Professional Documents
Culture Documents
Grego Bíblico
Grego Bíblico
OF THE
MOODS and TENSES
IN NEW TESTAMENT GREEK
By
ERNEST DE WITT BURTON
President of the University of Chicago
1923-25
COPYRIGHT 1900
By ERNEST D. BURTON
All Rights Reserved
Published in pamphlet form 1888
Second Edition September 1898
Third Edition June 1898
Second Impression September 1900
Third Impression April 1903
Fourth Impression October 1906
Fifth Impression November 1909
Sixth Impression October 1912
Seventh Impression October 1916
Eighth Impression November 1923
vi
PREFACE.
PREFACE.
vii
viii
PREFACE.
CONTENTS.
INTRODUCTORY.
SECTION
1. Form and Function. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
2. The Interpreter's Relation to Grammar. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
3, 4. The four Moods and the seven Tenses . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
PAGE
1
2-5
5
THE TENSES.
5. Two-fold Function of the Tenses. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
6, 7
12
12
12
13
13, 14
14, 15
15, 16
16
CONTENTS.
The Aorist Indicative.
SECTION
35. Fundamental. Idea of the Aorist . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
36. Additional uses of the Aorist Indicative . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
37. Functions of the Aorist distinguished . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
38-40. HISTORICAL AORIST. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
41. INCEPTIVE AORIST . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
42. RESULTATIVE AORIST . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
43. GNOMIC AORIST. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
44. EPISTOLARY AORIST. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
45. DRAMATIC AORIST . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
46. Aorist for the (English) Perfect. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
47. Use of the Aorists a]pe<qanon, e]ce<sth, e@gnwn
. . . . . . . . . . . 22
48. Aorist for the (English) Pluperfect . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
49. Aorist Indicative in Indirect Discourse . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
50. Aorist used proleptically . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
51. Minor uses of the Aorist. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
52-55. English Equivalents of the Greek Aorist Indicative . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
56, 57. Distinction between the Aorist and the Imperfect. . . . . . . . . . . . .
PAGE
16, 17
17, 18
18, 19
19, 20
20, 21
21
21
21
22
22
22, 23
23
23
23
23-30
30, 31
37
37,38
38
38, 39
39
CONTENTS.
xi
SECTION
80. Aoristic Perfect . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
81. Perfect Indicative in Indirect Discourse. . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
82. Perfect Indicative translated by English Past. . . . . . . . . . .
83. Perfect used proleptically . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
84. Periphrastic Form of the Perfect. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
85. Definition of the term "complete . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
86-88. Aorist and Perfect compared. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
The Pluperfect.
89. PLUPERFECT OF COMPLETED ACTION. . . . . . . . . . . 44
90. PLUPERFECT OF EXISTING STATE . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
91. Periphrastic Form of the Pluperfect. ...45
92. Pluperfect and Aorist siInilarly translated. . . . . . . . . . . . . .
The Future Perfect.
93. Simple Future Perfect. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
94. Periphrastic Future Perfect. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
TENSES OF THE DEPENDENT MOODS.
95. General Principles . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
96, 97. PRESENT OF THE DEPENDENT MOODS. . . . . . . . . . . . . .
98. AORIST OF THE DEPENDENT MOODS. . . . . . . . . . . . .
99,100. FUTURE OF THE DEPENDENT MOODS . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
101-103. PERFECT OF THE DEPENDENT MOODS. . . . . . . . . . . . .
104-109. Tenses of the Infinitive after Prepositions. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
110-114. Tenses of the Dependent Moods in Indirect
Discourse. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
TENSES OF THE PARTICIPLE.
115-118. General Principles. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
The Present Participle.
119. PRESENT PARTICIPLE OF SIMULTANEOUS ACTION.
120-122. PRESENT PARTICIPLE OF IDENTICAL ACTION. . . . . . .
123-126. GENERAL PRESENT PARTICIPLE . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
127. PRESENT PARTICIPLE FOR THE IMPERFECT 58
128-131. Minor uses of the Present Participle . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
PAGE
39
39
39, 40
40
40
40, 41
41-44
44, 45
45
45
45
46
46
46, 47
47,48
48,49
49-51
51-53
53, 54
54,55
55,56
56-58
58, 59
xii
CONTENTS.
The Aorist Participle.
SECTION
132, 133. General Force of the Aorist Participle. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
134-138. AORIST PARTICIPLE OF ANTECEDENT ACTION. . . . . .
139-141. AORIST P.ARTICIPLE OF IDENTICAL ACTION. . . . . . . .
142-145. AORIST PARTICIPLE OF SUBSEQUENT ACTION. . . . . .
146. AORIST PARTICIPLE WITH THE OBJECT OF A VERB OF
PERCEPTION. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
147. Aorist Participle with lanqa<nw. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
148,149. Exceptional uses of the Aorist Participle. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
150,151. Equivalence of the Aorist Participle . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
The Future Participle.
152. GENERAL FORCE OF THE FUTURE PARTICIPLE. . . . .
153. MEAACI1J1 with the Infinitive, denoting intention, etc. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
The Perfect Participle.
154,155. GENERAL FORCE OF THE PERFECT PARTICIPLE . . . . . .
156. Perfect Participle used as a Pluperfect. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
THE MOODS.
MOODS IN PRINCIPAL CLAUSES.
The Indicative Mood.
157. GENERAL FORCE OF THE INDICATIVE. 73
158,169. INDICATIVE IN QUALIFIED ASSERTIONS. 73,74
The Subjunctive Mood.
160,161. HORTATORY SUBJUNCTIVE. 74,75
162-167. PRoHmITORY SUBJUNCTIVE. 75,76
168-171. DELIBERATIVE SUBJUNCTIVE. 76-78
172, 173. SUBJUNCTIVE IN NEGATIVE ASSERTIONS. 78
The Optative Mood.
174. Infrequency of the Optative in later Greek.. 79 '
175-177. OPTATIVE OF WISHING. 79
178, 179. POTENTIA.LOPTATIVE. " 79,80
PAGE
59-63
63,64
64,65
65-67
67
67
67, 68
68-70
70, 71
71
71, 72
72
CONTENTS.
xiii
97
97
98
98
99
xiv
CONTENTS.
SECTION
248, 249. SUPPOSITION CONTRARY TO FACT. . . . . . . . . . . . . .
250. FUTURE SUPPOSITION WITH MORE PROBABILITY . . . .
251-256. Variant Forms. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
257. Particular and General Suppositions referring
to the Future . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
258. Present and Future Suppositions in Indirect
Discourse . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
259. FUTURE SUPPOSITION WITH LESS PROBABILITY . . . . .
260, 261. PRESENT GENERAL SUPPOSITION. 107 108
262, 263. Third and Fifth Classes compared. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
264. First and Fifth Classes compared. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
265. [PAST GENERAL SUP:POSITION]. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
266-277. Peculiarities of Conditional Sentences. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
Moods in Concessive Sentences.
278. Definition . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
279-282. El Kat and Kal el in Concessive Clauses. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
283. General Usage of Moods and Tenses in Concessive Clauses. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
284. CONCESSIVE CLAUSES OF THE FIRST CLASS. . . . . . . . . . .
285. CONCESSIVE CLAUSES REFERRING TO THE FUTURE. . .
286. Concessive Clauses of the Fourth Class. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
287. Concessive Clauses of the Fifth Class . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
288. Concessive Particles in English. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
Moods in Relative Clauses.
289-291. Definition and Classification.. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
I. DEFINITE RELATIVE CLAUSES.
292. Definition . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
293. Moods in Definite Relative Clauses . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
294. Definite Relative Clauses implying cause, result,
or concession. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
295. Restrictive and Explanatory Relative Clauses. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
II. CONDITIONAL RELATIVE SENTENCES.
296-300. Definition and Classification. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
301. SIMPLE PRESENT OR PAST PARTICULAR SUPPOSITION .
302. [SUPPOSITION CONTRARY TO FACT] 121
PAGE
103,104
104
104, 105
106
106
106, 107
108
109
109
109-112
112, 113
113, 114
114
114
114, 115
115
115
115, 116
116, 117
117, 118
118
118
119
119-121
121
CONTENTS.
xv
SECTION
PAGE
303-305. FUTURE SUPPOSITION WITH MORE PROBABILITY. 121, 122
306-309. Variant Forms. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 122,123
310. Particular and General Suppositions referring
to the future. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 123
311. [FUTURE SUPPOSITION WITH LESS PROBABILITY]. . . . . 123
312-314. PRESENT GENERAL SUPPOSITION . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 123,124
315. PAST GENERAL SUPPOSITION. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 124, 125
316. Clauses conditional in form, but definite in sense . . . . . . . . . . . .
125
III. RELATIVE CLAUSES EXPRESSING PURPOSE.
317. RELATIVE CLAUSES OF PURE PURPOSE. . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
318-320. Complementary Relative Clauses. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
125
125, 126
142,143
xvi
CONTENTS.
THE INFINITIVE.
SECTION
361-363. Origin, and Classification of Uses. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
PAGE
143-145
146
146
147
CONTENTS.
xvii
THE PARTICIPLE.
SECTION
418. General Nature of the Participle. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
419. Classification respecting logical force . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
The Adjective Participle.
420, 421. Definition and Classification. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
422. RESTRICTIVE ATTRIBUTIVE PARTICIPLE. . . . . . . . . .
423. Restrictive Attributive Participle with Subject
omitted. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
424. Noun without the article limited by a Participle
with the article. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
425.. Neuter Participle with the article equivalent to an
abstract Noun. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
426. EXPLANATORY ATTRIBUTIVE PARTICIPLE . . . . . . . .
427. Order of words with Attributive Participle
limiting a Noun with the article. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
428. Attlibutive Participle conveying a subsidiary idea
of cause, purpose, etc. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
429, 430. PREDICATIVE ADJECTIVE PARTICIPLE. . . . . . . . .
431. Predicative Participle used to form periphrastic
tenses. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
432, 433. Participles in Predicate in various constructions. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
The Adverbial Participle.
434. Definition. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
435. ADVERBIAL PARTICIPLE OF TIME. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
436. ADVERBIAL PARTICIPLE OF CONDITION. . . . . . . . . . .
437,438. ADVERBIAL PARTICIPLE OF CONCESSION. . . . . .
439. ADVERBIAL PARTICIPLE OF CAUSE. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
440, 441. Participle of Cause with w[j . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
442. ADVERBIAL PARTICIPLE OF PURPOSE . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
443. ADVERBIAL PARTICIPLE OF MEANS. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
444. ADVERBIAL PARTICIPLE OF MANNER. . . . . . . . . . . . . .
445, 446. [Wj with the Participle denoting Manner . . . . . . . . . . . . .
447. Participle of Manner or Means denoting same
action as that of the principal Verb. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
448. Intensive Participle-Hebraistic . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
PAGE
163
163, 164
164
164, 165
165
165
166
166
166, 167
167
167
168
168, 169
169
169
169
170
170
170, 171
171
171
171
172
172, 173
173
xviii
CONTENTS.
SECTION
449, 450. ADVERBUL PARTICIPLE OF ATTENDANT CIRCUM.
STANCE. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
451. More than one adverbial relation implied by
the same Participle. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
452-454. Genitive Absolute. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
455. Position of Adverbial Participle. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
The Substantive Participle.
456. Definition. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
457. SUBSTANTIVE PARTICIPLE AS SUBJECT. . . . . . . . . . . .
458,459. SUBSTANTIVE PARTICIPLE AS OBJECT. . . . . . . . . .
460. Substantive Participle in Indirect Discourse. . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
461. SUBSTANTIVE PARTICIPLE AS A LIMITING GENITIVE
462. Position of Substantive Participle. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
463. Substantive Participle distinguished from Ad.
jective Participle used substantively. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
THE USE OF NEGATIVES WITH VERBS.
464. General Usage. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
PAGE
173,174
174
174, 175
175
175
175
176
176
176
177
177
178
CONTENTS.
NEGATIVES WITH THE INFINITIVE AND PARTICIPLE.
SECTION
480. General Usage of Negatives with the Infinitive. . . . . . . . . .
481. Negatives with a limitation of an Infinitive or of its
subject. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
482. Compound of ou] with an Infinitive dependent on a
principal verb limited by ou] . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
483. Redundant mh< with Infinitive after verbs of hindering, denying, etc. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
484. Negative with Infinitive dependent on a verb itself
egatived by ou] . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
485. General Usage of Negatives with the Participle. . . . . . . .
xix
PAGE
183
183,184
184
184
184
184, 185
185,
xxii
SYNTAX
OF THE
MOODS AND TENSES IN NEW TESTAMENT GREEK.
INTRODUCTORY
1. FORM AND FUNCTION. The following pages deal with
the various functions of the various verb-forms of the Greek
of the New Testament, so far as respects their mood and
tense. It is important that the nature of the relation between
form and function be clearly held in mind. It is by no means
the case that each form has but one function, and that each
function can be discharged by but one form. Forms of various
origin may be associated together under one name and perform
the same function, or group of functions. Compare, e.g., the
Aorist Active Infinitives, lu?sai and ei]pei?n: these forms are of
quite diverse origin; in function they have become entirely
assimilated. The same is true of the Aorist Active Indicatives,
e@deica and e@sthn. Forms also which still have different names,
and usually perform different functions, may have certain
functions in common. Compare the Aorist Subjunctive and
the Future Indicative in clauses of purpose (197, 198). On
the other hand, and to an even greater extent, we find that a
given form, or a given group of forms bearing a common name,
performs various distinct functions. Observe, e.g., the various
functions of the Aorist Indicative (38-48).
1
INTRODUCTORY.
INTRODUCTORY.
INTRODUCTORY.
INTRODUCTORY.
THE TENSES.
5. The action denoted by a verb may be defined by the tense
of the verb
(a) As respects its progress. Thus it may be represented
as in progress, or as completed, or indefinitely, i.e. as a simple
event without reference to progress or completion.
(b) As respects its time, as past, present, or future.
The tenses of the Indicative mood in general define the
action of the verb in both these respects.
The tenses of the other moods in general define the action
of the verb only as respects its progress. HA. 821; G. 1249.
REM. The chief function of a Greek tense is thus not to denote time,
but progress. This latter function belongs to the tense-forms of all the
moods, the former to those of the Indicative only.
TENSES OF THE INDICATIVE MOOD.
6. The significance of the tenses of the Indicative mood
may be stated in general as follows: -As respects progress: The Present and Imperfect denote
action in progress; the Perfect, Pluperfect, and Future Perfect
denote completed action; the Aorist represents the action
indefinitely as an event or single fact; the Future is used
either of action in progress like the Present, or indefinitely
like the Aorist.
As respects time: The Present and Perfect denote present
time; the Imperfect, Aorist, and Pluperfect denote past time;
the Future and Future Perfect denote future time.
6
7. The tenses of the Indicative in general denote time relative to that of speaking. Most exceptions to this rule are
apparent or rhetorical rather than real and grammatical. In
indirect discourse the point of view, as respects time, of the
original speaking or thinking is retained. Cf. 351. Of two
verbs of past time, one may refer to an action antecedent to
the other, but this fact of antecedence is implied in the context, not expressed in the tense. Cf. 29 and 48. By prolepsis
also a verb of past time may refer to or include events to take
place after the time of speaking, but before a point of future
time spoken of in the context. Cf. 50. In conditional sentences of the second form, the tenses are properly timeless.
Cf. 248. See Br. 154 (p. 180).
THE PRESENT INDICATIVE.
8. The Progressive Present. The Present Indicative
is used of action in progress in present time. EA. 824;
G. 1250, 1.
Matt. 25:8; ai[ lampa<dej h[mw?n sbe<nnuntai, our lamps are going out
Gal. 1:6; qauma<zw o!ti ou!twj taxe<wj metati<qesqe a]po> tou?
kale<santoj u[ma?j, I marvel that ye are so quickly removing from him that called
you.
9. The most constant characteristic of the Present Indicative is that it denotes action in progress. It probably had
originally no reference to present time (see Br. 156). But
since, in the" historical periods of the language, action in
progress in past time is expressed by the Imperfect, and the
Future is used both as a progressive and as an aoristic tense
for future time, it results that the Present Indicative is chiefly
used to express action in progress in present time. Hence
in deciding upon the significance of any given instance of the
Present Indicative in the New Testament as well as in classi-
THE TENSES.
cal Greek, the interpreter may consider that there is, at least
in the majority of words, a certain presumption in favor of
the Progressive Present rather than any of the other uses
mentioned below.
10. The Progressive Present in Greek is not always best
translated by what is commonly called in English the "Progressive Form." Some English verbs themselves suggest
action in progress, and do not, except when there is strong
emphasis on the progressive idea, use the progressive form.
Thus the verb (qauma<zw), in Gal. 1:6, is a Progressive Present,
but is best translated I marvel, the verb itself sufficiently suggesting the idea of action in progress.
11. THE CONATIVE PRESENT. The Present Indicative is
occasionally used of action attempted, but not accomplished.
H.A. 825; G. 1255. This use is, however, not to be regarded as a distinct function of the tense. The Conative
Present is merely a species of the Progressive Present. A
verb which of itself suggests effort, when used in a tense
which implies action in progress, and hence incomplete, naturally suggests the idea of attempt. All the verb-forms of the
Present system are equally, with the Present, capable of
expressing attempted action, since they all denote action in
progress. John 10:32, liqa<zete, and Gal. 5:4, dikaiou?sqe, illustrate this usage in the Present. Similar is the use of the
Present in Rom. 2:4, a@gei, leadeth, i.e. such is its tendency.
For examples of the Imperfect see 23. Respecting the
resultative force of such verbs in the Aorist see 42.
12. The General or Gnomic Present. The Present
Indicative is used to express customary actions and general
truths. EA. 824, a; G. 1253, 1291.
Matt. 7:17; pa?n de<ndron a]gaqo>n karpou>j kalou>j poiei?, every
good tree
bringeth forth good fruit.
2 Cor. 9:7; i[laro>n ga>r do<thn a]gap%? o[ qeo<j, for God loveth a
cheerful
giver.
13. The Aoristic Present. The Present Indicative is
sometimes used of an action or event coincident in time
with the act of speaking, and conceived of as a simple
event. Most frequently the action denoted by the verb
is identical with the act of speaking itself, or takes place
in that act.
Acts 16:18; paragge<llw soi e]n o]no<mati ]Ihsou? Xristou?, I
command
thee in the name of Jesus Christ. See also Mark 2:5, a]fi<entai; Acts
9:34, i]a?tai; 26:1, e]pitre<petai; Gal. 1:11, gnwri<zw, and the
numerous instances of le<gw in the gospels.
REM. This usage is a distinct departure from the prevailing use of
the Present tense to denote action in progress (cf. 9). There being in the
Indicative no tense which represents an event as a simple fact without at
the same time assigning it either to the past or the future, the Present is
used for those instances (rare as compared with the cases of the Progressive Present), in which an action of present time is conceived of
without reference to its progress.
14. The Historical Present. The Present Indicative
is used to describe vividly a past event in the presence of
which the speaker conceives himself to be.. EA. 828;
G. 1252.
Mark 11:27; kai> e@rxontai pa<lin ei]j ]Ieroso<luma, and they come
again
to Jerusalem. See also Luke 8:49, e@rxetai; John 18:28, a@gousin.
This use is very frequent in the gospels.
15. The Present for the Future. In a similar way
the Present Indicative may be used to describe vividly a
future event.
Mark 9:31; p[ ui[o>j tou? a]nqrw<pou paradi<dotai ei]j xei?raj
a]nqrw<pwn, the
Son of man is delivered into the hands of men. See also Matt. 26:18,
poiw?; 27:63, e]gei<romai; Luke 3:9, e]kko<ptetai.
10
THE TENSES.
REM. The term "Present for Future" is sometimes objected to, but
without good reason. The arguments of Buttmann, pp. 203 f., and Winer,
WT. pp. 265 ff.; WH. pp. 331 ff., are valid only against the theory of an
arbitrary interchange of tenses. It is indeed not to be Supposed that
Greek writers confused the Present and the Future tenses, or used them
indiscriminately. But that the form which customarily denoted an act
in progress at the time of speaking was sometimes, for the sake of vividness, used with reference to a fact still in the future, is recognized by all
grammarians. See; e.g., J. 397; K. 382, 5; G.MT.32. The whole force
of the idiom is derived from the unusualness of the tense employed.
16. The Present form h!kw means I have come ( John 2: 4 ;
4: 47; etc. ). Similarly pa<reimi (I am present) sometimes means
I have arrived (Acts 17: 6; etc.). This, however, is not a
Present for the Perfect of the same verb, but a Present
equivalent to the Perfect of another verb. The use of a]kou<w
meaning I am informed (cf. similar use of English hear, see,
learn) is more nearly a proper Present for Perfect (1 Cor.
11 : 18; 2 Thess. 3 : 11). Such use of the Present belongs to
a very few verbs. HA. 827; G. 1256.
17. The Present of past Action still in Progress.
The Present Indicative, accompanied by an adverbial
expression denoting duration and referring to past time,
is sometimes used in Greek, as in German, to describe
an action which, beginning in past time, is still in progress at the time of speaking. English idiom requires
the use of the Perfect in such cases. RA. 826; G. 1258.
Acts 15:21 Mwush?j ga>r e]k genew?n a]rxei<wn kata> po<lin
tou>j khru<ssontaj au]to>n e@xei, for Moses from generations of old has had in
every
city them that preached him. See also Luke 13:7, e@rxomai 15:29,
douleu<w; John 5:6, e@xei; 2 Tim. 3:15, oi#daj. This Present is
almost always incorrectly rendered in R. V.
REM. Cf. Br. 156, "Das Prasens in Verbindung mit pa<roj, pa<lai,
po<te< wurde seit Homer gebraucht, um eine Handlung auszudriicken, die
sich durch die Vergangenheit bis zur Zeit des Sprechens hinzieht." In
the New Testament examples definite expressions of past time occur in
place of the adverbs pa<roj, etc.
11
18. The Aorist Indicative, limited by an expression meaning up to this time, may also be used of acts. beginning in past
time and continuing to the time of speaking. Matt. 27:8;
28:15. Cf. 46, and 52.
19. Verbs in indirect discourse retain the point of View, as
respects time, of the original statement; a Progressive Present
in indirect discourse accordingly denotes action going on at
the time, not of the quotation of the words, but of the original
utterance of them. English usage in indirect discourse is
different, and from this difference it results that a Greek
Present Indicative standing in indirect discourse after a verb
of past time must often be rendered by a verb of past time.
These cases, however, involve no special use of the Greek
tense, and should not be confused with those of the Historical
Present. Cf. 351-356.
20. PERIPHRASTIC FORM OF THE PRESENT. One of the
clearly marked peculiarities of the Greek of the New Testament is the frequency with which periphrastic forms composed
of a Present or Perfect Participle (Luke 23:19 is quite exceptional in its use of the Aorist Participle; cf. Ev. Pet. 23),
and the Present, Imperfect, or Future Indicative, or the
Present Subjunctive, Imperative, Infinitive, and even participle, of the verb ei]mi< (rarely also u[pa<rxw), are used instead
of the usual simple forms. Cf. 431, and see the full discussion with examples in B. pp. 308-313, and the list (not
quite complete) in S. pp. 131ff.
Instances of the periphrastic Present Indicative are, however, few. The clear instances belong under the head of the
General Present.
Matt. 27:33; ei]j to<pon lego<menon Golgoqa<, o! e]stin Krani<ou
To<poj
lego<menoj, unto a place called Golgotha, which is called Place of a
Skull. See also Matt. l:23; Mark 5:41; 2Cor.2:17; 9:12.
12
THE TENSES.
THE IMPERFECT INDICATIVE.
13
14
THE TENSES.
John 2: 7; h{n ei@xete a]p ] a]rxh?j, which ye have had from the beginning.
See also Luke 2:49; Rom. 15:22; Rev. 3:2 (cited by Weymouth
in Theological Monthly, IV. 42, who also quotes examples from classical authors). Cf. 52.
29. When an action denoted by an Imperfect evidently preceded an event already mentioned, such Imperfect is sometimes
best translated into English by the Pluperfect. From the
point of view of Greek, however, this, like the preceding
usage, is an ordinary Progressive Imperfect or Imperfect of
Repeated Action. Cf. 52.
Matt. 14:14; e@legen ga>r o[ ]Iwa<nhj au]t&?, Ou]k e@cesti<n
soi e@xein au]th<n,
for John had been saying to him, It is not lawful for you to have her.
See also Luke 8:27; Acts 9:39.
30. The Imperfect of verbs denoting obligation or possibility, when used to affirm that a certain thing should or
could have been done, i.e. was required or possible under the
circumstances related, is a true affirmative Imperfect. It is
incorrect in this case to speak of an omitted a@n, since though
it is frequently the case that the necessary or possible deed
did not take place, the past necessity or possibility was actual,
not hypothetical or "contrary to fact." Here belong Matt.
18:33; 23:23; 25:27; Acts 24:19; 26:32; 27:21; 2 Cor.
2:3, etc.
The Imperfect is also used of a past necessity or obligation
when the necessary deed did take place. Here also, of course,
the Imperfect has its usual force. Luke 13: 16; 24: 26 ;
John 4:4; Acts 1:16; 17:3.
31. Buttmann, pp. 216 f., 225 f., describes correctly the class of cases
in which the past obligation or possibility was actual, but in which the
required or possible deed did not take place, but wrongly includes in
his list several passages in which not only the fact but the obligation
or ability is hypothetical. Such are John 9:33; 1 Cor. 5:10"; Heb. 9:26,
which are to be explained in accordance with 249. The distinction
15
between these two classes of cases is not always easily marked in English
translation, since the English forms could, should, etc., are used both
for actual and for hypothetical obligation or ability. Of. He could have
gone, if he had been well, and He could have gone, but did not wish
to go.
32. Through a dimming of the distinction between the
ideas of present and past obligation (which has occurred also
in English in the case of the word ought), the Imperfect without tv is sometimes used to express a present obligation. The
Infinitive after such an Imperfect is always in the Present
tense. In accordance with this usage we are probably to explain Acts 22: 22; Eph. 5: 4; Col. 3 :18; cf. Ltft. on Col.
loc. cit. and G.MT. 416.
On these several uses of the Imperfect of verbs of obligation, etc., see G.MT. 413-423.
33. The Imperfect of verbs of wishing, without a@n, is best
explained as a true Progressive Imperfect, describing a desire
which the speaker for a time felt, without affirming that he
actually cherishes it at the time of his present utterance.
This is especially clear in Philem. 13, 14, where the apostle
states in one clause what his desire--his personal preference--was (e]boulo<mhn), and in the next his actual decision
(h]qe<lhsa), as over against his preference. The reason for
describing the desire as past is not always, however, that
it has been put aside. Failure to realize the desire, or the
perception that it cannot be realized, or reluctance to express
a positive and deliberate choice may lead the speaker ,to use
the Imperfect rather than the Present. Similarly we sometimes say in colloquial English, I was wishing that such a
thing might happen, or even more commonly, I have sometimes
wished. Nearly the same meaning may be conveyed in English by the more usual potential form, I should like, I would
16
THE TENSES.
17
18
THE TENSES.
The Aorist for the Perfect and the Aorist for the Pluper4
fect are, as explained below (52), not distinct functions of the
Aorist, but merely special cases of the Historical, Inceptive,
or Resultative Aorist.
37. The distinction between the Indefinite, the Inceptive,
and the Resultative functions of the Aorist is often ignored,
or its legitimacy denied. It is true that there are cases in
which it is not possible to decide certainly whether a given
verb refers to the inception of an action only, or to its entire
extent, and others in which there is a similar difficulty in
deciding whether the reference is to the action as a whole or
to its result only. It is true also that the genetic relation of
these three uses of the tense is not a matter of entire certainty, and that it is possible that, historically speaking, they
are but varying types of one usage. Especially must it be
regarded as doubtful whether the Resultative Aorist is anything else than the Indefinite Aorist of verbs denoting effort.
The matter of importance to the interpreter, however, is
that, whatever the genesis of the fact, of the Aorists of the
New Testament some denote a past act in its undivided
entirety, others denote merely or chiefly the inception of an
action, and others still affirm as a past fact the accomplishment of an act attempted. These distinctions, which from the
exegetical point of view it is often Important to mark, are
conveniently indicated by the terms indefinite, inceptive, and
resultative. With reference to the validity of this distinction,
see Br. 159.
The Inceptive Aorist is illustrated in Acts 15 : 13, and after
they had become silent [meta> to> sigh?sai] James answered. It
is evident that the Infinitive must refer to the becoming
silent, not to the whole period of silence, since in the latter
case James must have been silent while the others were silent,
19
20
THE TENSES.
21
22
THE TENSES.
23
24
THE TENSES.
The English Perfect and Pluperfect by their auxiliaries have and had
distinctly suggest completed action in the proper 8ense, viz. the possession of a thing in the condition indicated by the participle, and substan-
25
26
THE TENSES.
27
e!wj th?j sh<meron, therefore that field has been called Field of Blood
until this day. See also Matt. 28:15; John 16:24]; or when the
event is so recent as to make the thought. of an interval seem
unnatural [Luke 5:26; ei@damen para<doca sh<meron, we have seen
strange things to-day. See also Mark 14:41; Acts 7:52, nu?n
. . . e]ge<nesqe]; or when the time of the event is entirely
indefinite [Matt. 19:4; ou]k a]ne<gnwte, have ye not read? See
also Rev. 11:12; exx. are frequent in the New Testament];
or when the verb refers to a' series of events which extends
approximately or quite to the time of speaking [Matt. 5:21;
h]kou<sate o!ti e]rre<qh toi?j a]rxai<oij, ye have heard that it was said
to the ancients; the reference is doubtless to the frequent
occasions on which they ,had heard such teachings in the
synagogue. See also 1 Esdr. 4 : 26, 27].
Instances of the Greek Aorist for the English Pluperfect
arise when a past event which is conceived of simply as an
event without reference to existing result is mentioned out
of its chronological order, or is expressed in a subordinate
clause. The Greek employs the Aorist, leaving the context
to suggest the order; the English usually suggests the order
by the use of a Pluperfect. See exx. under 48. Of. Beet, The
Greek Aorist as used in the New Testament, in Expositor, XI.
191-201, 296-308, 312-385; Weymouth, The Rendering into
English of the Greek Aorist and Perfect, in Theological
Monthly, IV. 33-41,162-180.
53. In many cases in which the Greek Aorist is used of
an event antecedent to another past event already referred to,
English idiom permits a simple Past. A Pluperfect is strictly
required only when the precedence in time is somewhat prominent. The Revisers of 1881 have used the Pluperfect sparingly in such cases. It might better have been used also in
Matt. 9:25; Mark 8:14; John 12:18 (had heard).
28
THE TESES.
29
55. The Aorist eu]do<khsa in Matt. 3:17; 17:5; Mark 1:11; Luke
3:22; 2 Pet. 1:11, may be explained --(a) as a Historical Aorist having
reference to a specific event as its basis. I was well pleased with thee,
e.g. for receiving baptism. If all the instances were in connection with the
baptism, this would be the most natural explanation. But for those that
occur in connection with the account of the transfiguration this explanation fails, and is probably therefore not the true explanation of any of the
instances. (b) as a comprehensive Historical Aorist covering the period
of Christ's preincarnate existence. Cf. John 17:5, 24; see W. N. Clarke,
Com. on Mark 1:11. If the passages were in the fourth gospel, and
especially if they contained some such phrase as pro> katabolh?j ko<smou,
this explanation would have much in its favor. The absence of such
limiting phrase, and the fact that the passages are in the synoptic gospels
are opposed to this explanation. (c) as a comprehensive Historical Aorist,
having the force of an English Perfect, and referring to the period of
Christ's earthly existence up to the time of speaking. But against this
is the absence of any adverbial phrase meaning up to this time, which
usually accompanies an Aorist verb used in this sense. Cf. 18 and 52.
(d) as an Aorist which has by usage come to have the meaning which is
strictly appropriate to the Perfect, I became well pleased with thee, and
I am [accordingly] well pleased with thee. Cf. 47. There are a few passages of the Septuagint that seem at first sight to favor this explanation.
SeePs. 101:15; Jer. 2:19; Mal. 2:17. Cf. also Matt. 12:18; Luke 12:32.
The force of this evidence is, however, greatly diminished by the fact
that all these instances are capable of being explained without resort to so
unusual a use of the Aorist, that both in the Septuagint and in the New
Testament there is in use a regular Present form of this verb, and that
the Aorist in the majority of cases clearly denotes past time. (e) as an
Inceptive Aorist referring to some indefinite, imagined point of past time
at which God is represented as becoming well pleased with Jesus. But
since this point is not thought of as definitely fixed, English idiom requires
a Perfect tense. Cf. 52 (p. 27), 54. It may be described, therefore, as an
Inceptive Aorist equivalent to an English Perfect, and may be rendered,
I have become well pleased. This, however, can only be a vivid way of
saying, I am well pleased. If then this view is correct, the rendering
of the English versions is a free but substantially correct paraphrase.
A true Perfect would affirm the present state of pleasure and imply the
past becoming pleased. The Aorist affirms the becoming pleased and
leaves the present pleasure to be suggested. This explanation, therefore,
differs from the preceding (d) in that it does not suppose the Aorist
of this verb to have acquired the power of expressing an existing result,
but judges the existing result to be only suggested by the affirmation
30
THE TENSES.
of the past fact. This is rhetorical figure, on the way to become grammatical idiom, but not yet become such. Manifestly similar is the use
of prosede<cato in Isa. 42:1, and of eu]do<khsen in Matt. 12: 18. Indeed,
if
Matt. 12:18 represents a current translation of Isa. 42:1, our present
passages were probably affected in form by this current rendering of the
Isaiah passage. Similar also are e]ka<qisan in Matt. 23:2, and e@maqon in
Phil. 4:11. In neither case is there any clearly established usage of the
Aorist for Greek perfect; in neither is there apparent any reference
to a definite point of past time; in both the real fact intended to be
suggested is the present state.
56. THE DISTINCTION BETWEEN THE AORIST AND THE
IMPERFECT. The difference between an Historical Aorist
and an Imperfect of action in progress or repeated being one
not of the nature of the fact but of the speaker's conception
of the fact, it is evident that the same fact may be expressed
by either tense or by both. This is illustrated in Mark 12:41
and 44, where, with strict appropriateness in both cases, Mark
writes in v. 41, polloi> plou<sioi e@ballon polla<, and in v. 44
records Jesus as stating the same fact in the words pa<ntej . . .
e@balon. The former describes the scene in progress, the latter
merely states the fact.
57. From the nature of the distinction between the Imperfect and Aorist, it also results that the difference in thought
represented by the choice of one form rather than the other
is sometimes almost imperceptible. Cf., e.g., Mark 3:7 and
5:24; Luke 2:18 and 4:22. Some verbs use one of the two
tenses almost or quite to the exclusion of the other. The
form e@legon is used in classical Greek without emphasis on
the thought of the saying as in progress or repeated, and in the
New Testament the Aorist of this verb does not occur. A distinction between the Imperfect e@legon and the Aorist ei#pon is
scarcely to be drawn in the New Testament. Cf. G.MT. 56,
57, especially the following: "In all these cases tbe fundamental distinction of the tenses, which was inherent in the
31
form, remained; only it happened that either of the two distinct forms expressed the meaning which was here needed
equally well. It must not be thought, from these occasional
examples, that the Greeks of any period were not fully alive
to the distinction of the two tenses and could not use it with
skill and nicety."
This approximation of the Aorist and Imperfect, it should
be noted, occurs only in the case of the Historical Aorist (38).
The Inceptive and Resultative Aorists are clearly distinguished
in force from the Imperfect.
THE FUTURE INDICATIVE.
58. The Predictive Future. The Future Indicative is
most frequently used to affirm that an action is to take
place in future time. Since it does not mark the distinc!tion between action in progress and action conceived of
indefinitely without reference to its progress, it may be
either aoristic or progressive. HA. 843; G. 1250, 6;
G.MT. 63, 65; Br. 163.
59. THE AORISTIC FUTURE conceives of an action simply
as an event, and affirms that it will take place in future time.
It may be indefinite, inceptive, or resultative. As indefinite
it may be momentary, comprehensive, or collective. Of. 35, 39.
1 Cor. 15:51, 52; pa<ntej ou] koimhqhso<meqa, pa<ntej de>
a]llaghso<meqa,
e]n a]tro<m&, e]n r[ip^? o]fqalmou?, we shall not all sleep
[indefinite comprehensive]; or; we shall not all fall asleep [inceptive], but we shall
all be changed, in a moment, in the twinkling of an eye [indefinite
momentary].
John 14:26; e]kei?noj u[ma?j dida<cei pa<nta kai> u[pomnh<sei
u[ma?j pa<nta a{
ei#pon u[mi?n e]gw<, he will teach you all things and bring to your
remembrance all things that I said unto you [indefinite collective].
Luke 1:33; kai> basileu<sei e]pi> to>n oi#kon ]Iakw>b ei]j tou>j
ai]w?naj, and he
shall reign over the house of Jacob forever [indefinite comprehensive].
Luke 16:31; ou]d ] e]a<n tij e]k nekrw?n a]nast^? peisqh<sontai,
neither will
they be persuaded if one rise from the dead [resultative].
32
THE TENSES.
33
34
THE TENSES.
35
36
THE TENSES.
37
38
THE TENSES.
39
40
THE TENSES.
41
G. MT. 44. "Das Perf. hatte zwei altuberkommene Funktionen. Einerseits hatte es intensi ven, beziehentlich iterativen
Sinn. . . . Anderseits bezeichnete es die Handlung im Zustand
des Vollendet- und Fertigseins." Br. 162.
An action which has ceased may be expressed in Greek by
the Aorist or the Imperfect quite as well as by the Perfect,
provided only the action is thought of apart from any existing
result of it. These tenses are indeed more frequently used
of actions which are complete in the sense of having come to
an end than is the Perfect. See, e.g., Gal. 4:8; to<te me>n . . .
e]douleu<sate toi?j fu<sei mh> ou#si qeoi?j, at that time. . . ye were
in
bondage to them which by nature are no gods; and 2 Cor. 7, 8;
ou] metame<lomai: ei] kai> metemelo<mhn, I do not regret it,
although
I did regret [was regretting] it. The Perfect, on the other
hand, affirms the existence of the normal result of the action,
and this even though the action itself is still in progress.
See, e.g., the Perfect teth<rhka, in 2 Tim. 4:7, quoted under 74.
86. Since the Aorist and the Perfect both involve reference
to a past event, the Perfect affirming the existence of the
result of the event, and the Aorist affirming the event itself,
without either affirming or denying the existence of the result,
it is evident that whenever the result of the past action does
still exist, either tense may be used, according as the writer
wishes either to affirm the result or merely the event. In
many cases the reason of the choice of one tense rather than
the other is very evident and the distinction clearly marked,
even when in accordance with the principle of 82 both tenses
must be translated by an English Past. See, e.g., 1 Cor. 15:4;
o!ti e]ta<fh, kai> o!ti e]gh<gertai t^? h[me<r% t^? tri<t^, that he
was buried,
and thai he was raised on the third day. The burial is simply
a past event. Of the resurrection there is an existing result,
prominently before the mind.
42
THE TENSES.
43
44
THE TENSES.
THE PLUPERFECT.
45
Luke 4:41; ^@deisan to>n Xristo>n au]to>n ei#nai, they knew that he
was the
Christ. See also John 18:16, 18; Acts 1:10.
91. PERIPHRASTIC FORM OF THE PLUPERFECT. A periphrastic Pluperfect formed by adding the Perfect Participle
to the Imperfect of the verb ei]mi< is somewhat frequent in the
New Testament. In classical Greek this was already the only
form in the third person plural of liquid and mute verbs, and
an occasional form elsewhere. In the New Testament these
periphrastic forms are frequently, but not at all uniformly,
Pluperfects of existing state; about one-third of the whole
number of instances belong to the class of Pluperfects denoting completed action, referring to the past act as well as the
existing result. Cf. G.MT. 45.
Matt. 26:43; h#san ga>r au]tw?n oi[ o]fqalmoi> bebarhme<noi, for
their eyes
were heavy, lit. weighed down.
Luke 2:26; kai> h#n au]t&? kexrhmatisme<non u[po> tou?
pneu<matoj tou? a[gi<ou,
and it had been revealed to him by the Holy Spirit.
92. The ambiguity of the English sometimes renders it
impossible to distinguish in translation between a Pluperfect
of Existing State and an Historical Aorist. Thus in Acts 4:21
and 31 we must, in both cases read were gathered, though the
verb in the former case is an Aorist and refers to an act, and
in the latter a Perfect and refers to a state. Cf. also the two
verbs in Luke 15:24.
93. The simple Future Perfect does not occur in the New
Testament. Respecting Luke 19:40, see B. p. 61; and the
lexicons s.v.
94. A periphrastic Future Perfect, expressing a future
state, occurs in Matt. 16:19; 18:18 ; Luke 12:52 ; Heb.
2:13.
46
THE TENSES.
TENSES OF THE DEPENDENT MOODS.
47
99. The Future Optative does not occur in the New Tes.
tament.
48
THE TENSES.
49
50
THE TENSES.
prepositional phrase limits. When pro<j means with reference to, the timerelation is indicated only by the necessary relation of the things spoken
of. See Luke 18: 1. All three tenses of the Infinitive occur after ei]j
and both Present and Aorist after pro<j, the difference marked by the tense
being not of time but of progress. See Rom. 12:2; Phil. 1:23; Heb.
11:3; Matt. 6:1; Mark 13:22. Cf. 409-414.
108. After dia< the three Infinitives distinguish the action as respects
the writer's conception of its progress, as continued, completed, or indefinite. Time relations are secondary and suggested. The Aorist Infinitive
occurs only in Matt. 24:12, where to> plhqunqh?nai th<n a]nomi<an
apparently
refers to the multiplication of iniquity as a fact of that time without
exclusive reference to its preceding the action of the principal verb. The
Present Infinitive refers to action in progress usually shown by the context to be contemporaneous with the action of the principal verb. See
Matt. 13:5, 6; Acts 12:20; Heb. 10:2; Jas. 4:2. The Perfect Infinitive has its usual force, denoting an action standing complete. The time
of the state of completeness appears from the context; it is usually that
of the principal verb. See Acts 8:11; 18: 2; 27:9; but cf. Mark 5:4,
where dede<sqai denotes an action whose result was existing, not at the
time of speaking, but at an earlier time. Cf. 408.
109. After e]n we naturally expect to find only the Present Infinitive,
the preposition by its meaning suggesting an action thought of as in
progress; and this is indeed the more common usage. Luke, however,
who uses EV with the Infinitive far more frequently than all the other New
Testament writers, has EV with the Aorist Infinitive nine times, and the
same construction occurs in Hebrews twice, and in 1 Corinthians once.
Since the Aorist Infinitive conceives of an action simply as an event without thought of its continuance, it is natural to take EV with it in the same
sense which the preposition bears with nouns which denote an event rather
than a continued action or state (cf. 98), viz. as marking the time at which
the action expressed by the principal verb takes place. The preposition
in this sense does not seem necessarily to denote exact coincidence, but
in no case expresses antecedence. In 1 Cor. 11:21 and Heb. 3:12 the
action of the Infinitive cannot be antecedent to that of the principal verb;
see also Gen. 19:16. In Luke 9:34 such a relation is very difficult,
and in Luke 14:1 improbable in view of the Imperfect tense following.
In Luke 2:27; 11:37; 19:15 ; 24:30; Acts 11:15, the action denoted
by the Infinitive, strictly speaking, precedes the action of the principal
verb, yet may be thought of by the writer as marking more or less exactly
the time at which the action of the verb takes place. As respects the
51
relation of the action to that of the principal verb, the Aorist Infinitive
after EV may be compared to the Aorist Indicative after o!te, which simply
marks in general the time of the event denoted by the principal verb,
leaving it to the context to indicate the precise nature of the chronological
relation. See Matt. 12:3; 21:34; 27:31; John 19: 6, 30. Similarly
indefinite is the use of the English preposition on with verbal nouns, as,
e.g., On the completion of his twenty-first year he becomes of legal age;
On the arrival of the train the procession will be formed. Luke 3:21
cannot in view of the Aorist tense be rendered, while all the people were
being baptized, nor in view of the preposition e]n, after all the people had
been baptized, but must be understood as affirming that the baptism of
Jesus occurred at the time (in general) of the baptism of all the people.
Luke 9: 36 can only mean, when the voice came, a meaning entirely
appropriate to the context. Cf. 415.
110. THE TENSES OF THE DEPENDENT MOODS IN INDIRECT DISCOURSE. The Optative and Infinitive in indirect
discourse preserve the conception of the action as respects
progress which belonged to the direct discourse. The Present
Optative and Infinitive represent tense forms which in the
direct discourse denoted action in progress. Similarly the
Aorist of these moods represents forms which expressed action
indefinitely, and the Perfect stands for forms denoting completed action. The Future represents a Future Indicative of
the direct discourse. In the majority of cases each tense of
the Optative or Infinitive in indirect discourse stands for the
same tense of the Indicative or Subjunctive of the direct form.
Yet it is doubtful whether, strictly speaking, the dependent
moods in indirect discourse express time-relations. The correspondence of tenses probably rather results from the necessity of preserving the original conception of the action as
respects its progress, and the time-relation is conveyed by the
context rather than by the tense of the verb.
REM. Cf. Br. 161. "Der opt. und info aor. von vergangenen Handlungen als Vertreter des indo aor. in der or. obl. entbehrten ebenso wie opt.
und info praes. ( 158) des Ausdrucks der Zeitbeziehung, die nur aus der
52
THE TENSES.
OF THE PARTICIPLE
53
54
THE TENSES.
55
56
THE TENSES.
57
58
THE TENSES.
59
60
THE TENSES.
61
Yet this use is no more than the other uses a primary function
of the tense, nor did it ever displace the others, or force them
into a position of subordination or abnormality. The instances
in which the action denoted by the participle is not antecedent
to the action of the principal verb are as normal as that in
which it is so, and were evidently so recognized alike in classical and in New Testament Greek. The Aorist Participle of
Antecedent Action does not denote antecedence; it is used of
antecedent action, where antecedence is implied, not by the
Aorist tense as a tense of past time, but in some other way.
The same principle holds respecting all the uses of this tense.
The following section (133) is accordingly a definition of the
constant function of the Aorist Participle, while 134, 139, and
142 enumerate the elasses of events with reference to which it
may be used.
REM. Compare the following statements of modern grammarians:
1.1 Since the participle, like the other non-augmented forms of the
aorist, has nothing whatever to do with the denotation of past time, and
since time previous to a point in past time is not the less a kind of past
time, we do not here understand at once how the participle became used
in this sense. But the enigma is solved when we examine the nature of
the aorist and participle. The latter, an adjective in origin, fixes one
action in relation to another. The action which is denoted by the finite
verb is the principal one. When the secondary action continues side by
side with the principal action, it must stand [paratatikw?j] in the participle
of the present; if, again, referred to the future, the proper sign of the
future is needed; and similarly, the perfect participle serves to express
an action regarded as complete in reference to the principal action. If,
however, it is intended to denote the secondary action without any
reference to continuousness and completion and futurity, but merely
as a point or moment, the aorist participle alone remains for this
purpose. We indeed, by a sort of necessity, regard a point which
is fixed in reference to another action as prior to it, but, strictly
speaking, this notion of priority in past time is not signified by the
aorist participle."--Curtius, Elucidations of the Student's Greek Grammar, pp. 216 f.
62
THE TENSES.
"An und fur sich bezeichnet das aoristische Particip ebenso wenig als
irgend eine andere aoristische Form ausser dem Indicativ, der in seinem
Augment ein deutliches Merkmal der Vergangenheit hat, etwas Vergangenes. Das Particip. des kurzesten und yon uns genauer betrachteten
Aorists, dessen Stamm eben nur die Verbalgrundiorm selbst ist, ist also
nur Particip an und fur sich, das heisst es bezeichnet eine Handlung, mit
der noch kein Satz als abgeschlossen gedacht werden soll; im Uebrigen
liegt sein Characteristisches fur uns nur darin, dass es als aoristisches
Particip nicht wie das prasentische Particip auch die Bedeutung der
Dauer in sich enthalt, sondern etwas bezeichnet, bei dell die Zeitdauer,
die es in Anspruch genommen, nicht weiter in Frage kommen, oder das
uberhaupt nur als ganz kurze Zeit dauernd bezeichnet werden soll."
--Leo Meyer, Griechische Aoriste, pp. 124,125.
"In satzen wie e]peidh> ei#pen, a]p^<ei; ei]pw>n tau?ta
a]p^?ei; e]a<n ti fa<gwsin, a]nasth<sonati (Xen. An. IV. 5, 8) erschien
die syntaktisch untergeordnete aoristische Handlung gegenuber dem anderen
Vorgang darum als vergarigen, weil die beiden Handlungen sachlich verschieden
waren. Das Bedeu.
tungsmoment der ungeteilten Vollstandigkeit und Abgeschlossenheit der
Handlung liess die Vorstellung, dass die Haupthandlung in den Verlauf
der Nebenhandlung hineinfalle und neben ihr hergehe (Gleichzeitigkeit),
nicht zu. Die Vorstellung der Vergangenheit in Bezug auf das Hauptverbum war also nicht durch die Aoristform an sich, sondern durch die
besondere Natur der beiden Verbalbegriffe, die zu einander in Beziehung
gesetzt wurden, gegeben. Man erkennt diesen Sachverhalt am besten
durch Vergleichung mit Satzen wie E 98, kai> ba<l ] e]pei~ssonta
tuxw>n kat>
decio>n w#mon, Herod. 5, 24, eu# e]poi<hsaj a]piko<menoj, Xen.
An. I. 3, 17, bouloi<mhn d ] a}n a@kontoj a]piw>n Ku<rou laqei?n au]to>n
a]pelqw<n, Thuk. 6, 4,
e@tesi de> e]ggu<tata o]ktw> kai> e[kato>n meta> th>n
sfete<ran oi@kisin Gel&?oi ]Akra<ganta &@kisan, th>n me>n
po<lin a]po> tou? ]Akra<gontoj potamou? o]noma<santej,
oi]kista>j de> poih<santej ]Aristo<noun kai> Pusti<lon,
no<mima de> ta> Gel&<wn do<ntej, wo die Vorstellung einer
Zeitverschiedenheit darum nicht entstehen konnte, weil es sich um ein und
denselben V6rgang handelte und das Partizip oder die Partizipien nur eine,
bezjehungsweise mehrere besondere Seiten der Handlung des regierenden
Verbums zum Ausdruck brachten." Br. 161.
133. The Aorist Participle is used of an action
ceived of as a simple event.
It may be used with reference to an action or event in
its entirety (indefinite), or with reference to the inception
63
of a state (inceptive), or with reference to the accomplishment of an attempt (resultative). WheR indefinite it may
be used of momentary or extended actions or of a series of
events. Cf. 35, and 39, and see examples below.
134. The Aorist Participle of Antecedent Action.
The Aorist Participle is most frequently used of an action
antecedent in time to the action of the principal verb.
Matt. 4:2; kai> nhsteu<saj h[me<raj tessera<konta kai> nu<ktaj
tessera<konta u!steron e]pei<nasen, and having fasted forty days and forty
nights, he afterward hungered.
Mark 1:31; h@geiren au]th>n krath<saj th?j xeiro<j, and taking her by
the
hand he raised her up.
John 5:13; o[ de> i]aqei>j ou]k ^@dei ti<j e]stin, but he that had been
healed
wist not who it was.
Acts 14:19; kai> pei<santej tou>j o@xlouj kai> liqa<santej to>n
Pau?lon,
e@suron e@cw th?j po<lewj, and having persuaded the multitudes
they
stoned Paul, and dragged him out of the city.
Acts 27:13; do<cantej th?j proqe<sewj kekrathke<nai a@rantej
a#sson
parele<gonto th>n Krh<thn, supposing that they had obtained their
purpose, they weighed anchor, and sailed along Crete.
Rom. 5:1; dikaiwqe<ntej ou#n e]k pi<stewj ei]h<nhn e@xwmen
pro>j to>n qeo<n,
having therefore been J"u.\'tified by faith, let us have peace with God.
1 Cor. 1:4; eu]xaristw? t&? qe&? . . . e]pi> t^? xa<riti tou? qeou?
t^? doqei<s^
u[mi?n, I thank God. . . for the grace of God which was given you.
Col 1:3, 4; eu]xaristou?men t&? qe&? . . . a]kou<santej th>n
pi<stin u[mw?n,
we give thanks to God. . . having heard of your faith.
2 Tim. 4:11; Ma<rkon a]nalabw>n a@ge meta> seautou?, take Mark
and
bring him with thee.
135. The Aorist Participle of Antecedent Action is frequently used attributively as the equivalent of a relative
clause; in this case it usually has the article, and its position
is determined by the same considerations which govern the
64
THE TENSES.
65
66
THE TENSES.
Dem. XIX. (F.L.) 255 (423) cited by Carter, and Thuc. II.
49. 2, cited by Humphreys, in Cl. Rev. Feb. 1891. See also
Rom. n. E. 369; N. 35, and Pindar, Pyth. IV. 189.
145. The New Testament furnishes one almost indubitable
instance of an Aorist Participle so used if we accept the best
attested text.
Acts 25:13, ]Agri<ppaj o[ basileu>j kai> Berni<kh kath<nthsan ei]j
Kaisari<an a]spasa<menoi to>n Fh?ston, Agrippa the King and
Bernice arrived
at Cresarea and saluted Festus.
The doubt concerning the text rests not on the insufficiency
of the documentary evidence, but on the rarity of this use of
the participle. Cf. Hort in WR II. App. p. 100. "The
authority for a<menoi is absolutely overwhelming, and as a
matter of transmission o<menoi can only be a correction. Yet
it is difficult to remain satisfied that there is no prior corruption of some kind." With this case should also be compared
Acts 16:23; 22:24; 23:35; 24:23, where the participle,
which is without the article and follows the verb, is most
naturally interpreted as referring to an action subsequent in
thought and fact to that of the verb which it follows, and
equivalent to kai< with a coordinate verb. These instances are
perhaps due to Aramaic influence. See Ka. 76. d; and cf.
Dan. 2:26, 27; 3:13, 24, 26, 27, etc.
In Rom. 4:19, kai> mh> a]sqenh<saj t^? pi<stei kateno<hsen
to> e[autou? sw?ma [h@dh] bebejrwme<non, the participle
a]sqenh<saj, though preceding the verb, is naturally interpreted as referring to
a (conceived) result of the action
denoted by kateno<hsen. It is in that case an inceptive Aorist Participle
denoting a subsequent action. Its position is doubtless due to the
emphasis laid upon it. In Heb. 9:12 the symmetry of the figure is best
preserved if eu[ra<menoj is thought of as referring to an action subsequent to
that of ei]sh?lqen. But it is possible that ei]sh?lqen is used to describe the
whole highpriestly act, including both the entrance into the holy place and
the subsequent offering of the blood, and that eu[ra<menoj is thus a participle
of identical action. In either case it should be translated not having
PARTICIPLE.
67
68
THE TENSES.
69
clause with the Aorist Indicative, sometimes instead of such a clause with
the verb in the Aorist Subjunctive.1 But it should not be supposed that
from the point of view of the Greek language these were two distinct
functions of the Aorist Participle. The phrase o{j e@labe referred in Greek
to past time, o{j a}n la<b^ to present or future time. It is not probable that
in the mind of a Greek o[ labw<n was the precise equivalent of both of
these, standing alternately for the one or the other, so that when he wrote
o[ labw<n he sometimes thought o{j e@labe, sometimes o}j a}n la<b^.
The fact is
doubtless rather that the Aorist Participle was always, strictly speaking,
timeless, and that o[ labw<n meant simply the receiver, the act of receiving
being thought of as a simple fact without reference to progress. Thus for
o[ labw<n in Matt. 25:16 o{j e@labe might have stood, and it may be translated, he that received; while for o[ o]mo<saj in Matt. 23:20 o{j a}n
o]mo<s^
might have stood, and it may be trauslated, whoever sweareth; and for
o[ u[pomei<naj in Matt. 24:13 o{j a}n u[pomei<n^ might have stood,
and it may
be translated, whoever shall endure. Cf. Luke 12:8-10. But these
differences are due not to a difference in the force of the tense in the
three cases. In each case a translation by a timeless verbal nounreceiver, swearer, endurer--would correctly (though from the point
of view of English rather awkwardly) represent the thought of the
Greek. As respects the time-relation of the action of the participle
to that of the principal verb o[ labw<n and o[ u[pomei<naj are participles
of antecedent action, o[ o]mo<saj is a participle of identical action. But
these distinctions, again, as stated above, are made, not to mark different
functions of the Greek tense, but to aid in a fuller interpretation of the
facts of the case.
151. Some scholars have endeavored to explain all participles with
the article as equivalent to the relative pronoun with the corresponding
tense of the Indicative. It is true that such participial phrases may often
be resolved in this way and the sense essentially preserved. But that
this is not a general principle will be evident from a comparison of the
fuuction of the tense in the Indicative and in the participle.
(a) All the tenses of the Indicative express time-relations from the
Ii point of view, not of the principal verb, but of the speaker. This principle
holds in a relative clause as well. as in a principal sentence. An Aorist
verb standing in a relative clause may indeed refer to an action antecedent to the time of the principal verb, but this antecedence is not expressed
by the tense of the verb. All that the Aorist tense does in respect to
1
70
THE TENSES.
time is to place the action in past time; its relation in that past time to
the action of the principal verb must be learned from some other source.
The corresponding thing is true of the Present tense, which in a relative
clause denotes time not contemporaneous with the action of the principal
verb, but present from the point of view of the speaker. See, e.g., Matt.
11:4; 13:17.
(b) The participle, on the other hand, is in itself timeless, and gains
whatever suggestion of time-relation it conveys from its relation to the
rest of the sentence. It is not affirmed that the Aorist Participle denotes
time relative to that of the principal verb, but that its time-relations are
not independent, like those of the fudicative, but dependent.
It is thus apparent that the whole attitude, so to speak, of the participle toward time-relations is different from that of the Indicative, and no
formula of equivalence between them can be constructed. A timeless
noun or adjective cannot by any fixed rule be translated into a timeexpressing verb.
Somewhat less of error is introduced if the rule is made to read that
the participle may be trauslated into English by a relative clause using
that tense of the English fudicative which corresponds to the tense
of the Greek participle. Relative clauses in English frequently use the
tenses apparently to denote time relative to that of the principal verb.
Thus in the sentence, When I am in London I will come to see you, the
present tense, am, really denotes time future with reference to the speaker,
time present relative to that of the principal verb. SiIililarly in the
sentence, They that have done good shall come forth to the resurrection of
life --have done is past, not with reference to the time of speaking, but
to that of the principal verb. But such uses of tenses in English are
merely permissible, not uniform. Shall have done would be more exact
in the last sentence. Moreover, the rule as thus stated is false in principle,
and not uniformly applicable in fact. It would require, e.g., that a
Present Participle, standing in connection with an Aorist verb, should be
rendered by an English Present, instead of by an English Past as it .
should usually be. See John 2:16; Acts 10:35.
THE FUTURE PARTICIPLE.
152. The Future Participle represents an action as
future from the point of view of the principal verb. HA.
856; G. 1288.
71
Acts. 24:11; ou] plei<ouj ei]si<n moi h[me<rai dw<deka a]f ] h$j
a]ne<bhn proskunh<swn ei]j ]Ierousalh<m, it is not more than twelve days since I
went
up to worship at Jerusalem.
1 Cor. 15:37; ou] to> genhso<menon sprei<reij, thou sowest not the
body that shall be.
REM. The Future Participle is of later origin than the participles of
the other tenses, and is a clearly marked exception to the general timelessness of the participle. While its function was probably not primarily
temporal, the relations which it expressed necessarily suggested subsequence to the action of the principal verb, and hence gave to the tense a
temporal force. Del. IV. pp. 97 ff.; Br.163.
153. The Present Participle me<llwn followed by an Infinitive of another verb is used as a periphrasis for a Future
Participle of the latter verb, but with a somewhat different
range of use. To express that which is to take place, either
form may be used. But me<llwn is not used to express the
purpose of an action, and is used, as the Future Participle is
not, to express intention without designating the intended
action as the purpose of another act. See John 12:4 (cf. John
6:64); Acts 18: 14; 20:3,7.
THE PERFECT PARTIOIPLE.
154. The Perfect Participle is used of completed action. Like the Perfect Indicative it may have reference
to the past action and the resulting state or only to the
resulting state. The time of the resulting state is usually
that of the principal verb. HA. 856; G.1288.
Acts 10:17; oi[ a@ndrej oi[ a]pestalme<noi . . . e]pe<sthsan e]pi>
to>n pulw?na,
the men who had been sent. . . stood before the gate.
Rom. 15:14; peplhrwme<noi pa<shj th?j gnw<sewj, filled with all
knowledge.
Luke 8:46; e@gnwn du<namin e]celhluqui?an a]p ] e]mou?, I
perceived that power
had gone forth from me.
72
THE TENSES.
155. The Perfect Participle stands in two passages of the New Testament as the predicate of the participle tJv. The effect is of a Perfect
Participle clearly marked as one of existing state. See Eph. 4:18;
Col. 1:21.
156. The Perfect Participle is occasionally used as a Pluperfect to denote a state existing antecedent to the time of the
principal verb. The action of which it is the result is, of
course, still earlier.
John 11:44; e]ch?lqen o[ teqnhkw>j dedeme<noj tou>j po<daj
kai> ta>j xei?raj
keiri<aij, he that was [or had been] dead came forth bound hand and
foot with grave-clothes. See also Mark 5:15, e]sxhko<ta, noting the
Present Participle in the same verse and the Aorist Participle
in v. 18; also 1 Cor. 2:7, a]pokekrumme<nhn, comparing v. 10.
THE MOODS.
MOODS IN PRINCIPAL CLAUSES.
THE INDICATIVE MOOD.
157. The Indicative is primarily the mood of the unqualified assertion or simple question of fact. HA. 865;
G.1317.
John 1:1; e]n a]rx^? h#n o[ lo<goj, in the beginning was the Word.
Mark 4:7; kai> karpo>n ou]k e@dwken, and it yielded no fruit.
Matt. 2:2; pou? e]sti>n o[ texqei>j basileu>j tw?n ]Ioudai<wn,
where is he
that is born King of the Jews?
John 1:38; ti< zhtei?te, what are ye seeking?
158. The Indicative has substantially the same assertive
force in many principal clauses containing qualified assertions.
The action is conceived of as a fact, though the assertion of
the fact is qualified.
John 13:8; e]a>n mh> ni<yw se, ou]k e@xeij me<roj met ]
e]mou?, if I wash thee not,
thou hast no part with me.
159. (a) When qualified by particles such as a@n, ei@qe, etc.,
the Indicative expresses various shades of desirability, improbability, etc. Respecting these secondary uses of the Indicative
in principal clauses, see 26, 27, 248.
(b) Respecting the uses of the Future Indicative in other
than a purely assertive sense, see 67, 69, 70.
73
74
THE MOODS.
THE SUBJUNCTIVE.
75
In none of these cases is a conjunction to be supplied before the Subjunctive. Cf. the use of a@ge, fe<re, etc., in classical Greek. G.MT. 257;
B. p. 210; WM. p. 356.
162. The Prohibitory Subjunctive. The Aorist Subjunctive is used in the second person with mh< to express a
prohibition or a negative entreaty. H.A. 866, 2; G. 1346;
G.MT. 259.
Matt. 6:34; mh> ou#n merimnh<shte ei]j th>n au@rion, be not
therefore anxious
for the morrow.
Heb. 3:8; mh> sklhru<nhte ta>j kardi<aj u[mw?n, harden not your
hearts.
Matt. 6:13; kai> mh> ei]sene<gk^j h[ma?j ei]j, and bring us not into
temptation.
163. Prohibitions are expressed either by the Aorist Subjunctive or by the Present Imperative, the only exceptions
being a few instances of the third person Aorist Imperative
with mh<. The difference between an Aorist Subjunctive with
mh< and a Present Imperative with mh< is in the conception of
the action as respects its progress. H.A. 874. Thus
164. (a) The Aorist Subjunctive forbids the action as a
simple event with reference to the action as a whole or to its
inception, and is most frequently used when the action has
not been begun.
Acts 18:9; la<lei kai> mh> siwph<s^j, speak and hold not thy peace.
Rev. 7:3; mh> a]dikh<shte th>n gh?n, hurt not the earth.
165. (b) The Present Imperative (180-184) forbids the
continuance of the action, most frequently when it is already
in progress; in this case, it is a demand to desist from the
action.
Mark 6:50; e]gw< ei]mi, mh> fobei?sqe, it is I, be not afraid.
John 5:14; mhke<ti a[ma<rtane, sin no more.
76
THE MOODS.
THE SUBJUNCTIVE.
77
78
THE MOODS.
THE OPTATIVE.
79
80
THE MOODS.
81
82
THE MOODS.
83
84
THE MOODS.
85
86
THE MOODS.
87
88
THE MOODS.
89
207. !Opwj occurs in the New Testament in such clauses (205) only
in Matt. 12:14; 22:15; Mark 3:6, and in all these cases after a phrase
meaning to plan. The clause thus closely approximates an indirect deliberative question. Cf. Mark 11:18. See Th. o!pwj, II. 2.
208. The Optative sometimes occurs in classical Greek after a
secondary tense of verbs of striving, etc., but is not found in the New
Testament.
209. It is sometimes difficult to say with certainty whether fJ.'6 with
the Subjunctive after o!ra or o[ra?te is an objective clause or an independent
Prohibitory Subjunctive. In classical Greek the dependent constmction
was already fully developed (cf. G.MT. 354, 307); and though in the
New Testament lJplt is sometimes prefixed to the Imperative (Matt. 9:30;
24:6), showing that the paratactic constmction is still possible, mh< with
the Subjunctive in such passages as Matt. 18:10; 1 Thess. 5:15 is best
regarded as constituting an object clause.
Mh< with the Subjunctive after ble<pw is also probably to be regarded
as
dependent. It is true that ble<pw does not take an objective clause in
classical Greek, that in the New Testament only the Imperative of this
verb is followed by a clause defining the action to be done or avoided, and
that in a few illstances the second verb is an Aorist Subjunctive in the
second person with mh<, and might therefore be regarded as a Prohibitory Subjunctive (Luke 21:8; Gal. 5:15; Heb. 12:25). Yet in a
larger number of cases the verb is in the third person (Matt. 24:4; Mark
13:5; Acts 13:40; 1 Cor. 8:9, etc.), and in at least one instance is introduced by i!na (1 Cor. 16:10). This indicates that we have not a coordinate imperative expression, but a dependent clause. In Col. 4:17
ble<pe, and in 2 John 8 ble<pete, is followed by i!na with the Subjunctive;
the clause in such case being probably objective, but possibly pure final.
In Heb. 3:12 the Future Indicative with mh< is evidently an objective
clause.
REM. Concerning Luke 11:35, see B. p. 243; WM. p. 374, foot-note,
and p. 631; WT. p. 503; Th. fJ.'6, lli. 2; R. V. ad loc.
210. Verbs of striving, etc., may also take the Infinitive as
object. With Matt. 26:4, and John 11:53, cf. Acts 9:23;
with Rev. 13:12 cf. 13:13.
The verbs zhte<w and a]fi<hmi, which are usually followed by
90
THE MOODS.
91
92
THE MOODS.
Phil. 2:2; plhrw<sate< mou th>n xara>n i!na to> au]to> fronh?te,
fulfil ye
my joy, that ye be of the same mind. (See an Infinitive similarly
used in Acts 15: 10.) See also John 9:22; Gal. 2:9; in both
these Jatter passages the i!na clause defines the content of the agreement mentioned in the preceding portion of the sentence. See also
John 5:7. Cf. Martyr. Polyc. 10. 1.
218. Clauses of Conceived Result introduced by i!na.
Clauses introduced by tva are used in the New Testament
to express the conceived result of an action.
John 9:2; ti< h!marten, ou$toj h} oi[ gonei?j au]tou?, i!na tuflo>j
gennhq^?,
who did sin, this man or his parents, that he should be born blind?
1 Thess. 5:4; u[mei?j de>, a]delfoi<, ou]k e]ste> e]n sko<tei, i!na
h[ h[me<ra
u[ma?j w[j kle<ptaj katala<b^, but ye, brethren, are not in
darkness, that
that day should overtake you as thieves. See also 1 John 1:9 (cf.
Heb. 6:10--Infinitive in similar construction); 2 Cor. 1:17; Rev.
9:20 (cf. Matt. 21:32); 14:13; 22:14.
219. The relation of thought between the fact expressed in
the principal clause and that expressed in the clause of conceived result introduced by 1va is that of cause and effect, but
it is recognized by the speaker that this relation is one of
theory or inference rather than of observed fact. In some
cases the effect is actual and observed, the cause is inferred.
So, e.g., John 9:2. In other cases the cause is observed, the
effect is inferred. So, e.g., 1 Thess. 5:4. In all the cases the
action of the principal clause is regarded as the necessary condition of that of the subordinate clause, the action of the subordinate clause as the result which is to be expected to follow
from that of the principal clause.
It is worthy of notice that in English the form of expression which ordinarily expresses pure purpose most distinctly
may also be used to express this relation of conceived result.
We say, He must have suffered very severe losses in order to be
80 reduced in circumstances. Such forms of expression are
93
94
THE MOODS.
95
96
THE MOODS.
idiom with oi#da illustrated in Mark 1:24; see also Gal. 4:11), so that the
meaning would be expressed in English by translating, for they were
afraid that they should be stoned by the people; or e]fobou?nto . . . lao<n
may
be taken as parenthetical, and mh> liqasqw?sin made to limit h#gen
au]tou<j,
ou] meta> bi<aj; so Tisch. and WH.
REM. 2. Some MSS. and editors read a Future Indicative in 2 Cor.
12:21.
225. The verb of fearing is sometimes unexpressed, the idea
of fear being suggested by the context; so, it may be, in Acts
5:39, and Matt. 25:9.
REM. 1. 2 Tim. 2:25, mh< pote dw<^ au]toi?j o[ qeo>j
meta<noian is
probably best explained in the same way. For the gentleness and meekness in
dealing with those that oppose themselves, which he has enjoined, the
apostle adds the argument, [fearing] lest God may perchance grant them
repentance, i.e. lest on the assumption that they are past repentance you
be found dealing in harshness with those to whom God will yet grant
repentance.
REM. 2. Dw<^ (Subjunctive) is to be preferred to d&<h (Optative) in
this passage as in Eph. 1:17. See the evidence in WS. p. 120 that this
form occurs as a Subjunctive not only in tbe Old Ionic language, but in
inscriptions of the second century B.C. Cf. WHo II. App. p. 168.
226. It is evident that object clauses after verbs of fear are closely
akin to negative object clauses after verbs signifying to care for. G.MT.
354. Some of the instances cited under 206 might not inappropriately
placed under 224. On the probable common origin of both, and their
development from the original parataxis, see G.MT. 307, 352.
227. When the object of apprehension is conceived of as
already present or past, i.e. as a thing already decided, although the issue is at the time of speaking unknown, the Indicative is used both in classical and New Testament Greek.
HA. 888; G. 1380.
Gal. 4:11; fobou?mai u[ma?j mh< pwj ei]k^? kekopi<aka ei]j u[ma?
j, I am afraid
I have perhaps bestowed labor upon you in vain. See also Gal. 2 : 2 ;
1 Thess. 3:5; Gen. 43:11.
97
98
THE MOODS.
99
100
THE MOODS.
REM. With John 3:16, which is the only clear instance in the New
Testament of w!ste with the Indicative so closely joined to what precedes
as to constitute a subordinate clause, is usually reckoned also Gal. 2:13.
237. The clause introduced by w!ste is sometimes so disjoined from the antecedent sentence expressing the causal fact
that it becomes an independent sentence. In such cases w!ste
has the meaning therefore, or accordingly, and the verb introduced by it may be in any form capable of standing in a principal clause. HA. 927, a; G. 1454.
Mark 2:28; w!ste ku<rio<j e]stin o[ ui[o>j tou? a]nqrw<pou kai>
tou? sabba<tou, so
that the Son of man is lord even of the sabbath.
1 Cor. 5:8; w!ste e[orta<zwmen, wherefore let us keep the feast.
1 Thess. 4:18; w!ste parakalei?te a]llh<louj e]n toi?j lo<goij tou<toij,
wherefore comfort one another with these words.
MOODS IN OONDITIONAL SENTENCES.
238. A. conditional sentence consists of a subordinate clause
which states a supposition, and a principal clause which states
a conclusion conditioned on the fulfilment of the supposition
stated in the subordinate clause. The conditional clause is
called the protasis. The principal clause is called the apodosis.
239. Suppositions are either particular or general. When
the protasis supposes a certain definite event and the apodosis
conditions its assertion on the occurrence of this event, the
supposition is particular. When the protasis supposes any
occurrence of an act of a certain class, and the apodosis states
what is or, was wont to take place in any instance of an act of
the class supposed in the protasis, the supposition is general.
Thus in the sentence, If he believes this act to be wrong, he will not
do it, the supposition is particular. But in the sentence, If [in any instance] he believes an act to be wrong, he does not [is not wont to] do it,
101
102
THE MOODS.
242. A. Sinlple Present or Past Particular Supposition. The protasis simply states a supposition which refers
to a particular case in the present or past, implying
nothing as to its fulfilment.
The protasis is expressed by ei] with a present or past
tense of the Indicative; any form of the finite verb may
stand in the apodosis. HA. 893; G.1390.
John 15:20; ei] e]me> e]di<wcan, kai> u[ma?j diw<cousin, if they
have persecuted
me, they will also persecute you.
Gal. 5:18; ei] de> pneu<mati a@gesqe, ou]k e]ste> u[po>
no<mon, but if ye are led
by the Spirit, ye are not under the law. See also Matt. 4:3; Luke
16:11; Acts 5:39; Rom.4:2; 8:10; Gal. 2:17; Rev. 20:15.
REM. Concerning the use of the negatives mh< and ou] in the protasis of
conditional sentences of this class, see 469, 470.
243. When a supposition refers to the truth of a generalprinciple as such, and the apodosis conditions its assertion
on the truth of this principle, not on the occurrence of any
instance of a supposed class of events, the supposition is
particular. It is expressed in Greek by ei] with the Indicative, and the sentence belongs to the first class.
Matt. 19:10; ei] ou!twj e]sti>n h[ ai]ti<a tou? a]nqrw<pou meta>
th?j gunaiko<j, ou]
sumfe<rei gamh?sai, if the case of the man is so with his wife, it is not
expedient to marry. See also Matt. 6 : 30; Gal. 2 : 21; cf. Plat. Prot.
340, C. In Rom. 4:14; 8:17; 11:6, the verb is omitted. The
use of ei] and the nature of the sentence, however, easily suggest
what form of the verb would be required if it were expressed.
244. Conditional clauses of the first class are frequently
used when the condition is fulfilled, and the use of the hypothetical form suggests no doubt of the fact. This fact of fulfilment lies, however, not in the conditional sentence, but in the
context. John 3:12; 7:23; Rom. 5:10.
MOODS SENTENCES.
103
104
THE MOODS.
105
253. This usage also occurs in Homer and the tragic poets, but is very
rare in Attic prose. It is found in the Septuagint and becomes very common in later Hellenistic and Byzantine writers. G. MT. 453, 454; Clapp in
T.A.P.A.1887, p. 49; 1891, pp. 88 f.; WT. pp. 294 f.; WM. pp. 368, 374, f.n.
For the few New Testament instances there is possibly in each case a
special reason. Thus in Luke 9: 13 there is probably a mixture of a conditional clause and a deliberativequestion: unless indeed--are we to go?
i.e., unless indeed toe are to go. In 1 Cor. 14:5 and 1 Thess. 5:10 a
preference for the more common ei] mh< and ei@te . . . ei@te over the
somewhat
unusual e]a>n mh< and e]a<nte . . . e]a<nte may have led to the use of
the former
in spite of the fact that the meaning called for a Subjunctive. 1 Thess.
5:10 can hardly be explained as attraction (B. and W.), since the nature
of the thought itself calls for a Subjunctive. On Phil. 3:11, 12, cf. 276.
It is doubtful, however, whether the discovery of any difference in force
between el with the Subjunctive and e]a<n with the Subjunctive in these
latter passages is not an over-refinement.
254. (b) Ei] or e]a<n with the Future Indicative.
2 Tim. 2:12; ei] a]rnhso<meqa, ka]kei?noj a]rnh<setai h[ma?j, if we
shall deny
him, he also will deny us.
Acts 8:31; e]a>n mh< tij o[dhgh<sei me, unless some one shall guide me.
`See also Luke 19: 40.
255. Ei] with the Future Indicative occurs as a protasis of a condition
of the third form not infrequently in classical writers, especially in
tragedy. G.MT. 447. Of the New Testament instances of el followed
by a Future (about twenty in number), one, 2 Tim. 2:12, illustrates the
minatory or monitory force attributed to such clauses by Gild., T.A.P.A.
1876, pp. 9 ff.; A.J.P. XIII. pp. 123 ff. Concerning the other instances,
see 246, 254, 272, 276, 340.
256. (c) Ei] with the Present Indicative. The protasis is
then apparently of the first class (242). The instances which "
belong here are distinguished by evident reference of the prot- I!:~
asis to the future.
Matt. 8:31; ei] e]kba<lleij h[ma?j, a]po<steilon h[ma?j ei]j th>n
a]ge<lhntw?n
xoi<rwn, if thou cast us out send us away into the herd of swine. See
also 1 Cor. 10:27 (cf. v. 28); 2 John 10; Gen. 4:14; 20:7;
44:26; and as .possible instances Matt. 5: 29, 30; 18: 8, 9;
Luke 14:26; 2 TIm. 2:12.
106
THE MOODS.
107
There is no perfect example of this form in the New Testament. Protases occur in 1 Cor. and 1 Pet., but never with a
regular and fully expressed apodosis. Apodoses occur in Luke
and Acts, but never with a regular protasis.
1 Pet. 3:17; krei?tton ga>r a]gaqopoiou?ntaj, ei] qe<loi to>
qe<lhma tou? qeou?,
pa<sxein h} kakopoiou?ntaj, for it is better, if the will of God should
so
will, that ye suffer for well doing than for evil doing. See also 1 Cor.
14:10; 15:37; 1 Pet. 3:14.
260. E. Present General Supposition. The supposition refers to any occurrence of an act of a certain class in
the (general) present, and the apodosis states what is wont
to take place in any instance of an act of the class referred
to in the protasis.
The protasis is expressed by e]a<n with the Subjunctive,
the apodosis by the Present Indicative. HA. 894, 1; G.
1393, 1.
John 11:9; e]a<n tij pepripat^? e]n t^? h[me<r%, ou] prosko<ptei,
a man
walk in the day, he stumbleth not.
2 Tim 2:5; e]a>n de> kai> a]ql^? tij, ou] stefanou?tai e]a>n mh>
nomi<mwj
a]qlh<s^, and if also a man contend in the games, he is not crowned,
unless he contend lawfully. See also Mark 3:24; John 7:51;
12:24; 1 Cor. 7:39, 40.
261. Ei] with the Present Indicative not infrequently
occurs in clauses which apparently express a present general
supposition. G.MT.467. Yet in most New Testament passages of this kind, it is possible that a particular imagined
instance in the present or future is before the mind as an illustration of the general class of cases. Cf. 242, 256. It is
scarcely possible to decide in each case whether the supposition was conceived of as general or particular.
108
THE MOODS.
Luke 14:26; ei@ tij e@rxetai pro<j me kai> ou] misei? . . . th>n
yuxh>n
e[aoutou?, ou] du<natai ei#nai< mou maqhth<j, if any man
cometh unto me,
and hateth not. . . his own life, he cannot be my disciple. Cf. John 8:51;
12:26; where in protases of apparently similar force e]a<n with the
Subjunctive occurs, and the apodosis refers to the future.
Rom. 8:25; eo] de> o{ ou] ble<pomen e]lpi<zomen, di ]
u[pomonh?j a]pekdexo<meqa,
but if we hope for that which we see not, then do we with patience wait
for it. See also Jas. 1:26.
262. The third and fifth classes of conditional sentences are very
similar not only in form, but also in meaning. When the subject or other
leading term of the protasis is an indefinite or generic word, the third
class differs from the fifth only in that a sentence of the third class tells
what will happen in a particular instance or in any instance of the fulfilment of the supposition, while a sentence of the fifth class tells what
is wont to happen in any such case. Cf., e.g., Mark 3:24 with 25; also
the two sentences of Rom. 7:3.
263. It should be observed that a Present Indicative in the principal
clause after a protasis consisting of tall with the Subjunctive does not
always indicate that the sentence is of the fifth class. If the fact stated
in the apodosis is already true at the time of speaking, or if the issue
involved has already been determined, though not necessarily known, the
Present Indicative is frequently used after a protasis referring to future
time. The thought would be expressed more fully but less forcibly by
supplying some such phrase as it will appear that or it will still be true
that. In other instances the true apodosis is omitted, that which stands
in its place being a reason for the unexpressed apodosis. In still other
cases the Present is merely the familiar Present for Future (15).
John 8:31; e]a>n u[mei?j mei<nhte e]n t&? lo<g& t&? e]m&?,
a]lhqw?j maqhtai< mou<
e]ste, if ye shall abide in my word, [ye will show that] ye are truly
my disciples. Observe the Future in the next clause.
1John 1:9; e]a>n o[mologw?men ta>j a[marti<aj h[mw?n, pisto<j
e]stin kai>
di<kaioj i!na a]f^? h[mi?n ta>j a[marti<aj, if we confess our
sins, [he
will forgive us, for] he is faithful and righteous to forgive us our sins.
See also Mark 1 : 40; John 19: 12; Acts 26 : 5.
264. The difference in force between the fifth class of suppositions and
the class described under 243 should be clearly marked. There the issue
109
eral principle, while the apodosis affirms some other general or particular
statement to be true if the general principle is true. Here the protasis
raises no question of the truth or falsity of the general principle, but
suggests as an hypothesis, that a general statement is in any single case
realized, and the apodosis states what is wont to take place when the
supposition of the protasis is thus realized. Thus in Matt. 19:10 (243)
the disciples say that if the principle stated by Jesus is true, it follows as
a general principle that it is not expedient to marry. On the other hand,
e]a>n ou!twj e@x^, ou] sumfe<rei gamh?sai would mean, If in any
instance the
case supposed is realized, then it is wont to happen that it is not expedient to
marry. Cf. examples under 260.
265. F. Past General Supposition. The supposition
refers to any past occurrence of an act of a certain class,
and the apodosis states what was wont to take place in any
instance of an act of the class referred to in the protasis.
The protasis is expressed byel with the Optative, the,
apodosis by the Imperfect Indicative. HA. 894, 2; G.
1393, 2.
There is apparently no instance of this form in the New
Testament.
266. Peculiarities of Conditional Sentences. Nearly
all the peculiar variations of conditional sentences mentioned in the classical grammars are illustrated in the New
Testament. See HA. 901-907; G. 1413-1424.
267. (a) A protasis of one form is sometimes joined with
an apodosis of another form.
Acts 8:31; pw?j ga>r a}n dunai<mhn e]a>n mh< tij o[dhgh<sei
me, how can I,
unless some one shall guide me.'
268. (b) An apodosis may be accompanied by more than
one protasis; these protases may be of different form, each
retaining its own proper force.
110
THE MOODS.
111
faith is made void, and the promise is made of none effect. See also
Rom. 8:17; 11:16; 1 Cor.7:5, 8; 12:19; 1 Pet. 3:14. In 2 Cor.
11:16 ka@n stands for kai> e]a>n de<chsqe.
274. (g) Ei] mh> without a dependent verb occurs very frequently in the sense of except. It may be followed by any
form of expression which could have stood as subject or as
limitation of the principal predicate. The origin of this usage
was of course in a conditional clause the verb of which was
omitted because it was identical with the verb of the apodosis.
Both in classical and New Testament Greek the ellipsis is unconscious, and the limitation is not strictly conditional, but exceptive. Like the English except it states not a condition on
fulfilment of which the apodosis is true or its action takes
place, but a limitation of the principal statement. It is, however, never in the New Testament purely adversative. Of.
Lift. on Gal. 1:7, 19.
275. (h) Ei] de> mh< and ei] de> mh<ge are used elliptically in the
sense of otherwise, i.e. if so, or if not, to introduce an alternative statement or command. Having become fixed phrases,
they are used even when the preceding sentence is negative;
also when the nature of the condition would naturally call for
lav rather than d. Matt. 9:17; Luke 10:6; 13:9; Rev. 2:5.
G.MT. 478; B. p. 393.
276. (i) An omitted apodosis is sometimes virtually contained in the protasis, and the latter expresses a possibility
which is an object of hope or desire, and hence has nearly the
force of a final clause. In some instances it approaches the
force of an indirect question. G.MT.486-493. In classical
Greek such protases are introduced by ei] or e]a<n. In the New
Testament they occur with ei] only, and take the Subjunctive,
Optative, or Future Indicative.
112
THE MOODS.
Phil. 3:12; diw<kw de> ei] kai> katala<bw, but I press on, if so be that I
may apprehend.
Acts 27:12; oi[ plei<onej e@qento boulh>n a]naxqh?nai e]kei?qen,
ei@ pwj
su<nainto katanth<santej ei]j Foi<nika paraxeima<sai, the
more part
advised to put to sea from thence, if by any means they could reach
Phoenix, and winter there. See also Mark 11:13; Acts 8:22; 17:27;
Rom. 1:10; 11:14; Phil. 3:11.
277. (j) After expressions of wonder, etc., a clause introduced by L has nearly the force of a clause introduced by o!ti.
Mark 15:44; Acts 26:8; cf. 1 John 3:13.
MOODS IN CONCESSIVE SENTENCES.
278. A concessive clause is a protasis that states a supposition the fulfilment of which is thought of or represented
as unfavorable to the fulfilment of the apodosis.
The force of a concessive sentence is thus very different
from that of a conditional sentence. The latter represents
the fulfilment of the apodosis as conditioned on the fulfilment
of the protasis; the former represents the apodosis as fulfilled
in spite of the fulfilment of the protasis. Yet there are cases
in which by the weakening of the characteristic force of each
construction, or by the complexity of the elements expressed
by the protasis, the two usages approach so near to each other
as to make distinction between them difficult.
In Gal. 1:8, e.g., the fulfilment of the element of the
protasis expressed in par ] o{ eu]hggelisa<meqa a is favorable to the
fulfilment of the apodosis a]na<qema e@stw, and the clause is so
far forth conditional. But the element expressed in h[mei?j h}
a@ggeloj e]c ou]ranou, which is emphasized by the kai<, is unfavorable to the fulfilment of the apodosis, and the clause is so far
forth concessive. It might be resolved into two clauses, thus,
113
If anyone shall preach unto you any gospel other than that we
preached unto you [let him be anathema]; yea, though we or an
angel from heaven so preach, let him be anathema.
279. A concessive clause is commonly introduced by ei] (e]a<n)
kai< or kai> ei] (e]a<n). But a clause introduced by ei] or e]a<n alone
may also be in thought concessive, though the concessive
element is not emphasiz.ed in the form. Matt. 26:33 (cf. Mark
14:29); Mark 14:31 (cf. Matt. 26:35).
280. Ei] (e]a<n) kai< concessive in the New Testament generally
introduces a supposition conceived of as actually fulfilled or
likely to be fulfilled. See examples under 284, 285. Yet,
in concessive as well as in conditional clauses (cf. 282),
Kat may belong not to the whole clause but to the word next
after it, having an intensive force, and suggesting that the
supposition is in some sense or respect an extreme one, e.g.,
especially improbable or especially unfavorable to the fulfilment of the apodosis. So probably Mark 14:29.
281. Kai> ei] (e]a<n) concessive occurs somewhat rarely in the
New Testament. See Matt. 26:35; John 8:16; 1 Cor. 8:5;
Gal. 1:8; 1 Pet. 3:1 (but cf. WH). The force of the kai< is
apparently intensive, representing the supposition as actually
or from a rhetorical point of view an extreme case, improbable
in itself, or specially unfavorable to the fulfilment of the
apodosis.
REM. Paley, Greek Particles, p. 31, thus distinguishes the force of ei]
kai> and kai> ei], "generally with this difference, that ei] kai< implies an admitted fact' even though,' kai> ei] a somewhat improbable supposition;
'even if.'" See other statements and references in Th. ei] III.7; and
especially J. 861. It should be observed that a concessive supposition
may be probable or improbable; it is not this or that that makes it concessive, but the fact that its fulfilment is unf.avorable to the fulfilment of
the apodosis.
114
THE MOODS.
115
(b) They take e]a>n kai<, kai> e]a<n, with the Subjunctive
referring to a future possibility, or what is rhetorically conceived to be possible. Kat eav introduces an extreme case,
usually one which is represented as highly improbable.
Gal. 6:1: e]a>n kai> prolhmfq^? a@nqrwpoj e@n tini
paraptw<mati, u[mei?j oi[
pneumatikoi> katarti<zete to>n toiou?ton e]n pneu<mati
prau~thtoj,
even if a man be overtaken in any tre.'rpass, ye which are spiritual, restore
such a one in a spirit of meekness.
Gal. 1:8; a]lla> kai> e]a>n h[mei?j h} a@ggeloj e]c ou]ranou?
eu]aggeli<shtai
[ u[mi?n ] par ] o{ eu]hggelisa<meqa u[mi?n, a]na<qema
e@stw, but even if we,
or an angel from heaven, preach unto you any gospel other than that
which we preached unto you, let him be anathema. See also Luke
22:67, 68; John 8:16; 10:38; Rom. 9:27.
REM. The apodosis after a concessive protasis referring to the future,
sometimes has a Present Indicative, affirming what is true and will still
be true though the supposition of the protasis be fulfilled. See John
8:14; 1 Cor. 9:16. Cf. 263.
286. The New Testament furnishes no clear instance of a concessive
clause corresponding to the fourth class of conditional clauses. In 1 Pet.
3:14, ei] kai> pa<sxoite dia> dikaiosu<nhn, maka<rioi, the use of
kai< before
pa<sxoite suggests that the writer has in mind that suffering is apparently
opposed to blessedness. Yet it is probable that he intends to affirm that blessedness comes, not in spite of, but through, suffering for righteousness' sake.
(On the thought cf. Matt. 5:10 f.) Thus the protasis suggests, even
intentionally, a concession, but is, strictly speaking, a true causal conditional clause. Cf. 282.
287. The New Testament instances of concessive clauses corresponding to the fifth class of conditional clauses are few, and the concessive
force is not strongly marked. See 2 Tim. 2:5 (first clause) under 260;
2 Tim. 2:13.
288. C'oncessive clauses in English are introduced by
though, although, and even if, occasionally by if alone. Even
if introduces an improbable supposition or one especially
unfavorable to the fulfilment of the apodosis. Though and
116
THE MOODS.
117
it refers to an actual event or series of events. But if one use the same
words meaning, If any profit was made, he received it, the relative clause
is indefinite, because it implies a condition, referring to an event--the
making of profit-which is only supposed. In John 1: 12, but as many
as received him, to them gave he the right to become children of God, we
are doubtless to understand the relative clause as definite, not because
of the expressed antecedent, them, but because the clause refers to a
certain class who actually received him. In Rom. 8: 24, on the other
hand, who hopeth for that which he seeth? the relative clause apparently
does not refer to a definite thing seen and an actual act of seeing, but
is equivalent to a conditional clause, if he seeth anything. In Mark 3:11,
whensoever they beheld him, they fell down before him, the form of the
Greek sentence shows that the meaning is, If at any time they sa'to him,
they were wont to fall down before him. That is, while the class of events
is actual, the relative clause presents the successive instances distributively as suppositions. These examples serve to show how slight may
be the difference at times between a definite and an indefinite relative
clause, and that it must often be a matter of choice for the writer whether
he will refer to an event as actual, or present it as a supposition.
291. Relative clauses denoting purpose, and relative clauses
introduced by e!wj and other words meaning until, show special
peculiarities of usage and require separate discussion. For
purposes of treatment therefore we must recognize four classes
of relative clauses.
I. Definite relative clauses, excluding those which express
purpose, and those introduced by words meaning until.
II. Indefinite or Conditional relative clauses, excluding
those which express purpose, and those introduced by words
meaning until.
III. Relative clauses expressing purpose.
IV. Relative clauses introduced by words meaning until.
I. DEFINITE RELATIVE CLAUSES.
292. Under the head of definite relative clauses are included
not only adjective clauses introduced by relative pronouns, o!j,
118
THE MOODS.
o!stij, oi$oj, o!soj, but all clauses of time, place, manner, and comparison, such clauses being introduced by relative words, either
pronouns, or adverbs, o!te, w[j (expressing either time or manner), o!pou, w!sper, etc.
293. Moods in Definite Relative Clauses. Definite
relative clauses in general (excluding III. and IV. above)
show no special uses of mood and tense, but employ the
verb as it is used in principal cIa uses. EA. 909; G. 1427.
John 6:63; ta> r[hmata a{ e]gw> lela<lhka u[mi?n pneu?ma<
e]stin kai> zwh<
e]stin, the words that I have spoken unto you are spirit, and are life.
John 12:36; w[j to> fw?j e@xete, pisteu<ete ei]j to> fw?j, while ye
have the
light, believe on the light.
Gal. 4.4. o!te de> h#lqen to> plh<rwma tou? xro<nou,
e]cape<steilen o[ qeo>j
to>n ui[o>n au]tou?, but when the fulness of the time came, God sent
forth
his son.
Jas. 2:26; w!sper to> sw?ma xwri>j pneu<matoj nekro<n e]stin,
ou!twj kai>
h[ pi<stij xwri>j e@rgwn nekra< e]stin, as the body apart from
the spirit
is dead, even so faith apart from 'lvorks is dead.
Rev. 3:11; kra<tei o{ e@xeij, hold fast that which thou hast.
Rev. 21:16; kai> to> mh?koj au]th?j o!son to> pla<toj, and the length
thereof
is as great as the breadth. Cf. Heb. 10:25. See also Matt. 26:19;
Col. 2:6.
294. A definite relative clause may imply a relation of
cause, result, or concession, without affecting the mood or tense
of the verb. HA. 910; G. 1445.
Rom. 6:2. oi!tinej a]peqa<nomen t^? a[marti<%, pw?j e@ti
zh<somen e]n au]t^?,
we who died to sin, how shall we any longer live therein?
Jas. 4:13, 14; a@ge nu?n oi[ le<gontej Sh<meron h} au@rion
poreuso<meqa
ei]j th>nde th>n po<lin kai> poih<somen e]kei?
e]niauto>n kai>
e]mporeuso<meqa kai> kerdh<somen: oi!tinej ou]k
e]pi<stasqe th?j au@rion
poi<a h[ zwh> u[mw?n,
119
120
THE MOODS.
121
applies in any instance of the event described in the relative clause, the
implied supposition is usually general. Cf. 240.
300. Of the six classes of conditional relative sentences
found in classical Greek, but four occur in the New Testament,
and these with considerable deviation from classical usage.
They are designated here according to the kind of condition
implied in the relative clause.
301. A. Simple Present or Past Particular supposition. The relative clause states a particular supposition
which refers to th~ pr~sent or past.. I~ has a present or past
tense of the IndicatIve. The princIpal clause may have
any form of the verb. EA. 914, A; G. 1430.
Rom. 2:12; o!soi ga>r a]no<mwj h!marton, a]no<mwj kai>
a]polou?ntai: kai>
o!soi e]n no<m& h!marton, dia> no<mou kriqh<sontai, for
as many as have
sinned without law shall also perish without law: and as many as have
sinned under law shall be J"udged by law.
Phil 4:8; to> loipo<n, a]delfoi<, o!sa e]sti>n a]lhqh?, o!sa
semna<, o!sa di<kaia,
o!sa a[gna<, o!sa prosfilh?, o!sa eu@fhma, ei@ tij a]reth>
kai> ei@ tij
e@painoj, tau?ta logi<zesqe. See also 2 Cor. 2:10.
REM. Respecting the use of the negatives mh< and ou] in relative clauses
of this class, see 469, 470.
302. B. Supposition contrary to Fact. The relative clause states a supposition which refers to the present
or past implying that it is not, or was not, fulfilled. It
has a past tense of the IndicatIve. The prIncIpal clause has
a past tense of the Indicative with avo HA. 915; G. 1433.
No instance occurs in the New Testament.
303. C. Future Supposition with More Probability.
The relative clause states a supposition which refers to the
122
THE MOODS.
123
124
THE MOODS.
125
126
THE MOODS.
127
128
THE MOODS.
I pray, or have prayed (cf. 98). While I pray CR. Y.) is slightly paraphrastic. Cf. Luke 17:8.
326. Clauses Introduced by e!wj (until) and referring
to a Past Fact. When e!wj means until and the clause
introduced by it refers to an actual past occurrence? the
verb of this clause is in a past tense of the Indicative, as in
an ordinary relative clause referring to past time.
Matt. 2:9; o[ a]sth<r . . . proh?gen au]tou<j, e!wj e]lqw>n e]sta<qh
e]pa<nw ou$
h#n to> paidi<on, star. . . went before them, till it came and stood
over where the young child was.
327. Clauses Introduced by e!wj (while) and referring
to a Contemporaneous Event. When e!wj means while
and the clause introduced by it refers to an event contemporaneous with that of the principal verb, it has the construction of an ordinary relative clause. Of. 293.
John 9:4; h[ma?j dei? e]rga<zesqai ta> e@rga tou? pe<myantoj
me e!wj h[me<ra
e]sti<n, we must work the works of him that sent me, while it is day.
328. In John 21: 22, 23; 1 Tim. 4:13, the exact meaning of e!wj
e@rxomai at is probably while I am coming, the coming being conceived of as
in progress from the time of speaking. Cf. Luke 9:13. In 1 Cor. 4:5
on the other hand it is thought of as a future event. In Mark 6:45 e!wj
a]polu<ei represents e!wj a]polu<w of the direct form (cf. 347), the original
sentence meaning, go before me while I am sending away, etc.
329. When the e!wj clause refers to the future or to what was at the
time of the principal verb the future (322-326), it frequently has the
force of a conditional relative clause. See Matt. 18:30; Luke 15:4.
When it refers to an actual event (327, 328), it is an ordinary temporal
clause (293), requiring special mention here only to distinguish these
usages from those described above.
330. In the New Testament e!wj is sometimes followed by ou$ or o!tou.
! Ewj is then a preposition governing the genitive of the relative pronoun,
129
but the phrase e!wj ou$ or e!wj o!tou is in effect a compound conjunction having the same force as the simple e!wj. The construction following it is
also the same, except that dv never occurs after e!wj ou$ or e!wj o@tou. See
Matt. 5:25; 13:33; John 9:18; Acts 23:12.
331. Clauses introduced by a@xri, a@xri ou$, a@xri h$j h[me<raj,
me<xri
and me<xrij ou$ have in general the same construction and force
as clauses introduced by e!wj, e!wj ou$, and e!wj o!tou.
Mark 13:30 ou] mh> pare<lq^ h[ genea> au!th me<xrij ou$ tau?ta
pa<nta
ge<nhtai.
Acts 7:18; hu@chsen o[ lao>j kai> e]plhqu<nqh e]n Ai]gu<pt&,
a@xri ou$
a]ne<sth baskileu>j e!teroj e]p ] Ai@gupton. See also Rev.
15:8; 20:3;
Luke 17:27; Acts 27:33.
Rev. 7:3; mh> a]dikh<shte th>n gh?n . . . a@xri sfragi<swmen
tou>j dou<louj
tou? qeou?.
332. Gal. 3:19 [WH. text] furnishes one instance of a@xrij a@n with a
word meaning until after a verb of past time [WH. 7Il.argin, Tisch., and
Treg. read a@xrij ou$]; cf.324. Rev. 2:25 contains the combination a@xri
ou$ a@n with the Future Indicative; cf. 330. Rev, 17:17 contains a Future
Indicative with a@xri after a past tense.
333. Clauses introduced by pri<n and employing a finite
mood have in general the same construction as clauses introduced by e!wj.
The New Testament, however, contains but two instances of a finite
verb after pri<n, Luke 2:26; Acts 25:16. In both cases the clause is in
indirect discourse, and expresses what was from the point of view of the
original statement a future contingency. In Luke 2:26 the Subjunctive
with a@n is retained from the direct discourse. In Acts 25:16 the Optative
represents a Subjunctive with or without dv of the direct discourse.
Cf. 341-344.
REM. 1. The employment of a finite mood rather than an Infinitive
in these instances is in accordance with classical usage. Cf. 382, and
G. 1470.
REM. 2. In Acts 25:16 h@ occurs after pri<n, and in Luke 2:26 it
appears as a strongly attested variant reading. Attic writers used the
simple pri<n with the finite moods. Cf. 381.
130
THE MOODS.
MOODS IN INDffiECT DISCOURSE.
131
132
THE MOODS.
340. Indirect Questions are introduced by ei] or other interrogative word; the verb is in a finite mood. HA. 930; G.
1605.
341. Classical Usage in Indirect Discourse. In indirect assertions after o!ti and in indirect questions, classical
usage is as follows:
(a) When the leading verb on which the quotation depends denotes present or future time, the mood and tense
of the direct discourse are retained in the indirect.
(b) When the leading verb on which the quotation depends denotes past time, the mood and tense of the direct
discourse may be retained in the indirect, or the tense may
be retained and an Indicative or Subjunctive of the direct
discourse may be changed to an Optative. EA. 932; G.
1497.
342. The above rule applies to all indirect quotations in
which the quotation is expressed by a finite verb, and includes
indirect quotations of simple sentences and both principal and
subordinate clauses of complex sentences indirectly quoted.
The classical grammars enumerate certain constrnctions in which an
Indicative of the original sentence is uniformly retained in the indirect
discourse. These cases do not, however, require treatment here, the general rule being sufficient as a basis for the consideration of New Testament
usage.
343. New Testament Usage in Indirect Discourse. In
indirect assertions after o!ti and in indirect questions, New
Testament usage is in general the same as classical usage.
Such peculiarities as exist pertain chiefly to the relative
frequency of different usages. See 344-349.
133
134
THE MOODS.
135
past time as the representative of a Present of the direct discourse, and a Pluperfect as the representative of the Perfect.
Thus exceptional Greek usage coincides with regular English
usage. HA. 936; G. 1489.
John 2:25; au]to>j ga>r e]ginwsken ti< h#n e]n t&? a]nqrw<p&,
knew what was in
man. See also Acts 19:32.
349. In classical Greek, o!stij is used in introducing indirect
questions. HA. 1011; G. 1600. In the New Testament it is
not so employed, but there are a few passages in which it is
apparently used as an interrogative pronoun in a direct question.
It is so taken by Mey., B., WH., et al, in Mark 9:11, 28, and by WH.
in Mark 2:16. See B. pp. 252 f.; Th., o!stij, 4; also (contra) WM. p.
208, f.n.; WT. p. 167.
350. The simple relative pronouns and adverbs are sometimes used in indirect questions in the New Testament as in
classical Greek. HA. 1011, a; G. 1600; J. 877, Obs. 3; B.
pp. 250 f.
Luke 8: 47; di ] h{n ai}ti<an h!yato au]tou? a]ph<ggeilen, she
declared for
what cause she had touched him. See also Mark 5:19, 20; Acts
14:27; 15:14.
351. INDIRECT DISCOURSE IN ENGLISH AND IN GREEK.
From what has been said above, it appears that the tense of a
verb standing in a clause of indirect discourse in Greek does
not express the same relation between the action denoted and
the time of speaking as is expressed by a verb of the same
tense standing in a principal clause; or, to speak more exactly,
does not describe it from the same point of view. .A. verb in
a principal clause views its action from the point of view of
the speaker. A verb in an indirect quotation, on the other
hand, views its action from the point of view of another person,
viz. the original author of the words quoted. It has also
136
THE MOODS.
137
138
THE MOODS.
139
140
THE MOODS.
the fact that it is past is not only indicated by the past tense
of the verb which introduces the quotation, but still further
by the employment of a tense in the quotation which marks the
point of view from which the act is looked at as past. Thus
in Greek a prediction expressed originally by a Future tense,
when afterward quoted after a verb of past time, is still expressed by a Future, the act being viewed as future from the
assumed point of view, and this point of view being treated as
present or its character as past being ignored. But in English
such a prediction is expressed by a Past-future, i.e. by the
English tense which describes an action as future from a past
point of view. Thus in quoting o@yomai, I shall see, in indirect
discourse, one says in Greek, ei#pen o!ti o@yetai; but in English, he
said that he should see. Similarly, a statement made originally
by the Perfect tense, when quoted after a verb of past time,
is still expressed by a Perfect tense in Greek, but in English
by a Pluperfect. Thus h[ma<rthka, I have sinned; ei#pen o!ti
h[ma<rthken, he said that he had sinned.
When we pass to quotations after verbs of present time, the
usages of the two languages naturally coincide, since the difference between the point of view of the original utterance and
the quotation, which in English gave rise to a change of tense
not however made in Greek, disappears. The point of view of
the original statement is in both languages retained and
treated as present, because it is present. Thus e]leu<somai, I shall
come, requires only a change of person in quotation after a verb
of present time, le<gei o!ti e]leu<setai, he says that he shall come.
It might naturally be anticipated that in quotations after
verbs of future time, where again the time of the original
statement differs from that of the quotation, there would arise
a difference of usage between English and Greek. Such however is not the case. What the Greek does after a verb of
141
past time, the English as well as the Greek does after a verb
of future time, viz. treats the point of view of the original
utterance as p~esent. Thus let us suppose the case of one
predicting what a person just now departing will say when he
returns. He has not yet seen anything, but it is imagined that
when he returns he will say, I have seen all things. The assertion of this by he will say, takes the form he will say that he
has seen all things; just as in Greek one quoting e[w<raka pa<nta
after e]rei? says e]rei? o!ti e[w<raken pa<nta. Thus the person quoting
does not describe the event from his own point of view--this
would require he will see, nor does he mark the fact that the
point of view of the utterance is different from his own--this
would require he will have seen; but treats the point of view
of the person whose expected language he quotes in advance,
as if it were present. Thus while the Greek is consistent in
simply adopting the conceived point of view of the future
statement, the English departs from the principle which it follows after past tenses, and follows here the same method as
the Greek.
355. These facts enable us to see that it would be incorrect to say
that the tense of the direct discourse is in Greek determined from the
point of view of the original speaker, in English from the point of view of
the person who makes the quotation. The correct statement IS that in
both languages the act is looked at from the point of view of the original
speaker, but that the two languages differ somewhat in their method of
indicating the relation of this point of view to the time of the quotation.
This difference, however, pertains only to quotations whose point of view
is past. Its precise nature has already been stated (354). When the
point of view is present or future the usage of the two languages is
identical.
356. The comparison of English and Greek usage may
be reduced to articulated statement as follows: English usage
is like Greek usage in three respects, and different in two
respects.
142
THE MOODS.
THE INFINITIVE.
143
358. (a) Kai> e]ge<neto, or e]ge<neto de<, and the phrase of time
are
followed by kai< with an Indicative.
Luke 5:1; e]ge<neto de> e]n t&? to>n o@xlon e]pikei?sqai au]t&?
kai> a]kou<ein
to>n lo<gon tou? qeou? kai> au]to>j h#n e[stw>j para>
th>n li<mnhn
Gennhsare<t, now it came to pass, while the multitude pressed upon
him
and heard the word of God, that he was standing by the lake of Gennesaret.
359. (b) Kai> e]ge<neto, or e]ge<neto de<, and the phrase of time
are
followed by an Indicative without Kat.
Mark 1:9 Kai> e]ge<neto e]n e]kei<naij tai?j h[me<raij h#lqen ]
Ihsou?j a]po>
Nazare>t th?j Galilai<aj, and it came to pass in those days, that Jesus
came from Nazareth of Galilee.
360. (c) kai> e]ge<neto, or e]ge<neto de<, and the phrase of time
are
followed by an Infinitive, the narrative being continued either
by an Infinitive or an Indicative.
Acts 9:32; e]ge<neto de> Pe<tron dierxo<menon dia> pa<ntwn
katelqei?n, and
it came to pass, as Peter went throughout all parts, he came down.
See also Mark 2:23; Luke 6:12. B. pp. 276-278.
THE INFINITIVE.
361. That the Infinitive in Greek had its origin as respects
both form and function in a verbal noun, and chiefly at least in
the dative case of such a noun, is now regarded as an assured
result of comparative grammar. .At the time of the earliest
Greek literature, however, the other cases of this verbal noun
had passed out of use, and the dative function of the form that
remained had become so far obscured that, while it still retained the functions appropriate to the dative, it was also used
as an accusative and as a nominative. Beginning with Pindar
it appears with the article, at first as a subject-nominative.
Later it developed also the other cases, accusative, genitive,
and dative. By this process its distinctively dative force was
144
THE MOODS.
THE INFINITIVE.
145
pp. 418 fl.; VIII. p. 329; Birklein, Entwickelungsgeschichte des substantivierten Infinitivs, in Schanz, Beitrage zur. historischen Syntax der
griechischen Sprache, Heft 7.
362. In the Greek of the classical and later periods, the functions of
the Infinitive as an element of the sentence are very various. They may
be classified logically as follows:
I. As A PRINCIPAL VERB (364, 365).
II. As A SUBSTANTIVE ELEMENT.
(1) As subject (384, 385, 390, 393, 404).
(2) As object in indirect discourse (390).
(3) As object after verbs of exhorting, striving, promising,
hoping, etc. (387-389, 391, 394, 404).
(4) As object after verbs that take a genitive (401-403).
III. As AN ADJECTIVE ELEMENT.
(1) As appositive (386, 395).
(2) Expressing other adnominallimitations (378, 379, 400).
IV. As AN ADVERBIAL ELEMENT, denoting,
(1) Purpose (366, 367, 370 (d), 371 (d), 372, 397).
(2) Indirect object (368).
(3) Result (369-371, 398).
(4) Measure or degree (after adjectives and adverbs) (376,399).
(5) Manner, means, cause, or respect (375, 377,396).
(6) A modal modification of an assertion (383).
The articular Infinitive governed by a preposition (406-417) expresses
various adverbial relations, the precise nature of which is determined by
the meaning of the preposition employed. Similarly pri<n or pri>n h@ with
the Infinitive (380-382) constitutes an adverbial phrase of time, the
temporal idea lying in pri<n rather than in the Infinitive.
363. To arrange the treatment of the Infinitive on the basis of such a
logical classification as that given above (362) would, however, disregard
the historical order of development and to some extent obscure the point
of view from which the Greek language looked at the Infinitive. It seems
better, therefore, to begin with those uses of the Infinitive which are most
evidently connected with the original dative function, and proceed to
those in which the dative force is vanishing or lost. This is the general
plan pursued in the following sections, though it is by no means affirmed
that in details the precise order of historical development has been
followed.
146
THE MOODS.
THE INFINITIVE WITHOUT THE ARTICLE.
364. The Imperative Infinitive. The Infinitive without the article is occasionally used to express a command
or exhortation. This is the only use of the Infinitive as a
principal verb. It is of ancient origin, being especially
frequent in Homer. EA. 957; G. 1536.
The New Testament furnishes but one certain instance
of this usage.
Phil. 3:16; plh>n ei]j o{ e}fqa<samen, t&? au]t&? stoixei?n, only
whereunto
we have attained, by the same rule walk.
365. Rom. 12:15 affords another probable instance of the imperative
use of the Infinitive. Buttmann supposes an ellipsis of le<gw, and Winer
a change of construction by which the writer returns from the independent Imperatives used in v.14 to the construction of an Infinitive dependent
on le<gw employed in v. 3. This explanation of change of construction
probably applies in Mark 6:9 (cf. the even more abrupt change in
Mark 5:23) ; but in Rom. ch. 12 the remoteness of the verb le<gw (in v.
3) from the Infinitive (in v. 15) makes the dependence of the latter upon
the former improbable. B. pp. 271 f.; WH. pp. 397 f.; WT. 316.
366. The Infinitive of Purpose. The Infinitive is used
to express the purpose of the action or state denoted by
the principal verb. EA. 951; G. 1532.
Matt. 5:17; mh> nomi<shte o!ti h#lqon katalu?sai to>n no<mon
h} tou>j profh<taj: ou]k h@lqon katalu?sai a]lla> plhrw?sai, think not that I
came
to destroy the law or the prophets: I came not to destroy, but to fulfil.
Luke 18:10; a@nqrwpoi du<o a]ne<bhsan ei]j to> i[ero>n
proseu<casqai, two
men went up into the temple to pray.
Acts 10:33; nu?n ou#n pa<ntej h[mei?j e]nw<pion tou? qeou?
pa<resmen a]kou?sai
pa<nta ta> prostetagme<na soi u[po> tou? kuri<ou, now
therefore we are
all here present in the sight of God, to hear all things that have been
commanded thee of the Lord.
367. The Infinitive expressing purpose is sometimes introduced by w!ste or w[j. See 370 (d), 371 (d), 372.
147
148
THE MOODS.
149
150
THE MOODS.
151
152
THE MOODS.
153
154
THE MOODS.
155
Mark 12:18; oi!tinej le<gousin a]na<stasin mh> ei#nai, which say that
there is
no resurrection.
John 21:25; ou]d ] au]to>n oi#mai to>n ko<smon xwrh<sein ta>
grafo<mena
bibli<a, I suppose that even the world itself will not contain the books
that will be written.
Heb. 11:5; pro> ga>r th?j metaqe<sewj memartu<rhtai
eu]aresthke<nai t&?
qe&?, for before his translation he had witness borne to him that he
had been well-pleasing unto God. See also Luke 2:26; 22:34;
24:46 (?); John 12:29; Acts 16:27; Rom. 15:8; 2 Tim. 2:18;
1 John 2:9.
REM. 1. Respecting the force of the tenses of the Infinitive in indirect
discourse, see 110-114.
REM. 2. Respecting the use of negatives with the Infinitive in indirect
discourse, see 480-482.
391. The Infinitive occurs frequently as object after verbs
of hoping, promising, swearing, and commanding, with a force
closely akin to that of the Infinitive in indirect discourse.
Such instances are not, however, usually included under that
head. Cf. 337, and G.MT. 684.
THE INFINITIVE WITH THE ARTICLE.
392. The prefixing of the article to the Infinitive tends to
the obscuring of its original dative force, while it emphasizes
its new substantive character as a noun which can be used in
any case. Some of the uses of the Infinitive with the article
differ from those without the article only by the greater emphasis on the substantive character of the form. This is the
case with its use as subject and object. Others express nearly
the same relations which were expressed by the Infinitive
without the article, but with a different thought of the caserelation involved. Thus the use of the Infinitive without the
article after adjectives of fitness, worthiness, etc., doubtless
156
THE MOODS.
157
2 Cor. 2:1; e@krina ga>r e]maut&? tou?to, to> mh> pa<lin e]n
lu<p^ pro>j u[ma?j
e]lqei?n, for I determined this for myselj; that I would not come again to
you with sorrow. See also Rom. 14:13.
396. The Infinitive with t&?. The Infinitive with the
article t&? is used in classical Greek to express cause, manner, means. In the New Testament it is used to express
cause. Its only other use is after the preposition e]n. HA..
959; G. 1547.
2 Cor. 2:13; t&? mh> eu[rei?n me Ti<ton to>n a]delfo<n mou,
because I found
not Titus my brother.
397. The Infinitive of Purpose with tou?. The Infinitive with the article tou? is used to express the purpose of
the action or state denoted by the principal verb. HA.
960; G. 1548.
Matt. 2:13; me<llei ga>r [Hr&<dhj zhtei?n to> paidi<on tou?
a]pole<sai au]to<,
for Herod will seek the young child to destroy him. See also Matt.
24: 45; Luke 2 : 24, 27; Acts 26 : 18; Phil. 3 : 10.
REM. That the Infinitive with 'Toil expresses purpose ,with substantially the same force as the simple Infinitive appears from the joining of
the two together by kai<.
Luke 2:22, 24; a]nh<gagon au]to>n ei]j ]Ieroso<luma parasth?sai
t&?
kuri<&, . . . kai> tou? dou?nai qusi<an, they brought him up to
Jerusalem, to
present him to the Lord, and to offer a sacrijice. Ct. also Luke 1:76,
77; 1:79.
398. The Infinitive of Result with tou?. The Infinitive
with the article tou? is occasionally used in the New Testamen't to express conceived result. Of. 218 and 369-371.
Matt. 21:32; u[mei?j de> i]do<ntej ou]de> metemelh<qhte u!
steron pisteu?sai au]t&?, and ye, when ye saw it, did not even repent afterward,
so as to believe him. See also Acts 7:19; Rom. 7:3; probably also
Acts 18:10; cf. Gen.3:22; 19:21; 34:17, 22; Isa.5:14.
158
THE MOODS.
REM. Meyer takes the Infinitive phrase tou? mh> ei#nai in Rom. 7:3
as
expressing a divine purpose, and adds that tou? with the Infinitive never
expresses result, not even in Acts 7:19. But this is grammatical purism
not justified by the evidence. The uniformly telic force of tou? with the
Infinitive can be maintained only by evasive definition or forced interpretation.
399. The Infinitive with tou? after Adjectives. The
Infinitive with the article tou? is used with such adjectives
as may be limited by a simple Infinitive. HA. 959; G.
1547. Cf. 376.
Acts 23:15 e!toimoi< e]smen tou? a]nelei?n au]to<n, we are ready to
slay him.
See also Luke 24:25.
400. The Infinitive with tou? after Nouns. The Infinitive with the article tou? is used to limit nouns. The relations thus expressed are very various and are not always
easy to define exactly. Instances occur not only, as in
classical Greek, of the objective genitive, but also of the
genitive of characteristic, the genitive of connection, and
the .appositional genitive. HA. 959; G. 1547.
Heb. 5:12 pa<lin xrei<an e@xete tou? dida<skein u[ma?j, ye have
need again
that some one teach you.
Luke 2:21; kai> o!te e]plh<sqhsan h[me<rai o]ktw> tou?
peritemei?n au]to>n,
and when eight days were fulfilled for circumcising him.
Rom. 11:8; e@dwken au]toi?j o[ weo>j pneu?ma katanu<cewj,
o]fqalmou>j tou?
mh> ble<pein kai> w#ta tou? mh> a]kou<ein, God gave them
a spirit of stupor,
eyes that see not, and ears that hear not. See also Luke 1:57, 74;
2:6; 10:19; 21:22; 22:6; Acts 14:9; 20:3; Rom. 1:24;
l Cor. 9:10; 2Cor. 8:11; I Pet. 4:17; cf.Gen.16:3; I Sam. 2:24.
401. The Infinitive with tou? after Verbs that take the
Genitive. The Infinitive with tou? is used as the object of
verbs which take a noun in the genitive as object, especially
of verbs of hindering, etc. HA. 959, 963; G. 1547, 1549.
159
Luke 1:9; e@laxe tou? qumia?sai, it was his lot (prop. he obtained by lot)
to burn incense.
2 Cor. 1:8; w!ste e]caporhqh?nai h[ma?j kai> tou? z^?n, insomuch
that we despaired even of life.
Rom. 15:22; dio> kai> e]nekopto<mhn ta> polla> tou? e]lqei?n
pro>j u[ma?j,
wherefore also I was hindered these many times from coming to you.
Cf. Gen. 34:19; Ps. Sol. 2:28, 29.
402. In classical Greek, verbs of hindering are followed by
three constructions, (a) Infinitive without the article, (b) Infinitive with tou?, (c) Infinitive with to<. Mh< may be used or
omitted with the Infinitive withput difference' of meaning.
HA. 963; G. 1549, 1551; G.MT. 791 (exx.). In the New
Testament, all these constructions occur except that with to> mh<.
See Matt. 19:14; Rom. 15:22; 1 Cor. 14:39; Gal. 5:7;
Acts 10:47.
403. The Infinitive with tou? mh< after verbs of hindering is closely akin
to the Infinitive of Result. Cf. Luke 24:16; Acts 14:18.
REM. Meyer's interpretation of tou? mh> e]pignw?nai au]to<n
Luke 24:16
as expressing a divine purpose (the English translation does not correctly
represent the meaning of the German original), is not required by New
Testament usage. The Greek most naturally means, Their eyes were
held from knowing him. Cf. 398, Rem.
404. The Infinitive with tou? as Subject or Object.
The Infinitive with tou? is used even as the subject of a
finite verb or as the object of transitive verbs which regularly take a direct object. This is a wide departure from
classical usage, and indicates that the sense of the genitive
character of the article tou? before the Infinitive was partly
lost in later Greek. B. p. 270; WM. pp. 411 f.; WT. pp. 327 f.
Acts 27:1; e]kri<qh tou? a]poplei?n h[ma?j ei]j th>n ]Itali<an, it was
determined
that we should sail for Italy. See also Luke 4:10; 5:7; Acts 3:12;
10:25; 15:20; 21:12; 23:20; 1 Sam. 12:23; Eccl. 4:13, 17;
1 Macc. 3:15.
160
THE MOODS.
405. The origin of this use of the Infinitive with tou? is perhaps in such
usages 88 appear in Luke 17:1; 1 Cor. 16:4; and still more in such as
that in Luke 4:10. In Luke 17:1 the genitive is apparently suggested
by the idea of hindering or avoiding in the adjective a]ne<ndekton; in
1 Cor. 16:4 it is the adjective a@cion which gives occasion to the genitive;
but in both cases the Infinitive seems to be logically the subject of the
copulative verb, the adjective being the predicate. Whether this construction represents the thought in the mind of the writer, or whether
the expression is rather to be regarded as an impersonal one, the Infinitive being dependent on the predicate adjective, cannot with confidence
be decided. Such usages as Luke 4:10 and 5:7 doubtless owe their
origin to the same mental process by which a clause introduced by i!na
came to stand as the object of a verb of exhorting. Ps. Sol. 2:28 compared with Luke 12:45 is also suggestive. It is doubtless the idea of
hindering in xroni<zw that gives rise to the genitive in the former passage;
in the latter the Infinitive is a direct object.
406. The Infinitive with the Article governed by
Prepositions. The Infinitive with the article to<, tou?, t&?
is governed by prepositions. HA. 959; G.1546.
The prepositions so used in the New Testament are:
with the accusative, dia<, ei]j, meta< pro<j; with the genitive,
a]nti<, dia<, e]k, e!neken, e!wj, pro<; with the dative, e]n.
Mark 4:6; kai> dia> to> mh> e@xein r[i<zan e]chra<nqh, and
because it had no
root, it withered away.
1 Thess. 3:5; e@pemya ei]j to> gnw?nai th>n pi<stin u[mw?n, I sent
that I might
know your faith.
Mark 14:28; a]lla> meta> to> e]gerqh?nai< me proa<cw u[ma?j
ei]j th>n Galilai<an, howbeit, after I am raised up, 1 will go before you into Galilee.
Matt. 6:1; prose<xete [de>] th>n dikaiosu<nhn u[mw?n mh>
poiei?n e@mprosqen
tw?n a]nqrw<pwn pro>j to> qeaqh?nai au]toi?j, take heed that
ye do not
your righteousness before men, to be seen of them.
Gal. 3:23; pro> tou? de> e]lqei?n th>n pi<stin u[po> no<mon
e]frourou<meqa, but
before faith came, we were kept in ward under the law.
Luke 24:51; kai> e]ge<neto e]n t&? eu]logei?n au]to>n au]tou>j
die<sth a]p ]
au]tw?n, and it came to pass, while he blessed them, he parted from them.
161
162
THE MOODS.
Ei]j to> e]sqi<ein in 1 Cor.8:10 either expresses measure of effect or is
the
indirect object of oi]kodomhqh<setai. Ei]j to> ei#nai au]tou>j
a]napologh<touj in
Rom. 1:20 might appropriately be interpreted as expressing purpose but
for the causal clause which follows. This clause could be joined to an
expression of purpose only by supposing an ellipsis of some such expression as kai> ou!twj ei]si<n, and seems therefore to require that ei]j to>
ei#nai be
interpreted as expressing result.
REM. Meyer's dictum (see on Rom. 1:20) that ei]j with the articular
Infinitive is always telic, is, like his similar dictum respecting tou? with
the Infinitive, a case of grammatical purism, not justified by the evidence.
412. Ei]j with the Infinitive is also used, like i!na with the Subjunctive,
or the simple Infinitive, as the direct object of verbs of exhorting, etc.
1 Thess. 2: 12; 3: 10; 2 Thess. 2 : 2.
413. Ei]j with the Infinitive is still further used, like the simple Infinitive, to limit an adjective, as in Jas. 1:19, or a noun, as in Phil. 1:23.
414. Pro<j governing the Infinitive with to< usually expresses purpose;
it is occasionally used with the sense, with reference to.
Matt. 6:1; prose<xete [de>] th>n dikaiosu<nhn u[mw?n mh>
poiei?n e@mprosqen
tw?n a]nqrw<pwn pro>j to> qeaqh?nai au]toi?j, but take heed
that ye do not
your righteousness before men, to be seen of them.
Matt. 26:12; balou?sa ga>r au!th to> mu<ron tou?to e]pi> tou?
sw<mato<j mou
pro>j to> e]ntafia<sai me e]poi<hsen, for in that she poured this
ointment
upon my body, she did it to prepare me for burial. See also Matt.
5:28; 13:30; 2 Cor. 3:13; Eph. 6:11, etc.(purpose); Luke 18:1
(reference).
415. ]En governing the Infinitive with Tr; is most commonly temporal,
but occasionally expresses other relations, such as manner, means, or
content. This construction is especially frequent in Luke and Acts.
Luke 8:5; kai> e]n t&? spei<rein au]to>n o{ me>n e@pesen
para> th>n o[do<n, and
as he sowed, some fell by the way side.
163
416. The force of the other prepositions used with the Infinitive
scarcely needs special definition, the meaning of each being in general
the same 88 that of the same preposition governing nouns. Respecting
the force of the tenses after prepositions, see 104-109.
417. Concerning the Infinitive without the article governed by prepositions, see G.MT. 803, and cf. Gen. 10:19. The Infinitive gi<nesqai in
Acts 4:30, which is by R. V. taken as the object of B6i is more probably
governed by the preposition e]n. It is however not strictly without the
article, the t&?? which precedes e]ktei<nein belonging in effect also to
gi<nesqai.
THE PARTICIPLE.
418. The Participle is a verbal adjective, sharing in part
the characteristics of both the verb and the adjective. As a
verb it has both tense functions and functions which may be
designated as modal functions, being analogous to those which
in the case of verbs in the Indicative, Subjunctive, or Optative
belong to the mood. For the proper understanding of a participle, therefore, it is necessary to consider (a) The grammatical agreement, (b) The use of the tense, and (c) The logical
force or modal function. The first and second of these have
already been treated, grammatical agreement in 116, the uses
of the tenses in 118-156. It remains to consider the logical
force or modal function of the participle. From the point of
view of the interpreter this is usually the matter of most
importance.
419. In respect to logical force, participles may be classified
as Adjective, Adverbial, and Substantive.
REM. 1. The terminology here employed for the classification of participles differs somewhat from that commonly employed. It is adopted
164
THE MOODS.
as treated in G. and EA., the Adverbial Participle to the Circumstantial Participle, and the Substantive Participle to the Supplementary
Participle.
REM. 2. Respecting the use of the negatives p.~ and o~ with participles, see 485.
THE ADJECTIVE PARTICIPLE.
420. The Adjective Participle limits its subject directly
and exclusively. It attributes the action which it denotes
to the subject as a quality or characteristic, or assigns the
subject to the class marked by that action. EA. 965; G.
1559.
Acts 10:1, 2; a]nh>r de< tij e]n Kaisari<% o]no<mati Kornh<lioj,
e[katonta<rxhj e]k spei<rhj th?j kaloume<nhj ]Italikh?j, eu]sebh>j
kai>
fobou<menoj to>n qeo>n su>n panti> t&? oi@k& au]tou?,
poiw?n
e]lehmosu<naj polla>j t&? la&? kai> deo<menoj tou?
qeou? dia> panto<j, now there was a certain man in Cresarea,
Cornelius by name, a centurion
of a band called the Italian band, a devout man and one that feared God
with all his house, who gave much alms to the people and prayed to God
alway. The four participles in this sentence are all Adjective Participles, describing their subject. This is especially clear in the case of fobou<menoj, which is joined by kai< to the adjective eu]sebh<j. For other
similar examples see Col. 1:21; Jas. 2:15; see also examples
under the following sections.
421. The Adjective Participle may be used attributively or
predicatively. When used attributively it may be either restrictive or explanatory.
422. The Restrictive Attributive Participle. An attributive Adjective Participle may be used to define or
identify its subject, pointing out what person or thing is
meant. It is then equivalent to a restrictive relative clause.
Cf. 295.
165
fi<aj, take heed lest there shall be anyone that maketh spoil of you
through his philosophy. See also Acts 5:11; 10: 41; Gal. 1:7.
166
THE MOODS.
167
(6) art., noun, art., part., mod. See Professor Charles Short's
essay on The Order of Words in Attic Greek Prose, in Yonge's
English-Greek Lexicon, pp. xlix. f.; K. 464, 8; HA. 667, a.
Acts 13:39; kai> h[mei?j u[ma?j eu]aggelizo<meqa th>n pro>j
tou>j pate<raj
e]paggeli<an genome<nhn, and we bring you good tidings of the
promise
made unto the fathers. See also Acts 12: 10; 26: 4,6; Heb. 2: 2;
and especially Rom. 2:27, where h[ e]k fu<sewj a]krobusti<a to>n
no<mon
telou?sa should doubtless be rendered, the uncircumcision which
by nature fulfils the law (cf. v. 14).
428. An Attributive Participle equivalent to a relative
clause, may like a relative clause convey a subsidiary idea of
cause, purpose, condition, or concession (cf. 294, 296 ff., 317
ff.). It then partakes of the nature of both the Adjective
Participle and the Adverbial Participle. Of. 434.
Rom. 3:5; mh> a@dikoj o[ qeo>j o[ e]pife<rwn th>n o]rgh<n, is
God unrighteous, who [because he] visiteth with wrath?
Matt. 10:39; o[ eu[rw>n th>n yuxh>n au]tou? a]pole<sei au]th<n,
kai> o[ a]pole<saj th>n yuxh>n au]tou? e!neken e]mou? eu[rh<sei
au]th<n, he that findeth his
life shall lose it, and he that loseth his life for my sake shall find it.
See also vss. 37,40,41; cf. vss. 38, 42, and Luke 14: 26.
429. The Predicative Adjective Participle. A participle may be used as the predicate of the verb el/.l.t or other
copulative verb.
Matt. 3:15; ou!tw ga>r pre<pon e]sti>n h[mi?n plhrw?sai pa?san
dikaiosu<nhn,
for thus it is becoming for us to fu?fil all righteousness.
Gal. 1:22; h@mhn de> a]gnoou<menoj t&? prosw<p& tai?j
e]kklhsi<aij th?j
]Ioudai<aj, and I was unknown by face unto the churches of Judea.
Rev. 1:18; kai> e]geno<mhn nekro>j kai> i]dou> zw?n ei]mi> ei]j
tou?j ai]w?naj tw?n
ai]w<nwn, and I became dead, and behold, I am alive for evermore.
430. The Predicative Participle always stands in the socalled predicative position, i.e. not in attributive position,
which is between the article and its noun or after an article
168
THE MOODS.
169
170
THE MOODS.
437. The Adverbial Participle of Concession, equivalent to a concessive clause. The concessive force is sometimes emphasized by prefixing kai<per or kai< ge to the
participle.
Acts 13:28; kai> mhdemi<an ai]ti<an qana<tou eu[ro<ntej
^]th<santo Peila<ton
a]naireqh?nai au]to<n, and though they found no cause of death in
him,
yet asked they of Pilate that he should be slain.
Heb 5:8; kai<per w}n ui[o<j, e@maqen a]f ] w$n e@paqen th>n
u[pakoh<n,
he was a Son, yet he learned obedience by the things which he suffered.
See also Matt. 14:9; Mark 4:31; Acts 17:27.
438. A concessive participle refers to ~ fact which is
unfavorable to the occurrence of the event denoted by the
principal verb. Cf. 278. It should be distinguished from the
participle which is merely antithetical. A participle denoting
accompanying circumstance, or even condition or cause, may
be antithetical. See 1 Cor. 4:12, diwko<menoi a]nexo<meqa; 2 Cor.
8:9; Gal. 2:3.
439. The Adverbial Participle of Cause, equivalent
to a causal clause.
Col. 1:3, 4; eu]xaristou?men t&? qe&? . . . a]kou<santej th>n
pi<stin u[mw?n e]n
Xrist&? ]Ihsou?, we give thanks to God. . . having heard (because
we have heard) of your faith in Christ Jesus.
1 Tim. 4:8; h[ de> eu]se<beia pro>j pa<nta w]fe<limo<j e]stin,
e]paggeli<an
e@xousa zwh?j th?j nu?n kai> th?j mellou<shj, but godliness is
profitable
for all things, having promise of the life which now is, and of that which
is to come. See also Matt. 2:3, 10; Acts 9:26.
440. [Wj prefixed to a Participle of Cause implies that the
action denoted by the participle is supposed; asserted, or professed by some one, usually the subject of the principal verb,
to be the cause of the action of the principal verb. The
speaker does not say whether the supposed or alleged cause
actually exists. HA. 978; G. 1574.
171
172
THE MOODS.
173
450. The term "attendant" as used above does not define the temporal relation of the participle to the verb, but the logical relation. The
action of a Participle of Attendant Circumstance may precede the action
174
THE MOODS.
of the principal verb, accompany it, or even follow it. But as respects
logical relation, it is presented merely a.s an accompa,niment of the action
of the verb. It does not, e.g., define the time or the cause, or the means
of the action of the priJicipal verb, but simply prefixes or adds an associated fact or conception. It is thus often equivalent to a coordinate verb
with kai<. Though grammatically not an independent element of the
sentence, the participle in such cases becomes in thought. assertive,
hortatory, optative, imperative, etc., according to the function of the
principal verb.
The position of the Participle of Attendant Circumstance with reference to the verb is not detennined by any fixed rules, but by the order
of the writer's thought, this being in turn governed of course to a certain
extent by the order of the events. If the action of the participle is antecedent to that of the verb, the participle most commonly precedes the verb,
but not invariably. Such a participle is usually in the Aorist tense (134),
but occasionally in the Present (127). If the action of the participle is
simultaneous with that of the verb, it may either p1'ecede or follow the
verb., more frequently the latter. It is of course in the Present tense
(119). If the action of the participle is subsequent to that of the priJicipal verb, it almost invariably follows the verb, the tense of the participle
being detennined by the conception of the action as respects jts progress.
The instances of this last-named class are not frequent in the New Testament and are perhaps due to Aramaic influence. Cf. 119, Rem.; 146.
451. The various relations of time, cause,manner, etc., being
not expressed, but implied by the participle, cases arise in
which it is impossible to assign the participle unquestionably
to anyone of the above heads. Indeed, more than one of these
relations may be implied by the same participle.
452. THE GENITIVE ABSOLUTE. An Adverbial Participle
may stand in agreement with a noun or pronoun in the genitive without grammatical dependence upon any other part of
the sentence, the two constituting a genitive absolute phrase
and expressing any of the adverbial relations enumerated in
435-449. HA. 970, 971; G. 1568.
Rom. 9:1; a]lh<qeian le<gw e]n Xrist&?, ou] yeu<domai,
sunmarturou<shj
moi th?j suneidh<sew<j mou e]n pneu<mati a[gi<&, I say the
truth in Christ,
I lie not, my conscience bearing witness with me in the Holy Ghost.
See also John 8: 30; Acts 12: 18; 18: 20.
175
176
THE MOODS.
458. The Substantive Participle as Object. The Substantive Participle may be used as an integral part of the
object of a transitive verb. This occurs especially after
verbs of perception, the action denoted by the participle
being itself that which one perceives.
Luke 8:46; e]gw> ga>r e@gnwn du<namin e]celhluqui?an a]p ]
e]mou?, for I perceived power to have gone out of me.
John 7:32; h@kousan oi[ Farisai?oi tou? o@xlou goggu<zontoj, the
Pharisees
heard the multitude murmuring.
459. With verbs of finishing, ceasing, etc., the Substantive
Participle agrees grammatically with the subject of the verb.
Since, however, certain of these verbs are transitive, the
action denoted by the participle must in these cases be regarded as logically the object of the verb.
Matt. 11:1; o!te e]te<lesen o[ ]Ihsou?j diata<sswn toi?j dw<deka
maqhtai?j
au]tou?, when Jesus had finished commanding his twelve disciples. Cf.
Matt. 13:53; see also Luke 7:45.
460. THE SUBSTANTIVE PARTICIPLE IN INDIRECT DISCOURSE.
A Substantive Participle forming a part of the object of a verb
is sometimes equivalent to a clause of inqirect discourse.
1 John 4:2; pa?n pneu?ma o{ o[mologei? ]Ihsou?n Xristo>n e}n
sarki> e]lhluqo<ta e]k tou? qeou? e]sti<n, every spirit which confesseth that
Jesus
Christ has come in the flesh is of God. See also Luke 4:23;
Acts 7:12; 8:23; 3 John 4.
461. The Substantive Participle as a Limiting Genitive. The SubstantIve PartIcIple may be used as an
integral part of a genitive limiting phrase.
John 4:39; polloi> e]pi<steusan ei]j au]to>n tw?n Samareitw?n
dia> to>n lo<gon
th?j gunaiko>j marturou<shj, many of the Samaritans believed on
him
because of the word of the woman testifying, i.e. of the woman's testimony. See also Heb. 8: 9; and cf. Jos. Ant. 10. 4. 2, where a Substantive Participle occurs after a preposition.
177
462. The Substantive Participle, like the Adverbial Participle, always stands in the so-called predicative position. Of.
455, and 427.
463. The Substantive Participle must be carefully distinguished from the Adjective Participle used substantively.
The latter designates the doer of an action, the former the
action itself. "In the one it is the adjective force of the word
which is substantivized, in the other, the verbal force." See
Stevens, u.s., 419, Rem. 1.
179
466. In classical Greek, the Future Indicative used to express a prohibition sometimes has ov, sometimes mh<. HA.
844; G.MT. 69, 70.
In the New Testament a Prohibitory Future takes ou].
Matt. 6:5; kai> o!tan proseu<xhsqe, ou]k e@sesqe w[j
oi[ u[pokritai<, and
when ye pray, ye shall not be as the hypocrites.
467. In questions that can be answered affirmatively or
negatively, ov is used with the Indicative to imply that an
affirmative answer is expected; mh< to imply that a negative
answer is expected. HA. 1015; G. 1603.
Matt. 13:55; ou]x ou$to<j e]stin o[ tou? te<ktonoj ui[o<j, is not this
the carpenter's son?
John 7:51; mh> o[ no<moj h[mw?n kri<nei to>n a@nqrwpon
e]a>n mh> a]kou<s^
prw?ton par ] au]tou?, doth our law judge a man, except it first hear
from
himself?
468. In Rom. 10:18, 19; 1 Cor. 9:4, 5; 11:22, mh> ou] is
used in rhetorical questions equivalent to affirmative statements. Each negative has, however, its own proper force,
ou] making the verb negative, and mh< implying that a negative
answer is expected to the question thus made negative.
469. In classical Greek, the Indicative in conditional and
conditional relative clauses is regularly negatived by mh<. But
ov sometimes occurs in conditions of the first class. In this
case ou] negatives the verb of the clause or other single element
rather than the supposition as such. HA.1021; G.1610, 1383.
In the New Testament, conditional clauses of the second
class (248) are regularly negatived by mh<. In other conditional
clauses and in conditional relative clauses, the Indicative
usually takes ov as its negative, occasionally mh<. In concessive clauses the Indicative takes ou].
180
John 9:33; ei] mh> h#n ou$toj para> qeou?, ou]k h]du<nato
poiei?n ou]de<n, if this
man were not from God, he could do nothing. See also Matt. 24:22.
Rom. 8:9; ei] de> tij pneu?ma Xristou? ou]k e@xei, ou$toj ou]k
e@stin au]tou?,
but if any man hath not the Spirit of Christ, he is none of his. See
also Luke 14: 26.
Matt. 10:38; kai> o{j ou} lamba<nei to>n stauro>n au]tou? kai>
a]kolouqei?
o]pi<sw mou, ou]k e@stin mou a@cioj, and he that does not take
his cross
and follow after me, is not worthy of me. See also Luke 9:50;
14:33; cf. 2 Pet. 1:9; 1 John 4:3.
Luke 18:4, 5; ei] kai> to>n qeo>n ou] fobou?mai ou]de>
a@nqrwpon e]ntre<pomai,
sia< ge to> pare<xein moi ko<pon th>n xh<ran tau<thn
e]kdikh<sw au]th<n,
though I fear not God nor regard man, yet because this widow
troubleth me, I will avenge her.
2 Cor. 13:5; h@ ou]k e]piginw<skete e[autou>j o!ti ]Ihsou?j
Xristo>j e]n
u[mi?n; ei] mh<ti a]do<kimoi< e]ste, or now ye not as to your
own selves that
Jesus Christ is in you? unless indeed ye are reprobate. See also
1 Tim. 6:3; Tit. 1:6.
REM. In Matt. 26:24; Mark 14:21, ou occurs in the protasis of a
conditional sentence of the second class.
470. It is possible that ou in conditional and conditional relative
sentences in the New Testament is usually to be explained as negativing
the predicate directly (cf. G. 1383. 2; Th. ei], III. 11.), mh< on the other
hand as negativing the supposition as such. Yet the evidence does not
clearly establish this distinction; to press it in every case is certainly
an over-refinement. Cf., e,g., 1 John 4:3, pa?n pneu?ma o{ mh>
o[mologei? to>n
]Ihsou?n e]k tou? qeou? ou]k e@stin, and 1 John 4:6, o{j ou}k
e@stin e]k tou? qeou? ou]k a]kou<ei h[mw?n. See also 1 Tim. 6:3 and
Tit. 1:6, where mh< is used after ei], yet
quite evidently belongs to the verb rather than to the supposition as such.
471. Ei] mh< in the sense of except is used as a fixed phrase,
without reference to the mood which would follow it if the
ellipsis were supplied. Of. 274.
181
182
the conjunction mh<, lest. In these the negative is ov. Concerning ou] mh< with the Subjunctive see 487, 488. HA. 1019,
1033 ; G. 1610.
1 John 3:18; mh> a]gapw?men lo<g&, let us not love in word.
Heb. 4:7; mh> sklhru<nhte ta>j kardi<aj u[mw?n, harden not your
hearts.
2 Cor. 12:20; fobou?mai ga>r mh< pw?j e]lqw>n ou]x oi!ouj qe<lw
eu!rw
u[ma?j, for I fear, lest by any means, when I come, I should find you
not such as 1 would. See also Acts 20: 16; Rom. 10: 15; 1 Cor.
2:5.
REM. 1. In Matt. 25:9 a Subjunctive after the conjunction mh< is
negatived by ou] (WH. margin), or, according to other MSS., followed by
WH. (text) by the strong negative ou] mh<.
REM. 2. In Rom. 5:11 ou] mo<non limits a verb understood which is
probably to be taken as a Subjunctive. Of. 479, 481.
476. In classical Greek, ou] is used with the Potential
Optative; mh< with the Optative of Wishing. In the New
Testament, no instance of a negatived Potential Optative
occurs. With the Optative of Wishing mh< is used as in
classical Greek. HA.l020; G. 1608.
Gal. 6:14; e]moi> de> mh> ge<noito kauxa?sqai, but far be it from me
to glory.
See also Mark 11:14; Rom. 3:4, 6, 31, etc.
477. In classical Greek, the Optative in subordinate clauses
takes mh< as its negative except in indirect discourse and after
mh<, lest. HA. 1021, 1022; G. 1610.
In the New Testament, no instance of a negatived Optative
in a subordinate clause occurs.
478. The negative of the Imperative is mh<. HA. 1019;
G. 1610.
This rule holds in the New Testament with very rare
exceptions.
Luke 12:11; mh> merimnh<shte pw?j [h} ti] a]pologh<shsqe, be not
anxious
how or what ye shall answer. See also under 165.
183
479. Of the apparent exceptions to the rule stated above (478), some
are to be explained M parenthetic non-imperative phrases in the midst of
imperative sentences. So, clearly, in 1 Cor. 5: 10, [I meant] not [that
you should have no company] at all, with the fornicators of this world, etc.
So also 2 Tim. 2: 14, that they strive not about words, [a thing which is]
profitable for nothing. The use of ou]x rather than mh< in 1 Pet. 3:3 seems
to indicate that the following words, o[ . . . ko<smoj, are excluded from the
injunction rather than included in a prohibition. In 1 Pet. 2:18 ou] mo<non
occurs, perhaps as a fixed phrase, after a participle with Imperative of the
verb ei#nai understood. On the other hand, it is noticeable that elsewhere
limitations of the Imperative when negatived regularly take mh<. Thus mh<
mo<non occurs in John 13:9; Phil. 2:12; Jas. 1:22. Of. 481.
NEGATIVES WITH THE INFINITIVE AND PARTICIPLE.
480. In classical Greek, the Infinitive usually takes ou] as
its negative in indirect discourse; elsewhere mh<. HA. 1023,
1024; G. 1611; but see also Gild. u.s. (465, Rem.) pp. 48 ff.
on the use of mh< with the Infinitive in indirect discourse.
In the New Testament, the Infinitive regularly takes mh<
as its negative in all constructions.
Matt. 22:23; le<gontej mh> ei#nai a]na<stasin, saying that there is no
resurrection.
Luke 11:42; ta?ta de> e@dei poih?sai ka]kei?na mh> parei?nai, but
these ought
ye to have done, and not to leave the other undone.
481. When a limitation of an Infinitive or of its subject
is to be negatived rather than the Infinitive itself, the negative
ou] is sometimes used instead of mh<. See Rom. 7:6; 1 Cor.
1:17; Heb. 7:11; 13:9. This principle applies especially
in the case of the adverb mo<non. In the New'Testament at
least, ou] mo<non rather than mh> mo<non occurs regularly with the
Infinitive, and this both when the phrase as a whole belongs
to the Infinitive itself, and when it applies rather to some
limitation of the Infinitive. See John 11:52; Acts 21:13;
26:29; 27:10; Rom. 4:12, 16; 13:5; 2 Cor. 8:10; Phil.
184
185
186
Mark 13:2; ou] mh> a]feq^? w$de li<qoj e]pi> li<qon o{j ou}
mh> kataluq^?,
there shall not be left here one stone upon another, which shall not be
thrown down.
Rev. 2:11; o[ nikw?n ou] mh> a]dikhq^? e]k tou? qana<tou tou?
deute<rou,
that overcometh shall not be hurt of the second death.
Rev. 7:16; ou] peina<sousin e@ti ou]de> diyh<sousin e@ti,
ou]de> mh> pe<s^ e]p ]
au]tou>j o[ h!lioj, they shall hunger no more, neither thirst any more,
neither shall the sun strike upon them at all. On Matt. 25: 9 see
475, Rem. 1.
488. Ou] mh< is occasionally used with the Subjunctive or
Future Indicative expressing a prohibition. Cf. 167, 67,
Rem. 2.
489. When a negative is followed by one or more similar
compound negatives or by the double negative oll p.'r/ the effect
is a strengthened negation. HA. 1030; G. 1619.
Luke 23:53; ou$ ou]k h#n ou]dei>j ou@pw kei<menoj, where never
man had yet
lain.
Heb. 13:5; ou] mh< se a]nw? ou]d ] ou] mh< se e]gkataki<pw, I
will in no wise
fail thee, neither will I in any wise forsake thee.
Rom. 13:8; mhdeni> mhde>n o]fei<lete, owe no man anything.
INDEX OF SUBJECTS.
[The Numbers refer to Sections.]
Adjective Participle, 420-433, see
under Participle.
Adjectives of ability, fitness, readiness, etc., followed by clause with
i!na, 216; followed by Infinitive,
376; followed by elf with the articular In:finitive, 413.
Adverbial Participle, 434-455, see
under Participle.
Adverbs, limited by Infinitive, 3.76.
Aoristic Present, 13; Aoristic Future, 59, 62; Aoristic Perfect, 80.
Aorist: constant characteristic, 35;
Indefinite, Inceptive, Resultative,
35, 37.
Indicative: Historical, 38; momentary, comprehensive, collective, 39, 40, 54; Inceptive, 41;
Resultative, 42, 87; Gnomic, 43;
Epistolary, 44; Dramatic, 45; for
English Perfect, 46, 52, 54; with
force of Greek Perfect, 47; for
English Pluperfect, 48, 52-54; in
indirect discourse, 49; used proleptically, 50; in condition contrary to fact, 248; in apodosis of
such condition, 248, 249; with a@n
in past general supposition, 26,
315; expressing an unattained
wish, 27; English equivalents, 52,
63; distinction between Aorist
and Imperfect, 56, 57; between
Aorist and Perfect, 86, 87.
Dependent Moods, 98; Subjunctive in prohibitions, 162-164,
187
188
INDEX OF SUBJECTS.
r cle: with imperative force, 364, 474; with the Subjunctive, 475;
!, 865; expressing purpose, 366, with the Optative; 476,477; with
l 367; as indirect object, 868; ex- the Imperative, 478, 479; with
i~; pressing result, 369-372; defining the Infinitive, 480-484; with
i~ content of action of a previous participles, 485; successive and
ii' verb or noun, 875; limiting ad- double negatives, 486-489, 468 j
ifi jectives and adverbs, 876, 377; compound negatives, 464, 486,
:~! limiting nouns, 878, 379; after 489.
:~ 1/"plll or 1/"plll.,j, 380-382; used ab- Object clauses: classification, 186;
)1 solutely, 383; as Sllbject, 384, after verbs of exhorting, 200-204;
i ~ 885, 390, 857, 360; as appositive, after verbs of striving, etc., 205!~ 386; as object, 387-391, 202, 210; 210; after verbs of fear and
:~, in indirect discourse, 890 j force of danger, 224-227; in indirect disj,~! the tensee in indirect discourse, course, 834, 339-850.
j~! 110,11.2-:114; without article after Optative, infrequent in New TestaI ~ preposItIons, 174. ment, 174.
,"
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INDEX OF SUBJECTS. 191
In principal clauses: of wishing, use of the participle with intensive
175-177; Potential, 178, 179. force, 448; participle of attendant
In subordinate clauses: in 0 b- circumstance, 449,450; more than
ject clauses after verb of exhort- one relation expressed by one
ing, 200, Rem.; in conditional participle, 451; genitive absolute,
clauses, future supposition more 452-454; position of adverbial
probable, in indirect discourse, participle, 455.
258; in conditional clauses, future Substantive Participle: defined,
supposition less probable, 259; 456; as subject, 457; as object,
with El expressing an object of 458--460; in indirect discourse,
desire, 276. 460; as a limiting genitive, 461;
Negatives with Optative, 476, its position, 462; distinction from
477. adjective participle used substanParticiple: general nature, 115,418; tively, 463.
grammatical agreement, 116. Negatives with participle, 485.
Tenses: general significance, Particular and general conditions:
118; use of each tense in detail, expressed, 239, 240; implied in
see Present, Aorist, Future, Per- relative clause, 298, 299.
fect, or Contents, 119-156. Perfect:
Classification respecting logical Indicative: of completed action,
force, 419. 74, 76, 85; of existing state, 75,
Adjective Participle: defined, 76 ; Intensive, 77; Historical, 78;
420; restrictive attributive parti- Gnomic, 79; Aoristic, 80, 88; in
ciple, 422; with subject omitted, indirect discourse, 81; of a past
423, 433; with the article after event thought of as separated
noun without the article, 424; from the moment of speaking
neuter participle for abstract (incapable of adequate English
noun, 425; explanatory attribu- translation), 82; used proleptitive participle, 426; attributive cally, 50; periphrastic form, 84;
participle conveying subsidiary distinction between Perfect and
idea of cause, etc., 428; predicate Aorist, 86, 87.
adjective participle, 429; its posi- Dependent moods: denoting
tion, 430; forming periphrastic completed action, or existing reverbs, 431; possible explanations suIt, 101; Intensive, 102; periof participle in the predicate, 432. phrastic form, 103 ; Infinitive
Adverbial Participle: defined, after prepositions, 104, 105, 107,
434; temporal, 435; conditional, 108; Optative not found in New
436; concessive, 437,438; causal, Testament, 111; Infinitive in in.
439; causal with cJs, 440, 441; of direct discourse, 110, 112.
purpose, 442; of means, 443; Participle: of completed action
of manner, 444; manner ex- or existing state, 154 ; periphrastic
pressed by cJs with participle, 445, form, 155; for a Pluperfect, 156.
446; participle of manner or Periphrastic forms: in general, 20,
means denoting same action as 431; Present Indicative, 20; Imthat of the verb, 447; Hebraistic perfect, 34; Future Indicative, 71,
~
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'
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ii-;, 192 INDEX OF SUBJECTS.
i~f
!i
Iji 72; Perfect. Indicative, 84; Plu- 120-122; General, 123-126; for
H ;' perfect, 91; Future Perfect, 94; the Imperfect, 127; Conative, 129 ;
it.; Present Infinitive and Imperative, for the Future, 130; of action
Ii;! 97; Perfect Subjunctive and Im- still in progress, 131.
J':' perative, 103; Future Participle, Primary and Secondary tenses, 4.
;1 i; 153; Perfect Participle, 155. Progressive tenses:
::i! Pluperfect Indicative: of completed Indicative: Present, 8-11; ImN' action, 89; of existing state, 90, perfect, 21-23; Futtlre, 60.
j1 92; periphrastic form, 91; in in- Dependent moods: Present, 96.
;:: direct discourse for Perfect, 348. Participle: Present, 119-122,
(I,' Potential Optative: force of, 178, 127-131.
jl, 179; negatives with, 476. Prohibitions, expressed by Aorist
Ii Predicative Participle, 429-432, see Subjunctive or Present (rarely
i; under Participle. Aorist) Imperative, 163; by Aorist
Ii;: Predictive Future, 58. Subjunctive, 162-164, 166, 167;
ilf, Present: by Present Imperative, 165,184.
Iii:' Indicative: most constan~ char- Prohibitory Future Indicative, 67,
: 'J acteristic of, 9; Progressive, 8, Rem. 2.
i1; 10, 11; Conative, 11; General or Prohibitory Subjunctive, 162-164,
:!( , Gnomic, 12; Aoristic, 13; His- 166, 167; used only in Aorist,
j~ torical, 14; used for Future, 15; 163; force of tense, 164.
,1 "
::1\ .JfKw, ?rapfL.uL, etc., 16; of past Promissory Future, 65.
Iii: a?tion s~ill in progress, 1 ~; in i~- Protasis: de.fine~, 238; force and
Ii it. direct dIscourse, 19; perIphrastIc form of, m sImple present and
, ",
I!~: forms, 20; in pure final clauses, past particular supposition, 242!jE~ 198; in an appositive clause, 213, 247; in supposition contrary to
f~" Rem.; in conditional clauses, pres- fact, 248; in future supposition
!i [, ent particular supposition, 242, more probable, 250-258, 263; in fuflit; future supposi~i?n, 256, ~resent ~ure supposition less probable~ ~59;
ii!t: general SUpposItIon, 261 ; m con- ill present general SUpposItIon,
lit cessive clauses, 284; in condi- 260-262, 264; in past general supi!t tional relative clauses, present position, 265; joined to an
~ji;i tional relative clauses, present gen- 7 i use of each tense in detail, "
1 eral supposition (with 4v), 312; 8-94 (see Present, Imperfect,
i:i in complementary relative clauses, Aorist, etc.).
/;)' 318, 319 i after ~"'~ [4v J, 322-325 ; In Dependent Moods: general
I!:!'. after 1:",~ oii or 1:",~ aTOll, 330 i after ~ignific~nce, 95; use of each tense
-11:~: 4Xpl., p-iXpl., etc., 331; after 7rplv, ill d~t~il, 96-114; te~s~s of the
!';j. 333. InfinItIve after preposltlonsj 104Ii:!: Negatives with Subjmictive, 475. 109; of the Infinitive in indirect
ii:' Subordinate clauses classified, 186, discourse, 110-114.
!;- 187. Of the Participle: general sig~... Suppositions: distinction between nificance, 118; use of each tense
~:: particular and general, 239, 240, in detail (see Present, Aorist,
~, 257; implied in relative clause~ Future, Perfect).
I', 289, 290, 296, 297; particular and Will and shall in translating the
fj:i general, 298, 299; expressed by Greek Future, 65.
~jll an Imperative, 182, 183; ex- Wishes: expressed by Optative, 175fir: pressed by a participle, 428, 436. 177; by the Future Indicative, 27,
~:: Substantive Participle, 456-463, see Rem. 2 i unattainable, expressed
~i'[ under Participle. by the Imperfect or Aorist Inf~;.. Supplementary Participle, see 419, dicative, 27.
!;
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--,-INDEX OF GREEK WORDS.
~~~
\ [The Numbers relet' to Sections.]
'AxOVCII, Present with force of Per- -Atpes and 4tpeTe prefixed to Horta..
fect, 16. tory Subjunctive, 161.
I Av : -AXPL, 331, 332.
With Indicative: with Imper- BovAeuOe' prefixed to Deliberative
fect and Aorist to denote a cns- Subjunctive, 171.
tomary past action, 26 j in past rioyoJ'a., Aoristic Perfect in Matthew
general supposition, 315 j in apodo- (Mark?) only, 88.
sis of condition contrary to fact, ~evpo or ~evTe prefixed to Hortatory
248; omitted in such apodosis, 31, Subjunctive, 161.
249; cases in which it is not to be ~La. with T6 and the Infinitive, 108,
regarded as having been omitted, 406-408.
30 (cf. 32, 33); with Future In- ~L6TL as a causal particle, 228.
dicative in future supposition, ~oKe' with Infinitive as subject, 385.
308; with Present Indicative in 'Edv:
future supposition, 309. Conditional: with Present IndicWith Subjunctive: in condi- ative in present particular suptional relative clauses, implying position, 247; with Future Infuture supposition, 303; implying dicative in future supposition,
present general supposition, 312 ; 254; with Subjunctive in future
relative clauses introduced by supposition, 260; in present genlCIIS, 322; after 4XPL, 332; after eral supposition, 260 j in condilJ7rCIIS in final clauses, 196; for ia.v tional relative clauses for4v, 304,
in conditional clauses, 250. 312, Rem.
With Potential Optative, 178, Concessive, 279-281,286 (b).
179. 'Eap Ka.t, concessive, 279,280,286 (b),
With Infinitive, 372. 287; conditional, 282.
In definite relative clauses con- 'EfJovA6p,1]p without 4p, 33.
ditional in form, 316; retained 'Eoy!;peTo ~!;, construction after, 357in indirect discourse with Sub- 360.
junctive retained unchanged, 306; -EoyPCIIP with force of Perfect, 47.
omitted when Subjunctive is -E~eL with Infinitive denoting preschanged to Optative, 344, Rem. 1. ent obligation, 32.
'APTt with TOV and the Infinitive, El:
406, 407. Conditional: with present or
'A7r!;OLtPOV with force of Perfect, 47. past tense of the Indicative~ jp.
195
;,
-_:.~ --'.'L ,,:'~
a.1i
~:!I 196 INDEX OF GREEK WORDS.
,
: i simple present or past particular Els with T6 and the Infinitive, 107,
1! supposition, 242, 243; with Pres- 406, 407, 409-413.
)j; ent Indicative in future supposi- -E}l.EAAO" with the Infinitive, 73.
~Ii .tin, 266; with Present Indi~a~ive 'E" with Tc,; and the Infinitive, 109,
'!Ii ill pres~nt general SUpposItIon, -406, 40!, 416:, ..
~ii 261; WIth a past tense of the E"fKf" WIth TOV and the Infultive,
:i:! Indicative in condition contrary 406, 407.
Vi to fact, 248; with Future Indica- 'E'F,fUT77" with force of Perfect, 47.
~,; tive in supposition referring to 'E1rfl, hfLo'!], l1rfLo'!]1rfp as causal
.~;: present intention, etc., 246; with particles, 228.
11 Future Indicative in future sup- -EuX77KCt as Aoristic Perfect, 88.
position, 264, 256; with Future 'Et/>' t!J as a causal particle, 228.
.! Indicative with the force of an -EXCI1, followed by indirect delibera:\:' oath, 272; with the Subjunctive tive questions, 346; by relativ&
:!i' in future supposition, 252, 253; clause of similar force, 318.
t with the Optative in indirect dis- 'ElfJpCtKCt as Aoristic Perfect, 88.
r' course for Iii" with Subjunctive "ECI1~: force as a relative adverb, 321,
ii or fl with the Indicative of the introducing a clause referring to
.;;:, direct discourse, 258; with the the future, 322, 323, 326, 329; in"ii; Optative in future supposition troducing a clause referring to
rf less probable, 259; with Sub- what was in past time a future con~ junctive, Optative, or Future In- tingency, 324, 3~6, 329 ; how trans'I dicative expressing an object of lated when followed by the Subf desire, 276; after expressions junctive, 325; introducing a clause
Ii of wonder with nearly the force referring to a past fact, 327; inof 6TL, 277. troducing a clause referring to a
: '. Concessive, 279-281; with a contemporaneous event, 328; fol~I present or past tense of the In- lowed by oil or 6TOV, 330; with TOU
dicative, 284; with Future Indie- and the Infinitive, 406, 407.
ative,285. -H, Infinitive after, 374; after 1rpl",
Interrogative, in indirect ques- 333, Rem. 2, 381.
tions, 340. -HOfAO" without d", 33.
tl Of and floE jJ.'!]'Yf used elliptically, -HKCI1, force of Present tense, 16.
275. HflX6JL77" without d", 33.
El KCtl concessive, 279, 280, 281, Rem., efAfL~ and OAf'Tf prefixed to De288' conditional, 282,286. liberative Subjunctive, 171.
,"
El JL'!] without dependent verb, mean- I"Ct: New Testament usage, 191, 221,
ing except, 274,471. 223; in pure final clauses, 197ErOf in unattainable wishes, 27, 199; in object clauses after verbs
Rem. 1. of exhorting, etc., 200-203; in obI 1 ErA77t/>a as Aoristic Perfect, 88. ject clauses after verbs of striving,
i ,f ElJLl used in the formation of peri- .etc., 205, 206; in subject, predi! !"I' phrastic verb-forms, 20, 34, 71, cate, and appositive clauses, 211: I' 84, 91, 97, 103, 155, 431. 214 ; in complementary and
ji
~~: Erp77KII as Aoristic Perfect, 88. epexegetic clauses, 215-217; in
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,
,j
I INDEX OF GREEK WORDS. 197
, clauses of conceived result, 218, M~ 'Yfvo'ro, 177.
'
jJ 219; not used to express actual M~ ov, in questions, 468 j after verbs
result, 222; post-classical usage of hindering, etc., 484.
in general, 223. ~ OO"r's as an interrogative, 349.
, Kal 'Ye with concessive participle, ~O7r"'S, New Testament usage,. 192,
J 437. 196; in pure final clauses, 197,
,
; Kal tap, concessive, 279, 281, 285 199; in object clauses after verbs
I (b); conditional, 282. of exhorting, 200-202; in object
t. Kal EoyEPero, construction after, 857- clauses after verbs of striving, etc.,
j' 860. 205, 207.
I Kal el concessive, 279, 281, 288; ~Or' as a causal particle, 228.
; conditional, 282. ~ Or, introducing indirect quotation,
!. Kal7rep with concessive participle, 339 (a), 343 j redundant before a
! 437. direct quotation, 345.
KEKpa'Yep, functionally a Present, 78. O~ and itB compounds: classical and
Aap8ap"" participle with, 147. New Testament usage in general,
MiAA"', /l.EAXeLP, etc., with Infinitive, 464.
72, 73, 100, 153. With the Indicative: in indeMETa with r6 and the Infinitive, 105, pendent declaratory sentences,
406, 407. 465; with Imperative Future, 466 ;
, MEXPL, 331. in questions expecting an affirma-
Ii! 406, 407, 414. mood, 237; with Infinitive denot1; ~t1J'f6.u.f110L, force of tense, 125. ing result, 369-371; with the In11: T6, Toil, Tif, Infinitive with, 392-417. finitive denoting purpose, 367.
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INDEX OF PASSAGES REFERRED TO. I
[The numbers refer to sections. Passages referred to in Remarks are cited
by the number of the section to which the Remark is appended.]
I. NEW TESTAMENT PASSAGES.
SECTION SECTION
Matt. 1: 18 453, 457 Matt. 5: 41 , ..308
Matt.l:19 387 Matt.5:42 180
Matt. 1: 22 222, 223 Matt. 6: 1 ...107, 406, 414
Matt. 1: 23 20 Matt. 6: 5 ...231, 232, 466
Matt.2:2 157 Matt.6:11 98
Matt.2:3 439 Matt. 6:13 162
Matt. 2: 9 326 Matt. 6: 16 231, 457
Matt. 2:10 '439 Matt. 6:25. 171
Matt. 2: 13 72, 397 Matt. 6: 27 443
Matt. 2:15. 222 Matt. 6:30. 243
Matt. 2:20 127 Matt. 6:31 169
Matt. 3: 14 23, 378 Matt. 6: 34 162
Matt. 3: 15 384, 429 Matt. 7: 1 197
Matt. 3:17 55 Matt.7:4 161
Matt.4:2 134 Matt.7:6 199
Matt. .4 : 3 200, 242 Matt. 7: 10 269
Matt. 4: 4 68 Matt. 7: 12 171, 304
Matt. 4:14. 222 Matt. 7:13 124
Matt.5:6 124 Matt.7:17 12
Matt. 5:10 286 Matt. 8:3 39
Matt.5:17 98,3G6 Matt.8:8 216
Matt. 5: 18. 172, 322 Matt. 8: 17 222
Matt. 5: 19 303, 310 Matt. 8: 20 346
Matt. 5: 20. 250 Matt. 8: 31 182, 256
Matt. 5: 21 46, 52, 54 Matt. 8: 32 182
Matt. 5: 23 ~ ..96 Matt. 9: 17 275
Matt. 5: 25 97,330 Matt. 9: 20 131
Matt. 5: 28 414 Matt. 9: 21 250, 257
Matt. 5: 29, 30. ...214, 256 Matt. 9: 25 53
Matt. 5: 39 309 Matt. 9: 30 209
199
!,'
-_c.,"
Co.}' ,-~,.- CC ,. , '~
i
Mark 10: 32 34
Mark 10: 36 171 Luke 1: 1 229
Mark 10: 40 368 Luke 1: 8 415
Mark 10: 43 296 Luke 1: 9 401
, Mark 10: 51 171 Luke 1: 10 34
1. Mark11:13 276 Luke1:21 431
, Mark 11 : 14 176, 476 Luke 1: 22 34
Mark 11 : 16 210 Luke 1: 29 1l1
Markl1:18 207 Luke1:33 59
Mark 11: 19 315 Luke 1: 38 176
Mark 11: 23 310 Luke 1: 43 213
Mark 11: 24 269 Luke 1: 54 375
Mark 11: 25 309 Luke 1: 57 400
:', Mark 11 : 27 14 Luke 1: 59 23
i Mark 11 : 28 216, 220 Luke 1: 62 111, 179
, Mark 11: 31 65 Luke 1: 66 21
Mark 12: 7 161 Luke 1: 72 375
,
f
-INDEX OF PASSAGES REFERRED TO. 203
SECTION SECTION
Luke 1: 74 400 Luke 7: 39 73, 241
Luke 1 : 76, 77, 79 397 Luke 7: 40 368
Luke2:6 400 Luke7:45 459
Luke 2:18. 57 Luke 7:47 313
Luke 2 : 21. 106, 400 Luke 7: 48 345
Luke 2: 22, 24 397 Luke 8: 2 89
Luke 2: 26. ..{91,114,333, Luke 8: 5 415
344, 390, 431 Luke 8: 9 343
Luke 2: 27. 109, 397 Luke 8: 10 366
Luke 2 : 35 195 Luke 8: 18 310, 313
Luke 2 : 44 37 Luke 8: 27 29, 48
Luke 2:49. 28 Luke 8:43 131
Luke 2: 51 .22 Luke 8: 46 154, 458
Luke 3: 9 15 Luke 8: 47 350
Luke 3: 10. 168 Luke 8: 49 14,47
Luke3:15 111 Luke 9:4 310
Luke 3: 16. 122 Luke 9: 13 252, 253
Luke3:21 109 Luke 9:18 97
Luke 3: 22. .55 Luke 9: 24 314
Luke 4: 10 404, 405 Luke 9: 25 141
Luke 4 : 15. 449 Luke 9: 27 172, 322
Luke 4: 16. 295 Luke 9: 33 485
Luke 4:22. 67 Luke 9:34 109
Luke 4: 23. 146, 460 Luke 9: 36 ..41, 78, 88, 109
Luke 4:29. 371 Luke 9:44 72
Luke 4 : 41. 90 Luke 9: 45 222
,-,-,-""",.,., -,
206 ~EX OF PASSAGES REFERRED TO.
SECTION SECTION
John 10: 12 485 John 16: 8 435
John 10: 32 11 John 16: 13 65
John 10: 38 285 John 16: 23 257
John 11 : 2 142 John 16 : 24 52, 103
John 11 : 9 240, 260 John 16: 32 216
John 11 : 21 248 John 17: 2 199, 220
John 11:27 343 John 17:3 198
John 11 : 36 21 John 17 : 5 55, 106
John 11 : 37 206 John 17 : 11 181
John 11: 44 156 John 17: 19 103
John 11: 50 214 John 17: 24 55
John 11 : 52 481 John 18: 16 90
John 11: 53 210 John 18: 18 90
John 12:3 142 John18:23 245
John 12:4 153 John 18: 24 48
John12:10 205 John 18:28 14
John 12: 17 48, 127 John 18: 30 241, 432
John 12: 18 53 John 18: 39 213
John 12 : 23 216 John 19: 6 109
John 12 : 24 260 John 19: 11 249
John 12 : 26 ...260, 261, 309 John 19: 12 263
John 12 : 29 112, 390 John 19: 30 48, 109
John 12 : 32 62 John 20 : 29 232
John 12 : 36 293 John 21 : 19 120
John 13 : 5 431 John 21 : 22, 23 328
John 13 : 8 158 John 21 : 25 112, 390
John 13:9 479
i John 13: 11 126 Acts 1: 3 105, 122
, John 13:12 48 Acts 1:10 90
t John 13: 17 268 Acts 1: 16 30, 142
"-'f John 13:23 34 Acts 1:25 371
1,[1 John 14 : 3 309 Acts 2: 13 84, 444
c'f, John 14: 15 25~ Acts 2:21 303
: John 14: 19 229 Acts 2: 45 315
";, John14:26 59 Acts 2:47 125
c
" John 14:28 248 Acts 3:2 24
John 15:6 43 Acts 3:12 404
Jo~15:8, 50,213 Acts 3:18 114
John 15:9 98 Acts 3:19 195
John 15 : 12,13 213 Acts 3: 26 ., ...415, 442
John 15: 20 242, 295 Acts 4: 14 368
John 15: 22 249 Acts 4: 20 484
John 16 : 2 ...124, 148, 216 Acts 4: 27 92
John 16 : 3 232 Acts 4: 30 415, 417