DIRI Journal 1

1
The Dhammachai International

Research Institute (DIRI) is a research
institute that traces the roots of the
Buddhas teachings back to original
manuscripts with the aim of finding
true and clear evidence of early
methods of the teaching and practice
of Dhamma. The study and skill of
genuine practice will help us obtain
pure knowledge of Buddhism that has
been passed down to mankind for the
happiness and progression of life.
This journal will publish articles
by members of DIRI as well as relevant
papers by other scholars engaged
in research into the field of Early
Buddhism
DIRI was established in Australia
and in New Zealand by the 60th
Dhammachai Education Foundation
of Australia and New Zealand in 2007
and 2009 respectively.
Founder
The Most Venerable
Phrathepyanmahamuni
(Luang Phaw Dhammajayo)
Advisory Board
Ven. Dr. Monchai Mantagamo

Professor Sukanya Sudbanthad
Dr. Edward Crangle
Dr. Chaisit Suwanvarangkul
Dr. Siriporn Sirikwanchai
Sanit Svekaghane
Editorial Board
Phrakrupaladnayokwarawat
(Sudhammo Bhikkhu)
Professor Garry W. Trompf
Dr. Jeff Wilson
Dr. Elizabeth Guthrie
Coordinator
PhraThong Katatepo
PhraAkbordin Panyaratano
Saichonnanee Rassameepaithun
JDIRI Journal Volume 1

ISBN 978-0-646-58571-0
Copyright 2012, Dhammachai
International Research Institute Inc.
2I
Creative & Design
Chayuda Chapman
Satit Kriengmahasak
Supakij Nantarojanaporn
Pittaya Tisuthiwongse
4I
Homily
The teaching of the Great Lord Enlightened Buddha is Dhamma, which
is the truth that leads sentient beings to be salvaged from the suffering of
life and the cycle of rebirth and also truly enable them to access peaceful
happiness to the full. Dhamma is akliko1, accessing the real teaching of the
Buddha is, therefore, to access the entirety of humanity and other sentient
beings in the hundred thousand koti2 universes - in the immeasurable
cosmos.
The Most Venerable Phrathepyanmahamuni

Founder of DIRI,
President of the Dhammakaya Foundation

1
2
akliko, being beyond time
koti: ten million, highest counting point
1I
Preface
by
Professor Garry W. Trompf
Preface
Not a month goes by these days without another important article
being published on some newly uncovered Buddhist text, and among
the discoveries are ancient materials about Buddhist meditation. It is a
matter for our admiration that Venerable Phrakrupaladnayokwarawat
(Sudhammo Bhikkhu), such a gentle and generous instructor in Buddhist
concentration, has kept abreast of these findings and encouraged scholars
to explore their implications. This present volume no better illustrates
his industriousness and inspiration, and I am honoured to commend its
contributions to as wide as readership as possible. Since it is also offered
as one way of celebrating the ordination anniversary of his superior Most
Venerable Luang Phaw Dhammajayo, the president of the Dhammakaya
Foundation, we can add support to the Ven. Sudhammos gift with thanks
for the initiatives and generosity of the Foundations leader. For, through
the Dhammachai International Research Institute (DIRI), many relevant
academic units of scholarship throughout the world have been funded and
valuable high-level conferences very pleasantly hosted.
Consensus has yet to be reached about the nature and meaning of
meditation in the original teachings of the Buddha, and insufficient
attention has been paid to the purpose and effects of meditative practice
for a proper understanding of the Buddhist tradition. This is why the
research activities of DIRI are so important, and why the International
Samadhi Forums and the inauguration of the DIRI journal with this
volume should be welcomed into the sphere of ongoing scholarly
discussions about Buddhism in the world of religions. Quite apart from
in-house differences of outlook between schools and movements, all
significant positions should be aired in print and if they are reinforced
by the attention to detail and quests for critical analysis we find in DIRIbacked research then they should all the more be welcomed. For too long
traditionalist transmission of teaching has left many of Buddhisms own
highly adept practitioners unable or disinclined to consider their tradition
with critical reflection. As a result foreign experts are constantly
pontificating about what Buddhist teaching is essentially all about (even
while acknowledging that the practices of Buddhism are open to all, and
how valuable it can be for our understanding that many Zen roshis, for
III3
instance, are of non-Japanese origin). But DIRI is crucial for fostering

many and varied indigenous scholarly voices of those who can
speak more and more confidently within contemporary academic
forums and who are seeking to acquire critical skills of exposition
and analysis in the study of meditative practice and inner visioning.
Such a journal as this portends to be of immense value for sharing
crucial information, for allowing fruitful consultation between
those bringing different kinds of expertise to the field, and for both
disseminating knowledge about newly discovered texts and the rereading ancient texts in a new light. With the uncovering of very
ancient bits and pieces, some on bark and palm-leaf that belong
among the most ancient book remains on the planet, how exciting it
will be to see the unfolding of Buddhist scholarship in future years,
and to see the increasing participation in it of well-trained minds
under DIRIs beneficent sponsorship. Under Ven Sudhammos
attentive eye, and with editor Dr Jeff Wilsons skills at presentation,
one looks forward to this journals bright future.
Garry W. Trompf
Emeritus Professor in the History of Ideas and
Adjunct Professor in The Centre for Peace and Conflict Studies
University of Sydney
4IV
Congratulatory letter
from
Professor Murray Rae
The 60th Dhammachai Education Foundation of Australia and New
Zealand has developed an increasing commitment in recent years to
the academic study of the Buddhist tradition, including, in particular,
its ancient texts and manuscripts. This commitment has manifested
itself through the establishment of the Dhammachai International
Research Institute, the fostering of strong relationships with a
number of universities internationally, collaborative research
projects, the funding of research and teaching, the provision of
scholarships for students in Buddhist studies and the encouragement
of students from the Foundation to undertake postgraduate study at
the University of Otago and elsewhere.
The launching of the new Journal of the Dhammachai International
Research Institute provides further evidence of this commitment
to academic study and will provide a valuable vehicle for the
dissemination of research in Early Buddhism. The central purpose
of the journal will be to promote and publish research on the early
texts of the Buddhist tradition. This is a timely development for
as the Foundations Early Buddhist Manuscript Project pursues its
goal of translating and digitizing previously unpublished Buddhist
manuscripts, it will progressively make available a wealth of material
deserving of careful scholarly consideration and analysis.
The study of ancient texts is always a collaborative exercise involving a range of academic disciplines. In the case of the Buddhist
manuscripts, the skills of textual and linguistic analysis will be combined with the work of historians, ethnographers, anthropologists
and scholars of religion. All of these will have an interest, therefore,
in the publication of this new academic journal, both as contributors themselves and as those whose own study of the Buddhist tradition will be enriched by the scholarship made available through this
journal.
6VI
I am pleased to congratulate the Dhammachai International

Research Institute on this new initiative and look forward to its
growing success.
Head of the Department of Theology and Religion
University of Otago, New Zealand
VII
7
by
Inspirational Message
Phrakrupaladnayokwarawat (Sudhammo Bhikkhu)
On the 44th Anniversary of the Ordination of Most Venerable
Founder Luang Phaw Dhammajayo on 27th August 2012 and also in
the historical year of the Buddhajayanti 2600 celebration of the
Buddhas Enlightenment, Dhammachai International Research Institute
(DIRI), as an academic organization preserving Early Buddhist
teaching, proudly publish the inaugural volume of their research
works. This is part of meritorious needs deserving the celebration.
Our institute believes in the sharing of knowledge with the
academic realm and world society by promoting Buddhist studies
and practice in order to encourage practitioners towards their
profit and peaceful happiness. This complies with the Lord Buddhas
words: Dhammo have rakkhati dhammacr meaning Dhamma
protects the Dhamma practitioner. In addition to the research in
Buddhist studies and essays, we plan to proceed on an expanding
scale that covers larger academic and geographic areas including
the preservation of the texts of ancient manuscripts by means of
digital photography. These manuscripts are left to the mercy of time
in Buddhist monasteries, libraries, museums and Buddhist research
institutes worldwide. Recently, we began carrying out such a project
with the University of Kelaniya and the University of Peradeniya in
Sri Lanka as well as fieldwork around the Thai-Cambodia border.
Before the essays contained here could be collected, much
support and encouragement was provided and that needs to be
addressed. We are grateful to Prof. Dr. Harald Hundius and his
Preservation of Lao Manuscripts Program that inspires our team
and shares knowhow on how to preserve manuscripts in a digital
form, which last much longer than microfilm. Acknowledgement
must be given and appreciation shown to the EFEO in Phnom Penh,
Cambodia for their generously donated time and instruction on
the photographic techniques, devices and applications appropriate
to our work. The progress of academic research personnel in
DIRI has been assisted by the University of Sydney, Australia and
the University of Otago, New Zealand by special agreement and
IX9
cooperation throughout the last ten and five years respectively.

Appreciation to the Social Research Institute, Chiang Mai University
for the photographic duplication of some Lan Na Palm-leaf
manuscript is hereby acknowledged. Most of all, we are thankful to
the International Association of Buddhist Studies (IABS), of which we
are members, for their openness in sharing opportunities with us,
and for the chance to participate and contribute in several valuable
conferences hosted by the national institutes of members. With the
benefit of these associations, DIRI has benefited largely in terms of
up to date knowledge on history, archaeology and anthropology.
For example, we became aware of the new discoveries and research
essays in the Early Buddhist Manuscript Project by the University of
Washington and the University of Oslo. Later that led us to contribute
in the project by establishing a special agreement with the University
of Washington and the Unversity of Oslo. The conference also gave us
the opportunity to make the personal acquaintance of international
and vanguard scholars, who have published remarkable works. We
were becoming familiar with, as well as sharing knowledge and
ideas with, several very interesting academic organizations and
institutes. We count this as the beginning of a policy of sharing and
cooperation with the academic/ research community.
I look forward to receive your kind valuable advice and co-operation
for further improvement and mutual academic advancement.

Director of Dhammachai International Research Institute (DIRI)
10X
Introduction
by
11
Dr. Jeff Wilson
Introduction
This collection of articles marks the launch of the Journal of the
Dhammachai International Research Institute (JDIRI). The articles
presented here indicate some of the perspectives on Buddhism
that the journal intends to represent. It will feature articles that
investigate all aspects of studies into Early Buddhism, with particular
emphasis on the discovery and study of old manuscripts. Some of
these manuscripts are copies of discourses from the Pli canon.
Others are extra-canonical Southeast Asian meditation manuals. The
latter tend to relate to esoteric methodologies, as well as presenting
exoteric notions from the vinya, the suttas and the abhidhamma.
The former present researchers with the opportunity to examine
early palm-leaf versions of canonical texts, many of which are often
subjected to esoteric interpretations.
The JDIRI, then, plans to publish research articles about Early
Buddhism and Buddhist meditation written by members of the DIRI
and by international scholars. An important focus of the JDIRI will
be research into the Buddhist texts related to the ancient meditation
tradition, ml kammahn, of Theravda Buddhist mainland South
East Asia, and the connections between this bor or ancient
meditation tradition and the modern vijj dhammakya popular in
Thai Buddhism today.
Over the past decade, the DIRI has trained a team of researchers,
and entered into agreements with various universities around
the world, for the purpose of pursuing these research interests.
The DIRI sponsors graduate students from Thailand to undertake
research degrees in Australia, New Zealand, the USA and other
countries. Graduates from these programs have gone on to
participate in various international Buddhist research projects such
as the DIRI is assisting with the Early Buddhist Manuscript Project.
at the University of Washington (Seattle) USA and the Unversity of
Oslo, Norway. One of these graduates and participants in the Early
Buddhist Manuscript Project is Dr. Chanida Jantrasrisalai; she is also
a contributing author to this first volume of the Journal.
12XII
The journal begins with Anatole-Roger Peltiers article on his

investigations of a wooden chest containing palm-leaf manuscripts
that were recently discovered in a cave in the Khammouan province
of Laos. The readable texts reveal that their sources lie in the Pli
canon. It is estimated, from the fact that the writing is in Pli in the
Lao and Lan Na scripts - that the oldest date back to the sixteenth
century and that they were probably sent to this location from
Chiang Mai. These scripts were very similar at that time, as Peltier
demonstrates, a fact that further strengthens the claim of a sixteenth
century origin. It also adds to the notion of strong historical links
between this region and the kingdom of Lan Na.
Chanida Jantrasrisalais article explores the possible
interpretations of the term dhammakya in the Pli canon. It
separately investigates the meanings of dhamma and kya as well
as that of the compound itself. The result is a semantic field of
possibilities from which she constructs a textual analysis of the
probably intended meaning of the term. Two main issues emerge
at once. Only one of the four Pli references to dhammakya have
previously been taken seriously by scholars, perhaps because the
Apadna discourses were considered too late to be considered
expressions of Early Buddhism. The second issue arises from
the meaning of the term itself. Jantrasrisalai suggests that many
scholars have assumed that the term signifies the collection of
teachings. dhamma can easily be interpreted as teachings and
kya means a collection as well as body. She offers persuasive
textual evidence to support her thesis that kya means more than
the teachings of the Buddha and can also refer to the Buddhas body.
These two issues come together when we realize the amount
of information that is added to the available pool of knowledge
about dhammakya by the addition of the three references from
the Apadnas. The earlier reference, from the Agaa-sutta provides
the image of the dhamma body alongside that of the brahm body.
Whenever the two terms dhamma and brahm are mentioned
together in parallel, they usually refer to the state of highest
purity. Then the Apadnas add the story of the Buddhas aunt,
Gotam, who drinks dhamma milk from the embodied dhamma
XII
13
and is spiritually reborn. The dhammakya becomes her new

identity as the milk nourishes her spiritually. It is something she
is given as a verbal teaching.
To add the material from the Apadnas is to come closer to an
understanding of the notion of dhammakya. It is to support what
we have learned from the Agaa-sutta where the term designates
the Tathgata. But it is not just the teachings that are to be equated
with the dhamma; it is the reality that the Buddha has realized. The
body of the Buddha signifies rebirth on a transcendental plane
and indicates the acquisition of the same sort of qualities as those
possessed by the Buddha. The transcendent paths that transform
the ordinary person (putthajna) into the enlightened noble one
belong to a whole spiritual process that includes the teachings but
that is better understood as the creation or realisation of a new
person, a Buddha within. The term dhamma then, in the expression
dhammakya, refers to the processes that bring about the enlightened
person.
Dr. Joe Zhou Ya writes about the discovery of Theravda manuscripts around the region of Sipsongpanna in the Southwestern part
of China. Theravda is the traditional form of Buddhism in what is
historically a predominantly Mahyna country. Sipsongpanna is
home to over a million people of the Dai group. Dai is also the
name of the family of languages that Thai belongs to. It should
not be surprising then that this Theravda community exists in
China. The manuscripts used by this group reveal an unmistakable
Theravda perspective. ZhouYa discusses the geographical sources
of the manuscripts, the writing systems used, the materials
employed as well as the particular sections of the Theravda canon
emphasised in the region. She confirms the fragility of the earlier
palm-leaf manuscripts and warns of the possibility of the imminent
extinction of these valuable historical assets.
Another contributor, Kitchai Urkasame, is involved with the
discovery, transliteration and translation of Lan Na manuscripts
from Northern Thailand. Urkasames article Dhammakaya Verse : a
Lan Na Thai Manuscript presents a Thai manuscript from the Lan
Na period. The text is known as dhammakya. A Thai transliteration
XIII
14
of the original content of the palm-leaf manuscript is provided

along with a translation into modern Thai and English. It consists
of a correlation of body parts with the sublime attributes of the
enlightened Buddha, along with a note at the end that it should
be recited every day. This suggestion reveals that this class of
manuscript was part of the regular Buddhist practices of the era.
Urkasames research confirms that meditation manuals of the born
kammahn type existed in Thailand as well as Cambodia and Sri
Lanka.
This author has previously produced studies into other Thai
manuscripts of the born kammahn or yogvacara type. Urkasames
investigations into the Pavarabandha, Buddhanorakan and Phra
akasia reveal many correspondences between these Lan Na
texts and the Khmer texts studied by Bizot and the cole Franaise
dExtrme-Orient. Like the Khmer texts, these old Thai meditation
manuals refer to the Nng Cittakumr, the subtle body that
transmigrates from one lifetime to another. Other commonalities
include the mantra samma arahan and the dhamma sphere at the
centre of the body that makes possible the birth of the subtle
body or bodies. The text presented here shows that the notion of
dhammakya was also emphasized in the esoteric Theravda practices
common in Thailand before the mid-nineteenth century.
The last article by Phra Kittipanyo discusses An Shigao who
taught meditation in China during the first century CE. It reveals
how this influential figure in early Chinese Buddhism employed
Daoist concepts to translate Buddhist notions. It demonstrates that
npnasati or mindfulness of breathing meditation was an important
aspect of An Shigaos teaching. The technique of concentrating
on a central point in the body is also shown to have been part of
this meditation style. Phra Kittipanyo then draws comparisons
between the essentials of Daoism, the system of An Shigao, and the
teachings of Phramongkolthepmuni (Sodh Candasaro). He compares
the Daoist practice of concentration on the centre of the body
(dan tian) with the practices of An Shigao and Phramongkolthepmuni.
It is the middle way of esoteric Buddhism, the central channel where
XIV
15
the cakras are located, a location that suggests comparisons with

Tantra.
While the primary focus of this journal is dhammakya,
Luang Phaw Dhammajayo has instructed the Director of DIRI,
Phrakrupaladnayokwarawat (Sudhammo Bhikkhu), to ensure that
no bias be shown to any particular Buddhist school or nikai, and to
support research that leads to a better understanding of the notion
of early Buddhism. Previously undiscovered Buddhist manuscripts
are emerging all the time, and each one adds another piece to
the jigsaw of Buddhist knowledge. The DIRI is fully committed to
supporting this search for knowledge.
This journal is freely offered by Phrakrupaladnayokwarawat
(Sudhammo Bhikkhu) in order to promote interest and research in
the Buddhas dhamma for the benefit of all sentient beings.
Dr. Jeff Wilson
General editor
16XV
JDIRI
Contents
The Most Venerable Phrathepyanmahamuni
Homily
Preface
II
VIII
Garry W. Trompf
Emeritus Professor in the History of Ideas and

Dr. Jeff Wilson
XI
Introduction
Articles
Dr. Anatole-Roger Peltier
The Tipitaka Manuscripts of the Khammouan Cave

in Laos
Dhammakya in the Pali Canon
10
Buddhist Manuscripts in China: A Case Study

of Theravda Buddhist Manuscripts in Sipsong
Panna (Xishuangbanna, Yunnan Province, PRC)
63
The Dhammakya Verse: a Lan Na Thai manuscript
76
An Shigao and Early Chinese Meditation Techniques
96
Dr. Chanida Jantrasrisalai

Dr. Joe Zhou Ya
Kitchai Urkasame
Phra Kiattisak Kittipanyo
XV
17
The Tipitaka Manuscripts

of the Khammouan Cave
in Laos
Anatole-Roger Peltier
The Tipiaka Manuscripts of the Khammouan Cave in Laos

Anatole-Roger Peltier
On invitation of the Ministry of Information and Culture (Vientiane,
Laos), I went to Thakhek, capital of the Khammouan province, on May 8,
2005. Accompanied by an officer of the Bureau of Culture and a Lao scholar,
I went into the cave. The purpose was to decipher and read the palm-leaf
manuscripts which are kept in the cave.
Map of Nong Pa Fa Cave
Nong Pa Fa Cave is located in Khammouan Province, center of Laos.

As for the cave, it was discovered in April 2004 by a farmer from the village
of Ban Nakhangxang, Khammouan Province
Road leading to Nong Pa Fa Cave
In front of Nong Pa Fa Cave
Some of the Buddha images in the cave

Seeing the bats flying out of a hole,
he climbed the cliff, 15 m above
the ground, saw a beautiful cave
with more than 200 Buddha images
ranging in size from 15 cm to 1 m
tall.
The wooden box containing the palm-leaf manuscripts
Most of the manuscripts are in poor condition
The Buddha images and the wooden box of manuscripts were probably
brought to the Nong Pa Fa Cave before or during the Siamese-Lao war
(1826-1828 AD), almost 200 years ago.
Most of the manuscripts

are in poor condition
Taking the manuscripts out of the

wooden box
Dr Anatole Roger-Peltier is a member of the EFEO (1970) and a professor at Chiang Mai
Rajabhat University, Chiang Mai, Thailand. He has published many books on the Tai
languages and literature of Mainland Southeast Asia.
E-mail : peltieranatole@yahoo.fr
The palm-leaf manuscripts that I have just presented belong to the

Tipiaka. These texts, or parts of texts, are in Pli, the lingua franca of the
Indochinese Peninsula. The versions in vernacular languages like Thai,
only date from the beginning of last century. The latest version in local
language comes from Tai Khn (Shan State of Burma), printed only five
years ago.
Collection of readable manuscripts
Reading manuscripts with Mr Khemphon Sengpathum, the

officer of the Bureau of Culture, Khammouan Province
Some manuscripts are readable
Pi Mahvagga
The manuscripts of the Nong Pa Fa Cave have two forms of writing :

Dham Lao from Laos, and Dham Lanna from northern Thailand. These
two scripts are very similar, especially on manuscripts dating back several
centuries, as shown in the following table. In fact, people do not make
much difference between these two writings, they just call them Dham
Phra Chao or Scripts of the Buddha .
Pi Mahvagga
Comparative Dhamma alphabets of Laos
According to research done by many linguists, it seems that the Dham Lao
is influenced by the Dham Lanna script, and the latter derives from Mon
writing, as Burmese does also.
Roman
Mon
Burma
Dham Lanna
Dham Lao
According to historical chronicles, the King Tilokaraja of Chiang
Mai organized a Buddhist Council in 2020 BE (1477 CE). This Council
is considered the eighth by the Lanna people. Its also mentioned
that, at the request of King Pothisarat of Lang Xang (old name of
Laos), sixty bundles of the Tipiaka manuscripts have been sent from
Chiang Mai to Luang Prabang in 2066 BE (1523 CE). It is quite possible
that the manuscripts from the Nong Pa Fa Cave were a remote copy
of the Tipiaka from Chiang Mai.
Nong Pa Fa Cave manuscripts
On the cover of one of the Nong Pa Fa Cave manuscript, we can read :

As the writing is clearly that of Dham Lanna, one wonders if some
parts of the manuscripts come from Muang Nandaburi, a former
name of Nan province, in northern Thailand.
Two hypotheses can be considered, as shown in the following table
and on the map in
- The first is that the manuscripts with Lanna script were sent
from Chiang Mai to Luang Prabang, then to Vientiane and then to
Thakhek, province of Khammouane.
- The second is that these manuscripts were sent from Chiang Mai
to Nandaburi (Nan), then to Luang Prabang, then to Vientiane and,
finally, to Thakhek.
Map of Laos
The Nong Pa Fa Cave manuscripts are quite old and one of them
dates back to 2112 BE (1569 CE), or 441 years, which is extremely
rare for a palm-leaf manuscript. The oldest manuscript, however,
is kept at the Provincial Museum in Luang Prabang (formerly the
Royal Palace). It is dated 1520 CE. This manuscript, written in a Lao
variant of Dhamma script, is a copy of the Parivra.
The manuscripts of Nong Pa Fa Cave show that the Lan Xang and
Lanna had a close relationship in the past, especially in the culture.
These manuscripts are unique materials, both for the knowledge of
the Tipiaka and the study of the Early Buddhism in the region.
Dhammakya
in the Pali Canon1
Chanida Jantrasrisalai
10
Dhammakya in the Pali Canon1

Chanida Jantrasrisalai
I. Why Dhammakya in the Pali Canon?
The term dhammakya/dharmakya appears in Buddhist literature
of different schools. Previous scholars have done excellent work
on interesting aspects of studies regarding the term,2 mostly in
relation to its notions in Mahyna Buddhism. But its usages have
not been studied in detail, and what the present study offers is a
close examination of the term in the Pali canon.
Admittedly, many previous studies mention the appearance
of the term dhammakya in the Pali canon3, but only brief
references have been made, most occurrences missed out
altogether and some significant aspects not yet touched upon.
The topic was originally presented in the Annual Conference of the Australasian
Association of Buddhist Studies (AABS) in December 2007 at the University of Western
Sydney and once again in the International Seminar on Early Buddhism (ISEB) in August
2010 at the University of Sydney. The present paper is a revision of such presentations
and a slightly revised edition of an earlier paper: Chanida Jantrasrisalai, Early Buddhist
Dhammakya and Its Relation to Enlightenment, in The Pathway to the Centre - Purity and the
Mind: Proceedings of the Inaugural International Samdhi Forum, ed. Edward F. Crangle (Sydney:
Dhammachai International Research Institute Inc., 2010).
2
To name but a few: A.J. Prince, The Conception of Buddhahood in Earlier and Later
Buddhism, The Journal of the Oriental Society of Australia 7, no. 1-2 (1970); Barbara E. Reed,
The Problem of the Dharmakya as Seen by Hui-Yan and Kumrajva (Ph.D., The
University of Iowa, 1982); Ruben L. F. Habito, The Notion of Dharmakya: A Study in the
Buddhist Absolute, Journal of Dharma. 1986. 11: 348-378. (1986); Peter Harvey, The Selfless Mind:
Personality, Consciousness and Nirvana in Early Buddhism (Richmond, Surrey: Curzon, 1995);
John Makransky, Buddhahood Embodied Sources of Controversy in India and Tibet, ed. Matthew
Kapstein, Suny Series in Buddhist Studies (NY: SUNY Press, 1997); Paul Mus, Barabudur:
Sketch of a History of Buddhism Based on Archaeological Criticism of the Texts (New Delhi: Indira
Gandhi National Centre for the Arts: Sterling Publishers, 1998); Guang Xing, The Concept of
the Buddha: Its Evolution from Early Buddhism to the Trikaya Theory, Routledgecurzon Critical
Studies in Buddhism (London: RoutledgeCurzon, 2005).
3
Paul Williams, Mahyna Buddhism: The Doctrinal Foundations, Library of Religious Beliefs
and Practices. (London ; New York: Routledge, 1989), p. 352 n.10; Paul Harrison, Is the
Dharma-Kya the Real Phantom Body of the Buddha?, The Journal of the International
Association of Buddhist Studies 15, no. 1 (1992), pp. 50; Reed, op. cit.; Xing, op. cit.; Harvey, The
Selfless Mind, op. cit.
1
11
Most of them refer only to the Aggaa-sutta passage,4 missing out

the three Apadna references.5 The reason could be either that the
scholars concerned have taken the aforementioned text as
representing early Buddhism,6 while the Apadna is usually seen
as a later compilation,7 or that the Apadna literature was not
accessible at the time of those studies.
The present paper concentrates on overlooked parts of the Pali
canon on dhammakya. It places the use of the term in a distinct
context, in a way not presented previously. Rather than treating
the Pali canonical references either as purely representing early
Buddhist ideas or simply sectarian Theravda thoughts, it
understands the function of the Pali canon as something in between
that reflects the understanding of the term in an early Theravda
community that sought to preserve and understand the Buddhas
teachings as they are.8 By means of this more direct approach,
the resulting interpretation, while dissimilar to most previous
studies, will be interestingly more or less in correspondence with
the majority of traditional understandings, which have been too
downplayed by contemporary academics. The following will briefly
explain how and why the present study differs from previous works
with respect to their research approaches.
D.III.84.
Ap.I.13; Ap.I.168, Ap.II.532.
6
For example, Dutt refers to the passage as one of early references that lend support to
Mahyna development of the Tri-kya theory. Nalinaksha Dutt, Mahayana Buddhism (Delhi:
Motilal Banarsidass, 1978), p. 138-139. Harvey refers to the passage as an early Buddhist
reference that indicates the nature of the Tathgata. Harvey, The Selfless Mind, op. cit. pp.
233-234.
7
See, for example, Mary E. Lilley, The Apadana of the Khuddaka Nikaya (London, New York
[etc.]: Pub. for the Pali text society by the Oxford university press, 1925), p. v; H. R. Perera,
Apadna, in Encyclopaedia of Buddhism, ed. G. P. Malalasekera (Colombo: Govt. of Ceylon,
1961), p.3.
4
5
12
II. The Different Approach

A fairly established academic understanding has settled regarding
the term dhammakya in the Pali canon, that it was used merely in
the sense of the Buddhas teachings.9 In concluding so, most studies
refer to a few canonical passages where the Buddha appears to equate
himself with dhamma. The first passage frequently mentioned is
located in the Aggaa-sutta where the term dhammakya, along with
three other terms,10 are said to designate the Tathgata.11 The second
is a passage in the Mahparinibbna-sutta where the Buddha is said
to say that the teaching taught and the discipline laid down by him
(dhamma-vinaya) would be the future teacher after his passing.12 The
third is the Buddhas discourse delivered to the elder Vakkali which
states that it is useless to long for seeing the Buddhas corruptible
physical body, for he who sees the dhamma sees the Buddha and he
who sees the Buddha sees the dhamma.13
It is usually debatable to determine the position of the Pali canonical context at all. To rely
on it as purely early Buddhist thought requires caution, for there are at least some signs
of later re-arrangment. But to view it as only Theravda could mean to deprecate the effort
of the old Buddhist community who sought to preserve the Buddhist teachings intact at
best of their ability, as may be observed by its separation of Theravda traditional writing
in commentarial and postcanonical accounts rather than adding them to the canon. The
well-preservation of the Pali suttas can be witnessed also by its close correspondence with
the content of ancient Gndhr Buddhist manuscripts, dated 1st-5th century CE, known to
be the earliest Buddhist manuscripts ever found.
To stratify the older and later layers of parts of the canon is also not an easy task and not
always perfectly correct.
9
For example, see Dutt, op. cit., p. 142; Reed, op. cit., pp. 28-29; Xing, op. cit., p. 74; Williams,
op. cit., p. 352, n.10; Harrison, op. cit., p.50.
For example of different voices that are the minority of academic interpretations, see
Harvey, The Selfless Mind, op. cit., p. 234; Frank E Reynolds, The Several Bodies of the
Buddha: Reflections on a Neglected Aspect of Theravada Tradition, History of Religion
16(1976), p. 376, n. 6; David Norton Need, Rendering the Body: Etherealization and Sense
in Vedic and Early Buddhist in Religiosity (University of Virginia, 2004), pp. 383-387. It is
interesting to note that the minority of academic interpretations of the term dhammakya
accord with the majority of Theravdin interpretations, as detailed in the Appendix. But
very few instances of traditional understandings on the term agree with the interpretation
of the academic mainstream.
10
The three terms are dhammabhta, brahmakya, and brahmabhta.
11
D.III.84.
12
D.II.154.
13
S.III.120.
8
13
Of the three canonical passages mentioned above, only the first,

namely the Aggaa-sutta passage, contains the term dhammakya,
while the other two do not. The reason for which all these passages
are employed as being Pali references to dhammakya is the seeming
identification of the Buddha and his teachings. This may reflect
the scholarly methodology employed whereby previous studies
were set off from a preconception regarding the early meaning
of dhammakya,14 as if the term dhammakya/dharmakya was
exclusively related to the Buddha.
The present study employs a different approach. Rather than
beginning from the preconception of such an exclusive relation of
the term to the Buddha, it simply starts from listing Pali canonical
passages in which the term dhammakya appears. The use and
meaning of the term dhammakya in each passage is then assessed,
by means of text critical analysis, from each passages environmental
setting. On providing interpretations, it considers the philosophical
background existing in the Pali canonical context as a key tool to
determine the intention of particular expressions. A review of
contemporary academic interpretations will be made according to
each particular passage as we proceed. By means of a neutral method
of assessment, it hopes to provide resultant interpretations which
are more direct and inclusive.
Below is the list of all Pali canonical passages containing the term
dhammakya.
It is possible that the identification of d hammakya with dhamma in the sense of teaching,
which has become a common practice in many previous works, was influenced by different
factors. A possibility is some of Buddhaghoas writings viewed through the researchers
preferred style of interpretation. For example of this case, see Dutt, op. cit., p. 138-142. Reed
and Xing seem to follow Dutts lead. Reed, op. cit., p. 29; Xing, op. cit., pp.35-36.
But for some scholars, the idea seems to have been influenced partly by the authors
aversion of Mahyna conception of dhammakya as transcendent body, or more
specifically of kya as body. For example, see the expression in Harrison, op. cit., pp.
74-76. Cf. Chanida Jantrasrisalai, Early Buddhist dhammakya: Its Philosophical and
Soteriological Significance (University of Sydney, 2009), pp. 18-19.
14
14
III. References to Dhammakya in the Pli Canon

In the Pali canon, the term dhammakya appears four times; once
in the Aggaa-sutta of the Dgha-nikya and three more times in
Apadna literature. They can be listed as follows:
1. Aggaa-sutta: Dhammakya as the Tathgatas Designation
(D.III.84)
2. Paccekabuddha-apadna: Dhammakya and Paccekabuddhas (Ap.I.13)
3. Mahpajpatgotam-apadna: Dhammakya and Noble Disciple (Ap.
II.532)
4. Atthasandassakathera-apadna: Dhammakya and Previous Buddha
(Ap.I.168)
Of these four passages, only the first was cited in previous scholarly
works that refer to the term dhammakya in the Pali canon, while
the latter three seem to have been unknown to them.15 The present
study takes all these references as a whole to reflect the use and
understanding of the term in the early Theravda community - the
Pali canonical period.16
We shall now look at each passage in detail.
With the exception of a PhD dissertation (Need, op. cit.), other scholarly works do not
mention the appearance of the term dhammakya in the Apadna literature.
16
Even though the Apadna literature is usually viewed as a later added part, its canonical
status in all editions of the Pali canon is beyond doubt.
15
15
IV. Reference 1: Dhammakya as the Tathgatas Designation

The first Pali reference to the term dhammakya that is well known
to all previous works is a passage in the Aggaa-sutta, wherein the
term is said to designate the Tathgata.17 The narrative setting is a
conversation between the Buddha and two novices, namely Vseha
and Bhradvja, who went forth from Brahmin families and were
awaiting higher ordination (upadampad). In the Buddhas discourse
being delivered, the term dhammakya is mentioned in the context
of a definition of an heir of dhamma or the Tathgatas true son:
yassa kho pan assa vseha18 tathgate saddh nivih
mla-jt patihit dah asahrik19 samaena v
brhmaena v devena v mrena v brahmun v kenaci
v lokasmi, tasseta kalla vacanya:20 bhagavatomhi
putto oraso mukhato jto dhamma-jo dhamma-nimmito
dhamma-dydo ti. Ta kissa hetu? Tathgatassa heta
Vseha adhivacana dhamma-kyo iti pi brahmakyo iti pi, dhamma-bhto iti pi brahma-bhto iti pti.
This passage is claimed in some scholarly works as being the sole appearance of
dhammakya in the Pali canon. For example, see Williams, op. cit., p. 284, note 5; Harrison,
op. cit., p. 50.
18
The vocative vseha in this passage is variably written in different editions of the Pali
sutta. The PTS and CS versions put the word in singular form, while the BJ and SR versions
show the word in plural form vseh. The singular form implies that the Buddha was
speaking to vasettha only, while the plural form implies both vseha and bhradvja.
(The latter is a reduced form of a dvanda compound in which there remain only one
component and the plural number.) the present paper takes this to be plural, as it is stated
at the beginning of the story that both novices approached the Buddha together [D.III.80],
and at the end of the story that both of them were delighted and rejoiced at the Blessed
ones speech. [D.III.98].
19
Some manuscripts write asahriy.
20
SR edition writes, vcya.
17
16
D.III.84
Vseha and Bhradvja, he whose confidence in the
Tathgata is settled, rooted, established, solid, irremovable by
any ascetic or brahmin, any deva or Mra or Brahm or anyone
in the world, can truly say: I am a son of the Blessed one, born
of his mouth, born of dhamma, created by dhamma, an heir of
dhamma. Why is that? Because, Vseha and Bhradvja, this
designates the Tathgata: dhamma-bodied, brahma-bodied,
(who) become dhamma, or (who) become brahma.21
The passage lists four words by which the Tathgata may be
denominated: dhammakya, brahmakya, dhammabhta, and
brahmabhta. As the context of this passage is complicated, it
requires a lengthy discussion.
Previous Scholarly Interpretations
Previous scholars interpret the term dhammakya in this passage
either as a substantive or an adjective. Most of them interpret the first
component, i.e., dhamma, in the sense of the Buddhas teaching(s).
For example, Dutt interprets the term as being a tappurisa compound
referring to a collection of the Buddhas teachings and disciplines.22
Reed interprets it in the same way that it refers to the body of the
Buddhas verbal teachings.23 Similarly, Kajiyama notes that the later
expression of dharmakya as a collection of Buddhist stras agrees
with its meaning in the Pli Nikya.24 Xing also interprets the term
dhammakya in this passage as the Buddhas collective teachings.25
The two latter compounds are undoubtedly adjectives, as their last component bhta,
which is a past participle modifying the subject, indicates. The first two compounds, each
consists of two substantives, while being potential to be translated as one among the two
alternative compounds, i.e., kammadhraya (Skt.karmadhraya), or tappurisa (Skt.tatpurua),
seems more likely to be a bahubbhi,21 being a designation of the Tathgata, as Harrison has
suggested. Harrison, op. cit., p. 50.
22
Dutt, op. cit., p. 139.
23
Reed, op. cit., pp. 28-29.
24
Yuichi Kajiyama, Stpas, the Mother of Buddhas, and Dharma-Body, in New Paths in
Buddhist Research, ed. Anthony Kennedy Warder (Durham, N.C.: Acorn Press, 1985), p. 14.
25
Xing, op. cit., pp. 71, 74.
21
17
Gombrich, while differently translating the term in this passage as

a bahubbhi compound dhamma-bodied, similarly interprets it as
an indication that the Buddhas true import is due to his teaching,
not his personality.26 Likewise, Harrison proposes that the term
dhammakya in the Aggaa-sutta is to be translated as a bahubbhi
compound,27 and that its first component, dhamma, is used in the
sense of the Buddhas teaching.28
In contrast, Need believes that the meaning of dhammakya in
this passage is unclear and can hardly be certain. Nevertheless, he
suggests a caution against the interpretation of the first component,
dhamma, in the sense of text.29 Similarly, Reynolds seems to suggest
that the interpretation of dhammakya in the early Pli suttas as
teaching or scripture has been developed at a later date.30 Nitta,
while reluctant to ascribe an exact meaning to the term dhammakya
in the sutta, similarly expresses a disagreement towards the claim
that the original meaning of dhammakya is exclusively a collection
of the teachings.31
Harvey is more specific in regard to the interpretation of the term
dhamma as the first component of dhammakya. On interpreting
the term in the Aggaa-sutta, he suggests a bahubbhi compound,
interpreting dhamma, that is the Tathgatas body, as the noble
eightfold path.32
Richard Gombrich, The Buddhas Book of Genesis, Indo-Iranian Journal 35(1992), p. 165.
Harrison, op. cit., p. 50.
28
Ibid., p. 54.
29
Need, op. cit., pp. 377-378. As he comments:
......care should be taken with respect to reading the compound as one who has the
teachings as his body, or one whose body has been developed in accordance with the
teachings, where teachings is understood as text or canon.
30
Reynolds, op. cit., p. 376 n. 6. He comments:
As we shall see, the term dhammakya was already in use in the canon. However in the
later context it is clear that dhammakya is being identified with the scriptural legacy.
31
He notes further that, even though the term has encountered a series of changes of
meanings in the Pli commentarial tradition, it has consistently been employed to express
the Buddhas essence. Tomomichi Nitta, The Meaning of Dhammakya in Pli Buddhism,
Journal of Indian and Buddhist Studies 51, no. 1 (2002), p. 47.
32
Harvey, The Selfless Mind, op. cit., p. 234. Harvey also interprets dhamma that is the
Tathgatas nature as Nibbna.
26
27
18
In brief, contemporary academics refer to the term dhammakya in

the Aggaa-sutta either as a noun or an adjective. As a noun, the term
is interpreted mostly as the Buddhas teachings collected together.
As an adjective, the terms first component dhamma is also mostly
interpreted in the sense of the Buddhas teaching collected together,
with a few exceptions.
The translation of the term dhammakya in this passage as a
bahubbhi compound agrees with explanations given by traditional
Pli commentators, Buddhaghoa and Dhammapla. The former
explains the term as (he) who has dhamma as body, and interprets
its first component either as the Buddhas verbal teaching33 or as the
ninefold transcendent dhamma (navavidha lokuttaradhamma).34 The
latter refers to the ninefold transcendent dhammas (nava-lokuttaradhamma) as being the Tathgatas nature or body. He relates it
with the Buddhas enlightenment that it is the dhamma which all
Tathgatas have attained and have become.35
DA.III.865.
SA.II.313. Even though this is not a direct commentary to the Aggaa-sutta, its mention
of dhamma that is the Tathgatas body refers directly to the term dhammakya in the
Aggaa-sutta. Note that the expression ninefold transcendent dhamma (navavidha
lokuttaradhamma) is a commentarial expression collectively referring to nine dhammas
mentioned in the canon, i.e., the four transcendental fruits (phalas) along with their
corresponding paths (maggas) and Nibbna.
35
ThrA.II.205.
Dhammabhtehti dhammakyatya dhammasabhvehi, navalokuttaradhammato v bhtehi
jtehi, dhamma v pattehi.
Having become dhamma means having dhamma as their own nature, for they (the Tathgatas)
have the dhamma as body. In other words, they have become or have been born through the
ninefold transcendent dhamma, or they have attained the dhamma.
33
34
19
Points to Consider
It may be observed that the difference in previous scholarly
interpretations of the term dhammakya in this passage mainly
pertains to the inter-relatedness of two distinctive meanings of
the term dhamma, i.e., the reality the Buddha has realized and its
verbal expression, i.e., his teaching(s).36 Closer attention is therefore
required regarding prior fine distinctions, in order to re-interpret
the term dhammakya more precisely. Also, more attention needs to
be paid to the nuance of the context. At least, three inter-connected
issues required a close reading:
1. saddh: the criterion of being the Tathgatas son
2. implication of parallel descriptions between monks and
brahmins
3. implication of parallel usage of the terms dhamma and
brahma
The following section will assess these points more closely. It will
then determine the most probable meaning of the terms first
component, dhamma, followed by considering the most appropriate
meaning of the terms second component, kya.
The two inter-related meanings of dhamma may be distinguished according to the context
of the following passage:
Adhigato kho me aya dhammo gambhro duddaso duranubodho santo pato
atakkvacaro nipuo paitavedanyo. Aha ceva kho pana dhamma deseyya pare
ca me na jneyyu. Vin.I.4-5, M.I.167-168, S.I.136.
This dhamma attained by me is deep, hard to see, hard to comprehend, serene, subtle,
beyond the dominion of reasoning, recondite, apprehensible only to the wise. Would I
preach the dhamma, others will not understand.
In this passage, which is generally regarded as a revelation of the Buddhas thought after
his perfect enlightenment and prior to his first teaching, the word dhamma is used in two
distinct contexts. Its first appearance in the phrase dhamma attained by me (adhigato
dhammo) represents the reality realised or spiritually experienced by the Buddha. Its
occurrence in the second phrase would I preach the dhamma (dhamma deseyya) stands
for the teaching taught by the Buddha which can be regarded as the verbal expression of
the reality he has realised.
36
20
Saddh: Criterion of being the Tathgatas Son

The first point to be looked at is the criterion of being the Buddhas
true son which is, in this passage, defined by means of his
irremovable confidence in the Tathgata. The degree of saddh is
described here as settled, rooted, established, and solid so that it
cannot be altered either by the one who possesses magical power,
or who is of so-called high birth, or by divine power, evil power, or
highest power these being symbolized by the titles ascetic, brahmin,
god, Mra, and Brahm respectively.
According to Buddhist philosophy in the Pali canonical context,
this kind of unshakeable confidence is not merely a strong belief
or firm faith in the ordinary sense, but is a specific quality of noble
persons (ariya-puggala)37 who have witnessed the reality and become
independent or self-reliant regarding Buddhas dhamma, as is evident
in a passage describing the spiritual attainment of a Stream-enterer:
seyyathpi nma suddha vattha apagatakaka sammad
eva rajana paigaheyya, evam eva tassa purisassa tasmi
yeva sane viraja vtamala dhammacakkhu udapdi ya
kici samudayadhamma sabba ta nirodha-dhamman ti.
atha kho so puriso dihadhammo pattadhammo viditadhammo
pariyoghadhammo tiavicikiccho vigatakathakatho
vesrajjappatto aparappaccayo satthu ssane.
Buddhist noble ones are those who have spiritually realised/experienced the reality and
hence have been transformed by means of a permanent eradication of certain influxes
(savas). They are classified into four main levels; 1) sotpanna - Stream-enterer, 2)
sakadgm - Once returner, 3) angm - Non-returner, and 4) arhant - Arhat. A Streamenterer (sotpanna) is a noble disciple of the lowest degree of enlightenment. According to
Buddhist philosophy, a stream enterer (sotpanna) has uprooted three fetters: 1) the view
that the assemblage of five aggregates subject to clinging (paca-updna-khandha) is self
or belonging to self (sakkyadihi), 2) the doubt regarding truth or realities (vicikicch),
3) the practice of discipline or ceremonial observances without right understanding that
could lead to strong attachment (slabbataparmsa). This is elaborated in detail in the
Mahniddesa. Nd1.27, 141, 507.
37
21
Vin.II.192, A.IV.186, 210, 213

Just as a piece of clean cloth that is deprived of dirt would
well-absorb the dye, the pure and clear eye of dhamma
(dhammacakkhu) arose to the man, on that current seat,
that whatever whose nature is to arise, are those whose
nature is to cease. At that time, the man has seen dhammas,
attained dhammas, known dhammas, dived into dhammas; has
crossed beyond doubt, deprived of uncertainty; has obtained
confidence in the masters teaching, without having to rely on
others.
As a consequence of transformation resulting from their spiritual
realization of realities, these noble disciples have eradicated at least
the three lower fetters (sayojanas), including doubt (vicikicch).38
Therefore, the quality of saddh in the Pli Aggaa-sutta as a
property of the Buddhas true son, indicates the persons state as
being a noble disciple who has witnessed the truths, rather than
anyone who claim himself a Buddhist.39
The definitions of true son reaffirm his state of being a noble
disciple. Here, he is entitled a) a son of the Blessed Lord, b) who is
born of his mouth, c) who is born of dhamma, d) who is created by
dhamma, and e) an heir by (of) dhamma. These titles refer to different
aspects of the same person. Each of them corresponds, in one way
or another, to the activities and qualities of a Stream-attainer
See note 37 above.

As Harvey rightly states in The Selfless Mind, op. cit., p. 234: A person of such firm
faith is clearly at least a Stream-enterer, one who has entered the `stream of the Holy
Eightfold Path (S.V347) and is endowed with `unwavering confidence in the three refuges:
the Buddha, Dhamma and the Holy Sangha of Stream-enterers and other saints (S.II.68).
38
39
22
mentioned in the canon.40

The title son of the Blessed one suggests that, through the
Buddha, the person was (re)born to the same plane (bhmi) to which
the Buddha belongs, i.e., passing beyond the worldly plane (lokiyabhmi) to the transcendental plane (lokuttara-bhmi). So the title
son of the Blessed one suggests that the person is a noble disciple
(ariya-svaka).
The next title clarifies the means by which the person was born
through the Buddha. Born of his mouth signifies his rebirth into
such a transcendental plane through the Buddhas verbal teaching.
Different sets of qualities of a Stream-attainer as mentioned in the canon are as follows:

1. Being possessed of four activities: a) association with a virtuous one, b) listening
to his teaching, c) proper contemplation on the teaching heard, d) proper practice
according to the teaching. D.III.227, S.V.347.
2. Being possessed of the noble eightfold path, and, to some extent, the qualities of
a non-trainee (asekhadhamma). S.V.348, S.V.380-385.
3. Having witnessed (seen, known, attained, penetrated) the truth and becomes
independent or self-reliant regarding Buddhas dhamma. Vin.II.192, A.IV.186, 210,
213.
4. Being endowed with four qualities of a Stream-attainer (sotpattiyaga), namely,
unwavering confidence in the Buddha, dhamma, Sangha; and the perfect virtues
beloved of the noble ones (ariyakanta-sla). D.II.93-94.
5. Having quitted of the five evils, as well as having penetrated the truth to be
realised - the dependent causation (paicca samuppda). S.II.68-70, S.V.387-389.
It is more likely that a Stream-attainer possesses all of these qualities, rather than some
of them. These different descriptions seem to represent different steps in the process of
realisation of an individual, rather than representing different individuals.
40
23
This corresponds to the set of four activities41 belonging to a Streamattainer (sotpattiyaga) which brings about other sets of qualities.
The titles born of dhamma (dhammaja) and created by
dhamma (dhamma-nimmita) imply a further step - the realization
or attainment of dhamma, and the consequent transformation of
the person. Having listened to the teaching, having contemplated
on it, and practised according to it, the person then attains or
spiritually realizes the realities. Consequently, some fetters
(sayojanas) have been eradicated and superior transcendent
qualities have arisen in him.42 In other words, the persons
mental qualities have been raised up from an ordinary level to
a supramundane level; in which case he is said to be (re)born of
dhamma (dhammaja) and created by dhamma (dhammanimmita).
See no. 1 of note 40.

While it is evident in the canon that some noble disciples could attain their noble state
through a single hearing of the Buddhas discourse without other preparatory activities, it
can be explained that, during the time of their listening and understanding of the discourse,
their mental qualities have been gradually purified and thus prepared. All their three
modes of activities, i.e., body-speech-mind, were all at peace, and hence considered right
or wholesome in accordance with the first six constituents of the noble eightfold path.
This engenders the seventh (sammsati) and eighth (sammsamdhi) constituents of the
path, which can be identified with the appropriate state of mind which is instrumental
to the realisation. As is usually described in the canon, when the mind of listeners becomes
workable as such, the Buddha would consider it is the right time to deliver a deeper
discourse associated with the four noble truths in order to direct the listeners workable
mind to the realisation of the truth. In this manner, a single listening to the discourse can
be equated with the right practice elaborated into these four activities.
42
The mention of the rise of new qualities does not preclude the idea that the person
attains the previously hidden qualities.
41
24
Therefore, the titles dhammaja and dhammanimmita indicate the

persons acquisition of a new state being his rebirth to the dharmic
plane, obtained through the penetration of the dhamma.43 As Horner
notes, a spiritual paternity and sonship are meant, not a physical
one.44
The last title an heir by means of dhamma (dhammadyda)
is generally employed to refer to a noble disciple, and more
specifically an Arhat.45 It indicates the acquisition of the same sort
of qualities as those possessed by the Buddha - the qualities arising
as a consequence of spiritual realization of the reality. Such qualities
or properties, being the indicators of the noble lineage, must
effectively distinguish both the Buddha and his dharmic inheritor
from a worldly individual (puthujjana).
Hence, the description of his unwavering confidence in the
Buddha and the various descriptions of such a true son indicate
his state as a noble disciple (ariya-svaka). This point will be helpful
for further understanding of other implications as will be discussed
below.
We shall now proceed to the next point.
This is, perhaps, as Eliade observes, for the Buddha, one can be saved only by
attaining nirva - that is, by going beyond the plane of profane human experience and
re-establishing the plane of the unconditioned. In other words, one can be saved only by
dying to this profane world and being reborn into a transhuman life impossible to define
or describe.
Mircea Eliade, Yoga: Immortality and Freedom, N.Y: Panthean Books, 1958, p. 165.
44
I. B. Horner, Early Buddhist Dhamma, Artibus Asiae 11, no. 1 (1948), p. 119.
45
For example, see M.II.25-29, S.I.221-222, Ap.II.544.
43
25
Implications of Parallel Descriptions of Monks and Brahmins

As Gombrich points out, the passage in question is comparable to
the Brahmins claim:46
brhma va brahmuno putt oras mukhato jt brahma-j
brahma-nimmit brahma-dyd.
D.III.81.
The Brahmins are Brahms own children, born of his mouth,
born of Brahm, created by Brahm, heirs of Brahm.
Grammatically, the component brahma- in the three compounds
brahmaj, brahmanimmit, and brahmadyd may be translated either
as a masculine Brahm which refers to the bramanical creator, or a
neuter brahman which represents brahmanical ultimate reality.47
Therefore, from the above two parallel passages, the comparable
context may be arranged in two forms, according to two different
translations of the term brahma- as follows.
Gombrich, op. cit., p. 163.

Ibid, p. 165. Here, Gombrich briefly mentions the distinction between the masculine
Brahm (the creator) and the neuter brahman (ultimate reality).
46
47
26
No. Brahmins
Noble Disciples
(D.III.81)
(D.III.84)
1. Brahms children Tathgatas sons
Implied Parallel
Mythical paternity
& Spiritual paternity
Brahm & Tathgata
2. Born of Brahms Born of Tathgatas

mouth
mouth
3. Born of Brahm
Born of brahman
born of dhamma
(dhamma-ja)
Brahms mouth
& Tathgatas
verbal teaching
Brahm & dhamma
brahman & dhamma
4. created by Brahm created by dhamma Brahm & dhamma

(dhamma-nimmita)
brahman & dhamma
created by brahman
5. heirs of Brahm
heirs of brahman
heirs of dhamma
(dhamma-dyda)
Brahm & dhamma

brahman & dhamma
Table 1: Parallel descriptions of noble

disciples and Brahmins
From the table, two possible translations of brahma- suggest
different sets of parallels implied in the context. This may be
summarized as follows:
27
1. The Tathgata and Brahm,48 the creator god

2. The Tathgatas mouth (verbal teaching) & Brahm mouth.
3. The dhamma and Brahm, the creator god;or
The dhamma and Brahman, the ultimate reality.
In both instances of the alternative translations of brahma-, it
appears that there are different degrees of semantic depth of terms
in the whole passage. In the brahmanical claim, the passage first
refers to Brahms mouth, but later on to the Brahm as a whole.
The same holds true for the Aggaa-sutta passage. At the beginning,
the context refers to the Tathgatas mouth, which implies his verbal
teaching, comparable to Brahms mouth. But afterward it refers to
dhamma, which is comparable to Brahm the creator, or Brahman
the ultimate. With this fine distinction, it seems not appropriate to
readily conclude that the term dhamma in the passage refers to the
Buddhas verbal teaching simply because the passage begins with
the phrase mukhato jto (born of mouth).49 Hence, our study will
closely examine the above two sets of parallels one after another.
Note that Brahm in Brahmanical sense is different from the Brahm as beings in form
(rpvacara) or formless (arpvacara) realms in Buddhist philosophy.
49
As shown in the above parallel, to equate the Tathgata with his verbal teaching is like to
equate the Brahm with his mouth.
48
28
In the case that brahma- refers to the masculine Brahm

In case of the term brahma- in the three compounds50 being
translated as a masculine Brahm,51 the comparison of the first and
the third parallels suggests that the Buddha compares both himself
and the dhamma with the brahmanical Brahm, the creator. Thus,
he is also equating himself with the dhamma. The reason given
immediately afterward reinforces this point: Why is that? Because
the Tathgata is designated dhamma-bodied (dhammakya) and he
who has become dhamma (dhammabhta), so the noble disciples are
entitled born of dhamma, created by dhamma, and heir (by means)
of dhamma, as they are named the Tathgatas sons. According
to this line of thought, the sense of the Tathgatas paternity is
retained throughout the passage. The Tathgatas designations and
the noble disciples titles are thus connected together, implying that
the term dhamma in all these compounds, both the designations of
the Tathgata and the titles for his noble disciples, carries the same
connotation; the connotation that is comparable to the brahmanical
Brahm, the creator.
In order to determine which connotation of dhamma is meant
here, it is necessary to understand the distinction between the
Tathgatas spiritual paternity and the Brahms mythical fatherhood.
According to the brahmanical claim, Brahm may simply create
Brahmins through his mouth, out of his desire.52 In contrast, the
Tathgatas creation of a Buddhist noble disciple through his verbal
teachings involves the entire process of spiritual realisation.
As discussed earlier, the titles of the Tathgatas true son as
born of dhamma, and created by dhamma, imply the persons
transformation from a worldling (puthujjana) into a noble one (ariyapuggala). His title as an heir of dhamma implies similar qualities he
shares with the Buddha which indicates the noble (ariya) heredity.
Therefore, the component dhamma in all these compounds must
This refers to the compounds brahma-ja, brahma-nimmita, and brahma-dyda.
Gombrich chooses to translate brahma- in this instance as Brahm. Ibid., pp. 163-165.
52
Paul Deussen, V. M. Bedekar, and Gajanan Balkrishna Palsule, Sixty Upaniads of the Veda,
1st ed. Delhi: Motilal Banarsidass, 1980, pp. 414-415.
50
51
29
refer to something which transforms the person into noble states,

so that itself is comparable to the creator. At the same time, it must
refer also to the shared or same kind of qualities or essence of the
Buddha and his noble disciples which are distinct from those of
worldly people.
According to the Buddhist philosophy of the Pli canon,
transformation arises in succession of, and as a consequence of,
the realization of truths. It involves the elimination of particular
fetters, as well as the rise of new qualities. In such a circumstance,
the dhamma which transforms a worldly human (puthujjana) into a
noble disciple (ariyasvaka) may be identified either with defilementuprooter, the resultant qualities or with both of them.
In this regard, the Paisambhidmagga describes that the four
transcendent paths function in eradicating different sorts of
defilements53. Once a particular transcendental path (lokuttara
magga) eradicates particular defilements, a set of new resultant
qualities arises. Each set of ensuant qualities is identified with
a particular transcendental fruit (lokuttara phala) by which the
person is then said to have achieved a corresponding noble state.
A similar statement is made in the Dhammacakkappavattanasutta54 that the middle way, i.e., the noble eightfold path, leads to
Nibbna. Also, as stated in Magga-sayutta, the noble eightfold path
once cultivated to the degree that the practitioner is endowed with
it or has attained it, is destined to experience the removal of lust,
anger, and delusion.55 Hence, it may be said in general terms that the
noble eightfold path functions by eradicating defilements.
While being addressed with different titles, the noble eightfold
path may be considered comparable to the four transcendent paths
in certain respects. As some scholars have suggested, the path may
be developed to higher levels until the point of final liberation. For
example, Govinda suggests a spiral-like progression of the noble
eightfold path:56
Ps.I.72-3, 94, 96, 117-8.
S.V.421.
55
S.V.5-6.
56
Lama Anagarika Govinda, The Psychological Attitude of Early Buddhist Philosophy (London:
Rider, 1969), pp. 69-70.
53
54
30
[R]ight concentration, again, becomes the basis of right views,

right aspirations, and other steps of the noble eightfold path,
which is now experienced on a higher level, and this spiral-like
progression is continued until complete liberation is attained.
Similarly, Harvey explains the development of the threefold path in
different levels up to the point where Arhatship is attained:57
With each more refined development of the virtue-meditationwisdom sequence, the path spirals up to a higher level, until
the crucial transition of Stream-entry is reached. The holy
path then spirals up to Arahatship.
Harveys explanation of the development of the path-function is
quite explicit in its relation to the attainment of different levels of
noble states. The development of the threefold path in this manner is
comparable to that of the noble eightfold path, previously explained
by Govinda, as these two titles of path correspond to one another.58
Thus, certain levels of the noble eightfold path can be comparable to
the four transcendent paths, just like the same road leading straight
up to a destination being addressed with different titles at certain
points along the way.59 The four transcendent maggas, in functioning
by eradicating defilements, must be constitutive of the eight
elements of the noble path that are instrumental to enlightenment.
As these transcendental paths and fruits function in
transubstantiating a person into noble states, they may be considered
comparable to Brahm, the creator. Indeed, as these supramundane
paths and fruits can be regarded also as shared or the same kind of
properties/qualities of the Buddha and his noble disciples which
distinguish them from worldly people (lokiya puthujjana), they seem
to fit in the meaning of dhamma in our quest.60
Peter Harvey, An Introduction to Buddhism: Teachings, History, and Practices (Cambridge
England ; New York: Cambridge University Press, 1990), pp. 70-71.
58
M.I.301.
59
In the Pli canon, the noble eightfold path is mentioned as the best of all conditioned
states. A.II.34. The Theravdins also understand the four transcendent maggas as
conditioned. Kv.318, Kv.580.
60
Cf. Harveys interpretation of dhamma that is the Tathgatas body as the noble eightfold
path, as mentioned earlier.
57
31
With regard to dhamma as the essence of the Buddha and Arhat

disciples, however, it may be more appropriate to refer to Nibbna,
for once they have attained Buddhahood and Arhatship their spiritual
qualities are transformed and they have passed beyond the earlier
paths and fruits by means of the permanent destruction of certain
defilements. Besides, the Buddhas designation dhammabhta, (he)
who has become dhamma, indicates that previously he was not a
dhamma-being, but that he becomes dhamma later. Such a later
time in this case must refer to the time of his enlightenment, when
he could declare himself Buddha. This, again, implies dhamma
at the level of enlightenment, and seems to support the earlier
interpretation as transcendent dhammas especially Nibbna.
In this case, it does not mean that all the noble ones possess all
transcendental paths and fruits. The noble disciples of lower levels
have not possessed the higher paths and fruits. Nevertheless, as the
word heir indicates, while the properties shared by the father and
the son are of the same kind, those belonging to the son may be less
or of lower quality than those belonging to the father. In a similar
way, the qualities/properties possessed by the noble disciples could
be of a lower level than that possessed by the Buddha. But they must
be of the same sort, which in this case means lokuttara, that differs
from those belonging to the worldlings.
As discussed above, the Tathgatas designation61 being related
as the reason for the true sons titles62 renders it necessary in both
cases that the term dhamma carries the same connotation in all
compounds. Thus, it may be concluded heuristically that the term
dhamma as the first constituent of the compound dhammakya
and dhammabhta may be identified in a general term such as
transcendent dhamma.
We shall now turn to examine another possibility by which the term
brahma- is translated in the compounds as brahman.
61
62
This refers to the designations dhammakya and dhammabhta.

This refers to the titles dhammaja, dhammanimmita, dhammadyda.
32
In the case that brahma- refers to the neuter brahman

In the other case in which the term brahma- is translated as
brahman63 the ultimate,64 the third parallel65 suggests that the
term dhamma in the passage equals ultimate reality, but in the
Buddhist sense. This directly precludes the interpretation of the
term dhamma in the passage as the Buddhas verbal teaching, while
allowing its interpretation as transcendental realities. The equation
of the Buddha and dhamma, as well as the connection between the
Buddhas designations and the titles of his true son is implied in
the same manner as in the above case.
Thus, the translation of brahma- in the Brahmins titles either
as the masculine Brahm or as the neuter brahman leads to the
same conclusion that the term dhamma constituting the compound
dhammakya refers to transcendental realities. It refers to the
dhamma that is the incorruptible Buddhas essence;66 dhamma which
gives birth to noble disciples, dhamma which is the shared qualities
of the Buddha and his noble disciples which distinguishes them
from worldly people, and dhamma the verbal expression of which
is regarded as the Buddhas verbal teaching. Therefore, the present
study concludes that dhamma, that is, the body of the Tathgata,
refers to transcendental realities in general.
Some scholars are more inclined to choose this translation. For example, see Wilhelm
Geiger, Dhamma Und Brahman, Zeitschrift fr buddhismus (1921): 73-83, 79, Harrison, op.
cit., note 20, p. 78. Here, Harrison refers to a number of scholars who translate brahma- in
this case as brahman, which he thinks more correct. Gombrich, while translating the term
in this case as the masculine Brahm, acknowledges also the possibility of translating it as
the neuter brahman. Gombrich, The Buddhas Book of Genesis? op. cit., p. 165.
64
As Geiger states, Ursprnglich umfasst dieses Wort die Summe aller der geheimnisvollen
magischen Krfte, die im Opfer und in der priesterlichen Ttigkeit enthalten sind. Wilhelm
Geiger, Dhamma Und Brahman, Zeitschrift four buddhismus (1921), p. 74. Cf. Gombrich,
op. cit., p. 165., p. 12.
65
As a reminding, the third parallel refers to the parallel of the term dhamma in the
three titles of Buddhist noble disciples (dhammaja, dhammanimmita, dhammadyda) with
the term brahman in the titles of brahmins (brahmaja, brahmanimmita, brahmadyda.)
66
Cf. S.III.120. Seeing the Buddha purportedly means seeing the Buddhas incorruptible
nature or essence as opposed to seeing the Buddhas corruptible physical body which is
useless.
63
33
While a conclusion is proposed here to some extent, it may be

useful to examine further implications from the parallel usage of
the term dhamma and brahma elsewhere, for it may add further
understanding to the present conclusion regarding the four
designations of the Buddha.
Implications from Parallel Usage of Dhamma and Brahma
Of the four designations of the Buddha, scholars note also the parallel
usage of dhamma and brahma that seems to equate dhammakya
with brahmakya and dhammabhta with brahmabhta.67 The same
parallel can be found also in other passages where, for example,
brahmacakka replaces dhammacakka68 or where brahmacariya and
dhammacariya appear to correspond.69
The parallel usage of the two terms appears to have some
significance. On their own, both terms can carry different
connotations in different contexts. But their analogous usage
restricts their possible interpretations to some degree. It is observed
that, whenever both terms are mentioned together in parallel, they
usually refer to the state of highest purity, or at least signify the
best.
The parallel between dhammayna and brahmayna points
to this direction. In Magga-sayutta, the noble eightfold path is
entitled either the path to/of brahma- (brahmayna),70 the path to/
of dhamma (dhammayna), or the supreme path of victory in the
battle (anuttara sagmavijaya). This is because such a noble path,
once cultivated and frequently practised to the degree of attainment,
leads to the removal of lust, anger, and delusion.71 Hence, the terms
dhamma and brahma in this case refer to the state of supreme purity,
Geiger, op. cit.; Horner, op. cit., pp. 117-118; Theodore Stcherbatsky, The Conception of
Buddhist Nirvana. Delhi: Motilal Banarsidass, 1977, p. 52; Gombrich, op. cit., p. 165.
68
M.I.69-71, S.II.27, A.II.9, A.III.417-419, A.V.33-38.
69
Dhammacariya-sutta, Sn.49.
70
DA.III.865. Cf. S.V.4-6.
While the term yna is used usually in the sense of vehicle, its meaning in the ancient
Indian traditions is path. As brahmayna and dhammayna in this passage refer to the
noble eightfold path, they are, hence, translated as path to brahma and path to dhamma
respectively. Thanks are due to Prof. Richard Gombrich for teaching me its ancient meaning.
71
S.V.5-6.
67
34
where all fetters are uprooted, or at least they signify the best
state.72
The same may be said for the parallel of dhammacariya and
brahmacariya. Although these two compounds are normally used in
different senses,73 in the passage where they appear together, both
are said to be the highest ways of living.74
It is likely that the analogue of both terms in dhammakya,
brahmakya, dhammabhta and brahmabhta in the Aggaa-sutta
can be understood in the same way. The notion of brahmabhta
found elsewhere seems to reinforce this. It always refers to an
Arahat, who has eradicated all defilements.75 Sometimes, an Arahat is
described with the expression lives by means of self having become
brahma.76 In these cases, he is said to live without burning himself or
others, satisfied, extinguished, tranquil, and experiencing happiness
presently.77 Sometimes an Arahat who lives with his self and becomes
brahma is explained as passionless, as opposed to worldly people
who passionately seek material properties.78 Therefore, the word
brahmabhta indicates the state of having eradicated all traces of
defilements and sufferings - that he becomes one with the ultimate
peace and happiness.
Geiger remarks that the word Brahman here is synonymous to
Buddhist Nibbna.79 He notes also the use of the word brahmapatha80
which in a Pli manuscript81 is glossed as amatapatha - the way to
the deathless. It is expressed explicitly that brahma- in the passage
is to be understood as Nibbna, the undying, which is the highest
goal of Buddhists.
Harvey, The Selfless Mind, op. cit., p. 271.
The former generally refers to the renunciation (living the holy life), while the latter to
the virtuous observances (living the righteous life).
74
Sn.49.
75
S.III.83.
76
brahmabhtena attan viharati . For example, see M.I.348-349, M.I.413, A.II.208-211.
77
so anattantapo aparantapo dihe va dhamme nicchto nibbuto stibhto sukhapaisaved
brahmabhtena attan viharati. M.I.348-349, M.I.413, A.II.210-211.
78
M.II.160-162.
79
Geiger, op. cit., pp. 76-77.
80
A.III.346.
81
Phayre MS. (in Burmese characters), in the India Office Library. [Information from the
preface of Edmund Hardy, The Anguttara-Nikaya V.3 (London: Pali Text Society : Distributed
by Routledge & Kegan Paul, 1976), p. v.]
72
73
35
On the whole, it appears that the terms dhamma and brahma

constituting four designations of the Tathgata are used in the sense
of the highest. It is most likely that they refer to Nibbna.
This is in line with our earlier proposed interpretation that
the term dhamma in the designations of the Buddha refers to
transcendental realities (lokuttara dhammas), the highest of which
is that the essence of the Buddha is Nibbna. According to Buddhist
philosophy, the dhammas that create or give birth to a Buddhist
disciple could be referred to also as the highest or ultimate, as
they transcend the realm of sasra. These are systematized later as
the ninefold transcendental dhamma (navavidha lokuttaradhamma),
subsuming the four supramundane paths, their corresponding
fruits,and Nibbna. Thus, from all the implications discussed above,
the present study concludes that the term dhamma in the compound
dhammakya and dhammabhta refers to the ninefold transcendental
dhamma in general.
Next, we shall determine the meaning of the second component
kya.
The Meaning of Kya in the Aggaa-sutta Passage
The term kya may be translated into English either as body
or collection, which sometimes can be used interchangeably.82
However, these English words have different senses in their main
definitions. The word body is used mainly in the sense of the entire
structure of an organism. But the word collection merely provides
the sense of a number of things collected together. This suggests
both their similarities and differences which may be considered in
two aspects: structure and function.
Structurally, both body and collection consist of a number of
elements or individual members. A body, as the entire structure of
an organism, consists of organs which are entitled limbs and parts
(aga-paccaga). A collection also consists of several things which
may be either similar or different. Thus, both body and collection
can be reduced to individual members or elements. This may be
regarded as their similarity.
An example is the expression body of people and collection of people which can be used
interchangeably.
82
36
Functionally, however, both terms seem to imply a different

relationship between individual members and the totality of the
whole body or collection. As a body, the totality of the whole
organism is important for an organ to function. Once an organ is
cut off from the whole, it cannot function anymore. Likewise, if
the sense of totality or whole is lost, in which case the organism
is considered dead, all organs cannot function, even though they
are still attached to that dead body. Thus, in case of a body, the
functional ability of its limbs and parts depends on the sense of
functioning totality or the living body. In contrast, the word
collection does not imply any sense of such functional dependence.
It seems to hold loosely its individual members or several things
under the same title of the group. Even though the totality or the
collection is not retained, individual members do not lose their
identity or function. Thus, from the functional aspect, the words
body and collection are different.
In order to determine the most probably meaning of the term kya
constituting part of dhammakya, it is helpful to recollect how our
study has arrived at the conclusion that the component dhamma
in the Tathgatas designation refers to transcendental dhamma.
To reiterate, the titles of the noble disciples are connected with the
designations of the Tathtata by means of this reasoning; because
the Buddha is dhamma-bodied and become dhamma, thus his son
can be entitled born of dhamma, created by dhamma, and an heir by
means of dhamma. The term dhamma in all these compounds carries
the same connotation comparable to the creator, or the dhamma
that transforms a worldly human into a noble one. This refers to
transcendental paths and fruits.
37
The parallel usage of dhammakya and dhammabhta with

brahmakya and brahmabhta suggests further that the term dhamma
in the passage should refer to Nibbna. Indeed, it is possible also to say
that Nibbna itself can transform beings as well, for the realization
of it engenders the transformation from worldly people to noble
persons.83 Our study thus concludes, in general terms, that dhamma
in all these compounds refers to transcendental dhamma.84 As the
significance of such a conception of dhamma is determined by its
function as transformer or defilement eradicator, the meaning of
kya as body is more appropriate.
Each transcendental path or fruit can be understood as a totality
of various qualities. As an example, the Stream-attaining path
(sotpattimagga) is composed of path-constituents at the level of the
Stream-attaining state.85 Thus, the path itself is the whole or the
totality of all path-constituents at the corresponding level. It could
be possible that different path-constituents may perform different
functions in the elimination of defilements. But the effective
elimination of corresponding fetters (sayojanas) requires the
whole or totality by which the particular path is named. In other
words, the effective functions of individual path-constituents are
dependent on this whole or totality which is identified with the
particular path. Thus, the text mventions the eradication of particular
fetters in accordance with different levels of the functioning path,
from the path to Stream-entry (sotpattimagga) up to the path to
As the Dhammacakkappavattana-sutta suggests, there can be different levels of the

realisation of the four noble truths. These many levels may well correspond to different
levels of transcendental states. In other words, the trainee (sekha-puggala) from the Streamattainer (sotpanna) to the Non-returner (angm) have realised Nibbna also to their
corresponding degrees.
84
Rather than limiting its interpretation to only Nibbna, the present study proposes a
broader context of dhammakya as transcendental dhamma (lokuttara dhamma) in order to
avoid the preclusion of noble disciples of lower levels, e.g., the stream-attainer (sotpanna)
to the non-returner (angm) which appear to be included also in the sutta. Cf. Harvey, The
Selfless Mind, op. cit., pp. 233-4.
85
S.V.348.
83
38
Arhatship (arahattamagga).86 Therefore, the particular path is not

a mere collective title of the path-constituents but the essential
totality by which a body is defined.
The dependence of functions of individual constituents on the
totality of the particular transcendental path allows its definition
as a kind of body. The same could be said for transcendental fruits
(lokuttara phala) and Nibbna. Thus, the transcendental dhamma
should be defined as a body rather than being a mere collection of
those functional qualities.
From the above conclusion regarding the meanings of
both components dhamma and kya, we now come to the
re-interpretation of dhammakya as a whole.
Possible meanings of Dhammakya in the Aggaa-sutta
In the above discussion, the present study tentatively translated the
term dhammakya as an adjective dhamma-bodied. Based on the above
concluded meanings of dhamma and kya, the term dhammakya
as an adjective conveys the meaning that transcendental dhamma
or Nibbna is the Buddhas body. As dhammakya in this instance
designates the Buddha, such a translation as an adjective is naturally
reasonable. However, as the context of the passage does not preclude
the translation of the term as a substantive,87 it may be interesting to
try also the other two grammatical forms that give the translation of
the compound as a noun.
Ps.I.96.
Even though dhammakya here is used to designate the Tathgata, along with three other
designations, two of which are apparently adjectives, it needs not mean that the term
dhammakya must necessarily be an adjective, for they are not synonymous in the sense of
English grammar. These designations may well be similar to the Buddhas epithets that are
simply listed together, while some epithets are adjectives (e.g. vijjcaraasampanno) and
some are substantives (e.g. satth devamanussna).
86
87
39
First, as a kammadhraya compound, the translation of the term

dhammakya will be the body that is transcendental (lokuttara)
dhamma or the body that is Nibbna. This gives a similar sense as
that of the translation of the term as an adjective that the Tathgatas
body is the transcendental dhamma(s) or Nibbna. The only difference
is the shift of identification of this dhamma-body,88 from belonging
to the Tathgata to itself being (identified with) the Tathgata89 or
his essence.
This translation seems also appropriate, considered from the
parallel usage of dhammakya and dhammabhta. The Buddha has
become the transcendental dhamma or Nibbna, having such dhamma
as his nature. Also, as discussed above, the transcendental dhamma
itself possesses a property of body. Hence, it is possible to say that
the Buddha is the body that is transcendental dhamma, or Nibbna.
Alternatively, as a tappurisa compound, dhammakya may be
translated as the body pertaining to transcendental dhamma. Also,
as a particular transcendent dhamma consists of corresponding
constituents, the term dhammakya may be translated as a
tappurisa compound as body of transcendental dhammas, where
dhammas in the latter refers to those constituents. Hence, when
designating the Tathgata, the translation of dhammakya in
As stated at the beginning, the English expression as dhamma-body corresponds to

both translations of dhammakya as a substantive, i.e., body that is dhamma and body of
dhamma. For the sake of simplicity and understanding, the present work refers sometimes
to dhammakya as a noun simply as dhamma-body.
89
When translating the term as an adjective, as the Buddha has dhamma as body, it can be
said that the body which is dhamma belongs to him. But when the term is translated as a
noun, it means that the Tathgata is the body that is (transcendental) dhamma. In other
words, the dhamma-body (the body which is dhamma) is the Tathgata.
88
40
this sense conveys the meaning that the Tathgata is the body
pertaining to transcendental dhamma or Nibbna, or he is the body
of those transcendent qualities. This is similar to the kammadhraya
compound in that it provides the sense of an identification of the
Tathgata with dhammakya.
To conclude, our study proposes that dhammakya as it designates
the Tathgata may be translated either as an adjective (bahubbhi
compound) which conveys the meaning that transcendent dhamma
or Nibbna is the Tathgatas body, or as a noun (kammadhraya
or tappurisa compound) being the dhamma-body with which the
Tathgata is identified.
In the next part, the study will examine another Pli passage that is
related to Paccekabuddhas, the self-enlightened persons.
41
V. Reference 2: Dhammakya and Paccekabuddhas

A Paccekabuddha is counted as one of the two types of Buddhas.90
According to Buddhist philosophy, a Paccekabuddha is a person
who is of the highest wisdom of realization that he can be selfenlightened, in the same way as a Buddha can. However, he is said
to lack teaching ability in that he cannot teach a body of people to
A.I.77. Some scholars argue that the concept of a Paccekabuddha is originally nonBuddhist, and that it has been included into Buddhist texts later. A reason given is that the
references to Paccekabuddhas are found also in the canon of Jainism. Gombrich proposes
also that the assimilation of the concept regarding Paccekabuddhas into Buddhist canon
could have resulted from an actualisation of an interstitial category inferred logically.
Norman, likewise, claims that the concept regarding this type of enlightened beings
is pre-Buddhist and pre-Jainist. The issue is discussed in detail in K. R. Norman, The
Pratyeka-Buddha in Buddhism and Jainism, in Buddhist Studies: Ancient and Modern
(London: Curzon Press, 1983). However, this can be looked at also from a different point.
In the Buddhas time, Buddhism was not regarded by the Buddha or his disciples as a
particular school of thought. Rather, it seems to be seen as a way of practice or a way of
life. The Buddhas main concern of delivering his teaching is the audiences enlightenment
or spiritual realisation, as mentioned in the Abhayarjakumra-sutta (M.I.395) where he
declares his speaking characters, which can be summarised as follows:
1. Knowing what is untrue, incorrect, and useless, whether or not it will be dear or
agreeable to the audience, the Buddha would not speak it.
2. Knowing what is true, correct, but useless, whether or not it will be dear or
agreeable to the audience, the Buddha would not speak it.
3. Knowing what is true, correct, and useful, whether or not it will be dear or agreeable
to the audience, the Buddha would know the right time to speak it.
The point of this declaration is that, the Buddha would say only what he knows is true,
correct, and beneficial to listeners and at an appropriate time. Even though it is not dear
or agreeable to his audience, he would know the right time to speak it. This is done for the
audiences good. He compares this with taking out a stick or pebble from a childs mouth,
even if it means drawing blood, in order to save that child. The Buddhas speech is thus
characterised by his compassion to beings. Considering the characteristics of his speech
as such, it is more likely that the Buddha does not think of Paccekabuddhas as Buddhist
or non-Buddhist but rather enlightened beings. The same holds true for his statement
regarding any noble disciples. For example, the Buddha would call anyone who possesses
qualities of a Stream-attainer as a Stream-attainer (sotpanna). The categorisation of
Buddhist and non-Buddhist by means of registering to a particular school of thought
seems to be a later classification or merely scholarly definition or differentiation for the
convenience of discussion proposed within the academic arena.
90
42
obtain enlightenment in the same way as the Buddha can.91 Therefore,

a Paccekabuddha does not need a teacher for his enlightenment, nor
is he himself regarded as a teacher. This is perhaps one of the reasons
why Paccekabuddhas are usually described as travelling alone like
the single horn of a rhinoceros.92 Due to his enlightening superiority
and purity, a Paccekabuddha is then ranked as second to the Buddha,
and is said to be the second superior field of merit.93
Buddhist traditions hold that many Paccekabuddhas can arise in
the world in the same age,94 while only one perfectly enlightened
Buddha (sammsambuddha) can arise in the world at a time.
Paccekabuddhas are persons who deserve - peoples veneration by
stpas (thpraha),95 possess human essence (sattasra), are free
from trouble (anigha), desireless (nirsa), free from grief (visalla),
well-enlightened, superior men (naruttama),96 having great powers
(mahnubhva), and whose craving for rebirth is exhausted.97
While it is possible for a Paccekabuddha to teach an individual which finally leads to

that persons enlightenment, he does not teach to a multitude of people in the same way
as a Buddha does. Hence, a Paccekabuddha is not regarded as being a teacher in general
sense. Also, their discourses are brief and mainly concerned with the praise of solitude,
rather than containing instructions on how to practise oneself in order to gain spiritual
realisation. See, for example, Ap.I.7-14.
92
Although the Pli word khaggavisa could mean either the rhinoceross horn or the
animal rhinoceros itself, this work chooses the former definition for it better symbolises
the Paccekabuddhas solitude.
93
The first superior field of merit is the Buddha (sammsambuddha). M.III.254.
94
It is mentioned in the Isigili-sutta that five hundred Paccekabuddhas lived together at the
Isigili mount in Magadha. M.III.68.
95
D.II.142-143.
96
M.III.69.
97
M.III.71.
91
43
In the Apadna literature, besides the life history of the Buddha and
his disciples, a section is devoted to a depiction of the characteristics
of Pacceka-buddhas. This - section is entitled Paccekabuddhpadna.
At verse 52 of the section, there is a mention of dhammakya in
relation to Paccekabuddhas:
Mahantadhamm
bahudhammaky,
cittissar
sabbadukkhoghati;
udaggacitt
paramatthadass,
shopam khaggavisakapp.
Ap.I.13.
(The Paccekabuddhas) whose dhamma(s) is great, having many

dhammas as body (or having many dhamma-bodies), whose
mind is independent (without attachment), have crossed
beyond the flood of all sufferings, delighted minded, the seers
of supreme welfare, comparable to sha (the king of forest),
and the horn of a rhinoceros.
In this verse, many words seem to carry various connotations in
themselves. The term mahantadhamm is a bahubbhi compound
meaning whose dhammas are great, qualifying Paccekabuddhas To
consider what is meant by the term dhamma(s) in this compound, it
is helpful to look at the preceding verses of the same story.
Immediately preceding the verse in question, two other verses
refer to Paccekabuddhas in general as follows: 98
Visuddhasl suvisuddhapa samhit jgariynuyutt
Vipassak dhammavisesadass maggagabojjhagagate vija.
Puappaidhi (suatpaihita) ca tathnimitta sevayitv
Jinassanamhi ye svakatta na vajanti dhr bhavanti paccekajin
sayambh.
They whose virtue and wisdom are supremely purified, composed

minded, vigilant, gifted with introspection, the seers of superior
dhammas, cognizing dhammas included in path-constituents and
elements of enlightenment. The wise, having cultivated three
deliverances, do not proceed to discipleship in the Buddhas
teaching, [but] become Paccekabuddhas, the self-enlightened.
98
Ap.I.13.
44
These verses describe the Paccekabuddhas as ones possessed of

supreme purity, wisdom, wakefulness, composure, and having the
ability for seeing and knowing. In other words, they are full of
realizing capacity, and so finally become self-enlightened. Then,
it is likely that the term dhamma in the qualitative compound
mahantadhamm having great dhammas are those pertaining to
such a realizing capacity. Certainly, these qualities of Paccekabuddhas
are great, compared to those of the noble disciples.
The second bahubbhi compound qualifying Paccekabuddhas
is bahudhammaky. Gramm atically, this may be translated in
two different ways: having many dhammas as body or having
many dhamma-bodies. The former conveys the meaning that a
Paccekabuddha has many dhammas as his body, whereas many
dhammas refer to those pertaining to the capacity of selfenlightenment, as elaborated in the previous verses above. The latter
implies that a Paccekabuddha could have more than one dhammabody.99
Information provided in the canon seems insufficient to
determine this with certainty. Therefore, the present study holds
that both translations are possible, for there is no indication in the
Cf. Need, op. cit., p. 380. Need seems inclined to interpret the term in this way, as he
states: [I]t is unclear whether the term modifies dhamma or ky although dhammakya
is not plural, the sense could be manifold body of dhamma, rather than body of manifold
dhammas.
99
45
early texts that dhammakya must be singular.100 In any case, the

verse conveys the meaning that a Paccekabuddha has dhamma(s) as his
body (or bodies), where dhammas refers to the qualities pertaining
to self-enlightenment. Here again, we note the connection between
the term dhammakya and enlightenment.
The adjectival (bahu) dhammakya in the case of Paccekabuddhas
is comparable to that in the case of the Buddhas designation.
We noted earlier that scholars tend to interpret the component
dhamma as teaching. However, this does not fit the adjective
(bahu)dhammakya referring to Paccekabuddhas, for Paccekabuddhas
do not need a teacher and they themselves are not teachers.
They are enlightened beings. This then reinforces the notion that
the term dhamma in the adjective dhammakya corresponds to
enlightenment, i.e., transcendental dhamma(s).
It may be argued that the Buddha and Paccekabuddhas are not
the same. As the Buddha is a teacher, then it should be fine to say
that he has teaching as body. This is unlikely, however, for it would
be strange to differentiate that the component dhamma of the
adjectival dhammakya refers to teaching in the case of Buddha, while
referring to transcendental dhamma in the case of Paccekabuddhas.
Such would give an impression that a Buddha is a non-enlightened
being, which is incorrect. The study of this passage thus reinforces
our earlier conclusion regarding dhammakya and the Buddha that
the component dhamma in the adjective dhammakya does not refer
to teaching, but transcendental dhamma relating to spiritual
realization.
In conclusion, our study in this part adds further information
that dhammakya is related not only to the Buddha but also to the
enlightenment of Paccekabudhas. We shall now proceed to examine
further the meaning of dhammakya in relation to noble disciples.
As Harrison states, the understanding that dhammakya must be singular is later
traditional belief that links dhammakya with other words for reality such as dhammat,
dhammadhtu, etc. Harrison, op. cit., pp. 44, 48. As observed above, dhammakya may
be identified with any transcendental path, fruit, or Nibbna. This seems to allow the
possibility of different levels of dhammakya. The study of dhammakya and noble disciples
below will affirm this point.
100
46
VI. Reference 3: Dhammakya and Noble Disciples

Besides the terms relation to the Buddha and Paccekabuddhas, a
Pli canonical reference mentions also the relation of dhammakya
with noble disciples. This is found in the seventeenth story of the
Theriypadna which records the autobiography of the great nun
Gotam - the aunt and foster mother of the Buddha.
The narrative setting is that the nun considered her day of passing
and went to see the Buddha for the last time. On the way to the
Buddhas residence, her declaration to female lay supporters who
lamented on her parting indicates that Gotam was an Arhat, who
has completely destroyed all fetters (sayojanas), and whose trace of
rebirth has been uprooted.101 In the first part of her acknowledgement
regarding her intention of passing, in the presence of the Buddha,
she makes the comparison of her motherhood to the Buddhas
fatherhood. The relevant lines are as follows:
31. aha sugata te mt tva ca dhra pit mama;
saddhammasukhado102 ntha, tay jtamhi gotama.
32. savaddhitoya sugata rpakyo may tava; anindiyo103
dhammakyo104 mama savaddhito tay.
33. Muhutta tahsamana khra tva pyito may; tayha
santam accanta dhammakhram hi pyit.
Ap.II.532.
31. I am your mother, O Sugata; and, O the wise, you are my father;
O Gotama the refuge who gives happiness of truths, I have been
born through you.
32. This physical body of yours, O Sugata, was brought up by me;
The blameless (pleasurable) dhamma-body of mine was brought up
by you.
Ap.II.531. Here, she declares the following points: 1) her realisation of the four noble
truths, by three rounds - twelve steps, 2) she has completely finished the course of
practice laid down by the Buddha, 3) her release 4) her destruction of all desires 5) her
complete attainment of successive fruits of renunciation, and 6) her absence of all fetters
(sayojanas).
102
Another manuscript gives ~sukhada indicating the vocative case.
103
A Sinhalese and a Burmese Mss. gives nandito. SR version: nandiyo
104
Here, the CS and SR versions of the Tipiaka record the term as dhammakyo. But the BJ
and PTS version writes dhammatanu, which has the same meaning as that of dhammakya.
The Pli term tanu usually refers to body in the physical sense.
101
47
33. You were fed by me the milk that could relieve thirst (only)
momentarily;
But I was fed by you the dhamma-milk that is perpetually peaceful.
In this passage, a comparison is made between worldly motherhood

and spiritual paternity, the fostering of the physical body and that
of the dhamma-body, the thirst-relieving efficacy of ordinary milk
and the milk that is dhamma. In all cases of such a comparison, the
superiority of the spiritual side over the worldly side is demonstrated.
According to the verses quoted above, some points can be made of
verses in particular
Verse 31 implies that Gotam was spiritually reborn to the noble clan
through the realization of truths, initiated with the teaching of the
Buddha. Thus, the Buddha is her spiritual father. Such a declaration
indicates her state of being a noble disciple, as her declaration of
emancipation affirms. The mention of happiness of truths implies
also that such a realization brings about happiness.
In verse 32, she declares that her blameless or pleasurable
dhammakya was brought up by the Buddha. This has a number of
implications regarding dhammakya. First, the term dhammakya in
this passage is used as a substantive dhamma-body. Secondly, her
mention of my dhammakya (dhammakyo mama) implies its relation
to her spiritual attainment, being her new identity corresponding to
her spiritual new birth in the supramundane plane. Once obtained, it
is her dhammakya. Thirdly, the statement that her dhammakya was
brought up (savahita) by the Buddha implies its different levels.
It suggests that there can be a number of levels of dhammakya, and
that the dhammakya can be developed to a higher state up to its
final perfection. Fourthly, her dhammakya is regarded as blameless
(anindito, anindiyo), or pleasurable (nandiyo, nandito). While more
information is required in order to further analyze these aspects
of dhammakya precisely, at least some initial implications can be
appreciated right away. For example, its quality as being blameless
implies its completeness or perfection, and its quality as being
pleasurable connotes joy, delight, or happiness. This could be
48
related also to the happiness arisen from the realisation of truths, as

mentioned in the previous verse.
In verse 33, Gotam is said to have been fed on the dhammamilk.105 Because it is fed to her by the Buddha, it sounds likely
that such milk refers to his teaching. However, its quality as
unceasingly peaceful indicates the state to which the teaching has
brought her. That is to say, she is led from the initial introduction to
the inner experience of the reality, so that she can eventually and
actually taste or realize it through her spiritual attainment. Rather
than being sustenance to her physical body, the dhamma-milk is fed
to nourish the growth of her dhamma-body (dhammakya). Thus, in
her declaration I was fed by you, the I refers here to her dhammabody (dhammakya) rather than her physical body. This expression
implies her identification with the dhammakya. It affirms the earlier
statement that the dhammakya is a new and now true identity that
corresponds to her spiritual rebirth in the noble plane. This could
also, in a way, clarify why the Buddha is designated dhammakya, as
mentioned earlier.106 It implies his identity with dhammakya from
the time of his enlightenment. This is affirmed by the parallel usage
of dhammakya and dhammabhta (become dhamma). Therefore,
observations regarding dhammakya from this declaration may be
made as follows:
Dhammakhra. This is a Kammadhraya compound, translated literally as milk that is

dhamma.
106
D.III.84.
105
49
1. The term dhammakya is related to enlightenment. This

agrees with our earlier observation regarding the relation
of dhammakya to the Buddha and Paccekabuddhas.
2. Dhammakya is not exclusive to the Buddha, but attainable
also to his disciples. Once obtained, it is his/her
dhammakya.
3. The phrase my dhammakya spoken by Gotam precludes
the interpretation of the term as teaching, but allows an
interpretation as quality/property. Whereas the teaching
belongs generally to the Buddha, quality/property/
capacity can belong also to anyone who obtained it.
4. The dhammakya can be brought up (savahita) - can be
developed to a higher level until the highest perfection is
met. This implies that there are at least two different levels
of dhammakya which supports our earlier conclusion
from the Aggaa-sutta that the term could refer to a
particular transcendental state, and that each state being
a whole or totality of transcendental constituents in the
corresponding level.
5. Unlike dhammakya in the Aggaa-sutta which can be
translated as an adjective, dhammakya in this passage
is used strictly as a noun. It affirms that both forms of
translation should be accepted according to the context of
the passage where the term is located.
6. With the description of dhammakya in the passage, the
term dhamma in the compound seems to convey the sense
of transcendental reality that is attainable and developable
to its perfection. Gotams mention of my dhammakya
also affirms our earlier remark, that both the Buddha and
his noble disciples have some properties or qualities in
common. Such properties refer to dhammakya(s). Thus,
the great nuns mention of her dhammakya suggests that
she is an heir by dhamma, and that such a title arises on
her acquisition of dhammakya.
50
In regard to the different levels of dhammakya, the canon talks about

the different states of trainees (sekha) and non-trainees (asekha).
The former refers to states in which a further course is yet to be
accomplished, while the latter requires no further course.
The Pli canon distinguishes these two types of noble disciples by
qualities they possess. The text enumerates the tenfold quality
(dasa asekha-dhamma) that identifies a person as a non-trainee
(asekha puggala),107 who is a virtuous one,108 or a more-virtuousthan-virtuous virtuous one.109 But sometimes, a trainee (sekha) is
said also to possess the same ten qualities.110 In this latter case, the
ten qualities belonging to a non-trainee (asekha) is differentiated
by an addition of a qualitative asekha, meaning pertaining to a
non-trainee, which precedes the title of each of the ten qualities.111
Likewise, the partial or entire practice of the four foundations of
mindfulness differentiates between noble disciples as trainees
(sekha) and as non-trainees (asekha). Thus, these qualities belonging
to trainees (sekha) and to non-trainees (asekha) could characterise
different levels of the dhamma-body.
Traditional accounts make further classifications of trainees
according to different transcendental paths and their corresponding
fruits as understood in the early Theravda community. As is evident
in the canon, a standard formula is usually employed to enumerate
the members of the assembly of noble disciples (ariya sagha), i.e.,
four pairs of persons, the eight individuals.112 The eight individuals
refer to noble disciples who have achieved different levels of
D.III.271, M.III.75-76.
A.II.222.
109
S.V.20. In this reference, a virtuous one is identified with a trainee (sekha) noble disciple.
Therefore, a non-trainee (asekha) is said to be more virtuous.
110
S.V.380-385.
111
See, for example, M.I.446-447, A.V.221.
112
Cattri purisayugni aha purisapuggal. D.II.93-94, D.III.5, M.I.37, S.I.220.
107
108
51
supramundane paths and fruits.113 The four pairs are mentioned

instead when particular paths and their corresponding fruits are
collectively called under the same titles. Of the eight transcendental
levels, the first to the seventh titles refer to the quality of trainees,
while the last refers to that of non-trainee. In this context, different
levels of dhammakya may correspond to all these transcendental
states.
This agrees with our earlier observation that these transcendental
paths and fruits as well as Nibbna can be identified with dhammakya.
Gotams speech, that her dhammakya has been brought up
(savahita), indicates the development of her dhammakya from
an initial state as a trainee which refers to any of the first seven
levels of noble persons. As far as a person is still a trainee (sekhapuggala), he/she still needs further development. Once he/she
has attained the eighth state - the state of a non-trainee (asekhapuggala), no further growth is needed. This is one of the reasons why
a general expression that is often found for an Arhat is exhausted
is my rebirth, completed by me is the course of practice, done by
me is what needs to be done, there is no further course for me to
undertake.114 Therefore, we could say that dhammakya needs to be
developed until it reaches the final perfection.115
Nevertheless, on the way to the final goal, each level of
dhammakya of a trainee could be said also to be complete or
sufficient in regard to its function, as discussed earlier regarding
M.III.255, S.III.168. The eight noble persons are as follows:
1. an arhat (arahant)
2. a person who proceeds to the realisation of the fruit of Arhatship
(arahattaphalasacchikiriyya paipanna)
3. a non-returner (angm)
4. a person who proceeds to the realisation of the fruit of Non-returning
(angmiphalasacchikiriyya paipanna)
5. a once-returner (sakadgm)
6. a person who proceeds to the realisation of the fruit of Once-returning
(sakadgmiphalasacchikiriyya paipanna)
7. a stream-attainer (sotpanna)
8. a person who proceeds to the realisation of the fruit of Stream-attaining
(sotpattiphalasacchikiriyya paipanna)
114
Kh jti vusita brahmacariya kata karaya npara itthattya. D.I.84, D.II.153,
M.I.40, M.I.392, etc.
115
S.III.167-169.
113
52
the function of each particular transcendent dhamma.116 The totality

of transcendental qualities constituting each transcendental state,
which is identified earlier with dhammakya, denotes a degree of
sufficiency in performing its function. This agrees with Gotams
expression that her dhammakya is blameless.
Also, as noted above, the term dhammakya is related to
enlightenment, where the experience or the witness of realisation
is required and the consequent transformation takes place. Once
each kind of defilement is abandoned and eradicated, the noble
disciple experiences happiness from release (vimutti-sukha), and the
knowledge of such happiness (a) arises.117 This corresponds to
Gotams claim of happiness arisen from realisation, and her possible
expression that the dhammakya is pleasurable.
To conclude, some further remarks and re-affirmation regarding
dhammakya could be observed from this Apadna passage. Firstly,
it re-affirms that dhammakya is connected to enlightenment.
Secondly, it affirms that the term dhammakya can be translated as a
substantive, denoting the body that is identified with, or pertaining
to, transcendental dhamma. Thirdly, it gives further implication that
Buddhist disciples can attain dhammakya, and once so attained, it
could be called his/her dhammakya. Fourthly, it implies that there
are different levels of dhammakya, plausibly each corresponding
to a particular level of transcendental state, and therefore also to
each level of noble disciples. Fifthly, different levels of dhammakya
or transcendental reality can be said to be sufficient or complete
in performing their functions, and thus are entitled blameless.
Sixthly, every time a transformation takes place, happiness of release
(vimutti-sukha), as well as the knowledge regarding ones release,
arises. Therefore, each instance of realization or enlightenment
brings about happiness, and so dhammakya is said to be pleasurable.
Next we shall proceed to a close reading of an ambiguous Pli
reference to dhammakya.
See earlier discussion under the heading The Meaning of Kya in the Aggaa-sutta
Passage.
117
Ps.I.195-196.
116
53
VII. Reference 4: Dhammakya and Previous Buddha

Another Pli passage that shows the relation of dhammakya with the
Buddha is found in the Ahasandassakathera-apadna. But here the
narrative relates the term with a previous Buddha. The whole story
is the autobiography of the elder Ahasandassaka who recounts
the meritorious deeds performed at the time of the Padumuttara
Buddha.118 The term dhammakya appears in the expression of his
appreciation of the Buddha. The elder, being Nrada brahmin at
that time, praised the Padumuttara Buddha with the following three
stanzas.
Satasahassatevijj chaabhi mahiddhik
parivrenti sambuddha ko disv nappasdati?
e upanidh yassa na vijjati sadevake
anantaa sambuddha ko disv nappasdati?
Dhammakyaca dpenta119 kevala ratankara vikopetu120
na sakkonti ko disv nappasdati?
Ap.168.
A hundred thousand (monks) possessing the threefold knowledge, the
sixfold superknowledge, endowed with great supernatural powers, are
surrounding the enlightened one; having seen him, who is not pleased?
Among human and gods, nobody is found comparable to him in knowledge;
having seen the perfectly enlightened one whose knowledge is endless, who
is not pleased? No-one can upset the dhamma-bodied who is illuminating
all around, being the mine of jewels; having seen him, who is not pleased?
In this praise, the term dhammakya is found in the last stanza,

which is the most ambiguous and difficult to translate. Difficulties
involve the manifold meaning of each term, as well as the ambiguous
structure of the verse. However, a survey of the popular usage of
each term in different instances helps to overcome the difficulties
to some extent.
Padumuttara Buddha is a previous Buddha of a hundred thousand kalpas ago.
CS version: dpenta; BJ version: dipenta; PTS and SR versions: dpenti.
120
CS version and a Sinhalese mss: vikappetu.
118
119
54
Generally, the term kevala is translated either as only or

entirely. It is observed that, whenever the term appears together
with another word that conveys the meaning of emanating,
illuminating, or enlarging, the term kevala carries the meaning
of entirely or all around. In this sentence, the word kevala comes
immediately after the verb dpenta which conveys the meaning of
illuminating. It is thus translated here as all around.
Another term that can convey different connotations is ratankara.
This term is found representing the Vinaya121 that the elder Upli
maintains. It also refers to the elder nanda122 who is the treasurer of
the dhamma. But sometimes it represents the Buddha.123 As this verse
is the praise of the Buddha, the term dhammakya can be translated as
an adjective, dhamma-bodied, qualifying the Padumuttara Buddha.
Need agrees with this way of interpretation. He translates the term
dhammakya in the verse as an epithet of the Buddha.124 In this case,
the notion of dhammakya would be the same as that in the Aggaasutta passage.
However, the ambiguous structure of the verse allows some
space for alternative translations. Here, the terms dhammakya and
ratankara, as well as the present participle dpenta, are written in
the same case, i.e., accusative. This allows the term dhammakya
to function either as the subject or object of dpenta. In the former
case, the term dhammakya functions as an adjective, qualifying the
Padumuttara Buddha, as in the tentative translation presented above.
But in the case that dhammakya functions as an object of dpenta, it
refers to what the Padumuttara Buddha demonstrates. This gives an
alternative translation of the last stanza of the above quote as follows:
Ap.I.93.
Th.93.
123
Ap.II.319.
124
Need, op. cit., p. 381. He writes:
Because of the syntax of the verse, and because the Dgha Nikya passage indicates
that the Buddha is designated as such, it seems possible to read dhammakya as
a epithet of the Buddha. However, the surrounding context also permits one to
read dhammakya as a gloss for a and perhaps for the kinds of knowledges and
powers cited in the first verse. In this sense we are again in the context of those
dharmas which are conducive or related to the realization of Nibbna.
121
122
55
No-one can upset the (Padumuttara Buddha) entire mine of jewels, who
is demonstrating the dhammakya; having seen him, who is not pleased?
In order to clarify further regarding the precise connotation

of dhammakya in this latter case, it would be useful to look at a
Pli passage that refers to what the Buddha demonstrates. In the
Sambuddha-sutta, the Buddha explains that he demonstrates the
path:125
Monks, the Tathgata, who is the perfectly enlightened Arhat, has given
rise to the path that had not risen, has generated the path that had not
been generated, has proclaimed the path that had not been proclaimed.
He is the path-knower, wise in the path, skilled in the path. Monks, but the
disciples now are the path followers who live endowed with the path later.
This suggests that the term dhammakya in this passage, which

is demonstrated or proclaimed by the Buddha, refers to the
path (magga). Due to the inter-related nature of the reality and
teaching, it is possible that the expression the path may refer
either to attainable reality or prescriptive teaching that is the
method to realization. But the statement that monks live endowed
with the path seems to suggest the former interpretation. Hence,
the interpretation of this Apadna passage, while being ambiguous,
seems to lead to the same or similar conclusion regarding the term
dhammakya as in other passages.
VIII. Conclusion
The present study re-evaluated academic interpretations of the term
dhammakya used in the Pali canon. It identified the aspects omitted
in previous studies of the term in the Pali canon and proposed to fill
in the gap by means of a different approach.
Tathgato bhikkhave araha sammsambuddho anuppannassa maggassa uppdet

asajtassa maggassa sajnet anakkhtassa maggassa akkht magga maggavid
maggakovido. Maggnug ca bhikkhave etarahi svak viharanti pacchsamanngat.
S.III.66.
125
56
The research approach employed in the present study is intended

as a more direct, analytical and inclusive one than previous
approaches to this question. It is more direct in that it set off by
documenting all Pali canonical passages that contain the term
dhammakya, and then interpreted the meaning of the term from its
surrounding context in each particular passage. It is more analytical
than previous interpretations in regard to the differentiation of the
fine distinction between two inter-related meanings of dhamma, i.e.,
reality and its verbal expression. It is more inclusive in terms of the
relation of the term with noble persons. In other words, it avoided
the exclusive relation of the term with the Buddha and allowed
possible connection of the term dhammakya with other persons, as
is evident in the passages being studied.
By means of this different approach, the present study has come
to a conclusion that the close readings of different Pali passages
all point to the same direction and reinforce each other. This, in a
way, shows the consistency of understanding regarding the term
dhammakya in the early Theravdin community. As a whole, the
study has shown that the term dhammakya as understood in the
Pali canonical context does not relate exclusively to the Buddha,
but to noble persons of all types, i.e., Buddhas, Paccekabuddhas and
noble disciples. The term may function either as an adjective or a
substantive.
As an adjective, dhamma that is the Tathgatas body may be
defined in a general term as transcendent dhamma, being the pure
nature of the Tathgata, comparable to the creator that spiritually
transforms beings into supramundane level and being the same sort
of quality/property/capacity shared by the Buddha and his noble
disciples that distinguishes them from worldly people. The reference
to dhammakya in relation to Paccekabuddhas affirms its connotation
as transcendent dhamma, being the body of enlightening capacity
instrumental to spiritual realisation, while effectively negating its
interpretation as teaching.
57
As a noun, the term refers to the new identity of a noble person

once he/she is transubstantiated either from the worldly plane
to a supramundane plane or from a lower transcendent state to a
higher. A close reading suggests that there are different levels of
dhammakya and they can be developed up to the final perfection.
Nevertheless, dhammakya in each level can be regarded as being
sufficient as a complete body capable of performing the function
pertaining to that particular transcendent state.
Dhammakya, therefore, represents the reality spiritually realized
by, and identified with, the Buddha, rather than his teaching. In
other words, dhammakya in the Pali canonical context represents
the dhamma-body instrumental to enlightenment. It is the body
from which the Buddhas teachings originate, rather than being a
collection of his teachings as has been previously claimed.
Appendix: Theravdin Views on the Term Dhammakya
Traditional writings mark the attempts of the early community to
understand the Buddhist teaching(s) intellectually. In the Theravdin
traditional writings, two commentators who provide main
explanations of the term are Buddhaghoa126 and Dhammapla.127
Buddhaghoa, in most instances, refers to dhammakya
substantively. He either relates the term to the Buddhas purified
126
127
around 5th century CE.

around 6th century CE.
58
mental qualities128 or purity,129 or identifies it with realities to be

attained or experienced spiritually by noble disciples through the
penetration of the noble paths.130 In one instance, he connects the
term with the Buddhas teachings and disciplines collected together,
i.e., the dhamma-vinaya which takes on the role of the teacher after
his passing.131
In some explanations, Buddhaghoa uses the term dhammakya
as an adjective, qualifying the Tathgata as having dhamma as
body. In this case, he identifies the dhamma either as the ninefold
transcendental reality132 or as the Buddhas verbal teaching.133
At Vism.I.227, Buddhaghoa explains the Buddhas dhammakya as being succeeded

or prosperous with treasured qualities (gua-ratana) such as the body of virtue
(slakkhandha) that is pure in all respects, yopi so bhagav sabbkraparisuddhaslakkhandhdiguaratanasamiddha-dhammakyo
The aggregate of virtue or slakkhandha could refer to the first member of either
the three, four, or five dhamma-aggregates (dhammakkhandhas). See D.I.206, D.III.229, and
D.III.279 for respective examples of these different enumerations of dhamma-aggregates.
The five refers to virtue (sla), concentration (samdhi), wisdom (pa), release (vimutti),
and the knowing and seeing of ones own release (vimuttiadassana). The last one and
two members are dropped out in the sets of four and three dhamma-aggregates respectively.
In the Pali canon, these dhammas generally refer to qualities (to be) accomplished.
It may be argued that, being qualities (to be) accomplished, these five dhammas may
also be regarded in another aspect as being a set of prescribed practices or the Buddhas
verbal teachings. Nevertheless, it is hard to imagine how a practitioner would actually
practise these dhammas, as they indeed arise as the result of practice, rather than being
the practice itself. Overlooking this fine distinction, a reader may mistake these qualities
for teachings in an exclusive sense.
129
Vism.I.204, VinA.I.124, KhpA.108. In these passages, Buddhaghoa relates the Buddhas
endowment of dhammakya (dhammakyasampatti) with his state of having all hatred
destroyed (bhaggadosatya). This connects the term dhammakya with the Buddhas
destruction of defilements.
130
SnA.I.34, SnA.II.594.
131
DA.I.34.
132
SA.II.313, SnA.I.34.
133
DA.III.865.
128
59
Dhammapla, like Buddhaghoa, employs the term dhammakya

mostly as a noun, and relates it either with the Buddhas mental
qualities and purity,134 with the enlightenment either of the Buddha135
or his noble disciples,136 with reality visible through the seeing
(dassana) of the noble truths137 or with self.138 As an adjective, he
identifies the dhamma that is the Tathgatas body as the ninefold
transcendental dhamma (nava-lokuttara-dhamma).139 In one instance,
he uses the term dhammakya in the sense which may be interpreted
either as teaching or truth that can be expressed by the preaching
of true dhamma.140
At ThrA.I.115 and D.II.201, Dhammapla follows Buddhaghoa that the Buddhas

dhammakya is prosperous with treasured qualities such as the overall-pure aggregate of
virtue.
At ItA.I.13, ThrA.II.121, CpA.332, UdA.87-88, VvA.213, D.I.130, D.II.4, M,II.51, A.III.76,
A.III.216, and A.III.261, he refers to dhammakya as bodies of those extraordinary qualities
connected with the Buddhas mental purity such as the ten powers (dasa bala), four causes
of intrepidity (catu vesrajja), six kinds of unshared knowledges (cha asdhraaa)
and eighteen exclusive Buddhas qualities (ahrasveikabuddhadhamm). Note that
the qualities enumerated here are similar to those expressed by the Sarvstivdin, but the
details of the qualities mentioned in both traditions are slightly different.
At ItA.II.102, UdA.310, he refers to the equality of the Buddha with previous Buddhas by
means of his physical body and dhamma-body (dhammakya).
135
M.I.46-7, A.I.40. The connection of the term dhammakya to the Buddhas own benefit,
rather than to others benefit, indicates its relation to the Buddhas spiritual realisation or
enlightenment.
136
ItA.II.115, ThrA.I.37.
137
UdA.310, ThriA.28.
138
CpA.332 and D.I.86.
139
In his explanation of the term dhammabhta (having become dhamma) at ThrA.II.205,
Dhammapla connects the Buddhas dhammakya with the ninefold transcendental dhamma
and the Buddhas attainment of the dhamma.
140
D.I.449:
Evarpassti
sammsambuddhatt
avipartadhammadesanatya
evapkaadhammakyassa satthu.
The Buddha is said to have the dhamma-body (dhammakya) revealed as such because
of his preaching of true dhamma, because he is the perfectly self-enlightened one
(sammsambuddha).
134
60
In addition to the above two commentators, Upasena and

Buddhadatta141 are also Pali commentators who lived around the
same times.142 Upasena agrees with Buddhaghoa in regard to his
interpretations of dhammakya as related to the Buddhas qualities
or spiritual attainment.143 None of his writings interprets the term
dhammakya in the sense of teaching. Likewise, Buddhadatta
differentiates dhammakya or dhamma-body from the Buddhas
physical body (rpakya).144 He expresses the beauty of the Buddha
by means of the properties (gua) of both his physical body and his
dhamma-body.145
Later in the eleventh to twelfth centuries CE, two commentators of
the Pali Vinaya differ slightly in their interpretations of dhammakya.
Vajirabuddhi usually interprets the term dhammakya in the sense
of Buddhas teaching or dhamma-vinaya that takes the role of the
teacher after the Buddhas passing,146 while Sriputta prefers to
relate the term dhammakya with the Buddhas enlightenment147
or to identify it with the Buddhas qualities (buddhagua)148 and as
that which can be seen through the disciples spiritual attainment.149
Buddhadattas Abhidhammvatra may be regarded either as an introductory summary
or as one of the oldest sub-commentaries (k) on the Pali abhidhamma.
142
Approximately 5th century CE.
143
For Upasenas work, see Nd1A.II.265 (cf. VinA.I.124, Vism.I.204), Nd2A.31-32 (cf. SnA.
II.594).
144
AbhAv.I.241:
Tattha satthari kakhanto tassa rpakyadhammakyna vijjamnata,
avijjamnataca kakhati
Among the three gems, a person while doubting in the teacher (Buddha), would
doubt in the existence and non-existence of his physical body and dhamma-body.
145
AbhAv.II.106-7.
146
VjB.15, VjB.19.
147
At SrD.I.211, the Buddha is said to have been born twice; first by his physical body at the
Lumbin forest, and later by his dhamma-body (dhammakya) under the bodhi tree. Here,
Sriputta further connects the Buddhas birth through his physical body with compassion
(karu) and other peoples benefit, and his birth through the dhammakya with equanimity
(upekkh) and the Buddhas own benefit.
148
SrD.I.310-311; SrD.I.352.
149
SrD.III.299.
141
61
In a few passages, however, Sriputta also refers to the term

dhammakya in the sense of the Buddhas teaching.150
On the whole, traditional Theravdins interpret the term
dhammakya mostly in the sense of the Buddhas qualities or
realities to be realised or attained spiritually. The term is related
to the Buddhas mental purity or to enlightenment either of
the Buddha or of his disciples. In a few instances, however,
the term is interpreted as the Buddhas collective teaching
which takes on the role of the master after his parinibbna.
Likewise, when used as an adjective, it is used more in the
sense of the ninefold transcendental dhamma (nava-lokuttaradhamma) and less in the sense of the Buddhas verbal teaching.
Abbreviations
A
Aguttara-nikya
Ap
Apadna
BJ Sinhalese Buddhajayant version of the Pali Tipiaka
CS Burmese Chahasagyan version of the Pali Tipiaka
D
Dgha-nikya
DA
Dghanikya-ahakath
D
Dghanikya-k
Kv
Kathvatthu
M
Majjhima-nikya
Mss. Manuscripts
P. Pali
Ps
Paisambhidmagga
PTS
The Pali Text Society
S
Sayutta-nikya
SA
Sayutta-nikya-ahakath
Skt. Sanskrit
Sn
Suttanipta
SR Thai Syamraha version of the Pali Tipiaka
Th
Theragth-Thergth
ThrA Theragth-ahakath
Vin
Vinaya-piaka
150
SrD.II.166-7; SrD.I.126.
62
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64
Buddhist Manuscripts
in China: A Case Study
of Theravda
Buddhist Manuscripts
in Sipsong Panna
(Xishuangbanna,
Yunnan Province, PRC)
Joe Zhou Ya
65
Buddhist Manuscripts in China: A Case Study

of Theravda Buddhist Manuscripts in Sipsong Panna
(Xishuangbanna, Yunnan Province, PRC)
Joe Zhou Ya
China, like many other countries in the world, is a country where
multiple religious beliefs co-exist. China has its indigenous religious
forms (Confucianism, Taoism and folk beliefs), and also the worlds
three major religions (Buddhism, Christianity and Islam). Among
these world religions, Buddhism has made the greatest impact on
Chinese culture. Buddhism was introduced into China very early
(first century BCE), into Southwestern China on the Silk Road. The
great charm of the doctrine and teaching method of Buddhism,
and the Sakyamuni Buddha, cannot be denied. In addition, the
inclusiveness and flexibility of Buddhism allowed it to merge into
Chinese society and to merge with the traditional culture of China
itself; and it quickly became a part of Chinese culture. Today, the
influence of Buddhism can be seen in politics (for example, Buddhist
participation in Chinas political consultation system), the economy
(such as the rush of tourism aimed at Buddhist sacred places) and
culture (literature, music, dance, sculpture, painting, architecture,
education and so on).
The Buddhist culture of China is extensive and profound. It includes
Mahyna Buddhism which is followed by the majority of Han Chinese
Buddhists, Tibetan Vajrayna Buddhism, and the Theravda Buddhism
of the Dai people in Southwestern China. This article is concerned with
Theravda Buddhism, and in particular, with the Buddhist manuscript
culture of the Dai people in Sipsong Panna (Chinese: Xishuangbanna)
in Southwestern China. The history of Chinas Theravda Buddhism
is of great interest to Buddhist scholars as it is very ancient, and
its teachings and texts contain the earliest strands of Buddhist
thought. In this article I will present some current research into
the Theravda Buddhist manuscript culture in Southwestern China.
66
I will give a brief overview of the manuscripts that have been

discovered and catalogued, an explanation of some current research
projects, and I will discuss some of the problems that threaten
Chinas palm-leaf manuscript culture with extinction.1
I. An Overview of Theravda Buddhist manuscripts in China
Most of Chinas Theravda Buddhist manuscripts come from the
border regions of Yunnan Province in Southwestern China. This
is where Chinas Theravda Buddhist communities are located: the
Xishuangbanna Dai Autonomous Prefecture, Puer City, Dehong
Autonomous Prefecture, Lingcang City and Baoshan City. The ethnic
groups who follow Theravda Buddhism the Dai, Palaung, Deang
and sections of the Wa and Yi nationalities live in this area which is
known in Tai L as Sipsong Panna, or , which means twelve
thousand rice fields. The Dai group, which has a population of more
than 1,000,000 people, is the largest group of Theravda Buddhists in
China.2 There are Buddhist temples in almost every Dai village, and
Buddhist belief and ritual is an important part of Dai social life. The
Dai people value their Buddhism and their Buddhist manuscripts
highly.
The Administrative Department for the Religious Affairs
of the Peoples Government, Xishuangbanna Dai Autonomous
Prefecture, has set about collecting and collating the Buddhist
manuscripts that are kept in Buddhist temples, the State
Archives, academic institutions and in private collections.
The analysis of the contents and scope of the Buddhist manuscripts of the Sipsong Panna
region is beyond the scope of this article, and is the subject of a future publication.
2
Dai people are part of the Tai ethnic group that can be found living in northern Thailand,
Myanmar, Laos and Vietnam as well as Southwestern China. The Dai group is one of the 55
minority groups in China. According to the officially published investigation results of 1990
Chinese Population Census, the total population of the Dai in China is about 1,115,900, and
98.55% inhabit in Yunnan Province, of which those in Xishuangbanna State are 296,930. the
rest are mainly distributed in places like Dehong Automonous Prefecture (nearly 700,000
people), Gengma, Menglian, Jinggu, Yuanjiang, Xinping and Jinping.
1
67
This project is in accordance with the national emphasis

on the protection and development of religious culture in
minority areas.3 Most of the Dai Buddhist manuscripts in
Sipsong Panna are made from the leaves of the palm tree, and
sa-paper.4 More than 400 copies in total have been collected from
different locations. Of these, 152 are palm-leaf manuscripts, 211
are Chinese paper ones and 40 are Zanha Libretto.5 According
to Yanxiang, the head of Xishuangbanna State Ethnic Research
Institute and director of the State Palm-Leaf Culture Research
Center, there are about 1,000 copies of palm-leaf scriptures in the
Yunnan, and countless sa-paper manuscripts.6 This author has done
extensive fieldwork in Dai temples in places such as Menghai and
interviewed the leading Buddhist monk) in the region, the
abbot of Kubalong Monastery (). According to this fieldwork,
there are many palm-leaf manuscripts and sa-paper manuscripts
held in Dai Buddhist temple libraries.
The Dai group is one of the 55 minority groups in China. According to the officially
published investigation results of 1990 Chinese Population Census, the total population
of the Dai in China is about 1,115,900, and 98.55% inhabit in Yunnan Province, of which
those in Xishuangbanna State are 296,930. the rest are mainly distributed in places such
as Dehong Automonous Prefecture (nearly 700,000 people), Gengma, Menglian, Jinggu,
Yuanjiang, Xinping and Jinping.
4
Sa-Paper is paper manufactured from the pulp of the sa tree, a kind of mulberry
(Brousontetia papyrifera). For more information on Sa-Paper, see Volker Grabowsky, Tai
manuscripts in the Dhamma script domain: surveying, preservation and documentation,
part 1 Manuscript Cultures, Autumn/Winter 2008, pp. 16 -23.
5
Yanxiang Zai. On Compilation, Translation and Collation of Dais Palm-Leaf Scriptures
In Sipsongbanna. Palm-Leaf Culture and Construction of a Harmonious Society of the
Dai. Gen. Edi. Guo Shan, Zhou Ya, Yanxiang Zai Yunnan University Press, July 2008. At that
time Mr. Yanxiang Zai was director of Xishuangbanna State Peoples Government Ethnic
& Religious Affairs Authority, in charge of the collection and collation work of Buddhist
manuscripts. Noted by the Author.
6
Another argument is 3,000 scriptures. See the propaganda materials of introduction to
The Complete Collection of Chinese Palm-Leaf Scripture. But the Author thinks this figure
should not be the amount of the existing palm-leaf manuscripts in Sipsong Panna, but the
one including the number of part of sa-paper manuscripts.
3
68
Buddhist manuscripts from the Sipsong Panna region can be

divided into four categories. The first category consists of the Dai
Pli Tripiaka and Tripiaka commentary () which is represented
by five copies of the Agama Sutras () and the Visuddhimagga
().7 Category Two includes anthologies of frequently used
texts from the Pli Canon such as the Ordination Practitioner
Scripture () and the Bhikkhu Practitioner Scripture
().8 Category Three consists of Theravda Buddhist literature
based on the Jtakas; this literature includes indigenous jtakas
such as Zhao Shutun (and Langaxihe () and contains
references to the ethnic and regional characteristics of the Dai.
Category Four includes secular literature that has been given
a Buddhist structure such as Songpaxue (), an anthology
of folk proverbs and mottos, and Hantadangha Tadudanxi
( and , ), a traditional Dai medical text based on
the Buddhist theories of the Four Noble Truths (), the Five
Aggregates () and Pharmacopoeia (Danghaya ). Research on
these Buddhist manuscripts is still underway, but a large percentage
of Dai Buddhist literature seems to be non-canonical.
A recent publication, The Complete Collection of Chinese PalmLeaf Scriptures, lists more than 100 volumes of Theravada Buddhist
manuscripts. These can be divided into five categories: The Agama
Sutras (), the Vinayapitaka (), the Abhidharma Pitika
(), the Khuddaka-Nikya (), the Jtakas and secular
See Yao Yu: Some Understandings of the Special Values & Research Methods of the
Existing Theravada Buddhist Pali-language Literature of the Dai in Sipsongbanna of
Yunnan. Palm-Leaf Culture and Construction of a Harmonious Society of the Dai. Gen.
Edi. Guo Shan, Zhou Ya, Yanxiang Zai, and Yanxiang. Yunnan University Press, July 2008.
8
Ibid.
7
69
literature.9 It is notable that the Agama Sutras () discovered

in the Xishuangbanna region are incomplete. For example, the
Hinayana Agama should have contained the Khuddaka Patha (),
Dharma-phrase Sutra (), Itivuttaka (), Sutra Collection
(), Vimanavatthu (), Hungry Ghost Affair Sutra
(), Theragth (), Thergth (), the Jataka
), Allegory Sutra (), History of Buddhist Sutra (),
etc. According to The Complete Collection of Chinese Palm-Leaf
Scriptures which were compiled, translated and published on the
basis of recently collected palm-leaf and sa-paper manuscripts,
volume 98 of the Hnayna Agama contains only three books: the
Sutra Collection (), the Theragth () and the Thergth
(). Nearly forty copies of the Jatakas which should have been
included in Khuddaka-Nikya () have been published in later
volumes of The Complete Collection of Chinese Palm-Leaf Scriptures.
II Theravda Buddhist manuscripts in Sipsong Panna
The following is a study of the Theravda Buddhist manuscripts
of the Sipsong Panna region in terms of manuscript form, format of
writing, the characters, the maker, geographical source and content,
etc.
Buddhist manuscripts of the Sipsong Panna region can be
grouped into two types: Palm-Leaf manuscripts and sa-paper
manuscripts. At one time, most Buddhist texts, especially those
used regularly in ritual and practice, were recorded on palm leaves.
For example, the most important manuscripts documented in The
Complete Collection of Chinese Palm-Leaf Scripture are all palmleaf manuscripts. The text on each leaf of the manuscript is set out
in five uniform lines. Examples of these are Palm-Leaf manuscripts
of the Agama Sutra () and the Visuddhimagga(). There
See Hu Tinwu: The Academic Space of Chinese Palm-Leaf Scripture, a paper presented
to The First International Symposium on Palm-Leaf Culture.
9
70
are also certain exceptions to this. For example, Buddhist scriptures

that are chanted daily are always copied on sa-paper manuscript
for the convenience of page turning and reading. Secular literature,
especially literature that is commonly used, is written on sa-paper.
Buddhist manuscripts may also be written on sa-paper. Sa-paper
is similar to Chinese paper, but it is made by the local people with
local materials. Manuscripts of such material are lightweight, and
the pages are large. Characters can be written easily and clearly on
the surface using black ink and the document is easy to read. Sapaper is durable, and can be preserved for more than one hundred
years. Although sa-paper is a very good alternative, it has less
symbolic meaning than palm leaves, and Dai people prefer to use
sacred palm-leaf manuscripts to record Buddhist texts, and sa-paper
to record secular texts such as astronomical calendars, medical texts,
rules and laws codes, technological know-how, folklore, narrative
poems, and Zanha Libretto. Strictly speaking, sa-paper manuscripts
are not Buddhist scriptures, but they use the sacred script, and
Dai people regard these manuscripts as part of their Buddhist
culture. Therefore, in Sipsong Panna, both sa-paper and palm-leaf
manuscripts can be collected and worshipped in Buddhist temples10.
The convenience, applicability and inexpensiveness of sa-paper
manuscripts mean that they are readily available, whereas palm-leaf
manuscripts tend to be rare. For example, some contents of Buddhist
classics cannot be discovered in palm-leaf manuscripts, but they
can be found in sa-paper form. Take Volume 19 Buddhas Edification
(reproduced in The Complete Collection of Chinese Palm-Leaf
Scripture) as an example: this text is an important Buddhist classic,
but the authors of the The Complete Collection of Chinese Palm-Leaf
Scripture were unable to find a complete palm-leaf version of the
text, and reproduced the readily available sa-paper version of the
text instead.
Except for a small part of those whose content is too secular, like Zanha libretto and love
songs.
10
71
There are three forms of sa-paper manuscripts in the Sipsong

Panna region. The first is the most common ordinary wide-breadth
manuscript, with a length of about 18cm, a height of about 25cm
and the top bound with woven cords; each page contains 14 to 20
lines. The second is the folding sa-paper manuscript. This form
is also popular in the Sipsong Panna region. Pages are usually
30-45cm long, and 12-17cm wide. The page material is a dark sapaper. The folded manuscript is similar in format to the foldingflipping style of the palm-leaf manuscripts, but there is room for
7 lines of characters inscribed on each page (for an example of this,
see Tam XiangMeng ZongBu () in volume 15 of The
Complete Collection of Chinese Palm-Leaf Scripture). The larger
format of this type makes it easier to read and manipulate, and
this format is often favored by monks for ritual use in the Buddhist
temples. The third type is the sa-paper manuscript, manufactured
by a special process. Comrade Dao Jinping of Xishuangbanna State
Ethnic Research Institute & Xishuangbanna State Palm-Leaf Culture
Research Center, discovered another kind of sa-paper manuscript
that is made by soaking it in various materials like cattle blood. Such
manuscripts are deep brown/black in appearance and rough in
texture. Two books of this kind, inscribed using ink made from gold
powder and silver powder, and containing two versions of the sutra
Karma Sayings (), have been collected by the Xishuangbanna
State Ethnic Research Institute. Such manuscripts are rather rare.
According to the staff members at the Institute, the manufacturing
processes used to produce these two manuscripts have been lost,
and these two may be the only remaining examples of this type.
There are four formats for the palm-leaf manuscripts in Sipsong
Panna: 4-line, 5-line, 6-line and 8-line, of which the first three are
comparatively common. For example, the five copies of the Agama
Sutra (), where important doctrines of Theravda Buddhism are
recorded and which were found to be well preserved in the Sipsong
Panna region, are all palm-leaf manuscripts. The formats are as
follows: Volume 96 Ekottara-nikya -is in 4-line to 5-line
format; Volume 97 Samyutta-nikya (),
72
Volume 98 Khuddaka-nikya () and Volume 99 Majjhima-nikya

() are all in 5-line to 6-line format manuscripts; Volume
100 Digha-nikya () is in 4-line to 5-line-format. The jtaka
Wexiandala is the most popular and influential form of Buddhist
classic in the Dai region. This jtaka promotes dna (), or Buddhist
generosity, as the highest form of merit. A folded () palm-leaf
scripture of Weixiandala () collected by my Research Center,
is a 5-line-format manuscript.
The formats of sa-paper manuscripts are varied. Manuscript
pages may have 14,15,16,17,19,20,21 lines depending on the size of
the paper; the most common is the 17-line format which is often
seen in jtaka manuscripts such as Bo Huan Ban Ga (), Yu Nan
Miao (), and Ai O Jin Han ().
The flipping-folded sa-paper manuscripts contain between 5 to
11 lines per page. Examples of such manuscripts include Volume 15
Tam Xian Meng Zong Bu () (reproduced in The Complete
Collection of Chinese Palm-Leaf Scripture) and the two versions of
the Karma Saying () manuscript processed with cattle blood
and mentioned above.
Theravda Buddhist manuscripts in Sipsong Panna are written
in Daile (this is how the Dai pronunciation of Pli is rendered in
Chinese pinyin) using Tai Yuan Dhamma script.11 Today, few Dai
people can read and write this traditional script as it is taught in
Buddhist temples to the men who are ordained as Buddhist novices
and monks.12
For more on the Tai Dhamma scripts, see Grabowsky, op.cit..

A modernised, simplified version of the traditional script has been developed to some
render the Dai language as part of the national ethnic minority educational policies. After
the 1950s Zanha Librettos and narrative poems have been producing using the New Dai
characters. But because of the secular nature of the new script, and because this script
lacks elements such as the retroflexes () and silibants necessary for spelling
Daile, it is not used for Buddhist scriptures.
11
12
73
It is noteworthy that there is a community of Dai people in

the Dehong Autonomous Prefecture in the west of Yunnan, and
a wide range of Buddhist manuscripts are stored there. Palm-leaf
manuscripts are rare in the Dehong area, and most manuscripts are
made from sa-paper and Chinese paper. The script used to write
these manuscripts is also different.13
The Buddhist manuscripts of the Sipsong Panna region are mainly
copied (sa-paper manuscripts) or inscribed (palm-leaf manuscripts)
by Buddhist monks after they resume secular life. The process of
recopying Buddhist manuscripts is closely related to the Buddhist
ritual life of the Dai people. Donors commission the recopying of
Buddhist manuscripts as an act of merit (dna) while the scribes
perform the act of calligraphy as a form of self-cultivation.
Seen from a geographical perspective, the Theravda Buddhist
manuscripts of China are part of the Tai Dhamma manuscript
culture that includes the modern states of Thailand, Myanmar, Laos
and Vietnam. While some manuscripts are still being produced
in Sipsong Panna, the majority of manuscripts are imported from
northern Thailand and Myanmar as part of the cross-border flow
of Buddhist monks, material culture, and concepts between these
regions. An example of this geographical flow was illustrated during
a survey of the Jingzhen Buddhist Temple in Menghai. Here, the
Author found that the vice-abbot of the Temple, a 22 year old monk,
was originally from Myanmar. The only palm-leaf manuscript in
Jingzhen Temple was a text he brought from Myanmar, and it was
stored in the young monks dormitory room.
For more information on the manuscript traditions of Dehong, see Christian Daniels,
Surveying and Preserving Documents in Dehong, Yunnan, China, in National Library
of Laos (ed.), The Literary Heritage of Laos: Preservation, Dissemination and Research
Perspectives
(Vientiane: Manthathulat Print- ing House, 2005), 335340.
13
74
III The Problem of the Imminent Extinction of Palm-Leaf

Manuscripts in Sipsong Panna
Buddhism in Sipsong Panna is characterised by its manuscript
culture. However, today the number of the palm-leaf manuscripts
being produced in the region is in decline. If this decline continues,
palm-leaf manuscripts are in danger of imminent extinction. The
major reasons for this extinction lie in the autonomous character of
Dai Buddhism, the geography of the region, and the management of
the production of palm-leaf manuscripts.
There is no central authority in Dai Theravda Buddhism, and
individual temples are largely autonomous. As a result, there is no
one central location where archives and records are kept. Palm-leaf
manuscripts are scattered around the different temples in the area
and there are no statistics or catalogues on manuscript collections.
When the Author interviewed Venerable Meng () the abbot
of Kubalong Monastery in Menghai, she discovered that most local
Buddhist temples have libraries or Scripture Halls where they
keep palm-leaf scriptures. However there is no systematic effort to
catalogue these manuscripts.
Geographical factors also affect the future of palm-leaf
manuscripts in Sipsong Panna. Palm-leaf trees do not grow in many
areas in the region, so it is often difficult to obtain the materials to
make manuscripts. Gradually, the art of producing finished palmleaves ready for inscription and binding is dying out. For example,
when the Author surveyed the Jingzhen Temple, the biggest
Buddhist temple in Menghai, in April of 2010, a retired monk who
managed the temple in the past remembered seeing more than
one hundred Palm-Leaf scriptures at the temple. However by 2010,
there were only ten scriptures in the Scripture Cabinet behind
the Buddhas Statue in the Main Hall and the other manuscripts
had been lost. According to the abbot, Menghai has an altitude of
over 1,400 metres above sea level and a rather cool climate, and is
unsuitable for the growth of palm-leaf trees, and palm leaves cannot
be obtained locally. The need to import raw materials from outside
of China makes it more expensive and difficult for local people to
75
donate palm-leaf scriptures as an act of merit and such donations

appear less frequently in the sacred dantan () or offering
ceremony. Donors prefer to donate Buddhist scriptures printed
using modern technology on the less expensive Chinese paper. The
donation of a Buddhist text printed on Chinese paper or sa-paper
costs only a few Renminbi, while the donation of a traditionally
inscribed palm-leaf manuscript can cost many thousands of Yuan.
Another reason for the popularity of Chinese and sa-paper is
the increased legibility of the manuscripts: monks prefer to hold
sa-paper and Chinese paper manuscripts while chanting. The main
halls of Dai Buddhist temples in Menghai are usually very dark and
it is very difficult to read palm-leaf scriptures under these lighting
conditions. The Author had tried to hold one Palm-Leaf scripture in
the Hall to read, and found it very hard to see clearly the dense and
numerous small letters. In contrast, Chinese and sa-paper texts are
much easier to read because both the page and the character size is
larger, and the white background contrasts sharply with the black
letters.
A further problem is that increasing amounts of Dai people
are unable to read and write the ancient Dai Dhamma script or
the Pli language. The traditional script has been replaced by the
New Dai script developed since the 1950s which currently is part
of the bilingual curriculum in the National Education System. The
traditional place where literacy in the Dhamma script was learned
was the Buddhist temple. Dai men who ordain as Buddhist novices
and monks can and do learn the Dhamma scripts. However, today,
the ordination period tends to be very short (often only 3 months
in duration) which is not enough time to learn the ancient script
adequately (today, few Dai males choose to become lifetime monks).
Dai women have never learned the Dhamma script, as it is associated
with the ordination of males as Buddhist novices and monks. It
seems likely that in the future, the preservation of Palm-Leaf
scriptures will rely on those academics who master Pli as well as
the Dai Dhamma script. Unless priority is given to the study of Dai
Buddhist manuscripts, it seems likely that this ancient manuscript
culture will also vanish slowly from Sipsong Panna.
76
Conclusion
Numerous palm-leaf and sa-paper manuscripts exist in the Dai
regions in Southwestern China. These Buddhist manuscripts, copied
and inscribed in Pli and the Dai language using traditional Dai
Dhamma script, show the spread of Theravda Buddhism into China,
and are of great importance for the study of ancient Buddhism in
the region. However, there has been little research into this field
until recently. The publication in 2010 of The Complete Collection of
Chinese Palm-Leaf Scripture, a selected anthology of an anthology
of these manuscripts made it possible for research into these
manuscripts to begin. Recent projects to collect and collate these
manuscripts by the The Administrative Department for the Religious
Affairs of the Peoples Government, Xishuangbanna Dai Autonomous
Prefecture mean that more manuscripts will be discovered and
brought to public knowledge. To protect these valuable palm-leaf
manuscripts, China will need to learn from the experiences of
neighboring countries like Thailand and Laos that have already
developed projects to digitalize their palm-leaf manuscripts. The
activity of preservation of Chinas national heritage in Sipsong
Panna will encourage the development of harmonious links across
national borders. As it is said; there is a grand task to perform and
a long way to go!
77
The Dhammakya Verse:

a Lan Na Thai manuscript
Kitchai Urkasame
Academic member of the 60th Dhammachai Education

Foundation of New Zealand and Australia (DEF)
78
The Dhammakya Verse:

a Lan Na Thai manuscript
Kitchai Urkasame1
This article is a report on research undertaken with the support
of the 60th Dhammachai Education Foundation (DEF) on a palm leaf
manuscript titled Dhammakya from the Lan Na region of northern
Thailand. This manuscript is undated, but archaeological evidence
from Phitsanulok and a gold-plated inscription deposited in Wat
Chetuphon during the reign of Rama I shows that the concept of the
Dhamma body of the Buddha, or dhammakya, that is expounded in
this manuscript has been an important part of Thai Buddhism since
the 16th century. In this article the Dhammakya verse contained
in the Lan Na manuscript is analysed, and a transliteration and
translation of the Dhammakya verse into Pli, Central Thai and
English is presented.2
The Manuscript
The palm-leaf manuscript titled Dhammakya consists of a single
bundle (phk, ) of ten palm-leaves (bai lan ). The manuscript
is kept in the library of the monastery of Wat Pasak Noi, Amphoe
San Kamphaeng, Changwat Chiang Mai. This manuscript was
microfilmed in 1979 by the Institute of Social research, Chiang Mai
University, and given the identification number 79 029 11 027-029.3
There is no trace of a date on the manuscript.
Kitchai Urkasame (Chulalongkorn University, Northern Arizona University,

Ramkhamhaeng University, Sukhothai Thammathirat University) is an academic member
of the 60th Dhammachai Education Foundation of New Zealand and Australia (DEF). He
currently resident in Bangkok, Thailand where he works on Lan Na manuscripts.
2
This text was published (in Pli) by George Coeds in Adyar Library Bulletin, vol. 29, 1956,
248-286.
3
Between 1978-2002 the Social Science Research Institute (SSRI), an autonomous institution
attached to Chiang Mai University, surveyed and documented thousands of Lan Na
manuscripts and inscriptions; this manuscript is part of their collection.
1
79
The Text
The first nine leaves are inscribed with Pli verses and a
commentary in Tai Yuan.4 The final leaf of the manuscript is an
addendum, inscribed with a stanza of the Dvatisa-mahpurisalakkhaa. The text is thirty stanzas long and consists of a summary
of Buddhist doctrine in the form of a list of the constituents of the
physical body of the Buddha. This list describes the twenty-six
qualities and forms of wisdom and the four personal robes of the
Buddha.
This list compares the specific constituent or group of constituents
of the Dhamma body of the Buddha with particular qualities or forms
of wisdom of a Buddha. For example, the ear of the dhammakya is
identified as the divine ear (dibbasota). The eyes of the Dhammkaya
are composed of the divine eye (dibbacakkhu), the wisdom eye
(pacakkhu), the eye of a Buddha (Buddhacakkhu), the eye of allround knowledge (samantacakkhu), the worldly eye (lokacakkhu) and
the eye of Dhamma (Dhammacakkhu). The eyebrow of the dhammakya
is identified as the wisdom of the blue kasia (nla-kasia). The four
canine teeth of the dhammakya are recognized as the wisdom of
the fourfold path (maggaa). The teeth of the dhammakya are
identified as the wisdom of the thirty-seven virtues partaking of
enlightenment (bodhipakkhiya-dhamma). The ten fingers of the
dhammakya are equated with the wisdom of the ten recollections
(anussati). The torso of the dhammakya is identified with the ten
supreme intellectual powers of the Buddha (dasabalaa). The
navel of the dhammakya is identified with the wisdom of the chain
of causation (paiccasamuppda) which can be terminated with the
cessation of suffering (nirodha). Lastly, the feet of the dhammakya
are identified with the path of accomplishment (iddhipda).
For more information on the Buddhist manuscript languages of northern Thailand, see
Volker Grabowsky, Tai manuscripts in the Dhamma script domain: surveying, preservation
and documentation, part 1 Manuscript Cultures, Autumn/Winter 2008, pp. 16 -23.
4
80
Some of the qualities or forms of wisdom listed in the text

are exclusive to Buddhas such as omniscience (sabbautaa),
intrepidity (vesrajjaa),5 and the ten supreme intellectual powers
of a Buddha (dasabalaa). All the qualities or forms of wisdom listed
in the text can be found in the Pli Canon and commentaries as the
results obtained from meditation practice (paipatti-ssan). However,
it is remarkable that the text does not compare the dhammakya to
the Buddhas Dhamma, i.e., the collection of teachings (pariyattissan) sutta (discourse), geyya (discourse mixed with verses and
songs) gth (verses) and jtaka (birth-stories), etc. Rather, the text
personifies the dhammakya as the body of the Buddha, attributing
the dhammakya with human-like characteristics. The dhammakya
is described as the inner quality of a Buddha as opposed to the
outer quality of a Buddha (which is described in the addendum, the
Dvatisa-mahapurisa-lakkhaa, on the final leaf of the manuscript).
The Monastic Robes
The text describes the monastic robes worn by the dhammakya
in detail. These robes are identified with the virtue of the learner
(sekha): the wisdom of the noble eightfold path (ahagika-maggaa) and the group of moralities (sla), concentration (samdhi) and
wisdom (pa), also known as the threefold learning (sikkhttaya).
The discussion of the monastic robes is related to the virtue of moral
shame (hiri) and moral fear (ottappa). The text mentions the chest
belt, or girdle (kya-bandha) that is worn by exclusively by Theravda
monks. At the end of the text, it is stated that having possessed
dhammakya, the body of ultimate wisdom, the Buddha is superior to
divine and human beings. Practitioners (yogvacara) are encouraged
to accomplish the ambition of Buddhahood by regularly recalling
the qualities of the Buddha, namely the dhammakya.
Having intrepidity, the Buddha claimed the leaders place, and set the Dhamma wheel
rolling (M.I.71; A.II.8).
5
81
Although there is no date on the manuscript, the dhammakya

verse has been known in the Lan Na regions for many centuries.
It also appears on a 16th century stone inscription unearthed
at the site of Wat Tham Suea, Changwat Phitsanulok, northern
Thailand. This inscription was given the identification number of
54 in the Corpus of Thai Inscriptions, and published under the name
Inscription of dhammakya by the Office of the Prime Minister
in 1965. The inscription was transliterated from Khom Thai script
into modern Thai script by Professor Cham Thongkhamwan and
identified as the beginning of the dhammakya verse recorded in
the Lan Na manuscript. The Phitsanulok inscription is dated Friday,
the first day of the third waxing moon, 1470 Mahasakkarja, which
is equivalent to 2092 BE (or 1548 CE). The scribe was a Buddhist
monk: Mahthera ribaa. The inscription was commissioned by
Mah Brahmakumra with the support of a group of donors. This
dated inscription confirms that the verse, and the concept of the
Dhamma body of the Buddha, was known to Buddhists in the city
of Phitsanulok during the 16th century. At this time, Phitsanulok
was part of the kingdom of Ayutthaya, and was ruled by King
Mahcakkraphat (r.1548-1564 CE).
Another piece of evidence that shows the age and the
importance of the dhammakya verse for Thai Buddhism is a goldplated manuscript found in the monastery of Wat Phra Chetupon,
Bangkok, a royal Wat founded by King Rama I (r. 1782-1809 CE). The
gold-plated manuscript was found during a reconstruction of the
jetiya of Srisanpedchadayan that was carried out by the Fine Arts
Department in 1988, and is now kept in the monastery museum. The
gold-plated manuscript was sealed in the chamber at the top part
of the jetiya together with Buddha relics, miniature crown jewels
and several other gold-plated manuscripts, mostly containing
abstracts from the seven books of the Abhidhamma. This particular
manuscript contains the Paccaykra-anekajtisasra, a text
about the chain of causation, as well as the dhammakya verse, which
is identical to the Lan Na text discussed in this article. The inclusion
of the dhammakya verse in the royal Wats collection of gold-plated
manuscripts shows its importance during the early Ratanakosin or
82
Bangkok period.
The Lan Na palm-leaf manuscript itself cannot provide an
accurate date for the composition of the verse because palm-leaf
manuscripts are fragile, and rarely survive more than a century;
they are continually recopied by monastic scribes.6 However, when
the Lan Na manuscript is considered together with the evidence of
the Phitsanulok inscription and the gold-plated manuscript from
Wat Phra Chetupon, it can be seen that the dhammakya verse has
been treasured, read and recited by devout Buddhists since the
16th century in the Lan Na regions, Ayutthaya and in the early
Ratanakosin period.7 Additional research into the dhammakya
verse, its concepts, and the meditation practices associated with
the verse will bring Buddhist scholars a greater appreciation and
understanding of the contemporary Vijja dhammakya practice as
well as being useful for the practitioners of meditation.
For more information on the life and ritual function of palm-leaf manuscripts in the Tai
regions, see Volker Grabowsky, Tai manuscripts in the Dhamma script domain: surveying,
preservation and documentation, part 1, Manuscript Cultures, Autumn/Winter 2008, pp.
16 -23.
7
Coedes article, Adyar Library Bulletin, vol. 29, 1956, 248-286, shows that the dhammakya
verse was important for Khmer Buddhists as well.
6
83
Transliteration and English translation
Dhammakya
Wat Psak Noi Monastery
Amphoe San Kampaeng, Changwat Chiang Mai
84
Leaf 1
Thai Transliteration
Thai Translation
1 Sabbataa pavarasisa; Nibbnrammaa pavaravirasitakesa;

Catutacna pavaranarta; Vajjirasampatia pavarausa;
Nilakasiasobhtikanta pavara;
bhamuyuggala; Dibbacakkhu, Samantcakkhu, Pacakkhu,
2 Buddhacakkhu, Dhammacakkhu, Lokacakkhu, pavaracakkhudvaya;
Dibbasotaa pavarasotadvaya; Gotrabha pavarauttuga
3 ghna; Anuttarapimokkhdhiggama pavaratanadvaya;
Lokiyalokuaraa pavaraohadvaya; Sattatisabodhipakkhiyaa
pavarasubhadant;
4 Catumaggaa pavaracatudh; Catusaccaa pavarajivah;
Appatihattaa pavarahanuka; Anuttaravimokkhadhigamaa
pavarakaha; Tilakkha
5 aa pavaragivaravirjika; Catuvesrajjaa pavarabhdvaya;
Dassnussatia pavaravaagulisobh; Sattasambhojjhag
pavarapaauratara;
85
Leaf 2
Thai Translation
1 saynusayaa pavaradanyuggala; Dassaphalaa

pavaramajcimmagga; Paiccasamupda pavaranbhi; Indriyapabala
pavarajaghan; Dassakussalakammapadaa pavaraurthav
2 ya; Dassaphalakhaa pavarajaggadvaya; Caturiddhipdathaya
dvaya; Salasalasammdhipa pavarasaghi; Hiriotappaa
pavarapasukula; Paicchdana
3 civara; Aagikamaggaa pavaraantaravsaka;
Catusatipahnanaa pavarakyabandhana. Aesa devamanussna
buddho ativilocahi
4 yassataputtamaga sabbatdikdhammakyamatta pavara
nametalokanyaka. Ima dhammakya buddharakkhaa
yogvacaraputtena tikkha
5 ena sabbabuddhabhva pakentena punapuna.
This stanza is called dhammakya. It would be of prosperity if one could
remember [the stanza] by heart. Sabbataa pavarasisa: the wisdom of
omniscience (sabbataa)
86
Leaf 3
Thai Translation
1 [Sabbataa pavarasisa] is the sublime head of the Lord.

Nibbnarammaa pavarasitakesa: the wisdom that recognizes Nibbna as
the object of consciousness is the sublime hair of the Lord. Catutajjhna
pavaranalta:
2 [the statement is missing]is the sublime forehead of the Lord.
Vajirasammpatia pavaraubbhsa: the wisdom that attains
vajirasammpati is the long hair appears between the two eyebrows of
3 the Lord that has a brilliant halo. Nilakasia sosbhtikanta pavarabhamu
yuggala: the wisdom of recognizing various elegant blue objects of
meditation (nilakasia).
4 Such a blue colour signifies the two sublime eyebrows of the Lord.
Dibyasotaa pavarasota dvaya: the wisdom that attains divine ear
(dibbasotana ) is the sublime sense of hearing
5 of the two ears of the Lord. Gotrabha paravarautatuggaghna: the
wisdom that accesses the change of lineage (gotrabh) is the sublime nose
of the Lord
87
Leaf 4
Thai Translation
1 Anuttaravimokkhdhigamaa pavarakana dvaya: the wisdom of

recognizing expedient toward the ultimate liberation is the two sublime ears
of the Lord.
2 Lokiyalokuara pavaraoha dvaya: the wisdom of recognizing the
entire worldly Dhammas (lokiyadhamma) and the Supramundane Dhammas
(lokuttaradhamma) is the pair of sublime lips of the Lord. Sattatisa
3 bodhipakkhiyaa pavarasakabhadanta: the wisdom of the thirty-seven-fold
virtues partaking of enlightenment (bodhipakkhiyadhamma) is the sublime
teeth of the Lord. Satumaggaa pavaracatudha:
4 the wisdom that accesses the Four Noble Paths is the sublime eyeteeth of the
Lord. Catusaccaa pavarajivh: the wisdom that accesses the Four Noble
Truths is
5 the sublime tongue of the Lord. Appatihataa pavarahanuka: the
wisdom that enables the Lord to cope with knowledge that is knowable
(eyyadhamma) and enquiries that might be raised by man and deity is the
sublime chin of the Lord.
88
Leaf 5
Thai Translation
1 Anuttaravimokkhdhiggamaa pavarakaha: the wisdom of

recognizing expedient toward the possession of the state of deliverance
(vimokkhadhamma) which is Nibbana, the most profound of all the Dhammas,
is the sublime nape of the Lord. Tilakkhaaa
2 pavaragivaravirjika: the wisdom of recognizing the Three Characteristics,
such as impermanency (anicca-lakkhaa), is the sublime neck with the
three elegant curved lines - of the Lord. Catuvesrajaa
3 pavarabhu dvaya : the wisdom of recognizing the four fold subject of
perfect self-confidence (vesrajjaa) is the two sublime upper arms of the
Lord. Dassnussatia pavaravaagulisobh:
89
4 the wisdom of recognizing the Ten Recollections (anussati) - for instance,

the recollection of the Buddha - is the elegant fingers of the Lord.
Sattasambhojjhog pavarapaaurattara:
5 the Seven Enlightenment Factors (bojjhaga), for instance, mindfulness
(sati) is the glowing sublime chest of the Lord. synusanayaa
pavararanayuggara: the wisdom that is called
Leaf 6
Thai Translation
Pli/English Translation
1 asaynusaya is the pair of sublime breasts of the Lord. Dassaphalaa
pavaramajjhimmaga: the wisdom of recognizing the Fruit (phala) is
the sublime middle part of the body of the Lord. Paiccasamupdaa
pavaranbhi:
90
2 the wisdom of recognizing the whole Chain of Phenomenal Cause and Effect
(Paticcasamupdadhamma), commencing with ignorance (avijj) and ending
with cessation (nirodha), is the sublime navel of the Lord. Pacindriya
pacamabala pavarajagaan:
3 the five controlling faculties (indriya), or the so-called five powers (bala),
are the sublime lap of the Lord. Dassakussalakammapathamaa pavaraura
dvaya: the wisdom of recognizing the ten wholesome courses of action
(kussalakammapatha)
4 is the sublime two legs of the Lord. Dassaphala pavarajaga dvaya: the
wisdom of recognizing the ten fruitions (dassaphala) is the sublime shins of
the Lord. Caturiddhipdaa
5 pavarapda dvaya : the Four Paths of Accomplishment, for instance,
will (chanda), is the two sublime feet of the Lord. Silla sammdhi pa
pavarasaghi: the body of morals (sila-khandha), the body of concentration
(sammdhi-khandha) and the body of insight (pa-khandha) are the
Leaf 7
Thai Translation
91
1 sublime outer robe (saghti) of the Lord. Hiriottappaa

pavarapasukula paticchdanacivara: moral shame (hiridhamma) and
moral fear (ottappadhamma) are the sublime upper robe of discarded
cloth (pasukulacvara), which gives protection from the cold and heat
(sitassauhatassa),
2 of the Lord. Ahagikamaggaa pavaraantaravsaka: the wisdom of
accessing the Noble Eightfold Path (ahagikamagga), which commences
with Right View (sammdihi) and ends with Right Concentration
(sammsamdhi), is the sublime under robe (antaravsaka)
3 of the Lord. Catusattipahnana pavarakyabandhana: the wisdom of
recognizing the Four Foundations of Mindfulness (satipahna) is the sublime
girdle (kyabandhana) of the Lord. Buddh: the Lord Buddha,
4 who attained the Four Noble Truths; ativilocatiga aesa
devamanussna: is more brilliant than deities and men; yassatamuttama
gdina na
5 manussaritabandhibama mekya sabbaudika: by the recognition
of this body of Dhamma (dhammakya) which consists of types of wisdom,
for instance, the wisdom of omniscience (sabbautaa). Ta na
uttamagdi: these types of wisdom are [personified as] the sublime body,
which is comprised of the head, for instance,
Leaf 8
Thai Translation
92
5 [blank line]
1 yassatathgatassa adigata: that the Lord attained. Ima dhammakya

buddharakkhaa: the body of Dhamma (dhammakya) is the property
(lakkhaa) of the Lord Buddha. Yogvaccaraputtana: the practitioners are
furnished with
2 honor; tikkhaena pathente sabbau buddhabhva anusaritabba: and
acute wisdom that aspire after the state of enlightening omniscience as a
Buddha should recall
3 [the dhammakya]; puna puna: frequently. That is to say, the stanza should
be remembered by heart and recited in order to pay homage to the Lord
every day with no exception. For it could be an essential of protection in the
present and future
4 until the attainment of the Path (magga), the Fruits (phala) and Nibbana.
Iti vara-khandha santa : in the [mentioned] way, this narration of
dhammakya representes the assembly of the entire Dhammas that becomes
the splendid aggregate of Buddhas is accomplished right here.
5 [blank line]
93
Leaf 9
Thai Translation
1 Supaihitapdo hehpdatalesu cakkni jtni sahassni sanemitt

sabbkra pariparni yatapahi dighaguli mudutalunahatapdo
jlahatapdo
2 uhisakhapdo ejhijaghhitkova anonamante ukbhohi pnitlehi jnukni
paripajjati kosovatuguho sovaavao
3 kapcanasanibhatajoco sukhumachavityarajjojala buddhassakye
anupalimpati ekekakomo ekekalomo nilomakup
4 pepasujtni nilni ajanavani kukhalvaakajtni udhdhagni
kesamukkho brahmajuvato sattusado devapihihahapdatal
5 revaasakukhanadhhati imesusatta suuma sosihapubbahakyo
pitantara sonigrodhaparimaa yvatattassa kyotvattassabayamo.
94
Leaf 10
Thai Translation
3 [blank line]
4 [blank line]
5 [blank line]
1 yvatttassabaymo tvatttassakyo sahvaakhandho maggamaggi

athasihadana cattsadanto arivaranto sukkamhuttajivaho brahmasaro kara
2 vikabhi ubhamukantare uhisasiso cittarasoti.
Imni davattismahpurisalakkhaninma. This is the boundary of the feet
of the Omniscient One.
3 [blank line]
4 [blank line]
5 [blank line]
95
Photographic duplication of the palm leaf manuscript from

Wat P Sak Noi Monastery
96
Photographic duplication of the palm leaf manuscript from

Wat P Sak Noi Monastery
97
An Shigao
and Early Chinese
Meditation Techniques
Phra Kiattisak Kittipanyo
University of Otago
98
An Shigao and Early

Chinese Meditation Techniques1
Phra Kiattisak Kittipanyo2 (University of Otago)
An Shigao(147~ 168 CE) played an important role in the
early transmission of Buddhism into China, and there have been
many investigations of his life and translations (Zrcher, 20073; Forte,
19954; Zacchetti, 20025; Nattier, 20086). Most of these investigations
have focused on his ethnicity, sectarian affiliation, his translation
style, and the authenticity of the texts attributed to him. However,
a careful reading of his biography shows that during the time he
was active in China, An Shigao was well-respected as a meditation
master. There has been little interest in the form of meditation that
he taught and practiced during his lifetime. One reason for this is
that his translations of meditation sutras are often ambiguous and
difficult to understand because he used Daoist terminology. Another
reason is that his biographies emphasize his adventurous life and his
supernatural abilities rather than his Buddhist practice. However, his
biographers all mention that he practiced meditation, and it is known
that he translated many important meditation sutras into Chinese.
This is the revised version of a paper, An Shigao and Early Chinese Buddhist Meditation,
given at the 2011 NZASR/AABS Conference, (Queenstown, New Zealand, 7-9 December
2011). I am grateful to Prof. Adrian Snodgrass, Prof. Judith Snodgrass, Dr. Michael Radich
and Dr. Elizabeth Guthrie who gave me many invaluable suggestions during and after
my presentation at the conference. Please note that this articles references have been
formatted using Zotero
2
Phra Kiattisak Kittipanyo is MA student at University of Otago New Zealand.
3
Erik Zrcher, The Buddhist conquest of China: the spread and adaptation of Buddhism in early
medieval China (BRILL, 2007).
4
Antonino Forte, The Hostage An Shigao and His Offspring: An Iranian Family In China (Italian
School of East Asian Studies, 1995).
5
Stefano Zacchetti, An Early Chinese Translation Corresponding to Chapter 6 of the
Peakopadesa: An Shigaos Yin chi ru jing 603 and Its Indian Original: A Preliminary
Survey, Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies, University of London 65, no. 1
(January 1, 2002): 74-98.
6
Jan Nattier, A guide to the earliest Chinese Buddhist translations: texts from the Eastern Han Dong
Han and Three Kingdoms San Guo periods (International Research Institute for Advanced
Buddhology, Soka University, 2008).
1
99
In this paper I explore the connections between An Shigao and

the introduction of the Indian Buddhist meditation technique of
mindfulness breathing meditation, or npnasmti, into Eastern
Han China. I will argue that the phrase can be
interpreted as: the mind should be located at the centre of the body
while breathing (in and out). Although the precise position of the
centre of the body is not clear in this text, teachings from Chinese
Daoism and from Thai Theravada Buddhism can provide insight into
the npnasmti meditation techniques that An Shigao introduced
into China during the Eastern Han.
Traditional sources state that An Shigao (147~ 168 CE)7 was
born as a prince of Parthia, and travelled to Luoyang the capital city
of Eastern Han Dynasty (25-220 CE) during 148 CE. He lived in
China for many years, preaching, teaching and translating Buddhist
texts dealing with meditation, Abhidharma and basic Buddhist
doctrine into Chinese.8 According to the Chu sanzang ji ji
(hereafter CSZJJ) compiled by Sengyou (445518 AD) An Shigao
was not only particularly proficient in the Abhidharma but he was
also able to recite the meditation sutras by heart9 and thoroughly
mastered the true essence of these works.10
Erik Zrcher, The Buddhist conquest of China: the spread and adaptation of Buddhism in
early medieval China. (Leiden: BRILL, 2007) 32.
8
Lua Yin (2003) points out the Abhidharma texts which were translated by An Shigao
belonging to Sarvstivdin School and the meditation text closely related to breathing
meditation; see , -- , n.19
(December 1, 2003): 19.
9
The SAT Daizky Text Database Committee, (No. 2145 ) in Vol. 55, Taish
Shinsh Daizky (), March 17, 1998, line T2145_.55.0095a07, http://21dzk.l.utokyo.ac.jp/SAT/ddb-sat2.php?mode=detail&useid=2145_,55,0094c23&key=%E5%AE%89%E
4%B8%96%E9%AB%98%E5%82%B3+&ktn=&mode2=2.
10
J. Miyajima, The Formation and Development of Chinese Buddhist Literature, Institute
for Cultural Interaction Studies, Kansai University 1, The International Academic Forum for the
Next Generation Series (March 31, 2010): 127.
12
, --, 7 (September
1984): 67.
7
100
Dao An (314-385 AD) states An Shigaos translation works

which are concerned with meditation include Anban shouyi jing
,
Da Daodi jing Yogcrabhumi Stra, Da
shi er men jing , Xiao shi er men jing , Da
Anban jing , Siwei jing and Chanxing faxiang jing
.12 Unfortunately most of these translations have been lost
except for the Da anban jing T602, Da daodi jing T607
and Chanxing faxiang jing T605 which have survived in the
Taisho Tripiaka.13 According to the Taisho Tripiaka, the Yin chi ru
jing and the Chanxing sanshiqi pin jing can also be
classified as meditation texts.14
It can be seen in the following chart (adapted from Nattier15 and
based on Sengyous lists of An Shigaos translation work) that while
An Shigao translated both Hnayna and Mahyna texts16, the
majority are associated with the Hnayna school. In addition, there
are only seven texts related to meditation: Renben yusheng jing
(T14), Qi chu san guan jing (T150a), Da Anban shouyi jing
(T602), Yin chi ru jing (T603), Chanxing faxiang jing
(T605), Daodi jing (T607) and Wu yin piyu jing
(T105).
Number
T13
Hnayna
Text Name
Mahyna Meditation
Chang ahan shi bao fa jing
T14
Renben yusheng jing
T31
Yiqie liu sheshou yin jing
17
Drgha gama
/18
Si di jing
Ibid.
Ibid. Details are
14
Nattier, A guide to the earliest Chinese Buddhist translations, 4546.
15
Nattier points out all of the work attributed to An Shigao that can be found in modern
editions of the Chinese Buddhist Canon, is divided for three categories: gama texts(i.e.,
non- Mahyna stra), Mahyna scriptures, and treatises; see Ibid., 49.
17
, (Dharma Drum Publishing Corp, 2004), 28.
18
, CBETA T01 No. 311, February 26, 2010, line 1, http://
cbeta.org/result/normal/T01/0031_001.htm.
12
13
101
T32
Si di jing
T36
Benxiang yizhi jing
T57
Lou fenbu jing
T48
T98
T112
T150a
T1508
/21
/20
/22
Qi chu san guan jing
Yin chi ru jing
T792
/20
Ba zhengdao jing
T603
T607
gama19
Pufa yi jing
Jiu heng jing
T605
Madhyama
Shifa feifa jing
T150b
T602
/23
/
Sayukta
gama24
Da Anban shouyi jing

Chanxing faxiang jing
Daodi jing
Fa shou chen jing
Ahan koujie shier yinyuan jing
/
/
/
/
/
/
T105
T109
T1557
Wu yin piyu jing

Zhuan falun jing
Sayukta
Apitan wu fa xing jing
gama25
/
28.
CBETA T01 No. 361, February 26, 2010, line 1, http://www.
21
, CBETA T01 No. 481, February 26, 2010, line 1, http://www.
22
, CBETA T01 No. 571, February 26, 2010, line 1, http://cbeta.
org/result/normal/T01/0057_001.htm.
23
, CBETA T01 No. 981, February 26, 2010, line 1, http://cbeta.
org/result/normal/T01/0098_001.htm.
24
, , 28.
25
Ibid.
19
20
, ,
,
102
What kind of meditation did An Shigao introduce into

Eastern Han China?
An Shigao and other Central Asian translators were welcomed
into Eastern Han China (25-220 CE), by the cultured elites who were
interested in learning about meditation.26 The kind of meditation
that was popular during the second century CE seems to have
been breathing meditation.27 Many of An Shigaos translations
were about the counting in breath meditation, for example the
Anban shouyi jing; the Daodi jing (T607); Yin-chi ru jing (T603); the
large and small of Shiermen jing (lost); the Renben yusheng jing
(T14).28 These texts all contain classified and sub-classified lists of
terms and concepts of chan shu 29. According to Mair (2010) the
term chanshu , which occurs in Daoans preface to An Shigao
s translation of the Anban shouyi jing , refers to the enumerated
categories concerning meditation30 which is also related to the
counting in breath meditation ) 31
The meaning of shu is explained in the Anban shouyi jing as:
(K-ABSYJ,
line
71-73)
What is counting (gaan)? Counting the in-breath
and the out-breath from one to ten. Do not count over ten,
and do not count less than ten. Count one at the end of
See also Paul Williams, Mahyna Buddhism: the doctrinal foundations (Taylor & Francis,
2009), 132.
27
Zrcher, The Buddhist conquest of China, 186.
28
Erik Zrcher, The Buddhist conquest of China: the spread and adaptation of Buddhism in early
medieval China (BRILL, 2007), 186.
29
Ibid.
30
Victor H. Mair, What is Geyi, After All?, in Philosophy and religion in early medieval China,
ed. Alan Kam-leung Chan and Yuet Keung Lo (SUNY Press, 2010), 234.
31
, , January 26, 2012, http://read.goodweb.cn/news/news_view.
asp?newsid=51391.
26
103
breathing in, and count two at the end of breathing out. If you
count any other number than two when it should be two, start
counting over from one. If you count any other number than
nine when it should be nine, start counting over from one.32
According to Shi Guo Huei the word shu is a key term that we can
use to identify the kind of meditation associated with An Shigao.
Textual evidence for meditation in An Shigaos corpus and in the
Anban shouyi jing
.
The Anban shouyi jing (hereafter ABSYJ)33 is a meditation
text and is one of the most influential scriptures translated by
An Shigao from a Sanskrit text named npnasmti-stra, or the
Great Mindfulness of Breathing Sutra.34 The full title of this text
in the Taisho Tripiaka is Foshuo Da Anban shouyi jing
T602.35 In addition to mindfulness breathing, the sutra also explains
other basic Buddhist meditation practices such as si nian chu
the four objects of contemplation, wu gen the
meditation on the five sense organs, qi jue zhithe seven aid
to the enlightenment, and ba zhengdao the eight fold noble
path.36
Shi Guo Huei, The Textual Formation of the Newly Discovered Anban shouyi jing, ChungHwa Buddhist Journal 21 (2008): 125.
33
, trans., T602, , n.d., http://21dzk.l.u-tokyo.ac.jp/SAT/
ddb-sat2.php?mode=detail&useid=0602_,15,0163a04&key=%E4%BD%9B%E8%AA%AA%E5%
A4%A7%E5%AE%89%E8%88%AC%E5%AE%88%E6%84%8F%E7%B6%93&ktn=&mode2=2.
34
, --, 68.
35
Yixuan, Ruth Fuller Sasaki, and Thomas Yh Kirchner, The record of Linji (University of
Hawaii Press, 2009), 373.
36
Ibid.
32
104
From Sengyous CSZJJ, we learn that there are two Anban[shouyi]

jing sutras which were translated by An Shigao:37
CSZJJ p.5c 23:
corresponding to a Smaller Anban jing

(CSZJJ p. 6a 15): corresponding to a Larger
Anban jing
Zrcher points out that the text of the Present Da Anban shouyi jing
(T-ABSYJ) T 60238 seems to be mixed with an ancient commentary,
which probably consists of Chen Huis and Kang Senghuis
explanations and of glosses added by Dao An (312_285). According
to Zacchetti, the T-ABSYJ was generally believed to be a mixture
of An Shigaos translation plus an interlinear commentary.39 In
contrast, the Kongo-ji Anban shouyi jing (K-ABSYJ), which may be
similar to the Smaller Anban jing recorded by Sengyou, gives every
appearance of being just a translated text with no traces of any
interpolated commentary40 and seems to be a genuine translation
by An Shigao.
An Shigao and npnasmti
An analysis of An Shigaos corpus shows that he translated a
number of influential sutras which emphasized the meditative
practice of breath control, or npnasmti, namely the npnasmtistra (T602); the Yin-chi ru jing zhu (T1694)41 which contains
the Anban jie . Zacchetti hypothesizes that the first quotation
of the Anban jie might be a commentary on a passage of the K-ABSYJ
Stefano Zacchetti, A new early Chinese Buddhist commentary: The nature of the Da
Anban shouyi jing (T 602) reconsidered, Journal of the International Association of Buddhist
Studies 31 (2008): 425.
38
Ibid., 430. Ochiai (2002:35) and Deleanu (2003:87-89) have a similar hypothesis.
39
Zrcher, The Buddhist conquest of China, 53.
40
Zacchetti, A new early Chinese Buddhist commentary: The nature of the Da Anban
shouyi jing (T 602) reconsidered, 424.
41
Yi-Jie Tang, The Relationships Between Traditional And Imported Thought And Culture
In China: From The Standpoint of The Importation Of Buddhism, Dialogue Publishing
Company 15 (1988): 417.
37
105
describing the practice of the four smtysthnas associated with

the breath (npnasmti), and resulting the attainment of the three
vimoksamukhas.42
An Shigaos translation of the npnasmti Stra later inspired
the monk Dao An (312-385 CE), who wrote a commentary on it in the
mid fourth century, and also the Greater of Scripture of
the 12 Gateways, a detailed meditation or dhyna sutra. From this
we can say that the breathing meditation technique contained in the
Anban shouyi jing was one of the most influential Buddhist
meditation techniques at that time.43
Breathing meditation technique and the centre of the body
In this section, I will analyze the breath meditation technique
mentioned in the first quotation of the Anban jie in the Yinchi ru jing zhu (T1694).44
:
Breathing comes out from within. In it are contained

the four mah-bhta and the mind is located therein: this is
called internal. Breathing comes from without, and the same
happens with the four mah-bhta. [translated by Zacchetti
(2008)]
Zacchetti, A new early Chinese Buddhist commentary: The nature of the Da Anban
shouyi jing (T 602) reconsidered, 474.
43
Marylin M. Rhie, Early Buddhist Art of China and Central Asia: Later Han, Three Kingdoms and
Western Chin in China and Bactria to Shan-shan in Central Asia (Brill, 1999), 24. Rhie states that
the most important and influential text translated by An Shigao was the Anban shouyi jing
which remained influential into the third century CE.
44
, (No. 1694 ) in Vol. 33, Taish Shinsh Daizky (),
November 28, 2011, line T1694_.33.0011b22, http://21dzk.l.u-tokyo.ac.jp/SAT/ddb-sat2.
php?mode=detail&useid
=1694_,33,0011b18&key=%E6%81%AF%E4%B8%AD%E5%85%B7%E6%9C%89%E5%9B%9B%E
5%A4%A7&ktn=&mode2=2.
42
106
According to the above quotation from the Anban jie ,

there are two types of breath: in and out. However, when one is
breathing in-out, the mind should be located at the centre of the
mah-bhta. What is the meaning of the term mah-bhta?
According to Digital Dictionary of Buddhism,45 means the four
mah-bhta, which all physical substances are composed of. The
four mah-bhta are:1. the earth element (Skt. prthiv dhtu); 2.
water (Skt. ab-dhtu); 3. fire (Skt. teja-dhtu); 4.wind (Skt. vydhtu). According to the Theravadin Abhidhamma, our physical body
(rpa) is also comprised from the mah-bhta , which refers to
the cycle of birth and death.46 Therefore, sometimes mah-bhta
can imply the body of elements, mah-bhta rpa.47
The figure describes the four elements or four mah-bhta
A. Charles Muller, | four great elements, Digital Dictionary of Buddhism, November 28,
2011, http://buddhism-dict.net/cgi-bin/xpr-ddb.pl?56.xml+id(%27b56db-5927%27).
46
Prayut, Buddhadhamma: natural laws and values for life (SUNY Press, 1995), 5760.
47
Jinhua Jia, The Hongzhou School of Chan Buddhism in Eighth- Through Tenth-Century China
(SUNY Press, 2007), 122.
45
107
Thus, the phrase can be interpreted as:

the mind should be located at the centre of the body while breathing
(in and out). The precise position of the centre of the body where
the mind should be located is not clearly identified in this text, and
further research is needed. However, in the next section of this
article, I will explore two sources which may be useful. The first
one is related to Thai Buddhist meditation48 such as the teachings
of PhraMongkolthepmuni (Sodh Candasaro; 1884 - 1959), a Thai
meditation master who rediscovered and taught the dhammakya
meditation technique; and the second one is to the teachings of
Chinese Daoism. According to PhraMongkolthepmuni, The Center
of the Body is located around two finger breadths above the navel49
(see picture, below).50 Moreover, he also points out that the centre of
the body is also related to the mah-bhta sphere, which is located
around the centre of the body where is asserted as the Middle Way51
(Pali: majjhim paipad; Sanskrit: madhyam-pratipad). This point
has been identified by PhraMongkolthepmuni as the deepest end
of the breath in the breathing meditation (npnasmti).52 Another
source which identifies the center of the body is the Daoist teachings
about the dantian , or cinnabar field. According to Daoism,
A Thai source that connects yogavacara teachings on meditation with the location of
the mahabhuta is Krrmh n mchchim bb ldb ; see http://
somdechsuk.org/node/216# comment-73. see also Kate Crosby, Tantric Theravada:
A Bibliographic Essay on the Writings of Francois Bizot and Others on the Yogavacara
Tradition, Contemporary Buddhism 1, no. 2 (November 1, 2000): 141-198.
49
( ), , , February 7, 2012,
http://www.watpaknam.org/content.php?op=dsn_68.
50
( ), ( ) ,
in .. 2525, ed. , 3rd ed. (: ,
2525), 587-8, http://www.watpaknam.org/book/view.php?id=5.
51
( ), , ,
February 6, 2012, http://www.watpaknam.org/content.php?op=dsn_6.
52
, , in
.. 2525, ed. ( ) .. , 2525, 327.
48
108
the dantian is located around two or three inches below the navel.53
This is in contrast to the teachings of PhraMongkolthepmuni, which
locates the centre point two finger breadths above the navel. Despite
different opinions about location of the centre, it is interesting there
are many similarities between the meditation techniques taught by
An Shigao and the Daoists. Further research is needed, but there
is some evidence that Daoism was influenced by Buddhism during
this period, something that I will explore in the next section of this
paper.
The figure shows the position of the centre of body described by

PhraMongkolthepmuni
Figure source: homeofpoi.com

The location of dantian according to Daoism
Jeaneane D. Fowler, An introduction to the philosophy and religion of Taoism: pathways to
immortality (Sussex Academic Press, 2005), 173174.
53
109
Eastern Han Buddhist meditation and Daoism
By the middle of the first century CE, a Buddhist community

was already in existence in China, and growing. The arrival of
translators from Central Asia and India, was a consequence of the
great demand for Buddhist texts to be translated from foreign
languages into Chinese. At first, translators had some difficulty in
finding the exact words to explain Buddhist concepts in Chinese.54
These early translators employed the ke yi method of analogy,
which Mair calls matching concepts or matching meanings, and
used Daoist terms to explain Buddhist concepts.55 For example, An
Shigao borrowed the Daoist term for meditation shou guarding
or observing56 which was used to denote the effort of concentration
of mind;57 this can be seen in the Chinese translation of the title
of the Da Anban shouyi jing Great npnasmti Stra.
Toward the end of Eastern Han Period (25-220 CE) Daoist meditation
terms such as si think or contemplate, sixiang contemplate
and imagine, sicun contemplate and preserve,cun
preserve were borrowed to explain another type of Buddhist
meditation si think or contemplate, sixiang contemplate
and imagine, sicun contemplate and preserve,cun
preserve.58 The use of Daoist terminology to translate Buddhist
concepts helped Chinese people to accept the foreign teachings of
the Buddha during this early period.59
Buddha Dharma Education Association & BuddhaNet, The Buddhist World: Buddhism
in East Asia - China, Korean, Japan., 2011-11-18, n.d., para. 25, http://www.buddhanet.
net/e-learning/buddhistworld/east-asia.htm.
55
Mair, What is Geyi, After All?, 228243.
56
Ann Heirman and Stephan Peter Bumbacher, The spread of Buddhism (BRILL, 2007), 219.
57
Livia Kohn and Yoshinobu Sakade, Daoist meditation and longevity techniques (Center for
Chinese Studies, University of Michigan, 1989), 152.
58
Heirman and Bumbacher, The spread of Buddhism, 219.
59
Buddha Dharma Education Association & BuddhaNet, The Buddhist World: Buddhism in
East Asia - China, Korean, Japan., 25.
54
110
Daoist meditation in the Eastern Han period
When An Shigao arrived in China around 148 CE, very few if

any Buddhist meditation texts had been translated into Chinese.60
However the Chinese people were already familiar with the
meditation practiced by small groups of Daoist hermits who
attempted to achieve immortality through breathing exercises,
sexual techniques and the use of medical elixirs.61 Traces of the
earliest form of meditation can be found in the fourth or third
BCE in Chinese philosophical works like Guanzi (Master Guan),
Zhuangzi ( Master Zhuang) and particularly Laozis Tao Te
Ching (Daodejing) all of which refer to meditation practice as
neidan , inner cultivation inner alchemy.62
Breathing techniques were part of Daoist meditation as well.

According to Ye Young, the Chinese traditional meditative practice
(including Daoism and Buddhism) consists of an array of terminology,
breathing, concentration, and visualization techniques: xinzhai
, or fasting the heart, zuowang , or sitting and forgetting,
cunsi , or focusing and observing, shouyi , or observe on
one, xingqi , or circulating qi, fuqi , or consuming qi, taixi
, or fetus breathing, tunai , or expelling the old breath and
drawing the new, zhiguan , or calmness and insight, zuochan
, or sitting meditation, neidan , or the inner alchemy.63
According to Daoism, the practice of meditation, called neidan
or the inner alchemy or inner cultivation64 is a method of
60
, --, 67.
Valerie Hansen, History of Early China to 1600: The Open Empire (New York: W. W. Norton &
Company, 2000), 144.
62
63
Xiansheng YeYoung, LiteratiTradition: Neidan, the Traditional Meditative Practice,
Literati Tradition, May 4, 2011, http://sactaichi.com/literati-tradition.com/meditative_
practice.html.
64
61
111
finding is a method of finding illumination by returning to the

fundamental order of the cosmos65. This involves fully emptying out
the contents of consciousness until a condition of union with the
way is achieved. This union is referred to by distinctive phrases such
as attaining the One (de yi), attaining the empty Way (de
xu dao ) and the Profound Merging (xuan tong )66 which
can help the practice to attain the ultimate goal as the longevity and
immortality. It is interesting that in order to overcome the difficulty
in expressing the idea of an ultimate, unconditioned reality in
the Chinese language, An Shigao used the Daoist term de dao
attain the Dao and zhi wuwei attain non-action to express
Buddhist ideas about the experience of Nirva.67
The main meditative technique, neidan, is practiced along with
classical Chinese medicine, the methods for nourishing life
(yangsheng ) and the balance and inter-dependence between
nature, man and the spirit world with other bodies of practices
(fangshi)68 Mu mentions that there are four stages to practice
neidan; (1) Laying the Foundations (zhuji ), (2) Refining Essence
into Breath (lianjing huaqi ), (3) Refining Breath into Spirit
(lianqi huashen ), (4) Refining Spirit and Reverting to
Emptiness (lianshen huanxu ).69
In terms of meditation and inner alchemy there are three

cinnabar fields; one of them is tan-tian/ dantian, also called the
elixir fields or Sea of Breath (chi-hai/ qihai) which is located
one and three inches below the navel where energy is generated and
the mid-point between yin (breath in) and yang (breath out). This is
the most important of the three fields.
Isabelle Robinet, Original Contributions of Neidan to Daoism and Chinese Thought in Livia Kohn
ed. Daoist Meditation and Longevity Techniques (The University of Michigan, 1989), 299.
66
67
Nattier, A guide to the earliest Chinese Buddhist translations, 40.
68
Elliott Shaw, Fang Shih, Overview Of World Religions, n.d., http://www.philtar.ac.uk/
encyclopedia/Daoism/fang.html.
69
Wang Mu, Foundations of Internal Alchemy: The Daoist Practice of Neidan (Mountain View:
Golden Elixir Press, 2011), 13.
65
112
The second one is the Golden Palace which is located below

the heart and spleen, and the last field is the Mud Pill Court or
the Palace of Ni-wan which is located about three inches within the
head from the point between the eyebrows.70
In addition, there was the visualization meditation technique in

the cinnabar field , which had become a common feature in the
second half of the second century.71 There is one phrase sishen
visualize, concentrate your mind on the image of divinity(ies),
contemplate the divinity(ies), meditate on which is related to
visualization techniques and starts with breathing exercises, its
goal is to visualize a divinity in order to secure this superior beings
presence or enter into communication with it via the cinnabar field.72
The cinnabar field (dan tian ) is described as the spot inside the
human body, located below the navel. According to Laozi zhong jing
the middle text of Laozi, which can be traced back to the end
of the Eastern Han Period, describes the cinnabar field as the root of
human being[s]. It is the place where the vital power is kept. The five
energies of the five phases originated hereit is located three inches
below the navel which symbolizes the trinity of Heaven, Earth and
Human.73
Despite the difference in the location of the centre of the body
(above the navel, or below the navel) there are many similarities
between Daoist meditation techniques and the Buddhist mediation
techniques introduced by An Shigao. It can be asked if the two groups
influenced each other, and to what extent. It should be noted that
Buddhist teachings about Visualization Meditation introduced
to Eastern Han China by Zhi Loujiachen Lokakema (active
c. 164186 CE74) had a strong influence on Daoist visualization
Fowler, An introduction to the philosophy and religion of Taoism, 173174.

72
Ibid., 219220.
73
Ibid., 220.
74
Oldmeadow, Light from the East, 140.
70
71
113
meditation. Lokakema translated Foshuo banzhou sanmei jing

Pratyutpanna Samadhi-stra or The Samadhi of Being in
the presence of all the Buddhas, which is the Visualization of Buddha
or Buddhnusmti (Pali: Buddhnussati). According toBumbacher
(2007) these Buddhist sutras influenced the development of Daoist
Visualization techniquewhich consisted of the visualization of
Daoist deities at dan tian was the consequence of the introduction
of Buddhnusmti meditation.75 It seems possible that An Shigaos
introduction of npnasmti meditation techniques into China had
a similar influence on Daoism.
Figure source: daoistcenter.org

Illustration of Daoist Visualization technique: Daoist
deities are visualized at dan tian .
75
114
Conclusion
In conclusion, in this paper I have reviewed An Shigaos career as a

meditation master and a translator of Buddhist texts. Based on his
translations of meditation sutras I have argued that he played an
important role in introducing mindfulness breathing meditation,
or npnasmti, into Eastern Han China. I have also demonstrated
that An Shigao was familiar with and used Daoist terminology to
translate the concepts associated with npnasmti meditation
into Chinese. I have argued that An Shigaos teachings and sutra
translations influenced Daoists as well as Buddhists. The key to this
is the phrase from the Anban Jie: : the mind
should be located at the centre of the body while breathing (in and
out). While the precise position of the mah-bhta in the centre
of the body is not clear in the Anban Jie. The similarity between
the ancient meditation techniques transmitted to China by An
Shigao and the teachings of PhraMongkolthepmuni calls for further
research.
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118
Sabba danam dhamma danam jinati

The gift of Dhamma excels all other gifts
As director of the Dhammachai International Research Institute
of Australia and NewZealand (DIRI), I would like to express my
tremendous appreciation to Rungsilp Printing Co., Ltd. for kindly
supporting the publishing of the journal DIRI. This journal will
certainly prove to be of great benefit to students, scholars and anyone
who is interested in learning about Buddhism. May the benefits come
to fruition for all the people who generously contributed to this
journal and its publishing. I am confident that the merit from your
altruistic action on this occasion will lead you and your company to
greater success and happiness.
Phrakrupaladnayokwarawat (SudhammoBhikkhu)
Director of DIRI
Printed by: Rungsilp Printing Co., Ltd.
119
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1

The Dhammachai International

Ven. Dr. Monchai Mantagamo

JDIRI Journal Volume 1

Creative & Design

The Most Venerable Phrathepyanmahamuni

President of the Dhammakaya Foundation

akliko, being beyond time

koti: ten million, highest counting point

Professor Garry W. Trompf

instance, are of non-Japanese origin). But DIRI is crucial for fostering

Professor Murray Rae

I am pleased to congratulate the Dhammachai International

Phrakrupaladnayokwarawat (Sudhammo Bhikkhu)

cooperation throughout the last ten and five years respectively.

Phrakrupaladnayokwarawat (Sudhammo Bhikkhu)

Dr. Jeff Wilson

The journal begins with Anatole-Roger Peltiers article on his

and is spiritually reborn. The dhammakya becomes her new

of the original content of the palm-leaf manuscript is provided

the cakras are located, a location that suggests comparisons with

Phrakrupaladnayokwarawat (Sudhammo Bhikkhu)

The Tipitaka Manuscripts of the Khammouan Cave

Dhammakya in the Pali Canon

Buddhist Manuscripts in China: A Case Study

The Dhammakya Verse: a Lan Na Thai manuscript

An Shigao and Early Chinese Meditation Techniques

Dr. Chanida Jantrasrisalai

Phra Kiattisak Kittipanyo

The Tipitaka Manuscripts

The Tipiaka Manuscripts of the Khammouan Cave in Laos

Map of Nong Pa Fa Cave

Nong Pa Fa Cave is located in Khammouan Province, center of Laos.

Road leading to Nong Pa Fa Cave

In front of Nong Pa Fa Cave

Some of the Buddha images in the cave

The wooden box containing the palm-leaf manuscripts

Most of the manuscripts are in poor condition

Most of the manuscripts

Taking the manuscripts out of the

The palm-leaf manuscripts that I have just presented belong to the

Collection of readable manuscripts

Reading manuscripts with Mr Khemphon Sengpathum, the

The manuscripts of the Nong Pa Fa Cave have two forms of writing :

Comparative Dhamma alphabets of Laos

Nong Pa Fa Cave manuscripts

On the cover of one of the Nong Pa Fa Cave manuscript, we can read :

Dhammakya in the Pali Canon1

Most of them refer only to the Aggaa-sutta passage,4 missing out

II. The Different Approach

Of the three canonical passages mentioned above, only the first,

III. References to Dhammakya in the Pli Canon

IV. Reference 1: Dhammakya as the Tathgatas Designation

Gombrich, while differently translating the term in this passage as

In brief, contemporary academics refer to the term dhammakya in

Saddh: Criterion of being the Tathgatas Son

Vin.II.192, A.IV.186, 210, 213

See note 37 above.

mentioned in the canon.40

Different sets of qualities of a Stream-attainer as mentioned in the canon are as follows: