NIWISKI 1988 = A. Niwiski, The Solar-Osirian Unity as Principle of the Theology of the
"State of Amun" in Thebes in the 21st Dynasty. JEOL 30, 1988, 89-106.
O'CONNOR 1987 = D. O'Connor, The "Cenotaphs" of the Middle Kingdom at Abydos. in:
P. Posener-Krieer (ed.), Mlanges Gamal Eddin Mokhtar, Volume II, BdE 97/2. Cairo
1985, 161-177.
PETRIE 1908 = W.M.Fl. Petrie, Athribis. ERA 14. London 1908.
PILLET 1925 = M. Pillet, Rapport sur les travaux de Karnak (1924-1925). ASAE 25,
1925, 1-24.

PM II2 = B. Porter - R.L.B. Moss, Topographical Bibliography of Ancient Egyptian

Hieroglyphic Texts, Reliefs, and Paintings II. Theban Temples 2. Oxford 1972.
REDFORD 1973 = D.B. Redford, An Interim Report on the Second Season of Work at the
Temple of Osiris, Ruler of Eternity, Karnak. JEA 59, 1973, 16-30.
REDFORD 1986 = D.B. Redford, New Light on Temple J at Karnak. Orientalia 55,

129
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1986, 1-15.
REDFORD 1993 = D.B. Redford, East Karnak, 1994. JSSEA 23, 1993, 1-3.
REDFORD 1999 = D.B. Redford, The Beginning of the Heresy, in: R.E. Freed - Y.J.
Markowitz - S. D'Auria (eds.), Pharaohs of the Sun. Akhenaten Nefertiti
Tutankhamen, Boston Museum of Fine Arts. Boston 1999, 50-59.
RICKE 1937 = H. Ricke, Der Geflgelhof des Amon in Karnak. ZS 73, 1937, 124-131.
ROGGE 1992 = E. Rogge, Statuen der Sptzeit (750 - ca. 300 v. Chr.), CAA
Kunsthistorisches Museum Wien, gyptisch-orientalische Sammlung, Lieferung 9.
Mainz am Rhein 1992.
SPENCER 1979 = A.J. Spencer, Brick Architecture in Egypt. Warminster 1979.
SCHWALLER DE LUBICZ 1999 = R.A. Schwaller De Lubicz, The Temples of Karnak 2.
London 19992.
SEYFRIED 1990 = K.J. Seyfried, Das Grab des Amonmose (TT 373). Theben 4. Mainz
am Rhein 1990.
SEYFRIED 1995 = K.J. Seyfried, Das Grab des Djehutiemhab (TT 194). Theben 7. Mainz
am Rhein 1995.
SZCZUDOWSKA 1970 = A. Szczudowska, Liturgical Text Preserved on Skowski
Papyrus, ZS 98, 1970, 50-80.
TAYLOR 2000 = J. Taylor, The Third Intermediate Period (1069-664 BC). in: I. Shaw (ed.),
The Oxford History of Ancient Egypt. Oxford 2000, 330-368.
TEETER 2003 = E. Teeter, Ancient Egypt. Treasures from the Collection of the Oriental
Institute, University of Chicago. Chicago 2003.
TRAUNECKER 1987 = C. Traunecker, Les "temples hauts" de Basse poque: Un aspect
du fonctionnement conomique des temples. RdE 38, 1987, 147-162.
TRAUNECKER 1992 = C. Traunecker, Coptos. Hommes et dieux sur le parvis de Geb.
OLA 43. Leuven 1992.
ULLMANN 2002 = M. Ullmann, Knig fr die Ewigkeit Die Huser der Millionen von
Jahren. Eine Untersuchung zu Knigskult und Tempeltypologie in gypten. AT 51.
Wiesbaden 2002.
WINLOCK 1937 = H.E. Winlock, The Temple of Ramesses I at Abydos. MMAP 5. New
York 1937.
YOYOTTE 1972 = J. Yoyotte, Les Adoratrices de la IIIe Priode Intermdiaire, propos
d'un chef-d'oeuvre rapport par Champollion. BSFE 64, 1972, 31-52.
ABKAR 1981 = L.V. abkar, A Hymn to Osiris Pantocrator at Philae. A study of the main
functions of the sDm.n.f form in Egyptian religious hymns. ZS 108, 1981, 141-171.

130

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31.

The Osiris chapels of the north-eastern sector (photo by author)

THE OSIRIS CHAPELS OF THE SIP AND LP IN KARNAK

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32.

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Chapel of Osiris Nebdjefau in the north-western sector of the Amun precinct as seen from south (photo by author).

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33.

Chapel of Osiris Nebankh, room I, northern wall; Djed-pillar flanked by Horus

and Anubis (photo by author)

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34.

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Chapel of Osiris Nebdjefau, faade of sanctuary, right; protective daemons (photo by author)

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35.

Chapel of Osiris Nebneheh, faade of sanctuary, left; hymn to Osiris (photo

by author)

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36.

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Lintel in the Egyptian Museum Cairo (TR 28/5-25/4) featuring Necho II, Nitocris and Padihorresnet (photo by author)

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.Pictorial occurrences of deities in the chapel of Osiris Heqadjet.

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37.

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Iconographic scheme for the Chapel of Osiris Heqadjet / 1

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Iconographic scheme for the Chapel of Osiris Heqadjet / 2

Aegyptus et Pannonia 3, 2006

39.

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Iconographic scheme for the Chapel of Osiris Heqadjet / 3

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THE OSIRIS CHAPELS OF THE SIP AND LP IN KARNAK

Iconographic scheme for the Chapel of Osiris Heqadjet / 4

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41.

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Iconographic scheme for the Chapel of Osiris Heqadjet / 5

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Iconographic scheme for the Chapel of Osiris Heqadjet / 6

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43.

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Map of Karnak showing the area of the Sacred Lake (adapted after LD I/2, pl. 75).

Map showing the northern part of the Amun precinct and the southern part of the Montu precinct (enclosure walls of
the 30th Dynasty and the Ptolemaic period have been erased). Arrows designate possible routes of access / procession routes, broken and dotted lines indicate hypothetical contemporary enclosure walls (adapted after SCHWALLER
DE LUBICZ 2[1999] 650 f, plan 12).

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45.

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46.

Tomb chapel of
Shepenupet II

Osiris necropolis
(Mound of Djeme)

Tomb chapel
Diesehebsed

Map of Medinet Habu (adapted after PM II 2[1972] pl. 43).

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47.

Chapel of Osiris Wep-ished, entrance to left sanctuary, Djed-pillar with offering formula (photo by author).

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Chapel of Osiris Herib-pa-ished, room II, southern wall; Diesehebsed before mummiform god (photo by author).

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49.

Chapel of Osiris Herib-pa-ished, room I, eastern wall (photo by author).

Aegyptus et Pannonia 3, 2006

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