Evans Macw 2
Evans Macw 2
Evans Macw 2
2, 117134
Abstract
The purpose of this study was to investigate the sentence comprehension
strategies used by children w ith expressive and expressivereceptive speci c
language impairments (SLI ) within a language processing framework. Fourteen
children with SLI (ages 6;107;11) meeting strict selection criteria were compared to seven age-m atched and seven younger normal controls. Children were
asked to determine the agent in sentences composed of two nouns and a verb
( NVN, NNV, VNN ) with animacy of the noun as a second factor. Results of
group comparisons revealed that children with E-SLI and ER-SLI diV ered from
each other in the comprehension strategies they employed as well as diV ering
from both age-m atched and younger normal language control groups. Children
with E-SLI relied exclusively on a rst noun as agent strategy across all conditions, whereas children with ER-SLI used animacy cues when available.
Addit ionally, maximum likelihood estimates were calculated to investigate individual patterns of performance under diV erent cue conditions. Results revealed
a sign i cant correlation between severity of receptive language abilities and the
type of strategy used, with better receptive language skills being highly correlated
with childrens use of word order cues.
Keyword s : language
comprehension.
disorders,
language
processing,
SLI
subgroups,
Introduction
The term speci c language impairments (SLI ) refers to a group of children who demonstrate language disorders in the absence of any clearly identi able aetiology.
Traditionally, these children have been treated as a single population de ned on
the basis of exclusionary criteria (e.g. normal non-verbal intelligence, normal hearing,
A ddress correspondenc e to: Julia L. E vans Ph.D ., Waisman R esearch Cen ter, R oom 445, U niversity
of W isconsin , M adison, W I 53705, U SA.
118
and no visible sign of neurological or emotional impairments; Stark and Tallal 1981).
It appears, however, that SLI is not an homogeneous group. In particular, research
suggests that children with both expressive and receptive de cits ( ER-SLI ) can be
contrasted to those having only expressive de cits ( E-SLI ).
Findings from studies employing status assessment measures (e.g. Aram and
Nation 1975, Wolfus et al. 1980, Stark and Tallal 1988) indicate that children with
E-SLI demonstrate good receptive vocabulary, syntax comprehension, normal
mem ory span, and good phonological discrimination, but have de cits in expressive
semantics and syntax as well as formulation diY culties in rapid motor sequencing.
In contrast, children with ER-SLI exhibit de cits in receptive vocabulary, syntax
comprehension, phonological discrimination and decreased mem ory span in conjunction with de cits in expressive syntax and semantics. However, production of
consonant clusters, diphthongs, and multisyllabic words is signi cantly better for
ER-SLI than for E-SLI children.
Experimental studies also re ect subgroup diV erences. At the lexical level,
children with poor receptive and expressive language abilities are slower and less
e Y cient in word- nding, picture naming, and auditory rehearsal skills ( Leonard
et al. 1983, Kail and Leonard 1986, Gathercole and Baddeley 1990). At the discourse
level, these childrens conversational responses are slower and less e Y cient than
children with good receptive language abilities (e.g. Craig and Evans 1989, 1993).
In contrast, in spontaneous speech, SLI children with good receptive language
abilities make more gram matical errors, and omit more function words in utterances
that have greater verbal and non-verbal processing demands, compared to children
with poor receptive and expressive skills ( Evans 1996, Evans et al. 1997).
Studies of the comprehension strategies used by children with SLI also demonstrate subgroup diV erences that seem to vary with the severity of the childrens
receptive language de cits. In particular, children with good receptive skills appear
to use more word order strategies, whereas children with poor receptive language
abilities rely more on semantically based strategies. For example, on standardized
assessment measures (e.g. Test of Receptive Gram mar ( TROG ); Bishop 1979), SLI
children with receptive de cits had diY culty using word order cues to interpret
sentences. In sentence processing tasks designed to investigate childrens use of
word order versus semantic strategies, children with poor receptive and expressive
skills (e.g. ER-SLI ) exhibited chance levels of performance for sentences when only
word order cues were made available (van der Lely and Dewart 1986, van der Lely
and Harris 1990).
In contrast, in studies of children with good receptive language skills (e.g.
E-SLI ), it can be seen that these children seem to be able to use word order cues
in sentence comprehension tasks ( Bishop 1982, Adam s 1990). For example, Adam s
(1990) found that children with good receptive language skills were able to use
word order cues to correctly comprehend reversible active and double object
sentences; constructions requiring the use of word order cues. Further analysis of
these childrens errors patterns for embedded clauses, embedded phrases, and
passives also revealed their use of word order based strategies. Thus, it appears that
SLI childrens ability to use word order cues to comprehend sentences may vary
with severity of receptive language de cits. However, this subgroup question has
yet to be addressed directly.
Recently, several processing based models have been proposed as possible
accounts of speci c language impairments (e.g. Bishop 1992, Johnston 1995,
119
Leonard 1995). However, these accounts focus primarily on the expressive language
de cits characteristic of this population. Although there is reason to suspect a
relat ionship between processing de cits and expressive language impairments, little
research has focused on comprehension de cits in this group from a processing
based framework. The model employed in this study to investigate a performance
based account of sentence comprehension in children with SLI was the competition
model developed by Bates, MacWhinney and their colleagues ( Bates et al. 1984,
Bates and MacWhinney 1987, 1989).
During sentence comprehension the child is required to attend simultaneously
to multiple transient and eeting acoustic, phonetic, semantic, morphological,
syntactic and intonational cues. The Com petition Model provides an account of
language comprehension which focuses on this process of converting multiple
competing cues into a linear speech stream . Three key concepts cue validity, cue
strength, and cue cost are included in the model to capture the multidimensional
nature of language comprehension. W ithin this theoretical framework, cue valid ity is
de ned as the information value of a given lexical or gram mat ical feature.
Operationally, it is the product of a cues availability and reliability. Or more simply
put, cue validity is the proport ion of the time a cue is present and indicates the
correct interpretat ion ( i.e. role assignment) in a given language.
Cue strength, in contrast, is a measure of the strength to which a given individual
has approximated the validity of a given cue in his or her language. During language
acquisition, the process of determ ining the roles of nouns as actor or patient is a
diY cult task. The mappings between cues that mark these roles and the roles
themselves are many-to-many. For example, the cue for noun animacy tends to
mark the role of actor in many cases (e.g. the boy hit the ball). Yet the an imacy
cue is not always present (e.g. the bat hit the ball), or correct in marking the role
of actor (e.g. the ball hit the boy). Thus, according to the competition model, the
strength of a cue for an individual speaker is proportional to its informational value
or cue valid ity.
Individual limitations in processing capacity during real-time language use will
a V ect cue strengths for individual speakers. The third theoretical concept, cue cost,
is a general measure of the processing costs associated with the real-time use of a
given cue (e.g. mem ory, speed of processing limitation, fatigue). The Com petition
Model holds that the processing costs of diV erent linguistic cues will diV er across
individual speakers, re ecting the individuals information processing abilities.
Cue cost and cue validity a V ect not only the degree to which children will
believe or trust certain cues, but also the developm ental order with which children
come to rely on diV erent cues. For example, children will pick up cues in order of
their validity w ith the rst cues learned by the child being the most reliable ones
in his or her language. However, if a given cue has high cue validity but also high
processing cost, there will be a delay in the childs use of the cue. Studies of typically
developing children reveal that, in the early stages of language developm ent ( i.e. 2
years of age), children rely primarily on an imacy cues to interpret sentences, yet by
4 years of age, English speaking children begin to rely more on word order cues
to process canon ical word order (SVO), but continue to rely on animacy cues for
non-canon ical word orders (OSV, and VOS). By 7 to 12 years of age, however,
children are able to use word order cues to process non-canonical (OSV and VOS)
forms as well ( Bever 1970, Nelson 1974, Bates et al. 1984, von Berger et al. 1993).
Many of the important predictions of the Com petition Model are based on the
120
121
E -SLI
E R-SLI
CA
A ge
M ean (SD )
( R LS)
M ean (SD )
( E LS)
M ean (SD )
7;6 (3.6)
7;3 (3.8)
7;4 (3.5)
89 (6.5 )
70 (6.7 )
NA
65 (2.9)
50 (1.0)
NA
122
items. After the training items were completed, the children again were rem inded
to choose the animal or object they thought was doing the action and to listen
carefully, as they would hear each sentence only once.
Results
The rst question was, how do the two SLI groups diV er from each other and their
age-m atched peers with respect to sentence comprehension strategies? A 3 3 3
mixed-model analysis of analysis of variance (AN OVA) was conducted with percentage choice of the rst noun as the dependent variable. The two within-subject
factors were word order ( NVN, NN V, VNN ) and animacy (AA, AI, IA) and the
between-subjects factor was group ( E-SLI, ER-SLI, CA). The results revealed
signi cant main e V ects for word order (F(2,36 ) = 16.15, p < 0.001), animacy
(F(2,36 ) = 23.2, p < 0.001) and group (F(2,18)= 27.6, p < 0.001). There also was a
signi cant group-by-an imacy interaction e V ect (F(4,36) = 4.43, p < 0.01). Post hoc
analysis revealed that the E-SLI and CA groups did not diV er signi cantly from
each other, but that the ER-SLI group diV ered signi cantly from both the E-SLI
and CA groups.
The results can be understood more clearly by looking at gures 1 4, which
illustrate the group diV erences in sentence comprehension strategies. The percentage
rst noun choice for the three word order conditions for the E-SLI, ER-SLI, and
CA groups is shown in gure 1. The rst noun was the predominant choice for all
three word order conditions for the children with E-SLI. For the CA group, a slight
shift in the pattern of noun choice can be seen between the NVN and the other
two conditions. In the NVN condition, rst noun choice was high for the CA
group. However, in the NN V and VNN conditions, the CA group shifted to a
Figure 1.
123
second noun choice strategy; a pattern consistent with an OSV strategy previously
reported for children this age and adults ( MacWhinney et al. 1985, von Berger et al.
1993). For the ER-SLI group, however, the percentage rst noun choice was at or
slightly above chance across levels for all three word order conditions (4058%).
These group diV erences can be seen more clearly across the three an imacy
conditions shown in gure 2. The percentage rst noun choice for the E-SLI group
was high across all three animacy conditions, and did not diV er statist ically, nor did
the E-SLI group diV er from the CA group across the three conditions. The
percentage rst noun choice was signi cantly diV erent across the three conditions
for the ER-SLI group, however. For the AA condition in which both nouns were
an imate (e.g. the condition where animacy is e V ectively rem oved as a cue), the
percentage rst noun choice for the ER-SLI group was at chance levels. For the
AI condition, in which only the rst noun was an imate, the percentage of rst
noun choice for the ER-SLI was high (79%) and for the IA condition, in which
the second noun was animate, percentage rst noun choice was low (19%), indicating
that these children with receptive de cits were relying not on word order but on
an imacy cues instead.
The diV erences between the two subgroups are the clearest in the NVN word
order condition shown in gure 3. For both the E-SLI and CA groups, the choice
of rst noun was high across all three animacy conditions. For the ER-SLI children,
choice of rst noun was slightly above chance levels in the condition where both
nouns were animate (AA: 64%); high when the rst noun was animate (AI: 90%);
and extremely low when the rst noun was inan imate ( IA: 21%), indicat ing that
the children with good receptive language abilities were using word order to process
Figure 2.
124
Figure 3.
sentences, whereas the children with poor receptive language abilities were relying
exclusively on animacy cues.
Three diV erent patterns of cue competition, contrasting a low, high and null
cue con ict contexts are presented in gure 4. The NVN-AI condition represents
a low cue con ict condition due to the convergence of the animacy and word order
cues which both support rst noun as agent. The NVN-IA pattern represents a
high cue con ict condition with animacy cueing the last noun as agent and word
order cueing the rst noun. The VNN-AA pattern represents a null cue condition
where there are no cues for either word order or animacy.
One might argue that little can be learned from the use of ungrammatical
sentences, as in the VNN-AA condition. However, patterns of responses to these
ungrammatical sentences can provide valuable insights into the strategies employed
by children with language disorders when confronted with unfamiliar or novel
sentence forms. MacWhinney et al. (1985) have shown that the processing of
ungrammatical sentences provides an accurate measure of cue strength in gram matical sentences. This can be seen clearly in the diV erent processing strategies used
by the two language-impaired groups and the normal 7;0 year old peers across the
three cue con ict conditions. In the NVN-AI, the percentage rst noun choice was
high for all three groups ( E-SLI, 100%; ER-SLI, 91%; CA, 100%). In the NVN-IA,
however, the performance of the E-SLI and the CA groups diV ered distinctly from
the ER-SLI group. For the E-SLI and CA groups, rst noun choice was still high
despite the competing animacy cues. For the ER-SLI children, however, rst noun
choice was extremely low (21%), indicating a strong second animate noun
choice instead.
In the VNN-AA condition, the pattern of performance for the three groups
Figure 4.
125
Percenta ge rst noun choice across high, low and null cue con ict conditi ons for E -SLI,
E R-SLI and CA-matched groups.
diV ered in interesting ways. For the E-SLI children, choice of rst noun was still
high, but for the CA-group, choice of rst noun drop ped to chance levels (58%),
suggesting that for typical 7;0 year old children, the absence of any word order or
an imacy cues profoundly disrupted their performance and resulted in guessing. In
contrast, the ER-SLI groups choice of rst noun was still low. In the absence of
an imacy cues, however, responses in this context suggest that these children were
choosing the last word they heard, indicating a possible recency e V ect. Thus, the
children with good receptive abilities appeared to use a strict rst noun strategy
across cue conditions, seemingly unaw are of the absence of word order or an imacy
cues in the VNN-AA condition. In contrast, the children with poor receptive
language abilities consistently relied on animacy cues when these cues were made
available, but appeared unable to hold the order of words in mem ory when an imacy
cues were not available, choosing the last noun in these contexts.
Given the ER-SLI groups reliance on animacy cues, we might ask whether
their processing strategies are characteristic of younger normally developing children.
The ER-SLI childrens expressive skills, as measured by standardized expressive
language measures, were comparable to those of 3 year olds, whereas their receptive
language scores were comparable to those of 4 year olds; thus data from 4 year old
normal language controls was collected instead. A 3 3 2 mixed-model analysis
of variance comparing the percentage rst noun choice for ER-SLI and the younger
4 year normal language control group was conducted, with the sam e two withinsubject factors (word order and animacy) and the between-subject factor being
126
group ( ER-SLI, 4;0). Results revealed a signi cant main e V ect for word order
(F(2,24)= 14.1, p < 0.0001), animacy (F(2,24)= 17.4, p < 0.0001) and group
(F(1,12) = 5.89, p < 0.01), as well as a signi cant group-by-an imacy interaction e V ect
(F(4,48)= 9.44, p < 0.001). The pattern of performance for the ER-SLI and 4 year
old children is displayed in gure 5. The percentage rst noun choice for the
ER-SLI group was high in the AI condition and low in the IA condition. In
contrast, the percentage rst noun choice for the 4;0 control group was high across
an imacy conditions, similar to the performance of both the E-SLI and CA-matched
groups examined earlier. This suggests that children with ER-SLI are not simply
delayed in the comprehension strategies they use; instead, the processing strategies
they use are qualitatively diV erent from those of younger typically developing
children as well.
The results of the analysis of variance revealed that diV erences in the sentence
comprehension strategies for the two groups of children with SLI not only diV ered
from each other but from normally developing control groups as well. However,
this statistical approach does not provide information regarding the direction and
relat ive strength of the word order or an imacy cues for the two SLI groups nor
does it allow for analysis of individual patterns of performance. Maximum likelihood
estimat ion ( MLE ) techniques, in contrast, have been used successfully to investigate
individual diV erences in children with SLI in general ( Evans et al. 1997 ) and
in particular with this speci c task paradigm ( McDonald and MacWhinney
1989, Evans and MacWhinney 1995, 1996 ). MLE uses an iterative procedure in
Figure 5.
A nim acy e V ects for N VN word order for the E R-SLI and younger nor m al language control
groups.
127
conjunction with a mathem atical model to nd values for param eters in a model
which best t the data, thereby providing direct estimations of the relative strength
of cue usage for both groups and individuals. The speci c model used for this
study ( McDonald and MacWhinney 1989) predicts the probability of choosing the
rst noun as actor based on the strengths of word order and an imacy cues. The
model is presented below, where:
P (first noun choice) =
P i Si 1
S j (P i S i j )
E -SLI
CA
4;0 4;2
E R-SLI
N VN
NNV
V NN
AA
AI
IA
R M SD
r2
0.93
0.98
0.85
0.62
0.79
0.59
0.55
0.41
0.72
0.55
0.40
0.38
0.62
0.55
0.43
0.47
0.53
0.67
0.59
0.80
0.38
0.32
0.43
0.18
0.02
0.03
0.05
0.04
0.95
0.97
0.92
0.96
128
AI
OD
W S
SS
R S
M LU
E -SLI
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
0.99
0.88
0.86
0.99
0.99
0.99
0.97
0.62
0.58
0.64
0.66
0.70
0.65
0.95
9
9
5
9
8
10
9
6
5
5
5
5
5
5
14
9
9
9
7
6
6
6
6
6
4
4
5
5
3.0
4.68
5.38
4.4
4.13
3.68
4.70
E R-SLI
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
0.86
0.62
0.85
0.67
0.68
0.22
0.50
0.71
0.97
0.87
0.99
0.99
0.77
0.48
7
4
6
5
5
4
4
3
4
3
4
3
3
3
6
9
6
6
5
4
5
3
3
3
3
3
3
3
2.47
3.07
3.34
3.86
2.7
2.58
2.79
129
for the three animacy and word order conditions are presented in table 4 for these
children. In cases where animacy was not available as a cue (e.g. AA), subject E-SLI
7 relied on word order and chose the rst noun as the agent ( NVN 67%, NN V
100%, VNN 100%). However, when an imacy cue was available (e.g. AI, IA), this
child chose the animate noun. Thus, in conditions where no cues were available,
E-SLI 7 used a rst noun choice strategy, but when word order and animacy cues
were combined, this appeared to confuse this child, causing him to revert back to
an an imacy strategy.
Interestingly, for the two children in the ER-SLI group with the highest scores
on the Oral Directions subtest of the CELF-R ( ER-SLI 1 and 3), it appeared that
in fam iliar word order conditions ( NVN ), these children were able to use word
order cues, choosing the rst noun, but in less typical ( NN V ) or unfamiliar ( VNN )
word order conditions, these children reverted to the use of an imacy. Finally, the
param eter estimates for the child with the most severe expressive and receptive
de cits ( ER-SLI 7) indicate the absence of any consistent sentence comprehension
strategy, suggesting that this child was possibly guessing.
Discussion
The two questions posed in this study were: (1) Do the processing strategies
employed by children with SLI vary with the severity of receptive language de cits?
and (2) W ith changes in cue con ict levels, do subgroups of children with SLI
diV er in their comprehension strategies? W ith regard to the rst question, this study
shows that children with better receptive language abilities used word order as the
predominant comprehension strategy, whereas children with more severe receptive
de cits relied on animacy cues instead. This nding is consistent with prior research
indicat ing that children w ith more severe receptive de cits rely heavily on semantic
cues during sentence comprehension tasks (van der Lely and Dewart 1986, van der
Lely and Harris 1990).
The E-SLI and ER-SLI groups in this study diV ered not only in the degree of
receptive de cits, but in expressive de cits as well. One might argue that the
obser ved diV erences could be the result of overall severity, not diV erences in
receptive abilities alone. The correlations between the childs use of word order
cues and the receptive language subtests were signi cant, but were not signi cant for
the expressive measures. Analysis of individual diV erences did reveal, however, that
the two children in the ER-SLI group with the highest receptive language scores
were able to use word order cues in the NVN conditions but reverted back to
reliance on animacy cues in the NN V and VNN, and that the ER-SLI child with
Table 4.
Percentage rst noun choice for all three word order (NVN, NNV, VN N) and
anim acy condition s (AA, AI, IA) for a subset of the children
N VN
E -SLI 7
E R-SLI 1
E R-SLI 3
E R-SLI 7
NNV
V NN
AA
AI
IA
AA
AI
IA
AA
AI
IA
67
83
83
50
100
83
100
33
50
83
33
67
100
33
33
50
100
67
83
50
17
33
17
50
100
33
33
40
67
67
83
50
0
33
0
17
130
the most severe expressive and receptive de cits exhibited performance that was
predominantly at chance levels. Previous research has demonstrated diV erences in
processing de cits that vary along a continuum of severity of receptive language
de cits ( Evans 1996, Evans et al. 1997). The ndings from this study re ect this
pattern as well.
In a review of processing de cits in SLI, Bishop (1992) has argued that one
would predict that children with SLI will have particular diY culties in contexts
where critical information is transient, or where transient representations must be
held in mem ory while addit ional information is processed. The children in this
study with lower scores on language tests which tap auditory mem ory skills had
more diY culties using word order cues to process sentences. Although auditory
mem ory skills were not assessed directly in this study, recently, researchers have
proposed de cits in working mem ory as a possible account of SLI (Gathercole and
Baddeley 1990). The ndings from this study suggest that de cits in auditory
mem ory might result in the child having problems retaining the sequential order
of the words in a sentence long enough to use syntactic (e.g. word order) information
during comprehension.
W ith respect to the second question of whether the subgroups diV ered across
low versus high cue con ict conditions, the children with E-SLI in this study
diV ered qualitatively from the children with ER-SLI, as well as from their normal
peers. The E-SLI children exhibited a strong rst noun preference across the low
and high cue con ict conditions as did their age-m atched peers. On the other hand,
the children with ER-SLI relied on an imacy cues regardless of competing word
order cues. In the VNN-AA condition, however, the pattern for both groups of
SLI diV ered from the normal 7 year olds performance in interesting ways. The 7
year olds were clearly sensitive to the absence of word order or animacy cues in
this condition, whereas the E-SLI children continued to use a rst noun strategy and
in the absence of word order cues, the ER-SLI chose the last noun heard .
The model of language processing employed in this study is one where the
acquisition of morphosyntactic knowledge is viewed as the result of the interaction
between the pragmatic and semantic demands of the communication interaction
coupled with the competing constrai nts on the speech channel. Speakers must rely
on a small set of forms ( lexical items, word order, morphological markers, and
intonation) to map all possible competing mean ings and speaker intentions on to
the linear speech stream . As Kirchner and Skarak is-Doyle (1983) have suggested,
the child with language disorders must contend with these sam e communicative
task demands, but due to the incomplete acquisition of surface forms, tenuous
control over these forms, and possibly limited processing capacity, the communicative system of these children may be qualitatively diV erent, and children with SLI
may adapt by employing compensatory strategies or alternative means of processing
information. In this study, it is seen that the children with E-SLI appeared to use
an adapt ive strict rst noun strategy regardless of sentence type. This strategy diV ered
from that of 7 year old normal children, who switched to an OSV strategy in the
NN V context and who appeared to be thrown by the absence of cues in the
VNN-AA context. On the other hand, the ER-SLI children used semantic knowledge as opposed to syntactic information, a pattern that diV ered not only from the
CA matches but from the younger normal language children as well.
Leonard (1995) has suggested that it is not the gram matical knowledge that is
impaired in these children, but their ability to process linguistic information. For a
131
132
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Appendix
Nouns: animate
Nouns: inanimate
Verbs
cow
camel
cat
horse
pig
lamb
monkey
lion
zebra
cup
spoon
chair
comb
ball
block
kisses
hugs
pets
chases
wants
134
NVN AA
NVN IA
NVN AI
NN V AA
NN V IA
NN V AI
VNN AA
VNN IA
VNN AI