Robin Ward-The World of The Medieval Shipmaster

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Contents
List of illustrations vi
Acknowledgements vii
Abbreviations viii
Introduction 1
1 The shipmaster and the law 9
2 The shipmaster and the rise and fall of the admirals courts 27
3 The shipmaster as owner, partner and employee 48
4 The shipmasters on-shore responsibilities 69
5 The shipmasters off-shore responsibilities 95
6 The shipmaster at sea: navigation and meteorology 122
7 The shipmaster at sea seamanship 157
Conclusion 179
Appendices
1 Transcription and translation of the MS Liber Horn copy of the 183
Lex dOleron
2 Transcription and translation of the Inquisition of Queenborough 206
3 A partial transcription and translation of Les Bons Usages et 219
Les Bonnes Costumes et Les Bons Jugemenz de la Commune dOleron
4 Transcription and translation of a 1323 charter-party 229
5 Transcription and translation of the chapter de regimen 235
transfretantium from Gilbertus Anglicus Compendium Medicine
Select Bibliography 239

Index 255
Illustrations and Tables
Figures
1 The first folio of the Lex dOleron from MS Liber Horn 21
2 Front and back of a 1323 charter-party 79
3 Ships in a haven 125
4 An early 32-point compass with lunar times 131
5 Hypothetical passage across the Bay of Biscay 149
6 The first folio of the rutter from MS Lansdowne 285 153
7 A ship sounding 168
Tables
1 Comparison of wages and portage values 111
2 The moon as an analogue clock 137
Disclaimer:
Some images in the printed version of this book are not available for inclusion in the eBook.
To view these images please refer to the printed version of this book.
vi
Acknowledgements
This book is the result of my curiosity of how they did things at sea six hundred
years ago. Many useful conversations have been had during the preparation of
this book with scholars, sailors, lawyers and boat builders, to all of whom I am
indebted. I owe particular thanks to Wendy Childs, Richard Gorski, Vanessa
Harding, Gillian Hutchinson, Maryanne Kowaleski, Susan Rose, Albrecht Sauer
and Richard Unger from various universities and maritime museums in Europe
and America.
Most authors thank members of their families for their understanding and
forbearance during the long and painful gestation of their work; I now understand
why. I salute Kit, my long-suffering wife, for her help with proofreading and in
untangling more than usually opaque sections of text, and her constant support.
My children should also be mentioned apart from everything else, sailing with
them on the west coast of Scotland and in the Mediterranean has always been the
pleasantest of escapes from libraries. And without the generous help and advice of
Caroline Palmer, Rohais Haughton and Vanda Andrews at Boydell and Brewer,
this book would never have reached the printer.
Despite all that assistance and advice, the errors and omissions remain my
responsibility.
vii
Abbreviations
BIHR Bulletin of the Institute of Historical Research.

Brit. Chron. Handbook of British Chronology, ed. E.B. Fryde, D.E.
Greenway and I. Roy (3rd edn, London, 1986).
CCR Calendar of Close Rolls, 12721500, 47 vols (London, 1892
1956).
CLB Calendar of Letter-Books Preserved Among the Archives of
the Corporation of the City of London at the Guildhall, Books
AL (1275t. Henry VII), ed. Reginald R. Sharpe (London,
18991912).
CLMC Calendar of Letters from the Mayor and Corporation of the
City of London, c.13501370, ed. Reginald Sharpe (London,
1885).
CLRO City of London Record Office.
Coutumier Les Bons Usages et les Bonnes Costumes et les Bons Jugemenz
de la Commune de lOleron, MS Douce 227, Bodleian Library,
Oxford, published as Le Coutumier de LIle dOlron, ed.
Charles Bmont (Paris, 1919) and in Twiss, Black Book, II, pp.
254401.
CPMR Calendar of Plea and Memoranda Rolls of the City of London
Preserved Among the Archives of the Corporation of the City of
London, 13231482, 6 vols, ed. A.H. Thomas (vols 14) and
P.E. Jones (vols 56) (Cambridge, 192661).
CPR Calendar of Patent Rolls, 52 vols (London 18911916).
CRR Chester Recognizance Rolls
Customs Customs of the Sea, Paris, Bibliothque Nationale, MS
Espagnol 124; Twiss, Black Book, III, pp. lix and 35657
DCRS Devon and Cornwall Records Society.
EcHR Economic History Review.
EHR English Historical Review.
EETS; OS, ES Early English Text Society; Ordinary Series, Extra Series.
Foedera Foedera, Conventiones, Litterae etc., 10661383, ed. Thomas
Rymer, 4 vols (London, 181669): 1383 AD ff., 10 vols (The
Hague, 17931845).
MM Mariners Mirror.
NRS Navy Records Society.
OED Oxford English Dictionary, Compact Edition (Oxford, 1971).
viii
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ABBREVIATIONS
Oleron MS Liber Horn, Corporation of the City of London Records

Office, Guildhall, fos 355v60r.
Ordinances A Collection of Ordinances and Regulations for the Government
of the Royal Household, The Society of Antiquaries (1790).
PP Past and Present.
PRO The National Archives Public Record Office.
PROI Public Record Office of Ireland.
Queenborough The Inquisition of Queenborough, published in Twiss, Black
Book, I, pp. 13273
Rot. Parl. Rotuli Parliamentorum ut et Petiones et Placita in Parliamento,
Edward IHenry VII, ed. J. Strachey, 6 vols and index
(London, 17831832).
RS The Rutter of the Sea
SRS Southampton Record Society.
Statutes The Statutes at Large from Magna Charta to the End of the
Eleventh Parliament of Great Britain, Anno 1761, ed. Danby
Pickering, 28 vols (Cambridge, 17629).
Twiss, Black Book Monumenta Juridica, Black Book of the Admiralty, ed. Sir
Travers Twiss, 4 vols, Rolls Series 55 (London, 187176).
Year Book Year Books of Edward II, Edward III, Richard II, Henry IV,
Henry v. and Henry VI; variously Selden Society, Chronicles
and Memorials of Great Britain and Ireland during the
Middle Ages, and The Ames Foundation.
York Sessions The Year Books of Yorkshire Sessions of the Peace, 13614,
ed. B.H. Putnam, Yorkshire Archaeological Society Record
Series C (Wakefield, 1939).
The abbreviations listed above are used throughout the text. Other citations in
the text are printed in full in the footnotes at first occurrence and in an abbrevi-
ated form in subsequent reference. All cited works and those for suggested further
reading are given in full in the Bibliography.
Except in the Introduction and in the transcriptions and translations of manu-
scripts included in the Appendices, footnotes are collated by paragraph and indi-
cated by a single reference number at the end of that paragraph.
ix
This book is produced with the generous assistance of a grant from
Isobel Thornleys Bequest to the University of London
Introduction
Despite a reduced population, perennial war, endemic piracy, shortage of bullion,

recurring plague, sporadic famine, deteriorating climatic conditions and little or no
encouragement from the crown, the English shipping industry not only survived,
but in certain sectors prospered, in the hundred years between c.1350 and c.1450.
During that period there was a marked change in the pattern of goods imported
and exported, an increasing sophistication in the management of shipping, and
an awakening interest in ship-ownership for both mercantile expansion and for
capital investment. At the centre of the shipping industry was the shipmaster
on whose ship-handling and commercial skills the viability of every overseas
enterprise depended. To be successful, a shipmaster, necessarily endowed with
the initiative, courage and physical strength to overcome the inherent risica maris
et gentium of his profession, also had to have an extensive array of non-physical
skills. Alone, in partnership or as an employee, he had to negotiate for cargoes at
profitable freight rates, victual and maintain his ship, recruit and manage his crew,
and navigate in all weathers through unmarked seas. This wide range of skills was
mediated by a protean system of laws, contradictory political policies, a paucity
of navigational instruments and unreliable equipment. Although there has been
much research on English seaborne trade and commercial organisation in the late
Middle Ages encompassing the economic, legal, political and social dimensions
of the subject there has been no thorough or consolidated examination of the
work of the medieval shipmaster.
Unfortunately there appears to be insufficient evidence to build a prosopo-
graphic portrait of a typical shipmaster, but while his origins, private life and
views on the world around him remain largely opaque, occasional pieces of infor-
mation indicate that he could be young or old, literate or illiterate, very skilled or
less skilled, lucky or unlucky. This book takes as its central theme the expertise
required of the men of the sea who prospered or failed by their acumen in busi-
ness and lived or died by their decisions.
The legal background
During the period under examination, litigation was not uncommon at the bar
of a court practising any one of the several codes of law available. Furthermore, it
appears to have been increasing in frequency. Common law in medieval England
was concerned primarily with property, and in the fourteenth century was ill-
prepared to deal with commercial problems. Merchant law, on the other hand,
THE WORLD OF THE MEDIEVAL SHIPMASTER
with a positive attitude towards trade, was equipped to serve the needs of the
international commercial community. Although practised generally on the conti-
nent, in England it was found mainly in the courts of fairs and markets, and
in port towns. Maritime law, distinct from the other codes, embodied rules for
the conduct of ships and shipping and offered the quick and realistic decisions
sought by transient shipmasters and freighting merchants; it too was practised
in the courts of port towns. Through the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries the
various law codes and their courts competed for business, competition which
forced common law to recognise the requirements of commerce, the precepts of
merchant law to become more generally recognised, and maritime law to acquire
its own admiralty courts.
The commercial background
Most English ships were confined to coastwise sailing within the Bay of Biscay,
English Channel, North Sea and Irish Sea during this period, while long-distance
trade with southern Europe was handled largely by Italian shippers. Operations
northward and eastward were restricted to Iceland and its stockfish trade, under
the careful scrutiny of the Danish and Hanseatic authorities. The problems that
beset England in the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries, and the industries whose
pattern of imports and exports radically changed, have been thoroughly examined
by generations of economic historians. Records of exactions levied on imported
and exported commodities such as wool, woolfells, wine and cloth provide infor-
mation which, although not always complete nor continuous, have been used to
give a measure of the movement of goods. Of all cargoes carried, wool, cloth
and wine were of the greatest importance to merchants and shippers. It has been
shown that as bulk wool exports steadily declined from an average of over 25,000
sacks per year in the 1350s, much of it handled by alien merchants, to c.6,000 in
the 1450s, exports of cloth grew in the same period from fewer than 2,000 pieces
per year to an average of over 35,000, the majority handled by English merchants
Although the combined export tonnage of raw wool and woollen cloth halved
from c.4,200 tons in 1350 to c.2,300 tons in 1450, the added value of the cloth
allowed the total value of those exports to double from about 250,000 to perhaps
500,000 per year.
The very different bulking characteristics and packaging requirements of cloth
and wool prevent these tonnages being translated into comparable cargo volumes
but the increase in cargo value allowed shipmasters to raise their freight rates and
Based on 364lbs of wool per sack, 85lbs of cloth per piece, and average prices of 8 per sack
of wool and 13 per piece of cloth. Because of wide variations, those prices and weights can be
only approximations.
INTRODUCTION
so improve the viability of the shipping industry. While English merchants and
ships were gaining a larger share of the diminishing wool export business (after
the negative effect of a royal embargo on the use of English ships between 1353 and
1357), they also held the larger share of the growing cloth export trade.
The customs records of wine imports from Gascony reveal a decline from a
peak of c.20,000 tuns per year in the early fourteenth century to the smaller but
still considerable volume of c.10,000 tuns per year in the middle of the fifteenth
century. During that period an increasing number of the ships engaged in the wine
trade were English, carrying wool and cloth out and bringing wine back. Other
English ships took similar cargoes to Iberia and brought back oil and soap for the
growing textile industry and iron for agriculture and domestic uses. The quantities
of imported chemicals destined for the textile industry, alum from Asia Minor
and Italy, dyestuffs from Castile and Toulouse and potash from Scandinavia, grew
in volume commensurately with cloth production although those products were
generally carried by foreign ships. Until early in the fourteenth century there was
a small export of surplus salt from England, but increased requirements for the
preservation of fish, particularly after the development of double salting and the
decline of local salines, reversed the flow. Thereafter large quantities of salt were
imported from Bourgneuf Bay, either directly in foreign ships or by tranship-
ment from the Low Countries, sometimes in English vessels. Apart from the bulk
cargoes discussed above, other goods shipped out of England included relatively
low-volume cargoes of finished metal and pewter work and sporadic bulk loads
of grain or beans in the years of good harvest.
The import from the Baltic of timber, naval stores, fish and fur was encour-
aged by the 1370 Treaty of Stralsund and continued until later in the century.
Hanseatic opposition proved to be too strong however, although some English
ships continued to trade well into the fifteenth century. By 1408 trading privileges
had been secured by England with Norway, Sweden and Denmark and soon after,
but for only a short period, with Iceland, where cloth, grain and other necessi-
ties were exchanged for stockfish. English attempts to trade in the Mediterranean
during the first half of the fifteenth century failed and it was not until the next
century that regular sailings were attempted.
Ships and shipping
Coastal shipping, the essential means of bulk transport before the construction of
reliable roads, was complementary to the deep-sea fleet engaged in overseas trade;
many cargoes were broken down and transhipped after arrival in England to be
distributed around the coast. Ships of average size or larger could be deployed
coastwise and deep-sea in a single season, sailing, for example, to Bordeaux for the
October wine harvest and then reverting to fishing or coasting on their return.
The type of ship used by the English in the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries
has been the subject of much debate. More than 60 names of ship-types have been
found in English records between 1200 and 1520; many of these were undoubt-
edly boats, lighters and barges not engaged in off-shore work, and alternative
and duplicated type-names were common. Early work on town seals and more
recent work using customs accounts, court records and archaeological remains, has
shown that many, perhaps most, of the overseas trading ships of the fourteenth
century were cogs. Those were the workhorses of the northern seas; they had flat
bottoms of edge-butted planking and raised sides of clinker construction of over-
lapping planks, squared transoms and straight stem and stern posts. They were
fitted initially with one mast carrying a large rectangular sail athwart the ship
and, after about 1400, a mizzen mast with a fore and aft lateen sail. For defence,
cogs could carry castles at the bow and stern and platforms at the mast-head
and, when impressed for naval service, were used as military vessels. They could
be fitted out specifically to carry bulk cargoes, barrels, sacks, bales or pallets, but
when fully loaded they had a poor windward performance and were generally slow.
The alternative design for commercial ships was the hulk, a double-ended ship
of finer lines and curved stem and stern, with one mast again carrying a rectan-
gular sail, later supplemented with a mizzen and lateen sail. Information about
the hulk-type ship is based largely on iconography and is therefore very insecure,
but their appearance indicates that they would have been able to sail faster and
probably closer to the wind than cogs, but did not have the same carrying capacity
nor could they be beached for cargo handling. It is now thought that there was
a process of cross-fertilisation in the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries between
cogs, hulks and perhaps other vessel types resulting overall in hybrids that were
generally more effective. The introduction of a second, and later a third mast to
cogs, hulks and cog-hulk hybrids allowed a split sail plan of a larger total area
while the mizzen-rigged lateen sail improved the ships windward performance.
About the same time, clinker construction gave way to the carvel method of edge-
butted planks, a construction method borrowed, as was the lateen sail, from the
Mediterranean.
English ship sizes in the period 13271451 have been tabulated. Although there
may have been a differing distribution of ship tonnages in the fleets working the
several routes and markets, by dividing the total tonnage of impressed fleets by
the number of ships involved, a steady rise in average size may be seen: 36 tons in
1359, 65 tons in 140910 and 100 tons in 1450. The hypothetical shipmaster whose
life and work are studied in this book may be taken to have had an about average
for deep-sea voyages ship with a capacity of 80 20 tons.
Except for a lead-line for sounding the depth and for sampling the seabed, a
sand-glass for indicating a fixed time lapse and a primitive compass, the medieval
northern shipmaster sailed without navigational instruments. For the literate who
could afford them, sailing directions, or rutters, became available towards the end
INTRODUCTION
of the fourteenth or early in the fifteenth century but most shipmasters had to
rely on their own experience and on what they had gleaned from other mariners.
For the rest, it was a question of memory, skill, nerve and luck.
Organisation of the book
Chapter 1 examines the precepts of common, merchant and maritime law which
were relevant to mercantile shipping, while chapter 2 recounts the rise and fall of
the admirals courts and their uncomfortable relationship with those of the port
towns and the crown. In chapter 3, the position of the shipmaster as sole owner
of his ship, as a member of a partnership or as an employee of the owners is
examined. The increasingly complex clauses of the financial and business instru-
ments available to the shipmaster, in particular the charter-parties which were,
in effect, his service contracts, are discussed in chapter 4. Chapter 5 looks at the
shipmasters responsibilities on board his ship as an employer and as a supplier
of transport services to merchants, and chapters 6 and 7 review the craft of the
shipmaster at sea, looking at his methods of navigation, his skill and his use of
meteorology as a seaman. The first three Appendices are new transcriptions and
translations of the Lex dOleron, the Inquisition of Queenborough and relevant parts
of the Coutumier of the island of Olron; Appendices 4 and 5 are transcriptions
and translations of the oldest known English charter-party and a tract by the
physician Gilbertus Anglicus on avoiding and treating seasickness.
Sources
The development of law in England in the fourteenth century as the country

recovered from the combined effects of the disastrous reign and murder of
Edward II, the ravages of the Black Death and the expense of Edward IIIs war
against France, is succinctly explained by Musson and Ormrod. To discover the
attitudes of common, merchant and maritime laws towards commerce and busi-
ness in general, and to establish the legal status of the shipmaster as sole owner,
partner or employee, the published histories of law by recognised authorities were
used. Those included works by Holdsworth and Baker on common law, Hanbury
and Martin and Avery on equity, Pease and Chitty, Gross and Hall, Goode and
Bateson on merchant and commercial law, and Cheshire and Fifoot on contract.
That background information was expanded and illustrated by evidence from the
calendared records of court proceedings of the Chancery Court, Kings Bench and
London mayoral and other aldermanic courts.
Anthony Musson and W.M. Ormrod, The Evolution of English Justice: Law, Politics and
Society in the Fourteenth Century, British Studies Series (Basingstoke, 1999). W.S. Holdsworth,
The works of Twiss, Sandborn and Bmont were used as basic texts on maritime
law, and the new transcriptions and translations of the codifications of maritime
law printed here in the Appendices were sifted for information. Many records of
litigation heard before admirals courts were taken from Marsdens work, and of
the proceedings concerning West Country shipping heard in the Chancery Court
from Gardiners calendar.
Information about imports and exports in the fourteenth and fifteenth centu-
ries is readily available in the published works of scholars analysing the records of
the various trades and industries. These include Bolton and Hatcher for economic
overviews, Carus Wilson and Coleman and Lloyd for wool and cloth, James for
wine, Childs for Anglo-Castilian trade and Bridbury for salt.
There is a paucity of information about medieval business methods but the
works of Postan, Gras and others offer a good general description. Roger and the
de Roovers offer more specialised information on accountancy, insurance, sales
credit and partnership; those aspects of business are expanded here from evidence
in records of court proceedings. The edited individual accounts of Maghfeld, de
la Pole and the Celys give a more personal view of the methods of merchant
practitioners, and analyses of surviving freighting agreements give insights into the
business relationship between merchants and shipmasters.
A History of English Law, 17 vols, ed. J. Burke et al. (London, 190372). J.H. Baker, An Introduc-
tion to English Legal History (3rd edn, London, 1990). Jill E. Martin, ed., Hanbury and Martin:
Modern Equity (14th edn, London, 1993). Margaret E. Avery, The History of the Equitable
Jurisdiction of Chancery before 1460, BIHR 42 (1969), pp. 12944. Edward F. Cousins and
Robert Anthony, eds, Pease and Chittys Law of Markets and Fairs, ed. (4th edn, Croydon, 1993).
Select Cases Corncerning the Law Merchant, 12391633, ed. Charles Gross and Hubert Hall, 3 vols,
Selden Society, 23, 46, 49 (London, 190832). R.M. Goode, Commercial Law (rev. edn, London,
1995). Mary Bateson, ed., Borough Customs, 2 vols Selden Society 8 and 21 (London, 19046).
Furnistons Law of Contract, ed. Cheshire and Fifoot (13th edn, London, 1996).
Monumenta Juridica, Black Book of the Admiralty, ed. Sir Travers Twiss, 4 vols, Rolls Series
55 (London, 187176). Frederic Rockwell Sandborn, Origins of the Early English Maritime and
Commercial Law (New York and London, 1930). Oleron and Coutumier. Select Pleas in the Court
of Admiralty, The Court of Admiral of the West, 13901404 and the High Court of Admiralty,
15271545, ed. R.G. Marsden, 2 vols, Selden Society 6 and 15 (1892, 1894). A Calendar of Early
Chancery Proceedings Relating to West Country Shipping, 13881493, ed. Dorothy M. Gardiner,
Devon and Cornwall Record Society NS 21 (Exeter, 1976).
J.L. Bolton, The Medieval English Economy, 11501500 (rev. edn, London, 1988). J. Hatcher,
Plague, Population and the English Economy, 13481530 (London, 1977). E.M. Carus Wilson and
Olive Coleman, Englands Export Trade, 12751547 (Oxford, 1963). T.H. Lloyd, The English Wool
Trade in the Middle Ages (Cambridge, 1977). M.K. James, Studies in the Medieval Wine Trade
(Oxford, 1971). Wendy R. Childs, Anglo-Castilian Trade in the Later Middle Ages (Manchester,
1978). A.R. Bridbury, England and the Salt Trade in the Later Middle Ages (Oxford, 1955).
Charles L. Cutting, Fish Saving: A History of Fish Processing From Ancient to Modern Times
(London, 1955). E.M. Carus-Wilson, Medieval Merchant Venturers (Oxford, 1954).
M.M. Postan, Medieval Trade and Finance (Cambridge, 1973). N.S.B. Gras, Capitalism
Concepts and History, Bulletin of the Business Historical Society, XVI, 2 (1942). James
Steven Roger, The Early History of the Law of Bills and Notes (Cambridge, 1995). R. de Roover,
LEvolution de la lettre de change, XIVeXVIIIe sicles, Ecole pratiques des hautes tudes (Paris,
INTRODUCTION
The seminal work on English medieval shipping is that by Burwash, written

some 60 years ago. In that work navigation, conditions of employment, the types
and sizes of ships and the Lex dOleron were examined in the light of the evidence
then available. The present book extends Burwashs work on maritime law and
examines in more detail navigation, the role of the shipmaster, seamanship and
conditions on board the ship. It does not attempt to analyse types and sizes of
hulls, ship construction and maintenance costs, nor the effectiveness of ship use,
all of which have been examined variously by Friel, Hutchinson, Scammell, Unger
and others.
For detail of the history of navigation, sea-marks and navigational instruments,
the works of Taylor, Waters, Naish and dos Reis were used. Analyses of the Low
German and Middle English sailing directions by Sauer and the present author
were used to assess the navigational information available to the northern medi-
eval shipmaster.
Most of what little is known about the personnel at sea and their recruit-
ment and training has been collected by Kowaleski who prefaces her paper: the
scarcity of notarial records, diaries, and admiralty courts for the period before
1500 have stymied efforts to analyze in much detail how seamen were recruited,
employed and paid. It has been possible to add something to her work: infor-
mation about conditions at sea was gleaned from references to personnel in the
codifications of maritime law, in contemporay accounts of life on board ship and
in Middle English alliterative poetry, a genre characterised by accurate, if anach-
1953). Florence Edler de Roover, Early Examples of Marine Insurance, Journal of Economic
History, 5, 2 (1945), pp. 1834. F.W. Maitland, Trust and Corporation, in Collected Papers
(Cambridge, 1911). H.A. Miskimin, Monetary Movements and Market Structure, Journal of
Economic History, 24 (1964), pp. 17090. M.K. James, Gilbert Maghfeld, a London Merchant
of the Fourteenth Century, EcHR, 2nd series 8, 2 (195556), pp. 36476. E.B. Fryde, The Wool
Accounts of William de la Pole, in Studies in Medieval Trade and Finance (London, 1983). Alison
Hanham, The Celys and Their World, An English Family of the Fifteenth Century (Cambridge,
1985).
Dorothy Burwash, English Merchant Shipping, 14601540 (Toronto, 1947, reprint Newton
Abbot, 1969). H.H. Brindley, Medieval Ships, MM 12 (1926), pp. 21116 and 14 (1928), pp. 767.
Richard W. Unger, The Ship in the Medieval Economy, 6001600 (London, 1980). Detlev Ellmers,
The Cog as Cargo Carrier and Timothy Runyan, The Cog as Warship, both in Cogs, Caravels
and Galleons, The Sailing Ship 10001650, ed. Richard W. Unger (London, 1994). G.V. Scammell,
English Merchant Shipping at the End of the Middle Ages. Some East Coast Evidence, EcHR,
2nd series 13, 3 (1961), pp. 32741. Ian Friel, The Good Ship (London, 1995). Gillian Hutchinson,
Medieval Ships and Shipping (London, 1994). Bjrn Landstrm, Sailing Ships (London, 1978).
E.G.R. Taylor, The Haven-finding Art (London, 1956). D.W. Waters, ed., Rutters of the Sea
(London and New Haven, CT, 1967). John Naish, Seamarks: Their History and Development
(London, 1985). Antnio Estcio dos Reis, Medir Estrelas (Lisbon, 1997). Albert Sauer, ed., Das
Seebuch (Hamburg, 1996). Facsimiles of the original text, transcriptions and translations into
German and English by Albrecht Sauer and Robin Ward are available at www.dsm.museum
/seebuch /_html. Robin Ward, The Earliest Known Sailing Directions in English, Deutsches
Schiffahrtsmuseumarchiv, 27, pp. 4992 (2004).
ronistic, detailed descriptive passages. Contemporary literature which has been

found fruitful includes Richard Redeless, Barbours Bruce, the Complaynt of Scotland
and the works of Geoffrey Chaucer, whose role as an official in Customs brought
him into frequent contact with shipmasters and merchants.
Notes on translations
Translations from older languages such as Latin, Anglo-Norman French, Middle

Low German and Old and Middle English, mostly made by the author, are not
always literal but in all cases the sense has been retained. Translations from
modern languages, also by the author, are literal. When considered relevant, the
original text has been included in a footnote.
Maryanne Kowaleski, Working at Sea: Maritime Recruitment and Remuneration in Medi-

eval England, Ricchezza del Mare, Ricchezza dal Mare, Secc. XII XVIII, Atti della Trentaset-
tesima Settimana di Studi, 1115 April 2005 (Florence, 2006). Appendices 1, 2 and 3. Expeditions to
Prussia and the Holy Land made by Henry, Earl of Derby, 13901391 and 13921393, ed. L.Toulmin
Smith, Camden Society (London, 1894). The Stacions of Rome, the Pilgrims Sea Voyage, ed. F.J.
Furnivall, EETS OS 25 (London, 1867). Michael Jones, Le Voyage de Pierre de Lesnerac en
Navarre, 1386, Mmoires de la socit dhistoire et darchologie de Bretagne, LXI (1984), pp. 83104.
The Poems of the Pearl Manuscript, ed. Malcolm Andrew and Ronald Waldron (London, 1978);
Morte Arthure, ed. Edmund Brock, EETS OS 8 (London, reprint 1961); William Langland,
Richard Redeless, ed. W.W. Skeat, EETS OS 54 (London, 1873). Barbours Bruce, ed. Matthew
P. McDiarmid and James A.C. Stevenson, The Scottish Text Society, 3 vols (Edinburgh, 1985).
The Complaynt of Scotland wyth ane Exortatione to the Thre Estaits to be Vigilante in the Deffens
of their Public Veil, 1549, ed. J.A.H. Murray, 2 vols, EETS ES 17 and 18 (London, 18723). The
Vision of Piers Plowman, B text, ed. A.V.C. Schmidt (London, 1978); Geoffrey Chaucer, The
Complete Works of Geoffrey Chaucer, ed. F.N. Robinson (2nd edn, Oxford, 1957).
1
The Shipmaster and the Law
Background
F rom the thirteenth century the development of English overseas trade made
necessary a body of laws to regulate commerce which, reflecting the practices
of the markets, would be acceptable to denizen and alien merchants and ship-
masters. Common law was peculiar to England and had grown out of customary
usage; merchant law, on the other hand, had developed from the Roman corpus
juris and was accepted, with local variations, throughout the rest of Europe.
Merchant law followed the concept that the sea was outwith national jurisdic-
tion, or nullius territorium, and was described by a fifteenth-century English chan-
cellor as secundum legem naturam quest appell par ascuns ley Marchant, que est
ley universal per tout le monde (following natural law which is called by some
Merchant Law which is the universal law for the whole world). In addition to
common and merchant law, for problems which arose aboard ship or between one
ship and another, mariners were subject to maritime law, a code of international
application derived from the sea laws of the classical Mediterranean states and
related to merchant law. For felonies committed ashore or at sea, mariners, as any
other person, were subject to criminal law.
In late medieval England, these and other legal codes in use were the result
of disparate decisions handed down by a bewildering diversity of courts, each
reflecting the differing expectations and needs of a section of society. Pleas could
be brought to the county courts or to the Common and Kings benches, to the
Kings Council or to Chancery, all practising common law; or to the aldermanic
courts and the courts of markets and fairs of the Staple and of the Cinque Ports,
all practising variants of merchant law. There were also the local manor courts,
the specialised courts of the admirals practising maritime law, the courts of the
Church practising canon law, and the courts of the universities. Very few decisions
running contrary to the precepts of common, merchant or maritime laws have
been found, and it appears that the various courts consistently followed variants
of one of the three major codes throughout England.
Holdsworth, History, 5, p. 62; Year Book 13 Edward IV, Pasch., pl. 5.
Because English common law jurists were reluctant to accept the precepts of
the Roman corpus juris, merchant and maritime laws flourished independently in
their different courts. Doubts sometimes arose about the relevant choice of code,
and when the principles of one body of law favoured one litigant, the choice of
code could become part of the dispute. The competition for business between
merchant, maritime and common law courts was an important contributory factor
in the development of the legal codes which regulated English overseas trade and
shipping in the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries.
The Court of Chancery
Medieval common law was a formulary system developed from writs which, since
the time of Henry II, litigants had had to obtain from Chancery to initiate litiga-
tion in the royal courts. Each writ gave rise to a particular manner of proceeding,
or to a defined form of action with its own rules and procedures, and no plea
could be brought to court without a writ. This procedure restricted the busi-
ness of common law courts to complaints which fell within an existing form of
action, and by the fourteenth century the range of writs had become too narrow
for the increasing variety of commercial disputes. Ever more convoluted formulae
had to be devised to pursue such complaints within the form of an existing writ;
actions of account, for example, were used to claim not only unpaid debts, but
also penal bonds arising from broken service agreements. Because common law
courts could decide that the writ as presented disclosed no claim recognised by
the law, plaintiffs in commercial litigation often found that there was no remedy
for them at common law. The increasing complexity of mercantile transactions
required either a broadening of the scope of common law or a higher jurisdiction
which could make decisions and award fair remedies beyond the scope of existing
procedures.
In theory, the chancellor could influence the development of the law by intro-
ducing new forms of writ to encompass new situations, but by the middle of the
fourteenth century the categories of writ were closed. Frustrated by the inadequa-
cies of common law, an aggrieved plaintiff looking for remedy in a commercial
dispute then had three options, all expensive and sometimes uncertain. He could
petition the Kings Council, with the risk that a writ might be issued and the peti-
tion returned to a common law court; he could present a bill to Parliament in the
hope of legislation; or he could ask the chancellor for an ad hoc decision by decree
ad personam, binding only the parties in that suit. Of these, the procedure which
was the simplest, quickest, and most satisfactory, was to petition the chancellor
on whom the responsibility to award equitable jurisdiction fell.
Avery, Equitable Jurisdiction, passim.
10
THE SHIPMASTER AND THE LAW
The chancellors jurisdiction grew from that of the Kings Council, of which he
was the representative, and it was partly through the issue of writs and partly due
to their limitations that the chancellor became associated with the administration
of justice. The chancellor did not see himself as administering a new body of law
but rather as trying to give relief in hard cases, not by precedent but according to
his own sense of right and wrong equity is according to the conscience of him
that is chancellor, and as that it is longer or narrower so is equity. The Court of
Chancery, as the court both of first application and of appeal, remained separate
from and superior to the other common law courts and was able to hear suits
which were deemed to be too difficult for lower courts, or where one or both of
the disputing parties were aliens. It was less inhibited by the precepts of common
law, had the power to oblige witnesses to attend, and could deal with actions
with an overseas element. When the chancellor accepted a plea, he ordered the
defendant to appear before him by subpoena, the penalty to be forfeited for non-
appearance. Examination was under oath and was not necessarily restricted to
specific questions raised in the complaint; issues of both fact and of law could be
decided by the chancellor. His decision, which he could back up with an order
for contempt, might well have differed from that which would have been reached
in common law, but because it was ad personam, it did not necessarily (but could)
affect common law.
Maritime cases presented special difficulties to common law courts because of
their technical content, the transient life-style of the witnesses, and the rule that
cases had to be tried by a jury drawn from the place where the complaint had
been laid. By the beginning of the reign of Richard II, plaintiffs in maritime suits,
caught in the cumbersome and restrictive procedural net, were frequently obliged
to direct their petitions to the chancellor, entreating him personally for remedy.
That procedure offered many inherent advantages to seamen engaged in overseas
trading: speed, no jury requirement (and therefore no geographical limitations),
no restriction to specific questions raised in the complaint, and the power to oblige
even foreign witnesses to attend without a royal warrant. Those advantages had
to be weighed, however, against the additional expense incurred in pleading in
the Chancery Court.
Common law
One important result of equity decisions made in the Court of Chancery was
the acceptance by common law of the precept of trust, concomitant with use.
Trust was frequently used de facto amongst medieval merchants, and probably
Martin, Modern Equity, p. 7, citing Frederick Pollock, ed., Table Talk of John Selden (1927),
p. 43; e.g. PRO, Ancient Petitions, SC8/81.
11
between shipowners and their shipmasters, when passing the custody of goods (or
a ship) over to another for trading to the use of or to their best avail; in other
words putting the goods into trust. The de jure acceptance of trust at common
law avoided the necessity of a formal partnership between the parties involved,
but the absence of written evidence of such agreements has the effect of making
this commenda type of partnership appear to be less common in England than
on the continent (there was no English word for this type of agreement). In fact,
commenda-like arrangements between partners for service were not uncommon
and were commenda partnerships in all but name. The use of trust also deferred
the recognition at common law of the obligations of service contract, at consider-
able cost to the courts in lost business. The concepts of trust, contract and partner-
ship in relation to the ownership of ships are explored further in chapter 3.
The recognition of commerce by common law

Title to goods, their quality, and the enforcement of payment terms were three of
the pillars of commerce; another was the problem of recognition of the obligations
of service contract. Medieval common laws view of ownership of movables, or
title, was grounded on possession, and its view of responsibility for the soundness
of the product was justified, in effect, by the negative. As the courts of markets and
fairs practising merchant law declined in number in the mid-fourteenth century,
commercial complaints had to be pursued at common law. Thus, litigation arising
from, as examples, bona fide purchases of stolen property, loans, debts, breaches
of contract, faulty goods and failure to meet the terms of a financial obligation,
went to courts practising common law, but only through the less than adequate
procedure of Chancery writs. As common law courts took over the jurisdiction
of the fair courts however, they began to absorb some of the precepts of the
law merchant, recognising at the same time the legal privileges which had been
extended to merchants. An important example of this absorption was the eventual
acceptance of legally binding contracts. Eventually, common law courts gave full
recognition to the law merchant, not by way of a judicial notice of a proposi-
tion of law, but by accepting evidence of mercantile custom as a question of fact.
Merchant law continued to be practised by the Staple courts and so controlled
the legal aspects of English foreign trade for at least a further century, but because
of the osmosis from merchant to common law, it became well established that
Postan, Medieval Trade, passim; and Maitland, Trust and Corporation, III, p. 333 and passim.
A commenda contract was an agreement between a sedentary investor, the commendator, and
a travelling associate, the tractator. The commendator risked only the capital advanced and was
exposed to no other losses. The contract ended when the tractator returned and profits were
distributed. It was a convenient tool used to circumvent restrictive usury laws and reduce capital
risk.
12
merchants could withdraw their suits from the former and submit them to the
latter.
Criminal, common, merchant and maritime law, each to a varying degree,
recognised evidence, backed by compurgation, as acceptable proof. In this proce-
dure, the plaintiff or defendant and six to eleven witnesses swore to the truth of a
statement in a formal ritual; if it was carried out correctly and precisely, then the
evidence was accepted as true, the fear of spiritual punishment for perjury being
so profound. Compurgation could not be used to prove a negative and so the
process, also known as to wage ones law, was frequently limited to the plaintiff.
In common law, compurgation was used by the defendant in trials of debt and
detinue raised on informal contracts, but the complex and intimidating procedure
could easily fail by a simple mistake. A defendant in a complaint heard at the fair
court of St Ives in 1287 attempted to wage his law, but one of his compurgators
named the defendant Robert instead of Henry and so the defendant lost the suit.
Compurgation was used at maritime law in 1382 in Hamely v. Alveston, a plea heard
in Padstow and discussed in the next chapter. Compurgation lingered in civil
actions until seen to be farcical and abandoned in the reign of William IV.
The common law attitude to service contract and to title through the four-
teenth and fifteenth centuries, is important in an examination of medieval partner-
ships, trading agreements, credits and loans, charter-parties and other obligations.
It is first necessary, however, to differentiate between formal and informal, or
parol, agreements. The latter had intrinsic and important deficiencies: although
actions arising from informal agreements for debts sur contract could be brought
to common law courts, breaches of agreement to do something, such as to make
a delivery of goods, were not actionable. Other deficiencies in the laws view of
informal contracts, including rules which could not be questioned, were that debts
of this type died with the debtor and so freed the executor from liability, and that
there could be no recognition of informal guarantees. These and other defects led
to the development of equitable remedies by the Court of Chancery and since
equity effectively supplemented common law in commercial matters, the defects
may have been the catalyst required for common law jurists to begin to take more
interest in such affairs.
Informal contracts were therefore of restricted use for general business purposes
until the introduction for private citizens of actions for wrongs or torts early
in the second half of the fourteenth century. Such actions for trespass, as they
were known, were initiated by a writ on the case which was flexible and could
be drafted for the special circumstances of the case. Trial was by a jury which
The Little Red Book of Bristol, ed. F.B. Bickley, 2 vols (Bristol and London, 1900), 1, p. 68: De
feoffatis infra bundes etc., and pp. 578: Incipit lex mercatoria, que, quando, ubi, inter quos et
de quibus sit. See also Goode, Commercial Law, p. 32.
Cheshire and Fifoot, Contract, pp. 26.
13
assessed the remedial damages. Amongst the trespasses brought for remedy were
actions of assumpsit in which the plaintiff alleged that the defendant had failed,
by negligence, to complete the obligations which he had undertaken in exchange
for consideration, an entirely new concept of contract distinct from use: Verily if
this action be maintainable on this matter, for every broken covenant in the world
a man shall have an action of trespass, as Justice Martin said in 1425. Because in
such actions the plaintiff was not required to produce evidence under seal, the
procedure was open to abuse until, finally, in the first half of the fifteenth century
a compromise was devised whereby assumpsit was taken for misfeasance (doing
something badly), but not for nonfeasance (not completing the undertaking).
Nevertheless, the first tentative step towards the recognition of service contract
had been taken.
Although common law was becoming more flexible, it could also be harsh.
Because it was a standard premise that a document was firm proof and that an
unsupported parol agreement could not stand against it, an informal agreement
could be without remedy. Important agreements were therefore made in writing
and authenticated by sealing; early written contracts then became actionable at
common law following one of two forms of action. First, an action of covenant,
which had come into use in the thirteenth century as an action for the specific
performance of agreements to do something, such as to deliver certain goods to
a determined place, developed into an action for damages, assessed by a jury, for
the wrong of breaking a covenant. In the early fourteenth century, this action came
to be limited to agreements under seal and hence the term covenant, originally
meaning simply an agreement, came to mean an agreement under seal. The seal
was, therefore, virtually essential in common law, a requirement set out by Fleta,
whether it were simply a blob of wax impressed with a fingernail or something
more elaborate.
The action of covenant was little used, however, and important contracts were
generally reduced instead to agreements whereby the parties entered into bonds
to pay penal sums of money unless they carried out their side of the bargain. If a
written and sealed obligation was fulfilled, the penal bond became void (a condi-
tion of defeasance); if it was not fulfilled then the terms of the bond had to be
honoured. Disputes as to whether the conditions, which contained the real agree-
ment, had been fulfilled or not, were to be decided by a jury. Such penal bonds
with conditional defeasance could be adapted to cover virtually any transaction
and were widely used as early contractual instruments. In the vast preponder-
ance of medieval common law cases concerning contract, the dispute was over
the bonds, their illegality or impossibility and the rules which governed them; the
Year Book 3 Henry VI, fo. 36, pl. 33.

Non solum sufficiet scriptura nisi sigilli munimine stipulantis roboretur cum testimonio
fide dignorum praesentium, Holdsworth, History, 3, p. 417, quoting Fleta, ii, 60, 25.
14
laws approach to the disputed contract was, therefore, from a reverse angle. Also,
as in the treatment of informal agreements, the law of formal agreements could be
harsh; a lost bond or one which had lost its seal was without remedy; for example
a debtor who had paid but had failed to have his copy of the bond endorsed,
remained liable. A debtor remained in the hands of his creditor, who could have
him committed to prison for default until he had paid and could prove it.
It was as late as the third quarter of the fourteenth century before common
law courts could be relied upon to give a hearing, fair in the view of merchants
and shipmasters, to cases which involved service contracts and the other basic
instruments of business. Until then, those engaged in commerce who wished to
pursue a perceived wrong, had to find a suitable court elsewhere. They could try
the court of the local fair or market (by then disappearing), or the mayoral court
(where their pleas would be heard at merchant law), or one of the developing
admiralty courts should their business be maritime (see the next chapter). If all
else failed, there were the more expensive options of the Court of Chancery or of
presenting a bill to Parliament.
Merchant law
For hundreds of years merchant law subsisted in England as a distinct source of

law administered by its own mercantile courts, until it was ultimately absorbed
into common law. Until the fourteenth century, the English-owned mercantile
fleet was comparatively small and generally confined to coastal or cross-Channel
work. The few denizen mariners with commercial grievances pursued them locally,
using the market, fair or borough courts practising merchant law. Statutorily, the
Carta Mercatoria of 1303 gave aliens the right to be tried in local courts without
delay by a jury made up of equal numbers of their compatriots and of denizens,
and many suits in which that privilege was used have been recorded. Some alien
merchants and mariners had alternative, and usually preferable, recourse to their
own courts granted by charters and treaties; members of the Hanseatic League,
for example, were given the right in 1282 in the city of London, and in 1310 in
Lynn, to be tried in commercial litigation before two burgesses of the city and
two Hanseatic merchants.10
It was probably not uncommon for native and foreign mariners and merchants,
when they had to turn to litigation in minor disputes, to appear with the local
traders in the piepowder courts of the markets and fairs. Those courts were
informal in nature, the name deriving from the Norman-French pieds pouldres
(dusty feet), and were required to produce a verdict before the end of the day, a
Cheshire and Fifoot, Contract, p. 3.

10 Statutes, 27 Edward III, st. 2, cc. 129. CPMR, 1, p. 359.
15
requirement similar to that in the port towns courts where, for straunge maryn-
erys passaunt and for them that abyden not but her tyde [pleas] shuldene ben
pleted from tyde to tyde. The courts, similar to those of northern Europe, were
held before the mayor and bailiffs; some boroughs had such courts as part of
the municipal judiciary even without a market or fair, specifically to try without
delay suits in which transient merchants were involved. In Bristol, for example,
a piepowder court was held during the annual 14-day fair and during the rest of
the year the tolsey court administered justice. Pleas were begun without a writ
and there were few formalities; all types of plea could be heard including trespass,
debt and contract, but not those concerning land nor serious crimes which were
reserved for royal justices. The law the courts administered was derived from the
customs of English and continental merchants and in the fourteenth century was
still relatively unevolved. It reflected enough of the continental lex mercatoria to
be acceptable to both native and foreign litigants, stood apart from common law,
was specifically for mercantile transactions rather than for merchants, and was
in effect a body of rules of required evidence (proof of sale, for example) in a
disputed agreement.
Although the law merchant was of such importance to merchants and appears
to have had a considerable effect on the law practised in local courts, direct refer-
ence to it by name is strangely absent from borough custumals. The only sure
surviving evidence of the influence of merchant law on the workings of local courts
comes from before the fourteenth century. Examples include the pleas of persons
passing through London in 1221 who were unable to wait for the Hustings, the
pleas over debts to be heard without writs in Bristol in c.1240, and the necessity of
immediacy in hearing pleas of strangers (from hour to hour, after dinner as well)
and mariners (from tide to tide) in Ipswich in 1291.11
Because of the natural association between port towns, merchants and ships,
the laws merchant and maritime had aims and problems in common. In addition to
their remote common ancestor, to a certain extent they grew up together although
their appearance in England was probably neither synchronous nor sudden; both
codes arrived in an elementary form and developed individually with use and
experience. That they marched together may be seen in the frequent instructions
to justices to proceed in piracy claims following the law and customs of Oleron
and similarly the law merchant. Both were seen as species of jus gentium available
across frontiers and both were victims of the jealousy of common law courts.12
The rationale of merchant law was that, unlike common law, decisions should
11 The Acts of the Parliament of Scotland, 1, part 2, p. 725 (t. King David, 112453): De placito
inter piepoudrous. Gross and Hall, Law Merchant, 1, p. xiv, citing Bracton, fo. 34. Twiss, Black
Book, 1, pp. 1620; Bateson, Borough Customs, pp. 1835, as in a case before the mayor and bailiffs
of Bristol in 12 Edward III.
12 secundum legem et consuetudinem de Oleron et similiter legem mercatoriam; Twiss, Black
Book, I, pp. lxilxii.
16
be in the interests of commerce. In what way the law merchant differs from
common law is explained in a treatise in the Little Red Book of Bristol. In common
law, proof of purchase in good faith merely relieved the innocent third party from
the possibility of punishment for theft, and the goods had to be returned to the
true owner without restoration of the purchase money. In the law merchant, with
the interests of commerce in mind, the true owner had to refund the purchase
price to the bona fide purchaser on the return of the stolen goods, in effect a
repurchase by the owner of his own property. Also in merchant law, whoever
pledged for anyone to answer for trespass, covenant, debt or detinue of chattels,
pledged for the whole of the damages and expenses, which was not the view at
common law. Further, in common law the precept caveat emptor (buyer beware)
prevailed and there was no obligation on the vendor to reveal defects in his goods
(unless they were victuals); in merchant law the responsibility for the quality of
the goods remained with the vendor.13
Yet another important difference between the codes of law was in the master/
servant relationship, which in the context of shipowner/shipmaster or ship-
master/crew is particularly relevant. In merchant law the principle was that no
merchant shall lose or forfeit his goods or merchandise for any trespass or
forfeiture incurred by his servant, unless his act is by the command and consent
of his master. The philosophy behind that was clearly that if a master was to be
held responsible for the acts of his servant, especially if they had been perpetrated
against his instructions, there would be a considerable brake on trade and the
appointment of agents would be a hazardous affair. A master was held responsible
however, when his apprentice or servant, publicy known to be trading for him,
bought on credit for his masters use. Similarly, if a merchant creditor could prove
that the apprentice or servant who bought certain goods was with his master at
the time and conveyed the goods to him, the master was responsible for the debt.
An example may be seen in a plea brought before the mayoral court in London
in 1389. John Forteneye, an apprentice of John Mokkyng of London, bought from
John Costace of Gascony 10 casks of Gascon wine in Sandwich for 57 18s. 4d.
(from the price, the casks appear to have been tuns). The casks were landed,
gauged and filled in London but Forteneye refused delivery and would not pay
for them on the grounds of some unreported irregularity; the jury were divided
in their opinion but four vintners decided in favour of Costace, and Forteneye
was gaoled. The latter then brought a bill against his master, Mokkyng, alleging
that Mokkyng had approved the purchase of the wine but had refused to accept it
when it reached London, and that the profit from the bargain was not for himself
but for Mokkyng. The court decided in Forteneyes favour, released him from gaol
13 Quomodo lex mercatoria differt a lege commune: Bickley, Red Book, 1, p. 58. Bateson,
Borough Customs, 2, pp. lxxvilxxix. A further complication was the rules of market overt.
17
and ordered Mokkyng to pay Costace after deducting 51s. 8d. for gauging and
other expenses.14
The question of a shipowners responsibility for the actions of his ships master,
or a shipmasters responsibility for those of his crew, is extremely important.
Although merchant and maritime law generally saw questions in a similar light,
in the area of a shipmasters responsibility there may have been a point of differ-
ence. The decision in the 1351 case of Pilk v. Vener(e) heard in the Bristol tolsey
court is puzzling. The hearing was in a local court which would normally have
worked in merchant law, but both parties to the dispute agreed to the case being
heard at maritime law and the law of the country. The dispute was whether a
shipmaster could be held responsible for theft from the cargo by members of his
crew; the theft itself was not in dispute. The plaintiff claimed that the shipmaster
was always responsible for the conduct of his crew; the defendant pleaded that
only if the shipmaster had given a surety for the goods could he be held respon-
sible. The court decided in favour of the plaintiff making it clear that a shipmaster
is responsible for any criminal act perpetrated by his crew even if they were not
acting under his instruction. Since the case was heard at maritime law and the law
of the country, the court appears to have accepted the position of the latter.15
The case went to appeal, the result of which is unfortunately not known; it may
be that the lower court decision was reversed and that the position at maritime
and merchant law was seen to be identical. There are two pointers suggestive
of disagreement by the superior court with the lower courts decision. First, the
king instructed the mayor and bailiffs to certify the case, which had been heard
sine brevi nostro, together with their decision, to the chancellor. That unusual
order may have reflected jurisprudential disquiet at the decision or it may have
been reaction to complaints from the defendant and possibly other shipmasters.
Second, in the report on the case three textual corrections are apparent: in the
introductory passage, the words secundum legem de Olerun deducta are super-
script and not on the text line, and in the body of the report, the words printed
here in square brackets were inserted in the following phrases: secundum legem et
consuetudinem [regni domini Regis Anglie ac leges] de Oleron in one place and
quod lex [Anglie et de] Oleron in another. It appears that in the writing of the
report there was some doubt about which code had been used at the hearing or,
ex post facto, common law was seen as best explaining the apparently anomalous
decision of the lower court. Pilk v. Vener(e) remains an important case without a
satisfactory conclusion or explanation.
Merchant laws view of the master/servant relationship was confirmed in 1442
14 Statutes, 27 Edward III, st. 2 (Statute of the Staple), c. 19; Bickley, Red Book, 1, p. 66: Quod
mercatores respondeant etc., and CPMR, 13811412, pp. xxx and 1623, 4 July 1389.
15 PRO C 47/59/2/48 mm. 1, 2 and 57.
18
in a petition to Parliament, in which a statute of Edward III and the law merchant
were quoted as holding that
no possessor or owner of ships lese nor be enpeached, constreyned nor put

to answer by any officer or minister of the Kyng for the deedes, trespasses or
offences doon upon the water by any other person beying in shippes than by
hymself, but if it be hys commaundement, abettement or consent.
The 1353 Statute of the Staple extended the terms of the Carta Mercatoria of 1303,
providing special courts in which merchant law was administered to give courage
to merchants strangers to come with their wares and merchandise into the realm.
The English, Welsh and Irish Staple towns introduced Staple courts in which a
chosen mayor and two constables administered justice swiftly, from day to day
and from hour to hour, according to the law merchant, for all merchants coming
to the Staple. The statute prescribed paramountcy for merchant law in mercan-
tile disputes, expressly excluding common law where it conflicted with merchant
law. Merchant plaintiffs, and presumably shipmasters, had the choice of suing in
a Staple court at Staple law or elsewhere at common law for debt, covenant or
trespass (although pleas of land or for felonies still had to be tried in common law
courts). The kings justices and officers were to stay out of Staple affairs but there
was to be a right of appeal to the chancellor or the Kings Council. The composi-
tion of an inquest could be wholly alien, half alien and half denizen, or wholly
denizen reflecting the origins of the parties in a dispute, and the mediators of a
question were to be two of Almaigne, two of Lombardy and two of England.16
The new courts procedure, the law to be applied and the control by the
merchants themselves, reflected the procedures that prevailed all over the conti-
nent. Bargains made at the Staple were to be recorded by a Corrector and the
mayor of the Staple was to take recognizances and seal letters of obligations of
debts (promissory notes), which gave the creditor statutory rights to a defaulting
debtors property, a development of the provisions of the earlier acts of 1283 and
1285. However, there was a further important innovation in the Statute of the
Staple: And in cases that no creditor will have letters of the said seal, but will
stand to the faith of the debtor, if after the term incurred he demand the debt,
the debtor shall be delivered upon that faith. In other words, after the Statute of
the Staple, English merchant law was prepared to accept the concept of good faith,
including unsealed letters recognising debt. This adaptability of merchant law was
especially important in the development of acceptance of negotiable instruments.
Long before it became acceptable in common law, merchant law recognised that
the right to a sum of money embodied in a bill of exchange or promissory note
16 Rot. Parl., 143968, pp. 556, 20 Henry VI, no. IX: That masters of ships may not be
punishable for the servants faults. Statutes, 27 Edward III, st. 2, cc. 128 (1353), Statute of the
Staple.
19
could be conferred, even although the instrument was not under seal. When
common law did eventually accept the binding force of executory instruments, it
imposed restrictions which had not operated under merchant law. The Commons
reaction to the statute was immediate and inevitable; they complained that in
many cases the Commons would be judged and ruled by the Laws and Usages
of the Staple which are all unknown to the Commons; which elicited the royal
Responsio that the usages would be openly declared.17
Maritime law
Northern European medieval maritime law was based largely on the Lex dOleron
[hereafter Oleron], reputedly formulated by Richard Coeur de Lion some time
after his return from the Holy Land in 1194. The history of Oleron, its origins
in the classical Mediterranean sea laws Lex Rhodia and Consolate del Mare, and
its development into the several versions used around the coasts of western and
northern Europe, have been explored by, among others, Twiss in the 1870s, Studer
in 1913 and Krieger in 1970, following the pioneering work from the seventeenth
century onwards of Selden, Cleirac, Verwer and Pardessus. The consensus of
scholarly opinion posits two versions of Oleron descendant from a twelfth-century
southern French compilation derived from the ancient Mediterranean maritime
laws. From one version the Flemish and German codes, and from the other the
Castilian and Anglo-Norman codes, descended. The Anglo-Norman version of
Oleron is the most relevant to English medieval shipping. Studer believed that
it was drawn up about 1200 and was probably in operation from then, perhaps
only locally. From references to the loy doleron, the statuta de Olerona and the
lex maritima in local and admiralty courts, it is clear that by at least early in the
fourteenth century Oleron had been generally accepted in England. For example,
in 1339 the mayor and bailiffs of Bristol certified to the lord chancellor that the
hearing of Pilk v. Vener(e) (discussed above) conformed to the lex et consuetudo
de Oleron. The articles of Oleron are presented as court decisions; in the Anglo-
Norman manuscripts they start with the formulaic Ceo est la copie de la chartre
Doliroun de jugemenz de la mer (This is the copy of maritime judgments in the
charter of Oleron), and each article ends with Et ceo est le jugement en ceo cas
(And this is the judgment in this case).18
17 Statutes, 11 or 13 Edward I, Statute of Acton Burnell; 13 Edward I, st. 3, Statute of Merchants,

c.1; and 27 Edward III, st. 2, Statute of the Staple, cc. 9 and 22; qen plusurs cases les Communes
serront juggez & reulez par les Leys & Usages de lEstaple, queles sont de tout desconuz a les
Communes: Rot. Parl., 2, 28 Edward III, p. 261, no. 47.
18 Twiss, Black Book, passim; The Oak Book of Southampton, c.AD 1300, ed. Paul Studer, SRS,
2 vols and suppl. (Southampton, 191013), II, passim; Ursprung und Wurzeln des Rles DOlron,
ed. Karl-Friedrich Krieger, Quellen und Darstellungen zur Hansischen Geschichte, Neue
20
Disclaimer:
Some images in the printed version of this book
are not available for inclusion in the eBook.
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the printed version of this book.
1 The first page of the Lex dOleron from the Liber Horn. The first line reads Ceo
est la copie de la chartre Doliroun des iugemenz. Folio 355v of MS Liber Horn,
reproduced with the kind permission of the City of London Metropolitan Archives.
21
The two earliest known copies of Oleron in England are in the Guildhall,
London. Studer agrees with Twiss in suggesting that the copy bound into the
Liber Memorandum [LM] is the earlier because the marginal and superscript
additions and corrections to the copy in the Liber Horn [LH] appear to be later.
Krieger awarded seniority to LH because of certain earlier grammatical charac-
teristics (for example, the plural of il) and because he believed that LM was a
copy of LH, written before the corrections were made. Twiss and Krieger agreed,
however, that both the manuscripts had been copied around 1315, their inclusion
in the Libri indicated that the Lex was recognised in London at least as early as
the first quarter of the fourteenth century, that they are of sound provenance and
that they are copies, directly or indirectly, of an Anglo-Norman original.
The number of articles in the surviving copies of Oleron varies considerably: 24
in LH and LM, 24 or 26 in other Anglo-Norman manuscripts, 27 in the version in
the Oak Book of Southampton, 35 in the fifteenth-century MSS Selden, Vespasian
and Whitehall and 47 in the Breton version. The last three articles in the Oak
Book do not occur elsewhere and concern pilots, the beginning of a Letter Patent
from Edward I and a re-statement of the 1275 statute on wreck.19
The extra articles in the other manuscripts were added to reflect local practices
or changes in maritime procedure; for example, the additional 11 in the 35-article
manuscripts were added for the use of admiralty after the period here considered.
They cover the definition of wreck and the rights, obligations and duties of the
finders and the care of survivors. Interestingly, article 32 in the expanded versions
amends an existing provision for jettison and general average (the earlier article
8) and is based on an ordinance of Edward I of 1285. Of the additional 11 articles
Twiss writes:
It was ordained and established for a custom of the sea that their authority
rested upon something more than mere usage, but there is nothing which indi-
cates directly the occasion of their being adopted as part of the system of mari-
time law to be administered in the maritime courts of England.
Folge/ Bande XV (Cologne and Vienna, 1970), passim; and, as quoted by Twiss and Krieger,
John Selden, Mare Clausum seu de Dominio Maris (London, 1635); Cleirac, Us et Coustumes de
la Mer (Bordeaux, 1661); A. Verwer, Nederlants Seerechten (Amsterdam, 1730); and Collection des
lois maritimes antrieures au XVIII sicle, ed. J.M. Pardessus, 6 vols (Paris, 182845).
19 The manuscripts mentioned here and below are: MS Bodley 462, Bodleian Library, Oxford
[MS B]; MS Whitehall in Twiss, Black Book [MS W]; MSS Liber Memorandum and Liber
Horn, Corporation of London Records Office, Guildhall, London [MSS LM and LH]; MS
Rawlinson B356, Bodleian Libary, Oxford [MS R]; MS Selden B27, Bodleian Library, Oxford
[MS S]; MS Cotton Vespasian B XXII, British Library, London [MS V]; MS Liber Rubeus,
City of Bristol Archives, Bristol [MS LR] and MS 1386 Troyes, Bibliothque de Troyes [MS
T]; The texts of MSS LH, LM, LR and R are essentially the same and with B are fourteenth
century; MS T gives the Norman version of the Laws, the Coustume de Normandie, and is also
fourteenth century. MSS S, W and V, with 35 articles, are fifteenth century; Statutes, 3 Edward
I, st. 1, c. 4.
22
The concluding words of the additional articles, however, indicate that they too
were judgments handed down by a court or inquisition as were the original 24
articles, confirmation that the additional articles had been adopted in the maritime
courts and that they reflected the needs of the expanding shipping industry.20
The material in the 24 articles of MSS LH and LM overlap to a certain extent,
but may be divided into groups: the rules governing the shipmasters conduct and
responsibilities (112, 15, 16, 1820 and 24); the crews responsibilities (3, 6, 8, 11, 15
and 21); discipline (5, 6, 12 and 14); terms and conditions of employment (1721);
health and safety considerations (7, 8, 10, 16 and 17); general points of management
and seamanship (4, 8, 9, 11, 13, 15, 16 and 224); and dealings with the freighting
merchants (4, 811, 13, 15, 22 and 23). Noticeable deficiencies are any mention of
felonies, which presumably were to be dealt with ashore, and any rules for the
avoidance of collision at sea, although responsibility for accidents in havens is
defined. MS LH, which is the clearer of the two Guildhall manuscripts, has been
transcribed and translated, and is printed in Appendix 1 with a commentary; the
first folio is shown in Figure 1.
As a code of law, Oleron became inadequate when confronted with the increasing
complexity of fourteenth-century commercial shipping. To cope with that, the
Inquisition of Queenborough was set up by Edward III in 1375 to make certain
the points written below in the manner they were used in ancient times. The
commission sat intermittently until 1403, crystallising certain aspects of maritime
law by recording opinions on a number of practical questions posed to the jurors,
who sat under oath. By its constitution, the commission brought considerable
practical experience to its deliberations. The members, initially, were the Warden
of the Cinque Ports, the Admiral of the North, and 19 mariners drawn from ports
along the south and east coast of England. Although listed as one inquisition, the
articles fall into three groups, each collected at a different time and covering rather
different ground. In the first section, articles 1 and 2 concern finds and jettison,
315 and 17 set out wage and portage (the crews freight perquisite) rates, and 16
refers to pilots. In the second section, articles 1870 list a miscellany of matters into
which admirals should inquire or for which they have responsibility: prizes, piracy,
aiding the enemy, felonies, deaths, mayhems, desertions, affrays, fishing, customs
evasions, discipline, claims to wreck, forestalling and regrating, and misappropia-
tion of ships buoys and buoy-ropes. In the third section, articles 7181, there is
an extension of the duties and responsibilities of the admirals and, tellingly, their
sources of income and rates of charges. In Appendix 2, I give a transcription and
translation of the relevant articles from a fifteenth-century Anglo-Norman text
preserved in MS Cotton Vespasian Bxxii (hereafter cited as Queenborough) and
20 CPR, 128192, p. 168. Twiss, Black Book, I, p. 121 n.3.
23
reproduced in The Black Book, together with a commentary and a summary of

the less relevant articles.21
A third contribution to an understanding of English medieval maritime law
is a collection of court judgments and decisions made on the Isle of Olron and
preserved as Les Bons Usages et les Bonnes Costumes et les Bons Jugemenz de la
Commune dOleron of which a unique copy has survived in MS Douce 227. It
is written in a fourteenth-century hand in the Olronais dialect, a variant of
the langue dol with affinities with Saintongeaise (the island was in the diocese
of Saintes). Twiss transcribed and translated the manuscript in his Black Book
because a number of the chapters were related to articles in Oleron. The manu-
script was also transcribed, but not translated, in 1919 by Bmont who added
notes on the provenance of the manuscript, the language used and the laws and
procedures recorded in what he describes as the Coutumier (the title by which it is
referred to hereafter). The dating of the manuscript is indicated by the end colo-
phon: et fuit completus a. D. mo. cccxl. quarto, scilicet decima die mensis Februarii
(completed on 10 February 1344), but the provisions it contains are believed by
Bmont and Twiss to be older.22
Although most chapters of the Coutumier are not relevant to the present
review, some are especially useful. In chapter 88 the responsibilities of the ship-
master are more clearly defined than in Oleron; chapters 63, 64, 83, 86 and 87
define the mutual responsibilities in law of shipowners in partnership, informa-
tion which occurs nowhere else; chapter 86 touches on the master/servant rela-
tionship which between merchant law and common law had become confused in
England; chapter 94 concerns the shipmasters contribution to general average and
chapter 95 defines the responsibilty for hiring pilots. A translation of the relevant
chapters of the Coutumier may be found in Appendix 3, with a commentary.
Given the obvious importance of the Island of Olron as a source of maritime
jurisprudence, its geographical and historical credentials from the twelfth to the
fifteenth centuries is of interest. The island lies off Saintonge in the duchy of
Aquitaine, the south end being about 15 nautical miles north of the mouth of
the Gironde. Its position on an important trading route no doubt contributed
to its prominence in matters concerning maritime law, and its magistrates and
prudhommes appear to have built up a reputation as reliable jurists. Its courts
were, from the evidence in Coutumier chapter 87, available even to those from
outside the island seeking equitable solutions to maritime legal problems.
With Eleanor of Aquitaines marriage to Henry II, in 1154, the island came under
English control. It remained so until 1214 when, because of the failed marriage
arrangements planned for Henry IIIs daughter (aged three) to the younger son
21 pour mettre en certain les points apres escript en manere comme ilz ont este usez dancien
temps: Twiss, Black Book, I, pp. 1327.
22 Twiss, Black Book, II, pp. 254401; Coutumier, passim.
24
of the count of la Marche, the ownership of Olron, which was part of the dowry,
was in dispute. Henry retrieved his infant daughter, but control of the island was
argued until the Conference of Bourges in 1224 when Henry was able to negotiate
an agreement with Louis VIII. In 1249 Henry gave the whole of Gascony to his
son Edward to be held by the king and his heirs as they themselves had held it, a
gift which was confirmed several times, latterly with the condition that [Oleron]
would not be separated from the English crown. Edward Is well-known ordinance
defining the total loss of a ship as that from which no living creature has escaped,
not even a cat or a dog, particularly mentions the coasts of Saintonge, the Isle of
Olron and of Gascony. The people of the island remained fidles partisans of
England during the Franco-English wars at the end of the thirteenth century, for
which the king ordered a payment to them of 1,000 tournois.
As he had received the island from his father before succeeding to the throne,
so Edward I passed it, with the duchy of Aquitaine, to his son in 1306, to allow
him to sustain his estate better and more honourably provided that he did
nothing to alienate the island nor the duchy. Edward did not respect the interdic-
tion and with other territories, gave Olron to Piers Gaveston in 1308 until the
latters death in 1312, when it reverted to the crown. Following a period of unrest
on the island it passed into French protection between 1324 and the 1360 treaty of
Brtigny. Edward III then reclaimed possession and in 1362 incorporated Olron
in the principality of Aquitaine under his oldest son. By 1373 the island was again
in French hands, a position finalised by the loss of Gascony in the middle of the
next century.
The Island of Olron was therefore under English control for 220 years, with
two interruptions in de facto governorship from 1214 to 1224 and from 1324 to 1360,
although de jure sovereignty was still claimed. The date of the MS Douce copy
of the Coutumier, 1344, is during the second of these breaks in English control of
the island; it is not possible to know if the copying of the judgments, which was
by order of the mayor of London, was merely a routine municipal administrative
matter or an attempt to preserve the islands legal inheritance during a period of
political instability. Whatever the reason for making the copies, they make a valu-
able contribution to the understanding of early maritime law.23
A further document of interest, if only indirectly, in any examination of mari-
time law in medieval England, is the Catalan Lo Libre de Consolat (The Book of
the Consulate). Two late fourteenth-century Catalan manuscript copies survive in
Paris, one of which was printed and published in 1494. A 1791 Castilian edition
of the same work, Codigo de los costumbras maritimas, has been transcribed and
translated by Twiss and it is this translation which is used for reference here, with
23 CCR, I, pp. 345, 386 and 389; Foedera, 1, part 1, p. 374, 11 July 1258; Statutes, 3 Edward I, st. 1,
c. 4; Gascon Rolls, PRO C61, III, no. 4914. Foedera, 2, part 1, p. 48, 7 June 1308; Coutumier, pp.
445.
25
the abbreviated title of Customs. Lo Libre de Consolat comprises over 300 chapters
of legal decisions and opinions by juries and judges on maritime situations. It was
known in the thirteenth century, and almost certainly earlier, and was the code of
maritime law widely accepted by Mediterranean coastal towns and cities. It is of
only limited value to the present work as it does not have an English or Norman
provenance, but it does share a common twelfth-century ancestor with the Anglo-
Norman Lex dOleron and many of its chapters are similar in content to articles
in that, and to chapters in the Coutumier. The similarities are most marked in the
rules for the handling and stowage of cargo, jettison and general average; terms
and conditions of employment of seamen; seamanship in anchorages; and the
rules for partnerships in ship-ownership. There is also a considerable amount of
commercial material in Customs, particularly referring to responsibility for damage
to cargo, the relationship between merchants and shipowners, and dealing with
a permutation of examples of frustrated contracts. Although there is a general
similarity to what is known of English practices, there are several situations where
significantly different legal views are held, some more and others less favourable
to one or other of the parties.24
The next step
With the existence of a reasonably comprehensive code of maritime law and with
the increasing complexity of litigation arising from maritime enterprises, it might
be expected that specialised courts would be set up, dedicated to the quick and
equitable settlement of disputes between mariners and merchants. The admiralty
courts established in the mid-fourteenth century were intended for that purpose
but, although for brief periods they worked effectively, within a century the pres-
sure of political, commercial and personal interests contributed to their impotence
in all but a narrow range of subjects. Their rise and fall are discussed in the next
chapter.
24 Twiss, Black Book, III, pp. lix and 35657; the manuscript is Paris, Bibliothque Nationale,
MS Espagnol 124; Customs was published as Codigo de los costumbras maritimas de Barcelona,
ed. Capmany (Madrid, 1791).
26
2
The Shipmaster and the Rise and Fall

of the Admirals Courts
Background
M erchants, shipmasters and shipowners who were involved in overseas trade

all wished for protection from piracy and spoilage, for rules for the conduct
of maritime business and for assurance that action would be taken against those
who did not operate within the law. As discussed in the previous chapter, there
were available to them many local courts administering justice in commercial and
maritime matters. In Bristol, for example, the city custumal specified that actions
between merchants and ships, or between merchants and merchants, or between
ships and ships, on land or sea, whether between denizens or aliens could be
heard following the laws and decisions of the town.
By the end of the thirteenth century, however, the increasing amount of busi-
ness arising from maritime litigation, its technical difficulties and the nomadic
life of the appellants, began to prove too much for the non-specialised courts. A
good example of the complications which could arise from the lack of a specialised
court may be seen in a 1293 placita in Parliamento concerning the case of Helemes v.
Opright in which Jacob Helemes and others claimed that a failure to deliver wine
was in breach of the terms of a charter-party made under seal. Walter Opright,
master of the ship All Saints, said in his dramatic defence that, having been driven
by storm onto the coast near Helford, his ship was looted by men of the sea and
all 36 tuns of wine aboard had been taken. In the course of the proceedings the
Warden of the Cinque Ports was instructed to bring the spoilers Coram Rege,
whence they were passed to the justices assigned to hear cases of spoil. The primary
case concerning the breach of the charter-party (in reality a service contract, as yet
unrecognised by common law) was heard in Chancery. What had started as a rela-
tively straightforward suit had spread over several judicial authorities. In contrast,
inter mercatores et nautas, sive inter mercatores et mercatores, sive inter nautas et nautas,
sive per terram sive mare, utrum fuerint burgenses vel extranei, could be heard secundum
leges et consuetidines ville: Bateson, Borough Customs, 2, p. 193. CCR, 135460, pp. 4412.
27
in the following year, a case of piracy, Mulard v. Hobbe, was tried before the Kings
Bench, perhaps because Walter Hobbe, a shipmaster and alleged pirate, proved
to be an extremely elusive witness. Courts, run by judges skilled in merchant and
maritime law and appointed by admirals, situated in seaports, working with the
alacrity of market courts and with the authority to oblige witnesses to attend and
to accept their judgments, were clearly necessary.
The inception of the admirals courts
The title of admiral is not to be found in the records of English-controlled regions

before 1295 when, in Gascony, Barrau de Sescas was appointed Admiral of mari-
time Bayonne and captain of our ships and sailors in that town. Sescas title was
not confirmed the following year; he was described then as captain of the Bayonne
fleet under Sir William Leyburn (probably a Gascon) and John Botetourte, both
of whom were described in a royal writ as admirals of our English navy. Despite
these Gascon titles, the word admiral appears not to have been used in England
until 1300 when Gervase Alard was appointed Admiral of the fleet of the Cinque
Ports, a responsibility confirmed in 1303 and extended to all other ports from the
port of Dover by the sea coast westward as far as Cornwall etc.. Because the title
of admiral was not in general use in England before 1300, there could have been
no earlier eponymous court.
Further, even after the appointment of the first admiral, there appears to have
been no judicial role for him as work which should have been within his scope
was directed to officials with no maritime experience. In 1304, a professor of civil
law, the Constable of Dover Castle and two representatives of the French king
were sent to Calais to inquire into the recurrent reciprocal depradations at sea by
men of Calais and of the Cinque Ports. Part of the French defence to charges of
piracy was that the spoilers were acting under the orders of Reyner Grimaud, a
Genoese who, calling himself Admiral of the sea, was exercising the French kings
prerogative of defending the ships of his nationals. The inquisition was similar in
constitution to an earlier deputation which had included the bishop of London
and a professor of civil law and had been sent to France in 1293 to negotiate a
settlement over French piracy claims. It is interesting that the 1304 inquisition was
apparently not seen as an admiralty responsibility, nor was an admiral appointed
to take part even for such an obviously maritime problem.
Rot. Parl., 1, 21 Edward II, p. 125 and 128.

Gascon Rolls, PRO C61, 3, p. 290, no. 3883 and pp. 3223, no. 4134. Marsden, Select Pleas,
p.xii. Brit. Chron., pp. 1345. CPR, 13017, p. 111. Brit. Chron. p. 136.
Admirallum maritime Baionensis et capitaneum nautarum et marinariorum nostrorum in
ejusdem [sic] ville: Gascon Rolls, 3, p. 290, no. 3883.3 and pp. 3223, no. 4134. For admirals dates,
28
THE ADMIRALS COURTS
An apparent attempt to remove a maritime case from the Court of Common

Pleas in 129697 may be less of a signpost to an admiralty court than has been
suggested. In de Beuso v. Crake, which concerned piracy, counsel for the defence
objected to the jurisdiction because no certain venue had been assigned. Further,
interestingly, because an admiral had been nominated by the king specifically to
hear and conclude the pleas of anything done at sea, the counsel wanted none
other. Although this implies the existence of an admirals court, the Justices reply
was We have general jurisdiction throughout England but of the Admirals juris-
diction of which you speak, we know nothing, which either denies the existence of
such courts or indicates that Crake and his counsel had run into non-cooperative
judicial jealousy. The original manuscript is now lost and the case has to be seen
through secondary sources which do not agree amongst themselves about the
implication of the Justices remark, or even on the date of the case. In the absence
of any other evidence, it is safer to conclude that there was neither an admiral
nor an admirals court in 1296 and that the plea of the defence counsel has been
misunderstood.
During the first 40 years of the fourteenth century, however, courts were
certainly held by admirals. The surviving records indicate that their duties were
largely, probably wholly, administrative or military rather than legal; admirals were
responsible for a wide range of administrative duties ranging from overseeing the
navy and maintenance of the Statute of the Staple, to the conservation of oyster
beds. From about 1340 admirals appointed by the king were authorised to hear in
their own courts at maritime law, cases involving piracy, the retention and distri-
bution of prizes and disputes over wrecks and reprisals. The decision to extend
the authority of the admiralty courts to hold judicial inquiries may have arisen
from two factors other than the problems of overworked local courts. The first of
those factors was the kings growing confidence in English mastery of the seas. In
1321 Edward II had written to the king of France demanding restitution of goods
pillaged from an English merchant freighting on a Genoese ship off Sandwich.
The merchant was described by Edward as merely under assurance of our protec-
tion and safe conduct with no hint of a royal claim to sovereignty of the sea. In the
following year Edward appears to have claimed superioritas maris because the king
of France, in a letter to Edward, reported that English sailors who had assaulted
French ships described themselves to be custodians of the sea on your behalf .
The concept, or perhaps the rhetoric, of English naval supremacy may thus have
begun rather hesitantly in the early 1320s, but it was certainly more apparent
after the decisive battle of Sluys in 1340. By 1372, in a petition to Parliament to
see Brit. Chron.; CPR, 13017, p. 111; Foedera, 1, part 2, p. 961, 28 Jan. 1304: Ad Regem Franciae;
and CPR, 130107, p. 208; Marsden, Select Pleas, 1, pp. xxxi; xxxii and xvii.
Nous avons poer general per my tut Engleterre mes del poer des Admirals dont vous parles
ne savons rien: Marsden, Select Pleas, 1, p. xvii.
29
reduce the duration of impressments, Edward III was described as le Roi de la

Mier not only to his own subjects but also to those of other countries, marking
a substantial expansion of his claim. The rather laconic Responsio to that petition
about impressments was that it was the kings pleasure that the navy should be
maintained and protected to increase the ease and profit within its power.
The second factor in Edward IIIs decision to give his admirals authority to
hold judicial inquiries arose from the painful results of his subjects piracy. He had
felt obliged to pay, from his own purse, large amounts of compensation to Genoese
and Venetian merchants and shipowners, for losses at the hands of English pirates
during the 1330s and was anxious to curb these instincts for pillage. The control of
his subjects piratical tendencies was urgent also for political reasons and Edwards
immediate solution was to pass the problem of control to his admirals. A commis-
sion was appointed in 1339 to consider, inter alia, the settlement of outstanding
Flemish, French, Spanish and Portuguese claims, the preservation of peace and
the maintenance of the kings sovereignty of the sea. Although the appointment
of the commission and its remit are recorded, no record has survived of any
initial directive to the commission nor of its deliberations and final conclusions.
It is probable that, by the use of specialised courts presided over by admirals, a
tightening of the control of denizen and alien pirates roaming the trading routes
was recommended. The subsequent expansion of the authority of the admirals
courts reflects the commissions contribution to the debate on maritime lawless-
ness. The three members of the commission who were to advise on the enforce-
ment of the fittest laws to control piracy and on the consequent claims following
piracy were ecclesiastics, who brought to the meetings knowledge of the canon
and civil codes but not necessarily of common or maritime law. Also in 1339,
Edward claimed both a criminal and a civil jurisdiction over all people of whatever
nationality passing through the English sea, not only to keep the peace but to
administer justice according to the Lex dOleron, the laws and statutes ordained
by his forbears. Whatever the situation before the battle at Sluys, there can be no
doubt that the claim of jurisdiction inter omnes gentes carried more weight abroad
after that victory.
The maritime legal situation and the work of courts in which admirals were
involved before Edwards claim in 1339, can be discerned faintly from contem-
porary references in port books, Chancery and Parliamentary records and other
archives. For example, in 1323, an admiral was ordered to hold an inquisition on
Twiss, Black Book, I, pp. 287: Rules for the Lord Admiral; Instructions what the Lord
Admiral is to doe, at sea and land in tyme of war; and Rules or Orders about Matters Belonging
to the Admiralty, all transcribed from MS V. Foedera, 2, part 1, pp. 4556, 25 Aug. 1321: Ad
Regem Franciae, and p. 475, 17 Feb. 1322: Littera Regis Franciae. Rot. Parl., 2, part 1, 46 Edward
III, p. 311, n. 6.
inter omnes gentes naciones cujuscumque per Mare Angliae transeuntes: Marsden, Select
Pleas, 1, pp. xxxvxxxvi, xxxxxxiii and lxilxii.
30
THE ADMIRALS COURTS
alleged pillage at sea and to seize and restore to the owners the captured alien
ship and her cargo, if spoil was established. The inquisition found that there had
indeed been pillage and the king issued a writ to the sheriff of Gloucestershire to
arrest the spoilers and their ship for trial in the Bristol local court before a jury
of merchants and mariners. The admirals powers at that time appear to have
been restricted to holding inquisitions ordered by kings writ and to arrest ships
as necessary.
Admirals, however, did not necessarily deal with all cases of piracy. In 1325,
Thomas Rente of Pontise alleged in a petition to the Kings Council that his ship
and cargo of wheat en route to Newcastle had been pillaged by men of Yarmouth,
who had justified themselves by claiming that there was a state of war between
the kings of England and France. Rente demanded the return of his ship and
cargo which was then being held under guard. The Responsio was that the petition
should be passed to the chancellor for him to inquire into the matter, including
the cause of the incident, the value of the spoil and every other circumstance felt
to be necessary, and then for him to certify thereon to the king by the third day of
Christmas. The outcome of the inquiry and the fate of the petition are not known
but, significantly, no admiral was involved. Rente may have hoped to improve his
chances in an English court by playing the export card as he claimed that he had
intended to load his ship with sea coal for his return passage.
Rentes status as an alien was not a likely reason for bypassing the admiral,
for there were other similar cases involving denizens. An Englishman, Hugh
Sampson, owner of the ship Portpays which had been taken off Brest with 140
tuns of Bordeaux wine, by Frenchmen who had killed her crew, petitioned the
Council for restitution in 1327. The Councils response was to deliver the petition
into Chancery and there to let right be done according to the Law used in the
case of arrest. There were two similar pleas at the same time, a petition by Francis
Maffe (or Maffy) and another by Henry (later Geffrey) le Lacer, both London
merchants who had been robbed while abroad (although perhaps not at sea) and
for whom the Council offered the same redress: that justice bee done, according
to the Law in such case used, to wit, that the foreigners responsible should have
their goods in England impounded. The similarities between the case of Sampson,
which had already been resolved, and the others may have persuaded the Council
and Chancery not to pass the suits to a lower common law court or to an admi-
rals court; in the first case perhaps because the question was one of diplomacy,
and in the others because to obtain redress from defendants who were abroad
was difficult. The conclusion has to be that, at least until 1327, cases of piracy
Marsden, Select Pleas, 1, p. xxiv: Coram Rege, Trinity, 18 Edward II, rot. 18, Rex. Appendix 2,
Queenborough, articles 19, 20 and 70 for the later codification of an admirals duties. Rot. Parl.,
1, 19 Edward II, p. 433, no. 9.
31
involving denizens or aliens, whether as plaintiffs or defendants, were heard before

the Kings Council or in Chancery.
In 1327 an admiral was called upon to perform a legal if not a judicial duty in
a criminal matter. The Admiral of the North was directed by writ to act as one
of two commissioners to inquire, by jury drawn from Great Yarmouth, into a case
of piracy and murder on the ship La Pelarym of Flanders at Whitby, the master,
Walter called Fose of Lescluse (Sluys), being one of those killed. The inquisition
was required to certify to the crown that justice could be done following the
law and customs of our king; the return of the inquisition appears to have been
made to Chancery and the indicted were later tried at common law. Later in
the century the position of the ship at the time of the murder would have been
decisive; at sea, off Whitby, the admiral would have claimed jurisdiction whereas,
in Whitby harbour, the regional criminal court would have been paramount. By
1338 the admirals interest in matters of piracy was increasing, particularly when
the malefactors were English, although they still lacked judicial authority. That
year, the two Admirals of the Northern and Western fleets and five others were
directed by writ to inquire into the pillage of Flemish ships. They were to iden-
tify and arrest those responsible by taking evidence on oath from merchants and
mariners and other honest and lawful men of Southampton, and to certify the
result to the king. The king added a note to the writ that the spoilage was to the
grave damage and manifest dishonour of us and that he was concerned that he
might have to make good the claims himself.10
The result of cases being passed to the chancellor, to the Council or, significantly,
for an admirals inquiry, was that the use of common law courts for allegations
of piracy declined. One of the last cases in which piracy was tried as a common
law criminal charge was in 1343. Following an inquisition by the Admiral of the
Northern fleet concerning the spoil of the ship Tarryce of Flanders in the previous
year, Sir John Beauchamp, then Constable of the Tower (and to be appointed
Admiral of all the fleets in 1360) was ordered to deliver the pirates, whom he had
in custody, to the justices in Norfolk. The result of the hearing was that some of
the accused were hanged and others, for a variety of reasons, were pardoned. One
alibi certified by the admiral was that four of them had equipped ships and served
the king on an expedition to Brittany.11
Even after admirals courts had been authorised to hear cases of piracy, there
is evidence that at least some still appeared before the Council or the chancellor
Rot. Parl., 2, 1 Edward III, p. 435, no. 57; p. 437, no. 66 (Maffy); and no. 67 (le Lacer).
10 CPR, 13247, p. 354 (1327). Appendix 2, Queenborough, articles 2934 for the later clarifica-
tion of an admirals duties in cases of alleged murder, mayhem, etc. Foedera, 2, part 2, pp. 10556,
28 Aug. 1338.
11 Marsden, Select Pleas, 1, pp. xxxviixxxviii. Coram Rege: 16 Edward III, Trinity, rot. 25; 17
Edward III, Trinity, rot. 14; same year, Easter, rot. 5; same term, rot. 28; and same term, rot. 36.
In these the legal processes are set out as if there had been two incidents rather than one.
32
THE ADMIRALS COURTS
without any admirals presence. In a letter to the king of Aragon in 1343, Edward
III wrote that, in complaints of piracy, the chancellor and Council were to call
the parties together and that, in a particular case current at the time in which
two Bayonese naves armatae had spoiled two Aragonese cochae, judgment had
been made that the attack was covered by maritime law. A few years later, in 1347,
a mandate from Chancery to the sheriff of Devonshire and others ordered them
to restore certain wines to Spanish merchants who had had them taken at sea.
The wines had been hidden at Dartmouth by John Gordon and others who were
required to make full restitution or be taken to the Tower and have their property
impounded. In that case there was also a political motive: Edward was anxious
not to be seen to violate the treaty with Spain.12
An early record of judicial proceedings before an admiral acting alone is of a
1347 certification by the locum tenens of the Admiral of the West, Richard, earl of
Arundel. A ship, Le Michel of Fowey, had been forfeited to the king for robbery at
sea by her owner and she was to be given as a gift to Peter Foulk of Winchelsea
whose own ship had been sunk, apparently deliberately, in Calais harbour while
on the kings business. In the account of the proceedings it certainly appears that
Arundel had acted alone in a judicial capacity in what was, in effect, an admirals
court. The year 1347, therefore, might be taken as the year of the conception, if
not the birth, of admiralty courts. However, very shortly afterwards, in 134951,
the Bristol tolsey court heard the case of Pilk v. Vener(e), the somewhat perplexing
case discussed in chapter 1, concerning a shipmasters responsibility for theft by
two of his crew. Another example of a maritime case heard in a local court at
about the same time concerned a claim for compensation for cargo taken from a
captured ship.13
At about this time the problem of ownership of goods taken at sea became an
issue; the principle in merchant and maritime laws frequently differing from that
in common law. In 1349 a common law court decided that the original owners
of goods taken at sea retained ownership, a clear enough statement of the posi-
tion in common law, unfortunately somewhat clouded by a condition in the last
sentence which declared that it would be an offence to recover ones goods by
force. Four years later, in 1353, it was decided, in a case heard before the Council
with the admiral present, that ownership was not lost in maritime law unless
the goods remained in the possession of the spoilers for 24 hours. It might be
thought, however, that the chances of an owner recovering his pillaged goods
from pirates within 24 hours must have been slim. The 1353 decision is known
because of a surviving order to Robert de Herle, captain of Calais, to arrest all the
wool in a certain ship and to deliver it to a number of London merchants who
claimed that the wool was theirs, taken by the kings enemies and then cast up in
12 Foedera, 2, part 2, p. 1229, 19 July 1343. CCR, 13469, pp. 1011 (1346).
13 CPR, 134548, p. 260 (1347). PRO C 47/59/2/48 mm. 1, 2 and 57.
33
a storm. In their plea, which had been accepted, the merchants claimed that their
serjeants, who had guarded the wool since the wreck, had never been driven off
and had asserted the merchants right of ownership; in short, the wool had not
been abandoned.14
In 1357, the king of Portugal claimed from Edward III the restitution of goods
which had been taken at sea by a French ship and then later by Englishmen.
Edward replied that the decision, made by the admiral before whom the Portu-
guese owner had sued for restitution, was rightfully constituted, and that the
goods were a good prize and therefore belonged to the Englishmen. It is possible
that the plea was merely a summary decision by a local admiral and had not been
heard in an admirals court, but an admiral acting alone, perhaps without writ,
appears to have made a legal decision. Strangely, although there was perhaps an
argument at merchant law for returning the goods to the owners on payment, that
does not seem to have been discussed. The decision would have done nothing to
encourage alien merchants.15
Other cases heard at this time, in courts presided over by admirals appar-
ently acting in a judicial capacity, include a 1358 case relating to average. In that,
as a result of a decision by an admiral sitting alone, the sheriffs of London were
ordered to hold under arrest certain merchants until they had each paid Saier
Scoef a share of 100, in proportion to the value of their cargo in a total of more
than 1,000 freighted on a ship which had been attacked. The 100 was the value
of food belonging to Scoef, who was a merchant of London, which had been given
by the shipmaster in an attempt to buy off the men who had attacked the ship.
The original decision was made by Guy Lord Brian, the Admiral of the West,
acting in accordance with maritime law in what appears to have been the earliest
case of average to be heard by an admiral.16
When the Council or other courts, with an admiral present, could reach the
decision that in several areas of complaint the principles of maritime law should
be followed, the stage had been set for the appearance of a specialised admi-
rals court with, perhaps limited, judicial authority. In 1360, John de Pavely was
appointed admiral with express powers to hear maritime plaints and punish those
found guilty, according to maritime law. Later that year, Sir John Beauchamp, the
first High Admiral of all the fleets with deputies responsible for each fleet, had
the authority to appoint a further deputy, probably to act as judge in the new
admiralty court working in maritime law. That court, it should be noted, was not
the somewhat later High Court of the Admiralty.17
14 Law Reports, 22 Edward III, Mich., pp. 1617, n. 63; and CCR, 134954, pp. 4245.
15 Foedera, 3, part 1, p. 354, 29 April 1357: Ad Regem Portugalliae etc.
16 CCR 13541360, pp. 4412.
17 Foedera, 3, part 1, p. 479, 26 March 1360: J. de Pavely admirallus constituitur: his remit is
interesting: querelas omnium et singulorum armatae praedictae audiendi et delinquentes incar-
cerandi castiganti et puniendi et plenam justitiam ac omnia alia et singula quae ad hujusmodi
34
THE ADMIRALS COURTS
Despite the Scoef case of 1358, disputed maritime business matters such as
average and wages were not included in the remit of the new admirals courts
but remained under the jurisdiction of the existing courts. This may have been
because of the expense to which litigants were put in preparing even a relatively
small claim, for example for unpaid wages or for a small salvage find, for pres-
entation to an admirals court and for the principals and witnesses travelling to
it. The problem of the expense involved in having recourse to an admirals court
appears to have been perennial; later, complaints of the costs were made to the
king and Parliament, particularly when a case was moved up to London from the
provinces. Other maritime commercial matters which appear not to have been
taken to admiralty courts include disputed contracts, partnership agreements and
financial instruments, perhaps because such litigation was reserved by their nature
for the courts practising merchant law.18
As a further complication to the question of maritime jurisdiction, by the
middle of the fourteenth century the court of the Constable and Marshal (the
Court of Chivalry) had also evolved. Even after the authorisation of the admi-
ralty courts judicial functions, the Court of Chivalry too was concerned in mari-
time misdeeds; the case of Roches v. Hawley, which dragged on from 1386 to 1402
(with an apparent lull between 1388 and 1393), is an example. John de Roches,
who had been engaged by Richard II to guard Brest, attempted to recover from
John Hawley of Dartmouth three ships and a quantity of wine and other goods
taken from Breton merchants off Pontcroix. This was within Roches area and
the ships had been attacked despite safe-conducts and without the justification
of warfare. Hawley was of the family identified as supplying the model for Chau-
cers Shipman who of nyce conscience took no keep. Statements were obtained
from witnesses in Brittany, London and the West Country but the hearings were
disrupted by the deposition of Richard II, and by the disappearance or death of
several of the participants. Roches v. Hawley may have been sent originally to the
Court of Chivalry because it involved aliens and had political undertones, but
Richards use of civil law in that court instead of common law in a common law
court, gave rise to fears of absolutism. These fears led, in 1385, to parliamentary
complaints that the practice was to the great damage and disquiet of the people.
Hawleys lawyer declared in his plea in 1399, before new court officers, that the case
should have been heard before an admirals court, a suggestion which, despite the
removal of Richard, was rejected. The visible trail of the case ends in 1402 with an
agreement by all parties to take the case to the king and to accept his decision. The
capitaneum et ductorem pertinent secundum legem maritimam fuerit faciendum. Foedera,

3, part 1, p. 505, 18 July 1360: J. de Bello Campo, comes Warrewici admirallus omnium flotarum
constituitur.
18 Rot. Parl., 3, 17 Richard II, p. 322, no. 49; 4 Henry IV, p. 498, no. 47; 11 Henry IV, p. 642,
no. 61.
35
evolution of the admiralty courts was thus a gradual affair with several judicial
processes operating in parallel for some time.19
The flourishing of the admirals courts
The jurisdiction offered by the admirals courts amounted to discretionary and

flexible equity, and something of that and of the working of their courts is visible
in the surviving records of two early cases. In Smale et al. v. Houeel et al., heard in
the admirals court at the Wool Quay in London in 1361, the French defendants
pleaded that their capture of an English ship was an act of war; if there had been
a truce in operation they were unaware of it and anyway the recent treaty (of
Brtigny, in 1360) precluded any claims made for wartime capture. The English
plaintiffs objected that the defendants had given three responses of which each
one would have been sufficient, in other words, multiplicity.
The admirals court was not impressed by that objection and, importantly,
claimed this court, which is the office of the admiral, will not be governed as
narrowly as other courts of the kingdom which follow the common law of the
country, but decides by equity and maritime law. This statement demonstrates
remarkable independence and confidence and makes clear how an early admi-
rals court saw its duty. Further, that it overruled a denizens plea in favour of an
alien must have further enhanced its reputation abroad. After a postponement,
the plaintiffs produced evidence of a truce at the time of the incident and were
awarded damages. The defendants, who did not dispute the award, had to remain
in custody until they had paid but no action was taken against them for the act
of piracy or for the deaths of the crew of the captured ship.20
An example of the flexibility of an admirals court may be seen in the 1369
order to the earl of Devon and others, to set free and to make restitution to Hugh
Peyntor, a merchant of Vannes, who had been cleared of allegations of adherence
to the kings French enemies. The case was transferred on the kings instructions to
the jurisdiction of the Admiral of the North from that of the Admiral of the West,
in whose bailiwick the arrest had been made but who was engaged elsewhere on
the kings business. The Admiral of the North was commanded to call before him
the merchant and anyone else he required, and to deal with the former, his ship,
goods and seamen, according to maritime law. With him he had three common
19 Michael Jones, Roches contre Hawley: la cour anglaise de chevalerie et un cas de piraterie
Brest, 13861402, Mmoires de la socit dhistoire et darchologie de Bretagne, LXIV (1987), citing
PRO C47/6/4 rolls 19 and C47/6/6 rolls 89.
20 pur ceo qe ceste court qest office dadmiralle ne serra pas rulle si estroit come serront les
autres courtz du roialme qe sont rullez par comune ley de la terre, mes est reullable par equite
et ley marine: Charles Johnson, ed., An Early Admiralty Case, Camden Miscellany, 3rd series
XV (1929).
36
THE ADMIRALS COURTS
law lawyers and the constable of the Tower of London. During his examination
(in the port of London), the defendant claimed he was in no wise guilty and put
himself upon the country; the sworn jury found him and his crew not guilty. The
willingness of the king to move the hearing from one admirals area to another so
that the merchant should not be detained longer in prison was perhaps a reflection
of the merchants influence in high circles, but it also demonstrates the flexibility
of working of the admirals courts. The use of a sworn jury and of legally quali-
fied assistants in an admirals court is also of interest; it must be presumed that
the lawyers and jurors had experience of maritime affairs even if not qualified in
maritime law.21
Once established, the admirals courts did their best, despite competition from
merchant and common law courts, to attract all the business they could within
their Rules or Orders about Matters belonging to the Admiralty of c.1340, and
later confirmed at the end of the fourteenth or very early in the fifteenth century
in the second section of the Inquisition of Queenborough, both of which have been
discussed above. The scope of the admiralty courts was summarised in the sentence
Every contract made between merchant and merchant, or merchant and mariner,
overseas or within the tide mark, will be tried before the admiral and no-one else,
by order of king Edward and his lords. Further, divers lords were forbidden from
trying pleas in ports if they concerned merchants or mariners, including cases
concerning charter-parties, obligations and other matters of fact. An inquiry was
to be held into anyone who sued at common law, a merchant, mariner or any other
person in a matter belonging to the marine auncien droit. If they were indicted and
convicted by a jury of twelve men, they were to be fined and have to withdraw
their suit from common law and bring it into an admiralty court if they wished to
proceed further. An example of the esteem in which an admirals court was held
at that time was an order by the king in 1371 to John Lord Nevill, Admiral of the
North, and Guy Lord Brian, Admiral of the West to resolve by inquiry the tangle
of complaints from Flemish merchants who had been spoiled at sea.22
The High Court of Admiralty was probably formally constituted during the
sitting of the Inquisition of Queenborough, but unfortunately cases heard before
the High Court were recorded only from about 1524, despite an express instruc-
tion to keep a record according to maritime law and the ancient customs of the
sea. The admirals courts did not get off to a flying start and, indeed, there were
many missed opportunities in maritime legal affairs when admirals could have
21 CCR, 136974, pp. 369370.

22 Chascun contract fait entre marchant et marchant ou marchant ou mariner outre la mer
ou dedens le flodemark sera trie devant ladmiral et nenient ailleurs par lordonnance du dit Roy
Edward et ses seigneurs. For the constitution of the Inquisition of Queenborough, see p.23;
Appendix 2, Queenborough, articles 1880 and especially 51 and 52. Foedera, 3, part 2, p. 907,
1Jan. 1371: Pro mercatoribus Januae, etc., and p. 917, 24 and 25 May 1371, Pro mercatoribus de
Bruges, etc..
37
been called to assist. Commissions of oyer et terminer were appointed on two

separate occasions without admirals in 1376 to examine petitions for the restitu-
tion of losses to English pirates in English waters, although in both cases Guy
Lord Brian, by then no longer the Admiral of the West, was a member, either as
a quondam admiral or as a reliable committee member. Significantly, one of the
commissions was instructed to determine the premises according to law and the
customs of the realm and [specifically] maritime law but our [the kings] intention
is that the office of the Admiral shall be in no way prejudiced under colour of
these presents. In the following year there were two more commissions of oyer et
terminer to examine maritime incidents on neither of which was there an admiral,
current or former. Both of those cases concerned Hansa ships wrecked by storm
on the coasts of Lincolnshire, Norfolk, Kent and Essex and afterwards pillaged;
the king had already decided to pay compensation, no doubt under the pressure
which alien merchants could exert.23
There were other cases which unexpectedly did not go before an admirals court
and are worth considering in some detail because of that and because of their
content. In 1381, in the case of Hamely v. Alveston heard in the maritime court
of Padstow, John Alveston was found guilty of pillaging Osbert Hamelys ship in
Plymouth harbour when she was fitted out and ready to sail to Bordeaux for the
wine harvest. John failed to pay the 200 marks awarded to Osbert and because
the former did not have anything within the bailiwick of Padstow which could be
arrested, the latter appealed to the king for an order against him. For this petition
to be heard, a full account of the trial in Padstow had to be sent up to London and
this has most usefully survived in the Coram Rege Roll. The case was not heard
in an admirals court at the first instance, although tried according to maritime
law, but before a maritime court with a jury of merchants, the justification for the
hearing in that court being that the assault took place in Plymouth harbour where
the tide ebbs and flows. Compurgation (see p. 13) was used by the plaintiff with
six trustworthy men to substantiate his plea; and the appeal for execution of the
judgment was heard before the Kings Bench, the complaint having mutated into
one of trespass for non-compliance with a court order.
The Padstow hearing reveals the workings of a port towns maritime court; it
first sat on a Friday at the first hour of the flood tide and was postponed until the
following day at the same tide-time in accordance with maritime law and custom
(in other words, 48 minutes later). The petitioner duly appeared at the third hour
of flood-tide on the Saturday but the defendant sent along his shipmaster who
asked for a further postponement until Tuesday. Having missed Tuesdays sched-
uled appearance, Alveston finally turned up on the Wednesday at the first hour of
the flood-tide; the courts tolerance of the accuseds failures to appear is remark-
23 CPR, 13741377, pp. 408, 410 and 417.
38
THE ADMIRALS COURTS
able. In the subsequent litigation before the Kings Bench, Alveston claimed that
the local court had no jurisdiction, that Padstow was not an ancient borough,
the mayor and burgesses had no authority to hear pleas and they had not been
deputed by the admiral to try such cases. Hamely disputed all those criticisms
of the Padstow court and maintained his claim. The case ended with something
of a whimper when the Kings Bench reserved judgment followed by a sine die
postponement while Alveston served under the command of Sir John de Roches,
captain of the castle of Brest.24
The case of Hamely v. Alveston may have been one of those, together with the
cases of Gernesey v. Henton and Sampson v. Curteys, both of which are discussed
below, to which reference was made in the petitions to king and to Parliament and
which led to the statutes defining and restraining the admirals jurisdiction. Other
piracy cases which were not heard by an admiral include the 1383 trial of William
Wilton and John Gloucester before the Kings Council on a charge of contempt
arising from piracy against a merchant of Lombardy, and a 1384 complaint by
Gunsales, a Portuguese merchant, of spoilage in Southampton, aggravated by the
subsequent loss of the ship at sea to pirates. The latter case was referred from
Chancery to the Kings Bench in 1384 where the jury was half alien and half
denizen and the plaintiff, perhaps somewhat unfairly, lost the case.25
While it is possible to find examples of maritime cases which did not go before
an admiral, there remains considerable uncertainty about the unrecorded activi-
ties of the admiralty courts from their beginnings in the mid-fourteenth century
until about 1524 when the High Court of Admiralty records began. By the chance
recording in the Patent and Close Rolls and elsewhere of actions resulting from
the courts decisions, something of the early operation of admirals courts can be
seen. The surviving evidence confirms that most of the cases heard concerned
piracy, prize or reprisal, with very little mercantile work. It is not known if the
commercial business was truly small, and if so by chance or by deliberate exclu-
sion, or was in fact larger but has left no trace. Examples of the few commercial
cases which were heard in admirals courts in the period 13501450 are discussed
below.
A number of cases brought before the courts of the Admiral of the West, John
Holland, earl of Huntingdon, appointed In 1389, have been recorded because they
were passed a certiorari or for other reasons to Chancery. One, in 1390, was Sampson
v. Curteys in which John Sampson accused Curteys of stealing goods from his ship
in Lostwithiel while she was on passage from Plymouth to London. The king, in
his writ to Huntingdon, referred to the court as coram vobis in curia Admiralitatis
vestre which indicates that the admiral had a court of independent jurisdiction
24 Marsden, Select Pleas, 1, pp. xvii and xlix: Coram Rege, 7 Richard II, Hil., rot. 51.
25 Foedera, 4, p. 168, 8 April 1383: De venire faciendo certas personas coram concilio. Marsden,
Select Pleas, 1, p. xlviii: Coram Rege, 8 Richard II, Hil., rot., 18.
39
within his admiralty and that it sat in Lostwithiel and in Fowey, sittings timed,
no doubt as usual for maritime courts, by the tide. The return of the commission
to take evidence, however, was made to the subadmirallus nobis et curie nostre
apud le Wolkey, London, a move which would have added considerably to the
expenses of the litigants and was to become one of the complaints against the
admirals jurisdiction. The case was not entirely straightforward; the defendant
was the seneschal of the Lostwithiel court and his defence was that he was acting
in an official capacity in taking some of the goods and that he knew nothing about
anything else that was missing. The judgment has not survived.26
Another recorded case, Gernesey v. Henton, was an extraordinarily long-drawn-
out and complex affair stretching from c.1389 until 1404. It was initially a commer-
cial matter, an attempt by Gernesey to recover money from Henton for freight and
for salt and herrings which Gernesey had bought. It was heard before William
Thomer the soi-disant deputy admiral at Bridgewater but it spawned another case,
Henton v. Kedewelly, the latter being Thomers bailiff. In that case Henton sued
Kedewelly for breaking into his house to recover goods to the value of the debt.
From then the complications multiplied until, by Marsdens count, there were 29
separate legal steps including appeals to the Admiral, to the Privy Council and
five to the king, and five different commissions had been appointed. Curiously, the
chancellor himself does not appear to have become involved at any point in this
arachnoid web of litigation. The case is interesting because it illustrates a challenge
to an admirals authority, albeit an admirals pretended deputy who was probably
acting ultra vires.27
The decline of the admirals courts
Sampson v. Curteys, Gernesey v. Henton and the consequent case of Henton v. Kend-
ewelly were all before the courts while the earl of Huntingdon was the Admiral
of the West, and all demonstrate unsatisfactory legal practices. These and other
irregularities committed by judges in admiralty courts during Huntingdons
tenure, led to a general dissatisfaction with the judicial role of the admirals. In
addition to the improprieties of the courts, there was also still doubt about the
range of authority allowed to the admirals. Further, there is indirect evidence of
dissatisfaction in the records of appointments of judges to hear appeals against the
courts judgments. Cases considered to have been handled unsatisfactorily include
26 Marsden, Select Pleas, 1, p. 54: the court apud Ortons Quay juxta pontem Londinensem loco
vid dicte curie solito; the wolkey (wool quay) was usually on the north bank of the Thames,
but Hortons Quay was in Southwark.
27 Marsden, Select Pleas, 1, pp. 127 and pp. 14972: Chancery Rolls, Misc., bundle 18, nos 10
and 11; also CPR, 13916, p. 339, etc.
40
THE ADMIRALS COURTS
Beche v. Nyweman, a case of debt in 1391; Nocolt v. Appe Hacche, a question of

part-ownership of a ship also in 1391; and Draper v. Stillard, concerning a freight
contract in 1394 in which it was complained that two of the lawyers involved had
been suborned. None of those three was a straightforward maritime law case,
although indirectly involving ships or freight, but all were heard during the period
of admiralty of the earl of Huntingdon. The judge in the first case was Nicholas
Maclefeld who, like Thomas Thomer in Gernesey v. Henton, appears to have been
a soi-disant lieutenant claiming to supply the place of the admiral.28
The case of Yter et al. v. Haule [Hawley], was heard in an admirals court by Sir
Nicholas Clifton in 1389. Although Hawley was alleged to have taken a hulk and
a cog laden with wine, iron and other merchandise belonging to Frenchmen and
Flemings, interestingly, the competence of the court to hear a case of piracy was
not questioned. The confusion surrounding the admiralty courts responsibilities
is epitomised in the 1393 case of Copyn v. Snoke and Saxlyngham in which John
Copyn, master of the ship Gabriel, sued the two merchants for the payment due
on the freight of a cargo of wine carried from Bordeaux to Essex. Copyn began
his suit in a common law court, then in the court of the Admiral of the North,
both without remedy, and finally before the court of Constable and Marshal with
whose decision he did not agree. In the common law court the judges had declared
that they had no jurisdiction (perhaps because Copyn had no written proof of
agreement?) but it is not known why the admirals court could not offer remedy.
It may be that by 1393 the admiralty courts were too demoralised to hear cases
with a commercial element.29
Port town courts resented the loss of commercial business and no doubt
resisted attempts to take such cases to an admirals court. Further, litigants were
unsure of the outcome of their pleas before an admirals court, at least during the
tenure of the earl of Huntingdon, and were unhappy about the expense of moving
their cases to London. There had been complaints from the city of London in 1345
about the jurisdiction of the Admirals of the North and of the West but more
general unrest grew towards the end of the century with repeated petitions to the
king and to Parliament from towns in the west of England from 1391 to 1410. The
burden of the complaints was that the admirals courts were encroaching on the
franchises of the towns, that the expense of litigation before an admiral was too
great, and that wrong judgments were being given. Following what appears to have
been a pre-emptive strike by Huntingdon, an inquiry was ordered to be made by
John, duke of Lancaster in 1391
to hear and examine complaints by the earl of Huntingdon, Admiral of the

West, that the mayor and sheriffs of London and others had done divers
28 CPR, 138892, pp. 412, 425, 459, 473 and 491 (all 1391); and 139196, p. 388 (1394).
29 CPR, 138892, p. 159 (1389). CPR, 139196, pp. 340 and 378 (13934). See also chapter 3.
41
duresses, grievances, disobediences or rebellions and prejudices to the officers

and courts of the admiral and to certify to the king and council.30
The result of the dissatisfaction with the admirals courts was that two stat-
utes were passed which drastically restricted their judicial powers to hear pleas,
quarrels or anything else under the laws of the country. The remit of the courts
was limited specifically to inquiries concerning deaths and mayhem in ships at
sea, or in the main stream of great rivers below the bridges. The admirals were,
however, empowered to arrest ships for the kings use, provided that all forfeitures
and profits arising there from went to the king, and to exercise jurisdiction on
those impressed fleets during their voyages, subject to the franchises and liberties
of the lords, cities and boroughs. They were also authorised, when the evidence
was too technical for non-seafaring lawyers and they had secured pledges from
both parties, to pass a dispute to arbitration by nominated experts or aimables
compositeurs. An example of such arbitration, from the papers of John Holland
(earl of Huntingdon, later duke of Exeter), is a case which ended in coram vobis
pendente indecisa a telling phrase. Such use of aimables compositeurs in arbitra-
tion is discussed by Marsden, who gives as an example a rare hearing of a case of
collision at sea, and by Rawcliffe in connection with non-maritime commercial
disputes.31
The statutory restriction of the admirals powers was seriously at odds with
the admirals own view of their responsibilities as set out in Queenborough less
than 25 years earlier. There the admirals were charged with responsibility for
inquiries into death and mayhem on ships, for false weights and measures within
their jurisdiction, for wrecks and, most relevantly, to have sanction over those
who sued at common law when by ancient right the case should have been tried
by maritime law, and over any judge who heard a plea belonging to an admi-
ralty court. The admirals status had been secured, they felt, by the Queenborough
authority to punish any who should oppose the office of admiral. The 1390 and
1392 statutes proved inadequate and had to be followed by a further statute in
1400 which confirmed the restriction of the admirals jurisdiction and threatened
the admirals and their lieutenants with the sanctions of statute and common law.
That statute also offered anyone who felt aggrieved, the possibility of action by
writ grounded on the case heard against them in an admirals court, with double
30 Rot. Parl., 3, 17 Richard II, p. 322, no. 49; 4 Henry IV, p. 498, no. 47 and 11 Henry IV, p. 642,
no. 61.
31 Statutes, 13 Richard II, st. 1, c. 5; and 15 Richard II, c. 3. Twiss, Black Book, I, p. 24680:
Documents Connected with the Admiralty of John Holland, Duke of Exeter, 14431446;
Holland died in 1447. Marsden, Select Pleas, pp. lxix and 901. Carole Rawcliffe That Kindli-
ness Should Be Cherished More, and Discord Driven Out: The Settlement of Commercial
Disputes by Arbitration in Later Medieval England, in Enterprise and Individuals in Fifteenth
Century England, ed. Jennifer Kermode (Stroud, 1991), pp. 99117.
42
THE ADMIRALS COURTS
damages from the pursuant, the latter also paying 10 to the king if attainted. As
late as 140910 there were two more petitions to Parliament complaining that the
admirals courts, coupled, in the first petition, with the court of the Constable and
Marshal, were still hearing cases which should have been heard at common law.
In the second petition there were also much broader based complaints of all sorts
of dishonesty in the collection of customs, in false weights and measures, over-
payment of employees, bad judgments, deliberate delays and of all other things
by which they can illegally gain some money. The second petition went on to say
that none of this happened before Huntingdon was appointed admiral, and that
an inquiry should be held. To all of which the king replied Soient lEstatutz ent
faitz tenuz & gardez.32
During their short life in the late fourteenth and early fifteenth centuries, the
admirals courts had stirred up sufficient enmity to be reduced to handling little
more than violence at sea. This may well be attributed to the laxity or dishonesty
of Huntingdon as Admiral of the Western Fleet over a period of 12 years (from
1389 to 1401) but, whatever the reasons, the results were clear. The admirals judi-
cial powers were rendered inadequate for maritime commercial litigation; and,
more often than not, merchants and mariners had to go elsewhere for justice.
As the spirit of the 1360 treaty of Brtigny evaporated, and Edward III
reclaimed the title of king of France in 1369, the sea became increasingly dangerous
until the beginning of the next century. The mayor of Sandwich confiscated a
ship of La Rochelle which had been driven in by bad weather in 1396 and many
vessels were taken by both sides over the next three years, 1399 being a particularly
hazardous year for English seafarers. By 1402 losses at sea, through direct action
and reprisals, were so heavy that maritime trade was crippled, but neither Paris
nor London did anything much to calm the situation and probably encouraged
the attacks under the guise of reprisals. During this period the ambassadors of
both sides evaded and postponed the restitution of captured ships and cargoes and
anarchy spread at sea. By the second half of 1403 hostile marine activity appears
to have become less intense, although until 1406, there was a series of raids on the
south coast of England by French, Breton and Castilian fleets, followed inevitably
by English retaliatory raids. In that year, at their despairing request, the merchants
were themselves entrusted with the custody of the sea for which they nominated
two admirals to be responsible for the North and the West. Nothing is known of
this experiment except that it was of brief duration and it has to be assumed that
for whatever reason the merchants control of admiralty failed and John Beaufort,
earl of Somerset, was appointed admiral by the king later in the same year. In 1407,
without admitting that the 1396 truce of Paris had failed, a new tripartite truce
32 Appendix 2, Queensborough articles 29 (death), 30 (mayhem), 51 (suing at common law), 52

(judges wrongly hearing pleas), 54 (weights and measures) and 72 (opposers of admiralty), etc.
Statutes, 2 Henry IV, c.11. Rot. Parl., 3, 11 Henry IV, p. 625, no. 24 and p. 642, no. 61.
43
was agreed at Gloucester. The fullest part of the truce, which held until 1412 and
during which the admirals were able to deal with infractions, was that which had
the express purpose of protecting maritime trade.33
Little is known of the work of the regional admiralty courts after their statu-
tory emasculation in the 1390s; that they did continue to hear some commercial
suits may be conjectured from the appointments of commissions to investigate
appeals. As early as 1390 the Sampson v. Curteys appeal, discussed above, had been
moved to Southwark and there was certainly a curia principalis in Southwark from
1408 when Thomas Beaufort, earl of Dorset, was appointed Admiral of England,
Ireland and Aquitaine. The Southwark court may have had a chequered career for
while, in 1410, there was a complaint in Parliament that (inter alia) witnesses were
summoned a Loundres a le key de William Horton, Southwerke, in 1422 there is
mention of courts held in turn in Dartmouth, Plymouth and Kingsbridge.34
During Beauforts admiralty, the amount of work coming before admiralty
courts appears to have increased despite the statutory restrictions, confirmed,
ironically, by the number of appeals against the decisions of his lieutenants.
Beaufort himself did not escape complaint; in 1409 John Byrkyn and three others
alleged that after a judgment against them by the admirals lieutenant, Beaufort
exacted excessive fees for himself and the office of admiralty. In December 1409
(too late to have been one of the subjects of the 140910 petitions to Parliament),
a commission was appointed to hear an appeal in the case Watertoft v. Jonesson
which concerned a debt arising from a freight agreement. The original plea had
been heard by Henry Bole, a lieutenant general of the court of Admiralty, and
should have been held on the quayside at Boston with a jury of 12 merchants,
shipmasters and mariners. Watertofts appeal was on the grounds that it was held
in the town (outside the admirals jurisdiction), that the jury were not merchants,
shipmasters or mariners, and that he and his counsellors had been too intimi-
dated to complain at the time. Other appeals against admirals courts decisions in
commercial disputes were heard in the same period: concerning freight payments
in 1412 and in 1414; the withholding of a ransom payment in 1415; the management
accounts of a ship in 1418; and money due on the sale of a ship in 1422.35
At this time, cases of piracy were the occasional subject of petitions to Parlia-
ment. There were, for example, two in 1410; that of John Trebeel who had captured
a ship out of St Malo loaded by merchants who had a safe conduct from Richard
of York which they had forgotten(!) and that of John Kedwelly who, during
a truce between France and England, had lost his ship and cargo to pirates from
33 CCR, 13969, pp. 113, 165; 13991402, pp. 119, 319, 395; 14025, p. 48. CPR, 13991401, p. 164
etc. Rot. Parl., 3, 78 Henry IV, p. 571, no. 26. Foedera, 8, pp. 5079.
34 Rot. Parl., 11 Henry IV, p. 642, no. 6. CPR, 141622, p. 427.
35 CPR, 140813, pp. 139, 154 and 422; 141316, p. 204; 140813, p. 407; 141622, pp. 174 and
427.
44
THE ADMIRALS COURTS
Harfleur and St Malo, and had been imprisoned. In 1414 a statute was passed
authorising the admiral to appoint conservators of truces in various seaport
towns. Their duties included inquiry into, and determination of, piracy cases, an
area which had, in any case, escaped the statutory restrictions on the jurisdiction
of the admirals. There had always to be present at the inquiries men learned in
law, and that obligation may mark the end of lay judges in the admiralty courts;
it is curious, however, that the type of law in which they were to be learned was
not specified. The conservators were able to appoint ships and crews, operating
with letters of marque, to assist them but, perhaps inevitably, this led to such gross
exploitation that the statute had to be reduced by partial repeal, suspended for
seven year after that, and finally abandoned in 1435. A further blow to the admirals
authority was struck in 1450 when the 1414 statute was revived but with the chan-
cellor and chief justices being given the powers of the conservators. Throughout
the remainder of the fifteenth century conservators, or envoys with similar powers,
appear to have been the usual judges of cases of piracy, perhaps further confirma-
tion that the admiralty courts had not worked satisfactorily.36
In 1426 the restriction of the admirals legal franchise was repeated in the Letter
Patent appointing John, duke of Bedford, as Admiral of England, Ireland and
Guienne, but despite that, commercial suits continued to be heard. Four appeals
against decisions by the admirals lieutenants between 1428 and 1442 confirm that
such cases were still being taken to an admiralty court.37
Sometime before 1429, qualified lawyers began to be appointed to sit judicially
in the admirals courts, which therefore became somewhat more reputable resorts
for litigants to receive as fair a hearing as they might reasonably expect in common
or merchant law courts. The rehabilitation of the admirals jurisdiction had begun,
but there was a problem in that professional counsel was in short supply in the
more remote districts. In 1429, after John Kelke complained that he could not find
counsel in Norfolk or Suffolk to defend him against a charge of wrongful arrest,
the admirals lieutenant decided that the case should be heard in his principal
court at Southwark where, presumably, counsel were available in plenty. In the
interim, a soi-disant deputy awarded Kelkes goods to the other party involved and
Kelke had to make an appeal for help.38
With the courts of the conservators, and occasionally the admiralty courts,
hearing cases of piracy, the criminal jurisdiction of common law felt the lack of
such business. That may have been the subtext in a petition to Parliament in 1429,
36 Rot. Parl., 3, 11 Henry IV, pp. 6289, no. 35 and pp. 6434, no. 66. Rot. Parl., 4, 2 Henry V,
pp. 224, no. 2. Statutes, 2 Henry V, st. 1, c. 6. Rot. Parl., 4, 2 Henry V, pp. 224, no. 23. Statutes,
2 Henry V, st. 1, c. 6; 4 Henry V, c. 7; 14 Henry VI, c. 8; and 14 Henry VI, c. 8; 29 Henry VI,
c. 2.
37 CPR, 142229, pp. 34950.
38 CPR, 142229, p. 470; 143641, p. 203; 144146, p. 133; 142936, pp. 322 and 37; 143641,
p.203; 144146, p. 133; 142936, pp. 323.
45
in which the commons asked that piracy be made a felony and that justices of the
peace of the county in which the Roveres sur le Mere were taken could enquire
into their aiders and abettors with a view to oyer et terminer. The king was not
immediately disposed to help, his Responsio being Le Roi sadvisera. The intention
of the petition seems to have been to curb once again the admirals courts powers,
and it was no doubt encouraging to the admiral and his staff that Henry VIs
council in 1429 was less disposed against them than Richard II and Henry IV had
been in 1391 and 1410. The rehabilitation of the court of admiralty continued.
Throughout the first half of the fifteenth century the admirals courts work was
largely maritime, concerned with discipline and seamanship, and with an occa-
sional commercial suit. At least one case combined both commercial and maritime
interests: in 1437 an appeal was made for the restoration of wrongly sequestered
goods which had been sold following a decision by an admirals court on a (rare)
collision dispute involving le Antony of London, freighted with merchandise from
Prussia. Meanwhile, the port town courts, for example that at Ipswich, in compe-
tition with the admiralty courts, continued to be available for hearings of marine
issues under maritime law: The pleas yoven to the lawe maryne, that is to wyte, for
straunge marynerys passaunt and for them that abyden not but her tyde, shuldene
ben pleted from tyde to tyde. Sometime in the fifteenth century, the Fordwich
and Sandwich custumals made it clear that whenever a denizen or alien came to
the mayors court asking for settlement at maritime law of a dispute concerning
damage at sea the mayor shall give him two jurats who know such like law, and
two shipmasters of the vill who shall allot to each what by law he ought to have
provided that both parties submit to his judgement. If one of the parties did
not agree with the judgment, then he could plead in the hundred or the mayors
court but, if the decision went against him, it would go badly for him a blatant
threat!39
Aftermath
After half a century of active and successful jurisdiction over matters maritimo-
commercial, the admiralty courts in the late fourteenth and the first half of the
fifteenth centuries, despite their professional judges and recent record of equitable
decisions, gradually ceased to be of much use to denizen or alien shipmasters and
merchants. Haunted by the malpractices of Huntingdons deputies, hounded by
the port towns guarding the franchises of their own courts and harried by common
law jurists looking for business, they were unable to extend their jurisdiction or
even to exercise their own franchise as set out in the articles of Queenborough. The
39 CPR, 143641, p. 94. Twiss, Black Book, I, pp. 16209: the Domesday of Gippewyz [Ipswich];
Bateson, Borough Customs, 2, pp. 1934.
46
THE ADMIRALS COURTS
admiralty courts continued to hear technical cases in maritime law concerned with
discipline, collisions, seamanship, pilots, jettison and so on, but maritime commer-
cial suits were generally taken to common or merchant law courts.
To the hardy and practical shipmaster, the rise and fall of the admiralty courts
together with the jealousies and intrigues of the practitioners of the several codes
of law, must have been a source of considerable frustration and bemusement.
47
3
The Shipmaster as Owner, Partner

and Employee
Ship-ownership
I n the twelfth century, most shipmasters owned their own ships, either partici-
pating in joint commercial ventures with a group of merchants assembled for
each voyage, or arranging at their own expense the purchase and sale of cargo,
the fitting-out of the ship and the hiring of a crew. As a member of a cooperative,
the owner /master commanded the ship, acting as primus inter pares with the
participating merchants working as crew, and would have received a charter fee or
an enhanced share of the profits of the voyage. When working alone, all the risks
and any profit (or loss) on the voyage were his. Vestiges of the rules of cooperative
ventures which appear to pre-date its codification may be seen in certain articles
of the Lex dOleron.
The earliest English shipowners known to employ professional shipmasters
were civil and religious institutions and the crown. In 1224 Margam Abbey in
South Wales owned a ship which was arrested in Bristol, and in the following year
Neath Abbey obtained a safe conduct for their hulc to trade in England. In 1242
Robert Elye of Winchelsea handed over 20 bordeaux as the kings share of the
booty taken while he was shipmaster of La Brette, which is described as a kings
ship and was therefore neither a privately owned nor an impressed vessel. At
about the same time, individual continental merchants were already owning ships
with professional shipmasters. In 1234 John Blundus and William, both merchants
of Antwerp, obtained a safe conduct for their ship Benalee and her shipmaster
Terricus, also of Antwerp. Terricus was described as leading the ship and may
have been a professional seaman with no share in the ship, which belonged to
the merchants. By 1250 shipmasters were being employed by private individuals
in England. Ellen Lambord of Bristol obtained safe conducts for two ships, the
Lambord and La Sauvee, to go to Bordeaux, presumably with professional ship-
masters. She may have been a widow carrying on her deceased husbands busi-
Appendix 1, Oleron, articles 1, 2, 14, 18.
48
THE SHIPMASTER AS OWNER, PARTNER, EMPLOYEE
ness or, somewhat ahead of her time, she may have regarded shipowning as an
investment.
Shipowning purely as an investment, with no mercantile interest, appears to
have been uncommon before the second half of the fifteenth century. By the early
fourteenth century, however, ships were frequently owned by merchants, singly
or in partnership, to expand their business interests. In addition to the returns,
largely paid in England, and to the in-house advantageous freight rates, ship-
ownership also offered alternative opportunities when occasional royal restrictions
were imposed on their activities or trading areas. As early examples of such marine
diversification by merchants, two impressment indentures for Exeter ships show
that La Sauveye had five owners in 1303 and the Seinte Marie Cog also had five
in 1310; the shipmasters of both ships are listed as part-owners, the others being
local merchants actively engaged in overseas trade. From London, Richard and
Bartholomew Denmars, the latter a corder, owned La Katerine de Hope in the
1340s; Thomas le Northerne, a vintner, sold La Marie of Boulogne; and Richard
de Preston, a grocer, owned the Michel of London and half of Le Thomas of Calais
in the 1360s. Some 15 London merchants, including John Chirche, a mercer who
owned four or five ships, were granted letters of marque for their ships in 1436 and
1438. There were many Bristol shipowning merchants, amongst whom William
Canynges and Robert Straunge had fleets of 10 and 12 ships respectively. Vintners
and fishmongers appear to have been amongst the most diligent investors in ships
although, as wine was the best recorded of imports, that view may not be entirely
objective for the former.
Shipowning gradually came to be seen as a sound arms-length investment to
the point that, in a muster of 63 vessels at Plymouth in 145051 to take part in
an expedition to Gascony, only 13 were owned by the shipmaster, although almost
all (61) of the ships had single owners. Later, those who wished to invest in ship-
ping and had sufficient funds to buy a ship, probably spread their risk by joining
partnerships in the ownership of several vessels. A petition to the chancellor in
about 1467 concerning certain ships of Dartmouth shows how widespread shared
ownership had become: a list of 23 partners and victuallers included a shipmaster,
two knights, a priest and an esquire. If the ships listed at Plymouth and Dart-
CCR, 123134, p. 360; 123247, pp. 108 and 328. CPR, 123247, p. 85; 124758, p. 72.
Restrictions on trading included: Statutes, 37 Edward III, c. 5: Merchants shall not engross
merchandizes to inhance the price, nor use but one sort of merchandize; 38 Edward III, st.
1, c.2: Any merchant may use more sorts of merchandize than one; English merchants not
to export wool, gold, silver etc.; 42 Edward III, c. 8: English merchants shall not pass into
Gascoigne to fetch wines, nor shall buy any wines until they be landed; 43 Edward III, c. 2:
English, Irish and Welshmen, not being artificers, may import wine from Gascoigne he shall
buy an hundred tuns of wines and no less and bring the same into England and to no place
elsewhere. Exeter Deeds M/196 and M/214, transcribed by Michael Jones, Two Exeter Ship
Agreements of 1303 and 1310, MM 53, 4 (1967), pp. 31519; CPMR, 132364, p. 207 and 136481,
pp. 35 and 43. CPR, 143641, pp. 1 and 1667. Childs, Anglo-Castilian Trade, pp. 1634.
49
mouth were representative of the merchant fleet, and allowance must be made
for unrepresentative sampling, then by mid-fifteenth century there was a wide
demographic range of people investing in ships. The legal and financial aspects of
ship-ownership are discussed below, pp. 00000.
The shipmasters options
A shipmaster in the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries could have been the sole
owner of his ship, a waged employee, a part-owner, a charterer or an experienced
mariner brought into a commenda-type arrangement (as discussed in chapter
1), formally or in trust, by the partners. The co-existence of self-employed and
employed shipmasters may be seen as early as 1315: William Ribald, owner and
master of the ship called the Godyer of Spalding, and John Irpe, owner,and
Amisio Ethoun, master, of the ship called the Godyer of Ipswich, occur in the
same account. The number of employed rather than self-employed shipmasters
grew with the increase in demand for English ships, and by or before 1315, the date
of the London manuscripts of the Lex dOleron, there were sufficient of them to
require a specific definition of their obligations and authority. These conditions
were amplified in the Coutumier, of which a 1324 copy survives and in the 1378
Inquisition of Queenborough. In the 1450 Plymouth muster mentioned above, the
number of shipmasters who individually owned their vessels was less than 20 per
cent.
In the accounts of the kings ships between 1422 and 1427 shipmasters are seen
in several and changing rles. John William, employed by John Hawley of Dart-
mouth as shipmaster of the balinger Craccher, 56 tons, entered service with the
Crown first as shipmaster of the cog John, 220 tons, and then of the kings flag-ship
Jesus, 1,000 tons. During his royal service he acquired a half share with the Crown
of the Margaret, 70 tons, based in Beaumaris and in 1423, when the royal ships
were being sold off, he and two others bought his old ship the Craccher, which
had been either forfeited or given to the Crown by Hawley, and with others, the
Swan of 20 tons. By 1436 he was trading on his own account in wine, possibly as
shipmaster on his own ship, and by 1440 he had another vessel employed either
in coastal work or as a lighter in Southampton harbour. John William, therefore,
worked progressively as an employed shipmaster, as an investing partner with
the Crown in one ship and then as a part-owner of a number of ships, on one
Gardiner, West Country Shipping, no. 79, pp. 956, a translation of PRO C1/33/179; the ships
had taken Burgundian goods which had to be returned.
Friel, The Good Ship, p. 30: an analysis of the Plymouth muster, and PRO E364/92, A, m. 1v
and B, m.1r. Also CPR, 142936, p. 471; PRO C1/7/186; CLB Letterbook A, p. 6; PRO C1/7/291;
and PRO E101/16/40. Appendix 1, Oleron, articles 1, 3, 23. Appendix 2, Queenborough, article 64.
Appendix 3, Coutumier, chapters 86, 88.
50
of which he may have been master, and finally as a full- or part-time merchant
employing a shipmaster.
Friel has suggested that, paradoxically, single ownership favoured technical
development whereas shared ownership appears to have been more conservative;
further, the largest and therefore the most capital intensive ships, were owned by
one person. Possibly a committee of partners would have had a more cautious
investment policy than an entrepreneurial loner, or maybe partners with different
interests found it difficult to agree on further investment.
Ship-owning partnerships and service agreements
All merchants engaged in buying and selling at home or overseas had to be expe-
rienced in striking bargains and entering various forms of partnership and trading
agreement. They were practised in pursuing debtors and recognising embez-
zlers and would know the advantages and disadvantages, to them, of common,
mercantile and maritime law in matters of commerce and contract. The risks for
a possibly illiterate and initially naf shipmaster bargaining with, or putting his
ship and savings into a partnership with, such men must have been considerable.
Until the last quarter of the thirteenth century, when most shipmasters owned
their own vessels, they arranged their cargoes and freight rates, relied on their
own resources against weather and enemies, sometimes in convoy but usually
alone, and repaired, manned and victualled their ships without outside assistance.
Although a partner with available funds would have covered periods of poor cash
flow, diluted the risk and made possible the purchase of a bigger ship, shipmasters
were probably men who valued their independence and saw little reason to share
their enterprise with anyone else. Although cooperation on a legal basis between
merchants and shipmasters existed in England in the early fourteenth century,
there is little in the records of common and merchant law courts on that subject.
From Chancery records of appeals in the fifteenth century some detail of the
arrangements in such ventures may be gleaned, but it is not clear what type of
association was usual whether legal partnership was necessary or if participation
by shareholding sufficed.
Commercial partnerships were known in Saxon times, and later there were
early attempts to form primitive industrial partnership-type arrangements in the
Stanneries and in the clothing industry. Sharing in the ownership of a ship would
almost certainly require a legal partnership, or something very similar, to define
Susan Rose, The Navy of the Lancastrian Kings, Accounts and Inventories of William Soper,
Keeper of the Kings Ships, 14221427, Naval Records Society, 123 (London, 1982), pp. 245, 247,
249, 2501.
Friel, The Good Ship, pp. 301.
51
the responsibilities and privileges of the participants. Possible evidence of formal

partnerships in shipowning may be seen in testamentary records. In the 1340s,
Henry Graspays, a fishmonger, left his half of Le Lancastre and her rigging, and
fractions of two other ships, to his son; and Roger de Bernes, another fishmonger,
left his share of le Andreu and 20 silver marks for her maintenance, to his son and
his apprentice.
What might be regarded as a proto-partnership in ship management, although
not ship-ownership, is seen in the charter of a ship in 1282. Walter Clerk, boatman,
and his partner received from Henry Herford a batell for a period of two years in
return for 1d. out of each 3d. profit. Walters honesty was guaranteed by the threat
of gaol for any transgression. In effect, all three men were to share the trading risks
for that period; one had contributed his ship and the other two were to manage
her and presumably to arrange cargo, while all were to share the profits.
There were in the Middle Ages, as now, two principal purposes for setting up
a partnership. First, a combination of investors with funds and tradesmen with
skills could be put to use for their mutual reward, a situation summed up by
the phrase al use et common profit de lui [the shipmaster] et du dit suppliant
[the sleeping partner], quoted in a dispute in Chancery sometime around 1400.
In that partnership, Nicholas Blakeburn and Richard Newland, a tailor of York,
shared the ownership of a ship which was en la possession et en la governaunce of
Newland. The second principal purpose was simply to combine the investments of
several people in order to spread the risks of a venture, an arrangement of which
there are many examples. A partnership also offered other advantages, for example
as a form of insurance. In an agreement made as early as 1292, before partnerships
were fully recognised in law, Walter le Mounier acknowledged receipt of 10 marks
from Geoffrey le Norton for trading in merchandise for which he [Mounier] will
answer within the quinzaine of Easter unless prevented by tempest of the sea
which peril will rest with the said Geoffrey, and at his risk. Norton had contracted
with Mounier for a service at the formers risk and Mounier had, in effect, been
insured against risks at sea for one particular venture and voyage. No example
within a formal shipowning partnership has been found, but it might be expected
that one partner would accept the financial risks of a venture for a higher share of
Roy C. Cave and Herbert H. Coulson, A Source Book for Medieval Economic History (New
York, 1936, reprint 1965), p. 186 and Benjamin Thorpe, ed., Ancient Laws and Institutes of England
(London, 1840), p. 552: Leges Henrici Primi, Liv. 1 concerns the dissolution of partnership and
Liv. 2 covers the obligations of partners. If partners had to choose between friendship and the
law, the former may stand but there could be no return to the law; Calendar of Wills Proved and
Enrolled in the Court of Hustings, London, 12581688, ed., Reginald R. Sharpe, 3 vols (London,
188990), I, 627 and 485.
CLB, Letterbook A, p. 61.
52
the profits. Less reputable reasons for forming partnerships, such as camouflage
for interest on loans or for avowry, are discussed below.10
Postan has described the mechanism of three types of partnership: that in
which capital hired the services of another (here read shipmaster) to form a
service partnership; that in which labour (the shipmaster) raised capital to form
a finance partnership; and the complete or real partnership into which all the
partners were prepared to contribute both capital and service. These partnership
models, which were well known in Italy in the fourteenth century, are relevant
here. The commenda arrangement in which one investing, or sleeping, partner
delivered goods or money to an active partner who was then expected to employ
the capital profitably, was close in function, although not in legal constitution
nor in financial distribution, to that of a service agreement. The active partner
was usually but not always rewarded by a share of the profits or, less usually,
by commission, so that both partners enjoyed the profit or bore the loss of the
venture. As in a service agreement, the investor contributing no labour hired the
active partner, who contributed no capital, to perform a service for one transaction
only, or for a defined period. The important difference was that the active partner,
against a share of the risks, enjoyed more independence and more responsibility
than if he had been a hired servant or an apprentice. Within this definition, service
partnership was a common arrangement between English merchant shipowners
and shipmasters in the late fourteenth and the fifteenth centuries.11
Although a service agreement between a master and an agent or servant not
in partnership could also be occasional or temporal, the rules governing their
relationship and responsibilities were fundamentally different from those relating
to partners. Litigation at common law during the fourteenth century, including
that between partners or concerning a service agreement, had to be initiated by
one of a number of formalised Chancery writs (as discussed in chapter 1), which
unfortunately render the true burden of the litigation somewhat occult. That,
together with common laws reluctance to recognise contract and partnership
until the second half of the fourteenth century, has led to two difficulties. First,
the difference between a service agreement and a partnership is not always clear
and second, some writers, failing to recognise the actualit behind the protocol of
the writs, have believed that commercial litigation was the exclusive preserve of
the law merchant. Once the writs issued in commercial disputes have been deci-
phered, however, it is apparent that many commercial cases were indeed heard at
common law and from amongst the reported cases, sufficient may be identified as
disputes concerning partnerships or agreements.
Two examples of disputed service agreements make clear how they differed
from partnerships. In 135152 the mayor of London wrote to the constable of
10 PRO, C1/7/186 (t. between 15 Richard II and 10 Henry VI). CLB, Letterbook A, p. 139.
11 Postan, Medieval Trade, p. 66.
53
Dover Castle certifying that Thomas de Leycestre, who had been arrested on
suspicion by a bailiff in Dover and was found to be carrying 56 florins of gold
(nobles) and his travelling expenses, had indeed been sent to Flanders to trade on
behalf of a merchant, John de Knyghtcote, and that the money he was carrying
should be returned to his master or his attorney. Similarly, in 1366, when William
Conteshale, an apprentice, died in Normandy, the mayor of London certified that
the deceased had no share in the goods and merchandise which had been seized
on his death and that they should be returned to William de Tudenham, his
master, or his attorney. Both cases not only make it clear that a servant acting for
his master had no share in the capital of the enterprise but also show that sworn
evidence, certified by a municipal authority, was sufficient to prove the master
/servant relationship. Such decisions are of particular relevance in the dealings
between shipowner and shipmaster when a formal partnership had not been
arranged.12
In contrast, there is an example of a service partnership in a petition to the
chancellor in 1416 by Richard Bokeland, a citizen and merchant of London. He
and John de Boys, a merchant of Brittany, had agreed by indentures to be compai-
gnons de marchaundie in any type of venture and Bokeland had accordingly given
de Boys 80 working capital. De Boys returned to Plymouth from overseas with a
miscellany of goods and chattels for trading purposes which he apparently refused
to give up. Bokeland claimed the goods, but because de Boys held a safe conduct
from the king, Bokeland dared not take the goods nor apprehend him and so
looked to the chancellor for help. In that formal partnership, which appears to
have had no time limit nor restriction of range of goods to be traded, Boke-
land was the investor or sleeping partner and de Boys the active partner, and the
former clearly believed that the law would uphold his claim on the goods alleg-
edly purchased with his money. Unfortunately it is not known how the case was
determined but it is interesting that even in 1416, in the matter of partnerships at
common law, Bokeland had to take his plea to Chancery for a decision.13
Relationships within partnerships

Actions of account, discussed in chapter 1, were generally used during the four-
teenth century as a means of enforcing the obligations of all types of agents to
their principals, and for the recovery of credit extended in a commercial trans-
action. Until common law recognised the obligations of partnership late in the
fourteenth century, actions of account were also used in disputes between part-
ners. The question of an investors legal responsibility for his colleague, whether
as master to servant, as principal to agent or as one partner to another, has been
explored by Postan. A defaulting partner could be pursued at common law only
12 CLMC, I, no. 56; and II, no. 6.

13 Gardiner, West Country Shipping, no. 17, pp. 1920: a translation of PRO C1/6/290.
54
as a master could seek remedy from a servant, the action of account requiring the
defendant to account for his dealings. Similarly, in a finance partnership the legal
remedy could lie in actions either of debt or of account, depending on which of
the parties was the aggrieved. In both types of action any reference in the plea to a
sharing of the profits arising from a venture may be taken as a prima facie indica-
tion of the existence of a partnership agreement rather than a loan which had been
arranged for the venture. Absence of any mention of profit sharing, however, does
not necessarily preclude the existence of a partnership. Although Postans work
was not concerned with the shipowner /shipmaster relationship, such evidence as
has survived indicates that where the shipmaster was a partner in the ownership
of the vessel, the partnership between him and the other owner(s) was no different
from that in other medieval mercantile or industrial partnerships.14
A shipmaster-partner who had to render account to his investing partner
appeared in a case heard in London in 1386. Hugh Richardesson, master of Le
Marie of Exeter, was ordered by the London mayoral court to go to the Calais
court to satisfy the shipowner, John Bedon. Bedon owed Richardesson 6 for ships
expenses but Richardesson had 40 francs ransom money for a prisoner which
Bedon said was his, plus 10 marks and certain freight monies from Middleburg to
London which Bedon claimed he was owed by Richardesson. Richardesson was
awarded the 6 by the London mayoral court, presumably following merchant law,
but was required to go to Calais to have the rest resolved by rendering account
to Bedon. The business arrangement between the two men was identified at
merchant law by the London court as a service agreement and not as a partner-
ship, which it almost certainly was. Paradoxically, by 1386, it could probably have
been recognised as a partnership at common law.15
Another example of a problem within a shipowning partnership may be seen
in the 1388 case of Burwell v. Horne. Burwell, the investing partner, claimed from
his shipmaster partner Horne, 86 tuns 1 pipe of Rochelle wine. The mayor and
aldermen of London decided that Burwell was entitled to the cash equivalent of
78 tuns, assessed at 36 5s. 2d., which Horne had sold at Middelburgh and five
eighths of the value of the wine still unsold; Horne was to receive the value of the
remaining three eighths. A further claim by Burwell, which is of interest because
it could have revealed maritime laws view of partnership, was for Hornes contri-
bution towards the ship Cristofres expenses, including rigging, victuals and wages
which Burwell valued at 7 8s. d. Unfortunately, because of a lack of informa-
tion, this was not settled. In the first claim, neither partner was required to render
account and the court appears to have accepted the obligation of each partner
to the other. The second claim depends in part on the nature of the ownership
of the vessel, whether the partners were part- or joint-owners. The difference is
14 Postan, Medieval Trade, p. 68.

15 CPMR, 13811412, pp. 1212.
55
explained by a chapter in the Coutumier which deals with a partner who cannot
or will not contribute to the ships expenses; in such a case the hull is to be bound
to the partner who has prepared the vessel for sea until the other partner has
paid a proper proportion of the costs. It would appear that Burwell had paid for
the fitting out of the ship himself and expected to have the profit of the voyage;
Horne may have made a contribution amounting to the value of the five tuns of
wine which he was awarded.16
The rles of partners

When both (or all) partners contributed capital, or value in kind, to an enter-
prise and shared the profit or loss, and with one or both (only the shipmaster in
the present discussion) contributing labour, then the partnership was complete
and known legally as a societas maris of which the partners were socii. The active
partner could contribute his expertise, in lieu of capital, as his entry fee to the
partnership; a shipmaster without funds, therefore, was able to enjoy a share of
the profits without any financial investment. A possible variant was where the
shipmaster, already the active member of the partnershipowning his ship, invested
his own funds, as well as his time, for an increased share in the profits of the
enterprise. A shipmasters financial involvement in his ship was in the interests
of all the partners, since a high degree of personal motivation could be expected
when he had the opportunity to enjoy a greater share of the profits. Entrepreneurs
wishing to spread their risk could, of course, participate in several such societates
investing in other ships.17
An example of the active member of a complete partnership working as ship-
master, a situation in which he is described in the Catalan Customs as senyor de
nau (translated by Twiss as managing owner), may be seen in a letter from the
mayor of London to the mayor and bailiffs of Faversham in 1352. In 1349, two
partners jointly owned a crayer (a type of small merchant ship). One of them,
Nicholas Dagh of Faversham, was master and the other, John de Hatfield, was
a chandler and citizen of London; the latter had invested further money in the
enterprise. The letter required Dagh, or his attorney, to appear and satisfy de
Hatfield to the tune of half the profits of the ship. A further letter concerning
the same case was sent from London to Faversham again asking the mayor and
bailiffs to compel Dagh to appear before them, this time to render account of the
money received, which was to have been used to trade until the following Easter
for the profit of de Hatfield. There is no doubt that the men were partners in
joint-ownership and that that appears to have been understood at merchant law in
the mayoral court. Unfortunately for Dagh his petition pre-dated the recognition
16 CPMR, 13811412, p. 136. Appendix 3, Coutumier, chapter 83.

17 Despite its name, the societas maris was not exclusively for maritime purposes.
56
under common law of the contractual nature of partnerships, a recognition which

could have enabled him to control more effectively his partners activities.18
The understanding of partnership at merchant law may be seen in another
letter from the mayor of London in the late 1350s to the mayor and bailiffs of
Winchelsea concerning a complete partnership in joint-ownership of a vessel,
one partner acting as shipmaster. Roger, a servant (perhaps the factor, agent or
apprentice) of the non-working partner, John Bridport, had had a row with the
shipmaster and active partner, John Gyles, who abandoned his ship Hardebolle at
Rye, apparently in a huff. Bridport and Gyles then claimed that Roger had falsely
made it known that Gyles had sold his share of the ship to him and that the mayor
and bailiffs of Winchelsea had claimed the share as forfeit to the king, to the great
loss, as they claimed, of the two Johns. Gyles meanwhile had found a buyer for
his share and had paid the custom on the sale; both he and Bridport wanted the
bogus sale to the servant to be annulled, and the forfeited share to be returned
to allow the second sale to proceed. Apart from the alleged dishonesty of Roger,
there is an interesting further dimension to the dispute which was not raised in
the action. As joint-owner of the Hardebolle, Gyles was bound by the rules set out
in the Coutumier to offer the other part-owner, Bridport, first refusal of his half
before the ship was put on the open market. John Bridport, therefore, could have
asked to have John Gyless alleged sale to Roger annulled on the grounds that he
had not been offered the chance to buy.19
It may have been the late recognition of the status of a sleeping partner
that delayed common laws acknowledgement of the obligations of partnership.
As discussed in chapter 1, when common law began to absorb the concept of
contract from merchant law, a breach of contractual conditions could be pursued
at common law as a trespass. At about the same time, the legal concept of trust
evolved, perhaps from decisions of the Court of Chancery which had become the
source of judicial equity as common law courts failed to cope with the complexi-
ties of commercial actions. To possess goods to the use of , that is, to employ them
for the profit of the owner, was the rationale of trust; a shipmaster managed a ship
for the owners and was expected to make profitable use of her for them, on a basis
of trust. The early development and recognition of trust in English common law
made it possible to commit goods to others, without the risk of losing the rights
of ownership and without the need for a formal contract of partnership. In fact,
the use of the concept of trust often dispensed with the necessity of forming a
legal corporation. Although it was perhaps not legally necessary for a shipmaster,
who had been assisted financially by non-active investors, to be either a partner
of the financiers or to have exchanged with them a formal recognition of the debt,
it would have been prudent for the investors to have had some legally recognised
18 CLMC, I, no. 100.

19 CLMC, I, no. 81. Appendix 3, Coutumier, chapter 64.
57
confirmation of their investment. The paucity of the surviving evidence, however,

suggests that written agreements in matters of trust were rare.20
It may be that the lack of surviving agreements between shipowners and ship-
masters from the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries is because the transfer of the
management of a ship was generally an act of trust and very few, or perhaps no,
agreements were written out. The absence of any documentation is at the heart
of a petition to the chancellor in 1465 by William Brewer and William Dawe, two
shipowners, who asked for the return of a ship, the Davy, with all her tackle, which
they had given to John Treyouran, the master, for ever to the use and behoveth of
your said oratours, trusting to his good faith. They had since asked many times for
the return of the ship, but Treyouran had refused and continued to take the profits
from her for his own use. Brewer and Dawe asked the chancellor to consider
the evidence, as they had no remedy at common law to recover the ship, and to
grant them a writ to oblige the shipmaster to appear before the king in Chancery.
They had no remedy at common law, presumably because of the lack of written
evidence, and were obliged to fall back on the hope of an equitable decision in
the Chancery Court.21
The responsibilities of partners

The touchstone of true partnership, of whatever type, is the acceptance by all
the partners, singly and jointly, of responsibility for the debts of the partnership
and the authority of each partner to bind the partnership. These precepts may
be seen in many cases recorded in the London Plea and Memoranda Rolls. For
example, in a case in 1363 before the mayor, aldermen and recorder, John Wroth
sued William Tong for 617 10s. declaring that, by merchant law, when one of two
partners bought goods for their common profit, the other was equally responsible
for the debt. Tong offered to wage his law that he did not owe the money, to which
Wroth replied that as Tong did not deny that he was a partner and was therefore
responsible for the debts of the partnership, he was not entitled to clear himself by
waging his law. While the court was adjourned for consultation, the plaintiff and
defendant came to an agreement, but it is clear that by 1363, at least at merchant
law, partners were recognised to be singly and jointly responsible for the debts of
the partnership. A legal curiosity in this case, and perhaps the reason for the out-
of-court settlement, is that at merchant law a defendant could not wage his law
to affirm a negative. Postan quotes this case but appears not to have noticed the
out-of-court settlement nor the one-sided nature of waging ones law.22
Investors spread the risks of ship-ownership by sharing in a number of ships,
20 There is still some discussion (Professor P.S. Atiyah) as to whether a contract is a promise
or an obligation. Maitland, Trust and Corporation, III, p. 333 and passim.
21 Gardiner, West Country Shipping, no. 81, p. 97: a translation of PRO C1/36/109.
22 Bickley, Little Red Book, 1, p. 58: Quomodo lex mercatoria differt a lege commune.
58
just as merchants spread their risks by distributing their cargoes over more than
one vessel. Such practices may be seen as a form of insurance, but as they do
not remove the risk, but merely reduce it by dilution, they are not strictly insur-
ance. Evidence of such risk distribution by shared ship-ownership and by split
cargoes may be found in customs records where the shipowners are identifiable.
The five partners in ownership of the cog Seinte Marie of Exmouth in 1310 have
been mentioned above. Several of those shipped wine from the 1312 harvest on a
number of ships, particularly Philip Lovecok who had 45 tuns and 34 tuns on two
voyages of the Seinte Marie, 24 tuns and 29 tuns on two voyages of the Margarete,
and 24.5 tuns on one voyage of the Bonan about half of his total importation
carried on the ship known to be partly his. In 131920, Lovecocks wine purchases
were spread over four ships, two carrying the autumn vintage and two the early
spring rack wine. In this case only about one third of the total purchase was
carried by the Seinte Marie. It is probable, given the even distribution of cargoes,
that Lovecock was also part-owner of the other ships. The master of the Seinte
Marie, Peres Godlok, was another of her part-owners but he appears to have
shipped wine exclusively on her, taking advantage only of his portage and customs
allowance.23
Investment in a commercial venture has to be distinguished from a loan; the
former implies the sharing of any profit or loss from the venture while the latter
requires the eventual repayment of the capital and accrued interest, regardless
of the fortunes of the venture. As discussed in chapter 4, interest-bearing loans
were illegal in the Middle Ages, but partnerships could be used dishonestly to
avoid accusations of usury, by disguising interest payments as dividends, in other
words, usuria occulta. To what extent loans to buy ships were concealed as partner-
ships between financiers and shipmasters cannot be known. The receipt of regular
and equal payments in the accounts of a merchant or financier provides strong
circumstantial evidence of money lent to, rather than invested in, a partnership
(provided that the ship was not chartered or farmed for regular rent payments).
Irregular payments into an account are more likely to be shares in the trading
profit of the ship.24
Another dishonest use of partnership was the exploitation of the privileges
of one partner to colour the goods of another, who was without the privileges,
to evade by avowry national or local restrictions and customs on imports and
exports. This type of deception appears to have been not uncommon and may be
seen in cases heard before the City of London courts in which local merchants
23 Local Customs Accounts of the Port of Exeter, 12661321, ed. Maryanne Kowaleski, DCRS NS
36 (Exeter, 1993), pp. 1226 and 1737.
24 Usury was any charge made for the use of money and was illegal. Interest was a penalty
and not a charge for the use of the money. The church allowed payment of a penalty (id quod
interest) if the lender suffered loss, or failed to make a gain, because of a delay in repayment.
59
were accused of colouring goods passing through the docks. For example, in 1368
Thomas Serland, a freeman of London living in Flanders, coloured six bales of
goods for import to Nicholas Sarduche who sold them on as duty paid. In 1427
there appears to have been an attempt to clamp down on avowry with several cases
appearing at about the same time. In one of these, John Lyng, a draper and freeman,
allegedly coloured for an alien two packs of wool shipped for export, the two men,
described as partners, using common funds for shared profit. Avowry could be
organised within a quasi partnership with recompense to the local merchant on an
agreed commission basis, or within a true profit sharing partnership of the societas
type. Of the two cases above, one was a true partnership and the other may have
been. At Lynn, too, in the fourteenth century, aliens were apparently in the habit
of delivering their goods with their letters from various burghers in the wool-trade
for their said merchandise to avoid the high customs charges that would other-
wise be levied on them. This abuse of partnership became sufficiently common
to cause resentment amongst those merchants who, because of morality, fear of
the law or lack of initiative, were not themselves engaged in avowry. Although
no corroborative evidence has been found, unscrupulous shipmasters must have
succumbed at times to the temptation of avowry when sailing to, or out of, a port
town of which they had the freedom. Petitions in Parliament led to a prohibition
of business liaisons between denizens and aliens by a 1340 statute which decreed
that none cocket Wools, but in the Name of him that shall be Owner of the same.
That sanction was expanded in 1390 by a further statute forbidding denizens to
clear wool and other merchandise belonging to aliens and so deprive the king of
his customs, under threat of forfeiture of the goods. Such restrictions, however, do
not appear to have deterred the avowers in the cases described above.25
Ship-ownership by several investors within a partnership could be in two
forms. The joint-ownership type of partnership, in which each partner owned a
fraction of the ship, made contributions to expenses and received a pro rata share
of the profits derived from the ships trading activities. This was characterised by
the responsibility of every partner, singly or jointly, for all the partnerships debts.
The alternative to part-ownership was an arrangement in which each investor
held a share in what was effectively the company which owned the ship, receiving
a share of the profits in the form of a dividend but without responsibility for
the day-to-day expenses of operating the ship. In the Coutumier, which may be
taken as a guide to common practice, it can be seen that both joint- and part-
ownership existed. It may also be seen that it was possible to move from one to
the other, either because of the default of one partner, or by mutual agreement
when the partners differed in their proposals for the use of the ship. Joint-owner-
25 CPMR, 136481, pp. 1034; Serland and Sarduche appear to have been close business associ-
ates, perhaps partners de facto if not de jure. CPMR, 141337, pp. 21213. Statutes, 14 Edward III,
c. 21. Rot. Parl., 14 Richard II, 3, p. 281, no. 26.
60
ship appears to have been the norm with part-ownership as the less common
alternative, but unfortunately there is little surviving firm evidence for this. The
Coutumier is concerned largely with joint-owner-partners all of whom are singly
and jointly responsible for the venture, and share proportionally in the profits.
The only clear reference to part-ownership is in the 1388 case of Burwall v. Horne,
discussed above, in which the defaulting partner later decided to rejoin a venture
but was to be allowed to do so only as a part-owner, with a restriction on his share
of the profit. Part-ownership became common, of course, as shipping became
accepted purely as an investment.26
As would be expected, the costs of running a ship were obligatorily shared
between partners in joint-ownership. The case of Bedon v. Richardesson, also
discussed above, may be seen as merely an extension of the concept of mutual
responsibility as expected at merchant law. By the same token, the use of the ship
had to be shared fairly amongst the partners, as emphasised in the Coutumier.27
The Coutumier explains the procedure for the sale of a partners share in a ship.
All partners had the option of buying another partners share and the ship had to
be made available to all the partners for a valuation survey. The price of any share
to be sold was controlled by a reverse option rule by which the selling partner
could buy the share of a bidding partner at the price offered by the latter. Offers
by third parties, that is, by those outside the partnership, were precluded, except
perhaps with the agreement of the whole partnership, since that would destroy the
entity of the original partnership and because of the risk of price fixing between
the selling partner and an outside bidder. An example of that provision in action
has been discussed above, in the case of Bridport v. Gyles. When the sale had been
effected, the terms of payment were laid down in the Coutumier as seven days from
taking possession, an unusually precise condition.28
The sale of half of a ship and her cargo was disputed in Chancery in 1483.
Thomas Croppe and Harry Hornbroke, both merchants, owned between them
the ship Andrew, which was attacked on her way back from Nantes loaded with
wine and other merchandise, and taken into Penmarch by Bretons. The two
owners had been landed at Brest and they afterwards struck a mutual bargain at
Plymouth that, for 100 cus, Hornbroke would take over Croppes share of ship
and cargo. In the event, Croppe allegedly returned to Brittany to claim every-
thing as his own, refusing contrary to reason and conscience to return the money
or Hornbrokes half share. Two interesting points arise from this case; since the
two men appeared to have had equal rights to ship and cargo, they were almost
certainly legal partners in joint-ownership of the ship and, following the essec rule
of options, Croppe could have reversed the sale and bought Hornbrokes share
26 See chapter 1 and Appendix 3, Coutumier, chapter 83.

27 Appendix 3, Coutumier, chapters 63, 64a, 83.
28 Appendix 3, Coutumier, chapter 64b.
61
for 100 cus. Second, Hornbroke took his plea to Chancery because, he said in
evidence, he had no remedy at common law. By 1483 partnerships and commercial
obligations (the sale of the half share) were well recognised at common law, so
the impediment must have been that the ship was abroad, beyond the reach of
the common law courts.29
The participants in the ownership of a ship are referred to in Customs as
personers, which Twiss has translated as part-owners. A better translation would
be partners, as their legal position was that of joint-owners and the word is
cognate with the Olronais parconners used in the Coutumier to identify partners.
Similarly, the position of the partner who in Catalan is described as senyor de nau,
translated by Twiss as managing-owner, is the active partner working as ship-
master. The rules in Customs relating to multiple ownership are similar to those
in the Coutumier when the shipmaster is one of the owners of the ship. The sale
of a share in the ship by a sleeping partner requires the active partners approval
and Customs describes the steps to be taken by the active partner to defend his
position. In the case of the active partner wishing to sell his share, he has an obli-
gation to set up a reverse option deal with the other partners, a process similar
to the essec in the Coutumier. Customs also covers the situation where the active
partner sells the ship while away from the home port, without the prior permis-
sion of the other partners: he must render account on his return and compensate
the others for their shares.30
The advantages of partnership

Apart from the possibilities of participation in the profits of the ship, joint-owner-
ship by partnership offered another advantage to the shipmaster that of surety.
In 1423, James Boudenson, master of the Jacobknight of Sluys, was released from
gaol, where he had been held for trespass and account, when he swore that he
owned half of the ship. He agreed to accept the courts decision at merchant
law and entered in his own recognizance of 72 (the amount in dispute was 72
8s.2d.) which was secured against the ship and the goods on board. Boudenson,
who apparently not only owned half the vessel but had also contributed to the
cargo, clearly had the authority to pledge at least part of the partnerships capital
as collateral for himself. According to Oleron, if he had been a shipmaster with no
share in the ship, he could have offered only equipment as security for a loan, and
that only with the crews consent, and not the ships hull. In this case, although
the ship was not in distress and he appears not to have consulted the crew, he was
29
Gardiner, West Country Shipping, no. 94, pp. 1156, from PRO C1/60/116.
30
Twiss, Black Book, III, pp. 35657: Customs, chapters ii, iii, x, xi, clxxxiv, ccii, ccxi and ccxlii:.
Appendix 3, Coutumier, chapter 64b.
62
able to use the vessel as security for his release, precisely because he was a partner
in her ownership.31
Whole-ship charter
The discussion on shipmasters has so far referred only to those who were part-
ners in the ownership of the vessel and to professional masters who had been
hired in a service agreement by the owning partnership. There was also a third
category: the shipmaster of a chartered ship which had been put out to farm by
the owners. Such a shipmaster could be one of several partners who had accepted
the full responsibility of the ship, with its profit and loss, in exchange for a fee;
he could be acting on his own in a hiring agreement with the owners; or he could
be subcontracted with the ship by the owners. The farming of a ship to third
parties was not uncommon and may be seen in the case mentioned above, p. 58.
One example concerns two men, Walter Clerk and his partner, who took over
a batell for two years for two thirds of the profits, with one third for the owner,
an arrangement which would now be known as a bare-boat charter. Something
similar appears to have been arranged by Thomas and Margaret Stoon, husband
and wife (interestingly described as partners), who had to sue with a writ corpus
cum causa for the return of their barge which had been let.32
The charter of a skippered vessel (i.e. with master included) was, for merchants,
the alternative to paying freight, ton by ton, voyage by voyage. All the expenses
and risks of the voyage, except those covered by warranty, presumably fell to the
charterers. Such chartering would have been less expensive for merchants with
sufficient goods to fill the vessel (or with colleagues with whom to share the ships
hold); it would also have allowed more flexibility in routes and timing, but could
lead to having too many eggs in one basket. In 1439 William Payne, citizen and
ironmonger, chartered with warranty, la Marie, a lighter or kele and her gear, for
a year and a day from Roger Pye, a waterman, according to the law of Olroms; this
may have been a skippered time charter, with the owner (and perhaps his crew)
accompanying the ship. Charters which included the master and crew, fed and
paid by a third party (although still in the service of the owner), may be seen in the
1420s, when two of the ships belonging to the Crown were sent out on charter. It
is clear from the accounts that the charterers were responsible for all the running
expenses of the ships plus a fee due to the king; 20 for the Holyghost of Spain
31 CPMR, 14131437, p. 169. Appendix 1, Oleron, article 1.

32 CLB, Letterbook A, p. 61. PRO C1/31/234.
63
(290 tons) for two and a half months to sail to Zealand and back, and 10 for the
Valentine (100 tons) for three months to sail to Calais and back.33
Shipowning as an investment
When participation in ownership of ships became an investment for financial

rather than commercial reasons, the investors bought shares in the ships without
entering partnerships. A share could be as small as a thirty-second part, but four
or six part-owners were more common. Although there were considerable risks
at sea, most ships returned safely and profitably and it was perhaps possible to
recoup an investment relatively quickly except when the seas, and those sailing on
them, were more than usually dangerous. Then, as a consequence, freight rates rose
and with them, the potential profit. It has been suggested that the initial outlay
in a ship on the BristolSpain run could be recovered within a year, and William
Crathorn of York estimated in 1440 that the loss of his ship for 17 months had
cost him at least 200. In contrast, the Celys appear to have been unconvinced
that shipowning was profitable despite the preferential freight rates in their own
ship, and without their incurring the loss of the ship or suffering any serious
damage. The form of the brothers partnership is not identifiable but each traded
on his own account as if the ship were part-owned. Although merchants and
merchant families were the largest single group of shipowners in the fourteenth
and fifteenth centuries, at Dartmouth in 1467, 23 diverse partners and victuallers
of ships indicate how widely investment in ships had spread by the middle of
the fifteenth century. The use of the word partner in this context is confusing
and may be wrong it is more probable that the investors were shareholders
in the ships. As the development of investment in shipping for purely financial
motives evolved after the codification of Oleron and the Coutumier, no evidence
of the workings of a shipping company may be gleaned from them. Disputes over
commercial or contractual matters arising within a group of shareholders would
have been heard in courts of merchant or common law whichever was considered
to be more relevant to the argument.34
33 CCR, 143541, p. 287. Surviving copies of Oleron, however, make no reference to ship char-
tering. Rose, Lancastrian Navy, pp. 64, 8891.
34 Jennifer Kermode, Medieval Merchants, York, Beverley and Hull in the Later Middle Ages
(Cambridge, 1998), p. 212 citing Probate Registers, Borthwick Institute of Historical Research,
York, III, fo. 556 ( Joan Gregg), Hull Records Office, D81 and Hull Bench Book I, fo. 11. Enemy
action in the mid-fifteenth century led to an acute shortage of English ships; freight rates were
high and most imported wine was carried in alien ships: James, Wine Trade, p. 171; Childs,
Anglo-Castilian Trade, p. 162; Kermode, Medieval Merchants, p. 213, citing Hanserecesse, 143176,
II, pp. 5425; Hanham, Celys World, pp. 365 and 397.
64
The shipmasters relationship with the ships owners

So long as the master of a ship was her owner, acting on his own account and
using his own money, or was a member of the partnershipowning the vessel and
was acting with the authority of the other partners, the only constraint on his
business activities was his own, or the partnerships financial standing. On the
other hand, when a shipmaster was an employee of the ships owner(s), there
must have been doubt about the extent to which he could be authorised to accept
commitments on behalf of his employer(s) and how he could be restrained from
commercial ventures beyond their means or wishes, a situation well recognised
by merchant law. A couplet from Langlands Piers Plowman, written in the last
quarter of the fourteenth century, illustrates the feudal restrictions placed on a
servant or agent employed by his lord: For may no cherle chartre make, ne his
chatel selle, / Withouten leave of his lord no lawe wol it graunte. If the master
/servant relationship at sea were similar to that ashore, which is probable, then
shipowner may be read for lord, and the shipmasters authority was severely
restricted. This retention of responsibility by the owner for the legal, financial
and administrative work of ship management can be seen in a charter-party of
1453 drawn up between John Heyton, a merchant, and Clement Bagot, the owner
of the Julian. In the agreement it was stipulated that the freight money should be
paid at the end of the voyage to the owner or his factor or attorney but not to the
master, John White, although he had the authority to reserve space for Bagots and
Heytons wine along with six tuns of wine for himself.35
Sea loans, taken out by a shipmaster to allow him to continue a voyage, at a
fixed rate of interest for an agreed term, and more especially bottomry, where the
loan was against the security of the ships hull at an uncontrolled rate of interest
with repayment due on completion of the voyage, were commitments of potential
risk for the owners. Sea loans and bottomry, and their use as forms of insurance,
are discussed in chapter 4 under Loans. In 1486, the Margaret Cely was delayed in
Plymouth for 11 weeks with a partially unloaded cargo. To pay for repairs, William
Aldridge, the purser, borrowed 25s. 8d. against the ship as collateral, accepting all
the risks that bottomry entailed rather than sell part of the cargo, and went up
to London to collect more money from the owners. As such a loan contravened
Oleron, it must be assumed that Aldridge had the Celys authority for the loan.
Similarly, a shipmasters use of the ship, the cargoes he found, the freight rates
he negotiated, the voyages he undertook, the terms and conditions of service he
arranged for his crew, and the duration of his own period of service, must all have
been pre-defined and agreed, if not in writing then at least by solemn undertaking,
following generally accepted rules.36
35
Piers Plowman, passus xi, lines 1256. CPMR, 13811412, pp. 1334.
36
Hanham, Celys World, pp. 3701. Alison Hanham, ed., The Cely Letters 14721488, EETS
OS 273 (1975), p. 226. Appendix 1, Oleron, article 1.
65
When a shipmaster was himself a partner in the ownership of the vessel, then
the rules of the partnership, both those generally recognised and those specific to
that agreement, defined his obligations and his authority. When a shipmaster was
an employee, however, in effect acting as the agent of the shipowners, the problem
of controlling his aspirations might well have fallen between the differing views
under common and merchant law, on the master /servant relationship. Despite
the perceived difficulties, there is remarkably little evidence of attempts to control
a shipmaster, beyond a few articles in the surviving collections of maritime law.
No indenture or other contractual agreement between owners and shipmaster
has been found; indeed, in 146568, as mentioned above, William Brewer and
William Dawe, petitioning for the return of their ship, Davy of Fowey by the
master John Treyouran, could produce no written evidence of the original transac-
tion, saying that they trusted to Treyourans good faith. That this occurred as late
as the mid-fifteenth century suggests that written agreements of employment were
perhaps unusual in the fourteenth and first half of the fifteenth centuries.
The authority that could be delegated by shipowners to their employed ship-
master was severely restricted in Oleron by a blanket prohibition on the sale of
the hull or equipment, and by permitting the pledging of equipment only to raise
funds to complete the voyage or to return the crew to their home port if the ship
were unable to continue (provided the crew had assisted during the crisis). There
appears to have been a readily available pawnbrokerage or money-lending service
in port towns to cater for the pledging of equipment. In 1404 Nicholas Bygge pled
in Chancery that he had pledged most of his ships tackle to raise cash to keep his
crew together while the ship was under arrest on the Thames for naval service
and, as mentioned above, the Celys purser raised a loan in Plymouth in 1486. In
Queenborough there is no reference to a shipmasters responsibilities, authority or
conditions of service, except for the oblique threat of an inquiry into any exces-
sive payments made to him or his crew. In the Coutumier there is a reference,
and that only as an aside in the definition of the responsibilities of the pilot,
to a shipmasters responsibility for the management of the ship; he is required
to be in command of the ship from the port of lading to the port of discharge.
There is also a somewhat confused statement elsewhere in the Coutumier about
the responsibility of an owner who has put on board the ship a man who causes
damage. Here, it is not clear if the reference is to an ineffective shipmaster or to
a careless seaman. The general silence on the subject of the shipmasters respon-
sibilities, particularly as an employee, is one of the several puzzles encountered in
an examination of medieval ship management.37
37
Appendix 1, Oleron, articles 1, 3, 23. Gardiner, West Country Shipping, no. 8, pp. 78, from
PRO C 1/69/312. Hanham, Celys World, pp. 3701. Appendix 2, Queenborough, article 64.
Appendix 3, Coutumier, chapter 88.
66
Customs contains much more information about the shipmasters responsibili-

ties although, if Twisss translation of senyor de nau as managing partner is correct,
he has to be seen generally as one of the owners. The rules include a variety of situ-
ations: the responsibilities of the master towards the merchants and passengers; an
obligation for the master to apply for permission from the other owners to arrange
freight in a dangerous place; and the placing of responsibility on the master if he
delays a sailing. Customs also contains an oath to be taken by the notxer (translated
by Twiss as mate) and authorises him to sail the ship at sea, but not in and out
of harbours, without the owners consent. It specifies the skills he should have,
including measuring and cutting sails and stowing cargo, an interesting list as it
is the only job description and measure of competence of a ships officer that has
been found. There is no reference to a mate or second-in-command in Oleron,
Queenborough or the Coutumier although one would expect that position to have
been an essential step in the training of future shipmasters.38
It may be that the absence of a definitive list of the shipmasters responsibilities
in the English legal maritime codes was due to an assumption that either he would
always be the sole owner, and could do what he pleased within the rules for the
treatment of the crew, or he would be a member of the shipowning partnership,
working within its rules and pretensions. Several articles in the codes, and in
particular Oleron, appear to have been drawn up in the days of shared maritime
trading ventures, while others refer to the responsibilities of an employed ship-
master. As a result, the collection of rules that makes up Oleron is a miscellany
of instructions to a shipmaster in three possible roles: as the primus inter pares of
a cooperative, as the whole or part-owner of the ship, or as the waged employee
of the owners. The layers of articles added over many years reflect the evolution
of the shipping industry from cooperatives to individual shipmaster /owners to
waged shipmasters employed by shipowning investors. The articles of maritime
law were not revised as the status of the shipmaster changed but rather additional
articles were added, as in the decisions of the Inquisition of Queenborough, to cope
with the increasing complexity of the industry.
A summary of the shipmasters options
A man wishing to become a shipmaster after acquiring the necessary knowledge

and experience had to obtain a ship. There were several options, each dependent
on his financial situation, his business contacts and his reputation. He could be
an employee of a ships owners, perhaps a useful starting point for his career, enter
one of various types of partnership to share the financial burden or the work load,
38 Twiss, Black Book, III, pp. 50657, passim; Customs, chapters iixi, xvi, xvii, clxxxiv and
cxc.
67
or become the sole owner. By and large, the money to be made as a shipmaster
reflected the degree of responsibility he had accepted; sole ownership risked his
all but brought undiluted rewards, employment earned him a fixed wage, and
the various degrees of partnership dictated his share of the trading profit of the
ship. In the period 13501450 the shipmasters position achieved some security as
common law came slowly to recognise the concepts of contract, trust and part-
nership and the responsibilities inherent in each. Despite that, the possibility of
accumulating wealth as a shipmaster, whether as sole owner, partner or employee,
depended on his overcoming the many risks, natural, commercial and financial to
which he and his ship were to be exposed.
68
4
The Shipmasters On-Shore Responsibilities
Credit
T he borrowing and lending of money by participants in the fourteenth- and

fifteenth-century maritime industry has to be viewed in the light of contem-
porary mercantile practices. There was widespread use of credit, in the form of
extended repayment terms, in all branches of English home and overseas trade
from the thirteenth century onwards. Chaucers remark, in The Shipmans Tale,
about the merchant Ther wist no wight that he was in dette, / So estatly was
he of his governaunce suggests a generally recognised lack of solvency amongst
merchants around 1400. Further, as Sloth confesses in Piers Plowman, written
about the same time: If I bigge and borwe aught, but if [unless] it be ytailed
[recorded] / I foryete it as yerne [immediately], and if men me it axe / Sixe sithes
[times] or sevene, I forsake it with othes [deny it with oaths], not all debts were
repaid in time. Edward Is and Edwards IIIs legislative attempts to protect credi-
tors by the registration of debts led to the enrolment of many agreements. These
registrations, and the records of litigation against debtors, in a variety of court
rolls and fourteenth- and fifteenth-century letterbooks and recognisance rolls, are
evidence of the wide use of credit. Since many less formal credit arrangements
were made and agreed with only a handshake, the tally stick, an exchange of
earnest money or the giving of Gods penny (all in the presence of witnesses), the
full extent of the use of credit cannot be known.
Fourteenth-century wool merchants traded in wool futures as well as from stock
in hand, buying anticipated clips up to three years ahead against credit extended
for six or more months. Final payment was not made until the proceeds of over-
seas sales had been received, and was subject to the liquidity of the Calais mint
and the availability of bullion. Sales credit was also common for other commodi-
ties; the account book of the London ironmonger, general merchant and ship-
owner Gilbert Maghfeld, shows that in the 1390s over 75 per cent of his trading
Statutes, 11 Edward I, Statute of Acton-Burnell; 27 Edward III, st. 2, Statute of the Staple,
c.; Denarius ad deum gave divine sanction to a transaction, accepted as validation by the Carta
Mercatoria of 1303.
69
was against deferred payment, often with renewed letters of obligation extending
the credit beyond six months. In the fifteenth century, the accounts of the Celys,
a merchant family who also owned a ship, show that they sold wool on credit in
all of their recorded transactions. These merchants arrangements were, of course,
only the visible links in the chains of credit and there may well have been unre-
corded cash sales. Although it is not possible to quantify the overall ratio of cash to
credit, nor to be sure of the prevalence of credit offered for different commodities,
by the late fourteenth century the amount of business done on credit extending
to several months was considerable.
Because credit sales were so common in all trades, it is probable that much of a
ships cargo of wool, cloth or agricultural produce for export, and wine, salt, textile
chemicals and other goods for import, had been bought on deferred payment
terms. Shipmasters also offered extended credit by requiring only part, 25 per cent
upwards, of the freight charge on lading, the rest to be paid either immediately on
arrival at the destination or within a specified time after unloading. With the cargo
and much of the freight cost caught in this web of credit, doubts about title to the
goods in marine exigencies such as lost cargo, a call for contribution to general
average, or a lien on the cargo for outstanding freight payment, must have led to
many broken credit chains and the ruin of the financially stretched. The astute
shipmaster could retain the initiative in such cases by refusing to unload his ship
until he was satisfied or had sold the cargo for his own profit.
Financial and commercial instruments
For shipmasters, freighting agreements (or charter-parties) made with shipping

merchants constituted a complete record of the service and financial obligations of
both parties; they are discussed in detail below, pp. 7893. For merchants offering
and demanding credit and giving and taking loans, a formal legal procedure for
the registration of debts together with recognised negotiable instruments for the
transfer of funds in the same or different currencies were also required. In the four-
teenth century, when a line of credit was formally arranged, the terms of repayment
with dates and locations were commonly recorded as a debt in an obligatory, or
in effect, a promissory note, a scriptum obligatorium. Any interest agreed between
the parties was concealed in the transaction by falsifying the sales price, or by
adjusting the rate of exchange between currencies, to avoid accusations of usury.
A scriptum concerning a loan, produced as evidence and accepted at merchant
law in the London mayoral court in 1386, demonstrates a general acceptance of
E. Power, The Wool Trade in English Medieval History (Oxford, 1941), pp. 4157. Lloyd, Wool
Trade, pp. 295313. James, Wine Trade, p. 2034. Postan, Medieval Trade, pp. 212. Hanham,
Celys World, p. 137.
70
THE SHIPMASTERS ON-SHORE RESPONSIBILITIES
scripta and their remarkable flexibility. The loan had been effected in Zealand by
representatives of the lender and borrower but was pursued by the principals in
London. Alternatively loans could be registered as debts under the several provi-
sions of the Carta Mercatoria (1303) and the Statute of the Staple (1354) with its
various additions. Such statutory bonds were less formal than obligatory letters
but were recognised nationally; although valid only within England, they were,
in effect, the forerunners of bills of exchange. However, the number of disputes
concerning statutory bonds in the plea rolls perhaps indicates that the traditional
enrolment of debts continued to be used for trade debts and loans.
Bills of exchange evolved from the scriptum obligatorium, perhaps in the light
of experience with statutory bonds, for credit or loan transactions. For interna-
tional money transfers, scripta were sent with instructions to an associate of the
borrower for him to recognise the scriptum and to repay the debt to the creditor
in the required currency. The letter of payment which accompanied the scriptum
gave the details of the act or bond which had formalised the debt, and it was
this letter which evolved into the bill of exchange. Bills of exchange were also
used as security for an agreement which otherwise might be considered unsure.
Although they were negotiable and could change hands several times, such bills
required authorisation by notaries public or some other empowered official, and
generally had to be backed by sufficient security. The earliest known reference in
England to their use is a delivery of bills of exchange to Antwerp for Flemish
merchants in 1303. Despite opposition from the Crown, who saw bills of exchange
as a means of exporting bullion, they became increasingly popular. By 1330 bills
of exchange were fully developed as part of what de Roover has described as a
commercial revolution, and from that time bills were freely used in foreign trans-
actions whenever greater flexibility and security than that offered by cash were
required. Transferable scripta and bills became, in effect, paper money; they relied
on the continuation of commerce to ensure their value and at the same time facili-
tated and therefore encouraged commercial transactions.
Initially the bills were for the genuine transfer of money but it was soon discov-
ered that, as they generally did not show the rates of exchange used, such transfers
offered convenient cover for illegal interest on loans or sales credits. By buying
and selling bills, lenders could receive more money abroad than they had lent at
home. The Celys frequently used bills of exchange, sometimes with a bearer clause,
and very variable rates of interest can be seen in their records, for example: a rate
CPMR, 13811412, p. 125.

Statutes 27 Edward III st. 2 and 28 Edward III cc. 13, 14 and 15. Gross and Hall, Law
Merchant, III, p. xii.
PRO C 47/13/3 is an obligatory letter detailing repayment in another currency: 2,430
Florentine florins and 15d. sterling with an exchange value pro precio et cambio of 600 marks
sterling which may have concealed interest. Marsden, Select Pleas, I, p. xxxi. R. de Roover,
Lettre de change, p. 40. Bolton, Medieval English Economy, pp. 3025.
71
of 8.5 per cent for a five-month loan (an APR > c.19 per cent) and 7 per cent
for an eight- or nine-month loan (an APR of c.9.5 per cent). Interest rates were
influenced by the reliability of the borrower, the stability of the money markets,
the political situation, the amount borrowed and so on. Currency exchange rates
were also manipulated for profit alone without any commercial transaction, as the
merchant in Chaucers Shipmans Tale: Wel koude he in eschaunge sheeldes selle,
to profit from illicit currency deals. Shipmasters were, of course, accustomed to
working in several currencies, for example in overseas payments of crews wages,
victualling, repairs, various dues, and in receipt of freight payments and they, no
doubt, similarly played the currency markets.
Loans
To what extent shipmasters became involved in loans in the course of their busi-
ness cannot be quantitatively assessed from the information available. To buy a
ship, or a share in a ship, shipmasters would often necessarily have to borrow
money, unless they had entered a partnership agreement with financiers prepared
to put up the capital required, as discussed in chapter 3. When buying a ship
without the support of partners, a shipmaster could use the ship herself as secu-
rity, the loan becoming, in effect, a mortgage. Although no documentary evidence
for this has been found, such loans, which should not be confused with sea loans
or bottomry, would have been enrolled in a local court with details of the security
and the period of the loan, probably with one or two guarantors.
Sea loans were a specialised form of bills of exchange against which a ship-
master or merchant borrowed money at the port of lading and undertook to repay
the loan at the ships destination in the currency of that place, the interest perhaps
being lost in the rate of exchange used to calculate the amount to be repaid. Such
loans are discussed below under Insurance (p. 75).
An important factor in such transactions was that the risk was borne by the
lender; if the ship failed to arrive, the loan was not repaid. Sea loans given under
those terms, therefore, were a form of insurance against loss at sea, and the rate
at which the loans were offered had to reflect not only the interest but also the
element of risk for the lender. Bottomry, a mortgage taken out against the security
of the hull and to be repaid on arrival of the ship, was only for those in extremis.
It had no insurance element; if the ship were lost, the loan went too, and if the
ship returned safely, the loan was repayable at a high rate of interest which, on the
grounds of necessity, was not seen as usury. As mentioned in chapter 3, in 1486,
the Margaret Cely was delayed in Plymouth for 11 weeks with a partially unloaded
Hanham, Celys World, pp. 1902and 194202. Chaucer, Complete Works, The Shipmans
Tale, p. 156. Statutes, 25 Edward III, st. 5.
72
cargo of wine belonging to Tibbot Oliver. To pay for repairs, William Aldridge,
the purser, borrowed 25s. 8d.; using the ship as collateral, he accepted the risks of
bottomry rather than sell part of the cargo, although the risks were reduced by the
ship remaining in harbour. The wine was eventually unloaded and the loan repaid.
As the arrangement of such a loan contravened Oleron, it appears that Aldridge
had authority from the owners, the Celys.
Accountancy
Throughout most of the fourteenth century, accounts were kept in narrative or

diary form; dealings being entered as they occurred, whether debits or credits, for
each venture. The use of roman numerals, which are not easy to employ in calcula-
tions, compounded the problem; every arithmetical process of any complexity had
to be made on an abacus or other calculating device. The lack of transparency of
the accounts made it extremely difficult to assess the liquidity of a business and
calculations of such fundamental ratios as profit to capital employed were prob-
ably never made. Chaucer describes the merchant (incidentally cuckolded) in The
Shipmans Tale laboriously balancing his books:
And up into his countour-hous gooth he
To rekene with hymself, as wel he may be,
Of thilke yeer how that it with hym stood,
And how that he despended hadde his good,
And if that he encressed were or noon.
His bookes and his bagges many oon
He leith biforn hym on his countyng-bord.
Later his wife asks what, sire, how longe wol ye faste? / How longe tyme wol
ye rekene and cast / Youre sommes, and youre bookes, and youre thynges? and
later still urges, Com doun to-day, and lat youre bagges stoned. Bookkeeping
was clearly an intricate operation and recognised as such by Chaucer and his
audience.
Towards the end of the fourteenth century, arabic numerals began to be used
in commercial accounting and later the diary type of record evolved into a single
column ledger. In this the transactions were separated into groups by customer
or supplier, by credits or debits, and by venture. Slowly, with Italian examples to
copy, double entry bookkeeping came to be adopted, until, with systematic and
readable accounts available, it became possible for the first time to calculate accu-
Hanham, Celys World, pp. 3701 citing File 13, fo. 32; the merchant, Tibbot Oliver, was
unsurprisingly nott well content that sche tarryth soo longe. Appendix 1, Oleron, article 3.
Chaucer, Complete Works, The Shipmans Tale, p. 156.
73
rately and quickly the surplus earned from a venture and to measure the return
on the capital employed.
Gilbert Maghfeld used arabic numerals in his accounts (except for the month in
the date) in the 1390s, but his bookkeeping consisted only of day-to-day journal-
type entries. He merely cancelled the debts due to him after settlement if he
remembered or wanted to and there was much clearing up to do after his death.
John Balsall, purser of the Trinity of Bristol, drew up the ships accounts for a
seven month voyage to Oran via Irish and Spanish ports in 148081. They are
divided into sections for payment and issues of clothing to the crew, purchase of
equipment and victuals for the ship, and running expenses such as pilotage and
gifts to local dignitaries. The cash sums are entered in roman numerals (as late as
1480) in sterling or Spanish maravedis converted from Spanish reales, enriques and
castellanos, Portuguese cruzados and gold florins. Although the accounts are not
compiled chronologically, it is possible to construct an approximate chronology
from the occasional inclusion of dates. Even by the late fifteenth century it was
not always possible to assess the liquidity of a business from the accounts avail-
able; the decline and failure of the Cely family enterprise was partly due to an
unawareness of the dangers of expensive money bought through ever increasing
loans, although the major factor was probably the difficulties they encountered in
releasing funds in Calais and Bruges.10
The widening interest in investment in shipping, which was probably the most
capital-intensive medieval enterprise, is usually explained by there being a more
general availability of funds. Access to meaningful accounts may have been the
catalyst that encouraged people who had little or no interest in investment in land
to look at ships as alternative financial opportunities, in addition to merchants
looking to expand their interests.
Insurance
Insurance, the covering of risk, should not be confused with the dilution of risk,
commonly effected by the distribution of a merchants goods, or the spread of a
shipowners investment over several ships. The rationale of cargo-spreading was
summarised by Shakespeare two centuries later in the The Merchant of Venice in
which Antonio says: My ventures are not in one bottom trusted Therefore
my merchandise makes me not sad. The Staplers loaded an average of only two
Edward Peragallo, Origin and Evolution of Double Entry Bookkeeping (New York, 1938),
passim.
10 James, Wine Trade, p. 204 citing Maghfelds ledger PRO E101/509/19 fo. 23r. The Accounts of
John Balsall, Purser of the Trinity of Bristol, 14801, ed. T.F. Reddaway and Alwyn A. Ruddock,
Camden Miscellany, 4th series, XXIII, 7 (London, 1969), pp. 127. Hanham, Celys World, pp.
398 ff.
74
sarplars of wool per ship: William de la Pole shipped his 1337 wool export in 12
separate lots from Hull and two from Boston, and in 136566, 217 merchants
sent 1359 separate shipments in 178 shiploads from London. The 131920 wine
loading arrangements of Philip Lovecock and other importers are discussed on
pp. 589.11
A shipmaster, with only his skill and strength as protection against risica
gentium et maris when caught at sea by enemies, storms, tidal currents or the
consequences of poor navigation, had no means of spreading his risk. Losses due
to enemy or piratical action were often the subject of claims for compensation, and
could lead to authorised or unauthorised reprisal seizure of property belonging
to co-nationals of the perpetrators. Although not insurance, when such compen-
sation was arranged in a legal manner, it was a form of state aid. An alternative
for a shipmaster was collaboration, perhaps partnership, with someone able and
willing to accept the financial risk in exchange for a high proportion of the profits.
The financial partnership of the type seen in the 1292 arrangement by Geoffrey le
Norton and Walter le Mounier, discussed in chapter 3, p. 52, might be described
as an early example of insurance for the active partner who had invested less in
the venture. Similarly, a shipmaster who chose not to buy the whole of his own
ship could take advantage of the financial cover of his investing partner. For a
shipmaster participating in a shipowning partnership in consideration of a labour-
only contribution, insurance cover for financial loss was irrelevant. For the ship-
ping merchant with credit liabilities for cargo and transport and for the partner
with money invested in a ship, her loss might well threaten both with bankruptcy;
for them, insurance cover of any sort, rather than merely a spreading of the risk,
would have been of great interest.
Other possibilities that existed for insurance cover for merchants and perhaps
for shipowners included various forms of contingency loans, exploitation of
currency exchange differences, false or adjusted sales contracts, port town munic-
ipal arrangements and premium insurance. All of these may have been used, but
there is little surviving evidence of any before the early fifteenth century. A modi-
fication of the straightforward loan was the sea loan which made use of a special-
ised bill of exchange valid for the single or return voyage of a ship. If she or her
cargo failed to complete the voyage, then the bill was not repayable, but if all went
well, the loan had to be repaid in the currency of the intended place of arrival.
An example of such a deal, known because it went wrong, is that of Gaspar Sculte
11 PRO, E 122/55/5 and 6. Distributing consignments over several ships is described in

H.Bradley, The Datini Factors in London, 13801410, in Trade, Devotion and Governance, ed.,
D.J. Clayton, R.G. Davies and P. McNiven (Stroud, 1994), p. 67. Hanham, Celys World, pp.
12930. E.B. Fryde, The Wool Accounts of William de la Pole, in Studies in Medieval Trade
(London, 1983), pp. 331 citing PRO E101/457/9 and E122/7/6. Vanessa A. Harding, The Port
of London in the Fourteenth Century, Topography, Administration and Trade, unpublished
PhD thesis, University of St Andrews, 1983, pp. 25960 citing PRO E122/70/18.
75
et al. v. William Long et Thomas Hoo Esq., Sculte being the shipmaster-owner of
Le Berie.12
To avoid any accusations of usury, the mechanism of the loan would be the
advance of an amount less than that registered, the whole declared loan being
repayable on successful completion of the venture. The lender then recovered not
only his capital but also, as compensation for risk, the concealed interest on the
bill and any profit arising from a good rate of exchange on the currency of repay-
ment. The danger for the shipmaster or merchant taking out a sea loan was that
the rate of exchange could be so low that it took up all the profits of the venture
whether earned by the resale of the cargo or from the freight charges levied by
the shipmaster. A further disadvantage for those with sufficient funds, but who
wished to arrange insurance against certain risks by a sea loan, was that they were
obliged to accept the expense and risks of borrowing unnecessarily.
Repayable loan arrangements may have been the earliest form of marine insur-
ance; such cover was known to classical Greek and Roman traders. No evidence
has been found of overt insurance loans in England in the fourteenth and fifteenth
centuries, but the necessarily clandestine nature of the transactions required effec-
tive and impenetrable camouflage.13
In contrast to sea loans, bottomry, which has been discussed above, was
terminal, repayable at the end of the voyage, and inevitably carried high interest.
Mortgaging of the ship in this way was a hazardous arrangement for both lender
and borrower and did not offer insurance for either party. If the ship were lost,
the lender had no redress on the loan and the shipowner lost the ship without
compensation; if she returned safely, the lender received back the sum ventured
plus a high premium justified by the risk, and the shipowner retained his ship,
but at the high cost of the loan.
Premium marine insurance was probably developed in Italy in the late thir-
teenth or early fourteenth century by merchants trading overseas who required
cover but were disenchanted with the available types of loans and bills. The risks
involved were calculable empirically from their experience over long periods and,
provided the premiums offered sufficient return to the insurer, it would not have
been impossible to find financiers prepared to accept the risks. The earliest known
premium insurance contracts, excluding those disguised as in mutuo gratis et amore
(interest-free loans), date from 1350 and were drawn up in Palermo. Since that
port was one of the less important commercial centres, marine insurance was
probably already being practised in the more important centres of Pisa, Florence
and Venice. The contemporary Genoese form of insurance appears to have resem-
bled a loan or a sea loan but, instead of the insured promising to repay the loan if
12 PRO C1/26/193 andYear Book 21 Edward IV, Pasch., pl. 23.

13 A.D.M. Forte, Marine Insurance and Risk Distribution in Scotland before 1800, Law and
History Review, 5 (1967), p. 395, footnote 8.
76
he arrived safely, the insurer promised to pay him if he did not arrive safely; a true
insurance policy disguised as a loan only by name. This pseudo-loan gave way in
Genoa after 1365 to a contract of purchase and sale; the insurer undertook to buy
any goods lost at sea, thereby obtaining undisputed title to anything that might
be found later, except perhaps at English common law, where right of title was less
clearly defined than in merchant law, a subject discussed in chapter 1.14
The earliest premium marine insurances in England were probably underwritten
by Italians using the Florentine or Genoese formulae described above. A surviving
example of a Florentine-type policy is that taken out by Alexander Ferrantyn in
1426 for his ship Seint Anne of London, master John Starling, which was then
lying in Bordeaux laden with wine. For a premium of 22 (8.8 per cent), cover
was arranged for 250, of which 200 was for the ship, until she had anchored
in the Thames. She was captured at sea by Spaniards who took her to Sluys and
there sold her to two Flemings. Ferrantyn claimed the 250 from the 17 Venetian,
Genoese and Florentine merchant underwriters according to merchant law and
the manner, order and custom of the Florentines under which the insurance
had been arranged. He did not deny that he had bought back the ship and her
cargo through the agency of a certain John Waynflete. The underwriters refused
payment on the grounds that, again according to the manner, order and custom
of the Florentines (although those were not included in the bill of contract), if
the owner brought back the ship and merchandise at second, third, fourth or
thousandth hand then those who had assumed the risk were quit and absolved
therefrom. In court Ferrantyn stood on the plain terms of the contract, and the
defendants on the unwritten custom of the Florentines; in the end the insurers
failed to produce written proof of their defence and forfeited both the 250 and
a further bond of 100. A later example of premium insurance may be seen in a
hearing before the mayor of London in 1480, by which time such business was
probably better organised. John Pecok, attorney for the Genoese Antonio Spynule,
a merchant, formally acknowledged receipt of 6 13s. 4d. from Marco Strozze, due
under a bill of assurance for goods recently loaded as cargo in Le Francesse. Pecok
claimed that his copy of the bill was lost and could not be cancelled. Those cases
may have been only the tip of an iceberg of premium insurance in England in the
fifteenth century but no further evidence has been found.15
The premiums for insurance cover would have depended on an assessment of
the perceived risks of the voyage, including the type of ship, distance and season,
the state of war or peace prevailing, the incidence of piracy along the route and,
perhaps, the reputation of the shipmaster and his crew. It is not known how much
historical performance information was available to the insurers, nor with what
accuracy the risks were calculated. Ferrantyns premium was 8.8 per cent of the
14 F. de Roover, Marine Insurance, pp. 1834.

15 CPMR, 14131437, pp. 20810, and 145882, p. 139.
77
value of his ship and cargo for the journey from Bordeaux to the Thames at an
unknown time of year (since the cargo was wine, it could have been autumn or
early spring). Known Florentine rates include 8 per cent from Cadiz to Sluys or
Southampton in August 1384 and 12 to 15 per cent for London to Pisa in 1442.
Neapolitan rates were 9 per cent for English wool ships sailing from Southampton
to Leghorn and 10, 12 and 14 per cent from Southampton to Pisa, Piombino and
Talamone. All of those rates are high and reflect the hazards to which the insured
were exposed in their slow, fully laden and vulnerable ships.16
An evolving descending line of cover against risk may be traced from financial
partnerships, particularly those of a terminal nature, to sea loans, bills of exchange,
the Genoese purchase system and finally to premium insurance. All required a
financier to place his capital at risk in exchange for a consideration but only
in the last two, the most evolved, did the merchant or shipowner have to pay for
his cover in advance, leaving the financier with no outgoings unless and until the
venture failed. A further type of insurance, although not known to have been
practised in England, was that offered municipally or nationally. As early as 1293
Dinis, king of Portugal, ordered the merchants of Oporto to contribute to a fund
to cover losses incurred through weather or enemy action when sailing to foreign
parts. The premium was 20 soldos distillis for each ship of more than 100 tons,
and half that for ships under 100 tons. Sometime before 1380, king Fernando
ordered by carta rgia the setting up of a Companhia das Naus, first in Lisbon
and then in Oporto, to which every ship had to pay two crowns per cent of the
profits of every voyage, in return for which they were completely covered against
shipwreck or capture. Unfortunately, the fund in Oporto was found to have an
activity, irregular or in some way ephemeral (!) and in 1397 the council and homens
bons asked for authority to revert to the earlier fixed premium scheme, which
appears to have continued for some time. Municipal insurance of that type clearly
worked; it is curious that no similar scheme is known to have been attempted in
English port towns.17
Charter-parties and freighting agreements18
An agreement to ship goods which do not fill the entire vessel is, in current
English, a freighting agreement, while a charter-party is a contract to hire the
whole ship either for a fixed period (a time charter), or for a specific voyage (a
16 F. de Roover, Marine Insurance, p. 190.

17 Antnio Cruz, Quadros da vida social e econmica da cidade do Porto no sculo quinze,
Anais da Academia Portuguesa de Histria, 2nd series, 26, 2 (Lisbon, 1980), pp. 20213.
18 Much of the material in this section may be found in two papers by R.M. Ward, A Surviving
Charter-Party of 1323, Mariners Mirror 81, 4 (1995), pp. 387401 and English Charter-Parties
in the Fourteenth and Fifteenth Centuries, Association for the History of the Northern Seas,
Yearbook 1999, pp. 122, in both of which there are more detailed discussions.
78
Disclaimer:

2 A 1323 charter-party. Recto and verso of MS AML/M/1, reproduced with the

kind permission of the National Maritime Museum, Greenwich.
79
terminal charter). In the late Middle Ages, a charter-party was a contract between
a merchant and a shipmaster to deliver a quantity of goods to a certain port at
an agreed freight rate, whether the goods filled part or the whole of the ship. An
individual merchants ventures were unlikely to fill the whole cargo space of a ship,
but several merchants acting together could justify the cost of chartering a ship,
the voyage being covered by one charter-party. In this chapter the term charter-
party, is used generically for all types of medieval shipping contract.
Although they were not mandatory, written agreements were sensible precau-
tions for transactions between merchants and shipmasters. The signatories to
fourteenth- and fifteenth-century English charter-parties expected them to be
recognised as legal documents and a late fourteenth-century cynical Dutch jingle
demonstrates the need for such recognition: It lasted a while, but not long, as I
heard, because it was an Englishmans word.19
Charter-parties were written out twice on a membrane of parchment or vellum,
or later on paper, and separated by a cut along a sinuous line into a pair of inden-
tures, sometimes with an inked doodle across the cut for added security. They
were drawn up by a notary, signed or marked by the contracting parties, solemnly
witnessed by several others, and often registered with the local legal authority.
Each party kept the half with the others signature, or mark manual, until the
completion of the undertaking when they signed and exchanged the halves as
quittances. In Figure 2, a 1323 charter-party, the mark manual and signatures of
the contracting parties may be seen recto, with the signed quittance on the dorse;
also visible is the hole made by a filing spike. The formal exchange of halves after
completion was often recorded in court records. For example, a memorandum in
the London mayoral court notes that Henry Field, shipmaster, had received his
freight payment from John Waryn, a merchant, for a completed delivery of salt on
the cog Seinte Marie from Bourgneuf Bay to Bristol, and that all matters between
the two men had been cleared up.20
By their nature, charter-parties were ephemeral and few original manuscripts
have survived. However they were frequently used as evidence in court hearings
and copies of disputed agreements have been preserved in court records. Usually
only the plaintiff s plea has been recorded, although sometimes, after mid-fifteenth
century, the defendants answer appears. Only rarely can the courts judgment or
decision be found in the records, but occasionally the result of a hearing may be
seen in subsequent happenings recorded elsewhere, for example, in the confisca-
tion of a ship or cargo or in an order for arrest. Caution has to be exercised when
19 Dit ghedverde ene stont, / Maer niet langhe, als ic verhoerde, / Want het was Ingelsche
vorworde:: H.P.H. Jansen, Hollands Advance, Acta Historiae Nederlandicae, X (1978), referring
to the moves of the Staple.
20 CPMR, 13648, p. 120: Et super hoc liberavit coram eisdem Maiore et Aldermannis in plena
Curia cartam bipartitam inter eos de frettagio predicto confectam cancellandam.
80
using court proceedings as evidence of common practice because, although court

records throw much light on the law in operation, the cases heard were atypical
by their very appearance in court. Further, without a decision, the contemporary
understanding of the law may not be precisely known, and an unknown amount
of illegal activity might have been going on behind the laws back.
As attested legal documents, charter-parties could be used by shipmasters as
evidence of their commercial bona fides. John Berthe, shipmaster of the Gracedieu
of Brittany, his ship, cargo and crew were seized and taken to Dartmouth by John
Hawley, jnr, in 1413 despite the fact, as he said in evidence, that he had produced
his safe conduct, his papers of ownership under the seal of the mayor of Bristol
and his copy of the charter-party to establish that he was going about his lawful
business.21
The wording of terminal charter-parties was largely fomulaic, setting out the
agreed terms of the contract for a particular voyage. The earliest contracts contain
little more than an invariable minimum but with time and the growing complexity
of the commercial world, there was an accretion of detail in the agreements with
many variations to suit individual situations. Appendix 4 is a transcription and
translation of the 1323 charter-party shown in Figure 2, the earliest English example
known to have survived. By the end of the fifteenth century charter-parties had
become considerably more comprehensive, containing some or all of the clauses
listed below; those marked with an asterisk were invariably included.
legal clauses: names of the contracting parties*

name of the ship*
date and place of the agreement*
relevant code of law
names of witnesses*
financial clauses: freight rate and discount*
advance payment
terms for final payment*
currency to be used*
penalties for various failures
distribution of finds, salvage and prizes
voyage: route and ports to be visited, optional destinations*
specification of master
pilotage, provision and payment
maximum time to be taken and penalty for delay
towing, cargo handling, port and other charges
21 Gardiner, West Country Shipping, no. 16, pp. 1819: from PRO C1/6/123.
81
cargo: description and weight of goods*
time limit for loading and unloading and penalties for delay
specification of stowage, dunnage and protection
specification of acceptable damage and loss
provision of lighters in port
crew: payment and feeding of the crew
compensation in case of delay
provision for defence
other items: accommodation, food, water and light for passengers
individual idiosyncrasies of shipmaster or merchants
distribution of finds.
The contracts usually ended with a statement of trust and good faith all round
and were signed with great solemnity by the contracting parties, the notary who
had drawn up the agreement, and normally two to four witnesses.
From the available evidence, time charters, as described in chapter 3, pp. 634,
appear to have been rare. An unusual example occurred in 1439 when a waterman,
Roger Pye, chartered his whole ship and her equipment to William Payne, an
ironmonger, for a year and a day according to the law of Olroms (although Oleron
has no article concerned with charters). It is not known if the shipmaster accom-
panied the ship or if the charter was bare board but the intention of the agree-
ment was clearly to hire the whole ship for a fixed period to undertake any voyages
and carry any cargoes the charterers wished.22
Legal clauses
Once signed and sealed before a notary, charter-parties were usually, but not always,
recognised at law although there could be confusion over which law was relevant.
Because of the differing views on commercial matters held by common, merchant
and maritime law which have been discussed in chapters 1 and 2, situations could
arise in which the appellant saw some advantage to himself in one code while
the defendant preferred another. Competition between the courts compounded
the problem and even the legal validity of the agreement itself could be argued
between courts. Problems may have been fewer when pleas were submitted to an
admirals court, since they were frequently referred for arbitration to two or more
experienced aimables compositeurs, both the parties in dispute lodging bonds with
the court.23 As has been discussed in chapter 1, the 139394 case of John Copyn
v. William Snoke et Thomas Saylyngham (hereafter, the Copyn charter) demon-
strates the potential for trouble even when an admirals court was involved. Copyn,
master of the Gabriel, brought a cargo of wine from Bordeaux, where the charter-
22 CCR, 143541, p. 287.

23 Twiss, Black Book, I, p. 275.
82
party had been signed, to Gadeness in Essex, but Snoke and Saylyngham, who
owned the wine, refused to pay the freight. The shipmaster sued first at common
law, and then in the Admiralty Court of the North at maritime law, but without
result because both courts held that they had no jursdiction. He then tried the
Court of the Constable and Marshall, where the judge also denied jurisdiction
but nevertheless gave judgment against him with heavy damages. With remark-
able spirit, Copyn then appealed to the king who appointed judges to hear the
appeal; unfortunately the final outcome is not known. Copyns tribulations illus-
trate the confusion which could arise over disputed charter-parties, but as they
coincided with the period in which the admirals courts were being criticised by
their competitors it may be that he was the victim of a political struggle.24
Because of anticipated problems, disputes over frustrated charters were
frequently referred directly to the Court of Chancery rather than to lower courts,
even although that incurred greater expense and more delay. In 1453 a plea was
heard in Chancery in which Clement Bagot, defendant and owner of the ship
Julian, and the appellant, John Heyton, a merchant shipper, differed in their
opinion of which law was relevant (the Bagot charter). Bagot claimed that his
plea could be heard at common law but Heyton submitted that there was no
recourse for him in that code, presumably because there was no writ suitable for
his requirements. In 1467 a London draper sought the chancellors intervention
against a Southampton merchant and shipowner who had covenanted to bring
his wine from Spain but had failed to do so. Although other merchants wines
had been shipped, the draper claimed that his had been left behind, and he had
had to sell his wine at a loss in Spain because there were no other ships available.
Interestingly, whereas the Bagot charter plea asked the chancellor to define the
relevant law, in the drapers case that was not in dispute; it was a straightforward
mercantile quarrel, both parties were English, and common law had by then recog-
nised the obligations of service contract.25
Even when complications might be expected there was not always doubt about
the law or the court. In 1393 the London mayoral court heard a plea of debt by
Robert Normant, a shipmaster, against John Lotolli, a merchant of Bordeaux (the
Normant charter), alleging that the latter had contracted to load his ship with
wine for delivery to London, Southampton, Sandwich or Middelburg, but had
failed to do so. Normant further alleged that Lotolli had bound himself to pay
half the freight (30) in default of the cargo, but had not done so, denying that
the signature on the agreement was his, despite there being five witnesses and
the seal of the mayor of Libourne on the agreement. The case, which involved an
alien, a complex charter-party and allegations of forgery and breach of contract,
might be expected to have caused trouble. In the event however, the jury, who
24 CPR, 13911396, pp. 340 and 378.

25 PRO C1/24/211217; PRO, C1/44/160.
83
were half Gascon (as was then customary when hearing cases involving aliens),
found the case proved and awarded the shipmaster his claim and damages. The
plea was heard at merchant law, as a frustrated commercial transaction, with no
apparent problems.26
The rle of witnesses was no sinecure since, to substantiate the signing of a
disputed agreement, they could be called upon at any time in person or by depo-
sition. That is illustrated in a successful plea by Bernard Bensyn, merchant of
Bordeaux, who accused Bernard Brennyng, merchant and shipowner of Bristol, of
delivering his wine to Bristol instead of to Ireland, as had allegedly been agreed in
the charter-party. Brennyng denied all knowledge of the wine and of the charter-
party, which was produced in evidence by Bensyn; the court accepted written
statements from the three witnesses to the charter-party, which had been signed
in the church of St Peter, Bordeaux, and found for Bensyn.27
Freight rates and payment

The freight rate, discounts and terms of payment were agreed in advance by the
shipmaster and merchants for each voyage, and were always confirmed in the
freighting agreement. The wide fluctuations of rates within a background of steady
increase during the period under examination, reflect the effect of enemy and
piratical activity on the availability of ships and crews, often a national political
issue. There was an English shipping monopoly for English-owned goods in 1382,
modified the following year to allow alien ships to be used if no English ships were
available, and then a further period of English monopoly from 1390.28
When things were relatively quiet in the Bay of Biscay and the Channel, the
rates dropped to 7s. or 8s. per tun (for example in 1416) while in times of open
warfare they rose to 22s. (in 1372, 1414 and 1487). There was also a variable subsidy
to be paid for convoy defence against risicum gentis which amounted, for example,
to 6d. per tun in 1340, 1s. in 1350 and 3s. 4d. in 1360. Within each year there
was also a seasonal variation in rates, reflected in the specified crews wages and
portages in Queenborough for the vintage and rack wine deliveries from Bordeaux,
but no doubt applicable on other routes. James gives examples of summer and
winter rates, too few to analyse statistically, which she felt were significantly
different, but it is difficult to discern the seasonal effect amongst the much larger
perturbations due to hostile activity.29
It is clear that with changing circumstances in the shipping market, the commer-
cial initiative oscillated between the shipmasters, when they could raise the freight
26 CPMR, 13811412, pp. 199200.

27 PRO C1/26/474/2.
28 Statutes, 5 Richard II, st. 1, c. 3; 6 Richard II, st. 1, c. 8 and 14 Richard II, c. 6.
29 James, Wine Trade, pp. 12833 and appendix 18, pp. 1513: freight and subsidy rates from the
Kings Butlers accounts E101/77/2, also p. 145, citing E364/54/4. Appendix 2, Queenborough,
article 5; vintage wine transport was in late summer, rack in early spring.
84
rates, and the merchants, when they could force them down. The volatility of
the rates also indicates that there was good communication within the separate
communities of shipmasters and merchants and that both received a flow of intel-
ligence about hostile activity at sea, ship availability and the current freight rates
and discounts. Such exchanges of information between shipmasters may be seen
in the alliterative poem Morte Arthure: Thane the marynerse mellys [mixed], and
maysters of chippis, / merily iche a mate menys tille other [chatted to another],/
of theire termys thay talke, how thay ware tydd [what had happened to them],
and undoubtedly the merchants did the same.30
The Coutumier specifies a discount on the freight rate of 21 tuns for the price
of 20 (5 per cent), for Olronais merchants shipping in Olronais bottoms, but
discounts appear to have been fairly common, although not invariable, away from
Olron. For example, the 1323 charter-party shows that Walter Giffard offered
his shipping customers 7.5 per cent discount for carrying wine and flour from
Bordeaux to Newcastle (the Giffard charter), and in 1485 Tibbot Oliver was
given 5 per cent discount on his 50 tuns of wine on the Margaret Cely. In the
1453 Bagot charter any discount is expressly ruled out paying for every ton and
tonlode accomptyng j ton for j ton. Not all merchants lading a ship were offered
the same freight rate and Queenborough stipulates that varying rates have to be
averaged for the calculation of payment to members of the crew who had opted
for their portages to be au fret de la nef (see chapter 5, pp. 1078). The owners and
their favoured customers enjoyed reduced rates; other merchants negotiated the
best rate they could, presumably based on the volume of their cargo. The Celys
accounts for their ship on the Bordeaux run show that when they and the purser
paid 18s. per tun, other merchants paid 20s., and when the in-house rate was 19s.,
the others paid from 20s. to 24s.31
The terms of payment of the freight charges varied. In times of peace and low
piratical activity, shipmasters generally did not expect their shippers to pay the
freight charge until the end of the voyage, except for an advance to victual the
ship or to pay a proportion of the crews wages. Part-payment to the crew at the
outboard port enabled them to buy goods for their own ventures utilising their
freight-free portages, but it would appear that shipmasters were generally too
illiquid to put up the money before receiving an advance on the freight. In the
1323 Giffard charter, 7 2s. (13.25 per cent of the total charge) was paid in advance
at Bordeaux; in 1387, 40s. (26.2 per cent) was advanced to William Prophet, a
mariner, before a coastal passage from Fossdyke to London by William Jay, a sum
30 Morte Arthure, lines 36524.

31 Appendix 3, Coutumier, chapter 55. Ward, Surviving Charter-Party, pp. 389391and 395.
Hanham, Celys World, pp. 3723 citing File 13, fo. 52. The terms portages (a crew perquisite)
and au fret de la nef (profit sharing amongst the crew) are explained in chapter 5, pp. 10713,
and in Appendix 2, Queenborough, article 18. Hanham, Celys World, pp. 3723.
85
which was said to be borrowed (the Prophet charter); and in 1392 Thomas Lynne,
shipmaster, received 200 francs (29.6 per cent) at Seville, also described as a loan,
before departure (the Lynne charter). In the 1453 Bagot charter, a payment of 20
marks was to be made to the crew from the freight money, within six weeks of
arrival at whichever Irish port was chosen by the merchant. When the dangers
of enemy or piratical action at sea were higher than usual, for example after the
start of the Hundred Years War, it was not unknown for shipmasters to require
payment of the freight and pilotage charges in advance.32
The timing of the final payment of the freight was generally related to the ships
arrival or to the completion of unloading. While for both the shipmaster and
the merchants it might appear that the sooner the ship was unloaded the better,
the situation became complicated if the merchant had neither local agent nor
warehousing. To use the ship as a warehouse from which to sample and deliver,
provided that he could persuade the shipmaster to agree to a reasonable charge for
the delayed unloading, was an ideal solution for the merchant. In Sanlcar in 1478,
Philip Wawton sold his cloths from the Mary Asshe, the ship in which the delivery
had been made, using her as a travelling showroom. Unfortunately, the shipmaster
had not agreed to such a course and took his complaint to Chancery.33
For delayed payment, or protracted unloading which led to delayed payment,
there was often a stipulated penalty in the charter-party and, if it came to the
worst, the shipmaster always had the possibility of refusing to allow unloading
until cash or pledges to cover the freight were given. A very large pledge combining
the freight charge and a penalty for delayed payment may be seen in a dispute over
a 1485 agreement. This had been signed by a group of merchants who undertook
to pay 86 12s. if they had not paid the freight charge within 21 days. In the event,
they paid neither freight nor penalty and the shipmaster, a Breton, had to plead
in Chancery for his money.34
A typical contractual penalty was the payment of the shipmasters expenses
while waiting for the late completion of unloading at a rate of, for example, half
a silver mark per day. In the 1387 Prophet charter, the merchant was contracted
to pay within seven days after coming alongside in London, with a penalty of
3s. 4d. per day thereafter. Neither the freight nor the penalty were paid and the
shipmaster asked in court for the arrest and sale of the remainder of the cargo of
salt to meet his debts. In the Lynne charter of 1392, the merchants were to pay a
300 doubles penalty plus expenses for any delay beyond four weeks in loading at
Seville, beyond four days in partially unloading at Southampton and beyond 25
days in unloading at London, where payment of the freight charge was due on
arrival. In the question of cargo-handling and payment times, no doubt the same
32 CPMR, 13811412, pp. 1334 and pp. 1948. PRO E101/78/19(3) (a butlerage account).
33 Childs, Anglo-Castilian Trade, p. 170 citing PRO C1/66/4301.
34 Appendix 1, Oleron, articles 22 and 23 concern delays. PRO C1/59/70.
86
market forces that controlled freight rates were in operation; when conditions
were more competitive for one party than the other, there was scope for negotia-
tion for the latter.
Shipmasters were themselves occasionally put under pressure to effect a speedy
turn-round. For example, a group of Chester merchants who chartered a ship in
139394 to go to Bordeaux to load wine for Ireland, stipulated that she should not
be in Gascony more than than 21 days. To place those and Lynnes time allowances
in context, information from customs accounts indicates that two days in harbour
appears to have been possible, two weeks was about average and five weeks was
not unusual. Longer delays were occasioned by a need for repairs or re-fit or
simply waiting for cargo.35
The currency to be used was always specified in a charter-party. In the 1392
Lynne charter signed in Spain between Genoese merchants and an English ship-
master, the currencies used were neither Genoese nor sterling but gold francs and
Spanish doblas Moreskes dor.36
The Giffard charter signed in Bordeaux in 1323 specifies payment in bons ester-
lins corones dAngleterra and not in the local solidi burdegalenses. Merchants prob-
ably carried up-to-date tables of rates of exchange, but varying currency values
(not to mention the necessary arithmetic) may well have posed problems for ship-
masters. Suitably adjusted rates of exchange were almost certainly used as cover
for interest on loans or on credit, and as a form of non-premium marine insurance,
as discussed above under Insurance.37
There were several different, and changing, sets of rules in operation for the
distribution of prizes and finds in the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries. It is not
surprising, therefore, to find in a charter-party a specific allocation of finds: in
the 1392 Lynne charter, which covered a voyage down the Guadalquivir then to
Southampton and finally round to London, all finds at sea or in fresh water were
simply to be divided into three, one share each for the merchants, the ship and
the shipmaster.38
Concerning the voyage

The time allowed for the voyage was generally, but not always, left unspecified
in charter-parties, presumably on the assumption that the shipmaster would
complete the voyage as quickly as possible. An example of an agreed time clause
35 James, Wine Trade, pp. 134 and 137 citing Chester Recognizance Rolls, 2/66, m. 3 and 2/74,
m. 2d. Harding, Port of London, pp. 2689: figures for London, JulySeptember 1384, citing
PRO E101/71/8.
36 CPMR, 13811412, pp. 1948.
37 George Cely listed the value in francs of English and other coinages: Hanham, Celys World,
p. 375.
38 Foedera, 1, part 2, p. 654 (1285) and10, 367 (1426). Appendix 2, Queenborough, articles 1, 18.
Rot. Parl., 5, p. 59 (1442).
87
is in the 1323 Giffard charter, in which the ship is to travel from Bordeaux to
Newcastle-upon-Tyne in 15 days from departure to discharge, a strangely confi-
dent promise by the shipmaster given the uncertainties of a passage of over 1000
miles. The ship did arrive safely at Newcastle but unfortunately it is not known
when, as the quittance is undated. Another example, which was perhaps more of
a management dispute, concerns Richard Byes ship the Gost of Lynn which in
the late 1460s arrived a month late after a shuttle voyage ZealandBordeaux
WinchelseaBordeauxIreland. The delay was allegedly because there had not
been a change of shipmaster at Winchelsea as Bye had ordered.39
Many charter-parties specified several destination ports, or included provision
for a decision of where to go, to be made at some point along the route. As an
example, in 1381 a shipmaster agreed to carry wine from Bordeaux to England, the
merchant shippers to choose between Southampton, Sandwich and London when
they reached the Sea of Brittany. No doubt the merchants expected to meet in
St Mathieu, or elsewhere, outward bound merchants from England who would
pass on the latest market intelligence. A more complicated list of options was
arranged in 1393 by the group of Chester merchants who planned to send a ship
to Bordeaux, from where, within 21 days. she was to return reloaded to Dalkey and
then, possibly, to Drogheda, a decision to be taken by the merchants within three
or four days of arrival at Dalkey. A similar agreement was made between another
group of Chester merchants and a shipmaster, but only one day was allowed in
Dalkey and the alternative port was to be Chester. This last charter must have
been successful because in the following year the same merchants planned a more
ambitious voyage from Ottermouth to Ile de Rh, La Rochelle, Libourne or
Bordeaux and then back to Waterford, Dublin, Drogheda, Beaumaris or Chester,
the decision about the final destination to be made at Bellisle. In 1449, John Motte
of London freighted in Drogheda the Patrick of Waterford to sail to Bordeaux and
return to either Dublin or Drogheda, the decision to be made en voyage.40
Clearly, flexibility was an integral part of maritime commerce and much of
the success of a trading voyage must have depended on the decision taken by the
leading merchant on board (chosen by the value of his cargo) when there were
contractual options open to him. Extra-contractual changes of route or of ports of
call, perhaps because of weather or in the light of new market intelligence, had to
be with the consent of both the shipmaster and the merchant shippers, and could
require revision of the freight rate. The Normant charter of 1393 lists as possible
destinations London, Southampton and Sandwich, all at 15s. freight per cask, or
for Middelburg at 20s. In 1465, Arnold Makenham, a merchant, contracted with
Sir John Lisle, the owner of the Anne of Hampton, to freight cargo from South-
39 James, Wine Trade, p. 134, citing PRO C1/45/230.

40 PRO C1/45/230 and C47/24/9. CRR, 2/66, m. 3 and 2/68, m. 2. Timothy ONeill, Merchants
and Mariners in Medieval Ireland (Dublin, 1987), p. 50.
88
ampton to Bayonne, from where the ship was to return to London in 32 days (the
Lisle charter). Makenham took the ship on to Spain, claiming to have a second
charter, which was disputed by Lisle implying, perhaps, that the shipmaster had
been talked into the changed destination by Makenham while at sea.41
A charter did not necessarily commence at the port of lading; the agreement
could require a ship to sail to the starting point for loading; in such cases the
freight rate presumably had to cover the passage to the start. An example of one
such pre-loading delivery voyage concerned Mathew Andrewe, owner of the James
of Ottermouth, who had contracted in 1474 with Harry Denys, grocer of London,
to sail under ballast from Topsham to London, there to pick up cargo and return
to Topsham, at an inclusive rate of 9 per tun. The details of the charter survive
because it went badly wrong, leading to allegations in the Court of Chancery of
a non-existent safe conduct countered by a complaint of non-delivery of cargo to
the London quay.42
Additional charges for pilotage, cargo handling and other items

According to the terms of Oleron and the Coutumier, additional costs, such
as deep-sea pilotage, pier dues, stowage and river tolls should be on the ships
accounts while costs associated with the cargo, such as local pilotage, cranage,
special dunnage (wood for supporting and bracing cargo) and unloading were
to be charged to the merchants. The allocation of expenses was, however, some-
times specifically listed in charter-parties: in the 1323 Giffard and 1392 Lynne agree-
ments it was confirmed that petit lomnage (local pilotage) was to be charged to the
shipper, exactly as specified by law. In 1394 the shipmaster who had agreed with
the Chester merchants that he would accept the cost of pilotage from Milford
Haven to Beaumaris or from Dalkey to Chester, refused to pay when the time
came. It may be that the pilotage charges had been included in the freight rate,
a fact which the shipmaster failed to remember, or that he changed his opinion
about what constituted sea pilotage and felt that the Irish Sea, which was not
included in the Oleron geographical definitions, should be seen as local and there-
fore on the merchants account. A letter to the mayor of Winchelsea in 1350 indi-
cates that the shipmaster may sometimes have paid towage and other charges for
the shipping merchants in expectation of repayment later: Gamelin atte Watere,
a merchant, freighted salt from Bourgneuf Bay to Winchelsea at 15d. per quarter
plus towage and petty lading but failed fully to recompense John Maydekyn, ship-
master of the Nicholas of Romene. Although the terms of the charter-party should
have ensured that the shipmaster recovered his expenses without argument, in
the event, the salt was arrested in Winchelsea to be sold for compensation to
41 PRO C1/26/300.
42 Gardiner, West Country Shipping, nos 89a, b, c and d, pp. 1049 citing PRO C1/51/151153
and C1/45/88.
89
Maydekyn. Many important ports, for example Seville, Bordeaux, London and
Newcastle, are several miles up-river from the open sea. Towage by oared boats
was necessary for taking ships up and down the rivers, and in and out of harbours
and docks. In the 1323 Giffard and 1392 Lynne agreements the merchants accept
towing costs, following the precepts of Oleron.43
What might be seen as an idiosyncrasy of a charterer was the inclusion of a
doge and a cat with all other necessaryes in a later charter of 1532. The animals
were required ostensibly as ratters but the possibility of their survival from an
accident would, in the terms of Edward Is well-known statute defining total loss,
circumvent any attempt to write off the ship as a wreck and so preserve title of
ownership to anything of the ship or cargo that was salvaged.44
A century of charter-parties
The 1323 Giffard, the 1392 Lynne and the 1453 Bagot charter-parties demonstrate
how freighting agreements evolved during the 130 years from the first to the last.
The Giffard contract, which is written in Norman French with Gascon variants,
is the oldest known surviving English charter-party; it is shown in Figure 2 with
the transcription and translation in Appendix 5. In summary, the contracting
parties were Sir Hugh de Berham, acting on behalf of Sir Adam de Limbergue,
constable of the castle of Bordeaux who was, in turn, acting on behalf of the king,
and Walter Giffard, the shipmaster. The ship was the cog Nostra Dame of Lyme
(although she had become the Sainte Marie on arrival at Newcastle), loaded with
102 tuns of wine, of which three tuns were vin tint (possibly red wine cosmeti-
cally improved with colouring) and 44 tuns of flour, all destined for the army
mustering in Newcastle for an expedition (later abandoned) against Scotland.
The freight rate of 9s. per tun was discounted at 21.5 tuns for the price of 20, and
payment was to be in sterling crowns. 7 2s. was paid in advance and acknowl-
edged by the shipmaster; the ship was to go straight to Newcastle, and Giffard
promised a 15-day delivery. The terms of payment were immediate on delivery
without demurrage and the merchants were to pay towage and local pilotage. The
charter-party ends, encouragingly, with when the ship left Bordeaux the master
and the merchants were at peace and in a good relationship and without any
quarrel and everyone, including four witnesses, signed on 23 May 1323, Giffard
making his mark manual.
The quittance on the dorse of the charter-party confirms the total freight cost
of 53 11s. of which Limbergue had paid 7 2s. in advance. Polhowe (keeper and
receiver of the kings victuals in Newcastle), acknowledged receipt of 86 tuns of
wine and 43 tuns of flour, although 102 and 44 tuns of wine and flour had been
43 Appendix 1, Oleron, article 13. Appendix 3, Coutumier, chapters 76, 95, 97. CRR 2/66, m. 3.
CCR, 134954, p. 197.
44 Marsden, Select Pleas, 1, p. 37. Statutes, 3 Edward I, c. 4.
90
loaded, and paid 46 10s. There appears to have been a loss of 16 tuns of wine and
one tun of flour en voyage, and the accountancy appears to be awry in that Giffard
was underpaid by 7s. Some of the missing wine might be accounted for by spillage,
evaporation (ullage) and crews perquisites, although a 15.6 per cent loss is large. A
fuller analysis of the accounts is given in Appendix 4. Because the indenture bears
the mark manual of the shipmaster, and the quittance endorsement is signed by
the recipient of the cargo, this surviving copy of the charter-party was probably
the shippers and was either given to the shipmaster as his receipt in Newcastle
or retained as evidence for later litigation, of which there is no trace. The agent
in Newcastle would have received the shipmasters copy, acknowledging payment
and authenticated with his mark.45
The 1323 charter-party is a straightforward, uncomplicated agreement with a
minimum of clauses and without threat of penalties. In addition to the names
of the parties, the destination and the terms of the contract, details are given of
the cargo which is already loaded; this charter-party is, in effect, a bill of lading
acknowledging receipt of the goods and embodying an agreement to transport
them to the destination.
The 1392 Lynne charter-party was written in Norman French, and a transcrip-
tion survives in the records of a dispute heard in the London mayoral court. Two
Genoese merchants, acting for themselves and two other partners, contracted with
Thomas Lynne, master of the barge Seintmarie owned by John Hawley, to ship
150 tons of merchandise down river from Seville to Sanlcar de Barrameda then
to Southampton and finally to London. In court, Lynne alleged that he had not
been paid and each party produced a version of the agreement which, although
essentially the same, differed in detail and was not acceptable to the other party.
The clauses in the charter-party are complex and interesting: the lading at Seville
was to be completed within four weeks; the freight rate was 4 francs per ton
amounting to a total of 675 francs; and there was to be a further payment of 25
francs chaux (?shoemoney) to the shipmaster (apparently a gratuity, worth 3.7 per
cent of the freight). The ship was to remain in Southampton for four days while
part of the cargo was unloaded, then she was to sail to London to discharge the
rest of the cargo (within 25 days in the defendants version of the agreement).
If the ship were not loaded at Seville within four weeks, through delay by the
merchants, they were to pay the shipmaster 300 doubles Moreskes dor plus his
expenses while there. It was agreed that the merchants would provide (i.e. pay for)
a pilot from Seville, presumably for the 60 miles down the Guadalquivir to the sea,
and pay for any other local pilotage and towage, an arrangement conforming to
Oleron. The merchants had to caulk the cabin of the ship, and the shipmaster had
to provide a boat equipped, manned and ready to load or unload in any harbour,
45 Appendix 1, Oleron, article 17 for the ration of wine. A loss of c.6% of the wine was
common.
91
and to pay the boat crew. He also had to supply the merchants with fresh water,
salt, firewood and lamps fore and aft and be prepared, with his crew, to defend
the ship against everyone except compatriots.
The terms of the charter-party are considerably more sophisticated than those
in the 1323 Giffard agreement in that they include penalties for unloading delays,
more than one currency, a gratuity for the shipmaster, a list of the responsibilities
of the two parties and a requirement for the crew to defend the ship and cargo.
Further, unlike the Giffard charter on which the shipmaster /owner had made
his mark manual on his own responsibility, the Seintmaries master signed the
agreement acting as agent for the owner. It is not known if he had full authority
to engage the vessel or had to work within defined parameters. The voyage was
completed but led to claim and counter-claim between the shipmaster and the
merchants because of non-payment of the freight. Unusually, the courts interim
decision on the question of outstanding payments is recorded in Lynnes favour
but there was a postponement sine die of the other matters, because of a writ
of protection for Lynne while he was on the kings service provisioning the town
of Cherbourg. Of happenings thereafter, no record has been found.
The 1453 Bagot charter-party, written in English, binds John White, the ship-
master, with the assent and agreement of Clement Bagot, the owner of the Julian
of Bristol, to carry cargo for John Heyton, a merchant of Bristol, on a circuit of
ports at which the ship was to be unloaded and reloaded. The proposed route
was from Bristol to Lisbon with diverse merchaundisez belonging to Heyton but
allowing space for ten tons for Bagot (the owner), six tons for John White (the
master) and five tons for Nicholas Mody (the purser). After Lisbon, loaded with
85 tuns of wine, 15 tons of honey and with the remaining space filled with salt,
the ship was to sail to one of three ports in Ireland, the selection to be made by
Heyton (the merchant). The freight rate from Lisbon to Ireland was to be 20s.
per ton without discount, the other units of cargo being defined as two pipes, four
hogsheads or five quarters of salt (Bristol measure) to be charged at the wine tun
rate. Within six weeks of arrival in Ireland the crew were to be paid 20 marks.
In the Irish port the ship was to be discharged and reloaded with hides; she was
then to sail to Plymouth, wait there for three tides (c.18 hours) then sail on to a
port in Normandy, Zeeland or Brittany, again to be selected by Heyton, at a rate
of 40s. per last.
According to Heyton, all went well until they left Plymouth when White took
the ship to Winchelsea and then to Sandwich where the ship was discharged by
order of Bagot. Unfortunately, to Heytons grete losse and undoyng, the price of
Irish hides compared to the Welsh was uncompetitive in England at that time.
Bagot however, maintained that the unloading at Sandwich was with Heytons
written consent and that the latter owed him the freight and a penalty for delayed
loading. The reason for the diversion, as set out in the depositions of John White,
Nicholas Mody and other crew members, was that reprisals being exacted by
92
the Duke of Burgundy made it too dangerous to sail to Flanders, so they sailed
instead to Calais with Heytons consent, were caught in a storm, almost lost the
ship on the Goodwin Sands, broke their best anchor and took refuge in Sandwich.
Heyton had then signed a notarised agreement that the ship should be discharged
there, leaving on board sufficient of the cargo to cover the freight if that had not
been paid within 32 days.46
The Bagot charter shows further advances in complexity together with a
considerable amount of commercial detail. A ships purser is mentioned; there
is a reservation of cargo space for the ships owner and officers; the destinations
are to be decided en voyage by the charterer; the cargoes to be loaded at various
ports are listed; the timing and amount of payment to the crew is specified and
the tun equivalents of other weights and measures are defined. Of significance
is a legal point, revealed in the court hearing following the voyage: the docu-
ment which altered the terms of the original charter-party had to be signed and
sealed by a notary, indicating that the contractual status of the original agreement
was accepted by both parties, although at which law is not clear. The position of
White, as agent for Bagot, is not denied by Bagot nor questioned by Heyton,
which perhaps points to merchant law. Heyton stated in his plea to the chancellor
that he had no remedy at common law, that is, there was no writ available to plead
breach of service contract. Why he did not direct his plea to a merchant law court
where contractual obligations were recognised, but decided to seek equity from the
Court of Chancery, is not known. Bagot maintained that the matter was determi-
nable at common law where a service contract and its notarised alteration would
be recognised. The differing views reflect the confusion in mid-fifteenth-century
England arising from the reluctance of common law to accept the obligation of
contract (a subject examined in chapter 1), and demonstrate the advisability of
defining in the charter-party the code of law under which any dispute is to be
heard. In view of Copyn and Snokes troubles in the 1390s and, half a century
later, those of Bagot and Heyton, merchant law was the safer option for those
engaged in a service industry.
The shipmasters bureaucratic load
In addition to finding cargo for the next voyage, the shipmaster had to arrange
credit in such a way that accusations of usury were avoided. He had to agree to,
and sign, financial instruments sometimes in foreign languages and often involving
46 Heyton was right about hide prices; the few Irish hides imported at that time were probably
seamens freight-free portages of three dickers each. In 1436 a ship arrested at Southampton
for kings service was given special licence to unload and later reload Irish hides because of the
difficult market. The claim of a later, over-riding contract is reminiscent of Lisle v. Makenham,
discussed above.
93
different currencies, try to keep a record of his various transactions, and investi-
gate the possibilities of some form of insurance cover. When in partnership with
men or women experienced in business affairs, his bureaucratic load would have
been considerably reduced and that may have been a factor in the selection of
partners. Although it may have been possible to appoint a shipping agent to work
on his behalf, no evidence of such assistance has been found.
Of all the financial and commercial instruments available to the medieval
shipmaster, the best-known are charter-parties because of their survival in the
records of court hearings. These offer useful windows on the developing English
medieval shipping industry, and on the business life of the mercantile shipmaster.
The completion of the charter-party before each voyage could be quite straight-
forward, even formulaic, but nervous or cunning merchant shippers were capable
of demanding complex clauses involving an unacceptable flexibility of route, an
impossible timetable, or a mixture of currencies at different rates of exchange.
Just as the growing complexity of commercial transactions, and the increasing
risks to which shipmasters were exposed, required the Lex dOleron, dating from
before 1315, to be supplemented by the additional articles of the Inqusition of
Queenborough, sitting from 1375 to 1404, so the content of charter-parties also
had to be expanded during the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries to cope with
new situations. Particularly pertinent are those clauses which seek to defend the
shipmaster after jettison or collision, defend him from the consequences of delay
caused by a shipping merchant, and define the terms of payment.
With the necessary bureaucracy completed, it is probable that the late medieval
shipmaster welcomed his return to the sea which he understood better, and on
which he was more at ease.
94
5
The Shipmasters Off-Shore Responsibilities
Relationships with merchant shippers
I n addition to their mutual obligations set out in the charter-party, the ship-
master and the merchants who travelled on his ship with their goods, had
further legal responsibilities to each other while at sea. Those are set out in Oleron
and to a lesser extent in the Coutumier and follow practices developed by long
use and wont.
Delayed and frustrated voyages

If a ship foundered between ports, the shipmaster had the option of repairing
her or of transferring himself, with the cargo, to another vessel to continue the
voyage. If the merchants did not accept his decision, the shipmaster was still able
to claim his freight payment for that part of the voyage that had been sailed.
When weather conditions delayed a ship in port for so long that the shipmaster
ran out of money, he was permitted to send home for more funds. Alternatively,
he could sell as much as necessary of the cargo to revictual or repair the ship and,
on arrival at their final destination, compensate the merchants for the borrowed
cargo at the same prices as they had obtained for the cargo which had arrived
safely. The shipmaster nevertheless received his freight payment for the whole
cargo for the whole voyage. These arrangements appear to be complementary to
the prohibition on the shipmaster selling the ship without the owners authority,
although he could pledge equipment to borrow money for his necessary expenses,
with the consent of his crew.
Jettison and general average

Before ordering jettison or cutting away rigging in an emergency, the shipmaster
had to consult the merchants. By giving their consent to any action which led to
loss or damage of the cargo, the merchants reduced their title to their goods. The
risk to the merchants in accepting responsibility for the drastic remedial action
was balanced by their being able to call together the crew, after the voyage, to
ask them to swear that the shipmasters decisions had been correct and without
alternative. This provision was available to the merchants not only when there
Appendix 1, Oleron and Appendix 3, Coutumier, passim.
95
had been jettison, but also if other aspects of the shipmasters seamanship was
in doubt.
If the merchants, through caution, fear or cupidity, were slow to agree to
approve jettison, and such procrastination caused damage, the shipmasters cargo
was exempted from contribution to general average (see below). No litigation
arising from such a situation has been found to indicate how long merchants
might reasonably be allowed to consider their options in a storm-tossed ship on
a lee shore. If any merchant later attempted to deny his alleged agreement to
jettison, the shipmaster had the right to ask one third of his crew to swear that
his actions were necessary during the emergency. The Customs rules on jettison
are generally similar to those in Oleron but with two additional rules: that the
merchant had to throw overboard the first item, presumably to confirm his agree-
ment to jettison; and that extra-contractual agreements made on the open sea
under the duress of fear or seasickness were not necessarily valid later.
If jettison saved a ship and part of her cargo, then the value of each merchants
goods, as a proportion of the total value of the items saved, was made to those
whose cargo had been sacrificed for the general good, a process known as general
average. Oleron exempted crew portages (see below, pp. 10713) from contribu-
tion, even those portage allowances which had been subcontracted to merchants.
Oleron also gave the shipmaster the option of contributing the ship or his own
cargo, but in a 1285 Letter Patent of Edward I, it was ruled that the ship, her
rigging and the crews personal belongings, food and cooking utensils should be
quit of contributing aid towards the jettison into the sea but that everything else
belonging to the merchants and the crew had to be included. The letter also ruled
that the mariners should have the freight money for the cargo that was saved, but
the shipmaster should forfeit the freight for the lost cargo. The reason for the
differing views on what was to be included in contribution may be chronological;
the Oleron article was probably formulated before 1285. The Coutumier ruled that
the hull, tackle and stores of the ship, and the beds and chests of the crew, were
exempt, but everything carried as merchandise must contribute; a rule virtually
identical to Edwards, and reflecting the later date of the Coutumier. Although the
1285 decision precluded obligatory inclusion of the ship in the contribution, it
apparently did not specifically prevent a master choosing to offer the ship rather
than his cargo, as suggested in Oleron. To be able to contribute the ship, the ship-
master would have had to own her or have had authority from his fellow owner/
partners; to want to contribute his (or their) cargo implies that it was of lesser
value than the ship. Further, to contribute the ship, he would have had to persuade
the merchants that he was legally entitled to choose the smaller contribution not
an easy proposition.
Appendix 1, Oleron, articles 8 and 9; Appendix 3, Coutumier, chapter 94.
96
THE SHIPMASTERS OFF-SHORE RESPONSIBILITIES
With the exemption from contribution of the crews portages, a shipmaster

might be sure that they would cooperate in the jettisoning of cargo. However,
that provision may have made collusion between shipmaster and crew more likely
when there was a dispute with aggrieved merchants. Mariners might be prepared
to swear that the shipmaster had had no option but to jettison if their own invest-
ments were not at stake. The shipmaster also had further means of ensuring the
cooperation of the crew: in order to qualify for a share of the salvage from the
wreck of their ship, the shipmaster had to agree that the crew had defent en la
meer cum un homme. The articles concerning jettison, wreck and any damage to
the cargo were therefore potentially very much to the benefit of the shipmaster
rather than the merchants. The introduction of general average may have been a
sensible precaution when the merchants themselves had to assist in the jettisoning
of their cargo, but a contemporary (c.1375) poem describes the reality of a storm.
In the unsurprising general panic there is non-selective jettisoning of anything
that comes to hand:
And then the cry arises, they cut the ropes and throw everything out; many men
jump about to bale and to throw scooping out the dangerous water when they
would rather escape for however heavy a mans load, life is always sweet. They
were busy throwing bales overboard, their bags and their feather beds and their
best clothes, their cases and their chests and all their casks, and all to lighten
the ship in the hope that calm should fall.
Resposibilities for the cargo

As discussed in chapter 1, one of the strengths of the law merchant was its
encouragement of commerce. Similarly maritime law favoured the shipmaster as
a supplier of a service to merchants trading overseas. If the shipmaster were to be
held generally responsible for any damage to or loss of cargo, then there would
have been, at best, a substantial increase in freight rates and, at worst, a cessation
of shipping services. There appears to have been a caveat emptor situation for
shipping merchants there was no money-back guarantee if a voyage was not
completed, a situation aggravated by the absence of premium insurance facilities
before the fifteenth century. The shipmaster, however, was not entirely immune
from claims; according to Oleron, damage to the cargo because of bad loading or
badly placed dunnage could be claimed against him and the crew, unless they were
prepared to swear that the dunnage supplied was faulty or that there were other
extenuating circumstances. Given the few personal belongings of the shipmaster
Appendix 1, Oleron and Appendix 3, Coutumier, passim. Twiss, Black Book, III, pp. 14857,
4449: Customs, chapters lliv and ccviii. Liber Albus, ed. Henry T. Riley (London, 1861), pp.
4212; CPR 128192, pp. 1689; Pearl, Patience, lines 15260 (in modernised English).
97
and his crew, any worthwhile compensation would have had to be found from the
cargo that each man had loaded. The responsibility for damage to the ship and
cargo when a shipmaster was ordered by a merchant to take his ship against his
will into a hazardous situation, is not entirely clear. An interesting argument about
responsibility surfaced in a case in 1376 when Arnald Pope, master of the George,
lost his ship and cargo when, against his better judgement, he took her closer to
the town of Blakeney on the instruction of Robert Rust, who had freighted the
ship with salt at Bourgneuf and wanted to discharge her in a quiet place nearer
the town. Unfortunately the decision of the court is not known.
Loading and unloading times are frequently mentioned in freighting agree-
ments and the rules for compensation for delay are dealt with in both Oleron and
Customs. Claims against merchants who delayed a sailing may be found in pleas
before Chancery and other courts and are discussed in the section on freighting
agreements in chapter 4, pp. 7893. Customs records indicate that although
unloading and reloading could be completed in a few days, at other times, several
weeks were required. An analysis of the time spent in London by ships with
customable, and therefore recorded, cargoes between July and September 1384,
shows that in summary, 11 turned-round in 4 days, 19 in between 5 and 12 days,
and 18 in between 14 and 23 days, with two spending 29, and one other 52 days,
in harbour. An averaged turn-round time has to be treated with caution since
not all ships carried customable goods and their arrivals and departures were not
recorded. Further, cargoes varied in ease of handling, ships may have required
repairs while in harbour, or they may have had to wait for favourable weather.
Also, although the shipping merchants were subject to the late delivery penalties
set out in Oleron and, additionally, were often bound by the charter-parties to load
and unload within a given time, there may have been delays awaiting cargoes. The
average turrn-round, however, appears to have been about two weeks, confirmed
in the contemporary Libelle of Englyshe Polycye. In this essentially political poem,
the importance of a speedy turn-round is emphasised:
Conceyve well here, that Englyssh men at martes
Be discharged, for all her [their] craftes and artes,
In Braban of all here marchaundy
In the xiiij. dayes and ageyne hastely
In the same dayes xiiij. are charged efte.
And yf they byde lengere, all is berefte;
Anone they shulde forfet here [their] godes all
Or marchaundy, it shulde no bettere fall.
Furthermore, shipmasters were occasionally bound by the charter-party to a

schedule for their voyages, as discussed in chapter 4.
Appendix 1, Oleron, articles 4, 8, 9, 11, 23; CCR, 137477, p. 404.

Appendix 1, Oleron, article 22. Twiss, Black Book, III, pp. 1623, 1967, 3669: Customs,
98
Responsibility for payment of incidental expenses and of pilotage

For the payment of incidental expenses, the Coutumier defines more fully than
Oleron or Queenborough the respective responsibilities of the merchants and of
the ship. Assiage (stowage), planchage (landing dues), quillage (pier or perhaps
anchorage dues), and rivage (tolls on tow paths), were all charged to the ship.
According to Oleron, the costs of lodmanage (pilotage) were split; the merchants
to pay for petty, or local, pilots and the ship to pay for sea pilots (see chapter 7,
Pilots (pp. 1757) for further information). The Coutumier adds that additional
pilots (or crew) taken on at the merchants request were to be on their account if
the ship were already well crewed and carried a pilot.
When a ship was handling cargo with lighters alongside, or with carts brought
down the beach at low water, then her own lifting gear would have had to be
used. If she were working against a quay or a dock then either her own lifting
tackle or shore cranes could be used. Use of the ships lifting tackle, operated
by the crew, could incur primage charges to be paid by the merchants; the use
of dock-side cranes, sometimes stipulated by the local authority, would incur a
guindage (cranage) charge and require shore-side stevedores, again to be paid by
the merchants. As examples: in Dublin in 133233, the hoisting of wine aboard the
Margaret from barges cost 2d. per tun and 1d. per pipe and in 148081, the crew
of the Trinity were paid 200 maravedis for bringing aboard a cargo of 33.5 tuns
of wine from the ships boat. Cranes were available on the London wharves from
the fourteenth century and on Southampton quay from the early fifteenth century,
and the crane garth at York is first mentioned in a document of 1417. In 143132
over 25s. were spent on repairs (indicating that it was of some age) to the machine
at Topsham; it may be assumed that by the fifteenth century other important
port towns had similar facilities. When using the ships own lifting tackle, the
shipmaster could avoid responsibility for damage to the cargo by insisting that
the merchants inspected the ropes before unloading began. If equipment failure
caused damage to the cargo after the merchants had given approval, the shipmaster
and crew were not culpable. They could still be held responsible for damage in the
hold due to faulty stowage, however.
Customs confirms much of the above and defines more closely the responsibili-
chapters lx, lxxxix, and clxxxix. Harding, Port of London, pp. 26870, citing PRO E101/71/8.
Libelle of Englyshe Polycye, ed. Sir G. Warner (Oxford, 1926), chapter 7, lines 51219.
Appendix 3, Coutumier, chapters 55, 76, 95, 97. Appendix 1, Oleron, article 13. Local Customs
Accounts of the Port of Exeter, p. 6; keelage at Topsham in the early fourteenth century was 2d.
per vessel and by the mid-fifteenth century bushellage and plankage were also being charged,
probably to the merchants account.
ONeill, Merchants and Mariners, p. 54 citing PROI: 43rd Report of the Deputy Keeper, p.60.
Reddaway, Accounts of John Balsall, p. 23. Gillian Hutchinson, Medieval Ships and Shipping
(London, 1994), p. 112. The Local Port Book of Southampton for 143940, ed. Henry S. Cobb,
SRS V (Southampton, 1961), p. xxxvi. Appendix 1, Oleron, articles 10, 11.
99
ties of the senyor de nau towards his merchant freighters and passengers, and the
consequences of damage to the cargo arising from jettison, damp, rats or other
spoilage on the ship when loading, unloading or lying on or under the decks.
There is also provision for living space for the merchants and their servants (the
merchant paying the highest freight was allocated the best accommodation), and
penalties are specified for keeping a ship waiting. As in Oleron, the right of the
merchants to obtain sworn testimony from the crew, when in dispute with the
shipmaster, is confirmed. As mentioned under Jettison above, agreements made
at sea, when, it is said, a frightened or seasick man will agree to anything, are
invalid later on dry land, except if the ship had been anchored or moored. Other
example of promises which might be treated as revocable later include those made
to armed enemies, offers of rewards to the crew when aground or to avoid jettison,
and offers of compensation for a change of course, unless the last was entered in
the ships log as soon as convenient. There is no such provision in Oleron, Queen-
borough or the Coutumier; merchants on English ships were held to any promises
they made even when in extremis although, presumably, such promises would have
had to be substantiated.
It was customary for one of the shippers to be regarded as chief merchant,
probably he with the largest cargo. The chief merchant represented the others,
paid the dues, tolls and charges owed by them, and guaranteed payment to the
shipmaster of the freight and other expenses, against later repayment. From the
Exeter customs accounts it appears that he may occasionally have paid, or given
pledges for, local customs dues on the cargoes of unenfranchised merchants.
Unfortunately, it is difficult to separate such payments from pledges given by
local worthies who were also importing merchants. Customs recognised the chief
merchants position by stipulating that he should have the best accommodation
on board and defines him as the merchant with the most cargo, but it does not
list his responsibilities.
Personnel and man-management
Crew strengths varied with the need for defence and the size and rig of the vessel;
in 1324 ships over about 120 tons were manned at four tons per man, under 120
tons at something over three tons per man and under 80 tons at less than three
tons per man. A typical 100-ton ship, therefore, would have had a crew of around
Twiss, Black Book, III, pp. 8891, 1025, 1067, 1623, 2427, 2705, 33643: Customs, chap-
ters xvi, xviiixx, xxii, xxviixxix, xxxixxxiii, lx, cxli, cli, clxxviiiclxxx, clxxxiv and ccviii.
James, Wine Trade, pp. 1356. Local Customs Accounts of the Port of Exeter, p. 9: pledges for
payment were given only by the larger merchants, confirmed by the attempts in court by the
customs receivers to recover money from the sureties. Twiss, Black Book, III, pp. 1067: Customs,
chapter xxxi.
100
30 men. The simplification of sail handling following the introduction of a split

sail plan early in the fifteenth century may have allowed an increase in the tons per
man ratio, but the long yard and the lateen sail rigged on the mizzen mast would
have required considerable man-handling. The total number of men working on
ships was probably around 15,000 in the late fourteenth century, calculated from
the number of ships involved in the wine trade or in troop movements during the
Hundred Years War.10
The backgrounds and demography of seamen are difficult to trace. The average
age of 80 men from Dartmouth ships who gave evidence in an enquiry into piracy
off Brest in 1386 was around 30, with three quarters of them below 40 years of
age. Seamen were mostly men from port towns or the surrounding countryside:
again from the Dartmouth ship enquiry, 68 of the 80 men were from Dartmouth
itself or the estuarine villages of the Dart, with a further eight from port towns
within 12 miles of Dartmouth. There was a familial seafaring tradition, especially
amongst shipowners /masters such as the Hawleys of Dartmouth, and this may
well have been a common path towards the position of shipmaster. For ordinary
mariners, the cyclical nature of fishing, farming and the Bordeaux wine trade also
offered men opportunities of gainful work throughout the year, and a degree of
trade interchangeability amongst seamen can be seen. Amongst the men of the
Dartmouth ships were 14 tradesmen including four tailors, two barbers and a
carpenter, plumber, armourer, cutler, skinner, goldsmith, baker and mason. Their
shore-side trades were perhaps laid aside when they needed additional capital to
expand their businesses or their land holdings by the possibilities of portages and
prizes available at sea.11
There were difficulties for men who were still in feudal servitude who wanted
to go to sea and there is evidence of those difficulties even in impressment. In
1335, for example, Thomas Springer, master of the Cogge Edward, was, exception-
ally, ordered to seize men whether in or outside liberties to make up his crew
and again, as late as 1416, Haukin Pytman of the Weathercock of the Tower, was
instructed to seize any man he could find as crew. This instruction may well have
been difficult to carry out, as the kings officials theoretically could not deliver or
enforce writs to those within liberties, and usually had to rely on the officials of
the liberty. Manumission was still necessary in the fourteenth century but since
it was an opportunity for a lord to exploit his serfs financially, as feudal service
became meaningless, high costs restricted the purchase of freedom to only the
wealthiest of the unfree. In view of the number of men who went to sea in the
fourteenth century, it is strange that only two records have been found of permis-
10 Ratios calculated from British Naval Documents 12041960, ed. John B. Hattendorf, et al.,
NRS (Aldershot, 1993), p. 39.
11 For fuller analyses of seamens ages, trades and backgrounds from the limited information
available, see Kowaleski, Working at Sea.
101
sion granted to leave feudal servitude specifically for work at sea. One is the only
known manumission of a mariner; Thomas Knollyng, a villein of Ashburton
manor was released by the Bishop of Exeter in 1355 to practise more freely his
ars navalis. Thomas was 50 years old, childless and had been at sea since he was
a child. Why he should have required manumission when of an age when most
men gave up sea-going, is not clear.12
The other record is of Richard Fouke, who withdrew from the craft of
ploughman, out of the service of Emere of Shernborne [Norfolk], and is received
and hired by Ralph Pibel, crossing the sea in the craft of mariner. Nothing is
known of the cost of his manumission, if anything, and the fact that his departure
was noted, makes more mysterious the lack of other records. For men not within
liberties there was the risky alternative of de facto freedom by escape to sea, but
the 1351 Statute of Labourers and later legislation further reduced their oppor-
tunities. There are records of many prosecutions of men and women who had
tried to move (although not necessarily to sea) but were arrested; the Yorkshire
East Riding Roll from 1363 to 1364, for example, records 46 thwarted attempts to
depart from a locality and a further 11 attempts to leave a master. The Lincolnshire
Peace Rolls of 136075 record many transgressions, and it is possible that when
the shortage of manpower began to bite towards the end of the 1370s, greater
attempts were made to stop a widespread movement of workers to higher paid
jobs elsewhere. One of those caught was William Runfare, a fisherman, who was
hired in 1371 by William Skott of Saltfleet Haven for a whole year but worked only
from St Hilarys day until the following Purification day; the call of the deep-sea
may have tempted him away. Despite the refusal of the Lords and Commons to
accept enfranchisement of the serfs, servitude began to crumble. The 1381 revolt
was another step towards general emancipation, and by the early fifteenth century
increasing numbers of men were able freely to choose to go to sea. This freedom
usefully coincided, more or less, with the growth of the English merchant fleet
and the demand for mariners.13
12 Letter Patent of Edward III, 14 Oct. 1335. CPR, 141622, p. 84. R.H. Hilton, The Decline
of Serfdom in Medieval England, The Economic History Society (1969), pp. 515. The sums
required for manumission varied considerably: in 1317, 50 marks was demanded by Sir John
Botetourte; in 1335 Worcester Cathedral Priory received 20, and in 1414 6 13s. 4d. was paid
by a neif of Oddington, Gloucestershire. F.C. Hingeston-Randolph,ed., The Register of John de
Grandison, 132769, 3 vols (London, 18949), II, p. 1159.
13 Simon A.C. Penn and Christopher Dyer in Wages and Earnings in Late Medieval England:
Evidence from the Enforcement of the Labour Laws, EHR, 2nd series 43, 3 (1990), pp. 35676.
Statutes 23 Edward III, st.2, cc. 1 and 2 and The Statute of Labourers; 25 Edward III, st. 5, c.18.
B.H. Putnam, The Enforcement of the Statute of Labourers, 134959 (New York, 1908); York
Sessions, p. xxxii. Records of Some Sessions of the Peace in Lincolnshire, ed. R. Sillem, Lincoln
Record Society, XXX (1936), pp. xlvi and 20. Bolton, Medieval English Economy, pp. 21315.
Hilton, The Decline of Serfdom, pp. 519. J. Hatcher, England in the Aftermath of the Black
Death, PP, 144 (1994), pp. 335. E.B. Fryde, Peasants and Landlords in Later Medieval England,
c.1380-c.1525 (Stroud, 1996), pp. 853.
102
Training and promotion

There is a complete absence of evidence of indentured apprenticeship or formal
training for the position of shipmaster. Adolescent boys could begin their life at
sea as cabin boys, receiving half a mans wage, and such arrangements were prob-
ably frequently made within a family. There were certainly advantages in having
familial connections, the Hawleys of Dartmouth offering such an example. Other-
wise, the path to becoming a shipmaster appears to have been open to any intel-
ligent, assertive and ambitious young man who informally learned the skills of a
ships officer by working his way up from deck-hand. The first step after mastering
the basic skills of sailing the ship and handling the cargo, would have been to
persuade a master to accept him informally as an apprentice or assistant, and
so to learn the art of navigation on the job. There is no reference to a mate or
second-in-command of an English ship in Oleron, Queenborough, the Coutumier
or elsewhere, although one would expect that position to have been an essential
step in the training of future shipmasters. Thereafter, for a man to improve his
lot, he would have had to find a merchant, or wealthy patron, prepared to invest
in a ship. The business and managerial skills required of a shipmaster would then
have to be acquired, perhaps under the guidance of the shipowner, before the tyro
could be considered fully qualified to work alone.14
There was visible class mobility and a considerable overlap between the roles of
owner, shipmaster, merchant and crew. That a shipmaster or a merchant could be
part or sole owner of a ship has been shown in chapter 2, but it was also possible
for a member of the crew to be a part-owner or to be a merchant working the
ship that was carrying his cargo. The shipmaster appears, not infrequently, to
have shipped more cargo than his free allowance, perhaps in the process of accu-
mulating sufficient capital to become a fully fledged merchant or, if he were an
employee, to buying his own ship. There was no impermeable barrier between the
categories of those engaged in sea ventures, and a man could, if he wanted, act in
several capacities at the same or at other times. Clear evidence for this mobility
may be seen in the loading details for the shipmasters and crew in the Exeter
customs accounts. One example is Paye Hardy who, as a crew member in 1305,
brought in only his one tun portage allowance. The following year he brought
in four tuns and was perhaps establishing himself as a merchant before his luck
changed; in 1315 he had to revert to being a mariner again with only his one tun
portage allowance.15
14 Twiss, Black Book, III, pp. 50657, Customs, chapters iixi, xvi, xvii, clxxxiv, and cxc.
15 Local Customs Accounts of the Port of Exeter, passim.
103
Relationship with crew

The first commercial ventures at sea were probably informal cooperatives using a
ship belonging to one of the members. The group worked the ship, caught fish,
bought and sold goods (trading individually or together) and shared the expenses
and profits of the voyage, although the shipowner, acting as primus inter pares,
presumably received a higher proportion of the profits. The corporate respon-
sibility demanded in such cooperative ventures sufficed until it became neces-
sary to employ waged seamen; thereafter inducements and sanctions had to be
introduced. Whether the master owned the whole or part of his ship or was an
employee of the owner(s), he was responsible for the hiring and firing of crew and
pilots, for their terms of employment, and for discipline on board. The shipmaster
was also responsible for the ships housekeeping, victualling, the issue of rations,
the conservation of water and so on. Oleron shows traces of mutual endeavour
by defining the need for consensual decisions by the shipmaster and his crew
in such matters as the pledging of equipment, suitability of weather, salvage and
jettison. Interestingly, when such cooperation is required, the crew are referred to
in Oleron as compaignouns, a degree of equality reminiscent of Ulysses last voyage
on which he addressed his loyal crew as compagni. In contrast, in the Oleron arti-
cles which concern matters of discipline, hiring and firing crew, paying them and
feeding them, the seamen are described more formally as mariners. The relation-
ship between master and crew was symbiotic; complementary to the situations
in which the former had to consult the latter about certain maritime decisions,
he might have to ask them to swear to his professional ability by confirming the
necessity of jettison, the soundness of the lifting tackle, the careful stowage of
cargo or the no fault nature of an accident.16
Discipline
According to Oleron a shipmaster hires his sailors and must hold them in peace
and be their judge; he therefore had to try to maintain an orderly calm on the
ship, know how to deal with arguments amongst the crew and with defiance
of authority, and be aware of the approved scale of punishments for a variety
of offences. There were, however, several gaps in the shipmasters disciplinary
armoury. Oleron, the Coutumier and the early section of Queenborough make no
mention of punishments for theft by the crew from colleagues or from the cargo.
This was possibly a sensitive subject when even the shipmaster could be guilty, as
in the case of Chaucers shipman: Ful many a draughte had he [the shipmaster]
ydrawe / Fro Burdeux-ward, whil that the chapman [the merchant] sleep. / Of
nyce conscience took he no keep. Theft is covered in the later, fifteenth-century
section of Queenborough but in only a general way and without reference to any
16 Appendix 1, Oleron, passim; Appendix 3, Coutumier, chapter 95.
104
responsibility on the part of the shipmaster. That the shipmaster appears to have
had no defined authority to deal summarily with thieves in his crew is curious,
given the importance of the security of the cargo, and the unsettling effect on a
crew within which a thief lurked. The case of Pilk v. Vener(e) (see chapter 2, p. 32)
had been through the courts some 15 years before the later section of Queenbor-
ough was compiled; absence of any reference to a shipmasters responsibility for
the wrongdoings of his crew is therefore even more mysterious. Theft, however, is
dealt with in Customs which prescribes for a man who has been found guilty three
times, three duckings from the yardarm, a spell in irons, loss of wages and delivery
to a magistrate ashore, if further punishment was felt necessary.17
When there was a dispute between a shipmaster and a member of his crew,
the former could take away the towaile, translated as cloth, from in front of the
wrongdoer while at the mess table. This may have meant either that the default-
ers rations were to be withheld for a specified period, or it was a form of social
exclusion. Any repetition of his misbehaviour after the third withdrawal could
lead to the man being sent ashore, at the crews decision. If any seaman should
denigrate another, he had to pay a fine of 4d. (a days wage) whereas denigration
by the shipmaster cost him 8d. If the shipmaster struck any member of the crew,
then the latter had to take the first blow but thereafter he could defend himself.
If it were the sailor who struck the first blow, then he must pay 100s. or lose a
fist, the choice again being left to the crew. As manual abscission would render
a man unfit for further work, it seems unlikely to have been practised. The table
was the forum where the crew assessed a defaulters contrition after his third and
final warning or after an assault on the shipmaster, and it appears to have had a
symbolic significance on board ship. The apparently democratic involvement of
the crew may have been because they had to live and work with the accused, or it
may have been another survival from the days of cooperative ventures.18
The most frequent breaches of discipline were almost certainly drunkenness
and falling asleep while on watch, neither of which are mentioned in Oleron.
The most likely explanation for such omission is that the shipmaster had at his
disposal generally recognised sanctions for unspecified common offences. Deser-
tion was another potential problem; both Oleron and Queenborough insist on
the sailors remaining with the ship until she reaches her home port, the former
advising shipmasters to retain some of the wages as security for men who have
no belongings, and the latter threatening severe punishment to those who leave
the ship too soon. For breaches of discipline, Customs offers the shipmaster the
17 Appendix 1, Oleron, passim; Appendix 2, Queenborough, articles 213, 15 and 21. Chaucer,
Complete Works, General Prologue, lines 3968. See Chapter 2 for the responsibility of master
for servant in common and merchant law, and for Pilk v. Vener(e). Twiss, Black Book, III, pp.
36345: Customs, chapters cxiii and cxxii.
18 Appendix 1, Oleron, articles 12 and 14.
105
choice of withholding the mans food and wine for an unspecified period, or of
ducking him three times from the yard with additional soakings from a bucket; it
also, significantly, forbids wine for those about to go on watch.19
The serious crimes of murder, mutiny, sexual offences, arson, treason and delib-
erate damage, are not mentioned in Oleron or in the first section of Queenbor-
ough. Felonies committed at sea were covered by the criminal law applied ashore
however, and the later section of Queenborough specifically lists murders, mayhems,
mutinies and affrays as crimes to be the subject of inquiry by an admiral. A man
suspected of a serious crime could no doubt be incarcerated on the ship until
delivery to the shore authorities was possible, and there are records of prosecu-
tions in port towns and admirals courts for murder and mayhem which had
happened at sea. For example, the Yorkshire assize rolls record trials in 1361 and
1362,of two groups of men who, in one case, had robbed a ship off Scarborough
and in the other, had killed a fisherman at Whitby.20
The Coutumier deals with damage on board a ship by a member of the crew in
a rather confusing chapter. The responsibility for compensation, it suggests, lies in
the master /servant relationship, but that, of course, is exactly where common and
merchant laws had differing views, as discussed in chapters 1 and 2. A part-owner
who placed on the ship the man who caused the damage (merchants, at their own
expense, could place additional crew on board, even if the ship were fully manned)
may be held responsible, unless the man had come to some concordance with the
owner of the damaged property. A shipmaster who had some share in his ship,
therefore, could be held responsible for any damage wrought by a member of the
crew whom he had recruited.21
There is no mention in Oleron nor in Queenborough of a formal signing on
by the crew. In Customs, after a handshake with the shipmaster on joining the
ship, a sailor is bound to obey him as if the agreement to serve had been made
in writing before a notary. If a mariner should have a quarrel with, or strike, the
shipmaster, he must lose half or all of his wages and goods and be dismissed the
ship; the punishment for a mariner found guilty of theft for the third time has
been discussed above. Additionally, Customs includes a ban on the crew undressing
while at sea, sleeping ashore or leaving the ship without permission, and the
punishments for those who fall asleep on watch.22
19 Appendix 1, Oleron, article 19; Appendix 2, Queenborough, articles 2 and 17. Twiss, Black Book,
III, pp. 36345: Customs, chapter ccvi.
20 Appendix 2, Queenborough, articles 2934, 45, 46. York Sessions, pp. 90 and 128.
21 Appendix 3, Coutumier, chapters 86, 95.
22 Twiss, Black Book, III, pp. 1867, 21619, 2201, 2289, 2303, 2345, 4369: Customs, chap-
ters lxxx, cix, cxii, cxviii, cxix, cxxi, cxxiv, cxxv, cxxix and ccvi. Appendix 1, Oleron, articles 5, 12,
14.
106
The shipmasters duty of care
To a marked degree the shipmasters relationship with his crew was paternalistic.
Oleron specifies that a sailor who falls ill as a result of service on the ship and is
unable to work, has to be put ashore, supplied with food and light, and be cared
for by a ships boy or by a hired woman. While ill he has to receive the same rations
as he would have received on board, any extras are to be at his own expense, but
he is to receive no wages. If he dies, his belongings and unpaid wages are to go to
his next of kin, perhaps discounted by the expenses incurred while he was sick, an
hypothesis discussed in appendix 1. Men who leave the ship without permission,
get drunk and are hurt, are to be left to their own devices, but if they are wounded
ashore when on ships business, the shipmaster has to look after them. If the ship
founders and cannot continue the voyage, Oleron obliges the shipmaster to pay
the fares for the crews return home, provided they worked well during the crisis;
if they had not done their best (in the shipmasters opinion), their pay was to be
stopped and they were to be abandoned wherever they happened to be.23
Customs, as Oleron, obliges the shipmaster to care for any member of the crew
who has been wounded while on duty ashore and also to pay wages in full to a
newly recruited mariner whether he turns out to be good or bad, unless he had
misrepresented his skills, and all wages are to be paid however drastic the financial
situation even if there is only a nail with which it is possible to pay. Customs
also forbids the dismissal of a man to make room for a relative, or for another
man at a lower wage. The shipmaster has to offer the crew portages, again as in
Oleron and Queenborough but with certain restrictions, and to allow them time
ashore to arrange and load their cargoes before the ship is fully laden, a provision
reminiscent of Queenborough in which are set out the rules for compensation for
portages unloaded to make room for merchants cargoes.24
Remuneration of shipmaster and crew

On most routes, the shipmaster offered his crew the choice of cash (a deniers), an
allowance of cargo space (portage) or payment au fret de la nef whereby, it would
appear, the mariner made his portage space available for the ships cargo, in exchange
for a share of the ships profit. Part of the crews wages were paid in advance, in
cash, at or before arrival at the ships destination, enabling them to purchase goods
for their own trading on return to the home port. Cash payment on a daily rate
was not unknown; it may have been the method of payment intended in Queen-
23 Appendix 1, Oleron, articles 3, 6, 7, but see Hanham, Celys World, p. 371 for the actualit of
the division of a dead mans wages between past and current pursers.
24 Twiss, Black Book, III, pp. 1889, 1967, 198205: Customs, chapters lxxxi, lxxxii, lxxxix,
xciiixcvi. Appendix 1, Oleron, article 6. Twiss, Black Book, III, pp. 35165: Customs, chapters
lxxxvilxxxix, xcixciii. Appendix 2, Queenborough, article 2 and Appendix 1, Oleron, article 18.
107
borough where a raisonable salaire is mentioned for an open-ended hire when the
final destination had not yet been decided. Daily, weekly or monthly rates were
also the bases of payment of crews on impressed ships, supplemented by a ration
allowance known as de regard. There were variants of the portage option: a sailor
could load his own cargo, he could make it available au fret de la nef, or he could
sell the space to a merchant (a subcontract forbidden in Customs). According to
Oleron, if cargo had to be jettisoned, portages were exempt from contribution to
general average. That exemption held, even if the crew had shipped only water
which was to be valued as wine, or if they had sold their space to a merchant (who
would have paid more than the ships freight rate in order to enjoy the exemption).
Individual negotiations, plus the varying discounts offered by the shipmaster to
some merchants, could lead to a number of freight rates obtaining on the ship.
Because of this variety of rates, it was stipulated in Queenborough that the freight
charges were to be averaged for the calculation of the profit for members of the
crew whose portages were au fret de la nef. In contradiction of the Oleron privilege,
the Coutumier is quite clear that all cargo is to be included in general average.25
Of the options available, filling his own portage space would be potentially
the most profitable for the mariner but it meant risking his own capital; to share
in the profits of the ship would be the least profitable, but the safest and easiest;
to subcontract his space to a merchant, involved negotiation but no investment,
and was therefore a middle course. Unfortunately it is not possible to know the
distribution of choices. In the early fourteenth-century customs accounts of
Exeter, where portages were customs-free, it is sometimes possible to identify a
portage filled by a member of the crew and that which had been subcontracted
to a merchant. Unfortunately the customs accounts do not identify merchants
cargoes shipped in crews space au fret de la nef. Other ports customs accounts
appear not to record portage landings and it may be that customs exemption was
not always available outside Exeter. In Oleron and Queenborough there are rules
covering payment for portages that had been excluded to make room for ships
cargo, for averaging varying freight rates for payment to the crew, and for addi-
tional payment for extended voyages. Those who opted for portage, which was,
in effect, a fixed rate, received no extra if the voyage was extended. In Customs,
the crew have first claim for the payment of their wages, before even the money-
lenders, and although, figuratively, there may be only a nail left of the ship, and
payment has to be made at the home port or wherever previously arranged.26
The post-plague attempts to control wages ashore by means of the Statutes of
25 Appendix 1, Oleron, articles 8, 18, 20. Appendix 2, Queenborough, articles 13, 14, 17. Hanham,
Celys World, p. 382. Appendix 3, Coutumier, chapter 94.
26 Appendix 2, Queenborough, articles 215, 17. Appendix 1, Oleron, article 20. Twiss, Black Book,
III, pp. 198205: Customs, chapters xciiixcv. Local Customs Accounts of the Port of Exeter, p. 92,
for example: Henry de Rochevale: eight lasts customed, but he is allowed to have four mens
portage.
108
Labourers in 1349 and 1351, meant that any wage negotiations by seamen risked
an admirals inquiry and subsequent prosecution. In 1390 however, claims were
made in Parliament for wage increases because mariners were refusing to sail in
English rather than foreign ships. The existing wage for the Bordeaux run was
8s. and one tun portage for mariners, and double that for shipmasters, precisely
the rates stipulated in Queenborough. The wage demanded for shipmasters was
24s. and three tuns portage, an increase of 50 per cent. In a 1441 account for the
ship Christofer which had taken Edward Hull to Bordeaux, wages, which appear
to be only for the one-way voyage, had increased to 10s. for the crew and 40s. for
the shipmaster. The greater shipmaster /crew differential, a multiple of 4, may
have been the result of a private negotiation ex certa convencione secum facta
because the Christofer at 400 tons was a particularly large ship. In 1442 a ships
crew and her shipmaster were paid 8s. and 21s. 4d. respectively plus some addi-
tional reward for keeping of the sea for a period of 16 weeks; here the differential
has fallen back to 2.7. Again in 1442, a scheme was presented to the Commons for
guarding the seas with a standing fleet. The rates of pay defined in the petition are
2s. per month plus 14d. per week making 20d.per week total for seamen, and for
shipmasters eche of hem overe this in the month 40d., making 30d.per week total,
plus the same ration allowance, a drop in the differential to 1.5 (although on wages
alone the differential is 2.7). After a prolonged period of stability from the time of
Queenborough, it appears that in the 1440s there was some movement in mariners
wages, perhaps because a shortage of seamen gave them a negotiating advantage.
The downward adjustment in the differential would appear to be anomalous.27
The wages and portages decreed in Queenborough are given per voyage. Since
overtime payments were expressly forbidden, persistent contrary winds were
expensive for everyone on the ship. In addition to the hazards of the weather,
ships and crew were also subject to changes in the sailing plans of the merchants
which might involve longer or shorter times at sea. So important was a favourable
wind to medieval merchants and shipmasters with their ships of poor windward
ability, that in the mid-fifteenth century the port of Sandwich was paying for a
watchman to call out wind direction throughout the night. Oleron, confirmed by
Queenborough, specifies that when, for commercial reasons, a voyage is longer in
distance (but not in time) than expected, those who had opted for portages were
to receive no more, but those on wages, a deniers, were to be paid extra, vewe par
vewe et corps par corps, because they had been hired to stay with the ship to her
final port of call. If, on the other hand, the voyage was shorter than expected,
27 Appendix 2, Queenborough, articles 5, 64. Statutes, 23 and 25 Edward III st. 2; 12 Richard II,
cc. 3, 4, 5 etc. Rot. Parl., 3, p. 283. Hannes Kleineke, English Shipping to Guyenne in the Mid-
Fifteenth Century: Edward Hulls Gascon Voyage of 1441, MM 85, 4 (1999), pp. 4726, citing
PRO E101/53/27 (the charter was for 16 weeks and Kleineke assumes that wages included the
return voyage, but the amount makes that unlikely). PRO E404/56/295. Rot. Parl. 5, 14391468,
p. 59, Safeguard of the Sea. Naval Documents, p. 13; CPR 143641, p. 372.
109
they were still to receive their full wages. The question of additional payment
for protracted voyages is covered, or perhaps concealed, by an article in Queen-
borough which makes it clear that a mariner was hired in a rather open-ended
way. Provided that reasonable wages are to be paid, the ship may go anywhere
Bordeaux, Bayonne, Lisbon and Seville are expressly mentioned especially if
a full cargo were not obtained at the first port, and the crew may not refuse to
work her. With persistent winds from one direction, to sail to a more distant port
could, paradoxically, shorten the total time of the voyage; alternatives were often
agreed between merchants and shipmasters in the charter-parties, as discussed in
chapter 4.28
The owners of the Bitchellse of London attempted to short-pay the crew when a
Bordeaux run terminated at La Rochelle; the crew protested to the High Court of
the Admiralty, perhaps on the grounds that according to Queenborough the wage
and portage rates for Bordeaux and La Rochelle were the same. An example of
additional pay for a longer distance to crew sailing a deniers, is in a Cely account of
the 1480s; the crew of the Margaret Cely were hired to go to Arnemunde but the
ship went on to Antwerp, for which each man received an extra 2s. flemish. When
the delay of a voyage was due to dilatoriness on the part of a merchant, he was
obliged by Oleron to pay compensation, at an unspecified rate, after 15 days, two
thirds of which went to the shipmaster (because he had expenses to pay), and one
third to the crew. Queenborough makes no mention of compensation for loading
delays, the crew apparently having to accept lost time as a commercial risk.29
Wages, the rate per mile, and the value of portage for the return voyage, have
been tabulated for a number of common routes in Table 1. These remunerations
have been taken from Queenborough (and are therefore mid-fourteenth-century)
backed with the rather scant information about rates of pay to be found elsewhere.
From the table, two main groups of wage rates may be identified: over 0.2d. per
mile for Lisbon (direct route), Prussia, Berwick and Ireland, and under 0.15d. per
mile for Lisbon (coastal route), all the Biscaian ports (direct or coastal routes) and
Newcastle. The direct routes, across the Bay of Biscay instead of coasting, would
have taken less time and have been less subject to attack but offered no shelter
from storms. The Calais run attracted enhanced rates, perhaps because of the risks
of piracy, and Flanders falls between the higher and lower rates, assuming in both
cases that the wages were both ways. The portages which can be compared with
wages indicate that they were probably related to early fourteenth-century rates.
In Customs, a mariners venture is restricted to a value of 50 besants less than the
28 The Travels of Leo of Rozmital, ed. M. Letts, Hakluyt Society, 2nd series, 108 (1957), p. 50.
Appendix 1, Oleron, article 20. Appendix 2, Queenborough, article 17. A vewe (or French vee)
was the same distance as a kenning, somewhere between 17 and 19 miles.
29 PRO HCA 24, file 7: Richard Audsley and others v. Umfray Knight and William Sawbderson.
Appendix 2, Queenborough, article 5. Hanham, Celys World, p. 379. Appendix 1, Oleron, article
22.
110
Table 1 Comparison of wages and portages values

The table has been built from wage and portage rates given in Queenborough articles
313 (Appendix 2) and the freight rates from other sources. The approximate pence per
mile column has been calculated as (wages) divided by (distance in nautical miles).
Wages Portages Equivalent Approx wage
From To outward return3 freight value as d./mile
London Lisbon 20s. 1 tun wine 20s./tun5 0.14*/0.20^
London ? Prussia (Danzig) 20s. last of ? 0.20
London Ireland 10s. 3 dickers 0.21
(Waterford) hides
London Ireland (Dublin) 10s. + 2s. do 0.22
London Bayonne 10s. 1 tun wine 0.13*/0.15^
London Scone 8s. 4d. last of 0.20
herring
London Berwick 8s. ? 0.22
London Bordeaux 8s.1 1 tun wine 8s.22s./tun6 0.11*/0.13^
(autumn)
London La Rochelle 8s. 1 tun wine 0.12*/0.14^
(autumn)
London Bordeaux (spring) 7s. 1 pipe wine 0.10*/0.12^
London La Rochelle 7s 1 pipe wine 0.10*/0.12^
(spring)
London Bourgneuf 5s. 3 x salt 3s. 9d.5s. 0.08*/0.10^
London Bourgneuf with do + x 4s. 4d.5s. 10d.7
cover salt
London Newcastle 4s. 2 x coal4 0.13
London Flanders 6s nil 0.18
London Calais 5s2 nil 0.32
* calculated from the distance on a direct route

^ calculated from the distance on a coasting route
1 Hanham, Celys World, pp. 3703: for autumn voyages to Bordeaux in the 1480s. the Celys paid
their crew 4fr. and shipmaster 12fr., (8s. and 24s. respectively), the portages for the return are
uncertain but the freight rate was 18s. in 1488 and 19s. in 1499. Kleineke, English Shipping, p. 473
quotes 10s. wages in the 1440s.
2 Hanham, Celys World, p. 368: in 1486 the Celys paid their crew 10s. per man, the shipmaster
30s., the cook, carpenter and boatswain 5s. and the purser 10s. for there and back to Calais.
Soldiers wafting the convoy received 6s. 8d. plus 12d. per week ration money (the voyage took
two weeks).
3 Hanham, Celys World, p. 368: portages shown are for an ordinary seaman, shipmasters were
entitled to double or treble and boys to three quarters. Local Customs Accounts of the Port of
Exeter, appendix 4.
4 Coal was carried in place of stone ballast; the portage allowance was therefore not generous.
5 Childs, Anglo-Castilian Trade, pp. 1701. The rate quoted is, faute de mieux, from northern
Spain.
6 James, Wine Trade, pp. 17, 256. The freight rate in the early fourteenth century was 8s.; war
conditions had raised it to 12s.13s. 4d. by the middle of the century and to 22s. by 1372. The
period of truce and then the peace of 1396 allowed rates to fall but only to c.18s.
7 CCR 134954, p. 197: in the mid-fourteenth century, the freight rate for salt from the Bay to
Winchelsea was 15d. per quarter. Bridbury, Salt Trade, p. 133: freight represented from 33% to 50%
of the retail price of salt in England in the fifteenth century, from 1378 to 1450 salt prices varied
between c.4s. and c.7s. per quarter.
111
wages for the voyage, further evidence of such a relationship. As late as 1486, the
able seamen of the Margaret Cely were still being paid 4 francs (= 8s. sterling) for
the Bordeaux run, when the merchant Tibbot Oliver paid freight at about 1 per
tun, after a 21 for 20 discount, for his cargo of 48 tuns. Here, the seamans wage
had remained at the Queenborough level of 8s. since the mid-fourteenth century
although the value of his portage, if he were offered that option, had inflated to 1.
Portage allowances continued to become relatively more valuable as freight rates
increased through the century, and their almost complete disappearance towards
the end of the fifteenth century was perhaps due to a reluctance on the part of
shipmasters to offer such an expensive option to the crew.30
There were other emoluments for the shipmaster and crew. What appears to be
a tip for the shipmaster is described as chaux (perhaps shoemoney ?) of 25 francs
(3.7 per cent of the freight cost) in the freighting agreement of 1392 Lynne charter-
party discussed in chapter 4. The differences to be seen occasionally between the
agreed freight rate and the money paid may have been gratuities, for example in
a disputed charter of 1387 for 30 weys of salt at 5s. per wey (a total of 7 10s.),
the plaintiff shipmaster claimed 7 12s. 6d., the extra 2s. 6d. (1.67 per cent of the
freight charge) being, it was claimed, supported by a covenant between merchant
and shipmaster. By tradition, the crew were offered first refusal to unload the
cargo from their ship for a primage payment by the merchant shippers at a rate
per ton, an arrangement sometimes agreed in the charter-party. In 133233, in
Dublin, the crew of the Margaret were paid 2d. per tun and 1d. per pipe for
loading wine from barges; the same amount was paid to load the barges by wind-
lass from a quay. In 148081; John Balsall, purser of the Trinity, paid the crew
200 maravedis for loading 33.5 tuns of wine from the ships boat; and in 1486
Giles Beckingham, Richard Celys apprentice, paid 4s. fleming (c.2s. sterling) for
premech and lodmannach (loading and pilotage) on the Margaret Cely. The crew
were expected to carry out repairs on the ship for which they were sometimes
paid: while waiting in Bordeaux the fellowship of the Margaret Cely were paid 6
sous (1.6d.) for sewing a sail.31
When ships were detained for caulking and repairs, the shipmaster and a few
of the crew were retained as ship-keepers, earning less but enjoying certain extras
and better rations. The Lancastrian naval accounts show that ship-keepers were
30 Twiss, Black Book, III, pp. 1924: Customs, chapter lxxxvi. Hanham, Celys World, pp.
3709. Appendix 3, Coutumier, chapter 55. See also James, Wine Trade, p. 145, citing PRO
E364/54/4.
31 CPMR, 13811412, pp. 1948 and pp. 1334: William Prophet, the shipmaster, claimed
against William Jay, a merchant, for freight of salt. Prophet admitted he had received an advance
of 40s. and was due a further 5 12s. 6d. Primage is mentioned in Oleron, article 10, in some
manuscripts; Twiss, Black Book, I, pp. 88131. PRO C 47/37/14, mm. 1934, fo. 5 and mm.
4960, fo. 10; C 47/37/11, mm. 223, fos 16d. ONeill, Merchants and Mariners, p. 54 citing
PRI, rep. DK, 43, p. 60. Hanham, Celys World, pp. 23, 365, 370.
112
paid at 6d. per week for shipmasters (most often not paid as they were going about
their own business, sick or in receipt of an annuity) and, for ordinary seamen,
3d. The ship-keepers of the Margaret Cely were paid 12d. per week and two of
them helped with the caulking at a going rate of 11d. for two tides. They were
also supplied with small quantities of meat, fruit and vegetables, in addition to
whatever they had bought for themselves.32
In the list of portage allowances, Queenborough mentions payment of the
outward voyage wages at the out-port (specifically, Berwick) to enable the crew
to buy goods for their portages. That provision also occurs in another, somewhat
complex, article concerning the putting out of crews cargo to make room for ships
cargo; here the men are to receive at the out-port (specifically, Bordeaux) half of
their total wages plus 50 per cent in compensation if their cargoes are not shipped,
the remainder to be paid at the home port. According to Queenborough, if a ship
is freighted and has a fixed time limit for payment, the crew are to be paid half of
their wages on loading and the other half when the ship has reached the unloading
port; that provision includes a safeguard against sailors jumping ship however,
because if the shipmaster or owner does not wish to take the ship home, the wages
are to be paid only when half of the freight money has been received.33
It is not possible accurately to compare the earnings of mariners with those of
their peer group ashore because of the very different conditions of employment.
Seamens rations were supplied by the ship, and impressed sailors on the kings
service received a ration allowance, the regard. Mariners had opportunities to fish
and catch birds, and had some cushion against shortages after poor harvests, by
sailing to regions where the crops had been better. In addition to their basic pay,
merchant seamen could often speculate by shipping goods, freight-free, in their
portages, and had a chance of sharing in finds and prizes.
The quality of life at sea
Accommodation on board
There is no known surviving first-hand account of the life of the shipmaster and
his crew on board a medieval ship, but some parallel evidence may be obtained
from passengers tales, ships inventories and contemporary illustrations and litera-
ture. However, it is known that English fourteenth-century cargo ships were not
fitted out with living accommodation for the crew. The crew had to find shelter
32 Rose, Lancastrian Navy, pp. 71 ff. M.A. Oppenheim, History of the Administration of the
Royal Navy, 15091660 (London, 1896), pp. 256, 34. Hanham, Celys World, pp. 364 (a caulking
rate of 8d. per day is given thrice) and 377.
33 Appendix 2, Queenborough, articles 2, 13, 15, 17.
113
on deck or, in bad weather, if cargo space permitted, they might have preferred the
dark, damp, noisome and rat-infested hold. The ships officers, fare-paying passen-
gers and the more important merchant shippers lived in the after part of the ship,
in the stern castle or below the quarter deck, a tradition which still survives. In
the Lynne charter-party of 1392, the merchants were to be responsible for caulking
the cabin which they had been allocated, unfortunately in an unspecified area of
the ship, while the shipmaster had to provide for them fresh water, salt, firewood
and lamps, in other words, they were to be self-catering.34
Longer voyages, particularly towards the north, and in the deteriorating weather
experienced as the Medieval Warm Period ended, demanded better accommoda-
tion for the crew. Voyages to Iceland, for example, must have exposed crews occa-
sionally to very severe conditions. The shelter supplied for the crew was initially
perhaps only a canvas tilt erected in the shelter of the high bulwarks at the bows.
It is possible, however, that from the beginning of the fifteenth century something
more permanent was built into ships to accommodate the crew; certainly, before
her first voyage for the Celys, the Margaret Cely had work done in her foxle which
required 100 of board.35
There are several examples of temporary cabins being built for important
passengers; an extreme case of ship modification being that for Henry, earl of
Derby, later Henry IV, on his expedition to Prussia, when provision was made for
cabins and a hall, chapel and chamber. The poem Morte Arthure (written 1370
1420) describes a cabin prepared for a king: The kynge was in a gret cogge, with
knyghtez fulle many, / In a cabane enclosede, clenlyche arayede; / With-in on a
riche bedde rystys a littylle. Another contemporary poem, The Pilgrims Sea Voyage,
confirms that temporary cabins were specialy built for non-royal but important
passengers: Anone he [the shipowner] calleth a carpentere, / And byddyth hym
bryng with hym hys gere, / To make the cabans here and there, / With many a
febyll celle. The accounts for the construction of private accommodation in a ship
for Juana of Navarres journey to Brittany to marry John IV in 1386, have survived.
It took seven carpenters 24 days to construct a framed structure of wood to which
was nailed a covering of linen or canvas with net and leather, waterproofed with
fat and rosin. The cabin was positioned aft, on deck or on the bridge, and fitted
out with new furnishings, eating utensils, pottery, linen cloths, candles and wax
torches. Significantly, the accounts show that most of the diplomatic party and
34 Klaus-Peter Kiedel and Uwe Schnall, eds, The Hanse Cog of Bremen of 1380 (Bremerhaven,
1985), p. 12: the cog found in the Weser had what might have been two cabins under the quarter
deck. CPMR, 13811412, pp. 196.
35 The presence of increased sodium chloride in the Greenland ice core indicates higher wind
speeds after c.1410. For early arrivals on Iceland, see G.J. Markus, Conquest of the North Atlantic
(Woodbridge, 1980). Hanham, Celys World, p. 366. It is interesting that forecastle had already
been abbreviated to foxle.
114
many of the crew left the ship to live ashore while waiting for Juana because of
the primitive conditions on board. The erection of such temporary cabins, rather
than a cheaper refurbishment of existing accommodation, perhaps confirms that
normally there were no permanent cabins on medieval merchant ships.36
Pilgrims voyages are well documented and reflect something of the conditions
in which the crew lived, although ships were more crowded when carrying the
devout than when loaded with cargo. Sea sickness was a perennial problem, at
least for passengers and perhaps for the crew, in the small and foetid ships. Some
passengers were sick from the beginning: Leo of Rozmital and his companions,
after being rowed out to their ship were so distressed by the waves that they lay
on the ship as if they had been dead. Sanitary arrangements were primitive and
required the use of a bucket on deck or a box or barrel suspended over the side
of the ship: the perilous perch and the splashing of the sea are both discouraging
to your purpose and your only hope is to dose yourself with purgatives. The
Dominican monk Felix Faber of Ulm, who travelled twice to the Holy Land in
the 1480s, wrote a picturesque account of the lavatorial problems encountered,
quoting the poet: ut dicitur metrice: maturum stercus est importabile pondus.
The result of the lack of comfortable facilities was that organic compost accumu-
lated in the bilges until even the shipmaster realised that something had to be
done about it; analysis of the ballast of the early fifteenth-century Aber Wrach
wreck found the remains of food and human faeces. It is no wonder that in the
Pilgrims Sea Voyage it was complained that: when that we shall go to bedde / The
pumps was nygh oure beddes hede / A man were as good to be ded / As smell
thereof the stynk.37
Health at sea
Compared with their peer group ashore, sailors had the advantage of regular
meals but the disadvantage of continual exposure to the weather. Although they
were isolated for much of their working life from infections passing through their
home communities, they were exposed to others in the ports they visited. The risk
36 Expeditions to Prussia and the Holy Land, pp. 2627, 1578. Morte Arthure, lines 7568.
Furnival, Pilgrims Sea Voyage, p. 40; the poem was written c.1460. Jones, Le Voyage de Pierre
de Lesnerac.
37 The numbers of pilgrims that ships were licensed to carry indicate potentially horrific condi-
tions: La Marie of Southampton, 100; La Sainte Marie de Blakney, 60; La Garlond of Crowe-
mere, 60, etc., Foedera, 12 Henry VI (1434), 10, pp. 5679; on occasions more were carried, CPR,
14229, p. 493. Rozmital, pp. 1624. J.J. Simmons, The Development of External Sanitary Facili-
ties Aboard Ships of the 15th to 19th Centuries, unpublished thesis, Texas A&M University,
1985: the voyage of Eugenio de Salazar from Spain to the New World in 1573. Georges Dubuy,
ed., A History of Private Life, 2 vols (Cambridge, MA, 1988), vol. 2, Revelations of the Medieval
World, pp. 5878. The Book of the Wanderings of Felix Faber, ed. and trans. Aubrey Stewart, 2
vols (London, 1892). Hutchinson, Medieval Ships, p. 99. Furnivall, Pilgrims Sea Voyage.
115
of exposure to pandemics such as bubonic plague was similar for everyone, but
seamen visiting Gascon and Iberian ports ran the additional risk of contracting
malaria from infected Anopheles mosquitoes, and parasite-borne diseases new
to their immune systems. In addition, their living conditions were inevitably
conducive to pulmonary tuberculosis. The physician Gilbertus Anglicus devoted
a chapter of his medical textbook to the health hazards faced by those going to
sea based on his personal experiences; he lists seasickness, foul stenches, thirst and
parasitic infestation but does not mention seamens industrial injuries. Although
his sea experience was towards the end of the thirteenth century, his work was
printed and publishd in 1510 and presumably reflects the experience of fourteenth-
and fifteenth-century mariners.38
The principal physical hazards for mariners were suppurating sores and inju-
ries arising from their work or from defending their ship. The rough timbers of
the hull and decks splintered into bare feet and hands, falling cargo and equip-
ment crushed and broke limbs, and hernias were probably not uncommon when
handling heavy sails and cargo. Because any wound or rotting tooth could progress
to septicaemia and death, it was probably generally known that at the first sign
of inflammation, wounds had to be opened and rotten teeth extracted. In addi-
tion, although voyages were short, the persistently wet and salty conditions almost
certainly led to dermatological problems such as salt water rash and fungal infec-
tions. Scurvy however, was no more of a problem at sea than ashore as voyages were
insufficiently long for vitamin C deficiency to present. Ashore, for those who could
afford the fees, repairs to bones, the extraction of teeth and the treatment of flesh
wounds were undertaken by barber-surgeons, tooth-pullers and physicians. At
sea, injuries, serious or trivial, had to be dealt with on the spot by seamen no doubt
practised in empirical first-aid. While physicians argued the question of whether
to keep a wound open or to close it, men on board ship had little choice. They
probably gave every wound a thorough searching, removing any foreign material
they could find and withdrew arrow heads when necessary, perhaps by covering
the barbs with quills before pulling the head back through the flesh. Wounds were
then plugged with bandages perhaps soaked in egg albumen and covered; although
the bandages would be far from sterile, the stimulation of bleeding would help to
cleanse the wound. The reduction of dislocated joints and repair of hernias with
subsequent supporting bandaging, were no doubt also attempted. Seamen who
were too badly injured or too sick to work were put ashore where the shipmaster
had an obligation under Oleron to arrange accommodation with a carer, food (but
38 Compendium medicine Gilberti anglici tam morborum universalium quam particularium nondum
medicis sed et cyrurgicis utilissimum, ed. Michael de Capella (Lyons 1510), 7, pp. 3623 and see
Appendix 4. Gilbert is amongst those mentioned by Chaucer in his cynical description of the
Doctour of Phisik: Complete Works, General Prologue, line 434.
116
no better than aboard unless the sick man paid) and a light, but the ship was not
obliged to wait for him. When an unidentified illness struck several members of
the crew of Juana of Navarres ship, mentioned above, lodgings and rations were
paid for them in the town, as laid down in Oleron.39
Personal kit
The shipmaster and crew probably had little personal kit to take to sea, although
the former might be expected to have accumulated more spare clothes than a first-
time sailor, who no doubt suffered a great deal from the weather. Each man had
a mattress stuffed with straw or heather or, if he could afford it, a feather quilt
and a bed-cover of waterproofed cloth or of skins. He would also have had a box
or canvas bag for his few belongings, all of which were liable to jettison as in the
storm in the poem Patience quoted above. Although later than the period under
examination, an inventory produced in the High Court of Admiralty in 1535 may
be typical of a successful shipmasters belongings a century before. John Aborough
had a jerkin of frieze and another of canvas, two petticoats, two pairs of breeches,
a shirt, a pair of short hose, a bed (presumably a mattress), a pillow, a coverlet of
bever, a handline of 180 fathoms, two sets of sailing directions (one in English and
the other Castillian, and a year and a half in the making) and four compasses.
Other things which a shipmaster might have owned are listed incidentally in a
Letter Patent of 1285 defining items to be exempted from contribution to general
average, namely a bracelet, belt, ring, silver drinking cup and bedding. He would
also have had various personal tools a knife for eating and working (Chaucers
Shipman had a dagger on a lanyard) and a spike to undo knots. Other eating
utensils appear to have belonged to the ship as there are several entries in the
Celys accounts for replacement dishes, cups, spoons, ladles and platters. In view
of the paucity of their belongings, the authorisation in Oleron for the shipmaster
to hold the crews possessions against their return from leave appears to be opti-
mistic; the lien must have included whatever goods they had shipped if the total
were to attain any real value.40
39 C.R.W. Edwards et al., eds, Davidsons Principles and Practice of Medicine (Edinburgh, 1995
ed.), p. 571: Body store [of ascorbic acid] lasts for about 2.5 to 3 months on a deficient diet.
Roy Porter, The Greatest Benefit to Mankind (London, 1997), p. 117. Gallens Book of Operacions,
British Library Sloane MS 2463. Malory, Works, ed. Eugne Vinaver (2nd edn, Oxford, 1971),
for example p. 656, lines 412: Than the knyghtes that were hurt were serched, and soffte
salves were layde to their woundis. Tony Hunt, The Medieval Surgery (Woodbridge, 1992), p.
29. Appendix 1, Oleron, article 7. Jones, Le Voyage de Pierre de Lesnerac, pp. 83104.
40 Burwash, Merchant Shipping, pp. 334. Riley, Liber Albus, pp. 4902. Chaucer, Complete
Works, General Prologue, lines 3923. CPR 128192, pp. 1689. Hanham, Celys World, pp. 378,
389. Appendix 1, Oleron, articles 2, 3, 8, 10, 11, 14, 16, 19. Appendix 3, Coutumier, chapter 94.
117
Rations at sea
Oleron stipulates that when the ship is in a place where grapes are grown, the
sailors must have wine and one hot meal each day, but when there is only water
to drink, then they are to have two cooked meals per day. When beer was issued
to English crews on outward voyages, it appears to have been counted as wine,
with the men reduced to one hot meal daily, but they had a second meal of bread
and salt-cured beef or salted or smoked fish with their wine or beer. A two-meal
regime was generally followed ashore and would not have been seen as any hard-
ship by the crew. As with their peer group ashore, the hot dinner would have been
eaten at about 10 a.m. and the cold supper between 4 and 6 p.m., depending on
work demands and whether it was summer or winter. No doubt the quality and
quantity of the messing varied with the parsimony or generosity of the shipmaster
and whether the ship was at sea or in harbour. It is probable that the master, and
perhaps other members of the crew, purchased delicacies for themselves whenever
they were able. The ruling in Oleron that a sick man who has been left ashore has
to pay for any viaundes plus deliciouses bought to supplement the ships basic
rations, confirms that the crew fortified their rations at their own expense. Items
bought for the crew of the Margaret Cely when the ship was in port included
fresh meat, eggs, butter, oil, oatmeal, smoked herring, mustard, mussels, medlars,
figs, raisins, green peas and leeks but as these were not always bought in sufficient
quantities for the full crew, they must have been only for those of the crew and
any travelling merchants who could afford them.41
Difficulties of food preservation severely restricted the choice of food available
at sea. Bread could not be kept fresh for more than two or three days, unsalted
meat for little more, and water turned stale if the casks had not been well cleaned
and aged. Vegetables were necessarily restricted to root crops which kept well, such
as turnips, beets and onions but ships were not at sea long enough for any dietary
deficiency to develop. In addition to victuals brought on board at the last port of
call, fish and birds would have been caught en voyage; the Cely accounts include
the purchase of fish hooks and line. There was no understanding of the need to
balance the diet and little attention was paid to hygiene in the galleys; ships cooks
were probably no better than the scullions in the kitchens of HenryVIII who goe
naked or in garments of such vileness as they now doe or Chaucers cook: But
greet harm was it, as it thoughte me, / That on his shyne a mormal hadde he.42
The bread on board was of two types; fresh when in harbour and for a day or
41 Appendix 1, Oleron, article 17. PRO C 47/37/14 mm. 16, 712. A Collection of Ordinances
and Regulations for the Government of the Royal Household, The Society of Antiquaries (1790),
p. 151. Appendix 1, Oleron, article 7.
42 Hanham, Celys World, pp. 378 and 3901. Ordinances, p. 148. Chaucer, Complete Works,
General Prologue, lines 3856.
118
two thereafter and biscuit or hard tack when at sea. Only larger ships had ovens
and it was not possible to bake on the smaller ships to maintain a supply of fresh
bread. During Henry of Derbys voyage to Prussia in 1390, his ships were supplied
with quantities of ships biscuit in Danzig. The Margaret Celys koke rom had a
hearth which appears to have been unsuitable for baking at sea, as bread was
bought (no doubt as biscuit) in dozens to be stored on the ship, but she carried
flour to be baked when in port. In contrast, a larger ship operated by Sir John
Howard had a sizeable brick-built oven in which bread could have been baked.
Oleron and Queenborugh do not specify a bread ration for ships crews but Oleron
article 21, which may be corrupt, rather vaguely suggests that sailors going ashore
may take with them any amount of bread. What can be said for certain is that,
however made and in whatever quantity, indigestion after eating the cooks bread
hastily made, without leaven, from the dregs of the ale-tub, leaden bread, bread
of tares, would have been considered normal.43
It has been calculated that medieval seamen expended something over 4,000
calories per day, much of the energy for English crews coming from beer. The
protein in seamens rations consisted principally of fresh or salted meat, white
(salted) and red (smoked) herring and stockfish (dried cod). The Cely accounts
show the loading of large quantities of red and white fish and stockfish in barrels
in March and two oxen salted down also in barrels and loaded just before a sailing
in mid-May. The quantity of meat or fish to be issued to each man per day is diffi-
cult to extract from the accounts, as the number of days for which provisioning
is intended is not given. Other evidence gives an idea of a minimum daily ration:
in the Liber Niger of Edward IV, a messenger, whose wage of 3d. in court and 5d.
out of court was close to a seamans, received one loffe, one messe of grete mete,
dim gallon ale; a seamen would have required more because of his hard physical
work. Another indication of the quantity of food available is the cash in lieu or
regard paid by the crown to men on merchant ships impressed for service. Between
1327 and 1450, except in 1442 when other arrangements were made, the regard was
6d. per week, increased in 1460 (when naval pay was reduced from 3d. per day
to 1s. 3d. per week) to 1s. d. per week. Hanham has calculated that the food
costs on the Margaret Cely approximated quite closely to that allowance while
the ship was on convoy duty in 1476. In the owners accounts for the preparation
of the Christofer of Dartmouth for a voyage to Guyenne with Edward Hull in
144041, the victuals bought consisted of wheat flour, a small quantity of oatmeal,
43 Expeditions to Prussia and the Holy Land, p. 347. Hanham, Celys World, p. 379: the Celys
day book shows baking at Antwerp and elsewhere. Registres de grands jours de Bordeaux,
1456, 1459, ed. H.A. Barckhausen, Les Archives historiques du dpartment de la Gironde, vol. IX
(Paris and Bordeaux, 1867). G.G. Coulton, Medieval Panorama (Cambridge, 1937) p. 233. Piero
Camporesi, Bread of Dreams: Food and Fantasy in Early Modern Europe (London, 1989). Tares
(red corn poppies) and other hallucinogenic and toxic grains were to be found in bread.
119
beef carcasses, three different types of salt fish and beer, the quantities indicating
that all ranks, crew and retinue, were to share the rations. The accounts may be
incomplete, in that last-minute purchases were probably made of fruit, vegetables
and dairy produce. These victuals and the food purchased for several voyages of
the Margaret Cely in 148889, break down in approximate percentages by value
as follows:
Christofer Margaret Cely
meat 23% 15 to 34%
fish 30% 10 to 16%
bread, flour, oatmeal, etc. 26% 15 to 25%
drink 20% 30 to 34%
fruit and vegetables 0.2 to 2.2%
dairy products and eggs 0.2 to 2.8%
In addition, certainly on the Margaret Cely and perhaps on the Christofer, the
casual purchases of the extras mentioned above. The only conclusions that may be
drawn from the table are that, compared with the diet of their peer group ashore,
sailors had more protein and bread but fewer vegetables and dairy products. The
Margaret Cely anticipated good catches of fish and the crew of the Christofer
appear to have been, perforce, relatively abstemious.44
The shipmasters off-shore responsibilities in brief
As might be expected, a shipmasters responsibilities increased when he put to sea.

There were well established protocols for the management of a ship, covering the
shipmasters dealings with the freighting merchants and with his crew. His rela-
tionship with the merchants were commercial, reflecting the precepts of maritime
and merchant law, while his relationship with his crew was both paternalistic and
authoritarian, again based on articles in the several codifications of maritime law.
Crisis and post-crisis management, remuneration, payment of incidental expenses,
duty of care, a disciplinary code and a complaints procedure were all covered by
those protocols.
The training of men to become shipmasters was one aspect of the working life
at sea which was not centrally defined, and about which little is known. Acquisi-
tion of the necessary skills appears to have been accomplished on the job, often
within a familial group. Accommodation on board ship was spartan, but the
44 Michel de Jourdin Mollat, Europe and the Sea (Oxford, 1993), p. 158. Ordinances, pp. 489.
Oppenheim, Administration, pp. 256, 34. Hanham, Celys World, pp. variously 36991. Kleineke,
English Shipping, pp. 4745, citing PRO E101/53/27.
120
health of the crew and their rations were, in general, no worse than those of their
peer group ashore.
It is not known how closely medieval shipmasters followed the ordained mana-
gerial paradigms once they were at sea, but an ineffective, cruel or miserly skipper
would be generally recognised and have encountered difficulties in manning his
ship.
121
6
The Shipmaster at Sea:

Navigation and Meteorology
H aving found sufficient cargo, negotiated freight rates, signed the charter-
party with, if relevant, the shipowners authorisation, recruited a crew,
fitted-out and victualled the ship, obtained up-to-date information about the risks
of piracy and made his passage plan, the shipmaster was ready to put to sea. How
he found his way to his destination is the subject of this chapter.
Direct navigation
Lart & science tressubtillez & quasi divine du noble mestier de la mer has been
described as the haven-finding art; it might also be described as the land-avoiding
art since any undesired contact with land could be fatal. Until navigational instru-
ments became generally available, shipmasters followed the classical advice littus
ama; altum alii teneant (love the shore; let others go to the deep) holding a safe
distance off, but always within sight of land, except for short off-shore passages
preferably sailed in daylight. Shipmasters in the fourteenth century, in the absence
of instrumentation, had only direct observational methods to know the time, their
position and course, and the distance and direction to their next destination. Late
fourteenth-century improvements in ship design made longer and safer voyages
possible but there was no certainty of a safe return, nor of repeat visits, until the
introduction of magnetic compasses in the second half of the century. Although
astronomers ashore had long been able to take accurate astral sights and calculate
both latitude and longtiude, the former was not used ar sea until the second half
of the fifteenth century, and the latter not until three centuries later. A certain
complacency amongst northern seamen, habitually navigating without measuring
latitude, may have contributed to the delay but the cost and reliability of salt-
resistant astral height measuring instruments usable on a moving platform, were
a major problem. Measurement of longitude at sea was delayed until reliable time-
keeping pieces were manufactured. Meteorology, similarly faute de mieux, relied on
direct observational methods and folklore.
122
NAVIGATION AND METEOROLOGY
Direct navigation depends on the recognition of landmarks, visual assess-

ment of the distance off the coast, and estimating bearings extrapolated from the
positions of astral bodies. The fourteenth-century shipmaster had a lead-line to
determine the depth and to bring up samples from the sea bed, both of which,
with previously acquired knowledge, could be used to confirm the ships posi-
tion. He may also have had a sand-glass to measure regular periods of time and,
perhaps, a primitive, ungimballed compass. For the rest, he observed the behav-
iour of animals, the direction, strength, humidity and temperature of the wind,
the cloud formations over hills and even the smell coming off an invisible shore.
With those natural aids, an experienced shipmaster could lay and hold a roughly
correct course and estimate the ships speed and distance run. He also observed
the lunar cycle and carried a mental picture of the tidal flow on his route and in
his havens. The skills attributed by Chaucer to his Shipman confirm the abilities
of late fourteenth-century seamen:
But of his craft to rekene wel his tydes,
His stremes, and his daungers hym bisides,
His herberwe [harbours], and his moone, his lodemenage [pilotage]

He knew alle the havenes, as they were,
Fro Gootland to the cape of Fynistere,
And every cryke in Britaigne and in Spayne.
That he knew all the havens from the Baltic to Spain is extremely unlikely, but
since Chaucers work required frequent visits to the London docks, and he also
undertook several missions abroad, his Shipman was certainly a representative, if
caricatured, member of the seagoing fraternity.
Sailing directions, or rutters, for northern waters, became available as hand-
written copies at the end of the fourteenth or the beginning of the fifteenth
century. Information from the oldest surviving directions, the mid-fifteenth-
century manuscript copies of the English rutter and of the Hanseatic Middle
Low German Seebuch, have been used in this chapter to assess the skills of a
contemporary shipmaster, assuming, not unreasonably, that the navigational tech-
niques of English and German seamen were identical. Although few mariners
would have had their own copies of those directions, there was a lively exchange of
information between shipmasters in havens and on port towns quays, as described
in the c.1400 alliterative poem Morte Arthure and quoted on p. 85. In addition to
the latest news of piracy and current freight rates, information would have been
exchanged about good anchorages and hidden rocks items which were entered
by the literate in their notebooks and later evolved into sailing directions. The
eventual dissemination of these directions gave shipmasters access to the empirical
Chaucer, Complete Works, General Prologue, lines 4013 and 4069.
123
information accumulated by others over many years, collated in the user-friendly

format discussed below.
Land- and seamarks

Landmarks were indispensable to medieval seamen; the Seebuch lists over two
dozen monasteries, churches, chapels and houses, and many hills, cliffs and prom-
ontories. For the entry to Yarmouth on the east coast of England, for example, the
marks include a house where the sick live the local historian has confirmed that
this was a leper colony and a house with four oriel windows. Even ephemera
such as a large tree north of Harwich and a high wood to the west of Dartmouth
are mentioned. Figures 3 and 7, which are from the Hastings MS copy of the
English rutter, show a variety of landmarks, man-made and topographical, useful
for in-shore navigation. Such marks were used alone for location identification,
and with a second mark to give a leading line past a hazard or into an anchorage.
Members of the crew with local knowledge helped to identify the marks, and
canny shipmasters made mental notes of useful features along their routes.
References to man-made seamarks on the English coast go back to the earliest
surviving documents, many of them confirmed by archaeological evidence. The
Romans built beacons at Dover and elsewhere as navigational aids, and the
Vikings heaped stones into cairns on headlands for the same purpose. Excava-
tion of a mound at Tywn Llewelyn, Glamorgan, revealed a cairn built on top of
a rocky extrusion apparently marking the high water channel up the River Thaw.
The eighth-century Old English poem Beowulf describes the construction of such
a sea mark: The Wedra people had made a shelter on the headland, so high and
so wide that it was seen by the seafarers from afar, and they built in ten days a
beacon for the battle-brave.
The rutter lists churches and other large buildings as leading marks into Dart-
mouth, Harwich and Broadstairs and in both the rutter and the Seebuch there are
buildings apparently sited specifically as navigational aids. Although no mention
has been found in any sailing directions of the medieval church at Bosham (from
where Harold sailed in 1064), it is built on the line of the channel up Bosham
Creek, a site surely not chosen by chance. The Seebuch uses a church and a visible
rock in describing the entrance to Dartmouth:
Extracts from the Hamburger Commerzbibliothek, Altes Seebuch, saeculi, ut videtur, XIV,
MSS A and B have been taken from the transcription and translation of both manuscripts
into German and English by Albrecht Sauer and Robin Ward, see http://www.dsm.museum
/seebuch /html. Extracts from the Pierpont Morgan Library, New York, Hastings MS 775 have
been taken from the transcription in Ward, The Earliest Known Sailing Directions (cited here-
after as Hastings). Seebuch, MS B, fo. 36r, item 1.
Naish, Seamarks, pp. 1524. Hutchinson, Medieval Ships, p. 170: citing D.M. Wilson and
J.G. Hurst, Medieval Archaeology, 27, p. 170. Geworhton a Wedra leode / hleo on hoe se ws
heah ond brad, / weg-liendum wide gesyne, / ond betimbredon on tyn dagum / beadu-rofes
becn: Beowulf, ed. C.L. Wren, rev. W.F. Bolton (London, 1973), p. 211, lines 315660.
124
Disclaimer:

3 Ships in a busy haven. Folio 130v of Hastings MS 775, reproduced with the kind
permission of the Pierpont Morgan Library, New York.
125
whoever would sail into Dartmouth should sail by St Petrocs church which
stands on the W side of the haven, and should sail in by the large rock [Mew
Stone] which lies by the east shore because of the dangerous shallows that lie
off the sandy bay.
Depths were often included in the instructions for entering havens, sometimes to
delineate a route by isobathic (following a depth contour) navigation:
and hold the Helsingor church and the beacon-house so that you are able to see
between them so that you will not sail the wrong course past Lappesand on the
seven fathom line, and also so that you will not steer too close.
More sombrely, the best anchorage in Dieppe, according to the Seebuch, is when
the gallows and the church are in transit, in seven fathoms at low water and in
ten fathoms at high water.
Navigational difficulties at estuary and harbour entrances led, from the end of
the thirteenth century, to the construction of seamarks. Between 1299 and 1316,
the merchants of Hamburg invested in a tower built on a sand island close to the
Scharnoon reef, and towers were built at Nieuwpoort, at Hiddensee (Stralsund)
and at Travemnde (although ubi signum eiusdem portus habetur indicates that
there may have been a beacon of some sort there much earlier). Lights were neces-
sary on land and sea marks for ships arriving at night: Barbour tells of Robert
the Bruce using a fire as a leading line in 1306 on his passage from Kintyre to
Carrick (in modernised form): until night came upon them so that they did
not know where they were steering all the time on a fire they saw burning
light and bright, until they arrived at the fire and landed without more delay. In
1314 a laden wine ship was wrecked on St Catherines Point on the Isle of Wight
and pillaged by local people. After litigation and an appeal to Rome, Walter de
Godeton was ordered, as a penance and on threat of excommunication, to build
an oratory and light-tower dedicated to St Catherine, the remains of which still
stand. The Black Prince had a lighthouse built on what is now the islet of Cord-
ouan in the Gironde estuary as a guide for the wine ships; during re-building, the
ground subsided to make this the first light at sea. The importance of the man-
made marks to sea-borne trade was recognised by the local and church authorities,
who accepted responsibility for the construction and maintenance of marks and
their top-hampers of baskets, barrels, fires or lamps, for which they levied a charge
on passing ships. In 1261, the town of Winchelsea levied 2d. for the maintenance
of fires from all ships entering the roads; Yarmouth similarly taxed visitors for
two towers with fires on top; and in 1427 John Fitling organised a levy on ship-
ping on the Humber to pay for a beacon at Spurn Head. Some marks were of
Seebuch, MS B, fo. 8v, item 4. Sauer, Seebuch; Seebuch, MS A, fo. 66r, lines 13; MS B, fo.
16r, item 2.
126
national importance: in 1398 all ships sailing from England to Calais had to carry
stones as lastage (ballast) at 2d. per ton for the repair of the beacon and sea wall
which were much decayed. It was as late as 1585, however, that Trinity House of
Kingston-upon-Hull laid what appear to have been the first buoys marking the
channel in the River Humber again to be paid for by a levy on passing ships.
The disappearance of natural and man-made marks was a serious matter and their
removal was forbidden; the preamble to an Elizabethan Statute, referring to marks
of ancient time, makes their importance clear.
Initially, buoys were probably barrels off Warnemde as early as 1288 they
were recorded as signum quod tunna dicitur but the nature of a buoy placed
to seaward of the Scharnoon reef, at some time in the fifteenth century, to mark
the approach to Hamburg, is not known. The earliest surviving chart recording of
buoys is of those marking two channels in the River Swin, near Sluys; there is no
differentiation on the chart between port and starboard marks, but the buoys may
have been coloured or shaped to show on which hand they were to be held. Buoys
would have been difficult to moor and maintain on station, but had the advantage
of being easily removed in times of danger from enemy or pirate ships and it is
probable that they were lifted in the winter to avoid the worst of the weather.
There are no direct records of medieval English buoyage, but it is likely that the
entrances to at least Lynn and Boston were marked, either by floating marks or
by posts driven into the sand, following advice from Hansa ships sailing in from
the well-marked northern German, Flemish and Danish ports where shifting sand
was also a problem. There is indirect, later evidence of old navigational aids of
some sort at Boston; the 1572 Charter to the burghers refers to marks nowe almost
utterly decayed. An example of the use of posts to mark shoals and to give a transit
line occurs in the English rutter:
And [if ] ye goo oute of orwell waynis to the nase, ye must goo southe west
fro the nase to the markis of the spetis [on a Thames sandbank]. Youre cours
is weste southe west. Brynge yowre markis togedir that the parisshe stepill be
ought be est the abbey of seynt hosies [St Osyth] than goo yowre cours ouir
the spetis southe.
Sauer, Seebuch, pp. 1556, citing Hansisches Urkundenbuch, I, no. 205. Barbours Bruce, ed.
Matthew P. McDiarmid and James A.C. Stevenson, The Scottish Text Society, 3 vols (Edin-
burgh, 1985), 3, Book V, pp. 1046, lines 1521, 2930. Naish, Seamarks, pp. 267, 82. Sir
Nicholas Harris Nicolas, A History of the Royal Navy from the Earliest Times to the Wars of the
French Revolution, 2 vols (London, 1847), I, p. 237. Sauer, Seebuch, p. 155 citing Roger Degryse,
De oudste vuurbakens van de Vlaamse kust en nabijgelegn Noordseeoevers (1983). Statutes, 21
Richard II, c. 17, 8 Elizabeth c. 13: For as much as by the taking away of certain steeples, woods
and other marks standing upon the main shores being as beacons and marks of ancient time
accustomed for seafaring men divers ships have by the lack of such marks of late years
been miscarried, perished and lost in the sea.
Sauer, Seebuch, p. 156. Naish, Seamarks, pp. 278, 512. A.W. Lang, Geschichte des Seezeich-
enwesens (Bonn, 1965). Hastings MS, fo. 131v.
127
The absence of early records of any marks in the Thames is curious. East of
Herne Bay, Reculver church is known to have been used as a seamark, and it is
possible that there was a very early fire beacon further to the east on the Isle of
Thanet, but other references are few. It is possible that the channels were not
marked, either because of the risk of attack, or because the local pilots wanted to
keep their secrets to themselves. Ironically, in 1561, the Master of Trinity House
himself said that in his tyme [he] hathe knowen meny shipps to have perisshid
vnder pilottes of this Ryver, and as late as 1597 an Armada pilot reported that
from the cape at North Foreland to the river at Rochester and then on to
London, it is necessary to take on pilots since the shoals are shifting. As in
the Thames estuary, around the North Sea the topography made sea-marks very
necessary, but the construction close to the water of cairns and beacons, some with
lights, often obviated the need for marks below high water.
Distance
Recognition of a landmark establishes a directional line from the shore, but to use
that information to avoid hidden dangers it is necessary also to know the distance
off. Shipmasters in the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries used the apparent sizes
of trees, houses, humans and animals to judge distances and, further out to sea,
the first appearance of hills or the line of the shore. They learned empirically the
range of their vision, the theoretical limit of which, in clear conditions, is a func-
tion of the sum of the square roots of the heights above sea level of the observers
eye and of the object viewed. From a ships deck and from her mast-head the
distance at which objects become visible are:
height of on-shore object viewed 10m high 20m high 30m high
height of eye 3m (on deck) 10 nM distant 12.5 nM distant 14.5 nM distant
height of eye 15m (at mast head) 15 nM distant 17.5 nM distant 19.5 nM distant
where m = metres and nM = nautical miles
Thus, very roughly, the top of a 100-foot hill becomes visible to a lookout atop a
50-foot mast when the ship is something short of 20 miles off-shore, a distance
which became, perhaps not by chance, the kenning in Middle English, and the vee
in Middle French, the unit of measurement of long distances at sea.
Reculver church, built in 669, had towers added in c.1170. Naish, Seamarks, p. 34 citing W.
Camden in 1620: the steeples whereof shooting up their lofty spires stand the mariner in good
stead as markers whereby they avoid certain sands and shelves in the mouth of the Thames.
The Concise Oxford Dictionary of English Place Names, ed. Eilert Ekwall (Oxford, 1981): Thanet
may have meant bright island or fire island suggesting a fire beacon. G.G. Harris, The Trinity
House of Deptford, 15141660 (London, 1969), p. 102. A.J. Loomie, An Armada Pilots Survey of
the English Coastline, MM 49, 4 (1963), p. 299.
Distance in nM = 2.072 x (h + h ) where h and h are the heights in metres of eye
e h e m
and object.
128
That it was about 20 miles is confirmed by William de Worcestres survey of

the Bristol Channel in 1480: From the island of Holm to the island of Lunday,
two kennings, that is two sights [where] each kenning [is] 20 miles [totalling] 40
miles, and by another reference in the same passage: in English, vue [is a] sight [a]
kenning [of ] 21 miles. William, interestingly, sometimes translated the distance as
an estimated sailing time: and the said Isle of Man is a distance of four kennings
[80 miles] from Ireland, that is a day and night sailing [i.e. at 3.3 knots]. Flat
Holm is actually 60nM from Lundy Island, and from Dublin to the south end of
the Isle of Man is indeed c.80nM. In the Middle Low German Seebuch, multiples
of the myle of three or four miles and also, on occasions, the kenning, were used:
and watch out for the dangerous ground in the sea that lies 5 miles, or a good
short kenning, to the NNE of the Schilt.
Shorter distances in the sailing directions were measured as long jumps (?3
4m), bow-shots (? 100m), boat lengths (? 4m), and ship lengths (? 30m). The unit
of length used for depths and for cordage was arm-spans, known in Germanic
languages by cognates of Old English fm, the current English fathom (c.1.85m)
and in Latin languages by cognates of bras from the Latin brachium, arm. A foot-
length was sometimes used to indicate shallow water. While those measures were
generally known and recognised, there was the usual medieval variation in unit
size, although that perhaps was irrelevant in the overall inaccuracy of measure-
ments assessed by the human eye. Distances that may be checked on a modern
chart indicate that a sea mile was between 5,000 and 6,000 feet, the present
nautical mile being 6,080 feet. The length of the armspan and the foot also varied,
which could be dangerous in the measurement of shallow depths but, so long as
the shipmaster was using information related to his own or his peers experience,
or checked the depth in the sailing directions against his own measurement to
establish the necessary correction, confusion could be avoided.
Direction
Recognition of a landmark, and an estimate of the ships distance off-shore, gives
one vector of a ships position; the other, and more difficult, vector for the ship-
master to establish, is the direction being sailed by the ship, a vital component
of his calculation when a course to the next destination is to be set and steered.
Without a compass, the cardinal points had to be ascertained by direct observa-
tion of any indicators available to the shipmaster. The rise and set of the sun are
accurate pointers to east and west at equinox but require a daily correction at
other times of the year, an estimation which the medieval mariner could prob-
ably apply instinctively with variable accuracy. Similarly, the suns direction when
De jnsulis Holmys vsque jnsulam Londay [.40. miliria deleted] duo kennyngs jd est twey
syghts continet quelibet kennyng.20. miliaria, .40. miliaria: William Worcestre, Itineraries, ed.
John H. Harvey (Oxford, 1969), pp. 3023. Seebuch, MS B, fo. 34v, item 4.
129
it appears to be at its zenith, indicates south. A sun compass depends on the

changing length of shadow measured through the day. In its most primitive form,
a trace is made of the diurnal track of the tip of the shadow of a vertical gnomon
on a horizontal disc on which north has previously been marked with a notch. At
sea, the disc is turned until the tip of the shadow fits exactly on the trace, before
or after noon, the notch then again points towards north. Any significant change
in latitude or longitude, or delay between zeroing and use, reduces the accuracy of
the device, so that for long voyages it was of little value. If, as has been suggested,
the sun compass was used by the Norsemen, it might be expected to have been
used by medieval shipmasters, but there is no indisputable evidence that such an
instrument was carried. Behind cloud cover the sun is difficult to locate but sun-
stones, translucent trigonal crystals of calcium carbonate (occurring naturally as
Iceland spar) polarise light and may have been used by Vikings and later, possibly,
by some medieval seamen to locate the sun; there is, however, no reliable evidence
that any early mariners used such stones.10
On a clear night the Pole Star (Polaris or Ursa Minor), identified by the
pointers Dubhe and Marak in the constellation of Ursa Major (the Plough, Great
Bear or Big Dipper); or the guards and of the constellation Ursa Minor (the
Little Bear), can be used to locate north. Although the former constellation is
the more obvious and easier to use in northern latitudes, the latter appears to
have been the constellation of choice for medieval mariners in northern waters,
perhaps following the tradition of their Mediterranean predecessors: the North
star is well enough known by all navigators and is the first of the seven stars of
the Little Bear. Ursa Minor was used not only to find north but also as an astral
analogue clock with the outline of an imaginary human figure, a method described
below, p. 142. When the pointers and the guides of the Ursae are hidden by cloud,
Polaris may be identified, although not with the same accuracy, by extrapolation
from other constellations such as Orion or Cassiopeia. Polaris is now circling the
pole within a radius of about one degree of arc, in the late Middle Ages it was as
much as four degrees off the pole, a drift due to the precession of the earth. This
divergence was known to astronomers but unnoticeable to an observer without a
compass and was, together with the difficulty of taking bearings and steering an
honest course, yet another component in the overall inaccuracy inherent in non-
instrumental navigation.11
Having established a cardinal point, by whatever method, a shipmaster without
10 Bruce E. Gelsinger, Lodestone and Sunstone in Medieval Iceland, MM 56, 2 (1970), 21926.
Pliny described the solis gemma in his Natural History (first century AD); there are several refer-
ences, possibly to sun-stones, in the Sagas; MM 78, 1 (1992), pp. 8990.
11 LArt de navigver de Maistre Pierre de Medine, Traduit de Castillan en Franoys par Nicolas
Nicolai du Dauphin, Geographe du tres-Chrestien Roy Henri II de ce nom (Lyon, 1554, facsimile
edn, Milan, 1988), p. 84. In classical times, Ursa Minor was the pole star which may explain
the constellations original significance.
130
4 An early 32-point compass with lunar times.
a compass had to extrapolate to left or right to find an approximate course bearing

by holding his hand at arms length. With the arm extended, the width of the fist
with thumb alongside subtends at the eye c.10 (cf. 11.15 for one point of a 32-point
compass rose) and with the thumb and fingers abducted, slightly less than 20.
It is doubtful if even an experienced seaman could consistently estimate bearings
within 2 points of a 32-point rose, especially when estimating a wide angle on a
rolling ship. Further, it is unlikely that even a conscientious helmsman, without a
consistent wind or a visible landmark, could hold a ship to within two points of
the required course because of the movement of the ship and the force of water
against the unbalanced rudder. The resultant course made good, therefore, could
have been up to four points either way away from that intended, in other words,
somewhere within an arc of 45. Because something more than two points is the
best accuracy that can be expected of a naked eye, any reference to courses and
bearings of two points or less, indicates the use of a graduated magnetic aid. In his
A Treatise on the Astrolabe, Chaucer wrote Now is thin orisonte departed in 24
131
parties by thin azymutes in significacioun of 24 parties of the world; al be it so that

shipmen rekene thilke parties in 32. From that it is clear that sometime before 1391,
when the Treatise was written, not only were there compasses on at least some
ships, but also that some were capable of indicating a direction to within 11.25. A
32-point rose or card is shown in Figure 4. There are many instances of reliance
on astral navigation on medieval ships even after the introduction of compasses.
For example, in 1465, Leo of Rozmital set off from Poole for Brittany only to be
carried by pirates and unfavourable winds to Guernsey. After an 11-day wait the
pirates gave the shipmaster a course to steer by the stars; in the event, a gale blew
him to St Malo where he nearly foundered.12
With no other indicators, the shipmaster could, as a last resort, obtain a rough
idea of direction from a number of natural phenomena. The feel of the surrounding
air usually offers not only a clue to the in-coming weather, discussed below, but
also an indication of the direction from which the wind is blowing using the rule
of thumb that, in northern and western European waters, warm wet winds blow
from somewhere between south and west and cold dry winds from somewhere
between north and east. Although the accuracy of orientation by the wind is poor
in northern waters, in the Mediterranean, where winds are more consistent, they
were used for orientation, and the points on a compass card were called winds, or
vents, a practice which continued well into the sixteenth century.13
The behaviour of birds may also be used as crude pointers; in season, skeins
of geese migrating between British estuaries and Iceland indicate approximately
north and south. Less dramatic than the release of birds by Noah and by the
Vikings, the evening return of gulls and other non-pelagic birds indicates the
direction of land when that is obscured by mist or rain. Positions, rather than
directions, can be determined by shipmasters who know certain waters well, for
example, by observing concentrations of sea birds feeding on fish attracted by
plankton carried by the North Atlantic Drift and brought to the surface by deeper,
colder water or by the slope of the continental shelf. The accuracy and reliability
of direction-finding by wind or by animal behaviour is uncertain and certainly
poorer than by using the sun or the stars however hazily seen. Out of sight of land
12 Chaucer, Complete Works, A Treatise on the Astrolabe, 2, 36, lines 69. Rozmital, pp. 1624.
13 The Greek rosa ventorum carved in the Athenian Temple of the Winds demonstrates the
eight-point (45) rose:
Tramontano
Maestro Greco
Ponente * Levante
Africo Scirocco
Ostro
Taylor, Haven-finding Art, pp. 7, 535, discusses 10- and 12-point Mediterranean roses. Barbara
Obrist, Wind Diagrams and Medieval Cosmology, Speculum, 72 (1997), pp. 3384: Ces quatre
parties [of the world] se meuuent & sont congneues par quatre vens principaux, qui sont,
Leuant, Ponant, Septentrion, & Midy. Nicolai, LArt de navigver, pp. 256.
132
and with no opportunity to see a heavenly body, a shipmaster had no alternative

but to sail his ship on a course which he felt was safe even if it was not taking
him to his destination.
Depth and seabed

The seabed is usually the nearest land to a ship and to know its distance and
nature are indispensible components of coastal navigation. To measure shallow
depths, a pole marked by coloured bands was used from the bows of boats and
smaller ships; the Bayeux tapestry shows Harolds ships feeling their way into
the French coast in 1064. Medieval ships intending to dry-out on a beach at low
water would have felt their way in with such a pole, probably from the ships
boat rowing ahead. In depths of more than a fathom (2m) a lead-line a weight
attached to a length of cord was indispensable; it could give an approximate
position, warn of approaching underwater hazards, guide a ship into a haven, and
confirm that the depth and bottom in the haven were suitable for anchoring. No
documentary or archaeological evidence of the size and shape of medieval lead
weights has been found except for the illustration in the Hastings MS of a ship
sounding with a conical or elongated bell shaped weight suspended from a line
carried in the leadsmans hand (Figure 7). References in early sailing directions
to the nature of the seabed make it clear that the leads were armed with tallow
or pitch, pressed into a hollow in the bottom of the lead, to bring up samples.
Archaeological finds of seventeenth-century leads (the earliest found) are similar
in shape to that illustrated in the Hastings MS and weigh about 7lbs (c.3.2kg)
and 14lbs (c.6.4kg), the latter probably for deep sea work, both with recesses at
the lower end to take the tallow. The line to which the lead was attached had
pieces of fabric or leather threaded through its strands as depth markers and, for
coastal work, did not need to be over 50 fathoms (c.30m) and for deep-sea use,
up to 150 fathoms (c.90m).
There is no reason to suppose that sounding in the Middle Ages was in any
way different from todays practice. The lead is thrown as far forward as possible
from the bows of the ship by a crew member who allows the line to pay out
freely through his hands as the lead sinks. In deep water more men are required,
standing along the side of the ship paying out the line as the ship moves forward
and the weight sinks. When the line slackens the weight has reached the bottom;
the run is then arrested and the line hauled back inboard, one man calling out
the depth shown by the markers. Admiralty trials in the nineteenth century found
that it takes about 45 seconds for a deep-sea lead to reach 100 fathoms (55m), in
which time a ship travelling at five knots will have sailed over 130 yards (120m);
ships therefore have to moderate their speed by heaving-to or by easing sheets if
they are sailing, before deep soundings can be made. To avoid the ship drifting
down-wind over the line, heaving should be from the windward side of a sailing
vessel which also offers the leadsmen a better working platform on the higher side.
133
In the Hastings picture, the men are handling the line on the lee side and, apart
from the brailed mizzen sail, the ships speed appears not to have been moder-
ated; artistic licence has prevailed over accuracy. There is an accurate description
of sounding in Morte Arthure: [the man] launchez lede apone lufe lacchene ther
depez, and then, ffrekes mone the forestayne fakene theire coblez that is, the
sounding lead is thrown over the windward side to measure the depth and after-
wards men on the foredeck coil the rope. Fakeing is still the nautical term used
for coiling cables on deck or in boxes, ready to run out freely again.14
The dramatic change of depth from the continental shelf down to the abyssal
depths of the ocean was, and is, used by mariners as they come into, or go out
of, soundings, as an indication of their distance from land. A unique example
occurs in the English rutter, describing a passage from north-west Spain into the
Western Approaches: And ye bee at capfenister [Cape Finisterre] go your cours
north northest till ye come into Sowding [soundings], And yif ye have an C.
fadome depe or else iiijxx.x than ye shall go north.15
Closer in-shore, depths were used to warn of dangers ahead; from the rutter,
when crossing the Channel from the South Downs: And yif ye turn [tack] in the
Downes come not nere Godwyn than ix. fadome ne not nere the brakis [the Brake
sandbank] than v. fadome. Sailors making night passages, or caught in fog, have
traditionally followed a suitable depth contour (isobathic navigation) until sure of
their position. An example from the rutter reads:
And yif ye goo fro the shelde [Cromer] to the Holmes [sandbank], and it be in
the nyght ye shall go but xviij fadome fro the coste till the gesse [you estimate]
that ye be past Limber and Urry [sandbanks], and to the estermare cours [hold
an easterly course] till ye come to xiiij fadome but the moost wisedome is
to abide till it be day.
Knowledge of the depth was not always sufficient however to avoid the hazards
ahead: heaving-to with plenty of searoom off the coast overnight was not
uncommon and ships could be seen in the Channel lyeing howlyng in the trowghe
of the sea taryeng for the night.16
Samples of the seabed brought up by the tallow on the lead gave the navigator,
from his experience or from the information in sailing directions, an idea of his
position. In the Western Approaches, for example, pale coloured stones found on
the bottom indicate that the ship is standing closer to the dangerous French side
of the Channel than to the safer English side where dark stones occur. Sailing in
14 J.E. Davis, Notes on Deep-Sea Sounding (London, 1867), pp. 28.

15 Hastings MS, fo, 138r, lines 11 ff.
16 Hastings MS, fo. 132r, lines 20 ff. and fo. 131v, line 3 ff. G.V. Scammell, European Seamanship
in the Great Age of Discovery, MM 68, 4 (1982), p. 359: PRO HCA 1/33 fo. 262.
134
the neighbourhead of Ushant before entering the Western Approaches, the seabed
is usefully described in the Seebuch thus:
Also, anyone sounding near Ushant who finds fine white sand and small shells
which are white, and small white long things, will know that Ushant lies NW of
him; and if he finds small long things like needles, then Ushant lies E of him.
The nature of the seabed decides the holding power of an anchor; thick seaweed
has to be avoided as anchors cannot get a grip and rocks of a certain size and
shape can imprison an anchor. Anchoring requires a cable of at least four times
the depth to ensure a low pulling angle between the cable and the seabed as the
ship is blown astern, but such a length may allow the ship to swing with tide or
wind into danger. Before anchoring therefore, a shipmaster has to establish that
the bottom offers good holding and that within the scope of the cable, i.e. within
the radius of the circle around the ship, there are no hazards. After anchoring, the
master has to keep an eye on marks ashore to ensure that the anchor is holding
fast. He might also assess the state and range of the tide by measuring the vari-
ation in depth with time necessary information if it is proposed to beach the
ship to handle cargo, or to proceed further up an estuary.
Tidal times and range

The medieval shipmaster had to know the tidal characteristics of the havens and
channels he used, and the off-shore tidal currents in his passages between way-
points. The importance of this information is reflected in the surviving contempo-
rary sailing directions, about one third of which are devoted to tidal information.
Although harmonic tidal prediction is an extremely complex mathematical exer-
cise quite unknown to medieval seamen, three lunar phenomena enabled him to
obtain sufficiently accurate tidal information to meet his needs. The first phenom-
enon is the syzygies: when the moon and sun are in line on the same side of the
earth, that is, in conjunction, the face of the moon is unlit and invisible and said
to be new. When they are in line but on opposite sides of the earth, that is, in
opposition, the face of the moon is fully illuminated and it is full. The second
phenomenon is that two heaps of water on opposite sides of the earth are dragged
by the gravitational attraction of the moon around the world from east to west in
something less than 24 hours. There are therefore usually two high and two low
tides in every 24-hour period, occurring at times related to the meridional passage
of the moon. Approximately every 15 days, the increased gravitational attraction of
the sun and moon, whether in conjunction or opposition, causes a greater range
between high water and low water, a phenomenon known as Spring tides. When
the sun and moon are at right angles to each other, the range is reduced to give
Neap tides. This phenomenon was known, but probably neither understood nor
quantified, from the earliest times; a newcomer to tidal phenomena, William of
135
Worcester, wrote an account of the tidal range at Bristol, sometime before 1480,
which, translated reads:
The height of the sea [the tidal range] in the Avon at the new flood of the sea
on the first day of the moons change [new moon], as I have seen and heard, in
the lunation next before the suns entry into Libra [the equinox] is 7 or 8 arm-
breadths, in English fathom, and a fathom contains 6 feet, at the beacon.
Williams estimate of the Spring range at Bristol, one of the largest in the world,
is close to the current Admiralty figure of 12.3m at Avonmouth.17
High water springs might be expected to coincide with the meridional transit
of the full or new moon, but because of global hydrodynamic friction, inertia,
irregularities in depths and the shapes of coastlines, the tidal heaps of water are
impeded in their circumterrestial passage and lag behind the moon. The time
between the full moons meridional transit and the next high water springs is the
lunitidal interval at each location, known in the past as, variously, the tide-hour,
High Water, Full and Change (HWF&C), and the Establishment of that place.
This interval, assumed for general navigation work to be a constant, was formerly
defined by a lunar bearing, using the moon as an analogue clock (explained below);
it is now stated as a time relative to high water springs at a standard port, for
example Dover, or to a secondary port.18
The third lunar characteristic relates to the daily retardation of high water. The
earth appears to rotate around the sun faster than the moon circles the earth by
between 38 and 66 minutes per day, averaging 48 minutes or 12 in a 360 rota-
tion. Because 180 12 = 15, the moon takes about 15 solar days to move from
conjunction to opposition; and the interval between consecutive Spring tides (and
between Neap tides), is therefore approximately 15 days. The age of the moon
on any day, counted from new, can be used to calculate the delay of the time of
high water (HW) relative to the time of high water springs, so that [(the age of
the moon in days) x 48 minutes] = the delay of HW (or LW) on that day. As a
working approximation, the mediaeval shipmaster rounded down the 48 minutes
to 45. Using the moon as an analogue clock, with midnight at north and midday
at south (and 06.00hrs and18.00hrs at east and west), any time can be defined by a
lunar bearing, as may be seen in Figure 4 and Table 2. The approximate 45-minute
daily retardation of the moon, is represented by one point on this analogue clock,
and has to be subtracted for each day of the age of the moon. It was therefore
17 William Worcestre, Itineraries, pp. 2623. In practice, the largest tidal range is typically one
or two days after the corresponding syzygy but this age of the tide may be zero or negative in
certain locations.
18 Establishment, French Etablissement, was described by Admiral W.H. Smyth in his Sailors
Word-Book (London, 1867), as an awkard phrase lately lugged in to denote the tide-hour of a
port; it is, however, still in use colloquially rather than lunar tidal interval.
136
Table 2 The moon as an analogue clock
The table gives the time corresponding to a lunar bearing when the moon is full or
new, and at seven days into the lunar cycle, i.e. when the moons age is seven days.
For example: in the English rutter: All the haunenes be full at a west southe west
mone betwene the start and lisart means that between Start Point and The Lizard,
high water will be at 4.30 or 16.30 when the moon is full or new (a Spring tide), and
in a weeks time it will be at approximately 10.00 or 22.00. By todays assessment,
high water Springs at that location is more accurately 5.00 or 17.00 an error of 30
minutes. A compass rose, with lunar bearings, is shown in Figure 4, p. 131.
Lunar bearing
on 32-point Lunar bearing Time of moon at Time of moon at
compass rose in degrees Full and change 7 days of age
N 0/360 00.00/12.00 05.36/17.36
N by E 11.25 00.45/12.45 06.21/18.21
NNE 22.5 01.30/13.30 07.06/19.06
NE by N 33.75 02.15/14.15 07.51/19.51
NE 45 03.00/15.00 08.36/20.36
NE by E 56.25 03.45/15.45 09.21/21.21
ENE 67.50 04.30/16.30 10.06/22.06
E by N 78.75 05.15/17.15 10.51/22.51
E 90 06.00/18.00 11.36/23.36
E by S 101.25 06.45/18.45 12.21/00.21
ESE 112.5 07.30/19.30 13.06/01.06
SE by E 123.75 08.15/20.15 13.51/01.51
SE 135 09.00/21.00 14.36/02.36
SE by S 146.25 09.45/21.45 15.21/03.21
SSE 157.5 10.30/22.30 16.06/04.06
S by E 168.75 11.15/23.15 16.51/04.51
S 180 12.00/24.00 17.36/05.36
S by W 191.25 12.45/00.45 18.21/06.21
SSW 202.5 13.30/01.30 19.06/07.06
SW by S 213.75 14.15/02.15 19.51/07.51
SW 225 15.00/03.00 20.36/08.36
SW by W 236.25 15.45/03.45 21.21/09.21
WSW 247.5 16.30/04.30 22.06/10.06
W by S 258.75 17.15/05.15 22.51/10.51
W 270 18.00/06.00 23.36/11.36
W by N 281.25 18.45/06.45 00.21/12.36
WNW 292.5 19.30/07.30 01.06/13.06
NW by W 303.75 20.15/08.15 01.51/13.51
NW 315 21.00/09.00 02.36/14.36
NW by N 326.25 21.45/09.45 03.21/15.21
NNW 337.5 22.30/10.30 04.06/16.06
N by W 348.75 23.15/11.15 04.51/16.51
N 360 24.00/00.00 05.36/17.36
137
possible for a shipmaster in possession of a compass, to forecast, but only very

roughly, the time of high water on any day in the lunar cycle, at any location where
he knew the lunitidal interval. As an example: if high water springs occurs at a
certain location at 06.00 (the lunitidal interval of that location), then four days
later high water will occur at the time represented by a lunar bearing four points
N of E, which is NE, or 03.00 hrs. Aware that the tidal range was greatest at
Springs and least at Neaps, the shipmaster would also have been able to forecast,
from the age of the moon, the approximate range and therefore the depth of water
throughout the lunar cycle.
The lunitidal intervals of many havens are given in the sailing directions, always
as lunar bearings: the time of high water springs at the location in the above
example would have been defined in the rutter as an est mone maketh hiest water
and in the Seebuch as maket vulsee eyn osten mane. Information about the direc-
tion of tidal streams and of their times of reversal is given in slightly different
formulae, which are discussed below.19
As an alternative to the sailing directions as sources of tidal information, early
coastal maps (they cannot be described as sea charts) illustrated the time of high
water springs on a compass rose, at specific locations. The earliest known example
of a such a diagram, in the Catalan Atlas manuscript of 1375, consists of 14 concen-
tric circles, each for a different port in Brittany, France and England.20
The shipmasters tidal calculations could incorporate an error possibly greater
than an hour, and further deviation from the theoretical might be caused by a
persistent wind or by high or low barometric pressure. In short, the medieval
mariner with a compass was able to calculate an approximate theoretical time for
high water and low water (provided he could see the moon and had kept count
of its age), but his rough assessments, local factors and meteorological condi-
tions inevitably reduced the accuracy of his forecast. It is therefore probable that
when the tide was of vital importance, a fail-safe factor of an hour or more was
incorporated into the shipmasters calculations. It is possible to calculate tidal
times more accurately by observation of the moon with an astrolabe, as Chaucer
demonstrated in his A Treatise on the Astrolabe, but it could not be used on the
wind-blown deck of a violently moving ship. The instrument was available ashore
long before the fourteenth century but apparently seamen were not interested,
presumably because of its expense and limited use Ffor as moche as yche man
may not have e astrolabe.21
19 In relation to the stars, the sun appears to move about 1 E and the moon about 13 E each
day, hence the apparent 12 lag. There are several definitions of the lunar cycle; the synodic
(relative to the sun) is 29.53059 days, the sidereal (relative to the stars) is 27.32166 days, the
tropical (relative to the equinox) is 27.32156, and others.
20 Derek Howse, Some Early Tidal Diagrams, MM 79, 1 (1993), pp. 2743.
21 Chaucer, Complete Works, pp. 54463, although the authorship of these Supplementary
Propositions is uncertain.
138
Illiterate shipmasters without sailing directions had to remember the tidal

times for the havens they used, possibly with mnemonics to assist them of the
type: High water London Bridge, / Half ebb in the Swin; / Low water Yarmouth
Roads, / Half flood at Lynn. The earliest tide tables known in Europe, of fflod
at london brigge, were produced by the monks of St Albans, early in the thir-
teenth century. It is interesting that, as those tables show a constant 48 minutes
daily correction, they appear to have been constructed from theoretical calcula-
tions rather than by empirical observation. Considerably earlier, the Chinese are
known to have constructed tide tables for the bore on the river Chien-Thang, near
Hangchcow, some time before the eleventh century, demonstrating their under-
standing of the regularity of Spring tides and the lunar influence on tides.22
Knowledge of the depths at the entrances to and within harbours and anchor-
ages was valuable information for enemies and pirates and not to be shared lightly
with ships from other ports. Perhaps for that reason, the early rutters are stronger
on tidal streams directions, tide-hours and off-shore depths than they are about
the depth of water in havens. The few harbour depths that are included in the
sailing directions are usually simple statements of the minimum depth, and only
rarely is any indication of the depth at several points in the tidal range given.
For example, in the rutter there is a very generalised (and not entirely accurate)
reference to high water times in the harbours on the south-west coast of England
but with no depths. The Seebuch, however, is more forthcoming on the depth
of water in the havens along the same stretch of coast, perhaps because for the
Hansa seamen these were not home waters and there was no need for security:
Between Falmouth and the Lizard there lies a tidal haven called Helford and
whoever wants to sail in must have a quarter flood tide [i.e. 1 hours after low
water] for a ship which draws two fathoms [5.4m] and it is a good haven. The
Helford estuary is indeed a good haven, sheltered from all but easterlies with a
Springs tidal range of 4.7m. Entering strange havens without information from
sailing directions, the canny navigator had always to include a fail-safe margin in
his calculations, or lie off for a tide to observe the time and range, unless he had
hired the services of a local pilot.23
Tidal streams off-shore do not necessarily change direction at the times of high
water and low water on the adjacent land, but the necessary information about
current directions and reversal times was given in the sailing directions. No speeds
of the currents could be given, however, as the measurement of the speed of a tidal
22 MM 3 (1913), p. 319, Answers 81 (S.G.). Commander W.E. May and Captain L. Holder,
History of Marine Navigation (Henley on Thames, 1973): British Library Add. MS 30221 (Codex
Cotton, Julius DXVII, page 45b). Joseph Needham (with Wang Ling), Science and Civilisation
in China, 3, 21, pp. 48394 (Cambridge, 1959).
23 Hastings MS, fo. 133r. Admiralty Tidal Stream Atlases, Hydrographic Office, NP 250 (English
Channel), NP 251 (North Sea, Southern Part), NP 265 (France, West Coast). Seebuch, MS B,
fo. 7v, item 1.
139
stream was not possible. In the Seebuch, the actual stream reversal times are given
in terms of lunar bearings, sometimes at different distances off-shore, and in the
English and French rutters they are defined as the duration of the flood or ebb
after high water or low water ashore, at an unspecified distance from the coast.
The time lag between high water ashore and the tidal stream change is generally
described in the rutter as one tide running under the other under rothir and
was measured in quarter or half tides, i.e. 1 hours or 3 hours. An example from
the rutter reads:
And at the schelde it floweth on the londe west north west and half strem vndir
rothir be the londe till ye come to wyntirbornesse and fro wyntirbornesse til ye
come to kyrkle rode it floweth on the londe northe west and quarter tide and
half quarter vnder rothir.
This may be paraphrased And off Cromer as far as Winterbourness it flows

WNW for 3 hours after high water ashore. And from Winterbourness to the
Kirkley roadstead it flows NW for 2 hours after high water ashore.24
Although not quantified, warnings of severe tidal dangers, especially around
Ushant and amongst the Channel Islands, are sometimes given in the sailing direc-
tions. For its dramatic value, a somewhat later example from the 1540 French
edition of the Scottish rutter of Alexander Lyndsay describing the Corrievreckan,
is worth repeating:
There is another great danger caused by four or five contrary tides with a
great swirling of water causing a deep and noisy whirlpool. The middle is very
dangerous for all ships, large and small and there is no other refuge but to
die.
Enough, surely, to deter any mariner.25

The rutter and the Seebuch make use of every possible non-instrumental aid to
navigation and often include several notes to mariners; a good example from the
Seebuch describes the approach to Hunstanton thus:
when you arrive at the Wash with a heavy ship and want to go further in, then
take a big quarter flood tide, but if you have an outward flowing stream and
a westerly wind, then anchor until the stream sets inwards; when the wind
blows with the sea [i.e. on the flood tide], then run in with a small sail for as
long as the stream sets inwards; and if you arrive by day, anchor over-night in
24 Hastings MS, fo. 131r.

25 R.M. Ward, Sailing Directions for James V of Scotland, History Scotland, 4, 2 (March /
April 2004), pp. 2532. Spring tides race through the Corrievreckan at up to eight knots. It is
navigable under sail at slack water with a favourable wind.
140
10 fathoms and wait for the [next] flood tide. And there is there a dangerous
high stony sandbank and it is on the port side as one sails in; then you see a
headland [Gore Point] and a steep cliff close by the water and you will see the
two pointed high towers [possibly the Church of St Mary the Virgin] to the
west of the chapel [St Edmunds chapel on St Edmunds Head].
With knowledge of the local lunar-tidal interval to calculate the time of the flood,
a shipmaster had all the information he needed to approach the town. When
sailing out, the shipmaster is advised to bring the two spires, which are described
as runners (presumably because of the parallax effect as the ship moves), a good
bow-shot to the west of the chapel. Silting and erosion have radically altered the
shape of this coast line so that the accuracy of the directions cannot be assessed
today.26
Time, speed and distance made good

An accurate estimate of the time of day was of greater importance to the medieval
shipmaster than to his peers ashore, most of whom lived by an elastic liturgical
horarium marked by bells. The shipmaster was also interested in elapsed time, for
example, how long his ship had been on one tack or how long a piece of wood
took to float along the length of the ship. Sometime towards the end of the thir-
teenth century, sand-glasses, probably of a half-hour duration, began to be used
on board ships for the measurement of fixed periods of time (their appearance
in ships inventories is discussed below). There still remained the problem of the
estimation of variable periods of elapsed time. Guesses at the passage of time are
subjective, the accuracy of the guess decreasing with the length of time estimated.
Long periods of elapsed time may be measured by the difference between the time
of day at the beginning and end of an event. Ashore, that was easily measured
with a sundial or an astrolabe; as early as 1024 an academic in Cologne invited
a friend to see his astrolabe with which he could calculate, inter alia, the time of
day, and therefore elapsed time, and latitude. But sundials and astrolabes require
a stable base for operation, a condition not available on the deck of a rolling the
ship, and instruments were expensive; in daylight at sea, therefore, only midday
could be judged by the suns meridional passage (provided that a compass was
available), from which rough estimates of the time of day could be extrapolated,
albeit with limited accuracy.27
Telling the time on a clear night is an altogether easier and more accurate
process. Apart from the use of the moon for tidal time calculations, medieval
26 Seebuch, MS B, fo. 34r, item 1.

27 Psalms, 119, 64: seven times a day I praise Thee for thy righteous ordinances: matins, prime,
tierce, sext, none, vespers and compline (also lauds at dawn). Taylor, Haven-finding Art, p. 90:
Ragimbold, magister of the schools of Cologne, invited Radolf of Lige to see his new astro-
labe.
141
seamen used the circular movement around the Pole Star, Polaris, of the guards
of Ursa Minor, now known as stars and of that constellation, which can be
read as if they were the hands of an analogue clock. The clock, however, marks
sidereal time, a day of which is 3 minutes 56 seconds shorter than the mean solar
day of 24 hours. The classical Mediterranean method of reading solar time from
sidereal information was to imagine a man in the sky over the observers head;
he was thought of as face downwards, head towards north, hands stretched out
laterally east and west. To know the time, the position of the guards relative to
the figure was noted, and mnemonic jingles were recited to convert that to the
time, for example: Mid-July, midnight in the right arm. End of July, an hour before
the right arm. There is no mention in either the German or the English sailing
directions of such methods of telling the time, all tidal times being related to lunar
bearings. However, an experienced seaman would have had no need for the man in
the sky nor for the mnemonics; by mentally relating the guards as they appeared
at sunset to his estimate of the time, he could follow the astral rotation through
the night and instinctively read the time. Such a reading of the time probably
had an accuracy of no better than 1 hour, and then only if the reference time
had been correct. The time of dawn could also be deduced from the position of
the guards at any season of the year or, alternatively, Pierre de Medines LArt de
Navigver suggests dividing by two the day length in hours (if that information is
known), then subtracting the quotient from 12 (i.e. midnight). Interestingly, the
day length examples given in the table in LArt de Navigver are valid for latitude
46 40 N (just south of the le de Yeu in the Bay of Biscay) and the dates are in
the Gregorian calendar.28
Short periods of time may be measured by recitation or counting. To measure
in seconds, rhythmic counting was (and is still) used: one-and-two-and-three-
and and for longer periods, prayers were recited. Surviving examples from the
fifteenth century include: And in a minute, a man may resonably say a pater noster
and an ave; a miserere took the length of time required to boil an egg (hard or
soft is not specified, but perhaps four minutes!); and one hour is as longe tyme as
thou may say two nocturnes of the psalter. No doubt there were other traditional
mnemonics for counting the passage of seconds, minutes and hours. To estimate
a ships speed, a floating marker could be timed down the length of her hull; the
time in seconds, related to the water-line length, giving a measure of the speed
through the water. A marker passing down the side of a 23-m ship would take the
following approximated times:
28 LArt de navigver, pp. 11415.
142
At a speed of 1 knot 44 seconds e.g. a cog sailing in a light breeze (Beaufort

scale 12)
At a speed of 3 knots 15 seconds sailing in a gentle breeze (Beaufort scale 3)
At a speed of 5 knots 9 seconds sailing in a fresh breeze (Beaufort scale 5)
At a speed of 6 knots 7 seconds sailing in a strong breeze (Beaufort scale
6).
All these times are within the range of accuracy of rhythmic counting.29
Although some idea of the ships progress could be obtained by multiplying
the estimated average speed by the number of hours sailed, a ships speed through
the water is not necessarily the same as her speed over the ground. The precise
distance covered was uncertain so long as the shipmaster was unable to measure
the ships leeway and the speed and direction of any current. Sailing at night, a
shipmaster would have had to fail-safe by deliberately overestimating the ships
speed and, if necessary, heave-to, to avoid reaching land before dawn, as in the
example given earlier of the entrance to Hunstanton.
In the unusual event of a long passage out of sight of land, the shipmaster could
measure his progress only as the number of days sailed, just as his predecessors
had done hundreds of years before: Ohtheres eighth-century account of his North
Cape voyage illustrates this: Then he travelled north close to the land: he left that
west land always to starboard, and then the open sea on the port side for three
days. William of Worcester, as discussed above, did the same in the mid-fifteenth
century: Et dicte insula Man distat per 4 kennyngs de Irlanda [and the said Isle of
Man is a distance of four kennings from Ireland] id est a day and a nyght saylyng.
Given the substantial doubt that a shipmaster must have entertained about his
position after a day out of sight of land, it is not surprising that he preferred to
keep the coast in sight whenever possible.30
The introduction of instrumental aids, however primitive, allowed the first
steps towards indirect navigation. The aids have now evolved into a suite of
instruments dependent on gyroscopes, radio waves, high-frequency sounds and
geo-positioning satellites, all requiring the minimum of human intervention (or
indeed, skill) to operate.
29 Laurel Means, Popular Middle English Variations on the Compotus, Speculum 67 (1992),
pp. 595623 at p. 621: Cambridge, Trinity College, MS 0.10.21, fols. 36v37r. Don Lepan, The
Cognitive Revolution in Western Culture (London, 1989), p. 91. Albrecht Sauer, Segeln mit
einem Rahsegel, in Die Kogge, ed. Gabriele Hoffmann and Uwe Schnall (Bremerhaven, 2003):
for sailing performance of cog, see Sailing, chapter 7.
30 a for he norryhte be aem lande: let him ealne weg aet weste land on aet steorbord,
ond a widsae on aet baecbord rie dagas, British Library, Add MS. 47967, The Voyages of
Ohthere and Wulfstan, in Sweets Anglo-Saxon Reader in Prose and Verse, ed. Dorothy White-
lock (Oxford, 1983), p. 17, lines 911). William Worcestre, Itineraries, pp. 3023.
143
Indirect, or instrumental navigation
Magnetic compasses
North-seeking magnetic devices have been known in Europe since the twelfth
century and perhaps earlier, but exactly when they began to be used at sea is not
known. The earliest direction indicators were lodestones, pieces of a naturally
magnetic mineral, magnetite (Fe3O4), which, suspended by a thread, would point
north. The discovery that iron could be magnetised by stroking or touching with
magnetite, led to the substitution of the stones by needles which, because they
were of soft iron, had to be frequently remagnetised. The use of such needles for
direction finding was the subject of a lecture in Paris in 1180 by an English monk,
Alexander Neckam. In his De Naturis Rerum he wrote:
hidden by the gloom of nocturnal shadows as the world revolves, and not
knowing towards which point the bow is heading, they place a needle above a
magnet, which turns around continuously until, its movement ceasing, its point
may indicate the north region.
It has been generally accepted that Neckam meant by this that contemporary
sailors were already familiar with magnetic aids to navigation but the use of the
subjunctive of indicate should suggest some caution.31
More convincing evidence of the early use of a magnetic needle at sea may be
found in the poetry of Guyot of Provins from around 1205, in which he describes
sailors magnetising a needle by touching it with lodestone and then floating it,
stuck through a straw, on water. Such a compass would, however, swill about
with the movement of a moving ship and was probably usable only in the calmest
of seas. It is interesting that although the current Italian for a compass is bussola
there survives the older term calamita, a frog, which might possibly be a reference
to the floating needle. That remagnetisable devices were well known a century
later may be adduced, by default, from Barbours Bruce: in addition, there was
no needle nor stone in the ship in 1306 for Bruces passage to Carrick. The need
to remagnetise the compass needle is apparent over more than a century; there
are several references to a needle and stone in English alliterative poetry written
around 1400, the former never without the latter. Examples include a line in Morte
Arthure: with the nedylle and the stone one the nyghte tydez; and a line in The
Libelle of Englyshe Polycye written in 143536: Men have practised by nedle and by
31 The extract in full reads: cum caligine nocturnarum tenebrarum mundus obvolvitur, et igno-
rant in quem mundi cardinem proara tendat, acum super magnetem ponunt, quae circulariter
circumvolvitur usque dum, ejus motu cessante, cuspis ipsius septentrionalem plagam respiciat:
Taylor, Haven Finding Art, pp. 9 and 956. Respiciat here is the third person present subjunctive
of respicere. Taylor cites Alexander of Neckam, De Naturis Rerum, ed. T. Wright, pp. xxxvxxxix
and 183.
144
ston. As late as 1485, the Celys bought a piece of magnetite in order to remagnetise
two compasses on their ship.32
Flavio Gioia of Amalfi has been credited with the invention of the gradu-
ated compass card to which a magnetised needle was attached, as early as 1302.
Although a dubious claim, it is said by Amalfians to be substantiated by the motto
on the citys arms, prima dedit nautis usum magnetis Amalfis. As this is a line
from a poem by Antonio Beccadelli who died in 1471, the provenance of the motto,
and the claim, have to be regarded with some circumspection. The problem of the
oscillations of a needle on a ship at sea appears to have been partially overcome
sometime in the fourteenth century by pivoting it on a pin, and it is perhaps this
that was the invention of Flavio. With the next step of mounting a magnetised
needle under a marked card (the rose) pivoted on a pin, the compass evolved
to become an instrument with which bearings could be read to an accuracy of
one point of a 24-point rose, i.e. 15. Further improvements in the mounting of
the card allowed an accuracy of one point of a 32-point rose, or 11.25, even at
sea. This development was confirmed by Chaucer in 1391 and has been discussed
above, p.132.33
The manufacture of magnetic compasses, probably for use on land, flourished
in Flanders from the fourteenth century but by 1394 the Hansa employed its
own compass makers, no doubt for marine use. The earliest known references to
magnetic direction-finding aids in English naval ships are in the 141012 inven-
tory of the Plenty, which had on board 1 sailing piece, and the George, for which
12 stones, called adamants, called sailstones were bought for 6s. in Flanders.
Although it is probable that the adamants were to be used to stroke the soft iron
compass needles, their purpose is not known with any certainty.
The date of the introduction of magnetic devices to English merchant ships is
not known. Although the OED gives the earliest reference to the word compass,
in an indubitably magnetic sense, as late as 1515, the Yarmouth customs accounts
show a dozen compas brought in by a Netherlands ship in 1400 for unknown
customers and purposes, and the naval inventories of 1422 show one compass on
each of the Rodcogge and the Katerine Britton (but none on the two dozen other
ships of the fleet). If those compas were magnetic and not geometrical instru-
ments, which is possible, then there were remarkably few in the English fleet.
Indeed, a nineteenth-century naval historian remarked that every vessel might not
have been supplied with them, only the Admiral or leading ship of a squadron or
fleet. It is possible, however, that naval shipmasters, like mercantile mariners, had
32 Barbours Bruce, 3, Book V, pp. 105, l. 18. Morte Arthure, l. 753. Libelle of Englyshe Policy,
chapter 10, l. 801, p. 41. Hanham, Celys World, pp. 3623.
33 Antnio Estcio dos Reis, Medir Estrelas (Lisbon, 1997), pp. 3042. J.A. Bennett, The Divided
Circle (Oxford, 1987), pp. 2730. Gimballs to allow the compass bowl to swing freely were first
recorded in 1537 by the Portuguese Pedro Nunes. Chaucer, Complete Works, pp. 54463.
145
their own compasses which were not listed in the ships inventories, as in the case
of John Aborough (see p. 117).34
Magnetic variation (the angle subtended between lines pointing to magnetic
and to geographic North) had been observed by academics ashore and by the
Augsburg sundial manufacturers from early in the fourteenth century. Variation,
together with compass deviation (errors due to an inherent fault in the compass or
to adjacent pieces of iron), however, was not recognised, or at least not corrected,
at sea until much later. Historic variation in the northern hemisphere has been
calculated from palaeomagnetic evidence by two groups of researchers who, unfor-
tunately, reached differing conclusions. The variation in the English Channel in
1450, for example, was calculated by one group to have been 2W and, by the
other group, 4E. Although substantially different, these results suggest that the
variation was not gross in either direction and certainly less than one point on a
32-point rose. Given the inaccuracies of the early compasses and the difficulties of
reading a bearing on a heaving ship, such a variation would have been unnotice-
able. Indeed, since the Pole Star could be used to calibrate compasses to within
a degree of true North, the failure of the early navigators to notice any variation
reflects the poor accuracy of their instruments.35
The eventual general introduction of the marine compass, whatever were the
instruments shortcomings, had a remarkable effect on sea-borne exploration and
commerce. With some guarantee of the accuracy of the course, passages out of
sight of land became less speculative and the efficiency of the commercial ship-
master was improved dramatically, perhaps by a factor of two. The increasing
quantities of goods loaded on ships for transport around, rather than by cart
34 D.W. Waters, The Art of Navigation in England in Elizabethan and Early Stuart Times
(London, 1958), p. 25. G.V. Scammell, The World Encompassed: The First European Maritime
Empires c.8001650 (London, 1981), pp. 22, 76: PRO E 122/150/3m. 7d. Rose, Lancastrian Navy,
pp. 142, 155 and Appendix III, pp. 22946. Nicolas, Royal Navy, II, p. 444. Burwash, Medieval
Shipping, pp. 334: shipmaster John Aboroughs 1533 inventory included four compasses.
35 It was thought at one time that lines of equal variation ran north and south and could
be used to estimate longitude (isogonal navigation). Columbus, in 1492, recorded the fallacy:
En este dia, al comienzo de la noche, las agujas noruesteaban, y a la maan nordesteaban
algo tanto (from his Dirio in dos Reis, Medir Estrelas, p. 35). Obras Completas de D. Joo de
Castro, ed. A Corteso and Luis de Alburquerque (Coimbra, 196982): in 1538 Joo de Castro
observed magnetic deviation induced by a cannon close to the compass. L. Hongre, G. Holst,
and A. Khokhlov, An Analysis of the Geomagnetic Field over the Past 2000 years, Physics of
the Earth and Planetary Interiors, 106 (1998), pp. 31135; C.G. Constable, C.L. Johnson and S.P.
Lund, Global Geomagnetic Field Models for the Past 3000 Years: Transient or Permanent Flux
Lines?, Philosophical Transactions of the Royal Society of London, 358 (2000), pp. 9911008. These
two archaeomagnetic studies found, for 1450, magnetic variation of: 2E and 5E in north-
west Spain; 3E and 3W at Ouessant and in the Irish Sea; 4E and 2W on the east coast of
England; and 5E and 1.5W on the coast of Brittany, respectively. Magnetic variation is now
7W in the English Channel.
146
across, Europe, has been attributed to the increasing availability of the compass;
ships were at last seen to be reliable alternative carriers.36
Measurement of astral heights

Instruments such as the quadrant, rectangulus and cross-staff had been in use on
land for measuring astral altitudes before the fourteenth century. Although suffi-
ciently robust, compact and economic, the first two had the practical limitation of
reliance on a plumbline, which was impracticable at sea. Cross- and back-staves
may have been in use at sea in the fifteenth century but the first record is from 1514
and is Portuguese. The astrolabe, mentioned above as an instrument with which
to measure azimuths and altitudes and so derive latitude, the time of day, sunrise,
sunset and the suns position in the zodiac, had been known since the eleventh
century. It began to appear in commercial quantities in the fourteenth century
and its operation was described by Chaucer in A Treatise on the Astrolabe. Its use
at sea was restricted by its sophistication and cost, however, and, although it was
suspended by an integral ring and was weighted in the lower arc to reduce oscil-
lation, it was practicable only on the calmest of days. The earliest known reference
to the use of an astrolabe on a ship dates from 1481 and is also Iberian, but the
ship may have been in shelter and not sailing.37
The importance of knowing the ships latitude while at sea had become apparent
to the Portuguese early in their exploratory voyages. They began colonising the
Azores in the 1430s and in repeatedly re-finding the islands, they must have prac-
tised some form of latitude estimation, although there is no record of that until a
generation later. Further, by 1433 they had doubled Cape Bojador some 700 miles
south of Portugal. Returning by the volta pelo largo, a wide swing out into the
Atlantic to find wind with a southerly component, they somehow knew when to
turn east for home. There is some evidence that, before measuring instruments
usable at sea were available, they made very rough estimates of latitude from astral
heights measured against a vertical lance or perhaps by the length of the shadow
cast by the mast. The first recorded measurement of alturas (astral heights) at sea
was off the African coast in 1455 by Alvise de Cadamosto. By 1460 Diogo Gomes,
36 Encyclopaedia Britannica 99, Compass: William Barlowe, Magnetical Advertisements, p. 66.

As late as 1616 the compass was described as the most admirable and useful instrument for the
whole world [but] is both amongst ours and other nations for the most part, so bungerly and
absurdly contrived, as nothing more: F.C. Lane, The Economic Meaning of the Invention of
the Compass, American Historical Review 68, 3 (1963), pp. 60517.
37 Means, Variations on the Compotus, p. 599: Cambridge University Library MS Ll. 4.14,
fo.155r, The Wise Book of Astronomy and Philosophy. Bennett, Divided Circle, pp. 1219, 326.
dos Reis, Medir Estrelas, p. 55, 79: the quadrant is mentioned from the thirteenth century in the
Portuguese Libros del Saber Astronomia. Bennett, Divided Circle, pp. 1219. National Maritime
Museum, The Planispheric Astrolabe (London, 1989). Alan Stimson, The Mariners Astrolabe,
HES Studies in the History of Cartography and Scientific Instruments, 4 (Utrecht, 1988), pp. 1344:
citing the West African voyage of Diogo dAzambjos.
147
sailing south on the west African coast, could write: And I had a quadrant when I
was at those countries [places], and I wrote on the scale of the quadrant the height
of the arctic pole. With pre-calibrated instruments it was possible for Portuguese
ships, with relatively unschooled navigators, to remain far off-shore for days when
sailing north or south before turning east for land.38
The introduction of northern seamen to Portuguese methods of determining
and using latitude is thought to have been effected in the sixteenth century via
Pedro de Medinas Art de Navegar, first published in 1545 and later translated
into German, French, Italian and English. The determination of latitude was
therefore apparently not part of a northern European shipmasters navigational
technique until mid-sixteenth century. The Bordeaux wine ships returning to
England, have generally been assumed to have sailed in-shore around the Bay of
Biscay, with a victualling stop at St Matthieu. However, a section in the rutter lists
depths, descriptions of the seabed, and invisible waypoints on land, with which
it is possible to plot a hypothetical off-shore passage on an Admiralty chart, even
without distances and course bearings, none of which are given. The information
in the rutter is in the form: open of Pertuis Maumusson, in 12 fathoms there is
stinking mud; open of the Pointe dArseaux, in 24 or 26 fathoms there is large
gray sand and small black stones with large white shells; and so on past the le
dYeu; the Loire; Belle-le; until open of Ushant, in 50 or 60 fathoms there is red
sand and black stones with white shells. A course drawn through the mean posi-
tions of these soundings, with confirmation from the description of the seabed,
runs north-west from the Gironde, turning north, probably off Penmarch, to lead,
west of Ushant, into the Western Approaches. Relevant extracts from the rutter
text and the hypothetical course pricked on a chart, may be seen in Figures 5 and
6. This evidence makes it very probable that English shipmasters did take this
off-shore route, which would have been quicker, free of pirates and less exposed
to the risks of shipwreck.39
But there remains the question of how the shipmaster was to know when he
was open of the waypoints listed, when they would have been out of sight for
most of the passage. Was he to compare mentally the distance along the in-shore
arc (which he knew) with the distance he had sailed on the off-shore chord (which
he could measure)? Or might this section of the rutter have been the borrowed
depth and seabed section of a thematically organized Portuguese roteiro which
included the alturas (astral heights and therefore latitudes) of the waypoints?
Astral heights, not yet measurable by Englsh navigators but perhaps vaguely
38 dos Reis, Medir Estrelas, passim.

39 Hastings MS, fo. 137v, lines 6 ff. The counts of Lon controlled the coast from Roscoff to St
Mathieu from the thirteenth century; sceaux, later brefs, were sold to merchants on passing ships
as guarantees that in case of shipwreck their goods would be safe (contrary to the Breton droits
de bris); Guyomarch de Lon in 1235 described the coast as une pierre plus prcieuse quaucun
joyau: Jean Delameau, ed., Histoire de la Bretagne (Toulouse, 1987), pp. 1602.
148
5 Hypothetical passage across the Bay of Biscay. Illustration by Ruairi Prendiville.
149
understood by them, may have been translated, faute de mieux, as open of , and
taken to mean on the same eastwest line. If that hypothesis is correct, open of ,
before translation, was on the latitude of and Portuguese mariners had already
estimated and logged the latitudes of port towns on the Bay of Biscay.
Another item in the description of the off-shore Biscay course is of particular
(and peculiar) interest: Opyn of the saym [the Ile de Sein] in lx fadim ther is sondi
wose [mud] and blak fischey stonys amonge. On the latitude of 48 6N, which
is approximately the latitude of the le de Sein, the hypothetical passage crosses
a geological fault where mica fish, or black lenticular porphyroclasts of biotite
distorted to fish shapes by tectonic stresses, might be expected. The depth of 60
fathoms (c.110m), the reference to the le de Sein, and this geological phenomenon
thus give a precise latitude fix for that point on the course.40
It is not known if it were simply a lack of technique, or a complacent satisfac-
tion with their coastal routes, that explains the fifteenth-century northern seamens
lack of interest in astro-navigation. Even voyages from England to Iceland could be
made by compass alone, by sailing up the Irish Sea and the Sea of the Hebrides
in sight of land, and thence due north until landfall was made on the Faroes.
From the north end of the Faroes the course would have been altered to WNW
for Iceland, a leg of about 240 miles, with the 2000m mountains in south-east
Iceland being visible as marks in clear conditions from not far past half way.
Passages across the North Sea could be made in three or four days by sailing on
a compass bearing with no visible waypoints, until making landfall somewhere on
the Danish or Norwegian coasts. It was therefore possible for a shipmaster trading
in northern waters to go about his business without any knowledge of latitude.41
Measurement of time
The sand-glass, the first instrument (after the lead-line, if that may be described as
an instrument) to be introduced on board ship, begins to appear in the inventories
of English ships from 1295 as a dyoll, horloge de mer or renning glass. Primarily
used to measure day and night watches, it could also be used to mark a fixed
period (that of the particular glass) for navigational purposes; for example, when
the ships course had to be altered after a certain time in order to clear a known
hazard, or when a certain fraction of tide was required before attempting to enter
a harbour. Both situations may be found in the early sailing directions: than ye
must goo southe a glass or ij for cause of the rokke in the rutter; and but a large
40 Admiralty chart no. 20, le dOuessant to Pointe de la Coubre. Dr Gerald Roberts, Univer-
sity of London, kindly identifed the fishey stones. The geological fault runs irregularly slightly
north of W through the le de Sein and out to sea. It may be seen on Google MapApp from
which a bathymetric profile showing the fault may be drawn from land to sea.
41 Distance in nM = 2.072 x (h + h ) where h and h are the heights in metres above sea
e h e m
level of eye and object.
150
ship must have two thirds of the tide and a ship which draws two fathoms must
have one third of the tide in the Seebuch.42
Medieval sand-glasses were too fragile and degradable to have survived, but
the example above of an elapsed time as a measure of distance, confirms that
the running time of a sand-glass must have had some degree of standardisation,
probably of 30 minutes. Assuming a speed of five knots in the example, such a
standard glass would allow the ship to travel 2 miles. The optional second glass
may have been for ships sailing in light winds or otherwise incapable of attaining
a reasonable speed. The glasses were not always filled with sand but sometimes
with crushed egg-shells or powdered silver or tin; whatever the powder, the neck
of the instrument eroded in use, and the time measured consequently decreased.
In Columbuss log of his first voyage he wrote 14 glasses each of half an hour
or slightly less, illustrating this lack of accuracy due to erosion. False measure-
ments were also obtained when the glass was turned by a cold, tired and impatient
watch-keeper before the run was complete. In short, estimates of elapsed time
measured by the glass were not entirely reliable, but almost certainly better than
by any non-instrumental method.43
Assessment of speed and distance run

The methodology of measuring speed (and so calculating the distance run) was
inverted by the introduction of the sand-glass. Instead of counting the time
required to travel a fixed distance (for example, to time a wood chip floating the
length of the hull), it became possible to measure the distance covered in a fixed
time. A substantial piece of wood, the log, was attached to a length of line and
thrown into the sea; at the same moment a short period sand-glass was turned
over. The length of line pulled out by the log, measured in arm-spans, during the
fall of the sand, gave a direct measure of the speed of the ship (assuming that the
wood had not been dragged through the water). A half-minute glass represents
1/
120 of an hour and the pro rata fraction of a 5,000-foot mile (as it was then
thought to be) is 41 feet 8 inches or about seven arm spans (or seven fathoms);
each length of seven fathoms veered in half a minute therefore represents one mile
sailed by the ship in an hour. Seven fathom lengths were later marked by knots in
the line to give an immediate measure of the ships speed in knots.44
It is not known when the log came into general use; the first known English
reference is as late as 1574:
42 Waters, Art of Navigation, p. 36. Rose, Lancastrian Navy, pp. 169, 173, 177. Hastings MS, fo.
132r, lines 34. Seebuch, MS B, fo. 10r, item 1.
43 dos Reis, Medir Estrelas, pp. 258: the log entry is for 17 Jan. 1493.
44 In 1637, a minute of longitude at the equator (= one sea mile), was revised to 6,120 feet, the
sand-glass having to be reduced from 30 to 28 seconds, or the distance between knots increased
to eight fathoms. The nautical mile is now 6,080 ft (1.852 km).
151
And to know the ships way, some do use this which (as I take it) is very good;
they have a piece of wood & a line to vere out overborde, with a small line of
great lengthe In like manner they haue either a minute of an hour glasse, or
else a knowne part of an houre by some number of wordes spoken.
This suggests that although the method had been known for some time, it was
still not in general use amongst English shipmasters. This mention of counting
the passage of time even in the late sixteenth century is interesting, and perhaps
reflects a paucity of sand-glasses. However, an earlier reference, sometime in the
first half of the fifteenth century, indicates the earlier use of a log in northern
waters: Nikolaus von Kues (140164), from Mosel, measured the time, possibly
by counting, required to cover a fixed distance. It is probable that if logs were
in use on north German ships before the middle of the fifteenth century, then
English sailors were almost certainly also using them soon after, but that cannot
be confirmed.45
Sailing directions
By early in the fifteenth century, a literate northern shipmaster could have had
access to handwritten copies of sailing directions, as aides mmoires to familiar
waters or as pilots to new areas. Copies of these directions could be purchased,
copied or simply memorised but, unsurprisingly and unfortunately, given the
conditions at sea, examples which have been used on board a ship are unknown.
The oldest surviving sailing directions compiled for, but not necessarily origi-
nated by, northern seamen, are a manuscript volume of two editions of a pilot
in Middle Low German (the Seebuch), and two manuscript copies of a pilot in
Middle English (the rutter). All those surviving manuscripts date from the mid-
fifteenth century, but they contain material of mixed provenance attributable to
the fourteenth or earlier centuries. The manuscripts of the two editions in Low
German survive in Hamburg in good condition and were bound together in one
volume entitled Das Seebuch sometime after 1474. The manuscripts of the rutter,
also in good condition and textually very similar to each other, are each bound
into a family librarys Grete Boke, one now in London and the other in New York.
Figure 6 shows the first folio of the Lansdowne MS copy of the rutter. Those
directions are described in more detail below. Printed directions, which had a
much wider distribution and of which many examples have survived, did not
45 A Regiment for the Sea and Other Writings on Navigation by William Bourne, a Gunner, 1535
82, ed. E.G.R. Taylor, Hakluyt Society 2, 121 (London, 1963), p. 237. Sauer, Seebuch, p.140, citing
Arthur Breusing, Die nautischen Instrumente bis zur Erfindung des Spiegelsextanten (Bremen,
1890), p. 24.
152
Disclaimer:

6 Folio 137v of the Lansdowne MS 285, by kind permission of the Picture Library,
British Library, London.
153
appear until the beginning of the sixteenth century and are therefore outside the
period examined in this book.46
Both the Seebuch and the rutter are compilations of some original work by
the editors and a much larger quantity of eclectic borrowings from other, mostly
southern European, sources which have not survived. Both cover the same coasts
from eastern England to Gibraltar including Ireland, but the Baltic, German
Bight and the stretch of southern Spain from Gibraltar to Cartagena are peculiar
to the Seebuch. The English and German directions show no direct common-
ality in their descriptions of the various routes, havens and hazards, but they do
establish that the navigational techniques practised by all northern seamen were
very similar. The Seebuch is substantially more comprehensive and thorough than
the rutter and is largely organised thematically, that is, for each area there are
sections listing tidal stream directions, times of high water, compass bearings and
distances between waypoints, havens and anchorages, soundings and dangers. In
comparison with the Seebuch, the rutter is a poor thing, partly thematic and partly
narrative in form, with many incomplete or missing sections. If what has survived
represents the whole work, then it could have served as little more than an aide
mmoire for the compiler or as additional notes to another, unknown collection
of sailing directions.
Although the information in the two editions of the Seebuch was, without doubt,
collated by Hansa seamen, original Hanseatic contributions can be detected only
occasionally. It is particularly detailed on the coasts of Normandy and the Iberian
peninsula but the areas described do not all correspond primarily to Hanseatic
shipping routes, and the main sphere of Hanseatic influence the North and
Baltic Seas and the passage to Bourgneuf Bay, for example are not dealt with
in any detail. The Hamburg manuscripts have been dated by identification of the
watermarks to c.1470, that is, during the 146974 conflict between Hanseatic,
English and Dutch merchant ships. During that period, Hansa ships had little
choice but to sail off enemy coasts, often without reliable local pilotage, and it is
possible that the purpose of the Seebuch was to give Hanseatic merchantmen and
privateers the highest possible degree of self-sufficiency.
The New York copy of the English rutter is part of the Hastings collection of
manuscripts formerly belonging to Sir John Astley (d. 1486). Written on vellum in
several good book hands, the boke contains, in addition to the rutter, a miscellany
of treatises on knighthood, jousting, state ceremonial, classical texts, astrology,
weather forecasting and various domestic subjects. The London copy of the rutter
is in the Lansdowne collection of manuscripts formerly belonging to Sir John
Paston (d. 1479); that boke is written in a good secretarial hand on paper, and the
contents are similar to those in the Hastings collection; folios of the rutter may
46 Full references are made to the Seebuch manuscripts and the English rutter manuscripts at
the beginning of this chapter.
154
be seen in Figures 3 and 7 (from the Hastings MS) and 6 (from the Lansdowne
MS). The two copies of the rutter differ only in scribal errors, omissions and
idiosyncrasies and were probably copied from the same original.47
On the last folio of the Hastings MS copy of the rutter, shown in black and
white in Figure 7, there is a coloured illustration of a ship taking soundings; her
structure and rigging suggest that she is no earlier than mid-fifteenth century.
If that illustration has always been integral with the main text, as seems prob-
able, then the Hastings copy of the rutter may be dated to the same period. The
absence of the Garter on the arms of the Earl of Hastings, reproduced on three
pages of the boke, suggests that at least part of it was written in or before 1461
when Hastings was appointed to the Order. In the Lansdowne manuscript, the
scribe William Ebeshams hand has been identified. An invoice for his work done
for Sir John Paston has been found, drawn up, sadly, while he was in seintwarye
(sanctuary) from creditors. If, as is thought likely, the invoice refers to the rutter, it
establishes that the Lansdowne copy was made in or before 1468. The two copies
of the English rutter, therefore, may be dated with some confidence to early in the
second half of the fifteenth century and are approximately synchronous with the
two editions of the Seebuch.48
The English rutter appears to have been edited by a lone shipmaster based on
the east coast of England, for which detailed information is given from Berwick
to the Downs, probably from his own experience. For other areas, although the
rutter may be seen as a personal record of his own trading voyages, completed
or planned, the contents appear to have been borrowed from an assortment of
other sailing directions. The rutter includes many waypoints on both sides of
the Channel with bearings and distances between them, a circumnavigation of
Ireland, information for a passage up the river Gironde and much about the coast
of Brittany. Unlike the Seebuch, the information for the Iberian coast is meagre.
Of particular interest are an off-shore passages from Santiago de Compostela to
England which, uniquely for the early sailing directions, goes out of soundings,
i.e. over the continental shelf; and the off-shore passage across the Bay of Biscay,
47 G.A. Lester, Sir John Pastons Grete Boke: A Descriptive Catalogue, with an Introduction, of
British Library MS Lansdowne 285 (Woodbridge, 1984), pp. 1646.
48 Harold Arthur, Viscount Dillon, On a Manuscript Collection of Ordinances of Chivalry of
the Fifteenth Century Belonging to Lord Hastings, Archaeologia, 2nd series, 7 (1900), pp. 2970.
A.H. Moore, Some 15th-Century Ship Pictures, MM 5 (1919), pp. 1520; G.F. Howard, The
Date of the Hastings Manuscript Ships; MM, 63 (1977), 3, pp. 21518. Howard concludes that
the ship in the final folio may be c.1470 and those on the first folio, by the gun-ports on the lower
deck, perhaps 151030; Norman Davis, ed., The Paston Letters and Papers of the Fifteenth Century
(Oxford, 1976), II, pp. 3867, 3912, letters 751 (invoice) and 755 (receipt) dated between July
and end of October, 1468. Curt Bhler, in Sir John Pastons Grete Booke, a 15th-century best
seller, Modern Language Notes 56 (1941), pp. 34551, queries whether Ebeshams invoice was
indeed for the Grete Booke or for other manuscripts in the Paston library.
155
which was discussed above (p. 134), as possible evidence of the early use of latitude
by Portuguese navigators.
A version of approximately the first third of the text of the rutter, entitled A
Newe Routter of the Sea for the North Parties and attributed to Richard Proude,
was added to the 1541 and subsequent printed editions of Robert Coplands The
Rutter of the See which was, in turn, a translation of Le Routier de la mer, attrib-
uted to Pierre Garcie, and first printed in France in 1502. Coplands translation
was the first rutter to be printed in English, in 1528. The remaining two thirds of
the rutter, and the two editions of the Seebuch, were never printed for the use of
contemporary seamen.49
Summary of the shipmasters navigational methods
During the hundred years between 1350 and 1450, navigation evolved from direct
methods reliant on the five senses to indirect methods in which instruments were
used. Shipmasters relying solely on direct observation were generally restricted to
in-shore routes, their off-shore navigation being necessarily of limited reliability.
Shipmasters using the new technology, and in particular the magnetic compass,
were able to set and steer courses, calculate the distance run, and forecast tidal
conditions in channels and havens. Estimation of latitude was not used by
northern seamen until the sixteenth century but that appears not to have mattered
on the routes which they habitually sailed. The increasing availability of written
sailing directions further improved the reliability of ships, as masters became less
dependent on their memories, and on information gathered informally in dock-
side conversations. As a result of this improved efficiency and safety of sea trans-
port, shipping became an increasingly attractive alternative to road transport.
49 D.W. Waters, The Rutters of the Sea (New Haven, CT, 1967), includes facsimile copies of
Garcies and Coplands rutters.
156
7
The Shipmaster at Sea Seamanship
A t the end of the fourteenth or early in the fifteenth century, the design and
construction of ships in northern waters benefited from technical ideas seen
in ships from the Mediterranean. Carvel construction, in which the smooth hull
is planked with edge-butted timbers, largely replaced traditional clinker construc-
tion in which the planking overlapped; the sail area was split over several masts
and so could be increased in total area; and a fore-and-aft lateen sail was rigged
on the new mizzen mast to improve the ships performance to windward. The late
medieval ship, the most complex of contemporary machinery, has attracted much
scholarly attention. Its design and development, as seen in contemporary illustra-
tions, port town seals and archaeological finds, and as described in inventories,
accounts and contemporary literature, have been thoroughly examined.
Less scholarly attention has been paid to medieval seamanship. The earliest
surviving works on good marinership date from early in the sixteenth century
and tend to be didactic rather than informative in the same way as contemporary
works preached good husbandry. The problems presented to a ship and her crew
by wind and current, at sea or at anchor, do not change, and while the develop-
ment of new materials has led to very considerable improvements in the design
and construction of ships and their equipment, it may safely be assumed that most
basic manoeuvres were conducted in a manner similar to current practice. Being
of poorer quality materials throughout, however, the medieval ship was more at
the mercy of the elements; often working with little safety margin, her operational
parameters were considerably narrower. Evidence of early ship and sail handling
techniques is available in contemporary literature, occasional court cases, letters,
and illustrations. Conclusions may also be drawn from surviving equipment lists
and from ships accounts. In some areas, educated guesses or reasonable assump-
Landstrm, Sailing Ships, pp. 7289; Richard W. Unger, ed., Cogs, Caravels and Galleons
(London, 1994), pp. 2959; Hutchinson, Medieval Ships, passim; Friel, The Good Ship, pp.
68180; Middle English Sea Terms, ed. Bertil Sandahl, 3 vols (Uppsala, 195182); R.M. Ward,
An Elucidation of Certain Maritime Passages in English Alliterative Poetry of the Fourteenth
Century, unpublished MA thesis, Keele University, 1991.
157
tions have to be made, to reach a plausible account of the medieval shipmasters

methods.
Cargo handling
Although many of the goods freighted in medieval ships were loaded in small
units, manhandling barrels of 252 gallons (c.1,147 litres) of wine weighing over one
ton, and sarplars of wool weighing c.730lbs. (c.331kg) in and out of the hold, must
have been a considerable challenge. Cargo might be handled in three different
situations: with the ship tied-up against a dock as in Bordeaux, on a drying beach
as on the Norfolk coast, or swinging to an anchor where there was neither wharf
nor sand. Ships lying alongside usually had to use dockside cranes with local
labour, paying dues to the local authority, but in the absence of such facilities
the ships crew (with payment of primage or overtime) and her equipment were
employed. When a ship was beached for handling cargo in and out of carts, or at
anchor and using lighters, the men and equipment available on board had neces-
sarily to be used. One method of hoisting cargo on board may be discerned in a
detail from a painting by Hans Memling in which a horse is being lifted onto a
ship from a boat alongside. The hoisting line, attached to a wide sling under the
horse, passes through a block on one end of the yard, thence to another block
hanging by a pendant from the mast-head, and then down the mast, to be led
to the ships windlass or capstan. A guy is attached to the other end of the yard
with which it is swung to a position above the hatch by crew members on deck.
The gunwales of ships must have been subjected to considerable wear and tear
during cargo handling; removable wash-boards were probably unshipped when
handling cargo.
When the ships equipment was to be used for cargo handling, the shipmaster
had to obtain the shipping merchants approval of his cordage and machinery
and, as discussed in chapter 5, if he did not have their approval and goods were
damaged due to equipment failure, he and the crew were liable. Oleron suggests
that such compensation should be taken out of the guindage or craneage charge,
with additional personal contributions by the shipmaster and crew if necessary.
Guindage was around 2d. per tun in the mid- and late fourteenth century, varying
from port to port. If shore labour was not available, or was not obligatory, by
tradition the crew were offered by the merchant shippers first refusal to unload
the cargo, for the payment of primage. This was generally between 1d. and 2d.
per tun, a rate sometimes agreed in the charter-party. It is not known if guindage
The wine gallon of Edward III was 8lbs; a sarplar was two sacks each of 364lbs of wool,
a sack being only a unit of account. Hans Memling, The Seven Joys of Mary in the Munich
Pinakothek.
158
SEAMANSHIP
included primage or was a further charge on the merchants for the use of the
ships derricks.
The internal arrangement of ships may have been modified to suit the require-
ments of the owner. A dedicated wine ship, for example, would have had removable
deck planking so that the barrels could be lowered directly onto dunnage anywhere
in the hold, the ship being moved along the quay to be under the shore-side crane.
When using the ships own lifting equipment, cargo must have been rolled, or
otherwise moved, to or from the lifting fall suspended from the yard. Commodi-
ties such as salt or grain would have been loaded in sacks by crane, or in barrows
by hand, probably involving every man in the crew. Lasts loaded with hides or fish
may have been similar to modern pallets and could have been hoisted by crane
in and out of the hold. When removable deck planking (known by variations of
the word hacchis, which evolved into the current English hatches), was replaced
before departure, it required nailing down and caulking to prevent sea- and rain-
water spoiling the cargo. This procedure is described in the poem Morte Arthure
in which the crew of a ship preparing to depart bettrede hatches (improved the
hatches). Moisture-sensitive bulk cargoes, for example salt, alum and grain, and
bolts, bails and lasts of cloth and furs, would require further protection from
water leaking through the deck or swilling up from the bilges. Additional freight
charges were specifically authorised in Queenborough when waterproof covers were
supplied by the ship for a cargo of salt.
As discussed in chapter 5, the shipmaster and his crew were responsible for the
stowage of the cargo and were liable for compensation to the merchants if goods
were damaged in the hold, as in the Oleron example where wine is lost from a
stoved-in barrel. Because there was an ever-present risk of barrels rolling off the
dunnage, the amount of loss or damage acceptable to the shipping merchants was
sometimes specified in the charter-party. If the agreed loss was exceeded, the crew
had to pay compensation.
Appendix 1, Oleron, article 10. Local Customs Accounts of the Port of Exeter, p. 6: a charge was
made for the use of Topsham town crane. Harding, Port of London: PRO E 101/612/31, m. 1; E
101/79/5, m. 11; E 101/80/24. Reddaway, Accounts of John Balsall, p. 23. Appendix 3, Coutumier,
chapters 76, 95, 97. Ships were also liable assiage (stowage), planchage (landing dues) and quil-
lage (keelage or pier dues). Local Customs Accounts of the Port of Exeter, p. 1, fn. 2: crane dues
may also have been charged, in addition to wharfage charges, when a ships equipment was used
alongside a town quay; keelage in Topsham early in the fourteenth century was 2d. Primage is
mentioned in some versions of Oleron, article 10. PRO, C47/37/14, mm. 1934, fo. 5 and mm.
4960, fo. 10; C47/37/11, mm. 223, fos 16d, etc.
Tim Weski, private communication, 1996: Hanseatic merchants were organised into market
groups: Baiefahrer, Bergenfahrer, Englandfahrer, etc.; it is probable that the layout of their ships
was designed to suit their habitual cargoes; it is not known if English merchant ships were
similarly specialised. Morte Arthure, line 3656. Appendix 2, Queenborough, article 6.
Appendix 1, Oleron, article 11. Twiss, Black Book, III, pp. 3422: Customs has 14 articles
concerning damage to the cargo; ibid., I, pp. 88131. It is just possible that some ships may
159
Departure
The best surviving descriptions of the departures of medieval ships are in two
alliterative poems written around 1400, and in a political satire of a somewhat
later date (1548). The Morte Arthure description, modernised, reads:
vigorously on the ships side they weigh their anchors with the skill of the water-
men of the surging waves; men on the fore-deck coil their cables sails tight
to the top [of the mast] and the luff [of the sail] turned [from the wind]
completely without damage they haul in the boats, shipmen quickly shut their
ports.
And, from Pearl:
They lace on the sail, fasten ropes, men at the windlass weigh their anchors, the
thin bowline is attached smartly to the bowsprit, they haul the guy ropes, the
great cloth falls; they lay in [with oars] on the port side and pull up to wind-
ward; they swing the sweet ship swiftly from the haven.
The third description, again modernised, is from the prose Complaynt of Scot-
land :
then the master whistled, and boldly the mariners laid the cable on the capstan,
to wind and to weigh, then the mariners began to wind the cable with many a
loud call, and as one called, all the rest called in the same tune, as if it had been
an echo from a high cliff. And as it appeared to me, they called their words
as follows: veer-a, veer-a (repeated). fine young lads (repeated). wind I see it
(repeated). to the shackle (repeated). haul all and one (repeated). haul him up to
us (repeated). Then, when the anchor was hauled above the water, one mariner
shouted and all the rest followed to the same tune haul the cable (repeated).
stop the cable (repeated). cat the shackle (repeated). then they made fast the
shank of the anchor Then the master whistled and shouted, Two men aloft
to the main yard, cut the ribbands, and let the main sail fall, haul in the luff
close aboard, haul aft the main sail sheet, haul out the mainsail bowline. Then
one of the mariners began to hail and to shout, and all the mariners answered
with the same sound heave (repeated). pulpela (repeated). bowline (repeated).
hands-on (repeated). hard back (repeated). before the wind (repeated). God
send (repeated). fair weather (repeated). many prizes (repeated). good fair land
(repeated). stop (repeated). make fast and belay. Then the master called, And
quickly lace on a bonnet, veer the trusses, now hoist. Then the mariners began
to haul up the sail calling heave (repeated). like that (repeated). go (repeated).
Then the master called to the helmsman, rudderman, sail full and by luff
have carried flat-pack barrels on the outward bound voyage to Bordeaux, to be assembled by a
cooper in the crew, and filled from smaller containers in the hold.
Morte Arthure, lines 3656, 7403, 744 and 7489. Pearl: Patience, lines 1026 and 108.
160
SEAMANSHIP
up dont let her back harden up enough steer straight bear up

like that).
A description of setting the foresail has been omitted as it is exactly as for the
mainsail.
From all three quotations it is clear that the sequence of events is to close all
open ports in the hull, stretch the sails on the yards, secure and caulk removable
deck planking, and haul on board the ships boat. The anchor is then weighed and
the sail(s) dropped and set by bringing the luff (the windward edge of the sail)
close inboard, hauling the sheet (the rope led from the leeward side of the sail)
aft and leading a line from the luff to the bowsprit. A bonnet (an additional strip
of cloth laced below the sail) is bent on, in one case while the sail is still furled
and in the other after it has been dropped and has to be hoisted again. In all the
extracts, the ships are on a lee shore (for dramatic effect) and have to sail off,
hard on the wind; one crew having to row on the lee side to bring their ship up
sufficiently to clear an obstacle. It is clear from the Scottish extract that rhythmic
calling was a feature of sailors working the forerunner to the shanties of later
generations of mariners. With an on-shore breeze a shipmaster would normally
postpone departure until the wind was favourable unless there was some over-
riding reason not to delay. If he had to leave but was unable to sail out safely, the
three possible aids available were: to warp out on the anchors, to be towed out
by the ships boat or one hired locally, or to sail out with oared assistance, as in
the case of the Pearl ship. A ship being towed out of a haven by a boat with six
oarsmen may be seen in Figure 3.
Anchors were expensive items and every effort had to be made to recover them
if they became trapped in rocks. To free such an anchor, the shipmaster would
try sailing back and forward across the wind to attempt to tug the anchor out. If
that failed, then either from the ship or from the ships boat, the buoy line would
be pulled to try to trip the anchor, grappling with hooks if the buoy line had
broken. As a last resort, the cable would have to be cut and the anchor temporarily
abandoned with a marker buoy. An abandoned anchor, marked with its buoy, was
inevitably a target for opportunist crews coming in later; recovering and keeping
someone elses anchor was theft under criminal law, but could lead to an admirals
inquiry as a violation of maritime law.
A. Jal, Archologie navale, 2 vols (Paris, 1840), pp. 52931. Complaynt of Scotland.
Appendix 2, Queenborough, articles 21 and, in a different context, 60; cutting a buoy line and
so losing an anchor was also an inquiry offence, Queenborough, article 61.
161
Sails and sailing
The sails of fourteenth- and fifteenth-century northern ships were made of verti-
cally sewn strips of cloth woven from canvas or wool, or a mixture of both, the
composition of the mix being chosen to give an acceptable compromise between
cost, durability and performance. Because of its organic nature, few samples of
medieval sailcloth have survived and it is not possible to identify the fibre mix,
cloth weight, thickness of warp and weft or alignment of weave of a typical cloth.
The rough and porous sails, however made, would certainly have offered a less
than ideal surface for efficient air flow. They would have stretched in use, become
heavy when wet and been prone to weakening by mould growth in humid condi-
tions when not in use. Some improvement could be made to porosity by wetting
the sailcloth with buckets of water but at the expense of increased top-heavi-
ness, but nothing could be done about the effect on the sails aerodynamics of the
cloths hairiness, a phenomenon not then recognised. To compound the problem
of poor-quality sailcloth, an incomplete understanding of a good aerofoil shape
inevitably led to inefficient sail setting. Many contemporary illustrations show
ships running before the wind with their courses roundly billowed and apparently
almost out of control, a profile less efficient than when the sail is held firmly by
sheets and tacks.
The cost of replacement sails was an important item in a ships accounts,
amounting to something of the order of 5 per cent of the value of the ship,
depending on the size of ship and sails. To prolong the life of the fabric for as
long as possible, the cloth was frequently inspected, and repaired as necessary,
probably in every harbour. Attempts would have been made to keep mildew at
bay by washing the sails with fresh water and drying them as often as possible.
Repairs, and even the sewing of new sails, could be effected by members of the
crew; from the Celys payments for canvas and thread and additional wages for
the crew, but no payment to a sailmaker, it is apparent that the crew made and
repaired their sails. In Customs a qualified mate has to be able to measure and
cut sails, a step beyond merely sewing them, and it is quite possible that similar
skills were expected of senior members of the crew on English ships. Sail-making
ashore, when necessary, appears to have been supervised by shipmasters, possibly
retired.10
Friel, The Good Ship, pp. 969. Canvas was imported from Brittany throughout the four-
teenth and fifteenth centuries. Valerie Fenwick. ed., The Graveney Boat (Oxford, 1978), p. 251:
Woollen sails, made from a cloth called bever or belver, were used as late as the end of the
fifteenth century in Kent (not 1371 as reported by Friel).
10 Scammell, European Seamanship, p. 360. Billowing sails were discussed in MM, 3 (1913), p.
239ff; 4 (1914), p. 347ff; they may have been only artistic convention. Friel, The Good Ship, p. 97:
sail costs from galley accounts range from 10 12s. to 17 14s. Rose, Lancastrian Navy, p. 250:
ship costs in royal accounts range from the Ane, 120 tons @ c.180 and the George, 120 tons @
162
SEAMANSHIP
The results of sailing trials with a full-size replica of a 23-m. Hansa cog loaded
with 26 tons of ballast, have revealed something of the performance of a medieval
cargo ship:
Beaufort Ships speed
wind scale Wind speed through the water
3 710 knots c.3.4 knots
a gentle breeze
a moderate breeze
a fresh breeze
a strong breeze
The trials also showed that the closest to the wind the cog could sail was c.70
with leeway of 1520, reducing the course made good to not much better than
a right-angle to the wind. A Viking longship, on the other hand, could sail on
a course of perhaps five points off the wind (c.56) and make good a course of
around 65. Fully laden ships with fouled bottoms would have achieved substan-
tially less speed and would have had a significantly poorer windward performance,
which explains much of the prolonged waiting times in harbours. A ship is said
to be close-hauled when she sails as close to the wind as she is able; any closer
to the wind, her sails will back and, if the helmsman is not quick enough to ease
off downwind to fill the sails again, she will stop in irons. While in irons she will
begin to sail astern and violent changes of tension on the shrouds and back stays,
as the sail flaps wildly, may break the mast. Towards the end of the passage from
the Complaynt of Scotland quoted above, there is a clear picture of the anxieties of
a shipmaster trying to sail his ship as close to the wind as he dare. As practical
evidence of the high risks to the mast, there have been found in medieval wrecks
10 or even 14 holes in the wales to take shrouds and backstays. Although allowance
has to be made for mast supports set up with a purchase requiring two securing
points, confirmed by the deadeyes and lanyards found in inventories and seen in
contemporary illustrations, many mast supports, particularly aft of the mast, were
obviously considered necessary.11
When close-hauled, the luff or weather edge of a sail set athwart the ship has
c.230, to the Nicholas, 330 ton @ 500. Hanham, Celys World, p. 366. Twiss, Black Book, III,
pp. 903: Customs, chapter xviii.
11 Sauer, Segeln mit einem Rahsegel, p. 26. Hutchinson, Medieval Ships, p. 5. J.T. Tinniswood,
The English Galleys 12721377, MM 35 (1949), pp. 276315. Friel, The Good Ship, p. 101: back-
stays accounted for up to a third of headropes in fifteenth-century inventories. Accounts of the
Clerk of the Kings Ships, PRO E 372/203/3639 (135859, Thomas de Snetesham): iiij. hausers
alb ij. par de dedmennesheyne vnde j. cum cathena ferri exist in quadam naue voc la Naw
seinte Marie.
163
to be held forward by tack and bowline and the leeward edge has to be held back
by brace and by sheet, as may be seen in Figures 3 and 7. The luff could also have
had additional lines leading forward to the bowsprit and a pole was sometimes
used to hold outboard the weather clue of the sail. This luff pole or betas was a
direct descendant of the Viking beitiss and appears not infrequently in poetry,
for example in Morte Arthure: sails tight to the top and turn the luff [with a
pole], and some worked the windlass, some the luff, some the betas. To change
tack when close-hauled, a sailing vessel has to be either put about or weared. The
former involves turning the bow through the wind, a manoeuvre which requires
readjustment of the sheets, braces, tacks and bowlines as the weather side of the
ship becomes the lee side, and vice versa. As a further complication, the tension
of the lee shrouds has to be released and the new windward shrouds made up as
the ship changes tack, an operation over which the shipmaster has to be extremely
vigilant to avoid risk to the mast. During the whole manoeuvre the ship has to
maintain steerage way to avoid being trapped in irons and drifting astern, out
of control. Wearing involves turning the ships stern through the wind, a less
hazardous operation since it risks neither the wind backing the sail nor the ship
stopping in the water. With her slow speed and poor windward performance,
particularly when laden and fouled, it would often have been extremely difficult
to acquire sufficient momentum to tack a laden medieval cargo ship through an
angle as wide as 180, in which circumstances it would have been preferable to
wear ship. The disadvantages of wearing are that the ship has to turn downwind
during the operation and a considerable amount of windward progress is lost. On
a lee shore, the risks of wearing might be as great as the risks of going about. An
extract from a report by a Dutch privateer in the 1470s gives a chilling description
of a ship, heavy because of a leak, trying to go about:
and weighed our anchor and handed the foresail; then the ship would not come
round; then handed the main course, then the good ship would still not come
round so that we were driven towards the land. Then at last God in Heaven
and the great St James helped us so that the good ship came up. Then we sailed
to windward as best we could.12
In port town seals portraying cogs, the mast generally appears to be stepped
forward of the centre of lateral resistance, a position which would drive the ship
out of the wind and require constant and inefficient corrective lee helm to hold
12 The word wear derives from veer, hence the apparently anomalous past participle. Sandahl,
Sea Terms, 2, pp. 601, quoting from the 1472 Hanserezesse, 2, 6, p. 500. F. Howard, Sailing
Ships of War 14001860 (London, 1987), pp. 313: even full rigged ships of the early nineteenth
century, with better windward performances than the medieval cog, had difficulties going about,
especially when heavily fouled: Lords St Vincent and Exmouth and Sir E. Owen issued orders
to their fleets to wear rather than tack, when not inconvenient, because the accidents and wear
and tear of tacking was detrimental to the sails, spars and rigging.
164
SEAMANSHIP
her up. Paradoxically, in the sailing trials mentioned above, a full-scale replica of
the 1380 cog was found to require 1015 of weather helm as she tended always to
luff up to windward, a result which casts doubt on the accuracy of the illustra-
tions in the seals, or on the configuration of the replica (which seems unlikely to
be wrong).
Although there is general agreement amongst maritime historians that early
in the fifteenth century northern ship rigs evolved from a single mast to three
masts, there has been much discussion about the order in which the foremast and
mizzen were introduced. The introduction of a lateen-rigged mizzen offered an
improvement in windward performance and manoeuverability, but the long yard
required by the lateen sail was labour intensive and so was frequently left furled,
as in Figures 3 and 7, except when the ship was attempting to claw up-wind. The
ability to make up to windward was further reduced by another late fourteenth-
or early fifteenth-century innovation: a sail set on the bowsprit. The downwind
leverage of this spritsail must have been so considerable that it was probably set
only on long downwind passages and handed before attempting to go about.13
Because of unreliable equipment, medieval shipmasters had to be extremely
cautious at all times. All cordage, for anchor cables and for standing and running
rigging, was liable to part, and only the resourceful shipmaster with an alterna-
tive plan put quickly into operation, escaped unharmed from what might easily
be a serious accident. Because his ship had such a poor windward performance,
the shipmaster had to allow a large margin of safety when trying to clear head-
lands, reefs or harbour entrances, and he had to have the patience to wait for
days or even weeks for a suitable wind for his planned voyage. His respect for the
weather and the sea may often have been put to the test by impatient shipping
merchants prepared, in their ignorance, to take risks in order to exploit a market.
The struggle between commercial forces and maritime caution may be seen in the
clauses of maritime law covering jettison, general average, delays and the delega-
tion of responsibility for cargo handling equipment.
Sail reduction
Sometime after 1350, sail reduction by slab reefing with ties was generally aban-
doned in favour of using a smaller sail with extensions of sail cloth called bonnets,
which were laced along the foot of the sail, when wind conditions permitted. Why
bonnets replaced reefs is not known; it may have been because the main course
had become too large to be reduced in slabs, even when handed on deck.
How bonnets were laced and unlaced to the course is unknown. It would have
been less arduous to attach them with the foot of the course on deck, but there
13 The evidence perhaps favours the mizzen, the aftermost mast in English terminology, as the
first additional mast, but the French use of misaine for foremast and artimon for mizzen may
be significant. A discussion was conducted sporadically in the Mariners Mirror from 1918 to
1933 and see also Sandahl, Sea Terms, II, pp. 738].
165
is evidence, in the extract already quoted from the Morte Arthure, that the sail
was trussed up to the yard (although this was perhaps because, in this case, the
ship was still at anchor). Not all ships at that time were equipped with lifts on
the yards, so had to rely only on the halyards to raise and lower them. In those
cases there would have been no direct control of the yards angle to the hori-
zontal, which must have complicated the bonnet handing operations. A lowered
main course is mentioned in a 1440 petition to the chancellor by William Waleys,
whose ship the George of Welles had been deliberately rammed by Richard Walter,
master of the Christofer of Dartmouth; Waleys claimed that his ship . lay upon
the lee wyth ther corse low sett. The addition and removal of bonnets according
to the wind conditions is illustrated in another fifteenth-century poem, Richard
Redeless: they bent on a bonnet and set a topsail and took off a bonnet before
the blow came. There is no evidence of bonnets on the lateen sails set on the
mizzen mast; when the wind became too strong they would have been trussed
up or dropped to the deck.14
Reefing points reappeared in the 1660s and bonnets became less common,
again for unknown reasons, and the operation of making-up and loosing reefs
was then probably very similar to that practised on square rigged ships to this
day. A third and older reefing system may have persisted after the introduction
of bonnets: tightening brails vertically down the belly of the sail to divide it into
two sections and so destroy the aerodynamic flow. Although it put more strain on
the sailcloth, the system required less physical effort from the crew. The Vikings
may have used vertical brails as well as horizontal reef slabs, and a passage in the
1450 poem mentioned on pp. 1601, appears to describe the survival of the same
reefing method: Hoist, truss, haul in the brails! Youre not hauling, by God, you
fail! From earlier in the poem, there appears to be a good breeze, the bowline
and sheets having been hauled tight; the reason for now hauling tight the brails,
therefore, cannot be to furl the sail but to divide it vertically. There are illustrations
of ships with their courses divided by a brail in this fashion but there is no specific
written evidence of the practice apart from this poem.15
Curiously, on none of the ships with sails set in Figures 3 and 7 can either
reefing points or bonnet lacing cringles be seen, although many other details of
the ships and rigging are visible and identifiable. The sail cloth in Figure 3 is clearly
14 H.H. Brindley, Reefing Gear, MM 2 (1912), pp. 129134. Landstrm, Sailing Ships, pp. 72
85. Friel, The Good Ship, pp. 9599. First inventory reference to bonnet is PRO E101/26/14: In
j. velo j. bonett. Some ships continued to use reefing ties after the introduction of bonnets, for
example, in the c.1400 Rye town seal. Gardiner, West Country Shipping, citing PRO C1/43/33.
Langland, Richard Redeless (date 1399), lines 71, 80.
15 Sandahl, Sea Terms, 2, p. 89: Vikings reefed with vertical brails and horizontal slabs but Sam
Svensson, Sails Through the Centuries (New York, 1965), p. 11 mentions only horizontal reefing
with ties. Furnivall, Pilgrims Sea-Voyage, p. 33.
166
SEAMANSHIP
made up of vertical strips, the usual construction, whereas in Figure 7 it appears

to be sewn in horizontal lengths.
Anchoring
Before anchoring, the shipmaster would have checked the depth and the suit-
ability of the seabed with the sounding lead and a lump of tallow. If possible, this
would have been done by sailing slowly into the anchorage and making frequent
soundings; if there were other ships already at anchor or space was limited, then
the ships boat would be used for the reconnaissance. When sailing in to anchor,
the shipmaster had two possible options. He could either drop the anchor as the
ship sailed over its chosen position, hope that it would hold, arrest the motion of
the ship and swing her round into the wind. Speed was necessary to ensure that
the anchor would dig well into the ground, but to sail too fast risked running up
the beach, if it failed to hold. The alternative was to sail past the chosen point,
come up into the wind, drop the anchor as the ship came to a standstill, and try
to dig the anchor in by backing the sail and sailing astern. In both manoeuvres, if
the anchor failed to hold, the shipmaster would have had to sail off to try again,
and for this eventuality, the sail(s) could not be furled until the ship was secure.
Anchoring in anything above a gentle breeze was therefore a potentially hazardous
operation requiring both skill and a certain amount of luck; more of the former
lessened the need for the latter. In order to ensure a shallow angle of pull on the
anchor, the length of the cable would normally be four to five times the depth at
high water; care had to be taken, therefore, that there were no dangers within the
scope of the swinging ship (see also chapter 6).
A haven with confined space would normally be entered by the ship in tow,
pulled by the ships own boat or by a boat hired locally. Payment for the hire of
towage, whether riverine or in harbour, was, according to Oleron, to be to the
merchants account; it is possible that when the ships boat was used, the crew
were given extra money, as they were when they volunteered to unload the ship.
When necessary, a second anchor would be set by sending out the ships boat
with the anchor suspended over the side, to be dropped at a good angle from the
first anchor; a ship lying to two anchors may be seen in Figure 3. When the ship
was to dry-out on the beach on an ebbing tide, the shipmaster might send the
ships boat ashore with an anchor where it could be set manually. At high water,
the ship would be brought ashore by the crew, hauling the anchor cable on the
capstan or windlass. An anchor visible on the shore need not be buoyed, which
explains the differentiating reference in Oleron to ancres qe ne parigent au plein.
The setting of an anchor on-shore may be seen in the Bayeux Tapestry as Harold
arrives in Normandy.
Anchors had to be buoyed for three reasons: first, the cable enabled the crew
167
Disclaimer:

7 A ship sounding, with text describing the passage from Ouessant into the
Channel. Folio 138v of Hastings MS 775, reproduced with the kind permission
of the Pierpont Morgan Library, New York.
168
SEAMANSHIP
to upset the anchor when it is trapped in rocks; second, to warn later arrivals
where an anchor had been set and so avoid a sharp anchor fluke coming through
the ships bottom as she dried out; and finally, if an unbuoyed anchor did damage
to another ship, the shipmaster who laid the anchor was held responsible for the
damage. Anchoring no doubt led to a certain amount of jostling when several
ships arrived more or less together, perhaps from a convoy, each seeking the best
position in the haven. A somewhat confused article in Oleron describes the situ-
ation in a crowded anchorage as the tide ebbs. Ship A finds herself in danger of
drifting over the anchor of ship B; the crew of A asks the crew of B either to
move their anchor, or to give As crew permission to move it. Although the text is
not completely clear, the article then appears to attach responsibility to B for any
subsequent damage to both ships, although she was the first ship in the haven. The
decision was reached, perhaps, because it has been assumed (but not stated explic-
itly) that Bs crew, having found a good position, refused to move their anchor,
or let it be moved. The full explanation is revealed at the end of the article: Bs
anchor was not buoyed. The importance of anchors and their buoys is underlined
by two articles in Queenborough which order an admirals inquiry to be held into
the removal of an anchor without permission and, significantly, into the cutting of
anchor buoy lines. In the inventories of the Lancastrian navy, parcels of up to 170
pieces of cork are shown in stock for the manufacture of buoys, and several ships
lists include made-up buoys and lines, sometimes specifically for the anchor.16
Although no clear evidence has survived of medieval rules for the avoidance of
collision at sea (see Rule of the road, below), in both Oleron and the Coutumier
there are rules defining precisely the allocation of responsibilities for collision in
an anchorage. When a ship collides with another already anchored in a haven, in
Oleron the colliding ship is described as hastant de sa marree, i.e. carried down
by the tide and not necessarily anchored, whereas in the Coutumier she is drag-
ging down either from an anchored position or while anchoring. The Coutumier
explains that an accident can happen to any ship in such a situation so that, in
principle, each ship involved should pay half the damage, in effect, a force majeure
clause. Oleron suggests that an old ship might be placed deliberately in the path
of more valuable incoming ships in order to benefit from the 50:50 rule, a trail-
blazer for insurance scams. To avoid such fraud, the Coutumier allows that if the
stationary ship can prove fault on the part of the dragging ships crew or equip-
ment, then it is not an accident and the latter has to pay the whole amount. In
Oleron the shipmaster and crew of the moving vessel must swear that the collision
was not deliberate and if they refuse to do so, they are liable for all damage. The
16 Appendix 1, Oleron, articles 13, 16. Appendix 2, Queenborough, articles 6, 60. Rose, Lancastrian
Navy, variously pp. 137, 152, 161, 163, 167 etc.
169
effect of the Coutumier ruling is to accept the innocence of the dragging ship until
she is proved guilty whereas Oleron assumes her guilt until proved innocent.17
Although chain cables for anchors were known well before the Middle Ages,
hempen cordage was generally used in the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries no
doubt because it was cheaper and easy to cut in emergencies. Because it was lighter
however, it did not offer the holding resistance obtained by a length of chain lying
on the bottom to reduce the angle of pull on the anchor. It is possible that some
anchors had a few fathoms of chain bent on below the rope cable as a compromise
solution, but there is no evidence of that. It was because of the uncertainty of the
strength of the cordage and of the holding power of the anchor, that ships put
out two anchors, a precaution which has been mentioned above. The loss of an
anchor and its cable was not uncommon and the ship inventories of the Lancas-
trian navy show that most ships carried several. There is no reason to doubt that
merchant ships were similarly equipped with several anchors, lengths of cable, line
and reserves of cork for buoys.18
Rule of the road
Like Sherlock Holmes dog that didnt bark, one of the most interesting aspects of
medieval maritime law is the absence of rules for the avoidance of collision at sea.
In anchorages there were rules, discussed above, but on the open sea it appears to
have been every man for himself . The records of a few cases concerned with colli-
sion have been found. A water bailiff of a showt was arrested for causing damage
to a ship at Queenhithe, but no other details are known. Since one or both of
the ships could have been moored or sailing, the damage might have been caused
by careless cargo handling, or the crews may have been involved in a fracas on
board, there is little to be learned from that case. Two promising examples from
the mid-fourteenth century concern ships which were maliciously run down by
others, allegedly causing considerable damage, but here the charges were trespass
heard before a mayoral court, rather than violation of any maritime code to be
heard by an admiral. There is also a record of arbitration by aimables compositeurs
appointed by an admiral following a collision at sea, but once again the informa-
tion is inadequate. In 1437 an appeal was made for the restoration of wrongly
sequestered goods which had been sold following a decision by an admiralty court
17 Appendix 1, Oleron, article 15. Appendix 3, Coutumier, chapter 82.

18 The Gallic War, ed. H.J. Edwards (London, 1917), IV, 23: the Veneti tribe were said by Julius
Caesar to have ancorae pro funibus ferreis catenis revinctae, and a Veneti anchor with chain has
been found at Bulbury Camp. Rose, Lancastrian Navy, p. 134 and passim: chain was held in the
naval stores but apparently only to construct defensive booms, cf. thare the false mene fletyde
and one flode lengede / with chefe chaynes of chare chokkode to-gedyres: Morte Arthure lines
36023.
170
SEAMANSHIP
in a collision dispute involving le Antony of London, carrying merchandise from

Prussia, but there is no other information. None of these cases confirms or denies
the existence of a rule of the road but the fact that litigation had been instigated,
even as trespass, suggests that there was some regulation for the avoidance of
collision. As discussed in chapter 1, pleas of merchants and sailors were tried in
the Bristol courts before 1241 and the city custumal specified that actions between
merchants and ships or between ships and ships whether burgers or aliens
could be heard according to the laws and counsels of the town. The phrase ships
and ships might well mean that collisions, or the results of collisions, were consid-
ered in court, but that can only be conjecture. As further indirect evidence of there
being a recognised rule of the road, a phrase from the fifteenth-century Sandwich
custumal indicates rather more positively that collisions at sea could be actionable,
albeit in a port town rather than an admirals court, quod navis aliqua alteri navi
fecerit dampnum in aqua. The paucity and imprecision of the evidence indicate
that incidents at sea leading to damage, apart from acts of violence, were not
sufficiently frequent in the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries to require a legally
recognised rule of the road.19
Meteorology
Weather forecasting in north-west Europe requires an ability to foresee and

assess incoming atmospheric low- and high-pressure areas. To do that without
instruments, the medieval mariner could only interpret cloud formation, feel the
temperature and humidity of the air, assess the size and direction of waves, note
the strength and direction of the wind and observe the behaviour of insects and
animals. He instinctively and continually collected and analysed this information
and, in the light of his experience and with folkloric, and often faulty, meteor-
ology, made short-term forecasts. However reliable his methods may have been,
any decision to sail had, by maritime law, to be confirmed by his crew and it is
likely that any sail reduction or increase also had to be discussed on board. If
the shipmaster sailed on his own initiative and against the opinion of the crew,
then he became personally responsible for any damage or loss to the ship and her
cargo.20
The Coriolis effect, and high equatorial and low Arctic temperatures, ensure
that north-west Europe, and particularly the British Isles, are subject to a series
of meteorological depressions progressing west to east across the north Atlantic.
These depressions and their associated fronts bring warm, wet south-westerly
19 PRO C1/3/30, of unknown date. CLB, I, no. 54, p. 27, II, no. 42, pp. 1589. Marsden, Select
Pleas, pp. lxix and 901. CPR, 143641, p. 94. Bateson, Customs, 2, p. 193.
20 Appendix 1, Oleron, article 2.
171
and westerly winds while the occasional anticyclone interrupts the sequence with
cold, dry north and north-easterly winds. During the Medieval Warm Period
(c.1000c.1250) the path of the depressions may have been further north than
today, while early in the fourteenth century the evidence of poor crops in northern
Europe suggests a mean path of the depressions further to the south. Significantly
higher salt deposition found in the layers of the Greenland ice cap laid down after
c.1410 points to intensification of atmospheric circulation significantly stronger
winds have persisted from that time (the onset of the Little Ice Age with cold,
dry windy conditions) until the present day. However, since the driving forces of
the North Atlantic weather in the Middle Ages were generally as today, although
at varying latitudes and with differing wind speeds, basic meteorology may safely
be discussed with reference to todays conditions.21
The approach of weather fronts is heralded by clouds, and their formation,
dissipation, shape, position, speed and direction of drift have always been recog-
nised by mariners as important. Long parallel streaks of high cloud (now known
as cirrus), particularly if they can be seen to be moving, warn of the formation of
a vigorous depression with winds up to gale force from the west or north-west
to be expected within a day. Winds blow anti-clockwise around a depression and
clock-wise around an anticyclone so that the passage of lows and highs is accom-
panied by changes in wind direction. If the direction of the surface wind backs,
i.e. moves anti-clockwise westsoutheast, then a deterioration of the weather
may be expected. Practically, and probably known for as long as men have sailed,
if one stands with ones back to the surface wind (indicated by the movement
of the lower, more solid looking cumulus clouds) and observes the upper wind
(the movement of the high cirrus clouds) moving from left to right, the weather
will deteriorate. Conversely, when the wind direction veers, i.e. rotates clockwise
eastsouthwest, the upper clouds move from right to left, and conditions will
improve. In the introduction to the storm passage in the alliterative poem Patience,
a point is made of mentioning that the winds are Eurus and Aquilon which blow
from the east or south-east and from the north or north-north-east respectively.
They therefore appear to be backing from south-east to north-east, indicative of
a depression passing to the south of the ship. The forecast was certainly correct,
Jonah and the ship suffered at least a full gale. It is not known if seamen at that
time realised that often a ship sailing on starboard tack, that is with the wind on
21 K.J. Kreutz et al., Bipolar Changes in Atmospheric Circulation During the Little Ice Age,
Science 277 (27 Aug. 1997), pp. 12946. Bolton, Medieval English Economy, p. 182. Changing
weather patterns may have affected not only harvests, disease and mortality but also sailing
routes, particularly if there was a change in the prevaling wind direction. Meteorological Office,
Meteorology for Mariners (3rd edn, London, 1978), Part III, pp. 10731.
172
SEAMANSHIP
the starboard side, can find improving weather conditions as she sails out of the
low pressure zone.22
Folk weather lore is a miscellany of valid conclusions drawn from generations
of acute observation and from a rag-bag of wishful, or pessimistic, thinking. Cause
and effect were frequently confused; for example, a hazy moon often portends
rain, not because of any lunar meteorological effect but because humidity in the
atmosphere reduces its transparency. At least one late medieval manual of naviga-
tion includes statements blending fact and fantasy, translated from the French:
If the four-day old moon is red, it means high winds; if the moon is straight up
and laid-back, it means high winds: even more if it happens on the fourth day.
Although there is no scientific reason why the fourth day of lunation should have
any meteorological significance, a red or copper-coloured moon may augur high
winds for the same reason as a red sky in the morning, a phenomenon discussed
in the next paragraph. Similarly, a Breton proverb, Ring round the moon, sign
of rain, describes the symptons of a depression with an associated warm front
marked by a procession of cloud. The phenomena move in this order: cirrus >
cirrostratus (when the moon is seen to have a halo) > altostratus > nimbostratus
and strato-cumulus with rain and wind from south-west to south becoming south
to south-east, and strengthening within a day; in short, bad news. A maritime
proverb from Picardy repeats the warning explicitly and specifically to the sailor:
Ring round the moon, sailor, climb to the hounds [of the mast, to shorten sail].
The appearance of the moon in these folkloric previsions is, of course, sympto-
matic of existing atmospheric conditions, not the cause of them.23
Folkloric meteorology giving correct information was generally based, without
understanding, on observations of the effect of the serial movement of depres-
sions across northern Europe. There are, and were, many examples of the Red sky
at night, shepherds [or sailors] delight, Red sky in the morning, shepherds [or
sailors] warning school. An early surviving example of this genre may be seen in
Wyclif s St Matthews Gospel of c.1395. Similarly, again from the French When
the sun rises and there are some red clouds in front of it, and none of those clouds
disperse towards the north or south, it means wind and heavy rain; and If at the
setting of the sun its face looks white, it means a storm during the night and it
will be cold and it will blow. A red sky in the evening, caused by the reflection
of the suns rays (which always appear to be red at sunset because of refraction)
from the upper cloud layer following a receding cold or occluded front, indicates
that there are no low-level clouds to the west and therefore no immediate threat
22 Andrew, Pearl, Patience, lines 1334. The poets vocabulary and knowledge suggest a mari-
time background.
23 Nicolai, LArt de navigver, p. 19: Pierre de Medine suggested that this folk meteorology
existed prior to Plinys Natural History, book 18, chapter 45. Albert Simon, ed., Les Dictons
mtorologiques de nos campagnes (Delarge, 1978), Bretagne and Picardy. Lunar meteorological
(and medical) myths persists to this day.
173
of an incoming depression with, probably, a clear night and falling temperatures.

A red sky in the morning is the reverse of that situation; the sun is downwind
and the red refracted rays shining over a clear horizon are reflected from the face
of an approaching warm front, announcing the advance of another depression.
Of interest to the early wine shippers was a Gascon proverb based simply on
local observation: Bordeaux clear, mountain hidden the weather is stable. Lore
based on false premises survived if it was thought often enough to be valid; the
prognostication for St Swithins Day, for example, was established by the twelfth
century but merely reflects the chances of a wet or dry English summer. Proverbs
may survive by ambiguity, for example a Breton dicton warns that Wind during
the day doubles at night, wind in the evening will drop during the day; if that is
simply a statement of the time required for a depression to pass, it is acceptable
but if it refers to the diurnal effect, it would be more accurate to say that the wind
during the day will be calm in the evening. Also ambiguous because it does not
define the direction of the horizon or the time of day is another Gascon proverb,
Red horizon, sign of wind or rain.24
Mariners have always recognised the significance of changes in animal behav-
iour: swallows fly high before the arrival of good weather (because they are chasing
insects rising in the low humidity), and cattle and horses become restless before
the onset of a thunderstorm (because atmospheric static electricity passes to earth
through their hair). Similar gifts of prognostication have been attributed to bees,
frogs, porpoises, seabirds and fish and natural hygrometers, such as wet seaweed
and soggy biscuits, give warnings of high humidity. There are many such observed
phenomena and associated conclusions collected over generations in seafaring
regions from which the medieval seaman derived his weather forecast.
Many ships were lost after encountering weather beyond their capabilities.
Fleet losses, as opposed to individual disasters, almost certainly occurred when the
weather pattern was deceptive or fast changing and caused a collective misprog-
nostication. Most ships were not overcome by the weather however; the recurring
names in port customs accounts over periods of years indicate that most survived
to continue trading. Their longevity may be attributed to the shipmasters caution
rather than their meteorological acumen; when they had any doubt about the
strength or direction of the wind and acting under the scrutiny of their crews
they did not set out.25
24 Matthew, xvi, 2: The eeuenynge maad, ye seien, It shal be cleer, for the heuene is lijk to reed;
and the morwe, To day tempest, for heuen shyneth heuy, or sorwful. Nicolai, LArt de navigver,
pp. 1819. Simon, Dictons, Bretagne, Gascogne and Picardy.
25 Some ships in the Exeter customs accounts sailed for ten years or more, mostly on the
Bordeaux run. Harding, Port of London, pp. 26970: 16 shipmasters working from London in
13256 were still working in 1332 including two from 131213. Appendix 1, Oleron, article 2.
174
SEAMANSHIP
Pilots
Pace Chaucers claim for his Shipman to know alle the havenes / as they were/
Fro Gotland to Fynystere / And every cryke in Britaigne and in Spayne, it is
unlikely that shipmasters were able to navigate over the whole of the North Sea,
Baltic and eastern Atlantic coasts, entering any harbour they wished, without
help. Without an accurate compass, charts and sailing directions, each could be
confident only on the routes he knew well. As late as 1537, when navigational aids
were more freely available, an Admiralty inquisition investigating the skills of the
sayling men in the east coast ports of England found that out of 140 men, 15 could
navigate to Iceland, five to France, Bayonne and Zealand and a further 14 could
handle coastal work evidence of a high degree of specialisation.26
Pilots had to be taken on board, therefore, for routes and harbours not well
known to the shipmaster, the costs of whom, according to Oleron, were to be
borne by the ship for deep-sea pilotage and by the shipping merchants for local
pilotage. To that rule the Coutumier adds a rider that when the ship has her full
complement of crew and a sea pilot, any further mariners or pilots required by
the merchants are to be on their account. In Queenborough, the relevant article is
equivocal, the jurors saying that they knew of no better advice than that in Oleron
but not defining whether they referred to responsibility of or for the pilots. What
constituted local pilotage has been extracted with reasonable certainty from the
confused text of Oleron:
after the island of Batz on ships bound for Breton ports (presumably ships
from the north and east);
after Guernsey on ships bound for Normandy or England (presumably for
ships from the west and south);
after Calais on ships bound for Flanders (presumably for ships from the
west);
after Yarmouth on ships bound for north-east England and Scotland
(presumably for ships from the south).
The question of who paid the pilots is discussed in chapter 4, pp. 8990. The
responsibility of a pilot was to conduct the ship from where he had been picked
up, perhaps at the entrance to a harbour, to wherever had been stipulated. Oleron
is particulary precise in the pilots job description: And the pilot has done his
duty well when he has guided the ship to safety up to the berth because up to
there was where he was to guide her. The translation of the word berth (fourme)
is discussed in Appendix 1.27
26 Burwash, Medieval Shiping, p. 28.

27 Appendix 1, Oleron, article 13 and 24. Appendix 2, Queenborough, article 16. Appendix 3,
Coutumier, chapters 88 and 95. Timothy J. Runyan, The Relationship of Northern and Southern
175
On sanctions against unsatisfactory pilots, Queenborough, largely similar to

Oleron, deals with unskilled pilots whose actions have led to loss or death, but rules
that an admirals inquiry should be held, a more equitable rule than the summary
punishment by execution advocated by Customs. Litigation against pilots in the
fourteenth and fifteenth centuries appears to have been unusual and sporadic or
not recorded. John of Colchester, lodmannus (pilot) found himself incarcerated in
Dublin castle in 1307 because he maliciously and traitorously guided a ship upon
Lambeye, and another anonymous pilot of Margate, hired by merchant shippers
for the local pilotage to London of the S. Juan of Bilbao with 80 tuns of white
wine, lost her off the Isle of Sheppey in the 1360s; his fate is not recorded.28
The necessity of a pilot on a route unknown to the shipmaster, is demonstrated
by several incidents. In 1387, a shipmaster refused to sail around the North Fore-
land without a pilot so the Gascon merchants on board, who were freighting wine
from Southampton to Sandwich, agreed to hire one. Pilotage around the North
Foreland as defined in Oleron was petty, or local, and was therefore correctly a
charge on the merchants, which they accepted. As it happened, the pilot defaulted
and the merchants, anxious to sell their wine quickly, ordered the ships helmsman
to take the ship himself. Unfortunately he ran the ship aground off Seaford
whereupon the merchants seized the shipmasters goods in retribution, perhaps
as a pre-emptive measure, and the shipmaster had to sue to recover his ship and
belongings, with an unknown result. It is clear that the failure of a shipmaster to
hire a deep-sea pilot could be seen as negligence. A ship carrying a group of Irish
merchants shipping goods from Dublin to Flanders came to grief off Plymouth
in 1382 for lack of good ruling and by the negligence of the shipmaster, because
no pilot had been taken on board. The merchants had expected that at least the
south coast of England would be known by a competent English shipmaster and
had not insisted on a pilot at the beginning of the voyage. A change of route could
require a change of pilot: in 1467 the merchants on board the Trinity of South-
ampton, with a Bristol pilot aboard, set out for Iceland but were held up for four
weeks by bad weather in the Scilly Isles. They changed their plans and took on a
pilot in Mounts Bay to go to Ireland. Similarly, in 1387, three Hansa merchants
in a German ship on passage from La Rochelle to Ireland, by lack of skill of the
lodesman, dared not steer the ship on the high seas and so went to Falmouth
to arrange a pilot who knew Irish waters; unfortunately they were attacked and
robbed while doing so. In some areas, particularly for estuarine entrances to up-
Seafaring Traditions in Late Medieval Europe, in C. Villain-Gandossi, S. Busutil and P. Adams,

eds, Medieval Ships and the Birth of Technological Societies, vol. 2, The Mediterranean Area and
European Integration (Malta, 1991), p. 201.
28 Appendix 1, Oleron, article 24. Appendix 2, Queenborough, article 47. Twiss, Black Book, III,
pp. 42837. Customs, chapter ccv: perdre lo cap encontinent sens tot remey but also suggests
a gratuity for the pilot. ONeill, Merchants and Mariners, p. 116, citing PROI, 1A/53/27, fo. 213.
CPR, 13611364, p. 151. Das Seebuch, MS B, fo. 19r.
176
SEAMANSHIP
river ports, pilots had to be taken obligatorily. An example from the Seebuch prior
to a passage up the River Gualdiquivir to Seville reads: one may anchor in 6
fathoms and then by law the pilot comes on board. Unfortunately there is insuf-
ficient evidence to establish the general practice in the fourteenth and fifteenth
centuries.29
Little is known of the men who worked as pilots. Deep-sea pilots presumably
had experience of the passages for which they offered their services implying that
they were either shipmasters currently without ships of their own, or men who
had retired from a full-time life at sea to take up casual work. One would expect
local pilots to have been experienced shipmasters who wanted to work closer to
home and their small-holding, but from the introductory description in Oleron,
un bacheler est lodman dune nef , they appear to have been young men rather
than old sea-dogs.30
The forerunner of the Trinity House Corporation of Deptford, the Guild of
the Holy Trinity, is believed to have been established in the twelfth century with
the aim of caring for distressed mariners and their families and, significantly, to
assist in pilotage, teach navigation and provide seamarks. Pilotage on the Thames
was unsatisfactory however, as in 1513 mercantile and naval shipmasters petitioned
the king to incorporate the guild in order to regulate it. Young men without expe-
rience, they claimed, were imperilling lives and ships, making no effort to learn the
art of pilotage, depriving men retired from the sea of work, and allowing foreigners
to learn the secrets of the approaches to the Port of London. Their complaint indi-
cates that even local pilotage was considered to be work for retired shipmasters
and that younger men with less experience had rather taken over. Earlier, but less
certainly, the Trinity Guild of Kingston-upon-Hull, founded in 1369, was largely
devoted to religious observances and charitable work amongst seafaring folk but
its full name, according to Naish, was The Guild or Fraternity of Masters, Pilots
and Seamen of the Trinity House suggesting that in the mid-fourteenth century,
Humber pilots belonged to a recognised branch of the maritime profession.31
Conclusion
The introduction in the early fifteenth century of new ship design and construc-
tion methods, and the distribution of an increased sail area over several masts,
29 PRO C1/3/4: Martin van Mere, shipmaster of the Marieknyght sued the shipping merchants
for the loss of his ship. CCR, 13811385, p. 72. Burwash, Merchant Shipping, p. 28 from C1/43/275
8: John Richeman, London fishmonger, sued the widow of John Payn, the quondam shipmaster
and Edmund Kervile, grocer, who may have been the widows second husband, for taking the
ship to Cork. It is curious that a Bristol pilot did not know Irish waters. CCR, 13851389, p.
364.
30 Appendix 1, Oleron, articles 13 and 24. Appendix 3, Coutumier, chapter 88.
31 Harris, Trinity House, p. 19 and passim. Naish, Seamarks, pp. 412.
177
improved substantially the performance of late medieval ships. The basic tenets of
seamanship have remained the same until today, although with the more resilient
materials now used for the sails, rigging, hull and mast, mistakes are more easily
forgiven. The most obvious difference between square-rigged ships then and now
is in their windward performance; a fifteenth-century ship could achieve little
better than a right angle to the wind whereas a modern ship can sail within four
points of the wind. This difference restricted the options open to the shipmaster in
a haven or picking his way through a narrow channel, but fundamental aspects of
seamanship, such as preparing for sea, anchoring and recovering a trapped anchor,
presented the same problems as today. There appear to have been no rules for
the avoidance of collision at sea but behaviour in anchorages, particularly where
there was a drying-out beach, was meticulously defined. Meteorology enjoyed no
advances and would continue to be empirical and mythic until the introduction
of thermometers, hygrometers and barometers three centuries later.
178
Conclusion
Little is known of the personal lives, background or training of English medi-

eval shipmasters; it has to be assumed that they went to sea as ordinary seamen,
possibly with familial connections, and learned the trade on the job. There was no
system of apprenticeship and, in the fourteenth century, no guild to control their
qualifications. Of their professional lives, once they had their own ship, rather
more is known from records of their appearances in court, charter-parties and
other surviving documents.
Having gained sufficient experience at sea, an ambitious seaman looking to
be a shipmaster, had four options: to persuade a shipowner to take him on as a
waged employee, to enter a shipowning partnership with merchants or financiers,
to charter a ship on his own account, or to buy his own ship. Each option offered
advantages and disadvantages, each had its own modus operandi, and in each the
shipmasters position varied under the several available codes of law.
During the period under examination, the differing views on commerce and on
the master /servant relationship in common and merchant law, and the competi-
tion for business between their courts and the admiralty courts, led to consider-
able confusion. Although common law was absorbing from the law merchant the
concepts of trust, service contract and partnership, there was always some doubt
about which law would offer a shipmaster a more sympathetic hearing in cases
concerned with a disruptive or non-cooperative partnership, or any commercial
dispute.
Having, in some way, acquired a ship and found sufficient cargo to justify the
voyage at profitable freight rates, the shipmaster was faced with a considerable
amount of bureaucracy. His contract with the shipping merchants was in the form
of a charter-party; this could be quite straightforward, even formulaic, but it could
also be complex, with the merchant shippers demanding a flexibility of route, an
impossible timetable, a mixture of currencies, and a variety of other clauses, all to
be negotiated. With his charter-party, the shipmaster then had to arrange credit,
without incurring accusations of usury, to fit out and victual the ship and to pay
his crew for the outward voyage. He also had to agree with the crew how they
were to be paid for the homeward voyage, in cash or by an allotment of cargo
space for their own endeavours.
The shipmasters relationships with the merchant shippers travelling with their
cargoes, and with his crew, were largely subject to protocols laid down in two
codifications of maritime law. These were the Lex dOleron and the Inquisition
of Queenborough, both of which are records of legal decisions, establishing rules
179
for, inter alia, jettison, general average, delays incurred by the merchants or the
shipmaster, damage to cargo, anchoring discipline in havens, and other potentially
contentious issues. Further, relating to the crew, the two codes laid down rules for
the maintenance of discipline, a scale of punishment, payments, and the care of
the sick and wounded.
Litigation following infraction of any part of maritime law should, ideally, have
been heard before a court specialising in such matters. Throughout the fourteenth
century, attempts were made to set up admiralty courts to deal with all mari-
time misdeeds, except felonies, but after a brief flowering towards the end of
the century, the courts suffered from the effects of personal greed and increasing
competition from common law courts, and went into decline. By mid-fifteenth
century, they were virtually impotent and of little importance.
During the period under examination, the art of navigation advanced to become
a science, with the introduction of the magnetic compass and the hour-glass. Before
they had access to those instruments, navigators kept close to the coast, relying on
landmarks to fix their position, the sun or Polaris to indicate north, and a lead-line
to warn of shallows and to locate suitable places to anchor. Magnetic compasses
considerably improved the efficiency and safety of shipping and contributed to the
growth of the industry at the expense of road transport. Tidal times were recorded
by reference to compass bearings on the lunar analogue clock and this, together
with the hour-glass, meant that shipmasters could take advantage of favourable
tides in channels and in havens when planning their passages.
Unlike horticulture, the techniques of medieval seamanship were not recorded
in any surviving instruction manual. They can, however, be traced from information
in contemporary literature, including alliterative poetry, which is characterised by
accurate descriptive detail, from contemporary illustrations, and from information
in the surviving sailing directions. From these sources, cargo handling, preparing
for departure, sailing, reducing and augmenting sail, and anchoring have all been
reconstructed.
The introduction of written sailing directions, with details of hazards, havens
and tidal ephemera along trading routes, was a considerable step forward for
literate shipmasters, both as aides memoires for local passages and also as an intro-
duction to areas new to the shipmaster. Copies of a Low Middle German Seebuch
and a Middle English rutter have both survived from the mid-fifteenth century
with much of the material in them being at least a century older. Analyses of their
contents indicate that navigational and ship-handling techniques were broadly
similar for Hansa and English seamen.
This book has examined the shipmasters craft; the legal and commercial back-
ground to his work, his options in shipowning and partnership, his responsibili-
ties as a manager ashore and afloat, his knowledge of navigation and meteorology,
and his seamanship. He had to know the law, on- and off-shore, and when to
disregard it, how to read the weather and calculate his course, and memorise an
180
CONCLUSION
atlas of tidal streams as well as tables of astronomical ephemera. He also had to

remember the intricacies of harbour entrances, distances and directions between
way-points and unseen hazards on his route.
Given the ever-present possibilities of disaster, commercial or maritime, the
successful shipmaster had to be physically tough, courageous, commercially
astute, and steady and resourceful in crisis; no doubt, caution and robust fail-
safe margins were essential ingredients of his commercial transactions and of his
navigation. There is no way of knowing how many met that magisterial paradigm,
but the evidence of the number of shipmasters who sailed the same ship for years,
apparently without catastrophe, indicates that survival was not uncommon. The
working life of a medieval shipmaster was difficult and dangerous, but a home-
ward passage before the wind, across the Bay of Biscay, with the sun on his back,
a hold full of wine and not another sail in sight, surely compensated him for all
the complexities and hazards of his profession.
181
Appendix 1
Transcription and translation of the MS Liber Horn

copy of the Lex dOleron
The history and significance of the Lex dOleron have been discussed in chapter
1. This transcription and translation of the MS Liber Horn [LH] copy of the Lex
has been prepared to correct certain errors in existing translations and to clarify
the original intentions of the law-makers. The first folio of the Lex from the Liber
Horn MS is shown in Figure 1.
Transcription
Corrections of scribal errors and omissions have been made where grammar and/
or sense indicate and where the evidence of error is sufficiently strong. Amend-
ments have been made only after reference to other manuscripts from which
textual corrections have occasionally been borrowed; all amendments have been
enclosed in square brackets [ ] and noted in footnotes. The articles have been
numbered in upper case roman, and punctuation has been added as sparingly as
possible. All place names have been capitalised initially, abbreviations have been
silently expanded and the marks / and // have been inserted at manuscript line
and folio endings respectively.
[lex Oleroun]
[leges maris vocatae Oliron
Memorandum quod Insula de Olirun sita est in mari Austrino inter Cornubiam
et Aquitanium. Et est Marchia inter Aquitanium et Peyto et continet predicta
MS Liber Horn, folios 355v360r, CLRO, The Guildhall, London [MS L]; Other manuscripts
to which reference is made are those in Twiss, Black Book, I, pp. 88131 including MS Bodley
462, Bodleian Library, Oxford [MS B]; MS Whitehall [MS W]; MS Liber Memorandum,
CLRO, Guildhall, London [MS LM]; MS Rawlinson B356, Bodleian Libary, Oxford [MS
R]; MS Selden B27, Bodleian Library, Oxford [MS S]; MS Cotton Vespasian B XXII, British
Library, London [MS V]. Further manuscripts cited in Karl-Friedrich Krieger,ed., Ursprung
und Wurzeln de Rles DOlron, Quellen und Darstellungen zur Hansischen Geschichte, Neue
Folge /Bande XV (Cologne and Vienna, 1970) are: MS Liber Rubeus, City of Bristol Archives,
Bristol [MS LR] and MS 1386 Troyes, Bibliothque de Troyes [MS T]. The texts of MSS LH,
LM, LR and R are essentially the same and together with MS B are fourteenth century, as is
MS T, a Norman version of the Laws, the Coustume de Normandie. MSS S and V are fifteenth
century and contain 35 articles.
This (fo. 355v), and most of the folios which follow, are headed lex Oleroun or simply
Oleroun.
183
APPENDIX 1
insula in longitudine unam dietam et in latitudine tertiam. Et habet in Austro

civitatem vocatam Zanctonas ubi sanctus Eutropius requiescit ab ea distantem
per.xij. miliria passuum et habet in Euro est suz est la Rochele].
I Ceo est la copie de la chartre Doliroun des iugemenz / de la meer.
Primerement lem fet un home mestre dune / neef. La neef est a deus homes ou a
treis. La neef se /npart de pays dount ele est et vient a Burdeaux ou a la / Rochele
ou ailours et se frette a aler en pais estraunge. / Le mestre ne poet pas vendre la
nef si il nad comaun /dment ou procuracioun des seignurs; mes si il ad mestier/
de despenses il pout bien mettre ascun des apparailes en ga /ge par counseil de
compaignouns de la nef. Et ceo est / le iugement en ceo cas./
II Une nef est en une havene et demoere pur attendre soun / temps et quant
vient a soun partir le mestre deit prendre / counseil oue ses compaignouns et lour
dire, seignurs, vous / avez cest temps; ascun i auera qi dirra, le temps nest pas /
bon et ascuns qi dirrount le temps est bel et bon; le mestre / est tenuz de ceo
acorder oue les plus des compaignouns. / Et sil fet autrement, le mestre est tenuz a
rendre la nef / et les darrees si il semperdount. Et cest le iugement en ceo cas./
III Une nef sempert en alcun teres ou en quel leu qe ceo soit. / Les mariners
sount tenu a sauver le plus kil purrount / et sil aident, le mestre est tenu a engager
sil nad deniers / de ceo qil sauverount et les remener a leur teres et sil / ni aydent
il nest tenuz de riens lour bailer ne de rien les / purveier, ayns perdent lur lowers
quant la nef est perdue. / Et le mestre nad nul poer de vendre aparailes de la nef/
sil nad comaundement ou procuracioun de seignurs mes les / deit mettre en sauve
garde jesqes al taunt qil sache lur / volunte. Et si doit fere a plus loialment qil
purra. Et si le / feseit altrement il est tenu damender, sil ad de quei. / Et cest le
iugement en ceo cas./
IV Une nef se part de Burdeux ou aileurs; il avient ascune foiz / qele sempire
lem sauve le plus qe lem peut des vins et des / autres darrees; les marchaunz [et
le mestre]sount en graunt debat et demaundent // les marchaunz de mestre aver
lour [darrees], il les deyvent / bien aver paiaunt lur fret de taunt come la nef ad
fet / de veyage, sil plest al mestre. Et si le mestre voet, il / poet bien adubber sa
nef sil est en cas kil la puisse / adubber prestement. Et si noun, il poet lower un
autre / nef et fere la veiage et auera le mestre soun fret de taunt / cum il auera des
darres sauves par alcune manere. Et cest le / iugement en ceo cas.
V Une nef se part de acun port charge ou voyde et aryve / en alcun port et les
mariners ne deyvent pas issir hors / saunz conge de mestre, kar si la nef senperdoit
The Latin text has been written in the margin of MS LH by a later hand. The same gloss
occurs in MS LM.
et le mestre has been added as superscript to MS LH in a later hand; it is necessary for the
sense.
Folio 356r begins here.
deniers in MS LH is darrees in MSS LR and T: Krieger, Oleron, p. 126, footnote 583. Darrees
is better than deniers in the context and therefore has been preferred.
184
THE LEX DOLERON
par acun / aventure a dunc il serrount tenuz a amender [sils ont de qei; mais si
la nef estoit en lieu ou ele se fut amarree de quatre amarrees il purront bien issir
hors] et revenir / par temps a lour nef. Et cest le iugement en ceo cas./
VI Mariners se lowent ou lour mestre et acuns deux sen issent/ saunz conge
hors et senyverent et fount contekes et en y / a acuns qi sount naufres; le mestre
nest pas tenuz a / eux fere garir ne a les purveier de rien eins les poet ben / mettre
hors et lower un autre en lieu de li et sil couste plus / qe celuy, il [le mariner] le
deit paier si le mestre troeve rien de soen;/ mes si [le mestre]10 lenvoye en acune
service de la nef par soun comaun /dement et sil se blessat ou le naverat, il deit
estre garries / et sauves sus le coustes de la nef. Et cest le iugement en ceo cas./
VII Il avient qe maladie enprent a un des compaignouns ou a / deus ou a troys
[et]11 il ne poet pas taunz estre malades en / la nef [en fesanz lur service de la
nef ].12 Li mestre li doit mettre hors et li quere un hostiel / et li bailer crescet ou
chaundeile et li bailer un de ses / valles de la nef pur li garder ou lower une femme
qe / prenge garde a li. Et li deit purveier de tele viaunde / cum len use en la nef
cest asaver de taunt come il prist en saunte //13 et rien plus, si ne li plest. Et sil
voet aver viaundes plus deli /ciouses le mestre nest pas tenuz a li quere, sil ne
soit a ses des /penses. La nef ne deit pas demorer pur li einz se deit aler. / Et sil
garist, il deit avoier14 soun lower tot a lonc. Et / sil moert, sa femme ou ses prives
deyvent avoier / pur li. Et cest le iugement en ceo cas./
VIII15 Une nef charge a Burdeux ou aillours et avent chose / qe torment la prent
en la mer et qe il ne poent eschaper saunz / gettre darres et des vins. Le mestre
est tenu de dire as mar /chaunz, seignurs, nous ne pouns eschaper saunz gettre
des vins / ou des darres; les marchauns si en.j. a16 respoundrent / lour volunte et
greent bien le getisoun, par aventure les / resouns del mestre sount plus cleres.
The text within the brackets has been added in the margin of MS LH in a later hand, either
as an amendment to the original article or as the correction of a scribal omission.
Twiss, Black Book I, p. 94: MS W has yssent hors de la nef; which makes clear the sense of
going ashore.
il in MS LH has been corrected to le mariner by a later hand; the correction improves the
reading.
10 le mestre has been added to MS LH, presumably to improve the reading.
11 et has been added as superscript to MS LH in a later hand; it appears to be intended as
nothing more than conjunctival punctuation.
12 The words within the brackets have been added as superscript to MS LH in a later hand;
they appear also in MSS R and T: Krieger, Oleron, p. 128, footnote 587.
13 Folio 356v begins here.
14 Twiss, Black Book, I, p. 96: MS LH has the verb avoier in this and the following sentence
but MS W has avoir; neither Twiss nor Krieger remark on the alternative.
15 In the margin of MS LH, at the beginning of this article, the word Jettison is written as a
subtitle, the only article to be so marked.
16 si en.j. in MS LH is followed by the a which is slightly larger than the surrounding script
and is written in a space which is longer than normal. Krieger, Oleron, p. 129, footnote 589:
without mentioning the additional space, believes that the a has been added by a later hand but,
because the form of the letter a is very similar to those around it, and there is what appears to
185
APPENDIX 1
Et sil ne greent / le mestre ne deit pas lesser pur ceo kil ne gette taunt qil / verra
qe bien soit, juraunt le tiers de ses compaignouns / sur les seinz evangelies quant
il serra venuz a sauvete al / tere kil ne fesoit mes pur sauver les corps et la nef et
les / darres et les vins. Cels qi serrount gete hors deyvent / estre aprisagez a foer
de ceux qi serrount venuz a sauve /te et serrount venduz et partis livere a livere
entre les mar /chaunz. Et y doit le mestre partir a countre la nef ou / soun fret
a soun chois pur estorer le damage. Les ma /riners deyvent aver [chescun]17 un
tonel fraunk et lautre deyvent / partir au get solonc qe [le] auera,18 si defent en
la meer/ cum un homme. Et sil ne defent il ne auera riens de / fraunchise. Et en
serra le mestre cru par soun serment. / Et cest le iugement en ceo cas./
IX Il avient qe le mestre dune nef coupe soun mast / par force del temps; il
deit appeller les marchaunz et //19 lour moustrer kil covient couper le mast pur
sauver la nef et / les darres. Acune foiz avient qe len coupent cables et lessent /
auncres pur sauver la nef et les darres, il deyvent estre countes / livere a livere
come get. Et il deyvent partir les marchaunz / et paier saunz nul delai tot avaunt
qe les darres serrount / mises hors de la nef. Et si la nef estoit en dur sege et le/
mestre demorast pur lur debat et yl y eust corisoun le mes /tre ne doit partir. Eins
si doit aver soun fret cum des autres / darres qi sount sauvez. Et cest le iugement
en ceo cas./
X Un mestre dune nef vient a sauvete a sa descharge. Il / doit moustrer a
marchaunz les cordes oue quei il [guidera].20 / Et si il veit qil a amender, le mestre
est tenuz a les amen /der; kar si le tonel se pert par defaute de [guide]21 ou de
corda /ge, le mestre est tenuz al amender, luy et ses mariners. Et / il deyt partir
le mestre pur taunt qil prent en gunyndage, / et deyt le gunyndage estre mis a
restorer le damage pri /merement. Et le remenaunt deit estre parti entre eux.
Mes/ si cordes rumpent saunz ceo qil eut moustre as marchaunz, / il serreit tenu
a rendre tut le damage. Mes si les mar /chaunz dient qe les cordes soient beles et
bones et il rum /pent, chacun doit partir du damage, cest asaver les marchaunz /
a ki les vins serrount taunt seulement. Et cest le / iugement en ceo cas./
XI Un [nef ]22 charge a Burdeux ou ailours et leve sa veille pur ariver / ses vins
et senpart et nafient pas le mestre et les mariners lur / boucle23 sicum il dussunt et
les prent mal temps en la meer / en tiele manere qe la fuistaile de leyns enfoundre
have been an erasure under the .j. (which is itself too large and is similar in appearance to an l),
it is probably unnecessary to doubt the a. Twiss, Black Book, I, p. 96: MS W has sil en y a.
17 chescun has been added as superscript to MS LH bin a later hand; the addition removes an
ambiguity.
18 MS LH reads solonc qe me auera which is clearly an error.
19 Folio 357r begins here.
20 Although MS LH has guidera, the context suggests that guindera is intended. Twiss, Black
Book, I, p. 100: MSS W, B and V have guyndera whereas MS R has guidera.
21 As in the note above, the MS LH guide is probably an error for guindeau.
22 nef has been added as superscript to MS LH in a later hand to correct a scribal omission.
23 Twiss, Black Book, I, pp. 1023 and footnote 2: in MS W, in place of boucle there is written
186
THE LEX DOLERON
ou tonel / ou pipe. La nef vient a sauvete, les marchaunz dient qe / lur fuistaile
ad les vins perduz. Le mestre dit qe noun fist. / Si le mestre poet jurer, li et ses
troys compaignouns ou / quatre de ceux, qe les marchaunz eslirunt, qe les vins
ne se / perdirent pas pur lur fuistaile come les marchaunz lur met /tent sus, il
en deyvent estre quites et deliveres. Et sil / ne voilent jurir, il deyvent rendre as
marchaunz lur da /mages, kar il sount tenuz a affier lour boucles et lour / elores
bien et certeinement avant kil se deyvent partir / del lieu ou il se chargent. Et cest
le iugement en ceo cas./
XII Un mestre lowe ses mariners et les deit tenir en pees / et estre lur juge, sil i
a nul, qi endamage lautre par quei il / met payn et vin a table.24 Celi qi dementera
lautre deit / paier.iiij.d. Et le mestre sil demente nul deit paier.viij.d. / Et sil il ia
nul qi demente le mestre, il doit paier a taunt cum le mestre. / Et si ensi est qe
le mestre enferge un de ses mariners il deit / attendre le primere colee cum de
poin ou de paume, et sil le fiert / plus, il se doit defendre. Et si le mariner fert le
mestre / primer, il doit perdre.c.s. ou les poins al chois de mariner.25/ Et cest le
XIII Une nef frette a Burdeux ou a La Rochele ou aillours et vient / a sa descharge
e sunt26 chartre partie towage et petites lod /mannage sunt sus les marchaunz; {e
la coste de Bretaigne / tous ceuz qe lem prent pus qe lem ad passe les de Batz ou/
sunt petit lodmaunz. Et ceus de Normaundie et dEngleterre/ puis qe lempasse
Caleys. Et ceus dEscoce puis qe lem passe Ger /neseye. Et ceux de flaundres puis
qe lem passe Caleys. Et / ceux dEscoce puis qe lem passe Gernemue}.27 Et cest
le iugement / en ceo cas./
XIV Contek si fet en une nef entre le mestre et ses mariners. / Le mestre deit
ouster la towaile devaunt ses mariners trois / foitz avaunt qe il les [comaunde]28
boude, without comment from Twiss who notes that the word is voille in the Norman manu-
script.
24 The sentence appears to be corrupt or incomplete towards the end.
25 les poins in MS LH should probably read le poin; see Krieger, Oleron, p. 134, footnote 597:
the word is singular in both MSS R and T. Further, it is probable that the MS LH mariner
should be the plural mariners as in MS T. The problem of grammatical number is discussed in
the translation below.
26 Krieger, Oleron, p. 135, footnote 598: in place of the MS LH sunt, MS T has font. Twiss,
Black Book, I, pp. 1045 and footnote 3: MS W omits chartre partie and MS R has descharges
et sont partie charter. The Catalan text reads hay carta partida segunt la costumbre de la
terra.
27 The text between brackets { } is clearly corrupt and, according to Krieger, Oleron, p. 135,
footnote 600, is so in all the fourteenth-century English manuscripts. The passage in MS T
reads, en la coste de bretaingne tous ceulz que len prent puis qe len a passe lille de bast ou leon
sont petis lamens. Et ceulz de normendie ou dengleterre puis qe len a passe grenesy et ceulz
de flandres puis que len a passe cales. Et ceulz descosse puis que len a passe Germenie. Twiss,
Black Book I, p. 105, footnote 4 and III, p. 19, footnote 2: The Breton manuscript reads Bas.
28 comaunde has been added to MS LH as superscript by a later hand over the word menge
which has been crossed out; comaunde offers a satisfactory reading.
187
APPENDIX 1
hors. Et [si]29 le mariner ofre a fe /re les amendes a la gard des mariners qi sount
a la table //30 et le mestre soit taunt cruel kil ne voile rien fere et le met / hors,
le mariner se poet aler et seure la nef jeqes al deschar /ge et [doit]31 aver autresi
bon lower com il venu dedeinz a / mendaunt la forfet a la gard de la table. Et si
ensink / soit qe le mestre [neust]32 autresi bon mariner cum li en la nef, / et la
perde par acun aventure, le mestre est tenu de rendre le / damage de la nef et de
la marchaundise qil y serra sil / ad de quei. Et cest le iugement en ceo cas.
XV Une nef est en un cuvers amarre et hastant de sa / marree un autre nef
crest en sa pees. La nef est ada /mage du coup qe lautre li doune. Et y a des vins
enfoun /dres, dascuns le damage deit estre prisagez et parti moite / entre les deus
nefs. Et les vins qi sount dedeinz les / .ij. nefs, deyvent estre partiz pur le damage
entre les mar /chaunz. Le maistre de la nef, qe ad feru lautre, est tenuz / a jurir,
li et ses mariners, kil ne firent pas de gre, et est re /soun pur quei cest iugement
est fet, si [ency]33 est, qe une viele nef / se mist volunters en la voie a une meilure
si ele touz / ses demages pur quider aver lautre nef; mes quant ele siet / qele doit
partir la moite ele se voit volunters de la voie. / Et cest le iugement en ceo cas./
XVI Une nef ou.ij. ou plus sunt en une havene ou il i a / poi de ewe. Et a
[secche]34 un des nefs et35 est trop pres de lau /tre. Le mestre de cele nef deit
dire as autres mariners, / seignurs, levez vostre auncre, kar ele est trop pres de
nous et / purroit fere damage. Et eus ne la voilent lever, le mestre / pur li et ses
compaignouns la vount lever et esloigner de li. //36 Et si il tolent a lever [lancre]37
et lautre lur fet damage, il sunt / tenuz al amender tut alounc. Et si ensi estoit qil
y eust mis / ancre saunz boye et il fount damage, il sount tenuz al amen /der tut
alounc. Et sil sunt en une havene qe asecche il sunt tenuz / al maistre balinges
[as]38 ancres qe ne parigent au plein. / Et cest le iugement en ceo cas./
XVII Les mariners de la costere de Bretaigne ne deivent aver / qe une quisine
29 si has been added to MS LH as superscript by a later hand to correct a scribal omission.

31 MS LH here has tout which does not fit in the context. Krieger, Oleron, p. 136, footnote 604:
MS T has doit; which offers a sound reading.
32 MS LH here has ume which has been corrected in superscript by a later hand to something
illegible. Krieger, Oleron, p. 136, footnote 605 reads the word to be mettre; MS R has neust which
allows a satisfactory reading.
33 ency has been addedin a later hand to MS LH; it improves the reading.
34 Twiss, Black Book, III, p. 22 has secche in place of MS LH cecche; but cecche is certainly the
correct reading of the text, an opinion shared with Krieger, Oleron, p. 137. MSS W, B, R and V
all have variations of secche.
35 Either et is superfluous or a verb has been omitted after des nefs.
37 MS LH reads et lautre et lautre which appears to be a scribal error, amended here to lancre
et lautre. Krieger, Oleron, p. 138, footnote 608 omits one et lautre and reads the other as lancre,
justifying this correction by comparison with MSS M and R, both of which have lancre once.
The alternatives offer similar meanings.
38 Krieger, Oleron, p. 138, footnote 608: in MS LH et has been corrected to as; MS R has as.
188
THE LEX DOLERON
le jour par la resoun qil ount beverage en / alaunt et en venaunt. Et ceus de

Normandie endeyvent / aver deux le jour par la resoun qe lour mestre ne lur
baile/ qe ewe al aler. Mes puis qe la nef est en la tere ou le vin / crest, les mari-
ners deyvent avoir beverage et lur deit le ma /ystre quere. Et cest le iugement en
ceo cas./
XVIII Une nef arive a sa charge a Burdeux ou aillurs. Le mais / tre est tenuz
dire a ses compaignouns, seignurs, frettere vous a marrees ou liweres a fret de la
nef. Ils sount tenuz / a respundre le quel il frount. Et si il elysent al fret / de la
nef, tiel fret cum la nef auera, il auerount. Et sil / voilent fretter par eux il deyvent
fretter en tele manere / qe la nef ne soit demoraunte. Et si il aviegne qil ne tro
/ event fret le mestre nad nule [blame].39 Et il doit le mestre mous / trer lour
rives40 et lur leire. Et il deit le mestre penser de lur / mareage chescun. Et si il
voilent mettre tonel de ewe [et]41 soit / gette en la meer il doit estre counte pur
vin ou pur autre dar / res, livere a livere, si les mariners se puissent defendre re /
sounablement en la meer. Et si ensi est qe eux se freget / tent as marchaunz [tiele
franchise comes les mariners avent, doit estre as marchaunz].42 Et cest la custume
en ceo cas.43 //44
XIX Une nef vient a descharge. Les mariners voilent aver lur lou / wers. Et il i
a acuns qe ne ount lich ne arche leins. Le mestre / poet retenir de soun lower pur
rendre la nef la, ou il la prist / sil ne doune bone caucioun pur furnir la veyage.
Et tiel est / le iugement en cest cas./
XX Le mestre dune nef lowe ses mariners de la vile dount la nef / est, les uns a
mareage, les autres a deniers. Il avient qe la nef / ne peut trover fret a venir en ses
parties. Et lur covient aler plus / loins. Ceux qi sunt a mareage la doyvent suire;
mes ceux qi / sount a deniers le mestre est tenuz a lur crestre lour lowers / vewe
par vewe et corps par corps par la resoun kil les avoit lowe a / termine lieu. Et si
ele venoit plus pres qe le covenaunt fut / pris, il deyvent aver tut lu lower. Mes
il deyvent aider a ren /dre la nef la ou eus la pristrent si le mestre [veut]45 a le
aven/ture [de Dyeux].46 Et cest le iugement en ceo cas./
39 blame has been added as superscript in MS LH in a later hand to correct a scribal omis-
sion.
40 Krieger, Oleron, p. 140, footnote 611: rives in MS LH is rimes in MS T, a reading preferred
by Krieger in his translation, without explanation.
41 et has been added as superscript in MS LH in a later hand to improve the reading.
42 The text between brackets has been added to MS LH in a later hand either as the correc-
tion of a scribal omission or as an amendment to the article. It is an important extension of the
sailors franchise.
43 This and the following article are the only two in which there is a variation in the ending.
45 vent in MS LH has been corrected to veut; Krieger, Oleron, p. 141, footnote 617 cites MS R
with sy le mestre voet and MS T with se le mestre veult. The reading requires veut and vent makes
no sense.
46 dedaunz in MS LH has been corrected here to de Dyeux as in MS LR; it is also de daunz
189
APPENDIX 1
XXI Il avient qe une nef est a Burdeux ou aillurs. De tel cusine / kil auera en
la nef, les.ij. mariners poent enporter un mes; mes / taunt cum [dementrers]47
ils serrent trenchez en la nef. Et tel pain cum / il i auera, il endeivent aver solunc
ceo qil porrrunt manger. Et / de beiverage endeyvent eux rien aver [et deyvent
revenir]48 tut aprestement / si qe le mestre ne perde ses houres de la nef; kar si
le mestre / les y perdoit et il y eut damage, il serrount tenuz al amen /der; ou
si un des compaignouns se blessad par bosoygne de / ayde, il sount tenuz a fere
garir et amender al compaignoun / et al mestre et a ceux de la table. Et cest le
XXII Un mestre frette sa nef a un marchaunt et est devise entre //49 eux et
mis un terme bonement deux50 Et le marchaunt nel / tient pas, einz tient la nef
et les mariners par lespace de.xv. / jours ou plus et acune foiz enpert le mestre
soun temps et sa / messioun par defaute de marchaunt, le marchaunt est tenuz/
al amender a le mestre. Et en cel amender qi serra fet / les mariners51 i deyvent
partir le quart et le mestre les / trois parties par la resoun qil troeve les coustes.
Et cest le / iugement en ceo cas./
XXIII Un marchaunt frette une nef a la charge et la met / en chemin et entre
cele nef en une port et demoret taunt / qe deniers lur faillent. Le mestre tient
bien et poet / envoyer en soun pais pur quere del argent. Mes il ne / doit mie
perdre temps kar sil fet il est tenuz al amender / as marchaunz tut lur damage
kil auerount. Mes le / mestre poet bien prendre des vins as marchaunz et les /
vendre pur aver soun estorement. Et quant la nef serra / arive a droite descharge,
les vins qe le mestre auera / pris deyvent estre a foir mis qe les autres serrount /
venduz, ne a greindre foir ne a menour. Et deit le mes /tre avoir soun fret de ceux
vins cum il prendra des / autres. Et cest le iugement en ceo cas./
XXIV Un bacheler est lodman dune nef et est lowe del amener jeqes / au port
ou lem la deit descharger. Il avient bien qen ceste port / a formez ou lem met
les nefs pur descharger. Le mestre est tenu / pur purveier sa fourme, li et ses
compaignouns, et y mettre bailig /nes kil prengent au pleyn ou qe la fourme soit
in MS R: Krieger, Oleron, p. 142, footnote 618, but de Dieu in MSS W, B and V: Twiss, Black
Book, I, p. 114, fn. 27; a scribal error.
47 mes taunt cum has been struck out of MS LH by a later hand and dementrers substituted.
The latter was perhaps intended to correct an omission; the words struck out and the super-
scription have been retained. There is no reference to the superscription in MS LH by Twiss,
but MS W has mais dementrers quilz seront trenchez; Twiss, Black Book, I, 116.
48 The text between the brackets has been added as superscript in MS LH in a later hand,
apparently to correct a scribal omission.
50 In MS LH deux is written twice and a section of text has been omitted; the sense may be
surmised.
51 le marchaunt here in MS LH has been struck out and corrected to les mariners. Krieger,
Oleron, p. 143, footnote 623: both MSS R and T have mariners; the sense demands les mari-
ners.
190
THE LEX DOLERON
ben balig /nee, qe les marchauns neient damage, kar si il vient dama /ge le mestre
est tenuz al amender si il ne dient resoun pur //52 quei le mestre soit abatu de sa
resoun. Et le / lodman ad bien fet soun dever quant il ad amene / la nef a sauvete
jeqes a la fourme, kar jeqes iloeqes la devoit / amener. En avaunt le fees [est]53 sus
le mestre et sus ses com /paignouns. Et cest le iugement en ceo cas.
Translation and commentary54
When necessary to maintain intelligibility, the grammatical tense, voice, mood

and number have been altered, not always with notice. Square brackets [ ] enclose
words added for grammatical reasons and round bracket ( ) those added for
clarification. Text within square brackets in the transcription has been translated
without comment and the brackets have not been carried forward. Comparisons
have been made with the English Rutter of the Sea [RS], and with Twisss English
and Kriegers German translation of MS LH.55
Article 1: This is the copy of the Olron charter of the judgments of the sea.
First a man is appointed master of the ship. The ship belongs to two men or
to three. The ship leaves the country where she is and comes to Bordeaux or
La Rochelle or elsewhere and is freighted to go to a foreign country. The ship-
master may not sell the ship if he does not have an order or authority from
the owners; but if he has had necessary expenses he may pledge some of the
equipment with the agreement of his companions on the ship. And that is the
judgment in this case.
Comment: Oleron is concerned here with a shipmaster who is employed by, or is

the managing partner of, the owning partnership, but see the Coutumier, chapters
63, 64, 83 and 87. That the shipmaster has to have the crews approval before
pledging the ships equipment suggests either that to return home the crew would
require a complete ship, or that this is a surviving element of the cooperative
ventures of merchant entrepreneurs, see also Oleron articles 2, 14 and 18.
Article 2: A ship is in a harbour and stays to await her weather and when it
comes to her departure the shipmaster must consult with his companions and
say to them, Gentlemen, you have this weather; there will be someone there
who will say The weather is not good and others who will say The weather

53 The textual et has been corrected to est to make sense of the sentence.
54 The dictionaries used are listed at the end of the Bibliography.
55 In Twiss, Black Book, I, pp. 89131 the 1536 Rutter of the See is printed on pages opposite a
transcription of MS W although not a translation of that manuscript; it is, in fact, a translation
of Norman and Breton versions of the Lex. The Twiss transcription and translation of MS LH
are printed in his Black Book, III, pp. 433; Krieger, Oleron, pp. 123145.
191
APPENDIX 1
is fair and good. The shipmaster has to agree on this with the majority of his
companions. And if he does otherwise, the shipmaster has to replace the ship
and the cargo if they are lost. And that is the judgment in this case.
Comment: Vestiges of cooperative ventures are again apparent. The 1497 Hamburg
Van Schipprechte article IX stipulates that in bad weather the shipmaster avereyn
to tragende myt dem meisten deele (had to heed the views of the majority).56
Full replacement by the shipmaster of losses appears to have been modified later;
MSS Bodley, Corpus Christi and Vespasian read si il ad de quay (if he had the
wherewithal)
Article 3: A ship founders on some land or in any place that she may be. The
sailors are obliged to save the most they can and if they help, the shipmaster
has to pledge that which they saved, if he has no money, to get them back to
their homeland; and if they did not help he is not responsible for any expenses
nor any rations; also they lose their wages [from] when the ship is lost. And the
shipmaster has no power to sell the equipment of the ship if he does not have an
order or the authority of the owners but he must put it (the equipment) in safe
keeping until he knows their wishes. And he must do that, the most loyally he
can. And if he does it otherwise he has to pay compensation, if he has anything.
And that is the judgment in this case.
Comment: The crews insurance against stranding far from home. Even in extremis
the employed shipmaster could not sell any part of the ship an extension of
Oleron article 1. The witholding of cash and rations to unenthusiastic sailors could
be fatal for them.
Article 4: A ship leaves Bordeaux or elsewhere; at some point she founders;

they save the most they can of the wine and other cargo. The merchants and
the shipmaster have a serious dispute and the merchants ask the shipmaster for
their cargoes. If the shipmaster agrees to that, then they may well have them,
paying as much of their freight charge as the ship had sailed on the voyage.
And if the shipmaster wants, then he can caulk the ship, if it is the case that he
is able to caulk her quickly. And if not, he can hire another ship and complete
the voyage and the shipmaster will have for his freight payment as much as he
would have had for the cargo however it was saved. And that is the judgment
in this case.
Comment: The shipmasters entitlement to part or full freight reflects both parties
contractual obligations; there was no force majeure disclaimer in charter-parties;
see chapter 3, p. 000. No mention is made of additional handling charges nor of
penalties for delays, a rich field for potential litigation.
56 Johannes Schildhauer, Die Hansa (Leipzig, 1988), p. 150.
192
THE LEX DOLERON
Article 5: A ship leaves from any port, laden or empty, and arrives at another
port. The sailors must not leave without permission from the shipmaster, for if
the ship founders by some chance, they will have to pay compensation, if they
have anything; but if the ship should be in a place where she has been tied up
with four cables, then they can leave and return in time to their ship.57 And that
is the judgment in this case.
Comment: Securing alongside with breast line, stern line and two springs was,
and is, standard practice. Customs makes no such concession and advocates with-
holding all rations from men on overnight leave. Oleron article 21 halves the rations
and witholds wine for sailors ashore, unless they are on ships business. Customs
allows men to leave the ship for pilgrimage, to fulfil a vow, to be married, and
for six days to arrange their own ventures.58 The treatment of sailors who are
hurt while ashore, with or without permission, is similar in Customs to this and
subsequent Oleron articles.
Article 6: Sailors hire themselves to their shipmaster and [if ] any two leave
without permission and get drunk and make a disturbance and in it some are
hurt; the shipmaster does not have to give them shelter nor supply them with
anything; also he can then throw them off [the ship] and hire others in their
place and if they (the latter) cost more than they (the former) did, then the
sailors (the former) must pay it [the difference] if the shipmaster finds some-
thing of theirs. But if the shipmaster sent them on some service for the ship or
by his command and if they are wounded or hurt they must be given shelter and
saved at the expense of the ship. And that is the judgment in this case.
Comment: None necessary.
Article 7: Sickness as a result of service on the ship happens to take one of the
companions or two or three; he cannot be so ill on the ship. The shipmaster
must put him ashore and find for him lodgings and supply a lamp or candle
for him and provide one of the ships boys to look after him or hire a woman
who will look after him. And he (the shipmaster) must supply such food as he
(the sailor) would have on board the ship, that is, as much as he took in good
health and nothing more if he (the shipmaster) does not wish it. And if he (the
sailor) wants to have more delicious food, the shipmaster does not have to find
it for him if it is not to be at his (the sailors) expense. The ship need not wait
for him but must go. And if he is being sheltered, he must waive his wages for
all that time. And if he dies, his wife or his intimates must waive [the wages]
for him. And that is the judgment in this case.
57 Twiss, Black Book, I, p. 93: the RS version reads where it were ankered with two or three
cables although other manuscripts generally refer to amaree de quatre amaree. Twiss, Black Book,
III, p. 9 translates MS LH amaree as moored. Anchoring, mooring and tying alongside are not
the same manoeuvres.
58 Twiss, Black Book, III, pp. 1967, Customs, chapters xcixcii.
193
APPENDIX 1
Comment: Twiss and Krieger both ignore the superscript clause en fesanz lur
service de la nef , perhaps because it was written by a later hand. RS reads any
mariner be taken with sekenesse in the ship doying service thereto belongyng.59
The translation of the last two sentences of the article presents some difficulty: if
the verb is avoyer (= avouer), to acknowledge or recognise as ones own, then the
intention appears to be for the sailor or his heirs to accept that his wages will be
discounted during his incapacity. If the verb is aver (= avoir), to have, then the
intention is for the sailor to have the whole of his wages. Avouer is perhaps more
likely than avoir and the discount is to follow him beyond the grave. RS agrees
with the payment of wages less discount; Twiss disagrees, translating the sentence
as: he ought to have his wages for the whole voyage; Krieger also disagrees, trans-
lating it as: Und wenn er geheilt ist, soll er seinen vollen Lohn haben. Und wenn
er stirbt, sollen seine Frau oder Angehrigen den Lohn fr ihn haben (And when
he is cured he should have his full wages. And when he dies, his wife or relatives
should have his wages).60 In the maritime law of Rome, from which, distantly,
Oleron was derived, a discount for care ashore is clearly defined.61 In balance, a
deduction from the wages appears to be the intention.
Article 8: A ship loads in Bordeaux or elsewhere and something happens in a

storm at sea which takes her and from which she is not able to escape without
jettisoning cargo and wines. The shipmaster has to say to the merchants Sirs,
we cannot escape without jettisoning some wine or cargo. The merchants, if
they are there, confirm their willingness and so agree with the jettison, if it
happens that the shipmasters reasons are sufficiently convincing. And if they
do not agree, the shipmaster must not, because of that, desist from jettisoning
as much as he feels necessary, a third of his companions62 swearing on the holy
Evangelists, when they have come safely to land, that it was done only to save
the bodies and the ship and the cargo and the wines. That which was thrown
overboard must be valued as that which was brought to safety and was sold
and [the proceeds] divided pound for pound between the merchants. And the
shipmaster must contribute the ship or his freight, at his choice, as his share
in the account to repair the damage. The sailors must each have a tun free and
the other[s] must contribute to the jettison according to how much they had,
if, while at sea they had defended like men. And if they did not defend, they
will have nothing of the distribution. And the shipmaster will be believed on
his oath. And that is the judgment in this case.
Comment: Inclusion of a ship and her equipment in the contribution to average
59 Twiss, Black Book, III, p. 11; Krieger, Oleron, p. 128 ; Twiss, Black Book, I, p. 95.
60 Twiss, Black Book, III, p. 11; Krieger, Oleron, p. 129.
61 Twiss, Black Book, II, p. 441, footnote 1: citing Digest, xix, tit. ii, p. 38.
62 Twiss, Black Book, III, p. 13 translates the phrase as himself and three of his companions,
which is clearly incorrect.
194
THE LEX DOLERON
runs contrary to Edward Is Letter Patent of 25 May 1285,63 see also Coutumier
chapter 94, and discussion in chapter 5 of this book. This article, therefore, was
apparently formulated earlier than 1285 and is not relevant to the present work.
Customs details the valuation of jettisoned items, the repayment under the rules
of average and the solemnities to be observed during the repayments. It also rules
that the merchant owner of the goods should throw overboard the first item, with
alternative arrangements in his absence, and gives the procedure for the mariners
and merchants to testify under oath after jettison or damage.64
Article 9: It happens that the master of a ship cuts her mast because of the force
of the weather; he has to call the merchants and show them that it is advisable
to cut the mast to save the ship and the cargo. And any time that the cables are
cut and the anchors left to save the ship, it (the cost) must be calculated pound
by pound like jettison. And the merchants must contribute and pay without any
delay before the cargo is taken out of the ship. And if the ship is on hard ground
and the shipmaster delays because of their dispute and there should be leakage,
the shipmaster need not contribute but must have his freight in with the other
cargo which has been saved. And that is the judgment in this case.
Comment: Contribution to average is extended to cover the loss of the mast or

anchors. The exemption of the shipmaster from contribution (see article above
and Coutumier chapter 94b) had not yet been recognised but he is given some
concession if the damage is due to delay caused by dissenting merchants. The
shipmasters right to hold the cargo as security until the contributions have been
made would have been complicated if the merchants did not have full title to the
goods.
Article 10: A master of a ship arrives safely at his discharge. He must show the
merchants the ropes with which he will crane. And if [they, the merchants]65see
that they require repair, the shipmaster has to repair them for if a tun is lost
through a fault in the crane or cordage, the shipmaster must make compensa-
tion, he and his crew. And the shipmaster must contribute as much as he took
in cranage charge and the cranage charge must be taken first to compensate the
damage. And the remainder must be contributed by them (the shipmaster and
crew). But if the ropes break without being shown to the merchants, he (the
shipmaster) will be held responsible for all the damage. But if the merchants
say that the ropes are good and strong and they break, each must contribute to
the damage, that is to say the merchants to whom the wine belongs alone. And
that is the judgment in this case.
63 CPR 128192, pp. 1689.

64 Twiss, Black Book, III, pp. 14857, Customs chapters lliv; pp. 16273, chapters lxvilxvii;
pp. 6446, chapters ccxxxix, cclccli.
65 As the phrase et si il veit in the original refers to the merchants, the subject is presumably
they.
195
APPENDIX 1
Comment: As discussed in the transcription, it has been assumed that guidera

and guide are scribal errors for guindera and guindeau; Twiss translates guidera as
hoists, Krieger as winden wird.66 The function of the initial mes in the penultimate
sentence is unclear; if it means but, it shifts culpability from the shipmaster and
crew to the shipmaster alone; however, with the second mes in the last sentence,
it may be a form of alternatives: mes mes meaning either or . Without
the merchants approval of the equipment, the shipmaster and crew are to be
held responsible for any damage, the unloading charge to be forfeited first and
thereafter the shipmaster and his crew to find the difference. Customs covers in a
similar way the damage arising from lifting tackle failure.67
Article 11: A ship loads at Bordeaux or elsewhere and hoists her sail to deliver
her wine and sets out and the shipmaster and the sailors do not trim the sail
as they should and they meet bad weather at sea in such a way that a wooden
barrel or a tun or a pipe breaks open. The ship arrives safely, the merchants say
that their barrel has lost the wine. The shipmaster says that it did not happen.
If the shipmaster can swear, he and three companions or four of them whom
the merchants have chosen, that the wine was not lost from the barrel as the
merchants have reproached them, they must be cleared and free. And if they
are not willing to swear, they must compensate the merchants for the damage
because they ought to trim their sails and hatches well and surely before they
have to leave the place where they loaded. And that is the judgment in this
case.
Comment: Translation difficulties raise doubts about the cause of the damage
poor loading of the ship or negligent sail handling. As translations of boucle and
fuistaile de leyns, Twiss has bulkheads, and Krieger has (hesitantly) Laderaum and
Holzverstrebungen (loading space and dunnage).68 RS has sayl in place of boucle,
following voille in the Norman version, and takelyng (rigging or equipment) for
fuistaile.69 No relevant lexographic elucidation of boucle has been found; the word
may be an error for voille, as in RS. Fustaille is recorded in Larousse Etymologique
as thirteenth-century, tonneau, and this meaning of the word is confirmed by its
second and third appearances, where the loss of wine is discussed. There appears
to be no need to resort to dunnage or bulkheads for boucle nor to rigging for
fuistaile. The problem of translation is not new; RS reads takelyng crusheth or
smyteth out the bottom of tonne and the seventeenth-century translation of
Oleron taken from Garsias, alias Ferrand (Pierre Garcies Grant Routier) attributes

67 Twiss, Black Book III, pp. 1045, Customs, chapter xxviii and pp. 3425, chapter clxxxii.
68 Krieger, Oleron, p. 132 and fn. 595: Krieger describes the translation as dunkel. Twiss, Black
Book, III, p. 17.
69 Twiss, Black Book, I, p. 103 with footnotes, 2, 3 and 4.
196
THE LEX DOLERON
to a yard the damage to a barrel head.70 Twisss translation has do not fasten as
they ought their bulkheads, then goes on to say that the casks within the ship
crush either a tun or a pipe and ends with as the merchants stowed their wines
above the waterline, they ought to quit.71 However the intention remains the same
unless the crew swear that they had done their best in handling the ship and in
securing the cargo, then they are liable for any damage. The present translation is
felt to be rather more in line with that intention than the suggestions of Twiss and
Krieger. Customs deals with damage to cargo much more comprehensively: some
13 chapters cover bad stowage, negligence, damp, rats and so on.72
Article 12: A shipmaster hires his sailors and must hold them in peace and be
their judge if there is one who damages another while he puts bread and wine
on the table. He who denigrates the other must pay 4d. and if the shipmaster
denigrates someone he must pay 8d. And if there is someone who denigrates
the shipmaster, he must pay as much as the shipmaster. And if it is so that the
shipmaster hits one of his sailors he (the latter) must take the first blow from
fist or palm and if he (the former) does it more, he (the latter) must defend
himself. And if the sailor strikes the shipmaster first, he must lose 100s. or his
fist, at the choice of the sailors. And that is the judgment in this case.
Comment: The usual translation of dementer is to give the lie to,73 but since the
intention is surely to give a wider description of trouble-making; denigrate or
insult are felt to be better. A literal translation of par quei il met payn et vin a
table is given by Twiss and Krieger,74 but it is more likely that there is bread and
wine already on the table, and there is no apparent reason why the act of delivery
should be specified. The table appeared to have a symbolic importance in the life
of the ship, see also Oleron articles 14 and 21 and Queenborough article 46. The
fines relate to a days wage, the shipmaster earning twice as much as a deck-hand.
As noted in the transcription, there is some doubt about the grammatical number
of fist and sailor. As the choice of punishment would not have been left to the
accused and it is unlikely to have been the loss of more than one hand, fist must
be singular and sailors plural. In other, later, manuscripts the fine is 5s. and in
Article XIV of Old Rules for the Lord Admiral (dated by Twiss to 133750) the
fine is 100s. or the loss of the fist with which the assailant struck the other, subject
70 George Dawes, An Extract by way of the Ancient Laws of Oleron rendred into English etc.
(London, 1685).
71 Twiss, Black Book, III, p. 17.
72 Twiss, Black Book III, pp. 92105, Customs chapters xviiixxvii; pp. 1389, ibid. chapter xlvi;
pp. 2427, ibid. chapter cxli; pp. 2749, ibid. chapter clii; pp. 42833, ibid. chapter cciv.
73 Twiss, Black Book, I, p. 105; Krieger, Oleron, p. 134.
74 Twiss, Black Book, III, p. 19 for RS; Twiss, Black Book, I, p. 103 for MS LH; Krieger, Oleron,
p. 134.
197
APPENDIX 1
to pardon from the king or high admiral.75 Since any treatment of an amputa-
tion would have been difficult on a ship and, if he recovered, a one-handed man
would be of little use, it is unlikely that manual abscission was ever carried out at
sea, but it may have been postponed until the ship reached port. The shipmasters
responsibility as judge of his crew is restricted by Queenborough articles 29, 30,
45 and 46, which stipulate that admirals inquiries should be held into a number
of serious offences such as strike, mutiny, murder and mayhem, none of which,
together with theft, is covered by Oleron.
In the punishments for disobedience, Customs are more precise: a mariner
may be dismissed his ship, and then only after having had his rations withdrawn
and other sanctions applied, for theft, quarrelling and disobedience, all of which
break his signing-on oath. For the more serious offences of quarrelling with the
managing owner (shipmaster), he is to lose half of his wages and portage, if armed
he is to be seized and imprisoned and if he strikes the shipmaster he is to lose all
his wages and portage. He must also take the first blow from the shipmaster but
may then flee and may not be pursued beyond the chain, i.e. to the bows, and
an officer may not order a man to do something which is beyond that officers
authority. Customs also deals with theft (loss of wages, put in irons and delivered
to a magistrate) and undressing while at sea (three duckings from the yard and
loss of wages after three offences), neither of which is mentioned in Oleron.76
Article 13: A ship loads in Bordeaux or La Rochelle or elsewhere and arrives

at her discharge and [as stated in] the charter-party, towage and petty pilotage
[charges] are on the merchants; on the coast of Brittany all those who are taken
on after passing the Isle of Batz or Lon are local pilots; and those of Normandy
or England after passing Guernsey and those of Flanders after passing Calais;
and those of Scotland after passing Yarmouth.77 And that is the judgment in
this case.
Comment: Although the geographic limits mentioned in this article are perhaps
confused (it is similar in all the Anglo-Norman manuscripts), the definition of
the costs to the merchants additional to those in the charter-party is clear. That
the merchants should pay for local pilotage is further confirmed in the Coutumier,
chapter 95.
75 Twiss, Black Book, I, pp. 1045: MS W and in Twiss, Black Book, I, p. 54: in RS; the fine is
5s.
76 Twiss, Black Book, III, pp. 1867; Customs, chapter lxxx, pp. 2269 and chapters cxviii
cxx.
77 From on the coast of Brittany to the end, this article is a translation of a transcription of MS
T made by Krieger, Oleron, p. 135, footnote 600. It has been used because of the corruption in
MS LH, see footnote 27.
198
THE LEX DOLERON
Article 14: If a dispute occurs on a ship between the shipmaster and his sailors;
the shipmaster must take away the cloth from in front of his sailors three times
before he orders them off. And if the sailor offers to make amends to the satis-
faction of the sailors who are at the table and the shipmaster is so merciless that
he wants nothing to do with it and puts him off, the sailor may go and follow
the ship until the unloading and [then] must have as good a wage as if he had
arrived on board by accepting the penalty agreed by those at the table. And if
it should be that the shipmaster does not have on board as good a sailor as he
was and loses her (the ship) by some chance, the shipmaster is held responsible
for the damage to the ship and to the merchandise, whatever it may be, if he
has anything. And that is the judgment in this case.
Comment: This is an extension of Oleron article 12. Withdrawing the towaile

(cloth) three times appears to be the equivalent of the current oral, written and
final disciplinary warnings; it may mean that the defaulters rations were to be
withdrawn for a unspecified period.78 The table again plays its part as the forum
where the crew assess a defaulters contrition. The involvement of the crew may
have been either because they had to live and work with the accused or because the
article is another survival from the days of cooperative ventures, cf. Oleron articles
1, 2 and 18. For the Customs punishments, see comments on Oleron article 12.
Article 15: A ship is moored in a road and, running in on the flood tide, another
ship disturbs her peace; the [first] ship is damaged by a blow which the other
gives her and there is wine spilled. The damage must be estimated and divided,
half between the two ships. And the wine which is in the two ships must be
contributed for the damage [divided] between the two merchants. The master
of the ship which has hit the other must swear, he and his sailors, that they did
not do it deliberately and the reason that this judgment is given is thus, that an
old ship might put herself voluntarily in the way of a better if she was covered
for all her damages by the other ship, but if she knows that the contribution
is shared, she will willingly keep out of the way. And that is the judgment in
this case.
Comment: The phrase hastant de sa marree implies movement of a ship carried

by the tide, a situation similar to that in Coutumier chapter 82, in which one ship
drags onto another in an anchorage. The Coutumier explains that if it were an
accident, which can happen to any ship, those involved should each pay half the
damage. There are, however, differences in the onus of proof; in the Coutumier, if
the stationary ship can prove fault on the part of the dragging ships crew or equip-
ment, then it is not an accident and the latter has to pay the whole amount. In
the Oleron article there is no avoidance of the 50:50 rule unless the dragging ships
78 Twiss, Black Book, I, p. 107, footnote 3: M. Pardessus cites the phrase trancher la nappe devant
soy as an ancient form of expression for excluding a person from the table.
199
APPENDIX 1
complement refuse to swear that the collision was not deliberate. The mention of
spilled wine is peculiar to the Oleron article, the Coutumier is more concerned with
damage to the ships themselves. Customs has similar provisions: any ship entering
an anchorage, port or beach has to keep clear of other ships already anchored
there. If damage is caused, the later arrival must pay compensation unless she is
the victim of bad weather (in the haven), in which case the assessment of damage
will be made by prudhommes experienced in the ways of the sea. If a ship drags
through an anchorage her crew is not responsible for any damage if the weather
deteriorated suddenly, provided that she had all her cable out, and her crew had
been unable to obtain more. If more cable could have been acquired, if the crew
had been warned of the incoming bad weather, or if they had been asked to re-
anchor more securely, then they are to be held liable for any damage. If she has
dragged because of equipment failure, the crew are not liable for any damage
provided that they did everything possible to avert collision, and her equipment
had been in sound condition.79
Article 16: One or two or more ships are in a harbour where there is little water.
And on drying out one of the ships [may be] too close to the other. The master
of that (the latter) ship has to say to the other sailors (on the former ship)
Gentlemen, lift your anchor because it is too close to us and could do damage.
And [if ] they are not willing to lift it, the master himself and his companions
(from the latter ship) [may] go there to lift it and to move it [away] from them.
And if they refuse to lift the anchor and the other does them damage, they have
to recompense everything. And so it is if she anchors without a buoy and there
is damage, they have to recompense everything. And if they are in a haven which
dries out they have to buoy the anchors that will not be fully visible. And that
Comment: It is possible that in the first sentence of the text, cecche should be
secche. Twiss transcribes without comment the word as secche and both he and
Krieger, who transcribes it as cecche, translate it as dries.80 However, in thirteenth-
century French cacher meant crowd in on or constrain which would give And
one of the ships crowds in and is too close to another. Drying is the more likely
translation because of evidence from other manuscripts, although the grammar is
not altogether satisfactory. Both translations describe a crowded anchorage with
an early arrival in danger of drifting over the anchor of a later arrival. The first ship
to anchor has prior claim to her space and can ask the crew of a later arrival to
move their anchor, or, with permission, move it for them. In the following sentence
it is not clear which is the other ship; if the crew of the first ship do not move the
anchor of the second ship, it could be that they have to take responsibility for any
79 Twiss, Black Book, III, pp. 28291, Customs, chapters clvclviii.

200
THE LEX DOLERON
damage, or it may be a repetition of the warning to the second ship to move her
anchor or they will be responsible for the damage, a more logical explanation. The
importance of buoying anchors in shallow water is often stressed and Queenbor-
ough articles 60 and 61 order an admirals inquiry into the removal of an anchor or
the cutting of anchor buoy lines. Without an anchor buoy, it is not always possible
to know where an anchor has taken up, with the danger of another ship settling
on the sharp flukes on the ebb.
Article 17: Sailors from the coast of Brittany may not have more than one
cooked meal per day because they have drink going and coming. And those
of Normandy may have two per day because their master supplies them only
with water on the way out. But after the ship has been to a country where wine
grows, the sailors must have drink and the master must supply them. And that
Comment: Since LH was a London document, it would appear that this article
was copied without amendment from earlier Breton or Norman versions of
Oleron. Customs also lists the rations.81
Article 18: A ship arrives to be loaded at Bordeaux or elsewhere. The master

must say to his companions Gentlemen, will you take your freight as portage
or will you participate in the ships freight? They have to reply with what they
want to do. And if they choose the ships freight, such freight as the ship has,
they will have. And if they want to freight by themselves, they must freight in
such a way that the ship is not delayed. And if it happens that they are not able
to find freight, the master has no blame. And the master must show them their
space and their weight (for their portages). And the master must think about
each mans portage. And if they want to take a barrel of water and it should be
thrown into the sea, it has to count as wine or other cargo, pound for pound, if
the sailors were able to defend reasonably at sea. And if it is so that they freight
(their portage space) for the merchants, such privileges as the sailors have, the
merchants must have too. And this is the custom in that case.
Comment: The crew might be paid a deniers (cash), by portage or mareage (a

defined space in the hold), or au fret de la nef (a share in the profits of the voyage
if they make their portages available for ships cargo).82 At the outward port, the
shipmaster is to ask his crew to choose their option. For an additional perquisite
81 Twiss, Black Book, III, pp. 21013, Customs, chapters cci.

82 Studer, Oak Book, II, p. 487 translates lievres a fret de la nef as will you hire yourselves
according to the freight of the ship; Burwash, Merchant Shipping, pp. 1746 reads, with etymo-
logical justification, lerrez in place of lievres and translates as will you leave your mareage to the
freight of the ship. MS W has lerrez, MS B has lerres, the Oak Book loweret, MS V has lerrez,
MS R has liverees, MS 10,146 (Gascon) has leres, the Leghorn MS has larres and MSS LH and
LM have lieveres and liverees respectively. In balance, Burwash appears to be correct.
201
APPENDIX 1
attached to portage see Oleron article 8 and Queenborough article 14, and for specific
portage rates see Queenborough articles 313 and table 4. Queenborough article 13
makes it clear that the crew are to be paid at the end of an outward voyage in
order to buy their merchandise and it was probably usual to offer portages there
for the return voyage (except from Calais and Flanders, see Queenborough articles
8 and 9). Oleron article 20 suggests that portages may have been offered some-
times for the outward voyage, but the weight of evidence in Queenborough points
to portages for homeward voyages only. There is some doubt about the suggested
translation of the sentence beginning The master must show them because of
the words rives and leire. A fourteenth-century use of driver to mean scarter de
la rive is given in Larousse Etymologique; since rive in current French is margin or
boundary, it is possible that rives here means the area in the hold within which
the sailors portages are to be loaded. The meaning of leire is even more occult. It
is translated in RS as the weyght of their ship meate which, Twiss suggests, is an
error for shipment;83 in the present translation that meaning has been adopted
as it lies happily with the perceived sense of the sentence. In his translation Twiss
has their fares and their berths and goes on to assume that rives should be rimes
and that is cognate with arrimer to stow; and leire is cognate with English lair a
bed, giving And the master ought to show them their fare and their berths, and
each ought to place there the weight of his venture.84 Krieger translates as Und
der Kapitn soll ihnen ihre Arbeit und ihre Kojen zeigen und jedem seinen Anteil
am Laderaum zumessen (And the captain should show them their work and their
berths and each his share of hold space), conjecturing that rives should be rimes
and translating that as work.85 The present translation is thought to reflect the
intention of the article.
In Customs, mariners may be given five options at the shipmasters discretion:
payment by month, by voyage or by mile; with a share in the ships freight; or
with their own venture. For the last option they are to be allowed time off the
ship and paid half of their wages in the out-board port to buy their cargoes, and
other members of the crew have to help with the loading. Further, those who load
their ventures early, enjoy some priority whereas, if they are late in delivering to
the ship, they may be refused space. Subcontracting of portage space, legitimate
on English ships, is not allowed in Customs.86
Article 19: A ship arrives at unloading. The sailors want to have their wages.
And there are some who have on board neither bed nor chest. The master may
retain from their wages [as much as is required to pay them] to take the ship
83 Twiss, Black Book, I, p. 113 and footnote 4.

84 Twiss, Black Book, III, p. 25 and footnote 2.
85 Krieger, Oleron, pp. 139140.
86 Twiss, Black Book, III, pp. 186197, Customs, chapters lxxix, lxxxvlxxxix, xcixcii, c, cc.
202
THE LEX DOLERON
back to whence she came, if they do not give good security to complete the
voyage. And thus is the judgment in this case.
Comment: The question of where and when the crew should be paid is set out in
Oleron article 20, and in Queenborough, articles 2, 13, 15 and 17. It was apparently
sufficiently common for sailors to jump ship for shipmasters to require a sanction,
a situation foreseen here and in Oleron article 20. Queenborough article 15 stipulates
that when there is a time clause for payment of the freight in the charter-party,
the crew are to receive half their wages on loading and the other half on arrival at
their destination after the master or owner has been paid half the freight. Customs
makes provisions similar to Oleron article 19 for payment and discouragement of
desertion.87
Article 20: The master of a ship hires his sailors in the town in which the ship
is, some on portage, the others on wages. It happens that the ship is not able
to find freight locally and it is convenient for them to go further. Those who
are on portages must follow her but for those who are on wages the master has
to increase their hire league by league and person by person because they were
hired to the final place. And if they come a shorter distance than the contract
had stated, they must have all their wages. But they must help to take the ship
back to where they brought her from, with Gods help. And that is the judg-
ment in this case.
Comment: After Oleron article 18, the meaning of this article may be that the
sailors are to be re-hired at the outboard port. Additional wages for extra distance
for the waged men is stipulated here and in Queenborough article 17 but there is
to be nothing additional for men with portages which is, effectively, a fixed rate.
There is again here the fear of desertion, a subject dealt with in the previous
article. Queenborough article 17 threatens severe punishment if any sailor should
leave the ship too soon.
Article 21: There happens to be a ship in Bordeaux or elsewhere. From such

cooked food that they might have on the ship, the two sailors can take away
one helping, but [only] as much as they would have drawn on the ship. And
such bread as there might be, they should have according to that which they
can eat. And they need have nothing to drink. And they must return punctually
if the master is not to lose their hours (of work) on the ship, for if the master
does lose them and there is damage, they are responsible for compensation. Or
if one of their companions is wounded because of lack of help [by the other],
they have to shelter and compensate the companion and the master and those
at the table. And that is the judgment in this case.
87 Twiss, Black Book, III, pp. 198203, Customs, chapters xciiixciv.
203
APPENDIX 1
Comment: This article may expand Oleron articles 5 and 6, which would explain
why two sailors are introduced without preamble, but it is not clear if they are
on leave or on ships duties ashore. It is an interesting provision that any sailor
who does not help a man who is consequently injured has to compensate the
shipmaster and crew. Apart from recreation, the crew would also have had to go
ashore to arrange their portages; Customs specifies a period of leave for personal
business.88 The importance of the table in the crews affairs is also discussed in
Oleron articles 12 and 14 and Queenborough article 46.
Article 22: A master freights his ship to a merchant and they agree between the
two of them a convenient term [for loading the ship]. And the merchant does
not keep to it and thus holds up the ship and the sailors for a period of 15 days
or more and each time the master loses his time and the mission through the
fault of the merchant, the merchant has to compensate the master. And from
that compensation which has to be made, the sailors must share a quarter and
the master three quarters because he has to cover the costs. And that is the
judgment in this case.
Comment: In Queenborough there is no mention of loss arising from protracted

cargo loading; the crew apparently being expected to share in the commercial
risks of a dilatory merchant. In Customs, there are three chapters covering various
delays, including the situation where a shipmaster has agreed with a merchant to
wait for a certain time.89
Article 23: A merchant freights a loaded ship and she goes on her way and that
ship enters a port and is delayed there so long that their money runs out. The
master would be correct and able to send to his country to look for money.
But he must not lose time because he has to compensate the merchants [for]
all the damages that they may have. But the master can certainly take the wine
from the merchants and sell it in order to have his revictualling. And when the
ship arrives at her correct [port of ] unloading, the wine that the master had
taken must be valued as the other which was sold, neither at a higher nor a
lower value. And the master must have his freight payment for that wine as he
received for the other [wine]. And that is the judgment in this case.
Comment: While this article gives the impression of being for the common good,
it is clearly more beneficial to the shipmaster. Running out of money for victuals
or necessary repairs appears to have been fairly common; in Customs there are
provisions for loans by the merchants of money and victuals.90 When the ship is
to be held as security, the loans are close to bottomry.
88 Twiss, Black Book, III, pp. 1967, Customs chapters xcixcii.

89 Twiss, Black Book, III, pp. 1623, Customs, chapter lx; pp. 1967, chapter lxxix; and pp.
3669, chapter clxxxix.
90 Twiss, Black Book, III, pp. 1625, Customs, chapters lxilxii.
204
THE LEX DOLERON
Article 24: A young man is the pilot of a ship and is hired to guide her to the
port where they will unload her. There is certainly in this port a berthing area
where they put the ships to unload. The master has to provide his (or her)
berth, he and his companions, and put buoys there to be fully visible so that
the mooring may be well marked so that the merchants suffer no damage; for if
damage is done the master has to make compensation if there is no justification
for what the master may have given as his reason. And the pilot has done his
duty well when he has guided the ship to safety up to the berth because up to
there was where he was to guide her. From then on the responsibility is on the
master and his companions. And that is the judgment in this case.
Comment: There are two separate activities described in this article. The pilot
is responsible for bringing the ship up to her berth and the shipmaster has to
anchor, moor or dock the ship after arrival there. Coutumier chapter 88 rules that
the shipmaster is responsible for conducting his ship from the port of lading to
the port of unlading and the local pilot is stationed at the entrance to the port or
haven because he knows the dangers there. In this article, Oleron indicates more
clearly that the pilot has to bring the ship up to her final position. In the second
activity there is some difficulty with pur purveier sa fourme. Twiss translates it as
The master is bound to provide her berth by himself and his crew, and to place
buoys that may appear above water, or to see that her berth is well buoyed, that
the merchants suffer no damage.91 If the ship is to be anchored, then Oleron article
16 already obliges the shipmaster to buoy his anchors. If the intention is for the
ship to be moored alongside, then buoys are not necessary and the words bailignes
and bailignee have to be translated in some other way. One possibility is that,
instead of being cognates of balinge, buoy, they may be forms of balinja meaning
cradle.92 That sense, given that the current English for a dried-out ships support
is cradle and the word fourme is no doubt cognate with the current French forme
(dock), would require the shipmaster to supply supports for the ship, i.e. legs, as
she dries on the ebb. In balance the intention is probably to anchor the ship and
buoy her anchors, in which case pur purveier sa fourme should be translated as to
take her to her anchoring position, requiring purveier to be in error for, perhaps,
an early form of poursuivre, to proceed, as in poursuivre son chemin.
91 Twiss, Black Book, III, p. 31.

92 See Glossarium Mediae et Infimae Latinitatis, ed. Domino Dufresne du Cange (Paris, 1840).
205
Appendix 2
Transcription and translation of the

Inquisition of Queenborough
The history of the Inquisition of Queenborough and its importance in English mari-
time law are discussed in chapter 1. The fourteenth-century Anglo-Norman text
was transcribed and translated by Twiss in his edition of the Black Book of Admi-
ralty. Most of the articles in the Twiss translation are considered to be accurate
and are reproduced either in full or in summary, depending on their relevance to
the present work. Where the translation or interpretation of an article is in ques-
tion, a retranslation and, if necessary, a retranscription, are given here.
Between 1375 and 1403, the Inquisition sat in three sessions, partially separated
here as Sections 1, 2 and 3. Within each section, for continuity, the jurors decisions
have been grouped by subject.
Section 1: Terms of employment, wage rates and pilots
Article 1 (summary): If a fully victualled and paid crew bound for Bordeaux or
elsewhere find anything of value at sea, the ship is to have two thirds and the
crew one third.
Comment: None required.
Article 2: Item, dient des ditz jurez qune nef en alant devers Bordeaux ou
ailleurs pour prendre sa charge, les mariners estantz a mengier et boire et
prenants louyers et portage y prengne aucune avantage de freight en alant devers
leur charge prendre sans geteson de leur last les mariners navront que stowage
et levage, et se une nef prent sa plaine charge, soit il au port devant leur departir
ou en leur voye, et facent geteson de leur last a cause de mesme la charge prendre
chacun mariner de ce prendra demy louyer. Cest assavoir la moitie de tel louyer
pour le quel il fut lovez pour le voyage du quel demy lowe et de la moitie de
leur entier premier louyer les mariners seront paiez a Bordeaulx ou ailleurs, ou
ses biens seront deschargiez et du tiers demi louyer seront les mariners paiez a
la revenue de la nef au lieu de sa descharge limitez en sa chartre de freight ou
endenture en fait; mais en cas que le maistre ou le seigneur de la nef apres la
Twiss, Black Book, I, pp. 132173.
206
THE INQUISITION OF QUEENBOROUGH
descharge dicelle la voille avoir a lostel les mariners seront tenuz de la amener a
lostel et doncques seront ilz paiez de cellui tiers demy louyer et non devant.
Translation: The aforementioned jury say that on a ship going towards

Bordeaux or elsewhere to take on cargo [if ] the crew, having food and drink
and taking wages and portages, share in any profit from freight on the outward
journey without throwing out their cargo, the crew should have only stowage
and freight cost. And if a ship takes her full load whether in port before their
leaving or on their voyage and they throw out their (the crews) cargo in order
to take the load, each mariner shall receive half pay. That is to say, half of such
wage for which they were hired for the voyage, of which half pay and the half
of their entire original wage for the voyage the crew will be paid at Bordeaux,
or elsewhere where the goods are unloaded, and the third half wages will be
paid to the crew on the return of the ship to the place of unloading as defined
in her charter-party or indenture. However when the shipmaster or the owner
of the ship wishes to sail home after unloading, the crew have to take the ship
and then be paid the third half of the wages, and not before.
Comment: Untangling this article reveals that crew members whose portages have
been put out to make space for ships cargo, are to receive their wages and a 50 per
cent supplement. Those who had opted for a share of the profit from the ships
freight (au fret de la nef), or whose portages have not been put out of the ship,
must abide by their original agreements. Portages, usually offered or taken for the
return voyage only, have here been offered for the outward voyage, cf. Queenbor-
ough article 13 and Oleron article 20. That the crew are to be paid the final instal-
ment of their wages only after the ship has returned home, reflects Queenborough
article15 and Oleron articles 19 and 20.
In Twisss translation in the Black Book, the dumping of ballast is used to decide
the crews rate of pay, an interpretation derived from equating last with ballast
(perhaps because ballast may derive from bar + last = naked load [OED]) but
the possessive their is not explained. In the translation here, last has been taken
to be cargo, i.e. the crews portages, a decision justified by the use of the word
as a unit of quantity of certain goods, for example lest & dim de quire; it also
explains the use of the possessive pronoun. Twiss proposes a half-pay punishment
for the jettison of ballast but it appears to be an additional half pay in compensa-
tion for loss of portages. Geteson here does not mean jettison but an unloading
for commercial reasons. In Customs, mariners who load their ventures early enjoy
some priority but if they are late in bringing their goods to the ship, they may be
refused lading. There is no mention of unloading anything.
Twiss, Black Book, I, pp. 135137. Rot. Parl., I, p. 312 no. 96 (131415). F.C. Lane, Tonnages
Medieval and Modern, EcHR, 2nd series, 17, 2 (1964), pp. 21333. A last was originally a four-
wheeled cart-load and became a Hanseatic grain measure of c.2 tons or c.112 cu.ft. Twiss, Black
Book, III, pp. 1907: Customs, chapters lxxxvilxxxix.
207
APPENDIX 2
Article 3: Item, dient les ditz jures que accoustume est dancien temps ung
mariner de prendre de louyer de la pole de Londres jusques a Lusshebone vint
souez pour le portage dung tonnel, etc.
Translation: The said jurors say that by ancient custom a mariner is to take
for wages from the Pool of London to Lisbon 20s. [and] the portage of one
ton etc.
Comment: The original text appears to be corrupt; by analogy with Queenborough

articles 512, it probably should read ung mariner prendra vint souez de loyer et
le portage dung tonnel, replacing pour by et and allowing the seamen to receive
a wage for the outward voyage and portage for the homeward. It is improbable
that the crew would receive 20s. for cashing-in their portages or for participating
in the ships freight. Although portages appear to have been available generally for
the return voyage only, this article and Oleron article 20 suggest that they could
sometimes be taken on the outward passage. Table 2 lists wages and portages for
various voyages.
Article 4 (summary): From the Pool of London to Bayonne a mariner will take
10s. for wages [and] the portage of one ton.
Comment: As in the previous article, the translation assumes that pour is in error
for et.
Article 5: Item, entre Londres, Bordeauls et la Rochelle en vendage prendra ung

mariner huit souez de loyer et le portage dung tonnel et en temps de Reke sept
souez de louyer et le portage dune pippe.
Translation: Between London, Bordeaux and La Rochelle at vintage time a

mariner will take 8s. for wages and the portage of one ton and at rack time
7s.and the portage of one pipe.
Comment: The price of rack wine, drawn off the lees in early spring, depended
on the quantity and quality of the earlier vintage wine and was sometimes more
expensive than the latter. The lower wage offered for the spring voyage may
have been because of anticipated better weather but the reduction by half of the
portage allowance is not easily explained. Wages and portages are clearly separated
by et, not pour, from here on.
Article 6: Item, entre Londres et le Bay prendra ung mariner selon lancien
usage cinq souez de louyer et trois quartiers de sel du portage rabatuz autant
de louyer and variants have been translated as wages throughout, i.e., money received for
hire.
Andr L. Simon, History of the Wine Trade in England (London, 1906), pp. 2618. James,
Wine Trade, pp. 1213.
208
comme meismes les trois quartiers de sel cousterent au premier achat toutesfoiz
ordonne que se aucun mariner a la charge de la nef ait ung pavillon pour garder
et deffendre en partie le sel estant en la nef deaue et mellieur adoncques aura il
oultre le portage dun sake du sel contenant demy quartier, etc.
Translation: Between London and [Bourgneuf ] Bay a mariner will take,

according to ancient usage, 5s. for wages and 3 quarters of salt as portage with
the freight discounted by the price at first purchase of the 3 quarters of salt
Nevertheless, it is ordained that if any mariner who is in charge of the ship has
a shelter to guard and partly protect the salt on the ship from water, then he will
have in addition the portage of a sack of salt containing a half quarter, etc.
Comment: The article appears to mean that the value of the portage was to be no
more than the cost price of salt, which varied between 8d. per quarter in 1378 and
4s. 6d. in 1495 with a mean of about 1s. 8d. The additional reward for protecting
the salt was therefore about 10d. A deck shelter featured in a dispute over a 1392
charter-party in which the plaintiff s copy of the charter read et vous calefaiteez
le tilat de la dicte barge while the defendants read et qe vous ferrez calofater la
couverture de la Barge. Tilat was a lean-to cabin or deckhouse whereas couverture
implies a waterproof covering of some sort. Protection of the salt from damp was
sometimes purchased by the merchant as an optional extra.
Article 7: Item, entre Londres et Irlande prendra ung mariner dix souez de
louyer et le portage de trois dikers de cuir et sil passe la Holdeheude de Endef-
felde vers le west adonques aura chascun mariner deux souez plus de regard et
mesme le regard aura il silz passe Kd devers le north.
Translation: Between London and Ireland a mariner will take 10s. for wages
and the portage of 3 dickers of hides and if the ship passes to the west of the
Old Head of Kinsale then each mariner will have 2s. more in wages and he will
have the same amount if she passes to the north of Tuskar.
Comment: The Tuskar Rock and the Old Head of Kinsale are on approximately
equal radii from Lands End with the medieval ports of Kinsale, Cork, Youghal,
Waterford and Wexford between the two; the choice of those two way-points
(in effect, fare-stages) at each end of the south Irish commercial arc is there-
fore logical. The extra 2s. in wages are for voyages beyond Kinsale to Dingle and
Galway, and beyond Tuskar to Wicklow, Dalkey, Dublin and Drogheda. A dicker
of hides was half a score, giving a portage of 30 hides.
Bridbury, Salt Trade, pp. 1334 and appendix I, pp. 1767. Thorold Rogers prices for salt
from 1378 to 1495 citing Proceedings and Ordinances of the Privy Council, vol. iv, p. 239.
CPMR, 13811412, p. 196. Bridbury, Salt Trade, p. 134, footnote 4, cites PRO E101/ 619/18
and Salzman, English Trade, p. 235 as evidence for and against the merchants providing cover
for the salt.
209
APPENDIX 2
Article 8 (summary): Between London and Calais a mariner will take 5s. wages
without portage.
Article 9 (summary): Between London and Flanders a mariner will take 6s.
wages without portage.
Comment: It is not known why the crew did not have the option of portages on
the return passages from Calais and Flanders; it may have been because of difficul-
ties the crew would have in arranging their own cargoes in the Staple area. The
wages quoted for the round trip are higher per mile than for most voyages see
Table 1, p. 111 perhaps because of the risks of piracy in the Channel and the loss
of the privilege of portages.
Article 10 (summary): Between London and Prussia, 20s. wages and three
mariners [to share] a last of portage.
Comment: Prussia could include the ports of Elbing or Danzig, where an English
factory had been in operation from before 1388. A portage in lasts indicates a cargo
of pelts or fish, both Prussian exports, see Article 11.
Article 11 (summary): Between London and Sweden, 13s. 4d. wages and three
mariners [to share] a last of herring for portage.
Comment: A last, as defined in the Statute of Herrings, was 10,000 fish.
Article 12 (summary): Between London and Newcastle-on-Tyne, 4s. wages and

2 quarters of coal for portage.
Article 13: Item, entre Londres et Berewyke prendra ung mariner huit souez de
louyer desquelz il sera paie illecques affin quil en pourra acheter telles march-
andises come lui plaira lesquelz seront chargez en meisme la nef en la quelle
prendra ledit wages pour son portage.
Translation: Between London and Berwick a mariner will take 8s. for wages
which will be paid in order that he can buy such merchandise as he wishes
which is to be loaded as his portage on the same ship on which he took the
said wages.
Comment: This article confirms that wages were normally for the outward bound
voyage and portages only for the homeward. The doubling of wages from 4s. for
Newcastle to 8s. for Berwick, was perhaps because of war risks; unfortunately
there is no portage allowance for comparison. Berwick was once an important
trading centre, exporting wool, fells and hides; established by the thirteenth
Rot. Parl., II, p. 306a, no. 28. Statutes, 31 Edward III, st. 2, cs. 2 and 14.
210
century, it had no port town competitor between Edinburgh and Newcastle but
it declined in importance after 1371.
Article 14: Item, se une nef soit affretee a divers pris de frett lentier de tout la
ffret sera acompte ensemble et les portages paiez aux mariners selon lafferant
du frett de chascun tonnel; lun acompte comme dit est droittement avecques
lautre.
Translation; If a ship is loaded at several freight rates for the cargo, the whole
freight should be added together [with] the portages [and] paid to the crew
in conformance with the rate per ton. One counts rightly, so it is said, for as
much as another.
Comment: The freight rates would have to be averaged only when members of
the crew had subcontracted their portage space to merchants. Merchants who
bought portage space acquired the crews privileges of exemption from contribu-
tion to general average, so that space was more valuable than that in the general
hold (Oleron articles 8 and 18). Those crew members freighting their own portage
would not have taken part in this averaging of rates. Twiss has all the portages
paid at the average rate, but that would be the case only if they had all been
subcontracted au fret de la nef.
Article 15: Item, une nef soit afretee devezs quelque lieu que ce soit et ait certain
jour limite de paiement de son frett en endenture ou autrement les mariners
seront paiez de la moitie de leurs louyers a la charge de la nef et de lautre
moitie quant mesme la nef sera venue en lieu de sa descharge se le maistre ou le
seigneur de la nef ny veult comme dit est avoir la nef a lostel et de leure serout
ilz paiez quant la moitie dudit frett est receu.
Translation: If a ship is freighted for anywhere whatsoever and has a fixed time
limit for the payment of the freight by indenture or otherwise, the crew are to
be paid half their wages on loading the ship and the other half when the ship
herself has arrived at the point of unloading. If the shipmaster or the owner of
the ship does not wish, as it is said, to have the ship at home, the wages will be
paid when half of the said freight has been received.
Comment: The indenture would be the charter-party. The retention of half of the
crews wages until half of the freight payment has been received amplifies Queen-
borough article 2; the crew are expected to share in both commercial and marine
risks. When the shipmaster or owner wished to take the ship home, Oleron article
19 sanctioned a lien on wages, failing any other security, to hold the crew.
Article 16: Item, en droit de lodemanage dient les avant ditz jurez que leur
semble en cest cas ilz ne scayvent meilleur advys ne remedie mais que ce soit
desore usez et fait par manere quest contenue en le loy Doleron.
211
APPENDIX 2
Translation: On the responsibility for pilotage the aforementioned jurors said

that it seemed to them in this case that they knew of no better advice nor
remedy than that it should be used and done in the manner contained in the
law of Olron.
Comment: The sense of this article depends on the meaning of droit de lodema-
nage; the phrase could imply the responsibility of the pilots, referring to Oleron
article 24, or the responsibility for paying the pilots, as in Oleron article 13. The
intention is probably the latter, confirmed by a marginal note in the original text
Lodemanage to bee payed; Twiss suggests the contrary.
Article 17: Item, que toutes maneres de mariners qui sont retenuz avec aucun
seigneur de nef pour luy servir a Bordeaulx ou ailleurs pour raisonnable salaire
ainsi comme a este use en divers ports par tout le royalme combien que les
mariners ne soit pas tenuz especialement pour servir a Bordeaulx, Bayone,
Lushebon, Civile, ou autre lieux quelconques, en especial se ainsi estoit que la
nef ne povoit estre frettee au premier lieu les mariners ne refuserent la nef se
la nef veult aller ailleurs pour avoir son frett, pourveu toutefoiz que les mari-
ners seront raisonnablement alovez selon lafferant de leur travail. Et se aucun
mariner se voide daucune nef en tel cas il sera grevousement amerciez selon la
discrecion de ladmiral et fera que ou posesseur de la nef.
Translation: That all types of mariners who are hired by any owner of a ship
to serve him to Bordeaux or elsewhere for reasonable wages such as are paid in
divers ports throughout the whole kingdom, the mariners are not hired specifi-
cally to serve to Bordeaux, Bayonne, Lisbon, Seville or any other place whatso-
ever. Especially if the ship were unable to be freighted at the first place the crew
may not refuse [to work] the ship if she wants to go somewhere else to find
her freight, provided always that the crew are reasonably hired in conformance
with their work. And if any mariner deserts any ship, in such a case he will be
severely punished at the discretion of the admiral and make [good any costs]
to the ships owner.
Comment: This implies an open-ended service commitment by the crew and is

similar to Oleron article 20, although in the latter there is no threat of severe
punishment for jumping ship. There appears to be a textual omission at the end
of the article: after fera and in place of que ou there should be something along
the lines of will make good the costs to the owner.
Twiss, Black Book, I, p. 143, footnote 1.
212
Section 2: Admiralty inquiries
Articles 18 to 70 are additions to Queenborough made in the first decade of the

fifteenth century; the articles are in the form of instructions for admirals to hold
inquiries concerning a wide variety of incidents.
Article 18 (summary): Concerning the distribution of prizes taken in time of

war in the admirals presence; the shipmaster to have a larger share than his
crew.
Comment: The distribution of spoils was intimated to the Cinque Ports in 1285
in a Letter Patent under the Great Seal, but was the subject of many disputes.
The admirals deputys interest in prize dates from the 1360/1 appointment of
Sir John Beauchamp as Lord High Admiral with judicial authority according to
maritime law. The deputys authority in prize thereafter grew while that of the
Kings Council, except as a court of appeal, and of the Lord Chancellor, declined.
By 1426 there were four tribunals exercising a right to intervene.
Articles 19, 20 and 58 (summaries): Inquiries concerning the activities of pirates

and those who help the enemy, specifically the rebels of Wales, and outlaws.
Comment: French troops landed in Wales in 1403 to assist Owen Glendower,

thus dating this section.
Article 21 (summary): Inquiries concerning petty felonies including theft of

gold and silver, boats, oars and anchors and the unauthorised raising of nets
or pots.
Articles 225, 27, 74 and 81 (summaries): Inquiries concerning non-payment of

the Admirals share of prizes, prisoners, flotsam, lagan, deodands etc.
Comment: These articles and several of the following reflect the admirals efforts
to boost their incomes. See especially Queenborough articles 51 and 7380. Articles
74 and 81 properly belong to section 3, below.
Articles 26, 28, 38, 39 and 5557 (summaries): Inquiries concerning weirs, fish-
nets, traps, whales, porpoise, sturgeon, oysters and mussels; ineffective water
bailiffs, unlawful fishing and nets.
Comment: Irrelevant to the present work.
Foedera, I, part 2, p. 654: Pro baronibus Quinque Portuum & caetera nautis regui, de
qundam ordinatione fact. Documents Relating to the Law and Custom of the Sea (12051648), ed.
R.G. Marsden, 2 vols, Navy Records Society, 49 and 50 (London, 1916), I, pp. 6971. Foedera 10,
p. 367. Additionally, the admiral sometimes gave the right of prize to a ship before she sailed.
213
APPENDIX 2
Articles 2934 (summaries): Inquiries into deaths on board ships, mayhems

and affrays, concealing traitors belongings, ships breaking arrest, mariners
breaking impressment and deserters on kings pay.
Comment: Although Oleron article 12 appoints the shipmaster to be judge of his

crew, this article defines the serious crimes beyond his remit, see Queenborough
articles 45 and 46, below. Murder, mayhem, treason, and desertion after receiving
the kings pay if the wages were not returned, were felonies carrying the death
penalty.10
Articles 3537, 40 and 44 (summaries): Inquiries concerning customs evasions,

unlicensed export of the Staple goods of wool, hides, sheepskins, tin, lead, cheese
and butter; and of silver and gold (except for purchase of food);11 carrying
pilgrims to Santiago de Compostela, Calais or Rome etc.; and corn, except to
Calais, Bayonne or Bordeaux.
Article 41 (summary): Inquiries concerning false claims to wrecks and those

who have been wrecked.
Article 43 (summary): Inquiries concerning those who bear arms and intimi-
date subjects.
Comment: None of these articles is relevant to the present work.
Article 45 (summary): Inquiries concerning all mariners who violently lay

hands on or beat their shipmasters against the laws of the sea and the relevant
statutes of Olron.
Article 46: Item, soit enquis de tous mariners qui sont rebelles encontre les
honnestes commendemants de leurs maistres et de maistres qui ne tiennent
pas leurs mariners en paix a la table et ailleurs comme les statuts doleron
demandent.
Translation: Let an enquiry be made of all mariners who have rebelled against
the honest commands of their masters and of masters who have not held
their mariners in peace at the table or otherwise as required by the statutes of
Oleron.
10 Statutes 2 Richard II, st. 1, c. 4: the punishment for desertion with the kings wages from
impressment was to refund double the amount taken plus a years imprisonment and thereafter
retention for the kings service. J.G. Bellamy, The Criminal Trial in Later Medieval England
(Stroud, 1998), murder and mayhem pp. 5769 and passim; desertion p. 189. On indictments
for desertion from the army see Statutes 18 Henry VI, c. 19.
11 Statutes, 27 Edward III, st. 2. Statutes, 8 Henry VI, cap. 19 forbade shipmasters, native or
stranger, to carry concealed Staple products unless destined for the Staple or Marrok (i.e.
Straits of Gibraltar). The export of silver and gold in coin or ingot was repeatedly forbidden
by statute between 1381 and 1403: Statutes 5 Richard II st. 1, c. 2; ibid. 2 Henry IV, c. 5; ibid. 4
Henry IV, cs. 14 and 16; ibid. 5 Henry IV, c. 9.
214
Comment: Mutiny, which according to Oleron article 12 could be dealt with by

the shipmaster, is to be referred to the admiral along with the felonies listed in
Queenborough articles 2934. The less serious crime of striking the shipmaster
may also be subject to inquiry, with the provision that the inquiry is to be in both
directions, that is, into the behaviour of both the shipmaster and the crew. The
articles substantially reduce the shipmasters autonomous authority and enhance
the admirals. The importance of the table is discussed in Oleron articles 12 and
14; it appears to have had a symbolic significance.
Article 47 (summary): Inquiries into unskilled pilots whose actions have led
to loss or death.
Comment: This article expands Queenborough article 16.
Articles 48, 49, 50 and 54 (summaries): Inquiries concerning false claimants of

property, forestallers and regrators; false weights and measures.
Articles 51 and 52 (Twiss translation): Item, let an inquiry be made of all those
who sue any man at the common law of the land over something belonging to
the ancient right of maritime law and of all judges who hear before them any
pleas belonging of right to the court of admiralty.
Comment: These articles are evidence of the struggle between the courts of admi-
ralty, common law and merchant law; the admirals and maritime jurists here jeal-
ously define their territory, see also Queenborough articles 718, below. Just how
effective an inquiry by an admiral into the actions of common law judges might
have been is open to conjecture. The other side of the argument is seen in statutes
of Richard II and Henry IV which offer remedy for anyone pursued wrongfully by
a court of admiralty and make it clear that admirals and their deputies may deal
only with anything done at sea, as it was in the time of Edward III.12
Articles 53, 62 and 72 (summaries): Inquiries concerning those who obstruct

admirals officers; seamen who are rebellious to commands of king or admiral;
punishment of opposers to and rebels against the Office of the Court of Admi-
ralty.
Article 59 (summary): Inquiries concerning serjeants-at-arms who have extorted

silver and gold from shipowners seeking to avoid impressment.
Comment: Articles 53, 62 and 72 presumably refer only to seamen on board

merchant ships impressed for service to the Crown or on royal ships. Article 59
12 Statutes 15 Richard II, c. 3 and ibid. 2 Henry IV, c. 11.
215
APPENDIX 2
seeks to reduce the dishonest activities of impressment officers working in distant

ports. Article 72 belongs in section 3 of Queenborough but fits here by subject.
Articles 60 and 61 (Twiss translation): Item, let inquiry be made of those who
have removed the anchor from any ship without warning the shipmaster or any
other of the crew by which the ship has perished or there is a man dead, and if
anyone has cut the buoy tied to any buoy rope tied to an anchor in the water
by which the anchor has been lost or other damage has been done or suffered.
Comment: The in the water qualification confirms that article 61 does not refer to
theft from a ship or on land but rather the removal of an anchored ships marker
buoy. It may be assumed that article 60 also refers to anchors in use, perhaps those
which have been moved and not properly re-set, in contrast with Oleron articles
16 and 24. The other damage could be that caused to a ship drying out on the
flukes of an unmarked anchor.
Article 63 (summary): Inquiries concerning those who turn back ships carrying
victuals to England.
Article 64 (summary): Inquiries into shipmasters and mariners of ships who

take excess salaries or portages other than was usual in ancient times.
Article 65 (summary): The wages of ships carpenters to be added to the above

inquiry.
Comment: Wage rates are listed in Queenbrough articles 313, this later article
64 shows the attempts by shipmasters and shipowners to control wages; cf. the
similar situation ashore before and after the Statute of Labourers.13
Article 66 (summary): Inquiries into the use of foreign ships.
Comment: A 1382 statute of Richard II ordained that none of the kings subjects
could legally ship merchandise in any other than English ships; a year later that
statute was qualified to allow the use of alien ships, if no English ships were avail-
able. In 1390 the rules were again changed to allow only English ships to be used
for English goods, to increase the navy of England, which is now greatly dimin-
ished.14 This article, being in the 1403 section of Queenborough, is concerned with
the post-1390 situation and, with the last statute, is an interesting forerunner to
the later Navigation Acts.
13 Statutes 25 Edward III, st. 1, c. 3 and ibid. 34 Edward III, c. 9.

14 Statutes 5 Richard II, st. 1, c. 3; ibid. 6 Richard II, st. 1, c. 8 and ibid. 14 Richard II, c. 6.
216
Articles 67, 68, 69 and 70 (summaries): Inquiries into the release of prisoners
without passes or before investigation, into those who deal with the enemy
without licence and into anything else to do with the Court of Admiralty.
Section 3: Admiralty courts responsibilities and fees
Articles 7181, of which 72, 74 and 81 have already been considered, were produced
by a separate inquisition of unknown date.15 They are mostly concerned with
defining the admirals rights and dues. The articles of interest are given in full
below and the remainder in summary translation.
Article 71 (summary): On the duty and responsibility of the court of admi-

ralty: first of all to do right and give justice to all parties, both plaintiffs and
defendants in the court of admiralty. A summary and full record is to be made
according to maritime law and the ancient customs of the sea.
Article 73 (Twiss translation): Item, to be inquired well and duly by good and
sufficient inquest taken on the sea coast where the evidence will be all the arti-
cles and circumstances required by maritime law for the advantage of the king
and the admiral and to offer justice to the common people; whatever may be
found by inquiry to be returned to the high admiral without making a conclu-
sion or taking action if that was not granted by special warrant of the high
admiral.
Comment: Despite article 71, the Court of Admiralty did not become a court of
record until the sixteenth century. The court is only to collect evidence, unless
given further powers by the high admiral.
Article 75 (Twiss translation): Item, to take for the admiral his fees, that is to
say, 20d. for each pound recovered (8.3 per cent) as principal in the Court of
Admiralty and note that damages are included with the principal and not the
costs, and to take a reasonable fine for each plea made in the court which is not
prosecuted nor determined therein.
Article 76 (summary): 4d. out of every 1 of fleet wages (1.67 per cent) to be
paid to the admiral when on a voyage in the kings service.
Articles 7780 (summary): Fees to be charged in the Court of Admiralty for

use of the seal and for pleas, heard or not.
Comment: After the altruistic and patriotic sentiments of Queenborough articles

71 and 73, articles 7580 reveal the true cupidity of the Court of Admiralty at that
time. The court is to receive 8.3 per cent of the principal recovered plus damages,
15 Twiss, Black Book, I, p. 171, footnote 2 suggests t. Henry V;
217
APPENDIX 2
but without deduction of costs in any suit heard; a fee for any plea which is lodged
but not pursued; and 1.67 per cent of the fleet wage bill when travelling. The use
of the admirals seal is also to be charged, an invitation for the admirals to devise
every possible bureaucratic documentation requiring their validation. With that
and the catchment area which the admirals define as theirs, the jealousy of the
common law courts is understandable.
218
Appendix 3
A partial transcription and translation of

Les Bons Usages et les Bonnes Costumes et
les Bons Jugemenz de la Commune DOleron
The history and significance of the Les Bons Usage et les Bonnes Costumes et les Bons
Jugemenz de la Commune DOleron has been discussed in chapter 1. The greater
part of the Coutumier is unrelated to maritime matters, being concerned with the
organisation and economy of the community, but a few chapters are relevant to
the present work and those are discussed below. Twiss had the whole text tran-
scribed and translated for his edition of the Black Book and the manuscript was
also transcribed but not translated by Bmont in his Coutumier de LIle DOleron.
In his commentary Bmont, working some 45 years after Twiss, remarked that it
is necessary to remark that Twiss seems not to have been very familiar with Old
French and that his interpretation is not always sound. This criticism of the first
modern scholar to examine the manuscript may be harsh, but it does indicate that
a revision of at least parts of his translation is necessary.
Where there was any doubt about a Twiss transcription, it has been compared
with Bmonts and, if necessary, revised. Translations considered dubious have
been revised, and are included here with chapters of acceptable translation noted
as Twiss translation. In the interests of continuity, chapters of interest have been
grouped by subject matter. The transcriptions and translations follow the proto-
cols used in Appendix 1.
Rates and tariffs
Chapter 34 (Twiss translation): That which is loaded on board a ship as ships

stores is not required to pay customs, nor [are] the portages of the crew.
Comment: A valuable concession to the crew if loading in the island of Olron,

in addition to their freight-free privilege.
MS Douce 227, Bodleian Library, Oxford.

Twiss, Black Book, II, pp. 254401. Coutumier, passim.
219
APPENDIX 3
Chapter 55 (Twiss translation): If a man freights the ship of another in Olron

to carry wines to another country, he shall carry 21 tons for 20 [even] although
that is not specifically included in the agreement.
Comment: A compulsory 5 per cent discount for exporting merchants supporting

local Olronais trade.
Partnerships
Use of assets
Chapter 63 (Twiss translation): If there are two partners with a half share
[each] in a vessel and one of them employs her for a turn in his private service,
the other partner shall employ her for another turn. But if the vessel is detained
longer on one turn than on the other by storm or lack of wind, that shall not be
counted in the partnership. And the same thing holds for several partners.
Comment: The second sentence introduces force majeure as a defence for returning
late.
Sale of assets
Chapter 64a (Twiss translation): If there are several partners in one and the
same vessel and one of the partners takes their vessel out of port with the
consent of his other partners and on return takes her without the consent of
his partners to a port other than that from which she was taken, he cannot put
her up for a sale option until he has brought her back from whence she was
taken. While the vessel is in a distant port to which the partners cannot go to
see her without great costs or delay and damage to themselves and their prop-
erty, unless the vessel has been taken to [that] distant port with the partners
consent, he who has seen the vessel recently could have an advantage in the sale
option over him who has not seen her for a considerable time. An option for
sale ought to be made communally and loyally.
Comment: As one partner could not put the whole vessel up for sale without the
authority of the other partners anyway, this chapter precludes a partner, even with
permission to sell the ship, doing so in a distant port. The following two sections
of chapter 64 also define the restrictions on a partner selling his share.
Chapter 64b: Essec apelon en icest luec quant vns parsoners dit a lautre, ge te
met lo vesseau a essec en tau manere que tu me deras tant de la meie partie ou
ge te deray itant de la toe, et dit quau some, et sachez que li autres parsoners ne
puet mie refuder, quar autrement ne puet mie estre vaesseas partiz sanz damage
et sans la defformacion de sa premere matere. [E en totes itaus chozes qui ne
220
LES BONNES USAGES ET LES BONNES COUSTUMES
puent mie estre autrement parties sanz faire essec]. et cil qui lou recet lou deit
paier dedenz terme de vii. iors apres qui lo aura retenu.
Translation: Sale option is used here when one partner says to another I put
the vessel up for sale option in such a way that either you shall give me so much
for my share or I will give you so much for your share, and he names the sum;
and note that the other partner cannot refuse the offer, for otherwise a vessel
could never be shared without loss and without breaking up its basic structure
[and so in all such things which cannot be otherwise shared without making a
sale option]; and he who receives it ought to pay within a term of seven days
after he has taken possession of it.
Comment: A partner who wishes to sell his share in a vessel has to offer it to his
co-partners at a fair price; if they refuse the offer, he has the right to buy their
shares at the offered price. Bmont suggests that E en totes itaus faire essec
may have been a marginal note incorporated by a scribe; the addition, if that is
what it is, substantially extends the provision. The chapter usefully explains that
the sale of part of a ship is as the sale of part of any indivisible property.
Chapter 64c (Twiss translation): If one of several partners sells his share in a
vessel to another, a stranger who has nothing to do with the affair (partnership),
any of the other partners may claim the share sold with all the business which
has been arranged, if he wishes to use it for his own service. And in the same
way, if one exchanges his share another (partner) may claim it if he wants to pay
the value of the exchange. And it is the same for all assets of the partnership
when an asset is not divisible. Non-divisible means when neither of the partners
can say nor show definitively that this share is mine. And it is understood that
partners should share fairly and in common amongst themselves the debits and
the credits, the bad and the good, in proportion to what belongs to each as a
result of the partnership.
Comment: This is a clear definition of what is now known as joint-ownership

of a vessel, each shareholder having a fraction of the whole in, as it were, a single
registration. The alternative is part-ownership in which the shares in the ship are
separately registered. The chapter makes it clear that partners in joint-ownership
have first refusal on any shares being sold and that each partner participates in
the profits and losses of the partnership. Customs has several chapters on shared
ownership, one of which is particularly concerned with a shipmaster selling his
ship without reference to the other owners.
Marginal note commented on by Bmont, Coutumier, p. 77 but ignored by Twiss.

li autres parsoners puet retenir lo marche: Twiss, Black Book, II, pp. 3423 translates retenir
as retain, but as one cannot retain that which is not already held, the sense must be to claim
or to restore.
Twiss, Black Book, III, pp. 4527, Customs, chapter ccxi.
221
APPENDIX 3
Chapter 87: Si duy ou plusor sunt parconner en vne nef, chascun daus parsoners
poet vendre sa partie, se il veaut, entreaus, au fayre la nef en lemprise de lor
compaignie; quar chascuns hom puet sa partie vendre coma sa choze domayne.
Nem pero li aucun vodrient dire que ben deit vns daus parconners aveir la partie
de la nef plus tost que vns autres estranges por le fuer de autre estrange; mas ceu
ne tent mie, quar avis sereit que fust aliance. E cist iugement fut rendu a Guil-
laume Daniau dune part et a David Lo Corre dautre, Bretonz, li quau Bretons
oguirent mult de contens en Oleron sur compaignies et sur autres chozes.
Translation: If two or more are partners in a ship, each of the partners may
sell his share, if he wants, amongst the others in order to keep the ship within
the enterprise of their partnership, for each one may sell his share as a personal
thing. Nevertheless some would want to say that one of the partners certainly
ought to have the share of the ship before a stranger [but] at the price [offered
by] the stranger; but that does not hold because the opinion would be that there
was conspiracy. And this judgment was handed down to William Daniau of
one part and David Le Corre of the other, Bretons, which Bretons had many
disputes in Olron about partnerships and other matters.
Comment: Chapters 64a and b make it clear that the other partners in joint-
ownership have first refusal of a share offered for sale. Chapter 87 pursues the
suggestion of a sale price offered by a stranger. However, legal opinion cannot
agree to the sale of the ship to a partner at a strangers offer price because of
the risk of price fixing. The essec [sale option] still has to be offered to the other
partners in any sale of shares, as set out in chapters 64a and b, but this conclu-
sion is contrary to that of Twiss, who suggests that a public sale has to be held.
Such a sale, however, would be contrary to the intention of chapter 64c and would
destroy the original partnership since a non-partner would become a joint- or
part-owner of the partnerships vessel, a situation contrary to merchant practice.
Twiss, following Roquefort, derives aliance from aliencer which he equated with
acheter, without any etymological explanation.
Partners responsibilities
Chapter 83: Si duy ou plusor sunt parconer en vne nef, et li vns daus parconners
ne voget ou nepuchet espleiter si partie, ia por ce ne remayndra que cil qui ne
veaust ou ne puet espleiter sa partie ne fornissent les couz et les missions daus
marineaus et de la nef segont sa partie, ja seit ceu que [= jaoit ce que] il ne
espleite sa partie de la nef, quar por ceu nie coste mie mainz [= il ne coute pas
Godefroy offers only aliancer which he translates as allier; it has been assumed that aliance in
the text derives from that verb and, in this context, may be taken to mean conspiracy.
Twiss, Black Book, II, p. 3845.
222
moins] a fornir les marineas de la nef, en autres missions. Si cil qui ne veaut
espleiter sa partie ne ne puet ne ne veaut fornir les couz si cum nos avom dit, li
autres qui espleitera sa partie propre de la nef fornira les couz et les missions,
et len ert tenguz li cors de la nef einsi que ia neys encore, le autre ne lespleitera
decique il len ait paie dreitement de sa partie. Mas or posum einsi. Luns daus
parconers charget sa partie, et apres celuy qui ne veost ou ne puet charger sa
partie semont, que il facet secte ou couz; si cum nos avom dit, cil en segant
ses couz troubet fret, et fornist sa partie einsi que mais assez gaigneret en son
fret que li autre en sa charge; or vent cilz qui ha charge et dit que il veaut aver
partie comme compaignon on gaig de celuy qui ha frete, et si ait sa partie on
gaig de ce que celuy a gaagne de ceu, disons nos que chascun deit aver lo gaig
de sa partie cestui de ce que il ha frete, quar lor compaignie est commune devise
quant a celuy tor; quar li vns ha especiaument sa partie cestuy de ce que il ha
charge, et celuy de ce que il ha frete, quar lor compaignie est commune devise
quant a celuy tor.
Translation: If two or more are partners in a ship and one of the partners is
unwilling or unable to use his share it does not follow that he who was not
willing nor able to use his share [ought] not to meet the costs and expenses of
the mariners and of the ship in proportion to his share, despite the fact that he
is not using his share of the ship, because it does not, for that reason, cost less
to provide the mariners for the ship and other expenses. If he who does not
wish to use his share neither can nor wishes to meet the costs as said before, the
other who does use his own share of the ship shall meet the [whole] costs and
expenses and for that the hull of the ship is to be held as his security so that
the other partner cannot use his share again until he has duly paid his share.
But now take an example: one of the partners loads his share and then invites
him who is not willing or not able to load his share to follow with the costs, as
is stated above. If in meeting his costs he [the latter] finds freight and furnishes
his share in such a way that he gains more from his freight than the other does
from his cargo, then he who has the cargo comes and says that he wants to share
as a partner in the profit that he has from the freight and claims his share of
the profit which the latter has made, we say that each ought to have the profit
from his own share, the latter from that which he has freighted, because their
partnership is divided in common for that turn, for one has specifically his share
from what he has loaded and the other from what he had in freight because
their partnership is divided in common for this turn.
Comment: This chapter may be a scribal amalgation of two chapters from an

earlier text. The intention in the first half of the chapter is clear: a partner refusing
to take part in a voyage still has to contribute to the running costs of the ship, an
secte taken to be suite from suivre.

The textual posum is perhaps cognate with reposoir, a roadside altar for a monstrance; hence
a showing or example.
223
APPENDIX 3
extension of the shared responsibility of partnership. If another partner accepts

the defaulters expenses, the hull may be held as security by that partner until
the defaulting partner has repaid his share. The example chosen to illustrate this
principle of mutual responsibility however, does not correspond well to the hypo-
thetical situation described. The example begins with a partner who, refusing to
accept his responsibilities, has his share of the expenses in the ship met by another
partner. The latter obtains a lien on the hull to prevent the defaulting partner from
using the ship until he has repaid his creditor, exactly the position described in the
first half of the chapter. The example goes on, however, to say that if the quondam
defaulting partner pays his share of the expenses and arranges freight, in other
words acts as an agent for his share of the ships cargo space, and that turns out
to be more profitable than the negotiations of the other partner, then the vessel,
for that particular voyage, is no longer to be regarded as in joint-ownership but
in part-ownership and each partner is to take the profit he individually has made.
That decision conflicts with the repeated phrase lor compaignie est commune
devise, which implies joint-ownership of the ship and her ventures, but it is not
clear how the change from joint to part-ownership could be effected within a true
partnership. The apparently spontaneous appearance of a part-ownership agree-
ment points to the possible inclusion of another chapter, the original of which
has been lost, with an example in which two investors have agreed to operate
in different ways, one to load his own cargo in his space and the other to sell
his space in the hold to other merchants. The missing chapter perhaps defined
part-ownership and how shareholders might exploit their share of the ship in
different ways, even on the same voyage. The combination of two chapters would
explain the verbosity of the text, particularly in the tautologous description of the
defaulting partner. It is probable that some mechanism did exist to separate the
interests of partners intent on disparate business methods since the distribution
of profits made from different types of negotiation would have been extremely
difficult to disentangle in a joint-ownership agreement, given the differing capital
involvements, risks, payment terms, labour requirements and so on.
Master /servant responsibilities
Chapter 86: Si marineaus deffaut a sa nef garder, et la nef ou li avers en recevet

domage, il est tenguz damander en tout lo domage. Et si est einsi que encore
plusors parconers lou ait mis parsey ou marineaus, einsi comme vns met autre
parsey, cis qui lo aura mis est tenguz damander en tot lo demage, et cil qui
aureit recegu lou domage lo poyret demander auquau yl vodra daus dous, ou
au marinea ou a celuy qui li aura mis. Mas si hom demandet lo demage a celuy
qui li aura mis, lo marinea aura recors a lautre quil y avet mis. Mas, ne pero [=
nempero], si cilz qui auront recegu lo demage hant recegu soceablement celuy
224
marineau qui aura este mis, nos de disom mie que cilz qui laureit mis en soyt
coupable.
Translation: If a mariner fails to protect his ship and the ship or cargo receive
damage, he is bound to make amends for all the damage. And if it happens that
amongst several partners one has put a mariner on board for himself and also
another has put another on board for himself, he who put him (who caused the
damage) on board is to make amends for all the damage and he who suffered
the damage can demand it from whichever of the two he prefers, either from
the mariner or from him who put him on board. But if the man demands
compensation from him who put [the mariner] on board, the mariner would
have recourse to the other who had put him there. But, nevertheless, if he who
received the damage had recognised sociably (the fault of ) that mariner who
had been put on board, we say that he who put him aboard is not culpable.
Comment: The first sentence is a clear statement of the personal liability of any
member of the crew who causes damage through negligence. The second sentence
is confusing; it is clear that if several partners share their ship on the same voyage,
each may, or perhaps has to, supply crew on his own behalf (see chapter 95).
However, that the partner who placed the man who caused damage is responsible
for that damage not only modifies the first sentence but is contrary to merchant
law in which the master cannot be held responsible for damage caused by his
servant acting on his own initiative, a precept confirmed by Edward III in 1353.10
An alternative explanation for this anomaly is that the law practised on the island
of Olron was, in this respect, different from merchant law.
There is also some difficulty with the third sentence, possibly arising from
a textual error. Twiss, without comment, translates it: But if a man demands
compensation for damage from him who shall put the mariner on board, the latter
shall have a remedy against him whom he has put on board.11 In other words, the
master who has to pay compensation for damage can claim that from his servant,
an indirect affirmation of the position at merchant law when the servant was not
acting on his masters orders. The original text, however, does not support that
translation unless it implies that the mariner was acting on the authority of his
master who placed him on board, when any damage resulting from the sailors
actions would indeed be the responsibility of that partner. Further to confuse the
issue, in the last sentence the onus of responsibility for the damage shifts back to
the servant and away from his master. Hant recegu soceablement may mean that
the sufferer and the perpetrator of the damage have come to a mutually agreeable
settlement and the responsibility no longer rests with the partner. In short, this
10 Statutes 26 Edward III, st. 2, c. 19 (Statute of the Staple); but see the apparently anomalous
decision in the master /servant case of Pilk v. Vener(e), discussed in chapter 1.
11 Twiss, Black Book, II, p. 383.
225
APPENDIX 3
chapter is almost certainly a somewhat confused reaffirmation of the limitation

of a masters responsibilities for the unauthorised actions of his servant. There
remains the problem of the responsibility of a partner who has placed an incom-
petent sailor on board.
Terms of employment
Chapter 65 (Twiss translation): If a mariner, companion or other person aboard

a vessel sees anything outside the vessel which he could take and put on the
vessel, he is not obliged to take the thing and put it on the vessel if he does
not want to. Still less if the owner of the vessel or his representative orders it
does he have to, for the mariner is not bound to do anything beyond working
the vessel nor to do anything for which he is not engaged.12 But if it happens
that of his own free will he does take something, he is to have half of it and the
owner of the vessel the other half, unless there is another agreement between
them, for it is said that a contract binds them. And it is understood that if a
servant who on land lives on the bread and wine of his master and works on
the vessel, his share is for his master and he is firmly bound in all ways to work
for the profit of the master.
Comment: This chapter is important because it states that a mariner does not
have to obey the orders of his superior beyond his terms of employment perhaps
a vestigial remnant of the cooperative ventures when the shipmaster was merely
primus inter pares (cf. Oleron articles 1, 2, 14 and 18). The division of spoils, half
for the sailor who takes it and half for the owner, is at variance with Queenborough
article 1 which specifies a one third: two thirds division between crew and ship.
The last sentence is a reminder of the restricted freedom of servants.
Distribution of incidental costs
Chapter 76 (Twiss translation): The ship pays for the assiage (stowage, including
fitting bulkheads and setting dunnage), the planchage13 (landing dues) and the
quillage14 (pier dues) at her own cost; the cargo, according to its value pays the
rivage (tolls on the towing paths) and it is to be understood that the people of
12 Twiss, Black Book, II, p. 345 translates mareer as to navigate but the work of a common
sailor would be to sail the ship; Godefroy has conduire le navire.
13 planchage translates as landing boards but, in context, is more likely to be a charge for the
use, or placing, of landing boards, i.e. a landing charge; see also Coutumes, chapter 97.
14 quillage (or quallage) may be cognate with keel or quay; in either meaning it may have
been based on ships length or a flat rate. In CPR, 139196, p. 217 the bailiffs and good men of
Mousehole were granted quayage for five years to contribute to a wharf. Topsham charged 2d. to
dock in the early fourteenth century: Local Customs Accounts of the Port of Exeter, p. 1, fn.2.
226
Olron do not pay rivage on their own goods which they bring for the service
and use of the household, and as to those goods they are to be believed upon
their faith and their oath; but of the other goods which they bring from abroad
they pay rivage equally as strangers, excepting wines which a man has from his
own vines and the wines from the quarters of the four lords above mentioned.
Comment: Oleron article 13 distributes the costs only of towage and pilotage.
Chapter 95 (Twiss translation): The ship and not her cargo [i.e. the lading
merchants] pay quillage [pier dues] and great pilotage (sea pilot). But when the
ship is well supplied with sailors and a sea pilot, from then on if the merchants
want to have more sailors or pilots to have greater safety, it must be at the
merchants cost.
Comment: The division of pilotage charges is described better in Oleron article

13. For additional crew, see Coutumier chapter 86.
Chapter 97 (Twiss translation): The ship and not the cargo pays planchage
(landing dues) because every ship ought to have her planks to board and to go
ashore, to load and to unload.
Comment: This appears to be a reaffirmation of Coutumier chapter 76.
Collision in anchorages
Chapter 82 (Twiss translation): If two ships are anchored and in a storm one
of them drags and hits the other and the dragging ship damages the other, the
ship which has dragged shall pay half the damage and the other, which has been
well anchored, shall pay the other half of the damage, because this is a case of
accident. If, however, the ship which has been well anchored can prove, in the
view of prudhommes or of other assessors, that by fault of the crew or by fault
of the equipment of the said ship, the said ship dragged, and the said damage
has been seen and that can be proved, the well anchored ship is not liable for
any of the damages. But if the anchoring [ship] met with an accident while
coming down on the well anchored ship, then the ship which is well anchored
must pay half the damages, because the same could happen to her, and the ship
which has dragged [must pay] the other half.
Comment: The view of responsibility for damage in the first sentence of this
chapter differs from the less equitable view in Oleron article 15; the difference
has been discussed under the latter. The conclusion of the third sentence, a
50:50 partition of damages, is the same as the first but now the moving ship is
attempting to anchor.
227
APPENDIX 3
Responsibilities of shipmaster and pilot
Chapter 88 (Twiss translation): The shipmaster must take the ship to and from
her ports of lading and unlading on the bridge of the ship, and [the] so-called
petty pilotage man (local pilot) is stationed at the entrance to the ports and
havens, knowing the dangers of the ports and the havens.
Comment: This is the only standing instruction for a shipmaster, albeit oblique,
in the whole of the surviving corpus of medieval maritime law. The silence reflects,
perhaps, the masters quondam status as owner of the ship. In separating the
responsibilities of shipmaster and pilot, this chapter echoes Oleron article 24.
General average
Chapter 94 (Twiss translation): In jettison from a ship, the hull of the ship
with all her equipment and with all her stores does not contribute, nor the beds
nor the chests nor the things which, briefly, are provided for storing the ship and
those within her; but if there are chests and other things carried in the name of
merchandise, they all contribute to the jettison.
Comment: This article is similar to article 32 of the extended Lex dOleron which
amends the original Oleron article 8.15 Edward Is Letter Patent of 25 May 1285
exempts the vessel and all her fittings, the shipmasters ring, bracelet, belt and
silver drinking cup and the victuals and cooking utensils of the sailors. However,
all other goods on board belonging to the sailors or the merchants such as wines,
merchandise, denarii in grosso (bullion) and beds, have to be included in the
contribution towards the restitution of the items lost.16 Sailors were to have the
freight for the goods which have been saved but the shipmaster was to lose his
freight for the goods cast overboard. This chapter, rather more equitably, excludes
the beds and personal belongings of the crew, but the crews portages, which are
exempted in Oleron article 8, are mentioned in neither the chapter nor in the
Letter Patent.
15 Twiss, Black Book, I, pp. xlilxxi and Krieger, Oleron, pp. 3793: the number of articles varies
from the basic 24 in MSS LH and LM to 47 in the Breton version of the Lex.
16 Riley, Liber Albus, p. 4901 and CPR, 128192, pp. 1689.
228
Appendix 4
Transcription and translation of a 1323 charter-party
MS AML/M/1 at the National Maritime Museum, Greenwich is possibly the

earliest English charter-party to have survived. The text consists of ten lines of
Norman French (with many Gascon variants) written in a clear hand on parch-
ment. This is one of a pair of copies of the agreement, the original parchment
having been cut in two in a sinuous line, with a doodle drawn across the cut for
added security. The surviving half has the shipmasters mark manual, so it may
be assumed to have been the merchants half of the indenture. A quittance has
been made out in Latin on the verso, and signed by the recipient of the cargo. The
parchment measures 27.4cm x 10.1cm and is in only fair condition, being badly
darkened on the right side and along the bottom for about 2.5cm into the text.
There is also a square-shaped hole towards the left side between the fourth and
fifth lines of text, possibly made by a filing spike, and a vertical crease on the right
about 4 cm from the edge. Both sides of the manuscript may be seen in Figures
2a and 2b.
It was transcribed and translated in 190607 by a Mr W.K. Boyd who used his
solution to intensify the ink in some areas; unfortunately the solution has, with
time, obliterated the writing in the treated areas. The translation was published
in The Times on 4 February 1907 over the signature of Mr G.M. Arnold, mayor
of Gravesend and honorary general secretary of the Kent Archaeological Society,
without acknowledgement to Boyd. As Boyds transcription and translation
require some correction, revisions were made and published in 1995 by the present
author.
Transcription
In the transcription, abbreviations and elisions have been expanded without notice
and capital letters have been used as appropriate. Square brackets [ ] enclose
supposed letters and words in unreadable areas. No punctuation has been added
or removed; // indicates the end of a line.
Ward, A Surviving Charter-Party. Thanks are due to Dr Basil Greenhill who brought the
charter-party to the writers attention and to the library staff at the National Maritime Museum,
Greenwich for their assistance.
229
APPENDIX 4
Recto
Sachent tous ceuz qui ceste chartra verront et orront que Sire Hues de Berham
en nom et en lu de Sire Adam de Limbergue conestable du chasteu // de
Bordeus et par nostre senhor le rey dAnglaterra duc de Guyana et en [nom] et
en lu dudit nostre senhor le rey et duc a afrete et cha[rge] // ( ? ) a Bordeus en
le cogua Nostra Dame de Lim de Wauter Gifard mestre .iiijxx.xiij [ton]eus et
xviij. pipes de vins des queus sont j toneu [iiij]. pipes [de vins] // tint et xliiij
toneus de flor de farina .a. aler a Niu Chasteu sur Tine de rot pour .ix. sous
de bons esterlins corones dAngleterra chascun toneu de // fret pour reyson de
.xxj. toneu .j. pipa pour .xx. E le demurant des pipes .ij. pour le fret de .j. toneu
du quel fret le dit mestre [recona] // que estoit payes de .vij. libres .ij. sous de
bons esterlins corones dAnglaterra en partie de paie dudit fret et [soi] tint pour
bien [paies] // E dins xv iorns contes iorn en pres autre en pres que Deus aura
conduit et tramis le dite neff a sauvete a sa droite descharge [le vins] // [et] flora
de farina deuent estres descharges et le mestre paies de tot son fret sens tot delay
et sans tota demora toatge [et petit lomnage // sont sur les mer]chantz E quant
le neff parti de Bordeus le mestre et les merchantz furent en bone peis et en
bone [amour et sans toute querrele // ceste a scaver viija (die) die exitus Maii
anno Domini Mo ccc o xxiijo regnant Karles rey de Fransa Edw[ard regnant
en] angleterra duc de Guiayna // (?) [archivesque de] Bordeus testes sunt
Richard Esparuer Tomas Rosen P Mauran Johan de Rosorde E qe Johan Alein
[notoire] public du duche de (?) // [de Juins le quele lavandit] P Mauran
cartolari pour [volunte] de moy escrist X
Verso
Summa fretti navis // Walteri Giffard magistri // navis vocate Seintemarie //

cogge de Lime liij libres xj sous // De quibus solvuntur per A de Limbergh //
vij libres ij sous Et per Polhowe xlvj libres x sous // Liberavit Polhou iiijxx.vj
dolia vini et xliij dolia flora // deficiunt xvj dolia vini
The word abordeus (transcribed as a Bordeus) is inset a short distance from the left margin
and there may have been another word before it. The reading is made more difficult by the loss
of the ending of the last word on the previous line, cha[rge]. If the transcription is correct no
additional word is required.
queus is ques in the Boyd transcription.
The Boyd transcription has the word die twice; the first is now unreadable on the manu-
script, the second is clear and correct. It seems probable that the repetition is either a scribal
error or a misreading by Boyd for viijadie de exitus Maii, a formulaic expression indicating that
the date is to be counted from the end of the month.
230
A 1323 CHARTER-PARTY
Translation
The supposed readings marked by square brackets [ ] in the transcription have

been translated but with the brackets retained; gaps within round brackets ( )
have been carried forward; line indications have been omitted and punctuation
added.
Know all those who shall see and hear this charter that Sir Hugh de Berham,
in the name and place of Sir Adam de Limbergue, constable of the castle of
Bordeaux and on behalf of our lord the king of England, duke of Guienne and
in [the name] and place of our said lord the king and duke, has freighted and
[loaded] at Bordeaux the cog Our Lady of Lyme of Walter Giffard, the master,
93 [tuns] and 18 pipes of wine, of which one tun [4 ] pipes are adulterated
[wine], and 44 tuns of flour, to go directly to Newcastle-upon-Tyne for 9 shil-
lings in good English sterling crowns, each tun of freight at the rate of 21 tuns
1 pipe for 20, and the remainder of the pipes, 2 for the freight of one tun. For
which freight the said master [acknowledges] that he was paid in the sum of
7 2s. of good English sterling crowns in part payment of the said freight and
held [himself ] well [paid] thereof. And within 15 days, counting one day after
another as God, he will have conducted and brought the said ship across to
safety to her correct discharge. The [wine and] the flour shall be unloaded and
the master paid for all his freight without any delay and without any demur-
rage; towage [and petty lodemanage are on the mer]chants. And when the ship
left Bordeaux the master and the merchants were in good peace and in good
[love and without any quarrel. That is to say the 8th day] from the end of May
1323, king Charles reigning in France, Edw[ard reigning in] England, [duke] of
Guienne, (?) [archbishop] of Bordeaux.
Witnesses are [Richard] Esparver, Thomas Rosen, P. Mauran, John de Rosorde.
And that John Alein, [notary] public of the Duchy of () [of Juins, which the
fore-mentioned] P. Mauran, registrar, wrote by my [will] X.
Endorsed on the back
Sum of the freight of the ship of Walter Giffard, master, the ship called Saint
Marie cog of Lyme 53 11s. Of which is cleared by A. de Limbergue 7 2s. and
The translation of vin(s) tint is uncertain. Boyd had stock wine; as it was a May delivery the
wine would have been reek and vin tint may have been an alternative, but unknown, name for
that. Alternatively, maybe 1 tun 4 pipes of the wine had been cosmetically enhanced with vinum
tinctum (vin teinturier) as in Jeanine Sauvanon, Les Mtiers au Moyen Age, (Chartres, 1993),
p.51: Des filous versaient aussi quelques msures de vinum tinctum (vin teinturier) lorsque la
rcolte ntait pas bonne et produisait un vin de petite couleur.
The Boyd translation has 1322 although in his transcription is correctly M0 ccc0 xxiij. With
the correction in fn. 4, the date of the charter-party should be 23 May 1323, not Boyds 8 May
1322.
cartolari is not immediately identifiable but is almost certainly cognate with Middle French
cartulaire: registrar.
231
APPENDIX 4
by Polhowe 46 10s. Polhou has released 86 tuns of wine and 43 tuns of flour
and 16 tuns of wine are deficient
Comment
It was ambitious of Giffard to undertake to make the passage of around 1,000

nautical miles within 15 days; he apparently fulfilled his promise although, because
the quittance is undated, that is uncertain. From the charter-party it is known
that the wine and flour had been freighted at the kings behest. The shipping of
cereal from Bordeaux to England was unusual but, in the spring and summer
of 1323, the king began to collect troops in the north and was ordering victuals
for them to be sent to Newcastle and Berwick. In July proclamations had been
read in Westmoreland, York, Cumberland and Northumberland that everyone
was to bake, brew and provide victuals without delay against the kings arrival
in the north whither he is journeying from Yorkshire to repress the rebellion of
the Scots. At the same time old and new cereals, and other victuals, were to be
sent from London, and all other ports and any ships arriving with food were to
be turned round and directed to the north. Ironically both the senechal and the
constable of Bordeaux were told at the beginning of June, shortly after Giffards
departure, that further supplies from Gascony of wine and victuals, nobles, horses
and men-at-arms would not be required and that any outstanding orders were
cancelled.
The missing cargo
The quantities of wine and flour loaded in Bordeaux and unloaded in Newcastle
reveal substantial deficiencies. Further, the sum paid in advance and on delivery
does not correspond with either the agreed freight rate per tun delivered nor with
the original bargain. These discrepancies invite examination.
Flour
The flour was apparently packed in tun barrels; 44 of these were reportedly
loaded, of which Polhowe identified and released only 43. There are four possible
explanations for the apparent loss of one tun:
i A tun was shipped free of charge for the use of the crew en voyage.
ii A tun was lost overboard or irretrievably damaged by water
iii A tun was removed from the ship by a military commander somewhere en
route. Such opportunism was not unknown.10
CCR, 20 July 1323 and 24 July 1323.

CCR, 2 June 1323.
10 CCR, 8 August 1322. Robert de Sexton was reported to have taken various quantities
232
A 1323 CHARTER-PARTY
iv One of the tuns was wrongly identified in either Bordeaux or Newcastle.
Wine
102 tuns were reportedly loaded of which Polhowe identified and released only 86.
There are five possible explanations for the apparent loss of 16 tuns:
i to iii as for the flour with the added complication that if one of the tuns was
wrongly identified but the total was correct, the wine loss was one tun more.
iv Leakage and ullage, possibly spread over several tuns
vi Two tuns were taken as prisage for which the royal butler would have paid
the carriage. As an OHMS delivery it might be expected that the cargo was
exempt from duty but possibly the bureaucracy was too inflexible to recognise
that privilege. There is no indication in the endorsement of prisage taken and the
Michaelmas 132233 Butlers Accounts show no Newcastle prisages.11
The freight costs
The freight charge calculation is occult; the amount of money received by Giffard
does not obviously correspond to any combination of possibilities. It is clear from
the charter-party that the basic rate of 9s. per tun was to be discounted so that 21
tuns 1 pipe, i.e. 21 tuns, were to be charged as 20 tuns. It is not so clear what is
to be charged for the remaining pipes or indeed, what were the remaining pipes.
Assuming that they were all the pipe-size casks loaded, then it is necessary only to
divide by two and charge the quotient as tuns; 18 pipes were loaded so there were
nine tuns to be charged at either the basic rate or the discounted rate. It is perhaps
just possible that the remaining pipes were those left over after the calculation, in
which case they may have been charged at the basic rate. Another difficulty lies
in the 1 tun 4 pipes of vins tint which may have been treated in the calculation as
either three whole tuns or as five casks of two sizes. A further complication is that
if a pipe or a tun of the wine of inferior quality, together with a tun of flour, were
shipped as crews rations, those casks would have travelled free of charge.
The shilling difference shown in the endorsement between what Giffard appears
to have received (53 12s.) and what Polhowe calculated was his due (5311s.) also
requires explanation:
of wheat from two ships when he was constable of Scarborough castle, the kings clerk was
acquitted of the costs.
11 Denizens wine cargoes were subject to Recta Prise by which one tun was taken from cargoes
of up to 19 tuns and two tuns from cargoes of 20 and over, one from before and the other from
aft of the mast.
233
APPENDIX 4
Polhowe released 129 tuns and therefore owed Giffard for their freight
i.e. 129 tuns x 20/21.5 x 9s = 54 0s. 0d.
Giffard was paid 7 2s. up front and 46 10s. on quittance = 53 12s. 0d.
There was therefore an underpayment to Giffard of 8s. 0d.
less the overpayment in the endorsement of 1s. 0d.
leaving a nett underpayment of 7s. 0d.
As it seems unlikely that Giffard would have allowed himself to be underpaid by
Polhowe, there must be more to this affair than is now apparent.
The competitiveness of Giffards discounted freight rate of 8s. 4d. per tun
may be judged by another near-contemporary charge for an identical voyage:
in 132425, two ships were freighted in Bordeaux for London at 10s. per tun,
although that rate may have been elevated by the risks of war in Gascony and by
convoy protection money.12
12 James, Wine Trade, Appendix 18, p. 151, citing PRO, Exchequer, Kings Remembrancer,
Accounts Various (Butlerage and prisage), 77/23 and 77/29.
234
APPENDIX 5
Transcription and translation of the chapter de regimen

transfretantium from Gilbertus Anglicus
Compendium Medicine
Gilbertus Anglicus, a well known thirteenth-century physician, travelled to the

Holy Land by sea in 1240. He drew on his maritime experience to give advice for
those travelling by sea; that advice makes up part of a chapter in his Compendium
Medicine, published in 1510. Because of its relevance to health on medieval ships,
it has been transcribed and translated here, perhaps for the first time, using the
text of a sixteenth-century printed copy of his manuscript. The health of the crew
on a medieval ship is discussed in chapter 5.
Transcription
Book 7, folio ccclxij, recto, right-hand column, from line 23 to end

Abbreviations have been silently expanded; punctuation has been left unaltered;
the letters b and h, printed identically, have been differentiated; the letters u and v
have been changed as necessary to regularise the Latin and the letters i and j have
been left as printed. Two compositors errors have been corrected: para 1 line 2,
inversion of et and rectificatione; and para 2 line 5, sedimen for sedinem.
Compendium medicine Gilberti anglici tam morborum universalium quam particularium nondum
medicis sed et cyrurgicis utilissimum, ed. Michael de Capella (Lyons, 1510), 7, pp. 3623. A copy
of Gilberts manuscript is in the British Library, MS Sloane 272, Laurea Anglicana. The earliest
known manuscript is TK3: Bruges, Belgium, Bibliothque Publique MS 469, dated 1271. I am
grateful to the librarian of the Royal Society of Medicine, whose copy of the Capella edition
I used, and to Dr Tony Hunt of St Peters College, Oxford, who so willingly helped with the
translation.
Chaucer, General Prologue, line 434: Gilbert is included in the list in the cynical description
of physicians.
This chapter of the Compendium, which also covered the reproductive system, diseases of
women, how to light fires and antidotes to poisons, is omitted from all known Middle English
translations, one of which has been edited by F.M. Getz, Healing and Society in Medieval England:
A Middle English Translation of the Pharmaceutical Writings of Gilbertus Anglicus (Madison, WI,
1991); no other translation of this chapter has been found.
235
APPENDIX 5
De regimine transfretantium
Regimen transfretantium mare principaliter in quattuor consistit scilicet in

prohibitione nausee et sedatione vomitus in rectificatione fetoris marini in seda-
tione sitis et rectificatione aque. Prohibitio nausee completur per usum fruc-
tuum acetosorum in ieiunio. ut citoniorum. malorum granatorum acetosorum
et citrangulorum limonorum. et per potationem seminis apij. vel cerfolij. decoc-
tionis in aqua que decoctio bibatur a ieiuno. Sedeat autem capite erecto et teneat
firmiter ad trabem et non respiciat hac aut illac: et non moveatur caput nisi
motu navis. Sugat autem dulcia aut comedat semina eructuativa.
Post vero vomitum si acciderit accipiat mala granata acria et dulcia et ficus
et penides et non comedat quousque stomachus vel vomitus omnino sedetur.
et accidentia quiescant. tunc accipiat stomatichon aut dyantos aut aliud confor-
tatium. comedat autem cibaria digestibilia. Et quia necesse est comedere salsa
et legumina comedat ea bene cocta et non quotidie, et sint salsa cocta in tribus
aquis vel quattuor: et macerentur prius in aqua dulci quamvis dicant quidam
aquam salsam sal sedimen extrahere. Sit autem vinum bonum oderiferum. et
quotidie mane accipiat de electuarijs bonis odoriferis.
Rectificatur autem fetor maris per usum electuariorum aromaticorum confor-
tantium cor et cerebrum et stomachum ut faciant residentiam fortem. sicut est
pliris muscatum. dyanthos cum musco. dyamargariton. post cibum masticentur
gariof. muscari. ambrati. et teneantur in ore. et nux muscata et huiusmodi. tene-
atur lapdanum in manu aut pomum ambre. aut aliud odoriferum. Eligatur locus
a sentina remotus et a canalibus quibus aque fetentes projiciuntur. Caveant in
quantum possunt ab oppressione hominum et membrorum. et deambulent
sepius super summitates navis ad eventandum et mundificent vestimenta a
spurcicijs pulicum et pediculorum. et mutent vestes et renovent prout sepius
poterunt ut inde natura exhilaretur Sedatur autem sitis per frigida et humida
quorum confectiones satis patent superius.
Rectificatur autem aqua per eventationem et excolationem et agitationem
et motum aut per excoctionem et post per imittatur residere. et fex abijciatur
aut coletur per arenam limpidam recentem. aut si fieri potest sublimetur per
duplicia vasa scilicet per alembicum ad nobiles sic enim fit aqua salsa dulcis. Et
dicit Avicenna quod aqua mala aceto rectificatur. ponatur ergo in aqua parum
de aceto. aut limones
Assumantur autem in nave uve passe. cepe. cucumeres. mala et pira. dyadra-
gagantum. et cum dyadragaganto distemperetur aqua aut dyanthos. et assuescat
semen feniculi. et portulace masticate. destruit enim sitim.
Caveat autem in meridie a calore in nocte a frigore a nimia constipatione et
solutione. et statim nocumentis supervenientibus occurrat.
Dominus autem omnia dirigat in tranquilate. Amen.
236
DE REGIMEN TRANSFRETANTIUM
Translation
Person, tense, voice and mood have been modernised and made consistent. The
third person singular he has been used throughout although the plural occurs in
places; punctuation has been added.
Instruction for those making a sea passage
The instruction for travel by sea consists principally of four parts; namely,
in the prevention of nausea and reduction of vomiting, in the rectification of
marine stenches, in the assuaging of thirst and in the purification of water. The
prevention of nausea is achieved by the use, while fasting, of bitter fruit such
as quinces, bitter pomegranates and oranges and, as a drink, a decoction of
anise or chervil, the mixture to be drunk on an empty stomach. Also, he [the
patient] should sit with the head erect and hold firmly to the beams [of the
ship] and not look this way or that and the head should not move except with
the motion of the ship. He should suck beforehand sweetmeats or eat seeds
which produce belching.
If vomiting has occurred he should afterwards take bitter pomegranate,
sweetmeats, figs and a thread of sugar and should not eat until the stomach or
vomiting has completely settled down and the symptoms subside. Then let him
take a stomach preparation of either extract of rosemary or another strength-
ening agent and let him eat digestible food. And because it is necessary to eat
salted foods and vegetables, he should eat them well cooked, but not every day;
the salted food should be cooked in three or four washings and soaked first in
fresh water, although some say salt water, to remove the salt sediment. Also,
he may take a well flavoured wine and, daily, in the morning, sweet smelling
pastilles.
The smell of the sea may also be reduced by the use of aromatic pastilles
so that by strengthening the heart, brain and stomach they may offer a strong
resistance; for example, musk pastilles, extract of rosemary with musk [and]
medicinal pearl powder. He should chew after meals cloves and musk in amber-
gris, hold in the mouth nutmeg and anything of that kind and hold in the hand,
labdanum or a pomander or some other fragrant substance. A place should be
chosen remote from the bilge and the drains through which the fetid waters
run. He should avoid whenever possible the oppression of men and limbs and
should walk about sheltered on the highest parts of the ship for the purpose
of cleansing garments of filthy fleas and lice and change and renew clothes as
often as he can in order that they may be freshened naturally. Also thirst may
be asssuaged by cold and humid preparations which are sufficiently clear from
the above.
Furthermore, water may be purified by the process of aerating, settling out,
shaking and movement or by boiling and afterwards being allowed to settle and
the sediment may be thrown away or filtered through fresh, clean sand. Or, if it
is possible to distill it in a double vessel, that is, an alembic, as it is known, then
237
APPENDIX 5
salt water can be made fresh. And Avicenna says: just as water may be purified
by sour wine, so put in just a little vinegar or lemon.
There should also be in the ship raisins, onions, cucumbers, apples and
pears, medicament of tragacanth and with the tragacanth medicament should
be mixed water or extract of rosemary and, as is customary, fennel seed and
shredded portulace because that destroys thirst.
Furthermore, let him avoid the heat of midday or the cold of the night, or
excessive constipation or diarrhoea, then he may resist such harmful things as
may befall him.
Otherwise, may God direct all in tranquillity. Amen.
238
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Portuguese
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254
Index
Accountancy 70 Bills of exchange 712

Actions Biscay, Bay of 142, 148150, 155
of account 10, 52 Bole, Henry (Lt. Gen, Court of Admiralty)
against admiralty court decisions 423 44
of assumpsit 1314 Bordeaux 111, 148
of covenant 14 Bottomry 65, 73, 76, 204
for damages 14 Bourgneuf, Bay of 111
recording of 38 Bridport, John, (sleeping partner) 57, 61
for trespass 1314 Bristol 1618, 20, 26, 29,
of torts 13 Little Red Book 17
Admiral, origins of title 28 Tolsey court 16, 18
Admirals Bruges 74
Alard, Gervase 28
Arundel, Richard, earl of 33 Calais 33, 11011
Barrau de Sescas 28 Court 55
Beauchamp, Sir John 32, 34 inquiries into spoilage 28,
Beaufort, Thomas, earl of Dorset 44 mint 69, 74
Bedford, John, duke of 45 Cargo handling 1589
Botetourte, John 28 Carta Mercatoria see Staple, Statute of
Bryan, Guy de 34, 37 Catalan Atlas 138
Grimaud, Reyner (acting for French Cely family
king) 28 bills of exchange 712
Huntingdon, John Holland, earl of 38, credit 70
42 failure 74
Leyburn Sir William 28 magnetic compass 145
Nevill, John, lord 37 partnership 64
Pavely, John de 34 sea loan 65
Somerset, John Beaufort, earl of 42 shipownership 64
Agreements Chancellor 1011, 1820
freighting 44, see also Charter-parties Charter 78ff
service 1015, 40, 5154, see also bare-boat charter 63
Partnerships freight rates and cargo handling charges
Aldridge, William, (ships purser) 65 847, 8990
Alvise de Cadamosto (magnetic legal clauses 824
variation) 147 payment 847
Amalfi, Flavio Gioia of, (invention of pilotage charges 8990
compass) 145 voyage time and route 879
Anchoring/anchorages 125, 16770, whole-ship charter 634, 77
199200, 205, 216, 227 witnesses to charter-party 84
Avowry see Colouring Charter-parties
Bagot 1453 65, 83
Balsal, John, (ships purser) 74 Copyn 13934 82, 91
Bayeux tapestry 133 Giffard 1323 85, 8790
Bayonne 28, 111 facsimile, transcription, translation 79,
Beccadelli, Antonio (Amalfi poet) 145 183205
Beowulf 124 Lisle 1465 889
Berwick 111 Lynne 1392 867, 9192
255
INDEX
Normant 1393 834, 889 Mulard v Hobbe (piracy) 28

Prophet 1387 856 Normant v Lotolli (forgery, breach of
Chaucer, Geoffrey, contract, alien involved) 834
Shipman 123 Nocolt v Appe Hacche (disputed
The Shipmans Tale 69, 72, 73 ownership) 41
A Treatise on the Astrolabe 1312, 138 Pilk v Venere (theft by crew) 1820, 33
Cinque Ports 9, 23, 27, 28 Roches v Hawley (spoilage involving
Claims by, and against aliens) 35
Aragon, king of 33 Sampson v Curteys (authority of local
Flemish 30, court) 39
at Admiralty court 37, 41 Smale et alia v Houeel et alia (equity in
French 2930, 367, admiralty court) 36
at Admiralty court 32, 36, 41 Watertoft v Jonesson (freight contract) 44
inquiries 28, 30 Yter v Haule (Hawley) (piracy) 41
at Kings Council 31 Courts
Portuguese 30, 34, 39 Admiralty 15, 20, 22, 26, 2747 passim
Spanish 30, 32 Aldermanic 9
Clerk, Walter (charterer) 52 Chancery 9, 1015, 28, 3132, 39
Colouring by avowry 60 Chivalry (Constable and Marshall) 35
Commenda 12, 50, 53 Coram Rege 26
Compaignons de marchaundie 524 County 9
Companhia das Naus, 78 Kings Bench, 8, 28, 38, 39
Compurgation 13, 38 markets and fairs 9, 12, 15
Conservators 45 manor 9
Copland, Robert see Sailing Directions piepowder 16
Corpus juris 9 Covenant see Actions
Court hearings Credit 6971, 73, 75, 87, 94
Beche v Nyweman (debt) 41 Customs (Catalan) 56, 62
Bedon v Richardesson (rendering account) Custumal
55, 61 of Bristol 27
Bensyn v Brennyng (disputed agreement) of Fordwich and Sandwich 46
84
de Beuso v Crake (piracy) 29 Danzig 111
Bridport v Gyles (sale of ship) 57, 61 Dartmouth 35, 44, 4950, 64, 101, 103
Burwell v Horne (dispute between Debt 1216,19, 6973, 86
partners) 55 Decree ad personam 9
Copyn v Snoke & Saylingham (freight Departure 86, 147, 159, 1605
payment) 41, 83 Dover Castle, constable of 28
Croppe v Hornbroke (breach of Drying-out 158, 178, see also anchoring
agreement) 612 Dublin 111, 176
Draper v Stillard (freight contract) 41
G. Sculte et al. v Wm. Long et Thos. Hoo Edward I 22, 25
(sea loan dispute) 756 Edward II 25, 29
Gernsey v Henton (authority of local Edward III 19, 23, 25, 2930, 324, 37, 43
court) 401 Equity 11, 13, 36, 37
Hamely v Alveston (use of compurgation)
13, 38 Faversham 56
Helemes v Opright (breach of contract) Flanders, 54, 110, 111, see also Claims
27 Fose, Walter of Lescluse, (killed at sea) 32
Henton v Kedewelly (breaking and Foulk, Peter, (ship sunk in Calais) 33
entering) 40 France, king of 28, 29, 31, 434
Heyton v Bagot (dispute over law ) 83 Freight
Hornbroke v Croppe (dispute in discount 81, 845, 220, 2313
partnership) 612 rates and payments 847, 2334
256
INDEX
Garcie, Pierre see Sailing Directions crew management and relationships

General average 34, 70, 957, 108, 117, 195, 667, 1007, 1913, 197, 2013
228 pilots 89, 1757, 1989, 205
Gomes, Diogo, (latitude determination) see also Oleron and Remuneration
1478 Letter patent, 1285 (contribution after loss of
Gordon, John (concealed wine) 33 ship) 96, 117
Grimaud Reyner (French admiral) 28 The Libelle of Englyshe Polycye 144
Guyot of Provins, (poet) 144 Liber Horn see Oleron
Limbergue, Sir Alan de, Constable Bordeaux
Hansa 127, 139, 145, 154 Castle 90, 2301
Hastings MS see Sailing Directions Lisbon 11011
Henry II 10, 24 Loans 525, 59, 62, 656, 706, 867
Henry III 245 Lyndsay, Alexander see Sailing Directions
Henry IV 46
Henry VI 46 Marque, letter of 45
Herle, Robert de, Captain of Calais 32 Maffe, Francis (merchant, robbed abroad)
31
Instruments, Medine, Pierre de (author of LArt de
financial and commercial 7072, 934 Navigver) 142
navigational 1223, 141, 144ff Merchants 9121 passim, 192, 1946, 198,
Insurance 748, 87, 94 204, 211, 227
Florentine and Genoese formulae 768 Bensyn, Bernard (Bordeaux) 84
in partnerships 50, 75, 78 Bokeland, Richard (London) 54
premium 75, 7678 Boys, John de (Brittany) 54
by sea loans 723, 7678 Brennyng, Bernard (shipowner) 78
Investment, shipowning 647 Croppe, Thomas (shipowner) 612
Ipswich 46 Denys, Harry (grocer) 89
Denmars, Bartholomew (corder,
Jettison 957, 100, 104, 108, 117 shipowner) 49
Joint/part ownership 558, 601 Genoese 29, 77
Gunsales (Portuguese) 39
Kedwelly, John (victim of piracy) 445 Hatfield, John de (chandler) 56
Kelke, John (lack of counsel) 45 Heyton, John 65
Kings Council 911, 19, 4042, 456 Hornbroke, Harry (shipowner) 612
Kinsale, Old Head of 209 Lotolli, John (of Bordeaux) 83
Lovecok, Philip, (shipowner) 59
Lacer, Henry le (Geffrey le) (robbed abroad) Lyng, John (draper) 60
31 Maghfeld, Gilbert (ironmonger,
Lansdowne MS see Sailing Directions shipowner) 65, 6970
La Rochelle 110, 111 Makenham, Arnold 889
Law Mounier, Walter le (merchants agent)
common 926, 2747, 77, 83, 93 52, 75
commerce 1215 Newland, Richard (tailor) 52
partnership 5062, 6466, 68 Northerne,Thomas le (vintner,
maritime 206, 2747, 823, 120 shipowner) 49
merchant 1520, 2747, 5166, 70 Norton, Geoffrey le 52
Oleron Lex or Roles 1626, 2747, 48, Oliver, Tibbot, 73
50 Payne, William (ironmonger, charterer)
anchorages 16771, 199200 82
cargo 978, 158, 192, 196 Pole, William de la 75
freight 204 Preston, Richard de (grocer, shipowner)
general average 195 49
jettison 957, 194 Rust, Robert 98
Sarduche, Nicholas 60
257
INDEX
Serland, Thomas 60 commenda type 50, 53

Spynule, Antonia (Genoa) 77 complete partnership 53, 567
Venetian 29, 77 finance partnership 52, 53, 55
Waryn, John 80 at law 1113, 24, 26
Watere, Gamelin atte 89 relationships within 546
Wawton, Philip 86 responsibilities within 5862
Meteorology 17174 passim rles of partners 568
Morte Arthure 160, 164, 166 sale of share 57, 612, 66, 2202
service agreement 514, 55, 63
Navigation 122156 passim Pecok, John (attorney) 77
astrolabe 131, 138, 141, 147 Pedro de Medina (author Art de Navegar)
compass 1301, 1447, 154, 156 148
deviation and variation 146 Piers Plowman 65, 69
depth, sounding 1239, 133141, 14850, Pilots 139, 205, 212, see also Laws, Oleron
152, 1545, 168 charter-party 81, 86
direction 1229, 13844, 1512 payment 99100, 112, 227, 228
distance 12230, 14852, 155 Thames 128
distance made good 1413, 1512 Piracy 16, 23, 2747 passim
log 1512 Plymouth 73
latitude 122, 130, 1412, 14750, 156 Polhowe (receiver of kings victuals,
astral heights 122, 14750, 156 Newcastle) 86, 22934
longitude 122, 130 Prize 23, 2947, 82, 113, 213
marks, land- and sea- 122, 1248, 150 Proude, Richard see Sailing Directions
meridional passage 122, 13641
seabed 1335, 148 Queenborough, Inquisition of
sunstone 130 Admiralty inquiries 2137
speed admirals powers 42, 2178
of current 13940 history 236, 378,
of ship 122, 130, 1334, 1413, 1512 pilotage 212
Neckam, Alexander (author De Naturis shipmasters responsibilities 50, 667
Rerum) 144 transcription, translation 20618
Newcastle 110, 111 wages 20611, 212
Oleron, see also Laws, Oleron Remuneration 847, 10713, 1923, 2023,
Coutumier 24, 62, 21928 20612
anchorage 227 assiage, guindage, planchage, primage,
expenses and general average 2268 quillage, rivage 99, 226
freight 220 lodemanage 99, 112
management and portage 5, 967, 103, 10713, 2013,
responsibility 2246, 228 20710, 219
partnership 2204 Rente, Thomas of Pontise (alleging pillage)
history of island 245 31
Lex (Roles) Richard Cur de Lion 20
Origins and variants 20, 21 Richard II 11, 35, 46
acceptance in England 20 Richard Redeless 166
Liber Horn 2022 Roger, employee of John Bridport 57
transcription, translation, commentary Rosa ventorum 132, n. 13
183205 Rozmital, Leo of 132
Ownership Rule of the road 16971, 178
of cargo 334, 90
of ships 12, 24, 41, 4868, 81, 90 Safe conducts 29, 35
Sailing directions and rutters 12342,
Partnership 14850, 1526
advantages of 623 Copland, Robert 156
258
INDEX
Garcie, Pierre 156 Shipowners

Hastings MS (rutter) 124, 125, 133, 154, Andrewe, Matthew (charter dispute) 89
168 Blakeburn, Nicholas (also shipmaster)
Lansdowne MS (rutter) 1524 52
Lyndsay, Alexander 140 Bagot, Clement 65
Proude, Richard 156 Bedon, John 55
Seebuch 1236, 129, 135, 1389, 1516, 177 Brewer, William 58, 66
Sails 1607, 178 Bye, Richard 88
bonnets 1601, 165 Canynges, William (fleet owner) 49
reefs 1656 Crathom, William 64
Salvage 35, 81, 90, 97, 104 Dawe, William 58, 66
Sandwich 28, 46 Ferrantyn, Alexander 77
Scone 111 Godlok, Peres (also shipmaster) 59
Scriptum obligatorium 701 Gyles, John (also shipmaster) 57
Senyor de nau 56 Hawley, John (also shipmaster, allgd
Seamanship 15778 passim pirate) 48, 81, 91
Seville (River Gualdiquivir) 177 Irpe, John 50
Shipmaster, profession of Lisle, Sir John (charter dispute) 889
bureaucratic load 1201 Ribald, William (also master) 50
discipline 1046 Sampson, Hugh (victim of piracy) 31
financial 6974, 198, 2267 Sculte, Gaspar (also shipmaster) 756
insurance 748 Stoon, Thomas and Margaret 63
options 501 Straunge, Robert (fleet owner) 49
as owner/partner/employee 4868 William, John (also shipmaster,
relationship with merchant shippers 95, merchant) 50
192, 204 Shipownership
responsibility investment 4850, 64
for crew 1007, 192, 193, 197, 199, earliest recorded 48
2003 partnerships 5163, 2204
for cargo 978, 192, 1946 Ships
for expenses 99100, 192 All Saints 27
for ship 191, 195, 199200, 227, 228 Andreu Le 52
offshore 95121 Antony Le 46
onshore 6994 Benalee 48
trust 11, 50, 578, 66, 68, 205 Berie La 76
Shipmasters Bonan 59
Berthe, John 81 Brette La 48
Boudenson, James 62 Cracher 50
Bygge, Nicholas 66 Cristofre 55
Dagh, Nicholas 567 Davy 58
Ethoun, Amisio 50 Francesse, Le 77
Field, Henry 80 Godyer (of Ipswich) 50
Fose, Walter 32 Godyer (of Spalding) 50
Hobbe, Walter (alleged pirate) 28 Gost (of Lynn) 88
Maydekyn, John, 8990 Gracedieu (of Brittany) 81
Normant, Robert 83, 88 Hardebolle 57
Opright, Walter 27 Holyghost of Spain (on charter from
Pope, Arnald 98 crown) 634
Pye, Roger (waterman) 63 Jacobknight (of Sluys) 62
Richardesson, Hugh 55 James (of Ottermouth) 89
Starling, John 77 Jesus (flag ship of crown) 50
Treyouran, John 58, 66 John (in service of crown) 50
White, John 65 Julian (on charter) 65
259
INDEX
Katerine La, de Hope 49 Strozze, Marco, (issuer of bill of assurance)

Katherine Britton (in service of crown) 77
145 Sub pna 11
Lambord (of Bristol) 48 Theft 178, 33, 1045, 213, 216
Lancastre Le 52 Tides
Margaret Cely 65 lunitidal interval (Establishment) 136,
Margarete 59 138
Marie La (lighter) 63 range 13541
Marie (of Boulogne) 49 streams 13841
Marie Le (of Exeter) 52 tables 139
Mary Asshe 86 Time 122, 129, 137, 1413, 147, 1502
Michel Le 33 astral clock 130, 142
Michel (of London) 49 lunar clock 131, 13642
Nicholas (of Romene) 89 Tong, William (partnership dispute) 56
Nostra Dame alias Sainte Marie (of Trebeel, John (pirate) 43
Lyme) 90 Trust concomitant with use 1011, 50,
Pelarym, Le (of Flanders) 32 578, 66, 68
Portpays 31 Turn-round 98, 204
Rodcogge 145 Tuskar Rock 209
Sauveye, La 48
Seint Anne (of London) 77 Usuria occulta 59
Seint Marie Cog (of Exmouth) 49, 59
Seinte Marie 80 Voyages
Swan 50 delayed and frustrated 95, 110, 192, 194,
Tarryce 32 212, 220
Trinity (of Bristol) 74 penalties 867, 91, 110, 204
Thomas Le 49
Valentine (on charter from crown) 64 Waterford 88, 111
Sluys, battle of 2930 Whitby 30
Societas maris 56 William of Worcester 129, 1356, 143
Southwark 445 Winchelsea 48, 57
Staple, Wool futures 69
Statute of 1920, 29, 71 Writs 10, 12, 16, 53
towns 9, 12 Wroth, John (partnership dispute) 56
260

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Select Bibliography 239

BIHR Bulletin of the Institute of Historical Research.

Oleron MS Liber Horn, Corporation of the City of London Records

Despite a reduced population, perennial war, endemic piracy, shortage of bullion,

The legal background

The commercial background

Ships and shipping

Organisation of the book

The development of law in England in the fourteenth century as the country

The seminal work on English medieval shipping is that by Burwash, written

ronistic, detailed descriptive passages. Contemporary literature which has been

Translations from older languages such as Latin, Anglo-Norman French, Middle

Maryanne Kowaleski, Working at Sea: Maritime Recruitment and Remuneration in Medi-

The Shipmaster and the Law

Holdsworth, History, 5, p. 62; Year Book 13 Edward IV, Pasch., pl. 5.

The Court of Chancery

Avery, Equitable Jurisdiction, passim.

The recognition of commerce by common law

Year Book 3 Henry VI, fo. 36, pl. 33.

For hundreds of years merchant law subsisted in England as a distinct source of

Cheshire and Fifoot, Contract, p. 3.

no possessor or owner of ships lese nor be enpeached, constreyned nor put

17 Statutes, 11 or 13 Edward I, Statute of Acton Burnell; 13 Edward I, st. 3, Statute of Merchants,

To view the image on this page please refer to

20 CPR, 128192, p. 168. Twiss, Black Book, I, p. 121 n.3.

reproduced in The Black Book, together with a commentary and a summary of

The next step

The Shipmaster and the Rise and Fall

M erchants, shipmasters and shipowners who were involved in overseas trade

The inception of the admirals courts

The title of admiral is not to be found in the records of English-controlled regions

Rot. Parl., 1, 21 Edward II, p. 125 and 128.

An apparent attempt to remove a maritime case from the Court of Common

reduce the duration of impressments, Edward III was described as le Roi de la

involving denizens or aliens, whether as plaintiffs or defendants, were heard before

capitaneum et ductorem pertinent secundum legem maritimam fuerit faciendum. Foedera,

The flourishing of the admirals courts

The jurisdiction offered by the admirals courts amounted to discretionary and

21 CCR, 136974, pp. 369370.

been called to assist. Commissions of oyer et terminer were appointed on two

23 CPR, 13741377, pp. 408, 410 and 417.

The decline of the admirals courts

Beche v. Nyweman, a case of debt in 1391; Nocolt v. Appe Hacche, a question of

to hear and examine complaints by the earl of Huntingdon, Admiral of the

duresses, grievances, disobediences or rebellions and prejudices to the officers

32 Appendix 2, Queensborough articles 29 (death), 30 (mayhem), 51 (suing at common law), 52

The Shipmaster as Owner, Partner

Appendix 1, Oleron, articles 1, 2, 14, 18.

The shipmasters options

Ship-owning partnerships and service agreements

the responsibilities and privileges of the participants. Possible evidence of formal

Relationships within partnerships

12 CLMC, I, no. 56; and II, no. 6.

14 Postan, Medieval Trade, p. 68.

The rles of partners

16 CPMR, 13811412, p. 136. Appendix 3, Coutumier, chapter 83.