Agnew NT Research of Apostles
Agnew NT Research of Apostles
Agnew NT Research of Apostles
Before its use in the Christian scriptures the word apostlos had an
extremely meager history in secular Greek.1 This history is bound up with
the experience of seafaring and is not closely related to Christian usage.2
Only in Herodotus, who employs it twice in the sense of messenger (1.21;
4.38), does nonbiblical Greek show some relationship to that of the NT. OT
Greek is not much more productive of information on the origins of Christian usage The LXX and Symmachus each have the word once, also in the
sense of messenger.3 Against this background it comes as something of a
surprise to discover the term apostlos eighty times in the NT. It is found
in most of the NT books and across the time span that they represent, with
concentration in Paul (35x) and Luke (34x), near the beginning and end of
the period. 4
Terms that rise to importance with a movement are ordinarily of
special significance to it, and it is clear from NT usage that this is true of
the term apostlos.5 There are NT texts that employ the word with technical
1
LSJ gives a fairly complete listing. The word does not appear in the pertinent fascicle
of B. Snell-H. J. Mette, Lexikon des frhgriechischen Epos (Gttingen: Vandenhoeck &
Ruprecht, 1979-). F. Preisigke-E. Kiessling, Wrterbuch der griechischen Papyrusurkunden
(3 vols.; Berlin: Privately published, 1925-1931) with its supplementary vol. (Amsterdam:
Hakkert, 1971) provides a considerable number of references to a secular use of the term in
the nonliterary Greek of Christian times.
2
The word arose as a designation for a kind of transport ship and came, in turn, to indicate
the dispatch of a fleet, the fleet itself, a naval expedition, the admiral of such an expedition,
a passport, a bill of lading, etc. For a fairly thorough review of recorded usage, see K. H.
Rengstorf, "Apostlos" TDNT 1. 407-8.
3
The LXX at 1 Kgs 14:6; Symmachus at Isa 18:1. Josephus, more or less contemporaneous
with the NT, has it twice in the sense of a sending of emissaries, Ant 1, 146; 17, 30 (but the
first text is uncertain).
4
Moulton-Geden (excluding variants) shows incidence as follows: Paul: 35 times, including 1 Thessalonians: 1, 1 Corinthians: 10, 2 Corinthians: 7, Galatians: 3, Romans: 3, Philippians: 1, Colossians: 1, Ephesians: 4, Pastorals: 5; Luke: 34 times, including Luke: 6, Acts:
28, otherwise 11 times, including once each in Mark, Matthew, John, Hebrews, 1 Peter, and
Jude; twice in 2 Peter; and 3 times in Revelation.
5
For discussion of the factors that promoted the choice of this term with references to
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76
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interest here is in its solemn technical sense, but the whole range of usage is
significant to the discussion.10 The exact character of apostleship is debated.
Described as a general NT phenomenon in a way that would win broad
approval, the apostle is one who, through a vision of the risen Lord, has
become an official witness to his resurrection and who has been commissioned by him to preach the gospel in a way fundamental to its spread.11 But
granting this, it is now recognized also that even the major NT witnesses,
Paul and Luke, do not present an entirely unified view of its meaning.12
10
Almost all scholars would agree that it sometimes appears in the simple, nontechnical
sense of messenger, as in a text like John 13:6. Some see only this nontechnical usage alongside
the solemn usage; see, e.g., H. von Gampenhausen, "Der urchristliche Apostelbegriff," ST 1
(1947) 104-5; Verheul, "Kent Sint Paulus buiten 'de twaalf nog andere Aposteln?" Studia
Catholica 22 (1947) 65-75, 23 (1948) 145-57, 217-29; J. C. Margot, "Lapostolat dans le
Nouveau Testament," VCaro 11 (1957) 216-17; Klein, Zwlf Apostel, 54; W. Schmithals, The
Office of Apostle in the Early Church (Nashville and New York: Abingdon, 1969) 58-95.
Others, probably with better arguments, see a range of usages between the nontechnical use
and the solemn use; see, e.g., Rengstorf, "Apostlos" 422-23; . L. Schmidt, "Le ministre
et les ministres dan l'Eglise du Nouveau Testament," RHPB 17 (1937) 332-33; A. Fridrichsen,
The Apostle and His Message (UUA 1947:3; Uppsala: Lundquistska, 1947) 7, 18-19; H.
Mosbech, "Apostlos in the New Testament," ST 2 (1948) 170-72; L. Cerfaux, The Christian
in the Theology of St Paul (London: Chapman, 1967) Ul-15; C. K. Barrett, The Signs of an
Apostle (Philadelphia: Fortress, 1972) 71-73; U. Brockhaus, Charisma und Amt (Wuppertal:
Brockhaus, 1972) 112-16; F. Hahn, "Der Apostolat im Urchristentum," KD 20 (1974) 56-61.
11
R. E. Brown notes: "The two major constituents in being'an apostle of Jesus Christ* . . .
seem to have been (1) a vision of the risen Jesus . . . ; (2) a commission by Jesus to preach"
("The Twelve and the Apostolati" JBC 2. 798). See also Hahn, "Apostolat," 56-60. The views
of these scholars are representative. Membership in the apostolic group is uncertain. Most
scholars would now maintain a more extensive group than the twelve and Paul, though the
identity of the others remains a problem. Some would deny that the twelve were apostles in
any historical sense. For discussion see Roloff, Apostolat, 57-82. Most would maintain that
the group was closed, though some continue to think of it as open. For discussion see
Brockhaus, Charisma, 112-116; Hahn, "Apostolat," 56-61.
12
That Paul and Luke are in general agreement on the description given above may be
verified from the texts listed in n. 6, but they differ in detail. Luke introduces the qualification
that the apostle must have been witness to Jesus from the earliest days of his ministry (Acts
1:21-22). This would exclude Paul, and in fact he is only once called apostle in Acts (14:4, 14),
probably in a semitechnical sense. Paul would hardly have been willing to admit such a
qualification. On the differences between Paul and Luke, see H. Schrmann, Das Lukasevangelium (HTKNT 3/1; Freiburg: Herder, 1969) 314-15. Schnackenburg comments on this
whole question: "In this discussion, in the course of which many modified definitions have
been brought forward, one fact becomes constantly more clear: in the New Testament we
have no unified concept of the 'apostle' but rather a number of definitions which seem to stand
in contradiction to one another. The clearest conceptions are to be found in Paul and
Luke . . ." ("Apostolicity," 246). S. Dockx attempts to evade this problem by arguing that the
primary characteristic of apostleship for Paul and Luke is authoritative leadership of a
mission and that the two characteristics mentioned above represent a broader and less
authentic usage, admitted by Paul in the heat of argument with his adversaries ("Evolution
smantique du terme aptre," Chronologies notestamentaire et vie de Vglise primitive
[Paris: Duculot, 1976] 255-63). But the premises of this position are very questionable. The
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Finally, it follows from what has been said that apostleship must be regarded as a phenomenon of the post-Easter period.13
The following paper deals with only a small part of the general
research on apostleship, its linguistic and religionsgeschichtlich backgrounds, the derivation of the concept apostle in its Christian sense.
Though not so crucial to the overall discussion, this topic is yet quite
fundamental to it.14 Such study represents the first step toward the understanding of the whole subject, providing a context in which the more significant aspects of apostleshipits historical character, theological value,
etc.can be discussed and understood.15
Research on this subject has produced a surprising range of opinion.16
differences between Paul and Luke noted above are points well made against any uncritical
reading of the texts, but there is perhaps a tendency at present to give less attention than is
deserved to the wide areas of agreement within the NT on the character of apostleship. The
points upon which the major witnesses agree should not be minimalized, however their
differences are to be approached.
13
An older scholarship with an inadequate view of the Gospel as a literary type traced
apostleship to the earthly Jesus on the basis of such texts as Luke 6:13 and Matt 10:2. A more
contemporary view regards such texts as a projection of post-Easter vocabulary on the lifetime of Jesus; see especially J. Dupont, "Le nom d'aptres a-t-il donn aux douze par Jesus,"
Lorient chrtien 1 (1956) 266-90, 425-44. However, many earlier scholars look upon Jesus'
choice and sending of the twelve as an anticipation of apostleship; see Rengstorf, "Apostlos,"
424-30. In fact, the historical reality of the choice and sending of the twelve was once seriously questioned; see especially P. Vielhauer, "Gottesreich und Menschensohn," in Festschrift
fr Gnter Dehn (Neukirchen: Moers, 1957) 51-79. But, with the decline of historical skepticism signaled by the fundamental consensus now reached on the Jesus-of-history question,
the position represented by Rengstorf has been reasserted; see H. Kraft, "Die Anfnge des
geistlichen Amts," TLZ100 (1975) 85-86; . . Schelkle, "Charisma und Amt," TQ 159 (1979)
249-51. For review of this whole question see Roloff, Apostolat, 138-68.
14
Roloff, Apostolat, 10.
15
There is currently no full bibliographical study of this question. H. Hola, "H. Rengstorf s
[sic] Konzeption des ntl. Apostolats und ihre Auswirkung in der protestantische Literatur vor
dem IL Vat. Konzil," [German title of Polish original] Analecta Cracoviensia 9 (1977)
165-206, appears to deal with this material partially [abstract, IZBG 26 (1979/80) 184].
16
Scholarship is in general agreement on the fact that neither the language nor the culture
of the contemporary Greek-speaking world provides any significant basis for Christian devel
opments. The rarity of the substantive apostlos in any sense like that of the NT has already
been noted. Although there are occasional uses of the verbal form apostelleinwhich, as
Rengstorf ("Apostlos," 398) says, implies " . . . a commission bound up with the one sent"
secular Greek offers only a hint of NT usage. Neither do any of the numerous itinerant
philosophical and religious figures of the time (on which see M. Albertz, Die Botschaft des
Neuen Testament 1/2 [Zurich: Zollikon, 1951] 39-40) provide a significant type for the NT
apostle. There is a certain parallelism with the cynic-stoic kataskopos tn then, ("heavenly
inspector"), but Rengstorf, who has studied the figure carefully, concludes that the likeness
is at best formal and this is the usual position of research ("Apostlos," 410-11); see G. Wetter,
Der Sohn Gottes (FRLANT 26; Gttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 1916) 27; K. Deissner,
"Das Sendungsbewusstsein der Urchristenheit," ZST 7 (1929/30) 786; G. Sass, Apostelamt und
Kirche (Munich: Kaiser, 1939) 12; A. Wikenhauser, "Apostel," RAC 1. 554; Schmithals, Office,
100-102.
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Galatians, 93-94: "With the later Jews . . . and it would appear also with the Jews of
the Christian era, the word was in common use. It was the title borne by those who were
dispatched from the mother city by the rulers of the race on any foreign mission. . . . Thus
in designating his immediate disciples 'Apostles,' our Lord was not introducing a new term
but adopting one which from its current usage would suggest to his hearers the idea of a
highly responsible mission."
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the first phase of research and the opening to later thought on the question.
The general opinion of these writers was widely shared.18
To show the relationship that they claim between apostlos and saltati,
these scholars investigate the latter phenomenon as it appears in three
settings: in the rabbinic and related materials, where it first emerges clearly;
in its OT roots; and in the NT itself. This pattern, basically that of
Rengstorf, can be used to provide a more detailed review of their position.
The substantive slah is not found in the OT and came to prominence
in the rabbinic period. It is abundantly witnessed in the Talmud with
technical implication to describe a commissioned agent, one sent to act in
the name of another. Such agents served in private and in institutionalized
capacities. As a private agent the slah might, for example, contract an
engagement of marriage, manage a divorce proceeding, slaughter the
paschal lamb, etc., in the name of a principal. As an institutional agent,
he might undertake liturgical actions or represent the Jerusalem authorities
18
A. von Harnack, The Mission and Expansion of Christianity (2d ed.; New York: Harper,
1962) 327-31; S. Kraus, "Die jdischen Apostel," JQR 17 (1905) 370-83; idem, "Apostel,"
Encjud (1927) 3. 1-10; H. Vogelstein, "Die Entstehung und Entwicklung des Apostolates in
Judentum," MGWJ 49 (1905) 427-99; idem, "The Development of the Apostolate in Judaism
and its Transformation in Christianity," HUCA 2 (1925) 99-123; Rengstorf, "Apostlos" 41324; von Campenhausen, "Apostelbegriff," 97-104; idem, Ecclesiastical Authority and Spiritual
Power (London: Black, 1969) 22.
This position is widely represented in dictionary articles; see W. Mndel, RGG (2d ed.) 1.
434-35; H. Riesenfeld, RGG (3d ed.) 1. 497; Schelkle, UTK (2d ed.) 1. 735; G. Kredel,
Sacramentum Verbi (ed. J. B. Bauer; New York: Herder & Herder, 1970) 1. 33; X. LonDufour, Dictionary of Biblical Theology (1st ed.; New York: Descle, 1967) 19; M. H.
Shepherd, IDB 1. 171. It is also commonly supported in monograph and essay literature; see
W. Seufert, Der Ursprung und die Bedeutung des Apostles
(Leiden: Brill, 1887) 8-14; E.
Meyer, Ursprung und Anfnge des Christentums (Stuttgart: Cotta'sche, 1921) 1. 265-67; R.
Schtz, Apostel und Jnger (Giessen: Tpelmann, 1921) 8-9; J. Wagenmann, Die Stellung des
Apostels Paulus neben den Zwlf in den ersten drei Jahrhunderten (BZNW 3; Giessen:
Tpelmann, 1926) 23; F. Gaven, "Schaliach and Apostlos," ATR 9 (1927) 250-59; K. Lake,
"The Twelve and the Apostles," in The Beginnings of Christianity, Vol. 5 (ed. F. J. Foakes
Jackson and K. Lake; Grand Rapids: Baker, 1965/66) 46; G. Dix, "The Ministry in the Early
Church," The Apostolic Ministry (ed. . E. Kirk; London: Hodder & Stoughton, 1946)
227-30; idem, "The Christian Shaliach and the Jewish ApostleA Reply," Theology 51 (1948)
249-56; S. Hanson, The Unity of the Church in the New Testament (Lund: Almqvist &
Wiksell, 1946) 33-37, 91-94; Albertz, Botschaft, 1/2. 42-45; Mosbech, "Apostlos," 168-69;
E. Lohse, "Ursprung und Prgung des christlichen Apostolates," TZ 9 (1953) 260-65; Barrett,
"The Apostles in and After the New Testament," SE 21 (1956) 30; idem, Signs, 12-15; J.
Colson, Les fonctions ecclsiales aux deux premier sicles (Textes et tudes thologiques;
Paris: Descle de Brouwer, 1956) 11-19; idem, "La succession apostolique au niveau du
premire sicle," VCaro 15 (1961) 138-41; Dupont, "Le nom d'aptres," 270-71 n. 7, 272 n.
9; Margot, "L'apostolat," 138-41; A. T. Hanson, The Pioneer Ministry (London: SCM, 1961)
9-10; F. Neugebauer, In Christus (Gttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 1961) 113-19, with
careful qualification; P. Blser, "Zum Problem des urchristlichen Apostolates," Uni Christianorum (Jaeger Fs.; Paderborn: Bonifacius, 1962) 105-6; F. Klostermann, Das christliche
Apostolat (Innsbruck: Tyrolia, 1962) 66; A. G. Hebert, Apostle and Bishop (London: Faber
& Faber, 1963) 22-23.
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to the Jews of the Diaspora.19 This last example of the phenomenon is clearly
institutional in character. It is witnessed in a series of Christian and Roman
texts which translate slah as apostolos/apostolus.20 The general significance of the SZi^-convention may be gauged from the frequently repeated
legal maxim "The-one-whom-a man-sends [slah] is like the man himself."
It is this maxim, variously realized, sometimes for private sometimes for
institutional purposes, which forms the background of the Christian
apostle-concept for the writers here surveyed.
The sZia/i-convention is significant for the Christian apostolate in its
formal element. It is the relationship between sender and sent, not the
content of the commission given, that is primarily important. The slah
is the authoritative representative, the surrogate of the one who sends him,
within the limits of the commission given. His status as slah is entirely
determined by this relationship, and it is in this respect only that he is
empowered to act. Volgelstein was the first to call attention to this fact, and
it has been repeated by most scholars after him, especially by Rengstorf.21
This is a legalprimarily secularnot a religious convention.22 Still,
as the examples given above suggest, the commission of the slah was often
enough specifically religious or invested with religious overtones. In these
instances, reference is always to a human sender, and the act of sending is
never ascribed to God, though the title is applied to figures who were in fact
divinely commissioned. Priestly and prophetic figures of great importance
are so designated; however, the title is never used of Jewish missionary
figures.23
A matter of major significance is the dating of the slah phenomenon.
It is clear that the institutionalized form mentioned above cannot have antedated the destruction of Jerusalem. 24 Further, no document using the word
can be dated earlier than the canonical literature. The talmudic materials
cited above took shape in the second century and the Christian and Roman
texts mentioned are fourth-century or later. This fact is recognized and
19
Examples with comment are conveniently gathered in Rengstorf, "Apostlos" 414-20;
StrB, 3. 2-3.
20
These texts are conveniently gathered in Harnack, Mission, 327-30; Schmithals, Office,
98-100.
21
"Entstehung," 428; see Linton, Problem der Urkirche, 92; Rengstorf, "Apostlos," 414-15:
" . . the point of the designation . . . is . . . simply assertion of the form of sending, i.e., of
authorization. This is the decisive thing."
22
See Rengstorf, "Apostlos," 418: "The term is legal . . . and if the shaliach has religious
significance this is . . . because . . . he is entrusted with a religious task"; von Campenhausen,
"Apostelbegriff," 99. For analysis of the Slah institution from a strictly legal point of view,
see M. Cohn, "Die Stellvertretung im jdischen Recht," Zeitschrift fr vergleichende
Rechtswissenschaft 36 (1920) 124-213, 354-460. Something of the kind appears in a variety of
cultures; see, eg., A. Watson, Contracts of Mandate in Roman Law (Oxford: Clarendon, 1961).
23
See Rengstorf, "Apostlos," 418-20; Dix, "Christian Shaliach," 256 n. 2.
24
See Vogelstein, "Entstehung," 438; Rengstorf, "Apostlos," 417.
82
admitted by the defenders of the theory. On the other hand, they note that
documentation for this period is sketchy and that the talmudic material is
certainly representative of an earlier period than its documentation. 25
Despite the reservations implied in the last two paragraphs, the vast
majority of these scholars undoubtedly see a direct link between these
slah-ngures and the Christian apostle, in such a way that the latter is
derived from the former, conceived as concretely existing phenomena of the
NT period. Efforts to trace the roots of the slah-convention in the OT and
to discover traces of it in the NT (see below) are based on this conclusion.
To support their position, the proponents of this theory attempt to
trace this rabbinical practice into the OT period. 26 They call attention to
the frequent use of the verbal root slh in the OT, rendered about seven
hundred times in the LXX by (ex-)apostellein. This root often expresses the
notion of sending with a special mission, authorization, or responsibility
with particular reference to the sender.27 The usage is secular in origin. God
is the sender in only about one-quarter of these texts. But it is employed in
connection with significant religious phenomena and ". . . has an assured
place in most important religious contexts. . . ."28 This verbal usage is taken
as a semitechnical anticipation of what later crystallized in the slahconvention and institution. 29 Its use in connection with the prophets is
particularly significant, especially in view of the fact that Paul uses the
prophetic vocation as a model for the description of apostolic vocation.30
25
See E Lohse, Die Ordination im Spatjudentum und im Neuen Testament (Gottingen
Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 1951) 51 "Die Institution des judischen Apostolates ist alt
In
der neutestamentlichen Zeit ist jedenfalls das shaZiac/i-Institut in Judentum berall bekannt", and so commonly among the defenders of this theory
26
The word itself does not appear m the OT The single appearance of apostlos m LXX,
1 Kgs 14 6, renders a participial form slah
27
See Rengstorf, "Apostlos," 400-401 "The emphasis rests on the fact of sending m conjunction with the one who sends, not on the one who is sent
slh is less a statement
concerning the mission than a statement concerning its initiator and his concern, the one who
is sent is of interest only to the degree that m some measure he embodies m his existence as
such the one who sends him
Even in the consciousness of the bearer of the commission
the emphasis lies on its author
28
See Rengstorf, "Apostlos," 402
29
See Rengstorf, "Apostlos," 400-403
30
A small group of writers accept this theory of the origin of the apostle-concept only
insofar as the prophet can be considered a Slah-ftgaie, so E Haupt, Zum Verstndnis des
Apostolates im Neuen Testament (Halle Niemeyer, 1895/96) 106-10, H Windisch, Paulus
und Christus (Leipzig Hinnchs, 1934) 147-53, Wikenhauser, "Apostel," 555, E Pax,
EPIP&ANEIA (Munich Zmk, 1955) 206-7 Others think that only the name of the rabbinic
slah is important for the NT apostle-concept, the theological roots being located m the OT
idea of prophetic vocation, so Albertz, Botschaft, 1/2 43, Prumm, Diakonia Pneumatos
(Rome Herder, 1960) 1 121, 125 But it is more common to see the prophet, rabbinic slah,
and apostle as links m a continuing chain of conceptual development, so Rengstorf, "Apostlos," 438-41 and most of the writers named m 18 above There is considerable literature
on the parallelism between the vocation of the OT prophets and the apostleship of Paul,
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produced to some extent by writers who deny or take no position on the theory discussed here;
see nn. 59 and 92 below.
31
Vogelstein ("Development") attempts to show that the SoZuz/i-institution itself can be
traced to the early postexilic period and that it is rooted in an institution of the contemporary
Persian governmental system. His theory is based entirely on verbal usage which he claims
led to the development of the nominal form in the rabbinic period. This theory has not won
much support.
32
Die Verfassung der Kirche (Forschungen christlichen Literatur und Dogmengeschichte
4/1-2; Mainz: Kirchheim, 1904) 18-29, 336-48.
33
Bruders, Verfassung, 20: "Das wort apostell gibt also durch seinen Literalsinn an, dass
der . . . Auftraggeber an den Orte, wo er seine . . . Gesandten hat, durch letztere seine
Befehle und Wnsche ausfhren lasst"; Rengstorf, "Apostlos," 406.
34
Bruders, Verfassung, 344-45. It is probable that this sending-convention is also expressed
in the NT by pempein, especially in the Fourth Gospel; see Rengstorf, "Apostlos," 403-6.
35
See Rengstorf, "Apostlos," 406; Bruders notes of such texts that they show "wie tief der
Gedanke einer 'sichtbaren Vertretung Gottes auf Erden' in der neuen Lehre Wurzel gefasst
hatte" (Verfassung, 21).
36
See von Campenhausen, "Apostelbegriff," 101: "Es ist allgemein zugestanden, dass hier
mit dem apostlos schlecterdings nicht ein Trger des christlichen 'Apostelamtes' als solcher
gemeint sein kann. . . . Der Evangelist lsst Jesus vielmehr eine ganz allgemeine Sentenz,
einer annerkannten Rechtsgrundsatz aussprechen, den er auf sich und seine Jnger lediglich
anwendet: ein Bevollmchtiger kann niemals mehr vorstellen als der, der ihn 'gesandt'. . .";
Rengstorf, "Apostlos," 421; Mosbech, "Apostlos," 170; Lohse, "Ursprung," 261. Several synoptic texts are often understood in the same way, e.g., Mark 6:30; Luke 11:49, but opinion
is less certain than in the case of John 13:16. Besides such passages in which 8-%8 are
(or may be) given the name apostlos, a variety of other passages are adduced as evidence
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forward as evidence The apostoloi ekklesin of 2 Cor 8:23 and Epaphroditus, hymn apostolon, of Phil 2:25 are hardly apostles of Christ in the
fullest sense; they are, rather, the sent men of the community. 37
But, what is most significant, these scholars maintain that the clearest
proof of their theory is the general image of the apostle found in the NT.
There the apostle is consistently presented as one sent and empowered to
act in the name of another, on whom his whole situation as apostle depends
and to whom he is responsible for the fulfillment of his appointed task. In
this respect they are primarily influenced by the NT narrative literature,
especially Luke-Acts, whatever the historical value of the texts in which
Luke uses the word apostle.38 But they would also see the same basic pattern
realized in the solemn usage of Paul. 39 Many would maintain that the
Johannine commission texts, which frequently use the verbs apostellein/
pempein, imply knowledge of the same ideas. 40 Evidently NT usage so
understood involves a supreme phenomenological deepening of the formal
sending-convention represented by the legal maxim "The one whom a man
sends is like the man himself."
This position might be summarized as follows: The sltaft-convention
appears clearly in the rabbinic period. As commissioned and sent to act for
another, each figure so named is formally like every other, whatever the
specific task undertaken. The basic sending-convention at the root of the
concept involves a strong sense of solidarity between sender and sent.
Although the concept is formally secular and legal, it could be and often
was employed in a religious context. This convention was already used in
the NT period, although the word slah cannot be clearly traced in the
literary remains of the time. There is considerable evidence for its origin in
the OT period. This evidence is to be found in the at least semitechnical OT
sending-convention expressed in the verbal use of the root slh. It is also
evidenced in the NT in a variety of ways. The NT use of apostellein, the
use of the word apostlos of slah-Rgares, and the general description of
85
86
87
content of the commission given the slah.47 The significance of the rabbinic shaliachate is also denied because of its late attestation. A. Ehrhardt
notes that the word slah does not appear in any document that can be
dated earlier than A.D. 140, and this line of argument is frequently repeated. 48 Schmithals treats the issue with a nicer degree of precision. He
recognizes that it is the institutional slah that clearly postdates the NT
period and that there is a need to consider the possible influence of the
general legal sending-convention, which cannot be rejected as providing a
basis for apostleship on consideration of dating alone,49 though he denies
its relevance on other grounds. Nor does the evidence put forward for NT
acquaintance with thesZih-convention fare better. The relevance of such
texts as John 13:16, 2 Cor 8:23, Phil 2:25 is denied 50 or relativized as
nontechnical. 51 Ehrhardt concludes: "Our evidence suggests that the term
apostlos was earlier than the term shaliach. It is therefore hazardous to
use the latter term for the interpretation of the earlier."52
Besides the criticism of the documentary evidence, these writers stress
repeatedly the absence of true phenomenological parallelism between the
slah-ftgures and the apostle. The most thorough presentation of this evidence is that of W. Schmithals. Starting from the Pauline literature, he
describes apostleship in eighteen points. 53 Later, after describing theslahfigure and convention, he compares it to this description of apostleship
from the authentic Paul. Some of the more significant elements of the comparison may be noted. The importance of the apostle lies always in the
religious order, that of the slah wholly in the juridical. The function of
the apostle is lifelong, that of the slah limited. The apostle is always a
missionary, the slah never. The apostle is an eschatological figure, but it
can hardly be suggested that the slah has eschatological import. In fact,
from a phenomenological point of view there is little that the two figures
have in common. 54 Schmithals concludes his survey of differences categorically: "I should like . . . to assert that the late Jewish legal institution
of the saliach has not even the least to do with the primitive Christian
47
Office, 107.
Apostolic Succession, 17; see H. Monnier, who, criticizing A. von Harnack, says: "II
prouve l'existence d'une institution du premire sicle par une texte du second, et il interprte
ce texte l'aide d'un crivan du quatrime" (Notion, 16); Hunkin, "Shaliach," 170; Klein,
Zwlf Apostel, 27.
49
Office, 101-3.
50
See Ashcraft, "Understanding," 402: "As yet no evidence has been shown that apostlos
was used to translate shaliach, nor has any evidence appeared to show that Jesus or his
followers knew of such an institution."
51
See Schmithals, Office, 109-10. Claims made on the basis of other texts (see n. 36 above)
are rejected because of the late origin of these texts; see Klein, Zwlf Apostel, 28-31.
52
Apostolic Succession, 18.
53
Office, 21-57.
54
Office, 103-6.
48
88
apostola te." 55 Though very strongly stated, this position is basic to the
writers here surveyed.56
Beyond their rejection of the slah-theory most of these writers do
little more than state their basic position. The apostle is a figure whose
origin is to be traced to the Christian religion.57 Some would allow the
influence of the OT, for example, in its use of slh/apostellein,58 or, especially,
in its description of prophetic vocation. 59 But they do not regard these
influences as strong enough to speak of derivation from an OT type. A new
experience has generated the new Christian leadership figurethe apostle.
W. Schmithals claims otherwise. In the most extensive study ever
devoted to this subject, he claims that the apostle-concept is derived from
gnosticism.60 Schmithals first advanced this position in a study of gnostic
influence on the Corinthian correspondence 61 and then in the monograph
The Office of Apostle in the Early Church. This piece has already been
cited for its rejection of the sl ta h- theory, and in this respect it has had considerable influence. But Schmithals's own theory has found little support. 62
55
Office, 105.
See Monnier, Notion, 10; "Entre les plnipotentiaires du Christ et les autres, il y a toute
la diffrence qui spare le message du Christ d'un message quelconque"; see also 8-16; Lampe,
Aspects, 15; Schweizer, Church Order, 202-3; Klein, Zwlf Apostel, 27.
57
See Monnier, Notion, 9, 22: "Lapostolat chrtien reste chose originale et neuve. C'est une
institution qui n'a point de racines dans le milieu judo-hellnique . . . Nous nous convaincrons que rien de pareil ne pouvait exister antrieurement Jsus-Christ. . . ."
58
See Ehrhardt, Apostolic Succession, 19.
59
Several writers of this group have written profoundly on Pauline usage of texts from the
OT describing prophetic vocation, as, e.g., Gal 1:15-16. See J. Munck, "La vocation de
l'aptre Paul," ST 1 (1947) 131-45; idem, Paul and the Salvation of Mankind (London: SCM,
1959) 15-27, 48-53; L. Cerfaux, "S. Paul et le 'Serviteur de Dieu' d'Isaie," Miscellanea Biblica
et Orientalia A. Miller (Studia Anselmiana 27-28; Rome: Ataneo de S. Anselmo, 1951) Soleo; idem, Christian, 72-93, 223-34.
60
Office, 115: "It is one of the remarkable characteristics of the New Testament research
of the past decades that the attention of the researchers has not been drawn to that figure
who not only actually presents the precise counterpart of the primitive Christian apostle, and
who not only (like the Christian apostle) is native to the Syrian setting, but who indeed
employed the title 'apostle' as a self-designation with great emphasis: the Gnostic apostle. . . .
The actual function of the Gnostic apostle is his activity as redeemer. Redemption is the
central concern of the Gnostic religion. An investigation of the Gnostic thought concerning
redemption will thus necessarily take the Gnostic apostle into consideration, and indeed will
treat of his most essential function."
61
Gnosticism in Corinth: An Investigation of the Letters to the Corinthians (Nashville:
Abingdon, 1971) 279-82; and see his earlier studies of this theme: "Die Hretiker in Galatien,"
ZNW 47 (1956) 25-67; "Die Irrleherer des Philipperbriefes," ZTK 64 (1957) 297-341; "Zur
Abfassung und ersten Sammlung des paulinischen Hauptbriefe," ZNW 51 (1960) 225-45.
62
He claims that his research is rooted in G. Widengren's comparative religion studies of
various Near Eastern apostle-figures: The Great Vohu Manah and the Apostle of God (UU
5; Uppsala: Lundequistska, 1945); The Ascension of the Apostle and the Heavenly Book (UU
17; Uppsala: Lundequistska, 1950); Muhammed, the Apostle of God (UU 1; Uppsala:
Lundequistska, 1955).
56
89
63
64
Office, 58-95.
Office, 96-230.
90
Office, 115.
Office, 147-48; examples cited are often from Christian literature.
67
Office, 191-92.
68
In the final part of his study (Office, 231-88) he shows how Christian use of this gnostic
concept, developing first in the Pauline communities and especially under the influence of
Paul, was then transferred to the twelve and eventually limited to Paul and the twelve.
69
Office, 229-30.
70
Factors that led to the choice of the word apostlos by the NT writers are not much
discussed. L. Cerfaux notes the natural derivation from the verbal cognate with its important
place in the NT and claims that it was preferred to angelos, the more ordinary designation
for a messenger, because that word already had a specific meaning (Christian, 120).
Schmithals claims gnostic influence.
66
91
specific significance of the slah-Rgure of rabbinic times for their argument. Rather, they tend to see both apostle and slah as developments of
the same OT-Jewish sending-convention observable far back into OT times.
They take their point of departure from the authentic Pauline letters. These
positions allow them to deal with the objections raised against the earlier
presentation of the theory, namely, that the slah-Rgure is at most a
juridical phenomenon witnessed only in materials later than the NT, and
that the theory operates primarily on a later view of apostleship found in
the NT narrative literature. These positions are anticipated in the work of
H. von Campenhausen, who notes the need to start from the Pauline
writings. 71 B. Gerhardsson is particularly eager to show the use of the OT
sending-convention at stake in connection with religious phenomena of
profound significance.72 J. Roloff presents an early summary of this position. 73 G. Schule, in criticism of Klein and Schmithals, offers a very carefully developed defense of this position, in some ways more in touch with
the earlier phases of its development. 74 Most interesting and substantial is
the contribution of F. Hahn developed with broad insight and careful
attention to detail. 75
Work on the subject is reviewed in the order of the previous paragraph.
The viewpoints expressed by Hahn will be used to provide a framework for
presentation of later thought on the slah-theory.
The impact of criticism directed against connection of the apostleconcept and the slah-convention
is clear. The work of Klein and
Schmithals has been particularly significant in this respect, though, of
course, not all who take this position do so under their influence.7e These
71
92
93
94
of Pauline usage.84 All from the community apostles to the apostle of Jesus
Christ are commissioned agents sent to act in the name of others/another. 85
Particular attention is given by these scholars to the criticism raised
against conceptual derivation from the slah-Rgures of rabbinic times as
postdating the development of NT apostleship and to the absence of the
nominal form slah in literature previous to or contemporary with the NT.
These facts are scarcely to be questioned. 86 But they take issue with the
willingness to dismiss the theory of relationship between apostleship and
the slh sending-convention in all its forms because of the absence of the
form slah in the extant documentation. The connection of apostle and
slah lies not, or not necessarily, in the immediate derivation of the former
from the latter, as often suggested by older proponents of the theory, but
in their common relationship to the sending-convention expressed in the
slh/apostellein word group. In the more recent period of research Gerhardsson is the first to stress this point, which lies behind the title of his essay
"Die Boten Gottes und die Apostel Christi," and it is generally supported
by these scholars.87
Along lines suggested in the last paragraph these writers attempt to
show that, although the rabbinic slah-Rgure is the delegate of a human
sender with largely juridical significance, the sending-convention that lies
behind it has in fact been used to describe figures of profound religious and
theological significance. Granting the ultimate newness of the NT apostleconcept, and so the valid observation of those who in this respect maintain
84
Schule (Kollegialmission, 12-14) claims derivation of the technical and solemn usage
from the less technical with criticism of Schmithals, who, recognizing a nontechnical usage
in the NT, denies any connection between it and the more specifically Christian use of the
term. Schule writes: "So erscheint der technische Gebrauch des Apostelbegriffs bei Paulus als
eine Vertiefung des allgemeineren. Das ist historisch zehr wichtig" (p. 14). This position
appears to lie behind the thought of other scholars in this group, but it is not an inevitability
for them.
85
Hahn, who also discusses synoptic usage in this connection ("Apostolat," 64), writes:
"Die herangezogenen neutestamentlichen Belege verweisen in ihrer Gesamtheit auf eine
jdischen Rechtsgrundsatz, die sich durch mehrere Jahrhunderte hindurch verfolgen lsst"
(p. 65); and see references in the following notes.
86
The nominal form apparently does not appear in the Qumran materials.
87
"Boten," 109-10: "Aber die Kategorie Apostel Christi'muss mit der jdischen Kategorie
der Boten Gottes zusammengestellt werden. Die Ursache, dass man dies nicht allgemein
eingesehen hat, liegt darin, dass man im jdischen Material bisher allzu einseitig nach dem
Terminus Schaliach Gottes gesucht hat, anstaat phnomenologisch vorzugehen und die Sache
selbst zu untersuchen . . ."; he sees the categories "Boten der Menschen" (e.g., the "community apostles") and "Boten Gottes" as closely related (pp. 108-9). See also Roloff, Apostolat,
272-73; Hahn, "Apostolat," 65-66. Schule is less interested in this point and appears to argue
from the conjectured presence of the rabbinical sending-convention in the NT period, more
in the style of the older research. For him, this concept, which was known in the Pauline
congregations as indicated by the references to "community apostles," was then employed by
a process of "inner-community development" for "missionary apostles" and by Paul for "the
apostle of Jesus Christ" (see Kollegialmission, 15-18).
95
its Christian origin, the point is surely not without relevance. It allows an
answer to the criticism directed against this theory on the grounds that the
s/iah-convention is basically legal, whereas apostleship is basically religious. The use of the general sending-convention in the OT provides a
variety of important analogues to apostleship as a religious phenomenon.
In this, these scholars are in touch with the older phase of research, but they
illustrate their point by reference to a broader and richer assemblage of OT
references. Gerhardsson calls attention to the frequency with which slh/
apostellein is construed with maVk/angelos and especially with nhi /prophtes, and in other significant ways.88 In this respect, the importance of
prophetic vocation is paramount. 89 Hahn calls special attention to the fact
that NT use of apostellein/pempein frequently echoes OT usage of slh with
reference to prophetic sending. In what is among the most innovative
sections of his essay, he calls attention to the particular importance of Isa
61:1 in this regard. 90 This usage is first christological,91 but the NT connection of all sending with the sending of Jesus makes it important for
consideration of apostleship as well. This is especially so in view of the wellknown fact that Paul describes himself in his vocation as apostle in terms
derived from OT description of prophetic vocation. 92 OT usage, especially
represented in the descriptions of prophetic call, involves employment of
the word group slh/apostellein, which is continued in the NT. It provides
reference to OT and NT figures (including Christ himself) who represent
highly significant phenomenological parallels to NT apostleship.93
88
"Boten," 110-13.
See Hahn, "Apostolat," 66-67.
90
Ibid., 69-75.
91
The usage of the Fourth Gospel in this respect has given rise to several interesting studies;
among which see J. Radermakers, "Mission et apostolat dans l'vangile johannique," SE II
(=TU 87 [1964]) 100-121; J. Khl, Die Sendung Jesu und die Kirche nach dem JohannesEvangelium (Studia Instituti Missiologici Societatis Verbi Divini 11; St. Augustin: Stegler,
1967), with extensive citation of literature.
92
See Hahn, "Apostolat," 68. A number of scholars who take no position on the question
discussed in this paper have written significantly on the prophetic background of Paul's
description of his own vocation; among whom see A. M. Denis, "Laptre Paul, prophet 'messianique' des gentils," ETL 33 (1957) 245-318; idem, "Election et la vocation de Paul, faveur
cleste," RevThom 57 (1957) 405-28; idem, "L'investitur de la fonction apostolique par 'apocalypse,'" RB 64 (1957) 335-62, 492-515; J. Cambier, "Paul, aptre du Christ et prdicateur de
l'vangile" MRT 91 (1959) 1015-16; T. Holtz, "Zum Selbstverstndnis des Apostels Paulus,"
TLZ 91 (1966) 94-126. This has been a recurrent interest of scholars representing various
points of view on the religionsgeschichtlich question; see nn. 30 and 59 above.
93
The value of this position is now recognized by scholars who continue to deny a connection of aposde and Slah; see D. Mller, "Apostle," 134-35 and n. 7 above; E. Ksemann,
Commentary on Romans (Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 1980) 5-6: "It seems fairly certain that
the Semitic idea of sending with an authoritative commission determined the NT understanding of apostle. . . . The influence of the Jewish institution li(a)h . . . may be present
when the NT refers to the sending out of the apostles two by two. Elsewhere however it is
to be rejected . . ."; this because of the absence of significant phenomenological parallels.
89
96
SCHOL/RS
PRESS
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