At The Mountain of God

JOURNAL FOR THE STUDY OF THE OLD TESTAMENT
SUPPLEMENT SERIES
22
Editors
David J A Clines
Philip R Davies
David M Gunn
Department of Biblical Studies

The University of Sheffield
Sheffield S10 2TN
England
This page intentionally left blank
AT
THE MOUNTAIN
OF GOD
Story and Theology
in Exodus 32-34
R.W.L MOBERLY
Journal for the Study of the Old Testament

Supplement Series, 22
Copyright 1983 JSOT Press

ISSN 0309-0787
ISBN 0 905774 44 2 (hardback)
ISBN 0 905774 45 0 (paperback)
Published by
JSOT Press
Department of Biblical Studies
The University of Sheffield
Sheffield S10 2TN
England
Printed in Great Britain by Redwood Burn Ltd
Trowbridge, Wiltshire
1983
British Library Cataloguing in Publication Data
Moberley, Walter
At the mountain of God --(Journal for the study of
the Old Testament, supplement series
ISSN 0309-0787: 22)
1. Bible-O.T. Exodus XXXII - XXXIV
Criticism, interpretation, etc
I. Title II. Series
222M2 BS1245.2
ISBN 0-905774-44-2
TABLE OF CONTENTS
Preface
Introduction
9
11
1 SOME CONSIDERATIONS OF METHOD IN

NARRATIVE INTERPRETATION
Introduction
Recent arguments for the importance of interpreting
the final form of the text
Literary arguments
Theological arguments
The relationship between the study of the final
text and the study of its prehistory
A consideration of some implications of the
proposed approach to the text
Characteristics of Hebrew narrative style
The role of assumption and allusion in
narrative
Implications of theological paradox
The exegetical significance of literary genre
and the value of the concept of story
Summary and conclusion
2 AN EXEGESIS OF EX. 32-34
Narrative presuppositions in Ex. 32-34
32:1-6
32:7-14
32:15-20
32:21-24
32:25-29
32:30-33:6
33:7-11
33:12-23
Introduction to Ex. 34
34:1-9
34:10
34:11-26
34:27-28
5
15
15
18
18
20
22
27
28
32
33
34
38
44
44
46
48
53
54
54
56
63
66
83
84
93
95
101
34:29-35
Conclusion
Excursus one: Ex. 32:18
Excursus two: Gen. 8:21
106
109
111
113
3 EX. 32-34 AS A CULT LEGEND

Introductory survey of the cult legend
hypothesis
Definition of terminology
1) Legend
2) Cult
3) Cultic
The use of form criticism
Analysis of Ex. 33:19, 34:6f.
Analysis of Ex. 34:11-26
The problem of religious language
Evidence for the influence of Israel's cult
upon the Sinai pericope
Conclusion
116
117
119
119
121
124
125
128
131
135
136
139
4 EX. 32-34 AS LEGEND

The Moses traditions as legend
A preliminary clarification
Oral literature
Criteria for legend
Oral tradition
Miracles
Aetiology
Traditional motifs
Typical significance
The lack of distinction between past
and present
Summary and conclusion
141
141
142
144
148
149
149
150
151
151
5 SELECTIVE CRITICAL ANALYSIS OF EX. 32-34

An analysis of 34:1-28
Brief notes on three sections
1)32:25-29
2)32:30-33:6
3)33:12-23
The redaction of Ex. 32-34
Conclusion
157
157
161
171
177
180
180
181
182
182
186
153
154
Epilogue
Notes
Abbreviations
Bibliography
Index of Authors
Index of Biblical References
187
190
228
230
253
256
TO MY FRIENDS IN KNOWLE
(Prov. 17:17a)
PREFACE
This book is based upon a doctoral dissertation entitled
EOD-SilE-L6. AnA_^LaJ^t^g^Q._J!l^_^lu-(J-X- of__^^blt_cal Narrative; A
Fresh Approach to Exodus 32-3J which was submitted to the
University of Cambridge in 1981. Substantial revisions have
been made to prepare the work for publication.
Throughout the work I have tried to keep the footnotes
uncumbersome. Consequently references to scholarly works
have usually been made in an abbreviated form, and the footnotes should be used in conjunction with the bibliography where
full details are given of all works cited. The bibliography also
contains certain works which have not been cited (brevitatis
causa) but which are relevant to the discussion and whose
arguments have been taken into consideration.
The study has been based upon the Hebrew text in Biblia
Hebraica Stuttgartensia (Stuttgart, 1966/77).
Many friends arid scholars have helped, encouraged and
advised me along the way. Among these, Dr G.I. Wenham, Rev.
1. Goldingay and Professor E.W. Nicholson all read certain
sections at an early stage and offered constructive suggestions.
And I would like to express particular gratitude to Dr G.I.
Davies who supervised me for the greater part of my research.
Finally, I am grateful to the successive wardens and librarians
of Tyndale House Library, who provide the ideal facilities and
surroundings for biblical research.
R.W.L. Moberly
St. Anne's Cottage
Knowle
West Midlands
January 1982
This page intentionally left blank
INTRODUCTION
In a recent review of R. Rendtorff's important work Das
iiberlieferungsgeschichtliche Problem des Pentateuch W.
McKane writes,
The attitude of restless interrogation which marks the
book is a hopeful sign, for Old Testament scholarship
suffers from the burden of too many received critical
assumptions hung about the necks of its practitioners like
Coleridge's albatross. It needs the transfusion of a kind of
scholarship which is not a further development of critical
positions accepted as premises but is rather an ab initio
investigation, unburdened by too many bibliographical
cares, and concentrating a fresh eye on the Hebrew
Bible.1
The precise form that such a fresh investigation might most
profitably take is not specified. Clearly it is neither possible
nor desirable to produce any serious study of the OT that will
not be heavily indebted to modern critical work. The point is
that, whatever one's indebtedness to past work, it is important
not to be trammelled by it but to remain open to new and fresh
possibilities. It is in the belief that a fresh approach, combining
old and new, is indeed necessary in many areas of OT study, and
in particular the Pentateuch, that this present essay is offered
as a contribution to the debate.
The subject of the present study is Ex. 32-34. The Sinai
narrative in the book of Exodus has been the subject of intensive investigation in recent years, and a vast literature exists.
Yet, curiously, there is a sense in which one of its major
sections, that is Ex. 32-34, has been comparatively neglected. A
look at the six major works on the early history of Israel to be
written in recent years, those of Noth, Bright, de Vaux,
Herrmann, Hayes and Miller, and Gottwald,2 reveals little
reference to these chapters. At best, one or two aspects of the
chapters are taken individually and in isolation from each other.
There is a similar situation if one consults OT theologies, such
as those of Eichrodt, von Rad, Zimmerli, and Clements.^
Only certain verses within Ex. 32-34 are treated in any one
work, and then only as a part of a larger topical discussion.
11
At the Mountain of God

That Ex. 32-34 as a coherent narrative might be significant
either historically or theologically is not raised as a possible
option in any of these works.
The reason is not difficult to discover. It is the belief, based
upon intensive analysis, that Ex. 32-34 is a complex of fragmentary and conflicting traditions whose present combination
makes little attempt to conceal their diversity. As such it is
only the individual units of tradition which can be meaningfully
interpreted, and only some of the units are of historical or
theological significance. The following statements, which could
be multiplied without difficulty, may be taken as typical:
M. Buber: "... this passage [Ex. 32] ... is apparently the
most difficult in the Pentateuch when regarded from the
textual and literary viewpoint."^
M. Moth: "The state of the sources is certainly extremely
confused in this complex."^ "In view of the gravity of
what is narrated here it is quite conceivable that the
narrative of the Sinai event (Ex. 19-24, 32-34), through
expansions and insertions, had already become such a
complicated compilation within the old Pentateuchal
tradition that today an intelligible analysis can no longer
be successfully undertaken."^
J. Muilenburg: "Whereas the first [Ex. 19-24] is a recognizable unity, the second [Ex. 32-34] has every appearance
of being a catena of originally separate pieces which
originally had little or nothing to do with each other. They
are more perhaps than a disjecta membra [sic], but the
several parts do not cohere well with each other."7
R. de Vaux: "These [Ex. 19-24, 32-34 together] are
difficult passages especially with regard to literary criticism and most scholars are in a state of despair, so great
is the uncertainty concerning them."^
S. Terrien: "... the chaotic cluster of material dealing with
the breaking of the first set of stones and the granting of
the second set."9
N. Gottwald: "The two periodized sets of historicized
cultic action [Ex. 19-24, 32-34] are not internally coherent. The resultant hodgepodge strikes the reader as an illdigested compendium of very imperfectly historicized
liturgical speeches and rubrics .... Supremely within the
body of the early Israelite traditions, the shape of the
Revelation at Sinai traditions strikes us as a compromise
formation."10
12
Introduction
The most significant dissentient voice is that of Brevard
Childs, who argues that "these chapters [Ex. 32-34] are held
together by a series of motifs which are skillfully woven into a
unifying pattern". 11 But the disagreement, while striking, is
only partial in that Childs here is concentrating upon the
redactional shaping of the chapters into their final form: he
does not dispute the analysis of the material as being originally
diverse and composite.
The consensus of so many scholars is impressive.
Nonetheless, this study has a twofold aim: first, to see whether
there is not in the text as it now stands a greater degree of
unity, both literary and theological, than is usually allowed: and
secondly, to ask whether an account of this unity as redactional
is sufficient to do justice to it, and whether it may be possible,
or even necessary, to maintain that the unity was substantially
inherent in the tradition at the early stages of its history.
The suggestion of such a divergence from accepted views will
not be put forward lightly. It has arisen out of a prolonged study
of the text, a study in which accepted scholarly positions have
been adopted as working hypotheses but have had to be abandoned as being unable to explain the text satisfactorily. It has
been out of a deepening grasp of the meaning of the text and
the nature of the tradition that the realization of the need for a
fresh approach to the exegetical task has also become clear.
The questions one puts to the text determine to a considerable extent the sort of answer that will be received. It is
important, therefore, that the practice of exegesis should be
combined with reflection upon the assumptions implicit in that
exegesis. Thus the study begins with a theoretical discussion of
how to approach a literary narrative such as Ex. 32-34, and then
seeks to show the practical fruitfulness of the particular
approach advocated. It is essential that principle and practice
be held together, for it is through the reciprocal influence of
the one upon the other that understanding is refined and
advanced.
One regrettable limitation of the present work must be
specified at the outset. Considerations of space have meant
that it has not been possible to extend analysis beyond Ex.
32-34. In particular, it has not been possible to offer any
thorough treatment of Ex. 19-24, even though any comprehensive reassessment of the Sinai material must include this
section which is so closely related to chs. 32-34. This remains
as a task for further research.
13

Several recent monographs on the Sinai material, especially
those of F.-E. Wilms, J. Halbe and E. Zenger,12 offer useful
surveys of modern research on Ex. 32-34, and obviate the need
to cover the same ground again. Indeed, as the present
argument develops, comparatively little reference will be made
to the different advocates of the various exegetical options.
This is not because their positions have not been taken into
account but because the greater bulk of footnotes arising from
comprehensive documentation would be cumbersome and would
not significantly further the main discussion.
To conclude this introduction, the provisional and exploratory
nature of this work must be stressed. Although it is hoped that
the most important part of the study, the exegesis proper, will
not prove unduly controversial, it is not expected that the
suggestions for re-appraising the nature and origins of the
material will meet with universal approbation. The purpose of
the study is to suggest new ways of letting the light shine on old
issues and it is hoped that a fruitful debate will ensue.
Numerous problems even within Ex. 32-34 have not been discussed. As such, this study does not purport to be my, let alone
the, final word on the subject, but is intended to contribute to a
fresh understanding of the biblical text. The extent to which
such a fresh understanding has been achieved will constitute the
justification for the approach adopted and will provide the
incentive for yet further study.
14
Chapter 1
SOME CONSIDERATIONS OF METHOD
IN NARRATIVE INTERPRETATION
Introduction
The observation that there is something of a ferment and
upheaval in contemporary pentateuchal studies can hardly lay
claim to originality. Many fundamental questions about the
understanding of these texts are being re-opened. The sourcecritical foundations of modern pentateuchal interpretation;!
the correct use of traditio-historical analysis;^ the extent to
which an historical basis can be said to underlie pentateuchal
traditions;^ all these questions, and others, are now being
keenly debated again.^ There is a sense in which all these
questions are variations on the theme of what constitutes the
correct approach to the biblical text. What are the correct
methods to use to understand the material? In particular, are
the critical tools in general use really sharp enough to produce
a correct analysis, or do the arguments tend to be circular,
being determined largely by the presuppositions inherent in the
particular critical approach? And are the different scholarly
tools, which are usually treated as complementary, in fact to
some extent incompatible?^
These questions are being debated for the most part among
scholars who accept the priority for exegesis of the historicalcritical method^ as developed over the last two centuries or
so. There is therefore no disagreement among them over the
basic assumptions implicit in their approach to the text. There
is, however, a growing debate over precisely these assumptions.
Despite many variations of emphasis, the debate essentially
revolves around the appreciation of the text in its final,
received form. Whereas historical-critical studies have been
predominantly concerned with penetrating behind the present
text and have assumed that questions of sources, history,
tradition-history and redaction are of primary importance for
understanding the text, the newer approach stresses the
primacy of analyzing the text as it stands, an analysis in which
the role of the traditional critical approaches is of doubtful,
and certainly as yet ill-defined, relevance.
15
At The Mountain of God

Perhaps the most formidable recent exponent of the 'critical
orthodoxy' against which voices are now increasingly raised has
been Martin Noth. His magisterial History of Pentateuchal
Traditions has dominated recent study of pentateuchal
narratives. Noth's work is entirely directed towards penetrating
behind the final text so as to reconstruct its origins and
development - a kind of literary archaeology. One looks in vain
for any discussion of the canonical text as itself meaningful and
of interest. Even scholars such as Gunkel and von Rad, who
gave more thought than Noth to the literary and aesthetic
qualities of the text, tended to direct their literary appreciation towards reconstructed sources or isolated units and so
focussed on something other than the text as we now have it. In
reaction against this discounting of the final text there has
been a growing swell of voices insisting that it is the final
text? rather than its prehistory that is of primary significance.
The difference of approach is most marked in the work of
structuralists, some of whom speak of a paradigm shift^ in
understanding, the change being from a historical to a literary
approach to the text^. It is not, however, limited to structuralists but is evident in the work of OT scholars who are also
practitioners of the historical-critical method and show no sign
of being attracted to structuralism as such. Amidst the growing
swell of studies in this area, notable recent contributions have
been from B.S. Childs,10 D.J.A. Clines,1 ] J.F.A. Sawyer,12
G.A.F. Knight,13 D.J. McCarthy1^ and B.W. Anderson,15
who all, in one way or another, stress the priority of
interpreting the received biblical text over investigations into
its prehistory.
One way of posing the issue would be to say that the present
debate is a debate about the continuing value and role of the
historical-critical method. The term
"historical-critical
method" is meant not to designate any particular exegetical
tool, but rather to indicate a type of approach to biblical study
in which the posing of historical questions of various kinds to
the biblical text has been the predominant concern of exegetes.
The well-nigh universal acceptance of this method of study has
been the hallmark of the rise of modern biblical criticism. The
irony is that the very "objectivity" which made historicalcritical study initially so welcome is that characteristic which
now seems to cast doubts upon its continuing value. For this
historical objectivity has had little to offer in either explaining
16
One: Method in Narrative Interpretation

or furthering the profound religious impact that the biblical
writings have made upon countless readers down the centuries.
W. Wink, in his provocative little work, The Bible in Human
Transformation, has declared the historical-critical method to
be bankrupt. 16 While most scholars would not express them
selves quite so forcefully, there is nonetheless an unease that
an historical-critical approach may be insensitive to, and unable
to deal with, those dimensions of the biblical text which may be
of most importance and value to its readers. The problem is as
real for the NT scholar as for the OT scholar. G.N. Stanton, for
example, says, "I take one of the most important tasks facing
Biblical and theological scholarship today to be to clarify the
role of the historical critical method". 17 Although the
present discussion will be within the confines of one section of
OT study, it is appreciated both that the issues at stake extend
beyond the OT and that many important contributions to the
debate are being made within other fields.
Despite the far-ranging implications of the debate, the
necessarily limited scope of this present work must be clarified
at the outset. In the first place, no attempt is being made to
discuss any overarching framework for the practice of biblical
exegesis. Except in so far as the detailed argument requires it,
it is wished neither to affirm nor deny approaches like that of
Childs, who argues for the significance of canon as providing
the perspective within which exegesis should be undertaken, or
that of Ricoeur, who proposes a philosophical perspective which
overcomes the limitations of the historical-critical method. 18
Secondly, the reflections which follow are to be taken
specifically in the context of the current debate about biblical
narrative. The recital of historical, or history-like, 19 narrative, is central to the Bible. It is narrative that contains the
biblical paradigms of salvation, the Exodus and Sinai covenant
in the OT, and the life, death and resurrection of Jesus in the
NT. Narrative is also, or perhaps therefore, the area that has
given rise to most controversy and is much in need of a fresh
approach.
Even within the restricted field of biblical narrative it is not
possible at present to offer any comprehensive methodological
programme. Given the enormous diversity of types of narrative
within the OT, any comprehensive statement of method would
need to be long, complex and full of qualifications. The present
undertaking is more modest in scope. It aims to concentrate
upon one important and problematic section of biblical
17

narrative, Ex. 32-34, and to justify analyzing it in hitherto
largely unprecedented fashion. No claim is being made that
other narratives would yield equally fruitful results if
approached in the same way. They may do. But that can only be
decided in the light of a thorough study of the characteristics
of the respective narrative in question. For the passage being
studied here is not necessarily typical of OT narrative. Indeed,
the peculiarity and distinctiveness in many ways of Ex. 32-34
even within the Moses traditions, let alone the larger area of
early OT traditions, has been one of the conclusions to result
from this work.
The following methodological reflections, however, while
primarily an introduction to the exegesis of Ex. 32-34, are not
solely an introduction, a justification for doing it "my way".
Because they are taking place within the context of a larger
debate, one cannot help but reflect on the issues in more
general terms and try to suggest ways in which those considerations which have been found helpful in interpreting Ex. 32-34
may have broader application and relevance. It is hoped, therefore, that this work will, in some small way, contribute towards
providing fresh perspectives for the study of OT literature more
generally.
RECENT ARGUMENTS FOR THE IMPORTANCE OF
INTERPRETING THE FINAL FORM OF THE TEXT
It will be helpful to survey briefly the arguments that have
been raised for giving primary attention to the final form of the
text, since this present study will seek to build upon them.
Literary Arguments
First, one may note certain scholars of modern literature

who, while not concerned with OT literature as such, set out
general principles of literary criticism which are not infrequently appealed to by biblical scholars. Dame Helen
Gardner, for example, discusses a shift away from examining
the origins and sources of literary works towards an appreciation of a work in its own right and comments,
Trends in literary scholarship thus give support to critics
who regard it as their duty to see works as integrated
wholes, and the body of an author's work as a totality
proceeding from a single mind.20
18

And again,
The assumption today is more and more in favour of single
authorship, unless there is clear external evidence to the
contrary, and of taking works as they stand and not
postulating earlier versions to account for inconsistencies. 21
In a similar vein, N. Frye writes,
The primary understanding of any work of literature has
to be based on an assumption of its unity. However
mistaken such an assumption may eventually prove to be,
nothing can be done unless we start with it as a heuristic
principle. Further, every effort should be directed toward
understanding the whole of what we read.22
And R. Wellek and A. Warren say,
Nobody can deny that much light has been thrown on
literature by a proper knowledge of the conditions under
which it has been produced; the exegetical value of such a
study seems indubitable. Yet it is clear that causal study
can never dispose of problems of description, analysis, and
evaluation of an object such as a work of literary art.
Cause and effect are incommensurate: the concrete result
of these extrinsic
causes - the work of art - is always
unpredictable. 23
From among those biblical scholars who have advocated a
more truly literary approach to the text, it must suffice to cite
three examples. 3.F.A. Sawyer, in From Moses to Patmos,
vigorously affirms his intention "to liberate OT study from the
grip of archaeologists, philologists, and latter-day Marcionites".2^ Although one must maintain a balance between the
study of the present text and historical investigation,
nonetheless "it is the meaning of the text that is important,
whether or not it is historically true".25
Secondly B.W. Anderson, appealing to the work of H. Frei,
argues that "The beginning and end of exegesis is the text itself
- not something beyond it".26 Furthermore,
since efforts to recover preliterary stages lead us away
from the givenness of the text itself into the realm of
hypothesis, it is not valid to regard the reconstructed
Urform as normative for interpretation or as having some
19

superiority to scripture itself. Whatever excursions into
the prehistory of the text are possible or necessary, the
beginning and end of interpretation
is 'a free encounter
with a writing in its final form 1 (Wilder).27
Thirdly, D.J. McCarthy, in a discussion of Ex. 3:14, argues for
the independence of the meaning of a text from an historicalcritical analysis.
Contrary to what I have heard said, it is perfectly possible
to understand a text without knowing whether it is E or
whatever. If I insist on a documentary setting, or an
historical setting in which the text was composed, I am
often, even usually, tied to pure hypothesis: the
connection with a source is dubious, the existence of the
source (E) is in question. In any case the historical setting
of the passage's composition is largely a guess. And still
the text itself in its most important setting, its actual
place in scripture, lies before me to study as a
grammatical and literary structure that I can analyze
with some confidence without beginning with a chancy
guess about origins.28
Literature has its own truth that makes demands upon the
reader. As any literary classic makes an impact upon the reader
regardless of knowledge of its historical origins or referent, so
too does the Bible.29
All these literary arguments for the importance of the final
text are clear and, in my opinion, both uncontroversial and
irrefutable. The slightly polemical tone in which they are
couched is occasioned by the need to gain a hearing for a
position long neglected. But the point once made is selfevident. 30
Theological Arguments
In addition to the literary arguments for directing attention
to the text in its final form, theological arguments have also
been raised, most notably by Childs.-^ Theological treatments, whether synchronic or diachronic, have usually been
applied not to the final text but either to its reconstructed
sources or to the units of material considered most historically
accurate. This has presumably been connected to a considerable
extent with a desire to base theology upon history in classic
fashion. If, however, it is accepted that history is not the sole
20

factor of importance in the determination of theological
veracity, the theological significance of sources needs to be
re-assessed. The attempt to loosen, though not deny, the
connection between theology and historicity, and so to be free
to find theological significance in the final text, is a major
concern in Childs' work. The detachment, to a greater or lesser
extent, of theology from history (or historicity) is reminiscent
of von Rad's approach. But Childs' use of it is distinctive.
Childs appeals to the profoundly theological shaping of the
biblical material which he sees as characteristic of the
canonical process. The biblical literature was deliberately so
moulded that its final form would function as a permanently
valid theological witness. This means that it must be the final
form of the text which is the locus of theological meaning and
authority. Whatever sources and different levels of meaning
may underlie a text, and Childs has no argument with the
validity of customary historical-critical reconstructions, they
should be allowed no priority over the meaning of the text as it
now is. On the contrary, the final text provides the norm for
critical assessment of earlier levels of meaning. Whatever the
difficulties for the overall significance of canon as argued by
Childs, his point about the theological moulding and significance of the final text is a valuable insight.
As a corollary of the significance of the final text, Childs
also points out that the focussing of theological study upon
reconstructed sources makes one's theologizing inevitably
hypothetical. 32 The final text, as an objective reality with

definite parameters, provides a firm foundation for theological
study. D.3. McCarthy likewise advances a similar argument:
Historical criticism is a constant search for hypothetic
historical referents or for sources where the material at
hand is simply insufficient to allow anything but highly
speculative results. As a basis for theological (or other)
developments it has become a foundation of sand.33
It can be seen, then, that for both literary and theological
reasons many scholars are arguing for the importance of the
study of the biblical text in its final form. And, as already
stated, the point once grasped is self-evidently correct. That is
why the major part of this study will be a literary and theological exegesis of Ex. 32-34, taken as meaningful in itself, and
laying aside (temporarily) questions of the origins and composition of the material.
21

THE RELATIONSHIP BETWEEN THE STUDY OF
THE FINAL TEXT AND THE STUDY OF ITS PREHISTORY
To establish the importance of studying the final form of the
text in its own right is an important step. But it does not
constitute the answer to the current questioning of how best to
approach OT narrative. Rather it poses the issue more sharply.
For none of the scholars cited would deny the propriety of a
traditional historical-critical analysis of the text; they are
seeking rather to relativize its significance. It is not that either
a literary or an historical-critical approach to the text must be
chosen as "the correct method". For they are both valid and
legitimate approaches to the text. The problem is rather how to
combine and hold together these two approaches with their
markedly different ways of handling a text. This, I suggest, is
the crucial issue in the current debate.
Having first established the independence of a literary and
theological approach from an historical-critical investigation, it
is of crucial importance to take the further step of reintegrating the two tasks if one is to have a coherent understanding of any text. One must not allow a kind of
schizophrenia within the biblical exegete whereby he does his
historical-critical research on the one hand and his literary and
theological exegesis on the other, and either does not see how,
or feels himself under no obligation, to bring together these two
approaches to form a coherent understanding of the text. The
phoenix of a conservatism which simply studies the final text
and eschews any kind of historical criticism might swiftly arise
from the ashes.34 -rne responsible interpreter must deal with
every aspect and dimension of the text he is seeking to
interpret.
It is possible to deny that there is any problem. For one can
point out that the literary and theological study of the final
text and the historical-critical study of its antecedents are
different kinds of study. They can be seen, as essentially complementary rather than in conflict with each other. To argue,
for example, that a text displays unity and pattern in its
present shape is perfectly compatible with arguing for disunity
and fragmentation in its prehistory. No contradiction is involved since in each case different questions are being asked
and answered. The distinction between what a text is and what
it once was must be clearly preserved. They are separate issues.
This distinction is indeed correct, and it is important not to
22

lose sight of it. Nonetheless the recognition that we are dealing
with different kinds of study does not answer the question of
how the one bears upon the other. And that is the point at issue.
The holding together of these different approaches is a
complex matter requiring extended discussion. One point, however, seems clear. This is that there will be no single or
invariable way of holding them together. A diversity of texts
will necessarily require a flexibility of treatment. One procrustean approach would necessarily mutilate numerous "inconvenient" texts.
Given this basic need for flexibility, it is still appropriate to
focus on one particular way of holding the two approaches
together - a way which has been found fruitful in analyzing Ex.
32-3^ and which should in principle be applicable to a good
number of other texts. It may be stated in general terms as
follows.
It has already been seen that a literary and theological
interpretation of the text in its final form and an historicalcritical investigation of its prehistory are different kinds of
explanation of a text and not, in themselves, in conflict with
one another. The present unity of a text is not incompatible
with complexity and disunity in its prehistory. What a text may
have meant once does not determine what it means now. The
question that arises, however, is how one can reconstruct,
however hypothetically, the prehistory of a text; by what means
can one penetrate behind a text to its earlier stages and
ultimately, where appropriate, to the historical events that
underlie it? When the sources that a writer used still exist
independently of his work, then this task is greatly facilitated.
The greater the extent of surviving source material, the easier
the task of reconstructing the history of the development of the
literary work - though there will always be problems!
Unfortunately, for the majority of the narrative portions of the
OT, and certainly for all the pentateuchal narratives, no such
independent sources survive. All sources have to be reconstructed from the work into which they have been incorporated. 35 Such reconstruction of sources is therefore entirely
dependent upon unevennesses and difficulties in the present
text - doublets, contradictions, anachronisms, variant linguistic
usages, divergent theological emphases, etc. The problem
obviously is to determine what constitutes a genuine unevenness. This brings the proposed solution into focus. It is only a
rigorous examination of the final text, treated in its own right
23

as a literary and theological composition, that will enable one
to pronounce with any certainty upon what are genuine
difficulties in the text such as suggest a complex prehistory.
This literary and theological analysis, while not contributing as
such to the task of source-critical, redactional, traditiohistorical or historical analysis, nonetheless forms an important
preliminary in that only thus can one accurately perceive the
contours of the material behind which one aims to penetrate.
This means that an historical-critical analysis, while a different
kind of approach from the literary and theological, may often
be dependent upon the results of a literary and theological
exegesis. Methodological priority should often be accorded to
the exegesis of the text in its final form.
The point is self-evident, and most scholars would doubtless
concur with it. Why then focus upon it? The reasons are
twofold. First, the concern to discover a text's prehistory has
meant that often in practice little more than lip-service has
been paid to the preliminary step of exegesis of the final text.
Among, for example, recent monographs on the Sinai
pericope,36 one looks in vain for any literary and theological
exegesis or appreciation of the text as a whole. The assumption
is that one starts directly with the analysis of individual units
or verses and moves immediately into the tracing of their
prehistory. If the point which I presume to label as self-evident
is indeed correct, then a practical approach which ignores it
must surely be methodologically doubtful;^? and the wide
diversity and disagreement between analyses so obtained surely
supports this contention.
Secondly, the practical implications of the principle need to
be spelt out more fully than hitherto. For the practical holding
together of two such different approaches to the text raises
delicate problems. For while the literary and theological
exegete will be looking for unity and pattern, for that which
makes a narrative cohere, the historically-orientated critic will
tend to look for tensions and dislocations, for that which may
indicate the sources and traditions which underlie the
narrative.3% Now these approaches need not necessarily be
opposed to one another. In Gen. 1-11, for example, it is not
difficult simultaneously to appreciate the literary and
theological patterning that binds the material into a coherent
whole, and also to perceive the disparate nature of the various
traditions which is eloquent of their diverse origins. But what is
clear to see in Gen. 1-11 may be far less clear elsewhere. And
2k

in Ex. 32-34 in particular, despite the generally-held consensus
about the evident disparity of its sources and traditions, it
becomes extremely difficult, if the exegesis here offered is
correct, to distinguish paradoxes and tensions that are
deliberate stylistic devices from those that may indicate
underlying fragmentation.
The problems involved in penetrating behind a narrative text
have often been insufficiently appreciated both by "critically
orthodox" scholars and by their "fundamentalist" detractors.
Before the advent of historical criticism, it was customary to
explain doublets, discrepancies and other difficulties purely in
terms of the text as it stood. The right approach was assumed
to be harmonizing. There was no allowance for historical
"depth" in a text. Since the acceptance of historical-critical
study it has been customary to explain the same difficulties in
terms of the use of different sources. The right approach has
been assumed to be fragmentary. Until recent years any
attempt to explain the text as it stands tended to labour under
opprobrious epithets - precritical, midrashic, harmonistic, etc.
Insofar as the practitioners of the approach tended to be
conservative scholars with doubts about the propriety of
historically-aware criticism and an insufficient appreciation of
the issues at stake, the epithets were not altogether
undeserved. Nonetheless it must be said that their instinctive
awareness of the importance of the final text and the priority
of exegesis of it was a sound instinct.
A good example of the recognition of the problem with only a
partial exploration of its ramifications is provided by the recent
work of J. Licht, Storytelling in the Bible. After producing
many valuable examples of a literary and aesthetic appreciation
of the biblical text Licht adverts briefly, in an epilogue,39 to
the question of integrity versus fragmentation in literary
narratives. Licht is not concerned to deny a possibly complex
prehistory to any given text. He concludes that,
one should never use one's aesthetic observations to
evaluate the textual [in context this means sourcecritical] integrity of a passage. The danger that one's
preconceptions and expectations in one field will distort
one's judgment in another is greater than the actual profit
to be gained from the method. Or, to put it more bluntly,
it is far too easy to find some aesthetic perfection when
one looks for it because one needs it as an argument to
25

establish the integrity of a given story.^0
Undoubtedly so. But that is only half the problem. It is indeed
easy to find some aesthetic perfection because one wants to
argue for integrity. But it is equally easy to overlook or dismiss
aesthetic qualities and to produce discrepancies because one
wants to demonstrate underlying sources. The tu quoque is inescapable.
How then is one to proceed? How can the historical penetration, behind a text be combined with the literary and theological search for the text's pattern and coherence, especially
when the former is to a considerable extent dependent upon the
results of the latter? Clearly there can be no simple rule-ofthumb. The role of the literary critic is perhaps analogous to
that of the historian. The situation of the historian is described
by G.R. Elton thus:
However wise it may be to question motive at all times,
and however capable of deliberate perversion all men may
be, it remains a fact of experience that simplicity,
straightforwardness and transparency also exist. The
historian cannot therefore proceed on any single line of
judgment; his mind must be forever open to the two
possibilities that the evidence means what it says and that
it does not mean what it says. To achieve as secure a
judgment as possible, the historian here requires his most
rare and almost most dangerous gift: an all-embracing
sympathy which enables him, chameleon-like, to stand
with each man in turn to look upon the situation. The gift
is dangerous because it may in the end bring him to a
total inability to judge or even to make up his mind; it
need not do so but it often does.^1
This is a salutary statement of the critical task. In literary
terms it means that the critic inclined to source analysis must
be open to a literary solution which may exclude sources, while
the critic who is looking for literary unity must be open to
recognize the possible presence of diverse sources. A fine
judgment is called for. This is perhaps made all the more
difficult by the fact that, since literary unity rather than
disunity must be one's initial heuristic assumption, the scales
are naturally somewhat weighted in favour of arguments for the
former. Although these arguments about method are suggesting
that historical-critical analysis should occupy a more modest
26

position than is customary in the interpretation of a text, and
that it should often be practised after, rather than before, a
reading of the text in its own right, there is no intention to
banish it altogether; on the contrary, the hope is to set it upon a
firmer foundation so that there should be less arbitrariness and
variation in its results. The practical outworking of this,
combining historically-alert criticism with sensitive literary
and theological exegesis, will be a demanding task.
A CONSIDERATION OF SOME IMPLICATIONS
OF THE PROPOSED APPROACH TO THE TEXT
What will be the practical results of prefacing historical
penetration of a text with literary and theological exegesis?
Here are offered a few preliminary observations on principles
to be observed and problems that may arise.
It is likely that the study of the text in its own right will
sometimes simply invalidate and sometimes to a greater or
lesser extent modify already-existing analyses of its prehistory.
The extent to which this will happen cannot be predicted in
advance when as yet comparatively little work has been done
with this perspective. The nature of the shift may perhaps be
suggested by the two recent articles on the flood narrative by
B.W. Anderson^ 2 and G.J. Wenham.^ 3 Each writer argues
for the dynamic coherence of the narrative in its present form
and on the basis of this each suggests a modification in the
generally accepted source-critical analysis of the chapters;
instead of independent 3 and P narratives later combined by a
redactor, each suggests that to posit a separate P narrative
becomes unnecessary and that P and the redactor should be
identified; instead of two sources combined they suggest one
source reworked, a priestly recasting of traditional epic
material. It is not the present purpose to argue the correctness
of their analysis. It is the tenor of their arguments that is of
significance.
The way in which exegesis of the final text may bear upon
historical-critical enquiries will of course vary considerably,
depending upon which sort of critical analysis is under
consideration. It will bear most strongly upon source criticism
and redaction criticism where one is most dependent upon
finding unevennesses and seams in the present text. Its relation
to traditio-historical and historical criticism will be more
nebulous since the scholar in these areas necessarily works with
27

larger and less tangible considerations such as coherence and
likelihood, and his overall historical understanding may lead him
to hypothesize an origin and development of a text for which
there is little direct evidence in the text itself. But while one
must defend the historian's right to work in this way, it may
also be appropriate to sound a cautionary note, especially with
regard to traditio-historical analysis.
Traditio-historical study,^ by its very nature, relates
somewhat obliquely to the data of the text. In the Pentateuch it
treats of a process no longer visible, whose end result is the
only firm evidence we have.^ When the development of
tradition imagined is, as is generally the case, a process not
only of agglomeration but also of transformation, it may
legitimately be asked how one can know what the earlier stages
of the tradition were.^6 Another way of posing the question
is to ask what textual data would count as falsifying a
traditio-historical theory; or are many traditio-historical
reconstructions in fact impervious to such criticisms? In some
recent work that is left ambiguous, and such ambiguity affects
the status of the claim of tradition-history to constitute, in
some sense, an empirical and inductive, rather than an a priori,
explanation of the text.^7 jo sav this is not to deny the
legitimacy of tradition history in the Pentateuch. But it is to
urge caution in its practice; the more so since tradition history
should, ideally, take over where source analysis ends, and any
greater uncertainty concerning the literary sources must
necessarily entail greater uncertainty concerning the preliterary stages. A fresh perception of literary and theological
coherence in the final text may therefore have a certain
bearing upon traditio-historical reconstructions.
Given this variability of possible effect when prefacing
historical-critical analysis with literary and theological
exegesis, it is not possible to predict the sort of results that
may ensue. But it is worth briefly considering three areas where
interesting problems may arise.
Characteristics ofJ-Jebrew Narrative Style
In the first place, it is important to analyze the
characteristics of Hebrew narrative. There has been an increasing volume of writing in this area recently, but much work
remains to be done.^8 There is a particular danger of imposing anachronistic criteria by which to assess a narrative.
This is the complaint of R.N. Whybray in his discussion of the
28

Joseph story in which he sees an irreconcilable tension between
the standard source-critical analysis of the material and the
newer appreciation of the story as a wisdom novel of genius.
Inclining to the latter assessment he comments that there is an
insufficient understanding of the gap which exists
between our modern standards of consistency of narration
and those of the ancient world.^
The observation is not new. It constituted an important part of
the criticism of I. Engnell and the Scandinavians against the
documentary hypothesis. 50 But in the absence of a thorough
demonstration of what standards of consistency can reasonably
be expected of Hebrew narrative, this point lacks cutting edge.
Three examples of this problem may be given. The first is of
historical interest as it is from the work of Richard Simon, the
founding father of modern biblical study. In his Histoire critique
du Vieux Testament, Simon sought to show that Moses could not
have been the sole author of the Pentateuch. Among other
arguments for composite authorship he cited the repetitious
character of certain narratives:
Take for example the account of the flood in the seventh
chapter of Genesis; in verse 17 we read, "The waters
increased, and bare up the ark, and it was lift up above
the earth". In verse 18, "And the waters prevailed and
were increased greatly upon the earth: and the ark went
upon the face of the waters". In verse 19 we have, "And
the waters prevailed exceedingly upon the earth, and all
the high hills that were under the whole heaven were
covered", which is again repeated in verse 20, which
reads, "Fifteen cubits upward did the waters prevail, and
the mountains were covered". Is it not reasonable to
suppose that if one and the same writer had been
describing that event, he would
have done so in far fewer
words, especially in a history?51
(Some disunity in this same passage has generally been felt by
modern scholars also. It is customary to ascribe vv. 17a, 18-20
to P and v. 17b to J. This decision however has been almost
entirely dictated by the larger source division of the flood
narrative as a whole, rather than by the characteristics of these
four verses as such. The modern division is therefore not
relevant to the present point. Even the reconstructed P version
would doubtless have seemed prolix to Simon!)
29

Adopting a more literary perspective, B.W. Anderson comments that "the swelling of the waters is vividly portrayed by
the repeated use of the key words "the waters prevailed" to
create an ascending effect.
"wayyigberu hammayim (v. 18)
wehammayim gaberQ (v. 19)
gaberG hammayim (v. 20)."^2
One should also include v. 17 within this total effect so that one
has four successive stages of the increase of the flood;" a
forceful and aesthetically satisfying depiction.
If this literary perception is correct, two further observations
may be made. First, although the present literary unity is not
incompatible with composite authorship, one cannot take this
one factor in the text, that is the fourfold repetition, and argue
that it shows both unity and disunity. If the literary assessment
of the repetition as a unity is sound, then the fact of repetition
in itself provides no evidence of composite authorship; that
could only be argued on the basis of other criteria in the larger
context. Secondly, the weakness in Simon's approach is not
simply that of literary insensitivity, but the fact that his
insensitivity seems to be based upon an anachronistic application of the notion of literary coherence and appropriate style.
He begged a most important question, and as such set an unfortunate precedent.
A second issue in the assessment of Hebrew narrative style is
the possible use of compositional techniques in a way not dissimilar to the effect achieved by modern punctuation devices.
For example the occurrence of an introductory speech formula
in the middle of a speech is frequently taken as evidence of
diverse sources and/or redactional overworking. The comments
of Noth and Childs on the threefold wy'mr in Ex. 33:19-21 are
typical.^ But since each formula introduces some different
aspect within Yahweh's speech, which yet forms a continuous
whole,^ may it not be that they are intended to function as,
so to speak, paragraph markers?"And if so, how is this to be
weighed against the claim that the formulae reflect literary
tension and disunity?^
A third, and far more problematic, issue in Hebrew style is
the phenomenon of the so-called "doublet". As O. Kaiser puts it,
The one most basic criterion for a division into sources is
the repeated occurrence of the same material in different
versions, that is, doublets.57
30

A similar view is also expressed by Noth^S ancj by Richter,
who calls the presence of doublets "das wichtigste Kriterium"
for discerning different sources.59 -rnai: there may be difficulties with a doublet analysis is a point that has received
insufficient attention. Although Richter, for example, does
discuss the distinction between a repetition which is stylistic
and one which reflects sources, the examples he gives of
stylistic repetition, Gen. 1 and the redactional framework of
Judges, are too easy and obvious to offer any help in more
problematic contexts.60
The notion of a doublet, though seemingly clear, is in fact
somewhat vague. It was developed primarily within the analysis
of Genesis with reference to such obviously similar narratives
as the expulsions of Hagar (Gen. 16; 21:8-21) or "the ancestress
of Israel in danger" (Gen. 12:10-20; 20:1-18; 26:6-11). Its applicability elsewhere is far less clear .61 For example, Ex. 34,
with its theophany and law-giving, is generally considered the 3
version of the E theophany and law-giving in Ex. 19-20.62
Does it therefore qualify as a doublet? In fact Ex. 34 is so
different in certain significant respects from Ex. 19-20^3
that it is doubtful whether "doublet" is a useful category.
Another way of putting this point is to say that the doublet
analysis necessarily focusses on the similarities between two
narratives. Differences tend to be considered secondary and
unimportant. The point at which the differences between two
stories, similar in some respects, become as significant as the
similarities cannot be generally prescribed or quantitatively
assessed; it must be left to the judgment of the critic according
to each situation. Nonetheless there remains in principle a
genuine difficulty which is insufficiently recognized. What
distinguishes one story told in two variant traditions from two
different stories either somewhat similar in themselves or told
in such a way as to bring out a similarity between them? It is
argued below, for example, that Ex. 34 was most likely never an
account of an initial covenant making but was always a
covenant renewal. When it is objected that (inter alia) it looks
so similar to an initial covenant making, one may respond by
asking, How else would a covenant renewal appear?64
A further difficulty in the doublet analysis has to do with the
basic pattern of literary development which the scholar is to
assume. The pattern assumed in a standard doublet analysis is
that of one story being diversified in different literary
traditions. What, however, of the implications of a storytelling
31

technique such as Olrik's ninth epic law, the Law of Patterning,
according to which different people and situations are depicted
in such a way as to show similarity between them?65 The
development imagined here is that of diverse events being
unified. One might perhaps describe it as a literary typology.
The difficulty is that the two approaches presuppose different
patterns of literary development; unity to diversity, diversity to
unity. This is not to argue that one approach is right and the
other wrong. Both are demonstrable literary phenomena. The
point is simply to urge caution over the sort of source-critical
or traditio-historical patterns which may be assumed to
underlie a text.
The Role of Assumption and Allusion in Narrative
In addition to the need to be sensitive to specific narrative
techniques, there is also a more general principle of narrative
writing to be observed. A writer will frequently be allusive in
style. He will not want or need to elaborate on matters of
which the reader is presumed already to possess knowledge,
either through general knowledge or through what the writer
himself has previously said. The preoccupation of historicalcritical analysis with penetrating behind the text makes
difficult an appreciation of this aspect of literary style. Silence
about, or only a brief reference to, some feature in the preceding narrative is customarily taken as showing either
ignorance of this feature, thus constituting evidence for the
discernment of sources, or else a secondary gloss or harmonization, thus providing evidence for redactional compilation. To
interpret silences or allusions as assuming a knowledge of the
preceding narrative may have far-reaching implications. In the
exegesis of Ex. 32-34 it is proposed that frequently sense may
best be made on the assumption of a knowledge of the preceding narrative in Ex. 19-24; (25-31); and more generally Ex.
1-18. This point is a corollary of the importance of context for
exegesis. The more a writer assumes that the context makes his
meaning clear, the less he need specify individual points. It is
hardly surprising, therefore, that the less the context is taken
into account, the wider the range of interpretations of any
given unit that becomes available.
The difficulty, of course, is that while one must be open to a
writer's use of hint, allusion and assumption which presupposes
both background and context, one must equally be aware of the
possibility of producing a falsely harmonizing exegesis which
32

glosses over genuine difficulties. Again, there is no simple
resolution of the problem. The justification of an appeal to the
writer's tacit assumptions will be found in the persuasiveness of
the resulting exegesis.
Implications of Theological Paradox
A further difficult issue concerns the way in which
theological coherence in the final text bears upon the possible
discernment of sources. Since theological disunity has frequently been cited as evidence for literary disunity, the converse can
hardly be objected to. But how will this work in practice? We
may briefly consider one potentially problematic issue. This is
the fact that much theological writing may involve the use of
paradox and antinomy. Such is the inherently mysterious nature
of God and his ways with men that it is often difficult to make
a statement in a theologically reflective way without wishing to
qualify it, sometimes by the assertion of an apparently opposite
truth. The fact that one writer may make two seemingly incompatible statements 66 in attempting to express a paradoxical theological truth raises two problems. The first is that
one may simply fail to recognize that a paradox is being
elaborated. Take, for example, the presence of Ex. 33:11 in the
same narrative with 33:20 (33:14 also belongs theologically with
these). In the exegesis it is argued that we have here a typical
theological paradox straining to express the possibilities and
limitations in man's approach to God. The one complements the
other. To argue, therefore, that these reflect conflicting conceptions of man's approach to God and so belong to different
sources6'7 would be a misunderstanding, or at least a gross
oversim plifi cation.
The second problem is this. If one has recognized the
complementarity of the two poles of the paradox, one should
beware of assuming that their unity must be, or is even more
likely than not to be, the work of a redactor; that the emphases
were originally distinct and only secondarily conjoined. Here a
scholar's general theological understanding is an important
factor. Von Rad, for example, tends to dissolve theological
tensions in the present text into diverse traditio-historical
developments. A notable instance is his 6 presentation of the
difference between the tent and the ark. & The tent presents
a theology of Yahweh's intermittent manifestation, while the
ark represents Yahweh's abiding
presence. The two theologies
are "completely different". 6 " These two heterogeneous
33

streams of tradition were later coalesced (imperfectly) in the
Priestly conception of the tabernacle. The details of von Rad's
argument have met with various criticisms, but that need
not concern us here. What is of significance is that von Rad's
argument is controlled by the assumption of the essential
incompatibility of the notions of presence and visitation. This
results in his treating a passage such as Ex. 29:42-45, where the
two are juxtaposed without any sense of incongruity, as of no
significance; the idea of presence in v. 45 is dismissed as an
unintended hangover from a superseded tradition.71 But
might it not be that Ex. 29:42-45 should be taken at its face
value as an attempt to express a paradoxical theological truth,
an OT version of the paradox of immanence and transcendence?
And if so, does it not undermine the assumption basic to von
Rad's argument, as being based on too narrowly logical an
understanding of the issue at stake?
The problem here is the theological counterpart of general
literary considerations. Just as one must first determine what
constitutes Hebrew literary consistency before pronouncing a
text to be inconsistent, so too one must determine what
constitutes theological consistency before pronouncing on the
matter of inconsistency. A fine judgment is called for.
THE EXEGETICAL SIGNIFICANCE OF LITERARY GENRE
AND THE VALUE OF THE CONCEPT OF STORY
One final issue to treat of in this brief sketch of
methodological considerations is the significance of literary
genre for understanding the text. The moment, relative to the
exegesis of the text and the discussion of its prehistory, at
which one should come to a decision concerning genre is
difficult to prescribe. In practice there will inevitably be a
certain oscillation between the two.
In general literary study the more one knows about the
literary conventions within which an author was operating, the
better one can appreciate the meaning and implications of his
work. But for the early Hebrew writers in their Israelite and
ancient Near Eastern context we know all too little about the
literary conventions within which they wrote. Moreover such
literary conventions as they had would have been qualified in
significance by the givenness of the traditions of Israel which
they had to handle/2 jîs means that the modern reader has
to accept yet another imponderable element in his assessment
34

of the ancient Hebrew texts.
It may be suggested, however, that for many narrative
portions of the OT, including Ex. 32-34, questions of literary
genre are of comparatively little significance for arriving at
the meaning of the story, and assume more importance in
discussions of the story's origins or historicity. Obviously one
must make some kind of genre assessment at the outset, but
this is true of any literature and is no difficulty if one has been
properly taught to read.
It is in this connection that the currently fashionable notion
of "story" is of assistance. One of the advantages of the term
"story" is that it is conveniently vague about the precise nature
of the material to which it is applied but focusses rather on
those elements which bring a narrative to life - plot, irony,
suspense, climax, etc. - and which involve the reader imaginatively in the material. The important thing is to grasp what is
being said. Questions about truth content, process of
composition, or historical reliability may indeed be addressed to
a story, and some stories positively invite such questions, but
they are distinct from the task of understanding and entering
into what the story is saying and may, in general, be left aside
until the primary task of understanding has been accomplished.
One should not, however, separate the questions of understanding and truth too sharply, for it is often precisely by
appealing to a reader's sense of what is "true to life" that the
story involves the reader in what is being said. Utilizing, then,
the notion of "story" one can concentrate in the first instance
on a straightforward reading of the text and postpone explicitly
addressing the issue of the precise nature of the story's
contents.
To carry out such a procedure with Ex. 32-34 fits well with
the tenor of the argument so far. For most pentateuchal genre
discussions tend to be concerned with either the historicity or
the traditio-historical development of the material rather than
illuminating the meaning of what is being said. This may be
seen by briefly considering the two main genre classifications
that have been suggested for the Sinai material.
The first classification is that of Sage or legend.73
Although the notion of Sage may direct one to aspects of
story-telling hitherto unappreciated, for example by the
application of Olrik's Epic Laws, interest in Sage tends to be
concerned with the fact that if a story is Sage then one must be
cautious in searching for underlying historicity; for such stories
35

will tend to consist of largely unhistorical accretions upon a
possibly historical nucleus, although the degree to which a Sage
is considered unhistorical may vary considerably.^
The designation of "cult legend" has also been suggested. This
is a particularly slippery notion to grasp and is discussed at
length in ch. 3. Suffice it to say at present that language about
a narrative "reflecting" a cult-festival in the life of Israel can
easily lead to confusion between what the text now is and says
and what it once may have been and said. Some such confusion
may perhaps be discerned in Mowinckel's pioneering work on the
genre of the Sinai material when he says,
Ce que 3 et E rapportent comme recit des evenements du
Sinai n'est autre chose que la description d1 une fete
cultuelle celebree a une epoque plus recente, plus
precisement dans le temple de Jerusalem.7*
The Sinai narrative is an account of happenings at Sinai. It is
not a description of a cultic festival in the Jerusalem temple.
Even if the constituent elements of the narrative were entirely
drawn from the Jerusalem cult, this would not alter the fact
that now they are being used to describe a ceremony at Sinai;
that is what the text is about. If Mowinckel were right, his view
would have many implications for one's understanding of the
origins and development of the text. But for understanding what
the text now is and is saying his statement is misleading.
Von Rad's discussion of the genre?6 is more nuanced than
Mowinckel's. He argues not that the narrative is an account of a
post-Sinai cultic ceremony but that cultic practices have deeply
influenced the development of the narrative. Yet for all the
cultic influences which von Rad discerns in the Sinai pericope
and elsewhere in J, he says:
There is a wealth of ancient cultic material built into the
work of the J writer, but it would be true to say that
there is not one single instance in which the original
cultic interest has been preserved. The many hieroi logoi
have no longer the function of legitimating and
guaranteeing the holiness of an actual site, nor have the
cult legends of Exod. 1-14 or Exod. 19ff. and 24 retained
their ancient sacral purpose, which was exclusively
concerned with providing the basis and shaping the
pattern of an ancient Yahwistic festival. The materials
have been "historicized": their inner content has actually
36

been removed bodily from its narrow sacral context into
the freer atmosphere of common history.?'7
The recognition of the "historicized" nature of the text and
of the fact that any original sacral context has receded into the
background means that discussion of the Sinai material as a cult
legend will necessarily focus on the prehistory of the text
rather than on its present form. Insofar as one is interested in
the origins and development of the Sinai traditions it is valuable
to ask in what sense they may be a cult legend. But as long as
one is concerned with the basic task of understanding what the
present text is saying, such traditio-historical concerns may be
appropriately postponed.
The concept of "story" is of value in helping to release the
scholar from undue concern with questions of genre and prehistory. But it would be wrong to acquiesce in an undiscriminating appeal to "story" which does not differentiate types
of story and story-telling. In particular, it is important to be
sensitive to distinctive perspectives which may mould the
telling of a story and especially the theological perspectives
characteristic of many Hebrew writers.
In Ex. 32-34, for example, there are many of the elements of
dramatic story-telling, the clash of contrasts, the creation of
suspense, the use of climax, etc. In the light of these one may
justifiably suppose that a dramatic presentation is integral to
the story. Yet in the midst of such a narrative there is the
block of laws in 34:11-26 which from a literary perspective do
not enhance but detract from the drama on the summit of Sinai.
The fact that the writer was prepared to sacrifice the principles of good story-telling where he deemed it necessary shows
that his purpose was not simply, or even primarily, to tell an
interesting story. His concern is profoundly theological, to do
with the nature of Yahweh and the nature and basis of Yahweh's
covenant with Israel. For such the inclusion of the laws is of
first importance.
Again, the clear depiction of a central figure, a hero, is
another characteristic of good story-telling/^ in One sense
this can be seen in Ex. 32-34 in that Moses is the leading,
indeed the only significant, human protagonist throughout. The
role of Moses as mediator and intercessor is a constant theme
all through the chapters, and the closing scene (34:29-35) rightly
leaves him in sole possession of the staged Yet in the most
important part of the narrative as a whole, its dramatic and
37

theological climax, it is Yahweh alone to whom attention is
directed (33:18-34:9). Yahweh's self-revelation is the highlight
of the narrative. It is remarkable how in the intercession of
Moses (33:12-23), although at first all the initiative seems to lie
with Moses in his efforts boldly to win a concession from
Yahweh, yet at the culmination of the prayer (33:18ff.) Yahweh
completely takes over and Moses recedes from view; the heroic
intercessor becomes the passive recipient (33:22f.). Who then is
the hero, Moses or Yahweh? The answer is both. One is confronted in Ex. 32-34 with a fine theological balance between
the human and the divine. The story functions consistently on
both the human and divine level; it is the story of both God and
man. Of course human and divine are intermingled in much
ancient Near Eastern literature. But the fine balance between
the two in such a way that the narrative is forced out of
conventional literary patterns is a characteristic one must be
particularly sensitive to in this narrative if one is to do justice
to its nuances and particularities.
SUMMARY AND CONCLUSION
After this brief general outline of methodological considerations, a summary statement of exegetical approach, with
special reference to the following exegesis of Ex. 32-34, may be
offered.
First, it is clear that some justification must be offered for
deciding upon just three chapters as the section for study. Upon
what grounds may they be treated as distinct from their
surrounding context? This decision is not based upon the
customary source-critical analysis of the Sinai pericope. It is
important that one's decision should, at least initially, conform
to the divisions that the text itself presents. As such there can
be no question that the content, structure and style of Ex.
32-34 are distinct from that of the surrounding material. And a
comparatively superficial reading of Ex. 32-34 reveals that it
contains a rounded, and to a certain extent self-contained,
story. It is reasonable, therefore, in terms of the presentation
within Exodus to treat Ex. 32-34 as a narrative in its own right,
whose contents are to be interpreted primarily in relationship
to themselves. At the same time, however, the narrative must
be taken as it is presented as a part of a larger whole. One must
consider the exegetical significance, in order of priority, of the
larger Sinai context, Ex. 19-24, 25-31, 35-40; the preceding
38

exodus narrative, Ex. 1-18; the larger pentateuchal context; the
literature of Israel as a whole;
and ancient Near Eastern
oA
literature of non-Israelite origin. 6U
Having decided upon the compass of material under
consideration (a decision subject to possible modification in the
light of a further understanding of the text), the primary
exegetical task is to determine the meaning of the text. This is
mainly achieved through a literary, theological and historical
exegesis of the units of meaning in their context.
The work of text criticism, which is a prerequisite of
exegesis, need not be discussed since its role is not
controversial. Admittedly not all text-critical work is prior to
exegesis, for sometimes exegetical
considerations are
determinative for text-critical conclusions. But this is not of
significance for the present discussion.
The exegesis of the text will be literary in that it will
attempt to take seriously the narrative as a work of literature.
The unity of the work will be assumed, until shown otherwise.
One will attempt to discern a plot or theme and to discover
those elements which impose structural pattern on the
material. Literary devices such as foreshadowing, irony,
suspense, climax, symbolism, etc. will constitute part of the
nature and meaning of the narrative. All this is in principle
straightforward. Sometimes it may lead later to controversy
with source-critical interests, given the possible role of
assumption and allusion outlined above.^ 1 Sometimes, as
Licht observes, one will run the "risk of misinterpreting a
scribal error as a deliberate stylistic feature, or awkward
editorial manipulations as structural features". ^ Only
experience as a literary critic can lessen the dangers. But even
when one does misinterpret textual data it is still the case that,
as Licht puts it, "one is still commenting upon actual
phenomena in an actual text, which is certainly preferable to
commenting upon hypothetical constructions of one's own".83
The exegesis will be theological in that the exegete will be
open to theological meaning both in the content of the
narrative and in its presentation. This requires sensitivity to the
perspectives and emphases which may be characteristic of a
theological mind. For instance, the tendency of theological
language to resort to paradox has already been mentioned.
Theological exegesis naturally runs the same risk as literary
exegesis of finding significance where none should be found. But
this is no less than the risk of denying significance where it is
39

present. The literary and theological merit of the pentateuchal
narratives is unquestionably great. In exegesis it is preferable
that there be no bias or error at all. But if one is to err it would
seem to me less reprehensible to err in the direction of seeing
too much in the text, than in seeing too little.
The exegesis will be historical not in the sense of attempting
to reconstruct the underlying historical events but in the sense
that the meaning attributed to the text must not be historically
anachronistic. This will be on the whole straightforward, given
a sound overall grasp of the history of Israel in its environment,
but occasionally will be controversial where the resolution of an
historical problem is at issue. For example, one contention of
the present exegesis of Ex. 32-34 is that the narrative
presupposes instructions to build a movable sanctuary. It is this
movable sanctuary which is referred to when Yahweh speaks of
his "presence going" with Israel (Ex. 33:14,16) and also when
Moses prays for the accompanying presence (Ex. 34:9a). If such
a meaning is to be historically valid, then the concept of a
movable sanctuary must be familiar and meaningful at the
period when the writer was composing his work (insofar as this
can be determined with any likelihood). This does not mean that
there must also be an actual historical referent in the period
the narrative relates. Nonetheless the verses would constitute
evidence, available to be assessed historically, in favour of such
an actual movable sanctuary.
These steps outlined constitute the primary exegetical task
of ascertaining the meaning of the text. As a result of the
exegesis the exegete will turn to an investigation of the origins,
prehistory and composition of the text, insofar as the textual
data permit this. There will be several goals in view. The first
will be to add a "depth dimension" to the reading of the final
text through discerning the underlying traditio-historical
development wherever this is possible. Once it is accepted that
the present text is the end-point of a process of composition,
then, whether the process be long or short, it will clearly add
nuance to one's reading to have some understanding of this
process, and to be able to locate the narrative within the
historical experience of Israel. This is best approached by
focussing upon the genre of the material, and thus gaining a
clearer understanding of the sort of material one is dealing with.
Secondly, the penetration behind the text may be part of a
study in the development of early Israelite literature and
traditions for its own sake, with less regard to how this may
40

illuminate the final text. This is primarily the domain of the
technical article and lies beyond the scope of the present study.
Thirdly, one may enquire into the historical value of the
traditions contained in the text. This may be done from more
than one perspective. It may be the concern of the historian
who seeks to reconstruct the early history of Israel for its own
sake. Equally one may approach from the perspective of the
classical form of biblical theology, that is the at least partial
dependence of theological content upon historical factuality.
Such a dependence both justifies and requires an enquiry into
the nature of the text's origins and development and an enquiry
as to whether some historical basis to the text in question can
reasonably be maintained. If it appears that no historical basis
can plausibly be maintained in terms either of the evidence of
the sources or of the literary genre, then this constitutes an
issue for one's understanding of the relationship between
theology and history, a question which requires separate treatment. It has not yet been possible to proceed to the stage of
drawing conclusions about the historical worth of the traditions
in Ex. 32-34, for much preliminary groundwork remains to be
done. But the general tenor of the arguments in this study is to
allow at least a greater openness to the possibility of discerning
underlying historical events than is often the case.
This statement of method and approach, while primarily a
justification for the following treatment of Ex. 32-34, also goes
far beyond the scope of the present work. For while the
exegesis of the text is intended to be fairly thorough (although
numerous technical details which do not affect the flow of the
story are passed over), the treatment of the secondary
questions to do with the sources, development and historicity of
the material cannot claim to be more than a preliminary and
selective clearing of the ground, leaving a vast amount of
further work to be done. The purpose of this selective
discussion is threefold.
First, it is an attempt to show the sort of difference that it
may make to preface historical-critical analysis with an
exegesis of the final text. While the demonstration of a literary
and theological coherence in the final text obviously cannot be
allowed to prejudge or obviate the need for penetration behind
the text, it equally obviously must have some bearing upon the
way this penetration is done, especially when one is looking for
signs of the incorporation of different sources. In the discussion
of whether Ex. 34 should be seen as the J parallel to the E
41

theoph any/covenant in Ex. 19-20, it is ar hat the
coherence and distinctiveness of Ex. 34 as seen in the exegesis
remove the support for many of the arguments commonly
adduced.84 Alternatively, in the discussion of Ex. 33:7-11
attention is drawn to the way in which analysis varies according
to how far context is allowed to determine meaning.^^ The
discussion is trying not simply to resolve outstanding problems
but also to show how the resolution one proposes may be
influenced by the assumptions implicit in the way one tackles
the question.
Secondly, this study attempts to reconsider questions worthy
of reconsideration in themselves, even though the textual
exegesis may have only indirect bearing upon them. The cult
legend hypothesis, for example, although widely held, has never
received sufficient clarification. The probing of the assumptions of the hypothesis is not dependent upon the exegesis of
the preceding chapter. Yet the exegesis still has some bearing
upon the hypothesis by insisting that the postulated complex
traditio-historical development should take into account the
literary and theological coherence of the final product.
Alternatively, the arguments for the antiquity of the tradition
in Ex. 32:1-6 are quite independent of the exegesis, apart from
the fact that it was the realization that the plural "these are
your elohim" in 32:4 was most likely dependent upon its context
and not on 1 Kings 12:28 that prompted the enquiry in the first
place. In general it may be said that while the literary and
theological coherence of Ex. 32-34 of itself says nothing about
the antiquity and development of its traditions, it is nonetheless
a latent, and sometimes potent, factor in discussions about
these factors. For one must be able to show not only how, in the
light of the evidence of the text, the narrative may be
composed from different elements from different periods, but
also how these diverse elements have been moulded into a
coherent whole. This will be no easy task.
Finally, it will be noted that much of the argumentation is
somewhat negative, with more stress on showing the inadequacy
of commonly-advanced arguments than on replacing them with
positive alternatives. This is partly to clear the ground. But
although demolition is easier than construction, construction is
ultimately more important and so it is unsatisfactory to leave
the matter there. Some tentative proposals are therefore
advanced as to the sort of direction that further study might
take. But the lack of more thorough proposals does not simply
42

result from the exigencies of space. It also results from a
growing unease as to the ability of our modern critical tools to
perform the task they are employed for. That is, the prolonged
study of the contents of Ex. 32-34 has left this reader at least
with a growing sense of their impenetrability. This is not to say
that the chapters constitute a kind of seamless robe for they do
not, although the seams are fewer than is commonly thought.
But it is to wonder whether the text really affords sufficient
evidence for the kind of thoroughgoing critical analysis that is
customarily attempted. This is not to deny that diverse sources
and traditions may underlie the text, but it is to ask whether we
are still in a position to recover them and do more than point to
possible hints of their presence. No doubt numerous such
analyses will continue to be presented. But there are times
when it may perhaps be best to say "We just do not know".
43
Chapter 2
AN EXEGESIS OF EX. 32-34
We may turn now to a practical demonstration of the exegetical approach advocated. Ex. 32-34 will be interpreted as a
literary narrative, meaningful in itself. Discussion of genre and
prehistory will be postponed to subsequent chapters.
Since attention is being directed to the final form of the
text, the non-specific term "the writer" will be used for convenience throughout. This is not intended to beg questions of
composition and redaction, but simply to postpone them on the
grounds that such questions are not part of the primary task of
interpretation.
In the course of the exegesis reference will also be made to
other parts of Exodus as "presupposed" by Ex. 32-34. For it is
consistent to treat the book as a whole as an entity in its own
right. Again it must be stressed that this exegesis of the final
form of the text is not intended to prejudge the historicalcritical questions which may be raised.
Narrative Presuppositions in Ex. 32-34
One of the principles of interpretation outlined above is that
one must be open to things which a writer did not make explicit
because he assumed them. Initially, therefore, it is appropriate
to specify those presuppositions which may plausibly be seen to
underlie the writer's treatment of his story in Ex. 32-34. A
prolonged study of the story has suggested four particular
assumptions which can illuminate the reading of the text. The
justification for these assumptions will lie in their heuristic
value in the subsequent reading of the text.
First, Ex. 32-34 presupposes the substance of Ex. 19-24. That
is, Yahweh, having brought the people of Israel out of Egypt and
led them to Sinai, has there entered into a new and formal
relationship with them.* At the heart of this new relationship
stands the giving of the decalogue, a revelation of the character of Yahweh and the moral and religious basis of the future
life of the people. In addition to this a selection of laws provides in greater detail than the decalogue the paradigmatic
basis for the just and orderly life of the newly-constituted
44
Two: An Exegesis of Exodus 32-34

people of Yahweh. The people have then accepted their role as
the exclusive people of Yahweh.
The second presupposition is that after the covenant ratification ceremony in Ex. 24, the people were in principle ready to
move off from Sinai to the land which Yahweh would give them
where they would live as his people. Already in Ex. 23, after the
last of the detailed laws in v. 19, attention shifts to the future
journeyings of the people of Israel and their consequent occupation of the land which Yahweh is giving them (vv. 20-33).
As the people are ready to leave Sinai, they will need certain
things as they journey on. Two such things in particular are
assumed in Ex. 32-34. The first arises from the fact that,
although the people are to leave the place where their commitment to Yahweh was made, there is to be a permanent reminder
of its meaning and significance. When the covenant ratification
is concluded, Yahweh says to Moses that he will give him tables
of stone which will contain the laws just given (24:12). The
recording of the commandments will give them a permanent
validity. As L. Alonso Schokel puts it,
According to ancient custom, the writing of a contract
conferred on it a juridical status ... Thus the writing of a
text is not merely the graphic notation of what is spoken:
it is a new act constitutive and meaningful, which makes
a word into a juridical instrument, an immutable norm, or
a witness for the future.2
It may be suggested that the tables of the law are to be seen as
in some way analogous in significance to the stone of witness
erected by Joshua at Shechem (Josh. 24:26f.).
Finally, because the relationship between Yahweh and Israel
has now been regularized and set on a formal basis, a new^
symbol of Yahweh's presence among the people is needed. This
is to be a portable shrine. The presence of Yahweh among his
people is a central concern in the OT.^ Since, at least in the
early period, Yahweh's presence was not so much conceived
abstractly as connected with some visible symbol or manifestation (cf. e.g. Num. 5:3, 10:35f., 2 Sam. 7:6), and since Yahweh's
relationship with Israel has been set upon a permanent and
regular basis, some permanent symbol of Yahweh's presence
among Israel is now appropriate.
It is the ark and tabernacle
(Ex. 25-27) which fulfil this role.5
With a knowledge of these presuppositions, it is now possible
to turn to the interpretation of Ex. 32-34.
45

Ex. 32:1-6
The opening paragraph sets the scene and describes the sin of
Aaron and the people. The truculent mood of the people is
conveyed by their emphatic imperative to Aaron, "Up, make us
êloh im", and by the threatening implications of the
expression "to gather to" (qhl c l, cf. Num. 16:3, 20:2). The
people exert pressure upon Aaron. Although Ex. 32 stresses
Aaron's responsibility for the calf, the people are implicated
too.6 The rapid succession of verbs in v. 6 expresses the
restless and orgiastic nature of the proceedings.^ A calf^ is
made,9 and the people worship before it 10 - an act
regarded in later times (as indeed in the present text, as will be
seen) as the paradigm of apostasy.il
The problem arises out of the prolonged absence of Moses on
the mountain. The people's request for ' e lohim on the grounds
that Moses has now disappeared is notable in that it implies
that the ' e lohim are a replacement, in some sense, for Moses.
A similar implication can be seen in the parallelism of v. IbB
with v. 4b:
v. 1. ... "This Moses, the man who brought us up out of the
land of Egypt ..."
v. 4. ... "Here are your ^ e lohim, O Israel, who brought
you up out of the land of Egypt".
A similar antithesis in vv. 7-8 also points to the supplanting of
Moses by the ' e lohim.
That the ^ e lohim are a substitute for Moses need enot imply
that Moses himself had been to the people as an ' lohTm.l2
Two points, rather, are clear. The first is that Moses is the one
who uniquely mediates Yahweh's guidance and leadership to the
people. It is in and through Moses that Yahweh is known and his
saving deeds experienced. The second is that the calf is a challenge to Moses' leadership; it is a rival means of mediating
Yahweh's presence to the people. It is significant that both
these ideas will be picked up again in the closing scene of the
narrative, 34:29ff.; Moses, with his shining face, is the man
through whom God's glory is seen, and the use of qeren (34:29,
30,35) echoes the calf and suggests that Moses is to the people
what the calf had been intended to be. 13 with this use of the
Moses theme at beginning and end the writer constructs an
inclusio for the narrative.
Although the calf functions as a challenge to Moses, the
parallelism is not exact, nor does it begin to exhaust the calf's
46

significance. For it seems clear that the calf was actually
intended as a symbol of the divine presence in a more real and
direct way than Moses could be. That the calf was seen as a
real embodiment of the divine presence is indicated by v. 5 (hag
lyhwh), and also the designation as _^loh_im in vv. 1,4,8.'^
In vv. 4f. the acclamation of the calf as the divine agent of the
exodus may seem slightly discordant with the concern for
having ê!5h im to go before the people. But the point is to
establish a continuity between the people's past experience and
this new representation of the deity. The calf does not represent any new god, but is identical with the one, that is Yahweh,
who has brought the people to Sinai and entered into a relationship with them on the basis of which he will continue to go with
them in future. It may be significant that the only previous
usage of the phrase in v. 4f. is in the preamble to the decalogue
in Ex. 20:2 (echoed also in 29:46). If the shout is taken as a
deliberate reminiscence of 20:2,^ this supports the view that
the people were concerned to affirm the continuity between the
calf and Yahweh the God of the exodus who had revealed himself at Sinai.
One further aspect of the calf lies in some notable parallels
between 32:1-6 and 25:1-9, the preliminary directions for building the ark and tabernacle. In 25:1-9 Yahweh provides that a
symbol or vehicle of his presence should be constructed out of
offerings from the people, willingly contributed, and containing
gold and other precious substances. The construction should
follow his specifications and so he will dwell among the people
(25:9). In ch. 32, although they are not obeying the commands in
Ex. 25, the people do willingly offer ornaments of gold (32:3).
Aaron, representative of Moses (and also designated as priest,
28:1 ff.), and so in a position to act with Yahweh's authority,
fashions the object which is then interpreted as conveying the
divine presence (32:4b,5b). The calf thus functions not only as a
parallel to Moses, but also to the ark/tabernacle. These two are
not incompatible for Yahweh's presence is mediated in more
ways than one.
It is clear that although the calf is intended as a symbol of
Yahweh, this is to be understood as a grotesque parody. This is
made most clear by the use of Riorum with plural verb and
demonstrative in 32:1,4,8. For it is customary in the OT to
convey a pagan understanding of deity by the use of ^lohim
with a plural verb, as in, for example, 1 Sam. 4:8, the words in
the mouth of the Philistines, or Gen. 20:13, Abraham's words to
47

the Philistine king, perhaps out of deference to Abimelech's
presumed polytheistic views. This is not indeed the only signification of ^lohim with plural verb or predicate. In several
contexts, e.g., Gen. 35:7, Deut. 4:7, 2 Sam. 7:23, any pagan implications would be out of place.' But in the present context
the intention is clear. When the present phrase is used without
polemical intent, as in Neh. 9:18, it can be used with an
ordinary singular verb. This pagan implication is best conveyed
in English by the rendering "god". For it is not plurality of gods
but a false conception of the one God that the writer is conveying.^
The whole account of 32:1-6 can thus be seen as heavily
ironic. This is clearest in the juxtaposition of 32:1-6 with 25:1-9.
Not only is there irony here but also theological reflection on
the nature of sin. The people want a symbol of Yahweh's presence. In their impatience they demand and make for themselves
what Yahweh has already made provision for and is about to
give them. What Aaron and the people do is in many ways
similar to what Yahweh has specified. Yet because they push
ahead without waiting for Yahweh's directions through Moses
their work is but a parody which, far from assuring Yahweh's
presence and accompaniment, simply forfeits it. Likewise the
people's attempt to affirm the identity of the calf with Yahweh
by echoing Ex. 20:2 is to be seen as a parody of the true nature
and purposes of Yahweh.
Finally it is worth noting the request for a god that will go
"ahead" of the people (Ipnynw). In the present context it is just
a general request for divine leadership. Later in the narrative a
particular significance accrues to the notion of going ahead; the
angel who goes ahead (Ipny, 33:2, cf. 23:20,23) becomes an inadequate substitute for Yahweh "in the midst" (33:3,5). But the
difference between "ahead" and "in the midst" only becomes
significant in the context of Yahweh's judgment on Israel's sin
when ordinary conditions do not pertain. It should not be read
back into 32:1. One may perhaps say that 32:1 introduces a
motif in anticipation of its later significance. Forms of
pnym/pny are also of importance in Ex. 32-34, and at a purely
verbal level 32:1 introduces these.
Ex. 32:7-14
The second paragraph, 32:7-14, presents a dramatic contrast
to the first. The theme of contrast between what happens on
the mountain, where the divine perspective is seen, and what
48

happens down below, where human sin and weakness is evident,
forms an important part of the literary structure of the
chapter. 1^ The paragraph also introduces the theme of Moses
as intercessor, and provides a theological framework for the
subsequent narrative.
The words of Yahweh in vv. 7-10 fall into two parts. In vv.
7-8 he commands Moses to descend from the mountain and
describes the people's sin, while vv. 9-10 recount Yahweh's
reaction to the sin and what he will do with the people. The use
of a second introductory formula (v. 9a) within the same speech
functions to signal the shift of content.^
Yahweh's command to Moses to descend is somewhat
brusquely expressed, reflecting the urgency of the situation and
the shattering of the calm on the mountain that had existed
hitherto.20 The situation is that the people has "acted sinfully" (Jh_t, Pi.) and "quickly turned aside from the way (drk) ..."
The word derek in the OT characteristically refers to Yahweh's
commandments and the proclamation of his will which prescribes the way of life for his people. It is in this sense that it is
used here, 2 * and so points to the sin as being a transgression
of the laws already given at Sinai, in particular the first two
commandments of the decalogue (cf. Ex. 20:4a, 20:23). Although
one might argue that Israel's sin was only against the second
commandment, 22 the prohibition of idolatry, it is likely that
for the writer the first two commandments were regarded as in
practice inseparable.2^ Such a close connection between the
first two commandments is most clearly visible in Deuteronomy, especially in Deut. 6-11.2^ This linkage need not be
labelled as specifically "deuteronomic" for there is no evidence
of any other OT writer who would have disagreed and made any
sharp separation between the two commandments. 2 ^
The designation of the people as "stiff-necked", which forms
the basis for Yahweh's anger and judgment, introduces one of
the key motifs 26 of 32-34 (cf. 33:3,5, 34:9), which will be discussed at 34:9.
The problem which 32:7-14 deals with is whether or not
Israel, in the light of their sin, can continue to be the people of
God. The way in which it is resolved is important for the
narrative of 32-34 as a whole. Yahweh seems to repudiate the
people by referring to them before Moses as 'Vour people"
( c amm e ka, v. 7) whom "you brought up" (he ce leta) 2 ' or else as
"this people", a designation which frequently carries hostile
overtones. 2 ^ Moses responds to this by pleading the fact that
49

Israel is Yahweh's people, "thy people" ( c amm e ka, vv.
11,12) whom'ythou didst bring (hose'ta) out of Egypt". That this
variation in suffixes is significant^ is indicated
by the closing
word of the paragraph "to his people" (I e c amm6) which
the
writer uses to indicate Yahweh's acceptance of Moses1 plea.
Yahweh accepts that Israel is his people and so not to be
destroyed or cast off.
The theological basis for this acceptance of Israel by Yahweh
is presented as lying within the character of Yahweh himself, a
theological truth which is later developed as the fundamental
message of the whole story (cf. 33:19, 34:6f.,9). It is remarkable
that at the same time as Yahweh announces his judgment of the
people, he makes his action in some way dependent on the
agreement of Moses - "Now therefore let me alone that ... I
may consume them" - and so paradoxically leaves open a
possible escape. This paradox in no way diminishes the
seriousness of the situation or the reality of the wrath and
judgment incurred,30 5 ut reflects rather the character of
Yahweh as a God both of judgment and of mercy. Further, this
possible way of escape is developed in 32:10 by Yahweh making
a promise to Moses almost identical in wording to the original
promise to Abraham in Gen. 12:3.
Gen. 12:3: we'eceska legoy
gadol
Ex. 32:10: we'eceseh '6teka l e goy gadol
Yahweh's faithfulness to his promise, to which Moses appeals in
v. 13, becomes the reason why Yahweh spares the people: and
this theme of promise is introduced by Yahweh himself.
The faithfulness of Yahweh as the basis for mercy is further
developed in the course of Moses' intercession. Nowhere does
Moses excuse or mitigate what the people have done, but bases
his appeal entirely on the character and purposes of
Yahweh,31 the God who brought the people out of Egypt (v.
11), the God whose reputation is at stake (v. 12), the God who
has made promises to his people (v. 13). In v. 13 Moses appeals
to both the main elements of Yahweh's patriarchal promises,
both descendants and possession of land, and also uses the
special name "Israel" instead of Jacob,32 thus claiming God's
promise in all its fullness. The fact that Yahweh accedes to
Moses' plea on these terms reveals a theological understanding
of mercy, as dependent on God's character and his promises.
In addition to this appeal to God's faithfulness, another
striking aspect of Yahweh's words in 32:10 lies in the fact that,
50

apart from the paradox of judgment and mercy within Yahweh
himself which they reveal, they open the way for the man
Moses to play a decisive role within the purposes of God. A
further paradox. It is God's faithfulness alone which is the basis
for forgiveness; and yet this faithfulness is only revealed and
made actual when Moses' bold intercession calls it forth. This
divine-human balance plays a central role in the following
narrative.
The importance of Moses' role in these chapters and
elsewhere has frequently been underestimated through a
slightly exaggerated emphasis on divine sovereignty. A typical
position is that of von Rad:
Not a single one of all these stories, in which Moses is the
central figure, was really written about Moses. Great as
was the veneration of the writers for this man to whom
God had been pleased to reveal Himself, in all these
stories it is not Moses himself, Moses the man, but God
who is the central figure. God's words and God's deeds these are the things that the writers intend to set
forth.33
A similar statement is made by P.P. Ellis:
There is no human hero in the Yahwist saga - not
Abraham or Jacob or Joseph or Moses. There is no human
hero because the protagonist of the saga is the Lord
God.34
G.W. Coats35 has attempted to redress the balance by
pointing out the fine theological tension between the divine and
human which exists in many of the Moses stories. It is neither
God alone nor Moses alone who is responsible for the welfare of
Israel but both together:
For Pentateuchal theology the balance is crucial. Moses is
not simply the blind servant, dancing his minuet of
obedience to the sound of an all-encompassing divine
drumbeat. To the contrary, for Pentateuchal theology
Moses is both servant of God and heroic giant.36
Admittedly some Exodus narratives, particularly the ory
at the Red Sea (14:1-15:21), do stress Yahweh's action to the
exclusion of human involvement. Coats warns against an exclusive stress on Yahweh's act and sees a tension between ch.
15 which describes the event totally in terms of divine activity
51

and ch. 14 in which Moses enters the account as an efficient
agent.^ Yet even in ch. 14 the overwhelming emphasis is on
Yahweh's action and when Moses does act it is at Yahweh's
behest and not on his own account.38 The fact that this
narrative, at the culmination of the paradigm act of salvation,
so stresses Yahweh's action alone constitutes the significant
exception which proves the rule. In the last resort it is Yahweh
alone upon whom salvation depends. Yet this should not over
rule but rather heighten the significance of those narratives in
which both divine and human action play an integral role.
It has frequently been noted that there is a certain tension
between 32:7-14 and the rest of ch. 32, particularly in Moses
seeming unaware of the people's sin as he descends the
mountain despite his having been told by God, and in his seeking
forgiveness (vv. 30ff.) as though it had not yet been granted (v.
14). Childs has shown, however, the necessity of at least some
earlier form of the tradition as integral to the narrative, and
has also argued persuasively that the literary moulding of the
story into a pattern of contrasting scenes gives a character to
the narrative which makes it somewhat impervious to criticisms
based on logical and chronological considerations.^ Three
further observations may be added to this.
First, just as 32:1-6 presents a paradigm of sin and apostasy,
so 32:7-14 can be seen to present a paradigm of judgment,
intercession, and forgiveness. Both scenes have a certain exemplary quality, the juxtaposition of which forms an effective
contrast.
Secondly, the theme of Yahweh's faithfulness to his promise
despite seemingly impossible obstacles is evident in other JE
stories, most notably the Abraham cycle (Gen. 12-25) and
probably also the Balaam cycle (Num. 22-24) where Num. 22:6
indicates an interpretation of the cycle in terms of a challenge
to Yahweh's promise in Gen. 12:3 and the way in which the
challenge is overcome. This suggests an interpretation of Ex.
32-34 also in terms of a challenge to Yahweh's promise and the
vindication of his faithfulness. The challenge is particularly
potent in that it arises not from external danger, as in Num.
22-24, but from the sinfulness of God's own people and their
inherent inability to live in the way that God has prescribed.
That Yahweh can deal with this problem is indicated at the
outset of the narrative (v. 14). Yet this need in no way lessens
the drama or tension of seeing his faithfulness being tested and
52

confirmed through the rest of the story.
Thirdly, 32:7-14 not only presents, in nuce, the major themes
of sin, intercession, and forgiveness, the mercy of God and the
role of Moses which the rest of the narrative goes on to develop
but it also provides a theological perspective from which the
rest of the narrative should be read. For it presents a context
of God's grace in which the episodes of judgment in 32:15-33:11
are to be read. In particular this can be seen in the juxtaposition of v. 14 with vv. 15-20. The smashing of the tablets by
Moses is generally considered to signify the termination or
annulment of the covenant relationship. Noth, for example,
says,
Moses1 breaking of the tables ... means that he now
declares the covenant between God and the people to be
broken and therefore null and void.^0
In itself the action would suggest such a finality given the
significance of the tablets outlined above.^ Yet in the light
of v. 14 the reader knows that Yahweh has not rejected his
people. Therefore the covenant is not abrogated, despite the
people's unfaithfulness, but somehow God will be merciful and
restore his people.
Ex. 32:15-20
The third paragraph, 32:15-20, recounts Moses' descent from
Mt. Sinai. The reader has seen the people's sin below the
mountain. He has also seen the divine perspective on the mountain top. But what will happen when the two meet?
The paragraph is short, consisting of only 92 words.^
After an introduction of 5 words, 23 words, that is a quarter of
the total, are given to a description of the tables of stone, and
25 words are given to the distinct but threatening sound from
the camp. After a further 5 words recounting Moses' final
approach, the actual confrontation is told swiftly and brusquely
in 34 words.
Although the reader knows of Israel's sin with the calf, his
attention is directed first to the divine splendour of the tablets,
described more fully here than anywhere else. It is stressed that
they are the work of God and that the writing on them is the
writing of God. There is perhaps a contrast implied between
these and the man-made idol of the people. Then a noise is
heard from the camp whose meaning is unclear. Joshua guesses
wrongly at its significance, thus serving as a foil for Moses
53

whose superior insight into the character of the people is
brought out. Moses responds^ wjth a play on words which
shows that he understands the true significance of the sound
even though all details are still unclear.^ The metrical cola
of v. 18, by attracting attention to the word play, continue to
build up suspense for the moment of actual confrontation with
the people. When the confrontation comes its initial presentation is brief and consists of the brusque actions of Moses in
smashing the tablets - despite the divine workmanship^ - and
thoroughly destroying the calf,^ the remains of which are
scattered on the water for the people to drink as punishment.^ The less dramatic account of Deut. 9 takes time to
designate the calf as a "sinful thing" and to explain that there
was a brook that flowed out of the mountain (Deut. 9:21); such
expansion is extraneous to the taut narrative of Ex. 32:20.
Ex. 32:21-24
The story turns next to the role played by Aaron. As Childs
has shown,^' if one compares Aaron's account of the making
of the calf with the earlier account in 32:1-6, the way in which
Aaron designates the people as "set on evil" and dwells on their
role at length while minimizing his own involvement reveals
Aaron as guiltily trying to evade his responsibility. The contrast
between him and Moses could hardly be greater:
Aaron saw the people "bent on evil": Moses defended them
before God's hot anger (v. 11). Aaron exonerated himself
from all active involvement; Moses put his own life on the
line for Israel's sake. Aaron was too weak to restrain the
people; Moses was strong enough to restrain even God.^8
It is of further interest that there is a certain parallel
between the manner of Aaron's excuse and that of Adam in
Gen. 3.^9 There are no verbal links, but the behaviour of
Aaron corresponds to that of the archetypal pattern in Gen. 3.
As in Gen. 3, the attempt to excuse does not mitigate but increases guilt; and as in Gen. 3 the story moves on from Adam's
excuse to the woman who incited him, so here the story moves
from Aaron's excuse to the people who incited him.
Ex. 32:23-29
The episode of the Levites is told with a brevity that leaves
some of its details unclear, in particular the problematic v. 29,
although the general tenor is unambiguous. It continues the
54

theme of Yahweh's judgment upon the people, and again the use
of contrast is evident, the contrast between the faithful Levites
and faithless Aaron, and also implicitly the contrast between
the faithful few (remnant?) and the disobedient many.
The key to understanding the episode is to appreciate that its
central concern is a life-or-death faithfulness to Yahweh. It is a
classic example of the faithfulness commanded in Deut. 13.
This theme will recur again, especially in Ex. 34:1 Iff.
That faithfulness is the issue in 32:25-29 (cf. Deut. 33:8-9)
can also be appreciated through a comparison with Num. 25:6ff.
Unlike that narrative, where Phinehas' slaying of the unfaithful
Israelite and Midianite is given atoning significance, there is no
hint in Ex. 32 of such a meaning given to the Levites' action.
Indeed the words of Moses in v. 30 about his seeking to make
atonement himself exclude it. The primary significance of the
story is to show that death is the penalty for unfaithfulness to
Yahweh and the covenant, whereas blessing (v. 29b) is the
reward for faithfulness. Although the aetiological element of
the ordination of the Levites is present in v. 29a, little weight
is laid upon it by the narrator (one may contrast Deut. 33:8-10);
it is the Levites' faithfulness, and the cost of this, to which
attention is directed.
There is some ambiguity over which people were slain by the
Levites, whether fellow Levites or Israelites from other tribes.
While the words of v. 29, "each one at the cost of his son and of
his brother", in themselves suggest a slaughter within the ranks
of the Levites, the command to go right through the camp (v.
27), as well as the setting of the scene as a whole (v. 25),
suggests that offenders in every tribe are punished. There is
some evidence that everyone who stood within the covenant
was a brother or kinsman to his fellow, e.g. Lev. 25:46, Deut.
3:18, 24:7, Jdg. 20:13, Num. 25:6,50 and the point of designating those slain as brothers and sons^ may be to stress the
costliness of faithfulness to Yahweh.^2
It is interesting to reflect on this role of the Levites in the
light of the larger pentateuchal context. The violence of the
Levites is a theme in Genesis, but there it is condemned (Gen.
34, 49:5ff.). Here, by contrast, it is commended. What is the
difference? In a not wholly dissimilar way G.W. Coats has
shown how in Ex. 32-34 both Moses and the people in some way
resist the will of Yahweh, and yet it is only Moses' opposition in
the way in which he boldly intercedes with Yahweh, and not
that of the people, which is commended.53 Such ambiguity
55

suggests that for this writer it is not so much the action
performed as the motive underlying it which is of central
importance. What distinguishes the Levites' slaying is that it is
done out of faithfulness to Yahweh (32:26), while Moses appeals
to Yahweh's glory as bound up with the fate of the people
(32:12, 33:16), showing concern for Yahweh and not for himself.
It is loyalty to Yahweh that for this writer is the crucial factor
in assessing the worth of an action.
Three notes on v. 25 may be added. First, although there is
some uncertainty over the precise meaning of parua c and
simsah, the context makes their general significance clear.
Secondly there is a word play in the double use of pre c inc v.
25 which echoes the preceding narrative;^ cf. v. 22, b ra ,^
v. 17, bfr_eoh, v. 14, hara c ah, v. 12, b e ra c ah. The archaic
spelling with h at the end in v. 25 and v. 17 seems deliberately
to focus attention on the word play.^6
Thirdly, emphasis is laid on Aaron's responsibility for the
people (v. 25b), as in v. 21. It is remarkable that despite this
emphasis there is no mention of any punishment for Aaron. A
resolution to this is provided by Deut. 9:20, which possibly
represents an element of old tradition omitted by the writer of
Ex. 32-34 whose concern is for the fate of the people as a whole.
The positioning of vv. 25-29 is significant for the literary
development of the story. One might expect the account of a
dramatic punishment to follow immediately after Moses' initial
confrontation with the people, and that only later would Moses
remonstrate with Aaron. Yet by holding back the account of the
slaying of the people while Aaron's excuses are made first, its
impact and the contrast with Aaron is heightened. There is also
then an alternation of themes in the narrative between highlighting the role of Moses (vv. 21-24) and the execution of
judgment (vv. 25-29), the role of Moses (vv. 30-34), and
Yahweh's words of judgment (32:34-33:6).
Ex. 32:30-33:6
The next twelve verses are not easy to interpret. In the first
place the literary divisions are unclear, and the construction of
these verses appears to be looser than anywhere else in Ex.
32-34. There is indeed a certain thematic continuity in the
material. The basic framework is a dialogue between Moses and
Yahweh. The issue at stake throughout is the future of Israel
which is under Yahweh's disfavour: in particular the question is
how Israel will experience Yahweh's presence as it moves on
56

from Sinai to Canaan.
The precise division of material depends largely upon the
interpretation of 32:35. On the one hand v. 35 may be taken as
the conclusion of the narrative recounting the calf and its
immediate aftermath before the focus shifts in ch. 33 to a
second problem caused by the calf, the forfeiting of Yahweh's
presence "in the midst" of the people. On the other hand, 32:34
introduces the theme of Israel's departure from Sinai, a theme
developed in 33:1, and 32:34 handles this theme in a way similar
to 33:1 ff. by linking the journeying with the expression of
Yahweh's disfavour. 32:35 can be seen then as a parenthetical
note recording the fulfilment of 32:34b within a developing
sequence initiated by 32:34a and continued in 33:1 ff.
Such a difficulty in dividing the material means that any
proposed divisions are somewhat artificial. 32:35 does conclude
the sequence of punishments directly inflicted on Israel (the
punishment implied by 33:3f.,5 is of a different order), yet the
continuity into ch. 33 should also be appreciated.
The section begins with Moses' intercession in 32:30-33. The
scene resumes the narrative contrast between the happenings
on the mountain top and in the valley below. The sin which
Israel has committed is a serious one (ht*h gdlh, vv. 30,31, cf. v.
21) and Moses recounts it in words reminiscent of the prohibition in Ex. 20:23:
32:31, wy c sw Ihm 'Ihy zhb
20:23, w'lhy zhb 1' tcw 1km
In the light of this Moses can offer no plea except to present
himself as a recipient of God's judgment along with the people.
Moses declines to be part of a future which does not include
Israel also.^7 This is similar to 32:10-14 where also Moses
declines a future for himself which does not include contemporary Israel. Such a total commitment of Moses to Israel is a
central feature of his role as mediator and intercessor.
Interestingly, however, the writer does not dwell on it at this
point, although he develops it later (33:1 Iff.), but directs
attention to the response of Yahweh, where concession is
mingled with warning.
The precise force of 32:33 is again difficult to determine.
There are two main alternatives. The one is that the words
represent a concession which limits future judgment to something less than a total elimination of Israel, yet they are at the
57

same time a strong statement of the righteousness of God such
as seems to leave little room for mercy to the guilty - a
problem which is resolved in the following narrative (33:19,
34:6f.). The other alternative is that the words are to be
interpreted wholly in the light of v. 32b. That is, the words are
not a general statement
about God's righteous character, but an
answer to Moses1 prayer, using the terms that Moses had
introduced. As such they could represent an accession to Moses1
plea. For Moses declined to live unless Israel did also. God
responds that he cannot blot out Moses for Moses has not sinned
against him (to paraphrase v. 33). V. 33b could refer back not to
the sin of Israel but simply to the lack of sin in Moses. If then
Moses, who has bound his future to Israel's future, is to live
then it would follow that Israel will live also. God responds
favourably to Moses' sacrificial commitment to Israel. This
latter interpretation, though less obvious than the first,
deserves consideration. It would receive further support from
the fact that v. 34, with its directions to lead the people away
from Sinai, seems to presuppose that Israel has a future as a
nation and as such could follow from a favourable interpretation of v. 33. On balance, however, the first interpretation
seems more likely.
However one interprets the precise emphasis of v. 33, the
point at issue seems to be that Israel is to have some future yet
is subject to God's disfavour. That is, Israel's sin has further
implications and its restoration, if there is to be one, will be in
several stages. Even if one gave the more favourable
interpretation to Yahweh's response to Moses, one could still
compare various other passages in the OT where pardon for sin
is accompanied by further punishment for it, e.g. Num. 14:20ff.,
2 Sam. 12:13f. It is important not to impose an alien or
anachronistic understanding of forgiveness upon the text.^
Yahweh's acceptance of some future for Israel is implied by
32:34a. Yet Israel will still suffer for its sin as the sudden
warning in v. 34b makes clear. The point is reinforced by a play
on the meaning of pqd, first in a neutral, then in a hostile sense.
This is best conveyed in English by "visit ... visit sin". It gains
effect from earlier uses of pqd in Ex. 3:16, 4:31, 13:19 (cf. Gen.
50:24f.) where it is uniformly used of God's visiting Israel in a
favourable sense. Because of Israel's sin, God's action with
Israel is changed from blessing to curse.
The idea of Yahweh "visiting" Israel introduces the theme of
the divine presence which is central to ch. 33. The tacit
58

assumption is that Israel's sin has caused the withdrawal of the
divine presence. But as God begins to draw close to Israel again,
in response to Moses1 intercession, his presence, even if only
partial,59 cannot but have serious consequences for sinful
Israel.
That v. 34b is no idle warning is brought out by v. 35. The
punishment, "And Yahweh smote the people (with a plague)" fits
a common pattern of divine judgment in the wilderness narratives. Although it is possible that this is to be viewed as a
summary of what has happened thus far, it is more likely that it
is an additional act of judgment while the people were still at
Sinai, since v. 34b implies something subsequent to the time of
speaking. It is often felt that v. 34b implies an indefinite future
time such as makes v. 35 an awkward continuation. But this
need not be so. The closest parallel in construction, where
b e yom is followed by a perfect consecutive, is Gen. 3:5a
where the serpent's statement is followed by an immediate
fulfilment. The word and act of judgment in vv. 34b-35 concludes Yahweh's immediate response to Israel's sin.
Two notes may be added on the interpretation of 32:35. First,
this punishment where Yahweh acts as direct agent has often
been contrasted with 32:20, where Moses is agent, and 32:25-29,
where the Levites are agents, as representing alternative
traditions. It is hard to see this as a genuine difficulty. That
judgment should be administered in more than one way is not
unnatural. And given the divine-human balance in the narrative,
there need be no problem in the fact of judgment administered
through both divine and human agency.
Secondly, there is the problem of the last three words of v.
35 which are widely regarded as a gloss on account of their
contradictory content; did the people or Aaron make the calf?
Again, the difficulty may be more apparent than real. For
although the writer has made Aaron primarily responsible for
the calf, in 32:1-6 the initiative and involvement of the people
in the calf-making is clearly presented. Assuming that v. 35b is
to be translated "because they made the calf which Aaron
made",60 the seeming contradiction can be seen as an attempt to express the dual responsibility for the calf, that
neither Aaron nor the people alone but both together are
responsible for their sinful behaviour. Underlying this is perhaps
reflection on the question of the interaction between, and respective responsibility of, a people and its leader.
The dialogue between Yahweh and Moses resumes in 33:1.
59

Although it picks up and develops the theme introduced in
32:34a, it is perhaps to be envisaged as a separate occasion
from Moses1 intercession in 32:3Iff., because of the intervening
note in 32:35. In this section of the narrative (32:30-33:6),
however, the writer shows no interest in developing the story in
terms of space and time. All attention is directed to Yahweh's
words and their consequences.
33:l-3a resumes the theme of the people leaving Sinai for the
promised land. Unlike the brief treatment of this in 32:34a, here
it is at first described in the richest colours possible. In v. Ib
the land is that which God has promised to the patriarchs. This
is perhaps deliberately taking up and acknowledging Moses' plea
in 32:13; Yahweh now acknowledges Israel as his people and as
the inheritors of the promise. Secondly there is the promise of
divine guidance and assistance as they travel and occupy the
land. This reaffirms the original promise of 23:20ff. It is also
stated more fully, and so more emphatically, than in 32:34.
Thirdly, there is a further description of the land in ideal terms,
a land "flowing with milk and honey". This recalls the promises
of Moses1 original commissioning (Ex. 3:8,17). There is a certain
unevenness in the resumptive 'l-'rs in v. 3a. This probably
reflects the difficulties inherent in the piling up of different
phrases to convey a favourable impression. One may compare
Ex. 3:17 where there is also a resumptive "to a land flowing
with milk and honey" after a list of the inhabitants of the land.
The difference in 33:l-3a is that the preceding promises are
expanded.
The impact of 33:l-3a is strongly favourable. Yet suddenly
this is countered in v. 3b by a word of denial and warning. Such
is the nature of the people - "stiff-necked" - that, despite his
promises, were Yahweh to be "in their midst" then he could not
but destroy them. The promised land and the divine guidance to
it is not denied; but it is severely qualified by the absence of
some particularly intimate role of Yahweh's presence "in their
midst" that otherwise might be expected.
After this hard word the people respond with grief and do not
put on their ornaments. Gen. 35:4 recounts the stripping of
ornaments in the context of the renunciation of foreign deities,
and the action here probably has a similar significance. The
people remove those objects connected with the construction of
the calf. The people's "mourning" ('bl, Hithp.) should not, as is
sometimes suggested,^! be interpreted as showing repentance; for the parallel use of the verb in Num. 14:39, where the
60

people continue to be disobedient, shows that it is remorse
rather than repentance that is envisaged. Although the people's
attitude has improved, it is not yet right.
The importance of this denial of Yahweh's presence "in the
midst" is emphasized by vv. 5-6 which repeat and expand the
contents of vv. 3b-4. The crucial factor
that the people are
stiff-neck ed62 js stressed again.63 As a result Yahweh
cannot go "in the midst" of the people even for a single
moment, which strengthens the previous denial of v. 3b.
Moreover the people's action of v. 4, which might have signified
at least some change for the better among the people is now
construed as the result of God's disfavour towards the people.
So the section ends with a repetition of the fact that the people
stripped themselves, and it is now given a further meaning. For
the verb nsl (Hithp.) is used, which has been used twice
previously in the narrative of Exodus for the "spoiling" of the
Egyptians (3:22, 12:36; the Pi. form is used each time). The
suggested meaning is that the triumphant character of the
Israelites who "spoiled" others lasted only till Sinai; henceforth
mehar horeb, because of their sin, they are, in themselves, no
better off than the Egyptians.
It should be noted, however, that although the predominant
note of 33:1-6 is that of Yahweh's disfavour, yet there is still a
note of hope implicit in v. 5bB. The fact that Yahweh1 is still
undecided what to do leaves the way open for Moses intercession that follows; as will be seen, in 33:12ff. Moses prays for
the restoration of the presence denied in 33:3,5. The theological
balance of 33:5 is thus closely akin to that in 32:10.
In the light of this exegesis it is possible to ask in what way
Yahweh's presence is envisaged as being among, or removed
from, the people of Israel. The question is usually posed with
reference to the angel (ml'k)^ who is promised (32:34, 33:2).
In the original promise the angel embodies the divine presence
(23:21,23), yet here this does not seem to be so, inasmuch as the
presence of the angel is compatible with a denial of Yahweh's
presence "among" (bqrb) the people. Childs65 rightly criticizes a harmonization which distinguishes between two different kinds of angel, only one of which is a form of the divine
presence, as going beyond the biblical text, but himself leaves
the problem unresolved, the general sense of Yahweh's withdrawal of his presence being in any case clear.
Before offering any detailed discussion of the problem, it is
61

important to set it in a broad theological context, a context
necessary for ch. 33 as a whole. This context is the theological
problem of the presence of God. The presence of God, while of
central importance both in religious experience and theology, is
extremely difficult either to conceptualize or to systematize.
Theologically reflective accounts of the divine presence will
frequently resort to the language of paradox.66 The problem
is how to describe God both as omnipresent and yet as present
in some ways and places more, or differently, than in others.
Insofar as theological language reflects religious experience
this problem will be inescapable and, at the conceptual level, in
some ways insoluble. When God's presence is associated in some
special way with physical objects the problems in offering a
rational theological explanation are acute. The debates over
Christian eucharistic doctrine are a classic illustration of this.
Ex. 33 is the most extended treatment of the issue of God's
presence in the OT. Although the writer is thinking of God's
presence primarily in specific terms of angel or shrine, the
subtly allusive language used shows that the writer is at the
same time wrestling with the larger theological problems inherent in giving an account of God's presence. An nterpretation must take account of these difficulties.
Beyond these general theological consideration the
narrative context of Ex. 32:30-33:6 is an important factor for
interpretation. The meaning of what is said will be affected by
the situation in which it is said.
When the promise of the angel from 23:20ff. is re ated in
32:34, 33:2, there are two significant differences from its
original giving. The first is the sin of Israel and the rupture of
the covenant. This introduces an abnormal dimension into
Israel's relationship with Yahweh. This abnormal dimension may
mean that that which usually conveys Yahweh's presence will
not now do so, or will not do so in the normal way. The angel,
therefore, will not necessarily mediate Yahweh's presence in
the same way as in 23:20ff.
Secondly, instructions concerning a shrine as the means of
Yahweh's presence among Israel introduce a factor not present
in ch. 23. This shrine, whereby Yahweh will be present in
Israel's cult, means that Yahweh will be "in the midst" of Israel
(weakantT betokam, 25:8, cf. 29:45f.; cf. also Num. 14:42,44
for the ark). On any reckoning the shrine is a mode of Yahweh's
presence distinct from that in the angel.
Given these two contextual considerations, the references to
62

Yahweh's presence in 32:34-33:6 may be coherently interpreted.
In 23:20ff. a general promise of Yahweh's presence and help is
given, expressed in the form most appropriate for a people
about to journey and enter a new land. The fact that the angel
goes "ahead" (Ipnyk) implies no distancing from the people; it is
simply an appropriate expression of guidance. In 32:34ff., although Yahweh has accepted Israel for the future, the people
are still in his disfavour. He will indeed guide the people in a
general way - this is the significance of the angel here. But the
special presence of Yahweh in his shrine "in the midst" of the
people is now denied, the directions for the shrine are abrogated. Although Yahweh can give a sinful people general
guidance without difficulty, he cannot be specially present
among them without their sinfulness provoking him to act
against them. One may compare Num. 16-17 (tent of meeting)
and 1 Sam. 6:19f., 2 Sam. 6:6ff. (ark) for the dangers of
Yahweh's presence in a shrine amongst the people. Yet the
special presence of Yahweh among Israel is one of the major
signs of their covenant status (cf. 33:16, 34:9), and to deprive
them of this would leave them with no significant future.
Israel's sin in making their own vehicle of the divine presence
has made them forfeit the true one. For this reason they mourn
and wait to see what God will do with them.
Ex. 33:7-11
In this next section Moses erects a tent as a temporary
medium of Yahweh's presence prior to the full restoration of
the divine presence for which he subsequently intercedes.
This unit lies at the mid-point of 32-34 and marks the turning
point in the story. It continues and concludes the theme of
Israel as under God's judgment and prepares for the revelation
of God's grace as the theme of what follows. The centrality of
Moses' role is carried further; indeed it may be that 33:11,
where Yahweh speaks with Moses "face to face" is the specific
moment of transition in the narrative structure as a whole."'
The continuation of the theme of judgment is seen in the
positioning of the tent "far off" (hrhq) from the camp. The
simple fact of the tent being outside the camp would not in
itself necessarily have significance. But when the words "outside the camp" are repeated within one verse, and the tent is
said to be not only outside the camp but far off from it, the
writer is clearly drawing attention to this fact. As a
continuation of the preceding verses which have stressed that
63

God cannot be "in the midst" of the people lest he destroy
them, this distancing of God's presence from the camp fits
naturally. Further, the preceding verses have effectively repealed the instructions given in Ex. 25ff. for the construction of
the shrine designated as the tent of meeting ('hi mw c d).6&
So when Moses calls this tent "the tent of meeting" ('hi mw c d,
twice in v. 7), it is natural to see this as a substitute for the
proper tent in the middle of the camp, pending the restoration
of Yahweh's favour and the renewal of the covenant. For the
reader familiar with the idea of ch. 25ff. that the tent of
meeting was in the midst of the camp there is irony and
reflection on the result of sin in the wording "And every one
who sought Yahweh would go out to the tent of meeting, which
was outside the camp".
The identity of this tent is much debated but either of two
alternatives would fit well. The first possibility is that the tent
is Moses' own tent^^ which has been mentioned earlier in Ex.
18:7.70 This might be supported by the expression w e natahjo where the pronoun probably refers reflexively to Moses.-7 J
Alternatively the definite article in ha'ohel could
be indefinite
7
in sense and should be
rendered
"a
tent".
^
This
would fit
well with the context73 since the point is precisely that this
tent is a provisional substitute for the promised tent of ch.
25ff., and not a permanent sanctuary in its own right. 7 ^
Either way the problem over the apparently abrupt and unprecedented reference to the tent in v. 7 need not be a problem
if one takes seriously the context of 33:3,5 where admittedly no
explicit reference is made to a tent but the writer may simply
presuppose familiarity with the notion of a shrine designated
"tent of meeting" which conveys Yahweh's presence "in the
midst of" his people.
A notable feature of the section is its use throughout of verbs
in the imperfect which have a clearly frequentative force. This
is significant for two reasons. First, the verbs imply that the
tent was constantly put up and taken down. Although this is
usually taken to refer to Moses' habitual practice at successive
encampments in the wilderness, there are difficulties with such
an interpretation. 7 -* The verbs in context suggest the impermanence of the tent. Although the tent is not taken down as
soon as Moses has finished with it the implication is that it is
set up only for limited periods of time. This gains point through
the contrast with the shrine that should have permanently
mediated Yahweh's presence in the midst of the people. This
64

tent is a temporary substitute which is not only outside the
camp but is only available intermittently to seek Yahweh; it is
not permanently established as Yahweh's official shrine would
be.
Secondly, the imperfect verbs convey the sense of a passing
of time, and are a literary device to slow the narrative at this
transitional point. After the tense and sombre narrative
preceding, this section provides a pause before the renewed
heightening of tension in the intercession of Moses. The implied
passing of time, combined with a picture of the life of the
people as returning to an orderly and reverent pattern of
existence conveys a certain sense of calm and gives the
impression that Yahweh's disfavour will not be his final word
but that the way is open for a restoration of Israel.
The transition from judgment to mercy, suggested by the
general tenor of 33:7-11, is based largely on the role of Moses.
Not only is he treated with great deference by the people (v. 8)
- a contrast to 32:1! - but, most important, he enjoys the favour
of a unique and intimate relationship with Yahweh (v. 1 la). It is
this which forms the basis for a renewed intercession of
unparalleled boldness.^
That Yahweh should speak to Moses "face to face" (panim
el-panim) is not only of deep significance for understanding the
relationship between Moses and Yahweh (cf. Num. 12:8, Deut.
34:10), but also has more general implications for the relationship between God and man. That the writer has this larger issue
in mind is evident from the juxtaposition of 33:11 with 33:20:
33:11, "And Yahweh spoke with Moses face to face ..."
33:20, "But (Yahweh) said, 'You cannot see my face,
for man shall not see me and live'."
This juxtaposition of apparently conflicting statements has long
troubled commentators. The fact that the LXX uses different
words for "face" in vv. 11,20^7 probably reflects an attempt
to resolve the contradiction. Likewise the Targums to 33:11
replace "face" by "speech" (mrnlQ and render the idiom "speech
for speech".78 n \s common among modern commentators to
argue that these two verses represent conflicting conceptions
of man's access to God and that these different conceptions
belong to different sources or traditions.79
Such exegetical moves are surely unnecessary once the verses
are set in the context of the theological problems inherent in
discussing the presence of God. For it is necessary to affirm
65

both that God can be known as intimately present and that he is
beyond human reach and knowledge. This problem, that is
immanence and transcendence, is inherent in language about
God and cannot, as such, be resolved. Indeed what matters is
not to dissolve the tension but to recognize it as a paradox and
to describe it correctly. It is precisely such a theological
reflection on the problem of immanence and transcendence that
33:11 points to. As such it is an important part of the total
theological treatment of the presence of God in ch. 33. It is
characteristic also of the subtle narrative technique of Ex.
32-34 that it is not made explicit as a reflective comment upon
the story but is integrated smoothly into the development of
the narrative.
The use of panim in 33:11 is significant not only in
juxtaposition with 33:20. For the use of panim in 33:14f. is also
clearly part of the same theological treatment. And the panim
motif recurs in the final section of the story, 34:29ff. The
development of nuances and implications of panim is an
important aspect of the present narrative.
Finally it may be noted that the access of Moses to God in
the tent suggests that it is the tent which should be understood
as the setting for the prayer of 33:12ff. (although the question
of location is of limited significance). The only evidence against
this would be v. 2la hinneh maqom 'itti which could be
interpreted demonstratively, thus implying the presence Of
Moses on the mountain. But hinneh need not have demonstrative
force, and if Moses were already on the mountain one would
expect the theophany to take place directly rather than for
directions about it to be given. Whenever Moses is found on the
mountain,
this is preceded by a reference to his going up there
( c lh) first. There is no such reference in 33:12, rather a
natural sequence giving content to the close relationship in the
tent of 33:11.
Ex. 33:12-23
The content of the next section, 33:12-23,80 is the most
dense and compressed in the whole of 32-34. It recounts the
bold and successful intercession of Moses before Yahweh, and
while the general tenor is not difficult to discern some of the
detail is problematic and some of the terminology is
deliberately multivalent. The section divides into two main
parts, vv. 12-17 and vv. 18-23. The favourable response to God
in v. 17 concludes the first part of Moses' prayer, while the
66

renewed petition of v. 18 marks a new stage of the intercession.
The character of the section, at least of vv. 12-17, 18, as an
intercession is clear. A correct understanding is less immediately obvious and depends on first determining the problem
with which the intercession in concerned. The problem is
frequently considered to be that of whether or not Yahweh can
leave Sinai: such was the spatial mentality of the ancient Near
East, which saw an intimate relation between gods and their
holy places, that it was difficult to conceive of Yahweh as
leaving his holy mountain of Sinai.^1 This same essential
problem can be differently nuanced by saying that the concern
of the narrative is from the perspective of life in Canaan,
seeking to establish "that the God who once revealed himself
fully and for the first time on Sinai was now present with his
people in Canaan too".82 There are obvious difficulties with
this view,^~the most important of which is the tradition of
the exodus in which Yahweh revealed his might in Egypt and is
depicted as being superior to the Egyptian gods even on their
own ground (cf. Ex. 7:8-13). It may further be asked whether
any ancient Near Eastern high-god was considered to be
spatially restricted to a limited area; a particular attachment
to a locality need not imply any restriction to it. If the answer
to this question is negative, then it becomes less likely that the
God of the Israelites was ever conceived of in such a restricted
way.
In addition to these difficulties with the supposition that the
problem of 33:12ff. is whether or not Yahweh was able to leave
Sinai, the main objection to this premise is that it arises largely
through discounting the present context which has provided
good reasons of its own for Yahweh's reluctance to go with the
people. The problem in the present context is not spatial or
metaphysical, ^ concerning the possibility of Yahweh's
presence away from Sinai, nor is it to do with the affirmation
of the identity of the Israelites' God in Canaan with the deity of
Sinai, but it is the moral problem of how a holy God can abide
with a sinful people. The recognition of this enables a coherent
understanding of the material as a whole.
The development of Moses' intercession may be outlined as
follows. 33:12-17 are Moses' response to 33:1-6 after the way
has been prepared by 33:7-11. Moses seeks the restoration of
Yahweh's accompanying presence with the people. Although this
is couched in allusive terms, it is reasonably clear that a
concrete realization of Yahweh's presence, that is a shrine, is
67

envisaged. The term used for Yahweh's presence in vv. 14f. is
panim, a word characteristically used of the divine presence in
the cult.^ It is such a divine presence that makes Israel
distinctive, and this Yahweh grants (v. 17).
Yet this favourable
response still does not resolve Moses1 problem. For the
fundamental fact of the sinfulness of Israel, which was the
cause of all the trouble, remains unchanged. The possibility is
thereby raised that the renewed presence of Yahweh with his
people would simply lead to his further wrath and judgment
against them as the inevitable result of any future sin. The
restoration of the shrine as the means of Yahweh's presence
could of itself yet lead to the destruction of Israel.^
Something further is needed, and this Moses seeks in vv. 18ff.;
this is nothing less than a deeper and fuller revelation of the
character of Yahweh as a God whose very nature it is to be
gracious and merciful (33:19, 34:6f.). Only on this basis can the
covenant be renewed because now even the sin of Israel can be
accounted for within the mercy of God and need not lead to the
people's destruction. Hence the need for the theophany in which
God reveals his graciousness and mercy; hence also Moses1 final
response in 34:9 in which, on the basis of this revelation, he
prays finally for the presence of Yahweh even with a
continuingly sinful people.7
In the light of this general outline,^ a more detailed
analysis of the intercession may be undertaken. It has often
been queried whether any coherent development of thought can
be traced within 33:12ff.89 it js important to recognize that
the logic and development of Moses' prayer corresponds to the
logic of plea and petition, not that of sober, rational discourse,
and must be judged accordingly. As Childs puts it,
Perhaps the logical consistency of the dialogue should not
be overworked. There is an emotional tone of the highest
intensity throughout the conversation as Moses seeks
unswervingly to wrest from God a further concession.9
Muilenburg9J likewise stresses the "urgency and passion"
which characterize the prayer.^2
The structure of the intercession in vv. 12-17 falls into two
parts. Vv. 12-13 constitute the first plea which meets with a
favourable, but still partial and somewhat enigmatic, response
in v. 14. In vv. 15-16 Moses renews his plea, strengthening it by
appeal to this concession and developing it yet further, and this
68

plea is granted in v. 17.
The situation presupposed in vv. 12ff. has been outlined thus
far. Moses in v. 12 refers back to God's command to leave
(33:1). The words with which his statement of the problem
continues, "You have not told me whom you will send with me"
(so, roughly, most EVV), have occasioned difficulty. In anothe
context the words could simply constitute a request for a
human companion or guide who would know the way through the
wilderness.93 Since, however, such an issue has not been
raised hitherto, either in the Sinai pericope or in the
journeyings to Sinai, nor is it raised at any later stage in the
wanderings,94 it is unlikely to be the concern here.
There is also an apparent tension with the promise of the
angel in 32:34, 33:2. God has said he will send an angel. But in
fact the problem here is the same as in 32:34ff., that is there is
a distinction between different modes of Yahweh's presence,
one more and the other less intimate. The angel represents
Yahweh's general guidance of his people which, while
important, is inadequate if not combined with his special
presence in his shrine. It was this shrine that was denied in
33:3b-6 and which Moses now seeks to restore. It is misleading
to render 33:12a^ 'et 'aser tiSlah c irnmT by "... whom you
will send with me" for the Hebrew is not specifically personal
and could equally well be impersonal: "... what you will send
with me", with reference to a shrine of Yahweh's presence.
The use of the preposition "with" (îm) in v. 12 (cf. v. 16
'immanu) is also of significance in determining the nature of
Moses' request. The preposition implies close personal contact,
being reminiscent of the words at Moses1 commissioning (Ex.
3:12), "But I will be with you" (ky 'hyh c mk). Further, it
probably has a force, particularly in v. 16, similar to that of
bqrb in 33:3,5. The prepositions in 33:12-17, as in 33:1-6, carry
great weight. A general promise of guidance, which could still
imply some distance between God and the people (cf. Ipny) is
inadequate. Nothing less than the immediate and close presence
of God (bqrb, c m) will suffice. With this insight one can
understand the difference between the two responses of God in
vv. 14,17. In v. 14 he promises to "go" (hlk) but the precise
nature of this going is still unclear; no preposition is used, to
distinguish whether Yahweh will go ahead of or amongst the
people. So Moses prays further that Yahweh will not only go (v.
15), but will go "with us" ( c immanu). It is this extra factor
(gm 't-hdbr hzh)95 which is then finally granted (v. 17).96
69

After stating the problem in v. 12a, Moses goes on in v. 12b
to appeal to his special relationship with Yahweh, which is
made the basis for his following plea. The special position of
Moses is based on two things: first, that Yahweh "knows him by
name", and secondly that "he has found favour in his sight". This
latter is the key expression in the prayer, occurring five times
and binding the prayer together by its use at both beginning and
end. What do these expressions mean? And to what do they
refer? The introduction of them by "yet you have said"
(we'attah 'amarta) implies some previous occasion at which
Yahweh designated Moses in this way.
The verb "to know" in Hebrew idiom has a variety of
meanings, one of which is to know a person in an intimate
relationship. When used of God's relationship to man it can have
the force of "to elect"; cf. Gen. 18:19, Am. 3:2, Hos. 13:5, Jer.
1:5.97 Likewise "by name" implies intimate knowledge of a
person and his character; cf. Is. 43:1 ("I have called you by name
(beimka) - you are mine"), 45:3, 49:1. This combination of
"know" and "by name" is without parallel elsewhere in the OT
and points to the uniquely intimate relationship between Moses
and Yahweh.
The idiom "to find favour in N's eyes" is highly flexible and
can convey a variety of different connotations, being used of
both man and God.98 Sometimes "if I have found favour in
your eyes" may be simply an expression of deference,99 or jt
may be a formula for strengthening a request. 100 It may be a
request not to be angry. 10 i It may mean positively enjoying
someone's goodwill and approval. 102 ^nd ^ mav refer to such
goodwill with an eye specifically towards its practical
consequences. 103 jt mav ajso refer to some specific word or
deed of goodwill already bestowed upon the recipient. 10
With such a wide range of nuances, variable according to
situation and intention, one need not expect the phrase to be
univocal in its usage in 33:12ff. Of the five occurrences in
33:12ff., the use in v. 13aa resembles
the purely deferential
expression, whereas the use in v. 13ac is similar to the uses in
Gen. 32:5, 33:8, seeking a goodwill which will have practic
expression. In v. 16a the expression means the enjoyment of
goodwill and approval. V. 17b is a re-affirmation of v. 12b and
has a similar force. The initial use of the phrase in v. 12b is the
most important. It has a close parallel in Gen. 6:8. The link of
Ex. 33:12 with Gen. 6:8 is the more notable because these are
the only two instances in the OT where it is said absolutely of
70

individuals that they "found favour" with God. 1^5 of the
usage in Gen. 6:8 Zimmerli comments that it "implied the
mystery of the free divine decision". 106 In Ex. 33:12, then, as
in Gen. 6:8, what is set forward is effectively the special
election of Moses by God.
To what previous occasion ("yet you have said") does this
refer? There are four possibilities. First, it could refer to some
previous saying of Yahweh which used these same words.
Secondly, it could intend some previous saying not using these
words, but the tenor of whose content could be aptly conveyed
thus. Thirdly, it could refer more generally to the special
position enjoyed by Moses since his commissioning in Ex. 3.
Fourthly it could refer to the immediate context of 33:1 la.
If the first possibility is adopted, then there are two
alternatives. Either one has to say that the tradition has not
preserved this word, or that Yahweh's words in 33:17b originally
preceded those of Moses in 33:12b but were subsequently
re-arranged. This latter alternative faces the difficulty not only
of the general principle that one should not rearrange the text
(where the problem is not that of textual corruption) unless it
cannot make satisfactory sense in its present order (which is
yet to be demonstrated), but also that it creates new problems
of its own. For if the words were transposed to the beginning of
the prayer, even though in the present text there is no obvious
location for them, they would disrupt the whole movement of
the narrative. Hitherto Yahweh's words have been words of
judgment; not solely judgment for notes of hope have been
sounded (32:10, 32:33, 33:5), but words of disfavour have been
the consistent theme. To have an explicit word of Yahweh's
favour at this point, when this is what Moses is seeking to
elicit, would greatly weaken the development of the intercession.
The second possibility could allow that Moses is referring
back to 32:10 where the Abrahamic promise is offered to him. A
promise of such import could well be seen as a special election
of Moses. Two considerations support this. First, it has been
seen that "finding favour" can refer back to some word or deed
of goodwill already bestowed (cf. Gen. 19:19), and so there
could be a similar intention here. It is possible too that Gen. 6:8
may contain some reference back to the oracle concerning
Noah's future significance in Gen. 5:29, though this cannot be
pressed, particularly since the oracle is not pronounced by God
himself. Secondly, the offer of 32:10b is not taken up by Moses
71

in the intercession at 32:11-13. He does appeal to God's
faithfulness to his promises to the patriarchs (32:13), but does
not link this with the offer just made to him, unless perhaps by
implicitly declining it. In 33:12ff., however, the way in which
Moses seeks to bring the people into the same favoured position
that he enjoys (cf. below on vv. 13b, 14b, 15b, 16) makes good
sense if interpreted as Moses having accepted God's offer but
insisting that it should be precisely the historic people of Israel,
and not anyone else, who should be the fulfilment of the
promise of the great nation. The fact that Moses seeks to bring
the people to share in his favoured position is clear and is not
dependent upon presupposing 32:10. But the interpretation of
Moses1 plea in terms of 32:10 undoubtedly adds force and point.
The third possibility, of a reference to Moses' special position
since Ex. 3, may also be present and need not be set in contrast
to the second interpretation. For Moses' receipt of the promise
in 32:10 can be seen as focussing and distilling the role which he
plays elsewhere.
The fourth possibility, of a reference back to 33:11, is
likewise not exclusive of the previous two interpretations. In
terms of the narrative development of the story Moses1 special
relationship in 33:11 clearly prepares for the following intercession, and the account of the intercession adds content to
33:11. In this sense v. 12b is linked with v. 11. But inasmuch as
v. 11 can be interpreted not as introducing something new but
as crystallizing the favoured role that Moses already enjoys, its
presence does not exclude wider reference back to both 32:10
and the role of Moses throughout the narrative hitherto.
These considerations suggest that the fact of Moses' being
known by God and having found favour in his sight refers to the
grace of God bestowed on Moses in having admitted him to a
uniquely intimate relationship, probably with special reference
to the promise of 32:10. It is this that forms the ground for
Moses' following plea and is the ground also on which God
finally grants it.
The actual plea of Moses in v. 13 begins with the adversative
wCjth, preparing for some contrast with what has gone
before. '0' There is also perhaps a word-play with v. 12,
'attah ... w e 'attah ... w e 'attah ... w ec attah .... As
observed above, Moses' second use of the "finding favour"
expression is akin to the familiar deferential usage which
introduces a petition. But the use in the previous verse lends it
extra significance here as the writer develops different nuances
72

of meaning in the expression. It is notable too that the verb
yd c is used twice in this verse, as it was in v. 12, and so could
be said to form one of the leitmotifs of the prayer as a
whole. 1^8
Moses asks to be shown God's "ways" (d e rakeka).^^
"Ways" often denotes a person's character or the course of
behaviour that he adopts, 1 1 and so the request would appear
to be to know God's character. This is indicated also by the
following we'edacaka, "that I may know thee". (There may,
however, be a double entendre in the use of derek, hinting at its
literal meaning of "route for a journey"; Moses seeks to know
the route by which Yahweh will go with his people. Such a
nuance is not impossible.)
If a request to know God's character is the meaning of Moses'
petition, it might be asked how this concern for revelation fits
in the context of seeking God's accompaniment. But to contrast
revelation and accompaniment as in any sense antithetical
would be insensitive to the fundamental concern not only of this
prayer but also of the surrounding context which is the moral
problem of reconciling God to a sinful people, a general
problem of which the question of God's accompaniment of the
people in his shrine is a specific manifestation. Moses1request
should be interpreted as an attempt to press behind the
immediate problem to the heart of the matter; to solve the
impasse of Yahweh's refusal in terms of seeking a fuller and
deeper knowledge of Yahweh's character and purposes than has
hitherto been revealed, confident that this will lead to a deeper
relationship with him ("that I may know you") and the practical
enjoyment of his goodwill ("and find favour in your sight"). Who
God is determines how he will act.
If Moses is already known by God and has found favour with
him it may seem strange that this should be the object of his
petition. Yet this is in keeping with the logic of prayer evident
elsewhere in the OT, most notably 2 Sam. 7:18ff. There, Nathan
has just brought a promise from Yahweh, the fulfilment of
which is not contingent upon David's response. Yet in both v. 25
and v. 28f. David prays for the confirmation and establishment
of this promise, m This attitude follows from an understanding of a relationship with Yahweh as not static but
dynamic. That is, past favours cannot be appealed to without
their being continually reappropriated and made an existential
reality. It is such a present experience of Yahweh and his
goodwill that Moses seeks.
73

In v. 13 Moses seeks this experience primarily for himself, in
terms of the favour he already enjoys. Yet significantly he adds
to the end of his request "and consider that this nation is your
people" (ure'eh kT c amm e ka haggoy hazzeh). Moses seeks
to extend the scope of God's favour beyond himself to include
the people. He appeals to Yahweh to consider Israel as "your
people" in a way similar to the prayer of 32:1 Iff. At this stage
no special favour for the people is sought; simply a
reaffirmation of the fact that they are Yahweh's people.
Tire response in v. 14 has often been taken as a question but
the context demands rather that it should be a positive
affirmation.'12 Yahweh grants Moses' prayer. Yet, as noted
above, there is a deliberate vagueness about the affirmation in
that no preposition is used after "will go" to indicate the nature
of Yahweh's going, whether with the people in their midst, or
not. To say, as Eichrodt does,'13 that panay yeleku should be
completed by the addition of lepaneka is entirely to miss the
subtlety of the omission and to miss the contrast between Ipny
and crn. Likewise the addition of the words "with you", as in
all English translations, makes a concession which is absent
from the Hebrew. Moreover the promise of restH^ is given
to Moses alone Oak, second person singular suffix), and Moses is
seeking the divine favour not for himself alone but for the
people too. There is need therefore to pray further to obtain a
fuller concession from Yahweh.
This general sense of the verse is clear, whatever the precise
interpretation of Yahweh's "presence" (panim).l ^ The use of
pJSnirn is significant for the several different nuances that the
word can convey.'^ First, it can convey the personal sense
of Yahweh's accompaniment, for ganim with a suffix is used
elsewhere as a periphrasis for the personal pronoun. A striking
example is 2 Sam. 17:11 where Hushai urges Absalom that he go
(to battle) H7 in person (upaneka hol e kim baqrab).113
When panim is used thus of God, it stresses his direct personal
involvement. Such a usage, in the context of 33:11,20, would
appropriately fit into a theological reflection on the presence
of God.
On the other hand it has already been seenll^ that pantm
is frequently used in connection with the cult, so that a shrine,
a place for the divine presence (cf. Ex. 29:42-46), is probably
being alluded to.l Moreover, it is because the shrine is
movable 21that it is possible to speak of Yahweh's panim
"going".!
74

Moses' request thus far has received a favourable response,
but this concession is still only partial and so he resumes his
intercession again to seek a full concession from God. First, he
takes up and claims the partial concession already made (33:15).
He uses the same words that Yahweh has used, being content at
this stage to add no preposition and to leave vague the
relationship of the divine presence to the people; this
concession in itself is a major step. But on the basis of this
Moses immediately extends his request - "If your 'presence' does
not come, do not take us up from here". Hitherto Moses himself
has been given the task of taking up the people (vv. 1, 12). He
now, so smoothly that it is easy not to notice it, makes Yahweh
the subject of the verb, and not so much requests as takes for
granted that it is Yahweh who will take them up. Further, the
suffix after the verb is plural, "us". This resumes Moses1 theme,
introduced in v. 13b and not taken up in the concession of v. 14,
that not just he but also the people as a whole should be the
recipients of Yahweh's favour. Gathering boldness, Moses then
takes this further and in v. 16 twice links himself with the
people "I and your people" C^nT w ec amm e ka), uses a
plural suffix "with us" and a plural verb "we are distinct",
stressing that they be distinct as a people among other
peoples.J22
In addition to this Moses takes up again the promise that
Yahweh's "presence" will "go", which previously (v. 15) he was
content to leave vague, but now in his climax he specifies as
going with us ( c immanu). Nothing less than the presence of
Yahweh in the shrine in the midst of Israel will show that Israel
is the recipient of the divine favour and is set apart from all
other people. Moses appeals to no desert or repentance on the
part of the people but solely to God's favour and his granting of
his presence in empirical and accessible form. To this request
Yahweh grants a full concession (v. 17) and gives as reason the
special position of Moses. From a literary point of view this
forms an inclusio with v. 12 and rounds off the unit.
Theologically it not only confirms Moses1 special status, but
makes the favoured position of Israel both mediated through,
and dependent upon, Moses. As will be seen later,123 tne
restoration of Israel and the renewal of the covenant does not
put Israel in a position identical to that before its sin.
Henceforth it is dependent upon the mercy of God mediated
through Moses as the primary recipient of that mercy.
Moses' bold intercession has thus far been granted. Yet, as
75

observed above, this is still not sufficient, for the fundamental
problem of the sinfulness of Israel, which would most likely
provoke Yahweh again to destroy them in anger, still remains.
Moses therefore makes one final supreme request that Yahweh
should reveal himself in a fuller way than hitherto; only in the
very depths of God can a final solution to the people's sin be
found.
Moses makes one final short request and then, significantly,
has to say no more. At the supreme moment of answering
Moses' prayer and undertaking to reveal himself Yahweh
completely takes over. No longer does Moses need boldly to
wrest concessions from God. God now takes the initiative
himself and Moses becomes the passive recipient. When God
prepares to show himself, Moses' role is suddenly transformed
from daring interlocutor to receptive servant.
The whole of 33:18-23 constitutes a rich treasury of terms for
expressing the character of God. The variety of terminology glory, goodness, name, face - represents an attempt to express
the inexpressible, the experience of God. This attempt strains
the ordinary usage of language, and the writer brings together
such varied terms as will best convey the sense of the importance and depth of what Yahweh is revealing of himself. 124
Moses asks to see' 25 Yahweh's glory (kabod). The precise
nuance of the term, which in general means God's majesty,
those qualities which call forth worship, must be determined
from the context. The word appears again in v. 22 where it is
effectively synonymous with God himself, for the
context is
describing Yahweh himself passing by and bacab5r keb5di
is parallel to cad-cobri. Moses thus asks to see Yahweh
himself. Another nuance in the request may possibly be seen in
connection with the concern for the restoration of the shrine.
Elsewhere the glory of God is connected with the tabernacle
(29:43) and signifies the presence of God there (29:42-46,
40:34-35). Perhaps Moses is seeking an experience of God such
as will later characterize the regular cult where Yahweh will
meet with his people in both judgment and mercy.
To this Yahweh responds affirmatively in v. 19 and yet alters
the wording of the concession at the same time in that he will
make all his goodness (tub) pass before Moses. Although there is
no exact parallel to this usage of tub elsewhere in the OT, the
word is generally used to signify God's benefits experienced by
Israel, 126 ancj sucn a meaning fits well the present context.
For a certain synonymity between "goodness" and "glory" is
76

indicated by the parallelism between v. 19, âab_Tr kol-tubT
and v. 22 wehayah bacabor k e bodi. The point is that
Yahweh is presenting an understanding of the divine glory in
terms of the divine goodness. God's glory is experienced in his
graciousness. This is the more significant in that elsewhere in
the pentateuchal narratives the appearance of Yahweh's glory is
characteristically in the context of judgment on the people (e.g.
Num. 14:10-12, 16:19ff.), although in Ex. 16:9ff. the expected
judgment does not materialize and the people are given manna
instead. The fact that at the supremely critical moment in
Israel's existence it is Yahweh's "goodness" rather than
judgment which is brought to the fore is of great theological
importance.
Yahweh will also proclaim his name (sem) before Moses. This
prepares for the theophany of 34:6f. It also echoes vv. 12, 17
where there has been mention of Moses' name. (This link is
verbal, on the literary level, and no connection of theological
content is intended.)
The use of the formula qr' bsm yhwh!27 with Yahweh
himself as subject is most striking and is unique to this verse
and 34:5f. Elsewhere it is always used of the worshipper calling
upon Yahweh (cf. Gen. 4:26 etc.). And it does initially seem odd
to have Yahweh calling his own name. Consequently it has been
suggested 128 tnat tê tex1: should be emended here to make
Moses the subject, and that Moses should be construed as the
subject in 34:5f. But such emendation is unnecessary, and indeed
misses the point. For the point surely lies precisely in the
inversion of the usual use of the formula. The writer reverses
the customary use of the formula so as to stress the initiative
of Yahweh here; men can only call upon the name of God and
rehearse his attributes, as they customarily do in the cult,
because at the critical moment in Israel's history Yahweh
revealed himself and proclaimed his name first. It is a striking
conception of the basis of Israel's worship.
In v. 19b Yahweh gives Moses a solemn assurance about the
meaning of his name and the character which it reveals which
both forms a preview, as it were, of 34:6f. and also forms part
of an immediate answer to the request to see God's glory. The
use of the jdem per idem formula is notable.^9 j^g
repetition of the verb emphasizes the verbal idea. "The second
verb serves as a predicate, and thus, like a cognate accusative,
emphasizes the verbal action". 1 When, as here, the formula
is repeated with two verbs of related meaning, then the
77

statement of the verbal meaning - the mercy of God - is as
emphatic as the Hebrew language can make it. At the same
time the expression contains a certain ambiguity or indeterminacy which preserves the idea of freedom and choice on the
part of the acting agent. As Driver puts it, the idiom is
"employed where either the means, or the desire, to be more
explicit does not exist". 131 While Freedman may be correct
in arguing that the element of arbitrary choice is not inherent
in the expression and that in 33:19 "there appears to be no
suggestion of wilfulness or arbitrary free choice in the
Hebrew", 132 this does not mean that the idea of freedom and
choice is not present at all. Choice can be free without being
either wilful or arbitrary. 133 y ne formula in 33:19 not only
stresses that Yahweh will be gracious but that there is a
mystery about it such that it depends entirely upon Yahweh
himself as to who will be the recipient of his grace. The context
makes clear that Israel will receive Yahweh's grace emphatically so; yet this is so expressed as to make clear that
this is not something automatically granted which can in any
way be presumed upon.
Further, there is a certain finality about the expression. An
idem per idem formula is often used to terminate debate (cf.
"That's that!"). 13^ As such the formula fittingly concludes
what the present section has to say about the gracious
character of God before shifting to a different theme in v. 20.
The use of the idem per idem formula here is reminiscent of
Ex. 3:14, and probably a deliberate recollection of the earlier
passage is intended. Both verses come at crucial moments of
Yahweh's self-revelation. Ex. 3:14 reveals the God who is about
to act on behalf of his people in bringing them out of Egypt. In
the account of the exodus it is remarkable that there is little
explicit moral concern; the emphasis is on Yahweh's triumphant
acts of deliverance. Neither the grumblings of the Israelites nor
the opposition of Pharaoh are designated as sin. (The exceptions
which prove the rule are Pharaoh's self-accusations in 9:27,
10:16f., and the comment in 9:34, but little weight is attached
to these.) The writer stresses the actions of Yahweh on Israel's
behalf and the glory which accrues to him for this. Pharaoh is
an opponent whose opposition is overruled by the true Lord of
the Israelites. The Israelites are weak and fearful and their
God's acts of power are the greater by contrast. In Ex. 15
Yahweh's salvation (ywch' v. 2) is portrayed entirely in nonmoral terms, the deeds that he has done on Israel's behalf.
78

Yahweh's character is very much that of the victorious warrior;
"Yahweh is a man of war, Yahweh is his name" (15:3).
The covenant at Sinai has changed the situation and added a
moral dimension., both extensive and profound, into the
relationship between Yahweh and Israel and this gives the
problem of sin a new meaning and importance. The making of
the calf may be described as Israel's first sin. Hence in 33:19, in
the context of Israel's sin as the problem to be dealt with,
Yahweh's character is revealed entirely in moral terms, showing
how he deals with sin and the need for forgiveness in the life of
Israel. One can see then that there is an essential complementarity between these two stages of Yahweh's selfrevelation in Ex. 3:14 and 33:19.
If this analysis is correct, it has important implications.
Hitherto Ex. 3:14 has received far more attention than 33:19 in
attempts to explicate the meaning of the divine name. Yet
since it seems clear that 3:14 is not offering an account of the
origins or etymology of YHWH in terms of the verb hyh but
pointing to an understood connection of meaning between the
two in terms of dynamic activity,^^ there is no good reason
for concentrating on this passage to the exclusion of others
which also develop aspects of the character or "name" of
Yahweh. For the meaning of the name is the meaning it was
given in Hebrew thought and usage as reflected in Ex. 3:14,
33:19, 34:14 and elsewhere, and not some "basic" meaning
derived from the verb hyh.
In v. 19 Yahweh has given the positive answer needed by
Moses; Yahweh is to reveal his goodness and mercy and this will
answer the problem of Israel's sin. In v. 20, although there is a
continuity with v. 19 in that it is the same theophany being
treated, there is a significant shift of theme. It has already
been noted that the idem per idem formula can terminate the
treatment of a particular topic. A change of subject is also
indicated by the interposition of a second introductory speech
formula.'3c> That there is a duality of theme which creates a
certain tension in the narrative is important to recognize for a
correct understanding of the flow of thought. This may be
considered in relation to 3. Barr's statement that in Ex. 33,
the problem which interests the writer is not that of
anthropomorphism and transcendence but that of sin and
atonement in relation to (a) the accompanying presence
79

and (b) the vision or appearance of Yah wen. 137
As the discussion of Ex. 33 as a whole, and of the relationship
of 33:18ff. to the preceding intercession in particular, has
attempted to show, the fundamental concern is indeed that of
sin and forgiveness. But this need not exclude a concern with
the question of immanence and transcendence also; or, in other
terms, the question of the accessibility of God to man. The
juxtaposition of the different uses of panim, commented on
already, points to such an interest. This interest may arise from
the fact that although the theophany is on behalf of sinful
Israel, it is revealed to Moses whose relation to Yahweh is not
disturbed by sin. One could say that v. 19 presents the
theophany as it relates to the moral character of Yahweh in
relation to Israel's sin, while vv. 20-23 concern the access to
God by mortal man and the limitations imposed by human
finitude as such. Even when man's relation to God is not
hindered by sin, which is the fundamental cause of Yahweh's
wrath and his distancing himself from his people, there are still
limits upon man's access to God, not because man is inherently
sinful but because he is man and not God.
Of course one must not pose this distinction between v. 19
and vv. 20ff. too sharply, either theologically or in terms of the
present context. Theologically there is a continuity between the
two concerns. The removal of sin must come first, but this
leads on inevitably to the question of what approach to, and
relation with, God is possible once sin ceases to be the problem.
The movement from v. 19, where sin is treated, is smooth and
natural theologically. In terms of the narrative vv. 20ff. should
not be too sharply separated from v. 19 since the fact that
Moses is only permitted a partial or limited vision of God is
probably intended to relate to the revelation of the moral
character of God so as to convey the meaning that the
revelation of the grace and mercy of Yahweh in 33:19, 34:6f. is
but a glimpse of the divine character and that the fulness is yet
more extensive and profound (cf. Job 26:14).
It is difficult to comment upon the content of 33:20-23
without laying solemnly prosaic hands upon one of the most
profound and mysterious passages in the whole OT. The verses
use resonant and memorable imagery, such as are clearly
intended to appeal to the imagination. The literary impact is
poetic. Such an imaginative appeal is all the more striking in
the light of the customary reserve of the OT in describing
80

Yahweh and his activity. The emphasis is usually on the verbal
content conveyed by the divine revelation.138 Yet the
singular importance of the context allows the use of a daring
anthropomorphism in an attempt to describe the presence and
experience of Yahweh in the concrete way characteristic of the
Hebrew mind.
33:20-23 recount how Yahweh will so reveal himself to Moses
that there will be a genuine revelation and yet it will be but
partial, both bringing Moses close and preserving the distance
at the same time. This tension is expressed by saying that
Moses will see Yahweh's back and not his face. The anthropomorphism here is unparalleled elsewhere in the OT. Yet at the
same time it is used with a certain restraint. As Childs puts it,
Of course, a tremendous anthropomorphism is involved,
but the extreme caution with which it is used is an
eloquent testimony to the Hebrew understanding of God.
Even to be allowed to catch a glimpse of his passing from
the rear is so awesome to the man Moses that God himself
- note the strange paradox - must shield him with his own
hand.139
The use of panim here recalls the earlier uses in vv. 11, 14,
15 and, as already observed, conveys the paradox inherent in
attempts to speak of man's communion with God. Moses can
speak with God intimately, "face to face". Yahweh's presence,
or "face", in his shrine in the midst of Israel is a real possibility.
Moses' request for a fuller divine revelation than hitherto is
granted. And yet ... the distance between God and man must be
preserved. Even Moses the mediator, whose relationship with
God was unparalleled in the OT (cf. Deut. 34:10) must observe
the limitations inherent in humanity. 1^0 jn 33:20f. the
generalized form "man" (ha'adam) is used, rather than a specific
address to Moses in the second person, so that a general
theological point is clearly being made. It is striking how the
OT, in this and related passages, resists moves towards
mysticism or divinization by insisting on the qualitative and
ontological difference between God and man. Yet the paradox
is clear in the fact that it is precisely those passages which say
that man cannot see or hear God which affirm that just such
has indeed happened. So too Ex. 33:20 provides the necessary
theological balance to what has preceded. 1^1
It is difficult to say why the idea of seeing God's "back" was
introduced here. The closest OT parallel is Gen. 16:13, but this
81

is of little help. 142 There is no background of ancient Near
Eastern parallels such as could provide a matrix within which,
or against which, to interpret its Hebrew contextualization.
Most likely the idea of Yahweh's back was introduced for this
particular context where Yahweh's "face" is given such
prominence, as forming a natural contrast to it, given the
licence of the bold anthropomorphism.
It is important to appreciate the way in which the contrast
between "face" and "back" is developed. The unmediated impact
of the divine face would be fatal. Yet the writer does not say
that Yahweh will therefore hide his face or turn his back, for
these are customarily figures of speech conveying disapproval. 143 /\ n y static imagery, however, which pictured
Yahweh before Moses as a king before his subject or else
retained the imagery of 33:11, could hardly describe Yahweh's
averting his face without conveying the misleading implications
of the idiom. The dynamic imagery of "passing by" avoids this
difficulty. It preserves the sovereign freedom and activity of
Yahweh and need not describe his turning away, for the picture
is rather of Yahweh leading on ahead with man capable only of
following and looking on from behind. The splendour of Yahweh
is present in all its fulness but Moses needs to be protected
from this for his own sake. But as Yahweh dynamically moves
on, Moses may look after him and see the "afterglow".
Interestingly, the word for Yahweh's "back" ('ahor) is not the
usual term for "back" in the physical or anatomical sense (gaw,
gew), but more vaguely means "hinder part", 144 thus conveying the idea of a view from behind, while being less explicit
about exactly what is seen. As Yahweh presses on ahead Moses
can only see the traces left behind. Thus the impact of the
imagery is to enhance the qualitative superiority of God over
man.
Beyond this general import of the imagery of 33:20-23, there
is little that need be said here about other details in the verses.
V. 20 states the general principle of God's distance from man;
vv. 21-23 tell in concrete terms how Yahweh will make
provision for Moses upon the mountain so that he may to some
degree see him. There are some similarities to accounts of
theophanies elsewhere, 14-5 but such are only to be expected
and do not greatly illuminate the particularities of the present
account.
One peculiarity of the present text is that it may envisage
the theophany in two parts. First, in v. 21, Moses enjoys the
82

close presence of Yahweh (maqom "ittT) and takes his stand in
the open, upon the rock ( c al-hassur). In some sense Moses is
already with Yahweh. But when the moment of "passing by"
comes, Yahweh has to hide and protect Moses within the rock.
A similar pattern may be seen in 34:5f. where first Moses stands
in Yahweh's presence (34:5a$)'^ and then subsequently
Yahweh "passes by" (34:6aa). Each time it is unclear whether
an actual chronological sequence is envisaged or whether this is
again an attempt to relate the theological tension that Moses
was both "with" Yahweh, implying a close relation, and that he
was the passive and partial onlooker before the dynamic motion
of the divine splendour, in which the gulf between God and man
is stressed. But this slight uncertainty does not affect the
general tenor of the account which remains clear. '^'
Introduction to Ex. 34The intensity of 33:12-23, with its deep theological content,
forms one of the high points of the narrative. By the end, when
Yahweh has so completely taken the initiative and the theophany is evocatively described, one has almost forgotten that
this is all part of Yahweh's response to the urgent intercession
of Moses on behalf of sinful Israel who have broken the
covenant. Yet it is the issue of covenant breaking and renewal
which remains fundamental and it is with this that the story
continues. Moses" intercession has been met with the response
that Yahweh will reveal the grace and mercy which are
inherent in his being and which will constitute the basis for the
renewed covenant relationship; it remains to tell how this
promise is fulfilled. The writer reverts to the straightforward
narrative style appropriate for such.
The outline of .the material is as follows:
vv. 1-4
vv. 5-7
vv. 8-9
v. 10
vv. 11-26
vv. 27-28
vv. 29-35
Moses' preparations for the theophany.

The theophany.
Moses' response to the theophany and final
prayer,
Yahweh's response to Moses' prayer: the
renewal of the covenant,
Covenant stipulations,
The recording of the covenant conditions
and the writing on the tablets,
Moses" final descent from Sinai.
83

Ex. 34:1-9
34:1-4 recounts the preparations necessary for the reception

of Yahweh's promised theophany. They form an effective
contrast with the preceding verses. The change of content is
marked by the use of a further introductory speech formula (v.
la a ). The mysterious theophany description is balanced by
basic, down-to-earth preparations which Moses must carry out.
First, Moses is to cut two tablets of stone upon which Yahweh
will write in replacement of the first. The tablets have not been
alluded to since 32:15f., 19. Because the tablets had written on
them those commandments which form the heart of the
covenant, 1^ and function as witnesses to the covenant, their
replacement is an essential part of the renewed covenant. No
great attention is drawn to the tablets, beyond the references
in vv. 1, 4, 28, because they do not present an issue in
themselves. Unlike the question of Yahweh's accompanying
presence in his shrine, which was fundamentally challenged by
the calf and so is treated at length, the tablets were not
inherently connected with the people's sin in the same way;
rather, because they contain the basic covenant stipulations,
they are only relevant to be mentioned when the question of the
existence of the covenant is at issue. Insofar as grounds are
established upon which the covenant can be renewed, then the
way is also made clear for the replacement of the tablets.
Apart from being commanded to replace the tablets, Moses
also receives directions as to how to prepare for the coming
theophany. An appreciation of the preparations in 34:Iff. has
usually been impeded by the standard source-critical approach
which has reconstructed a J theophany account with material
drawn from both Ex. 19 and Ex. 34. The close linking of Ex. 34
with Ex. 19 has obscured the distinctive features of each
respective account, as a brief comparison will show. First,
throughout Ex. 19 the theophany is publicJ^^ The people are
constantly in view; the theophany is for their sake (v. 9), they
are to consecrate themselves (vv. lOff.), they tremble with fear
(v. 16), they stand at the foot of the mountain (v. 17), and they
are the cause of an extra warning from Yahweh to Moses (vv.
2Iff.). In Ex. 34 the people are nowhere in view. Yahweh
appears to Moses alone. There is close verbal similarity between 34:3 and 19:12-13a and each time the holiness of the
mountain is stressed. But whereas in 19:12-13a detailed directions are given, presupposing some actual danger of the people
ascending the mountain, in 34:3 the point is simply that Moses
84

must be alone.
Secondly, in Ex. 19 the phenomena accompanying the theophany are all appropriate (and necessary) for a public
theophany. Volcanic and thunderstorm phenomena are widely
visible. In Ex. 34, although the cloud is mentioned (34:5a), no
stress is laid upon it. The emphasis is on the close, even
intimate, presence of Yahweh (34:5a& wayyityasseb C imm6
sam; whether Moses or Yahweh is the subject of the verb does
not affect the point). In the climax of the theophany (34:6) no
visible phenomena are mentioned. The details of ch. 34 are all
appropriate for a private theophany. Even the partial vision of
33:20-23 is strikingly different from the visible phenomena of
Ex. 19, being again more appropriate for the private nature of
the occasion.
The theophany itself is recounted in 34:5-7. There are three
essential exegetical questions. First, who are the subjects of
the verbs (wytysb, wyqr', v. 5; wyqr', v. 6)? Either Yahweh or
Moses could be the subject of each verb. Secondly, how does v.
5 relate to v. 6? Is v. 5 pleonastic when followed by v. 6?
Thirdly, how do vv. 5-7 relate to 33:18-23? Vv. 5-7 are not a
simple fulfilment of all that is promised in 33:18-23.
In order rightly to answer these questions it is necessary first
to appreciate the numerous verbal and substantive links
between 34:5-7 and 33:18-23:
v. 5aa
wayyered yhwh becanan
cf. 33:18,22. There is no explicit mention of c nn in these
verses but kbwd is customarily linked with ^hn which
surrounds it (cf. Ex. 16:10, 24:15-18), so that reference to the
latter may imply the former
also,
v. 5a3
wayyityasseb C imm6 sam
cf. 33:21,
hinneh maqom 'itti wenissabta cal-hassur
34:2b,
w e nissabta
IT sam Cal-r5's hahar
1 e
v. 5b
wayyiqra b sem yhwh
cf. 33:19,
w e qara'ti besem yhwh lepaneka
ca
v. 6a
wayya
b5r yhwh c al-panayw
cf. 33:19,
' a nT 'a ca bir kol-tub! c al-paneka
33:22,
w e hayah
bacabor k e bodi ...cad-cobrt
1
v. 6a
wayyiqra yhwh yhwh
cf. 33:19,
w e qara't! beSem yhwh l e paneka
v. 6a
'el rahum
w e hannuna
e
cf. 33:19b,
wa hannot! 'et-' er 'ah5n w e rihamtT'et-' a ser
" rahem
85

1) If one allows the context to have due weight then these
parallels make clear that Moses is to be taken as the subject of
wytysb (v. 5) and Yahweh as the subject of wyqr' (vv. 5, 6).
Although this means that there is alternation of subject among
the three verbs of v. 5, this need not be too difficult if the
writer considers that the context will make his meaning clear.
There is no inherent objection to Yahweh being the subject of
wytysb. After the anthropomorphism of 33:21-23, this anthropomorphism would be mild, and is attested elsewhere.'*"
But when the verb for "standing" (nsb in 33:21, 34:2, ysb in 34:5)
has been used hitherto only of Moses, and that in the context of
what Moses will do on the mountain top, it is most natural to
take v. 5 as the fulfilment of what has been directed. Likewise,
if Moses was the subject of wykr' in v. 5 this would accord with
the usage of the formula qr' bsm yhwh elsewhere in the OT. One
could then interpret v. 5a as an anticipative summary of vv.
6-7, with v. 5b looking forward to vv. 8-9. Not only, however,
does the flow of the narrative in v. 6 demand that Yahweh
should be the subject of wyqrV^l and it would be difficult to
have a different subject for wyqr' in v. 5, but also the clear
instance in 33:19a of Yahweh as subject of the formula qr' bsm
ywhw must be decisive for interpreting Yahweh as the subject
of wyqr' in both v. 5 and v. 6.
2) The relation of v. 5 to v. 6 has already been raised in the
discussion of 33:21-23,^2 an <j nothing need be added here
once it is appreciated that it is the same "two-stage" theophany
being described in both contexts. In v. 5b wyqr' does not envisage a proclamation different from that of v. 6. By using the
same formula as in 33:19 it functions as showing that the theophany is the fulfilment of the promise in 33:19. It also states in
introductory form what vv. 6f. will explain and expand - the
meaning of the name of Yahweh.
3) There are two main factors which make 34:6f. different from
33:18ff. First, the theophany of 33:21-23 is not recounted as
such. There is no reference made to visible phenomena (apart
from the cloud of v. 5a), nor to Moses seeing anything.
Secondly, the content of v. 7b is to do with judgment, a theme
apparently absent from 33:19. These differences probably arise
largely from the demands of the developing narrative. When the
verbal links make clear that 34:5ff. is the fulfilment of 33:19ff.
it would be poor style to repeat the details of 33:21-23 when
nothing of substance could be added to them; the reader is to
take for granted that Yahweh did what he said he would do.
86

Moreover it has been seen that the central theme of 33:20-23 is
not that of sin and forgiveness but a further issue arising out of
it, that of the degree of proximity to God which man may
attain when sin is no longer at issue. This has, however, already
been sufficiently treated by the writer in ch. 33. The narrative
must return to a concern with the prior and more urgent
problem of sin and forgiveness, and its relation to the covenant
with Israel. To dwell further on Moses1 access to God would
detract from this. Therefore the writer excludes it.
The judgment theme of 34:7b is not wholly lacking in 33:19
inasmuch as the formula used there has been seen to leave open
the freedom of Yahweh to be merciful as he chooses in a way
that cannot be presumed upon. The real possibility of incurring
judgment is implicitly present in 33:19. Furthermore, the
context of Ex. 32-34 as a whole, in particular the judgment
theme of 32:15-33:11, shows that the experience of divine wrath
in all its seriousness is a real possibility for Israel. Both 33:19
and 34:6f. strongly emphasize the mercy of God, yet do so in
such a way as not to deny or abrogate his wrath and judgment.
The point is not that the people experience either wrath or
mercy, but that both wrath and mercy are in the character of
God though it is his mercy which is ultimately predominant in
his dealings with his people.
It is unnecessary for present purposes to offer detailed
examination of the terminology employed in 34:6f., the general
meaning being clear. 1^3 j-j- js WO rth noting, however, that
K.D. Sakenfeld, who has provided the most recent treatment of
one of the key terms, hesed, says that the meaning of hesed in
34:6f. may be interpreted as signifying that Yahweh is "so great
in faithfulness that he is willing even to forgive breach of
relationship".'54 This accords well with the theology of the
section.
The theological significance of 34:6f. can be best appreciated
through a comparison with Ex. 20:5f. Since 34:6f. is usually
taken as the primary form of a cultic formula upon which
20:5b-6, together with many other passages elsewhere in the OT
which echo the formula, is secondarily dependent, 20:5b-6 has
been interpreted in the light of 34:6f. rather than vice versa. If
one retains the textual order as the basis for interpreting the
interrelationship between the two passages, three points
emerge. First, the sequence of the two poles of judgment and
mercy is reversed, mercy being put first in Ex. 34. Secondly,
the mercy theme is greatly expanded in Ex. 34 over the basic
87

statement of 20:6a. Thirdly, and perhaps most significantly, the
stipulation of an obedient response on the part of Israel as the
condition for receiving Yahweh's hesed (20:6b "to those who
love me and keep my commandments") is absent from 34:6f. In
the context of Yahweh's reaction to Israel's sin of Ex. 32 this is
of fundamental importance, for it means that Yahweh's mercy
towards Israel is independent of their responding in the right
way. Even when Israel is disobedient it is still the recipient of
the divine goodness. The comparison with 20:5f. shows pointedly
how profound a statement of God's grace is contained in 34:6f.
Moses' response to this revelation of God is in two parts.
First, he bows down and worships. Such is the appropriate
response of man before God. In addition to this Moses offers
one final prayer. This prayer gathers together major themes
from the preceding narrative:
9aa, 'im-na' masat! hen beceneka 'ad5nay; cf. 33:12-17.
Formally the usage of the idiom is akin to the merely deferential introduction to a request. Yet to this, as to 33:13a, the
use in 33:12b lends a potentially more significant nuance. As in
33:12ff. Moses' special position is the basis of his prayer.
9a$, yelek-na' 'adonay b e qirbenu; the use of bqrbnw echoes
33:3,5 with its reference to the shrine. Since 33:3,5 were taken
up in Moses' intercession of 33:12ff., one may see here a further
reference back to this earlier intercession. This is supported by
the use in 34:9a$ of cthe verb hlk which was used in 33:14,
15,16 whereas in 33:3,5 lh was used.
9ba, k i cam-qeSeh-corep hu'; cf. 32:9, 33:3,5. This is the most
significant phrase and will be discussed below.
9b$, wesalahta la ca wonenu Ql e hatta'tenu un e haltanu; there
are no special links between these words and the preceding
narrative, although jfit^has been used several times (32:30,31,33,
cf. 32:21). It is of note that Moses seeks not only forgiveness
but also the positive restoration of Israel in a right relation
under Yahweh such as is implied in being taken as Yahweh's
possession. 1^5
It is perhaps initially a little surprising that Moses prays for
Yahweh's presence in the shrine again, after the favourable
response in 33:17 to his earlier intercession. 1^6 Yet it is not
inappropriate, since the logic of prayer and petition is not that
of sober discourse, and repetition and assurance play an important role. Moreover this request is not identical to that in
33:12-17. There the shrine was sought and given, but it brought
the potential danger of Yahweh's renewed judgment, which had
00
oo

to be met by something further, the revelation of God's character as gracious and merciful. This has now been given. So
Moses links these two things in his prayer, "Let the Lord, I pray,
go in the midst of us ... and forgive our iniquity and sin". It is
for God's presence and forgiveness together that Moses prays.
The most crucial words in the prayer are the reference to
Israel as a stiff-necked people. Each of the three previous
occurrences of this phrase has been at an important moment in
the narrative. Each time it has been made the explicit reason
for Yahweh's judgment upon Israel. In 32:9f. it is the reason why
Yahweh purposes to destroy the nation. At 33:3 Yahweh will not
go in the midst of the people because (ky) they are stiff-necked.
At 33:5, apart from the emphatic repetition of the impossibility
of Yahweh going with the people, it is made the reason why
Yahweh despoils Israel, as the Egyptians were despoiled. What
is remarkable about the phrase in 34:9 is that not only is it used
in the context of Yahweh's mercy, after the theophany, but,
apparently, it is the reason for Yahweh's mercy to be experienced in the restoration of the shrine in Israel's midst as a
sign of the renewed covenant, since the connective particle ky_
is commonly causative in force. One is thereby presented with
the paradox, verging on contradiction, that the same factor, the
sin of Israel, which causes Yahweh's wrath, also brings about his
mercy.
The interpretation of the particle ky is clearly of great
significance; yet it is problematic. There are at least three
possible ways of construing it. 157 1) It may be causative,
"for", or "because". Not only is this its most common meaning,
but it has already been used in this sense in conjunction with
"stiff-necked people" in 33:3. Since 34:9 presupposes this earlier
usage, and since a word play on a particle may be deemed to be
unlikely, this would suggest the same causative sense in 34:9 as
in 33:3.1^8 2) The particle may be concessive, "although".
This is less common than the causative sense but is still
attested. 159 j-j- js preferred by several translations (e.g., RSV,
NIV, Childs, Exodus, p. 602). 3) The particle may be an emphatic concessive, to be rendered "however much" or "although
indeed". This is argued for by VriezenÔ whose German rendering is "wie sehr auch". Such an interpretation is conveyed in
JB and NEB.
Of these renderings the straightforward concessive has least
to commend it. It is adopted on account of the apparent inappropriateness of the causative sense. But when it is indis89

putable that some paradox is intended, the concessive tends to
evade the issue. Between the causative and emphatic concessive senses it is harder, but perhaps less important, to
choose. Both draw attention to the fact that Israel still is stiffnecked, and the stress on this is the important factor. Probably
the emphatic concessive offers the best English rendering "Although they are indeed a stiff-necked people, yet forgive ...".
The paradox is striking. Superficially, it would seem to mean
either that Yahweh is inconsistent or that one should "sin in
order that grace might abound". Closer consideration, in the
light of the context and theological emphases discerned thus
far, shows this phrase to contain a theology of the grace of God
unsurpassed in the OT. A central concern of Ex. 32-34 is sin and
forgiveness. When Israel sins, can this mean the end of the
covenant? If not, then on what terms can the covenant be
renewed and continue? The answer of 34:9 is that the terms lie
entirely in the character of God. The point that is made by the
forceful ky_ is that Israel has not changed but remains as sinful
as at the time of making the calf. Any change which could
herald something other than their being cast off must therefore
be on the part of God. The people remain sinful; yet not only do
they receive from God the judgment they deserve, but also they
receive the grace and mercy they do not deserve. God will show
mercy, a mercy experienced supremely in his accompanying
presence, because it lies within the character of God not only
to inflict judgment but also to show mercy - even to a
continuingly sinful people.
This interpretation of 34:9 is supported by the fact that
nowhere in 32-34 is any reference made to a repentance of
Israel which might occasion Yahweh's renewed favour. It has
already been noted '^1 that the mourning of 33:4 is remorse
rather than repentance, and nowhere else is any word for
repentance, such as swb or nhm, used of Israel. The lack of
repentance supports the interpretation that Israel is continuingly sinful - yet it is to such that Yahweh is merciful.
The connection in 34:9 between Yahweh's going in the midst
of the people and the fact that they are still a stiff-necked
people reflects the same concern as is in 33:12-17, 18-23 where
the problem is that if the shrine were to be in the midst of
Israel then Yahweh might be provoked again to wrath against a
sinful people. The answer was seen to be in a deeper revelation
of the character of God. 34:9 takes this further, in the light of
the actual revelation, by posing the same problem and inverting
90

it through pleading Israel's sin as in some sense the reason why
Yahweh should go with Israel and forgive them. The same point
is made as in 33:19, but in more striking and paradoxical form.
Not only is it the character of God to be merciful, but it is
precisely to the sinful who ought to be destroyed that this
mercy is extended. The theme of the grace and mercy of God,
already set forward in 32:14, 33:19, 34:6f., is brought to its
climax in 34:9.
The bold theological conception of 34:9, although
unsurpassed, is not unparalleled in the OT. It occurs in one
other passage also, in the context of the flood narrative of Gen.
6-9. It can be seen in the juxtaposition of Gen. 8:21 with Gen.
6:5. Gen. 6:5 gives the reason why Yahweh brings the flood, that
is the evil of man's heart, and Gen. 8:21 tells why in future
Yahweh will show mercy:
6:5, wkl-ysr mhsbwt Ibw rq rc kl-hywm
8:21, ky ysr Ib h'dm r c mn c ryw
The wording is less emphatic in 8:21 than in 6:5 - Id, rq,
kl-hywm are omitted. This is appropriate in the context of ch. 8
where the nature of man need not be dwelt on in the same way
as in ch. 6. But the basic point remains the same. Here there is
the same paradox as in Ex. 34. The cause of God's judgment
apparently becomes the cause of his mercy - the same ky is
used in Gen. 8:21 as in Ex. 34:9. That the ky clause in Gen. 8:21
is meant to have the same force as in Ex. 34:9 can hardly be
disputed, once the parallelism is seen.'62 jh e paradox in
Genesis has often been noted, 163 that in Exodus occasionally. 164 gut hitherto no interpretation of both together has
been offered.
In addition to the parallel paradox in Gen. 8:21 and Ex. 34:9,
other parallels between the flood and Sinai narratives can be
seen.
1) The overall structure of Ex. 32-34 is sin and judgment
followed by mercy and renewal. So too in the flood narraI S
tive. lb:>
2) Throughout Ex. 32-34 the favoured position of Moses before
Yahweh is a constant factor. So too does Noah enjoy a favoured
position from start to finish.
3) Noah's favoured position marks the specific turning point in
the story, Gen. 8:1; God remembers Noah and then the waters
begin to recede.'66 similarly one may see Ex. 33:1 la as the
specific turning point in Ex. 32-34; hereafter God reveals his
91

rnercy.
4) Only in Gen. 6:8, Ex. 33:12 is it said absolutely of an

individual that he "found favour in the sight of Yahweh". 167
Noah and Moses are unique in their standing before God.
5) In each narrative the final revelation of Yahweh's paradoxical mercy is the result of the chosen man's intercession, the
prayer of Moses (Ex. 34:9), and the sacrifice of Noah (Gen. 8:20).
This striking similarity between the flood and Sinai, between
Noah and Moses,156 is of great theological significance for
the interpretation of each story. For each story is a critical
moment. First the future of the world, then the future of Israel
is in the balance. The world, while still in its infancy, has sinned
and brought upon itself Yahweh's wrath and judgment. Israel has
only just been constituted a people, God's chosen people, yet
directly it has sinned and incurred Yahweh's wrath and judgment. Each time the same question is raised. How, before God,
can a sinful world (in general) or a sinful people, even God's
chosen people (in particular), exist without being destroyed?
Each time the answer is given that if the sin is answered solely
by the judgment it deserves, then there is no hope. But in
addition to the judgment there is also mercy, a mercy which
depends entirely on the character of God and is given to an
unchangingly sinful people.
And not only this. Both Ex. 32-34 and the flood narrative
contain another theological paradox that God's mercy, given to
a sinful people and dependent on himself alone, is yet mediated
through a man. Obviously the role of Noah as mediator is
rudimentary in comparison with that of Moses, yet it is Noah's
special position that ensures that man will not be totally
destroyed (Gen. 6:8), God remembering Noah is the turningpoint of the story (Gen. 8:1), and God responds to the
acceptable sacrifice of Noah as to the prayer of Moses (Gen.
8:20f.). Both narratives display the same theological tension
that on the one hand God's mercy is shown to continuously
sinful man and is dependent upon himself alone, and on the
other hand this mercy is shown through a man who is chosen by
God and whose right response to God, whether through sacrifice
or prayer, constitutes the necessary medium through which this
mercy is shown.
It is clear, then, that Ex. 32-34 is a profound interpretation
of the basis of Israel's existence as the chosen people of God.
No sooner are they constituted as such than they sin and
deserve to forfeit their position. They do not forfeit it, but
I O
92

henceforth Israel is as dependent as the rest of the world upon
the mercy of God. Yet it is through the faithful man of God
that this mercy is given. God's mercy does not override man,
but man is given an indispensable role within God's purposes.
Such is the understanding of Yahweh's dealings with his people
expressed by Ex. 32-34.
Ex. 34:10
After Moses1 prayer, Yahweh's final answer is given; the
covenant is renewed. The connection of v. 10 with what precedes is generally considered to be somewhat loose. Certainly
this is the first time in Ex. 32-34 that the technical term for
covenant, berlt, is used. But this is because the narrative is
concerned not with the word but with the content of what
actually constitutes the relationship with God, and this is
supremely two things: God's presence in his shrine and his laws.
God's words in 34:10 bring these two together, for that Israel
should have God's presence (34:9a) and his laws (34:1 I f f . ) means
that they are in a covenant relationship. When God grants
these, he thereby renews the covenant.
The specific designation "covenant" is in fact prepared for in
the last word of v. 9, Qn e haltanu. Being Yahweh's possession
is very much a covenantal idea, implying the status of a vassal
under its overlord. 169 Moses effectively prays that Yahweh
should renew the covenant relationship. And Yahweh does.
There is some uncertainty over who is the addressee in v. 10.
Inc v. elOa it is clearly Moses; the people are "your people"
( amm ka).170 The LXX reads ego tithemi soi diatheken,
thus making Moses the primary recipient of the covenant. This
agrees with v. 27, but is probably not original to v. lOa. It is,
however, not out of keeping with the flow of v. lOa. In v. lOb,
by contrast, it seems that Israel is the addressee. It is more
natural to think of Israel rather than Moses as being in the
midst of other peoples, and the final "with you" (immak) reads
more easily as Israel. 171
That there should be a transition from Moses to Israel is in
fact appropriate. For Moses is being addressed on behalf of
Israel to whom he is to proclaim the following covenant stipulations, and so, in a sense, Israel is being addressed through
Moses. The reference to "all the earth and every nation"
enables a smooth transition to Israel the people as addressee.
Moreover, the shift to Israel in v. 10 enables a smooth transition to the paraenesis of vv. l l f f . , which is all in the second
93

person singular, as was the decalogue, and which is for the
benefit of Israel rather than Moses.
The interpretation of v. 10 depends on the meaning given to
the "marvels" (npl'wt) and the "fearful thing" (ky-nwr* hw')
which Yahweh is to do. These words customarily refer to
Yahweh's mighty acts bringing salvation to Israel and judgment
on her enemies, 1^2 ancj jf that js their significance here then
the meaning would be that Yahweh will resume his acts of
salvation on behalf of his covenant people. This is a possible
interpretation.
An alternative rendering may, however, be preferable. This is
that the significant statement is "Behold, I make a covenant",
and the rest of the verse simply sets out the unique and
marvellous nature of this fact. There is no exact parallel
elsewhere to a "fearful thing" in cthe singular (v. lOb),
and it i
something Yahweh does with ( m) his people J 7 ^ Thj s suggests that it is the fact of covenant renewal with a sinful
people which is the "fearful thing". The work of Yahweh which
people will see is the restoration of sinful Israel. If this is so
then "marvels" would have a similar meaning - the marvellous
acts of mercy and restoration. This slightly unusual sense is not
impossible for the renewal of the covenant with a sinful people
can be seen as the quintessence of Yahweh's wonderful acts. It
is notable that the unusual word bjrîs used in lOa, a word which
suggests that "that which YahweTTcreates has the character of
the wonderful, of the entirely new".'^^ The restoration of
Israel could well be so described. The verbs in the verse, the
imperfect 'eceseh (lOa) and the participle (coseh) refer
either to that which is at present happening or is conceived of
as imminent. Since the participle k5ret is cprobably a present
tense, a similar meaning is likely for oseh as well: as
Yahweh renews the covenant, he is in the process of doing
something marvellous. That Yahweh makes the covenant
"before all your people" reflects the fact that this action is
being done on Mt. Sinai with Israel encamped around below.
If this analysis is correct one may paraphrase the verse thus.
The renewal of a covenant with a sinful people is something
quite without parallel in history (v. lOa). It will, therefore,
constitute a powerful testimony to the character of God and
the nature of his dealings with people (v. lOb).
Finally, the significance of 34:10 thus interpreted is further
enhanced by a comparison with 20:2, the introduction to the
first law-giving. There the introduction is factual in form,
94

recounting that sequence of events which led up to, and formed
the basis for, the following decalogue. In keeping with the
context there is no unnecessary elaboration of the point. But
the context of 34:10, which serves as an introduction to the
laws of vv. 11-26, is quite different - the sin of Israel has
intervened. That God should again make a covenant and give
laws to such a people is now not simply stated but is appropriately designated as an unparalleled marvel.
Ex. 34:11-26
The statement that the covenant is being renewed is followed
by an exposition of the stipulations which are integral to it.
First, there is a general paraenesis (vv. 11-16), then a series of
detailed prescriptions (vv. 17-26). A detailed treatment of the
laws lies beyond the scope of the present task where the
purpose is to determine their literary and theological function
within the development of the narrative. 175 /\ f e w brief
observations must suffice.
The inclusion of a legal corpus at this point may be objected
to on both literary and theological grounds. The literary
argument is that the inclusion of the laws destroys the flow of
the narrative. Far from prolonging the climactic moment of
covenant renewal, it seems to deaden it. For most modern
readers this may well be the case. Nonetheless, as argued
above, 176 -(-he laws are of great importance for the writer
and his conception of what matters in the story. It might also
be said that the feeling that the laws are anti-climactic is
largely a cultural difficulty. A Jew who delighted in Torah
might well find the objection difficult to grasp.
Theologically the propriety of this legal corpus here has been
queried by Driver and McNeile. Driver cites with approval
McNeile's comment that a fresh body of laws is not required
because
a covenant having been formed (24:7f.), and based upon
laws which are given earlier in the book (20:22-23:33), and
then having been broken by sin, all that can conceivably
be required is repentance and forgiveness. The original
covenant laws must unalterably hold good.'77
This is insensitive to the seriousness of the sin of Israel and the
writer's awareness of Israel's continuingly sinful nature. The
point of these laws is not to renew the covenant on conditions
different from those previously obtaining (Ex. 20-24) - their
95

continuing validity is taken for granted - but to select and
emphasize those particular aspects which are relevant^ to the
sinful tendencies which Israel has displayed. That is, Israel has
been unfaithful to Yahweh and sinned against the first two
commandments of the decalogue in particular, '78 anc| both
the paraenesis and the prescriptions of 34:1 1-26 are, in
different ways, more or less relevant to the observation of
these same commandments. That is why the laws of 34:11-26
are cultic in emphasis. The first two commandments are cultic
commandments and Israel's sin with the calf was a cultic sin. As
Yahweh renews the covenant he does so by demanding
obedience in the area where Israel has already failed and where
it will be under continual temptation in the promised land to sin
again.
Theologically the demand for Israel's obedience at this point
is of significance. For it comes directly after the exposition of
the mercy of Yahweh which is as absolute and unconditional as
it could be. Without any sense of incongruity the writer
juxtaposes with this a strong demand for total obedience on the
part of Israel. The writer thus reveals a striking understandin
of "faith and works". On the one hand Israel's position is entirely dependent upon Yahweh and Moses and in no way upon
themselves; even their sin does not forfeit their position. On the
other hand they can only live as the people of Yahweh if they
faithfully obey him in all they do. Theologically it is not a case
of "either - or" but of "both - and".
The paraenesis of vv. 11-16 starts by looking ahead to the
fact that Yahweh is going to lead the people into the promised
land. As mentioned above, the assumption that once the
covenant making at Sinai is complete the people are to move on
into the promised land underlies the narrative. It is appropriate
therefore to take up the theme here, particularly because it
raises what is likely to be the next moment of acute temptation
for Israel to apostasize from Yahweh, the time of contact with
the culture and religion of Canaan.
The wording, "Behold I will drive out ..." (hinni g5res) is
significant in the light of what has preceded. The promise of
23:20ff. was that the angel, mediating the presence of Yahweh
himself, would lead the people as they moved on. After Israel's
sin, not only would the angel no longer mediate Yahweh's
presence in the same way as before, but the crucial issue
became the restoration of Yahweh's presence in the shrine in
96

the midst of Israel. Now Israel's sin has been dealt with, the
covenant renewed, and permission to build the shrine restored.
Therefore the future guidance of Israel is no longer a problem.
Because Yahweh is in the midst of Israel he can also lead them
and fight for them. To stress the point, the angel is not
mentioned here even though it would fully mediate the divine
presence again, since after 32:34, 33:2f. it might still be taken
to imply a "second-best". None but Yahweh himself (hnny) will
fight for the people.
Vv. 12-16 present a strong demand for exclusive commitment
to Yahweh alone. This is not a novel element within Ex. 32-34
since this demand is a presupposition for Israel's sin in Ex. 32. In
particular it has been seen that in 32:25-29 there is a
"deuteronomic" theology of faithfulness to Yahweh. This aspect
of the covenant commitment is more fully developed in the
present context.
34:14 is an important verse. The comparison of 34:14b with
20:5ba shows a development and expansion of the earlier text
not dissimilar to that in the relationship of 34:6f. to 20:6:
34:14: ky yhwh qn' rnw '1 qn' hw'
20:3: ky 'nky yhwh 'Ihyk '1 qn'
The basic principle is enunciated in the context of the
decalogue. It is now reiterated in far more emphatic form, as
was the principle of Yahweh's hesed, because of the situation
obtaining after Israel's sin. Nowhere else in the OT is Yahweh's
"jealousy" made so emphatic (compare Deut. 4:24, 6:14f., 3osh.
24:19f.). The fact of Israel's unfaithfulness calls forth the
emphatic restatement that such unfaithfulness is incompatible
with the nature of Yahweh, 179 anc j therefore with being
Yahweh's covenant people. Faithfulness to Yahweh must be all
or nothing. This develops the writer's theological balance
mentioned above. On the one hand Yahweh's mercy is revealed
more fully than hitherto, but on the other hand his demand upon
Israel is likewise intensified.
One other interesting feature in v. 14 is its reference to
"another god" ('1 *hr) in the singular. 180 -]-njs singular is unique
in the OT, the customary designation being plural, 'jhym 'hrym.
It is possible that this reflects the specific sin with the calf in
ch. 32, for which the generalizing plural would be slightly less
appropriate. The fact that the calf was designated with a plural
verb and demonstrative in ch. 32 does not tell against this,
since that was the most effective way in context of conveying
97

the pagan nature of the occasion.
The laws which follow in vv. 17-26 are to be understood as an
illustration of the general principles of vv. 11-16. They seek to
ensure purity of theological meaning and ritual practice within
the cult of Israel. It is true that there is little explicit
reference to a concern for purity in vv. 17-26, but this can be
seen as a further case where the writer assumes that the
context will make his meaning clear. The context of vv. 11-16
has set forward the distinctiveness of Yahwism from Canaanite
religion in strong terms. If there is a close connection between
vv. 11-16 and vv. 17-26, and such a connection is evident at
least in v. 17, then the way to interpret the laws would
naturally be in terms of their being a detailed application of the
general principles preceding.181
If it may be attempted to reconstruct the writer's theological
understanding as reflected in vv. 11-26 without, I hope, "simply
producing a modern midrash", 182 tne pattern of thought may
be roughly as follows.
Israel's sinful tendency to compromise its commitment to
Yahweh and to express its faith in the symbols of the
surrounding religious culture rather than in the way prescribed
by Yahweh has already become evident even while the people
are still at Sinai. Now that the covenant is being renewed the
people are to move on to the land of Canaan which Yahweh has
promised to give them (v. 11). But here the pressure to form
treaties with the Canaanites, with the inevitable adoption of, or
at least accommodation to, alien religious practices (vv. 12,15),
will lead to a religious compromise unacceptable to Yahweh
who demands exclusive commitment from his people (vv. 13,1^).
The temptations in Canaan will be far greater than those
experienced at Sinai. They must therefore be resisted uncompromisingly if Israel is to survive as the people of Yahweh (v.
13). Even social intercourse leading to inter-marriage will be
destructive of commitment to Yahweh and must be rejected (v.
16).
It is one thing to enunciate general principles. It is another to
work them out in practice. It is in official cultic worship that
Israel's commitment to Yahweh is necessarily focussed and
finds its true expression. Therefore the details of this worship,
or at least a representative selection of them, 1^3 must be
carefully prescribed so that Israel's worship may be true to
Yahweh. It is important in the first instance that there should
be no cultic idols, for such idols, like the calf, are antithetical
98

to the basic nature of Yahweh's revelation of himself (v. 17).
This practical prescription for true worship is made that much
more difficult by the fact that there will inevitably be certain
formal similarities between the cultic worship of Israel and that
of the Canaanites. Although the Canaanite mode of worship is
to be rejected, the framework of feasts through the year is a
right and necessary pattern of worship for a people who will be
living in an agricultural society (vv. 18,22,23). Since Yahweh is
the giver of the land (v. 24), it is right for the people to offer
back to him the fruits of the land. The meaning of these feasts
will be different for Israel than for the Canaanites. The feast of
unleavened bread will no longer be of purely agricultural
significance but will recall Yahweh's acts of salvation on behalf
of Israel (v. 18c).
Despite the rejection of Canaanite practices, it must be
stressed that Yahweh makes no less demand upon Israel than
the Canaanite gods do upon their adherents. Although Yahweh
does not require human sacrifice, the first and best of Israel is
his by right (vv. 19,20). The need to provide an offering for
Yahweh (v. 20b^) does not mean that work must override
Yahweh's provision for rest (v. 21). The other two major
festivals of the year, in addition to that of unleavened bread,
are also to be observed (v. 22), as part of the general principle
of regularly coming before Yahweh in worship (v. 23). There
need be no practical difficulty over coming before Yahweh at
festival time because Yahweh is God of the land and will
protect a man's inheritance during his absence (v. 24). An
appendix of four brief cultic commandments is added to stress
the importance of correct Yahwistic practice at the festivals
(vv. 25,26).
This outline is not the only way to interpret these laws, and
its accuracy in detail is secondary to the task of showing at
least a certain overall coherence in the selection of the laws. A
few points of detail do, however, require further elaboration in
support of the outline offered.
First, it is notable that the prohibition which stands first, in
the position of importance, relates specifically to the sin of
Israel in Ex. 32. This emerges the more clearly from a comparison with the parallel in Ex. 20:4.
34:17:
' e lohe massekah 15' tacageh-15k
20:4:
15' tacaseh l e ka pesel
The more general term psl is replaced by mskh.184 In x. 32
99
aT TEH mOUNTAINf God

Israel's sin has been to make a molten calf (cgl mskh) to
which they refer as 'Ihym (32:4). The specific prohibition of 'Ihy
mskh relates to the sinful tendency towards false worship
already displayed.
Secondly, the inclusion of the dedication of the firstborn to
Yahweh makes sense as an example of the distinction to be
preserved between Yahwism and Canaanite religion even when
there are similarities. Canaanite religion could involve the
practice of sacrificing not only the firstborn of animals but also
a firstborn son.1^5 Such a human sacrifice is incompatible
with Yahwism. But the point is that Yahweh demands no less
than the Canaanite gods, and so if he chooses to forego his
claim then the Israelite must still remember that his son is to
be redeemed and belongs to him not by right but by gift.
Yahweh's authority over life is emphasized by the statement
that the firstborn of animals are all his.
The offering of the firstborn is also mentioned in Ex.
13:2,12f. Here Yahweh's right to the firstborn is connected with
his having slain the firstborn of Egypt but spared the firstborn
of Israel. Although not made explicit in 34:19f. this tradition is
probably presupposed. This is suggested by its placing after the
reference to the exodus in v. 18c. Israel's response to Yahweh is
characteristically linked with the tradition of Yahweh's saving
acts.
Thirdly, the positioning of the sabbath commandment may
well be to deal with a possible difficulty occasioned by the
demand of v. 20b$, in a way not dissimilar to the link
between v. 24 and v. 23. The importance of providing an
offering for Yahweh could be taken to imply a need at times to
neglect Yahweh's provision for rest if the offering is to be
brought. V. 21 denies that this should be the case. Even at the
important times of ploughing and harvest rest is to be observed.
This observance of rest will not mean that the Israelite will not
be able to bring a sufficient offering at the requisite times. On
the contrary, it will ensure it.
Fourthly, a possible link between 34:26b and the Ugaritic text
1.23:14 has long been noted. This Ugaritic text, taken to refer
to boiling a kid in milk, would suggest that the force of the
Hebrew prohibition lies in an anti-Canaanite polemic; even
though Israel is to keep the same feasts as the Canaanites, their
ritual practice at the feast is to be different - perhaps specifically in the rejection of fertility magic.
In three recent studies, 1^6 both the generally accepted
100

restoration of the Ugaritic text and the cultic interpretation of
the text as a whole have been seriously questioned, and it now
appears that the parallel with the biblical injunction is
invalid. 187 Haran argues that the point of the biblical text is
to prevent a practice considered morally revolting on the basis
of humane considerations. But even if this is correct, some
implication of anti-Canaanite polemic may not be entirely
lacking in the biblical precept, in accordance with the tenor of
the laws as a whole.
Ex. 34:27-28
We see in vv. 11-26 that as the covenant is renewed Yahweh
demands faithfulness to himself as a necessary part of the
covenant. Vv. 27-28 then bring to a conclusion Moses' sojourn on
Mt. Sinai. A permanent written record of the covenant is to be
provided, to serve as a reminder and witness in the future. 188
These two verses may at first sight appear to be straightforward. God tells Moses to write down the laws he has just
given, and Moses complies. Such would be a simple and
apparently appropriate conclusion to the preceding narrative.
This seemingly "obvious" reading, however, raises two problems
when taken in the context of Ex. 34 as a whole.
The first problem arises from the fact that v. 28b specifies
that the "ten words" ( c srt hdbrym) were written on the
tablets, yet v. 27 clearly envisages that the terms for the
renewal of the covenant which are to be recorded are those
specified in the preceding section, vv. 11-26. And there is no
decalogue obviously present in these verses. How then can the
"ten words" be related to what precedes?
The second problem lies in the tension created between v.
28b and v. Ib. If Moses is the subject of wyktb in v. 28b, how is
this to be reconciled with v. 1 where it is said that Yahweh will
write upon the tablets? Although one could interpret v. 28b in
the light of v. 1 as showing Moses "functioning as the writing
finger of YHWH",189 ^-ls js no-t- a natural reading of the text.
It is the first of these problems, in some form, that has most
occupied modern scholars since Goethe; 1^ what is intended
by "the ten words", when they are set in conjunction with vv.
11-26? This will therefore be the best point at which to begin
our study of vv. 27-28.
The great majority of scholars have accepted the reference
to the "ten words" as original to the text. It is possible that the
words are a marginal gloss. If so, they would best be understood
101

as an attempt to express the deuteronomic conception of the
decalogue as standing apart from all other laws and constituting
by itself the basis of the covenant, a distinction which did not
exist in the earlier tradition.'91 The main motive, however,
for seeing the words as a gloss is the belief that they do not
cohere well with their con text. '92 jt mus t therefore be decided whether or not this is actually the case.
Of those scholars who accept "the ten words" as original,
some have argued on that basis for the presence of a decalogue
in vv. 11-26 as they now stand. 193 others have argued that,
as there is no decalogue to be found in vv. 11-26 the reference
to "the ten words" is evidence that a decalogue, identical or
similar to that in Ex. 20, did once stand in the text of Ex. 34
but that it was1 displaced and that the present laws are a
substitute for it. 94
Rather than assess these arguments in detail, two points may
be made. First, such is the variety of proposed reconstructions
of a decalogue in vv. 11-26 that the whole attempt to find one
becomes unconvincing. 195 -rne situation is in no way comparable to that in Ex. 20 where, although there has always been
difficulty over the precise numbering of the decalogue, it has
hardly ever been seriously doubted that it is a decalogue with
which one is dealing. 196 jne iaws of Ex. 34 do not, however,
look like a decalogue. And were it not for "the ten words" of v.
28 it is unlikely that much attempt would have been made to
find one.
Secondly, the proposals for either a present or a displaced
decalogue both share one crucial assumption, that v. 28b (what
was written on the tablets) is to be read as the fulfilment of v.
27 (what Moses was commanded to write). But is this necessary? The tension between v. 28b and v. I b has already been
noted. In the light of v. 1 it would be possible to read v. 28b
with Yahweh, not Moses, as subject.197 And if Yahweh
"wrote", then one would expect him to write something other
than what he has just told Moses to write. That is, "the words of
the covenant, the ten words" in v. 28b may refer to something
other than the laws of vv. 11-26 which Moses is told to write in
v. 27. This possibility demands a careful reappraisal of the
relationship of v. 28b to v. 27.
In favour of the view that v. 27 and v. 28b are to be taken in
close conjunction, with the latter as the fulfilment of the
former, there are three main arguments. First, it seems natural
in context that v. 28b should specify the carrying out of the
102

preceding command in v. 27 (cf. 34:4 with 34:1). Secondly, there
is the use of berith in both verses. Thirdly, since Moses is the
subject in v. 28a, he should naturally still be the subject in v.
28b.
In support of the independence, of v. 28b from v. 27 there are
also good exegetical arguments. First, v. 27 twice designates
the words Moses is told to write as "these words" (hdbrym h'lh).
In v. 28b what is written is not thus designated, but as "the
words of the covenant" and "the ten words". V. 27, by the use of
h'lh, clearly identifies the words to be written with the
preceding laws of vv. 11-26. But neither "words of the
covenant" nor "the ten words" in themselves necessitate
identification with vv. 1 1-26.
Secondly, v. 27 does not mention the tablets of stone whereas
v. 28b does. V. 27, in itself, could envisage Moses writing on a
scroll or some covenant document (cf. 24:7), while this is
excluded in v. 28b.
Thirdly, there is the interposition of v. 28a separating the
surrounding references to the covenant. V. 28a reads naturally
as the conclusion to the preceding narrative, rounding off the
time of Moses' sojourn on Sinai. If Moses is the subject in v. 28b
and he is fulfilling the command of v. 27, one would expect the
note in v. 28a about the duration of his stay on Sinai to come
after v. 28b and not before. V. 28b, coming after v. 28a, reads
like an additional note, added to tie up a remaining loose end in
the narrative, rather than as a continuation and fulfilment of v.
27. As such, the focus in v. 28b could have moved away from
Moses, reference to whom is now complete, to Yahweh.
Fourthly, the alternation of verbal subject in v. 28, changing
from Moses as subject in v. 28a to Yahweh as subject in v. 28b,
would not be unnatural. A parallel can be seen in 34:5, where
there is likewise an alternation of verbal subject. The subject is
not specified each time, for it is assumed that the context of
the preceding verses makes sufficiently clear who does what.
The considerations relevant to interpreting 34:5 can apply also
to 34:28.
Fifthly, there is the verbal parallel between v. Ib and v. 28b:
34:1: wktbty cl hlhwt 't-hdbrym
34:28: wyktwb cl hlhwt 't dbry hbryt
This verbal parallel is closer than that between v. 27 and v. 28,
and argues for interpreting v. 28b in the light of v. 1 rather
than v. 27. l98
The balance of exegetical probability, simply considering v.
103

28b in relation to v. 28a and v. 27, seems to support the
independence of v. 28b from the previous verse. If this is
correct, it must further be shown how a reference to Yahweh
writing on the tablets something other than the laws of vv.
11-26 would be appropriate at this point in terms of the larger
narrative context. This can be seen if one may again conjecture
the likely perspective and assumptions of the writer. For, as
already argued, the writer of Ex. 32-34 assumes a knowledge of
the larger Sinai context and so need only make brief allusions
where he considers the meaning to be clear. Thus the writer
presupposes that the decalogue was previously given (Ex. 20)
and that the decalogue was written by God upon the tablets
which were smashed (32:19) but whose replacement, with
identical content, was promised (34:1). That is, the writer
assumes the tradition made explicit in Deut. 10:1-4 that the
tablets (a) contained the decalogue, and (b) were written by
Yahweh himself. That the tablets contained the decalogue is
not actually specified in so many words anywhere in the Sinai
pericope (apart from 34:281), but this could be because it is
taken for granted. Since the only tradition the OT records about
the tablets is that the decalogue was on them (unless one
interprets 34:28b to the contrary, which is the point at issue),
no one would have questioned the tradition and the writer need
not make explicit what he considers obvious. That the tablets
were written by Yahweh himself is emphasized in 32:15f. and
again in 34:1. This suggests that when the writer refers briefly
to the tablets in 34:28b, he takes for granted that the reader
knows what "the ten words" are and that therefore he would not
attempt to find them in vv. 11-26. He further takes for granted
that the reader is familiar with 34:1 and the tradition of
Yahweh writing on the tablets, and so will naturally read v. 28b
as the fulfilment of v. 1, with Yahweh as subject.
The flow of vv. 27-28 is therefore as follows. After Israel's
sin with the calf, Yahweh has renewed the covenant with them,
presupposing the validity of the laws previously given yet
singling out for emphatic repetition those which pertain to the
sin of Israel and which must particularly be observed to ensure
faithfulness to Yahweh when the covenant relationship is
restored. These laws he commands Moses to record. Although
the ground for the renewed covenant lies in the gracious
character of Yahweh revealed in 34:6f., for Israel's part the
covenant is renewed on terms of total faithfulness and loyalty
to Yahweh being demanded of them - "in accordance with these
104

words (i.e. the exhortations and laws requiring faithfulness) I
have made a covenant ...". This theme is then drawn to a
conclusion by the note about the duration of Moses1 stay on
Sinai and the conditions he endured. The writer then adds a
concluding note stating that the decalogue on the tablets, which
Yahweh had promised to write again (34:1), was in fact written
by h i m . That these are still the heart of the covenant is taken
for granted by the writer who designates them "the words of
the covenant". The preceding section has been essentially an
exposition, appropriate to the particular situation, of the
demand for covenant faithfulness to Yahweh as enshrined
especially in the first two commandments. The writer thus adds
this note to make clear that in addition to giving the
prescriptions for the particular situation of renewal, Yahweh
also fulfilled his promise of 34:1 to restore the tablets, which
are a witness to all the demands of the covenant. To make clear
that these "words of the covenant" are not to be identified with
the words of v. 27, the writer adds the clarifying note that the
words on the tablets^^ are the already-known "ten words".
There remains one other point of interest in vv. 27-28, and
that is the wording that Yahweh is making the covenant "with
you and with Israel" (v. 27b, krty 'tk bryt w't-ysr'l). The
positioning of "and with Israel" seems awkward. Was the
covenant originally with Moses alone, so that "and with Israel"
is a later gloss? Or if the reference to Israel is original, why is
it placed secondary to Moses?
The first suggestion has little to commend it. On the one
hand it disregards the immediate context since there is no
reason for Yahweh to make a covenant with Moses "according
to these words" when the content of these words is the injunctions
and laws concerning faithfulness to Yahweh, which in
Moses1 case has not been in doubt. On the other hand it
disregards the larger context where the problem is that of
Israel's covenant relationship and the way Israel has broken the
covenant.
The present wording with Israel in secondary position points
to an understanding of the renewed covenant as being not only
mediated through, but in some sense necessarily dependent
upon, Moses. This coheres well with 33:12-17, 34:9 where the
special position of Moses is essential to the restoration of
Israel. The original covenant-giving was itself mediated through
Moses, but was not dependent upon him in the way it now is
105

when Moses alone has stood out against the people's sin. So the
position of Israel in the restored covenant is not identical to
what it would have been had the people never sinned.
Henceforth their life as a people depends not only upon the
mercy of God but also upon the intercession of God's chosen
mediator. This accords with the fine divine-human balance
already observed in the narrative. It also prepares for the
closing scene in which the people see the glory of God on the
face of Moses.
Ex. 34:29-33
The final scene, 34:29-35, brings the narrative to the quiet
close that is a common characteristic of a good story. The
presence of God is restored among the people and the previous
tensions are resolved.
It is notable how several important themes of the preceding
narrative are woven in. First, there is the descent from the
mountain, a striking contrast to 32:15ff. Each time Moses
descends with the tablets in his hand. But whereas the first
time he was confronted by sin and apostasy, now he is met with
awe and reverence. A right relation between Yahweh, Moses
and the people has been restored.
Secondly the motif of "face" (panim), so central in
33:11,12-23, is echoed here. Moses sought not only that
Yahweh's "face" should go with the people but that he might see
Yahweh's glory. This latter was partially granted. Now the
implication is that the Israelites see the glory of Yahweh in the
face of Moses. As Moses was not able to see the face of
Yahweh, so the Israelites can hardly endure to look on the face
of Moses (v. 30); though insofar as Moses is man and not God,
and the glory is reflected, they are able to behold him.
Thirdly, there is a contrast with the tent section in 33:7-11
where it was stressed that the people beheld and worshipped
from afar off. Now the people can draw close to Moses (vv.
3la, 32a - the repetition may be intended to emphasize the fact
of approach), and when Moses goes in and out of the tent (v. 34)
no mention is made of the people having to maintain any
distance. Since, however, all the emphasis is upon the role of
Moses and the people serve as, in a sense, a foil to him, one
cannot lay much weight upon this.
Fourthly, there are the significant implications of Moses1
shining (literally "horned") face, discussed below.
Apart from these echoes of the preceding narrative, these
106

verses are important for the central role of Moses. It is a
principle of popular narrative that the story should end with
reference to the hero, and that is the case here. Although the
high points in the course of the narrative focus on Yahweh
(33:18-23, 34:6f.) rather more than on Moses (32:30-33), in the
final scene it is Moses alone who holds the stage. Again one is
aware of the balance between the respective human and divine
roles in Ex. 32-34. Both Yahweh and Moses are the central
characters. It is the mark of Moses' unique relationship with
Yahweh that he is the sole important character in the closing
scene, which has no real duality of persons as in some other
scenes in the narrative.
The passage not only stresses the status of Moses in himself,
but draws attention again to his role as mediator through whom
Yahweh's glory is seen (vv. 29,30) and his commandments given
(vv. 34f.). It has often been noted that whereas vv. 29-33
recount the single event of Moses' descent and encounter with
the people, vv. 34f. are imperfect in tense with a frequentative
meaning, describing a recurring situation. The implication is
that Moses' mediating role was ongoing. His access to God and
receipt of commandments was not limited to the time spent on
Mt. Sinai but was a continual reality in the life of the people.
The usual focus of interest in vv. 29-35 has been on two
interrelated issues, first the veil (maswehQÔO which Moses
puts on and o f f , and secondly the odd word for shining (qrn,
literally "to have horns") used of Moses' face. It has become
customary to interpret the veil in terms of the widespread
ancient practice of the priest wearing a mask - "the priest
assumes the 'face' of his deity and identifies himself with
him".201 Such a mask would commonly have been a horned
mask.
There are three difficulties with this. First, such a mask is
unattested elsewhere in the OT.202 Secondly, and more important, the veil here functions in the opposite way to priestly
masks, in that Moses takes it off when speaking both to God and
to the people and puts it on again only when he ceases to
perform his mediatorial function. The present passage can only
be assimilated to the practice attested elsewhere at the cost of
precisely that element to which the writer draws attention.
Thirdly, it is important to be clear at which level one is
interpreting the text. Whatever the ancient Near Eastern
parallels, there can be little dispute that the text as it now
stands is not describing either a priestly mask or horns. In
107

context qrn must mean "shine" and the significance of the mswh
must be that of a veil to cover the shining. The parallels are
adduced to reveal a traditio-historical development of the
story; originally there was a version different from the present
which was sometime changed, presumably in the light of later
Yahwistic sentiments that such a priestly mask was incompatible with Yahwism.203 jhe appeal to priestly masks does
not provide an alternative rendering of the present text, but
offers an hypothetical account of its origins. This issue lies
beyond the scope of the present exegetical task and is discussed
later.204
The adducing of ancient Near Eastern parallels, is,
nonetheless, still of relevance to the exegetical task, for they
provide a background against which one's appreciation of the
singularity of the present narrative may be enhanced.
It will be helpful to deal with the veil and the
"shining"/"horns" separately. First then, the veil. It may well be
that the writer's meaning lies in the explicit contrast to a
known practice. That is, whereas other gods were represented
by a mask with the priest's face hidden, Yahweh uses no such
mask but shines directly through the face of his servant. No
mask is needed to communicate Yahweh's presence; it is a man
and not an object who has the role of mediating Yahweh. That
it should be the uncovered face of a man which lets the divine
glory shine through reflects the same profound theology of the
role of man within the purposes of God as has been discerned
elsewhere (cf. also Gen. 1:26). The veil (not a mask for the
writer) is only put on when Moses is not speaking either to
Yahweh or to the people. No reason is given for this and one
can but speculate. The writer either considers it unimportant,
the point lying in the fact that the face is uncovered when
Moses speaks, or he assumes its significance will be obvious to
the reader. Possibly it was to protect the people from too much
exposure to the reflected glory of Yahweh. Alternatively (and
less likely) it may have been to distinguish those times when
Moses spoke as mediator from other occasions when he did not
function in this capacity. Either way the nature of the veil is of
secondary importance to the point of the glory of God shining in
the face of Moses.
The writer's choice of the verb qrn has long been puzzling. On
philological grounds the use of qrn in Ex. 34 should mean that
Moses had hornsÔ^ yet the context demands the sense of
"shine".206 The question must be asked why the writer chose
108

the unusual qrn when the more common verb ^wr was available.
While it is customary to seek religio-historical parallels outside
the OT, one need not go so far afield, for a sufficient reason is
provided by the context of Ex. 32-34, that is the account of the
calf with which the narrative opens. It has already been noted
that 32:1-6 implies that the calf was a challenge to Moses and
his authority. This closing scene harks back to the opening
scene of the story. In the ancient world the power of a bull was
frequently symbolized by its horn, indeed, "In cult the horn
tends to stand for the bull and to supplant it".207 jne writer's
use of qrn, therefore, is a clear echo of the calf and constitutes
a daring parallelism of Moses with the calf. It is daring to take
the symbol of the false god and use it of Moses, but the true
role of Moses has already been made clear to the reader so
there should be no danger of misunderstanding.208 The writer
makes the point that Moses was to the people what they wanted
the calf to be - a leader and mediator of the divine presence.
The fact that Yahweh, and his presence in his shrine, is also this
to the people in no way excludes the attribution of a similar
significance to Moses, such is the harmony between Moses and
Yahweh in the writer's understanding.
The use of qrn is thus most revealing of the writer's method
and intention. From a literary point of view the echo in the
final scene of a motif in the opening scene constitutes a skilful
structuring of the story. Theologically it points again to the
importance of Moses as leader and mediator and further highlights the nature of the calf as a gross parody of Yahweh's true
intentions for his people.
Conclusion
On this note the narrative of Ex. 32-34 draws to a close. Only
one or two observations still need to be made. Although Ex.
32-34 constitutes a coherent and clearly defined unit it has
been seen that it does not stand in isolation from the context in
Exodus which precedes it, but that there are many links with
the narrative elsewhere, including Ex. 25-31. It is right, therefore, briefly to consider Ex. 35-40 also, insofar as these
chapters relate to Ex. 32-34.
First, there is the obvious fact that these chapters recount
the building of the shrine, that is the tabernacle, which is made
possible by the restoration of Israel within the covenant.
Perhaps the extensive repetition from Ex. 25-31 reflects the
significance of the fact that this construction should be possible
109

at all after Israel's sin.
Secondly, what is of importance in the coming of Yahweh's
glory to the tabernacle (40:34f.) is that it serves to extend the
Sinai experience,209 that is, "the presence of God which had
once dwelt on Sinai now accompanies Israel in the tabernacle on
her desert journey".210 This is in direct continuity with one
of the central themes of Ex. 32-34, that of Yahweh's accompanying presence as the people move on from Sinai. It was this,
as a basic part of the covenant relationship, that was
jeopardized by Israel's sin, and it is for this that Moses urgently
pleaded, that despite the people's sin Yahweh should yet go with
the people in a movable shrine and be present in their midst.
After Yahweh has granted this prayer of Moses it is right that
it should then be told how this was actually carried out. The
restoration of Israel is then complete when the covenant is
renewed and the empirical symbol of the covenant becomes a
reality.
Thirdly, there is a striking emphasis in Ex. 35-40 on the eager
readiness of the people to contribute to the work (35:20-29,
36:2-7). No explanation of this is offered within Ex. 35-40.
Could it be because of Ex. 32-34? The notable feature that no
reference is made to any repentance on the part of the people
has been mentioned already. This silence highlights the presentation, of Israel's restoration as entirely the work of Yahweh.
Could then this picture of the willing offering of the people be
intended as their response to what Yahweh has done? It is at
least possible that the people's free offering reflects a
theological understanding that it is the experience of God's
mercy which elicits a true and worthy response on the part of
Israel.
In conclusion it may be said that if the exegesis offered here
is at least substantially correct, then the importance of Ex.
32-34 emerges in a new light. The chapters can be freshly
appreciated as a literary composition of considerable skill and a
theological work of great depth.
There remain many questions to be asked concerning the
origins and formation of the chapters, the examination of which
will now be carried out in the light of the perception of the
balance and pattern of the final text, a perception which may
well require a re-appraisal of certain existing analyses. But
whatever the results of the more speculative task of enquiring
behind the text, such a task should not be allowed to detract
110

from the appreciation of the literary and theological achievement which the present text of Ex. 32-34 represents.
Excursus One: Ex. 32:18
The exegetical problem of Ex. 32:18 lies in the interpretation
of c nwt in the third section of the verse. There are basically
three approaches that have been adopted.'
i) One may retain the MT and its pointing. This means
that
there is a play between the Qal and Pi. of c nh, a
contrast between noise and some special kind of noise or
singing (cf. Is. 27:2, Ps. 88:1 ).2
ii) One may retain the MT, but repoint it. One can then read
the name of the goddess Anath.3
iii) One can emend the text on the assumption that a word
has dropped out. Numerous candidates for the missing
word have been suggested, of which a few are:
wine/drunkenness,
Heb.
yyn:^
harlotry, Heb.
znwnym;5 revelry, Heb. shwqh;^ some substantive
denoting cultic singers derived from c nh or a
homonym;?
festival, Heb. hg;8 "in honour of Anath",
Heb. l c nt. 9
It is no easy task to choose between these, but at least one can
indicate which alternatives are less unlikely,
i) Estimations of the effectiveness of the word-play vary.
Dillmann calls it "das feine Spiel". 10 Edelmann, on the
other hand, says that "in his highly emotional outcry
Moses would hardly have thought of grammatical
subtleties"," and Holzinger considers that "Das Wortspiel mit zweimaligen ca not und c ann&t ... ist selbst
fur einen punktierten Text fast zu dunkel'V^ Given the
Hebraic fondness for intricate word-play, and the
evidence of word-play elsewhere in Ex. 32-34,^ the
objection to a word-play of this kind here is not very
cogent.
ii) The advantage in reading "Anath" is that this apparently
fits well with Israel's apostasy in 32:1-6. For Anath was
often represented by a cow or heifer. There are, however,
two difficulties with this. First, there is no reason to
introduce a female deity at this point. The bull-calf was a
symbol of male deity, and the bull-calf of 32:1-6 was
intended to represent the male deity Yahweh. Secondly
the spelling in the MT is c nwt and not c nt, and one
111
iii)
has to account for the extra waw. Simply to say that the
extra waw "must be a secondary addition made by the
soferim for some reason"^ cis unsatisfactory. Whybray
offers the explanation that nwt represents a dialectical variant of c nt, as in Josh. 15:59, byt- c nwt. But if
this were so, and the pointing were originally c nwt,
then this third ^riot^ would simply be indistinguishable
from the previous two, and there would be no way of
telling that it was meant to be the name of a goddess
rather than the infinitive of a verb. Or if the spelling
were originally Cnt, there would be no reason subsequently to rnodiTy" this to a variant spelling which
obscured the point - unless it was done by accident or the
point had already become obscure. This is not a
satisfactory explanation of the waw.
The advantage of a textual emendation is that one can
provide some definite contrast to the preceding gbwrji ...
hlwsh. There would then be no word-play on Cnwt, but
all the emphasis would fall on the missing word. There are
two difficulties with this solution. First there is little MSS
support for the omission of'a word. The variations in the
early versions look like attempts to explicate a difficulty
rather than evidence for an alternative reading. Secondly,
if the whole point of v. 18 depended on this extra word, it
is difficult to explain how it could have dropped out of the
text. If the word was similar in form to c nwt, this
might provide an explanation; hence the suggestions of a
substantive from a homonym of c nh, or l c nt. The
latter faces the same objection to the mention of a
female deity already specified. The former, though
attested in Ugaritic, is without parallel in the OT.
Conclusion
Of the three approaches, the proposal to repoint the text to
introduce a reference to Anath has least to commend it and
may, in my judgment, be discarded. Between the other two it is
harder to choose. That a word has fallen out of the text cannot
be ruled out. Nonetheless, the retention of the MT and its
pointing encounters fewest difficulties and offers a word play
which may well have been more effective for an ancient
Hebrew audience or readership than it has been since.
112

Excursus Two; Gen. 8:21
The study of ky in Ex. 34:9 has shown that the particle should
have either causative or else emphatic concessive force. Since
the paradoxical use of ky in Gen. 8:21 is an exact parallel to
that in Ex. 34:9, the meaning of the particle may reasonably be
assumed to be identical in each instance. The purpose of this
excursus is, therefore, twofold. First, it is to check whether the
meaning of Gen. 8:21, decided on the basis of a parallel, can
also be sustained by a study of the Genesis passage in its own
right. Secondly, the interpretation of Gen. 8:21 in its context,
especially when this has been much discussed,' will serve as a
test for the exegesis of Ex. 34:9 which has not, as yet, been
subjected to a similar intensive scrutiny.
The debate about the interpretation of Gen. 8:21 is complex
because it has focussed on 8:21 not only in relation to 6:5 but
also in relation to the larger context of the primeval history
and the curse of 3:17.
The central exegetical problem is whether to construe the ky
clause in 8:21 as epexegetic of h'dm or Iqll. The former
possibility which makes the ky clause descriptive of man, tends
to minimize its theological significance, whereas the latter,
which makes the clause the reason for Yahweh's decision, sees
it as theologically crucial.
That the ky_ clause is to be taken with h'dm has been argued
by Rendtorff, who sees 8:21 as the conclusion of the Yahwistic
primeval history which repeals the curse of 3:17 and initiates a
new age of blessing; Yahweh will no more treat the earth as
accursed as he has done hitherto. The ky_ clause is of little
theological importance since it is retrospective, describing
man's state in the past as the cause of judgment, and does not
represent a significant post-flood assessment of mankind. The
theological emphasis is on the repeal of the curse. Despite
illuminating insights in Rendtorff's thesis, the thesis raises
serious difficulties, both linguistic and contextual. First, it is
dubious to interpret qillel in a declarative sense ("treat as
cursed"), when it does not bear that meaning in its only other
occurrence in 3 (Gen. 12:3). Secondly, the varying position of
c
wd in 8:21a,b affects its meaning. In 8:2la it qualifies Iqll
and must mean that the curse remains valid but will not be
added to. In 8:2Ib it qualifies j'-'sp and means that God will not
destroy again, will not act in the same way for a second time.
Only if Cwd qualified l'-'sp in v. 2la could it bear the meaning
113

which Rendtorff attaches to it. Thirdly, the development of
Gen. 1-11 as a whole demands the end of the primeval history in
ch. 11 and not in ch. 8. A conclusion in ch. 8 would leave chs.
9-11 ill-fitting in their context and would not explain the
continuity of the theme of human sin throughout Gen. 3-11.
It remains possible to interpret the ky_ clause as epexegetic of
h'dm without adopting Rendtorff's interpretation. It is difficult
to see, then, why it should have been added to its prese
context. That the clause is a J redactional addition is likely (cf.
Westermann) and may be supported by the fact that when it is
omitted Yahweh's speech in 8:21 forms two lines in 3:3 rhythm:
I'-'sp Iqll c w d
wel'-'sp c wd Ihkwt
't-h'dmh bcbwr h'dm

't-kl-hyl^grclyty
The lines are slightly prosy but this is not necessarily

incompatible with an original verse form, later disturbed by the
extra clause. A deliberate insertion of the clause makes the
theologically minimalist interpretation unlikely.
Among those who construe the ky_ clause with Iqll there is
still no unanimity as to its significance. Petersen considers that
the clause constitutes Yahweh's admission of his failure to have
achieved his desired end of eliminating sin through the flood
and his resolve to try a different way in the future. As such the
verse represents the Yahwist's criticism of Yahweh for having
resorted to a flood. Such criticism of Yahweh would however be
without parallel elsewhere in J or in the whole OT, and while
the lack of parallel does not of itself make the criticism
impossible, a theologically congruent explanation, which does
justice to the text and coheres with the theological emphases of
J elsewhere, is to be preferred.
That the ky_ clause is of deep theological significance is made
likely by the fact that it is in one of the divine soliloquies in
Genesis, the divine soliloquies in Genesis being consistently
revealing of the essence of the Yahwist's theological
understanding (cf. MacKenzie). Such a theological significance
is developed by Westermann who shows how 8:21 provides the
Yahwist's theological interpretation of the preceding judgments
in both Gen. 3 and Gen. 6, but especially the latter, in terms of
Yahweh being a God who not only punishes man's sin but also
patiently bears with it. Instead of actions of judgment and
mercy being attributed to different gods, as in Mesopotamian
versions of the story, the Yahwist strikingly shows how both
these attributes are to be found in one and the same God.
114

Im Unterschied zu der polytheistischen Darstellung, in der
hinter dieser Wandlung des Entschlusses ein Streit der
Cotter steht, ist die Wandlung in der israelitischen
Darstellung allein in dem Einen begrundet. Es gibt keine
Macht, die diese Zusage ins Wanken bringen konnte.2
Once one has seen the possible significance of the ky clause
of 8:21 as a paradox, then an interpretation such as
Westermann's must be preferable to interpretations which deny
its significance or its paradoxical character. Westermann's
interpretation is differently nuanced to that proposed on the
basis of Ex. 34:9 for he is concerned to understand the
Yahwistic moulding of the story against the Mesopotamian
background. Nonetheless there is no significant difference, and
his exegesis confirms the interpretation of the clause already
proposed.
115
Chapter 3
EX. 32-34 AS A CULT LEGEND
It is time now to turn from the appreciative study of the text
and to approach it analytically, putting questions of an
historical-critical nature. It has already been argued that the
understanding of the final form of the text must constitute the
starting-point for this study. But it will be worthwhile to
specify more precisely the nature of the task that lies ahead.
It has been seen that Ex. 32-34 is, in a real sense, a unity.
Our task now is to account for that unity and to question how
deeply it penetrates the material. Is it the case that there was
an ancient tradition containing a sequence from sin and
judgment, through intercession, to renewal and that this ultimately accounts for the unity? Or is it the case that originally
diverse traditions have been creatively combined and moulded
to make the present story? And if so, how far can one reconstruct the process by which this took place?
The present mode of investigation will differ from that
generally adopted. For in place of the customary assumption of
a compilation of diverse fragments, the heuristic assumption
underlying the study will be that of unity. That is, the unity of
the material in the course of its development and composition
will be assumed until rendered unlikely, rather than vice versa.
Unity will be an heuristic assumption, not an inviolable
datum. That is, it is important that one's heuristic assumption
should not be subtly transformed into a controlling prejudice,
whereby the unity of Ex. 32-34 at the various levels of the
tradition becomes less a factor to be analyzed than a case to be
demonstrated. The balance becomes particularly hard to
maintain when the issue of the possible dependence of theological veracity upon historical content is introduced, for then one
has a particular motive for wanting to discover at least a basic
coherence in the tradition, such as could reflect a genuine
historical sequence. Although ultimately the question of historicity must be put to Ex. 32-34, and the theological implications
of the answer assessed, for the present the matter will be left
in abeyance, for space does not permit a sufficient resolution of
the preliminary literary and traditio-historical issues to make
116
Three: Exodus 32-34 as a Cult Legend

the drawing of historical conclusions possible. Historical questions will only be touched on insofar as they affect the assumptions of traditio-historical arguments.
The discussion even of literary and traditio-historical
arguments will be selective. 1 It must be stressed that the
following discussion is intended as a demonstration of the kind
of difference that the exegetical method here proposed makes.
It will be representative rather than exhaustive, though it will
seek to touch on all the central and most difficult analytical
problems confronting the modern interpreter of Ex. 32-34.
Since there is such a mass of existing critical analyses, much of
the argument will necessarily be somewhat negative, suggesting
weaknesses in these analyses with less emphasis on alternative
proposals for reconstruction. Some suggestions will be made,
however, indicating the direction which further work might
most profitably take.
The first step in the discussion must be an examination of the
literary genre of Ex. 32-34. For it is difficult to penetrate the
origins and development of a text until one has a reasonable
understanding of what type of material it is and what sort of
results one should expect to find. In the inevitably hypothetical
penetration behind a text where the interpretation of evidence
becomes harder to control, one's pre-understanding of the sort
of answer one expects to find will play a significant, and
sometimes decisive, role in one's evaluation. One's preunderstanding, however, will itself arise out of the text and the
one will influence the other in circles of successive approximation.
In much of the following discussion reference will be to the
whole 3E Sinai pericope, Ex. 19-24, 32-34, since modern debate
has usually dealt with these chapters together; indeed rather
more with 19-24 than with 32-34. Detailed analysis, however,
will be directed primarily to chs. 32-34, in keeping with the
limitations of this study.
INTRODUCTORY SURVEY OF
THE CULT LEGEND HYPOTHESIS
In its present form the text of Ex. 19ff. purports to be a
narrative tradition concerning events at Sinai. Uncertainty as
to the precise nature of this tradition and the extent of its
historicity does not affect its basic nature as a narrative
117

tradition. The question raised here is whether the text always
was some such narrative tradition even in its earliest stages or
whether it was originally something quite different.
The most widespread assessment of the genre of the Sinai
material is that it is a "cult legend". Various other terms are
also used, such as "festival legend" or "liturgical tradition",^
but no significant difference in meaning is intended. For clarity
the term "cult legend" will be adhered to in this discussion.
The two seminal^ works for establishing the genre as cult
legend are those of S. Mowinckel and G. von Rad,^ and to
these reference must briefly be made.
Mowinckel's analysis of the chapters concentrated on the
presence in them of rituals and ceremonial practices similar to
those recounted elsewhere in the OT, especially in the psalms.
Using the method of form criticism and searching for the Sitz
im Leben of these elements common to both Sinai and the
psalms, Mowinckel reconstructed the contents of a cultic
festival, that of the New Year (seen also as the feast of
enthronement and of covenant renewal). In the light of this
Mowinckel designated the Sinai pericope as follows:
Ce que 3 et E rapportent comme recit des evenements du
Sinai n'est autre chose que la description d'une fete cultuelle celebree a une epoque plus recente, plus precisement
dans le temple de Jerusalem.^
Mowinckel's analysis of the narrative is developed and
modified by von Rad.^ Von Rad criticizes the designation of
the Sinai narrative as a "description" of a cultic ceremony on
the grounds that there could be no obvious purpose in producing
such a descriptive account. Nor is it the case that the narrative
is such a description, even a free poetic one, or a late transposition of the constituent elements of the ceremony into
literary terms. Rather the Sinai narrative is prior to the cult
and normative for it; because the narrative provides the
authority for a particular cultic occasion, it is the cult legend
of that occasion. The legend preceded the cult and gave the
cult its shape in the first place, though there was also subsequently a reciprocal influence of the cult upon the formation of
the legend.
The pattern of the festival which is reflected in Ex. 19ff. can
be reconstructed as follows:
1. Exhortation (Ex. 19:4-6) with an historical account of the
Sinai events (Ex. 19ff.).
118

2. Proclamation of the law (Decalogue and Book of the
Covenant).
3. Promise of blessing (Ex. 23:20ff.).
4. Ratification of the covenant (Ex. 24).
The fact that this same pattern can be discerned in Deuteronomy and also, less clearly, in Pss. 50 and 81, confirms the
correctness of this analysis of the Exodus material.
Von Rad then proceeds to trace the origins and development
of this covenant festival, which he locates in the autumn feast
of Tabernacles at Shechem. He offers no further discussion of
the origins and development of the Sinai narrative beyond some
general observations about the process of transition from
tradition to literature/ While von Rad differs from Mowinckel
in tracing the origins of the festival reflected in Ex. 19ff. to
the pre-monarchical period, he does not address the question of
what in the Sinai narrative is original and constitutive, and
what reflects the later influence of the cult.
These gaps have been largely filled by subsequent literature.
Although Noth's treatment^ is disappointingly brief, a thorough
analysis has been provided by BeyerlinT^ The most recent
substantial work in the area, that of Halbe,"-1 again confirms
a cultic Sitz im Leben, even though the suggested location at
Shechem is queried. While such later discussions have added
detail to von Rad's analysis, his basic thesis has not been
questioned but taken as established.
DEFINITION OF TERMINOLOGY
Before one can offer any assessment of this understanding of
the Sinai narrative as a "cult legend", it is imperative carefully
to define the meaning of the terms "cult" and "legend" so that
it is clear what is being asserted.
i) Legend
The word "legend" can convey significantly different
meanings and has been used ambiguously and inconsistently in
much recent literature.'1 Broadly, one can find three main
usages of the term. First, a legend can be an unhistorical, or
largely unhistorical, story set in an historical context, perhaps
reflecting original historical events which have since
disappeared beneath later developments; such developments
tend to accrue in "snowball" fashion. The Epic of Gilgamesh or
the Arthurian stories could come under this heading.^Secondly,
119

a legend can be "a virtue embodied in a deed". 13 7ne classic
example of this is medieval hagiography where the saint will
act in such a way as to provide a perfect example of some
particular moral virtue, and the story is told to edify and to
inspire. I'* Thirdly, a legend can be the account of the
founding of a shrine or the beginning of a ritual custom, which
is read at that particular shrine or on the occasion of the ritual
custom. This is a technical usage, introduced by form critics.^
It is in the third of these senses that the term is used by von
Rad. Hals observes that the form-critical designation of legend
in'this sense is basically unrelated to literary form. 16 That is,
one of a number of possible literary types could constitute the
narrative for the particular day or occasion. The narrative
could be either entirely mythological or entirely historical, or
somewhere in between. For the function of being read at a
particular sanctuary does not prescribe the genre or content of
what is being read - beyond the fact that it must relate to the
sanctuary in question. If the Sinai narrative was read out at a
festival of covenant renewal at Shechem, Gilgal, or Jerusalem,
this would not of itself reveal anything about the nature of the
narrative.
It is of course possible to designate the narrative as
legendary in the first of the senses outlined above on the
grounds that "the event is wrapped in mystery, and we are even
in the dark about its historical background and context", 17
and because almost all the present narrative represents later
elaborations. But such a conclusion must be based on historical
and literary arguments, which are quite independent of the
designation as legend in the third sense.
It is important clearly to distinguish these two different
senses of legend. It is possible to hold that a narrative is
legendary in both these senses together, but the use of the same
word with two different significations is likely to lead to
confusion. Von Rad's discussion uses the term consistently in its
form-critical sense, although when he refers to the legend as
being moulded and formed by the cult it is difficult not to
import notions of legend in the "snowball" sense. A clear confusion can be seen in the treatment of M. Newman who says of
the J and E covenant traditions that
they both can be called "legends" because in their present
form they not only reflect the original event but also have
120

absorbed other elements which were not part of the
event. 1&
This usage of "legend" corresponds to the first of the three
defined meanings. Yet Newman goes on to write,
Each tradition developed while used as the cult legend of
a covenant ceremony. In the period nearer the event it
would probably have reflected the event more accurately.
The covenant event was re-enacted in the cult, and the
cult legend both described and perpetuated the cult
ceremony. Undoubtedly the legend was recited as part of
the ceremony. Over a period of time new rites were introduced and new theological emphases developed, and these
new elements were absorbed by the cult legend. 19
Newman seems unaware that he is using "legend" in two
different senses. Presumably his position is that the legend, in
the sense of official legitimating narrative, is also a legend in
the sense of an agglomeration of substantially unhistorical
traditions. Such a position is only loosely connected with any
implications of the term "legend". It arises rather from an
understanding of the cult as involving a dramatic re-enactment
of the event recounted in the legend in which past and present
are merged together in the cultic "now"; as a result subsequent
realizations of the event were not distinguished from the
original event and it was seen as legitimate to tell the latter in
terms of the former. The concept of "legend" in these two
different senses together can thus be justified if the notion of
the cult which it presupposes is correct, although the terminology is so confusing that it would be preferable to drop the
term "legend" altogether.
ii) Cult
Mowinckel has defined "cult" thus:
Cult or ritual may be defined as the socially established
and regulated holy acts and words in which the encounter
and communion of the Deity with the congregation is
established, developed, and brought to its ultimate goal.
In other words: a relation in which a religion becomes a
vitalizing function as a communion of God and congregation, and of the members of the congregation amongst
themselves.20
121
Eichrodt, following G. Quell, takes the term "cult" (or "cultus")

to mean
the expression of religious experience in concrete external actions performed within the congregation or
community, preferably by officially appointed exponents
and in set forms.21
Both these definitions lay stress on the communal and institutional nature of the cult, and with such a definition there is
no difficulty. When "cult" is used without further qualification
in the subsequent discussion, this will be the meaning intended.
It is possible, however, to offer a different sort of definition
of the same term. Mowinckel writes:
The cult is not only by its origin, but in all places and at
all times, drama. The cult is sacred art. But at the same
time it is sacred reality, not merely an acted drama or a
play, but a real drama and one that manifests reality, a
drama which realizes the dramatic event with real power,
a reality from which real forces emanate, in other words
it is a sacrament. The cult of primitive man is this, and
nothing less ... The basic idea is this: that through the
dramatic, "symbolic" presentation, realization and reanimation of the particular event this event is actually
and really repeated; it repeats itself, happens all over
again and exercises afresh the same mighty, redemptive
effect that it exercised for our salvation on the first
occasion at the dawn of time or in the distant past.22
The first pair of definitions of cult presents a more static
conception than the latter one; that is, they are concerned
primarily with the institution of worship, whereas the definition
of cult as drama emphasizes the actual practice and inner
meaning of worship. There is no absolute distinction between
these two different meanings, and sometimes in practice it may
be unnecessary to distinguish between them. Yet the difference
is significant. For it is to cult in the sense of the actual
practice of worship that one can most meaningfully refer in
terms of its entailing dramatic involvement and reenactment. A
legend authorizing the institution of worship or the fact of
ritual at some particular cultic place is authorizing something
unchanging which it is hard to conceive of as constantly
moulding its authorizing legend. That is, it says why rather than
how worship is carried on at a particular place. When, however,
122

a legend is used in the context of a specific form of worship, as
a part of an actual ceremony (authorizing the "how" rather
than the "why"), then the inherently dynamic nature of worship
could more easily be conceived of as moulding a narrative
which was used in the course of that worship. This would mean
that a legend authorizing a sanctuary would have an inherent
stability which would not necessarily be shared by a legend used
as a part of the ceremony at that sanctuary. Jdg. 17-18 as the
cult legend of Dan would be a legend in the former sense. The
Sinai pericope is envisaged as a cult legend in the latter sense.
It would seem therefore that "cult" in the term "cult legend" as
applied to the Sinai material, when the term is intended to
designate the literary form and not merely the function of the
material, must mean the actual practice of worship in its
dramatic and symbolic sense.
A few words must be said on this dramatic and creative
understanding of Israel's worship, particularly in the strong
form in which it is set out by Mowinckel; although any
substantial discussion lies beyond our present scope.
First, the dramatic concept of the cult, especially as
Mowinckel develops it, derives mainly from phenomenology of
religion in general and from the world of Mesopotamia in
particular, and has been applied to Israel largely by analogy. In
the realm of religious practices and the meaning attributed to
them, such a comparative approach must be used with extreme
caution. While the religion of Israel must be understood within
its ancient Near Eastern environment, it is methodologically
proper that one should attempt to comprehend Israelite religion
first on its own terms, as a particular coherent religious
system, before adducing transcultural parallels and applying
them heuristically.23
Secondly, the fact is that we know regrettably little about
the practices characteristic of Israel's festivals, or the meaning
that these practices had for the worshippers. We know something about the practice of sacrifice, though little about its
meaning, something about hymnody, and something about the
nature of homiletic. But beyond this we are constrained to
hypothesize. One may indeed offer an hypothesis about a type
of worship which would have incorporated a "cult legend" in
such a way as to mould and transform it and then apply the
hypothesis heuristically to the final form of the legend in
question. But the tentative and speculative nature of such an
undertaking should not be forgotten.
123

iii) Cultic
In addition to the potential ambiguity of the noun "cult", the
adjective "cultic"^ has a range of possible meanings which
can lead to considerable confusion. First, "cultic" can denote a
practice which belongs exclusively to the cult (the institution of
formal worship). For example, it is difficult to conceive of a
priestly benediction, such as in Num. 6:23-26, being pronounced
outside the cult, outside public worship. Secondly, a practice
may be cultic if it is characteristic of the cult, and primarily
belongs there, but is not necessarily confined to it; for example,
sacrifice. Thirdly, "cultic" may denote a practice which belongs
to the fundamental nature of religious belief and practice, and
which originates prior to and outside of the cult, though it is
subsequently taken into the cult and plays an important role
there; for example, prayer. Fourthly, "cultic" may be used
loosely to mean "having some role in the cult" without
reference to the origins of the practice inside of outside the
cult, or to whether its presence in the cult is normal or
abnormal. Fifthly, "cultic" may be used loosely as virtually
synonymous with "religious".
It is obviously important in certain contexts carefully to
distinguish these different meanings of "cultic". Unfortunately,
discussions of Ex. 19ff. have not always done so. Beyerlin, for
example, points to the act of obeisance in Ex. 34:8 as evidence
of a cultic background for the material:^ "ft is self-evident
that this is not a distinctive, individual reaction", for elsewhere
a "firm connection" can be seen between Israel's reverent
obeisance and Yahweh's "cultic epiphany" (e.g. Ex. 33:10, Ps.
99:1,5,9, 132:7). This would only be self-evident if prostration
belonged exclusively, or perhaps even primarily, to the realm of
the cult. Since, however, prostration, like prayer, was a
fundamental ancient Near Eastern religious act, and so can only
be "cultic" in the third, fourth or fifth sense specified above, it
provides in itself no evidence of a "cultic background" where
the practice is referred to and any relation to the formal cult
could only be inferred from the surrounding context in each
individual case. The fact that an action appears sometimes in
the realm of the cult in no way entails that it must always do so.
Apart from difficulties of definition, there are also
difficulties over the applicability of the terms "cult" and
"cultic"; that is, it may be unclear whether a term or practice
genuinely belongs to the cult, or whether proposed links are
purely accidental. F.-E. Wilms, for example, argues that the use
124

of the term "to go up" (qy in Ex. 34:2 (cf. Ex. 19:3,24, 24:1,9,
32:30) is significant for the cultic milieu of the passage,
because elsewhere in the OT the word is the technical term for
going up to a sanctuary.26 Such a suggestion takes no account
of the obvious fact that the use of the word may have-been
determined by the writer's need to portray Moses physically
ascending Mt. Sinai. What else could he say but that Moses
"went up", for which clh is the natural Hebrew verb? When
the word can be naturally explained in this way it is illegitimate
to deduce a "cultic milieu" from the term.
It is true that Beyerlin and Wilms have other weightier
evidence which they adduce to show the links of the Sinai
pericope with the cult. The arguments discussed above were
adduced secondarily, as part of a total cumulative case, to
support a position already reached on other grounds, and their
lack of validity need not disturb the general position. But such
question-begging arguments, where the central terms "legend",
"cult" and "cultic" have not been carefully defined but used
equivocally, are unfortunately not uncommon in discussions of
the Sinai material. A fresh examination, with more careful use
of terms, is in order.
THE USE OF FORM CRITICISM
Before turning to discuss specific features which are adduced
as evidence for the cult as the Sitz im Leben of the Sinai
pericope, it will be useful to consider the more general
principles upon which this understanding of the material has
been based.
The difficulty of establishing a sound method and approach is
considerable. H.-3. Kraus has written,
The "cultic legend" presents us with special difficulties.
Reliable criteria are still lacking in this field - and it is
not likely that they will ever emerge. When, for example,
it is stated that the Sinai pericope was a "festival legend",
this immediately raises the question what the actual
relationship between the epic account and the cultic
event was. It is too easy to avoid answering this question
by asserting that there was a mutual inter action .27
And G.E. Wright, in a discussion of the relationship between
cult and history, observes,
125

Involved are procedural assumptions which determine
conclusions, but which in themselves cannot be tested
except as the question of cult and history is studied in a
later period where the evidence can be more adequately
controlled.^^
The critical approach upon which most analysis of the Sinai
pericope as cult legend has been based is form criticism. Some
brief comments on the nature and scope of form criticism are
therefore in order.29
The basic assumption of form criticism is that ancient Near
Eastern man was influenced in his speech and literary composition by custom and convention; and these customs and
conventions correspond to certain regularly recurring events in
life. As a generalization this is quite acceptable. But as a
universally binding principle it may become questionable. On
the one hand it may leave insufficient room for individuality
and innovation. On the other hand it can easily oversimplify the
relationship between literary forms and the daily institutions
which, in some way, correspond to them. Both of these points
require amplification.
First, the emphasis upon custom and convention means that
an inevitable weakness in the form-critical approach is that it
has a tendency to find general and typical patterns at the
expense of the individual and the unique.30 jt js argued that
the Sinai pericope reflects a regular festival in Israel because
of similarities between it and aspects of the later worship in
Israel's cult. If, however, one imagines for the sake of argument
that a tradition told of an encounter at Sinai between Yahweh
and certain forerunners of the later people of Israel, an
encounter unique in nature 31 and significance, and that this
involved a theophany, a revelation of the will of Yahweh, and a
commitment by the people to Yahweh, and that this experience
became the basis for subsequent encounters between Yahweh
and Israel, similar in some respects to, but not identical with,
the initial experience - it must be asked how far a standard
form-critical approach would be able to give an adequate
analysis of such a unique and constitutive tradition. To say that
such a tradition could not be described except in the light of
similar subsequent events would be to beg the question. To say
that such a tradition has not been described except in the light
of similar subsequent cultic events also begs the question. For
such a position could only be established on the basis, not of
126

similarities between the Sinai tradition and later cultic
practices - for such, ex hypothesi, are to be expected - but on
the basis of elements in the Sinai narrative which could not
reasonably be attributed to an experience at the mountain in
the desert, but which plausibly would fit in a ceremony at a
sanctuary in Canaan. Whether there actually are such elements
in the Sinai narrative will be examined below. The point here is
simply that the emphasis on the typical and the representative
can (though of course does not necessarily) lead to a circular
argument.
The second main difficulty with the form-critical approach
inheres in the notion of a Sitz im Leben. B.O. Lone has shown
that this term is potentially vague and ambiguous.^ Although
it has been assumed that a particular literary genre can be
shown to belong to one particular setting, Long argues that one
must distinguish between original and transferred settings and
that in practice diversity and plurality are more frequent than a
single original setting in society. The relation of content to
setting may vary and the same thematic content be used on
distinct ritual occasions. Further,
a given genre of literature may be completely at home in
a variety of settings ... Here the field data stand in sharp
contrast to a deeply held form critical assumption that
every literary type has its definitive, essential setting,
without which it ceases to be what it is.33
These considerations do not evacuate the notion of a Sitz im
Leben of all usefulness, but they do show a need for greater
flexibility and caution in the use of it, and
especially, OT scholars should realize that factors
influencing the match of genre and setting are often
external to content and literary style and that reconstructions based almost wholly on internal literary
arguments are likely to be seriously flawed from the
7/1
outset.^4
Given the need for a cautious and flexible use of form
criticism, it will be appropriate to reconsider two passages
whose standard analysis rests largely upon a form-critical
approach. These are the divine pronouncements in 33:19, 34:6f.,
and the legal corpus in 34:11-26.
127

ANALYSIS OF EX. 33:19, 31:6f.
tE PROnouncements in 33:19, 34:6f. are classified by
Eissfeldt as "solemn cult sayings" which "had their setting in
particular public festivals for the whole people or the whole
cult-community".^^ Weiser classifies the verses as "epiphanyformulas" recited by a priest "when the people came together
for regularly recurring cultic purposes at the sanctuary of the
covenant".^ jne argument appears to be that these sayings
have a form which can be seen to correspond to that found in
other similar sayings elsewhere in the OT, and that this form
had its Sitz im Leben in the cult.
It may be observed, first, that there is some difficulty in
classifying these two sayings as being of the same form. They
have in common that they are both divine pronouncements, but
the similarity between them is one of content,^? jn that they
both reveal Yahweh as being gracious and merciful. They differ
from one another in shape (form) and differ both in shape and
content from other divine pronouncements such as Ex.
20:2//Deut. .5:6, or the oft-repeated "I am Yahweh" in Lev.
17-26.38
Secondly the fact that some divine pronouncements may
originate in the cult does not entail that all do. There is great
diversity of form and content in divine pronouncements
recorded in the OT. Since, moreover, the OT has many
traditions of Yahweh appearing and speaking outside the sphere
of the cult, the relationship of a divine pronouncement to a
cultic setting is complex. Are there clear criteria of either
form or content which distinguish a saying which originates in
the cult from a saying which originates in a narrative tradition?
It may also be asked how far it is justifiable to take a saying
such as 33:19 as an independent saying, separable from the rest
of Yahweh's speech. Although it is possible to set the words out
as an independent pronouncement,39 it is clear that what
makes the words remarkable is their solemn and emphatic
content, which is most naturally expressed in a formal
parallelism. The assumption of the original independence of
such a saying usually postulates a certain looseness of the
saying in its present context,^ so that the saying could be
secondarily introduced. If exegesis reveals intimate links
between the saying and its narrative context, the assumption of
original independence becomes more problematic. It must be
asked how far both the form and content of 33:19, 34:6f. may be
128

influenced by literary and contextual considerations. In general
terms theophanies are always serious occasions.^ But Ex.
32-34 presents the particularly grave context of Israel's sin
against Yahweh and their danger of total destruction; their
forgiveness and restoration is no light matter but possible only
through a revelation of the very being of God as a God who is
gracious and merciful. How else could the tradition convey this
adequately except by presenting these words as a solemn divine
pronouncement?
Since the form of 34:6f. is more like that of an independent
ritual pronouncement than is the case with 33:19, a few extra
comments on it are in place.
First, there is disagreement over what kind of cult saying it
is, whether it is spoken to God or by_ God (that is, by his
representative). 3. Scharbert interprets the verses as a
liturgical prayer or "Bekenntnisformel" since the use of the
third person singular rather than the first person, as is
customary in revelatory formulae, is deemed awkward, and out
of the present context the words are naturally taken as a
vocative prayer formula.^ Eissfeldt and Weiser, on the other
hand, interpret the words not as a prayer but as a
pronouncement by the priest in lieu of God.^3 For them,
apparently, the third person formulation presents no problem.
There is, therefore, no "obvious" use of the formula in the
regular cult of Israel. But such disagreement is perhaps
inevitable when a saying is interpreted in an hypothetical
context, and does not show that the words are not a
pronouncement in the cult of some sort.
Secondly, although it is obviously possible to interpret 34:6f.
in isolation from its present context - numerous discussions
have done so - the exegesis showed strikingly the aptness of the
wording to the present context; so much so that it may be
correct to conclude that the wording was in fact designed for
the context. But if the saying is thus, at least to some extent,
context-dependent, then there are particular problems in
offering an interpretation in isolation of that context.
The likely influence of the present context on the
formulation of 34:6f. still does not show that its contents could
not, in some form, have had a prior history in the cult. One also
has to account for the numerous other passages in the OT where
parts of the formula of 34:6f. recur.^ Many of these
passages, most notably those in the psalms, are unquestionably
cultic in the sense of originating in, and being used in, the
129

formal worship of Israel.
What is at issue here, and indeed lies at the heart of the cult
legend analysis, is the hazily-defined relationship between cult
and narrative tradition. If the contents of 34:6f. originated in
the cult but have been transposed into the literary context of
the Sinai tradition, how is this process to be envisaged?*^
The hypothesis that the tradition of Ex. 32-34 existed in a form
roughly resembling that which it has at present, but without
33:19, 34:6f., which were only added into the tradition at a
comparatively late stage of development is untenable when the
literary and theological development of Ex. 32-34 as a whole is
considered. The verses are integral and constitute the highpoint upon which the surrounding narrative is dependent and up
to which it leads; 33:19 and 34:6f. must be regarded as primary
to the tradition. If this is so, and yet it is maintained that the
verses had their origin in the cult, then the whole Sinai
tradition of Ex. 32-34 must have been built up around them as a
special creation to give these pronouncements a new existence
in a narrative setting. This creation could have utilized existing
elements of tradition, but they could not previously have
existed in anything like their present shape. Some such
extremely complex development of the tradition must be envisaged, given the centrality of 33:19, 34:6f. to it. And some form
of such complexity often is envisaged, though with less weight
attached to the significance of 33:19, 34:6f. But while this is
possible, one must ask whether it is either necessary or even
likely as an account of the material.
A development in the opposite direction, from narrative
tradition to use in the cult, presents less difficulty. A tradition
as important as Ex. 32-34 for what it says about the character
of God and the nature of Israel would naturally be taken up in
the worship of Israel. All the other OT uses of the elements in
34:6f. can be understood as derivative from, and explicitly
recalling, the supreme instance of God's self-revelation. For
what would be more natural than to utilize the tradition and to
call upon Yahweh as being of the character which he himself
had revealed to Moses?^ The originality of the formula to
the narrative tradition is in no way incompatible with its
frequent usage thereafter in the cult. The adoption of a
tradition of fundamental importance into the context of
worship is not only a pattern of development readily understandable in itself, but also can be paralleled elsewhere - not
least in the history of the Christian Church.^
130

Some compromise on the relation of the narrative tradition
to the cult is also possible. That is, the formula of 34:6f. may
have originated within the Sinai tradition and been incorporated
into the cult prior to its present literary formulation, but its
present formulation could reflect the cultic usage. Such a
development is readily conceivable and has an obvious parallel
in the tradition of the eucharistic words of Jesus. There are,
however, two difficulties with this. The first is the lack of clear
evidence in its favour (general considerations apart). There are
no parallel accounts of 34:6f., as there are of the eucharistic
words of Jesus, to prove diversity of wording in the tradition
and indicate some such development. None of the passages
related to Ex. 34:6f. can be shown to be parallel to it, rather
than dependent upon it (or even prior to it), and so show
evidence of diverse cultic usage of the original tradition.
Secondly, the influence that can most easily be argued to have
shaped the wording of 34:6f. is the context of the Sinai
tradition. Nonetheless, neither of these factors decisively rules
out influence from the cult upon the wording of the saying.
In sum, these brief reflections suggest that the imagined
development of Ex. 34:6f. from cult to narrative tradition is
less likely than the development from narrative tradition to use
in the cult. Within this development some reciprocal influence
of the cult upon the formulation of the saying cannot be
discounted. But such influence, if it did take place, would be a
secondary development and would be far from showing that the
cult was the original setting for the formula as a whole.
Although further work is necessary, it may be suggested that to
view the cult as the Sitz im Leben for 34:6f., or 33:19, is a less
likely hypothesis than that they were originally a part of the
narrative tradition in which they now stand.
ANALYSIS OF EX. 34:11-26
It is generally held that the laws of 34:11-26^8 reflect a
cultic Sitz im Leben, that is, they reflect a rite of proclamation
of laws at a ceremony of covenant renewal. The form-critical
arguments used to support this take more than one form.
One argument is that one can discern in Ex. 34, as in Ex.
19/20, a covenant-treaty structure parallel to other ancient
Near Eastern vassal treaties, especially those of the Hittites.
W. Beyerlin,^9 for example, following G.E. Mendenhall,50 presents an interpretation of the Sinai pericope along these lines.
131

The debate about the relevance and significance of vassal
treaty forms has been extensive, but as it has been well
summarized already,51 a few comments here will suffice.
First, the real interest in the debate has tended to be less the
explication of the text of Exodus than the larger historical
questions of the antiquity of the Mosaic covenant and the
connection of the Exodus and Sinai traditions. As such, there
has been perhaps insufficient interest in interpreting the text of
Exodus in its own right.
Secondly, it has become clear that the covenant-treaty form
is present neither in Ex. 19/20 nor in Ex. 34. So many elements
are missing that, despite some constructive insights, the
parallel as a whole ceases to be helpful. As 3. Barr already
wrote in the early days of the debate, the appeal to Hittite
treaties
seems ... only to pick out points which might belong to
any treaty supported by sacral sanctions, and not to
explain more for the covenant in Israel than at most the
form of certain more developed statements of it.52
The application of treaty patterns to the Sinai pericope has in
fact tended to squeeze the text into a general mould at the cost
of its individual particularities. As an heuristic tool, therefore,
the treaty form has fulfilled its function and may now be laid
aside.
The covenant-treaty argument is one particular form of the
more general supposition that 34:11-26 reflects a cultic Sitz im
Leben, and its inadequacy does not affect the more general
position. It is this latter that must now be considered.
Unfortunately, a thorough discussion lies beyond our present
scope. Suffice it to say that form-critical and traditiohistorical accounts of the development of legal complexes are
influenced largely by one's historical understanding of the
practice of ancient law-giving. And we have little knowledge of
the practice of law-giving in Israel, on account of the OT's
ascription of all authoritative law to Moses at Sinai. Apart from
internal analysis and comparison of legal codes, there is little
evidence to root a corpus of laws in a particular period or
setting. Although the early settlement period seems to be
widely favoured now for 34:11-26 (with varying degrees of
secondary expansion), the wide variety of suggested dates,
ranging from pre-Mosaic to post-exilic, 53 highlights the
nature of the problem.
132

For the present, we will simply focus on one consideration
that has received little attention in discussions of 34:11-26, that
is the close relation of the section to its narrative context. This
contextual approach has received little attention-^ partly
because the originally independent existence of the laws has
been assumed, and partly because most interest has focussed on
the questions of whether or not a decalogue can be reconstructed from these verses and of how they relate as a
parallel to the decalogue of Ex. 20. Despite the assertion that
this section was introduced into the text of 1 without any
reference to the narrative context," it is clear that the
opposite is the case. The exegesis has shown that the overall
tenor of 34:11-26 is fully in harmony with the concerns of
32-34. In detail, the dependence of 34:17, and perhaps also
34:14, upon ch. 32 is striking.
Given the considerable links between 34:11-26 and the
context of 32-34, how is one to interpret this? There are two
possibilities. The first is to hold that while the laws are
appropriate to the narrative in certain respects, they do not as
a whole arise out of the narrative situation, and their original
independence, followed by secondary incorporation into the
Sinai tradition, is to be maintained. Secondly, one could argue
that the laws were compiled specifically for their present
context, largely out of other laws already contained within the
tradition (i.e. Ex. 20-23).
Before one can choose between these some further
clarification is required. In the first place, given that legal and
paraenetic material are different literary types from narrative,
one must ask what sort of correspondence of content one could
reasonably expect to find between the two different genres if
they were composed together. Clearly it would not be the same
as that between two interrelated narrative episodes. 56
Neither paraenesis nor laws could be expected to show frequent
verbal links to the narrative; a similar thematic concern would
be most important.
A body of laws can be connected with its narrative context in
a variety of ways. One may consider the relationship of Num.
15 to N u m . 13-14. Here there is a real relation of the laws to
the preceding narrative, seen in the concern for the promised
land, jeopardized but reaffirmed (15:2), and for the event of the
whole people being involved in sin (15:26).^' Nonetheless, the
thematic interest of ch. 15 bears no integral connection to the
context and the present links may be seen as a redactional
133

reordering of the material. The content of Ex. 34:11-26 is far
more closely connected to its context than is the case with
Num. 15.
It must also be asked whether alternative hypothetical
contexts for the laws would explain their peculiarities more
effectively than their present context. One would have to
imagine a situation in which (a) the strong warnings against
unfaithfulness were appropriate, (b) the cultic emphasis of the
laws was appropriate, and (c) the specific wording of an
individual unit such as 34:17 could be accounted for. The
context of a festival in Canaan in, for example, the premonarchical period could account for the first two - though
hardly better than the tradition of Ex. 32ff. - while for the
third point one would have to confess ignorance of the point of
the prohibition,^ or offer a speculative account of the
prohibition of different types of idolatry in Israel's history.^9
And even if 34:17 be discounted as a secondary addition when
the laws were introduced into their present context, there is no
other detail in any other law which gains explicit point through
the postulation of such an alternative setting. In other words, a
setting for the laws at a regular festival seems to explain them
no better than their present narrative context.
To suggest that the laws of 34:1 I f f . were assembled for their
context does not mean that they had no prior existence.60
For they are explicitly a recapitulation of laws already given particularly Ex. 23:12,14ff. (13:12f.) but presupposing also the
first two (and fourth) commandments of the decalogue. The
laws as an explicit response to the cultic sin of Ex. 32 can be
understood as follows. First, a general homiletic warning
against unfaithfulness (34:11-16) developing the warnings of
23:23ff., and then a repetition of the cultic laws already given
(23:14ff.), the particular selection of laws being determined less
by the situation of Ex. 32 than by the fact that they were the
main cultic laws contained at an earlier point in the Sinai
tradition, and the repetition of such laws was seen as
appropriate after Israel's cultic sin. Apart from the presence of
the laws of 13:12f., the major difference of content between
23:14ff. and 34:17ff.61 is 34:17, which explicitly harks back to
Ex. 32. Such a congruence between these laws and their context
at least puts a question mark against the hypothesis that these
laws were originally an independent collection and, if they
were, that they reflect the regular cult of Israel.
Much work on the question, and in particular a probing of the
134

sociological assumptions of setting the laws in the regular cult,
remains to be done. The above arguments are an attempt not to
resolve the question but to set it in a new light.
THE PROBLEM OF RELIGIOUS LANGUAGE
It is time now to turn to arguments about the Sinai pericope
as a whole reflecting the regular cult of Israel. To do this
rightly, one further methodological discussion is in order. This
is to do with the nature of religious language. For parts of the
text have frequently been interpreted in a way that is
insensitive to the type of language being used.^2
The attempt to describe an encounter with God will
necessarily strain the resources of language and will necessitate
the use of metaphor, imagery and paradox by the writer in the
attempt to convey his meaning. This means, for example, that
when the writer uses the language of volcanic or storm
phenomena, as in Ex. 19, he may have little intention of trying
accurately to describe such, still less of actually giving an
account of a volcanic eruption or a thunderstorm. His aim
rather is to convey the awesomeness of the coming of Yahweh
to his people, and for the ancient man there were no phenomena
more awful than the volcano and thunderstorm. The writer
could hardly express his meaning without such language, and
such language is primarily evocative and only secondarily, if at
all, descriptive. The account, therefore, is not such as to allow
us to reconstruct "what really happened". Indeed to attempt to
do such is to misunderstand the writer's use of language. As
Buber puts it, when writing of Ex. 19,
Every attempt to penetrate to some factual process which
is concealed behind the awe-inspiring picture is quite in
vain. We are no longer in a position to replace that
immense image by actual data.3
Yet numerous modern treatments take little cognizance of
this aspect of religious language. Noth, for example, assumes
that Ex. 19 shows that Sinai was an active volcano and attempts
to locate it.6^ Von Rad, in a discussion of Ex. 33:18ff.,
interprets the passage as having been originally a cult aetiology
which justified a theophany ritual:
The congregation would call upon Yahweh, Yahweh would
pass by and declare his name and attributes, and the
135

congregation would prostrate themselves.65
Von Rad adds in a footnote, "It is difficult to say how we ought
to imagine the cultic process by which Yahweh 'passed by"1, but
offers a tentative suggestion of a ritual of the carrying past of
cultic emblems. But surely the question is not how but whether
we should attempt to imagine this cultic process. I. Barbour has
argued for interpreting certain religious language "seriously but
not literally",6o and he writes, "An additional safeguard
against literalism is provided by the sense of awe and mystery
associated with religious experience".^ Yet it is difficult to
see how the evocation of awe and mystery, so clearly central in
33:18ff., receives sufficient recognition by von Rad. If one
takes the language of 33:18ff. seriously, but not literally, it is
doubtful whether it constitutes the sort of material from which
von Rad's type of reconstruction could justifiably be attempted.
EVIDENCE FOR THE INFLUENCE OF
ISRAEL'S CULT UPON THE SINAI PERICOPE
It is in the light of such considerations about religious
language that one should assess the significance of those
features in Ex. 19ff. which are supposed to reflect the influence
of Israel's cult. Beyerlin, who provides a thoroughgoing "cultic"
interpretation of the Sinai pericope, lists the following
significant features:^
1. Purificatory rites (19:10-1 la, 14-15a, 15b) reflecting
the preparation for worship and the epiphany of
Yahweh in the festal cult.
2. Cloud of smoke (19:9,16,18). This has its basis in an
incense rite, cf. Lev. 16:2,12,13, Is. 6:4, 1 Kg. 8:10.
3. The trumpet blast (19:13b,16,19, 20:18), which
corresponds to the blowing of the trumpet at the
cultic theophany.
4. Proclamation of name of Yahweh (33:19, 34:6f.). This
reflects the practice of invoking the divine name to
"actualize" the theophany.
5. The act of obeisance (33:10; 34:8).
6. Eating of a covenant meal (24:9-11).
7. Rite of sprinkling blood of sacrificial victims on
people and altar (24:3ff.).
8. Proclamation of covenant law (20:2-17, 34:10-26).
9. The fixing of a time and place for Yahweh's epiphany
136

(19:10L, 32:2,4, 19:12-13a, 20-24, 34:3).
10. Appointment and role of a covenant
(20:18-21, cf. 19:9).
mediator
The value of these indications varies. It has already been

argued above that an action like obeisance (no. 5) is not "cultic"
in any significant sense. Moreover, many of these features
(1,5,6,7,9,10) can be understood without difficulty to be part of
an actual Sinai tradition. Assuming that there were early
traditions of an encounter with God at Sinai, it is hard to
conceive what these traditions could have contained, if not
some such practices as these. Any tradition of an encounter
with Yahweh would necessarily be expressed in these "cultic"
terms.
Features 4 and 8 have already been discussed, and they likewise constitute an integral part of the Sinai tradition and fit at
least as well in that tradition, as a Sinai tradition, as they
would elsewhere; indeed one might claim on the basis of the
exegesis that they fit better here than elsewhere.
The cloud and smoke (they can be distinguished) need not be a
problem, for it is hardly justifiable to separate the references
to them from the other storm and volcanic phenomena (thunder
and lightning, fire and quaking), the purpose of which is to
evoke awe at Yahweh. The origins of such language are in
actual storms and volcanoes and the effect they have on people,
not in clouds of incense, and the function of the imagery is
more emotive than referential. Given a tradition of an awesome
encounter with Yahweh at Sinai, the language is appropriate
and explicable in terms of the tradition.
The trumpet blast is the one feature which cannot so readily
be accounted for purely in terms of a Sinai tradition. Newman,
for example, writes,
If the tradition is viewed simply as an account of the
experience at Sinai, the loud trumpet blast with the
thunders, lightnings, and thick cloud is most perplexing.
Who, one might ask, was blowing the trumpet on the top
of the mountain? Was it the Lord? But if the legend is
associated with the cult, the trumpet can be understood
as a cultic instrument which was blown in connection with
a later covenant ceremony and was absorbed into the
legend.^9
It is possible that the trumpet references do show that the
137

theophany has to some extent been written up in a way that
reflects the later cultic practices of Israel. If so, it would not
follow that any of the other details in the narrative should also
be explained thus nor that the narrative as a whole reflects a
cultic Sitz im Leben. Moreover, this may be something peculiar
to Ex. 19, a chapter with several distinctive characteristics not
shared by the rest of the Sinai pericope. The trumpet references do not recur outside the chapter, and need show no more
than that the recounting of Ex. 19 has been partially influenced
by the experiences of Israel's cult.
Even so, however, the interpretation of the trumpet references needs further investigation. How are they to be
understood? If they are interpreted literally, then the question
of who blew the trumpet can be asked. To say that God himself
sounded the trumpet is not as implausible as Newman implies;
cf. Zech. 9:14. Nonetheless, such an answer fits awkwardly with
the narrative.
Various non-literal interpretations have therefore been
advanced. Cassuto, for example, says,
It [the sound of a horn] signifies the strong wind that
blows violently through the gorges between the mountains, rending the air with a great noise like the sound of
a horn.70
This seems a somewhat rationalist explanation.? 1 G.
Friedrich argues that "the sound of horns probably denotes the
inexpressible voice of God" and points to Ex. 19:19 for the
trumpet and God's voice as parallel.72 T|-,JS also hardly does
justice to the context where the trumpet is a distinct sound
which precedes and accompanies God's speech.
The unsatisfactory nature of these interpretations shows that
the problem is not eased but exacerbated by posing it in terms
of a literal or non-literal interpretation. The awkwardness of
answering the question "Who blew the trumpet?" suggests that
this is an inappropriate question to ask, and this is significant
for the genre of the material. Two things become clear. First,
the trumpet references cannot be taken in isolation from the
storm and volcanic phenomena; they are all of a piece.
Secondly, the trumpet references are, like the rest of the
narrative, evocative rather than referential. They are included
in the theophany account because of the profound and emotive
effect that a solemn trumpet blast can have on a hearer. If this
is so, and one may not use such language to reconstruct events
138

at Sinai, then it will also be an illegitimate use of the material
to attempt to reconstruct or discern aspects of the regular cult
of Israel from it.
It may still be asked why the trumpet blast was considered an
appropriate element of the theophany and whether this does not
still, in some way, reflect the regular cultic experiences of
Israel. That the use of the trumpet does reflect some prior
experience of its significance is likely. But though this experience may have been in the regular cult of Israel in Canaan
it cannot be restricted to it. The trumpet was common in the
ancient Near East, well attested in the third and second
millennia/^ jne sound of the trumpet may well have been a
common element in man's encounter with the divine throughout
the ancient Near East. The use, therefore, of the trumpet as a
significant symbol in Ex. 19 may reflect the regular cult of
Israel, but it need not. The question must be decided in the
context of one's overall understanding of the nature of the Sinai
tradition, not because no satisfactory account of the trumpet
can be given in different terms.
To conclude, it can be said that none of the "cultic" features
of the Sinai pericope requires an explanation in terms of the
regular cult of Israel. And even if some elements of the regular
cult may have influenced part of the description in Exodus., this
is far from showing that the cult was the Sitz im Leben for the
content. An alternative explanation of the same data, that they
not only are but always were part of a narrative tradition
attempting to relate an encounter with God at Sinai offers a
coherent and comprehensive understanding. This does not mean
that this alternative is correct. But on the principle of Occam's
razor, that for purposes of explanation things not known to
exist should not, unless it is absolutely necessary, be postulated
as existing, the comparative simplicity, yet comprehensiveness,
of the hypothesis gives it a prima facie claim to acceptance.
The alternative hypothesis, which requires a long and complex
development and transformation of the material in question,
not only does not explain the text any more fully but also
postulates a large number of factors which are at best invisible
and at worst illusory.
CONCLUSION
The argument of this chapter has been to present a
cumulative case in favour of the Sinai material as a narrative
139

tradition concerning Sinai rather than as a "cult legend", in the
sort of sense in which that term has been commonly understood.
There are perhaps six main elements in the argument.
1)
There has been confusion in the use of the terms "legend"
and "cult" in such a way as to be misleading.
2)
A form-critical analysis has sometimes been used in such
a way as to beg the question of the nature of the tradition.
3)
An originally independent existence in the cult for some
of the most "cultic" elements in the narrative is not
necessarily the most likely explanation.
4)
The adoption of a narrative tradition for use in the cult is
a process at least as likely to underlie Ex. 32-34 as a
postulated historicization of cultic rituals.
5)
Too literalist an approach to the problem of religious
language has resulted in illegitimate inferences being
based on the material.
6)
The cult legend hypothesis does not in fact explain any
elements in the text which cannot equally be explained by
the acceptance of the tradition as genuinely a Sinai
tradition.
If these points are accepted, then serious doubts are cast upon
the analysis of the Sinai pericope as a cult legend.
Admittedly these arguments do not disprove the cult legend
hypothesis. But that is largely because in this sort of problem
the arguments are not such as to admit of proof rather than
probability. It is also difficult to discuss an issue when many of
the arguments advanced are somewhat intangible. This is
particularly the case when one attempts to interact with von
Rad and Noth, the two most influential scholars in recent
pentateuchal studies. Both maintain that there was a long and
complex cultic tradition-history underlying the Sinai pericope,
but neither offers much argument as to why this should be the
case. Rather they take for granted that it must have been, this
assumption being based on their larger understanding of the
early history of Israel and the growth of pentateuchal
traditions. But whatever may be the case elsewhere in the
Pentateuch, that should not be allowed to prejudge the
assessment of the Sinai material. Such difficulties attend the
analysis of Ex. 32-34 as a cult legend that it becomes a difficult
hypothesis to maintain. A reasonable alternative is to hold that
the material is, and was from the start, a narrative tradition
telling of Israel's encounter with Yahweh at Mt. Sinai.
140
Chapter it
EX. 32-34 AS LEGEND
It has been argued that Ex. 32-34 is a genuine Sinai tradition.
It remains to examine further what kind of tradition it is. This
is important for its own sake, to further our overall
appreciation of the nature of the tradition. It will also bear
upon the question of how far it may be proper to see the
narrative as possibly preserving genuinely historical tradition.
THE MOSES TRADITIONS AS LEGEND
The discussion will be approached by asking whether the Sinai
material may aptly be designated as a legend - legend in the
general sense of a largely unhistorical story set in an historical
context (Sage). I
The view that many of the early narratives of the OT are
legend rather than history was systematically developed in the
early years of the 20th century, most notably by H. Gunkel and
H. Gressmann in the context of a "history of religions" approach
to the OT.2 while Gunkel directed his attention primarily
towards Genesis,3 Gressmann produced a comprehensive
interpretation of the Moses stories in Mose und seine Zeit.
Since then "legend" has continued to play an important role in
the analysis of early OT traditions.^ As such it has made the
quest for historical events underlying the traditions a somewhat
nebulous undertaking, even though the last thorough interpretation of the Moses stories as saga,^ M. Buber's Moses, was
comparatively optimistic about the historical content of the
traditions.
The use of "legend" to designate Israel's early traditions has
not been unchallenged. In particular, in those areas where the
biblical theology movement with its emphasis on the centrality
of history was strong the use of the term "legend", while not
explicitly denied,6 receded into the background. But that
movement failed to provide a 7sufficiently coherent and comprehensive approach of its own.'
A strong restatement of the legendary nature of Israel's early
traditions, with a corresponding denial of their historical value,
141

is to be found in the recent Israelite and Judaean History in
which T.L. Thompson and D. Irvin contribute the discussion of
the Joseph and Moses narratives.8 Thompson argues for the
non-historical nature of the Moses traditions partly because of
the poverty of historical and archaeological evidence, but more
fundamentally because of the nature of the traditions as "heroic
tales":
The "heroic tale" as a narrative type is markedly
ahistorical both in structure and development.9
If the literary type is that of heroic tale, and the heroic tale is
a genre that shows no genuine historiographical interest, then
there simply does not exist the kind of material from which
historical reconstruction could be undertaken:
The problem is not simply that the narratives lack
historicity, but rather that the pentateuchal narratives
are impervious and irrelevant to questions about the
historicity of events or figures of the past. Nothing more
historically concrete about the historical Moses and
Yahweh can be known than about the historical Tarn muz
and Ishtar; nor is our knowledge about the wandering in
the wilderness qualitatively different from what we know
of Odysseus' journey. 10
Irvin treats the Moses stories as comparable with other
ancient Near Eastern material which she classifies as "fiction"
or "folktale". 11 Her primary concern is not historical but
literary, seeking to gain insight into the function and meaning
of traditional motifs in their respective contexts. But she too
concludes by referring to the question of history and affirming
that the literary form of the narratives is such that one cannot
assume that any sort of historical events underlie them. 12
Such an extreme denial of historicity does not represent a
scholarly consensus. Nonetheless the approach to the problem,
by which determination of possible historical worth should
follow upon analyzing the literary type and intention of the
material, is surely correct. It is therefore to the question of
literary type that we must give further attention.
A PRELIMINARY CLARIFICATION
The problems and issues at stake are manifold. If any
clarification is to emerge, certain potential sources of con142
Four: Exodus 32-3 d

fusion must be dealt with at the outset.
First, it is dangerous to generalize. Thompson, for example,
not only treats the Joseph and Moses narratives together as the
same kind of material with no regard for their differences,^
but also he allows for no differences within the Moses narratives. Irvin likewise seems to assume that the characteristics
discovered in the early chapters of Exodus determine the genre
of the remainder of the Moses narratives. But different
narratives and traditions should be studied in their own right.
The Sinai narrative is in many ways distinct from other Moses
narratives and its genre should not be subsumed under that of
other narratives.
Secondly, there is much diverse usage, with resultant
confusion, of terminology. Terms like "legend", "saga", "epic",
"heroic tale", "folktale", etc., tend to be used with insufficient
definition and differentiation.
Irvin deliberately eschews the discussion of terminology on
the grounds that the modern distinctions of literary type
were not known or adhered to in the periods from which
our stories date, and modern application of these terms is
apt to be somewhat arbitrary, because it is not clear
which ancient characteristics deserve which modern
labels. 1*
Both these points may readily be granted. Nonetheless the
precise differentiation of genre can hardly be a matter of
indifference.' For weighty historical and traditio-historical
conclusions are made to depend on the understanding of genre,
and the different genres are not identical in their historical
implications. Legends, for example, centre on real people set
within historical time; and although an historical nucleus may
be so overlaid as to be unrecoverable it may also be possible to
gain definite historical knowledge from a legend.15 Folktales,
by contrast, although set within historical time, do not deal
with real people and are characterized by trickery and
ingenuity as central concerns;^ on almost no reckoning of
folktale would one be justified in treating a folktale as an
historical source.
Thompson bases the ahistorical nature of the Moses traditions
on the fact that they are "heroic tales". But C. Conroy'- 7
analyzes the characteristics of heroic literature and shows that
neither the patriarchs nor Moses can be considered heroic
figures in the technical sense. For the milieu of heroic
143

literature is aristocratic, the content is to do with banquets and
battles, and the purpose is primarily entertainment. Thompson
uses the term in a comparatively loose sense, to designate a
story which focusses on one chief character, irrespective of
whether his stature and qualities are heroic in the technical
sense. Such a usage of "heroic" may be legitimate. But it is hard
to see why such a narrative should necessarily be ahistorical,
since it does not entail the use of traditional themes and motifs
in the way that technically heroic literature does. A heroic tale
(in Thompson's sense) may indeed by ahistorical, but that must
be decided on other grounds than the simple fact that it is
"heroic".18
It is obviously beyond the scope of this study to offer any
resolution to the terminological problem. Rather it will be
assumed that the designation "legend" (Sage) in some sense
would be generally agreed to be applicable to the Moses
tradition and may at least be heuristically applied to the Sinai
material. The discussion, however, will seek to focus on
analyzing characteristics of the material rather than build a
case upon debatable terminology.
ORAL LITERATURE
It would be helpful initially to broaden the scope of the
debate. Rather than discuss the applicability of, and criteria
for, the designation "legend", a prior question is to ask whether
the literature is oral literature, in the sense of "literature
which has come into existence in an oral culture or group
without the use of writing". 19 Oral literature is a broader
category than legend and subsumes it. On most understandings
of legend, legendary material was originally composed and
transmitted orally and it is in the course of constant retelling
that the historical nucleus (if any) which originally gave rise to
the legend is overlaid. If, therefore, it seems likely that the
material was not oral, it would also be unlikely that the
material is legendary. If it was most likely oral, it would not
therefore follow that it is legendary, since the precise nature of
the material would still need to be decided; though "legend"
would be the most likely candidate for the majority of early OT
narratives.
The possibility of oral tradition bears directly upon the
question of historicity. Oral tradition tends to make the
historical value of a tradition comparatively limited. Although
144
Four: Exodus 32-34 as Legend

oral tradition can preserve material accurately and unchanged,
it can also change it beyond recognition. The problem of course
in any given case is to know which, and it is uncertainty here
that largely accounts for the diversity of views concerning the
historical reliability of Israel's early traditions. It can hardly be
denied, however, that a considerable degree of transformation
is characteristic of oral tradition, and as such necessitates
caution in historical assessment.20
Significant though the implications of oral tradition are, the
chief difficulty is to show that any particular tradition does
genuinely represent oral tradition. The problem of distinguishing oral from written literature is great, with no clear
consensus as to the demarcation.21 Such is the problematic
nature of the distinction that arguments about any particular
text will usually fall short of demonstrability. The argumentation must be cumulative and applied heuristically.
First, one is looking for oral characteristics in a written text.
This obvious point in worth emphasizing. For although it is
possible that the written text is simply a direct transcription of
an oral tradition, the transposition into writing can introduce
scribal characteristics and obscure oral characteristics in the
tradition. Allowance must be made for the possible loss of oral
characteristics; their absence from a written text does not
preclude the possibility of their original presence. Equally,
however, it is important not to argue from a presupposed idea
of oral tradition to the position that oral features "must have"
originally characterized a particular story, even though most
significant traces are no longer present in the text.22 Unless
there remains a substantial amount of oral criteria in the
written text,23 then either the supposed oral original lies so
far behind written recensions as to become of minor importance, or else it may be the case that the postulation of oral
origins is simply incorrect.
The relation of oral to written tradition is variable.2^
Particularly difficult to assess is the possible "transitional"
text, a text from a time when a living tradition of oral composition is giving way to literary composition and when aspects
of both modes of composition would be incorporated into the
text. Such a possibility would make criteria for distinguishing
oral from written characteristics difficult to establish firmly.
Finally, at this general level of discussion, it must be stressed
that arguments about the likelihood of oral tradition, especially
145

in the context of biblical literature where there is little
evidence other than the final form of the written text, will
necessarily be closely connected to one's overall understanding
of the nature of early Israel and its culture and the likely
extent of the use of writing and literacy.25 Such considerations played a notable role in the pioneering work of Gunkel,
and constitute both the strength and the weakness of his work.
They are a strength in the comprehensiveness of the picture
that thereby emerges. They are a weakness in that if the
general considerations become suspect, then so does the whole
position that is built around them. S.M. Warner, for example,
strongly criticizes the anthropological assumptions that played
a prominent role in the first edition of Gunkel's Genesis
commentary;^ On the basis of these Gunkel argued that
brevity and lack of sophistication were sure indicators of early
and oral material. This position, however, seems to be quite
unfounded,27 a fact which raises serious questions about
Gunkel's whole pattern of argument.
In the search for specific criteria to distinguish oral from
written tradition, scholars have not infrequently employed A.
Olrik's famous "epic laws".28 These thirteen laws or
principles designate broad characteristics of a type of
literature which Olrik called "Sage" in its broadest sense.
Insofar as the laws arise out of Olrik's wide experience of folk
literature, they usefully convey the "feel" of a particular type
of popular literature. It has been increasingly questioned,
however, whether Olrik's laws do genuinely enable one to
differentiate between oral and written literature.29 There
are perhaps four main criticisms of their use in this regard.
First, Olrik worked mainly with European material, and this will
not necessarily be representative of literature from different
cultures. Secondly, the "laws" are not laws; they are generalizations which admit of many exceptions. Thirdly, many of the
"laws" are principles valid in most literary compositions.
Fourthly, it is unclear how to use the "laws" in the sense that it
is left uncertain whether the presence of few or many of the
specified characteristics is necessary for the narrative to
qualify as belonging to the genre in question.
Certain of Olrik's principles are clearly applicable to Ex.
32-34. The Law of Two to a Scene can be seen in ch. 32: vv. 1-6,
Aaron and the people; vv. 7-14, Yahweh and Moses; vv. 15-20,
Moses and Joshua; vv. 21-24, Moses and Aaron; vv. 25-29, Moses
146

and the Levites; vv. 30ff., Moses and Yahweh. The Law of
Contrast can perhaps be seen in 32:21-24, 25-29. The
Importance of Final Position is exemplified in the way the
mediator Moses is the object of all attention in 34:29ff. Other
principles are only partially applicable. The Logic of the Sage,
for example, demands an internal validity and consistency in
the story; and while there is a consistency in Ex. 32-34 it is a
highly theological, even paradoxical, consistency, hardly the
kind of logic characteristic of popular stories. The principle of
Concentration on a Leading Character cannot really do justice
to the fine balance between Moses and Yahweh throughout the
narrative. 30
This partial applicability of Olrik's laws is not without
significance for the nature of the narrative, but could hardly be
said without further ado to constitute evidence of oral tradition
in Ex. 32-34.
D.M. Gunn argues for patterning in narrative as evidence of
oral tradition. 31 The recurrence of stereotyped and
conventional descriptions reflects that constant use of
traditional material which is a marked characteristic of the
oral story-teller. Whether such patterning in Hebrew narrative
reflects oral or literary technique is unclear.32 One of its
drawbacks is that it is only applicable to parts of narrative
tradition and not the whole,33 anc j so really needs the support
of other criteria as well.
Even if patterning be accepted as a valid indicator of oral
tradition, its applicability to Ex. 32-34 is questionable. The
chief problem here, of course, is the extremely limited compass
of material under consideration, within which one would hardly
expect to find such repetition as Gunn posits. Such patterning
could only be discerned in the comparison of Ex. 32-34 with the
larger context of Exodus, yet here the distinctiveness of Ex.
32-34 becomes evident. There are certain parallels to Ex. 32-34
elsewhere in Exodus, for example Ex. 10:28f., 17:1-7,3^ but
insofar as the parallelism is deliberate it is likely, especially in
17:1-7, to be a literary reworking dependent on the Sinai
tradition. The striking parallelism between Ex. 32-34 and Gen.
6-9 remains to be investigated, but in any case does not show
that kind of stereotyped patterning which is the concern
here.35
The attempt to find oral criteria in Ex. 32-34 is not,
therefore, particularly fruitful. The tenor of the arguments thus
far suggests the unlikelihood of oral tradition closely underlying
147

the material. Such a suggestion is further supported by Cuiley's
important observation that
the phase of oral composition is appropriate to the
smaller unit, the prose story, the individual poem, or
possibly even a cycle of stories, but not to collections
containing different kinds of material having different
styles and language. Larger collections of mixed material
would presuppose that the individual units had become
fixed before being brought together.36
Although Ex. 32-34 is hardly a "larger collection" of material,
the variety of its contents is notable. Only in ch. 32 is there
continuous narrative (which is why Olrik's principles are most
readily applicable there, rather than in 33-34). In 33:12ff.,
34:1 Iff. the intercession and the laws are a different type of
material with a different style from the surrounding narrative.
Yet it has also become clear how closely interwoven these
different types are with their narrative context. If they were
independent units joined together still at the oral stage one
would expect the arrangement to be somewhat loose,
characterized by catchwords or thematic grouping. In fact the
relationship between units is close, there are no catchwords," and there is a coherent development of thought
throughout. The tight linkage of the different types of material
is a clear literary achievement. This still leaves the possibility
that there were independent oral units joined by a literary
process, but this must lie so far below the present text that it is
doubtful whether it can still be intelligibly discerned. In
conclusion, then, there are no clear indications of oral tradition
underlying Ex. 32-34. This is not to deny the possibility of
original oral tradition, but it is to question whether the
hypothesis of oral origins is at all illuminating for the tradition
as we now have it.
CRITERIA FOR LEGEND
If the case for oral tradition in Ex. 32-34 is tenuous, and if
legend presupposes oral tradition, then one might simply
conclude without further ado that the notion of Ex. 32-34 as
legend is equally tenuous. But such is the difficulty in this kind
of discussion of producing demonstrative arguments rather than
only probabilities or possibilities that it will not be out of place
to consider the question of legend afresh from a different angle.
148

This different approach will be to list a number of criteria
which are generally considered to be indicative of legendary
material, and see how far Ex. 32-34 conforms to them. The list
of criteria offered here is not intended to be exhaustive but
representative, and will be based largely on the work of those
scholars who have dealt specifically with the OT and are alert
to its peculiarities.38 Many scholars have indeed made much
use of Olrik's Laws in this context, and if they are taken as
indicative of a type of narrative without prejudice to the
question of oral tradition then they may still be used with
profit. But since Olrik's Laws are not orientated towards OT
narrative, and since not all scholars make use of them, they will
not occupy the forefront of the discussion.
The following six features are generally considered as
indicative of legend. They are not listed in any order of
precedence. First, oral tradition. Secondly, the presence of
miracles. Thirdly, the presence of aetiological motifs. Fourthly,
the use of traditional motifs. Fifthly, a typical dimension.
Sixthly, the lack of a clear distinction between past event and
subsequent experience and interpretation.
1) Oral tradition
This has already been discussed. This is not based on any one
specific trait but represents rather an overall assessment of the
nature of the material. Although it has featured prominently in
discussions since Gunkel, its significance for Ex. 32-34 would
appear to be small.
The fact of oral tradition is sometimes connected with
anonymity of authorship, this anonymity reflecting "the
anonymous totality of the tribes and their several clans at those
times when they were gathered together, that is, preeminently
on cultic occasions".39 Not only, however, is it the case that
anonymity does not require corporate and oral authorship as
opposed to individual and scribal, but also anonymity is so
widespread in ancient literature that it cannot function as a
distinguishing characteristic of legend.
2) Miracles
The presence of miracle is one of the most widely agreed
characteristics of legend and other non-historical narrative. To
say this is not, of course, to prejudge whether or not miracles
actually occur, for such an issue cannot be decided on literary
grounds; nor can it be said that miracles appear only in the
context of legend. The point is simply that it is characteristic
149

of a particular type of story to attract to itself accounts of
miraculous happenings.
There are indeed many miracles in the narratives of Exodus
and Numbers. This makes their absence from the Sinai pericope
the more striking. The longest unit of narrative action, Ex. 32,
is entirely unmiraculous. The theophany of Ex. 33-34 is
extra-ordinary but is hardly a miracle in the customary sense; in
content, presentation and result it is quite distinctive, and its
ethos is not that of the legendary miracle. There is the fact
that God writes upon the tablets (34:28b), and also the descent
of Moses with the shining face (34:29ff.), but these cannot be
considered determinative for the narrative as a whole.
3) Aetiology
Aetiology may be indicative of legend when the aetiology is a
primary factor in the tradition and not a secondary addition to
it, as is often the case in the OT.^0 There is, however, little
that is indisputably aetiological in Ex. 32-34. The approach of
Beyerlin, who argues for aetiologies throughout the narrative,
raises acutely the problem of criteria. There is no formula such
as "to this day". Although, for example, Beyerlin argues that
the words "from Horeb onwards" (mehar hSreb) are indicative of
the function of 33:3b-6 as aetiological of a later ceremony at
Shechem, the words in fact function as part of the parallel
between Israel and the Egyptians.^1
There is no shortage of material in Ex. 32-34 which may be
interpreted aetiologically. The golden calf may be considered
aetiological for the establishment of Jeroboam's calves (or for
the opposition to them); the incident of the Levites may be
aetiological for later Levitical privilege; the role of Moses may
be aetiological for subsequent cultic functionaries; and so on.
But there is little formal indication of such concerns in the
text. And while this does not rule out aetiological interest in
the narrative, it does make it difficult to decide how far
aetiology has genuinely controlled the development of the
tradition. In general, the resolution of such issues must be
subsequent to one's detailed historical and traditio-historical
study of the material and cannot be decided in advance on
literary grounds.
There is a sense in which the tradition of Ex. 32-34, as a Sinai
tradition, functions aetiologically. It is because Yahweh
revealed himself and made a covenant with Israel at Sinai that
Israel subsequently knows itself as the people of Yahweh and
150

worships him in the cult. In particular, it is because Yahweh
first proclaimed his name as gracious that Israel can call upon
him as such.^ QU^ to say this js to say no more than that Ex.
32-34 may function as a cult legend in the technical
form-critical sense;^ anc j since such a function is quite
independent of literary type, it cannot be a factor in the
determination of literary type, which is the present concern.
4) Traditional Motifs
A certain type of content is characteristic of legendary and
other non-historical narrative. The standard work in this area is
S. Thompson's Motif-Index of Folk Literature which is a massive
compilation of the content and motifs of folklore (in the
broadest sense of the term). The work needs to be used with
care in that many of the motifs it contains, while present in
folklore, are not peculiar to folklore and so are of limited value
for identifying it.
In this context the distinctiveness of the Sinai pericope from
the rest of Exodus again becomes apparent. 3.G. Frazer, T.H.
Caster and D. Irvin,^ all of whom cite abundant folkloristic
parallels to the early chapters of Exodus, offer no such parallels
to the narrative of Ex. 19-20, 24, 32-34. Ex. 32, with its
continuous narrative action, might seem the most likely locus
for traditional motifs. Yet Gressmann cites parallels5only to the
"book of life" (32:32f.), which is an incidental motif.**
Elements of Ex. 32-34 can be found in Thompson's Index, but
the significance of these is unclear. The motifs of a bullgod^ or a god assuming the form of a calf'" reveal little
about 32:1 ff. Fratricide is a common folk motif,^ anc j may
be discerned in 32:29. It plays only a minor role, however, in the
unit and does not constitute a genuine motif since it does not
further the story in any way.^9 Perhaps the two most significant motifs are the taboo on seeing the deity 5 ^ (cf. Ex.
33:20), and the "Holy man radiant"51 (cf. Ex. 34:29ff.). Both
of these, however, function in a strikingly theological way, and
their distinctive ethos is not directly suggestive of traditional
material.
5) Typical Significance
Von Rad argues that while history writing presents events in
their isolated particularity, their historical contingency, legend
presents people and events as types:
Whatever tradition we select - the story of Cain, the
151

betrayal of Sarah, the manna, Balaam, or the Blessing of
Moses (Ex. 17) - it is perfectly clear that, while they refer
us to the realm of history, yet, in spite of all the
concreteness of their presentation, there is always at the
same time a certain typical significance. Correspondingly,
the men and women involved in the event are also to a
large extent types, in that the ways in which they act are
not to be regarded as having occurred only once: what
makes them important is precisely their more general
validity. They therefore possess a coefficient of presentday relevance which the documentary presentation of
history lacks. There is no doubt that certain traditions set
out to relate an event which occurred only once, yet give
it the form of one which occurred over and over again."
The perception that certain OT traditions have a typical
significance is important. It is presumably this that is intended
by reference to the "poetic" quality of such traditions. As Koch
puts it,
The knowledge that a biblical story is legendary does not
detract from its significance. Sagas are reality poeticized.53
Nonetheless, it is again striking how little Ex. 32-34 conforms
to such a criterion. First, typical narratives tend to have a
certain "spacious" quality about them - there are only one or
two characters, all unnecessary detail falls out, there is an
unhurried feel in the action of the narrative. In Ex. 32-34, by
contrast, the content and action is too dense; the scenes shift
too quickly, the feel of the narrative is too urgent to convey
much typical or poetic quality.
Secondly, there is a specificity about much of Ex. 32-34
which deprives it of typical significance. One may compare
Moses' intercession in 33:12ff. with the "Blessing of Moses" (Ex.
17:8ff.). The latter indeed presents an archetypal picture, but
how different is the agonized intensity of 33:12ff., centring on
the specific problem of the restoration of God's shrine in the
midst of sinful Israel. Nowhere in Ex. 32-34, except perhaps
34:29ff., is Moses a typical figure. The particularity of the
promise to him in distinction from the people of Israel (32:10),
the harsh role of judgment (32:19f., 25ff.), the urgency of the
intercessions (32:1 Iff., 30ff., 33:12ff.) and the unique mediation
between Yahweh and Israel are not such as one can easily
identify with. There is exemplary significance, but that is a
152

different matter. Ex. 32-34 does present a paradigmatic
account of sin and forgiveness and the dependence of Israel
upon the mercy of God,^ and the use of the generalizing
expression "stiff-necked people" is perhaps deliberately
intended to generalize the significance and application of the
narrative. But again this is quite different from a typical
depiction of either people or events.
Thirdly, Ex. 32-34 is different from most typical narratives in
that its basic presupposition is the particularity and
exclusiveness of Mosaic Yahwism. It is notable that those
traditions are most typical in character where the theology of
the Mosaic covenant is least in evidence. This is particularly so
in the patriarchal traditions where the absence of any
exclusiveness is a significant aspect of the "everyman"
character of the stories.55 Ex. 32-34 presupposes throughout
a religious exclusiveness, a unique phenomenon in the history of
religion,5^ and the need for obedience to the moral and ritual
laws of the decalogue. Such concerns are quite different in
ethos from the typical or poetic.
6) The Lack of Distinction between Past and Present
The narrator of legend does not distinguish present and past
in a strictly historical way. Rather, as von Rad puts it,
the narrator - historical considerations notwithstanding reports the events as he himself conceives them as having
happened ... The event is naively placed within the
horizon of the narrator's own faith, and he is of a later
generation ... Saga is quite unable to safeguard its original
content from later alterations. On the contrary, it is a
ready vessel for new contents, it adapts itself to new
possibilities of interpretation, and in the process it often
leaves its original subject far behind.^7
With such legends it is unhelpful to distinguish between an
"authentic" historical kernel and a fictional overlay; for
subsequent interpretations and experiences are also historical
and bear witness to God's continual dealings with his people.5^
The concept involved in this criterion is readily comprehensible. The difficulty is to know how and where it is genuinely
applicable. For to recognize elements of a tradition as
anachronistic presupposes a good knowledge of the respective
periods in question so that one can be reasonably sure what is
appropriate to each. With early OT traditions this puts one in a
153

somewhat paradoxical position. Our chief, and sometimes our
only, source of information for Israel's early history is Israel's
early traditions.^ And yet it is on the basis of these
traditions, which are considered to present an inaccurate
historical picture, that one can apparently acquire a competent
knowledge of the periods in question. The logic of this position
should not be pushed too far. A careful attention to
peculiarities in texts and comparison between different texts
can lead to likely reconstructions. Nonetheless, the tentative
and hypothetical nature of the task is apparent and allows for
widely divergent reconstructions. The problem is well
illustrated by the diversity of views on the questions of what
kind of monotheism, if any, is attributable to Moses and
whether the religious and ethical teaching of the decalogue can
be accepted as having existed as early in Israel's history as the
time of Moses.
It follows from this that it will be a scholar's general
understanding of early Israel in its ancient Near Eastern
context that will play a major role in the assessment of whether
and to what extent a tradition contains anachronistic and
unhistorical elements. This obviously introduces major issues
that lie beyond our present purview. Suffice it to say at present
that there is nothing patently anachronistic in Ex. 32-34 that
could not fit in its supposed historical context.60 if this
contention is correct, then the present criterion for
distinguishing legend becomes difficult to apply fruitfully to Ex.
32-34.
SUMMARY AND CONCLUSION
The above rapid review of criteria for legend applied to Ex.
32-34 produces an interesting conclusion - that there is
remarkably little in Ex. 32-34 that would qualify the material
for the designation "legend". Obviously the discussion has hardly
been exhaustive and is more in the nature of a few preliminary
soundings. Nonetheless, sufficient has been said to justify
drawing a conclusion in at least tentative terms. For the
discussion has enabled the distinctiveness of the chapters to
come more clearly into focus. Some may indeed feel that the
discussion has been to some extent labouring the obvious. For it
may be at least in part because of a recognition of the
distinctiveness of the chapters that the special designation of
cult legend has been so widely adopted. If, however, the
154

designation of cult legend (in a sense which denotes the literary
type of the narrative) is considered doubtful, it is appropriate
to consider alternatives, especially when the term "legend" has
been applied so freely to the Moses traditions.
What significance may one attach to the conclusion that the
characteristics of legend are largely lacking in Ex. 32-34? A
few suggestions may be made. First, although discussion of
legend tends to focus on the possible historical value of the
content of legend, the chief value of the above discussion has
been the illumination of aspects of Ex. 32-34 which were not
brought out by the exegesis. One's understanding of Moses1
intercession in Ex. 33, for example, while based primarily upon
the exegesis in context, is furthered by appreciating how
different it is in ethos from a story like Ex. 17:8ff.
Secondly, although the discussion has argued the inadequacy
of the terms "cult legend" and "legend", it is not part of the
present purpose to replace these by some alternative designation of any degree of precision. For any precise and specific
designation would probably have to be a rather baroque and
ungainly term, coined for the purpose. As such it would be of
limited value. A term such as "theological story" would be
possible, but is inherently so vague that it could comprise a
wide variety of different types of narrative. Besides, the term
has already been used by Westermann, in his discussion of types
of narrative in Genesis,^! with a specific meaning; that is, a
story which is effectively narrative theology, whereby some old
tradition has been transformed into a vehicle for presenting
theological questions and statements. And since it is uncertain,
or at least unproved, that such a process underlies Ex. 32-34
(the theological shaping of the material is unquestioned, but
there is more than one way of explaining it), it would only
confuse matters to use a term with potentially misleading, or
question-begging, implications. For the present, it will be
sufficient to acquiesce in using the general term "story". Not,
indeed, in a wholly undifferentiated sense, for many peculiarities of the narrative have emerged in our discussion. The
important thing is so to read the story that one becomes aware
of its characteristics, even if one lacks any precise term for
classifying it.
Thirdly, there is the bearing of literary genre upon the
determining of historicity. It has been seen that Ex. 32-34
generally lacks certain characteristics that would tend to
disqualify it from being historical in intent or content. But it
155

would be premature to conclude that the narrative therefore is
historical, at least in intention whether or not in actual fact.
For the bearing of the literary and theological dimensions of
the story upon its possible historical intent has not yet been
sufficiently examined. In terms of the discussion thus far it
would be appropriate to leave open the question of historical
intent. The nature of the material, as thus far perceived, is still
open to the possibility of genuine historical concern in the
material, but could not be said to require it, nor to be
incompatible with its absence.
In any case, discussions of literary genre are only a
preliminary to the task of historical study proper. The advancing of any historical conclusions must be based upon
specifically historical arguments. It is appropriate, therefore,
to turn again from literary considerations to consider further
some of the historically-orientated questions that may be put to
Ex. 32-34.
156
Chapter 5
SELECTIVE CRITICAL ANALYSIS OF EX. 32-34
In this final section we shall consider some of the most
important problems that confront the interpreter as he seeks to
discover the origins and development of Ex. 32-34 in the light
of the final form of the text. Even if Ex. 32-34 does not owe its
structure or major elements to the historicization of a regular
cultic ritual, and even if it does not show clear signs of
legendary development, its integrity as a narrative tradition
may still be called in question on a variety of grounds. In
particular, weighty source-critical and traditio-historical
arguments have been adduced to show the composite nature of
the material. The following, necessarily partial, examination of
previous analytical work will seek to determine how far such
arguments affect the essential plot of Ex. 32-34 and also how
they bear on elements which are secondary to the central
concern.
AN ANALYSIS OF EX. 34:1-28
There are two central issues in existing treatments of Ex.
32-34. One is the mainly literary question of Ex. 34 as a
covenant renewal,* the other is the mainly traditio-historical
question of the origins of the golden calf story in Ex. 32.
Although distinct issues, they are inter-related. For if the
people's apostasy was original to the tradition, then some
renewal of the ruptured relationship would be required. If the
covenant renewal was original, then something must have
required such a renewal. Conversely, the denial that either
element was original carries the natural corollary that the
other element is likewise unlikely to be original. Given the
inherent complementarity of the stories and the close literary
and theological links between them in the present text, the
heuristic assumption will be that the two stories do indeed
belong together to the same tradition, unless good reason can
be found to deny this.
First, Ex. 34 as a covenant renewal. It is widely agreed that
Ex. 34 was originally the 1 account of an initial covenant
157

making, parallel to the E version in Ex. 19-20; when the J and E
Sinai narratives were combined, the J covenant was preserved
but redactionally transformed into a covenant renewal.2 Five
principal considerations can be advanced in favour of this
position.
First, the hypothesis is part of the larger documentary
analysis of the Pentateuch, the Sinai pericope being considered
a striking example of parallel J and E versions being preserved
together, as can also be observed elsewhere.
Secondly, the specific references to renewal in vv. 1, 4, 9 can
easily be recognized as secondary modifications. These
references are:
v. 1. "like the first (kr'sViym) ..." to the end of the verse.
v. 4. "like the first".
v. 9. Every phrase in this verse harks back to some part of
the preceding narrative, and so must be entirely
secondary.
Thirdly, it may be argued that the chapter reads like an
initial covenant making.
Fourthly, the laws of 34:11-26 have been seen as an
alternative or parallel tradition to the decalogue of Ex. 20 (or
even a J parallel to the E Book of the Covenant). This is usually
supported by an appeal to the "ten words" in 34:28, understood
as in some way designating the foregoing laws.
Fifthly, if the story of the golden calf is, on other grounds,
considered as a late addition to the Sinai tradition, yet the
covenant renewal presupposes it, then the renewal must also be
a late addition.
These arguments are mainly to do with broad considerations
of the role of Ex. 34 within the Sinai pericope. Commentators
have indeed argued in detail particularly concerning vv. 5-7,
9-10, 27-28 that there is incoherence in these verses and that
much is secondary. But the exegesis offered above^ has
shown that most of the difficulties felt in these verses are
unfounded once the development of the narrative as a whole is
appreciated. There is a smoothness and coherence which more
likely suggests original unity than secondary modification.
While the latter possibility can never be ruled out, the exegesis
of Ex. 34 may well be taken to exemplify how a fresh
perception of the final text can render unnecessary certain
arguments for a complex prehistory.^ Assuming therefore the
substantial correctness of the exegesis, the present discussion
will concentrate on the more general questions that may be
raised.
158
Five: Critical Analysis of Exodus

1) There are several difficulties with the documentary analysis.
First, there is the widespread questioning of the validity of the
documentary hypothesis in the current scholarly debate.
Secondly, even if the documentary hypothesis is deemed to be
generally valid for the Pentateuch - and as yet no superior
alternative hypothesis of similar comprehensiveness has been
advanced - it would not follow that it was valid for the Sinai
pericope which may well have a literary and traditio-historical
background different from that of other pentateuchal material.
Thirdly, even if one granted the usual assumption that 3 and
E both contained accounts of the Sinai tradition and that both
of these were available to a redactor, the redactional
combination could be understood in more than one way. The
customary assumption that a redactor was only able to preserve
a 3 covenant narrative by transforming it into a secondary
renewal is not a necessary one. It would be possible for the
redactor to have used solely 3 or solely E throughout,
suppressing the other account. Either 3 or E could have included
both an initial covenant-making and a subsequent renewal, and
to use both would have been unnecessary. Alternatively, if Ex.
32-34 is considered characteristically 3 while Ex. 19-24 is
characteristically E, it could be that a redactor, possessing two
accounts each with a covenant initiation and renewal, took the
covenant initiation from one source and the renewal from the
other, so that both sources were represented. Either of these
suppositions is consistent with an acceptance of 3 and E;
independent 3 and E accounts of Sinai would not ipso facto
entail that covenant renewal was a secondary element. One
needs to show not only that 3 and E documents or traditions are
represented but that neither contained, or is likely to have
contained, both a covenant initiation and a subsequent renewal.
To the best of my knowledge, this point has not received
satisfactory treatment.^
It may be remarked in passing that there are considerable
difficulties attendant upon an analysis in terms of 3 and E even
within Ex. 19, 20, 24. The appalling diversity of suggested
source divisions^ must raise questions about the nature of the
undertaking. This is not to deny that the material may indeed
be composite at both a source-critical and a traditio-historical
level, but it is to ask whether the attempt to explain this in
terms of independent and parallel 3 and E accounts is the most
fruitful method of approach. And if a different approach were
adopted, this would be a further reason to reconsider the need
159

to postulate Ex. 34 as the 1 parallel to Ex. 20. But this cannot
be pursued at present.
2) Moth asserts that the references to renewal in vv. 1, 4, 9
"are inserted only loosely" and "can easily be separated as
secondary".7 But in fact they fit naturally and smoothly
within the development of the story and are not in themselves
problematic. They only need to be understood as secondary
when a decision has already been reached about the chapter on
other grounds.
3) Childs argues that Ex. 34 reads like an initial covenant
making.8 The natural response is to ask, How else would one
expect the account to appear? Unless one can plausibly
demonstrate which significant differences could be expected to
distinguish a covenant renewal from an initial making, this
point lacks cogency.9 In fact, one would naturally expect the
two occasions to be similar. The difference between initiation
and renewal would be made clear chiefly in two ways: through
the overall context and through specific references. When the
context of Ex. 32f. is discounted and the specific references in
vv. 1, 4, 9 are considered secondary, it is hardly surprising that
there may seem little indication of renewal in the chapter.
Having said this, however, one can point out that there are
indeed various distinguishing characteristics of Ex. 34 that
appear in the exegesis: the privacy of the theophany to the
faithful mediator, as opposed to the publicity of Ex. 19; the
particular stress upon the grace of Yahweh in 34:6,9 as the
foundation for a renewed covenant, an emphasis unnecessary in
Ex. 19-20 when the problem of Israel's sin had not been raised;
the heightened emphasis upon faithfulness to Yahweh in
34:11-16; the cultic laws appropriate to Israel's cultic sin; the
absence, after Israel's unfaithfulness, of any account of the
people's response (such as in Ex. 24), appropriate to the
emphasis upon the sovereign action of Yahweh towards an
unfaithful people. In context, these are all important features
of covenant renewal and would not read more naturally as an
initial covenant making.
4) The next issue is the relationship of the laws in 34:11-26 to
the Decalogue and the Book of the Covenant. The exegesis has
made their function clear. The laws are a recapitulation of the
earlier laws, selecting those relevant to the situation. While it
160
Five: Critical Analysis of Exodus 32-34

is possible to view the laws as an alternative to those given
earlier, there is no need to do so. Now that the unhelpful
antithesis between a ritual and ethical decalogue has long since
been abandoned, and the particular emphasis of the laws of Ex.
34 can be fully explained by the context, there is little reason
to set up the laws of Ex. 34 as themselves the original basis of a
covenant. It has been suggested, moreover, in the exegesis that
the attempt to find a decalogue in 34:11-26 on the basis of 34:28
rests upon a misinterpretation of that latter verse. Despite a
certain initial plausibility in identifying the laws of vv. 11-26
with the covenant words of vv. 1, 28, this creates the double
tension of v. 28 with both vv. 11-26 and v. 1. Since both
difficulties are so smoothly solved by the exegesis proposed, it
becomes doubtful whether one is still justified in postulating
the displacement of material, a different decalogue, or
conflicting traditions.^ The laws of 34:11-26 provide insufficient reason to doubt the nature of the chapter as an
original renewal.
5) Finally, there is the fact that Ex. 34 as covenant renewal
presupposes the story of Ex. 32. It is, therefore, to an examination of the golden calf that we must now turn. Because the
two stories are to a considerable extent interdependent, it is
not only the case that if the calf story can be shown to be late
and secondary, then doubts are cast upon Ex. 34 as a renewal. 11 For, equally, if there is good reason to suppose that
Ex. 34 as a renewal is original, this constitutes an argument in
favour of regarding the sin that caused the renewal, i.e. Ex. 32,
as also original to the tradition.
Admittedly, if one abandons the generally held view that Ex.
34 contains an early tradition, one can see Ex. 34 as indeed
written as a renewal by interpreting it as a deuteronomistic
literary context created for the golden calf story.12 But the
general tenor of the arguments in this study would not support
such a late date for the creation of Ex. 32-34 as a whole, given
its importance within the traditions and worship of Israel which
are dependent upon it.
The examination of the story of the golden calf in Ex. 32
involves a complex of literary, historical, and traditio-historical
issues.
161

Taken by itself the story is, at first sight, straightforward.
There are no real literary unevennesses in 32:1-6 such as might
suggest the presence of diverse traditions. Despite various
arguments for literary disunity, 13 tne narrative is in fact
"clearly of one piece". ^ The central problem^ is posed by
asking what is the relationship of Ex. 32 to the story of
Jeroboam's golden calves in 1 Kg. 12:26-32. There is a certain
similarity of outline between
the two stories and also some
similarity of detail, ^ 6 the most notable being the identical
phrase, "This is your god, O Israel, who brought you up out of
the land of Egypt" 17 in both Ex. 32:4,8 and 1 Kg. 12:28. That
there is some relationship between the two narratives seems
clear. But the literary relationship, not in itself complex, is
generally considered as but a pointer to a complex traditiohistorical development underlying Ex. 32.
The significance of the similarities between the two narratives, and in particular its bearing upon determining the
relative priority of the two texts, constitutes the main problem
at issue. The similarity cannot of itself resolve the question of
priority either way. The relationship between the two narratives may be construed in a number of different ways. First, Ex.
32:1-6 in its present form may be the earlier narrative, the
resemblances in 1 Kg. 12 being intended as deliberately reminiscent.^ Secondly, while the basic substance of Ex. 32 may
be early, its literary presentation reflects later polemic against
Jeroboam. 19 Thirdly, the content and presentation of Ex. 32
may have been entirely created out of polemic against
Jeroboam.20 Fourthly, and most complex, a substantially
different version of Ex. 32:1-6 may be original, a tradition
originally favourable to both Aaron and the calf, and it was to
such a favourable precedent that Jeroboam was appealing. 1
Kg. 12 is thus earlier than Ex. 32 in its present form, Ex. 32
being a major reworking-of the older calf tradition as part of a
polemic against the northern kingdom.21 Finally, an alternative form of the preceding would be the more general thesis
that in early Israel cultic calves were quite acceptable and that
Jeroboam based himself upon such a tradition, the connection
of a calf with Aaron (and Sinai), as well as the polemical
presentation,being the retrojection of post-Jeroboam conflicts.22
It is one of these last three options, particularly the last two,
that the substance of Ex. 32 is dependent upon the Jeroboam
tradition but that both reflect some early calf tradition, now
162

lost, that is most widely held today. Since 3eroboam's cultic
actions can be dated with reasonable confidence to the
penultimate decade of the tenth century, this would entail a
terminus post quern for the Ex. 32 tradition of the end of the
tenth century, and would make it a comparative latecomer into
the narrative traditions of the Pentateuch.
It is necessary to examine Ex. 32 and its relation to 1 Kg. 12
de novo. To start with the most striking link between the two
narratives, one must determine the significance of the sacral
cry, 'elleh (hinneh) 'eloheka yisra'el 'aser he ce luka me'eres
misrayim. ("This is [behold] your god, O Israel, who brought you
up out of the land of Egypt"). It is customarily argued that the
unusual plural form of the verb after ' e lohim is appropriate
to the context of 1 Kg. 12 where there is a plurality of calves
but inappropriate to the single calf of Ex. 32. Therefore the
reference in 1 Kg. 12 is original and that in Ex. 32 dependent
upon it.
There are two difficulties with this. The first is that the
plural verb is not in fact appropriate to the situation pictured in
1 Kg. 12. It is evident that Jeroboam was not trying to
introduce some new polytheism into the northern kingdom, but
rather a particular form of the worship of the one deity
Yahweh. Only on a crassly materialistic understanding would a
plurality of images be seen as entailing a plurality of gods; and
one can hardly ascribe such an understanding to 3eroboam.
3eroboam was setting up two cult objects for the worship of one
deity. The plural verb, when the one deity is subject, is not
appropriate.
Secondly, it has been seen in the exegesis^ that a plural
verb after ^glohim can be employed by a writer wishing to
convey a pagan understanding of God, which is best rendered in
English by "god", and that this is the likely significance of the
plural form in Ex. 32. This is also the likely significance of the
verb in 1 Kg. 12:28 where, as in Ex. 32, the writer clearly
disapproves. This means that in both Ex. 32 and 1 Kg. 12:28 the
plural verb conveys the writer's theological interpretation of
the incidents.
What of the appropriateness of the cry itself? The reference
to the immediately preceding exodus fits well in the context of
Ex. 32. Leaving aside the historical problems,^ the literary
presentation of Ex. 32 presupposes both that Yahweh has
brought the Israelites to Sinai and that he will lead them away
163

again. A sacral cry which identifies the calf with the God who
leads the people is appropriate.
The sacral cry is less appropriate to the situation of
Jeroboam because, strictly speaking, it would not be relevant to
his aims. Jeroboam's general concern was to provide a rival to
the Jerusalem temple, which specifically involved establishing a
rival to the Jerusalem ark.25 Since the ark was by then
settled in the temple and may well have been seen less as a
symbol of the God who moved around with and guided his people
and more as signifying the one who protected the chosen city by
his presence, an appeal to the exodus tradition seems slightly
misplaced as not providing a theological equivalent to the
significance of the ark.26
Given these considerations, the natural conclusion is that the
sacral cry is original to Ex. 32 where the writer has modified it
slightly to convey his interpretation of its significance. In 1 Kg.
12:28 the whole phrase represents the interpretative work of
the redactor who wants to show how Jeroboam's act was no
better than the notorious apostasy of Israel at Sinai.
Beyond the literary question, it remains to discuss the
historical and traditio-historical problems concerning Ex. 32
and 1 Kg. 12. These are best approached by asking first why it
was that Jeroboam chose to set up cultic calves, and secondly
why this apparently drew no protest until the time of Hosea,
approximately 170 years later. For if there was an ancient
tradition of Israel's apostasy at Sinai, an apostasy centred on
the worship of a calf, it is prima facie remarkable that
Jeroboam should have chosen a known symbol of apostasy to
establish his cult of Yahweh, and still more remarkable that
such committed Yahwists
as Elijah, Elisha, Jehu (2 Kg.
O"7
10:28-31) and Amos^ 7 should, apparently, have registered no
protest.
The clue to understanding Jeroboam's policy lies in the
contemporary religious environment. The bull was the most
widespread religious symbol in the religion of the Levant. Not
only in Canaan, but also in Egypt, Ugarit and Mesopotamia the
bull was the symbol, par excellence, of male deity, and is
abundantly attested in the literature and iconography of these
areas. Jeroboam had to produce an effective rival to the
Jerusalem temple. Within his kingdom he had many diverse
elements, some only recently incorporated into Yahwism under
David. For many such it is unlikely that their Yahwism was
164
Five: Critical Analysis of Exodus 32-3^

more than a veneer; their basic religious understanding would
still have been largely in the terms of traditional Canaanite
religion.28 TO w j n their allegiance, a presentation of
Yahwism in terms of the religious symbols already familiar to
them, would have seemed the obvious solution. Hence the
calves of Bethel and Dan.
What significance would have attached to these calves? It is
generally held^^ that the calf (bull) was intended as a throne
or pedestal for the invisible deity above it.30 This would
provide an exact parallel to the ark (cf. Jer. 3:16f.) and
correspond with numerous iconographic conceptions of the
deity.31 As Noth puts it,
As the ancient Near East (in contrast to Egypt) knows no
theriomorphic deities but only the association of beasts
with deities pictured in human form whose companions
and bearers they are, the "golden calves" of the royal
sanctuaries of Jeroboam are also surely meant merely as
pedestals for the God who is imagined to be standing
invisibly upon them.32
The situation is not, however, so clear-cut. First, it is not the
case that the ancient Near East knew no theriomorphic deities
or, at least, deities that could be theriomorphically
conceived.33 Animals were seen to embody a deity's attributes such as strength, speed or fertility, and an animal image
could be the object of worship.3^ Secondly, the texts of Ex.
32, 1 Kg. 12 (and also the bull references in Hosea35) gj ve no
hint that the calves were conceived of as pedestals. Of course
silence does not exclude the possibility, and the portrayal of the
calf as identified with the deity may simply represent the
Tendenz of the writer. Nonetheless the absence of specific
evidence should not be forgotten.
What should be clear is that it is dangerous to dogmatize or
generalize about an issue such as the relationship of a deity to
his cult object. Attempts to define the divine presence in the
cult are notoriously difficult and controversial.36 Some may
have understood the calf as pedestal, others as an actual
representation or materialization of the deity, and others might
have had different conceptions or no coherent conception at all.
Even if Jeroboam conceived of the calves as pedestals, it is
doubtful whether the ordinary Israelite would have shared his
understanding.37
What precedent, if any, within Israelite tradition would
165

Jeroboam have had? On this we do not have sufficient evidence
for a definite answer. Bethel and Dan were certainly sanctuaries of ancient significance. Bethel is associated with the
patriarch Jacob (Gen. 28:10-22), and Dan with the migration of
the Danites (Jdg. 17-18). The account in Jdg. 17-18 is significant in that it shows that in pre-monarchical times Dan was an
important cult centre which contained a cult object (pesel), and
had a priesthood claiming Mosaic descent (18:30). Was Jeroboam
therefore simply reviving the ancient traditions of Dan?
Although it is often suggested that there was a bull-calf at Dan
prior to Jeroboam,^ we cannot be sure. Jdg. 17-18 does not
say that Micah's image was a bull, and had there been a
tradition of a bull-image such silence would be unlikely. In
general terms the prestige of Bethel and Dan would have been
important for Jeroboam, but such was the strength of bull
symbolism in Canaanite religion that it is doubtful that
Jeroboam needed any specific Yahwistic precedent. A history
of religious pluralism within his territories would provide an
appropriate context within which to introduce a new, but
seemingly natural, form of the worship of Yahweh.
Leaving aside temporarily the question of why Jeroboam's
calves were not opposed, since this question would in any case
lead one back to Ex. 32, it is time to consider Ex. 32 in the light
of what has already been said.
First, any ambiguity about the divine presence in Jeroboam's
calves must equally be the case in Ex. 32. To reconstruct some
clear original understanding of the calf in its relationship to
Yahweh is not possible. The text's presentation of the calf as
itself representing Yahweh may obscure its original significance, but is not necessarily tendentious. Either way, the issue
is in fact of little importance.
Secondly, it has been debated whether the text is consistent
in its portrayal of the nature of the people's sin. Childs sees the
present text as depicting apostasy from Yahweh into polytheism, but argues that the prehistory of the text suggests that
the original issue was syncretistic in character.39 -T^JS seems
to me to misrepresent the problem in that it does not sufficiently appreciate the particular perspective of the writer in Ex.
32. That is, for this writer (as also for the redactor of 1 Kg.
12:28) there is no essential difference between syncretism and
apostasy. There is either legitimate worship of the true God or
there is illegitimate worship of a false god. The intermediate
possibility, illegitimate worship of the true God (i.e. syncre166

tism, the incorporation into Yahwism of non-Yahwistic rites
and practices) is not possible; illegitimate worship cannot, by
definition, be worship of the true God. This is why although the
present text of Ex. 32 clearly reveals the intention of the
people as syncretistic, for the writer this is tantamount to total
apostasy. The distinction between syncretism and fetishism or
polytheism is alien to him. Such a perspective is basic not only
to Ex. 32:1-6 but also to the whole of chs. 32-34.^ The issue
is not one of varying estimates of the calf, but of the- particular
perspective of Mosaic Yahwism.
It has been further questioned whether a calf tradition is
intelligible as a Sinai tradition on the grounds that it presupposes the settlement in Canaan; polemic against a calf would
not make sense outside the context of the struggle against
Canaanite fertility religion. So widespread, however, was the
calf as a religious symbol that a calf tradition, while of great
relevance within Canaan, can hardly be localized or limited to
Canaan. Rather than asking how a calf tradition could make
sense outside Canaan, the different question may be put: "If the
Israelites, even at Sinai, wished to express their Yahwistic faith
in an image of the deity, what would be more natural than for
them to choose a bull?"
The traditio-historical suggestion of an early calf tradition
probably favourable to the calf and probably associated with
either Bethel or Dan is hard to assess in the absence of firm
evidence, either in Ex. 32 or elsewhere, that could be adduced
in support. The suggestion depends entirely on a general
understanding of early Israelite religion and tradition. There
are, however, at least two serious difficulties with regarding
Ex. 32 as originally the cult legend^1 of either Bethel of Dan.
First, Bethel and Dan already have cult legends recorded in
Gen. 28, Jdg. 17-18. More than one cult legend, in the technical
sense of the official story of the founding of a particular
sanctuary, would be inappropriate for any shrine. Admittedly
one could argue that Ex. 32 was the cult legend of the object at
the shrine, as Num. 21:4-9 might be for the serpent in
Jerusalem (cf. 2 Kg. 18:4), distinct from the cult legend for
Jerusalem itself. But this meets a second difficulty.
From a form-critical perspective, Ex. 32 lacks the characteristics of a cult legend. The calf is localized not at Bethel
or Dan but at Sinai, and, with the possible exception of Num.
21:4-9, no other cult legend for X is located at Y. The story is
not linked to any sanctuary at Sinai; and there is little evidence
167

of Sinai functioning as a religious centre in OT times, apart
from inferences which may possibly be drawn from the journey
of Elijah in 1 Kg. 19 or the wilderness itineraries, especially
Num. 33:1-49.^2 There is no statement, even implicit, about
continuity of religious practice from what was established in
Ex. 32 to the writer's day. Indeed, such is impossible when the
cult object created in the story is destroyed. But then Ex. 32
could only function as the aetiology of the idea or institution of
calf worship, not the worship of some actual calf; and such a
theoretical aetiology would have no exact parallel in the OT.
One could of course argue that an earlier form of Ex. 32
contained the necessary characteristics. But such an hypothesis
is hard to control inasmuch as it has no foundation in the text.
The most relevant parallel, Num. 21:4-9, also argues against
such a transformation of the text. We know that the serpent
fell into disrepute (2 Kg. 18:4), yet no later polemic has been
read back into Num. 21, which presents the serpent in a wholly
favourable light. The hypothesis of Ex. 32 as a cult legend has,
in short, little to commend it.
There remains the large issue of the use of images, and of
opposition to them, within early Israelite religion. Even if
Jeroboam's calves needed little Yahwistic precedent, it may
still be asked why, if the second commandment, and Ex. 32
which presupposes it, is early, various images were sometimes
used in early Israelite religion (Num. 21:4-9, 2 Kg. 18:4, Jdg.
8:24-27, 17f.) and there is no recorded protest or hostile action
of Elijah, Elisha, Jehu or Amos against Jeroboam's calves.
It must be frankly admitted that there is no entirely
satisfactory explanation of this. At the same time, alternative
theories, according to which the prohibition of images was a
comparatively late introduction, are also beset with difficulties.
Much of the problem lies in our uncertainty as to the meaning
and scope of the prohibition of images; for this is hardly
self-evident. It is likely that this uncertainty was also felt
within early Israel. The singularity of this prohibition within the
ancient world should not be overlooked. As von Rad puts it,
Here becomes manifest something of the mystery of
Israel, something of her nature as a stranger and a
sojourner among the religions. Anyone who seriously
devotes himself to a study of religions as they appear and
to their worship of images can find absolutely no way of
transition from them to Israel's prohibition of images.^
168

Given such an "unnatural" prohibition, it is hard to say how
either the ordinary, or the theologically aware, Israelite would
have comprehended it. Only once does the OT offer any
explanation of the prohibition, in Deut. 4:9ff., and we cannot
know either how ancient or how widespread the deuteronomic
conception was. The scope of the prohibition is not self-evident
in that no objection is made to the ark or the cherubim in the
official cult of Yahweh. But why these and not others? The
answer probably lies at least partly in the distinction between
those images and rituals which are officially prescribed by
Yahweh and so are legitimate, and those which are not
prescribed and are therefore illegitimate.^ But just as no
single account can be given of the imagined relationship of the
deity to a cult object such as a bull, so it is doubtful that any
univocal understanding of the prohibition of images existed
within Israel.
The singularity and the potential ambiguity of the prohibition
may account for the chequered history of its observance. A
history in which the commandment was constantly ignored, misunderstood or varyingly interpreted is readily comprehensible.
The major difficulties of theories which suggest a
comparatively late introduction for the prohibition of images
are twofold. First, there are legal texts which contain the
prohibition and which are generally considered early, especially
Ex. 34:17, Deut. 27:15. Secondly, and more significantly, such
theories find it difficult to give a satisfactory account of how a
commandment so out of keeping with general ancient Near
Eastern religious practice was either introduced or accepted
within Israel. If the commandment was not part of that initial
creative movement which gave Yahwism a distinctive existence, then whence came it? It was clearly not the creation of
Hosea, for his language (8:5f., 10:5, 13:2) in no way suggests a
major theological innovation. Though the denunciation of bull
worship is a significant concern within Hosea, its presentation
is not one of the major themes of the prophecy, as would be
natural with a substantive innovation. The bull references are
all made en passant, and the tone of them is one of scorn A workman made it; it is not God ... Men kiss calves!
Such bull worship is unworthy of the Israelite, who should know
better. If Hosea presupposes^ the commandment, and the
OT gives no hint of anyone else prior to Hosea who might have
been responsible, the least difficult solution may indeed be to
169

attribute it to the beginnings of Mosaic Yahwism.
How then does one explain the lack of any ninth century
opposition to Jeroboam's calves? Several factors must be taken
into account here. First, there is a silence in our evidence for
this period concerning almost all the patriarchal and Mosaic
traditions; the prohibition of images and Ex. 32 should not be
taken in isolation. And while the attempt is sometimes made to
lower the date of the major pentateuchal traditions to near the
time of the Exile,*^ this creates more problems than it solves
in explaining the early history of Israel. Secondly, it is possible
(although the argument is admittedly conjectural) that most
traditions of Israel's origins which did exist at the time of the
division of the kingdom were, initially at least, confined to the
southern kingdom, the written account being available only in
Jerusalem; in the northern kingdom they may have been largely
unknown. The hypothesis of a selective account of early
Israelite traditions current in the northern kingdom, such as the
E document would represent, is not in itself unlikely but can
only be used with caution. Thirdly, the records give no evidence
of any approval of the calves. It is not unreasonable to surmise
that disapproval was felt, without being felt as strongly as by
the deuteronomistic redactor of Kings.
If, therefore, the Ex. 32 tradition with its condemnation of
the calf was an ancient tradition antedating Jeroboam,
Jeroboam's establishment of the calves and the lack of recorded
opposition to him would not thereby be rendered unintelligible.
Jeroboam's action can be seen as a plausible syncretism. The
unfortunate precedent of Aaron could either be ignored, if the
tradition was not widely known, or to some extent justified,
depending upon the interpretation given to the .prohibition of
images, or ruled out as irrelevant, if a theologically crass
interpretation was given to Aaron's calf while a theologically
sophisticated interpretation was given to Jeroboam's. This brief
discussion of a highly problematic area does not, of course,
claim to have resolved all the problems. The above argument
has sought to re-open, rather than resolve, the generallydiscounted possibility of Ex. 32 as an ancient anti-calf
tradition. The resultant picture is by no means free from
difficulties (though greater or lesser problems confront all
proposals), but does possess a reasonable overall coherence. And
it would mean that the possibility of a tradition of apostasy and
renewal in the early levels of Ex. 32-34 would require serious
attention.
170

Arguments for the antiquity of the tradition are as such
independent of the exegetical arguments for the coherence of
the text. There is no inherent reason why a unified text should
be early rather than late. Nonetheless there is still a certain
relationship between the two concerns. For it was the
exegetical study of Ex. 32:4 which prompted a reassessment of
the relationship between it and 1 Kg. 12:28 and so led on to a
discussion of the larger issues. And it is at least salutary to be
reminded that proposals of a complex tradition history of proand anti-calf polemic underlying Ex. 32 have really no
foundation in the present text. That does not mean that such
proposals are necessarily wrong, given that one must take into
account the larger historical issues. But it should urge caution
in advocating such proposals, and at least allow an openness to
an alternative way of understanding the tradition.
The paragraph Ex. 33:7-11 is almost universally agreed to be
an independent fragment of tradition, now only loosely
connected to its present context by the common theme of the
divine presence. As such it preserves an ancient, and probably
historical, tradition of a tent of meeting much simpler than the
elaborate structure of P. The following discussion will suggest a
different understanding of the verses which will throw into
sharp relief the problem of exegetical method and the
difficulties of assessing the same material in terms both of
literary unity and of underlying diversity.
Arguments concerning the origins of 33:7-11 are various,
some based on features of the text, others on larger
reconstructions of early traditions into which 33:7-11 as an
independent unit can be seen to fit. The problem has little to do
with the question of sources. From a literary perspective there
is no real unevenness in the paragraph, despite occasional
suggestions that diverse traditions have been combined.^
Source-critically the unit is usually ascribed to E, but there are
no clear criteria for this and disagreement has remained.*^
The problem is best approached through looking at those
elements in 33:7-11 which are held to be discordant with their
context. The most notable of these is the use of the verbs in the
imperfect throughout the section. This is usually taken to
describe the habitual practice of Moses throughout the wilderness wanderings at every encampment that was set up.^9
171

Such an interpretation is possible but it is not the only, nor even
the "obvious", interpretation. In the exegesis it was suggested
that the frequentative force of the imperfect on the one hand
conveyed the impermanence of the arrangement - this tent wa
a temporary expedient periodically put up and taken down at
Sinai, pending the restoration of God's presence "in the midst"
of the people; and on the other hand that this is a stylistic
device to slow the narrative and create a lull and a sense of
transition prior to the intense intercession of Moses.
How does one weigh these alternative, and mutually
exclusive, interpretations? Both entail difficulties. The suggestion of impermanence may be countered by appeal to the
fact that the tent outside the camp was, on the contrary, a
permanent institution, which is referred to in other contexts
(Num. 11:16,24-26,30; 12:4; cf. Deut. 31:14f.).50 If the
imperfect verbs describe the habitual practice of Moses at
every encampment, then the problem is not so much that they
are incongruous but that they may entail a puzzling inconsistency on the part of a redactor. If the unit is indeed an
ancient tradition incorporated without modification or addition
by the redactor,51 then there is no problem, granted the
general congruity of the re-use of the tradition. But if it
becomes clear that parts of the unit were composed for their
present context, i.e. that at least some of the details of the
unit are specifically made to fit in their larger context, then it
becomes implausible to suppose that the redactor should have
at the same time retained an obvious incongruity without
making the appropriate minor adjustments. Both of these
difficulties direct one to the larger questions of the interpretation of the unit, and cannot be decided in isolation.
The second main cause of debate is the reference to the tent
"outside the camp". To argue on the basis of this alone that this
is a different sort of tent which represents an alternative
tradition to the P tent in the midst of the camp, would be wide
of the mark. The contrast between the temporary tent outside
(v. 7) the camp, because the people have forfeited Yahweh's
presence in their midst (vv. 3,5, b e qjrb e ka) is one of the
main points of the section. The arguments must appeal
simultaneously to the other tent passages (Num. 11:16,24-26,30,
12:4) which, taken in conjunction with Ex. 33, show the
existence of an ancient tradition of a tent of meeting, different
from the P tent of Ex. 25-31, 35-40. This tent is much simpler
than the complex structure of P. It is situated outside the
172

camp, while the P tent is in the centre of the camp. This tent is
served by one attendant, Joshua (an Ephraimite), as opposed to
the exclusive service of the tribe of Levi ( N u m . 3:5-10). This
tent is a prophetic institution, a place of intermittent divine
revelation, as opposed to the cultic institution of P, a permanent sanctuary for God.52 These cumulative references
are taken to show that this tent was a permanent institution,
and not a temporary second-best.
This argument is sometimes, though not necessarily,
supported by a further argument to the effect that an early
account of the ark, which would have been kept in the tent, was
originally included before 33:7 but was later suppressed when
the P account of the ark was included within the book.53 pj ve
arguments are adduced in favour of this. First, the abrupt
transition from 33:6 to 33:7. Secondly, the ornaments stripped
from the people (33:4-6) would have been used for this purpose.
Thirdly, the indirect object jo (33:7) refers to the ark. Fourthly,
JE elsewhere presupposes the ark (Num. 10:33ff.), yet has no
account of its construction. Fifthly, there is the parallel
account in Deut. 9-10, in which Moses makes the ark after his
intercession and prior to his ascent up the mountain with two
new tables of stone (Deut. 10:1-5).
The somewhat hypothetical nature of these arguments makes
them difficult to assess, but there are good reasons for not
adopting them. The exegesis shows that the transition from 33:6
to 33:7 is not abrupt, or at least not problematically so. The
point of the stripping of the Israelites is to leave them
despoiled as the Egyptians were. The stripping is an act of judgment and if any notion of constructing anything is implied, it is
to remove those objects used for the calf to prevent any
possible repetition - rather than to build the approved ark.
The interpretation of _lo in 33:7 is unclear. Conceivably J
could be the object of w e natah, referring back to the tent,
since later in the same verse Jo is used as an object after
w e qara'. Nowhere else, however, is nth used with a dative
object so this rendering is improbable. It is likely that lo is a
dativus com modi, but it does not have to be an object such as
the ark that is intended. It could be for a person - Moses,
Joshua, or Yahweh or even Israel. Probably Moses himself is
intended.
The exegesis has suggested that Ex. 32-34 as a whole presupposes instructions for the ark and tent which are forfeited
and then restored; if the P directions to build and the actual
173

building of the ark and tent within Ex. 25-3.1, 35-40 are
secondary, then an earlier account both of instructions prior to
Ex. 32-34 and of construction subsequently has been displaced.
The appropriate locus for the lost account would not be
between 33:6 and 33:7.
Fifthly, although the relationship of Deut. 9-10 to Ex. 32-34
is a topic requiring separate treatment, it is doubtful that the
Deuteronomy passage, which is clearly a secondary homiletic
recasting of earlier tradition, can be used as evidence to
determine some originally different sequence of events in Ex.
32-34.
One further point is that the tent containing the ark would
have been kept inside the camp, and any tent outside the camp
would not contain the ark and must be distinguished from the
tent that did.^ In conclusion, the argument is essentially one
from silence; and when there are positive reasons why the
construction of the ark would be inappropriate at this point,
then the hypothesis becomes unnecessary.
This still leaves the unquestionable references to a tent in
Num. 11-12 to be accounted for; Ex. 33:7-11 should not be
explained without some reference to these. If the relationship
between these passages is to be explained satisfactorily, two
points of principle must be clarified.
First, all accounts of the nature of the ancient pre-P tent
derive their understanding almost entirely from Ex. 33:7-11.
Num. 11-12 (and Deut. 31) add no new information about the
tent but confirm certain details of the picture derived from
33:7-11, viz. that the tent was outside the camp and that the
cloud descended at its entrance. If, however, the understanding
of 33:7-11 was based on an exegesis which discounted its
connections with its context, then the whole conception of the
tent must be examined afresh in the light of the new perception
of the text. The references in Num. 11-12 are basically silent
witnesses which in themselves yield insufficient information to
gain any clear understanding of the nature of the tent
envisaged. They cannot be used to support an understanding of
Ex. 33:7-11, which 33:7-11 itself no longer supports.
Secondly, it is correct method initially to interpret the tent
references in Num. 11-12 in their own context, without
cross-reference to Ex. 33. Too rapid an appeal to an apparent
parallel may prevent sensitivity to the peculiar nuances of the
text in question. If the references to the tent in Num. 11-12 are
not read in the light of Ex. 33, then it becomes possible, and
174

perhaps even desirable, to understand them differently. That is,
it is at least questionable whether Num. 11-12 actually does
envisage the tent as being outside the perimeter of the camp. A
possible meaning of the text is that the tent is in the middle of
the camp, constituting a separate holy area within it, and one is
to imagine three concentric areas, tent - camp - outside the
camp. 55 jne verb vî mav be used for the transition either
way between tent and camp. In 11:26, 12:4 it indicates the
transition from camp to tent, while in 11:24 it apparently
indicates movement from tent to camp (the tent presumably
being the location of Moses' dialogue with Yahweh in the
preceding verses, and the camp around the tent the place where
the people were). The area outside the perimeter of the camp is
mentioned only as the place where the quails fell and where
Miriam went in her uncleanness. If this is correct, then appeal
to Ex. 33:7-11 positively obscures the meaning of Num. 11-12.
The parallel is apparent rather than actual.56 This is quite
independent of more general difficulties about the inherent
unlikelihood of a sanctuary being situated in an exposed position
outside the camp. 57
It can, of course, be objected that such an interpretation of
Num. 11-12, even if it accurately describes the present form of
the text, fails to reckon with an underlying history of tradition.
A traditio-historical development from an older story in which
the tent was outside the perimeter of the camp cannot be
discounted. But here the problem of approach becomes acute. If
Ex. 33:7-11 and the tent references in Num. 11-12 are read in
isolation from their present context but in conjunction with
each other, then an early tradition of a tent of meeting outside
the perimeter of the camp is the natural conclusion. If they are
read as part of their context and independently (initially) of one
another, then Num. 11-12 may, and Ex. 33:7-11 does, make the
assumption that the tent of meeting properly belongs in the
midst of the camp. On such an approach, the tent of Ex. 33:7-11
is indeed a temporary construction.5 The tent presupposed
in Num. 11-12 is not that of Ex. 33. It is that shrine which is a
central concern of Ex. 32-34 as a whole and which, if not to be
identified with the present tent of Ex. 25ff., would have been in
the place where the present P account is and been displaced by
it. How does one weigh traditio-historical arguments on behalf
of an old tradition of a permanent tent outside the camp,
arguments which took little account of the literary context of
the relevant units, against a more literary approach which,
175

while it certainly does not rule out the possibility of traditiohistorical development, raises the question of how far such an
hypothesis is necessary to explain the material?
In addition to these considerations about the relationship of
Ex. 33:7-11 to N u m . 11-12, it is necessary to examine those
elements in Ex. 33:7-11 which were most likely composed for
their present context. First, the emphasis on the tent as not
only outside the camp (mihus lammah a neh,
twice in v. 7) but
far off from it (harheq~ min-hammah a neh, v. 7) is surely
dependent upon the situation of the unit in its present context
following on the denial of Yahweh's presence in the midst of the
people (vv. 3,5).*9 Such an emphasis suggests a theological
significance in the position of the tent, and would be harder to
account for if the positioning of the tent is considered to be
descriptive of what happened at successive encampments
without implications of Yahweh's disfavour.
Secondly, it is probable that v. l l a was composed for its
context. On the one hand there is the significance of Yahweh
speaking with Moses "face to face" (panim 'el-panim). This is
the first part of the profound treatment of the theme of man's
approach to the presence of God, continued in vv. 14f.,20 with
further uses of pan i m. In particular, vv. 11,20 belong together
as the two poles of a paradox. On the other hand v. l l a is
important for the larger structure of the narrative. It is not
only that the favour shown here to Moses prepares the way for
the bold and successful intercession which follows, though that
is the case, but also 33:11 can be seen as the hinge of the whole
narrative.oO jne pivotal significance of the faithful mediator
is part of that fine divine-human balance which has been seen
to be central to Ex. 32-34. In both these ways 33:1 la fits so
integrally into its context that it becomes a likely assumption
that it was composed for. it.
It is these compositional elements in vv. 7,11 that cast doubt
on the hypothesis of vv. 7-11 as a unit incorporated without
alteration into the larger tradition. But if it be accepted that
some elements of vv. 7-11 presuppose their present context,
then it must be asked why the frequentative verbs, if implying
successive encampments in a way incongruous with the present
context, should have been left unaltered. It does suggest an
inconsistency on the part of the redactor. One might argue that
the verbs originally implied successive encampments, but that
the redactor saw that they could be re-interpreted, perhaps
along the lines suggested in the exegesis, and thus they were
176

retained. But it must be asked how far such an hypothesis is
still necessary to explain the text.
The above discussion has not demonstrated that Ex. 33:7-11
did not have an independent existence prior to its inclusion in
its present context. But it has shown that the arguments
customarily adduced in favour of its independence are of
limited cogency, and that the links between 33:7-11 and its
context require a more careful explanation than they have yet
received. Unlike the arguments concerning Ex. 34 as an original
renewal which are, in my judgment, relatively clear-cut, one's
verdict on the origins of 33:7-11 must, at the present time, be
non liquet. But such a conclusion, in contrast to the customary
assessment, does illustrate well the kind of difference that the
exegetical approach here advocated makes.
This is the one unit in Ex. 32-34 which has consistently been
attributed to P. The basis for this is the presence of vocabulary
characteristic of P, in particular "Aaron", "the leaders of the
congregation" (hannesi'Tm bacedah), and "the tables of the
testimony" (lufrot hacedut).b* The presence of these terms
raises many questions. Are they so characteristic of P that
their occurrence in non-P material becomes unlikely? If so, do
they indicate more than a secondary P reworking of an older
tradition?62 Even if the unit as a whole did derive from P,
could it still have been composed for its context^ _
depending on how one understands the nature of P and P's
relation to earlier tradition?
First, it may be noted that against these arguments from
vocabulary, considerations of content suggest close connections
between the unit and its context. In particular one may point
out the use of qrn to recall the calf and to form an inclusio for
chs. 32-34 as a whole, the further development of the panim
motif, and the significance attached to Moses which so aptly
concludes his unique mediatorial role throughout Ex. 32-34. If,
as is customary, the unit is said originally to have followed the
end of Ex. 31, none of these factors would retain their
significance. This raises the problem of the criteria according
to which source-critical analysis can best be carried out.
Secondly, the vocabulary evidence is of differing value. The
reference to Aaron is the least significant. Although Aaron
appears most frequently in P material, he is not restricted to it
177

and already belongs to the non-P tradition of Ex. 32. The
tablets are called Iht h c dt in 32:15, and although this could be
a P gloss, it may more likely be that this is evidence for a pre-P
tradition designating the tablets as cdt.6^ The use of Cjdh
is the strongest argument, for this term is strongly characteristic of P and nowhere else in the Pentateuch is it to be
found in non-P material.65 Although one would be reluctant
to base a source-critical argument essentially on one word, the
presence of this distinctively P term must be given its due
weight; although, again, one could argue that this is evidence
for a pre-P tradition which referred to Israel as ^dh.
The suggestion that the P terminology represents a secondary
gloss raises problems. For while it is possible to conceive of the
story with a slightly different wording, it is hard to see why,
given such a story, it should be glossed in the suggested way
when no clear point, theological or otherwise, is conveyed by it.
One could take the terms as indicative of a more thoroughgoin
rewriting of the tradition by P, but that would undermine the
argument that the tradition as a whole does not feel characteristic of P.6" There is no good reason, therefore, to
separate the terminology under discussion from the rest of the
unit.
These brief considerations leave one with two main options.
One could minimize the significance of the terminological
affinities to P and argue that the content shows the unit, in its
present form, to stand close to the basic tradition of Ex. 32-34.
Alternatively, the proposal that the unit stems from P but was
composed for its present context would explain all the relevant
data. The former of these is, in my judgment, the more likely.
Whatever the source-critical arguments concerning 34:29-35
may show, the real interest in most recent study has been in the
traditio-historical investigation of possible earlier forms of the
tradition, and it is these that must now be briefly considered.
For the story is usually interpreted in the light of the
widespread religio-historical evidence for priests' masks.6'7
As such the passage was originally an aetiology for such a mask
within the early cult of Israel. The fact that in the present text
it is clearly a veil and not a mask that is envisaged and the veil
functions differently from a priestly mask reflects the reinterpretation of the tradition according to later Yahwistic
sentiment which no longer found the mask acceptable.
Such an hypothesis is difficult to assess largely because it is
difficult to see what evidence would be allowed to falsify it; or,
178
Five: Critical Analysis of E s 32-34

to put it differently, it is unclear what are the objective
criteria which could serve as a control upon such hypothesizing.
The hypothesis is built upon two general considerations. The
first is an understanding of the early history of Israelite
religion. The second is the significance of religio-historical
parallels to OT practices from different cultures. These are
both vast issues on which it is not possible here to offer more
than two brief comments.
First, the nature of early Israelite religion is a subject about
which we know all too little. Given the known religious
pluralism of the premonarchical period, the question of the
degree of religious distinctiveness and theological depth that
may reasonably be ascribed to the earliest traditions of Mosaic
Yahwism is difficult to answer. For the present it may simply
be observed that the theology and content of Ex. 34:29-35
stands close to the theology and content of Ex. 32-34 as a
whole. It would be dubious, therefore, to treat the question of
34:29-35 in isolation. Ex. 32-34 reflects a strong and distinctive
Mosaic Yahwism throughout. And if it is plausible to view the
substance of Ex. 32-34 as representing an early tradition, then
the same may well be true of 34:29-35 as well. At the very least
one should ask again whether it is necessary or even helpful to
postulate the section as reflecting a practice found discordant
in later Yahwism.
Secondly, the interpretation of religio-historical parallels is a
complex matter. If one is to emerge successfully from the
maze, the one fundamental principle that must be observed is
that apparent similarities should not be isolated from their
cultural context. An atomistic approach which finds transcultural similarities by interpreting individual practices independently of their cultural milieu is methodologically
unsound.8 Jhis being so, the relevance of priestly masks to
Ex. 34:29ff. is highly problematic. The assertion of a real
parallel in 34:29ff. involves not only taking the verses out of
their larger OT context but also discounting Yahwistic elements
within the unit itself. It is difficult to see how this does other
than to demonstrate what is initially assumed; that is, the
argument is circular. The exegesis has suggested that part of
the point of 34:29ff. may lie in the specific contrast to the idea
of the deity's representative being masked. If such a meaning,
reflecting the presupposition of Yahweh's close and personal
revelation to men and through men, is a coherent element of
Mosaic Yahwism as a whole, then it is hard to justify, even
179

though one cannot disprove, the reversal of this meaning at a
putative earlier stage of the tradition on the basis of certain
transcultural resemblances.
There is always a tension and interplay between a scholar's
overall understanding and the specific data of the text. It is
surely not unfair to suggest that in most recent works on Ex.
34:29-35 general considerations have weighed more heavily than
the actual phenomena of the text. May it not be appropriate
that the perspectives of the present text be given a larger role
in the formulation of hypotheses concerning origins - not to rule
out traditio-historical development, but to control it?
The sections Ex. 33:7-11, 34:29-35 are not integral to the
story of Ex. 32-34 in the same way as 32:1-6, 34:1-28, and the
possibility of their being secondary additions need not affect
the basic unity of the tradition of sin and renewal. The above
discussion has sought to argue not so much that they are not
secondary but rather that they are more deeply linked to the
surrounding narrative than is generally appreciated and that
analyses which have discounted these links stand in need of
revision and restatement. Whether, and in what way, 33:7-11
and 34:29-35 are secondary to the tradition of 32-34 may at
present be left open. The important point for present purposes
is that the nature of the methodological issues at stake should
have been further made clear.
BRIEF NOTES ON THREE SECTIONS
1) Ex. 32:25-29
Ex. 32:25-29 presents a fresh set of problems. It is generally
considered secondary^ f o r reasons not of vocabulary but of
content, even though in itself it gives the impression of being
an ancient tradition.
Within the context of Ex. 32-34 the episode presents no
problems. It fits well, though a little loosely, in the account of
the aftermath of Israel's sin. It presupposes some problem such
as the apostasy which the calf represents. The seriousness of
the Levites' execution is in keeping with the seriousness with
which the sin of the calf is taken elsewhere in the narrative (cf.
32:7-10,30-33). Its central theme, that of total faithfulness to
Yahweh, is likewise in keeping with the tenor of Ex. 32-34 as a
whole, especially 34:1 Iff. The fact that the episode is not
referred to again in the narrative is no difficulty. Subsidiary
180

characters, including Aaron who after 32:25 only appears again
in 34:30, are only mentioned when they are appropriate to the
story. The storyteller naturally focusses attention on Moses and
Yahweh as the central protagonists.
It is within a larger OT context that the story becomes
problematic. Two particular difficulties may be singled out.
First, the story stands in some tension with Deut. 33:8-11. Deut.
33:9 would seem to refer to the same episode as in Ex. 32, yet
33:8 locates this at Massah/Meribah, not Mt. Sinai. Secondly,
there is a tension with the surrounding P material in Ex. 25-31,
35-40. In Ex. 28-29 Aaron and his sons are designated as priests
and their ordination rite is described, and this is taken up again
in Ex. 39:1-31,41, 40:12-15, Lev. 8-9. How does the ordination of
the Levites relate to this? Both these difficulties are
fundamentally aspects of the larger problem, one of the most
complex in OT study, of the origins and development of priests
and Levites. No decision about Ex. 32:25-29 can be reached in
isolation of a treatment of this issue. And that lies far beyond
the scope of this present study. Suffice it to say that there are
considerable historical and traditio-historical difficulties with
the story of Ex. 32:25-29 in its Sinai context such as make it a
not unlikely candidate for being a secondary addition to the
tradition.
2) Ex. 32:30-33;6
Little will be said about this section at the present time. As
has been seen, the section is reasonably unified with the
intercession of Moses leading to the departure of Israel from
Sinai, yet still under Yahweh's disfavour.
The section plays an important role in the development of the
narrative, for the restoration of Yahweh's presence "in the
midst" of the people, here denied (33:3,5), is basic to 33:7-34:9.
There are also two of the four occurrences of the "stiff-necked
people" motif which is central to the theological meaning of the
narrative as a whole. The content of the section is without
question deeply rooted in the Sinai tradition.^
Nonetheless, the unity of the section seems slightly
artificial, and it lacks that coherence which is characteristic of
other units in Ex. 32-34, an exception which admits of no
obvious explanation. What sort of development of the material
is thereby indicated is unclear, and further study will be needed
before serious proposals can be advanced.
181

3) Ex. 33:12-23
Three points may briefly be made about Ex. 33:12-23.
First, the exegesis has shown a coherence and development
within the section such as makes it unclear whether it is
necessary to postulate internal diversity at the source-critical
level, in the sort of way that is often proposed.
Secondly, the section is linked to its context both in content
and vocabulary. De Vaux's statement that "This
text also has
nothing to connect it with the context"-7! js hardly well
founded. The major difficulty is the difference between the
theophany foretold in 33:19,20-23 and the theophany recounted
in 34:5ff. Nonetheless the verbal links between the two
passages show that the writer of 34:5ff understood the passage
as a fulfilment of the former; and the exegetical discussion
suggested that the differences between the two accounts may
in fact be explicable in terms of literary and theological
considerations. Whether or not there is an underlying complexity at a traditio-historical level remains a difficult issue
requiring futher consideration.
Thirdly, such are the links between 33:12ff and the situations
as depicted in the surrounding context that it becomes
questionable whether one should postulate some originally
independent setting for the prayer. Muilenberg, for example,
generalizes 33:12-17 into an "intercession of the covenant
mediator", the passage being a liturgy used at amphictyonic
centres in Canaan to celebrate the fact that Yahweh has
accompanied the people into Canaan.72 To maintain this, the
development of 33:12-17 as outlined in the exegesis would need
to a considerable extent to be set aside and reinterpreted. It
may be more natural to suppose that the prayer is original to its
present literary context.
THE REDACTION OF EX. 32-34
After this brief survey of some of the individual units of Ex.
32-34, which has attempted to set their problems in a fresh
light, we will turn, even more briefly, to the question of
redaction. The study thus far has suggested that a good case
can be made for a tradition which contains both apostasy and
renewal as underlying Ex. 32-34. The literary and theological
coherence of the final text is not simply a reworking of discrete
and fragmentary traditions, even though some elements may
indeed be secondary, and no attempt has been made to discuss
182

all difficulties. The following discussion will seek not to exhaust
the question of redactional activity, but rather to focus on the
redactional contribution that is both most clearly discernible
and probably also the final level of redaction in that it
presupposes the content of most of the rest of Ex. 32-34. Three
elements stand out.
The first is Ex. 33:1 la. Some reference to God speaking with
Moses is demanded by the story. But the way in which this is
expressed with the use of "face to face" introduces the
theological development of panim in what follows. Whether the
use of panim in either 33:14f. or 33:20 is also redactional is less
clear in that both references are well-embedded in the
tradition, and may have suggested to the redactor the paradoxical heightening of one of the theological issues at stake. Either
way, the interest in the paradoxical nature of man's possible
access to God which is indicated by 33:1 la may reasonably be
ascribed to a redactor.
Secondly, there is the paragraph 32:7-14. Although some
original element of dialogue between Moses and Yahweh upon
the mountain is demanded by the story/3 the section in its
present form is largely redactional. The exegesis showed that
32:7-14 contains, in nuce, many of the major theological themes
more fully developed elsewhere in the narrative. Its present
position, ending with the note of mercy in v. 14, provides the
theological context in which the following narrative of
judgment is to be read. For these reasons the section may be
interpreted as a piece of narrative theology whereby the
redactor eschews overt comment but offers a programmatic
interpretation of the meaning of the narrative by developing
some earlier tradition of Yahweh's discourse with Moses. The
section also introduces the motif of a "stiff-necked people"
(32:9),7^ and this constitutes the third redactional element.
The use of the "stiff-necked people" motif in 34:9 bears the
mark of theological reflection on the meaning of the Sinai
tradition in conjunction with the flood tradition. It focusses the
theological significance already present, especially in 33:19,
34:6f. The intercession of Moses in 34:9 reads smoothly without
the clause ky cm-qs'h-crp hw1 and could have existed
without it; the other elements of 34:9 reflect the concerns
deeply embedded in ch. 33 and read naturally as part of the
tradition.75 The intercession provided a convenient locus for
the interpretative phrase.
Which other uses of "stiff-necked people" are redactional is
183

difficult to decide. The occurrence in 32:9 in a highly-redacted
section is most likely part of the redaction. In 33:3,5 the phrase
may be redactional or it may be original to the tradition.
Further study of 32:30-33:6 may help clarify the point. That it is
the usage of the phrase in 34:9 that makes it of significance
within the tradition is, in any case, clear.
It is probable that these three redactional elements are all
the work of one person. The theological perspective of 32:7-14
is akin to that of 34:9. And the author of the paradoxical
treatment of the presence of God in 33:11 is easily identified
with the author of the paradoxical treatment of the grace of
God in 34:9.
The question then arises whether it is possible to locate or
identify this theological redactor. One suggestion would be to
locate him in deuteronomic (or deuteronomistic) circles.
Linguistically, "stiff-necked people" can be described as a
deuteronomic/deuteronomistic express ion, 76 and some of the
terminology of 32:7-14 has deuteronomic/deuteronomistic
parallels.// More generally, also, there is much in Ex. 32-34
that is apparently deuteronomic. For example, there is the
requirement of exclusive faithfulness to Yahweh; the role of
Moses as mediator; the importance of the decalogue; the
prohibition of images, especially the calf, which receives its
major OT treatment in Deuteronomy and the deuteronomistic
redaction of Kings; and the very mention of "covenant"
(34:10,27,28) may be deemed deuteronomic. The deuteronomic
affinity of much of the Sinai material has been extensively
argued in recent times by Perlitt,78 wno nas been followed by
Schmid/9 and Nicholson.
There are serious difficulties, however, with such a setting
for the redactor. On the general level there are concerns of Ex.
32-34 not reflected in Deuteronomy or deuteronomistic
literature. The concern for the movable shrine of Yahweh's
presence is not in Deuteronomy;^^ the clear deuteronomic
distinction between the decalogue and all other legislation is
lacking in Ex. 32-34; the fine divine-human balance of Ex. 32-34
is not paralleled in Deuteronomy where there is a more
straightforward emphasis upon the sovereignty of Yahweh.
Further, whatever the precise relationship between Ex. 32-34
and Deut. 9:6-10:11, it is clear that they do not emerge from
the same hand (or school). None of the central theological
concerns of Ex. 32-34 is given any special significance in the
deuteronomic rendering of the tradition, except the importance
184

of Moses as intercessor. And Deut. 9-10 contains elements
about which Ex. 32-34 is silent (e.g. Deut. 9:20).
Linguistically the situation is also unclear. Generally
speaking, affinities with deuteronomic language, unless
extensive and close, may indicate pre- or proto-deuteronomic
tradition.^2 /\s for the central phrase c m-qsh- c rp, it in
fact only occurs six times in the OT: four times in Ex. 32-34 and
twice in the Deuteronomy passage (Deut. 9:6,13) which is
explicitly a recapitulation of the older tradition. The influence
of Exodus upon Deuteronomy, rather than the reverse, would be
the natural deduction. There are, of course, occurrences of the
verb qh in conjunction with c rp in deuteronomistic literature
but they are neither extensive nor confined to that
literature.83 The phraseology is a general Hebrew, not a
specifically deuteronomistic, idiom.
Perhaps the decisive argument against the deuteronomic
identity of the redactor of Ex. 32-34 is the parallelism of the
paradoxical k_I clause in both Ex. 34:9 and Gen. 8:21 which one
can hardly conceive of as not being from the same hand. Now
the composition and redaction of the Flood narrative is a
question which the recent studies of Anderson and Wenham
have re-opened,84 so that one cannot appeal to an analysis of
that narrative with the confidence usually shown in the past.
Nonetheless no one (to the best of my knowledge) has suggested
a deuteronomic redaction of the Flood tradition or that Gen.
8:21, even with its interpretative |o clause, does not belong to
the older levels of the tradition. Until the accepted understanding of Gen. 6:5, 8:21 is overthrown, it provides strong
evidence for the non-deuteronomic identity of the Ex. 32-34
redactor. Since the redactor of Gen. 8:21 is held to be the
Yahwist, this means that the redactor of Ex. 32-34 would be the
Yahwist.
A word of clarification is in order here. Reference has been
made to the current questioning of the nature, and existence, of
the Yahwist, and the present study has argued the inadequacy
of the customary 3 and E source analysis, at least in Ex. 32-34.
In what sense, then, may one justifiably appeal to the Yahwist
as redactor?
There is not space to enter into the debate about the
Yahwist. All that we wish to suggest at present is that the final
redaction of Ex. 32-34 is to be identified with that level of
pentateuchal redaction which is generally considered to be the
earliest and which is generally considered to be distinct from
185

the deuteronomic redaction. Majority opinion would locate this
redaction in either the tenth or the ninth century, and while we
would incline to the former, 85 we cannot pursue the matter
here. Even a ninth century final redaction would show a greater
antiquity in the content of Ex. 32-34 than is often recognized.
CONCLUSION
Given the uncertain state of current pentateuchal criticism
and the fact that Ex. 32-34 cannot be considered in complete
isolation from other pentateuchal material, the analytical
discussion of this chapter, in particular the attempt to locate
the final redactor of Ex. 32-34, must be regarded as tentative.
There are, moreover, numerous unanswered questions about the
origins and development of Ex. 32-34 which we have not even
attempted to discuss, and these remain as a task for further
study. As already stated, the aim of this discussion has been to
give a practical demonstration of the kind of approach to
critical analysis which this study advocates. It is intended not
to foreclose but to stimulate further study, and to suggest some
lines along which that study might most profitably develop.
186
EPILOGUE
Our revels now are ended. But before we conclude it will be
appropriate to add a few final comments to relate the findings
of this study to one or two areas of current OT debate.
Obviously the present argument has implications for many
issues in the literature, traditions and history of Israel, but only
two will be singled out.l
First, the problem of pentateuchal criticism. Although it is
perilous to generalize conclusions based on a provisional
reassessment of part of the Sinai material, certain indications
emerge. On the one hand, little support is offered for a
traditional documentary analysis. At least in Ex. 32-34, the
major narrative section in the Sinai tradition, the hypothesis of
an independent 3 and E, whether documents or traditions, has
not been found heuristically useful. Insofar as it has seemed
helpful to retain the designation "3", this is not to denote a
literary source, but rather a theological redactor of substantially pre-existing tradition.
On the other hand, Rendtorff's arguments for independent
blocks of tradition, as opposed to continuous threads, blocks
which are linked by a secondary Bearbeitung, have not
commended naturally themselves either. The significant links
between Ex. 32-34 and Gen. 6-9, which seem more than a
Bearbeitung, do not in themselves disturb his position, which
could be modified accordingly. More serious are the implications of a literary approach in which allusion or silence is
allowed to presuppose knowledge of other traditions. Since
Rendtorff's approach depends considerably on arguments from
silence and the supposition that connective links represent
secondary Bearbeitung it would be difficult (though not
impossible) to adopt his approach in conjunction with the
literary approach advocated.2
The problem is that a new comprehensive model or paradigm
for pentateuchal traditions is required. The old documentary
hypothesis used the model of historical documents and sources.
Such a model has co-existed somewhat uneasily with the
growing perception of different literary types and also an
interest in tradition history. With a consistent approach to the
material as literature, the documentary model becomes still
187

less appropriate. Literary works do not employ sources in the
same way as historical documents. Even when it is likely that a
genuinely ancient source has been utilized, as in Ex. 32-34, its
relation to the present text is such as to make it doubtful
whether it can still be isolated and identified.
It is harder to specify the kind of model that would be
appropriate. Clearly any model must take seriously the nature
of much pentateuchal narrative as literature, and allow for the
ways in which storytelling concerns may mould traditional and
historical material. But if any new comprehensive model for
pentateuchal traditions is to be proposed, there is much
preliminary groundwork still to be done.
Secondly, the theology of Ex. 32-34 is important for the
question of the relationship between the Mosaic and Davidic
covenants. It is customary to pose an antithesis between these
two covenant traditions, the Mosaic covenant being conditional
while the Davidic is unconditional.3 Yet Ex. 32-34 is the
tradition, par excellence, which deals with the question of what
happens after Israel is unfaithful to her covenant obligations. It
presents a theology of the Mosaic covenant in which the
covenant is renewed precisely because it depends upon the
character of Yahweh as gracious and merciful and not on the
people who continue to be stiff-necked and unrepentant.
According to our present text, the Mosaic covenant, as the
Davidic, rests ultimately upon the faithfulness of Yahweh and
as such can hardly be less enduring.^
This is not, of course, to assert an identical theology for both
covenants. Much difference of emphasis remains. The Davidic
covenant rests upon the explicit word of Yahweh in a way that
the Mosaic covenant does not; the Mosaic covenant stresses the
moral obligations of the recipient in a way that the Davidic
covenant does not; and the Mosaic covenant is given through a
mediator in a way which the Davidic covenant is not. The point
is that in both the ultimate continuation of the covenant, even
when the recipient has acted in such a way as to forfeit it, is
ensured because it depends upon the faithfulness of Yahweh, his
revealed character or his word of promise. As such, there is a
deep theological continuity between the two covenants.
It would be illuminating to see whether such a theology of the
Mosaic covenant can be discerned in the later prophetic
preaching. There is much in Hosea that suggests a similar
theological perspective, and perhaps it is to be found in
188
Epilogue
Jeremiah and Ezekiel also. T. Raitt, for example, in his study of
Jeremiah and Ezekiel,5 makes much of the shift after the
judgment of exile to a proclamation of salvation in which God's
forgiveness is unconditional and does not specify repentance or
moral transformation as a necessary precondition or accompaniment. This he says to be discontinuous with earlier
covenant theology and without precedent in the OT. Yet in fact
Ex. 32-34 contains precisely such a theology of the Mosaic
covenant, and Jeremiah and Ezekiel may have been explicitly
taking their stand within the ancient tradition. Amidst all the
rich diversity of OT theology, there is also profound continuity.
189
Notes to Introduction
1.
VT 28 (1978), p. 381.
2.
M. Noth, The History of Israel; 3. Bright, A History of
Israel; R. de Vaux, The Early History of Israel; S. Herrmann, A
History of Israel in Old Testament Times; J.H. Hayes, J.M.
Miller (ed.), Israelite and Judaean History; N. Gottwald, The
Tribes of Yahweh.
3.
W. Eichrodt, Theology of the Old Testament: G. von Rad,
Old Testament Theology; W. Zimmerli, Old J'estament Theology
in Outline; R.E. Clements, Old Testament Theology.
4.
5.
Moses, p. 149.
Exodus, p. 243.
6.
A History of Pentateuchal Traditions, p. 31, n. 115.
7.
"The Intercession of the Covenant Mediator, Exodus
33:la,12-17", p. 162.
8.
History I, p. 399.
9.
The Elusive Presence, p. 158, n. 63.
LO. Tribes, p. 113.
11. Exodus, pp. 557 f.
12. F.-E. Wilms, Das Jahwistische Bundesbuch in Exodus 34; 3.
Halbe, Das Privilegrecht Jahwes, Ex. 34.10-26; E. Zenger, Die
Sinaitheophanie.
Notes to Chapter One
METHOD IN NARRATIVE INTERPRETATION
1.
See, for example, R. Rendtorff, Problem; H.H. Schmid,
Per sogenannte Jahwist; JSOT 3 (1977) contains articles
discussing the implications of Rendtorff's and Schmid's
proposals.
2.
See, for example, D.A. Knight, Rediscovering the Traditions of Israel; J. van Seters, Abraham in History and Tradition,
esp. pp. 139ff.; R. Polzin, "Martin Noth's 'A History of
Pentateuchal Traditions'"; S.M. Warner, "Primitive Saga Men";
W. McKane, Studies in the Patriarchal Narratives, pp. 105ff.,
esp. p. 194. The problem is complicated by the lack of
agreement as to the nature of tradition history. Rendtorff's
conception, whereby different stages of the tradition can still
be seen in the literary sources, is significantly different from
that of Noth.
190

3.
See, for example, T.L. Thompson, The Historicity of the
Patriarchal Narratives; J.H. Hayes, J.M. Miller (ed.), Israelite
and Judaean History, pp. 70ff.
4.
3.H. Hayes, An Introduction to Old Testament Study
(1979), pp. 194ff. offers a brief survey of current issues in
pentateuchal study.
5.
The tension between source criticism and traditiohistorical criticism is particularly acute; cf. Rendtorff, Problem.
6.
The term "historical-critical method" is a convenient
shorthand for a wide variety of analytical approaches which
share certain general characteristics. Such a use of the term
has been popularized particularly through the work of Brevard
Childs.
7.
It is appreciated that expressions such as "the final form
of the text" can raise problems both on the text-critical level
of establishing what the text actually is, and with respect to
establishing the final level of redaction and relating this to
subsequent glosses. Nonetheless, the difficulty is not of
significance for the discussion. For in general the notion of the
final or received text is perfectly clear. And when a concern
for the final text is compared to the investigation of its
prehistory, again the intention is clear. The fact that
difficulties may arise in the treatment of specific problematic
texts need not detain us at this point.
8.
Cf. the influential work of T. Kuhn, The Structure of
Scientific Revolutions. Although Kuhn's thesis is directed
towards the sciences and cannot be transferred simpliciter to
the arts, its suggestive qualities have gained it a widespread
currency.
9.
Cf. D. Robertson, "The Bible as Literature", p. 548; 3.D.
Crossan, "Perspectives and Methods in Contemporary Biblical
Criticism", p. 40.
10. Childs' fullest exposition of his approach is in his
Introduction to the Old Testament as Scripture; cf., most
recently, "On Reading the Elijah Narratives" (1980), and in
particular, "Response to Reviewers of Introduction to the Old
Testament as Scripture" (1980).
11. The Theme of the Pentateuch; "Story and Poem: The Old
Testament as Literature and as Scripture".
12. From Moses to Patmos.
13. Theology as Narration.
14. "Exodus 3:14: History, Philology and Theology".
15. "From Analysis to Synthesis: The Interpretation of Genesis
191

1-11".
16. P. 1.
17. "Interpreting the New Testament Today", p. 4.
18. A useful introduction to Ricoeur's work, with bibliography, is provided by the articles in Semeia 4 (1975).
19. The designation "history-like" was suggested by Frei
(Eclipse, p. 10) and a wider use for it has been advocated: cf. J.
Barr, "Story and History in Biblical Theology", J.J. Collins, "The
'Historical Character1 of the Old Testament in Recent Biblical
Theology".
20. The Business of Criticism, p. 99.
21. Ibid., p. 27.
22. "Literary Criticism", p. 63. My italics.
23. Theory of Literature, p. 73.
2k. P. ix.
25. P. 9.
26. "From Analysis to Synthesis", p. 26.
27. Ibid., p. 27.
28. "Exodus 3:14", p. 319.
29. Ibid., pp. 320f.
30. Regrettably, considerations of space
ation of structuralism and its rapidly burgeoning literature. As
a general comment, however, it may be said that although
structuralists eschew the historical-critical approach, their own
methods tend to raise not entirely dissimilar problems. That is,
insofar as their primary interest is to discern the "deep"
structures of a work and the ways in which the structures of the
mind are reflected in it, there is a similar tendency to discount
the work as meaningful in itself and to reduce the text to being
a means to the end of discovering meaning elsewhere than in
what the words actually say.
31. See esp. Introduction, passim.
32. Cf. "The Sensus Literalis of Scripture", pp. 90f.
33. "Exodus 3:14", p. 319.
34. Cf. the premonitions1of J. Barr, The Bible in the Modern
World, p. 65; idem, "Childs Introduction to the Old Testament
as Scripture", p. 15.
35. An exception may lie in the early chapters of
Deuteronomy in their relationship to the narrative traditions of
Exodus and Numbers. The deuteronomic formulation of tradition presents peculiar problems of its own which need not be
considered here.
36. W. Beyerlin, Origins and History of the Oldest Smaitic
192

Traditions; E. Zenger, Die Sinaitheophanie; F.-E. Wilms, Das
Jahwistische Bundesbuch in Exodus 34; E.W. Nicholson, Exodus
and Sinai in History and Tradition; 3. Halbe, Das Privilegrecht
Jahwes; cf. also E. Otto, Das Mazzotfest in Gilgal, pp. 199ff.;
D.3. McCarthy, Treaty and Covenant, 2 pp. 243ff.; H.
Valentin, Aaron, pp. 205ff.
37. At the very least these scholars have too quickly assumed
that the fragmentary nature of the chapters has been conclusively demonstrated without bothering to verify for themselves whether or not this actually is so.
38. K. Koch, for example, describes the task of the source
critic thus: "The literary critic ... approaches the text with, so
to say, a dissecting knife in his hand, looks out particularly for
breaks in continuity, or missing links in the train of thought"
(Growth, p. 69).
39. Storytelling, pp. 144-149.
40. Ibid., p. 146.
41. The Practice of History, pp. 103f.
42. "From Analysis to Synthesis".
43. "The Coherence of the Flood Narrative".
44. See above, p. 6, n. 2, for a brief bibliography on the
nature and practice of tradition history.
45. This is not the understanding of tradition history held by
Rendtorff, but it is that which is widely held, most influentially
by Noth.
46. Cf. McKane, Studies, p. 194: 3. Barton, Review of D.A.
Knight (ed.), Tradition and Theology in the OT, p. 242.
47. Cf. theTtrTctures of van Seters, Abraham, pp. 139ff., esp.
p. 142.
48. A useful brief bibliography is provided by S. Bar-Efrat,
"Analysis of Structure in Biblical Narrative", p. 154, n. I. One
may note also, S. McEvenue, The Narrative Style of the
Priestly Writer; D. Irvin, Mytharion.
49. "The 3oseph Story and Pentateuchal Criticism", p. 528.
Some other scholars are also rejecting traditional source
criticism in their assessment of the 3oseph story; cf. G.W.
Coats, From Canaan to Egypt; H. Donner, Die literarische
Gestalt des alttestamentlichen 3osephgeschichte.
50. See the convenient discussion in C.R.
North,
"Pentateuchal Criticism".
51. Cited in P. Hazard, The European Mind 1680-1715, pp.
225f.
52. "From Analysis to Synthesis", p. 35.
193

53. Gen. 7:17 does not use the verb gbr but rather rbh.
Arguably it enhances the effect to start the account with the
less dramatic word rbh and then to replace it, in two stages, by
the more forceful gbr. Thus in v. 17 the waters increased (rbh);
in v. 18 they prevailed (gbr) and increased (rbh) greatly (m'd);
then, v. 19, the waters prevailed (gbr) exceedingly greatly (m'd
m'd), until finally, v. 20, they prevailed (gbr) over the
mountains, fifteen cubits deep.
54. Noth, Exodus, p. 257; Childs, Exodus, p. 595.
55. See the exegesis for a justification of this.
56. Licht, Storytelling, pp. 103-105, discusses aesthetic and
dramatic considerations which may also influence the use of
speech-introducing formulae. One may also compare the use of
wk c nt in Aramaic.
57. Introduction to the Old Testament, p. 91.
58. HPT, pp. 21f.
59. Exegese, p. 51. In n. 6 Richter lists other scholarly
references to the importance of the doublet criterion.
60. Ibid., pp. 54f.
61. Noth (HPT, p. 23) comments that "What is very clear in
the Abraham tradition can be confirmed in a less striking way
in the entire old Pentateuchal tradition", but offers no further
discussion. Three examples would be generally cited, Ex.
16//Num. 11:4-35; Ex. 17:l-7//Num. 20:1-13; Ex. 20//Ex.
34:11-26.
62. Such 3 elements as are discerned in Ex. 19 are usually
combined with the narrative of Ex. 34:1 ff.
63. See the exegesis, pp. 84f, for a justification of this.
64. See further the discussion, p. 160.
65. A. Olrik, "Epic Laws of Folk Narrative", p. 137.
66. Cf. Caird, Language and Imagery, pp. 117-121, for the
Hebraic predilection for parataxis, the juxtaposition of
apparently contradictory usages of a word.
67. See p. 200, n. 79 for references for such a suggestion.
68. OT Theology I, pp. 234-241.
69. Ibid., p. 237.
70. See e.g. Clements, God and Temple, pp. 37, 136.
71. OT Theology I, p. 239, n. 115.
72. Cf. Licht, Storytelling, pp. 14ff.
73. Cf. below, p. 119, for further discussion of term, and
also the general discussion in ch. 4.
74. M. Buber, for example, is considerably more optimistic
about the historical worth of the Moses traditions (Moses, esp.
194
Notes to Chapter Two

pp. 13-19) than is, say, K. Koch in his reflections on the nature
of early Israelite traditions (Growth, pp. 148-158). See further
below, pp. 141L
75. Le Decalogue, p. 120.
76. "Form-Critical Problem", pp. 20ff.
77. Ibid., p. 68.
78. Cf. the thirteenth of Olrik's Epic Laws, "Concentration on
a Leading Character".
79. Cf. the seventh of Olrik's Laws, "The Importance of Final
Position".
80. This hierarchy is not, of course, a rigid rule but a general
guideline which in practice will admit of much variation.
81. Cf. pp. 32f.
82. Storytelling, p. 146.
83. ]b_id.
84. See below, pp. 157ff.
85. See below, pp. 1 7 I f f , esp. p. 175.
AN EXEGESIS OF EXODUS 32-34
1.
Only in 19:5 and 24:8, and perhaps 24:7, is any technical or
formal designation given to this relationship, where the term
berit is used.
2.
The Inspired Word, p. 245.
3.
The reference in Ex. 16:34 which presupposes the ark is
anachronistic or anticipatory of a later situation.
4.
Cf. the recent theology of S. Terrien, The Elusive
Presence, which is arranged around this theme.
5.
Since the present task is to interpret the text in its final
form, the question of the origins of Ex. 25-31 (35-40) cannot be
raised here. It will, however, become clear that even if the
present form of Ex. 25-31 is late, some other, earlier account
of a movable shrine of Yahweh is an important presupposition
for understanding Ex. 32-34.
The argument that Yahweh's accompaniment of Israel in a
shrine is a major concern of Ex. 32-34 will be one of the most
novel features of this exegesis. Recent works on Yahweh's
presence with, and accompaniment of, Israel in the early period
make comparatively little reference to Ex. 32-34 and none to a
shrine there; cf. e.g. H.D. Preuss, "... ich will mit dir seinl";
T.W. Mann, Divine Presence and Guidance in Israelite Traditions; Terrien, The Elusive Presence.
195

6.
This does not mean that in v. 5 one should follow the
Syriac and read wayyira' (so NEB) rather than wayyar' of MT.
7.
The orgiastic nature of the worship has been questioned
by J.M. Sasson, "The Worship of the Golden Calf". Sasson argues
that the worship was "an orderly ritual" following known
practices. On the basis of parallels in other cultures he argues
that shq (Pi.), usually considered to have sexual connotations on
the basis of Gen. 26:8, 39:14, simply means "ritual sporting"
before a deity, and that mhlt (Ex. 32:19) means probably
"antiphonal singing, a double group of performers which
includes females and musical accompaniment, and ritual
sporting". While it is possible that these terms are in fact
neutral in implication, their use in this context where the
writer disapproves of the worship (cf. v. 25) would suggest that
the traditional interpretation is to be preferred. If the people
cast off restraint in the presence of an image which was the
symbol of fertility, the
implications are obvious.
8.
The Hebrew cgl is traditionally rendered "calf". It is
generally agreed that in fact "bull" or "young bull" would be
more strictly accurate; cf. Ps. 106:19f. where, in reference to
this incident, cgj and swr are used in parallelism. For convenience, however, the traditional rendering will be maintained
here.
The question of whether the calf was a free-standing object,
and if so of what size, or whether it was a standard on a pole
(cf. Eissfeldt, "Lade und Stierbild"), is of little relevance to the
exegesis, but will be discussed later (below, p. 221 n.29).
9.
The technical problem concerning the construction of the
calf need not be dealt with here. A concise statement of the
issues, with basic bibliography, is provided by Childs, Exodus,
555f.
10. The verbs in 32:6a are plural in the MT. In the LXX,
however, they are singular, indicating Aaron alone as subject.
The reason for this variation is perhaps the later emphasis upon
Aaron as priest which suggested that he alone, and not the
people generally, should offer sacrifices. There is no reason to
prefer the LXX reading to that of the MT.
11. Cf. M. Aberbach, L. Smolar, "The Golden Calf Episode in
Postbiblical Literature".
12. Except perhaps in the sense of Ex. 7:1.
13. Cf. below, pp. 108f.
14. For a discussion of whether or not the bull was intended
as a pedestal for the deity, and how precisely it was seen to
196

embody the divine presence, see below, pp. 165.
15. Admittedly the verbal parallel is not exact in that 20:2
uses hwsy' whereas 32:1,4 uses hÛi. Whether one may discern
any systematic distinction between the two words is an open
question. The attempt by 1. Wijngaards, "hwsy' and h c lh, A
Twofold Approach to the Exodus", to show distinct meanings
and origins for the two formulae depends on an atomistic
approach which treats them in isolation from their context and
other motifs.
16. For a discussion of the varying implications of ' e lohim
with plural verb or predicate, see esp. H. Donner, "Hier sind
deine Cotter, Israel:": also GK 145 i, S.R. Driver, Deuteronomy, 65.
17. For the bearings of 1 Kg. 12:28 upon Ex. 32, see below, pp.
163f.
18. Cf. Childs, Exodus, 562f.
19. On the possible use of the introductory formula as a
device necessitated by the absence of punctuation or paragraphs, cf. above, p. 30.
20. Cf. Childs, Exodus, 563, 567.
21. Cf. W. Michaelis, "hodos", 5 Iff.; contra Koch, "derek",
283, who interprets derek in 32:8 as signifying the course of
salvation history, a difficult meaning in context.
22. This assumes that Ex. 20:3 represents the first
commandment, with 20:2 as preamble, and 20:4 is distinct as a
second commandment and not part of the same commandment
as 20:3.
23. Cf. below, pp. 166f.
24. Cf. S. Kaufman, "The Structure of the Deuteronomic
Law", esp. 121, 145.
25. Cf. W. Zimmerli, "Das zweite Gebot", for the close connection between the first two commandments entailed by the
expansion of the second commandment in Ex. 20:4-6.
26. The omission of v. 9 in the LXX is discussed below, p. 224
n.74.
27. In 32:8 one Heb. MS, LXX and Vulgate read siwwTtam
rather than siwwitim of MT. This repointing would fit well with
v. 7, and EhrTich, Randglossen I, 391, observes that the first
person singular in defective script is extremely rare. On the
other hand the decalogue is distinctively presented as the direct
address of God both in Deuteronomy and in Ex. 20 (cf.
Nicholson, "The Decalogue as the Direct Address of God") which supports the MT. The parallel in Deut. 9:12 does not help
197

as the same problems apply there. One cannot be sure which
pointing is original, nor does it matter greatly.
28. Cf. N u m . 14:11; also Ex. 32:1, "This Moses".
29. This has been disputed. Even Calvin considered the
suggestion "too subtle" (Harmony, III, 338). There are other
passages in 32-34 where the use of the suffix is not significant
(e.g. 33:1, 34:10).
30. Cf. Childs, Exoduj;, 567 f .
31. An appeal on these terms is of course characteristic of
many other intercessions in the OT. But this in no way detracts
from its significance in the present context.
32. The reading in Sam. Pent, and LXX is an accommodation
to the more usual formula. The use of "Israel" in a prayer of
particular significance is also found in 1 Kg. 18:36, where it
"emphasizes God's national role" (Childs, "Elijah Narratives",
133).
33. Moses, 8f.
34. The Yahwist, 158. Cf. also G.A.F. Knight, Theology as
Narration, ix-x.
35. "Moses versus Amalek", 37ff.
36. Ibid., 41.
37. Ibid., 40. Cf. idem, "History and Theology in the Sea
Tradition".
38. This is true not only of the text in its present form but
also, with only slightly varying emphases, in the reconstructed 3
and P accounts.
39. Exodus, 559, 563.
40. Exodus, 249: cf. Coats, Rebellion in the Wilderness, 188.
41. P. 45.
42. The decision as to what constitutes a separate word is
problematic. Here prepositions and particles are taken as
separate words, even when joined by a maqqeph.
43. Although the speaker in v. 18 is not specified, contextual
considerations make it likely that the speaker is Moses and not
Joshua.
44. The interpretative crux of v. 18 need not be discussed
here. Since, however, the exegesis is of interest, an excursus is
appended at the end of the chapter, pp. 11 I f .
45. The puzzling sequence of verbs in v. 20 - how can gold be
burnt? - is best understood through a comparison with the
Ugaritic text 1.6 11:31-37. (The numbering is that of M.
Dietrich, O. Loretz, J. Sanmartin, Die keilalphabetischen Texte
aus Ugarit. For an English translation see ANET^, 140, or J.
198

Gibson, Canaanite Myths and Legends, 77). When Anath kills
Mot the verbs appear in the sequence of burn, grind, scatter,
and seem to be a literary idiom for expressing thoroughness of
destruction. It is possible that there are also overtones of a
fertility ritual. Cf. S. Loewenstamm, "The Making and Destruction of the Golden Calf"; F.C. Fensham, "The Burning of the
Golden Calf and Ugarit".
46. The superficial similarity of 32:20 to the ordeal in N u m .
5:1 I f f . has frequently been noted. The ritual in N u m . 5 does
not, however, greatly illuminate the significance of the action
in the present context where the concern is to administer
punishment rather than determine guilt.
47. Exodus, 570.
48. Ibid.
49. Cf. Gressmann, Mose, 202.
50. Cf. H. Ringgren,~^fch", 190.
51. There is less evidence for bn being used in an extended
sense than there is for _|h_. One may at least note its use for a
subordinate within a prescribed relationship, cf. 2 Kg. 16:7; also
Arad Ostraca 21, 40 (Lemaire, Inscriptions Hebra'i'ques, 186,
207).
52. It is of course possible that the tradition-history of the
story may account for its inner tensions. But the present task is
to explain the text as far as possible in its own right without
recourse to questions of its history until a second stage, unless
no satisfactory sense can be made of the final form of the text.
53. "The King's Loyal Opposition", passim.
54. Cf. Cassuto, Exodus, 421.
55. An alternative reading in the Sam. Pent, is prw c , as in
v. 25.
56. It is probably unnecessary therefore to emend br c ji in v.
17 to pr c , even should it be correct to adopt pr c in v. 22
(contra Ehrlich, Randglossen, 393, Gressmann, Mose, 200).
57. It is unnecessary to find the idea of vicarious suffering in
v. 32.
58. On this question, see 3.3. Stamm, Erl5sen und Vergeben
jmnjYT, and recently T. Raitt, Theology of Exile, 185ff.
59. On the problems raised by this sort of language, cf. below
pp. 6 1 f .
60. Childs shows that on syntactical grounds one cannot
translate the words by "for what they did with the calf that
Aaron made" (Exodus, 557).
61. Cf. Noth, Exodus, 254, "a sincere and lasting repentance".
199

62. The full significance of this motif will become apparent
at 34:9.
63. There is a slight verbal variation in that the 2nd plural,
tnn, is used instead of the 2nd singular, _^th. Since the rest of the
verse reverts to the 2nd singular, there is no significance in the
use of the plural pronoun, which has been put in the plural under
the influence of the plural substantive immediately preceding.
64. "Angel" is not a wholly satisfactory rendering of ml'k as it
is difficult to escape overtones of later angelology. It is
doubtful, however, whether a more neutral term like "messenger" would escape being misleading in a different way. And
so, with reservations, "angel" will be retained.
65. Exodus, 588.
66. Cf. above, p. 33.
67. See below, pp. 9if.
68. For 'hi mwCd cf. Ex. 27:21; 28:43; 29:4,10,11,30,32,42;
30:16,18,20,36; 31:7.
69. The LXX reading, ten skenen autou, shows that this was
the LXX interpretation. The reading is most likely an attempt
to explicate an ambiguity rather than evidence for an alternative textual tradition.
70.
Cf. Buber, Moses, 133, 215, n. 193.
71. See below, p. 173.

72. For the use of the definite article with indefinite sense
see GK 126, q,r,s.
73. Contra e.g. Driver, Exodus, 359, Childs, Exodus, 584.
74. See further below, pp. 171ff.
75. See further below, pp. 171ff.
76. See also below, p. 72 and also p. 91.
77. V. 11, enopios enopidi; v. 20 ou dunesei idein mou to
prosopon.
78. So Targums Onkelos, Jonathan ben Uzziel and Neofiti I.
On the interpretation of Ex. 33:11 in the LXX and Targums, cf.
M.R. D'Angelo, Moses in the Letter to the Hebrews, l O l f f .
79. So e.g. 3.E. Huesman, "Exodus", 65; W. Zimmerli, OT
Theology in Outline, 74; A.W. Jenks, The Elohist, 53.
80. There are particular text-critical problems in this section
as the LXX diverges from the MT at numerous and significant
points. This is a subject for study in its own right, and for the
present only a few brief comments will be made. A useful
review of the issue is provided by D.P. Niles, The Name of God,
147, n. 1.
The following conclusions emerge from a comparison of the
200

M T a n d LXX:
i) The MT in itself present no problems. There is no crux
which the LXX helps resolve,
ii) The subtle development of the intercession in the MT (see
exegesis' below) is lost in the L X X .
iii) No single mptive for the LXX divergences is discernible.
The LXX readings are sometimes less and sometimes
more anthropomorphic,
iv) The LXX both simplifies and interprets the MT.
For these reasons the MT will be accepted as the basis for
exegesis.
81. So e.g. Noth, Exodus, 257; R. Clements, God and Temple,
27; 3. Muilenburg, "Intercession", 173f.
82. Beyerlin, Origins, 101.
83. For a discussion, see Beyerlin, ibid., 102.
84. The treatment of man's possible access to God in 33:11,
20-23 is indeed concerned with a metaphysical problem, but of
a different kind, and it is not the theme of primary importance
in the narrative.
85. Terrien comments on this verse, "A mode of psychological
communion is thereby implied, for the phrase carries no hint of
the later priestly motif of the column of fire or of the cloud
which journeyed in the wilderness ahead of the people (Exod.
13:2If., etc.)" (Elusive Presence, 140). Unfortunately he does
not raise the possibility that some concrete manifestation other
than the fire and cloud might be envisaged.
86. Cf. above, p. 63 for the dangers of Yahweh's shrine.
87. For the significance of 34:9, see below, pp. 89ff.
88. It has been suggested that there are structural parallels
between Ex. 33:1-34:10 and Gen. 15:7.-21. See D.P. Niles, The
Name of God, 142ff., 155, who develops arguments of Seebass,
Lohfink, and B.W. Anderson. In fact the similarities are no more
than one would expect from two accounts of Yahweh's gracious
dealings with a chosen individual. The present exegesis shows
the tenor and development of Ex. 33-34 to be fundamentally
different from that of Gen. 15.
89. So e.g. D.N. Freedman, "The Name of the God of Moses",
153: "scholars resort to desperate measures to secure continuity".
90. Exodus, 594.
91. "Intercession", 168, 173.
92. N.M. Waldman, "God's Ways", 67, n. 2, notes the stylistic
use of chiastic patterns in 33:12ff. Whether there is deliberate
201

chiasm is unclear, but that there are recurrent and interlocking
motifs in no strictly logical progression is evident.
93. It is sometimes suggested that these words originally
referred to Hobab, cf. Num. 10:29ff.
94. The theme of Num. 10:29-32 is not Israel's need of a
guide, but whether or not Hobab will share in Israel's "good".
The possibility of Hobab serving as eyes is introduced only
secondarily into Moses' request, giving Hobab a reason to stay
by virtue of his sense of being needed and valued by the
Israelites, as Moses deferentially puts it.
Moreover, the juxtaposition of the ark passage in 10:33-36
with the preceding verses (both usually ascribed to the same
source, either J or JE) suggests that, to one writer at least, any
human guidance and help was not incompatible with, and was
certainly not a substitute for, divine guidance.
95. C.J. Labuschagne, "The emphasizing particle gam and its
connotations", 200, suggests that gam in Ex. 33:17 functions as
a particle of emphasis. The exegesis indicates that the
customary meaning "also" should be retained.
96. It may also be possible to detect the presence of a word
play between cim and cam; cf. Waldman, "God's Ways", 68,
n. 2.
97. Cf. Muilenburg, "Intercession", 177. Waldmann, "God's
Ways", 68, n. 3, offers several Mesopotamian parallels. A more
general discussion of the issues is provided by H.H. Rowley, The
Biblical Doctrine of Election. Unfortunately Rowley does not
discuss either the present passage or Gen. 6:8 (see below).
98. Cf. E.A. Speiser, Genesis, LXVII; W. Zimmerli, "Charis",
380.
99. E.g. Gen. 18:3, 30:27, 50:4, Num. 32:5, 1 Sam. 27:5, 2 Sam.
16:4, Esth. 5:8, 7:3,8:5.
100. 1 Sam. 20:29; and with striking paradox in Num. 11:15.
101. 1 Sam. 1:18.
102. E.g. 1 Sam. 16:22, 20:3, 2 Sam. 14:22, Ruth 2:10,13.
103. Gen. 32:6 (ET 32:5), 33:8, 1 Sam. 25:8, 1 Kg. 11:19, Ruth
2:2.
104. Gen. 19:19; perhaps also Jdg. 6:17, which is akin to Ex.
33:13.
105. See further below, p. 91 f.
106. "Charis", 380.
107. Cf. A. Laurentin, "Wecattah-Kai nun", 171.
108. Cf. Muilenburg, "Intercession", 176; G.A.F. Knight,
Theology as Narration, 195.
202

109. It is possible that the word should be pointed in the
singular, cf. GK 91k. A plural is supported by the Samaritan
text, but the Syriac has a singular. The LXX and Vulgate
present a different wording in the request. Since derek in the
singular (as applied to God) tends to refer to the way of life
God approves of, this is less appropriate in context than the
plural.
110. Cf. Deut. 32:4, Is. 55:8f., 58:18. One may also compare Ps.
103:7, "He made known his ways (drkyw) to Moses ...". Although
the parallel to "ways" is "deeds" ( c lylwtyw), the general
context, esp. v. 8, echoes Ex. 33-34 and indicates an interpretation of "ways" in terms of God's gracious character.
111. For a survey of recent research on 2 Sam. 7, see T.N.D.
Mettinger, King and Messiah, 48ff. Mettinger's own analysis of
vv. 18ff. is that vv. 18-22a, 27-29 form a pre-deuteronomistic
unity, while vv. 22b-26 are a deuteronomistic expansion.
112. Cf. Noth, Exodus, 257; Childs, Exodus, 594.
113. Theology, II, 38, n. 1.
114. It has been suggested that wah a nih5ti should be
emended to wahinhetT, "and I will lead you" (Ehrlich,
Randglossen, 405; Eichrodt, Theology II, 38, n. 1). The change is
unnecessary, and is at odds with the context where divine
leadership is not the issue. The idea of giving rest is hardly
"impossible in the context" (so Ehrlich), since nwlj is used
elsewhere of God giving rest in the promised land (cf. Deut.
3:30, 12:10, Josh. 1:13,15, etc.), and is an appropriate word of
assurance.
115. On panTm, see A.R. Johnson, "Aspects of the use of the
term P a n i m in the Old Testament"; Eichrodt, Theology II, 35-39.
116. Cf. G.B. Caird, Language and Imagery, 103ff., for a
discussion of different types of deliberate ambiguity.
117. The text here is uncertain. One should probably follow
LXX, Pesh., Vulg. in reading bîrbarn (so S.R. Driver, Notes,
322). The parallel to Ex. 33 would then be even closer.
118. Cf. Deut. 4:37, Is. 63:9, Lam. 4:16; perhaps also Ex. 20:3 //
Deut. 5:7, Ps. 21:10.
119. Above, p. 68.
120. Ex. 25ff. uses the term pnym only in connection with
Yahweh's presence in the tabernacle in the case of the
shewbread, or bread of the Presence (25:30 Ihm pnym). Such a
passing reference to the shewbread probably presupposes the
notion of the divine pnym in the sanctuary which need not be
elaborated since the expression "to see/appear before the face
203

of Yahweh" is already used as a standard expression for visiting
a sanctuary in what are possibly the earliest texts relating to
the subject, Ex. 23:15,17, 34:20,23; cf. Noth, Exodus, 192.
121. Noth (Exodus, 257) comments that "It is not said how the
'presence', the side of the divine being presented to men which
gives a particularly direct representation of this being is to
manifest itself ...", and suggests that "Perhaps the thought here
is of the worship of Yahweh in the cult at the sanctuaries of
Israel, to which men go to 'see' the divine 'face'". This suggestion, however, ignores the important detail of God's
presence "on the move", which must envisage a portable and not
a fixed sanctuary.
122. For the use of plh, "to be distinct", cf. Ex. 8:18, 9:4, 11:7.
123. Below, pp. 105f.
124. It is interesting to compare Ps. 27 where the psalmist
seeks God in the sanctuary. The psalm is reminiscent of Ex. 33
and draws on similar terminology. One may note the following
parallelism:
v. 8
't pnyk yhwh 'bqs
cf. Ex. 33:11,14,15,20,23.
v. 11
hwrny yhwh drkk
cf. Ex. 33:13.
v. 13
Ir'wt btwb
yhwh
cf. Ex. 33:19.
v. 4
Ihzwt bn c m-yhwh
cf. Ex. 33:18,22.
V. 4 is put last for two reasons. First, the change in tone
between vv. 1-6 and vv. 7ff. has made the literary unity of the
psalm a matter of debate. Secondly, there is no exact parallel
to n c m in Ex. 33. Von Rad, however, comments that n c m is
"more or less synonymous with the 'glory of Yahweh' (kbd
yhwh)", ("'Righteousness' and 'Life'", 257f.). N c m is a rare
word whose precise meaning is difficult to ascertain, but von
Rad's suggestion is not implausible and enhances the parallelism
to Ex. 33.
125. It is difficult to be sure how far the request to see
Yahweh's glory points to a desire for a visible manifestation of
Yahweh as such. For it is always characteristic of the glory to
be hidden in the cloud, and both the cloud and the glory are
visible phenomena. One would necessarily refer to the glory in
terms of seeing it, whereas in v. 13 Moses asks that God's
"ways" be made known to him, since the divine "ways" are more
naturally referred to in terms of knowledge rather than vision.
126. Cf. Hos. 3:5, Jer. 31:12,14, Ps. 27:13.
127. On this formula, see D.P. Niles, The Name of God, 52ff.,
123ff.
204

128. Gressmann, Mose, 225.
129. On this formula, see S.R. Driver, Notes, 185f.; idem,
Exodus, 352f.; D.N. Freedman, "The Name of the God of
Moses", 153L; 3.R. Lundbom, "God's Use of the Idem per Idem
to Terminate Debate".
130. Freedman, ibid.
131. Notes, 186.
132. "Name of God", 154; contra e.g. Gressmann, Mose, 229,
who characterizes the saying as showing "absolute Willkiir".
133. Cf. the implications of its usage in Ex. 4:13, 1 Sam. 23:13,
2 Sam. 15:20, 2 Kg. 8:1.
134. Cf. Lundbom, op. cit.
135. On Ex. 3:14, see most recently B.3. Beitzel, "Exodus 3:14",
who argues against finding any etymological interest in the
passage.
136. On the problem of interpreting this formula, cf. above, p.
30.
137. "Theophany and Anthropomorphism in the OT", 36.
138. Cf. Barr,_ibid., 32.
139. Exodus, 596.
140. Cf. Gen. 32:30, Deut. 4:33, 5:24,26, Jdg. 6:22f., 13:22, Is.
6:5.
141. In 33:20 there is perhaps also an echo of Ex. 10:28f. There
Pharaoh says to Moses, "Never see my face (i.e. come into my
presence) again; for in the day that you see my face you shall
die". Pharaoh, in claiming that to see his face means death,
pretends to be God and so becomes the archetype of human
hybris. Ex. 33 presents, by contrast, the true God whose face
may indeed not be seen but who nonetheless graciously does
allow some access to his servants.
142. For recent discussions of Gen. 16:13, see H.C. White, "The
Initiation Legend of Ishmael", 285f.; C. Westermann, Genesis
12-50, 296L; T. Booij, "Hagar's Words in Gen. 16:13b".
A literal rendering of the MT of Gen. 16:13b would be, "For
she said, Have I even here (lit. hither) seen after him that sees
me?" or "... seen the back of him that sees me?" In the first
case ^hry "after" is used in a spatial rather than temporal sense,
somewhat reminiscent of Ex. 33:23. The alternative, construing
'hry as a substantive, would make the parallel to Ex. 33:23 close
indeed.
The interpretation is, however, problematic. First, the text is
possibly corrupt. The chief difficulty is with h a lom which
means "hither" rather than "here" and this fits awkwardly. If
205

one emends this, as often suggested, to >e lohTm then, with or
without further emendations, there are two consequences:
'Ihym, and not 'hry as a substantive, must be the object of r'yty;
and 'bry as an adverb must have a temporal rather than a
spatial significance. This would rob the parallel with Ex. 33:23
of its force.
Secondly, the context of Gen. 16:7-16 bears no resemblance
to Ex. 33. Gen. 16:7-12 lays no stress on any marvellous
apparition of Yahweh's angel, who is treated in a
matter-of-fact way. It is therefore not clear how far the play
on seeing (r'h), present in both MT and most emendations,
conveys the nuance of physical sight or an interest in theophany
as such. God's "seeing" seems to mean his providential caring
for Hagar, while Hagar's "seeing" seems to refer to her
gradually-dawning awareness of the nature of the person who
spoke to her. There is thus no connection with the explicit
theophany of Ex. 33.
143. For hiding one's face, cf. Deut. 31:17, Is. 53:3, Ps. 13:1,
Job 13:24, etc. For turning one's back, cf. Jer. 2:27, 32:33, 2
Chr. 29:6.
144. Cf. Ex. 26:12, 1 Kg. 7:25, Ezek. 8:16.
145. Cf. M. Haran, "Nature of the '"Ohel MpCedh", 57.
146. See below, p. 86.
147. There are interesting links between 33:18-23 and Ex.
17:1-7, the murmuring at Massah and Meribah. The reference to
the rock "at Horeb" (17:6) has occasioned much discussion.
Geographically it is difficult, unless it designates Horeb as a
large district, and it is usually deleted as a gloss. But why
should anyone have so glossed the story? "At Horeb" may be a
redactional note of typological rather than geographical
significance, seeking to point parallels between the rock at
Massah and that at Sinai. Interestingly, at Massah Yahweh
stands before Moses on the rock (17:6), as Moses stands before
Yahweh (33:21, 34:2). Moses passes ( c br) before the people
(17:5), as Yahweh passes ( c br) before Moses (33:19,22). The
concern of the people in 17:7 is said to be whether or not
Yahweh is in their midst (bqrb), even though this is nowhere
explicit in the preceding narrative. It may be a deliberate echo
of Ex. 33, esp. 33:3,5, cf. 34:9a. At a different level there is the
fact that Deut. 33:8f., which appears to refer to the same
incident as Ex. 32:25-29, locates this incident in the testing at
Massah and Meribah (cf. Ex. 17:7). Since the OT identifies
Meribah with Kadesh (Num. 20:1,13,14, 27:14, Deut. 32:51), this
206

could point to a possible confluence of Kadesh and Sinai
traditions, possibly the patterning of other traditions in the
light of the centrally important Sinai narrative.
Since, however, the present concern is exegetical rather than
traditio-historical, and since such similarities as there are
between Ex. 33 and Ex. 17 are more likely to be of significance
in interpreting the latter rather than the former, this question
cannot be further pursued at this point.
148. See further below, pp. l O l f f .
149. The problem of the composite nature of Ex. 19 is not of
importance. Both 3 and E versions, however they are reconstructed, portray a similar public character of the theophany.
150. Cf. 1 Sam. 3;10, wyb' yhwh wytysb.
151. Cf. Niles, Name of God, 126f. One may also note Num.
14:17f. which refers back to Ex. 34:6f. and interprets Yahweh as
the subject of wyqr'.
152. Above, p. 83.
153. For a recent discussion of the formula in v. 7b a wnqh 1'
ynqh, see 1. Piper, "An Interpretation of Ex. 33:19", 212. Piper's
interpretation of 33:19, 34:6f. is similar to that advanced here.
1^- The Meaning of Hesed in the Hebrewe Bible, 119.
155. There is no need to emend un |jaltanu to Qn e hitanu
as proposed by Dillmann and Beer (ad loc.), following an original
suggestion by Ewald.
156. Cf. Mann, Divine Presence and Guidance, 158, who calls
this a "curiously repeated request".
157. It is not possible to survey more broadly the usage of ki.
For recent discussions, see 3. Muilenburg, "The Linguistic and
Rhetorical Usages of the Particle ky in the OT"; T.C. Vriezen,
"Einige Notizen zur Ubersetzung des Bindeworts KI".
Much interesting debate on the meaning of k_i among
medieval Jewish commentators arose out of the dictum of the
Talmudic sage Resh Lakish that k_t has four meanings (B. Gittin,
90a). This too lies beyond our present purview.
158. All the early versions imply a causative sense. Among
medieval commentators Ibn Ezra specifically argued for a
causative, as opposed to concessive, meaning here.
159. See BDB, 473, col. 2; Vriezen, "Einige Notizen", 267ff.
160. Ibid., 270ff.; cf. E. Zenger, Die Sinaitheophanie, 250, n.
123.
161. Above, pp. 60f.
162. The recent debate on the interpretation of Gen. 8:21,
while important, need not detain us here. It is outlined and
207

assessed in excursus 2.
163. See the bibliography cited in excursus 2.
164. Buber, Moses, 89.
165. For the structure of the flood narrative, see B.W.

Anderson, "From Analysis to Synthesis"; G.J. Wenham,
"Coherence".
166. See Anderson, ibid., 36, 38; Wenham, jbid., 339f.
167. See above, pp. 70f.
168. For a possible further parallelism between Noah and
Moses in Ex. 1-2, see J.S. Ackerman, "Literary Context", 91.
169. Cf. 1. Halbe, Das Privilegrecht Jahwes, 283.
170. There is no reason to suppose that any theological
significance, such as in 32:7-14, is intended in the use of the
suffix here.
171. The use of bqrb here is perhaps a purely literary echo of
the previous use of bqrb. It is unlikely that there is any
substantive implication, such as that Israel will be distinctive in
the midst of other people because Yahweh is in the midst of
them.
172. For npl'wt cf. Ex. 3:20, Josh. 3:5, Jer. 21:2, Ps. 78:32,
105:2, etc. For nwr' cf. Deut. 10:21, 2 Sam. 7:23, Ps. 65:5
(66:3,5). The two words are combined in Ps. 106:22 and,
differently, in Ex. 15:1 Ic.
173. Admittedly not much can be built on this use of c m for
in e.g. Deut. 10:21 _|t_ is used in a way similar to Cm here to
denote things done on Israel's behalf.
174. K.-H. Bernhardt, "bara"', 248.
175. See further below, pp. 131 ff. For recent detailed
treatments, see E. Otto, Das Mazzotfest, 199ff.; F.-E. Wilms,
Bundesbuch, 137ff.; and esp. J. Halbe, Privilegrecht, passim.
176. Above, p. 37.
177. Exodus, 364.
178. Cf. above, p. 49.
179. On the significance of Yahweh's name being "jealous", cf.
above, p. 79.
180. The plural in the LXX is an accommodation to the
customary formulation.
181. Such a pattern of principle and application is evident
elsewhere in the OT, notably in Deuteronomy.
182. Cf. Childs, Exodus, 614.
183. The particular selection is to be seen as largely a
recapitulation of those laws already contained in the Sinai
narrative, esp. 23:14ff. See further below, pp. 131ff.
208

184. When taken in isolation from its context, this verbal
change has appeared puzzling, and has often been taken as
evidence for different stages of development of Israelite
opposition to images. The interpretation in context casts doubts
upon the validity of certain such reconstructions. On the
prohibition of images in Israel, see below, pp. 164ff.
185. Cf. R. de Vaux, Studies in Old Testament Sacrifice, 52ff.
186. P.C. Craigie, "Deuteronomy and Ugaritic Studies", 156159; J.C.L. Gibson, Canaanite Myths and Legends, 29f., 123; M.
Haran, "Seething a Kid in its Mother's Milk".
187. An interesting modern parallel is given by N. Glueck, The
Other Side of the Jordan, 9. But one should also note Haran's
sceptical comment on Glueck's experience ("Seething", 31, n.
24)1
188. Cf. above, p. 45.
189. So Buber, Moses, 139; cf. Knight, Theology as Narration,
203.
190. A history of modern study of Ex. 34 is conveniently
provided by Wilms, Bundesbuch, 15-135; see also Halbe,
Privilegrecht, 13ff. The comprehensive documentation provided
there makes it unnecessary to list the adherents of the various
viewpoints cited in the present brief discussion.
191. So Childs, Exodus, 608. Interestingly, Perlitt, who argues
for 34:1-28 as a deuteronomic composition in its entirety and
does not find a decalogue anywhere in vv. 11-26, sees "the ten
words" as a secondary deuteronomistic gloss of no special
significance (Bundestheologie, 229f.).
192. It may also be noted that there is no omission or
displacement of the words in the MSS tradition. This would at
least rule out their being a very late gloss.
193. See the table in Wilms, Bundesbuch, 200-205. The question
of secondary expansion of the laws does not affect the basic
point.
194. So e.g. Beyerlin, Origins, 77ff.
195. Cf. the comments and citations of Perlitt, Bundestheologie, 223. The table in Wilms, Bundesbuch, 200ff., well
illustrates the diversity of reconstructions.
196. See Halbe, Privilegrecht, 23, n. 65, for reference to one
or two such doubts.
197. The proposal that it was Yahweh who wrote on the tablets
is not novel; see e.g. Keil & Delitzsch, Dillmann, Hertz, Beer,
and Childs, ad loc. But the argument has tended simply to
appeal to 34:1 without detailed consideration of the related
209

issue of the relationship between v. 28b and v. 27 and the laws
of vv. 11-26.
It is also possible that the verb wyktb could be interpreted in
an impersonal sense ("and there was written"), thereby intending a more oblique reference to Yahweh.
198. Prof. E.W. Nicholson has suggested to me that the
uniqueness of the decalogue resides not only in its being spoken
by God (cf. his "Decalogue as Direct Address"), but also in its
being written by him; the speaking and the writing belong
together. If this is so, it would further support the contention
that in v. 28b the writer need not actually specify Yahweh as
writing the ten words, on the grounds that he takes for granted
that it is only Yahweh who would write the ten words.
199. The writer need not describe the tablets more fully
because that was already done in 32:15f. and it is assumed that
these renewed tablets are similar. There is of course the
difference that the former tablets are said to have been
themselves God's handiwork, while with the new tablets only
the writing is God's. But no special significance attaches to this
in the narrative. At most there may be a tacit suggestion that
Israel's sin has forfeited something of unique value and that the
covenant renewal does not simply restore the status quo ante.
One may compare the discussion in the next three paragraphs
about the significance of the renewal being "with you and with
Israel".
200. The word occurs only here, in vv. 33,34,35.
201. Noth, Exodus, 267.
202. Conjectures about the teraphim having been some kind of
mask are precarious.
203. Cf. K. JaroS, "Des Mose 'strahlende Haut'", 275ff.
204. Below, pp. 177ff.
205. The verb qrn appears only in Ex. 34:29,30,35 (Qal) and Ps.
69:32 (Hiph. ptc.). Since the Hiph. meaning in Ps. 69 is "bring
forth horns" it is natural to interpret the Qal as "have horns".
The noun in the OT always means "horn". Even the apparent
exception in Hab. 3:4 is probably no exception after all, cf.
Jaros, op. cit., 277. Linguistically, therefore, the evidence in
favour of the verb meaning "to be horned" is overwhelming.
206. This meaning is already present in the LXX, dedoxastai he
opsis.
207. J.P. Brown, "The Sacrificial Cult and its Critique in Greek
and Hebrew (I)", 171.
208. J.M. Sasson sees in Ex. 34:29-35 a fragment of old pagan
210

worship of Sin, a moon god represented by a bull, here symbolized by Moses who is now confronted by the new deity
YHWH who gives orders and henceforth asserts his dominance
("Bovine Symbolism in the Exodus Narrative", 387). One cannot
but feel that this is a classic example of such misunderstanding.
209. The transition from Yahweh's revelation on Sinai to his
revelation in the tent has been prepared for by the subtle
change to the frequentative imperfect in 34:34f.
210. Childs, Introduction, 175.
Notes to Excursus One
1.
For recent discussions, see F. Andersen, "A lexicographical note on Exodus 32:18"; R. Edelmann, "To c nwt
Exodus 32:18"; R. Whybray, "Cnwt in Exodus 32:18"; H.
Valentin, Aaron, 212f.
2.
So e.g. Dillmann, Exodus und Leviticus, 340; Driver,
Exodus, 353.
3.
So Edelmann, op. cit.; Whybray, op. cit.
4.
Cf. LXX, phonen exarchonton oinou.
5.
Gressmann, Mose, 202.
6.
Andersen, op.-cit., 111.
7.
Andersen, ibid.
8.
Valentin, op. cit., 213.
9.
Valentin, ibid.
10. Loc. cit.
11. Loc. cit.
12. Exodus, 111.
13. Cf. the play on pr c /br c h (above, p. 56); also the
development of pnym in the narrative; and the subtle
development of motifs in 33:12ff.
14. Edelmann, loc.cit.
Notes to Excursus Two
1.
Among the numerous treatments, the following may be
noted: R. Rendtorff, "Genesis 8:21 und die Urgeschichte des
Jahwisten"; W.M. Clark, "The Flood and the Structure of the
Pre-patriarchal History", 204-209; O. Steck, "Genesis 12:1-3 und
die Urgeschichte des Jahwisten"; D.L. Petersen, "The Yahwist
on the Flood"; R.A.F. Mackenzie, "The Divine Soliloquies in
Genesis"; D.3.A. Clines, Theme, 70-72. Among the commentaries, G. von Rad, Genesis^; U. Cassuto, Commentary
211

on Genesis II; B. Vawter, On Genesis; C. Westermann, Genesis
1-11.
2.
Westermann, op. cit., 612.

Notes to Chapter Three
EXODUS 32-34 AS A CULT LEGEND
1.
Among the numerous interesting issues which must be
shelved, but which it is hoped will be discussed in the future,
three may be singled out for mention. First, the relationship of
Ex. 32-34 to Ex. 19-24 may be fruitfully re-examined in the
light of the numerous instances where the exegesis has
suggested that chs. 32-34 presuppose the general content, and
sometimes the precise wording, of chs. 19-24. Secondly, the
exegesis has suggested links between Ex. 32-34 and Ex. 25-31
closer than hitherto appreciated. Suffice it at present to say
that if the present form of Ex. 25-31 is late, some earlier
account of at least the ark and some kind of sacred tent must
be presupposed. This is similar to the frequently-made
suggestion that some earlier (JE) account of the ark was
displaced by the later and more developed P account. Thirdly, it
has been shown that there are striking parallels in language,
structure and theology between Ex. 32-34 and Gen. 6-9. The
linkage of these two stories in the tradition provides the basis
for an important traditio-historical and redactional study. That
too remains a task for the future.
2.
Cf. Noth, HPT, 142; Eichrodt, "Covenant and Law", 308;
P.P. Ellis, The Yahwist, 87.
3.
J. Halbe calls their work "epoch making" (Privilegrecht,
325).
4.
S. Mowinckel, Le Decalogue, 113ff.; G. von Rad, "The
Form-Critical Problem of the Hexateuch", esp. 20-26.
5.
Decalogue, 120.
6.
See also above, p. 36.
7.
"Problem", 48ff.
8.
HPT, 59-62, 141-145.
9.
Origins and History of the Oldest Sinaitic Traditions.
10. Das Privilegrecht Jahwes.
11. For a survey of recent usages with constructive
clarification, see R.M. Hals, "Legend: A Case-Study in OT
Form-Critical Terminology".
12. The German term for this is "Sage".
13. Cf. A. Jolles, Einfache Formen, 23-61.
212

14. The German term for this is "Legende".
15. The German term for this is "Kult(us)sage".
16. "Legend", 171.
17. Noth, History, 128.
18. The People of the Covenant, 54.
19. Ibid.
20. The Psalms in Israel's Worship, I, 15.
21. Theology I, 98.
22. Psalmenstudien II, 21, cited by H.-3. Kraus, Worship in
Israel, 9.
23. For an important discussion of the methodological
problem, see S. Talmon, "The 'Comparative Method 1 in Biblical
Interpretation", Another significant treatment, which illustrates the practical consequences of the approach proposed, is
M. Noth, "God, King and Nation in the OT".
24. The same is true of the term "cult" in the phrase "cult
legend". Although a substantive, it is adjectival in force.
25. Oldest Sinaitic Traditions, 138.
26. Bundesbuch, 139.
27. Worship, 23.
28. "Cult and History", 14.
29. The standard account of form criticism is Koch, Growth;
see also 3.H. Hayes (ed.), Old_Testament Form Criticism. For
an important critical appraisal, see R. Knierim, "Old Testament
Form Criticism Reconsidered"; also B.O. Long, "Recent Field
Studies in Oral Literature and the Question of Sitz im Leben";
idem, "Recent Field Studies in Oral Literature and their
Bearing on OT Criticism"; M.3. Buss, "The Idea of Sitz 1 im
Leben"; D.A. Knight, "The Understanding of 'Sitz im Leben in
Form Criticism".
30. Cf. the criticisms of 3. Muilenburg, "Form Criticism and
Beyond", 5. Richter (Exegese, 72ff.) attempts to meet the
objection by distinguishing between Form and Gattung: "Damit
bezieht sich hier 'Form' auf einen Einzeltext, 'Gattung' auf
einen Texttypus" (74). Although this obviates some difficulties,
it raises the new problem of the relationship between "Form"
and "Gattung". That is, the problem of the relation between the
general and the particular is redefined rather than solved.
31. This naturally does not mean that there are not similarities between this experience and other encounters with
Yahweh, within or outside the cult, but that the overall course
and impact of the encounter is without subsequent parallel.
32. See esp. "Recent Field Studies ... Sitz im Leben".
213

33. Ibid., 41.
34. Ibid., 44.
35. Introduction, 73.
36. jntroduction, 31.
37. The relationship between form and content has always
been an unresolved tension in form criticism; cf. J.A. Wilcoxen,
"Narrative", 88.
38. On these sayings, see \V. Zimmerli, "Ich bin Jahwe".
Unfortunately Zimmerli makes no reference to Ex. 33:19, 34:6f.
in his discussion.
39. Cf. Eissfeldt, Introduction, 73.
40. See further below, p. 130.
41. For a general treatment of the topic, see J. Jeremias,
Theophanie. Jeremias offers a useful survey of all the relevant
OT material, but the value of much of his argumentation and
conclusions depends largely on the assessment of the formcritical and traditio-historical approach which underlies them.
He does clearly show, however, the difference between the
Sinai theophany and other OT theophanies (105ff.), although
having shown the origins of the latter independently of the
former he offers no comparable discussion as to the origins of
the former. His criticisms of the cult as the Sitz im Leben for
theophany (118ff.) are also relevant to the present discussion.
42. "Formgeschichte und Exegese von Ex. 34. 6f.", esp. 13If.
43. Loc. cit. (nn. 34, 35).
44. See the listing and discussion of these passages in
Scharbert,M Joe, cit.; R.C. Dentan, "The Literary Affinities of
Ex. 34:6f. .
45. Although von Rad frequently asserts that such a
transposition (and transformation) has taken place (e.g. "FormCritical Problem", 68; Theology I, 39), it is unfortunate that he
offers no detailed account of how this should be understood to
have taken place.
46. See above, p. 77, for the significance of the unparalleled
usage of the qr' bs"m formula with Yahweh as subject.
47. Cf. above, pp. 125f, for G.E. Wright's comment on the
importance of using a control which can be tested.
48. For present purposes the difference between the
paraenetic vv. 11-16 and the laws of vv. 17-26 is of no
significance.
49. Oldest Sinaitic Traditions, esp. 51 ff., 63f., 145ff. Cf. also
Halbe, Privilegrecht, 43ff.
50. "Covenant Forms in Israelite Tradition".
214

51. See D.3. McCarthy, Old Testament Covenant; A Survey of
Current Opinions; idem., Treaty and Covenant^; E.W. Nicholson, Exodus and Sinai in History and Tradition; B. Childs,
Exodus, 344ff.
52. "Covenant", 184.
53. See the history of research in Wilms, Bundesbuch, 15-135.
54. Of all the scholars discussed in Wilms 1 history of research
only H.L. Strack, cited on Bundesbuch, 29, argued that the
context was the determining factor for the content of 34:1 I f f .
55. So 3.A. Soggin, "Ancient Israelite Poetry and Ancient
'Codes' of Law, and the Sources '3' and 'E' of the Pentateuch",
191: "There is no difficulty in ascertaining that there is a lack
of connection between the narrative sections of [3] and Ex.
34:10-25 [sic]".
56. It is a weakness of Soggin's discussion (ibid.) that he does
not raise the question of what kind of connection between
different types of material might reasonably be expected.
57. Cf. Childs, Introduction, 198.
58. So Noth, Exodus, 263.
59. So e.g. Mowinckel, Le Decalogue, 63ff. See most recently
Halbe, Privilegrecht, 215ff., for a restrained account, but an
account still in these terms.
If a cultic context subsequent to 3eroboam were suggested,
then it would be possible to interpret 34:17 in terms of
3eroboam's calves. A decision on this issue will depend largely
on one's view of the relationship of Ex. 32 to 1 Kg. 12:26ff., for
a discussion of which see below, pp. 161ff.
60. The possibility of a pre-Israelite existence for some of the
laws is neither affirmed nor denied. The issue is not the
originality of the laws but how they became a part of the
tradition of Ex. 32-34.
61. The present argument does not attempt to account for the
differences in order and wording between the sets of laws. The
hypothesis that they were originally independent collections, or
else two recensions of one collection, could explain the differences in general terms, but still leaves one in the dark as to
specific reasons for detailed differences. In any case, the
question of the internal development of the legal complexes and
their interrelationship in detail is distinct from that of their
general relationship and incorporation into their present
context.
62. For a general discussion of the nature of religious
language, see I. Barbour, Myths, Models and Paradigms. For a
215

discussion related specifically to the use of language in the
Bible, see G.B. Caird, The Language and Imagery of the Bible.
63. Moses, 111.
64. History, 131: cf. HPT, 204, n. 553. Admittedly Noth does
allow that "it is just possible that among the tribes wandering
about in southern and eastern Palestine volcanic manifestations
which were well known in north-western Arabia were
traditionally thought of as phenomena accompanying theophanies, and that they were mentioned even when the
theophany occurred in a place with no volcanoes". But even this
recognition, together with Moth's most cautious discussion of
the issue in Exodus, 157, 160, does not sufficiently come to
terms with the question of what type of language it is that is
under consideration.
65. "'Righteousness' and 'Life'", 258.
66. Myths, 50.
67. Ibid.
68. For a convenient summary of Beyerlin's argument, see
E.W. Nicholson, Exodus and Sinai, 43f.
69. People of the Covenant, 52.
70. Exodus, 231.
71. Although there are instances in Greek literature of the
trumpet as the sound of thunder, e.g. Iliad 21. 388, amphi de
salpinxen megas ouranos, such an idiom is unparalleled
anywhere in the OT, let alone Ex. 19 where the trumpet blast
does not function in a naturalistic way. Similar considerations
apply to the proposal of 3. Koenig ("La Localisation du Sinai",
17) that the trumpet blast attempts to describe an aspect of a
volcanic eruption. The apparent parallel in Dio Cassius' account
of Vesuvius, kai salping5n tis boe ekoueto, provides no real
parallel to the function of the trumpet blast in Ex. 19.
72. "Salpinx", 80.
73. Cf. G. Friedrich, ibid., 73.
Notes to Chapter Four
EXODUS 32-34 AS LEGEND
1.
Cf. above, p. 119.
2.
See also J.G. Frazer, Folklore in the Old Testament (3
vols.).
3.
See esp. the introduction to the first editio of the
Genesis commentary which was published separately and
recently re-issued in translation, The Legends of Genesis (1964).
216

4.
See the discussions in all the standard Introductions.
5.
For Buber's understanding of the term, see Moses, 13-19.
The term "saga" appears to be synonymous with "legend" as a
rendering of the German Sage.
6.
See e.g. Albright's introduction to the re-issue of The
Legends of Genesis, vii-xii.
7.
For a survey and analysis of the biblical theology
movement, see B.S. Childs, Biblical Theology in Crisis.
8.
Pp. 149-212. N. Gottwald's Tribes of Yahweh likewise
attaches little historical value to the Moses traditions (e.g. p.
32). His distinctive and comprehensive approach cannot be
treated here, but it may be questioned whether his comments at
least on the Sinai tradition (cf. above, p. 12) do not show an
insufficient appreciation of the nature of the material.
9.
History, 173.
10. Ibid., 177.
11. Ibid., 182.
12. jbid., 210.
13. Cf. the criticisms of 3.B. Geyer, "The Joseph and Moses
Narratives: Folk-Tale and History", 55.
14. History, 184.
15. So especially Buber; cf. above, p. 141.
16. Cf. G.S. Kirk, Myth, 38.
17. "Hebrew Epic: Historical Notes and Critical Reflections",
19-22.
18. Although it might be objected to this argument that the
definitions offered of "legend", "folktale" and "heroic tale" beg
the question, the essential point remains that it cannot be
assumed that the different genres are all alike in their
implications for the historical and traditio-historical nature of
the material.
19. The definition is that of R.C. Culley, "An Approach to the
Problem of Oral Tradition", 118.
20. Amid the numerous discussions of this subject, see esp.
R.C. Culley, "Oral Tradition and Historicity", which also has a
useful bibliography.
21. For recent careful discussions, with bibliography, see esp.
R.C. Culley, Studies in the Structure of Hebrew Narrative;
D.M. Gunn, The Story of King David, 37-62.
22. Cf. Van Seters' criticisms of tradition-history (Abraham,
139ff.).
23. The question of what constitutes a "substantial amount" is
of course a matter for debate, but the general notion is clear.
217

2k. See the listing of alternatives in Culley, "An Approach to
the Problem of Oral Tradition", J24f.; cf. Gunn, King David, 59.
25. For the evidence for writing and literacy, see A.R.
Millard, "The Practice of Writing in Ancient Israel".
26. "Primitive Saga Men", 325ff.
27. Cf. Gunn, King David, 59f.
28. A. Olrik, "Epic Laws of Folk Narrative", ET of "Epische
Gesetze der Volksdichtung" (1909). On the question of oral
criteria, cf. also Vorlander, Entstehungszeit, 24f.
29. Cf. e.g. K. Krohn, Folklore Methodology, 108ff.; W.O.
Hendricks, "Folklore and the Structural Analysis of Literary
Texts", 99ff.; D.M. Gunn, "On Oral Tradition", 159; R.C. Culley,
Studies, 29f.; S.M. Warner, "Primitive Saga Men", 332f.
30. Cf. above, pp. 37f.
31. "Narrative Patterns and Oral Tradition in Judges and
Samuel", 31 Iff.; King David, 37ff. This is not dissimilar to
Olrik's Law of Patterning.
32. Cf. the debate between Gunn and Van Seters in Senneia 5,
139ff.
33. As Gunn himself fully admits, King David, 59.
34. See above, p. 205, n. HI; p. 206, n. 147.
35. The relationship between 1 Kg. 19 and the Sinai tradition
is likewise not to be explained in terms of conventional
patterning.
36. "An Approach to the Problem of Oral Tradition", 122f.
37. The recurrent panim motif is, of course, quite different
from a catchword.
38. See H. Gunkel, Legends, passim; H. Gressmann, Mose,
passim; E. Auerbach, Mimesis, 3-23; M. Buber, Moses, 13ff.; O.
Eissfeldt, Introduction, 32ff.; G. von Rad, Genesis^, 3Iff.;
idem, Theology II, 410ff.; K. Koch, Growth, 148ff., 195ff.; B.O.
Long, The Problem of Etiological Narrative in the Old
Testament; R.M. Hals, "Legend: A Case-Study in OT
Form-Critical Terminology"; O. Kaiser, jntroduction, 45ff.; 3.A.
Wilcoxen, "Narrative"; J. Van Seters, Abraham, 125ff.; C.
Westermann, The Promises to the Fathers, 1-94; idem, Genesis
12-50, 40ff.; W. McKane, Studies in the Patriarchal Narratives,
passim.
It will be noted that the majority of discussions are directed
towards the patriarchal narratives. This is a potential drawback
in the discussion, since one must beware of prejudging the
extent to which other early traditions have characteristics in
common with the patriarchal stories.
218

39. Noth, HPT, 44.
40. Cf. B. Childs, "A Study of the Formula, 'Until This Day"1;
B.O. Long, Problem, esp. 87ff.
41. Cf. above, p. 61.
42. Cf. above, p. 77.
43. Cf. above, p. 120.
44. 3.G. Frazer, Folklore; T.H. Caster, Myth, Legend, and
Custom in the Old Testament (a modern Frazer); D. Irvin,
Israelite and Judaean History, 180ff.
45. Mose, 199ff., esp. 203.
46. Index, A. 132.9.
47. Index, D.I 33.4.1.
48. Index, S.73.1.
49. For a recent discussion of what constitutes a motif, see
D. Irvin, Mytharion, 2ff.
50. Index, C.311.1.8.
51. Index, F.574.3.2.
52. Theology II, 420.
53. Growth, 156.
54. Cf. above, pp. 90ff.
55. For the marked catholicity and lack of religious
exclusiveness in Genesis, see B. Gemser, "God in Genesis"; G.
Wenham, "The Religion of the Patriarchs".
An apparent exception to this principle, the Elijah stories, is
not in fact an exception. For the theology of Mosaic Yahwism
plays a small role in the stories. The presentation is in terms of
the solitary defender of truth against the hordes of falsehood.
56. Cf. von Rad, Theology I, 203ff.
57. Theology II, 421.
58. Ibid.; cf. G.W. Coats, "History and Theology in the Sea
Tradition". The important implications of the different senses
in which "historical" is used here cannot be discussed at this
point.
59. T.L. Thompson ("History and Tradition", 58) refers to "the
growing ability of historians and archaeologists to write a
history of Israel's origins largely independent of biblical
interpretation", and says that "In approaching the origin of
Israel, one can no longer take one's starting-point from within
Israel's traditions". But it is doubtful whether such an approach
can in fact be sustained.
60. The most obvious difficulty, the nature and antiquity of
the calf tradition, is briefly discussed in the following chapter,
pp. 16Iff. But see also the brief comments on 32:25-29,
219

below, pp. 180ff.
61. Promises to the Fathers, 71-73. Westermann's term is
"theologische Erzahlungen", which he considers applicable to
Gen. 22:1-19, 18:17-33, 12:1-3, 15:1-6.
Notes to Chapter Five
CRITICAL ANALYSIS OF EXODUS 32-34
1.
For the form-critical and traditio-historical problems
concerning 34:6f.,l 1-26, see above, pp. 128ff, 131ff.
2.
This was first suggested by Wellhausen, Die Composition
des Hexateuchs, pp. 85ff., and has commanded a scholarly
consensus since.
3.
Pp. 84ff.
4.
Cf. above, p. 27.
5.
Even Rudolph who attempts to dispense with E altogether
gives no serious consideration to the possibility that J could
have contained both an initiation and renewal, and argues that
the renewal is redactional, Ex. 34 having originally followed Ex.
19 ("Der Aufbau von Exodus 19-34"; cf. Per "Elohist", pp. 40-61).
6.
See the convenient table in Zenger, Sinaitheophanie, pp.
206-231. And that is only a representative selection!
7.
Exodus, p. 260.
8.
Exodus, p. 607.
9.
Cf. above, p. 31.
10. Contra Childs, Exodus, pp. 615f.
11. Cf. de Vaux, Early History I, p. 447.
12. So e.g. Perlitt, Bundestheologie, pp. 203ff.
13. See e.g. Simpson, Early Traditions, pp. 204ff.; Noth,
Exodus, pp. 244f.
14. So Childs, Exodus, p. 559.
15. Another problem brought to the fore by the most
extensive recent work on Ex. 32, that of H. Valentin (Aaron, pp.
205-303), concerns the role of Aaron. Despite the literary
integrity of the references to Aaron (pp. 216-231, 266), Valenti
considers Aaron's role within the tradition to be a secondary
development. Space forbids any detailed discussion of Valentin's
analysis. But since Valentin's traditio-historical hypothesis is a
corollary of the cult legend interpretation of Ex. 32, the
criticisms above of that interpretation have weighty implications for the assumptions upon which Valentin's case rests.
16. There is a list of thirteen similarities, of varying degrees
220

of substance, between the two accounts in M. Aberbach, L.
Smolar, "Aaron, 3eroboam, and the Golden Calves".
17. There is a variation only in the introductory word: in Ex.
32:4,8, "this is" Celleh), in 1 Kg. 12:28, "behold" (hinneh).
18. Cf. Cassuto, Exodus, pp. 408f.; Buber, Moses, pp. 147f.
19. Cf. Childs, Exodus, pp. 559-561; de Vaux, "The Religious
Schism of 3eroboam I", p. 101.
20. Cf. Noth, HPT, p. 143; idem, Exodus, p. 246; T.L.
Thompson, "The Joseph and Moses Narratives", p. 162.
21. Cf. M. Newman, The People of the Covenant, p. 182; 3.P.
Hyatt, Exodus, p. 301; W. Zimmerli, "Das Bilderverbot in der
Geschichte des Alten Israel", pp. 25Iff.; A.W. 3enks, The
Elohist, p. 51; P.M. Cross, Canaanite Myth and Hebrew Epic, p.
74.
22. Cf. G.W. Coats, Rebellion in the Wilderness, pp. 185f.
23. Above, p. 47.
24. The historical connection of the Sinai tradition with the
exodus tradition is too big an issue to discuss here. Suffice it to
say that von Rad's arguments for the original separateness of
the themes are now widely criticized. See, for example, E.W.
Nicholson, Exodus and Sinai, esp. p. 84; de Vaux, Early History,
I, pp. 4 0 I f f .
25. Cf. Buber, Moses, p. 147; Newman, People of the
Covenant, p. 182.
26. Cf. Buber, ibid. This particular argument is necessarily
very tentative.
27. The evidence of Amos is ambiguous. Although he makes
no specific reference to the calves, he is nevertheless strong in
his denunciation of Bethel (Am. 4:4, 5:5f.).
28. Cf. A. Alt, "The Formation of the Israelite State in
Palestine", pp. 224L; 3. Bright, History of Israel?, pp. 219,
234, 242; 3.A. Soggin, "Der offiziell geforderte Synkretismus in
Israel wahrend des 10. 3ahrhunderts", pp. 179ff.
29. A minority of scholars have argued that the bull was not a
free-standing object but a standard on a pole; see O. Eissfeldt,
"Lade und Stierbild"; T.W. Mann, Divine Presence, p. 155. Such
a suggestion has two advantages. First, there is good iconographic evidence for bull standards. Secondly, this would be a
parallel to the serpent of Num. 21:4-9.
If this were accepted, discussion about the bull as a throne or
pedestal would become redundant. The traditional understanding of the bull as a free-standing object should, however,
be retained. The iconographic evidence for free-standing bulls,
221

especially in cultic contexts, is considerably more abundant
than the evidence for standards. And neither Ex. 32 nor 1 Kg.
12 gives any hint that a standard is intended.
30. This was originally suggested by H.T. Obbink, "Jahwebilder", and was further developed and popularized by Albright,
From the Stone Age to Christianity, pp. 299-301.
31. Cf. J.B. Pritchard, The Ancient Near East in Pictures, p.
170, nos. 500, 501; cf. p. 163, p. 181, no. 537.
32. Exodus, p. 247.
33. Cf. L.R. Bailey, "The Golden Calf", p. 100.
34. Cf. ANEP, p. 202, no. 616.
35. Cf. H. Wolff, Hosea, p. 141.
36. Cf. above, p. 62.
37. Cf. Noth, History, p. 233; P.M. Cross, Canaanite Myth, p.
73, n. 117.
38. See e.g. Halpern, "Levitic Participation", p. 36.
39. Exodus, p. 566.
40. It is also characteristic of Elijah, Hosea, and Deuteronomy.
41. Cf. above, pp. 119ff., esp. p. 123, for the meaning of "cult
legend". Ex. 32 would, in this context, be a cult legend in the
same sense as Jdg. 17-18.
42. Cf. Noth, "Der Wallfahrtsweg zum Sinai (Num. 33)".
43. Old Testament Theology, I, pp. 214f.
44. Cf. J. Faur, "The Biblical Idea of Idolatry", p. 1. See also
the discussion in R.P. Carroll, "The Aniconic God and the Cult
of Images", pp. 5 I f f .
45. It is possible that Hosea's words could also be taken in the
opposite way, to argue against the existence of such a
commandment, the Israelites' behaviour being labelled as stupid
rather than sinful. But the context of the verses does stress
that the calves are sinful and not merely foolish.
46. In addition to the statements of some such position by H.
Schmid, Der sogenannte Jahwist, and 3. Van Seters, Abraham in
History and Tradition, there is the recent argument for a
post-exilic date for J from H. Vorlander, Die Entstehungszeit
des jehowistischen Geschichtswerkes.
47. So e.g. H. Gressmann, Mose, p. 240; Beyerlin, Origins, pp.
22, 112ff.
48. Cf. Gorg, Zelt, p. 151. See the table in Zenger, Die
Sinaitheophanie, pp. 224f.
49. T.W. Mann (Divine Presence, p. 144) cites Ex. 13:21-22,
Num. 9:15-23 as parallels to Ex. 33:7ff. But these passages are
222

explicit summaries of what happened as Israel travelled, which
could not be understood otherwise, which is not the case with
Ex. 33:7ff.
50. So e.g. McNeile, Exodus, p. 212; Noth, Exodus, p. 255;
Childs, Exodus, p. 590.
51. So Childs, Exodus, p. 591.
52. Cf. M. Haran, "The Nature of the "Ohel MpCedh".
53. In the earliest form of the suggestion that there was an
account which told of what was constructed with the ornaments
and which originally followed 33:6, it was proposed that a tent,
perhaps containing the ark, was the object constructed (Knobel,
Exodus, pp. 32If.; cf. Dillmann and Driver ad loc.). Recently,
however, commentators have usually suggested that it was just
the ark that was made (e.g. Eissfeldt, "Lade und Stierbild", pp.
19If.; von Rad, OT Theology I, p. 237; Beyerlin, Origins, p. 110;
de Vaux, "Ark of the Covenant", p. 141), though some have
expressed reservations as to the likelihood of the whole
hypothesis (e.g. Noth, Exodus, p. 254; Clements, God and
Temple, p. 36; Zenger, Sinaitheophanie, p. 89; Childs, Exodus, p.
585; Fritz, Tempel und Zelt, pp. 10If.).
54. Cf. Haran, "'Ohel MpCedh", pp. 53ff.; Fritz, Tempel und
Zelt, p. 102.
55. Cf. D. Jobling, The Sense of Biblical Narrative, pp. 50-52.
The validity of this point is independent of 3obling's overall
approach and analysis which is not always persuasive.
56. The location of the tent envisaged by Num. 11-12 cannot,
of course, be conclusively resolved by those texts alone, and so
it is right to appeal to other passages. The question is whether
Ex. 33:7-11 is the passage to appeal to. Although it is customary
to exclude any perspective characteristic of P from Num.
11-12, it is quite possible that the notion of a shrine in the
midst of the camp belonged to pre-P traditions and so may be
appropriate to Num. 11-12 even when taken in isolation from
the P material. At least it is appropriate to try out the
perspective heuristically in one's reading of Num. 11-12.
57. It is, of course, possible that there could be religious
reasons for locating a sanctuary outside a camp, analogous to
the situation of sanctuaries outside cities. The possible
significance of position requires further study.
58. The proposal to regard the tent of 33:7-11 as a temporary
sanctuary is not new. See e.g. Keil & Delitzsch and Cassuto ad
loc. But the argument has not previously considered the
question of method. The present discussion is concerned not
223

with harmony for its own sake but with the grounds upon which
one's assessment should be based.
59. The phrase mhws Imhnh makes clear that a location
outside the perimeter of the camp is envisaged, unlike the
language of Num. 11-12 where no similar phrase is used.
60. See above, p. 91.
61. See e.g. Holzinger, Exodus, p. 116; Beer, Exodus, p. 163;
Noth, Exodus, p. 267; Beyerlin, Origins, p. 3.
62. See Noth, ibid.; de Vaux, Early History I, p. 394; cf. also
Eissfeldt, Hexateuch-Synopse, pp. 56f.
63. So Cross, Canaanite Myth, p. 314.
64. Cf. Cross, Canaanite Myth, pp. 314, 322.
65. On P's use of cdh, cf. Driver, Exodus, p. 88.
66. As argued by Noth and de Vaux (n. 62).
67. Cf. e.g. Gressmann, Mose, pp. 246ff.; Noth, Exodus, p.
267; K. JaroS, "Des Mose 'strahlende Haut"1; L.R. Bailey, "Horns
of Moses", pp. 419f. For a significant dissentient voice, see F.
Dumermuth, "Moses strahlendes Gesicht"; cf. also E.G. Suhr,
"The Horned Moses".
68. Cf. above, p. 213, n. 23.
69. There are exceptions, one of the most notable being the
hypothesis of Eissfeldt of a short original version of the Sinai
covenant which included this pericope. Eissfeldt's reconstruction is conveniently outlined, with bibliography, in de
Vaux, Early History I, p. 400. The reconstruction is, however,
somewhat arbitrary and has won little acceptance.
70. The argument that the theme of travel and guidance is
out of place in the Sinai tradition (so e.g. Noth, HPT, pp. 144,
204f.) raises the question of how broadly or narrowly one should
define the themes proper to Sinai. It is important not to adopt a
narrow definition which begs the question.
71. Early History I, p. 399.
72. "Intercession", pp. 168, 181; cf. Terrien, Elusive Presence,
p. 138.
73. Cf. Childs, Exodus, pp. 559, 567.
74. There is a textual problem in that 32:9 is omitted by the
LXX. Since the verse is present in the alternative rendering of
the story in Deut. 9:13, it may be suggested that the verse is a
secondary addition into its Exodus context as part of a
harmonization with (or under the influence of) Deuteronomy.
There are, however, several considerations in favour of the
MT. First, the "stiff-necked people" motif is an important
connective link within Ex. 32-34, and the significance it is given
224

in 34:9 presupposes earlier usage of the phrase. In addition to
33:3,5, its use in ch. 32, in the initial context of Israel's sin, is
particularly appropriate. Secondly, the way in which the phrase
functions in 32:9 as a ground for Yahweh's judgment is
congruous with its usages in 33:3,5. Thirdly, 32:7-14 is a
carefully redacted unit in which v. 9 fits smoothly (even though
its omission is not disruptive) and which conveys an
understanding of Yahweh's mercy similar to that conveyed by
34:9. Fourthly, when the "stiff-necked people" phrase carries a
deep significance in Ex. 32-34 and no special significance at all
in Deut. 9-10 which is a loose recasting of earlier tradition, its
originality to the context in which it is of significance is likely.
Fifthly, there is no other MSS evidence in support of 32:9 as an
interpolation.
Admittedly this leaves the LXX omission unexplained. But
that is less of a difficulty than the supposition of 32:9 as a late
interpolation.
75. The fact that the k_T clause is attached to the words of
Moses and so differs from Gen. 8:21 where the k_T clause is
attached to the words of Yahweh supports the contention that
it was added to an already-existing element in the tradition.
76. So G.W. Coats, Rebellion, p. 69.
77. See e.g. H. Holzinger, Exodus, p. 108.
78. Bundestheologie, pp. 156ff.
79. Per sogenannte Jahwist, pp. 83ff.
80. Exodus and Sinai, pp. 6Iff.; idem, "The Decalogue as the
direct address of God", pp. 422ff.
81. Deut. 4:37 uses panim in a way reminiscent of Ex. 33:14
but in fact more abstract in connotation. Such a usage of panim
is also without other parallel in Deuteronomy. Deuteronomy
characteristically expressed Yahweh's presence in terms of his
"name".
82. Cf. C. Brekelmans, "Die sogenannten deuteronomistischen
Elemente in Genesis bis Numeri. Ein Beitrag zur Vorgeschichte
des Deuteronomiums"; klem, "Elements deuteronomiques dans le
Pentateuque"; W. Zimmerli, "Erwagungen zum 'Bund'; die
Aussagen iiber die 3ahwe-bryt in Ex. 19-34"; 3. Halbe,
Privilegrecht, pp. 256ff.
83. Apart from the sole adjectival usage of qaj>eh with
c
orep in Dt. 31:27, occurrences of the verb qsh with c rp are
equally divided between dt. and non-dt. literature:
Dt. lit.;
Dt. 10:16, 2 Kg. 17:14, 3er. 7:26, 17:23, 19:15.

225

Non-Dt. lit.: Prov. 29:1, Neh. 9:16,17, 2 Chron. 30:8, 36:13.
There are examples of stubbornness being depicted by the use
of either qSh or c rp in conjunction with other words, but they
are not relevant to the present point.
84. Cf. above, p. 27.
85. A tenth century redaction of Ex. 32-34 faces no obvious
difficulty. If both the historical content and the literary
presentation of 1 Kg. 12:26ff. is most likely subsequent to Ex.
32, and not vice versa, there is no element in Ex. 32-34, except
perhaps 32:25-29, which need be taken to show knowledge of an
historical situation later than the tenth century. Indeed, much
of the content of Ex. 32-34, especially the concern for a
movable shrine, fits naturally into the earliest period of Israel's
history.
Notes to Epilogue
1.
Enough has already been said on the general
methodological issues, and they need not be recapitulated here.
2.
If the dissociation of Ex. 32-34 from a deuteronomic
redactor is correct, and yet these chapters are the most
apparently deuteronomic section in Gen.-Num., this suggests
the need for a re-examination of the nature and extent of
deuteronomic redaction or Bearbeitung elsewhere in the
Tetrateuch.
3.
See e.g. J. Bright, Covenant and Promise, passim; D.N.
Freedman, "Divine Commitment and Human Obligation"; T.
Raitt, Theology of Exile, pp. 2If.; S. Terrien, Elusive Presence,
pp. 23f.; W. Brueggemann, "Trajectories in OT Literature". J.D.
Levenson ("The Davidic Covenant and its Modern Interpreters")
cautiously argues against asserting any single or definitive
relationship between the covenants but does not deny the
distinctiveness of the indefeasibility of the Davidic covenant.
4.
The conditional nature of the Mosaic covenant is
frequently based upon an appeal to Ex. 19:5 with its conditional
"if". But although the grammatical form of 19:5 is conditional,
that need not determine its meaning. In fact it is doubtful
whether 19:5 is truly conditional in sense (cf. D. Patrick, "The
Covenant Code Source", p. 149). In the typical conditionals of
Deut. 28 the protasis states a condition and the apodosis the
result of meeting the condition - "And if you obey the voice of
226
Notes to Epilogue
Yahweh your God ... Yahweh your God will set you on high ...".
In Ex. 19:5, however, the relationship between obeying God's
voice and being his possession is not that between an action and
a subsequent result. The protasis is a definition of the
requirements of the position or vocation designated by the
titles of the apodosis; it explains what being God's people
means. To break the requirements of the protasis (obeying God's
voice and keeping his covenant) would not mean subsequently
ceasing to be God's people. Rather the act of unfaithfulness
itself would be a denial of their position as God's people. But
such a denial of their status need not entail the abrogation of
that status.
5.
Theology of Exile, esp. pp. 106ff.
227
LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS
ANEJ3
AOAT
ASTI
BA
BASOR
BBB
BOB
B3RL
BR
BWANT
BZAW
CBQ
CBQMS
ET
Exp.T.
FRLANT
GK
HAT
HPT
HTR
HUCA
ICC
IDS
IDB Suppl.
Ancient Near Eastern Texts Relating to the Old

Testament, ed. J.B. Pritchard (3rd ed., Princeton, 1969).
Alter Orient und Altes Testament
Annual of the Swedish Theological Institute
The Biblical Archaeologist
Bulletin of the American Schools of Oriental
Research
Bonner Biblische Beitrage
A Hebrew and English Lexicon of the Old
Testament, ed. F. Brown, S.R. Driver, C.A.
Briggs (Oxford, 1953 [1907]).
Bulletin of the John Rylands Library
Biblical Research
Beitrage zur Wissenschaft vom Alten und Neuen
Testament
Beihefte zur Zeitschrift fur die alttestamentliche Wissenschaft
Catholic Biblical Quarterly
Catholic Biblical Quarterly Monograph Series
English Translation
Expository Times
Forschungen zur Religion und Literatur des
Alten und Neuen Testaments
Gesenius' Hebrew Grammar as edited and enlarged by the late E. Kautzsch, ed. A.E. Cowley
(2nded., Oxford, 1910).
Handbuch zum Alten Testament
M. Noth, A History of Pentateuchal Traditions,
ET (Englewood Cliffs, N.J., 1972)
Harvard Theological Review
Hebrew Union College Annual
The International Critical Commentary
(Edinburgh)
The Interpreter's Dictionary of the Bible, ed.
G.A. Buttrick, et al. (New York, Nashville, 1962)
The Interpreter's Dictionary of the Bible,
Supplementary Volume, ed. K. Crim, et al.
(Nashville, 1976)
228
Abbreviations
IE3
3B
3BL
33S
3QR
3SOT
3SOT Suppl.
3SS
3TS
LXX
MT
NEB
NIV
NT
OBO
OT
OTS
PEQ
RHPB
RSV
SANT
SBL
S3T
ST
TDNT
TDOT
Israel Explpration 3ournal

The 3erusalem Bible (London, 1966)
3ournal of Biblical Literature
3ournal of 3ewish Studies
3ewish Quarterly Review
3ournal for the Study of the Old Testament
3ournal for the Study of the Old Testament,
Supplement Series
3ournal of Semitic Studies;
Journal of Theological Studies
Septuagint
Masoretic Text
New English Bible (Oxford & Cambridge, 1970)
New International Version (London, 1979)
New Testament
Orbus Biblicus et Orientalis
Old Testament
Oudtestamentische Studie'n
Palestine Exploration Quarterly
Revue d'Histoire et de Philosophic Religieuses
Revised Standard Version (London, 1952)
Studien zum Alten und Neuen Testament
Society of Biblical Literature
Scottish Journal of JTheology
Studia Theologica
Theological Dictionary of the New Testament
(Grand Rapids, 1964-74). ET from Theologisches
Worterbuch zum Neuen Testament, ed. G. Kittel
(Vols. I^V), G. Friedrich (Vols. V-IX) (Stuttgart,
1933-73)
Theological Dictionary of the Old Testament,
I-III (Grand Rapids, 1974, 1977, 1978). ET from
Theologisches Worterbuch zum Alten Testament,
ed. G.3. Botterweck, H. Ringgren (Stuttgart,
1970-75).
Th.LZ.
Tynd.B.
TZ
VT
VT Suppl.
WMANT
ZAW
Theologische Literaturzeitung
Tyndale Bulletin
Theologische Zeitschrift
Vetus Testamentum
Supplements to Vetus Testamentum
Wissenschaftliche Monographien zum Alten und
Neuen Testament
Zeitschrift fur die alttestamentliche Wissenschaft
229
BIBLIOGRAPHY
Aberbach, M., & Smolar, L.
"Aaron, Jeroboam, and the Golden Calves", JBL 86 (1967), pp.
129-140.
"The Golden Calf Episode in Postbiblical Literature", HUCA

39 (1968), pp. 91-116.
Ackerman, J.S.
"The Literary Context of the Moses Birth Story (Exodus 1-2)",
in K.R.R. Gros Louis et al. (ed.)., Literary Interpretations of
Biblical Narratives (Nashville, 1974), pp. 74-119.
Albright, W.F.
From the Stone Age to Christianity (New York, 1957).
Alonso Schokel, L.
The Inspired Word (London, 1967). ET from La Palabra
jnspirada (Barcelona, 1966).
"Hermeneutical Problems of a Literary Study of the Bible",
VT Suppl. 28 (1974), pp. 1-15.
Alt, A.
"The Formation of the Israelite State in Palestine", in his
Essays on Old Testament History and Religion (Oxford, 1966),
pp. 171-237. Originally published in German in 1930 and later
in his Kleine Schriften II (Munich, 1953), pp. 1-65.
"The Origins of Israelite Law", in his Essays on Old
Testament History and Religion (Oxford, 1966), pp. 79-132.
Originally published in German in 1934 and later in his Kleine
Schriften I (Munich, 1953), pp. 278-332.
Andersen, F.I.
"A Lexicographical Note on Exodus 32:18", VT 16 (1966), pp.
108-112.
Anderson, B.W.
"From Analysis to Synthesis: The Interpretation of Genesis
1-11", OBL 97 (1978), pp. 23-29.
Auerbach, E.
Mimesis (Princeton, 1953).
Auld, A.G.
"Keeping up with Recent Studies: VI. The Pentateuch", Exp.T.
91 (1980), pp. 297-302.
Baentsch, B.
Das Bundesbuch Ex. XX.22-XXIII.33 (Halle, 1892).
230
Bibliography
Exodus, Leviticus, Numeri (Gottingen, 1903).
Bailey, L.R.
"The Golden Calf", HUCA 42 (1971), pp. 97-115.
"Horns of Moses", IDB Suppl., pp. 419-420.
Barbour, I.
Myths, Models and Paradigms (London, 1974).
Bar-Efrat, S.
"Some Observations on the Analysis of Structure in Biblical
Narratives", VT 30 (1980), pp. 154-173.
Barr, 3.
"Theophany and Anthropomorphism in the Old Testament",
VT Suppl. 7 (1959), pp. 31-38.
The Semantics of Biblical Language (Oxford, 1961).
"Covenant", in Hastings' Dictionary of the Bible (2nd ed.:
Edinburgh, 1963), pp. 183-185.
The Bible in the Modern World (London, 1973).
"Reading the Bible as Literature", BJRL 56 (1973), pp. 10-33.
"Story and History in Biblical Theology", Journal of Religion
56 (1976), pp. 1-17. Reprinted in his Explorations in Theology
7 (London, 1980), pp. 1-17.
"Historical Reading and the Theological Interpretation of
Scripture", in his Explorations in Theology 7 (London, 1980),
pp. 30-51.
"Childs 1 Introduction to the Old Testament as Scripture",
3SOT 16 (1980), pp. 12-23.
Barth, H. & Steck, O.H.
Exegese des Alten Testaments: Leitfaden der Methodik
(Neukirchen-Vluyn, 1978).
Barton, 3.
Review of D.A. Knight (ed.), Tradition and Theology in the
Old Testament, JTS 30 (1979), pp. 240-243.
Beer, G.
Exodus, HAT 3 (Tubingen, 1939).
Beitzel, B.3.
"Exodus 3:14 and the Divine Name: A Case of Biblical
Paronomasia", Trinity Journal I (NS) (1980), pp. 5-20.
Bernhardt, K.H.
"bara", TDOT II, pp. 245-248.
Beyerlin, W.
Origins and History of the Oldest Sinaitic Traditions (Oxford,
1965), ET from Herkunft und Geschichte der altesten Sinaitraditionen (Tubingen, 1961)^
Booij, T.
231

"Hagar's Words in Gen. 16:13b", VT 30 (1980), pp. 1-7.
Brekelmans, C.
"Die sogenannten deuteronomistischen Elemente in Genesis
"bis Numeri. Ein Beitrag zur Vorgeschichte des Deuteronomiums", VT Suppl. 15 (1966), pp. 90-96.
"Elements deuteronomiques dans le Pentateuque", Recherches Bibliques 8 (1967), pp. 77-91.

Bright, J.
Early Israel in Recent History Writing (London, 1956).
A History of Israel (2nd ed.; Londo"n, 1972).
"The Apodictic Prohibition: Some Observations", JBL 92
(1973), pp. 185-204.
Covenant and Promise (London, 1977).

Brodie, L.T.
"Again the Golden Calf: Shades of Hosea", Exp/[. 91 (1979),
pp. 19-20.
Brown, J.P.
"The Sacrificial Cult and its Critique in Greek and Hebrew

(I)", JSS 2k (1979), pp. 159-173.
Brueggemann, W.
"Presence of God, Cultic", IDB Suppl., pp. 680-683.
"Trajectories in Old Testament Literature and the Sociology
of Ancient Israel", JBL 98 (1979), pp. 161-185.
Buber, M.
Moses (Oxford & London, 1946).
Buss, M.J.
"The Idea of Sitz im Leben - History and Critique", ZAW 90
(1978), pp. 157-170.
Caird, G.B.
The Language and Imagery of the Bible (London, 1980).

Calvin, J.
Commentaries on the Four Last Books of Moses Arranged in
the Form of a Harmony, III, ET (Edinburgh, 1854).
Campbell, A.F.
"The Yahwist Revisited", Australian Biblical Review 27
(1979), pp. 2-14.
Carpenter, J.E. & Harford-Battersby, G.
The Hexateuch, 2 vols. (London, New York <5c Bombay, 1900).
Carpenter, J.E.
The Composition of the Hexateuch (London, New York &
Bombay, 1902).
Carroll, R.P.
"The Aniconic God and the Cult of Images", ST 31 (1977), pp.
232
Bibliography
51-64.
"Childs and Canon", Irish Biblical Studies 2 (1980), pp.
211-236.
"Canonical Criticism: A Recent Trend in Biblical Studies?",
Exp.T. 92 (1980/81), pp. 73-78.
Cassuto, U.
A Commentary on the Book of Genesis II (Jerusalem, 1964).
ET from the Hebrew (Jerusalem, 1949).
A Commentary on the Book of Exodus (Jerusalem, 1967). ET
from the Hebrew (Jerusalem, 1951).
Gazelles, H.
"Alliance du Sinai, Alliance de 1'Horeb et Renouvellement de
rAlliance", in H. Donner, et al. (ed.), Beitrage zu
Alttestamentlichen Theologie, W. Zimmerli Festschrift
(Gottingen, 1977), pp. 69-79.
A la Recherche de Moise (Paris, 1979).
Childs, B.S.
"A Study of the Formula 'Until this Day"', JBL 82 (1963), pp.
279-292.
Biblical Theology in Crisis (Philadelphia, 1970).

Exodus (London, 1974)^
"The Sensus Literalis of Scripture: An Ancient and Modern
Problem", in H. Donner et al. (ed.), Beitrage zur
Alttestamentlichen Theologie, W. Zimmerli Festschrift
(Gottingen, 1977), pp. 80-93.
"The Exegetical Significance of Canon for the Study of the
Old Testament", VT Suppl. 29 (1978), pp. 66-80.
Introduction to the Old Testament as Scripture (London,
1979).
"On Reading the Elijah Narratives", Interpretation 34 (1980),

pp. 128-137.
"Response to Reviewers of Introduction to the Old Testament
as Scripture", 3SOT 16 (1980), pp. 52-60. Childs is responding
to several important reviews of his Introduction also contained in the same number of 3SOT.
Clark, W.M.
"The Flood and the Structure of the Pre-patriarchal History",
ZAW 83 (1971), pp. 184-211.
"Law" in J.H. Hayes (ed.), Old Testament Form Criticism
(San Antonio, 1974), pp. 99-139.
Clements, R.E.
God and Temple (Oxford, 1965).
Exodus (Cambridge, 1972).
233

Old Testament Theology (London, 1978).
"Pentateuchai Problems", in G.W. Anderson (ed.), Tradition
and Interpretation (Oxford, 1979), pp. 96-124.
Clines, D.J.A.
The Theme of the Pentateuch, JSOT Suppl. 10 (Sheffield,
T978T
"Introduction to the Pentateuch'", in G.C.D. Howley et al.
(ed.), A Bible Commentary for Today (London & Glasgow,
1979), pp. 97-103.
"Story and Poem: The Old Testament as Literature and as
Scripture", Interpretation 34 (1980), pp. 115-127.
Coats, G.W.
Rebellion in the Wilderness (Nashville, 1968).
"Moses Versus Amalek: Aetiology and Legend in Exodus
17:8-16", VT Suppl. 28 (1974), pp. 29-41.
"History and Theology in the Sea Tradition", Studia TheoJogica 29 (1975), pp. 53-62,
From Canaan to Egypt, CBQMS 4 (Washington, 1976).
"The King's Loyal Opposition: Obedience and Authority in
Exodus 32-34", in G.W. Coats, B.O. Long (ed.), Canon and
Authority (Philadelphia, 1977), pp. 91-109.
Cody, A.
A History of Old Testament Priesthood, Analecta Biblica 35
(Rome, 1969).
Coggins, R.J.
"History and Story in Old Testament Study", JSOT 11 (1979),
pp. 36-46.
Cole, A.
Exodus (London, 1973).
Collins, 3.3.
"The 'Historical Character' of the Old Testament in Recent
Biblical Theology", CBQ 41 (1979), pp. 185-204.
Conroy, C.
"Hebrew Epic: Historical Notes and Critical Reflections",
Biblica 61 (1980), pp. 1-30.
Craigie, P.C.
"Deuteronomy and Ugaritic Studies", Tynd. B. 28 (1977), pp.
155-169.
Cross, P.M.
Canaanite Myth and Hebrew Epic (Cambridge, Mass., 1973).
Crossan, J.D.
"Perspectives and Methods in Contemporary Biblical
Criticism", BR 22 (1977), pp. 39-49.
234
Bibliography
"Waking the Bible: Biblical Hermeneutic and Literary
Imagination", Interpretation 32 (1978), pp. 269-285.
Culley, R.C.
"An Approach to the Problem of Oral Tradition", VT 13
(1963), pp. 113-125.
"Oral Tradition and Historicity", in D.B. Redford, 3.W.
Wevers (ed.), Studies on the Ancient Palestinian World
(Toronto, 1972), pp. 102-116.
"Oral Tradition and the OT: Some Recent Discussion", Semeia
5 (1976), pp. 1-33.
Studies in the Structure of Hebrew Narrative (Philadelphia,
T976T
D'Angelo, M.R.
Moses in the Letter to the Hebrews, SBL Dissertations 42
(Missoula, 1979).
Davies, G.I.
The Way of the Wilderness (Cambridge, 1979).
Davies, G.H.
Dentan, R.C.
"The Literary Affinities of Ex. 34:6f.", VT 13 (1963), pp.
34-51.
Dietrich, M., Loretz, O., & Sanmartin, 3.
Die Keilalphabetischen Texte aus Ugarit I, AOAT 24
(Neukirchen-Vluyn, 1976).
Dillmann, A.
Exodus und Leviticus (Leipzig, 1880).
Donner, H.
'"Hier sind deine Cotter, Israel:1" in H. Gese, H.-P. Ruger
(ed.), Wort und Geschichte, K. Elliger Festschrift; AOAT 18
(Neukirchen, 1973), pp. 45-50.
Die literarische Gestalt des alttestamentlichen Josephgeschichte (Heidelberg, 1976).
Driver, S.R.
Deuteronomy, ICC (3rd ed.: Edinburgh, 1902).
The Book of Exodus (Cambridge, 1911).
Notes on the Hebrew Text of the Books of Samuel (2nd ed.:
Oxford, 1913).
Dumermuth, F.
"Zur deuteronomischen Kulttheologie und ihren Voraussetzungen", ZAW 70 (1958), pp. 59-98.
"Moses strahlendes Gesicht", TZ 17 (1961), pp. 241-248.
"Josua in Ex. 33:7-11", TZ 19 (1963), pp. 161-168.
235

Eakins, Jf.K.
"Moses", Review and Expositor 74 (1977), pp. 461-471.
Edelmann, R.
"To canngt Exodus 32:18", VT 16 (1966), p. 355.
Ehrlich, A.B.
Randglossen zur hebra'i'schen Bibel I (Leipzig, 1908).
Eichrodt, W.
Theology of the Old Testament, 2 vols. (London, 1961, 1967).
ET from Theologie des Alten Testaments (Gottingen, 1959,
1964).
"Covenant and Law", Interpretation 20 (1966), pp. 302-321.
Eissfeldt, O.
Hexateuch-Synopse (Leipzig, 1922).
"Lade und Stierbild", Z A W 58 (1940), pp. 190-215. Reprinted
in his Kleine Schriften II (Tubingen, 1963), pp. 282-305.
The Old Testament: An Introduction (Oxford, 1965). ET from
Einleitung in das Alte Testament (3rd ed.: Tubingen, 1956).
"Israels Fiihrer in der Zeit vom Auszug aus Agypten bis zur
Landnahme", in Studia Biblica et Semitica, T.C. Vriezen
Festschrift (Wageningen, 1966), pp. 62-70.
"Die Komposition der Sinai-Erzahlung Ex. 19-34", Kleine
Schriften IV (Tubingen, 1968), pp. 231-237.
Ellis, P.P.
The Yahwist: The Bible's First Theologian (London, 1969).

Elton, G.R.
The Practice of History (Glasgow, 1969).
Faur, 3.
"The Biblical Idea of Idolatry", 3QR 69 (1978), pp. 1-15.
Fensham, F.C.
"The Burning of the Golden Calf and Ugarit", IE3 16 (1966),
pp. 191-193.
Frazer, 3.G.
Folklore in the Old Testament, 3 vols. (London, 1918/19).
Freedman, D.N.
"The Name of the God of Moses", JBL 79 (1960), pp. 151-156.
"Divine Commitment and Human Obligation", Interpretation
18 (1964), pp. 419-431.
Frei, H.W.
The Eclipse of Biblical Narrative (New Haven & London,
1974).
Friedrich, G.
"Salpinx", TDNT VII, pp. 71-88.
Fritz, V.
236
Bibliography
Tempel und Zelt, W M A N T 47 (Neukirchen, 1977).
Frye, N.
"Literary Criticism", in 3. Thorpe (ed.), The Aims and
Methods of Scholarship in Modern Languages and Literature
(New York, 19637Tpp. 57-69.
Gardner, H.
The Business of Criticism (Oxford, 1959).
Gaster, T.H~
M y t h , Legend, and C_ustom_ in the Old Testament (New York
& Lond'on, 1969).
Gemser, B.
"God in Genesis", OTS 12 (1958), pp. 1-21.
Gerstenberger, E.
Wesen und Herkunft des 'Apodiktischen Rechts', W M A N T 20
(Neukirchen, 1965).
"Covenant and Commandment", 3BL 84 (1965), pp. 38-51.
Gese, H.
"Bemerkungen zur Sinaitradition", ZAW 79 (1967), pp. 137154.
"Tradition and Biblical Theology", in D.A. Knight (ed.),
Tradition and Theology in the Jgld Testament (Philadelphia,
1977), pp. 301-326.
Geyer, 3.B.
"The 3oseph and Moses Narratives: Folk-Tale and History",
3SOT 15 (1980), pp. 51-56.
Gibson, 3.C.L.
Canaanite Myths and Legends (Edinburgh, 1978).
Glueck,~NL
The Other Side of the 3ordan (Cambridge, Mass., 1970).
Goldingay, 3.
"'That You May Know That Yahweh is God1: A Study in the
Relationship between Theology and Historical Truth in the
Old Testament", Tynd. B. 23 (1972), pp. 58-93.
Gordon, C.H.
"Homer, Caphtor and Canaan", Anadolu Arastir malar i I
(1955), pp. 139-146.
Gordon, R.P.
"Exodus", in G.C.D. Howley et al. (ed.), A Bible Commentary
for Today (London & Glasgow, 1979), pp. 170-211.
Gorg, M.
Das Zelt der Begegnung, BBB 27 (Bonn, 1967).
Gottwald, N.
The Tribes of Yahweh (London, 1980).
237

Gradwohl, R.
"Die Verbrennung des Jungstiers, Ex. 32.20", TZ 19 (1963), pp.
50-53.
Greenwood, D.
"Rhetorical Criticism and Formgeschichte: Some Methodological Considerations", JBL 89 (1970), pp. 418-426.
Gressmann, H.
Mose und seine Zeit, F R L A N T 18 (Gottingen, 1913).
Gunkel, H.
The Legends of Genesis (New York, 1964).
Gunn, D.M.
"Narrative Patterns and Oral Tradition in Judges and
Samuel", VT 24 (1974), pp. 286-3-17.
"On Oral Tradition: A Response to John Van Seters", Semeia 5
(1976), pp. 155-163.
The Story of King David; Genre and Interpretation, JSOT
Suppl. 6 (Sheffield, 1978).
Gutmann, J.
"The 'Second Commandment 1 and the Image in Judaism",
HUCA 32 (1961), pp. 161-174.
Halbe, J.
Das Privilegrecht Jahwes, Ex. 34.10-26, FRLANT 114
(Gottingen, 1975).
Hal pern, B.
"Levitic Participation in the Reform Cult of Jeroboam I",
JBL 95 (1976), pp. 31-42.
Hals, R.M.
"Legend: A Case Study in OT Form-Critical Terminology",
CBQ 34 (1972), pp. 166-176.
Haran, M.
"The Nature of the 'Ohel Mocedh' in Pentateuchal
Sources", JSS 5 (1960), pp. 50-65.
"Seething a Kid in its Mother's Milk", JJS 30 (1979), pp. 23-35.
Harrelson, W.J.
"Calf, Golden", JOB I, pp. 488-489.
Harvey, Van A.
The Historian and the Believer (London, 1967).
Hayes, J.H. (ed.)
Old Testament Form Criticism (San Antonio, 1974).
Hayes, J.H. & Miller, J.M. (ed.)
Israelite and Judaean History (London, 1977).
Hayes, J.H.
An Introduction to Old Testament Study (Nashville, 1979).
238
Bibliography
Hazard, P.
The European Mind 1680-1713 (Harmondsworth, 1964). ET
from La Crise de la conscience europeene (Paris, 1935).
Heinisch, P.
Das Buch Exodus (Bonn, 1934).
Hendricks, W.O.
"Folklore and the Structural Analysis of Literary Texts",
Language and Style 3 (1970), pp. 83-121.
Herrmann, S.
A History of Israel in Old Testament Times (London, 1975).
ET from Geschichte Israels in alttestamentlicher Zeit
(Munich, 1973).
Hertz, 3.H.
Exodus (The Pentateuch and Haftorahs) (London, 1930).
Hollinger, D.A.
"T.S. Kuhn's Theory of Science and Its Implications for
History", American Historical Review 78 (1973), pp. 370-393.
Holzinger, H.
Exodus (Tubingen, 1900).
Honeycutt, R.L. Jr.
"Aaron, the Priesthood, and the Golden Calf", Review and
Expositor 74 (1977), pp. 523-535.
Huffmon, H.B.
"The Exodus, Sinai and the Credo", CBQ 27 (1965), pp.
101-113.
Huesman, I.E.
"Exodus", in R.E. Brown et al. (ed.), 3erome Biblical
Commentary (London, 1968), pp. 47-66.
Hyatt, J.P.
Irwin, D.
"The Joseph and Moses Narratives", in J.H. Hayes, J.M.
Miller (ed.), Israelite and Judaean History, pp. 180-212.
Mytharion, AOAT 32 (Neukirchen, 1978).
Jaros*, K.
"Des Mose 'strahlende Haut'. Eine Notiz zu Ex. 34:29, 30, 35",
ZAW 88 (1976), pp. 275-280.
Jenkins, A.K.
"A Great Name: Genesis 12:2 and the Editing of the
Pentateuch", JSOT 10 (1978), pp. 41-57.
Jenks, A.W.
The Elohist and North Israelite Traditions, SBL Monographs
22 (Missoula, 1977).
239

Jeremias, 3.
Theophanie, W M A N T 10 (Neukirchen, 1965).
Jobling, D.
The Sense of Biblical Narrative, 3SOT Suppl. 7 (Sheffield,
1978).
Johnson, A.R.
"Aspects of the Use of the Term PanTm in the Old
Testament", in 3. Fuck (ed.), Festschrift Otto Eissfeldt
(Halle, 1947), pp. 155-159.
Jolles, A.
Einfache Formen (Tubingen, 1958).
3ones, H.
"The Concept of Story and Theological Discourse", S3T 29
(1976), pp. 415-433.
Kaiser, O. & Kummel, W.G.
Exegetical Method; A Student's Handbook, ET (New York,
1967).
Kaiser, O.
Introduction to the Old Testament (Oxford, 1975). ET from
the German, 1970, 1973.
Kapelrud, A.S.
"Some Recent Points of View on the Time and Origin of the
Decalogue", Studia Theologica 18 (1964), pp. 81-90.
Kaufman, S.
"The Structure of the Deuteronomic Law", Maarav 1 (1978/9),
pp. 105-158.
Kearney, P.3.
"Creation and Liturgy: The P Redaction of Ex. 25-40", ZAW
89 (1977), pp. 375-387.
Keil, C.F. & Delitzsch, F.
Biblical Commentary on the Old Testament: Vol. II, The
Pentateuch, ET (Edinburgh, 1864).
Kessler, M.
"An Introduction to Rhetorical Criticism of the Bible:
Prolegomena", Semitics 7 (1980), pp. 1-27.
Key, A.F.
"Traces of Worship of the Moon-God Sin among the Early
Israelites", 3BL 84 (1965), pp. 20-26.
Kirk, G.S.
Myth: Its Meanings and Function in Ancient and Other
Cultures (Cambridge, 1970).
Kitchen, K.A.
"Ancient Orient, 'Deuteronomism 1 , and the Old Testament",
240
Bibliography
in 3.B. Payne (ed.), New Perspectives on the Old Testament
(Texas, 1970), pp. 1-24.
Kline, M.G.
"The Two Tables of the Covenant", Westminster Theological
Journal 22 (1960), pp. 133-146.
Knierim, R.
"The Old Testament Form Criticism Reconsidered",
Interpretation 27 (1973), pp. 435-468.
Knight, D.A.
Rediscovering the Traditions of Israel, SBL Dissertations 9
(Missoula, 1973).
"The Understanding of 'Sitz im Leben' in Form Criticism",
SBL 1974 Seminar Papers I, pp. 105-125.
Knight, D.A. (ed.)
Tradition and Theology in the Old Testament (Philadelphia,
WnT.
Knight, G.A.F.
Theology as Narration (Edinburgh, 1976).
Knobel, A.
Die Bu'cher Exodus und Leviticus (Leipzig, 1857).
Koch, K.
The Growth of the Biblical Tradition (London, 1969). ET from
Was ist Formgeschichte? (Neukirchen, 1967).
'"ohel", TDOT I, pp. 118-130.
"derekh", TDOT III, pp. 270-293.
Koenig, 1.
"La Localisation du Sinai et les Traditions des Scribes",
RHPR 43 (1963), pp. 2-31.
Kosmala, H.
"The So-Called Ritual Decalogue", ASTI 1 (1962), pp. 31-61.
Kraus, H.-3.
Worship in Israel (Oxford, 1966). ET from the German
(Munich, 1962).
Krohn, K.
Folklore Methodology, ET (Austin & London, 1971).
Kuhn, T.S.
The Structure of Scientific Revolutions (2nd ed.: Chicago,
___^
1970).
Labuschagne, C.3.
"The Emphasizing Particle gam and its Connotations", in
Studia Biblica et Semitica, T.C. Vriezen Festschrift (Wageningen, 1966), pp. 193-203.
Lakatos, I. & Musgrave, A. (ed.)
241

Criticism and the Growth of Knowledge (Cambridge, 1970).
Laurentin, A.
"Wecattah - Kai nun. Formule caracteristique des textes
juridiques et liturgiques (a propos de Jean 17:5)", Biblica 45
(1964), pp. 168-197.
Lehming, S.
"Versuch zu Ex. 32", VT 10 (1960), . 16-50.
Leibowitz, N.
Studies in Shemot, ET (Jerusalem, 1976).
Lemaire, A.
Inscriptions Hebraiques I (Paris, 1977).
Levenson, J.D.
"The Davidic Covenant and its Modern Interpreters", CBQ 41
(1979), pp. 205-219.
Lewy, I.
"The Story of the Golden Calf Reanalyzed", VT 9 (1959), pp.
318-322.
Licht, J.
Storytelling in the Bible (Jerusalem, 1978).
Lindblom, J.
"Theophanies in Holy Places in Hebrew Religion", HUCA 32
(1961), pp. 91-106.
Loewenstamm, S.E.
"The Making and Destruction of the Golden Calf", Biblica 48
(1967), pp. 481-490.
"The Making and Destruction of the Golden Calf - a
Rejoinder", Biblica 56 (1975), pp. 330-343.
Long, B.O.
The Problem of Etiological Narrative in the Old Testament,
BZAW 108 (Berlin, 1968).
"Recent Field Studies in Oral Literature and the Question of
Sitz im Leben", Semeia 5 (1976), pp. 35-49.
"Recent Field Studies in Oral Literature and their Bearing on
OT Criticism", VT 26 (1976), pp. 187-198.
Loza, J.
"Exode 32 et. la redaction JE", VT 23 (1973), pp. 31-55.
Lundbom, J.R.
"God's Use of the Idem per Idem to Terminate Debate", HTR
71 (1978), pp. 193-201.
MacKenzie, R.A.F.
"The Divine Soliloquies in Genesis", CBQ 17 (1955), pp.
277-286.
242
Bibliography
Mann, T.W.
Divine Presence and Guidance in Israelite Traditions
(Baltimore & London, 1977).
McCarthy, D.3.
Old Testament Covenant: A Survey of Current Opinions
(Oxford, 1972).
Treaty and Covenant, Analecta Biblica 2 1 A (2nd ed.: Rome,
1978).
"Exodus 3:14: History, Philology and Theology", CBQ 40
(1978), pp. 311-322.
McConville, 3.G.
"God's 'Name' and God's 'Glory'", Tynd. B. 30 (1979), pp.
149-163.
McCurley, F.R.
Genesis, Exodus, Leviticus, Numbers, Proclamation Commentaries (Philadelphia, 1979).
McEvenue, S.E.
The Narrative Style of the Priestly Writer, Analecta Biblica
50 (Rome, 1971).
McKane, W.
Review of R. Rendtorff, Das uberlieferungsgeschichtliche
Problem des Pentateuch, VT 28 (1978), pp. 371-382.
Studies in the Patriarchal Narratives (Edinburgh, 1979).
McKnight, E.V.
Meaning in Texts (Philadelphia, 1978).
McNeile, A.M.
The Book of Exodus (London, 1908).
Mendenhall, G.E.
"Covenant Forms in Israelite Tradition", BA 17 (1954), pp.
50-76.
Mettinger, T.N.D.
King and Messiah: The Civil and Sacral Legitimation of the
Israelite Kings, Coniectanea Biblica, OT Series 8 (Lund, 1976).
Michaelis, W.
"hodos", TDNT V, pp. 42ff.
Millard, A.R.
"The Practice of Writing in Ancient Israel", BA 35 (1972), pp.
98-111.
Morgenstern, 3.
"The Oldest Document of the Hexateuch", HUCA 4 (1927),
pp. 1-138.
Mowinckel, S.
Le Decalogue (Paris, 1927).
The Psalms in Israel's Worship, I (Oxford, 1962). ET from
243

Offersang og Sangoffer (Oslo, 1951).
Muilenburg, 3.
"The Linguistic and Rhetorical Usages of the Particle KI in
the Old Testament", HUCA 32 (1961), pp. 135-160.
"The Intercession of the Covenant Mediator, Exodus 33: la,
12-17", in P.R. Ackroyd, B. Lindars (ed.), Words and
Meanings: Essays ... to D. Winton Thomas (Cambridge, 1968),
pp. 159-181.
"Form Criticism and Beyond", 3BL 88 (1969), pp. 1-18.
Navone, J.
Towards a Theology of Story (Slough, 1977).
Newman, M.L.
The People of the Covenant (Nashville, 1962).
Nicholson, E.W.
Exodus and Sinai in History and Tradition (Oxford, 1973).
"The Decalogue as the Direct Address of God", VT 27 (1977),
pp. 422-433.
Niles, D.P.
The Name of God in Israel's Worship: The Theological Importance of the Name Yahweh (Michigan, 1979).
Norin, S.I.L.
Er Spaltete Das Meer, Coniectanea Biblica, OT Series 9
(Lund, 1977).
North, C.R.
"Pentateuchal Criticism", in H.H. Rowley (ed.), The Old
Testament and Modern Study (Oxford, 1951), pp. 48-83.
"The Essence of Idolatry", in 3. Hempel, L. Rost (ed.), Von
Ugarit nach Qumran, O. Eissfeldt Festschrift, BZAW 77
(Berlin, 1961), pp. 151-160.
Noth, M.
"The Laws in the Pentateuch: Their Assumptions and
Meaning", in his The Laws in the Pentateuch and Other
Studies (Edinburgh & London, 1966), pp. 1-107. ET from "Die
Gesetze im Pentateuch (Ihre Voraussetzungen und ihr Sinn)"
(Halle, 1940).
"Der Wallfahrtsweg zum Sinai ( N u m . 33)", Pala'stinajahrbuch
36 (1940), pp. 5-28.
A History of Pentateuchal T lewood Cliffs, New
Jersey, 1972). ET from Uberlief erungsgeschich te des
Pentateuch (Stuttgart, 1948).
"God, King, and Nation in the Old Testament", in his The
Laws in the Pentateuch and Other Studies (Edinburgh &
London, 1966). ET from "Gott, Konig, Volk im Alten
244
Bibliography
Testament", Zeitschrift fur Theologie und Kirche 47 (1950),
pp. 157-191.
The History of Israel (2nd ed., London, 1960). ET from Die

Geschichte Israels (Gottingen, 1956).
"Zur Anfertigung des 'Goldenen Kalbes'", VT 9 (1959), pp.
419-422.
Exodus (London, 1962). ET from Das zweite Buch Mose,

Exodus (Gottingen, 1959).
Obbink, H.T.
"Jahwebilder", ZAW 47 (1929), pp. 264-271.
Olrik, A.
"Epic Laws of Folk Narrative", in A. Dundes (ed.), The Study
of Folklore (New Jersey, 1965), pp. 129-141. ET from
"Epische Gesetze der Volksdichtung", Zeitschrift fur
Deutsches Altertum 51 (1909), pp. 1-12.
Otto, E.
Das Mazzotfest in Gil gal, B W A N T 107 (Stuttgart, 1975).
Patrick, D.
"The Covenant Code Source", VT 27 (1977), pp. 145-157.
Perdue, L.G.
"The Making and Destruction of the Golden Calf - a Reply",
Biblica 54 (1973), pp. 237-246.
Perlitt, L.
Bundestheologie im Alten Testament, W M A N T 36 (Neukirchen, 1969).
Petersen, D.L.
"The Yahwist on the Flood", VT 26 (1976), pp. 438-446.
Piper, 3.
"Prolegomena to Understanding Romans 9:14-15: An Interpretation of Exodus 33:19", Journal of the Evangelical Theological Society 22 (1979), pp. 203-216.
Polzin, R.
"Martin Noth's A History of Pentateuchal Traditions",
BASOR 221 (1976), pp. 113-120.
Poythress, V.
"Analyzing a Biblical Text: Some Important Linguistic
Distinctions", SJT 32 (1979), pp. 113-137.
Preuss, H.D.
"... ich will mit dir seinl", ZAW 80 (1968), pp. 139-173.
Pritchard, J.B.
The Ancient Near East in Pictures (Princeton, 1954).
von Rad, G.
"Doxa", TDNT II, pp. 238-242.
245

"The Form-Critical Problem of the Hexateuch" in The
Problem of the Hexateuch and Other Essays (Edinburgh &
London, ~1966), pp. 1-78. ET from Das formgeschichtliche
Problem des Hexateuchs, BWANT 78 (Stuttgart, 1938).
Studies in
Deuteronomy (London,
1953). ET from
Deuteronomium-Studien (Go'ttingen, 1948).
'"Righteousness1 and 'Life' in the Cultic Language of the
Psalms", ET, in The Problem of the Hexateuch, pp. 243-266.
Reprinted from Festschrift fur Alfred Bertholet (Tubingen,
1950), pp. 418-437.
Old Testament Theology, 2 vols. (London, 1962, 1965). ET
from Theologie des Alten Testaments (Munich, 1957, 1960).
Moses (London, 1960).
Genesis (3rd ed.: London, 1972). ET from Das erste Buch
Mose, Genesis (9th ed., Gottingen, 1972).
"Offene Fragen im Umkreis einer Theologie des Alten
Testaments", ThLZ. 88 (1963), pp. 402ff. ET in his Old
Testament Theology II (London, 1975), pp. 410-429.
Raitt, T.
A Theology of Exile (Philadelphia, 1977).
Rendtorff, R.
"Genesis 8:21 und die Urgeschichte des Jahwisten", Kerygma
und Dogma 7 (1961), pp. 69-78.
"Der 'Jahwist1 als Theologe? Zum Dilemma der Pentateuchkritik", VT Suppl. 28 (1975), pp. 158-166. ET in JSOT 3 (1977),
pp. 2-10. JSOT 3 also contains several responses to
Rendtorff's work by other scholars.
Das uberlieferungsgeschichtliche Problem des Pentateuch,
BZAW 147 (Berlin, 1977).
Reventlow, H.G.
"Basic Problems in Old Testament Theology", JSOT 11 (1979),
pp. 2-22.
Richter, W.
Exegese als Literaturwissenschaft (Gottingen, 1971).
Ricoeur, P.
"The Narrative Function", Semeia 13 (1978), pp. 177-202.
Ringgren, H.
'"ach", TDOT I, pp. 188-193.
Robertson, D.
"The Bible as Literature", IDB Suppl., pp. 547-551.
Rogerson, J.W.
"The Changing Context of Old Testament Studies", in
Seventy-Fifth
Anniversary Papers
1979 (Manchester:
246
Bibliography
University of Manchester, Faculty of Theology, 1980), pp.
55-76.
Rowley, H.H.
The Biblical Doctrine of Election (London, 1950).
"Moses and the Decalogue", B3RL 34 (1951), pp. 81-118.
Reprinted in his Men of God (London & Edinburgh, 1963), pp.
1-36.
Rudolph, W.
"Der Aufbau von Exodus 19-34", in P. Volz et al. (ed.),
Werden und Wesen des Alten Testaments (Berlin, 1936), pp.
41-48.
Der 'Elohist' von Exodus bis Josua (Berlin, 1938).
Ryken, L.
"Literary Criticism of the Bible: Some Fallacies", in K.R.R.
Gros Louis et al. (ed.), Literary Interpretations of Biblical
Narratives (Nashville, 1974), pp. 24-40.
Sakenfeld, K.D.
The Meaning of Hesed in the Hebrew Bible; A New Enquiry
(Missoula, 1978).
Sanders, 3.A.
Torah and Canon (Philadelphia, 1972).

Sasson, 3.M.
"Bovine Symbolism in the Exodus Narrative", VT 18 (1968),
pp. 380-387.
"The Worship of the Golden Calf", in H.A. Hoffner (ed.),
Orient and Occident, AOAT 22, C.H. Gordon Festschrift
(Neukirchen-Vluyn, 1973), pp. 151-159.
Sawyer, 3.F.A.
From Moses to Patmos (London, 1977).
Scharbert, 3.
"Formgeschichte und Exegese von Ex. 34.6f.", Biblica 38

(1957), pp. 130-150.
Schmid, H.H.
Der sogenannte Jahwist (Zurich, 1976).
Schmid, H.
Mose; Uberlieferung und Geschichte, BZAW 110 (Berlin, 1968).
Simon, U.
Story and Faith (London, 1975).
Simpson, C.A.
The Early Traditions of Israel (Oxford, 1948).
Soggin, 3.A.
"Der offiziel gefordete Synkretismus in Israel wahrend des
247

JO. Jahrhunderts", ZAW 78 (1966), pp. 179-204.
"Ancient Israelite Poetry and Ancient 'Codes' of Law, and the
Sources 'J and 'E' of the Pentateuch", VT Suppl. 28 (1974), pp.
85-195.
Speiser, E.A.
"'People' and 'Nation' of Israel", 3BL 79 (196 63.
Genesis (New York, 1964).
Stalker, D.M.G.
"Exodus" in M. Black, H.H. Rowley (ed.), Peake's Commentary on the Bible (revised ed.: London, 1962), pp. 208-240.
Stamm, 3.J.
Erl5sen und Vergeben im Alten Testament (Bern, 1940).
Stamm, J.3. & Andrew, M.E.
The Ten Commandments in Recent Research (London, 1967).
Stanton, G. N.
"Interpreting the New Testament Today", Inaugural Lecture,
King's College, London (London, 1979).
Steck, O.H.
"Genesis 12:1-3 und die Urgeschichte des Jahwisten", in H.W.
Wolff (ed.), Probleme biblischer Theologie, G. von Rad
Festschrift (Munich, 197~T), pp. 525-554.
Stuhlmacher, P.
Historical Criticism and Theological Interpretation of
Scripture (Philadelphia, 1977), ET from "Historische Kritik
und theologische Schriftauslegung", in his Schriftauslegung
auf dem Wege zur biblischen Theologie (Gottingen, 1975).
Suhr, E.G.
"The Horned Moses", Folklore 74 (1963), pp. 387-395.
Talmon, S.
"The 'Comparative Method' in Biblical Interpretation Principles and Problems", VT Suppl. 29 (1978), pp. 320-356.
Terrien, S.
The Elusive Presence (San Francisco, 1978).
Thiselton, A.C.
"Truth", in C. Brown (ed.), New International Dictionary of
New Testament Theology (Exeter, 1978), pp. 894-902.
The Two Horizons (Exeter, 1980).
Thompson, R.J.
Moses and the Law in a Century of Criticism since Graf, VT
Suppl. 19 (Leiden, 1970).
Thompson, S.
Motif-Index of Folk Literature, 6 vols. (Bloomington, 1955).
The Folktale (Berkeley, 1977).
Thompson, T.L.
248
Bibliography
The Historicity of the Patriarchal Narratives, BZAW 133
(Berlin & New York, 19747.
"The Joseph and Moses Narratives", in 3.H. Hayes, 3.M.
Miller (ed.), jsraelrte and Judaean History, pp. 149-180,
210-212.
"History and Tradition: A Response to 3.B. Geyer", JSOT 15
(1980), pp. 57-61.
Tolkien, 3.R.R.
"On Fairy-Stories", Essays Presented to Charles Williams
(Oxford, 1947). Reprinted in Tree and Leaf (London7~l964),
pp. 11-70.
Tsevat, M.
"Common Sense and Hypothesis in Old Testament Study", VT
Suppl. 28 (1974), pp. 217-230.
Utley, F.L.
"Folk Literature: An Operational Definition", Journal of
American Folklore 74 (1961), pp. 193-206. Reprinted in A.
Dundes (edT), The Study of Folklore (New Jersey, 1965), pp.
7-24.
Valentin, H.
Aaron, OBO 18 (Gottingen, 1978).
Van Seters, 3.
Abraham in History and Tradition (New Haven & London,
1975).
"Oral Patterns or Literary Conventions in Biblical Narrative", Semeia 5 (1976), pp. 139-154.
Vaux, R. de
"The Religious Schism of Jeroboam I", Biblica et Orientalia,
Melanges Voste (Rome, 1943), pp. 77-91. Reprinted in his The
Bible and the Ancient Near East (London, 1972), pp. 97-110.
"Ark of the Covenant and Tent of Reunion", A la Rencontre
de Dieu, Memorial A. Gelin (Le Puy, 1961), pp. 55-70~
Reprinted in The Bible and the Ancient Near Eas^t, pp.
136-151.
Studies in Old Testament Sacrifice (Cardiff, 1964).
"Method in the Study of Early Hebrew History", in J.P. Hyatt
(ed.), The Bible in Modern Scholarship (London, 1966), pp.
15-29.
"Is it Possible to Write a 'Theology of the Old Testament 1 ?",
Melanges Chenu (Paris, 1967), pp. 439-449. Reprinted in The
Bible and The Ancient Near East, pp. 49-62.
The Early History of Israel, I (London, 1978). ET from
Histoire Ancienne d'Israel I (Par is, 1971).
249

Vawter, B.
On Genesis: A New Reading (London, 1977).
Vorlander, H.
Die Entstehungszeit des jehowistischen Geschichtswerkes
(Frankfurt am Main, Bern, Las Vegas, 1978^
Vriezen, T.C.
"Einige Notizen zur Ubersetzung des Bindeworts KI", in J.
Hempel, L. Rost (ed.), Von Ugarit nach Qumran, O. Eissfeldt
Festschrift, BZAW 77 (Berlin, 1961), pp. 266-273.
Wagner, N.E.
"Abraham and David?", in D.B. Redford, J.W. Wevers (ed.),
Studies on the Ancient Palestinian World (Toronto, 1972), pp.
117-140.
Waldman, N.M.
"God's Ways - A Comparative Note", 3QR 70 (1979), pp.
67-72.
Walker, N.
"Concerning Exod. 34:6", JBL 79 (1960), p. 277.
Warner, S.M.
"Primitive Saga Men", VT 29 (1979), pp. 325-335.
Weinfeld, M.
"berith", TDOT II, pp. 253-279.
Weiser, A.
Introduction to the Old Testament (London, 1961). ET from
Einleitung in das Alte Testament (4th ed.: Gottingen, 1957).
Weiss, M.
"Einiges iiber die Bauformen des Erzahlens in der Bibel", VT
13 (1963), pp. 456-475.
Wellek, R. & Warren, A.
Theory of Literature (Harmondsworth, 1956).
Wellhausen, J.
Die Composition des Hexateuchs und der historischen Bucher
des Alten Testaments (2nd ed.; Berlin, 1889^
Wenham, G.J.
"The Coherence of the Flood Narrative", VT 28 (1978), pp.
336-348.
"The Religion of the Patriarchs", in A. Millard, D. Wiseman
(ed.), Essays on the Patriarchal Narratives (Leicester, 1980),
pp. 157-188.
Westermann, C.
Genesis 1-11 (Neukirchen, 1974).
The Promises to the Fathers (Philadelphia, 1980). ET from
Die Verheissungen an die Vater (Gottingen, 1976).
250
Bibliography
Genesis 12-30 (Neukirchen, 1977- ).
White, H.C.
"The Initiation Legend of Ishmael", ZAW 87 (1975), pp.
267-306.
Whybray, R.N.
"Cannot in Exodus 32:18", VT 17 (1967), p. 122.
"The Joseph Story and Pentateuchal Criticism", VT 18 (1968),
pp. 522-528.
Widengren, G.
"What Do We Know About Moses?", in 3.1. Durham, 3.R.
Porter (ed.), Proclamation and Presence, G.H. Davies Festschrift (London, 1970), pp. 21-47.
Wijngaards, J.
"hwsy' and hqh, A Twofold Approach to the Exodus", VT 15
(1965), pp. 91-102.
Wilcoxen, 3.A.
"Narrative", in 3.H. Hayes (ed.), Old Testament Form
Criticism, pp. 57-98.
Wilms, F.-E.
Das iahwistische Bundesbuch in Exodus 34, SANT 32 (Munich,
I973T
Wimsatt, W.K.
"The Intentional Fallacy", in his The Verbal Icon (Kentucky,
1964), pp. 3-18.
Wink, W.
The Bible in Human Transformation (Philadelphia, 1973).
Wolff, H.W.
"The Kerygma of the Yah wist", Interpretation 20 (1966), pp.
131-158. ET from
"Das Kerygma des 3ahwisten",
Evangelische Theologie 24 (1964), pp. 73-97.
Hosea (Philadelphia, 1974). ET from Dodekapropheton I.
Hosea (2nd ed.: Neukirchen, 1965).
Wright, G.E.
"Exodus, Book of", JOB II, pp. 188-197.
"Cult and History", Interpretation 16 (1962), pp. 3-20.
Zenger, E.
Die Sinaitheophanie. Untersuchungen zum jahwistischen und
elohistischen Geschichtswerk (Wurzburg, 1971).
Zimmerli, W.
"Charis", TDNT IX, pp. 376-387.
"Das zweite Gebot", in Festschrift fur Alfred Bertholet
(Tubingen, 1950), pp. 550-563. Reprinted in his Gottes
Offenbarung (Munich, 1963), pp. 234-248.
251

"Ich bin Jahwe", Geschichte un_d Al tes Testament, A. Alt
Festschrift (Tubingen, 1953), pp. 179-209. Reprinted in his
Gottes Offenbarung (Munich, 1963), pp. 11-40.
"Erwagungen zum 'Bund'; die Aussagen uber die Jahwe-berith
in Ex. 19-34", in H.3. Stoebe (ed.), Wort, Gebot, Glaube, W.
Eichrodt Festschrift (Zurich, 1970), pp. 171-190.
"Das Bilderverbot in der Geschichte des Alten Israel", in K.H.
Bernhardt (ed.), Schalom, Studien zu Glaube und Geschichte
Israels, A. Jepsen Festschrift (Berlin, 197D7 Reprinted in his
Studien zur alttestamentlichen Theologie und_ Prophetie
(Munich" 1974)7 pp. 247-260.
Old Testament Theology in Outline (Edinburgh, 1978). ET

from Grundriss der alttestamentlichen Theologie (Stuttgart,
1975).
"The History of Israelite Religion", in G.W. Anderson (ed.),

Tradition and Interpretation (Oxford, 1979), pp. 351-384.
252
INDEX OF AUTHORS
Aberbach, M.
Ackerman, 1.
Albright, W.F.
Alonso Schokel, L.
Andersen, F.I.
Anderson, B.W.
Auerbach, E.
Bailey, L.R.
Barbour, I.
Bar-Efrat, S.
Barr, J.
Barton, 1.
Beer, G.
Beitzel, B.J.
Bernhardt, K.-H.
Beyerlin, W.
Booij, T.
Brekelmans, C.
Bright, J.
Brown, 3.P.
Buber, M.
Buss, M.I.
Caird, G.B.
Calvin, J.
Carroll, R.P.
Cassuto, U.
Childs, B.S.
Clements, R.E.
Clines, D.J.A.
Coats, G.W.
1 9 6 n l l , 220nl6
208nl68
217n6
45
211nnl,6,7, 217n6
16, 19, 27, 30,
208nnl65,166
218n38
Collins, 1.1.
Conroy, C.
Craigie, P.C.
Cross, F.M.
222n33, 224n67
136, 215n62
193n48
79, 132, 192nnl9,
34, 205nl38,
209nl89
193n46
224n61
205nl35
208nl74
119, 124f, 131,
150, 192n36,
201nn82,83,
209nl94, 216n68,
222n47, 223n53,
224n61
205nl42
225n82
1 1 , 221n28, 226n3
210n207
12, 135, 141, 194n
74, 200n70, 208nl64,
217nn5,15, 218n38,
221nnl8,25,26
213n29
203nll6, 216n62
198n29
222n44
138, 199n54,
221nl8, 223n58
13, 16, 17, 20f,30,
52, 54, 61,68, 81,
160, 166, 49nnl8,20,
50n30, 191n6,
198n32, 199n60,
200n73,203nll2,
208nl82, 209nl91,
211n210, 215nn51,57,
217n7, 219n40,
220nnlO,14,73,
221nl9, 223nn50,
51,53, 224n73
1 1 , 194n70,
201n81, 223n53
16
Crossan, l.D.
Culley, R.C.
D'Angelo, M.R.
Dentan, R.C.
Dillmann, A.
Conner, H.
Driver, S.R.
Dumermuth, F.
Edelmann, R.
Ehrlich, A.
Eichrodt, W.
51, 55, 193n49,

198n40, 219n58,
221n22, 225n76
192nl9
1*3
209nl86
221n21, 222n37,
224nn63,64
191n9
148, 217nnl9,
20,21, 218n24,
218nn29,36
200n78
214n44
211n2, 221nlO,
223n53
193n49, 197nl6
78, 95, 197nl6,
200n73, 2 0 3 n l l 7 ,
205nl29, 211n2,
223n53, 224n65
224n67
21innl,3,ll,14
197n27
11, 74, 122,

203nnll4,115,
212n2
Eissfeldt, O.
Ellis, P.F.
Elton, G.
Engnell, I.
Faur, 1.
Fensham, F.C.
Frazer, J.G.
128f, 214n39,
218n38, 221n29,
223nn53,62,
224n69
51, 212n2
26
29
222n44
199n45
151, 216n2,
219n44
Freedman, D.N.
Frei, H.
Friedrich, G.
Fritz, V.
Frye, N.
Gardner, H.
Caster, T.H.
Gemser, B.
Geyer, J.B.
Gibson, l.C.L.
Glueck, N.
Gorg, M.
Gottwald, N.
253
78, 201n89,
205nnl29,130,
226n3
19, 192nl9
138, 216n73
223nn53,54
19
18, 19
151, 219n44
219n55
217nl3
209nl86
209nl87
222n48
11, 12, 217n8
At the Mo od
Gressmann, H.
Gunkel, H.
Gunn, D.M.
Halbe, J.
Halpern, B.
Hals, R.M.
Haran, M.
Hayes, J.H.
Hazard, P.
Herrmann, S.
Holzinger, H.
Huesman, J.E.
Hyatt, J.P.
Irvin, D.
Jaros, K.
Jenks, A.\V.
Jeremias, J.
Jobling, D.
Johnson, A.R.
Kaiser, O.
Kaufman, S.
Kirk, G.S.
Knierim, R.
Knight, D.A.
Knight, G.A.F.
Knobel, A.
Koch, K.
Koenig, J.
Kraus, H.-J.
Krohn, K.
Kuhn, T.
Labuschagne, C.J.
Laurentin, A.
Lemaire, A.
Levenson, J.D.
Licht, J.
Loewenstamm, S.
Long, B.O.
Lundbom, 3.
Mackenzie, R.A.F.
Mann, T.VV.
1*1, 151, 122n*7,

199nn*9,56, 205nn
128,132, 211n5,
218n38, 22*n67
1*1, 1*6, 1*9,
218n38
1*7, 217n21,
218nn2*,27,29,32
1*,119,193n36,
208nnl69,175,
209nnl90,196,
212n3, 215n59
222n38
120, 212nll, 218n38
206nl*5, 209nl86,
209nl87, 223nn52,5*
11, 191n3, 191n*,
2I3n29
193n51
11
22*n61, 225n77
200n79
221n21
151, l*2f, 193n*8,
219n**
210n203, 22*n67
200n79, 221n21
21*n*0
223n55
203nll5
30, 218n38
197n2*
217nl6
213n29
190n2, 213n29
16, 202nI08,
209nl89
223n53
152, 193n38,
197n21, 213n29,
218n38
2I6n71
125
218n29
191n8
202n95
202nl07, 205nl3*
199n51
226n3
25, 39, 19*n56,72
199n*5
127, 213n29,
218n38, 219n*0
205nl29
11*
McCarthy, D.J.
McEvenue, S.
McKane, W.
McNeile, A.
Mendenhall, G.E.
Mettinger, T.N.D
Michaelis, W.
Millard, A.R.
Miller, J.M.
Mowinckel, S.
Muilenburg, J.
Newman, M.
Nicholson, E.W.
Niles, D.P.
North, C.R.
Noth, M.
Obbink, H.T.
Olrik, A.
Otto, E.
Patrick, D.
Perlitt, L.
Petersen, D.L.
Piper, J.
Polzin, R.
Preuss, H.D.
Pritchard, J.B.
qUELL, G.
25 *
195n5, 207nl56,
221n29, 222n*9
16, 20f, 193n36
215n51
193n*8
11, 190n2,
193n*6, 218n38
223n50
131
203nlll
197n21
218n25
11, 191n3
36, 118, 121ff,
215n59
12, 68, 201n81,
202nn97,108,
207nl57, 213n30
120f, 137f,
221nn2I,25
18*, 193n36,
197n27, 210nl98,
213n51, 216n68,
22In2*
200n80, 201n88,
20*nl27, 207nl51
193n50
11, 12, 16, 30,
31, 53, 119, 1*0,
165, 190n2,
193n*5, 19*n61,
199n61, 201n81,
203nnll2,120,
20*nl21, 210n201,
2l2n2, 2I3nl7,23,
2I5n58, 216n6*,
219n39, 220nl3,
22ln20, 222nn37,
*2, 223nn50,53,
22*nn6 1,62,66,67,
70
222n30
32, 35, 1*6f,
l*8f, 195n78,
218nn28,31
193n36, 208nl75
226n*
18*, 209nnl91,
195, 220nl2
11*
207nl53
190n2
195n5
222n31
122
Index of Authors
von Rad, G.
Raitt, T.
Rendtorff, R.
Richter, W.
Ricoeur, P.
Ringgren, H.
Robertson, D.
Rowley, H.H.
Rudolph, W.
Sakenfeld, K.
Sasson, J.M.
Sawyer, 3.F.A.
Scharbert, 3.
Schmid, H.H.
Simpson, C.A.
Simon, R.
Smoler, L.
Soggin, 3.A.
Speiser, E.
Stamm, 3.3.
Stan ton, G.N.
Strack, H.L.
Suhr, E.G.
Talmon, S.
Terrien, S.
Thompson, T.L.
Valentin, H.
11, 21, 33i, 36,

51, 118f, 120,
135f, 1*0, 151,
153, 168, 204nl24,
214n45, 216n65,
218n38, 219n56,
223n53
189, 199n58, 226n3
11, I 1 3 f , 187,
190nl, 191n5,
193n45
31, 213n30
17
199n50
191n9
202n97
220n5
87
196n7, 210n208
16, 19
129
184, 190nl
220nl3
29
221nl6
215nn55,56, 221n28
Westermann, C.
White, H.C.
Whybray, R.N.
Wijngaards, 3.
Wilcoxen, 3.A.
Wilms, F.-E.
Wink, W.
Wolff, H.W.
Wright, G.E.
Zenger, E.
Zimmerli, W.
Van Seters, 3.
de Vaux, R.
202n98
199n58
17
215n54
224n67
213n23
12, I95nn4,5,
201n85, 226n3
142ff, 151, 191n3,
219n59, 221n20
193n36, 211nnl,8,9,
220nl5
Vorlander, H.
Vriezen, T.C.
Waldman, N.
Warner, S.M.
Warren, A.
Weiser, A.
Wellhausen, 3.
Wellek, R.
Wenham, G.3.
255
lUf, 155,
205nl42, 218n38,
220n61
205nl42
28, 211nl, 122
197nl5
214n37, 218n38
1*, 124f, 193n36,
208nl75,
209nnl90,193,195,
215nn53,54
17
222n35
125f, 2l^n*7
14, 193n36,
207nl60, 220n6,
222n48, 223n53
11, 197n25,
200n79, 202nn98,
106, 214n38,
221n21
190n2,193n47,
217n22, 218nn32,38,
222n46
11, 12, 182,
209nl85, 220nll,
221nnl9,24, 223n53,
224n62,66,69
218n28, 222n46
89, 207nl57
201n92, 202nn96,97
146, 190n2, 218n29
19
128f
220n2
19
27, 208nnl65,166,
219n55
I N D E X OF BIBLICAL REFERENCES
Genesis
1-11
1:26
3
3:5
4:26
5:29
6-9
6:5
6:8
7:17-20
8:21
12-25
12:3
12:10-20
16
16:13
20:1-18
20:13
21:8-21
26:6-11
34
35:4
35:7
37-50
49:5ff
Exodus (cont.)
24
108
54
59
77
71
27, 9If, 147, 187
91
70, 71,92, 202n97
29f
91, 113ff, 185, 225n75
52
50, 52
31
31
81, 205nl42
31
47
31
31
55
60
48
29
55
19
19:55
19:13,16,19
20:2
20:3
20:4
20:5
20:5 f
20:18
20:23
23:12,14ff
23:20-33
23:20,23
24
24:7,8
24:12
25-31
25-27
25:1-9
25:8
29:42-45
29:45f
29:46
32
32:1-6
Exodus
1-18
1-14
3
3:12
3:14
3:22
7:8-13
9:27
9:34
10:16f
10:28f
12:36
13:12f
14:1-15:21
15:2
15:3
16:9ff
16:34
17:1-7
17:8ff
18:7
19-24
19-20
32:1
32:4
32:7-14
32:8
32:9
32:10-14
32:10
32:11-13
32:15-20
32:15
32:18
32:19
32:21-24
32:25-29
32
36
71f
69
20, 78f
61
67
78
78
78
147, 205nl41
61
134
51f
78
79
77
195n3
147, 206nl47
152, 155
64
12, 13, 32, 36,
44, HSf, 159
31, 131f, 160
32:25
32:29
32:30-35
32:33
32:34
32:35
33
33:1-6
33:1
33:2
256
84f, 135
195nl, 226n4
136ff
47,94, 128
197n22
49, 99
97
87f
136ff
49, 57
134
45, 60, 62f, 134
48, 61
45
195nl
45
32,64, 172ff, 181,
195n5, 203nl20
45
47
62
34, 74, 76
62
47
12, 146, 150
42, 46ff, 54, 59
161ff, 180
198n28
42, 47, 162,171
48ff, 183f
197n27
183, 224n74
57
71f
72, 74
53f
178
lllf
196n7
54, 56, 147
54ff, 147, 180f
226n85
56
151
56ff, 181
57f, 71
69
57, 59
58, 62
60ff, 67, 69, 181
69, 75, 198n29
69
Index of Biblical References

Numbers
Exodus (cont.)
33:3,5
33:3-6
33:6
33:7-11
33:7
33:11
33:12-23
33:12
33:13
33:14
33:15
33:16
33:17
33:18-34:9
33:18-23
33:18
33:19-21
33:19
33:20-23
33:20
33:22
34
34:1-28
34:1-9
34:1
34:1,4
34:2
34:5-7
34:6 f
34:8
34:9
34:10
34:11-26
34:11
34:14
34:17-26
34:17
34:27-28
34:28
34:29-35
35-40
40:34f
48, 69, 172, 176,

184, 224n74
69, 150
173
42, 6 3 f f , 67, 106,
1 7 1 f f , 180
173, 176
33, 63, 65, 72, 82,
91, 176, 183
38, 6 6 f f , 90, 152,
155, 182
69f, 7 1 f , 7 5 , 9 2
70, 73f
33, 40, 66, 68f, 74,
183, 2 0 3 n l l 4 , 225n81
69, 75
40, 56, 63, 69f, 75
66, 6 8 f f , 75
38
68, 76f, 85ff, 107, 135f
76
30
58, 68, 7 6 f f , 80, 87,
128f, 136
7 9 f f , 85
33, 65, 81, 151, 176,
183, 2 0 5 n l 4 1
76f
31, 4 1 f , 83, 131f
157ff, 180
84ff
l O l f f , 161
84, 103, 158, 160f
125
77, 83, 8 5 f f , 182
58, 68, 77, 80, 87f, 107,
128ff, 136, 150, 160
124
40, 63, 68, 88ff, 158,
160, 183f, 185
93ff, 184, 198n29
37, 55, 9 5 f f , 1 3 1 f f , 158,
160f, 180
96
79, 97, 133
98ff
99f, 133f, 169, 215n59
l O l f f , 158, 184
l O l f f , 150, 158, 161
37, 46, 66, 106ff, 147,
150f, 1 7 7 f f , 180
109f, 172ff, 181
76, 110
5:3
5:1 I f f
6:23-26
10:29-32
10:33-36
10:35f
11:16, 24-26, 30
12:4
12:8
13-14
14:10-12
14:17f
14:20ff
14:39
14:42, 44
15
16-17
16:19ff
21:4-9
22-24
22:6
25:6 ff
33:1-49
45
199n46
124
202nn93,94
173,202n94
45
172, 174ff
172, 174ff
65
133
77
207nl51
58
60
62
133
63
77
167f, 221n29
52
52
55
168
Deuteronomy
4:7
4:9 ff
4:37
6-11
9-10
9:20
9:21
10:1-4
13
27:15
31:14f
33:8ff
34:10
48
169
225n81
49
173f, 184f
56, 185
54
104
55
169
172, I 7 4 f f
55, 181, 206nl47
65, 81
Joshua
24:26f
45
Judges
8:24-27
17-18
168
123, 166f, 168,
222n41
I Samuel
4:8
6:19f
257
47
63

II Samuel
Psalms (cont.)
6:6ff
7:6
7:18ff
7:23
63
45
73
48
12:I3f
17:11
58
74
103:7f
106:19f
203nllO
196n8
jsaiah
43:1
70
Jeremiah
I Kings
3:16f
12:28
18:36
19
42, 162ff, 166, 171,

226n85
198n32
168, 218n35
Hosea
8:5 f
10:5
13:2
II Kings
10:28-31
18:4
164
167f
4:4
5:5f
48
221n27
221n27
Zechariah
Psalms
27
169
169
169
Amos
Nehemiah
9:18
165
9:14
204nl24
258
138

At The Mountain of God - Story and Theology in Exodus 32-34 PDF

Uploaded by

Copyright:

Available Formats

At The Mountain of God - Story and Theology in Exodus 32-34 PDF

Uploaded by

Document Information

Original Title

Copyright

Available Formats

Share this document

Share or Embed Document

Sharing Options

Did you find this document useful?

Is this content inappropriate?

Copyright:

Available Formats

At The Mountain of God - Story and Theology in Exodus 32-34 PDF

Uploaded by

Copyright:

Available Formats

What is the book about?

What is the book about?

What chapters does it cover in its analysis?

What chapters does it cover in its analysis?

JOURNAL FOR THE STUDY OF THE OLD TESTAMENT

Department of Biblical Studies

This page intentionally left blank

Journal for the Study of the Old Testament

Copyright 1983 JSOT Press

1 SOME CONSIDERATIONS OF METHOD IN

3 EX. 32-34 AS A CULT LEGEND

4 EX. 32-34 AS LEGEND

5 SELECTIVE CRITICAL ANALYSIS OF EX. 32-34

This page intentionally left blank