Electoral System in The Philippines
Electoral System in The Philippines
Electoral System in The Philippines
The Philippines has universal direct suffrage at age 18 and older to elect the president, vice
president (who runs independently), and most of the seats in the bicameral legislature, consisting of
the House of Representatives and the Senate; a minority of House members known as sectoral
representatives are appointed by the president. Elections are held not just for national leadership but
also for representation at the provincial and local levels. In the last elections in May 2004, some 74
percent of eligible voters participated, but the process was marred by violence and numerous
irregularities, which the political opposition continues to protest, even calling for the presidents
impeachment. [Source: Library of Congress *]
Elections in the Philippines are the arena in which the country's elite families compete for political
power. The wealthiest clans contest national and provincial offices. Families of lesser wealth
compete for municipal offices. In the barangays, where most people are equally poor, election
confers social prestige but no real power or money. *
The constitution also empowers the commission to "accredit citizens' arms of the Commission on
Elections." This refers to the National Movement for Free Elections (NAMFREL), a private group
established in the 1950s, with advice and assistance from the United States, to keep elections
honest. NAMFREL recruited public-spirited citizens (320,000 volunteers in 104,000 precincts in the
1987 congressional elections) to watch the voting and monitor ballot-counting, and it prepared a
"quick count," based mostly on urban returns, to publicize the results immediately. Because the
Commission on Elections can take weeks or even months to certify official returns, the National
Movement for Free Elections makes it harder for unscrupulous politicians to distort the results.
NAMFREL itself has sometimes been denounced by election losers as being a tool of United States
intervention and has not always been impartial. In 1986 it favored Aquino, and its chairman, Jose
Concepcion, was subsequently named Aquino's minister of trade and industry. *
The 1987 constitution establishes a new system of elections. The terms of representatives are
reduced from four years to three, and the presidential term is lengthened from four years to six.
Senators also serve a six-year term. The Constitution's transitory provisions are scheduled to expire
in 1992, after which there is to be a three-year election cycle. Suffrage is universal at age eighteen.
The constitution established a Commission on Elections that is empowered to supervise every
aspect of campaigns and elections. It is composed of a chairperson and six commissioners, who
cannot have been candidates for any position in the immediately preceding elections. A majority of
the commissioners must be lawyers, and all must be college-educated. They are appointed by the
president with the consent of the Commission on Appointments and serve a single seven-year term.
The Commission on Elections enforces and administers all election laws and regulations and has
original jurisdiction over all legal disputes arising from disputed results. To counter the unwholesome
influence occasionally exercised by soldiers and other armed groups, the commission may depute
law enforcement agencies, including the Armed Forces of the Philippines. In dire situations, the
commission can take entire municipalities and provinces under its control, or order new elections. *
The final decision on all legislative elections rests with the electoral tribunals of the Senate and
House of Representatives. Each electoral tribunal is composed of nine members, three of whom are
members of the Supreme Court designated by the chief justice. The remaining six are members of
the Senate or the House, chosen on the basis of proportional representation from parties in the
chamber. *
Such an electoral system, though, clearly does not represent the interests of all (or
even most) voters. In fact, since a candidate need have only a plurality of votes to be
elected, most voters may actually have voted against the winner (although their votes
are split among several candidates).
Elections for the House and Senate in the United States and for the House of
Commons in the United Kingdom use the plurality system. The US presidential
election is also generally considered a plurality system, but the existence of the
Electoral College actually makes it a strange hybrid of plurality and majority systems.
Presidential elections in Austria, Finland, Portugal, Russia and other east European
states, as well as presidential and National Assembly elections in France, make use of
various forms of majority electoral systems. The US Electoral College also has
components of a majority system, because a presidential candidate must get 50%-
plus-one electoral votes (270 out of 538) in order to win. If no candidate reaches the
270 mark, the election is decided by the House of Representatives. In determining
who votes for whom in the Electoral College, though, the US presidential race is a
strict plurality system: The candidate who gets a plurality of the popular vote in a state
gets all that states electoral votes.
3. Proportional representation
Also known as PR, proportional representation is the general name
for a class of voting systems that attempt to make the percentage of
offices awarded to candidates reflect as closely as possible the
percentage of votes that they received in the election. It is the most
widely used set of electoral systems in the world, and its variants
can be found at some level of government in almost every country
(including the United States, where some city councils are elected
using forms of PR).
Under party list forms of PR, voters normally vote for parties rather
than for individual candidates. Under a closed party list
system the parties themselves determine who will fill the seats that
they have been allocated; voters vote only for a particular party,
and then it is up to the party to decide which party members will
actually serve as representatives. Legislative elections in Israel and
Germany are conducted according to such a system. Under an open
party list system, voters are given some degree of choice among
individual candidates, in addition to voting for entire parties.
Denmark, Finland, Italy, Luxembourg and Switzerland all have
versions of open party list systems.
Under all party list systems, though, one still needs some method for allocating seats
to individual parties. One commonly used method is named for the nineteenth-century
Belgian mathematician Victor dHondt, and is normally referred to as a highest
average method using the dHondt formula.
For example, assume that we have an election with 1,000 total voters in which five
parties (A, B, C, D, and E) have gained 100 (10%), 150 (15%), 300 (30%), 400
(40%), and 50 (5%) votes, respectively. Assume also that, in our electoral
constituency, there are 3 seats up for election; that all votes cast are valid; and that the
electoral system has a 7% vote threshold. (That is, parties must get at least 7% of the
total valid votes cast in order to participate in the distribution of seats.) Party E would
thus be elimiated from competition at the outset. The dHondt method of seat
allocation then proceeds in the following steps.
1. Place the total number of votes garnered by the competing parties (A, B, C, and D.
E has been eliminated) in a row.
2. Divide each figure in the row by 1, 2, 3, . . ., n. (How far you take the division
varies. The more seats you have to allocate, the further you have to divide. For our
purposes, 3 or 4 divisions should do the trick.)
3. Pick the highest quotient in the list (including the quotients obtained by dividing the
votes by 1). The highest quotient is 400 in the Party D column. We therefore award
one seat to Party D.
4. Pick the next highest quotient in the list. The next highest quotient is 300 in the
Party C column. We therefore award one seat to Party C.
5. Pick the next highest quotient in the list. The next highest quotient is 200 in the
Party D column. We therefore award another seat to Party D. We have successfully
filled all the seats available in this constituency.
The dHondt method is only one way of allocating seats in party list systems. Other
methods include the Saint-Lague method where the divisor is the set of odd numbers
(1, 3, 5, 7, 9, . . ., n) and the modified Saint-Lague method used in Denmark, Norway
and Sweden, where the divisor is 1.4 plus the set of odd numbers (1.4, 3, 5, 7, 9, . . . ,
n). Other methods divide the votes by a mathematically derived quota, such as
the Droop quota or the Hare quota (see below)
One other feature of party list systems is called the vote threshold. Party list systems
normally establish by law an arbitrary percentage of the vote that parties have to pass
before they can be considered in the allocation of seats. The figure ranges from 0.67%
in the Netherlands to 5% in Germany and Russia, or even more. Any party that does
not reach the threshold is excluded from the calculation of seats. The vote threshold
simplifies the process of seat allocation and discourages fringe parties (those that are
likely to gain very few votes) from competing in the elections. Obviously, the higher
the vote threshold, the fewer the parties that will be represented in parliament.
The complicated part of STV is tabulating the seats to be awarded after the votes have
been cast. As with party list systems, there are a number of mathematical formulas
that one can use to accomplish this task. One of the most widely used methods is
known as the Droop quota, named for the nineteenth-century thinker and
mathematician H. R. Droop. The Droop quota is used to determine the minimal
number of votes that an individual candidate must get in order to be awarded a seat. It
is calculated using the formula:
[V/(S+1)] +1
where V is the total number of valid votes cast in the constituency, and S is the total
number seats up for election in the constituency. Hence, if we have 1,000 votes cast
for 3 seats, the Droop quota is [ 1,000 / (3 + 1) ] + 1 = 251. That means that any
candidate who is able to get at least 251 votes will be assured of winning a seat. Once
the Droop quota has been calculated and all the votes collected, we still have to
allocate the seats.
1. Pull each ballot out of the ballot box one at a time and place them in piles according
to the first-choice candidate marked on the ballot (e.g., if a ballot indicates candidate
C as the first choice, place it in a pile marked C).
2. As soon as one pile of ballots reaches 251, that candidate is awarded a seat. Let us
assume that candidate C was the first to reach the Droop quota of 251 first-choice
ballots.
3. Continue drawing ballots out of the ballot box and placing them in piles according
to the first-choice candidate marked on the ballot. But since C has already been
elected, place any ballots that indicate candidate C as first choice in the pile of the
candidate indicated on that ballot as the voters second choice. For example, if you
pull out a ballot that indicates candidate C as first choice and candidate A as second
choice, place the ballot in the pile for candidate A, since candidate C has already been
awarded a seat. In this way candidate Cs surplus votes (i.e., the votes beyond those
needed to win a seat under the Droop quota) are transferred to the next-choice
candidate--hence the name single transferable vote.
4. Continue with Step 3 until another candidate reaches the 251 mark. Then, continue
carrying out Step 3 until you fill all the available seats. For example, let us assume
that we have already elected candidate C on first-choice ballots alone, and that by
combining second-choice ballots from candidate C with further first-choice ballots
from the box, we have also been able to award a seat to candidate A. How do we fill
the third seat? We continue in a similar manner as before. Any ballots that list
candidate C as the first-choice will be transferred to the second-choice candidate; if
the second-choice candidate turns out to be candidate A (who has also already been
elected), then we will transfer them to the third-choice candidate. Similarly, all first-
choice ballots for candidate A will be transferred to the second-choice candidate
indicated on the ballot; if the second-choice candidate turns out to be candidate C
(who has already been elected), the ballot is transferred to the third-choice candidate.
And so on.
5. But what happens if, after distributing all first-choice ballots, no further candidates
have reached the Droop quota and we still have empty seats to fill? In this case,
simply eliminate the candidate with the lowest number of first-choice ballots and
transfer those votes to the second-choice candidates. Repeat this step as many times as
necessary (always eliminating the lowest vote-getter) in order to reach the number of
votes mandated by the Droop quota.
As with party list systems, there are a variety of ways of conducting an STV election.
For example, instead of using the Droop quota, we might use the Hare quota (V / S)
or the Imperial quota [V / (S + 2)]. A countrys choice of which system to use
depends on its history and the degree to which policymakers value genuinely
proportional representation.
STV can clearly be rather confusing. Some voters may feel that a plurality system is
somehow more natural, or that STV and other forms of PR are simply tinkering
with the numbers. But PR in general, and STV in particular, can yield results that are
more truly representative of the choices of individual voters. There is a strong
movement for PR in the United Kingdom, with some political leaders arguing that
STV should replace the current plurality system for electing parliamentarians to the
House of Commons. There is a similar movement in the United States, although since
few Americans could even explain how the Electoral College works, they are
probably not going to learn STV any time soon.
voting is accessible
Plurality Systems
Majority Systems
Mixed Systems
This system of vote counting is the simplest - the voter only votes
for one candidate and whoever gets the highest number of votes is
elected. It is the easiest vote counting system to calculate results.
The winning candidate is the one who gains more votes than any
other candidate, but not necessarily an absolute majority (50% +
1).
FPP is used in the United Kingdom, Canada, India, the United States
and many other countries.
Majority Systems
Also called second ballot systems, majority electoral systems
attempt to provide for a greater degree of representativeness by
requiring that candidates achieve a majority of votes in order to
win. Majority is normally defined as 50%-plus-one-vote. If no
candidate gets a majority of votes, then a second round of voting is
held (often a week or so after the initial ballot). In the second round
of voting, only a select number of candidates from the first round
are allowed to participate. In
The TRS is used in countries such as France, Mali, Togo, Egypt, Iran,
Belarus and Ukraine.
Most PR systems use some form of List PR. List PR is used in multi-
member electorates where votes are cast in order of preference for
the parties which have registered a list of candidates. Parties
receive seats in proportion to their overall share of the total vote
and winning candidates are taken from the lists in order of their
position.
multipl
single non- Voters can only cast a single vote
e- semi-
transferable among candidates for n seats. The
membe proportional
vote (SNTV) top n vote-getters are elected.
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