Psychodynamic Theories of Offending

Criminological psychology
Psychodynamic theories of offending

Freuds theory of the psyche
In Freuds psychodynamic theory personality (or the psyche) has three distinct components: the id,
representing primitive desires and the need for gratification, the superego, representing moral and
social constraints, and the ego, representing reality and the ability to delay gratification. Within this
framework it is the role of the ego to strike a balance between the demands of the id and the
constraints imposed by the superego. This is primarily achieved through the use of defence
mechanisms that allow the ids desires to be satisfied in ways that the superego finds acceptable.
To a Freudian, then, behaviour that lies outside what society regards as acceptable be it
abnormal or criminal is the result of abnormal development of the psyche. Since, in classical
Freudian theory, the structure of the psyche is determined in the first five years of life, it follows that
the roots of offending are also to be found in this period, especially in the relationship between the
developing child and its parents. The Freudian framework implies a number of possible causes for
later criminal behaviour.
A weak superego
The superego is the moral regulator of behaviour. It develops at the end of the phallic stage (about
5 years) as the child internalises its same-sex parent in order to resolve the Oedipus complex. The
superego continues to act as a parent within the psyche. It punishes the ego with anxiety when an
immoral act is contemplated and with guilt of the act is carried out. A weak superego, developed as
a result of abnormal relationships within the family, would result in a person with few if any of the
usual inhibitions against antisocial behaviour. They would act in ways that gratified their id,
regardless of the social restraints on doing so.
A deviant superego
Alternately, a child might develop a superego in the normal way, but the superego itself has deviant
values. The superego is an internalization of the same sex parent so as a moral regulator it
threatens and punishes those behaviours that the parent would find unacceptable. Consequently, a
son raised normally in a family with a criminal father might develop a superego that does not react to
criminal acts that the father would engage in.
A strong superego
It seems counterintuitive that a strong superego could increase a persons risk of offending when
the superego is the regulator of moral behaviour but there are at least two ways in which this might
happen. An excessively powerful superego would render a person anxious and guilty much of the
time, since every time they acted on the ids desires however innocuously their superego would
punish them for it. This could result in a person committing crimes in order to get caught and
punished to assuage the guilt imposed by their own superego. Alternately, an excessively strong
superego might prevent the person from expressing any of the antisocial impulses that inevitably
build up in their unconscious. Normally, they would express these impulses harmlessly through
defense mechanisms (e.g. by sublimating their aggression into sport). If the superego prevents this
from happening the aggression or sexual desire could build up over time until it becomes strong
enough to overwhelm the ego and is expressed suddenly and violently as murder or rape.
Megargees overcontrolled violent offender
Megargee (1966) documented a series of cases of violence carried out by people who were
regarded as passive and harmless. For example, an 11 year-old boy who stabbed his brother 34
times with a steak knife was described as polite and softly spoken with no history of aggression
(Gross, 1996). Megargee argued that such cases represent a distinct sub-group of violent offenders
Aidan Sammons
psychlotron.org.uk
Criminological psychology
whose shared characteristic is an apparent inability to express their anger in normal ways and who
eventually explode and release all their anger and aggression at once, often in response to a
seemingly trivial provocation. Freudian formulations like Megargees are unfashionable nowadays
and more research attention is given to the majority of violent offenders, whose problem is generally
a lack of inhibition of their anger, rather than too much inhibition. Nonetheless, there is evidence
that a subset of violent offenders follow the pattern described by Megargee. Blackburn (1971), for
example, found that people convicted of extremely violent assaults tended to have fewer previous
convictions and scored lower on measures of hostility than those convicted of moderately violent
assaults. However, the existence of such a group does not in itself show that Megargee was correct
about the underlying mechanisms responsible. In particular, Megargees approach does not
adequately distinguish whether such offenders do not experience anger normally (as the
psychodynamic approach would suggest) or whether they experience it but do not do not express it
(Blackburn, 1993).
Bowlbys affectionless psychopath
Another psychodynamically inspired explanation of offending comes from Bowlby (1951) although
Bowlby was also influenced by ethology and evolutionary theory. Bowlby proposed that the ability
to form meaningful social relationships in adulthood was dependent on a close, warm and
continuous relationship with the mother in the first few years. Since this relationship acts as the
prototype for all future relationships, its disruption would impair the persons ability to relate to
others. This could result in a condition Bowlby called affectionless psychopathy. Bowlby
presented evidence that early maternal deprivation was related to later criminal behaviour, notably
through his famous 44 Thieves study in which he reported that 39 per cent of a group of juvenile
delinquents has experienced significant disruption to their attachments, compared to only 5 per cent
of a non-delinquent group. Such evidence notwithstanding, it is no longer widely accepted that
there is such a clear causal link between maternal deprivation and offending. Bowlbys empirical
research has been criticised for unrepresentative sampling and poor control group matching. Later
theorists, particularly Rutter (1971). have pointed out his failure to distinguish between deprivation,
privation and the distortion of attachments, each of which may have different effects. Overall, he is
now regarded to have overestimated the impact of early life experiences on later offending.
Evaluation of the psychodynamic approach
Psychodynamic theories of offending are no longer widely accepted by psychologists, for a number
of reasons. First, there is the difficulty associated with testing some of the concepts.
Psychodynamic theories rely heavily on concepts like the unconscious mind, whose existence is
difficult if not impossible to prove. Second, there is a tendency for psychodynamic theories to be
able to explain any behaviour but only after it has happened. As a result, these theories are
regarded by many as unprincipled and, since they are incapable of being proved wrong, unscientific.
Third, psychodynamic researchers rely heavily on qualitative case studies in which the subjects
behaviour is interpreted in symbolic terms. This is a highly subjective process: two different analysts
may draw very different conclusions from the same set of observations. This type of evidence
makes scientists, who prefer quantifiability and objectivity, rather uneasy. Fourth, psychodynamic
therapies that have attempted to treat offending have not been successful (Howitt, 2009), besides
being extremely time consuming.
It is important not to overlook the positive contributions that psychodynamic theories have made to
criminological psychology. Psychodynamic researchers have pointed to the importance of
childhood experiences and parent-child relationships as an influence on offending (Blackburn, 1993)
and have identified many important variables relating to delinquent behaviour in adolescence (Hollin,
1989). So whilst its theoretical explanations have fallen out of favour, the psychodynamic tradition
should be credited with pointing in some useful directions for later researchers to follow.
Aidan Sammons
psychlotron.org.uk

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Criminological psychology

Psychodynamic theories of offending

Psychodynamic theories of offending

Psychodynamic theories of offending

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