Nvmen Volume 16 PDF

NVM
INTERNATIONAL REVIEW FOR THE

HISTORY OF RELIGIONS
ISSUED BY THE
INTERNATIONAL ASSOCIATION FOR THE

VOLUME XVI
T,FIDEN
E. J. BRILL
1969
CONTENTS
JACOBNEUSNER, The Phenomenon of the Rabbi in Late Anti-

quity . . . . . . . .
H. S. HADDAD, "Georgic" Cults and Saints of the Levant . . 21
GUiNTER LANCZKOWSKI, Wahrheit und Skepsis im Aztekischen
Denken . . . . .. 40
PETR POKORNg, Gno.sis als Weltreligion und als Haresie . . 51
DONALD H. BISHOP, Religious Confrontation, a Case Study: The
I893 Parliament of Religions . . . . . . . 63
International Association for the History of Religions; Study-
Conference Jerusalem July I968 . . . . . . 77
Ph. H. J. HOUWINK TEN CATE, Hittite Royal Prayers . . . 8
JOSEPH SHIH, The Notions of God in the Ancient Chinese

Religion . . . . . .99
DAVID FLUSSER, Salvation Present and Future . . . . .39
L. J. VAN DER LOF, Manichaische Verbeugungen vor der Sonne
auf dem Vorderplatze der Sankt Peterskirche in Rom? . . 156
JOHN. R. HINNELLS, Zoroastrian
Saviour Imagery and its In-
fluence on the New Testament . . . . . . . .6
SVEIN BJERKE, The High God among the Zinza of Northwestern
Tanzania . . . . . .. 86
WOLFGANGWIEFEL, Fluch und Sakralrecht . . 2II
E. M. PYE, The Transplantation of Religions . . . 234
Publications Received . . . . . . 80, 240
NVMEN
Copyright I969 by E. J. Brill, Leiden, Netherlands
All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reproduced or
translated in any form, by print, photoprint, microfilm, microfiche
or any other means without written permission from the publisher
PRINTED IN THE NETHERLANDS
THE PHENOMENON OF THE RABBI IN LATE
ANTIQUITY*
BY
JACOB NEUSNER
Brown University
Jewish religious leadership through history has taken many forms.

From biblical times onward the ancient tradition put forward one
type of leader after another, from the patriarch to the prophet, from
the anointed king, God-inspired general and judge, to the temple priest
and guardian of both culture and cult. In the first century A.D., one
kind of religious leader began at first to compete with, then to exclude
from legitimacy and power, all others, and that was the rabbi. He
maintained that all of the great leaders of Israel had been rabbis, in
perfect anachronism even calling Moses "our rabbi" and crediting King
David with having "studied the Torah" in the manner of the third
century rabbi. It is no exaggeration to call the rabbi Israel's character-
istic religious-leadership type, even though what a rabbi was and is has
changed over the centuries. 1)
I
What unites all historical forms of the rabbinate is devotion to
"study of the Torah," by which was meant both the written Scriptures
as we have them and the Oral Revelation handed on by God to Moses
at Sinai. It was invariably the claim of the rabbi that the whole Torah,
both written and oral parts, was preserved, handed on, and embodied
in the schools where rabbis were educated. The form of the oral tradi-
tion finally became the corpus of rabbinic literature, beginning with
*) Jacob Neusner is Professor of Religious Studies at Brown University. This

paper is based upon his Morron Lecture at Hamilton College, April 2, I968.
I) The egregious ascription of the title "rabbi"to biblical figures is matched
by the retention of the title in subsequent, equally alien, settings, long after the
Talmudic-rabbinictradition had disintegrated.We have no history of the rabbi in
America, for example. Abraham J. Karp is pursuing researches on that question,
and promises a comprehensiveaccount in time to come.
Numen XVI
2 Jacob Neusner
the Mishnah and Tosefta, extending then to the beraitot, or external

traditions not included in either document but nonetheless held to be
authoritative; encompassing further the gemara, the traditions and
acute discussions on the Mishnah of the Babylonian and Palestinian
schools; and including as well the various collections of exegetical
saying on Scripture, under the name of Midrash; and, in later times,
comprehending the legal codes, commentaries on the Talmud and on
Talmudic commentaries, responsa, and other post-Talmudic, rabbinic
creations. To the oral tradition one should add the philosophical and
mystical traditions, both of which drew heavily upon rabbinical liter-
ature, partially shaped their concerns through it and confronted the
issues set by it. "Heretics" were heretical because they diverged from,
or even denied the validity of, rabbinical traditions. While not all Jews
were masters of rabbinical learning, 'normative Jews' were Talmudic
students. The Jewish school studied Scriptures as mediated by rabbini-
cal lore. The Jewish student achieved distinction through his mastery
of Talmud and its commentaries and codes. Jewish religious life was
lived in the light of the learning of the rabbi. Jewish political and legal
affairs were determined by rabbinic decision, based upon Talmudic and
subsequent laws. Jewish theology derived from the biblical-Talmudic
legacy. Judaism at it was known from the first to the end of the eight-
eenth century was rabinic Judaism.
In some ways, the rabbi is to be compared to the Mandarin. His
stress upon perfect mastery of a specific body of literature, his view
that the only valid qualification for leadership was such learning,
his acceptance of the assessment of others older and wiser than
himself of the quality or calibre of his knowledge-and therefore
of his worth-these are highly Mandarin attributes. Further, the rabbi
aspired to, and did, govern the Jewish community by the laws he learned
in rabbinical schools, and held, as I said, that he was qualified to do
so not because of any political, military, or economic power wielded by
his class or estate, but because of his legal learning.
The perseverance of master-disciple relationships in rabbinic Judaism
and Confucianism, the stress upon the disciple's reverence for every
deed and word of the master, the preservation of stories of the master's
doings as much as of his sayings, and the citation in the context of new
situations in daily life of old sayings of the ancient teachers, beginning
in the Jewish case with Moses, in the Confucian one with Confucius
The Phenomenon of the Rabbi in late Antiquity 3
himself-these are only the external accidents of an inner spiritual con-

gruence. Likewise characteristic of both traditions was the raising of
matters of etiquette into rituals, so that "good breeding" or "a man of
honor," on the one side, and "the disciple of the sages" or the "master
of Torah," on the other, was recognized not merely by what he knew,
but also by the way in which he conducted himself, the way in which
(in the Jewish case) he drank a cup of wine, walked in the street,
or behaved with his master. For both Mandarin and rabbi, the
objective of education was, in a measure, practical. Government is and
should remain in the hands of the educated man, the Mandarin or rabbi.
But the goal of education was not to create an efficient administrator.
It was rather to create, in Confucian terms, the "complete man, posses-
sing wisdom, free from covetousness, brave, accomplished, and well
versed in courtesy, ceremonial, and music." This was the Mandarin
ideal. For the master of Torah, the complete man represented other
virtues. He was a living Torah. But the attainment of virtue through
the way (halakhah), through learning, the central value of Pharisaism
and Mandarinism-that was the same for both traditions. 2)
II
Our picture of Judaism in late antiquity comes down to us from the
rabbinical schools in Palestine and Babylonia. While we have other
sources of information, they are by and large neglected by philologic-
ally-obsessed Jewish scholars, or exploited by them only as to find
illumination in the understanding of rabbinical literature. Archaeo-
logical data are consulted by some scholars, but mainly because archaeo-
logy may clarify the meaning of a word or the realities underlying an
agricultural or civil law. So it is generally held-and this I think is a
purely theological assertion-that "normative Judaism" was rabbinical
Judaism. Whoever diverged from the rabbinical traditions, or who did
not participate in them to begin with, is to be regarded as someone on
the "fringe" or "heretical" or otherwise "not representative" of "Ju-
daism." The history of the Jews in late antiquity is written, therefore,
mostly in the theological terms set out by the rabbinical schools them-
selves. The example of Heinrich Graetz is most widely known. His
2) See H. G. Creel, Confucius and the Chinese Way (New York, I960).
4 Jacob Neusner
historiographical tendency, when dealing with the period in which the

Babylonian and Palestinian Talmuds were taking shape, is simply to
compose lives of the chief rabbinical figures and to intersperse in those
lives some colorful comment or a few lines on the reigning Roman or
Sasanian emperor. The rabbis could not have found for themselves a
more loyal advocate. Yet Graetz was the most independent-minded of
all those who wrote "Talmudic history." As Saul Lieberman pointed
out, the historians who wrote of this period were not Talmudists, and
the Talmudists were not historians. But that did not prevent the histo-
rians from writing history-in the forms set forth for them by the
Talmudists first of all! 3)
We know, however, of other forces shaping the history of the Jews
in antiquity. What we do not known is the way they saw history or
events, or the culture of their day. We know full well what the rabbis
thought of themselves. But we do not know how others saw them. The
rabbis' traditions represent the rabbis as that group in Babylonian
Jewry which decided what was normative in all social and cultural af-
fairs. The results of my inquiry4) into the effective influence and
power of the rabbinate suggest, to the contrary, that the rabbis formed
an important, but not dominant element. They constituted the sole well-
organized creative force in cultural life, and they did try to control
Babylonian Jewry. They succeeded in taking over the courts and in
using them for their own purposes. But they did not wield the only
effective power, whether political or cultural, within the Jewish com-
munity. The exilarchate, agency of the Iranian government to rule
Jewry, held most political power, which it parcelled out to the rabbis
for specific purposes. The masses of the people, inchoate and inert,
could not easily be moved, and in some crucial ways certainly did not
conform to the rabbis' demands. The schools were far from coextensive
3) See his "Martyrs of Caesarea," Annuaire de l'Institut de Philologic et

d'Histoire Orientales et Slaves 7 (I939-I944), p. 394. And see my "Jews and
Judaism under Iranian Rule: Bibliographical Reflections," History of Religions.
4) A History of the Jews in Babylonia, in particular I. The Parthian Period
(Leiden, I965), pp. 113-163; II. The Early Sasanian Period (Leiden, I966), pp.
126-288; III. From Shapur I to Shapur II (Leiden, 1968), pp. 95-338; IV. The
Age of Shapur II (Leiden, in press for I969), pp. 125-402. For a brief
summary, see my "Rabbis and Community in Third-Century Babylonia" in
J. Neusner (ed.), Religions in Antiquity, Essays in Memory of Erwin Rams-
dell Goodenough (Leiden, 1968), pp. 438-462.
with Babylonian Jewry, let alone with the Jewries of the other Sasanian
satrapies. Because of the nature of our sources, however, the two
themes upon which Babylonian Jewish history centers are, first, the re-
lationship between the rabbis and the ordinary people, and, second, the
configuration of the rabbi as a religious figure, of the schools as a
cultural phenomenon, and of the rabbinical movement as an historical
force.
Had later history worked out otherwise, we might have a wholly
different picture of Babylonian Jewry. To take two hypothetical cases:
If in post-Sasanian times, the exilarchate had vanquished the rabbinate
in its struggle for the control of Babylonian Jewry, the exilarch and
not the rabbis would have shaped the consequent legal and theological
literature. That literature would surely not have consisted of a great
commentary upon the Mishnah, but, one may guess, of a collection of
legal rules and precedents as preserved in the exilarchic court archives,
and stories about various exilarchs. In a word, it would have been
not a Gemara but a Mishnah, the Mishnah of the legal head of Judaism
in the Sasanian territories, or Babylonian satrapy at any rate (just
as the preserved Palestinian Mishnah is that of the legal head of
Judaism in the Roman territories). When the influence of Babylonian
Jewry began to be felt in other parts of the world, for reasons
largely irrelevant to the rightness or wrongness of anyone's theology
or law, the exilarch would have loomed not only as the domi-
nant figure in earlier times, but more important, as the single most
significant source of right doctrine and law in the present age. It is
possible that the great theme of Judaism might not have been "the
Torah" and how to effect its law in everyday life, but rather, the Mes-
siah, and how to extend his power through the rule of his earthly sur-
rogate, the heir of David and holder of the sceptre of Judah (Gen. 49:
io), for the exilarch claimed David as his ancestor. The exilarchic
view of Jewish history might have preserved an account of a useful but
dangerous group of heretics, possibly fanatics, known in olden times
for their abilities to work wonders and for their loyalty to a law-code
now forgotten, superseded, or ignored, the Palestinian Mishnah. In
writing the story of "normative Judaism" of "Mar 'Uqba's age"-and
no longer, "Talmudic times"-the historian would pay approximately
as much attention to the rabbinate as he now pays to the exilarchate.
He would stress the rabbinate's submission to the exilarch who decided
6 Jacob Neusner
all important questions. The result would be an appendix and oblivion.

It would carry us far afield to speculate on the consequent shape of
Judaism, its theology, law, and history, which would have resulted from
exilarchic revision and transmission of the sources.
If, to consider a second possibility, neither the exilarchate nor the

rabbinate had flourished, if the Sasanians had refused to deal with any
recognized Jewish authorities whatever, another kind of history might
have emerged. It would be the history of a mass of Jews, living ac-
cording to ancient customs and traditions, without particular impact
upon Judaism in other times or other parts of the world. Like the
Jews of Afghanistan, Bokhara, or Samarkand, Babylonian Jewry
would have represented an ethnological curiosity. Its customs would
have been interesting, along with its magic, astrological beliefs, sorcery,
and laws. Its surviving ancient legends would have been written down
by anthropologists, but neglected by historians. Such was the historio-
graphical fate of Kurdish (Adiabenian) Jewry, which did survive to this
century. Its customs constitute mere relics, not the basis of "the law"
for all "good Jews". With neither politics, law, nor theology to attract
the attention of later historians, lawyers, and theologians, Babylonian
Jewry would similarly have survived, much like its ancestors of Ache-
menid, Seleucid, and Arsacid times, mostly as a blank page in history,
sometimes as the object of rather hesitant speculation. In either case,
the rabbis would have been no more clearly remembered than were the
preliterary prophets of ancient Israel. Their deeds might have been
recorded, but their doctrines would surely have been forgotten.
In fact, however, the rabbis won out. The literature which issued
from their schools became normative for all of Judaism. It has there-
fore shaped our picture of their times. For this reason we have to stress
what other kinds of sources might have tought us and how they might
have shaped our picture of historical reality. This we must do especial-
ly because the schools provide a strangely impoverished view of history.
Heirs of Scriptures which found in historical politics a partial revela-
tion of divine judgment or intention, the rabbis might have derived
chastisement, reasons for hope, and theological information in worldly
happenings. Yet they paid remarkably little attention to contemporary
events. 5) Shapur II is barely mentioned, and Julian's invasion of 363,

which devastated Babylonia, not at all, in the literature of the fourth-
century schools. The exilarch appears only when he said or did some-
thing of interest to the lawyers. The fate of the Jewish people was time-
less, never specific or concrete. Even the academic politics involved in
selecting the head of an academy was barely recorded, except in terms
so veiled that only searching interpretation enables us to guess what
may have taken place. Petty, day-to-day "events" such as the meeting
of one master with another, an occurrence in the schoolhouse, a contre-
temps in the marketplace-these are reported, but only incidentally.
Mishnaic and Biblical exegesis, legal and theological speculation based
upon such exegesis, predominated in the literature to the near-exclusion
of everything else. What we can say about the schools therefore con-
cerns less what happened in or to them than the broad, static phenomena
they seem to reveal. We can barely describe what took place in Abaye's
school, who came or went, what was said on a given occasion and why.
But we know a good deal about the opinions held in that school and in
others and the roles they seem to have played in the larger society of
Jewry.
III
One important body of opinions is preserved in the stories told about
various rabbis, especially the wonders of learning and magic ascribed
to them. These stories contain clear, incontrovertible, and factual testi-
mony not as to what the rabbis did, but as to what disciples believed,
and thought it important to say, about them. This is what matters when
we are told that Rabbah was taken up to heaven because the heavenly
academicians required his advice, or that the rabbis received letters
from heaven informing them when to start and when to cease their
mourning for Rabbah. I see no value in speculating about naturalistic
explanations for such fabulous tales. Even if we could plausibly argue
that the story-teller actually was talking about some earthly phenome-
non or meant to convey a "rationalistic" idea in folkloristic terms, we
should not as historians have gained much. The account is all we have
as fact, and interpretation or philology cannot add very much to the
5) As I have already pointed out in "The Religious Uses of History," History

and Theory, 5, 2 (I966), pp. 153-171.
8 Jacob Neusner
historical information it contains. The historical question, second, is for

us relatively unimportant. We are reasonably sure that the stories are
false, and we cannot discover just how they originated. What is both
important and reliable is the picture they give of the religious life of
the schools. What is most striking about the schools is the concep-
tion that in them lived holy men, who more accurately than anyone else
conformed to the image of God conveyed by divine revelation through
the Torah of Moses "our rabbi." The schools were not holy places in
the sense that pious people made pilgrimages to them, though they did,
or that miracles were supposed to take place there, though many
miracle-stories were told in a scholastic setting. The schools were
holy because there men became saints. They became saints by learning
the lessons and imitating the conduct of the masters. In doing
so, they conformed to the heavenly paradigm, the Torah, believed to
have been created by God "in his image," revealed at Sinai, and handed
on from prophets to sages, to their own teachers. In the schools, saint-
hood was achieved through study of Torah and imitation of the master.
What sainthood consisted of, how Torah was studied and what were
its consequences-these are the issues of rabbinic Judaism.
Obedience to teachings of the rabbis led not merely to ethical or
moral goodness, but to holiness or sainthood, as in the following saying:
Abaye said, "Whoever carries out the teachings of the sages is called a saint
(qadosh)."
(b. Yev. 2oa)
That disciples were called saints is also seen in the following:
"Even though he loves the peoples, all his saints are in your hand, and they
are cut at thy feet. He shall receive of your words" (Deut. 33 :3) ..
R. Joseph learned, "These [saints] are the students of the Torah who cut their
feet going from town to town and country to country to study Torah. 'He
shall receive of your words' alludes to their give-and-take in [discussing] the
words of the Omnipresent."
(b. B.B. 8a)
So discussion of legal traditions, rather than an ascetic discipline or

long periods of fasting and prayer, was the way to holiness. R. Joseph
held that study of Torah was superior. If the masters and disciples
obeyed the divine teaching of Moses "our rabbi," as they surely sup-
posed they did, then their society, the school, would replicate on earth
the heavenly academy, just as the disciple would incarnate the heavenly
model of Moses "our rabbi." We must take very seriously indeed the
facts that the rabbis believed Moses was a rabbi, God donned phylacte-
ries, and the heavenly court studied Torah precisely as did the earthly
one. We may see these beliefs as projections of rabbinical values onto
heaven, but the rabbis believed that they themselves were "projections"
of heavenly "values" onto earth. That is not to suggest that the rabbis
thought of themselves as consubstantial with the divinity. They care-
fully preserved the distinction between the master of Torah and the
giver of the Torah.
But they did believe that those whose lives conformed to the image
of God, the Torah, participated in God's holiness and also in his power,
and this was attested by their ability to create men and resurrect the
dead, to control angels and demons, and to perform other spectacular
miracles.
IV
The study of Torah as a source of law in rabbinical schools followed
highly rationalistic lines. Its method was based upon strict logic and
made extensive use of practical reason. The rabbis, moreover, usually
disapproved of magic. They lived, however, in a world in which super-
natural beliefs and phenomena were everywhere taken seriously. They
believed in God. They believed in prayer as an effective action, so
words could affect the physical world. They believed in angels, astro-
logy, demons, and heavenly revelations. These constituted the super-
natural environment, and produced an expectation that miracles could
and would be done through divine favor. Torah was held to be a source
of supernatural power.
We must distinguish at the outset between the supernatural environ-
ment and specific, uncontingent acts of magic. Contingent rewards for
merit attained through learning or piety were supernatural, but reliably
effective magic is another matter. Usually, it is true, the rabbis per-
formed miracles by prayer, and the miracle was believed to be not
something they had done by their own power, but something God had
done as a reward for their merit. Indeed, it was sometimes insisted
that God might not do a miracle a second time, so should not be relied
upon automatically to conform to their wishes. So too, though study of
Torah was commonly believed to give a man supernatural powers,
IO0 Jacob Neusner
rabbinic tradition was often insistent that these were not powers but
merits, and that the efficacity of prayer by the meritorious was depen-
dent on additional moral conditions.
However, these theoretical distinctions should not obscure two facts.
First, there was a functional parallelism of the rabbi and the magician
within their societies. Second, there was the further belief, accepted
and perpetuated by the schools, that by mastering the Torah, a
man could also master and thereby use directly its creative and
miraculous powers. So a man could do miracles himself, not just ask
for them to be done for him. And this mastery and use of Torah
rendered Torah into a source of magical, not merely supernatural
power. In the light of these beliefs, preserved within the schools them-
selves, it is not implausible to believe that many of the other obviously
magical functions of the rabbis, which our texts represent as answers
to prayer or acts of divine grace in response to human merit-or do
not explain at all-were seen by many contemporaries, and probably by
many of the rabbis themselves, as exercises of this supernatural power
conferred by study of the Torah.
If we review the role of the rabbi in the supernatural world he be-
lieved in, we discover a remarkable set of facts. The rabbi was the
authority on theology, that is, among other things, on the structure and
order of the supernatural world. He knew the secret names of God and
the secrets of the divine 'chariot'-the heavens-and of creation. If
extraordinarily pious, he might even see the face of the Shekhinah; in
any event, the Shekhinah was present in the rabbinical schools. The
rabbi was therefore a holy man, freed from the evil impulse which
dominated ordinary men, and consequently less liable to suffering,
misfortunes, and sickness. He knew the proper times and forms of
prayer and could pray effectively. Moreover, the efficacity of his
prayers was heightened by his purity, holiness, and merits, which
in turn derived from his knowledge of the secrets of Torah, and, con-
sequently, his peculiar observances. Therefore not only his prayers in
general, but also his prayers for particular purposes, were effective. He
could bring rain or cause drought. His blessings brought fertility, and
his curses, death. He was apt to be visited by angels and to receive
communications from them. He could see demons and talk with them,
and could also communicate with the dead. He was an authority on
the interpretation of omens and of dreams, on means to avert
The Phenomenon of the Rabbi in late Antiquity II
witchcraft, on incantations for cures, knot-tying [for phylacteries], and

the manufacture and use of amulets. He was, in anthropological terms,
a medicine man. Could a modern anthropologist spend a few years in
ancient Pumbedita, Sura, or Nehardea, to study the social role of the
rabbi, his resultant book would certainly be called something like "The
Lawyer-Magicians of Babylonia."
Here, however, we must offer an important distinction. The fact
that the rabbis performed the functions and claimed the powers char-
acteristic, in primitive societies, of magicians might justify a modern
anthropologist in applying to them that term, but it does not prove
that they applied the term to themselves, or would have approved its
application. In fact the rabbis would not have regarded their power as
magical, or the Torah as a source of magic. The dividing line between
true religion and magic was clearly drawn, widely recognized, and by
virtue of that recognition, became a social reality. What was approved
by society-in this case, the schools-required by custom, and un-
questionably seen to be part of the established religion was usually
thought to be in no way magical. However, Abaye said:
"The sorcerer [who insists uponexact paraphernalianoting different properties
of different kinds of magic] works through demons. He who does not, works
by [pure] enchantment... The laws of sorcery are like those of the Sabbath.
Certain actions are punishedby stoning, some are not punishedbut forbidden,
and others are entirely permitted. If one actually performs [magic], he is
stoned. If he merely creates an illusion, he is exempt, but the act is prohi-
bited." What is entirely permitted? Such as [the magic performed by] R.
Hanina and R. COshaca3,who spent every Sabbath eve studying the Laws of
Creation, by means of which they made a third-grown calf and ate it.
(b. Sanh. 67b)
One may only suppose that "magic" was permitted if the rabbis did it.
Working through demons and enchantment may be to modern eyes no
different from studying the "Laws of Creation" and applying them.
But the distinction was important to Abaye.
Jewish society, including the rabbis', was not primitive. It had long
since distinguished sharply, by its own standards, between what it con-
sidered magic, and what it considered religion-neither identical with
what we should class under those terms-and by its standards, the
rabbis were not magicians, as I just said. Some of them did practice
magic on the side, but this is a different matter. The distinction has
been best illustrated by Professor Morton Smith:
12 Jacob Neusner
In antiquity, the practice of magic was a criminal offense and the term
'magician'was a term of abuse. It still is, but the connotation has changed.
It now primarily connotes fraud. Then the notion was that of social sub-
version. The efficacy of magic was almost universally believed, and the magi-
cian was conceived of as a man who, by acquiring supernaturalpowers, had
become a potential danger to the established authority and to the order that
they sought to maintain. Consequentlymagic was widely practiced but rarely
admitted.
For Judaism there was a further limiting factor in the dogma that there was
no god save the Lord. This did not lead to a denial of the efficacy of pagan
magic, nor did it prevent Jews from using the same magical practices as
pagans. On the contrary, the Jews were famous as magicians, as Josephus
says. The new discoveries by Professor M. Margolioth show that as late as
the fourth and fifth centuries, Jews, steeped in the Old Testament and
thoroughly at home in the Synagogue, were composinga magician's handbook
which listed pagan deities and prescribedprayers and sacrifices to be offered
to them in magical ceremonies. Among the prayers there is an invocation of
Helios in transliterated Greek; and the conclusion comes upon reaching the
Seventh Heaven with a celebrationof Yahweh as the supreme God.
At least the more scrupulousof the Jews distinguishedtheir marvels as per-
formed by the power of the supreme God from those of the pagans whose
gods were demons and impure spirits. Rabbi 'Aqiva, complainingof his own
ill success in magic, said, "When a man fasts in order that an unclean spirit
should rest on him, the unclean spirit does so. It should happen, therefore,
that when a man fasts in order that a pure spirit should rest on him, the pure
spirit should do so. But what can I do since our iniquities are the cause of
our difficulties? For it is said that your iniquities are dividing you from your
God." The context leaves no doubt of the magical reference. But 'Aqiva is
not, of course, represented in the Talmud as a magician, because that term
was a term of abuse. The fact that a man was representedas a supernatural
being is in itself a suspicious item, for this was a commonclaim of magicians
and a regular result of magical operation.
Smith's reference to the handbook discovered by Margolioth, [M. Mar-

golioth, Sefer HaRazim, Hu Sefer Keshafim Mitequfat HaTalmud
(Jerusalem, I967)], points to the necessity of further distinction, for
the two are certainly not in the same class, yet both of them reflect
attitudes different from the one common in stories of rabbis whose
merits enabled them to pray with good hope that their prayers would
be answered.
At the pagan end of the scale, we may suppose, was the Jew who
simply learned and practiced pagan magic as such, throwing in, per-
haps, for good measure a few extra conjurations by the sacred name,
Yahweh, or some prayers for him or to the Jewish angels. Of such
men we have plentiful evidence in the magical papyri. Next to them
come men like the author of Sefer HaRazim who took over pagan
The Phenomenon of the Rabbi in late Antiquity I3
magic, but made it part of a picture of the cosmos in which Yahweh

was the supreme God, to whom all the pagan deities were subordinate.
Then there was the position familiar as that of "normative Judaism":
the rabbi does not practice "magic" at all, but his "acts of piety and
religious observances" so increase his "merits" that he can pray, bless
or curse, with the hope that his prayers would be answered and his
blessings and curses be made effective by divine or angelic action.
Finally there were those who, by study of the Torah, sought to master
it so as to be able to use directly, for their own purposes, its creative
and miraculous powers; in CAqiva's words (which, however, reflect
slightly different notions), they "fasted that a pure spirit should rest
upon them." Such men could do miracles for and by themselves, not
just ask to have them done for them. And this mastery and use of the
Torah made Torah a source of magical, not merely supernatural, power.
These beliefs were preserved within the schools themselves, but were
consistently overshadowed, especially in exoteric presentation, by
stories and teaching presenting the "normative theory." It follows that
the rabbis never called themselves magicians. On the contrary, they
consistently and explicitly disapproved of "magic," as I have just shown
in Abaye's case. But many of the things they did, especially the super-
natural character alleged to have been imparted to them by their know-
ledge of Torah, must be seen in the context of antiquity as appropriate
to divine-men or magicians. Unique to the rabbis is the claim that their
miracles, supernatural graces, and magical actions derived from the
Torah, rather than from some other source of supernatural power.
To them this was sufficient justification.
V
The reader woud err if he saw the rabbi as fundamentally a magician.
In his own eyes, the rabbi was chiefly a lawyer and a student of Torah.
The most important part of Torah in his view was the legal material.
Yet we have striking evidence that ordinary folk saw the rabbi as a
"lawyer-magician" as I said. This evidence derives from the seventh-
century A.D. magical bowls found at Nippur, a town in Babylonia not
far from Sura, where a major rabbinical academy was located. The
bowls were published by J. A. Montgomery [Aramaic Incantation
Texts from Nippur (Philadelphia, I913)]. In them, a well-known Tal-
14 Jacob Neusner
mudic rabbi, Joshua b. Perahiah, who dates from the second century
3.C., figures. He appears in bowls nos. 8, 9, 17, 32 (= 33) as follows:
No. 8: [That there flee from the house of this Gey6nai bar Mamai the evil
Lilith... And again, you shall not appear to them in his house nor in their
dwelling... because it is announced to you, whose father is named Palhas
and whose mother Pelahdad-because it is announced to you] that Rabbi
Joshua bar Perahiah has sent against you the ban... Thou Lilith, male Lilis
and female Lilith, Hag and Ghul, be in the ban... [of Rabbi] Joshua b.
Perahia, and thus has spoken to us Rabbi Joshua bar Perahia. A divorce writ
has come to you from across the sea, and there is found written in it [against
you] whose father is named Palhas and whose mother Pellahdad... they hear
from the firmament ... Hear and obey and go from the house ... And again,
you shall not appear to them either in dream by night nor in slumberby day,
because you are sealed with the signet of El Shaddai and with the signet of
the house of Joshua b. Perahia and by the Seven which are before him...
There follow adjurations by the Strong one of Abraham, etc. On the

divorce issued to Lillith from her victim, Montgomery comments, "This
was a happy thought of the magicians, who thus applied the powers of
binding and loosing claimed by the rabbis to the disgusting unions of
demons and mortals... The magical writ affects the same forms and
formalism as that of the divorce court... The names of both parties
are exactly given, hence the parents of the liliths are here specifically
named." In addition, the terms of the divorce are given properly, and
properly served on the divorcee. Divine authority is invoked-the writ
has come down from heaven, and so, like writs from abroad, special
forms are included. The commissioners and witnesses are angels; the
rabbi seals the divine decree. Further references to R. Joshua are as
follows:
No. 9: The bowl I deposit and sink down, and the work I operate, and it
is in [the fashion of] Rabbi Joshua bar Perahia. I write for them divorces,
for all the Liliths who appear to them...
No. 17: This day above any day, years, and generations of the world, I
K6mes bath Mahlaphta have divorced, separated,dismissed thee, thou Lilith,
Lilith of the Desert, Hag and Ghul... I adjure you by the honor of your
father and by the honor of your mother, and take your divorces and separa-
tions, thy divorce and thy separation,in the ban which is sent against you by
Joshua b. Perahia, for so has spoken to thee Joshua b. P.: A divorce has
come to thee from across the sea. There is found, 'You whose mother is
Palhas and whose father Pelahdad, you Liliths: And now flee and go forth
and do not trouble K6mie b.M., in her house and her dwelling. I bind and I
seal with the seal of El Shaddai and with the seal of Joshua b. Perahia the
healer ...
The Phomemenonof the Rabbi in late Antiquity I5
No. 32: ... The bowl I deposit and sink down, a work which has been
made like that of Rav Jesu bar Perahia who sat and wrote against them-a
ban-writ against all the Demons and Devils and Satans and Liliths ... Again
he wrote against them a ban-writ which is for all time ...
To the Jews of sixth and seventh century A. D. Nippur, therefore, the

figure of R. Joshua b. Perahiah was associated with two anti-demonic
prophylaxes, first, the ability to issue of legal bill of divorce against
female demons, second, the pronouncement of a ban against demons.
The divorce and the ban seem confused; in no. 8, the ban is announced,
and then the proper formula for a divorce delivered from abroad is
introduced, together with the necessary witnesses, signatures, and
sealing, the last-named with the signet of God and Joshua's house. In
nos. 9, I7, and 32, the divorce is more clearly explicated, in perfectly
proper legal language.
What other traditions about R. Joshua b. Perahiah existed in Pales-
tinian and Babylonian rabbinical schools? First of all, no passage sug-
gests R. Joshua b. Perahiah composed bills of divorce against demons.
The extant traditions should be divided according to time and place. In
the Tannaitic Midrashim, we find no reference whatever to R. Joshua.
In the Mishnah, R. Joshua is cited twice, in Hagigah 2: 2, on the ordi-
nation controversy, and in Avot i : 6, which contains his saying in the
chain of tradition, that one should provide himself with a teacher and
a fellow-disciple, and judge people favorably. Nothing in the Mishnah
of R. Judah the Prince suggests that R. Joshua was a magician. The
Tosefta reveals as saying on purity laws (Makhshirin 3:4). The re-
ferences in the two Talmuds deal with only two matters. First, in B.
Menahot Iogb, we find a beraita, citing R. Joshua b. Perahiah that it
is just as hard to accept high office as it is to leave it.
The other matter, however, is more important. It occurs in b. San-
hedrin Iogb, with a parallel in b. Sotah 47a. (The incident is further
echoed in yer. Hagigah 2: 2 and Sanhedrin 6: 9, but there the rabbi
in question is Judah b. Tabbai.) The locus classicus is fully discussed
by Herford. It is attached to a beraita that one should not too harshly
repel potential converts to Judaism. R. Joshua b. Perahiah's treatment
of Jesus is cited. When Yannai the King killed the rabbis, Joshua and
his disciple Jesus fled to Alexandria. Simeon b. Shetah called them
back when times proved more favorable. On route home, they found a
certain inn where R. Joshua praised the hostess. Jesus disagreed, saying
I6 Jacob Neusner
she had narrow eyes. Joshua then excommunicated him for looking too
closely at the woman, saying, "Wretch, do you thus busy yourself ?!"
Jesus tried without success to repent. Finally, being repulsed, Jesus
went and hung up a tile and worshipped it. At that time, Joshua called
on him to repent, without result. "So a teacher has said, 'Jesus the
Nazarene practised magic and led astray and deceived Israel.'" Her-
ford suggests that the story is based upon a Palestinian tradition. In
any case, we may be sure that the legend of Joshua as a visitor to
Egypt was known in the schools of both countries.
On the relationship between Joshua b. Perahiah in the magical bowls
and the Talmudic passage, Montgomery comments (pp. 227-78):
We find then in these magical bowls an independenttradition concerningan

early hero of the Law, who appears as endowed with magic powers, and who
furthermore was able to make the ascent of the soul to heaven. He was
accordinglyone of the earliest to attain that spiritual privilege... Joshua was
possibly one of the good company of apocalyptists and our magic tradition
may preserve a true reminiscence of his personality and claims.
To this I may add another viewpoint. We must, first of all, regard

the Joshua of the bowls as an authentic portrait of what some people,
probably Jews, thought about the rabbi. In a word, they regarded him
as both a lawyer and a magician. As a lawyer, he was expected both to
know the precise formula for a bill of divorce and to be able to issue
a ban. So we noted in no. 9, Joshua b. Perahiah's divorces for all the
Liliths who appear to them; in no. I7, both the ban spoken by Joshua,
and the divorce spoken (read) to Lilith by Joshua, in the appropriate
legal language; no. 32, a ban-writ against the demons. Now what we
should not find surprising is that rabbis, whose effective legal juris-
diction extended mostly to matters of exchanges of property and per-
sonal status, should be consulted on drawing up bills of divorce. What
is surprising is that those legal documents were presumed effective, as
in the Mandaean magical bowls, against demons. Here the religious role
of the rabbi becomes important, namely, his capacity, because of
mastery of Torah, to exercise the powers inherent in the Torah. He
could therefore perform works of magic against demons (among other
miracles). We shall see below that Abaye (among others) was believed
to be able to overcome demons because "in heaven his Torah was high-
ly regarded." Knowledge of Torah produced the capacity to do super-
natural actions. In the magical bowls, the two predominant roles of the
rabbi are united in the figure of Joshua b. Perahiah; the law is effect-
ive-against demons, and the rabbi carries out the law-for super-
natural purposes. We found, however, little direct evidence that in the
rabbinical schools of either Babylonia or Palestine such supernatural
powers were attributed to R. Joshua. One can hardly argue that every-
one who went to Alexandria came home a magician, despite the general
reputation of the place. If, as I tentatively suppose, the conception of
divorcing a Lilith may have begun outside of the Jewish community,
then it is further to be noted that once it was Judaized, people assumed
a rabbi would carry out the necessary formalities. But even if the con-
ception was originally Jewish, the same assumption was no less natural.
What I find difficult to account for is the attribution of so central
a magical role to R. Joshua b. Perahiah, who, as we have seen, played a
relatively minor, and generally not-supernatural, role in rabbinic tradi-
tions of both Palestine and Babylonia. I may, with much hesitation,
conjecture on why those who made the bowls selected R. Joshua above
all other rabbis. Perhaps, as Montgomery suggests, his relationship to
Jesus, believed by many Jews to be an expert magician and by the
rabbis to be R. Joshua's disciple, was sufficient to distinguish R.
Joshua. If the disciple was so puissant, how much more should the
Jews, disciples ever more of the rabbis and more and more under their
effective control by the seventh century, turn to his rabbinical master?
VI
How shall we account for these data? The rabbis' theological view-
point is clearly stated in the following:
Rava said, "If the righteous desire it, they can be creators, for its is written,
'But your iniquities have distinguished between you and your God...' (Is.
59 :2)." [That is to say, but for sin, man's power would equal that of God,
and men could create a world.] Rabbah created a man [GBR'], and sent him
to R. Zera. R. Zera spoke to him, but he did not answer. He said to him,
"You are a creature of the magicians [HBRY' = Magi]. Return to your
dust."
(b. Sanh. 65b)
So learning and piety render man into the likeness of God and
therefore endow him with God's powers of creation. God had made the
world through Torah, and masters of Torah could similarly do wonder-
ful acts of creation. Rava said that only sin prevented man from per-
NumenXVI 2
Jacob Neusner
forming divine miracles, like both Rabbah, who was able to make a
man, and R. Zera, who was able to destroy him.
The following story contains another attribution of extraordinary
power:
Rabbah and R. Zera feasted together on Purim. They became drunk and
Rabbah arose and cut R. Zera's [throat]. The next day he prayed on his be-
half and resurrected him. Next year, he asked, "Will your honor come and
feast with me?" He replied, "A miracle does not always happen."
(b. Meg. 7b)
So the rabbi, like God, could resurrect the dead. Similarly, the rabbi's
knowledge of Torah was sufficient to drive away demons:
[DIgratdaughter of Mahalat, queen of demons] once met Abaye. She said to

him, "Had they not proclaimed concerning you in heaven, 'Take heed of
Nahmani and his Torah', I should have endangered you." He replied, "If I
am importantin heaven, I order you never to pass through inhabitedareas."
(b. Pes. II2b)
We do not know the result. The same discussion continues, "But we

see that she does pass through [inhabited regions] ?" The reply was
that demons frequent narrow paths and their horses bolt from there
and thus bring them into settled places. What is important is that
people believed or were expected to believe that because of Abaye's
merits, specifically his learning, he and other people were protected
from demons, as from other dangers.
A rabbi's prayer was also believed potent against demons:
... A certain demon haunted Abaye's schoolhouse, so that when two [dis-
ciples] entered even by day they were harmed. [Abaye ordered that R. Aha
b. Jacob spend the night in the school.] The demon appeared to him in the
guise of a seven-headeddragon. Every time [R. Aha] fell on his knees, one
head fell off. The next day he reproached [the schoolmen], "Had not a
miracle occurred, you would have endangeredmy life."
(b. Qid. 29b)
Abaye had believed that R. Aha's merits would be sufficient to exorcize

the demon, and the reply, like R. Zera's to Rabbah when the latter cut
the former's throat and resurrected him, was that in any case one should
not rely upon miracles.
So the rabbi was able to persuade God to resurrect the dead. That
does not mean he was "like God". Had Rabbah been able to do it like
God, R. Zera would have had no reason to refuse a second invitation,

unless he did not want to repeat the experience. The refusal as given
indicates that the miracle was not strictly by magic but by prayer and
rather uncertain reward for merits. God does miracles without praying
to anybody, and the rabbi generally relies upon prayer or merits. That
is the difference between an ordinary story of prayer and its reward,
anl those in which the rabbis' own extraordinary powers, probably
acquired by prayer study or other merits, now are usable directly and
uncontingently.
Furthermore, if Torah yielded magic, magic' could also be used to
produce greater Torah. Abaye believed that a certain bird, properly
eaten, would help one increase in wisdom. One eats half the right side
and half the left, and places the remainder in a brass tube, to be sealed
with sixty sealings. This is to be suspended on his arm. One then studies
to his heart's content, and finally consumes the other half. That seals
in the new learning. If he fails to do so, he will forget what he has
learned.
This view of the worldly benefits of studying the Torah, keeping the
commandments, and acting virtuously was hardly the invention of the
rabbis. From biblical times, it was believed that if the Jews faithfully
kept the covenant and did the commandments, they would enjoy rain
and other forms of prosperity. Such was the theory of Deuteronomy.
The rabbis simply arrogated to themselves and their activities promises
earlier believed to depend upon the good works of priests, prophets,
and other holy men, and upon popular adherence to their teachings.
VII
What may be said from the perspective of the historian of religion?
In think we have here an example of the effort to achieve the 'replica-
tion of heaven.' To explain: The rabbis conceived, first, that on earth
they studied Torah just as in heaven, God, the angels, and Moses "our
rabbi" did. The heavenly schoolmen were even aware of Babylonian
scholastic discussions, requiring Rabbah's information about an aspect
of purity-taboos, acknowledging Abaye's Torah as a prophylactic
against demons.
This conception, second, must be interpreted by reference to the
belief that the man truly in the divine image was the rabbi, who em-
20 Neusner, The Phenomenon of the Rabbi in late Antiquity
bodied revelation, both oral and written, and all of whose actions
constituted paradigms of not merely correct, but heavenly norms. Rab-
bis could create and destroy men because they were righteous, free of
sin, or otherwise holy, and so enjoyed exceptional grace from heaven.
Third, it follows that Torah was held to be a source of supernatural
power. The rabbis controlled the power of Torah because of their
mastery of Torah quite independent of heavenly action. They could
issue blessings and curses, create men and animals. They were masters
of witchcraft, incantations, and amulets. They could communicate with
heaven. Their Torah was sufficiently effective to thwart the action of
demons. However they disapproved of magic, they were expected to
do the things magicians do.
A fourth central conception was that all Jews were expected to be-
come rabbis. This belief set rabbinic Judaism apart from Manichaeism,
Mazdaism, Oriental Christianity and other contemporary cults, for no
one expected that everyone would assume the obligations or attain to
the supernatural skills of Manichaean Elect, Mazdean Magi, Christian
nuns and monks, or the religious virtuosi and cultic specialists of other
groups. The rabbis, by contrast, wanted to transform the entire Jewish
community into an academy where the whole Torah was studied and
kept.
These four beliefs enable us to understand the rabbis' view that Is-
rael would be redeemed through Torah. Because Israel had sinned, she
was punished by being given over into the hands of earthly empires.
When she atones, she will be removed from their power. The means
of atonement or reconciliation were study of Torah, practice of com-
mandments, and doing good deeds. These would transform each Jew
into a rabbi, hence a saint. When all the Jews had become rabbis, they
then would no longer lie within the power of history. The Messiah
would come. So redemption depended upon the "rabbinization" of all
Israel, that is to say, upon the attainment by all Jewry of a full and
complete embodiment of revelation or Torah. The reason was that pre-
cisely when Jewry did so, it would achieve a perfect replication of
heaven. When Israel on earth became, or attained to, such a replica of
heaven, as a righteous, holy, saintly community, it would, like some
rabbis even now, be able to exercise the supernatural power of Torah.
With access to the consequent theurgical capacities, redemption would
naturally follow.
"GEORGIC" CULTS AND SAINTS OF THE LEVANT
BY
H. S. HADDAD
Chicago, U.S.A.
Observing the religious scene in the Levant, one is struck by the

great variety of sectarian affiliations. The religious spectrum, more
than in any other place in the Western World, covers all three Near
Eastern religions: Judaism, Christianity, and Islam, with the greatest
assortment of sects, schools, and secret rites.
However, underlying all this diversity, one observes a common
undercurrent of religiosity among the rural population of the area.
The peasants of all religions and denominations flock to the same
shrines to show their devotion and to present their offerings. Many
holy places on the Syrian coast are shared by Christians and Muslims.
Orthodox and Catholics, Sunna and Shica, Nusairis and Druzes, all
share in popular beliefs and myths concerning the forces of nature,
taboos, acts of worship, and nidr ("sacrifice").
The study of the interplay between the popular and the "higher"
religions helps to shed light on the history of religious movements
in this area. A study that will cover all the available data on the subject
is beyond the scope of this study. This short article deals only with
a single theme as a sample of a popular cult that survived from "pagan"
times and that cut through formal religious affiliations. This theme
is that of the fertility deity who, as we shall demonstrate, survived
till the present time as St. George. In the Levant St. George is iden-
tified with Khidr of the Muslims. Khidr, in turn is identified with
St. Elias, the Elijah of the Bible.
We shall attempt to show that, in spite of the existence of a viariety
of religions and sects, a common theme binds together the cults of
these three saints in what one might call a rural religious system. We
propose to give this religious system of the peasants the name "georgic."
This is to recognize that the cult of St. George symbolizes this agrarian
22 H. S. Haddad
religious attitude, and that the term "georgic" indicates the socio-
economic class in which we are interested here much better than the
term "peasant" with its pejorative connotations, or the term "rural"
which may be too limited to its geographic significance. The term
"georgic" emphasizes the ecological aspect of the group. It comprises
all those who are preoccupied with food production and the provision
of living by coming into direct contact with nature.
This short study will attempt to show how a seemingly popular deity
of fertility penetrated into Judaism, Christianity, Islam and their off-
shoots. The degree, the condition, and the consequence of the accept-
ance of such popular cults into the formal structure of these religions
may shed some light on the basic differences among them. There is, in
our opinion, adequate evidence to show that George, Khidr, and Elijah
share in a common identity and that the cults of these "georgic" saints
is a continuation, with variations, of the cults of the Baals of ancient
Syria.
We have limited our study to the Near East, more precisely to the
Levantine coast of Syria from Anatolia to Sinai, although one can
easily see that some of these cultic practices can apply to a much
wider area. This is true especially of Eastern Europe which falls
principally within the same culturel complex as the Near East.
THE GEORGIC SAINTS

St. George
Unlike other Christian saints who are men promoted to a higher
level, in some cases to displace old pagan deities, St. George seems to
be a deity who was "demoted" to the rank of saint. His cult and his
fame spread all through Europe as attested by the popularity of the
personal name and by the many churches, monasteries, and shrines
dedicated to him. In the I2th century the Crusaders made him quite
popular as a symbol of knighthood and valor. Brought to Britain,
St. George, in due time, became the patron saint of the realm. He is
also the patron saint of various European cities. In addition, his cult
is very popular among the peasants of the Balkans and Russia and,
in fact, wherever the main occupation of the population is agriculture
and animal husbandry.
Yet, unlike most other Christian saints who were historical person-
ages, missionaries, and martyrs of the faith, George does not seem
"Georgic"Cults and Saints of the Levant 23
to have a historical foundation. Consequently, his status as a saint

was challenged. Attempts to link him with historically known persons
were not too successful. Gibbon, for example, in his hostility to saints
in general, links him with George of Cappadocia of whom the author
did not think highly. 1) Generally accepted tradition asserts that St.
George was a true champion of the Christian faith. He lived in Lydda
in Palestine and saved the King's daughter, a Christian convert, from
the dragon. Butler's Lives of the Saints defends St. George against the
accusations that he was a form of a pagan divinity, asserting that he
was a Christian knight who lived in Palestine in the 3rd. century. 2)
In spite of the popularity of St. George, the official Church circles
had difficulty placing him in the rank of the saints. Many of his
attributes, the rites connected with his feast-day, and the myths about
him could not easily be redefined in strict Christian terms. As early
as the 5th century, pope Gelasius condemned the acts of St. George
as corrupted by heretics, but asserted that the saint himself was a real
martyr and, as such, worthy of reverence. Three centuries later, this
condemnation was repeated in the East by the patriarch Nicephorus. 3)
The "acts" condemned were, undoubtedly "georgic" folklore surviving
from pre-Christian times. Calvin, in his attack on the cult of the saints
in general, singled out St. George in particular as a ghost or phantom. 4)
In I965 the Vatican announced the abolishing of St. George's day as
a feast day, reducing it to commemoration.
The enigma of St. George was a controversy treated by many
scholars. He was linked to and equated with many divine and human
personages in the Syro-Babylonian, Greek, and Christian mythologies.
He was, among others, equated with Perseus because of his fighting
the dragon, with Glaucos, the green fertility genius, because of the
implication of the name, with Horus, Travagant, and Tammuz-
Adonis. 5)
I) E. Gibbon, Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire (Chicago I952), vol. I,
p. 322, 358.
2) Butler's Lives of the Saints (I956), vol. II, p. I50.
3) Cf. Smith,Dictionaryof ChristianBiography(I88o), vol. I, p. 646.
4) Calvin, Institutes, iii, 20, 27.
5) LegendsaboutSt. Georgeexist in profusion,not only in Greekand Latin
sources,but also in Syriac,Coptic,Armenian,Ethiopian,etc., differingoften very
widely.On thesetexts see K. Krumbacher, ,,DerHeiligeGeorg"in Abhandlungen
der Kinig. bayerischen Akad. XXV, n. 3; for accountson St. George,his cult
24 H. S. Haddad
The name "George" ties the cult of the saint closely to the earth
and to nature. Its meaning "husbandman, farmer" leaves no doubt
about the agrarian origin of the cult. Perhaps the best translation of
the name would be the Arabic term "falldh." As a proper personal
name it was not in use before the Christian era. This fact indicates
clearly that the name George was used only after it became honored,
that is to say it was used as the name of a saint and after the general
acceptance of the cult. As personal name "George" is not found in
pre-Christian Hellenistic records. It is safe to assume that, in the
urbanized Hellenistic society, the word "georgeus" referred to a lower
class of people, just as the word "fallah" still carries pejorative con-
notations in the urban centers of the Near East.
How then can the word "georgeus" or "georgos" which denotes an
occupation at a low socio-economic level come to be applied to one of
the most popular saints of Christianity? The only explanation that
comes to mind is that it started as an appelation of the "divinity of
the peasants" or the "peasant divinity." One can surmise that, in urban
centers such as Antioch, it was applied to the Baal or Zeus worshipped
in the shrines of the countryside by the peasantry, possibly called Zeus
Georgeus or Belus Georgeus. This assumption is supported by archeo-
logical evidence: an inscription from Athens contains an invocation of
Zeus Georgos "Zeus the Farmer" in connection with the sacrifice of
the 20th of the month of Maimekterion. 6) This Baal or Zeus of the
country folks is almost certain to be the origin of St. George. The
attributes of the Christian saint, as we shall demonstrate, link him
and his identity with other mythological figures: H. Delahaye, Les legendes
grecques des saints militaires (1909), 45-76; E. A. Wallis Budge, St. George of
Lydda (1930) with Ethiopian texts; G. F. Hill, St. George the Martyr (1915);
G. J. Marcus, Saint George of England (1929); ClermontGanneau,,,Horus et
St. Georges" in Revue Archeologique, n.s. XXXII (1876) pp. 196-204, 372-99;
C. S. Hulst, St. George of Cappadociain Legend and History (I909), with a
list of monumentsof St. George. Other works, stressing St. George in art. Scharf,
"On a Votive Painting of St. George and the Dragon" in Archaeologia XLIX
(I885), pp. 243-300; Gordon, St. George, Champion of Christendom (1907);
Bulley, St. George for Merrie England (1908), etc. On St. George in Syrian fol-
klore: Rene Dussaud, Histoire et religion des Nosairis (I9oo) and other works
listed here.
6) Art. "Georgos"in Pauly-Wissowa, Real-Encyclopddieder klassischen Alter-
tumswissenschaft (I953).
"Georgic" Cults and Saints of the Levant 25
strongly even to the ancient Baal-Hadad known to us from the Ugaritic

texts of the I4th century B.C.
Khidr.
The old baalic tradition that still lives in St. George is likewise
found in Khidr, the green wal. 7) Muslim scholars, confronted with
the popularity of Khidr among the masses, also attempted to find a
historical underpinning for the saint. Almost all commentators on the
Qur5an agree that the fata (young man) in the story of Moses at the
"Junction of the Two Seas" (Majmac al-bahrain, Sura I8: 59-63) was
Khidr. 8) Many, of course, accepted Khidr without questioning, but
tried to connect him to historical figures and historical events. In
addition to linking him with Moses, another tale makes of him a com-
panion, or brother, of Elias. Both Khidr and Elias are said to have
led Alexander to the fountain of eternal life through the Land of
Darkness. Here Elias-Elijah takes the places of Andreas. 9)
Arabic sources from the Middle Ages range over a wide variety of
explanations of the great wal. Thaclabi, in his history of the prophets
(qisas al-'anbiyd'), asserts that Khidr comes from Persia and Elias
from Israel, that they meet each year in the season, that they both are
living still and will live so long as the Qur*an existed in the world;
when the Qur*an is removed, they shall die. 10)
The Sufis of Islam laid particular claim to intimate companionship
with Khidr as the one to guide, inspire, and instruct them. It is inter-
esting to note that the Kabbalists in Judaism, the counterparts of the
Sufis, talk in similar terms about Elijah.
The Nusairis, or Alawites, a secret sect in the mountains of North
Syria, revere Khidr more than any other wali. His name to them may
7) The name of Khidr is most probablyconnectedto the Arabic word for

"green"akhdar.Some scholarsprefer the form Khadir (after Lidzbarski,in
Zeitschrift fur Assyriologie und Verwandte Gebiete, VII, 1892, pp. I04-II6).
We prefer,however,to use the popularform of the name.Othertheoriesabout
the name of Khidr include one by St. Guyard,in Revue de l'histoire de Religion I,
pp. 344-45,whichmakesit a contractionof the nameKhasisadrain the legendof
Gilgamesh.
8) For more detail see J. Friedlaender,Die Chadirlegendeund der Alexander-
roman (I913), pp. 6I-I07. On the same subject: Pope, El in the Ugaritic Texts,
pp. 78 ff.; also art. "Khadir"in Encyclopedia of Islam.
9) C. Virolleaud, "Khadir et Travagant" in Revue Asiatique (I953), p. I63.
IO) Al-Tha'labi, Qisas al-'anbiya' (Cairo, I314 A.H.), p. I6.
26 H. S. Haddad
be the divine name par excellence. It is invoked before almost any

undertaking or action. Ya Khidr to the Nusairis is equivalent in im-
portance and is as frequently used as ya Allah of the Muslim Arabs.
Oaths in the name of Khidr are most binding, more so than any other
form of oath. Under the influence of the Ismacili propagandists and
in deference to their Ismacili rulers in the Middle Ages the Nusairis
probably substituted Ali for Khidr as the name of the divinity. This
is true certainly of the few sacred writings of the Nusairis that have
come to light. 11) Khidr may in fact stand for Jesus, Muhammad, and
all the prophets; the name may be applied to all at the same time. 12)
It is also suspected that the Nusairis believe that Khidr is the name
of the divine, and all the prophets are emanations of this divine name. 13)
Khidr is identified, on one hand, with St. George. This is attested
by the common popular belief all over the Levant. Christian shrines
of St. George are commonly called after Khidr by the non-Christian
population. On the other hand, Khidr is St. Elias also by common
popular belief and by the fact that shrines of St. Elias are also called
after Khidr. Jews of Palestine with the name Elijah used to arabize
their name as Khidr. This identification is explicit in the Turkish name
of Khidr, which is Khizrilias (Khidr-Elias). As early as the I6th cen-
tury, Busbecq spoke of a Turkish hero, Chederles, to whom were as-
cribed exploits similar to those of St. George. 14) S. Lyde noted, in
I86o, that the Nusairis of North Syria revere greatly "the Khudr,
who, with the Christians, is Mar Elias or St. George." 15)
Elijah-Elias
The Christian Mar Elias is an extension of the Biblical Elijah who
is called a prophet. However, he is quite different from the other
prophets of ancient Israel. His career is shrouded with mystery and
II) Cf. Dussaud,Histoire et religion des Nosairis, p. I35.

12) Ibid.
13) The religion of the Nusairis is, in all probability,a form of ancient, pre
Christian "paganism,"displaying the ancient cults of georgic Syria of the first
millennium B.C. It took Islamic, particularly Shi'a, appearancesand terminology
to protect itself from persecutionunder Islamic law. The secrecy of initiationand
other ritualistic practices may hide ancient customs.
14) Quoted in Smith, Dictionary of Christian Biography, II, 647.
I5) S. Lyde, The Asian Mystery (London I860), p. 174.
full of legendary deeds. His attributes, which will be enumerated

later, put him firmly in the company of the "georgic saints."
The Bible's account of Elijah probably comes from an independent
cycle of stories and legends derived from sources in the North and
incorporated into the books of Kings during the Babylonian exile. 16)
The legend of Elijah was greatly augmented in the Talmudic and
popular Jewish traditions. According to these legends, Elijah is omni-
present, attending all ceremonies of circumcision. It is customary to
keep a vacant seat, the "chair of Elijah" ready for him. On Passover
eve, a special cup of wine is set aside for him.
Significantly, Elijah is the only Old Testament personality that
became a popular Christian saint. As a personal name, Elias is as
popular as George among the Christians of the Levant. Although
similar in attributes, George and Elias are two distinct persons in the
popular lore, as well as in the official Church records of the saints.
However, the fact that Khidr is identified as either one or as both
at the same time, makes the hypothesis of a common origin of all
three saints very plausible. This common origin is to be sought in the
ancient "baalic" cults of the agricultural society of the Near East.
Most of the differences among these saints, as we shall attempt to
show, are no more than variations on a theme. However, some of
these variations reflect the influence of the institutional religions and,
in some cases, the ecological differences in the population of the area.
The attributes of the "georgic" saints can be grouped into three
main categories:
I. Fertility: The saints symbolize, or control, the sacralized forces
of nature, places, objects, etc. that are related to the fertility in crops,
animals, and humans.
2. Power: The extension of the saints' control over the forces of
nature from the realm of fertility to that of overwhelming power ex-
emplified in the storm, the flood, the mountain, and the sea. This
power includes destruction, the ultimate control of fate. As such, these
saints become symbols of military power and patron saints of armies.
3. Life and Death: The georgic saints symbolize continuity by
claiming eternal life (Elijah, Khidr) or through a cycle of life and
i6) See N. H. Smith, in InterpretersBible, vol. 3, pp. 3 f; I2 f. Also the New

Catholic Encyclopedia (I966), art. "Elia."
28 H. S. Haddad
death, i.e., the continuous renewal of life as observed in the vegetation.

It is in this category that we find the greatest differences among
these three saints.
We shall move now to a closer examination of the georgic cults
within these categories.
FERTILITY
Fertility is probably the central theme of the cult of the georgic

saints. Peasant culture, anywhere, is unthinkable without fertility rites.
St. George's fertilistic powers hardly need description. He is recog-
nized all over the lands of the Mediterranean and Eastern Europe as
guardian of the fertilizing powers in nature. In Russian, Roumanian,
Slavonic, and other folklore, Green George is patron saint of sheep,
cattle, horses, vegetation and rain. He unlocks the moist earth with
his golden keys. In addition, he has the power of blessing barren
women with offspring. 17) In the Levant, shrines of St. George-
Khidr and St. Elias-Khidr are visited by barren women, even today;
they vow money, cattle, or their children to the saint in case their
prayers were answered. 18)
St. George's day, April 23, heralds the beginning of summer all
over the Near East. Peasants consider their fruit trees safe from frost
after that date. Tradition has it that snakes do not appear until the
coming of St. George's day. Horses and cattle are sent out to pasture
about the same time. The feast day of Khizrilias, also April 23, was
considered an official day for summertime activities by government
circles of the Ottoman Empire. On that date some civil or military
operations were carried out. The squadron that sailed to cruise the
Aegean sea started on that day; so was the departure of the horses of
the imperial stables to the grazing grounds. 19)
The date of April 23d is important as a link between the cult of
St. George and ancient Hellenistic cults of Baal-Zeus. Malalas mentions
that Seleucus Nicator made his sacrifice to Zeus on Mt. Kasios on the
17) More on St. Georgein Europeanfolklorein Frazer,The GoldenBough

(1922),vol. II, p. 333, 344 ffe
I8) Cf. T. Canaan, MohammedanSaints and Sanctuaries in Palestine (I927),
p. 137, and passim; CharlesVellay, Le culte et les fe'tes d'Adonis-Thammouz
dans lOrient antique (1904), p. I86.
I9) B. Carra de Vaux, in Encyclopediaof Islam, I, p. 1047.
23d of April. 20) This establishes that day as an important feast day
of one of the most celebrated deities of Northern Syria. Zeus Kasios is
none other than Baal Saphon, the Baal Sapan of the Ras Shamra
texts. 21) The mountain (today's Jabal al-AqraC) was celebrated in
the mythologies of the ancient Hittites as Mt. Hazzi, 22) in the mytho-
logy of Ugarit as Mt. Sapan, and in the Greek and Hellinistic mytho-
logy as Mt. Kasios.
St. George's feast date displays a rustic character which fits the
georgic cult. It has no apparent basis in astrometry, but depends on
meteorological considerations. The great influence of Babylonian,
Egyptian, and Hellenistic astral religious interpretations can still be
felt in the religious calendar of the contemporary world. To the peas-
ant, however, St. George's day remains of great significance because
of its relevance to his agricultural activities. So is, by the way, the
20th of July which the church assigned to St. Elias, and the I5th of
August which is assigned to St. Mary's assumption.
The fertilistic powers of Khidr are well recognized. The most poetic
description of these powers is found in the Arabian Nights: the holy
wali "equalizes the seasons, recrowns the trees with royal green, un-
binds the fleeting streams, spreads out grass carpets on the meadows,
and hangs his light green mantle in the evening air to color the skies
after the sun has set." 23)
The peasants of Palestine, praying for rain, have a chant directed
to Khidr-Elias:
My lord Khidr, the green one,
Water our green plants.
My lord Mar-Elias
Water our dry plants.24
20) Malalas, Chronicles, Bk. viii (transl. by Spinka and Downey, Chicago,
1940), p. I3.
21) On Baal Sapan (Zaphon) - Zeus Kasion: J. W. Jack, The Ras Shamra
Tablets, Their Bearing on the Old Testament (I935); 0. Eissfeldt, Baal Zaphon,
Zeus Kasios und der Durchzug der Israeliten durchs Meer (1932); R. De Langhe,
Les Textes de Ras Shamra-Ugarit et leurs rapports avec le milieu biblique de
l'Ancien Testament (I945), II, p. 139ff.
22) Goetze, in Bulletin of the American Schools of Oriental Research LXXIX
(1940), pp. 32-34.
23) The Book of the Thousand Nights and One Night, transl. E. P. Mathers
(1930), vol. 4, p. 83.
24) T. Canaan, op. cit., p. 232.
30 H. S. Haddad
Folklore all over Syria assigns the cause of thunder and lightning
to either one of the three georgic saints. St. George and Khidr (also
Ali in some Nusairi lore) cause thunder and lightning by riding a
horse across the sky. In the case of Khidr (Ali) the lightning is caused
by the horse's hoofs striking the rocks (?). St. George, however, does
it with his spear, or trident, presumably while pursuing the dragon.
Elias, on the other hand, causes thunder and lightning by driving his
firey chariot across the sky. Many other variations of these tales can
be found all over the land, but all of them point out that rain, thunder,
and lightning are closely associated with the georgic saints.
The georgic attributes of Elijah are quite obvious. The picture of
Elijah one gets from the Bible, both the Old and the New Testaments,
is that of a prophet-saint who has complete control over rain. He
could "shut up the heaven" (Luke 4: 25). "He prayed earnestly that
it might not rain, and it rained not on the earth by the space of three
years and six months. And he prayed again, and the heaven gave rain,
and the earth brought forth her fruit." (James 5: 7f., cp. I Kings 17: I;
I8: 1-46).
Elijah's powers brought a dead child back to life and produced an
extended supply of food from a "barrel of meal" and a "cruse of oil.'
(I Kings I7) As a rain maker, Elijah used water on the alter in his
contest with the priests of Baal (I Kings I8: 34). As a rain maker, the
name of Elijah-Elias still lives in popular religion all over the Near
East. His attributes are quite reminiscent of those of Zeus and Baal
as sky and weather deities. In most countries of Europe and the Near
East the cult of Elias is linked with rain, clouds, lightning, and thun-
der. 25) Places dedicated to Elias all over the Levant, as well as in
Greece and other parts of the Mediterranean lands, are visited espe-
cially in time of drought to invoke the powers of the saint over rain.
POWER AND MILITANCY
The central theme of fertility which links the georgic saints to the
forces of nature leads, on one side, to the display of power and
militancy, and on the other to a preoccupation with life and death,
sacrifice and martyrdom. Thunder, lightning, wind and rain, as bene-
25) On the cult of Elias in Greece and Eastern Europe see A. B. Cook, Zeus
(I914-I940), vol. I, pp. 182 ff.
"Georgic"Cults and Saints of the Levant 3I
volent forces of nature, display what appears to be an inherent ag-

gressive power which, at times, turns malevolent and destructive.
The aggressive side of the deity or the saint seems to be most
popular in the pictorial and plastic representations. The theme of
struggle and display of power presents itself more clearly to human
visualization than does the more subtle fertilistic aspects. The great
fightning power of the saint or deity is the dramatization of this
fertilizing power-a dramatization which stresses the unpredictibility
of this power and the necessity to ward off its evil and destructiveness.
St. George
Pictorial representations of St. George almost constantly show his
militant character. The icons of St. George, as one can observe in most
churches in the Levant and elsewhere, depict him riding a magnificent
horse, driving his weapon, a trident in many cases, a lance or a sword
in some other, into the dragon. This show of militarism presents a
striking contrast, and a significant one, to the emphasis on passivity
and weakness found in almost all the other icons of the saints and
martyrs of the Church, and especially the central piece of the crucified
Christ.
This display of unusual power seems to appeal to the militant spirit
found in most men. Without St. George, militancy would have been
without a patron saint in Christianity. This may explain why the
saint gained such a degree of popularity in Europe especially during
and after the Crusades. St. George is credited with helping the
crusaders in their battles. William of Malmesbury tells how St. George
and Demetrius, the "Martyr Knights," were seen assisting the Franks
at the battle of Antioch in I098. 26) The strong arm and sharp weapons
of St. George will be needed even at the end of the world: a popular
tale in Palestine says that St. George will, at the second coming of
Christ, slay the antichrist at the door of St. George's church in Lydda.
Since the militancy of St. George is based primarily on his contest
with and triumph over the dragon, the origin of the militant George
is probably to be found in the tradition of the ancient fighting gods
of Syria and Babylonia. Many of these dragon-fighting gods populated
the Near East, most famous among them are Marduk, Adad, and
26) Gesta Regnum ii, 420.

32 H. S. Haddad
Ashur. However, Baal-Hadad of the Ugaritic texts is the most likely

prototype of the dragon-fighting George. The assumption can be made
that the present shrines of St. George all along the Syrian coast were,
in pre-Christian times, places of worship dedicated to Baal-Hadad or
to one of his many local types. The most famous shrine of St. George
in the Levant, the al-Humayra monastery situated between Tripoli
and Horns close to an intermittant source of water, was of great repute
in Roman times, and probably in more ancient times as well. Josephus
mentions that Titus, on his return from Jerusalem, paid a special
visit to the "sabbatical" fountain, probably to pay tribute for his
military victory. 27)
Khidr
Khidr's military virtues are strongly emphasized in popular Muslim
and Nusairi traditions. Pictorial representations of the militant Khidr,
due to the sanction on representation of the human form in Islam, are
very rare. The popular lore about Khidr, however, is full of tales of
his strength and valor. The peasants of Syria refer to him as abi
harba (father of the lance), thus indicating that militancy is his basic
characteristic. Stories about the strength of his arm are enhanced by
pointing out certain rocks that he had hurled from enormous distances.
A cylindrical stone about six feet high on the seashore below the
Crusaders' castle of Marqab, is said to be such a missile. The Nusairi
version of the story sometimes substitutes the name of Ali for that
of Khidr: the stone was hurled by him all the way from Mecca. Nu-
sairi women visit the cylindrical stone-no doubt a phallic symbol-
to invoke the power of the saint to give them children. The idea of
fertility in women is here in understandable combination with the
theme of power and strength attributed to the georgic saint.
Khidr's strides, according to some accounts, are miles apart. In Beit
Jala, near Jerusalem, he left the print of one foot in a rock which is
visited by devotees for its healing power. The Czar of Russia, a popular
tale says, once sent a warship to take the stone to his capital. The stone
was moved to Jaffa and loaded on board; but George-Khidr kept
forcing the ship back to the harbor with his huge spear. 28) The stone
27) Josephus, De Bello Jud. vii, 5, I.

28) T. Canaan,op. cit., p. 79; Hanauer, Folklore of the Holy Land, p. 52.
was returned to its place and is still there in an enclosure. It is sacred

to Muslims and Christians alike.
The valor of Khidr as a knight in battle is proverbial in popular
Islam. The historian Ibn al-Athir tells the story of a great Arab knight,
Abu Muhjin, who distinguished himself so greatly in battle against the
Persians that he was thought to be Khidr himself. 29) A poet, praising
the victories of the Caliph al-MustaCsim, said:
You overran the distant territories with such speed
As though you were following in the footsteps of Khidr.30
Elijah
The biblical account of Elijah presents him, in contrast with the rest
of the prophets of Israel, more as a man of action than a poet or a
visionary. His exploits sometimes are so violent, without apparent justi-
fication. His massacre of 450 priests of Baal may dubiously be justified
by religous zeal; but his extermination of one hundred soldiers sent to
bring him to the king display an exaggerated aggressivity (2 Kings
I: 3-16). His weapon of destruction is fire from heaven. Although he
is not depicted as a knight or horseman, his chariot and horses of fire
are even more spectacular as symbols of power. He also could divide
the waters of the Jordan by smiting the river with his mantle (2 Kings
2:8). The power to destroy, the chariot of fire, and the control of
rivers relate Elijah very strongly to the other georgic figures.
Another symbol of power of the georgic saints is their association
with mountains and promontories. Elijah's association with the moun-
tain is especially strong. It is reminiscent of the emphasis placed by
the ancient Canaanites on Baal as god of mountains and high places.
Elijah's association with mountains include his triumph over Baal's
priests on Mt. Carmel (I Kings I8:2off), his experience on Mt.
Horeb (I Kings 19) and, in the New Testament account, his appear-
ance with Moses on the Mount of Transfiguration (Mat. 17: 3).
In Syria, as well as in Greece and other countries, the shrines of
St. Elias, just as many maqcamsof Khidr, are built on promontories.
Most mountain tops which were dedicated to Zeus in ancient Greece
are now dedicated to St. Elias. 31) Mt. Carmel, known in ancient times
29) Ibn al-Athir, Kitab al-kamil fil-tarikh (Leiden 1867), p. 369.

30) Al-Hamadhini, Kitab al-buldan (Leiden I802), p. 52.
31) A complete list of these names in Greece is found in A. B. Cook, Zeus,
vol. I, pp. I77 ff.
Numen XVI 3
34 H. S. Haddad
for its shrine of Baal 32) is called by the Arabs of Palestine Jabal
Mar Elias.
In Christian popular lore, Elias displays most of the attributes of a
god of the atmosphere. He controls clouds, rain, the lighning, and
thunder. His aggressivity can become destructive just as the ancient
Baal-Zeus. In destroying the hundred soldiers he used fire from
heaven, a form of lightning. A flaming sword is one of the attributes of
Elias in representations of him all through Christendom.
Maritime power
Another strong link between the georgic saints and the ancient
Syrian Baals is their patronage of seamen and their control over the
sea. The ancient Baals of the Syrian coast were recognized as gods
of the sea, navigation, and mariners. Ancient records are abundent
with invocation of these Baals, especially the Tyrian Baal and the
Baal of Sidon, for the protection of ships or for the destruction of
enemy fleets. The Assyrian kings even used to call on the Syrian Baal
to destroy the ships of their enemies. 33) The maritime character of
Baal-Hadad of Ugarit is clearly indicated by his struggle with the
genius of the sea and the river, Yam-Nahar. His triumph over the
sea gives him control over his domain. 34) Hittite atmospheric gods
fought maritime dragons and monsters. However, in some cases, the
myths of the Hittites are not clear about the outcome of the contests. 35)
The Greek god Poseidon, in addition to his maritime attributes, is also
a fertility god. As such he is the closest of all ancient Greek gods to
our georgic saints. 36)
Khidr is known popularly as khawwzadal buhar, "roamer of the
seas." He is the favorite wali of the mariners and fishermen along the
Syrian coast, especially on the small island of Arwad, the ancient
32) On Mt. Carmel as a holy mountain,see Eissfeldt, Der Gott Karmel; Jaus-
sen, ,,La fete de Saint Elie au Mont Carmel"in Revue Biblique (1924), pp. 249-59.
33) D. Luckenbill, Ancient Records of Assyria and Babylonia (Chicago, 1926,
1927), vol. I, p. 587.
34) Text and translationin G. R. Driver, CanaaniteMyths and Legends (1956),
pp. 80 ff.
35) On Hittite religion: 0. R. Gurney, The Hittites (1952, pp. 132-177; H. G.
Giiterbock,in Ferm, Forgotten Religions, pp. 80 ff; also his Kumarbi... (1946);
G. Furlani, La Religione. degli Hittiti (I936).
36) E. Wust, in Pauly Wissowa, Real-Encyclopidie ... (I953), vol. 17, col. 446
557.
Aradus. The seamen, especially, refer to Khidr as rayyis "captain."

The fame of Khidr as patron saint of navigation reached India: Raja
Kidar is said to guard against the perils of navigation. 37)
A shrine dedicated to Khidr-George still stands near the seaport of
Sweidiyyah on the mouth of the Orontes river. The shrine is far
from any habitation, standing on a promontory overlooking the bay.
Until recently, it contained a lighted lamp, supposedly to guide boat-
men along the coast. A similar shrine of St. George dominated the
Bay of Juniyeh, north of Beirut. The bay of Beirut (also a well-known
hotel overlooking the bay) is named after St. George.
The maritime character of both St. George and Khidr is well esta-
blished. Elijah's power over the river can be classified in the same
category. However, Palestinian folklore makes a distinction between
the domain of Elias and that of Khidr. A popular saying goes: Al-
Khidr mukallaf fil-bahr wa Iliyya mukallaf fil-barr "Khidr is res-
ponsible for the sea and Iliyya is responsible for the land." Other ac-
counts reverse the assignments delegating the sea to Iliyya.
OF DEATH AND ETERNAL LIFE
The range of attributes of the georgic saints, as has been demon-

strated so far, is very wide. Their "influence" covers the whole gamut
of the aspects of fertility in nature. They have power over the domains
of the sky, the mountains, the sea, and the rivers. As such, they seem
to have some of the attributes of sky deities as well as those of earth
deities, agressive ones, and passive ones. Combining these two poles of
attributes in one divine person is not common in the history of religion.
The best example of a nature and fertility deity who triumphed in
both these poles is Baal-Hadad of Ugarit. This cloud and rain deity,
master of the thunder and lightning, triumphs over the divine dragon
Yam-Nahar by attacking him with his mighty weapons and crushing
him to humiliating defeat. In this, he conforms to the pictorial repre-
sentations which depict him mostly with his lightning rod or axe,
striding on a bull, or standing on a mountain. This is the concept we
37) A. B. Keith, "Indian Mythology" in The Mythology of All Races, vols. VI,
p. 235.
36 H. S. Haddad
find especially emphasized in Assyrian documents referring to

Adad. 38)
But the Ras Shamra texts also present Baal-Hadad in the role of
martyr, a chtonic deity. Unlike the contest with Yam-Nahr, Baal sub-
mits willingly and meekly to Mot "death" when that demon challenged
him. His death in the entrails of Mot and his coming back to life later
symbolize the death and revival of fertility in plants and in animals. 39)
St. George
Although St. George is basically a patron saint of the fields and of

sources of water, of the green plans and the productive forces in
nature, he is, in addition to that, a martyr as well as a hero fighter.
As martyr, folk tales recount that he was killed many times and that
parts of his mutilated body were scattered all over the hilltops of
Syria (cp. Dionysus-Zagreus). The monastery of St. George of al-
Humayra referred to above is supposed to be built on the spot where
the saint's lung was deposited. Yet he lives on; he rides his charger
and he kills the dragon; he causes the lightning and produces thunder.
Baal-Hadad of Ugarit of the second millenium B.C. has apparently
projected his dual nature into the person of St. George. The modern
saint keeps Baal's controle over nature's fertilistic powers. Also, like
the old Baal, he is killed many times and is, therefore, a martyr, a
dying-god.
The role of St. George as a dying-god of the Tammuz-Adonis type
seems to have diminished to the point of vanishing in modern Levan-
tine religious lore. However, up to the Middle Ages, the cult of St.
George was similar, if not identical, to that of Tammuz. At the time
when the old Tammuz rites still existed, especially in the northern
Syrian district of Harran, both "pagan" (Sabaeans to Arab historians)
and Christians were celebrating in similar fashion for Tammuz and
JurjZs respectively. Ibn Wahshiyyah, in 1498, writes in his book on
Nabatean agriculture, Kitab al-filaha al-nabatiyyah, which is said to
be a translation of an old "chaldean" manuscript by Ibn al-Qutdmi,
about the religious feasts of the Sabaean and Christian peasants. He
38) For namesand attributesof Adad: H. Schlobies,Der akkadischeWetter-

gott in Mesopotamien (1925).
39) Baal's contest with Mot: Driver, CanaaniteMyths, pp. I02-109.
tells the story of the Sabaean Tammuz, comparing and equating him
with the Christian Jurjis: "The story of Tammiiz..." he writes, "in
the book of the Nabateans... is the same as the story of Jurjis of the
Christians..." 40) The author goes on to describe the many deaths of
Jurjis as well as his great influence on vegetation.
Ibn al-Athir, in the I3th century, describes the death of Jurjis in
terms parallel to those of the crucifiction: "When he died God sent
stormy winds and thunder and lightning and dark clouds, so that
darkness fell between heaven and earth, and for days people were in
great wonderment... 41) The darkness was lifted, according to that
account, after the saint came back to life.
Al-ThaClabiis more precise about the trials and tribulations of Jurjis.
He contends that he came from Palestine and lived in the time of
some of Jesus' desciples. The king of Mosul killed him many times,
but he came back to life after each killing. When the king tried to
starve him to death a woman brought him a piece of dry wood and it
turned green, all sorts of vegetables and fruits issuing forth from it.
Even the chairs in the king's palace became green and grew leaves.
After the fourth attempt to kill Jurjis the whole city was burned down
with him. 42)
These accounts point out clearly the identity of St. George (Jurjis)
as a dying and resurrecting deity who was identified, especially in
Mesopotamia, as Tammuz. This identity most probably survived well
into the sixteenth century A.D.
Khidr and Elias
Death and resurrection is a theme which does not appear clearly
in the Khidr and Elias legends. However, it is significant that both
these saints escaped death completely. To the Semitic mind, the divi-
nity cannot be subjected to death in any form. Thus Islam rejects
Christian accounts of the death of Jesus who, according to the Qu'an,
is of the spirit of Allah. This divine spirit in CIsa makes him immune
from pain and death; he lives eternally, according to the Qur*anic
doctrine, just as Khidr is living eternally, according to the popular
40) Originaltext and Germantranslationin D. A. Chwolson,Uber Tammuz

und die Menschenverehrungbei den Alten Babyloniern (I86o), pp. 41-49.
41) Ibn al-Athir,Al-kamil(Leiden1867),vol. I, p. 367.
42) Al-ThaClabi, QiSaS, pp. 244-45.
38 H. S. Haddad
beliefs. This quality in Khidr is a clear indication of his divine origin.

Some extreme Shi'ites believe that Husayn was not actually killed,
that he is only hidden from sight, and that he will reappear again to
set things right. Khidr, also, appears from time to time. In between,
he is hidden from sight.
Elijah escaped death by being taken alive to heaven. He will come
back to herald the Messiah. But, even in the Biblical story, Elijah
displayed a great ability to hide, to disappear and reappear at will, his
disappearances clearly linked to drought over the land.
Eternal life is an important attribute of both Elias and Khidr. The
Syrians refer to Elias as Mar Ilias al-hayy "The Living Lord Elias."
Arab philologists interpreted the name of Elias as al-'as "the myrtle,"
which is the symbol of immortality. Folklore maintains that Elias and
Khidr, having survived to the first revelation of Muhammad, expressed
to him their wish to die, but Muhammad answered, "0 Khidr, it is
your duty to aid my community in the desert, and you, O Ilias must
aid them at sea." 43)
In georgic religion death and resurrection as well as hiding and
reappearance are two different but closely related motifs in the divine
drama, both indicating cyclic change as well as eternal continuity. The
difference between these two motifs can be attributed, partially at
least, to cultural and ecological factors. In predominantly agricultural
societies sacred death and resurrection conform more closely to the
cycle of fertility in plants, while the temporary absence of the sacred
person is more in tune with tribal societies depending primarily on
hunting and herding.
We can trace these traditions very far back into history. In the
second millennium B.C., for example, the Baal of Ugarit died in the
dark insides of Mot, symbolizing the death of vegetation. His revival
brought back life into the valleys and green to the pastures. By con-
trast, Telepinu, a fertility deity of the Hittites, an Anatolian community
of warring tribes in the process of empire building (prototype of the
Ottoman Turks) did not die; he only went away and slept soundly.
43) Cf. A. J. Wensinck, art. "Ilyas" in Encyclopedia of Islam. This is a

reversal of the roles of Khidr and Elias mentioned above. Maritime muslims (in
Palestine, for example) claim Khidr to be a patron of the sea, while muslims
of the interior prefer to have him in charge of the desert.
Finding him and waking him up was a feat that symbolized the return
of order and prosperity to the community. 44)
To summarize: all three representatives of georgic religion in the
Levant, George, Khidr, and Elias, display attributes of the gods of
fertility. They all tend to become militant heroes. However, only
George reaches martyrdom and the taste of death. Khidr and Elias
are barred from martyrdom by sanctions of Jewish and Islamic reli-
gious doctrines. Muslim peasants, nevertheless, find their martyrs and
their redeemers in Christian shrines which they venerate with great
fervor. In some cases, they created their own martyrs by transforming
a historical personality to this type of deity, as is the case of Husayn
in Shi'ism.
Georgic saints and georgic cults in the Levant can only have their
origin in the ancient Syrian "baalic" tradition. Baal, as lord of the
sky and fertilizer of the earth, has survived through the ages in the
religious cults of the Levantine agricultural communities-as a prophet
in Judaism, as a saint in Christianity, and as a wali in Islam.
44) Goetze,in Near EasternTexts Relatingto the Old Testament,pp. 26 f.;

Gaster,Thespis,pp. 353ff.; Giiterbockin ForgottenReligions,p. IoI. Ugaritic
text of the deathof Baal-Hadadin C. Gordon,UgariticHandbook(I947). Text
andtranslationin G. R. Driver,CanaaniteMyths,pp. IO3ff.
WAHRHEIT UND SKEPSIS IM AZTEKISCHEN
DENKEN
VON
GtNTER LANCZKOWSKI
Heidelberg
In memoriam Friedrich Heiler
Fur die indianischen Hochkulturen des prakolumbischen Amerika

ist iibereinstimmend bezeugt, dass in ihnen ein absolut positives Ver-
haltnis zur Wahrheit gepflegt und gefordert wurde. Fur die Wertschat-
zung der Wahrheit als moralischem Faktor der Charakterbildung im
Reiche der Inka ist es bezeichnend, dass noch in unseren Tagen die
Jugend bolivianischer Schulen ermahnt wird mit den Worten: ama
sua, armallulla, ama kella, ,,Nicht sollst du stehlen, nicht liigen, nicht
faulenzen" 1). Dabei geht nicht allein der Gebrauch der inkaischen
Staatssprache des Quetschua auf die Zeit indianischer Eigenstaatlich-
keit vor dem Einbruch der Conquista zuriick, sondern auch die For-
mulierung dieser Gebote und damit ihr ethisches Anliegen, der Sitten-
kodex, den sie bezeugen. Denn die Religion des inkaischen Reiches
kannte den Begriff der Siinde (hucha), und sie subsumierte diesem
Begriff ausdriicklich das Vergehen der Liige (ilulla). Der Liigner
(llullak) war verpflichtet, speziellen Beichtpriestern (ichuri) sein
frevlerisches Verhalten im Vollzug einer Beichte zu bekennen, deren
indianische Existenz die ersten im Gefolge der kriegerischen Conquista
ins Land gekommenen Missionare geistlichen Standes mit erheblichem
Erstaunen beobachteten 2).
Aus dem Bereich der yucatekischen Maya des Neuen Reiches sind
durch eine ihrer heiligen Schriften, das Buch des Chilam Balam von
i) HERMANN TRIMBORN, Die Religionen der Volkerschaften des siidlichen Mittel-

amerika und des n6rdlichen und mittleren Andenraumes,in: KRICKEBERG - TRIM-
BORN - MiLLER - ZERRIES, Die Religionen des alten Amerika, Stuttgart 1961,
S. I56.
2) Louis BAUDIN,So lebtendie Inkasvor dem Untergangdes Reiches,Stutt-
gart 1957, S. I49 f.
Wahrheit und Skepsis im Aztekischen Denken 4I
Chumayel 3), Priifungstexte iiberliefert, mit deren Hilfe der Halach

Uinic, der ,,wahre Mann", der oberste Herrscher Yucatans, die Legi-
timitit adliger Kandidaten fur hohe Verwaltungsposten ermittelte4).
Gefordert wurde in diesen Examina die Kenntnis eines Geheimwis-
sens, das ausschliesslich in den herrschenden Familien des Adels vom
Vater auf den Sohn tradiert wurde. Neben der Pflege und F6rderung
dieses esoterischen Wissens selbst hatten daher jene Prufungen den
Zweck, zu ermitteln, ob sich der junge Kandidat zu Recht als Ange-
horiger des Adels bezeichnet oder eine solche Herkunft erlogen hatte.
Es spricht fur die rigorose Strenge, mit der das Prinzip absoluter
Wahrhaftigkeit verfolgt wurde, dass am Schluss des Examens den
Unwissenden und damit einer falschlichen Behauptung seiner Adels-
zugeh6rigkeit Uberfiihrten, den erwiesenen Liigner also, die hartesten
Strafen trafen. Die Zungenspitze wurde ihm abgeschnitten, die Augen
ausgerissen, und schliesslich fand er durch Erhingen den Tod 5).
Die Verletzung der Wahrheitspflicht, die bei den Maya so unnach-
giebiger Siihne unterlag, gait auch den Azteken als schmahliches und
strafwiirdiges Verhalten. Die Liige (iztlactli) wurde im religi6sen Sin-
ne als Verfehlung, als Siinde (tlatlacolli) betrachtet; und es spricht fur
einen ausgepragten Abscheu der Azteken gegeniiber siindhaftem Ver-
halten, dass der Sunder (tlatlacoani) auch als tlaelquani, als ,,Dreck-
fresser", bezeichnet wurde 6).
Bei ihrer Forderung nach unbedingter Wahrhaftigkeit legten die Az-
teken an die fiihrenden Schichten die strengsten MaBstabe, weil diese
dem niederen Volke Vorbilder sein sollten. In den umfangreichen Re-
lationen, die uns Bernardino de Sahagun in aztekischer Sprache iiber-
liefert hat, finden sich auch Abschnitte iiber die Erziehung der Prinzen
koniglichen Gebliits. Deren Ausbildung wurde abgeschlossen durch
Kampfhandlungen, in denen sie sich auf kriegerischem Gebiet zu be-
wahren hatten. Jedoch erstreckte sich diese Priifung nicht allein auf
3) RALPHL. ROYS,The Book of Chilam Balam of Chumayel (Carnegie Insti-

tution of Washington, Publication No. 438), Washington I933.
4) Vgl. G. LANCZKOWSKI, Die Sprache von Zuyua als Initiationsmittel, in:
Initiation. Contributionsto the Theme of the Study-Conferenceof the Internatio-
nal Association for the History of Religions, held at Strasburg, September I7th
to 22nd I964, edited by C. J. BLEEKER,Leiden I965, S. 27-39.
5) RoYs, a.a.O., S. 92.
6) Vgl. GEORGH6LTKER,Das Siindenbewusstsein bei den Azteken im alten
Mexiko, in: Anthropos 31, I936, S. 222f.
42 Giinther Lanczkowski
Geschicklichkeit und Mut, sie enthielt vielmehr auch eine Kontrolle der
Aufrichtigkeit und Wahrheitsliebe der jungen Firsten, die den Exa-
mina der Maya in formaler und intentioneller Hinsicht nahesteht. Auch
im aztekischen Bereich trat der Herrscher, der K6nig Mexikos, per-
s6nlich als Priifer auf, und Sahagun berichtet, dass Motecuqoma II.,
nachdem er die Meldung iiber Riickkehr und Erfolg der jungen Ad-
ligen erhalten hatte, sich an diese wandte mit den Worten 7): ,,Ihr habt
euch miide gelaufen, habt Mihsal erduldet, o ihr tapferen Krieger, setzt
euch nieder. - Vielleicht beliigt ihr mich (annechiztlacauia), lasst mich
die Wahrheit des Berichtes schauen!" Die Adligen wurden daraufhin
eingeschlossen bis zur Uberprifung ihrer Meldungen, und wenn diese
falsch waren, wurden sie auch hier mit dem Tode bestraft 8): ,,Wenn
sie einen unwahren Bericht zu Geh6r brachten, lasst Motecuqoma sie
toten."
Das unabdingbare Ideal der Wahrhaftigkeit gait selbstverstandlich
auch fur die andere privilegierte Schicht des Aztekenreiches, fur die
Priester. Uns sind die Regeln uberliefert, nach denen sich das Leben
im ,,Priesterhause" vollzog, dem calnecac 9), das zugleich Schule und
Ausbildungsstatte sowohl kinftiger Geistlicher als auch der S6hne des
Adels war. Neben disziplinaren, zeremoniellen und schulischen Anwei-
sungen umfassen diese Regeln auch moralische Gebote. Unter ihnen ist
die ,,finfzehnte Regel fur das Leben im calmecac" bezeichnend, die in
einem Bekenntnis zur Wahrhaftigkeit gipfelt; sie lautet 10): ,,Die
Priester gelobten Enthaltsamkeit, reinen Lebenswandel, nirgends
Frauen zu sehen; sie gelobten ein massiges Leben. Niemand log."
Der Patron des calmecac war Quetzalcoatl, der spater verg6ttlichte
Priesterk6nig der toltekischen Zeit, die der Herrschaft der Azteken auf
dem Hochland Mexikos vorangegangen war; und es kann kein Zwei-
fel dariber bestehen, dass zumindest im Bereich des priesterlichen
Lebens mit der Ethik unbedingter Wahrhaftigkeit bewusst ein Ideal
der Tolteken gepflegt wurde, deren Erbe die aztekische Zeit willig
anerkannte; denn die Azteken berichteten franziskanischen Missiona-
7) EDUARD SELER, Einige Kapitel aus dem Geschichtswerkdes Fray Bernardino

de Sahagun, Stuttgart 1927, S. 330 f.
8) a.a.O.
9) Die w6rtliche und sachliche Bedeutungvon calmecackommt unseremBegriff
"Kloster" am nachsten.
Io) SAHAGUN-SELER, a.a.O., S. 354.
Wahrheit und Skepsis im Aztekischen Denken 43
ren noch zur Zeit der Conquista iiber die Tolteken 11): ,,Diese Tolteken
waren in jeder Weise rechtschaffen, nicht lugnerisch waren sie... Sie
sprachen: es ist wahr, es ist so, es ist ausgemacht in Wahrheit; ja,
nein."
Umfangreiche Texte in aztekischer Sprache, die Familie, Stande und
Berufe des alten Mexiko beschreiben 12), betonen das Prinzip der
Wahrheit in einer Weise, die zeigt, dass mit ihm ein schlechthinniges
Anliegen fur die Formung nicht allein des toltekischen, sondern auch
des aztekischen Menschen verbunden war. Diese Texte stellen die ver-
schiedenen Berufe in antithetischer Weise dar, indem sie jeweils zu-
nachst den guten und dann den schlechten Vertreter eines Berufes
schildern. Dabei ist es bezeichnend, dass die Qualitat der Wahrheit zu
einem wesentlichen Charakteristikum des guten Vertreters eines Be-
rufes zahlt, wihrend der schlechte direkt als Liigner bezeichnet oder
in diesem Sinne umschrieben wird; haufig wird dabei die abwertende
Bezeichnung chamatl, ,,GroBfsprecher,Prahler", gebraucht.
Einige signifikante Beispiele konnen den Grundtenor dieser Texte
demonstrieren. Besonders sch6n ist jene Stelle, die von dem rechten
,,Weisen" (tlamatini) handelt, der ,,ein Lehrer der Wahrheit (neltiliztli
temachtiani) ist, ein Mahner, ein Erzieher, der das gute Beispiel
gibt" 13). Als Liigner wird der schlechte Rechtsanwalt gebrandmarkt,
wenn es von ihm heisst 14): ,,Er ist doppelziinzig". In einem Text iiber
den schlechten Sachwalter wird zwar dessen Liigenhaftigkeit nicht
direkt genannt, steht aber im Hintergrund der folgenden, fur das
aztekische Verhaltnis zur Wahrheit iiberaus bezeichnenden Aus-
sage 15): Der schlechte Sachwalter ,,verdient, dass ihm ein Aderlass-
pflaster (iiber den Mund) gelegt werde, dass ihm die Lippen zusam-
mengepresst werden, dass ihm ein Heilmittel fur sein Mundwerk be-
reitet werde; ja, man presst ihm die Lippen zusammen, man klebt ein
Aderlasspflaster darauf."
Es verwundert nicht, dass das mexikanische Verhaltnis zu Wahrheit
und Liige auch im Recht seinen Ausdruck fand. Nezahualcoyotl, der
ii) a.a.O., S. 395.

12) LEONHARD SCHULTZE JENA, Gliederungdes alt-aztekischenVolks in Familie,
Stand und Beruf (Quellenwerke zur alten GeschichteAmerikas, Bd. 5), Stuttgart
1952.
13) a.a.O., S. 74 f.
14) a.a.O., S. 8o f.
15) a.a.O., S. 80 f.
44 Giinther Lanczkowski
von 1418 bis 1472 regierende Fiirst der Stadt Tezcoco, die mit Mexiko-
Tenochtitlan und Tlacopan den das Hochland beherrschenden Drei-
bund bildete, ist nicht allein mit seinem Riickgriff auf die Verehrung
des altmexikanischen Hochgottes als religi6ser Reformator aufgetre-
ten 16), sonder auch als Gesetzgeber 17). Das Recht Nezahualcoyotls
ahndete liignerisches Verhalten in der Weise, dass es auf schwere 6f-
fentliche Verleumdung die Todesstrafe setzte; auf falsche Anklage und
falsches gerichtliches Zeugnis legte es Talion, indem es dem der fal-
schen Aussage tUberfiihrten jene Strafe auferlegte, die die angezeigte
Tat nach sich gezogen haitte18).
Einen - wahrscheinlicch tragischen - H6hepunkt fand der az-
tekische Abscheu vor Unwahrhaftigkeit bei der Verbrennung der
Leiche des zuvor get6teten MotecuqomaII., dessen Verhalten beim Ein-
marsch der Spanier und in den erregenden Ereignissen jener Tage
h6chstwahrscheinlich von seinem eigenen Volke nicht ganz gerecht
beurteilt worden ist. Jedenfalls beschimpften ihn die Azteken noch im
Tode, und ihr Zorn gipfelte in den Worten 19): ,,Vieles war erlogen,
wofiir er die Leute biissen liess, war falsch, war erfundenes Gerede."
Sicherlich betreffen die bisherigen Ausfiihrungen und die beige-
brachten Belege allein eine subjektive Wahrheit, eine Wahrhaftigkeit,
die als sittliche Grundhaltung des Menschen verstanden ist. Jedoch
haben auch die Azteken diese Wahrhaftigkeit metaphysisch begriindet
gesehen in einer letzten, schlechthinnigen Wahrheit, die die Normen des
ethischen Verhaltens setzt.
Darauf verweist bereits der aztekische Terminus fur ,,Wahrheit", das
Wort neltiliztli, dessen Stamm nel einen Bedeutungskreis von ,,uner-
schiitterlich Begriindetem, absolut Wirklichem und Wahren" um-
fasst 20). Das aber sind Qualitaten, die die Azteken gerade im irdischen
Dasein nicht zu finden vermochten. Ihre Gesange sind voll der Klagen
Das Buch der K6nige von Tezcuco,

DE ALVA IXTLILXOCHITL,
16) DON FERNANDO
Bau-
bearb. von H. G. BONTE,Leipzig 1930, S. IO8 f.; vgl. WALTERKRICKEBERG,
form und Weltbild im alten Mexico, in: Mythe, Mensch und Umwelt, hrsg. von
AD. E. JENSEN,Bamberg 1950, S. 30I.
17) IXTLILXOCHITL,S. 71 f.
I8) J. KOHLER,Das Recht der Azteken, Stuttgart 1892, S. 89.
19) SAHAGUN-SELER, S. 513.
20) MIGUELLEON-PORTILLA, La Filosofia Nahuatl. Estudiada en sus fuentes,
Mexico 1959, S. 59: "... la silaba tematica NEL- connota originalmente la idea
de "fijaci6n solida, o enraizamiento profundo"."
iiber die Verginglichkeit des Irdischen und beherrscht von dem Ge-
danken: ,,Wir leben hier auf Erden in Trauer und Tranen" 21). Und
wenn ein aztekischer Dichter die rhetorische Frage stellt: ,,Ist etwa
hier auf Erden unser Heim?" 22), so setzt er eine verneinende Antwort
voraus. Denn nach aztekischer Anschauung steht dieser keinesfalls fest
begriindeten, vielmehr verganglichen und von ihrem Ende bedrohten
Welt 23) ein Bereich der unerschiitterlichen Wirklichkeit und Wahr-
heit gegeniiber, der im obersten Himmel lokalisiert wurde, dem Wohn-
ort des alten Hochgottes Mexikos, der in bezeichnender Weise als nelli
teotl, als ,,wahrer Gott", angesprochen wurde. Bei ihm ist der Platz,
wo man wahrhaft lebt 24); die Seele des Kindes wird von dort ins ir-
dische Leben gesandt 25); und nur wer sich dieser Herkunft bewusst
bleibt, kann uberhaupt auf Erden die Wahrheit sprechen 26).
Der enge Bezug subjektiver Wahrhaftigkeit zu ihrer metaphysischen
Begriindung kommt auch zum Ausdruck in der numinosen Gestalt
Tezcatlipocas, eines Aspektes des Hochgottes 27), und in seiner Funk-
tion als ,,allwissendem Gott", der ,,das Innere der Menschen kennt"
(teitic tlamati mati) 28) und damit den intimsten Bezirk von Wahrheit
und Liige zu durchschauen vermag 29).
21) LEONHARDSCHULTZEJENA, Alt-Aztekische Gesange (Quellenwerke zur

alten Geschichte Amerikas, Bd. 6), Stuttgart 1957, S. 2I.
22) a.a.O., S. 69.
23) Vgl. AUGUSTFreiherr VONGALL, Weltende und seine Vorzeichen im
Glauben der alten Azteken, in: Nachrichten der Giessener Hochschulgesellschaft,
Bd. 7. Heft 2, (1923), S. 34-45.
24) LEON-PORTILLA, a.a.O., S. 214: "Asi, con un supremo acto de confianza en
el Dador de la vida, de quien se espera que no envi6 a los hombresa la tierra para
vivir en vano y sufrir, se sostiene que rostro y corazon: la persona humana,ele-
vandose al fin, lograra escapar del mundo transitorio de tlalticpac, para encontrar
la felicidad buscada alli "en el lugar donde de verdad se vive"."
25) SAHAGUN-Seler, S. 395: ,,Von dort kommt unsere Seele, wenn sie sich nie-
derlasst, wenn niedertropfen die Kleinen, von dort her kommt die Seele." Vgl.
auch EDUARD SELER, GesammelteAbhandlungenzur AmerikanischenSprach- und
Altertumskunde, Bd. 4, Berlin 1923, Neudruck Graz 1961, S. 139.
26) LEON-PORTILLA, a.a.O., S. 143: "Quien logra obtener este influjo divino...
es el unico que puede decir "lo verdaderoen la tierra"."
27) Vgl. KONRAD THEODOR PREUSS und ERNST MENGIN, Die mexikanische Bil-
derhandschriftHistoria Tolteca-Chichimeca(Baessler-Archiv, Beiheft 9), Berlin
1937, S. 49; JOSEF HAEKEL,Hochgott und G6tter im alten Mexiko. Kritische
Bemerkungenzum Problem des Polytheismus, in: Kairos 1959, S. I36.
28) SAHAGUN-SELER,S. 264.
29) RAFFAELE PETTAZZONI, L'onniscienza di Dio, Torino 1955, S. 596: "Nella
"Historia General de las cosas de Nueva Espaia" del frate francescano Bernar-
46 Guinther Lanczkowski
Es fragt sich, worin der aztekische Glaube an eine transzendente

Wahrheit, die Sinn und Mass irdischer Wahrhaftigkeit darstellt, be-
griindet war. In einem Augenblick, in dem die aztekischen Priester ge-
zwungen sind, dem im Gefolge der Conquista missionierend vordringen-
den Christentum ihr Eigenstes entgegenzusetzen, geben sie Auskunft
hieriiber. Dies geschieht im Verlauf eines Religionsgesprachs, welches
franziskanische Missionare mit aztekischen Adligen und Priestern
fiihren.
Der uns erhaltene Text dieses f ranziskanisch-aztekischen Gesprachs
zeigt, dass die Azteken dem Absolutheitsanspruch der christlichen Kir-
che, die den Begriff des Volkes pneumatisiert, den Traditionsbegriff
ihrer Volksreligion gegeniiberstellen. Die aztekischen Priester geben
als Grundlage ihres Glaubens den Begriff tlamanitiliztli an, der die
,,Sitte", den ,,Brauch" und das durch diese Gr6ssen legitimierte ,,Ge-
setz" bedeutet. Und nach diesem Bekenntnis zu ihrem im eigenen Vol-
ke iiberlieferten Glauben fragen die aztekischen Priester in einer
Weise, die eine fur ihr Empfinden ungeheuerliche Zumutung des
Glaubenswechsels erkennen lasst 30): ,,Und sollen etwa nun wir zer-
st6ren das alte Gesetz ?- das Gesetz der Chichimeken, das Gesetz der
Tolteken, das Gesetz derer von Colhuacan, das Gesetz der Tepaneken?
Wir verstehen uns auf das, worin man geboren wird, wodurch man
aufgezogen wird, wodurch man grossgezogen wird, namlich wodurch
die G6tter angerufen, wodurch sie angebetet werden."
Hier wird der Begriff der Tradition (tlamanitiliztli), auf der die
Wahrheit fusst und durch die sie legitimiert wird, in ausserst enge Be-
Beziehung gesetzt zur Wahrheit selbst und damit fast wie ein Syno-
nym zu neltiliztli, ,,Wahrheit", verwendet. Das aber bedeutet, dass eine
Situation des Zweifels an dieser traditionellen Wahrheit zwei Bereiche
erfasst, die unser modernes Denken weitaus starker, als dies archai-
schen Auffassungen entspricht, voneinander sondert, namlich einer-
seits die sakrale Sphare und andererseits den Bereich volkischer Tra-
dino de Sahagun, si legge che Tezcatlipoca e colui che "conosce gli uomini" (tci-
matini, VI, 3), che "conosce il cuore degli uomini" (quittani in teiollo, VI, 4), che
"conosce l'intimo degli uomini"."
30) WALTER LEHMANN,Sterbende G6tter und christliche Heilsbotschaft. Wech-
selreden indianischer Vornehmer und spanischer Glaubensapostel in Mexiko 1524
(Quellenwerke zur alten Geschichte Amerikas, Bd. 3), Stuttgart 1949, S. Io5.
dition, den der Azteke gern mit Begriffen aus dem Wortfeld von
,,Ruhm und Ehre" - wie te(n)yotl und itauhcayotl - ansprach.
Voraussetzungen fur das Infragestellen herk6mmlicher Wahrhei-
ten bieten vor allem Zeiten des ausseren Umbruchs, der Zerst6rung
iiberkommener Ordnungen, wie sie fur Mexiko mit dem Einbruch der
Conquista erfolgte, der das Ende der eigenstandigen Geistigkeit der
Azteken bewirkte. In weltgeschichtlichen MaBPstabengesehen, ereignete
sich dieses Ende der aztekischen Geistesgeschichte -wie auch das-
jenige der iibrigen altamerikanischen Hochkulturen in erstaunlich
raschem Ablauf. Nur wenige Jahre brachten die Entscheidung. Als
die Spanier 1519 unter Cortes an der mexikanischen Ostkiiste landeten,
leiteten sie eine Begegnung Europas mit dem alten Mexiko ein, die in
unvergleichlich kurzer Zeit das Ende der geistigen Eigenstandigkeit
Mexikos zur Folge hatte. Bereits im gleichen Jahre zogen die Con-
quistadoren in die Hauptstadt Mexiko-Tenochtitlan ein. Spater auf-
flammende Widerstande der Mexikaner und voriibergehende Misser-
folge der Spanier waren nur von kurzer Dauer. Im Jahre 1521 ist
Mexiko endgiiltig in spanischer Hand, und Gefangennahme sowie spa-
tere Hinrichtung des Quauhtemoc, des ,,herabstossenden Adlers", des
letzten Herrschers der Azteken, verbreiten unter den fiihrenden
Schichten seines Volkes eine Hoffnungslosigkeit, die auch den Bestand
der eigenen geistigen Traditionen mit umschliesst.
Worte, die Motecugoma II. in jenen Tagen des Vordringens der
Spanier spricht, lassen einen Zweifel an Tradition und Bestand seines
Reiches erkennen, hinter dem die skeptische Frage nach dem steht, was
nun noch Wahrheit sei 31): ,,Was wird auf uns kommen? Wer fur-
wahr steht noch aufrecht? Ach, friiher war ich es. Voller Todesangst
ist mein Herz, gleichsam in Pfefferwasser getaucht. Es brennt, es
beisst. Wohin fiirwahr, o Herr?" Und als Motecucoma spater erfahrt,
dass gegeniiber dem spanischen Vormarsch die von ihm angeordneten
Mittel seiner Religion, Zauber und kultische Akte, wirkungslos geblie-
ben sind, spricht er zu den Grossen seines Reiches 32): ,,Was sollen
wir tun, o ihr Edlen? - Wir sind dahin, wir haben das Gift schon
geschluckt... Wir sind Mexikaner; soil denn wirklich der mexikani-
sche Name sich unriihmlich erweisen ? ... Wir haben das Gift schon
31) SAHAGUN-SELER, S. 468.

32) a.a.O., S. 484.
48 GuintherLanczkowski
geschluckt, was auch immer an schauervollen Dingen uns noch erwar-

ten mag."
Nach der Conquista haben aztekische Dichter die melancholische Re-
signation jener Tage in Klagegesangen festgehalten, in denen neben
Mexiko-Tenochtitlan meist noch die Schwesterstadt Tlatelolco stellver-
tretend fur das Reich genannt wird. In diesen Dichtungen wird die ge-
schichtspessimistische Einsicht in die Unentrinnbarkeit des eigenen
Untergangs haufig verbunden mit einer Skepsis gegeniiber der trans-
zendenten Wahrheit, mit einer Anklage gegen den Hochgott der alten
mexikanischen Religion, der in diesen Texten unter dem Namen Ipal-
nemoa, ,,durch den man lebt", erscheint. Die Verse eines Liedes, das
mit ,,Klagegesang auf die Eroberung Mexikos durch Cortes" bezeichnet
worden ist, lassen diese Skepsis deutlich werden 33): ,,Nur Trauer-
blumen und Trauergesange gibt es hier in Mexiko, in Tlatelolco, -
ja, dort ist 's, wo Leid gefiihlt wird. Unsichtbar ist das Gute, das Du,
Ipalnemoa, uns doch einst getan hast... Wir sind verst6rt und verbit-
tert. Auf Deine Untertanen in Tlatelolco hauft sich Leid, da lernt man
es kennen. Davon sind wir miirbe, verlassen sind wir, Ipalnemoa!...
So ist 's also geschehen, dass der Rauch, der aus Mexiko, der Stadt
im Riedrohr, aufgestiegen ist, wie Nebel ausgebreitet liegt. Das ist
Dein Werk, Ipalnemoa. Ihr Mexikaner bedenkt es: Er, er selbst, der
Gott, hat sich angeschickt, gerade auf uns Angst und Pein herabzu-
senden... Ihr, unsere Freunde, weinet Tranen, nehmt es euch zu Her-
zen, dass wir nun das Reich Mexiko preisgegeben haben. Der Trank
ist bitter und auch die Speise ist bitter geworden. Ja, das hat Ipalnemoa
in Tlatelolco getan!"
Was hier als Anklage gegen den alten Hochgott Mexikos erscheint,
hatte bereits friiher, im franziskanisch-aztekischen Religionsgesprach,
eine letzte Steigerung im Zweifel an der Fortexistenz der aztekischen
G6tter iiberhaupt gefunden. Denn das Bekenntnis der aztekischen
Priester zur iiberlieferten Wahrheit wurde nicht im Sinne eines zu-
kunftstrachtigen Protestes vorgetragen, sondern mit einer tiefen Hoff-
nungslosigkeit, die erkennen lasst, dass sich die aztekischen Priester als
letzte Bekenner einer dem Untergang geweihten Religion verstanden.
Mit der Betonung ihrer geistlichen Aufgabe, den spanischen Missio-
naren zu widersprechen, verbanden die Priester den Ausdruck ihres
Wunsches nach eigenem Untergang und Tod, der gipfelte in dem ent-
33) SCHULTZEJENA, Alt-Aztekische Gesange, S. 29 ff.
scheidenden Satze 34): ,,tel ca teteu in omfcque - sind doch die G6tter
auch gestorben."
Geschichtsimmanente wie auch transzendente Zweifel sind in der
Situation der Conquista nicht spontan ausgebrochen. Das Weltbild der
Azteken 35), das, wie fur vier vorangegangene Zeitalter, so auch fur
das gegenwartige fiinfte ein Ende voraussah, leistete bereits geschichts-
pessimistischen Betrachtungen Vorschub. Und auf sakralem Gebiet
geben die altaztekischen Gesange eine UCberfullevon Zeugnissen fur
das Thema des erdenfernen Hochgottes, der sich nicht mehr um Men-
schen und irdische Geschicke kiimmert. Wenn derartige Anschauungen
durch die Katastrophe des Verlustes der staatlichen und geistigen
Eigenstandigkeit der Azteken eine absolute Steigerung erfuhren, so
fragt es sich, ob diese Skepsis gegeniiber der geschichtlichen und reli-
giosen Tradition, der ,,Wahrheit" der alten Zeit mithin, endgiiltig war.
Es ist bekannt, dass sich allmahlich an den von den Spaniern durch
christliche Kathedralen iiberh6hten Heiligtiimern Altmexikos die vor
ihrer missionarischen Umwandlung lebendigen Formen des Kults und
der mit ihm verbundenen Glaubensvorstellungen wieder in einer Weise
durchsetzten, die dazu gefiihrt hat, von synkretistischen Bildungen, von
einer mexikanischen ,,Mischreligion" zu sprechen 36). Wichtiger aber
als die mehr oder weniger verdeckte Wiederkehr heidnischer Kulte und
Gottheiten ist der Riickgriff auf einen diese Entwicklung erst erm6g-
lichenden zentralen Begriff, der zum Ausdruck kommt in der Blick-
richtung auf Ruhm und Ehre der vorspanischen Zeit. Es ist das Prin-
zip tlamanitiliztli, der Tradition und Wahrheit der alten Zeit, dem sich
das Mexiko der nachaztekischen Periode sukzessive wieder zuwandte.
Damit wird deutlich, dass gegeniiber der Skepsis der von der Con-
quista unmittelbar erfassten Generation jenes Urteil spaterer Ge-
schlechter zutreffender war, das im 17. Jahrhundert der aztekische
Historiker Chimalpahin in die Worte fasste37):
34) LEHMANN, Sterbende Gotter, S. Io2.

35) Vgl. u.a. Walter Krickeberg, Altmexikanische Kulturen, Berlin I956, S.
i86 f.
36) Vgl. ROBERT RICARD, La "conquete spirituelle" du Mexique, Paris 1933,
S. 324.
37) WALTERLEHMANNund GERDTKUTSCHER,Das Memorial breve acerca de
la fundacion de la ciudad de Culhuacan von Domingo de San Anton Munion Chi-
malpahin Quauhtlehuatzin (Quellenwerke zur alten Geschichte Amerikas, Bd. 7),
Stuttgart I958, S. II2.
Numen XVI 4
50 Lanczkowski, Wahrheit und Skepsis im Aztekischen Denken
,,yehuatl totenyo yez:

qan yn quexquichcauh maniz cemanahuatl
ayc pollihuiz
yn itenyo yn itauhca in mexico Tenuchtitlan -
Dies wird unser Ruhm sein:
Solange die Welt bestehen wird,
soil niemals vergehen
der Ruhm, die Ehre von Mexiko Tenochtitlan."
GNOSIS ALS WELTRELIGION UND ALS HARESIE
(Vorgetragen an der Tagung ,,Haresien und Schismen" in Berlin,
I5.II.I966)
VON
PETR POKORN'
Prag
I.A) Die Gnosis ist mit dem ambiti6sen Programm entstanden,

eine Weltreligion zu werden und hat sich dann in eine christliche
Haresie umgewandelt.
Diese These soil erklirt und begriindet werden.
Dass die Gnosis ausserhalb des Christentums entstanden ist, wird
vor allem durch die Tatsache belegt, dass es eine Reihe gnostischer
Texte gibt, die keine christlichen Motive aufweisen oder in welchen
diese als spatere Einschube zu bezeichnen sind. Ausser den alteren
Traktaten der hermetischen Gnosis gilt das fur die simonianische
Grosse Apophasis, fur das Apokryphon des Johannes, fur die Epistel
des Eugnostos (CG III), fur die sogenannte Naassenerpredigt (Hipp.
Phil. V, 7-9) u.a. 1).
Das zweite Argument fur die ausserchristliche Entstehung der
Gnosis ist die Tatsache, dass der gnostische Erl6ser in den meisten
christlich-gnostischen Texten nur selten und am Rande mit Jesus
Christus identifiziert wird.
Die Gnosis ist also unabhangig von dem Christentum entstanden 2).
B) Wie ist sie entstanden? C. Colpe hat in seiner Arbeit ,Die

Religionsgeschichtliche Schule' (1961) gezeigt, dass die von der reli-
gionsgeschichtlichen Schule vorausgesetzten Mythen aus Agypten
und aus Iran fur die Gnosis nicht konstitutiv sind und dass der
gnostische Anthropos keine Forsetzung eines alten Mythus darstellt.
Die ausserchristlichen Anfange der Gnosis wird man deshalb in
i) ,,Belege und eine breitere Begriindung dieser These in meinem Aufsatz

Der Ursprung der Gnosis", Kairos IX/I967, 94-105.
2) Vgl. K. Rudolph, Stand und Aufgaben in der Erforschung des Gnostizis-
mus, Tagung fur allgem. Religionsgeschichte- Jena, 1963, S. 97.
52 Petr Pokorny
eine viel jiingere, h6chstwahrscheinlich spathellenistische Zeit legen

miissen. Die Gnosis erscheint dann als eine dem entstehenden Chris-
tentum konkurrierende Bewegung.
Trotzdem war es jedoch gut, dass die meisten Forscher der reli-
gionsgeschichtlichen Schule die Systeme mit der mannlichen Erl6ser-
gestalt fur urspriinglicher als diejenigen mit Sofia, Dynamis oder
Eunoia hielten. In den meisten Sophia-Systemen kommt namlich
auch der Anthropos vor3) und man kann innerhalb ihnen sogar
Versionen entdecken, in denen Anthropos in der Mitte stand 4). Die
meisten Dokumente der ausserchristlichen Gnosis geh6ren auch wirk-
lich in die Gruppe mit einem mannlichen Erliser.
Bedeutend ist auch, dass die ,,mannlichen" Systeme fast alle ein-
deutig iiber den mannweiblichen Charakter der zentralen Gestalt
sprechen. 5) Die Abschnitte aus den nicht ausgesprochen ,,mann-
lichen" Systemen, in welchen iiber die innere Trennung der urspriin-
lich mannweiblichen h6chsten Gottheit berichtet wird, deuten dann
an, auf welche Weise die ,,weiblichen Systeme" entstanden sind. 6)
Die mannweibliche gottliche Gestalt mit betonten mannlichen Zugen
stand also in der Mitte der vorausgesetzten urspriinglichen gnos-
tischen mythischen Spekulation.
C) H.-M. Schenke hat nachgewiesen, dass der Anlass zur Ent-

stehung dieser Spekulation eine allegorische Auslegung von Gen. i,
26f. geliefert hat. 7) Man hat dabei auch an einige Motive der alteren
Adam-Spekulationen des Diasporajudentums und tw. auch der Qum-
ransekte angekniipft, in welchen Adam als eine unschuldige und fast
g6ttliche Gestalt verehrt wird. 8) In der Gnosis ist jedoch dieses
heterodox-jiidische Erbe zur Hervorhebung einiger spezifisch heid-
3) Siehe H.-M. Schenke, Der Gott ,,Mensch" in der Gnosis, 1962, S. 33.
4) Z.B. Das Wesen der Archonten - CG II, 91 = Lab. 139,2 oder die von
Clemens Alex. dargebotene Version des Valentinianismus - Strom. II, 36, 2-4
vgl. Iren. Adv.haer. I, 5.5.
5) Die Naassenerpredigt - Hipp. Phil. V, 8, 4; Corp. Herm. I, 9 u.I5; die
Peraten Hipp. Phil. V, I4.3, Das Apokryphon des Johannes - BG 27, I7ff.
6) Z.B. Epist. Eugnost. CG I, 77 nach J. Doresse, Vig. Chr. II/9I48 S. I42ff.,
Apof. Megal. - Hipp. Phil. V, i8, 2-7.
7) Op. cit. S. 7of.
8) Z.B. 2 Hen. A 31,6 vgl. E. Peterson, ,,La liberationd'Adam de I'ANAGKE",
Rev. Bibl. 55/I948, S. i99ff. Aus der gnostischen Seite siehe z.B. Die titellose
Schrift-CG II (Bohlig) 156, 20ff.
Gnosis als Weltreligion und als Hdresie 53
nischen Gedanken benutzt. Es handelt sich um den Gedanken der

Wesensgleichheit der Menschen und Gottern, der ihren urspriing-
lichen Ausdruck in den chthonischen Kulten und vegetativen Mythen
gefunden hat. 9)
Bei dem archetypischen mythischen Geschehen trat oft die mutter-
liche Gottheit in den Vordergrund, die die unmittelbare Lebens-
bezogenheit des ganzen Kults darstellte. Dieser war auch fur das
Erlebnis des Sinnes des individuellen Lebens von Bedeutung. Dieses
Element hat das Leben der Gesellschaft nicht nur konsolidiert, son-
dern auch verlangsamt, sodass von Zeit zur Zeit eine Spannung
zwischen Wirklichkeit und Mythus entstand. Diese Krisis ist in der
hellenistischen Zeit universal geworden. Sie wurde im r6mischen
Hellenismus durch die politische und kommunikatorische Vereinigung
des Mittelmeerraumes und vor allem durch die Differenzierung der
Gesellschaft gesteigert. Die einzelnen Kulte verloren ihre konkrete
Tragweite. Die Versuche, diese Krisis durch mehrere parallele Ein-
weihungen oder durch die Vereiniging mehrer Gottheiten zu l6sen,
waren prinzipiell inkonsequent.
Diese geistige Zentralfrage versuchte die Gnosis durch die Ein-
fiihrung einer unsichtbaren h6chsten Gottheit zu l6sen, die zwar keine
Beziehung zum konkreten Leben hatte, die jedoch, weil sie so spiri-
tualisiert war, verschiedene Menschen vereinigen und ihnen die We-
sensgleichheit mit der Gottheit zusprechen konnte. Die spiritualis-
tische Einstellung wurde auch durch die Hervorhebung des mannlichen
Prinzips betont, der das Obere darstellte.
D) Die gnostischen Denker haben an die anziehungsvolle Idee
des unsichtbaren jiidischen Gottes und an die platonische Philosophie
angekniipft. Dabei haben sie einen umwalzenden Schritt gewagt. Sie
haben das konkrete Sein - die Sch6pfung - und den Sch6pfer-
gott von dem transzendenten h6chsten Gott getrennt. Der konkrete
Mensch wurde mit dem mannweiblichen h6chsten Gott auf Grund der
Spekulationen fur wesensgleich und deshalb potenziell g6ttlich er-
klart. Das Entscheidende war die mystische Erkenntnis gnosis dieses
Tatbestandes.
9) U. Bianchi,,,Le Problemedes origines du gnosticisme",in: Le Origini

dello Gnosticismo,Studiesin the History of Religions,Suppl.to Numen XII,
I967, S. 1-27, bes. S. 9.
54 Petr Pokorny
Die Gnosis hat deshalb die Teilnahme an den traditionellen Kulten

nicht ausgeschlossen. Sie hat in ihrem iiberwiegend durch das Wort
getragenen Kult 10) eine h6here integrierende Deutung einzelner Kult-
mythen dargeboten. Weil dabei platonische Gedanken eine grosse
Rolle spielten und weil diese Umdeutung nur auf Grund der allego-
rischen Methode durchfiihrbar war, ist vorauszusetzen, dass die ersten
gnostischen Spekulationen im alexandrinischen Bereiche entstanden
sind.
Es war jedoch nicht unmittelbar in dem philonischen Bereich.
Philo war nicht so dualistisch wie die Gnosis und nie hat er das Ge-
setz abgelehnt. Er hat sogar gegen die synkretistischen und antino-
mistischen Gruppen seiner Umgebung polemisiert.ll) In diesen wird
man die Anfange der Gnosis suchen mussen.
Der tiefe gnostische Dualismus bedeutete eine Antwort auf die
Krisis des Spathellenismus. Sein Auftauchen, das die mehr oder
weniger deutliche Ablenung des Sch6pfers bedeutet, ist einer der
ersten Charakterziige der Gnosis.
E) Auf diese Weise hat man theoretische Voraussetzungen zur Bil-

dung einer synkretistischen Weltreligion gebildet. Die durch die
Naassenerpredigt und durch Poimandres bezeugte Verbreitung der
gnostischen Anthropos-Spekulation und die Fahigkeit verschiedene
religibse Traditionen als Sprungbrett fur die Entwicklung eigener
Lehren zu benutzen, belegen die These, dass die Gnosis urspriing-
lich die synkretistische Krisis losen wollte. Sie ist nicht Weltreligion
geworden und die bisher erwahnten Motive sind wirklich nur Ansatze
zum solchen Programm. Es war mehr eine Interpretation als ein
selbstandiges System. Und doch hat man gerade dadurch eine neue
Etappe erreicht. Der alte kultische Mythus wurde durch die gnosti-
schen Spekulationen seiner unmittelbaren Verbindlichkeit entledigt. Die
gnostische Spekulation war zwar mythisch, aber doch war sie wieder
zu einer neuen Interpretation offen. Und grundsatzlich sollte sie nur
den Weg zum individuellen Erlebnis geistiger Offenbarungen vor-
bereiten.
Die Gnosis hat die klassische Religion, in welcher der Mythus und
der Kultus in direkter Verbindung stehen, aufgehoben.
io) Vgl. P. Pokorny,Der Epheserbriefund die Gnosis,1965,S. I09ff.

ii) Z.B. De migr. Abr. 89, De spec. leg. I, 131 vgl. I7.3I9f
Gnosis als Weltreligion und als Hdresie 55
F) Die entscheidende Lebenskraft hat der Gnosis der soteriologische

Charakter ihrer Spekulation verliehen. Der gnostische Spiritualismus
war keine blosse Lehre. Er wurde zur messianischen Verkiindigung.
Weil die Gnosis in einem heterodox-jiidischen Milieu entstand, ist zu
folgern, dass die Gnosis den auf dem Kopf gestellten jiidischen ge-
schichtlichen Messianismus darstellt.
Der Demiurg wird also nicht liberall in der Gnosis diabolisiert. 12)
In Corp. Herm. I, 9-II ist er z.B. eher dem platonischen Demiurg 13)
ahnlich. 14) Erst die Herabsetzung der Sch6pfung hat den Demiurg
zum Widersacher Gottes gemacht. 15) Die Gnosis verkiindigt die
Befreiung aus der demiurgischen Sphare der Schicksalsmachte.
G) Diese Entwicklung wurde nicht in alien gnostischen Gruppen

vollzogen und die antisemitischen Ziige, wie die Verehrung der
Schlange oder Kains tauchen nur ortsweise auf. Man kann in diesem
Sinne nicht von einer Revolution sprechen. 16) Das Anfangsstadium,
in welchem sich die Gnosis wahrscheinlich aus Agypten nach Syrien
und Kleinasien verbreitet hat, ist also durch die Vorstellung eines
rein geistigen Gottes ,,Mensch" gekennzeichnet, dessen andere Ich auf
Erden eingekerkert ist. Mit ihm ist auch die Hoffnung auf die Be-
freiung aus der Macht der Schicksalsmachte verbunden. 17) Die syn-
kretistische Umdeutung des jiidischen Messianismus bedeutete einen
geistigen Umbruch, aus welchem sich die antisemitischen Formen
der Gnosis konsequent entwickelten. Auch dort wo der Demiurg
nicht als b6se betrachtet wurde, hat die Abwertung des gegenstand-
lichen Seins zum kosmischen Dualismus gefiihrt. 18)
12) Das behauptet H. Jonas, Gnosis und spdtaniker Geist I, I9643, S. 384.
Siehe auch die antignostische Polemik von Plotin, Ennead. II, 9.
13) Timaios 74, 5ff. vgl. Numenius v. Apamea bei Euseb. Praep. evang. XI, I8,
14 u. 22-23.
14) C. H. Dodd, The Bible and the Greeks, I9542, S. 142; P. Boyance, ,,Dieu
cosmique et dualisme",in Le Origini dello Gnosticismo (Anm. 9).
15) Ahnlich war es mit dem biblischen Satan, der noch im Alten Testament
ein Diener Jahwes ist. In den bewahrten gnostischen Dokumenten iiberwiegt
jedoch die dualistische Etappe. Der Diabolisierung des Demiurgs begegnet man
auch in den bisher weniger bekannten Texten wie in der Apokalypse des Adam
- CG V, 64 (58) und im Evang. Verit. CJ 17, I5ff.
I6) L. Varcl, Simon Magus, I949, S. I9 dagegen Jonas op. cit. S. 2I4ff.
17) Die Emanationssystemehalte ich in Unterschied zu Jonas op. cit. S. 330
fiir sekundiir.
I8) Corp. herm. I, I9 vgl. W. Bousset, Die Hauptproblemeder Gnosis, I907,
56 Petr Pokorny
Die Idee der Wesensgleichkeit mit der Gottheit, der Spiritualismus

und der synkretistische Universalismus sind also die Hauptmerkmale
der beginnenden Gnosis. Nirgendwo anders, auch nicht bei Philo oder
im heterodoxen Judentum 19) finden wir diese Motive so organisch
verbunden wie in der ausserchristlichen gnostischen Schicht, be-
sonders dort, wo der Gott ,,Mensch" (in zweierlei oder dreierlei
Gestalt) auftaucht. Die Gnosis entsteht also dort, wo der hellenistische
spiritualistische Synkretismus den jiidischen Messianismus und die
Idee des unsichtbaren Gottes fur sich in Anspruch nimmt. Auf der
anderen Seite werden zur Gnosis diejenigen Str6mungen der jiidischen
Diaspora, in welchen die Hellenisierung so weit fortgeschritten ist,
dass man die alttestamentliche Ausschliesslichkeit des Glaubens ver-
lassen und ins Gegenteil verwandelt hat. Diese spezifische Entwick-
lung hat Ansatze zur Bildung einer Weltreligion geboren.
II. A) Trotzdem ist diese werdende Weltreligion gescheitert. Der
erfolgreiche messianische Spiritualismus ist der Gnosis gleichzeitig
zum Schicksal geworden. Er hat zu einer libertinistisch-asketischen
Relativierung der menschlichen Beziehungen und deshalb auch zur
Unterschatzung eigener Organisation gefiihrt. Anfanglich haben die
gnostischen Gruppen wahrscheinlich innerhalb der religi6sen Thiasoi
von Hypsistos oder Sabazios und in verschiedenen heterodox-jiidischen
Gruppen ihre organisatorische Basis gefiinden. 20) Es war jedoch auf
die langere Dauer nicht m6glich, eine synkretistische Supra-Religion
zu bilden die den Kern der einzelnen Kulte offenbart, ohne eine
eigene vollkommenere Form zu finden. Die Gnosis war dessen inner-
lich nicht fahig. Wo sie eigene Gruppen bildete, hat sich bald ihre
Schwache gezeigt. Der XIII. Traktat des Corp. Herm. ist schon ein
Zeugnis von der Auflosung jedes Kultes im individuellen Erlebnis,
das die Lektiire diese Traktats erwecken soll.
B) Die Urmensch-Spekulation halt sich zwar eine lange Zeit bis
in die christliche Epoche, 21) aber sie wird kaum zum Riickgrat eines
S. 12I. Tw. gilt es auch fur die stark platonisierte Kore Kosmu, Exc. Stob.
XIII, 24-25.
I9) Belege bei K. Schubert, Die Religion des nachbiblischenJudentums, I955,
S. 94-97, ders. ThLz 78/1953, Sp. 494ff.
20) Pokorny, op. cit. S. 26ff. Iogff. I20. tber die kultischen Weckrufe S. 94f.
II9f.
21) Z.B. Mart. Petri 9. Monoimos Hipp. Phil. VIII, I2-I5 oder innerhalb des
Systems der Sethianer Hipp. Phil. V, 19, 2I.
Gnosis als Weltreligion und als Hiiresie 57
grossen christlich-gnostischen Systems. Religionsphanomenologisch

ist es verstandlich. Die konsequente Abneigung von der Welt, die
durch die Hervorhebung des mannlichen Prinzips betont wurde, war
nicht fur eine langere Zeit haltbar. Bei den Gnostikern hat sie namlich
z.B. zum Verzicht auf die Zeugung von Kinder gefiihrt. 22) Deshalb
hat die weibliche g6ttliche Gestalt die Oberhand gewonnen, die die
Spannung zwischen Oben und Unten, geistig und irdisch mildert. Sie
ist eine geistige Macht, die durch ihren Fehler doch fur die Existenz
dieser Welt mitverantwortlich ist, wie wir es entwickelt z.B. im Valen-
tinismus oder in den Barbelo-gnostischen Systemen sehen.
Wie schon erwahnt, hat diese Entwicklung an die Vorstellung einer
mannweiblichen h6chsten Gottheit angekniipft. Gleichzeitig wurde
dadurch die judische Tradition der geistigen Hypostasen /ruiah, skina,
hokma/ aufgenommen. Die Einschaltung des weiblichen Mittlers hat
zur Bildung grosser Systeme und zur Entwicklung des Emanations-
prinzips gefiihrt. Es zeigt sich, dass die urspriingliche akosmische
Einstellung eigentlich nur eine Larve war, unter welcher sich die
Sehnsucht nach der Losung diesseitiger Probleme barg. Das Weibliche
erfiillt das Bediirfnis nach der Verwurzelung in einem allumfassenden
miitterlichen Prinzip.
Nach dem anfanglichen spiritualistischen Umbruch erlebt die Gnosis
einen fast gesetzmassigen geistigen Ausgleich. 23) Eine indirekte
Analogie zu dieser Entwicklung kann man in der Entstehung des
marianischen Kults im Christentum sehen.
C) Die unterdriickte Sehnsucht nach einer konkreten Hoffnung

war jedoch nicht nur durch die Hervorhebung des weiblichen Prinzips
zu l6sen. Es entstanden Persbnlichkeiten, die sich fur die Trager oder
sogar fur die Verk6rperung gnostischer Prinzipen hielten. Das letztere
war vor allem bei Simon aus Gitta der Fall.
Nach den Berichten von Apg. 8, Io, Iren. adv. haer. I, 23, 1.3, Just.
Apol. 26, 3, Orig. Contr. Cels. VI, I Iund Euseb. Hist. eccl. 4,
22,5 ff. hat sich Simon fur inkarnierte (g6ttliche) Kraft erklart. 24)
22) Z.B. Thom. Evang. Log. 114 vgl. mit I. Tim. 4, 3.

23) Gegen G. Quispel, ,,Der gnostische Anthropos und die jiidische Tradition",
Eranos Jb. 22/I953, 1954, S. I95ff.
24) Siehe auch Varcl op. cit. S. 97; E. Haenchen, ,,Gab es eine vorchristliche
Gnosis?", ZThK 49/I952, S. 3I6ff = Gott und Mensch, 1965, 265ff., ders., ,,Die
Apostelgeschichte", Meyers Komment, III, I9593, S. 256ff.; J. Doresse, The
58 Petr Pokorny
Es handelt sich offensichtlich um die mannweibliche Gottheit, die in

der spateren simonianischen Grossen Apophasis am Anfang des
Emanationssystems steht. Simon hat also h6chstwahrscheinlich die
altere anonyme Sepekulation iiber den mannweiblichen Gottmenschen
kennengelernt, an welche spater die christlichen Naassener und Ophi-
ten angekniipft haben. Ich habe schon erwahnt, dass sie eine Interpre-
tation der bekannten Mythe darbot, wie es z.B. in der Naassenerpredigt
zu sehen ist. 25) Angesichts dieser Tatsache ist es kaum zutreffend in
den Anfangen eine entweder philosophische oder mythologische Gnosis
vorauszusetzen.
Simon aus Gitta hat auf die Messias-Ankundigung von Johannes
dem Taufer geantwortet und sich fur einen geistigen Erloser erklart.
Er hat diese Rolle bis zu einem Versuch um die Himmelfahrt ge-
spielt 26) und sich fur unsterblich gehalten. 27) Auf diese Weise hat
er die gnostische Spekulation, die er wahrscheinlich von Dositheos
iiberommen hat, mit der konkreten Geschichte verbunden und fur
alle sozialen Schichten anziehend gemacht. Der einheimischen Tradi-
tion der Verehrung der Kore nachfolgend 28) hat er die weiblichen
Ziige der gnostischen hbchsten Gottheit unterstrichen. Es ist nicht
ausgeschlossen, dass schon er selbst die Helene fur die Verk6rperung
dieses weiblichen Prinzips der ,,algemeinen Seele" 29) erklarte und dass
die Apostelgeschichte dariiber deshalb schweigt, weil Helene noch
nicht zu einer anst6ssigen Gestalt geworden ist. Ihre Bezeichnung als
Prostituierten stellt wahrscheinlich eine christliche Gegenlegende dar,
die an ihre gnostische Identifizierung mit dem ,,verlorenen Schaf"
(Hesek. 34, II-20) ankniipft. Das Log. I07 des Thomasevangeliums
ist ein Beleg dafiir, dass die Gnostiker auch das synoptische Gleichnis
Secret Books of the Egyptian Gnostics, I960, S. I7. 329ff; W. Foerster, ,,Die
,ersten Gnostiker'Simon und Menander",in: Le origino dello Gnosticismo
(Anm. 9).
siehe bei R. Reitzenstein- H.-H. Schaeder,Studien
25) Die Rekonstruction
zur antiken Synkretismus, g926,S. I6Iff. und in meiner Studie Pocdtky gnose -
Gnostic Origins, I968.
26) Ps. Clem. Recogn. III, 46.
27) Ps. Clem. Horn. II, 22, 4, Recogn. II, 7.
28) L.-H. Vincent, ,,Le culte d'Helena a Samarie", Rev-Bibl. 45/1936, S.
221-232.
29) In der alterenSchichtfindetmandiesenGedankenz.B. in der Naassener-
predigt - Hipp. Phil. V, 7, Io. Vgl. Doresse op. cit. S. 329ff.
Gnosis als Weltreligion und als Hiresie 59
iiber das verlorene Schaf fur die Begriindung ihres besonderen Werts
benutzten. Es hat urspriinglich keine herabsetzende Bedeutung gehabt.
Von den Ansatzen in der messianischen mythischen Spekulation aus-
gehend hat Simon also einen wirklichen Versuch um eine Weltreligion
zu stiften gemacht. Weil er jedoch die Versuchung der Selbstvergottung
nicht, wie Jesus nach Matth. 4, 5-7 oder Paulus nach Apg. I4,
iiberwunden hat, ist sein Versuch, eine Weltreligion zu bilden ge-
scheitert.
III. A) Nun stehen wir schon vor der letzten Etappe in der Ent-
wicklung der Gnosis. Am Beginn des 2. Jahrhunderts haben sich die
meisten gnostischen Gruppen mit dem Christentum verbunden. Es
gilt vor allem fiir die Naassener, Ophiten und fur Anhanger des
Gnostikers Justin. Ihre Werke kennen wir iiberwiegend in einer
christlichen Bearbeitung.
Die Christianisierung war jedoch kein einfacher Prozess. Urspriing-
lich versuchten wahrscheinlich die Gnostiker das Christentum, ihnlich
wie die anderen Religionen auf ,,hoherer" Ebene zu interpretieren
und Jesus in die Gallerie der lokalgebundenen Metamorphosen der
hochsten Gottheit einzureihen. Es war also keine Konkurrenz, sonder
eher ein Versuch das Christentum zu iiberschatten.
Die christliche Antwort war deshalb anfanglich noch nicht dogma-
tisch eingestellt. Sie bestand in der Hervorhebung der h6chsten,
souveranen und ausschliesslichen Stellung von Jesus in der himmlischen
Welt und der Bedeutung des Evangeliums fur die Zukunft und fiir
die konkreten menschlichen Beziehungen. Auch die Auffassung der
christlichen Gemeinden als einer Christus gehorenden Kirche (ekklesia)
entstand wahrscheinlich in dieser ersten Begegnung mit der Gnosis.
Mit dieser Etappe der Gnosis wird vermutlich schon im Kolosser-
und Epheserbrief ein Gesprach gefiihrt. 30)
B) Das Christentum, das ausserlich durch die Begrenzung des

Kultus der Gnosis nahe stand, hat also bei allem Universalismus in
der Verkiindigung die jiidische Ausschliesslichkeit des Glaubens erhal-
ten und dadurch die Gnosis als eine Gefahr entdeckt.
Die meisten Gnostiker haben sich dan fiir Christen erklart. Gegen
solche Gnostiker polemisiert z.B. der neutestamentliche I. Brief an
30) Pokorny, op. cit.

60 Petr Pokorny
Timotheus. In der Zeit, in welcher die kirchliche Lehre in ihren An-

fangen stand, haben viele Gemeinden die Gnostiker aufgenommen.
Diese haben dann die Kirche beeeinflusst, aber nicht von aussen
bedroht. Die schweren Folgen dieser zersetzenden gnostischen Anpas-
sungsfahigkeit werden im Christentum noch heute schwer gefiihlt.
C) Anders war es dort, wo die christlich-gnostischen Gruppen schon
in den Anfangen als Haretiker isoliert wurden. Dort ist es zu einer
Konkurrenz gekommen, in welcher die Christen die gnostischen Vor-
stellungen ubernahmen, wo sie sich jedoch gerade in der Polemik
der ganzen Struktur des an Jesus gebundenen Inkamationsglaubens
besser bewusst geworden sind. Die Devise ,,Nur der Geist ist von
Gott, der bekennt, dass Jesus Christus im Fleisch gekommen ist", die
wir in einer sonst so spiritualistisch gepragten Schrift, wie der I.
Johannsebrief ist, lesen, ist ein gutes Zeugnis dafiir. Die Theologie als
Reflexion des Glaubens hat sich nicht nur im Gesprach mit der
Synagoge, sondern auch in der Polemik mit der Gnosis entwickelt.
Jedenfalls versuchten auch die als Haretiker betrachteten Gnostiker
auf die christliche Rechnung zu leben und betrachteten sich als wahre
Christen.
D) Die bedeutendsten gnostischen Gruppen entstehen schon unter
Fiihrung ausgepragter christlicher Pers6nlichkeiten, die als Lehrer
besondere Autoritat besitzen. Die Gestalt von Jesus spielt in ihrer
Lehre schon eine grosse Rolle. Das gilt sowohl fiir Basilides als auch
fur Valentinus und den Valentinismus.
Aus der tieferen Interpretation einer Reihe von Religionen wird
nun nur ein scheinbar tieferes Christentum. Die konkrete Eschatologie
wird in ihm durch den Doketismus verdrangt und Jesus, der in der
Kirche durch die Uberlieferung seiner Spriiche und der Passions-
geschichte eine potenzielle hermeneutische Norm der Christusverkiin-
digung blieb, ist zur blossen geistigen Hypostase geworden. Dadurch
wurde der Weg zuriick in die lebendigen Str6me des Christentum
endgiiltig gesperrt.
Doch wagt die Gnosis nicht, Jesus mit dem geistigen Ich des
Gnostikers zu identifizieren. Bei Basilides ist er z.B. ein Offenbarer
und Gegenspieler des Sch6pfergottes.
Auch diese Spannung wurde jedoch in der Nahe der Kirche peinlich
gefunden und bei Valentinus spielt der Demiurg schon eine mehr
Gnosis als Weltreligion und als Hdresie
neutrale Rolle. In der ptolemaischen Fassung bekehrt sich der Demiurg

schon, ahnlich wie ein Psychiker.31) Auf diese Weise verwischt die
Gnosis ihre kompromittierenden synkretistischen Anfange. Ein aus-
gepragtes Zeugnis dieser Abgrenzung gegen die heidnischen Anfange
ist das Evangelium Veritatis mit den Oden Salomos, die den gnosti-
schen Akosmismus um den Preis der Verwerfung des Synkretismus
und der Emanationssysteme bewahren. 32)
Soziologisch hat die christliche Gnosis den Boden der kultischen
Vereine verlassen und eigene Organisation nach dem Vorbild der
Kirche gebaut. Auch das kultische Leben wird ausserlich dem christ-
lichen angepasst. Epiphanius berichtet in Haer.26,4-5 uber die arger-
lichen kultischen Mahle der Phibioniten, die in ihrer ausseren Struktur
an das christliche Abendmahl erinnern.
E) Von der heidnischen Seite wurden dann gegen das wachsende

Christentum trotz ihrer lokalen Gebundenheit die Mysterien eingesetzt.
Das Christentum hat sich aber von seinem Kern her als fahiger er-
wiesen, nicht nur eine weltumfassende Organisation zu schaffen, son-
dern auch die elementaren menschlichen Beziehungen zu starken und
trotz der spateren machtpolitischen Verzerrung auch neue Impulse auf-
zunehmen.
Die Gnosis hat dem Kampf verloren. Und doch hat sie die kirch-
liche Lehre tief beeinflusst, in welcher die doketischen Motive bis
heute eine bedeutende Rolle spielen. Der Weg der Gnosis hat also von
einer synkretistisch eingestellten mythischen Spekulation uber die An-
satze zur Weltreligion mit historischen Grindern und iiber eine christ-
lich Haresie zur immanenten Versuchung innerhalb des Christen-
tums gefiihrt.
Die zahlreichen phanomenologischen Analogien aus verschiedenen
Zeiten und Kulturen zeigen, dass diese Gefahr nicht nur dem Christen-
tum droht. Es ist die Gefahr, die Entfremdung, die der Druck der
ausseren Bedingungen und der iiberlebten geistigen Traditionen er-
31) H.-M. Schenke, Die Gnosis, in Umwelt des Urchristentums, 1965, S. 394.
Vgl. das Motiv der Reue des Sebaoth, des Sohns des Demiurgs - Das Wesen der
Archonten CG II 95 = Lab. 143, I3ff.
32) Vgl. H.-M. Schenke, Die Herkunft des sog. Evangelium veritatis, 1958,
P. Pokorny, ,,Das sog. Evang. verit. und die Anfange des christlichen Dogmas",
Listy filologicke 87/I964, S. 5Iff.
62 Pokorny, Gnosis als Weltreligion und als Hiiresie
weckt, durch die Flucht aus der Geschichte, also durch eine tiefere
Entfremdung, zu iiberwinden.
Deshalb muss die Gnosis als eine gefahrliche Str6mung bezeichnet
werden, auch wenn sie die alte Religion erschiittert und in den Kult
die philosophische Problematik eingefiihrt hat.
RELIGIOUS CONFRONTATION, A CASE STUDY:
THE I893 PARLIAMENT OF RELIGIONS
BY
DONALD H. BISHOP
WashingtonState University
One of the questions a historian of religion asks is what happens
when religions confront each other in a historical situation. What
attitudes develop? What are they based on? What actions flow from
them? The World Parliament of Religions at Chicago in I893 is a
case in point for, as Dr. D. J. Burrell, a delegate from New York
pointed out, "Never before has Christianity been brought into such
close, open and decisive contact with other religions of the world." 1)
The Parliament is a classical example of the attitudes a follower
of one religion may take when he is confronted by other faiths. Three
emerged at Chicago; they may be called exclusion, inclusion and
pluralism. Exclusion is the attitude that there is only one true religion
which is destined to become universal. It was the attitude or view
expressed most often at the Congress; supporters of the assertion that
"Christianity is to conquer and supplant all the other religions of the
world... and this Parliament is one of the steps toward this ultimate
triumph," 2) were many. Two types of Christian exclusionists were
present. One was those who believed Christianity was the sole possessor
of truth and goodness and there was no verity or good whatsoever in
any other religions. Professor Wilkinson of Chicago exemplified that
view by his comment on the "erring religions of mankind."
Those religionsthe Biblenowhererepresentsas patheticand partlysuccess-

ful gropingsafter God.They are one and all representedas gropingdown-
ward, not groping upward.Accordingto the Christianthey hinder,they
do not help. Their adherents'hold on them is like the blind graspingof
drowningmen on roots or rocks,that only tend to keep themto the bottom
of the river. 3)
I) Professor Walter R. Houghton,Editor-in-Chief.Neely's History of The

Parliamentof Religionsand ReligiousCongresses.Chicago.I894,p. 675.
2) American Advocate of Peace, Oct. I893, p. 229.
3) Houghton, op. cit., p. 764.
64 Donald H. Bishop
The second type of exclusionist was the "good-but" one which admitted
some veracity and merit in other religions but believed Christianity to
have the greater truth and virtue. Reverend Dennis of New York
declared
Its message is much more than Judaism; it is infinitely more than the
revelation of nature; it is even more than best teachings of all other religions
combined, for whatever is good and true in other religious systems is found
in full and authoritative form in Christianity.4)
Reverend Gordon, a missionary from Kyoto, in discussing Christianity

in Japan, stated, "Despite all that might be said in its favor, and that
is much, Buddhism possesses characteristics which clearly indicate it
is not to be the final or permanent religion of Japan or any other
country." 5) The "good-but" attitude was espoused by Reverend Scott
of St. Louis also in his statement, "While admitting much that is good
in the best books of the ethnic religions, there is a transcendent super-
iority in the Bible over them, that in a unique sense constitutes it the
oracle of God" 6), and in Professor Valentine's remarks that
The other historic faiths have grasped some of the great essential elements of
theistic truth. We rejoice to trace and recognize them. But they all shine
forth in Christian revelation. The other theistic beliefs have no elements of
true theistic conception to give Christianity what it has not but Christianity
has much to give others. It unites and consummatesout of its own given light
all the theistic truth that has been sought and seen in partial vision by sincere
souls along the ages and around the world. 7)
Christian exclusionists presented a number of arguments for the

superiority and final triumph of Christianity. One was that other
religions are topographical and of one type while Christianity is uni-
versal and all-inclusive. "All other religious systems prior to the
advent of Christ were national like Judaism, or state religions like
Paganism. The Catholic religion alone is world-wide and cosmopolitan,
embracing all races and nations, and people and tongues," 8) asserted
Cardinal Gibbon. Similarly Dr. Boardman of Philadelphia declared
4) Rev. John Henry Barrows. The World's Parliament of Religions. Chicago.

1893, p. 1252.
5) Barrows, op. cit., p. 1293.
8) Houghton, op. cit., p. I87.
Religious Confrontation, a Case Study 65
All other religions, comparatively speaking, are more or less topographical.

There was the institute religion of Palestine, the priest religion of Egypt,
the hero religion of Greece, the empire religion of Rome, the ancestor
religion of China, the Vedic religion of India, the Shinto religion of Japan
... But Christianity is the religion of mankind. Zoroaster was a Persian;
Mohammedwas an Arabian. But Jesus is the Son of Man.9)
A second argument posed by Protestant and Catholic alike was that

there have been a number of revelations in man's history and that
God's revelation in Christ was the culmination of earlier ones, and of
the revelation process itself. In a speech called "The Invincible Christ,"
Reverend Pentecost from London asserted "Christ incarnate, cruci-
fied and raised from the dead two thousand years ago was only the
culmination in time, and to our sense, of a revelation already ages
old." 10) Combined with this was the historical preparation thesis that
other religions were but a preparation for or led up to the final one
Christianity. "Christianity is the supreme religion, but it has had a
historical preparation with contributions from the great ethnic religi-
ons," the Reverend Scott asserted. 11) The Rt. Reverend Keane of
Washington supported him in a longer statement-
The Parliament has shown that all the attempts of the tribes of the earth
to recall and set forth God's teaching, all heir endeavors to tell of the means
provided by Almighty God for uniting man with himself, logically and his-
torically lead up to and culminate in Jesus Christ. We have seen that all the
great religious leaders of the world declared themselves gropers in the dark,
pointing on toward the fullness of the light, or conscious precursors and
prophets of him who was to be the Light of the World. We have seen that
whatever in their teaching is true and beautiful and good is but the foretaste
of the fullness of the true, the beautiful and the good to be bestowed in
him. 12)

io) Barrows, op. cit., p. 1167.
I ) Barrows, op. cit., p. 924.
12) Barrows, op. cit., p. I334. In his book which was widely read, A History
of the Christian Church, Professor Williston Walker accepted that thesis-
"However simple the beginnings of Christianity may have been, Christianity
must possess, or take on, all these traits if it was to conquer the Roman Empire
or to become a world religion. It came 'in the fulness of time' in a much larger
sense than was formerly thought; and no one who believes in an overruling
providence of God will deny the fundamental importance of this mighty pre-
paration, even if some of the features of Christianity's early development bear
the stamp and limitations of the time and have to be separated from the eternal."
p. II. Charles Scribner's Sons, New York, I918.
Numen XVI 5
66 Donald H. Bishop
Exclusionism was supported also by a socio-cultural argument of

which Dr. D. J. Burrell was a staunch proponent. "The Christian religion
makes an exclusive claim. It is not first among equals, but the only
one," he asserted. "How shall the validity of that truth be demon-
strated?" he asked. "By its influence upon individual and national
character. The world will ultimately believe in the religion that pro-
duces the highest type of government and the best average man... By
their fruits ye shall know them," was his reply. In the rest of his
speech he made such declarations as "The people of America are a
distinct people... The jurisprudence of America is essentially biblical,
... Our citizens are free men." 13) Paraphrasing those statements and
putting them in syllogestic form we have the following. American
civilization is the most advanced, the American citizen the most civil-
ized. Christianity is the religion of America; therefore Chrstianity
is superior.
The fourth argument for the exclusionist view was that only Christ-
ianity is destined to recapture the original religious unity of the human
race. Professor Meiner's statement to that effect consisted of four
postulates. One-"As there was originally but one human family, so
there was but one primitive religion"; two-as mankind multiplied
and separated into tribes "men became estranged and the primitive
religious union was broken up into a great number of religious forms";
three-"Mankind under the guidance of Providence is nowdays be-
coming daily more united again. The union of mankind will be fitly
crowned by religious unity"; four-"as his guiding hand has led
order and harmony out of the discordant conflicting elements of the
universe and has made a cosmos out of chaos... so we look upon the
religion of Christ as the one evidently predestined from the very dawn
of human history to become, under the guiding hand of Providence,
the religion which will ultimately reunite the entire human family."
He also used another approach which was to assert the superiority of
revelation as an epistemological method and then deduce the superior-
ity of Christianity from it. "Frail human reason has proved itself
throughout human history as utterly incompetent to produce any relig-
ion which can satisfy mankind," 14) he asserted. Christianity more
13) Houghton, op. cit., pp. 676-682.

14) Barrows, op. cit., p. I266.
than any other religion is based on revelation rather than reason.

Therefore the only valid conclusion one can draw is that Christianity is
the superior religion.
While several other arguments for exclusionism were given only
three will be noted. The first was Professor Valentine's. He began
with the assertion that only a religion which is "rooted in faith in a
personal God," in the truth "that the maker of all is a thinker and both
knows and wills" can satisfy human beings. "Yet the personality of
God has often been much obscured in the historic faiths," he went on.
Hinduism, Confucianism, Parseeism are "substantially pantheistic,
reducing God to impersonal existence or the conscious factors and
forces of cosmic order." 15) They cannot appeal to human feelings,
needs and longings as does Christianity with its central belief in a
personal God. They are, therefore, inferior religions over which
Christianity will ultimately triumph. The next argument was based on
the theme of the fall, namely that the earlier religions once had the
truth but had lost or perverted it. Rerevend Scott represented that view
in his statement
Doubtlessdivinewisdomdid the most possiblein giving themlight, and the
outcome,as far as wrong,has beena perversionof truth.It is a notablefact
that therehas beena deteriorationin the sacredbooksof the ethnicreligions,
andnot, as in the case of the Hebrew,an evolutiontowardgreaterlight and
truth.16)
What was true of the Hebrew was even more true of Christianity,
since it followed and superseded Judaism. A final example is the
argument of Dr. Gracey's of Rochester, New York, that Christianity
is more inclusive and will become the universal religion as other
religions are displaced or assimilated by it. He asserted that "Ethnic
religions are controlled by the character of the nations holding them"
and are "limited by the laws which limit the races among which they
are found"; that "in this age men are eager in their search after
universal principles in all departments of human thinking"; that "the
religion which contains within itself the largest number of these great
root-thoughts of the world's faiths has a huge chance of becoming
the religion of the world"; that

I6) Barrows, op. cit., p. 925.
68 Donald H. Bishop
It is impossible to discover in all the intervening history of the race since

Jesus Christ the appearanceof a new religious idea. Christianity has the
thought of the Godhead, ... All the other great items of the faiths of the
world are not only present, but coordinated, correlated, and logically pre-
sented as a whole. Jesus Christ not only restated all that men ever held to
be good but ... His logical order of religious thought and his high spiritual-
ization of ethics have not been substituted, displaced, nor supplemented ...
"and that therefore Christianity" is to become the religion of men
"since it contains the largest number of those great "root-thoughts".17)
The second view which emerged at the I893 Parliament of Religions
was inclusionism. The inclusionist believes that there is but one true
religion. It is not, however, one of those already in existence, but is
one which will evolve in the future. It might be a synthesis of that
which is best or unique in each existing religion or it might consist
of the basic elements religions have in common.
The inclusionists offered several basic arguments for this view. All
religions have the same enemies-greed, war, materialism, indifference,
sensualism-and they could be fought more effectively through con-
certed effort. All religions have the same ends or goals too, the uniting
of man with God, the realizing of the divinity in the individual, the
creating of a better world. All religions begin with the same human
needs and aspirations, consolation in times of stress, faith in moments
of fear, the hope of life after death. Inclusionists emphasized especially
the similarity of ethical principles and the belief in one God found in
all religions which would be the cornerstone for the new religion. The
Jewish liberal from Chicago, Dr. Hirsch, declared "God is the God
of the universe" who "speaks to all mankind," 18) and Professor Car-
penter of Oxford in his speech at the Parliament said,
Morethan five hundredyearsbeforeChrist,the Chinesesage,Lao-tze,bade
his disciplesrecompenseinjury with kindness;and at the same great era,
faithful in noble utterance, Gotoma, the Buddha, said, 'Let man over come
angerby liberality,andthe liar by truth.'Is this less a revelationof a higher
ideal thanthe injunctionof Jesus, 'Resistnot evil, but whosoeversmitethon
thy right cheek, turn to him the other also? 19)
Proponents of this view thought of religion as deed not creed. "The
love of man is the essence of the religion," asserted Reverend Moneris
17) Barrows, op. cit., pp. I329-I330.

I8) Barrows, op. cit., p. I304.
t9) Barrows, op. cit., p. 894.
of London. 20) "The potential religious life is not a creed but char-
acter," said the Quaker Powell from New York. 21) Adherents of
inclusion such as Merwin Snell pointed out that true religion is not
"local and provincial in its nature" 22) but is universal in scope and
purpose. Its purpose is to unite and not divide mankind. In the past
religions have divided men because they have been national religions
but, as Dr. Hirsch asserted, "the day of national religions is past...
Race and nationality cannot circumscribe the fellowship of the larger
communion of the faithful, a communion destined to embrace in one
covenant all the children of men." 23) What is needed now is a single
religion which "will teach the solidarity of the race that all must rise
or fall as one" and which will unite men in a universal brotherhood. 24)
One of the main emphases of the inclusionists was the fatherhood
of God and the brotherhood of man.
God is the one Eternal and Infinite, the Inspirer of all human kind... He is
the God of all religions, of all denominations,of all lands and of all Scrip-
tures, and our progress lies in harmonizing these various systems, these
various prophecies and developments into one great system.
P. C. Mozomdar told the Parliament. 25) The inclusionits viewed man
as a child of God first and a Christian or Jew next just as he is a
citizen of the world first and then a member of a particular nation. 26)
20) Houghton, op. cit., p. 627. Dharmapala also asserted the same point in a
very trenchant statement in his closing speech, "Learn to think without prejudice,
to love all beings for love's sake, to express your convictions fearlessly, to lead
a life of purity, and the sunlight of truth will ilumine you. If theology and
dogma stand in your way in the search of truth, put them aside. Be earnest and
work out your own salvation with diligence and the fruits of holiness will be
yours." p. 993 Hanson.
21) Houghton, Ibid.
22) Barrows, op.cit., p. I326.
23) Barrows, op.cit., p. I304.
25) Savage, p. 235. Nargarkar used an interesting figure of speech when making
the same point. - "Let us realize that God is our mother, the mother of man-
kind, irrespective of the country or the dine in which men and women may be
born. The deeper the realization of the motherhoodof God, the greater will be
the strength and intensity of our ideas of the brotherhoodof man and the sister-
hood of women." Savage, p. 228. Rev. Minot J. Savage, World's Congress of
Religions. Boston, 1893.
26) The Reverend E. L. Rexford, a Universalist from Boston, represented
that view when he said, "Back to the primal unity where man appears as a child
of God before he is a Christian or Jew, Brahman or Buddhist, Mohammadan
70 Donald H. Bishop
They emphasized the basic similarities of men, their common nature

and longings. They started with the view that religion is a universal
phenomenon, that Truth is one, that it is the same for all rational beings
and, as there is only one Truth and one God, there can be only one true
religion. 27) In his speech Shaku Soyen of Japan pointed out:
We must not make any distinction between race and race, between civilization
and civilization, between creed and creed, and faith and faith. You must
not say, 'go away' because we are not Christians. You must not say 'go
away' because we are yellow people. All beings on the universe are in the
bosom of truth. We are all sisters and brothers,we are sons and daughtersof
truth, and let us understand one another much better and be true sons and
daughters of truth.
One interesting argument offered by the inclusionists was an ex-

tension of one of the exclusionists'. If, as they pointed out, the religious
history of man is the continual aggregation of smaller religious units
into larger ones, why should this process stop with Christianity? For
Christianity is but one of a number of existing units and the logical
sequence is a culmination in a single world religion. As one religious
journal pointed out, "the history of man is not Christo-centric, but
cosmo-centric." 29) Further, they declared, the spirit of the age is
conducive to a universal religion. Many people are tired of the pet-
tiness and provincialism of denominationalism and are searching for
a more inclusive replacement. 30) Religion also should not lag behind
other areas of life. In politics the trend is toward an ultra-national
political organization and religion must go in that direction too.
Further, religion should be like science which is universal in scope,
or Parsee, Confusian, Taoist, or aught beside-back to this we must go if we

are loyal to our kind." p. 242 Savage.
27) In his speech A. M. Powell of the New York Society of Friends said,
"Every people on the face of the earth has some conceptionof the supreme and
the infinite." (p. 627, Barrows) One commentator wrote, "The Parliament has
called popular attention to the fact that the religious nature is inherent in man."
The Parliament of Religions and the Christian Faith. Reverend D. S. Schaff.
The Homiletic Review, XXVI (December, I893).
28) Barrows, op cit., p. 1285.
29) Free Religious Association of America. Proceedings at the 26th Annual
meeting. Published by the F.R.A., Boston, 1894, p. 2.
30) In his address to the Parliament B. B. Nagarkar of India said "For the
last several years there has been a ceaseless yearning, a deep longing after such
a universal religion... The Present parliament of Religions is the clearest in-
dication of that universal longing." Savage, op. cit., p. 255.
Religious Confrontation, a Case Study 7I
transcending all racial, national, and geographic bounds. Inclusionists

ruled out any exclusive claim to truth and virtue by proponents of
Christianity or any other particular religion. 31) Nor would they accept
the concept of a "chosen people." The Universalist Reverend E. L.
Rexford was abhorred by those who would claim that "the common
Father elects some and rejects others forgets some and remembers
others in the sense of finality..." 32)
Pluralism was the third view or attitude which emerged at the Par-
liament. It holds that the ideal state is one in which the various religions
live side by side or coexist in friendship, harmony, and peace. Only
then will mankind have risen to the level of true religion. Pluralists
rejected any exclusive claims for superiority or merit by Christianity
or any other religion. For one reason man is fallible; he cannot know
absolute truth. Thus no religion can make a claim for such. In his
opening speech President Bonney declared that
As the finite can never fully comprehendthe infinite, nor perfectly express
its on view of the divine, it necessarily follows that individual opinions of
the divine nature and attributes will differ... Necessarily God reveals him-
self differently to a child than to a man, to a philosopher than to one who
cannot read. Each must see God with the eyes of his own soul; each must
behold him through the colored glass of his own nature; each must receive
him according to his own capacity of reception.33)
Bonney's plea for pluralism was based on both the limitations of

human knowledge and individual variations in personality and tempe-
rament. Shibata Reiichi, the Shintoist from Japan, added a further
note.
As our doctrines teach us, all animate and inanimate things were born from
one heavenly Deity, and everyone of them has its particular mission; so we
ought to love them all and also to respect the various forms of religions in
the world. They are all based, I believe, on the fundamental truth of
religion. The difference between them is only in outward form, influenced
by variety of history, the dispositionsof the people and the physical conditions
of the places where they originated.34)
31) In the same speech Nagarkar said, "We believe that truth is born in time,
but not in a place. No nation, no people, or no community has any exclusive
monopoly on God's truth. It is a misnomer to speak of truth as Christian truth,
Hindu truth, or Mohammedantruth." Ibid.
32) Savage, op. cit., p. 244.
33) Reverend Lewis P. Mercer. Review of the World's Religions Congresses.
Chicago, I893, p. 22.
72 Donald H. Bishop
One of the major arguments of the pluralists was that the differ-
ences between religions are mainly in externals. "It is altogether natural
and proper," said A. M. Powell of the New York City Society of
Friends, "that in form and method and ritual there should be diversity,
great diversity among the peoples interested in religion throughout
the world." 35) Such external differences are not fundamental, he
continued. They are no cause for conflict and attempts at conquest. In
their essentials religions are alike, as they hold to a belief in a Supreme
Being, in the divinity in man, and a common ethical creed. Adherents
of pluralism argued that God has manifested himself to man in more
ways than one and the fact of different religions demonstrates this.
In his closing address the Reverend Barrows said, "Men of Asia and
Europe, we have been made glad by your coming and have been made
wiser... We have learned that truth is large and that there are more
ways than one in God's providence by which men emerge out of dark-
ness into heavenly light." 36) The pluralists maintained that the God-
man relationship takes many forms, that "God has not left himself with-
out witness" in any land, and that all religions lead to the same end, God,
as seen in the popular Japanese ode cited by K. R. M. Harai, "Though
there are many roads at the foot of the mountains, yet if the top is
reached the same moon is seen." 37) The conclusion drawn by the
pluralists was that there is truth in every religion and that no one
religion has all the truth. We ought then, they declared, be less hasty
about favoring our own and passing judgment on others. We ought to
be more impartial, Dvivedi urged, when he said,
Everyonehas a naturalinclinationtowardhis nativelandand language,and

particularlytowardthe religionin which he is broughtup. It however,be-
hooves men of impartialjudgmentto look upon all religionsas so many
differentexplanationsof the dealingsof the Supremewith men of varying
culture and nationality.38)
For the pluralist, religion was in part at least a matter of right

attitudes-tolerance, charity, mutual respect. He who lacks these is
not truly religious. To be such does not mean that one has no beliefs

36) John W. Hanson,D.D., The World'sCongressof Religions.Boston,I894,
p. 949.
37) Houghton, op. cit., p. I58.
38) Houghton, op. cit., p. io6.
of his own, they pointed out. The principle of mutual exclusion does
not apply here. One can have his own religious beliefs but he should
not hold them as universally ultimate. He should grant others the same
right to their own. Christianity should, in the words of one commen-
tator, "take its place on a common platform with other religions, all
of which are repectable, useful, and entitled to consideration." 39) The
pluralists' view was that there is good in each tradition and that we
ought to encourage each believer to live up to the best in his own
religion rather than attempting to convert him to our own. Each
religion may have something unique-"Christianity declares the glory
of God; Hinduism speaks about His infinite and eternal excellence;
Mohammedanism proves the almightiness of His will; Buddhism says
how joyful and peaceful he is," said P. C. Mozoomdar of India, but
uniqueness is no grounds for universal superiority and ascension. 40)
Rather it is simply the contribution that a particular religion makes
to the religious consciousness of the world. The different religions of
the world should be seen not as opposing but complementing each
other. Pluralists at the Parliament rejected the claim of the superiority
of Christian ethics and insisted, as one example, that the "Golden
Rule" is found in all religions. Christians do not live up to it any more
than others, they insisted; and, if a religion is judged by its practical
consequences, Christianity cannot claim superiority. To repudiate such
a claim the Japanese delegate, Hirai, simply pointed out a number of
injustices imposed upon his nation by western countries who call them-
selves Christian.
Three basic attitudes emerging at the Parliament of Religions in
I893 have been noted. The basis and action which followed from each
now need to be considered. Since we are dealing primarily with Christ-
ianity and its response when confronted by other religions, the first
question to ask is the philosophical basis of Christian exclusionism.
On what grounds did a Christian such as the Reverend Morgan Dix
assert that
There is only one religionwhich has God'struth direct from Him; other
religionsare shadowsor corruptionsof it... There is One Lord, one faith,
onebaptism;one GodandFatherof all; one MediatorbetweenGodandmen,
39) MorganDix, D.D., A Parliamentof Religions,The ChurchEclectic,XXI

Jan. 1894, p. 899.
40) Savage, op. cit., p. 235.
74 Donald H. Bishop
our Lord Jesus Christ... There is salvationin no other; for there is none
otherName underheavengiven amongmen, wherebywe mustbe saved.41)
Christian exclusionism springs out of such presuppositions as the

following. Religious knowledge is revealed knowledge. Ultimate truth
is revealed truth. Revelation is superior to reason. Revealed knowledge is
a more certain form of knowledge than rational knowledge. Religion
is grounded in revelation. Religion begins with God not man; that is,
religious systems evolve from an act of God and divine revelation, not
from human thought and action. A particular religion begins with a
particular revelation. God is personal being, not an abstract principle
or a sum of the forces of the universe. His revelation, therefore, takes
the form of a person, namely Christ. One revelation and one Saviour
are sufficient; there is no need for more. Christ was divine and pure.
He became sinful man's intercessor and the atonement for man's sin.
A truth and a revelation, once given, is valid for all time. God's reve-
lation of himself and his truth has been recorded by inspired recipients
in scriptures which are then sacred and inerrant.
Christian exclusionism is based upon a metaphysical dualism. Real-
ity consists of two orders, the natural and the supernatural, God and
men, heaven and earth. The entities composing the duality are brought
together through the person of Christ. He is the great unifier, the one
through whom reconciliation between God and man occurs. Exclusion-
ism takes a restrictive view of truth; that is, truth is incorporated in
one book only; truth is fully incarnated in but one person; truth is
known only to a few whether they be priest, clergy or a particular
chosen group. The universal is mediated through the particular. Christ-
ian exclusionism buttresses its claim with miracle and mystery. Mirac-
les as divine interventions in history or in nature, momentarily stop-
ping the order of each, can and have taken place, that of Christ being
the supreme one. Jesus was not only the result of God's miraculous
action but performed miracles himself. Miracle is combined with mys-
tery in that a miracle is an act or event beyond rational explanation,
the verity of which must be accepted on faith.
The inclusionist, on the other hand, begins with a different set of
presuppositions. Religious truth need not necessarily be revealed truth;
41) Dix of course disagreed with the commentator he quoted in the previous
citation. The Church Eclectic, op. cit., p. 890.
religion does not necessarily begin with God. Religious systems are
human constructs. They evolve from human thought and action, not
divine revelation. They are a result of the religious instinct in man
and are a response to his aspirations and frustrations, the pleasures
and horrors he experiences in life. Since all religions are of man,
special preference or superiority cannot be given any one of them.
The inclusionist has several reservations regarding revelation. If lie
accepts it, he views it as open-ended. God has not revealed himself
just once but a number of times in the past and will continue to in the
future. His revelation is not limited to one group but is universal. Nor
is God's revelation mediated only by a person but, for example, through
nature as well. The inclusionist sees no rational for the particularity
of revelation. Further, the humanness of the recipients of revelation
make infallibility impossible. Finally, he asks how one can resolve the
competing, exclusive truth claims of Judaism, Christianity and Islam,
each based on revelation and each claiming its revelation to be absolute
and universal.
The inclusionist also has what might be called an "open" view of
truth. This involves several postulates. Truth is acquired, not given.
Man acquires religious as he does other kinds of truth. Truth has not
been given once and for all time to man. It is not totally incorporated
in a single person and event in human history. Rather man's religious
history is an ancount of his constant search for truth and his slow,
painful acquisition of it. Man's religious, as well as his other know-
ledge, has accumulated over the centuries and will continue to. Such an
assertion is based on a process view of reality and a conception of
religion or the religious life as a quest or search. It contrasts with a
static view of reality which implies truth given as complete and for
once and all time. An open view of truth implies that truth is equally
accessible to all. God does not limit knowledge of himself to a parti-
cular people. As he is universal, so his truth is the universal and not
the exclusive possession of any one person, group, class or nation.
The inclusionist's view is based on philosophical realism in the
sense that truth is universal in scope. On that basis any religion which
asserts exclusive truth claims would be repudiated. Inclusionism also
presupposes a metaphysical monism. Reality is an integrated whole;
it is harmonious or non-dialectical. Reality may be differentiated, not
in the form of opposing dualities, but rather complementary parti-
76 Bishop, Religious Confrontation, a Case Study
culars. In this way the ultimate oneness of reality is preserved. It

remains, basically, integrative and not divisive. The inclusionist does
not deny the existence of a supernatural realm but he views it from
the perspective of the natural. Since nature operates in terms of uni-
versal laws rationally understandable, any interaction between the
supernatural and the natural is of the same kind. Such a presupposition
rules out both miracles and the appeal to mystery.
Regarding pluralism it may be pointed out that it accepts most of
the presuppositions of the inclusionists. Except for its final conclusion,
the differences are one of degree. It accepts the inclusionist's open
view of truth and process view of reality. It agrees with the differ-
entiated but non-dialectical view of reality. In fact, this is a key
presupposition for the pluralist; it makes possible not just one religion
but a number of them coexisting in harmony. It is more emphatic in
its denial of epistemological absolutism and its assertion of relativism.
Man can know only partial truth. Thus, there is truth in every religion
and no one religion embodies complete truth. Relativism, in fact, is
perhaps the central tenet of pluralism. Man's relationship to God is a
relative one in that it takes many forms, varying from culture to cul-
ture. Thus, there is no universal standard by which conclusive judg-
ments can be made regarding the truth or falsity of a particular religion.
Ethics are relative and there is no universal standard to judge by. Man
is himself a relative being in that he is finite and cannot know ab-
solute truth. It is man's finitude and individuation which results in
a plurality of religions. It is important to recognize that relativism
does not lead the pluralist to atheism or scepticism but to humbleness
and tolerance.
INTERNATIONAL ASSOCIATION FOR THE
Study-Conference Jerusalem July 1968
As a rule the congresses of the International Association for the

History of Religions are held every five years in different countries.
The XIth International Congress for the History of Religions was held
in 1965 in Claremont, U.S.A. The XIIth International Congress will
be organized in Sweden in I970. Apart from these congresses the
I.A.H.R. also holds Study-Conferences. In I964 and in 1966 scholars
met in Strasbourg, France and in Messina, Italy.
There is, however, another tradition. At the request of many scholars
from the East the IXth International Congress for the History of
Religions was held in Tokyo in 1958. Unfortunately a meeting in In-
dia in 1963 could not be organized. The General Assembly of the
I.A.H.R. decided that the line of meetings in the East should not be
abandoned. Therefore an invitation of the Israel Society for the Study
of Religions was gladly accepted. This meant that in 1968 another
meeting in the East could be organized, viz. in Jerusalem.
During the months before the Study-Conference there were many
and frequent contacts between the local organizing committee in Jeru-
salem (chairman Professor Dr. G. Scholem, secretary Professor Dr.
R. J. Z. Werblowsky), the Afro-Asian Secretariat in Tokyo (chair-
man Professor Dr. T. Ishizu) and the I.A.H.R. Secretariat in Amster-
dam (Professor Dr. C. J. Bleeker and the undersigned). The visits
of Professor Bleeker to Jerusalem and of Professor Werblowsky to
Amsterdam proved to be very fruitful for the preparations of the
Study-Conference.
As a result of these preparations the Study-Conference could be
held in Jerusalem July I4-I9 1968. The general theme which was
chosen read: Types of Redemption. H. I. H. Prince Mikasa of Japan
had kindly accepted the request to become the Honorary President of
the conference.
Apart from the considerable help by the Hebrew University in Jeru-
salem, the organizers of the conference received subsidies and support
78 International Association for the History of Religions
from UNESCO, the Israel Academy of Sciences and Humanities and

several other bodies and institutions.
On Sunday July 14 I968 the Study-Conference was opened in the
Hebrew University in Jerusalem. Apart from the official words of
welcome the President of the I.A.H.R., Professor Dr. G. Widengren,
expressed his views on the study of the history of religions in a
fundamental speech.
The meeting was attended by almost Ioo participants from all parts
of the world. The list of the scholars present mentioned names from
Ceylon, Great Britain, Finland, France, Germany, Ghana, Hong Kong,
India, Israel, Italy, Japan, the Netherlands, Sweden, Switserland,
Uganda, U.S.A. and Vietnam. Because of the limited number of par-
ticipants all papers could be read in plenary sessions. Every lecture
was followed by a general discussion.
The programme of lectures showed that many fields of the history
of religions were covered by the lecturers. The idea of redemption was
described in the following religions: Greek religion, ancient Egypt,
Christianity, Judaism, Japanese folk religion and other Japanese reli-
gions, Buddhism, Vedic India, Hinduism, Islam, Ganda traditional
belief, ancient Mexican religion, Sasanian Zoroastrianism etc. Although
one paper with general reflections on the theme of the conference
could not be held, Professor Werblowsky summarized the meeting
during the closing session of the conference, so that the theme was
also approached in a general way.
During the Study-Conference a number of trips were organized for
the participants. There were visits to Jerusalem itself, various musea,
Bethlehem and Qumran. Two receptions were held, one by the Presi-
dent of the State of Israel and one by the President of the Israel
Academy of Sciences and Humanities.
The presence of a number of members of the Executive Board of
the I.A.H.R. enabled them to hold an unofficial meeting during which
a number of matters concerning the Association were discussed. On
the other hand the presence of many scholars from the East and from
Africa gave rise to a meeting of the Afro-Asian delegates. This meet-
ing will undoubtedly show its results in the future extension of the
I.A.H.R.
Surveying the points mentioned above one is rightly inclined to
state that the Study-Conference of the I.A.H.R. in Jerusalem was
International Association for the History of Religions 79
very successful. All participants went home after a most inspiring

meeting. One important thing, however, should be added: all scholars
present in Jerusalem were impressed by the atmosphere of friendship
and goodfellowship which so strongly characterized this Study-Con-
ference.
Therefore this meeting in Jerusalem will be gratefully remembered
by the organizers and the participants. Moreover the presence of schol-
ars from Africa marks a new chapter in the history of the I.A.H.R.
The Study-Conference in Jerusalem continued the line of meetings in
the East. It underlined the truly international character of the I.A.H.R.
L. J. R. ORT
Deputy Secretary General
of the I.A.H.R.
PUBLICATIONS RECEIVED
BERGMAN, Jan, Ich bin Isis, Studien zum MemphitischenHintergrund der griechi-
schen Isisaretologien, Acta Universitatis Upsaliensis, Historia Religionum
3-Uppsala, I968, 349 P.
BIERMANN, B. M., Las Casas und seine Sendung. - Mainz, Matthias-Griinewald-
Verlag, 1968, 92 p.
GERNET, Louis, Anthropologie de la Grece Antique, ,,textes a l'appui" - Paris,
Francois Maspero, I968, 455 P.
W. H., Guru Nanak and the Sikh Religion -
MCLEOD, Oxford, at the Claredon
Press, I968, 259 p.
RINGGREN, H., Religionens Form och Funktion - Lund, C. W. K. Gleerups Bok-
f6rlag, I968, 171 p.
RUDGE, Peter F., Ministry and Management, The Study of Ecclesiastical Admi-
nistration - London, Tavistock Publications in Association with Hicks
Smith & Sons, I968, I9I p.
WALLACE-HADRILL, D. S., The Greek Patristic View of Nature - New York,
Manchester University Press, Barnes & Noble Inc., I968, I50 p.
WINK, W., John the Baptist in the Gospel Tradition, Society for New Testament
Studies, Monograph Series 7 - Cambridge University Press, I968, 132 p.
Periodicals:
Folklore, Volume 79, Summer I968.
History of Religion, An International Journal for Comparative Historical Studies,
Volume 8, Number I, August I968; Number 2, November I968.
Journal of Indian and Buddhist Studies (Indogaku Bukkyogaku Kengyii), edited
by Japanese Association of Indian and Buddhist Studies, Volume XVI No. I,
December I967 (32), Vol. XVI No. 2, March i968 (32).
Kairos, Zeitschrift fur Religionswissenschaft und Theologie, X. Jahrgang I968,
Heft 3.
Theologie der Gegenwart, II. Jg., I968, Heft 3.
Theologische Zeitschrift, herausgegeben von der Theologischen Fakultit der
Universitat Basel, Jahrgang 24, Heft 4, Juli-August I968; Heft 5, Septem-
ber-Oktober I968.
Vetera Christianorum5, I968, Instituto di Letteratura Christiana Antica, Uni-
versita degli Studi, Bari.
HITTITE ROYAL PRAYERS
BY
PH. H. J. HOUWINK TEN CATE

Amsterdam
An important kind of texts among the many religious texts found

at the German excavations in Bogazkoy-Hattusas, the Hittite capital,
are the royal prayers. In his "Catalogue des Textes Hittites" E. La-
roche has given an enumeration of these compositions under the more
general heading of "Hymnes et Prieres." 1) The same author published
an excellent study of the Hittite prayer in general called "La Priere
hittite: vocabulaire et typologie." 2) Nevertheless the royal prayers
form an interesting subject for further study, because they constitute
a special genre of great importance for the religious feeling and way
of thinking of the Hittites and also because next to purely historical
texts they are of great significance for the history of the Hittite New
Empire (145o-I2oo B.C.). This study aims only at a short evaluation
of the contemporary achievements in this interesting field.
Many of these royal prayers have already been published in a philo-
logical edition. The prayers of Mursilis II devoted to the Plague which
ravaged the country for no less than twenty years and also dealing
with external difficulties are available in two large studies, "Die Pest-
gebete des Mursilis" by A. G6tze 3) and ,,Hittite Prayers of Mursili
II" by O.R. Gurney. 4) In "Ancient Near Eastern Texts relating to
the Old Testament" A. G6tze presented a number of translation in
the chapter "Hittite Prayers." 5)
I) E. Laroche, Catalogue des Textes Hittites II, Revue Hittite et Asianique

fasc. 59 (1956), pp. 114-116, nos. 272-291.
2) lcole pratique des Hautes Pttudes, Ve Section, Sciences Religieuses; An-
nuaire tome LXXII (I964/5), pp. 3-29.
3) Kleinasiatische Forschungen I, Weimar, 1927-1930, pp. 161-251.
4) Annals of Archaeology and Anthropology XXVII (1940), pp. 3-I63.
5) J. B. Pritchard, Ancient Near Eastern Texts relating to the Old Testament,
Princeton, 1950, pp. 393-400 (translations of Cat. 275, 277, 279.2, 282, 283 A and C,
285 and 287). See, too, G. Furlani, La Religione degli Hittiti, Bologna, 1936, pp.
262-280.
XVI
NUMEN 6
82 Ph. H. J. Houwink ten Cate
The Hittites themselves called such a text an arkuwar after the most
important section in which the king justifies himself in a plea directed
to the Gods. This pleading forms the central part of a greater com-
position consisting generally of a number of independent parts: ad-
dress - hymn of praise - transitional passage - prayer proper in
several sections. The arkuwar belongs to the prayer proper. The cli-
max of the argument precedes the end of the main part which is
usually concluded with smaller components, prayers for blessing or
intercession and once an afterthought. 6) This structural build-up is
considered to be of Mesopotamian origin and is derived from the Ac-
cadian incantation. 7) This complex structure made it possible for the
scribes to be inspired during their work by the corresponding replicas
of older texts. The preceding remarks are meant to give the reader an
added sensitivity to the rhetorical phrasing and the transparent con-
struction of these prayers.
In a prominent section of his above-mentioned study Laroche has
outlined the background and function of this type of prayer starting
out from a penetrating analysis of the profane use of the term arku-
war. 8) As a servant approaches his master in order to justify himself,
as a vassal-prince in conflict with a colleague argues his personal view
of the case in the presence of the sovereign king, in such a way the
Hittite king and with him often the queen addresses the Sun-goddess of
Arinna or the Storm-god of Hatti, the most important Gods of the
Pantheon, or the Gods in general. The concept of a political letter
written by a Hittite king to Salmanassar I (I274-I245 B.C.) may be
used to illustrate the meaning of this Hittite stem and also forms a
good trait d'union to the religious uses of both the verb arkuwai- and
the noun arkuwar. 9) The Hittite king writes in this concept meant
to be sent in Accadian translation: "And since you will plead your
6) The structureof the royalprayerswas first determined by Gurney,I.c.,pp.

1-12 with respectto the compositions
of Cat. 282 and 283. See with respectto
Cat. 274-276H. G. Giiterbockin his article "The Compositionof the Hittite
Prayersto the Sun,"Journalof the AmericanOrientalSocietyLXXVIII (1958),
pp. 237-245.
7) Cf. Giiterbock, I.c., p. 242.
8) Laroche, La Priere hittite, section 3, p. 14 ff.
9) See H. Otten, Archiv fur Orientforschung XXII (I968/9), pp. 112-113 re-
ferring to 679/z.
Hittite Royal Prayers 83
cause to the Gods, as soon as they bring you this tablet, read it aloud
in the presence of the great Gods." 10)
Laroche who, in my opinion, rightly stresses the juridical back-
ground to both terms, is perhaps too specific in his translations, arku-
wai- "s'excuser, plaider" and arkuwar "defense contre une accusation,
excuse d'une faute, plaidoyer justificatif." 11) It is not to be excluded
that the terms could also be used in a positive sense, "to argue", "to
plead" (arkuwai-) and "argument," "proposition" (arkuwar). The
verb arkuwai- is used not only when someone offers an apology but
also in explaining one's merits or complaining about injustice. But for
these prayers in which often a feeling of guilt is expressed, if not with
respect to the deeds of the king himself then in connection with those
of his predecessor, Laroche's translations make good sense.
In contrast to the royal prayers spoken in times of adversity or
mental distress, the purely historical texts present an uninterrupted
and well-balanced record of the past. Nevertheless there are strong
indications that also the historical texts just as the treaties and other
law-texts which needed a religious sanction were deposited before the
Gods in the temple. 12) The royal prayers derive their historical im-
portance from the obvious fact that the utterances are done in a spirit
of repentance and honesty more so than in the historical texts. Both
types reached their literary apex during the reign of Mursilis II (?
I340-I310 B.C.). Then the scribes for the first time achieved historical
compositions dedicated to a central theme. 13) The Plague Prayers
io) Cf. Otten,I.c.
ii) Laroche, La Priere hittite, p. 15 and passim.
I2) See with respectto the historicaltexts the colophonof KBo V 6 (manu-
scriptA for fragment28 of the "Deeds")IV: I6-I8, "Seventhtablet,(text) not
complete. Not yet made into a bronze tablet" (cf. Guiterbock,JCS X 1956), p. 97
andthe addedcommentsibidem,p. 47). See also KBo III 4 IV: 47-48in Gurney's
translation"Whatsoever the Sun-goddessof Arinna,my lady, furthervouchsafes
to me, I will recordit andlay it beforeher,"The Hittites1, PelicanA 259,p. 174
(Gurneychooses for G6tze's second alternative,see G6tze, Die Annalen des
Mursilis, MVAeG XXXVIII, Leipzig, 1933, p. I37). Hattusilis says "However,
what countriesof the enemyI conqueredwhile I was a minor,that I shallmake
(into) a tabletseparately;and I shall set it up beforethe Goddess"(Hattusilis'
"Apology" I: 73-74 = Sturtevant-Bechtel,A Hittite Chrestomathy,Philadelphia,
1935, pp. 68-69).
13) E.g. "The Deeds of Suppiluliuma as Told by His Son, MursiliII" edited
by H. G. Giiterbock,Journal of CuneiformStudies X (1956), pp. 41, 75 and I07 ff.,
and Mursilis'own "Ten Years Annals"edited by Gotze, AM, p. I4 ff. (cf.
note 12).
84 Ph. H. J. Houwink ten Gate
from this period represent the pinnacle of Hittite literature in general.

Conclusive indications, the use of arkuwai- and arkuwar in either
text or colophon, characterize all the Plague Prayers of Mursilis and
also all compositions of Muwatallis, Hattusilis and Puduhepas treated
below as a prayer of presentation or arkuwar. 14) In analogy other
texts may be added: the prayer of Arnuwandas and Asmunikal about
the disruption of the cults in the northern provinces, a prayer of an
unnamed Hittite king to the Sun-god and also the prayer of Kantuzzi-
lis, prince at the court, and the prayer to the Sun-god meant for an
arbitrary individual. The three last prayers are closely connected and
could be considered as parallel versions. 15) Witness the vocabulary
and the religious ideas expressed therein, the introducing hymn to all
three was clearly inspired by some Accadian hymn. 16) The following
Chart may serve to indicate date and origin, deity to whom it is
directed, and subject of the most important royal prayers.
Cat. no. King Deity Subject
277/817) Arnuwandas and Sun-goddess of Interruption of the

Asmunikal ( + Arinna cults in the northern
1400 B.C.) provinces
27618) Unnamed Hittite Male Sun-god External difficulties

king
283 C19) Unnamed Hittite Sun-goddess of Plague and external
king Arinna difficulties
283 E Mursilis (- 1340- Sun-goddess of The relation between
I310 B.C.) Arinna his wife and the
ruling queen
14) Cf. arkuwai- in Cat. 279.1, 279.2, 279.4, 284.2, 285 and KBo XI I (see
Laroche, La Priere hittite, p. I6 notes 3 and 4) and arkuwar in Cat. 279.I, 279.2,
282 A, 283 D, 285, KBo XI I, 286 and 287 (see Laroche, La Priere hittite, p. 16
notes I and 2).
15) Cf. Giiterbock'sarticle quoted in note 6.
I6) Cf. Giiterbock, I.c., pp. 241-242.
17) See E. von Schuler, Die Kaskaer, Berlin, I965, pp. 152-165 and Goetze,
ANET 1, pp. 399-400.
I8) Cf. Giiterbock'sarticle quoted in note 6; for this early date see 0. Carruba,
Das Beschwiirungsritualfur die Gottin Wisurijanza,Wiesbaden, 1966, p. 32.
19) Cf. Gurney's thesis as quoted in note 4; for this early date see 0. Carruba,
Wisurijanza,p. 46. See also Goetze, ANET 1, p. 396.

284 20) Mursilis (tenth year In all probabilitythe Conflict with the
or later) Sun-goddess of ruling queen
Arinna
283 A 21) Mursilis alone Sun-goddess of Plague and external
Arinna difficulties
282 22) Mursilis and the Tutelary deity Plague and external
queen (second Telibinus difficulties
wife and thus
later)
279.I 23) Mursilis (seven- All the Gods and Plague
teenth year) Goddesses of the
Oath
279.4 24) Mursilis Enumeration of Plague
Gods among which
the Storm-god as
well as the Gods
of Hatti and
Arinna
281 25) Mursilis Long enumeration Plague
of Gods
279.2 26) Mursilis Storm-god of Hatti, Plague
Gods of Hatti, my
lords
279.3 27) Sun-goddess of
Mursilis (position Plague
in group undeter- Arinna, Gods, my
mined) lords
KBo XI 1 28) Muwatallis (-? Storm-god of Kum- Interruptionof the cults
I310-I280 B.C.) manni, Hebat and
other Gods
20) Cf. Laroche, Ugaritica III, Paris, 1956, p. IOI ff.

21) Cf. Gurney's thesis as quoted in note 4; translation by Goetze in ANET1,
p. 396.
22) Cf. Gurney'sthesis as quoted in note 4; translationby Goetze in ANET1,
pp. 396-397.
23) See Gotze, KIF I, p. 164 ff. (cf. note 3).
24) See KIF I, p. 242 ff.
25) Cf. Giiterbock,"Mursili'saccounts of Suppiluliuma'sdealings with Egypt,"
Revue Hittite et Asianique fasc. 66-67 (1960), pp. 57-63.
26) See Gbtze, KIF I, p. 206 ff.; translationby Goetze in ANET 1, pp. 394-396.
27) See Gotze, KIF I, p. 236 ff.
28) Cf. Ph. H. J. Houwink ten Cate and F. Josephson, "Muwatallis' Prayer
to the Storm-god of Kummanni,"Revue Hittite et Asianique fasc. 8I (I967),
pp. II0-I40.

285 29) Muwatallis Long enumeration "In case of an emer-
of Gods gency"
286 30) Hattusilis and Pu- Sun-goddess of The royal succession
duhepas (? 1275- Arinna
1250 B.C.)
287 31) Pudehepas Sun-goddess of The health of Hattu-
Arinna silis, her husband
Sometimes important indications with respect to the use of these com-

positions are given in the text itself or in the colophon. It goes with-
out saying that the king often refers to himself as the "priest". Es-
pecially Mursilis and Muwatallis do this often. In a number of pas-
sages the fact that the king functions as priest to the Sun-goddess of
Arinna is used as a general designation for his royal position. 32)
Although of little literary value, the general arkuwar of Muwatallis is
of real interest for the understanding of the procedure. 33) In the two
important manuscripts two formative stages of the composition have
been preserved, the concept as probably dictated by the king and the
later official version. 34) This text may be considered the standard
type of this genre. "When things get too much for a man and he pre-
sents himself for the Gods in prayer, he sets up two offering-tables of
wickerwork covered (with a cloth) on the roof in the presence of the
Sun-god," the text runs. 35) Goetze expressed this general character in
the added title "Prayer to be Spoken in an Emergency." A very long
enumeration of local deities mentioned regionally while due attention
is given to divine mountains and rivers of each district forms an essen-
tial part of the text after a short listing of the main Gods. All the offer-
29) Cf. F. M. Th. (de Liagre) B6hl, Theologisch Tijdschrift L (1916),

p. 306 ff.; M. Witzel, Hethitische Keilschrift-Urkunden (- Keilschriftliche Stu-
dien IV (1924)), p. 86 ff.; translation by Goetze in ANET 1, pp. 397-399.
30) For this composition see Giiterbock, Siegel aus Bogazkiy I, Archiv fur
Orientforschung, Beiheft V, 1940, p. 12 ff.
31) Translation by Goetze in ANET1, pp. 393-394.
32) Cf. Cat. 279.1, I79.2, 279.3, 279.4 (Mursilis) and Cat. 285 (Muwatallis).
33) Cf. note 29 above.
34) Cf. Ph. H. J. Houwink ten Cate, "Muwatallis'Prayer to be spoken in an
Emergency," Journal of Near Eastern Studies XXVII (1968), pp. 204-208.
35) In Goetze's translation (with slight changes). I am quoting the following
passages: I: 2-5; IV: 45-50, 59-6I.
Hittite Royal Prayers
ings are precisely specified. "When His Majesty finishes breaking

the loaves, he makes into a plea the matters which are in his mind. But
when the presentation of the plea is concluded, he breaks three loaves
amongst which a red one for all the Gods of the land." 35) There follow
more offerings and then, finally, "They make two furnaces of wood
and in front of the offering-tables he burns the loaves which he
breaks." 35)
There is no doubt that also were clear indications are absent the
presentation of an arkuwar was embedded in a ritual of offering cere-
monies (breaking of bread and libations). Quite characteristically the
colophon of Cat. 283 A mentions the existence of a separate tablet in
which the mugawar was described. 36) Laroche defines mugawar as
the terminus technicus for a ritual used to evoke and attract a deity. 37)
This "attracting" of the Gods is especially found in the rituals of the
Evocatio type. 38) The magical imagery used herefore consisted in the
propelling of the Gods, i.e. their statues, along tracks of coloured
wool. 39) The wording of our type of text does indeed sometimes refer
to the absence of a God who is to be attracted: "Now if, O honoured
Telibinus, thou art up in heaven among the Gods; if thou art gone to
the sea or to the mountains to wander about, or art gone into the
enemy's country to battle, now let the exquisite refreshment (arising)
from cedar (and) oil invite thee; and come back again into thy temple.
Behold now, I am evoking thee with (offerings of) bread (and)
drink; be thou fully nourished; and what I say unto thee - hold thine
ear inclined to me and hear it." 40)
Prayers were sometimes repeatedly recited. According to the colo-
phon of Cat. 283 A this text was used during seven days by Mursilis
in Hattusas and thereafter for the same period of time in Arinna. 41)
A scribe even had to recite Cat. 282 each day for an unspecified period
of time, referring in his first words expressis verbis to his royal
36) Cf. Gurney, AAA XXVII (1940), pp. 38-39 (note that Gurney C = La-
roche Cat. 283A!) for Cat. 283 A IV: 7-8.
37) See Laroche, La Priere hittite, pp. 20-24.
38) See especially Cat. 416 as edited by L. Zuntz, "Un testo ittita di scongiuri,"
Atti del Reale Istituto Veneto di Scienze, Lettere ed Arti XCVI (I937),
pp. 477-546; translation by Goetze in ANET , pp. 351-353.
39) Cf. Laroche, La Priere hittite, p. 22 and Goetze, Kleinasien2, p. I60.
40) Cf. Gurney, AAA XXVII (194o), pp. 16-17 for Cat. 282 B I: 7-14.
4I) Cf. Gurney, AAA XXVII (I940), pp. 36-37 for Cat. 282 A IV: 19-21.
masters: "The scribe re[ads this] tablet to the deity every day, [and ?]
praises the deity: O Telibinus, a mighty (and) honoured God art thou.
Mursilis, the king, thy servant, has sent me, and the queen, thy hand-
maid, they have sent (saying): "Go! Telibinus, our lord, our personal
God, evoke !" "42)
The colophon belonging to Cat. 283 A mentions how Mursilis in-
corporated the phrases of another tablet in his own prayer. 43) It is
possible now, thanks to the progress of knowledge with respect to the
Hittite historical grammar, to confirm Gurney's conjecture 44) based
at that time on the evidence of the contents alone- that this tablet
might be identified with Cat. C.
283 45) This then refers to the arku-
war proper as central part of the prayer. 46) But also the continuation
of the invocation is not very original. It is clearly inspired on the in-
vocation of the prayer of Arnuwandas and Asmunikal in which also
the deep religiosity of the Hittites, their extreme care for temples,
statues, ceremonies and cultus, has been extensively treated. 47) The
hymn of praise in this prayer may best be characterized as a trans-
position on the Sun-goddess of Arinna of a hymn meant for the male
Sun-god as given in Cat. 274-276. 48) The three most important parts
of Cat. 283 A are therefore and adaptation (the central part), a trans-
position (hymn of praise for the Goddess) and a recreation (the con-
tinuation of the invocation) respectively. They all depend upon earlier
compositions.
A typical Hittite trait missing so far in Mesopotamian examples
is the idea of intervention. 49) Frequently the Sun-god or a tutelary
deity is called upon to act as an intermediary and to transmit the words
42) Cf. Gurney, AAA XXVII (1940), pp. 16-17 for Cat. 282 B I: I-6.
43) Cf. Gurney, AAA XXVII (1940), pp. 38-39 for Cat. 283 A IV: 2-3.
44) Cf. Gurney, AAA XXVII (1940), pp. I2-14, I08-I09 and 119.
45) On a number of points-the spelling, the use of certain particles, the
medio-passive in "dynamic function"-Cat. 283 C (= Gurney D!) sides with
Middle Hittite, while Cat. 283 A clearly shows the modernizationstypical for the
period of Mursilis II.
46) See also KBo XII 132 which has been compared to Cat. 277 by Laroche,
Orientalistische Literatur LIX (I964), c. 565. In my opinion this text closely
resembles Cat. 283 C and A.
47) Cf. note 17 above.
48) Cf. Gurney, AAA XXVII (1940), pp. io-II and the article by Giiterbock
quoted in note 6, p. 237.
49) Cf. Giiterbock,JAOS LXXVIII (1958), p. 242.
of the king to the God for whom they are intended. This can already
be observed in the prayers to the Sun-god (Cat. 274-276) 50) and it
turns up again in Cat. 285 of Muwatallis 51) and in an even stronger
measure in Cat. 287 where Puduhepas pleads for the health of her
husband stipulating his achievements with regard to the northern
districts lost during the reign of Arnuwandas or perhaps even earlier,
but regained by him. 52) One of the many deities whose mediation she
requests is Zintuhis: "Zintuhis, my mistress, beloved grandchild of the
Storm-god and the Sun-goddess of Arinna! For the Storm-god and
the Sun-goddess of Arinna (you are their) pectoral and from hour to
hour they continually look down upon you. And now Z[in]tuhis, my
mistress, [show] your divine power [in this matter] and convey life
and long years for Hattusilis, your servant, to the Storm-god, your
grandfather, and to the Sun-goddess of Arinna, your grandmother, and
may these come forth for them from their mouth!" 53)
At the recitation of a royal prayer an audience obviously could be
present, for both Cat. 282 B and 283 A include the following passage
- after a prayer for blessing: "And the congregation cries "Let it be
so !" " 54) With respect to Cat. 282 A it is worth mentioning that the
scribe who reads this tablet in doing so represents the king, for the
colophon states: "Single tablet, finished; when the scribe daily pleads
on behalf of the king before Telibinus." 55)
Next to these concise remarks concerning nature, structure and use
of these royal prayers, the Gods to whom they were directed and the
subjects dealt with in them should also be examined. Whenever the
prayer is not directed to all the Gods (without further distinction) or
to a long list of deities, it concerns as a rule the Sun-goddess of Arinna
or the Storm-god of Hatti, the principal figures of the Pantheon, who
according to recent archaeological research shared a double temple in
Hattusas. 56) Both Gods are also portrayed in the main chamber of the
50) These texts formed the starting-point for Giiterbock'sremark.
51) Cf. Cat. 285 - for which see note 29 above - III: 20-24 (the Sun-god)
and III: 35-37 (the Storm-god Pihassassis), cf. Giiterbock, JAOS LXXVIII
(1958), p. 245.
52) Cf. Cat. 287 - for which see note 31 - III: 3I ff.
53) Cf. Cat. 287 III: 43- IV: 7.
54) Cf. Gurney,AAA XXVII (I940), pp. 34-35 with respect to Cat. 282 B II:
18-19 and pp. 36-37 for Cat. 283 A III: 43-44.
55) Cf. Gurney, AAA XXVII (I940), pp. 36-37 for Cat. 282 A IV: 19-21.
56) See K. Bittel, Archiv fiir Orientforschung XXII (I968/9), p. IIo with
90 Ph. H. J. Houwink ten Gate
rock-sanctuary in Yazilikaya. 57) The deities addressed to generally be-

long to the indigenous Anatolian pantheon. This is specifically valid
for the last example of my Chart, Cat. 287 spoken by queen Puduhe-
pas. 58) A passage from the invocation of this latter prayer is of
special significance, since it presents clear evidence for the identifica-
tion of the Sun-goddess of Arinna with the Hurrian Goddess Hebat:
"To the Sun-goddess of Arinna, my mistress, mistress of the Hittite
lands, queen of heaven and earth. O Sun-goddess of Arinna, my mis-
tress, queen of all the countries, in Hatti-land you gave yourself the
name "Sun-goddess of Arinna," but furthermore in the land which
you made into the cedar's land, you gave yourself the name "He-
bat." " 59)
A passage from Cat. 286 attests to the close connection between the
Hittite king and queen on the one hand and the Sun-goddess of Arinna
on the other: "To the Sun-goddess of Arinna, my mistress, mistress of
the countries, queen of heaven and earth, mistress of the kings and
queens of Hatti land, torch of the Hittite country, it is you who [in-
vest] the kings and queens of Hatti land. Upon which king or queen
of Hatti land you, O Sun-goddess of Arinna, gaze down, he flourishes
on your account, through the Sun-goddess of Arinna. You who are
accustomed to elevate (the one), you who are accustomed to throw
down (the other), in the presence of the Gods you took as your por-
tion (?) the Hittite lands because of your esteem for the Storm-god of
Nerik, the Storm-god of Zippalanda, your son!" 60)
respect to Temple I which used to be called the temple for the Storm-god of
Hatti: "...Es lag da eine zweite, selbstandige Raumgruppe mit Lichth6fen und
einem sehr grossem Gelass ( ......), dass in seinen Ausmassen dem bisher schon
bekannt gewesenen Allerheiligsten nahezu gleichkommt und das hichstwahrschein-
lich als zweites Adyton aufzufassen ist, so dass man es wohl mit einem Doppel-
tempel zu tun hat, der fur den Wettergott und fur die Sonneng6ttin von Arinna
bestimmt gewesen sein diirfte."
57) See no. 43 (Hebat who is here identificated with the Sun-goddess of
Arinna) leading the procession of Goddesses, and - confronting her - nos 42
(Storm-god, here Tessub?) and 41 (Storm-god of Hatti) leading the group of
male Gods: see Laroche, Journal of Cuneiform Studies VII (1952), p. II6 and
the often reproduced main scene e.g. in E. Akurgal, Die Kunst der Hethiter, no. 76.
58) See Goetze, Kleinasien2, Miinchen, 1957, p. I35 together with notes 3 and 4
referring to both Cat. 286 and 287.
59) Literally "you put to yourself the name ...", cf. Goetze, Kleinasien2, p. 137
for this example of official syncretism and see also note 57. All this refers
to Cat. 287 I: 1-6.
60) Cat. 286 I: I-I3 as also translated by Goetze, Kleinasien 2, p. I37.
Hittite Royal Prayers 9i
A text which has often been quoted in discussions about the char-
acter of Hittite kingship is IBoT I 30: "When the king pays homage
to the Gods, a priest declares: "Let the labarnas-king be pleasing to
the Gods! The land belongs to the Storm-god, heaven and earth with
the people belong to the Storm-god and he made the labarnas-king
governor and gave him whole Hatti land. The labarnas shall govern
the whole land with his hands. Whoever touches the person of the
labarnas-king and (his) domain, let the Storm-god destroy him!" 61)
This passage characterizes the king as a kind of administrator ruling
on behalf of the Storm-god. From a remarkable festival text 62)
scholars have concluded that the queens of the Hittites were identified
in some respects at the time of their death with the Sun-goddess of
Arinna. Possibly the Goddess also had chthonic characteristics 63) and
on the strength of this Giiterbock adds this closing remark: "Ja, eben
weil sie eine Unterweltsg6ttin war und die K6niginnen nach dem Tode
ihr ahnlich wurden (wie der Pharao dem Osiris!)?" 64)
Exceptional iconographic representations admit of a similar expla-
nation. On the rock-relief of Firaktin Hattusilis III and Puduhepas
wear the same garments as the deities to which they pour a libation,
the Storm-god of Hatti and the Sun-goddess of Arinna respectively. 65)
A seal impression found in the excavations of Ugarit 66) depicts Tu-
dhaliyas IV in the embrace of the Storm-god Muwatallis. 67) He also
61) For this text see Goetze, JCS I (1947), pp. 90-9I; Giiterbock, "Authority
and Law in the Hittite Kingdom," JAOS Suppl. XVII (1954), p. i6; Gurney in
Hooke (editor), Myth, Ritual, and Kingship, Oxford, 1958, pp. 113-114; Laroche,
La Priere hittite, p. Io.
62) KUB XXV 14 I: 23 ff. as translated by Gurney in his article referred to
in the preceding note, pp. 120-121.
63) For the possibly original character of the Goddess as a chthonic deity see
J. G. Macqueen, Anatolian Studies IX (1959), pp. I7I-I88.
64) Giiterbock in his chapter "Religion und Kultus der Hethiter" in G. Walser
(editor), Neuere Hethiterforschung, Historia Einzels. Heft VII, Wiesbaden, I964,
p. 59 note 25.
65) See K. Bittel in his contribution to the book mentioned in the preceding
note, p. 127 note 6: cf. the reproductions in H. Th. Bossert, Altanatolien, Berlin,
1942, nos 550-552 and E. Akurgal, Die Kunst der Hethiter, no. IOI.
66) Cf. Ugaritica III, Paris, 1954, fig. 24, 26 and P1. III-IV (already adduced
by Bittel as quoted in note 65).
67) This type of representation is found more often, but elsewhere the king
wears a priestly robe in this situation, cf. Giiterbock, SBo I fig. 38a (see note
30) for Muwatallis and Tudhaliyas IV in Chamber B of Yazilikaya (e.g. E.
Akurgal, Die Kunst der Hethiter, nos 84-85).
wears the same costume as the deity. The Sun-goddess of Arinna on

this same impression is an exact replica of Puduhepas as represented
in Firaktin. 68) Although Hittite kings "become Gods" at their death,
as the expression goes, Hattusilis as well as Tudhaliyas wear the char-
acteristic attribute of the Gods, one or more horns sidelong of the
pointed hat. Bittel rightly stresses the problematical background of this
portrayal: we encounter a representation which essentially differs
from the conventional usage. 69) Perhaps it could be formulated in this
way. There are iconographic indications for an excessive identifica-
tion in thirteenth century art of king and queen with those deities which
they represent in their political function. One should not conclude this
to be a complete identification however, since the above-mentioned ex-
pression prevents them "to be God" during their lifetime. 70)
The thoughts which are expressed in the hymns and in the prayers
proper are typical for the strongly rationalistic and somewhat formal-
istic approach of Hittite thinking in general. Feelings of responsibility
and guilt often come to the fore. Rhetorically the kings try to absolvate
themselves from supposed accusations that have crossed their minds:
"Hattusilis, your servant, and Puduhepas, your handmaid, did make
their plea as follows: "As long as my father Mursilis was still alive,
when my father dealt highhandedly with the Gods, my lords, in any
affair whatsoever, I was not involved in that business of my father
in any way. I was still young. When within the palace the process of
Tawannannas, your handmaid, took place, when my father humiliated
Tawannannas, the queen, because she was indeed a handmaid of the
God(dess), you, my mistress, were the one who knew in [your] divine
soul, [whether the humil]iation [of the queen] was in accordance with
your intentions [or whether it] was [not in accordance with your
in]tentions." " 71)
Laroche phrased these eloquent words to describe their basic rela-
tionship with the divine powers: "Le Hittite exprime les rapports de
l'homme a son dieu non en termes de grace ou de sentiments, mais en
68) This was already remarkedby Laroche, Ugaritica III, pp. 114-115.
69) Cf. Bittel as referred to in note 65: "Hier liegt also ein Problem, das sich
mit den verfiigbaren Texten und Monumenten nicht losen lasst."
70) Cf. the closing remark by Gurney in Hooke (ed.), Myth, Ritual, and King-
ship, p. 121.
7I) Cat. 286 I: 14-26 (see Giiterbock'stranslation in SBo I, p. 12, cf. note 30).
termes de droit et de jugement." 72) So e.g. in a prayer of Mursilis II

"the place of judgement [to] wh[ich] the Gods come" - or with an-
other text restoration - "the Gods wh[o] come to the place of judge-
ment." 73) In a prayer of Muwatallis this expression recurs, 74) while
Hattusilis and Puduhepas speak as follows on behalf of their country:
"[And if] those sins are also still present to some extent before the
Gods and some God has been invoked on account of that evil thing
and he attends to it and if, as soon as the Storm-god and the Gods
come to the assembly, someone mentions that evil thing in the assem-
bly, then the Sun-goddess of Arinna and the Storm-god of Hatti should
take to their heart the matter of the dahanga belonging to the Storm-
god of Nerik and therefore, O Sun-goddess of Arinna, my mistress, O
Gods, cast away that evil thing from Hatti land! Hattusas, the place
of assembly for the Gods, Arinna, your beloved city, Nerik and Zippa-
landa, towns of your son, may appear before your eyes !" 75)
In a highly emotional tone Mursilis tries to exculpate himself with
respect to his dealings with the ruling queen and wife of his predeces-
sor Tawannannas whom he dethroned and relegated to a place of exile
in the country: "[... wheth]er she died and [w]as [...] or whether
she did not die. I made an inquiry about the af[fair of Tawannannas]
and it was established for me (by the oracle) not to kill her, but it was
established to confine her. And at that time therefore I did not kill
her, but I ousted her and made her Siwanzanna-priestess. And because
it was established to confine, I did confine her and I gave her an estate.
Nothing lacks her in her soul. Bread, water and everything are being
served to her. Nothing is lacking her: she lives and sees the Sun of
heaven with her own eyes, always, and she always eats the bread of
life, but just this was my single ruling and only in this respect I pun-
ished her that I sent her down from the palace, that I ousted her and
made her Siwanzanna-priestess! And this was my single ruling. O
Gods, set this case down for hearing and arrange a formal in-
quiry !" 76)
72) Laroche, La Priere hittite, p. 17.

73) Cf. Giiterbock'sarticle referred to in note 25, p. 59.
74) Cf. Cat. 285 - for which see note 29 above - III: II-I2.
75) Cf. Cat. 286 IV: 14-28 (the passage has not been studied so far).
76) Cf. Cat. 284.2 II: I-I7, cf. Houwink ten Cate, "Mursilis II, de bronnen
voor een karakterschets,"p. 27 together with the notes 43 and 44. The verbs
piran katta tai- and punuss- belong to the profane process terminology.
I do not believe that these examples which could easily be multiplied,

should be classified as mere metaphorical in a stylistic sense. According
to Hittite ideas a process before the court of divine powers underlies
every conflict situation in history. 77) This is clearly manifest in the
words used to convey a declaration of war: "To Uhha-zitis I sent a
messenger and I wrote to him: "My subjects who came to you, because
you did not return them to me, (when) I repeatedly requested their
return, and (because) you were in the habit to call me a small boy and
(because) you always belittled me, come now! Let us fight together
and the Storm-god, my lord, may (lecide the lawsuit for us !" " 78) This
declaration meant war between two independent powers. On purpose
Hattusilis III uses the same expression in starting his rebellion against
his nephew Urhi-Tesub, the legitimate king on the Hittite throne: "And,
firm in (my) respect for my brother, I did not do anything. And for
seven years I submitted. But he (Urhi-Tesub) at the command of a
God and the suggestion of man tried to destroy me. And he took Hak-
pis and Nerik away from me. And I did not submit any longer. And I
made war upon him. But when I made war upon him, I did not do
it (as) a "defilement." Did I rebel against him in the chariot or rebel
against him within the palace? I sent him a declaration (of war) as an
(open) enemy: "You started hostilities with me. Now (are) a great
king; but as for me, the one fortress that you left me - of (that) one
(I) am king. Come now! Istar of Samuha and the Storm-god of Nerik
shall decide the lawsuit for us!" " 79)
These examples from two different historical texts give proof that
the idea of divine judgement also permeates the Hittite historical texts.
Since every prayer of presentation - whether inspired by a Plague,
by a military attack from outside, or, by inner doubts about personal
responsibilities with respect to the cult of the Gods or the relation to the
queen - always originated from a situation of crisis, they all fall back
upon this same basic idea.
The prayers give evidence of a proud feeling about the providence
and care devoted to the maintenance of temples, statues and cult uten-
77) See in this respect Goetze, Kleinasien2, p. 127 together with note io and
Laroche, La Priere hittite, p. I7.
78) A passagefrom Mursilis'"Ten Years Annals,"KBo III 4 II: 9 ff.
Gotze, AM, pp. 46-47 (cf. note I2).
79) Hattusilis'ApologyIII: 6I ff. as translatedin Sturtevant-Bechtel,
Hittite
Chrestomathy,p. 77 (cf. note 12).
sils and also to the strict observance of festivals and other ceremonies.
Sometimes there is a direct and outspoken appeal to divine self-interest
which appears to be closely interwoven with the good fortune of the
Hittites themselves, when, in the central part of the prayer the king
ardently pleads for deliverance from the scourges of Plague and
War. 80) A second subject treated with equal fervor is the relation to
Tawannannas, the former ruling queen, who had been banished from
the court. In view of the close relationship between the Hittite queen
and the Sun-goddess of Arinna this must have been a matter for deep
concern. 81) In two texts the inability to secure the correct continuation
of religious rites and usages constitutes the central theme, the prayer
of Arnuwandas and Asmunikal (Cat. 277) and a much later prayer
from the time of Muwatallis (KBo XI I). Here follows a passage
chosen from the latter: "If some God of the country is offended and has
pl[eaded] with the Storm-god, now I, my majesty Muwa[tallis, lord of
the countrie]s, make [this] (the subject of) my plea, and may the
Storm-god, my lord, listen to it: the country was great and it [has be-
come of] litt[le importance and ...] have [...]. But as I, my majesty,
bid the Gods enter the country of Kummanni; [because negligence
oc]curs, [offerings] do not correspond to the usage of the Gods. What
population there is now and was [(contemporary) wi]th my father
(and) [my] grand[father, those I will consult], and whatever I, my
majesty, now find from hieroglyphic records, this I shall carry out,
and [what] I have [not] brought into correspondence with the
[u]sages o[f the Gods], you, O Storm-god, my lord, know [i]t. And
whenever I shall consult a venerable old man, [as] they remember
[one (certain)] rite, and tell it, I shall also carry it out." 82)
In his arguing with the Gods "the fearless rationalism of Hittite relig-
ion," as Gurney coined the phrase, 83) is fully apparent. The Gods are
told that the Plague clearly is against their own interests: "[What is]
this, O Gods, [(that) you have d]one? [You have let in.. .] a Plague,
and the land of Hat[ti - al]l of it - is dying, so n[o-one] prepares
the (offerings of) food and drink. The [farme]rs who used to sow the
80) Cf. Gurney,AAA XXVII (I94o), pp. 26-27for Cat.283 C and A (= D

and C respectivelyin Gurney'snotation).I quotea passagebelow.
8I) Cf. Cat. 284; a passagefrom Cat.284.2has beenquotedabove.
82) Cf. KBo XI I - for which see note 28 - par. 4, Obv.: I8-24.
83) Cf. Gurney, AAA XXVII (1940), p. 9.
sacred fields are dead, and so the [sacred] field[s] no[-one] sows (or)
reaps. The women of the mill who [used to make] the bread of the
Gods are dead and so [they] do not [make] the bread. From whatever
corral (or) sheepfold [they used to] select (?) the sacrificial animals
(?) oxen and sheep, [now the cowherds] (and) shepherds are dead,
and the corral [(and) sheepfold ...]. Now it is coming to pass (that)
the foo[d and drink offerings] to the Gods and the sacrificial animals
(?) [are] negl[ected]. [And] you come to us, O Gods, [and for]
thi[s matter] you hold (us?) guilty; and from mankind your wisdom
[has] departed, and there is nothing that we do aright (in your
eyes)." 84)
A similar reasoning repeatedly occurs in Mursilis' Plague Prayers
stemming from the seventeenth year of his reign: "Suffer not to die
the few who are still left to offer loaves and libations." 85)
A final digression on Mursilis' Plague Prayers in general forms a
fitting conclusion to this descriptive account of the Hittite royal
prayers. I have explained above how the Plague Prayers of his early
years are dependent on older compositions. But it should be emphati-
cally stressed that with his later similar prayers this is not the case.
After a short address the king immediately turns to the main subject,
the history of the Plague and his continuous search for its causes. The
structure of these prayers is markedly different from earlier (and
later!) compositions of this genre, while their wording and contents
resemble the historical texts more than commonly occurs in this type of
text. Since a few years historical fragments pertaining to Mursilis'
seventeenth year of government do attest to a renewal of royal activi-
ties after a complete cessation of warfare on his part in the preceding
winter on account of the Plague. At the end of the sixteenth year the
king had retired to an isolated place, while the Gasgaeans had tried to
profit from the occasion for an important counterattack: "[And there
was a Plague in Hatti land] and many died and [(I retreated) before]
the Plag[ue and] I, the [ki]ng, [went] to the country of Harziuna [and
(as a result) I did not set out (against) enemy countries and (I did)]
84) Cf. Gurney, AAA XXVII (1940), pp. 26-27 for Cat. 283 A II: 3-19 (C in
Gurney's notation).
85) Cf. Cat. 279.2 - for which see note 26 - par. 9 on pp. 214-215 of G6tze's
text edition; see also par. II (pp. 218-219) and in Cat. 279.I (cf. note 23) par. 8
(pp. I74-I75) and 9 (pp. I76-I77).
not [...]. [...] the Gasgaean enemy, [whom (I had beaten in that
year)], [went] through [Hittite territory. Thu(s the king: "This Gas-
gaean) goes through Hittite territory and ma]kes war [against me
again]." But the Gasgaean enemy [spoke in this manner: "In H]atti
land a Plague broke out!" [And] he began to [des]troy [the towns of
Hittite territory] in great number." 86)
Already some time ago Giiterbock has written how these Plague
Prayers might be ordered in a logical sequence. 87) In Giiterbock's
opinion Mursilis gradually reached the conclusion that his father bore
a personal responsibility in this matter. 88) In his description of his
father's career, "The Deeds of Suppiluliuma as Told by His Son, Mur-
sili II," he still adheres to his father's point of view. When the Plague
culminated to a new and unexpected height, Mursilis apparently real-
ised that there must have been a special cause for the divine wrath.
After oracular consultation he began a special inquiry in the royal ar-
chives in the course of which at least two tablets were taken out, be-
cause they were considered to be relevant to this question. 89) In the
first Plague Prayer his thoughts had already turned to his father as
the cause for this disaster: he thinks the way in which Suppiluliumas
had grasped power had angered the Gods. In the fourth Plague Prayer
he has found out that the Plague arose in the wake of Suppiluliumas'
war against Egypt. At the moment on which Cat. 281 was composed
he had concluded the Plague to be a divine punishment for the viola-
tion of a long-standing treaty with Egypt broken by his father when
he first sent troops into Amka. In this text we find mentioning of a
"tablet about Egypt." 89) Mursilis still tries to exempt himself from
his responsibility and points to his own youth at that time. Finally, in
the second Plague Prayer he accepts his father's guilt as a personal
liability: "0 Storm-god of Hatti, my lord, O Gods, my lords, it so
happens: man is sinful. And also my father sinned and transgressed
86) Cf. Houwinkten Cate,JNES XXV (1966),pp. 169and I77-I78.
87) See Giiterbockin his articlereferredto in note 25, pp. 61-62.
88) On this point it may be addedthat MursilisII apparentlywas a highly
emotionaltype of man. I have tried elsewhereto enumeratesome of the texts
whichmightbe usedin the futurefor a morepersonalportrayalof this interesting
king,cf. note 76.
89) In the first Plague Prayer mentionis made of two ancienttablets,the
first dealingwith the offeringsto the riverMala (the Euphrates)andthe second
concerningKurustama. The lattermaybe identicalwith the "tabletaboutEgypt"
mentionedin Cat.281, see Giiterbock's articlementionedin note 25, passim.
NUMEN XVI 7
98 Houwink ten Cate, Hittite Royal Prayers
against the word of the Storm-god of Hatti, my lord. But I have not
sinned in any respect. But it so happens: the father's sin falls upon
the son. Now upon me also my father's sin has fallen. But lo, I have
confessed it before the Storm-god of Hatti, my lord, and before the
Gods, my lords (saying): "It is true, we have done it." And because I
have confessed my father's sin, let the soul of the Storm-god of Hatti,
my lord, and (those) of the Gods, my lords, be again pacified! Suffer
not do die the few who are still left to offer loaves and libations!" 90)
go) Cf. Cat. 279.2 - for which see note 26 - par. 9 on pp. 214-215 of G6tze's
text edition.
THE NOTIONS OF GOD IN THE ANCIENT
CHINESE RELIGION
BY
JOSEPH SHIH
PontificiaUniversitaGregorianaRome
It is a well known fact that in imperial China, the emperor was hailed
as Son of Heaven. 1) The explanation is less evident. According to the
official version, this was because the emperor had received the Man-
date of Heaven. This interpretation is based on a theory first ex-
pounded by the Duke of Chou, following the downfall of the Shang
dynasty.
The Shang dynasty was the first dynasty in historical China. It is
believed to have begun in 1766 B.C. In 1122 B.C., it was overthrown
by King Wu who founded the succeeding Chou dynasty. The Duke of
Chou was a brother of King Wu. After the latter's death, while his son,
King Cheng, was still a minor, the Duke ruled the newly pacified coun-
try. It was during his regency that he stated this famous theory of the
Mandate of Heaven. 2)
The notion of mandate was a familiar one. When a king appointed
a subject to a certain office, he was said to give a mandate to that of-
fice. When he dismissed the official, it was said that he took away his
mandate. The Duke applied this notion to the action of Heaven, who
was believed to govern the whole world, and declared that, because the
Shang kings had displeased Heaven with their wrong doing, Heaven
had taken away His Mandate and had given it over to the Chou
kings. 3) Obviously the Duke promulgated this doctrine for the sake
of justifying the Chou's conquest of China. However, from the van-
tage point of the history of religion, the story is of unique importance.
I) Heavenor T'ien,as we shall see, is a nameof the SupremeGodin China.

of
2) HomerH. Dubs madea close studyof the historyof the promulgation
this doctrinein his article "The Archaic Royal Jou Religion."(T'oung Pao,
XLVI, I958, pp. 217-257). Cfr. James Legge, The Chinese Classics (C.C.) vol.
III, pp. 453-463.
3) Ibid. p. 231
I00 Joseph Shih
It signalized indeed the beginning of the amalgamation of two concepts

of a Supreme God that was to exercise a decisive influence on the
further development of the religious thinking of the Chinese people.
These two concepts were the Ti and T'ien.
The word Ti - which we shall translate as God-on-High -is found
on the inscribed oracle bones rescued from the ruins of the Shang
capital. 4) There, Ti is said to command the rain, the wind, the thunder,
the drought, and the harvest. To Him are attributed victories, defeats,
disasters, illnesses, and death. Indeed, His will was consulted by kings
and was revered as Supreme Law. 5) Contrary to an opinion once pre-
valent, it is now established that the oracle bones do mention sacrifices
to Ti. Of these the ting and ti are the most important ones. The former
was held in the ancestral temple in honor of one's deceased father; the
latter in the open country to ask for a good year. 6) It is therefore
generally assumed that Ti, or God-on-High, was worshipped by the
Shang people as their Supreme God. 7)
The word T'ien is also found in the oracle records, but it does not
refer to the Supreme God. 8) The T'ien, as a name of a Supreme God,
appeared first in the literature of the Chou period. There, T'ien is
given anthropomorphic attributes. He is said to see, to hear, and to
watch over all men. He is affected by men's doings. He is happy and
angry with them. He blesses those who please Him and sends calamities
upon those who offend Him. Though His ways are inscrutable, they
are not arbitrary but always favorable to the virtuous, unfavorable to
the wicked. T'ien is implored, is believed to be compassionate, ready to
4) The Shang kings used to consult the will of the Supreme God or their
ancestors by means of a particular method of divination called pu. The materials
used in this divination were either the under-shellsof tortoise or shoulder bones
of cattle, on which the subjects of the consultation were often incised. Tens of
thousandsof shells and bones of this sort have been found in the recent excava-
tion of the ruins of the Shang Capital in the modern Hunan province. These
shells and bones are commonly called oracle bones.
5) Kunio Shima, A Study of Oracle letters from the Ruins of Yin's capital,
(Tokyo, Chiugokukaikenkiuhai, I959. In Japanese language). Pp. I89-I98. Cfr.
Cheng Te-k'un, Archaeology in China, vol. 2: Shang China, (Cambridge: Heffer,
I960) p. 223.
6) Kunio Shima, op. cit. pp. 183-189; 212-216. Cfr. Hsiao Ching (The Book of
Filial Piety) in Sacred Books of the East (S.B.E.) vol. 3 (Oxford, I879) p. 476.
7) Cfr. Tu Erh-wei, Studies about the Religions of Ancient China, (Taipei,
I959. In Chinese) pp. 84-87.
8) Cheng Te-k'un, op. cit. p. I87.
The Notions of God in the Ancient Chinese Religion IOI
satisfy the desires of men. On Him indeed depend both the life of each
man and the dynasties of the country. 9) T'ien is even invoked, together
with Ti, as a tribute to a pretty girl: "How like T'ien she is; how like
Ti she is !" 10) Nathan Soederblom sees rightly in this verse a striking
indication that T'ien is, as well as Ti, a personal God. 11) T'ien, or
Heaven, is the name of the Supreme God of the Chou people. 12)
The theory of the Mandate of Heaven supposes the unity of the Su-
preme God who gave His mandate successively to the Shang and Chou
kings. Therefore, it goes without saying that, after their conquest of
Shang China, the Chou rulers considered Heaven and God-on-High to
be one and the same God. Nothing attests this belief better than the
inscriptions on two similar bronze vessels, both of the early Chou
period. On the one, the Mao-kung ting, it is stated: "The Great Heaven
has found no displeasure but watches over and protects us." On the
other, the Shih-yin ting, one reads instead: "The Great God-on-High
has found no displeasure but watches over and protects us." 13) The
Chinese classics in general reveal also the same persuasion. 14)
However, this does not exclude the possibility that Heaven and God-
on-High had been once two distinct deities. Indeed there are indica-
tions that invite us to believe in such an eventuality. The story of the
impious Wu-i, for instance, is well known. Wu-i was a Shang king,
apprehensive of Heaven's glory, whom he believed to be the Supreme
God of a rival people. In order to keep up his spirits, he made an effigy
of Heaven, feigned to fight with it, and then knocked it down. Again
he hung a bag full of blood, shot upwards at it, and then boasted that
he had wounded the Heavenly Spirit. 15) On the other hand, to the
Chou people, who came from the Western frontier of Shang China,
God-on-High was first a foreign God who lived in the East. But, as
they gradually gained strength, they came not only to challenge the
g) Bruno Schindler, "The development of Chinese conceptions of Supreme

Beings," Asia Major: Introductory Volume, pp. 298-366.
Io) Cfr. James Legge, C.C. vol. IV, p. 77.
II) Bruno Schindler, op. cit. pp. 299-300.
I2) Tu Erh-wei, op. cit., pp. Io6-IIo.
13) Kunio Shima, op. cit., p. 217.
14) Tien Tchen-kang, L'idee de Dieu dans les huit premiers classiques Chinois,
(These presente a la Faculte des Lettres de l'Universite Fribourg-Suisse pour
obtenir le grade de docteur, Fribourg, I942).
15) James Legge. C.C., vol. III, p. 269.
102 Joseph Shih
Supremacy of the Shang rulers but even to envy them their Supreme
God. This is seen in one of the "Odes of the kingdom," collected in the
Book of Poetry. This ode sings the rise of the Chou royal house. It
actually tells the story about how God-on-High, disappointed with the
depravity of His people, came to dwell in the Western region and set
up the house of Chou as His new representative on earth. 16) So it is
that, although the Chinese tradition in general believes in the unity of
Heaven and God-on-High, the question has been raised as to the nature
of this unity. It is indeed not impossible that the two had been once
separate deities. If it had been so, how was it that they had come to
be recognized as one single God?
Edouard Chavannes dealt with this question, though from a different
point of view, in I9oo in his communication to the First International
Congress of History of Religion. 17) He arrived at the conclusion that
neither Heaven nor God-on-High really meant Supreme God. Heaven,
he contended, represented nature whereas God-on-High was nothing
but a deified ancestor. At the basis of such a contention was the pre-
sumption that the ancient Chinese religion had developed from two
distinct elements: the one animistic and the other naturalistic. The
former showed itself in ancestor worship and the latter in the cult of
the Spirit of the Soil. The construction of the ancestral hall and the
erection of the altar to the Spirit of the Soil signaled indeed the con-
stitution of a new state. 18) Chavannes held that the Spirit of the Soil
had been originally territorial deity and that his dignity had risen in
direct proportion to the territorial expansion of the state. It is by this
process that he attempted to explain how Heaven and God-on-High
came to mean one divinity. Here are his words:
But, with the progressof the powerof the king, this particularcult slowly
assumesa predominant importance.Religiondevelopsparallelwith politics.
The Spiritof the Soil of the royalhousewas at first onlyone - thoughthe
most prominentone - amongthe innumerable Spiritsof the Soil. Now he
graduallyextendshis domainuntil he finally comesto symbolizethe entire
territoryof the empire.So, one Spirit of the Soil, Hou-t'u,changeshis
identityand becomesthe SovereignEarth.In like manner,the Spiritof the
Soil losses moreandmorethe anthropomorphic qualitieswhichonceenabled
I6) JamesLegge, C.C.,vol. IV, pp.448-455.

17) EdouardChavannes, Revue
"Dieudu sol dansl'anciennereligionChinoise,"
d'histoire des religions, I90I, pp. 27-48.
i8) Ibid., pp. 46-48.
The Notions of God in the Ancient Chinese Religion Io3
him to be considered as a God-on-High, the remote ancestor of the earthly

kings, and grows to the full extent of the sky. He confused himself with
Heaven. Heaven and God-on-High, who were once probably two distinct
divinities, came to amalgamatewith one another. And in their uneven combi-
nation, the attributes of Heaven encroached ever more upon those of God-
on-High. August Heaven and Sovereign Earth: these are, after all, the two
objects of the royal, and then the imperial cult. Thus, a naturalistic dualism,
which includes the whole universe, imposes itself at the very moment when
the sovereign himself claims to be the ruler of the world. 19)
Although his opinion can no longer be defended today, Chavannes did

make two acute and pertinent observations. He pointed to the constant
association of God-on-High with the ancestral worship on the one hand
and that of Heaven with the cult of the Spirit of the Soil on the other.
He insisted, moreover, on the role of the earth in the evolution of the
religious conceptions in early China. We shall use these two observa-
tions as guide-lines in our study on the evolution of the notion of the
Supreme God in the ancient Chinese religion. But to do so we must
first correct his opinion about the origin of the notion of Hou-t'u, or
the Sovereign Earth, with the help of two more recent studies. These
are Berthold Laufer's Jade: A study in Chinese Archaeology and Reli-
gion20) and Carl Hentze's Bronzegerdt, Kultbauten, Religionen im
iltesten China der Shang Zeit (Bronze objects, cultic buildings, reli-
gion in the earliest China of Shang time). 21)
Laufer made a sharp distinction between the deity of Earth (T'u or
ti) and the Spirit of the Soil (she). Basing his observations largely on
Chavannes' study, he specified that the Spirit of the Soil is a male god
of a partially anthropomorphic concept. It is a god restricted in power
as to space and time, a god of territorial groups, of social communities,
occupying a more or less limited area of soil. 22) He gave a concise
description of how the multitude of Spirits of the Soil were conceived
in an organized body: "There is a complex system of an official hier-
archy of a plurality of gods of the Soil graduated according to rank
and power. The individual families harbor their God of Soil, the terri-
torial communities have their own, the territorial officials have their
own, and the feudal lords and the emperor have their own. The im-
I9) Ibid., p. 44.

20) Published in Chicago, I912.
21) Published in Antwerpen, De Sikkel, 1951.
22) Laufer, op. cit., p. 145.
I04 Joseph Shih
perial God of Soil is, so to speak, the particular property of the dy-
nasty, and His power vanishes with its extinction. The new rising
dynasty chooses a new God of Soil of its own by erecting to him a new
altar and neutralizes the action of his predecessor by building an en-
closure around his altar." Hence Laufer concluded that the Spirits of
the Soil were "individual gods of a local and temporary existence con-
nected with the coeval living owners of the soil, living and dying with
them." 22) In contrast with the Spirits of the Soil, the deity of Earth
was infinite in space and time. "It is an almighty great abstract deity
like Heaven, and the object of veneration and worship on the part of
the people and in particular of the emperor, through all generations. 23)
Laufer claimed that "It is the telluric deity whereas the Spirit of the
Soil merely shares the function of a territorial tutelary genius." 24)
So far Laufer was perfectly right. The Spirit of the Soil and the
deity of Earth differed indeed not only in seize but also, and above all,
in their respective function. But he exaggerated his point when he
went on to argue against Chavannes who thaught that the dualistic cult
of Heaven and Earth had assumed its importance only since the time
of the emporor Wu of the Han dynasty (141-87 B.C.). He saw very
well the difference of function between the deity of Earth and the
Spirit of the Soil, but he had overlooked the fact that the function of
the earth itself had varied in the course of time. Though the sacrifice
to the Earth had dated from time immemorial, the cult to the Earth, as
a co-agent of Heaven in the production of the universe, was indeed of
relatively late origin. It was Carl Hentze, undoubtedly the most autho-
ritative interpreter of the ancient Chinese religion, who finally brought
to light what both Chavannes and Laufer had failed to notice, in his
monumental work which we have mentioned above.
Hentze called attention to a text of the Book of History which pur-
ports to record the instructions of a certain chief minister in the early
Shang period, named I Yin, to the king T'ai Chia. The text is trans-
lated literally as follows: "I Yin composed a memorial for the king T'ai
Chia, in which he stated: 'The former king kept his eye on the direc-
tion of the illustrious Spirit of Heaven. Thereby he served both what
is up-above and what is down-below, namely the spirits of the Upper-
23) Ibid., p. I45.

24) Ibid., p. I45.
The Notions of God in the Ancient Chinese Religion I05
world and of the underworld as well as the Spirits of the Soil and
Grain, and of the ancestral hall. Thus, there was none to whom he did
not present his veneration." 25) Among the spirits mentioned in the
text one counts both the Spirit of the Underworld and the Spirit of the
Soil. Hentze insisted emphatically in distinguishing these two species.
Like Chavannes, he understood the latter to be a territorial deity (Geist
des Grund und Bodens). He noted that it lived on the earth, staying,
so to speak, "between two worlds, namely the Upperworld and the Un-
derworld, yet belonging to none of them." The Spirit of the Under-
world, on the other hand, as the Chinese name ch'i indicates, was the
Spirit of one's native land and ancestral origin (Erd- und Sippen-
geist). 26) It was related to the demon of the Underworld, represented
by the animal mask (t'ao-t'ieh) which appears so frequently on the
iconography of Shang China. The whole book of the Bronzegerit deals
indeed with this subject.
In the light of these further studies, the observation of Chavannes,
concerning the role of the earth in the evolution of the religious con-
ception in early China, needs to be revised. First of all, it is no longer
feasible to see in the Sovereign Earth a mere outgrowth of the Spirit
of the Soil. It is necessary to distinguish their respective functions.
Further, it had been established that, in the earliest China of Shang
time, the function of the earth had been one of origin. Thus, we are
now aware of the variety of functions which the earth played in the
course of Chinese history. In earlier China, it was held successively as
an origin, as a domain, and as a principle of creation. The Chinese lan-
guage has coined three different words to indicate those three func-
tions of the earth. These are ch'i, she and ti. Perhaps it is advisable to
point out that these three words usually combine with other words to
form definite expressions. Thus, she couples normally with chi to form
the expression she-chi which means originally the Spirits of the Soil
and of Grain, consequently, also the state. 27) Ti contrasts with T'ien.
T'ien-ti indicates either Heaven and earth or the universe as a
whole. 28) Shen-ch'i is an archaism. Hentze restored its meaning as
25) Hentze, op. cit., pp. 99-1oo.

26) Ibid., pp. 98-Io4.
27) The Encyclopedic Dictionary of the Chinese Language, vol. 23, p. 462,
n. II9.
28) Ibid., vol. 8, p. 291, n. 332.
Io6 Joseph Shih
the spirits of the Upper- and Underworld. Ch'i being the Spirit of the
ancestral origin, is closely related to the clan. 29) To those who are ac-
quainted with the genius of the Chinese language, it is not at all sur-
prising that these three expressions fall into a recognizable pattern,
that is: shen-ch'i - she-chi - T'ien-ti, namely: clan - state - uni-
verse. It is indeed the aim of this study to show that this pattern cor-
responds not only to the process in the transformation of the political
institutions during the succeeding Shang, Chou, and Ch'in-Han dy-
nasties, but also to the evolution of the conception of the Supreme God
during the same periods.
Viewed in this perspective, the question about the unity of the Su-
preme God in the ancient Chinese religion takes on a new significance.
It no longer interests itself in knowing whether Heaven and God-on-
High had been once two separate deities and how they had come to be
recognized as one God. It seeks now to understand how, during those
three stages of the formative period of their nation, the Chinese wor-
shipped the Supreme God under various names, what were the concrete
relations these names implied, and how were these names related to
each other. Consequently, the present paper shall fall under three head-
ings. The first one shall deal with the Shang dynasty (1766-1122 B.C.)
when the earth was seen as the origin of all beings and was symbolized
by the demon of the Underworld. Under that dynasty the Supreme God
was called Ti, or God-on-High, and honored principally in relation to
the royal ancestral worship. We like to describe Him as God of the
fathers. The second part shall have to do with the Chou dynasty (1122-
221 B.C.) when the earth was regarded as the domain of the king and
was personified by the Spirit of the Soil. Under this dynasty, the
Supreme God was named Heaven and honored as the prototype of the
Chou king. This Supreme God may be best represented as the Heaven-
ly king. The last part of this paper shall cover the Ch'in (221-206 B.C.)
and Han (206 B.C.-A.D. 222) dynasties when the earth was believed
to be an agent of creation and was hailed as the Sovereign Earth. It
was then that the Supreme God of the Chinese came to be recognized
formally as the Lord of the Universe.
29) Hentze, op. cit., p. IOI.

The Notions of God in the Ancient Chinese Religion Io7
I. Ti, GOD-ON-HIGH, GOD OF THE FATHERS
Shang is the first dynasty of historical China. It lasted from about

1766 to 1122 B.C. The Chinese tradition speaks of it in the following
terms: "The Shang rulers feared the spirits and led the people to serve
them. They were more eager to sacrifice to the dead than to hold court
ceremonies, more prompt to inflict punishments than to give re-
wards." 30) Whatever the justice of this remark, the recent excavations,
at An-yang, in the ruins of the Shang capital, confirmed the belief that
ancestral worship occupied the central place in the religion of the Shang
people. 31) It is only in relation to this cult that we can hope to under-
stand their conception of the Supreme God.
The Shang ancestral worship was a complicated institution. To un-
derstand it correctly we must first clarify the question as to who were
the Shang ancestors? The Records of the Grand Historian of China
(Shih-chi) has registered a genealogy of the Shang kings. It begins
with Ch'i. Ch'i is said to have been born miraculously. His mother
became pregnant after swallowing a swallow's egg. In the same gene-
alogy, Wei is listed in the eighth generation, Ta-yi in the fourtheenth,
and Ti-hsin in the last. Ta-yi is the founder of the Shang dynasty. He
is also called T'ang and Ch'eng. From Ta-yi to Ti-hsin there are eigh-
teen generations and thirty kings. 32) For centuries this was the only
source of our knowledge about the Shang ancestors. But the recent dis-
covery of the inscribed oracle bones in the ruins of the Shang capital
has given us the opportunity of testing its validity. In fact, several
serious studies have been undertaken and the result has been encour-
aging. While confirming in general the accuracy of the information
provided by the Grand Historian, those studies have attested to the
fact that only the ancestors from Wei onwards had ceremonial names
and received regular sacrifices during the yearly cycles. Consequently
it is believed that these alone were the real Shang royal ancestors.
Among the names that stand above that of Wei, Hsiang-t'u and Chang-
jo are not found in the oracle records. 33) The rest - Ch'i, Chao-king,
30) Li Chi (The Book of Rites) ch. 32 Piao chi (The recordon example).
Cfr. James Legge, S.B.E. vol. 28, p. 342.
31) Eichhorn, W., ,,Zur Religion im altesten China (Shang-zeit)," Wiener
Zeitschrift fur indische Philosophie, II (I958), pp. 33-53.
32) Cheng Te-k'un, op. cit., pp. 218-219; 317.
33) I follow here the opinion of Prof. Kunio Shima.
Io8 Joseph Shih
Ch'ao-yu, Ming, and Chen - appear there to be more like spirits than
human beings. They were referred to sometimes as kao-tzu (Higher
Ancestors), other times as wang (Kings) or tsung (Ancestral Origin).
Sacrificies were offered to them in the same manner as to natural
deities, and rain and good years were begged of them. 34) A question
rises therefore: Who were these so-called Higher Ancestors? Prof.
Kunio Shima thinks that they were the five genii worshipped in the
wu-ssu, or the "five sacrifices." 35) As objects of the "five sacrifices",
the five genii belonged to an age, in which the function of the earth
was no longer expressed in the form of the Demon of the Underworld.
Hence their relation to the ancestral line could no longer be readily
understood. However, since religious practices may outlive faith and
old rites often receive new meanings, we may assume Prof. Kunio
Shima's suggestion as being substantially correct.
The relation of the Higher Ancestors to the ancestral line may be
better understood in the light of a legend concerning the origin of the
house of Tsu Wen, who was the most famous chief minister in the
state of Ch'u. This legend was told in the late Chou period. However,
it should be noted that the state of Ch'u was located on the southern
side of the Yangtzu River and, for this reason, was less influenced by
the Chou culture. The legend has been translated by James Legge as
follows:
A certain Jo Ao took to his harem a daughter of the house of Yun, who

bore to him Tou po-pi. On his father's death, this son followed his mother
to Yun and was brought up there. He had an affair with a daughter of the
viscount of Yun, the fruit of which was a son, afterwards styled Tzu Wen.
This child's mother caused it to be thrown away in the marsh land of Mung.
There a tigress suckled him. The viscount of Yu saw this when hunting, and
returnedhome in terror. His wife then told him the whole story, and he sent
for the child and had it cared for. The people of Ch'u called sucklings ku
and tigers wu-t'ou. The child was therefore named ku wu-t'ou, and his
mother was married to Po-pi. It grew up and subsequentlybecame the chief
minister of Ch'u, Tzu Wen. 36)
This story struck C. Hentze with its resemblance to the motif of the
well known Yii bronze in the Sumimoto collection. 37) Here a child is
34) Kunio Shima, op. cit., pp. 357-247.

35) Ibid., pp. 246-247.
36) James Legge, C.C. vol. V, p. 295.
37) Hentze, op. cit., p. X.
indeed shown crouching in the open mouth of a tigress. In the one,

as in the other case, Hentze recognized the myth of the creation of the
first mortal man, namely the miraculous birth of the progenitor of a
clan. It was his contention that the tigress in the two cases was nothing
but an embodiment of the Demon of the Underworld. She represented
therefore the Spirit of the native land and ancestral origin. 38) This
claim was substantiated with solid iconographical evidence. There is no
reason for doubting its validity. Taken for granted this thesis, it is
easy to establish the relation of the Higher Ancestors to the Shang
royal ancestry. These were like the tigress but various embodiments of
the same Demon of the Underworld. They represented the Spirit of
the native land and ancestral origin of the Shang royal house.
Though the Higher Ancestors are not ancestors in the biological
sense of the word it is through them that we are to learn about the na-
ture of the Shang ancestral worship. This may seem paradoxical. But
we must keep in mind that, in early China, only the aristocracy erected
temples to their ancestors. The common people, who were said to have
no ancestors, were not entitled to do so. 39) According to an ancient
Chinese tradition, this was because only the aristocracy bore the clan
names which warranted their descent from the ancient sage kings who
were supposed to have been born miraculously through the divine in-
fluence upon their mother. 40) Indeed, it is this belief, witnessed in
both the mythology and iconography of Shang China, that was the
theme celebrated in the Shang ancestral worship.
The belief in the miraculous birth of the progenitor of the king's clan
in Shang China is rooted in a particular cosmogonic conception which
C. Hentze has restored in his monograph entitled: Tod, Auferstehung,
Weltordnung (Death, Resurrection, World Order). In this study,
Hentze calls attention to an iconographical detail found on a number
of sacrificial vessels of Shang period. Where it is found it is seen on
the forehead of the animal mask. It is the ideogram kung. With two
hands opposed to each other and a piece of jade placed in the middle of
38) Ibid., p. 114.

39) Li chi, ch. 23 chi fa (The law of sacrifices).Cfr. JamesLegge, S.B.E. vol.
28, p. 206.
40) Shuo Wen, a basic Chineseetymologicaldictionary,gives the following
explanationof the word hsing (family name): "Hsingindicatesthe origin of a
person.It is writtenwith the sign nii (woman)becausein old timesthe holy man
were bornthroughHeaven'sdirectinfluenceon their mothers."
I IO Joseph Shih
them, the word implies oblation or sacrifice. But since it is written on

the forehead of a divinity, it is to be expected that it hides a certain
esoteric signification which Hentze has deciphered. He sees in the jade,
that stands between the two hands, the sketch of a compound of two
houses of the dead, the one with its upside up and the other with its
upside down. He thinks that it is a sort of magical wheel. With the
house of the dead now set upside up and now hang upside down, it
signifies the cyclical movement of the eternal return. At the same time
it symbolizes the totality of the universe which includes both the world
of the living and that of the dead. 41) It is evident that similar sym-
bolism implies the belief that the underworld is not only the abode of
the dead but also the well-spring of life. Of this belief the Demon of
the Underworld with its two mouths, the one devours and the other
spits, is indeed but a dramatic representation.
So far we have distinguished the real royal ancestors from the so-
called Higher Ancestors. We have defined the true meaning of the
Shang ancestral worship and have discovered the cosmogonic concep-
tion that underlaid it. Now, we may broach safely the main subject of
our study, namely the relation between God-on-High and the Shang
royal ancestors. Let us first state our question.
The twentieth chapter of the Book of Rites (Li-chi), bearing the
title chi-fa, purports to relate the ancient rules of sacrifices. The
accuracy of its information remains in doubt. Nevertheless, it repre-
sents the view of one of the schools of liturgical studies in the early
Han period. This school enumerated four types of sacrifices; ti, chiao,
tsu, tsung. Whereas tsu and tsung were offered to the ancestors, ti and
chiao were properly speaking, sacrifices to the Supreme God. However,
certain ancestors of particular merit might be invited to take part as
associates to the Supreme God. Dealing with the sacrifices in Shang
times, the chapter states: "The Shang kings offered the ti sacrifice to
k'u, the chiao sacrifice to Ming, the tsu sacrifice to Ch'i, and the tsung
sacrifice to Tang." 42) Of the four persons mentioned as receiving the
four types of sacrifices three are known to us. Indeed T'ang was the
founder of the Shang dynasty. Ming was one of the five Higher An-
4I) In Le Symbolisme cosmique des monuments religieux (Serie Orientale

Roma XIV, Roma, Is M.E.O. I957) pp. 9I-II7.
42) Li chi, ch. 23 chi fa (The law of sacrifices). Cfr. James Legge, S.B.E.
vol. 28, p. 202.
The Notions of God in the Ancient Chinese Religion III
cestors; so too was Ch'i, only he was generally taken as the progenitor
of the Shang royal clan. The only person unfamiliar to us is k'u, to
whom was attributed the most solemn ti sacrifice. A Han commentator
of the early Chinese philosophical writings once observed: "The Great
k'u is an ancestor. He is also known as God-on-High." 43) This remark
seems to support the opinion of Chavannes who saw in God-on-High
a glorified Shang ancestor. But is God-on-High really a deified an-
cestor? This is the question we want to examine.
Since the answer to this question depends on the identity of the Great
K'u our task consists essentially in comparing the various traditions
concerning that person. Now the sacrificial odes of the Shang house
sang of its glorious origin in the following words: "Heaven bade the
dark bird to come down and bear the Shang." 44) This verse has pro-
voked diverse commentaries. The commentator Mao, being a Confu-
cianist, gave a rather demythologized interpretation. As he understood
it, Chien-ti, the mother of Ch'i, was a lady belonging to the harem of
the ancient emperor k'u. She accompanied the emperor at the time of
the vernal equinox to sacrifice and prayed to the first Match-maker
(kao-mei), 45) and the result was the birth of Ch'i, who was believed
to be the progenitor of the Shang clan. 46) This interpretation contra-
dicts itself and can not be taken seriously. The Grand Historian, Ssu-
ma Chien, seems to be more consistent. He, too, considered K'u to be
Chien-ti's husband. But he understood the conception of Ch'i as mira-
culous. According to him the mother was bathing in open air when a
swallow made its appearance and dropped an egg. She took it and
swallowed it, and became the mother of the Shang royal clan. 47) It
is interesting to note that in both versions K'u was pictured like a hu-
man being and played relatively an unimportant role. If, then, he re-
ceived the most solemn ti sacrifice, the fact is not to be attributed to
the miraculous birth of Ch'i.
The same Ssu-ma Chien recorded another tradition about K'u in the
chapter on the marvelous deeds and reigns of the "Fibe Emperors,"
with which he began his account of early Chinese history. Today no
43) Kao Yu's commentary on the Book of Huai-nan tzu, ch. 13.
44) James Legge, C.C., vol. IV, p. 636.
45) James Legge, S.B.E., vol. 27, p. 259.
46) James Legge, C.C., IV, p. 636 note.
47) Ibid., p. 636 note.
112 Joseph Shih
one believes that the Five Emperors were historical persons. Even the
story of succession of the two last Emperors, Yao and Shun, which
had exercised so great an influence in the formation of political thought
in ancient China, proves to be a myth. Prof. Tu Er-wei contends that
it describes in fact the succession of the new moon to the old. Indeed,
Yao is said to have reigned twenty eight years, a number which cor-
responds to that of the days of the phases of the moon in the sky.
Moreover, like the new moon, Shun succeeded Yao three years (days)
after the latter's death.48) K'u is mentioned, after the Yellow Em-
peror and Chiian-hsii, as the third of the Five Emperors. He, too,
must be a moon-god, for he is said to have been intelligent and to have
announced his own name as soon as he was born. His name was the
same as that of the stone who was a good archer. The latter appears
in ancient Chinese literature as a heavenly god. Prof. Tu takes him to
be a moon-god. Both the stone and bow, he argued, refer normally to
the moon. 49)
Now, in the cosmogony of Shang China, the moon and the under-
world are mutually convertible, for it is through the moon that the
secret of the Underworld has been revealed. Indeed, the moon waxes
and wanes. When waxing, she resembles in shape a multitude of thing:
she is hailed for calling all things into existence. When she is on the
wane, the sphere of being diminishes: she is heared because she swal-
lows things up. But when the new moon reappears, the multitude of
things come again into being: she is then believed to spit out what she
has swallowed. Thus, like the Underworld, the moon is both creator
and annihilator, both saviour and destroyer, both the fountain of life
and the abode of the dead. The Demon of the Underworld has a pair
of horns in the form of mushrooms which represent moon houses. 50)
It is the personification of the lunar as well as telluric hierophanies.
Considering, therefore, the cosmogonic conception, that underlaid the
Shang religious institution, we should not find it surprising that God-
on-High was confused with a moon-god and was consequently taken
for a Higher Ancestor. Rather we should expect that He would have
been considered not only as a moon-god but also as a deity of Earth.
48) The Religious system of Ancient China: Studies of the God Dao, Ti and
Hou-t'u (Taipei, I96o), p. o9 (in Chinese).
49) Ibid., p. 88.
50) Hentze, op. cit., pp. 81-97.
The Notions of God in the Ancient Chinese Religion II3
Such indeed was exactly the case. An instance may be cited from the
Book of Changes where God-on-High is said to "come forth in the sign
of arousing." At the first reading, one may think only of his relation to
the spring thunder. But the context says more. Thunder is heard when
sacrifices are being offered at the ancestral temple and at the altar of
Earth. 51) Another instance is more explicit. It is found in a hymn
bearing the title "the coming of God-on-High," sung during the Han
dynasty on the occasion of the suburban sacrifice in spring. The words
sound:
I. God-on-High descends on the central altar;

All the spirits wait on him along the four sides.
Let us rectify our intentions,
To be worthy of the scene.
The universe rests in perfect harmony;

Every thing follows the way of nature.
Within the four seas, peace and tranquility prevail,
The civil laws are kept in force,
But the military expeditions are not persued.
The Sovereign Earth is a wealthy Goddess;

Her light illuminates the three luminous bodies.
She looks well at ease
In her beautiful yellow garment.
II. As the spring bursts forth,

It stirs the roots of plants.
Its unction extends to all,
Touching even insects and worms.
For as the spring thunder sounds,
Plants regain their vigour;
Torpid insects lend their ears.
And nature thus revived
Goes on to fulfil its fate.
Everyone is now happy

Even children and babies.
All living beings enjoy themselves,
Thanks to the benediction of spring.52)
51) Wilhelm-Baynes (tr.), The I Ching (The Book of Changes, Bollingen

Serie XIX, New York, I950) vol. 2, pp. 296-301.
52) Pan Ku, Han Shu (History of Han Dynasty), vol 22 "The Treatise on
Rites and Music," ff. 17-18 (in Chinese).
NUMENXVI 8
124 Joseph Shih
Emblems (hsiang) and the four Emblems produced the eight Trigrams
(kua)." 78) The way all things derive from the eight Trigrams is illu-
strated as follows:
Ch'ienis Heaven and henceis calledfather.

K'un is earth and hence is calledmother.
Chenby its first line is male and so is calledthe first son.
Sun by its first line is femaleand so is calledthe first daughter.
K'anby its secondline is male and so is calledthe secondson.
Li by its secondline is femaleand so is calledthe seconddaughter.
Ken by its third line is male and so is calledthe thirdson.
Tui by its third line is female and so is called the third daughter.
79)
Applied to the natural phenomena, Chen becomes thunder, Sun be-

comes rain, k'an becomes water, Li becomes fire, Ken becomes moun-
tain, and Tui becomes marsh. To express these diagrammatic represen-
t-tions in mythical form, one should say that all things are produced
by God Fu-hsi and his sister Goddess Nii-ho. 80) But, like the Book
of Lao-tzu, the Appendices seek to demythologize the ancient Chinese
cosmogony. They abound indeed in such abstract utterances as: "Vast
is Ch'ien, the beginner, all things owe to it their beginning. It com-
prises Heaven." "Perfect is K'un, the beginner! All things owe to it
their birth. It receives obediently the influence of Heaven." 81) It is
interesting to compare these statements to that of Lao Tzu: "The
term Non-being indicates the beginning of heaven and earth; the term
Being indicates the mother of the ten thousand things." By this com-
parison, we shall see both the similarity between the two cosmogonic
teachings and their difference from each other, realizing thus the
specific nature of the Yin-yang teaching.
The similarity between the two teachings consists in the distinction
of the two categories: Non-being (wu) and Being (yii) on the one
hand, on the other hand Ch'ien and k'un. Their difference is found
in the order, in which the two categories are arranged in the two schools.
According to Lao Tzu, Being is born out of Non-being. The primacy
belongs therefore to the latter. In the Appendices, though Ch'ien and
78) Cited according Fung Yu-lang's History of Chinese Philosophy, translated

by D. Bodde, vol. I (Princeton, 1951), p. 384.
79) Ibid., p. 382.
80) Tu Erh-wei. Discovery of the Original Meaning of the I Ching (Taipei,
I96I) p. 19 (in Chinese).
81) Cited according to Fung Yu lang's History of Chinese Philosophy, p. 385.
The Notionsof Godin the AncientChineseReligion 125
k'un are two co-ordinated agents of creation, Ch'ien is said to "com-

prise Heaven" while K'un is said to "Receive obediently the influence
of Heaven." The primacy is attributed rather to the former. The full
significance of this distinction will appear if we bear in mind that both
the Book of Lao tzu and the Book of Changes ultimately derived from
the moon mythology in which Yin excels yang. The Non-being, being
equivalent to Yin, rightly holds the primacy. But Ch'ien is a synonym
of Yang; how does it exceed K'un which is a synonym of Yin?
The answer to this question should lead us to understand the proper
nature of the Yin-yang teaching. Indeed, it is true that the Yin-yang
theory, as well as Taoism, ultimately derived from the mythology of
earliest China. But the use of mythological materials varied in the two
cases. In Taoism, ancient myths were restated simply in contemporary
language. Its aim was simply to reveal the way of nature and to invite
men to follow it. Hence there was no need of reversing the order of
Yin and Yang. In the Yin-Yang school, the handling of ancient myths
became more complicated. It involved the adaptation of the original
intentions to the exigencies of the existing social order, because its aim
was to justify and sanction the actual laws by showing their conformity
to nature. 82) Now, in the Chinese society the king, the father, and
the husband held a higher position respectively in regard to the minis-
ter, the son, and the wife. Hence it was necessary that Ch'ien, which
symbolized the former, should exceed k'un, which symbolized the
latter: 83) This was how the order of Yin and Yang came to be
reversed.
The Yin-yang theory was, therefore, an instance of syncretism: not
only in so far as it blended the Shang and Chou cosmoginies by claiming
that both heaven and earth were the principles of creation, but also in
so far as it harmonized the Taoist and Confucian views on the respect-
82) This is stated in the Appendices as follows: "Heaven is high, the earth is
low. Thus Ch'ien and k'un are determined.In correspondancewith the difference
between low and high, inferior and superior places are established."cfr. Wilhelm-
Baynes, op. cit., p. 30I.
83) This is illustrated in the Appendices as follows: "The K'un possesses
beauty but veils it. So must a man be when entering the service of a king. He
must avoid laying claim to the completedwork. This is the way of the earth, the
way of the wife, the way of the one who serves. It is the way of the earth to
make no display of completed work but rather bring everything to completion
vicariously." Ibid., p. 28.
I26 Joseph Shih
ive merit of nature and culture. Lao Tzu exalted nature. Confucius
cherished the traditions of the sage kings. The Yin-yang school sought
to demonstrate how the traditions of the sage kings conformed to
nature and were sanctioned by it.
As to the Five Agents theory, unfortunately we have but a faint
knowledge of it today. The Grand Historian, Ssu-ma Chien, attributes
its spread to the philosopher Tsou Yen (about 305-240 B.C.), and
summarizes its tenets in a few lines. On account of the scarcity of
pertinent information, we shall reproduce here his text and give it an
accurate interpretation.
Tsou Yen cited facts to prove that ever since the seperation of heaven and
earth the virtues of the Five Agents had been in rotation. He showed how
the dynasties in the past had agreed respectively with the virtues of the
corresponding Agents, and how the portents that had been given had been
really realized. 84)
Tsou Yen taught that the events in the human world were influenced
by the rotation of the Five Agents, which are: Water, Wood, Metal,
Fire, and Earth. Each Agent took its turn to dominate over all the
others. As to the order of succession, he said that "each Agent was
followed by the one that defeated it." Accordingly, "wood was followed
by Metal, Metal by Fire, and Fire by Water." 85) Each time when one
Agent came to prevail, it called up a new dynasty that was to rule by
the special virtue of the Agent. Since the succession of one Agent to
another was believed to be announced generally by certain portents, it
was very important for the rulers, who were engaged in contending
for the supremacy, to detect the portents and to conform their institu-
tions to the proper virtue of the Agent that was supposed to prevail.
Though different from each other originally, the Yin-yang and Five
Agents theories did have a certain affinity between them. It was there-
fore not a pure accident that they came to be considered as teachings
of one single school. A fundamental principle, that underlaid both these
theories, is known as T'ien-jen ho-i, which means "perfect corre-
spondence between what happens in nature and what happens to men."
84) Shih Chi (Ricord of History) ch. 74 "Biographies of Men Ko and Hsun
Ching."
85) Cited according Fung Yu-lang's Chung Kuo che-hsiieh-shih hsin-pien (re-
vised edition of the history of the Chinese philosophy) Peking, I963, p. 452.
To some extent, this principle is congenial to the Chinese mentality.

It was operative in Taoism and Confucianism as well. Speaking of the
conduct of a sage king, Confucius, for example, used the following
illustration: "He who exercises government by means of virtue may
be compared to the pole-star, which keeps its place while all the other
stars turn around it." 86) The particular merit (or demerit) of the
Yin-yang and Five Agents school consisted rather in constructing a
series of models to foster just such a process of thinking.
These models were built upon an astronomical chart, which repre-
sents the twenty-eight lunar mansions (hsii) along the celestial equator.
It corresponds roughly to a European Chart of the constellations and
stars of the northern hemisphere. Taken in its broadest lines, it may
be pictured as two circles, one outside the other, having the same pole
as their center. The inner circle covers the circumpolar area. 87) The
outer circumference represents the celestial equator. The zone between
the inner and outer circumferences is divided into four quadrants.
These are also called the four palaces, namely the four palaces where
the sun sojourns successively in the course of the four seasons. In
contrast to these four palaces, the area within the inner circle is known
as the central palace.
The chief operation of the Yin-yang and Five Agents school was to
extend the cardinal point system of the terrestial horizon to the celestial
equator. Not suspecting the obliquity of the ecliptic, the ancient Chinese
were unaware of the longitudinal movement of the sun. Their de-
termination of the four celestial cardinal points was based on principles
that were purely conventional. 88) Noting that in winter the night was
longer than the day, they thought that the Yin prevailed then over the
Yang. Hence they deduced that the sun must be at the North. Accord-
86) James Legge, C.C., Vol. I, p. I45.

87) Unlike the ancient Greek who determined the positions of the sun in the
sky through the observation of heliacal risings and settings on the horizon, the
ancient Chinese did it through the observation of culminationof the circumpolar
stars. The pole was thus the fundamental basis of Chinese astronomy. Cfr. Jo-
seph Needham, op. cit., p. 223.
88) The ancient Greek explained the alternationof the seasons by the meteoro-
logical cause. They believed that the wind of the North and the wind of the South
chased the sun to the African and European sides, like a ballon sailing back and
forth along the alternating currents of air. For them therefore, the characteristic
of he winter is that the sun is at the south.
I28 Joseph Shih
ingly, the quadrant, where the winter solstice takes place, was named
the Northern or Winter palace. And the opposite quadrant was called
the Southern or Summer palace. Following the same reasoning, one
should expect that the Western palace, where the spring equinox takes
place, would have been called Spring palace. But it was not so. The
Western palace was known as Autumn palace. Instead the Eastern
palace was called Spring palace. This incoherence is alluded to in the
following passage of the Book of Chou Rites (Chou-li): "In the winter
and the summer one directs himself to the sun, in the spring and
autumn one directs himself to the moon in order to determine the order
of the four seasons." 89)
With heaven and earth thus coinciding with one another, it is easy
to distribute the Five Agents into the Five Celestial Palaces. Wood
should grow in the Spring Palace; Fire should burn in the Summer
Palace. Let metal be deposited in the Autumn Palace and Water re-
served in the Winter Palace. Earth must remain in the Central Palace.
The colour of earth is yellow. It was the colour of the Chinese emperor.
Indeed, the territory of China corresponded to the Central Palace,
whereas all the other countries occupied regions which corresponded
to one of the four other Palaces. 90) But the real interest of such con-
structions derived from the fact that the heavens moved in cycles.
There were daily cycles, monthly cycles, yearly cycles, and most for-
midable of all, dynastic cycles. It was the apprehension of the dynastic
cycles that was the cause for the success of the Yin-yang school in
Ch'in-Han times.
From our point of view, the most interesting thing about these con-
structions are, of course, not that they illustrated the principle of "the
perfect correspondence between what happens in nature and what
happens to men," but that they show the amalgamation of the two
systems of religious symbolisms which Heaven and Tao had once
embodied. Indeed, with the coalition of heaven and earth, the Under-
world was, so to speak, transferred up to heaven. Consequently,
dragon, tiger, bird, and tortoise, which had been shaped by the waxing
moon to reveal the mysteries of the Underworld, were then plastered
on the vault of Heaven and were even identified with individual con-
89) Biot, Ed. (tr.), Tcheou-li (The Rites of Chou), Paris, reprint 1939) vol. 2,
p. II3 (according to first edition).
90) L. de Saussure, Les Origines de Iastronomie chinoise, Paris, 1930, p. I59.
stellations. 91) Thus, instead of the moon and sky, that had inspired
the religious institutions of Shang and Chou China, the stars bright-
ened and directed the rulers of the Ch'in Han dynasties to create a new
form of religion, of which the Yin-yang and Five Agents theories were
to be the official theology.
An immediate effect of this new theology on the conception of the
Supreme God was the quintuplication of God-on-High. Each of the
Five Gods-on-High were said to command the virtues of one of the
Five Agents. The Yellow One commands the virtue of Earth; the
Green One the virtue of Wood; the Red One the virtue of Fire; the
White One the virtue of Metal; and the Black One the virtue of
Water. They took turns to prevail one over the other according to the
principle of the "mutual production and succession" of the Five
Agents. When one of them came to his turn to prevail, he adopted a
man as his son and gave to him the mandate to rule the world. As
such, he was worshipped at the suburban sacrifice and received the
honor that had been formerly reserved for Heaven and God-on-High.
Thus, according to one dynastic legend, Kao-tzu, the founder of the
Han dynasty, once dreamed of killing a great snake. On that occasion
he was informed by a spirit that the snake was the son of the White
God-on-High and that he who had killed it, was the son of the Red
God-on-High. 92) But in another dynastic legend, the same Kao-tzu is
said to have been the son of the Black God-on-High to whom he erected
the Northern Sacred Palace. 93) The Historian Pan K'u (32-92 A.D.)
remarked, indeed, that the Han emperors had hesitated for several
generations about the virtue by which they had obtained the mandate
to rule. When they finally reached the decision, their choice was the
virtue of Fire. Consequently, Red was adopted as the colour of the
Han dynasty. 94)
It is evident that such a conception of the Supreme God had great
inconveniences; for the Five Agents were applied not only to the
succession of time but also to the extension of space. For this reason,
91) Gustave Schlegel, Uranographie Chinoise, Leiden, 1875, Book I, chapter I.

92) Burton Watson (tr.), Records of the Grand Historian of China, (New
York, 1961), vol. I, p. 8o.
93) Ibid., vol. 2, p. 3I.
94) Pan Ku, Han Shu, ch. 25 "The treatise on the suburban sacrifices," part 2,
ff. I3-I4.
NUMEN XVI 9
130 Joseph Shih
the Five Gods-on-High ruled not only successively according to the

order of the Five Agents whose virtue they commanded, but also
simultaneously each one in the region where the virtue of his Agent
was believed to dominate. Thus, the Yellow God-on-High ruled in the
Central Palace; the Green God-on-High in the Eastern Palace, the
Red God-on-High in the Southern Palace; the White God-on-High
in the Western Palace; and the Black God-on-High in the Northern
Palace. This led inevitably to the practices of offering sacrifices to
all Five Gods-on-High at separate Sacred Palaces. 95) These were
strongly objected to by some Confucian officials as incompatible with
the tradition of the sage kings.
To remedy the abuses a restoration of the pristine Suburban sacri-
fice was undertaken. This happened during the reign of the emperor
Cheng (the 9th ruler of the dynasty) at the recommendation of his
Confucian minister K'ung Hen. But what was restored then, was no
longer a single sacrifice to Heaven as the Heavenly King; it was
actually a double sacrifice to both Heaven and Earth as two co-ordi-
nated agents of creation. Here too the influence of the new theology
must be active. We read indeed from the memorial of K'uang Hen
such an explanation: "The sage kings did not institute the ceremonies
of the Suburban sacrifices casually; the sacrifice to Heaven is to be
held at the Southern suburb. Its purpose is to conform to the Yang
principle. The sacrifice to Earth is to be held at the Northern suburb.
Its purpose is to symbolize the Yin principle." 96) Similar conceptions
are also found in the hymns sung at the Han Suburban sacrifices. Here
is but one example:
Hail the Supreme Principle.
Hail the most venerable Goddess
You govern heaven and earth
Form the four seasons
Regulate the sun and moon
Moderate the constellations and stars
And turn round and round
The Yin-yang and Five Agents.97)
A final and lasting effect of the Yin-yang theory on the conception
of the Supreme God was the exaltation of God T'ai-i. Tai-i means the
95) H. H. Dubs, art. cit., pp. 255-256.

96) Pan Ku, Han Shu, ch. 25, part 2, f. 9.
97) Ibid., ch. 22 "The treatise on rites and musics," f. I9.
The Notions of God in the Ancient Chinese Religion I3I
Great One. It had been a name of Tao. 98) As such, it had designated
a moon-god. 99) The cult of God T'ai-i had something to do with the
pursuit of immortality. It was probably for that purpose that Emperor
Wu had been a devotee of this cult. 100) But viewed through the models
of the Yin-yang school, God T'ai-i came to be visualized by the pole-
star. Consequently, he was believed to reside above the pivot of the
celestial vault and to act before the separation of heaven and earth. 101)
It was then that he was recognized as "the greatest among all heavenly
gods," and that the Five Gods-on-High were said to be "no more than
the helpers of the Great One." 102) It is interesting to note that before
the official institution of the double suburban sacrifice, the sacrifice
to God T'ai-i was often coupled with the sacrifice to Sovereign Earth.
After the institution of the double suburban sacrifice, His name was
still invoked in a hymn addressed to Heaven and Earth as One who
was supposed to enjoy the Suburban sacrifice:
Dressed in variegated silk,
A thousand boys and girls
Dance in eight ranks
to delight God T'ai-i. 103)
All these indicate that in the Han religion God T'ai- is effectively in-
stalled on the throne of the Supreme God, left vacant through the
quintuplication of God-on-High and the de-personification of Heaven.
IV. THE MOON, THE SKY, AND THE POLE-STAR
To believe in the Supreme God is one thing; another thing is to con-

ceive of Him in a way consistent with one's way of living and thinking.
In the pages, that precede, we have shown how the Chinese people had
believed in the Supreme God from the very beginning of their history.
But their way of conceiving of Him varied throughout the formative
period of their nation.
98) "Tao is something that is extremely fine. It can not be seen describednor
named. If one insists nevertheless in doing so, he may call it Tai i (the Great
One)." Cited from Lii-shih ch'un-ch'iu(The Spring and Autumn of Sir Lii Pu-
wei), Bk 5, chap. 2: ta-yiieh pien (chapter on the great musics).
99) Pan Ku, Han Shu, ch. 22, f. I9.
Ioo) Burton Watson, op. cit., vol. 2, pp. 50-54.
IOI) Hsii Ti-shan, "Tao-chia ssu-hsiang yii Tao-chiao," (The philosophicaland
religious Taoism), Yen Ching Journal (I927), n. 2, p. 280.
I02) Burton Watson, op. cit., vol. 2, p. 50.
103) Pan Ku, Han Shu, ch. 22, f. 19.
132 Joseph Shih
Under the Shang dynasty, the government of China was rudimen-

tary. It was essentially a clan organization. The life of the people
centered then around the ancestral temple. The ancestor worship
formed indeed the core of their religion and fashioned their views on
God, nature and men, as is evident from their iconography and my-
thology, in which the moon occupied a pre-eminent place. It was quite
natural that God-on-High, their Supreme God, came to be visualized
through the moon and was somewhat shadowed by it.
The government of Chou China was erected from the federation of
several tribal communities, cemented by their common belief in the
Supreme God whom they hailed as Heaven. Compared with God-on-
High, Heaven was more active in the events of the nation and less
bound to the cycle of the seasons. His will was, therefore, more con-
scientiously respected. Like God-on-High, He was the lord of nature
but, as a prototype of the Chou kings, He was honored above all as
the guardian of the moral order, that is, the founder and defender of
the Chinese civilization.
The rulers of Ch'in-Han dynasties arrogated to themselves the title
of emperor (huang-ti) which differed significantly from that of king
(wang). A king ruled over a society; he was the guardian of a par-
ticular civilization. An emperor governed the whole world; he was
responsible not only for civilization but also for creation. The Chinese
saying "dew in spring and frost in autumn are nothing but benefits
from the emperor" betrays exactly this belief. Hence it is evident that
the Supreme God of the Ch'in-Han religion must be the sole universal
Lord of the universe. The Five Gods-on-High and the couple Heaven
and Earth, were but poor substitutes. They were, more properly
speaking, symptoms of a religious metamorphosis and heralds of a
coming God - God T'ai-i who, with the pole-star as His image, did
appear to be endowed with the necessary qualifications to hold this
highest dignity.
The moon, the sky, and the pole-star: these were, therefore, the three
symbols of the Supreme God used in the ancient Chinese religion.
They had been adopted successively and had prevailed one after the
other: the moon in the Shang dynasty, the sky in the Chou dynasty,
and the pole-star in the Han dynasty. However, a religious symbol dies
hard. Once introduced it tends to stay indefinitely and to revive in many
guises. Thus, under the Chou dynasty when Heaven had been exalted
as the Supreme God, God-on-High remained unchanged. It is true that

the two were then formally recognized as being one and the same deity.
Still, on certain occasions they received distinct sacrifices. Again, un-
der the Han dynasty, sacrifices were offered separately to the Five
Gods-on-High, to Heaven and Earth, and to God T'ai-i. Yet, at the
same time these sacrifices were indifferently identified as sacrifices
to Heaven or to God-on-High. Confronted with such evidences, our
previous statement ought to be modified. The three symbols of the
Supreme God had been adopted successively - but once adopted they
were used simultaneously. They had prevailed one after the other -
but only to the extent that the predominance of the one did not exclude
the continual existence of the other. In other words, the moon, the
sky, and the pole-star had been introduced successively into the ancient
Chinese religion as the symbols of the Supreme God. But once intro-
duced they remained and continued to symbolize one and the same
Supreme God.
But the simultaneous use of several different symbols of the Su-
preme God poses a serious theological problem which can not be dis-
missed simply by stating that some of these symbols are "survivals"
of earlier forms of religion; for, as E. O. James has observed, "sur-
vivals" have survived because there are reasons for their continual
existence. 104) Hence, questions are to be raised as to why God-on-
High had persisted under the Chou dynasty and why both Heaven and
God-on-High had persisted under the Han dynasty. For reasons that
shall become clear to us latter one, we shall consider the two questions
separately.
It seems that there were two reasons for the continual existence of
God-on-High in Chou times. The one derived from the nature of the
symbolism itself. Owing to the analogy with the moon, God-on-High
represented a Supreme God that had revealed Himself particularly as
a fertility god. As such, he was more aptly invoked in such occasions
as those of asking for good years and posterity; for Heaven, on the
other hand, being the prototype of the Chou king, was above all the
guardian of the moral order. Chavannes' observation of the constant
association between the ancestors and God-on-High was therefore very
o04) History of Religion 2, (London, Hodder and Stoughton, I964) p. 206.

I34 Joseph Shih
pertinent. Unfortunately he neglected the equally important relation be-

tween the latter and the fertility of the soil. Otherwise he would not
have recurred to that rigid dichotomy of the animistic and naturalistic
cults in the ancient Chinese religion.
The second reason for the continual existence of God-on-High in
Chou times was the uneven cultural change in the Chou society. These
were indeed two sharply divided classes in the Chou society. These
were, in the words of the philosopher Men Ko (about 372-285 B.C.),
those "who labour with their minds" and those "who labour with their
strength." The division was then institutionalized by what the same
philosopher called "a principle universally recognized," that is: "those
who labour with their minds govern others; those who are governed by
others are governed by others. Those who are governed by others sup-
port them; those who govern others are supported by them." 105) Ac-
cordingly, it was quite understandable that Heaven had found readier
acceptance by the ruling class, for after all it was to their interest to
have the social order thus guaranteed. The people, on the other hand,
who had to live by working on the land, continued to be influenced by
God-on-High who, as a fertility god, was indeed more significant to
them. Thus, side by side with Heaven who was honored principally by
the Chou aristocrats, God-on-High came to command the religiosity of
the people at large. Perhaps it was not a mere accident that Confucius,
whose God was Heaven, was once ridiculed for "not using his two
hands and not being able to distinguish the five kinds of grain." 106)
The survival of God-on-High in Chou times was a fact easily recog-
nizable, for, despite His formal identification with Heaven, He had
retained much of His original characteristics. This indeed was possible
only because He was still a living God when the apotheosis of Heaven
took place. Such however was not the case with Heaven and God-on-
High at the moment when the Ch'in-Han religion took shape. Conse-
quently, their survival in the new religion was not so readily noticed.
Yet we know that under the Han dynasty the Five Gods-on-High re-
ceived the suburban sacrifices. Shouldn't this induce us to think that
they were in fact Heaven or God-on-High under a new guise? We
believe that there are reasons for thinking so.
I05) James Legge, C.C., vol. II, pp. 125-126.

Io6) James Legge, C.C., vol. I, p. I99.
Indeed, the Five Gods-on-High were an effect of the Yin-yang and

Five Agents theory which had appealed to the Ch'in-Han rulers chiefly
owing to its teaching on the dynastical cycles. Now this teaching con-
sisted essentially in two notions that purported to define the relation
of a secular ruler to the Heavenly God. These were kan-sheng and
sheu-ming, namely "to be born though the miraculous influence of
God" and "to receive the mandate to rule." It is not difficult to recog-
nize that these were precisely what the Shang and Chou kings had
claimed for themselves with regard to God-on-High and Heaven.
Hence it may be concluded that the Five Gods-on-High fulfilled exact-
ly the same function in the Han religion as God-on-High and Heaven
had done in the Shang and Chou times. In other words, they were a
Han version of God-on-High and Heaven.
Compared to the original, the new version had one obvious advan-
tage. It was a more comprehensive notion which embodied in itself
both the telluric and uranic symbolisms. Thus, unlike Heaven and God-
on-High who, though identified with each other, represented however
asunder two distinct functions of the Supreme God, the Five Gods-
on-High were endowed with necessary qualities both as a fertility God
and the guardian of the moral order. Presumably this had a certain
part in their ousting of the already fading figures of Heaven and God-
on-High.
But the new version had also serious drawbacks. We have shown
how it had led to the separate sacrifices of all Five Gods-on-High,
thus compromising the belief in the unity of the Supreme God. Still,
that was a relatively less important defect, for it had been somehow
remedied by degrading the Five Gods-on-High to the rank of demiurges
and exalting God T'ai-i to the dignity of the One Supreme God. The
really disastrous drawback of this notion was its distortion of the
meaning of the Mandate of Heaven. As first propounded by the Duke
of Chou, the doctrine of the Mandate of Heaven did have a propa-
gandistic purpose. But that did not prevent it from deriving its con-
tent from a genuine religious experience. In fact, it taught that Heaven
was not bound to any particular family. He could give His Mandate
to the family, which pleased Him by the virtues of its members, and
take it away from the same family whenever it incurred His dis-
pleasure. It is easy to recognize that this doctrine is based on the belief
in the absolute dominion of the Supreme God revealed through the
I36 Joseph Shih
hierophanies of the sky. 107) In the Yin-yang and Five Agents school,
however, the Mandate of Heaven was understood otherwise. It was no
longer conceived as the expression of a free will but the inexorable
consequence of the rotation of the Five Agents, visible in the regular
motions of the heavenly bodies. The Five Gods-on-High, whose own
supremacy depended on the outcome of such rotation, had of course
no say in this matter. But even God T'ai-i would not interfere with this
process; for, like the pole-star, He belonged to the world of the motion-
less and was supposed to govern by non-action.
Thus, the successive rise of the moon, the sky, and the polestar as
the symbol of the Supreme God and their simultaneous use in the an-
cient Chinese religion have introduced us to the mystery of the names
of God. We shall illustrate some aspects of this complicated subject by
discussing a few examples mentioned above.
Men did not create God. Nor, properly speaking, did they create
the notions of God which were prompted in them by whatever of the
divine they found within and without themselves. But once a notion
of God had been formed, it would be communicated to different per-
sons and handed down from one generation to another. To be under-
stood and accepted, it would have to be interpreted, illustrated, recon-
structed, adapted... occasionally it would be even falsified so that not
all notions of God had the same value. They had to be judged individ-
ually each one according to its own merits, above all, its truth, rele-
vancy, and adequacy.
We tend generally to judge the truth of a notion by comparing it
with a similar one which is more familiar to us. To the Christians,
for example, the notion of Heaven seems to be true whereas that of
the Five Gods-on-High is evidently false, for the former is compatible
with the Christian conception of God whereas the latter is contradicted
by it. Asked as to how they know that their notion of God is a true
one, the Christians would not hesitate to answer that it is because it
agrees with the Revelation given in Jesus-Christ. To a certain extent
this answer is valid for all religions. Also in the Chinese religion, a
notion of God is true so long it derives ultimately from a genuine
apprehension of the divine and remains faithful to its content. Judged
by this norm, the notion of Heaven, as appears in the doctrine of
107) Cfr. Mirca Eliade Le sacre et le profane (Collection idees, Paris, Galli-
mard, I965) pp. IOO-IOI.
the Mandate of Heaven propounded by the Duke of Chou, is a true

notion of God, for it does derive from the genuine perception of the
hierophany of the sky in which the Chou people had encountered their
Supreme God, and does remain faithful to its original content, namely
the belief in his absolute dominion. The notion of the Five Gods-on-
High, on the contrary, was a false one. As a new version of Heaven,
it derives ultimately also from the sky hierophany. But through its
adaptation to the cosmogony of the Yin-yang and Five Agents school
it had betrayed their original message. Indeed, as we have shown, the
Five Gods-on-High are not absolutely free. They no longer represent
the Supreme God that revealed Himself in the form of the sky.
The relevancy of the notion of God is seen in its appeal to men.
To be so, it must satisfy two necessary conditions. First, it must
respond to men's vital interests. Second, it must keep its promise.
As personified by the mythical emperor Yao and honored in the
Suburban sacrifice, Heaven appeared above all to be the Guardian of
the moral order. As such, He responded to the need of those who
were interested in maintaining the established order. So, in early
Chou times, Heaven was indeed a relevant notion of God to the Chou
aristocrats. However, to the mass of people whose only concern was
to gain a living through working on the land God-on-High was far more
significant. To them Heaven was, therefore, less relevant. Again, in
the late Chou period, the Chou order collapsed so that the events denied
what Heaven seemed to have promised. Then, it was that Heaven
came to be disenchanted and deprived all together of its efficacy as
a symbol of God.
At the first glance, the adequacy of a notion of God seems to be
very different from its relevancy. Heaven, for instance, was a notion
of God relevant to the Chou aristocratic society. It was not, however,
an adequate notion of God because it represented only one aspect of
the divine perfection. But this is not the sense in which we take the
word, for we do not refer it to the fact that a notion exhaustes the
reality of its object. No notion could ever be adequate in this sense.
We refer it rather to the capacity of a notion of God to cope with
the religious consciousness of a given society at a definite moment
of its history. Taken in this sense, the adequacy of a notion of God
is often hardly distinguishable from its relevancy. We shall illus-
trate this point with the following example.
138 Shih, The Notions of God in the Ancient Chinese Religion
In the early years of the Shang dynasty, when the Chinese society
was still relatively homogeneous, God-on-High - being related to
Earth as well as to the royal ancestors, and honored both as a ferti-
lity God and the Guardian of the moral order - was indeed an adequate
expression of the religious consciousness of this society. 1ut the sit-
uation did not last. With the rise of the Chou dynasty, God-on-High
came to be suspected of partiality because of His alleged affinity
to the former royal house. Consequently, He was replaced by Heaven
as the Guardian of the moral order. However, He kept his function
of a fertility God and, in this capacity, continued to receive the sub-
urban sacrifice in the spring and to be honored by the mass of people.
We have explained how the continual existence of God-on-High under
the Chou dynasty was an effect of the uneven cultural change. This
amounts to saying that neither Heaven nor God-on-High could cope
with the religious consciousness of the Chou society as a whole, each
being relevant only to a part of its population. In other words, neither
of them was an adequate notion of God.
It is a very significant fact that, already in the formative period
of the Chinese empire, neither Heaven nor God-on-High was an ade-
quate notion of God any longer. We see in this the main cause for
some unpleasant phenomena that plagued particularly the traditional
religion of this nation. We refer namely to the phenomena of schism,
syncretism, and idolatry. The schism has appeared not only in the
different cults fostered by the ruling class and the mass of people, but
also in the various ways of conceiving of the Supreme God on the
various occasions of the celebration. The syncretism has been evident
above all in the simultaneous practice of a variety of forms of religion.
Finally, the adolatry has been indulged in by adoring such gods as
the Five Gods-on-High, the couple Heaven and Earth, and God T'ai-i,
who, having betrayed their original message, have become more the
creatures of the human mind than the images of the living God. No
one is more aware of these aberrations than the Chinese themselves.
Indeed, from Confucius up to the modern iconoclasts and religious
reformers, the prophetic words of condemnation have never ceased
to be heard.
SALVATION PRESENT AND FUTURE
BY
DAVID FLUSSER
Jerusalem
Since Albert Schweitzer, the importance of eschatology for original

Christianity has rightly been stressed. Later, a further point entered
the scholarly discussion: If Christianity at its very beginnings expected
that "the present generation will live to see" Christ's second coming
(Mk. XIII, 30), these hopes were not fulfilled. How much did this
frustated belief change the original structure of Christianity? Many
think that this "Parousieverz6gerung" was the decisive turning-point
in Christian faith, which almost utterly changed its structure. Accord-
ing to this opinion non fulfilled eschatological expectations caused
that it is worth rethinking this thesis, because in its outspread form
of Christian thought: instead of expecting their salvation in future,
Christians learned to look back. Their hopes now became based upon
the salvation which already took place through Christ. It seems to me
that it its worth rethinking this thesis, because in its outspread form
it does not fit the facts as reflected in ancient Christian sources and
study of parallel phenomena in history of religions does not confirm it.
In the present paper we wish merely to bring some considerations to
bear upon this complex problem, basing ourselves mainly upon some
Christian movements, both ancient and modern, and upon some non-
Christian phenomena.
For a full discussion it would be proper to take also in account
the modern messianic movements of aboriginal peoples and to see
how they react when the expected liberation does not take place. Al-
though a comparison between Christian eschatology and "messianic"
movements, which are not deeply influenced by Christian thought, has
a specific value, chiliastic movements within the three monotheistic
religions are also of greate interest for a better understanding of
Christian origins. The same forces operate in them which once gave
birth to Christianity and the renewal of these forces in another en-
vironment can teach us about their original nature.
140 David Flusser
The contemporary negro movement, the Black Muslims, is basically

rooted in Christian traditions; the Moslem influence on it being im-
portant but superficial. Black Muslims have their own eschatology 1):
the Christian era, as well as the six thousand years during which the
white race has dominated the world, will expire about A.D. 2000. The
destruction of the world will definitively occur some time before that
year and the year I970 has been suggested by the spiritual head of
the movement, although the "exact day is known only to Allah". That
the day is coming all "Muslims" believe. Adult Muslims spoke about
it in I959 and some actually looked for signs in the skies on fine
summer evenings. When they see some thing of interest, they alert
their neighbours and friends either by word of mouth or by telephone.
"Some Muslims", said a prominent member of the movement -,
"are unhappy because the final judgment or the Last Day hasn't ar-
rived soon enough". Others are not, however, intensely preoccupied
with expectation of the "Last Day". Some do not expect it to happen
in their lifetime. There is a statement of a Black Muslim sister which
is of greatest importance for our discussion: "For me the day itself
comes into my mind seldom. It is not that it is not important. We
have a work to do. We do not know when it will come, maybe today
or a long time from now. In any case, we can't put all hope on one
day." Believers are often more perceptive than scholars who study
their believes. We can only add to the statement that the expectation
itself and its ideological content, especially the movement and its social
meaning ("we have a work to do"), is more important than the precise
date of salvation and its delay. There is another reason why for the
Black Muslims the "eschaton" is not so eagerly expected. Twenty
high-school and thirty five seventh- and eighth-grade students at the
University of Islam, the spiritual centre of Black Muslims, were asked
whether they would want to see the final judgment in the immediate
future. Not one of them was ready for it. The most frequently given
reason for wanting a delay was that they have not attained the degree
i) See E. U. Essien-Udom, Black Nationalism, The Rise of Black Muslims

in the U.S.A., Penguin Books, 1966, pp. II5-132.
About the two other modern chiliastic movements,which will be treated in this
article see Yona Malachy, Jehovah's Witnesses and their Attitude toward Judaism
and the Idea of Return to Zion, in Herzl Year Book, Vol. V, 1963, pp. I75-208;
idem, Seventh Day Adventists and Zionism, ibidem, Vol. VI, 1964-5, pp. 265-301.
Salvation Present and Future I4I
of "righteousness" which would qualify them. Some felt that they had
not lived enough to enjoy the "things of this world". A member of the
movement said too: "I would be sad to leave parents and close rel-
atives behind to be destroyed. It would be a dreadful day for me and
I would say, give them one more chance". Such feelings are a well
known undesired consequence of eschatological teachings.
Precise prediction of years of the eschatological drama was not
completely absent from Jewish and Christian speculations in antiquity,
but in comparison with medieval and modern chiliasm it was evidently
extremely rare. From the Middle Ages until today the search for dates
is one of the most typical occupations of eschatological movements. But
what happens when the expected year passes without the event? Are
the chiliasts cured by this from their illusion and does the movement
disappear? Although I do not want to underestimate the damage and
desertions which follow the disappointment of the believer, it is clear
that discovery of a crucial mistake in prediction does not cause the
end of the chiliastic movement. Hussite chiliasts predicted an apocalyp-
tical destruction of mankind; only five towns in Bohemia will remain
- an idea originating from Isa. XIX, I8. One of the towns was
originally Pisek, a small township in southern Bohemia; later it changed
to Pilsen, "the City of the Sun" and finally Pilsen was supplanted by
Tabor, the newly founded centre of the Taborites. World destruction
should have taken place at Pentecost, A.D. I420, but when the predic-
tion failed to eventuate, later dates were suggested. 2)
The Hussite chiliastic movement flourished for only two years
(1419-1421); it degenerated, became excentric and was finally sup-
pressed by Hussite leaders and its members killed. Although chiliastic
trends appear sometimes also in later Hussitism, the apocalyptic move-
ment itself was too shortlived to represent an example of structural
changes which could be caused by frustrated hopes of the Second
Coming of Christ. Fortunately there are enough religious groups which
do provide us with such examples and whose members live even in
present times.
Adventists date from 1831; they maintain that the Second Coming
of Christ is to be expected immediately. Primarily their opinion was
that this event would happen in I843-4. As the year passed unevent-
2) See, e.g. J. Macek, Ta'bor I (Prague, 1952), pp. 250-I; II Prague, 1955),
pp. 53-4, 64.
142 David Flusser
fully, numerous dates were suggested. In his later years, the founder
of the movement became less ready to pronounce dates. Differences of
opinion on this subject produced schism. After the expected Second
Coming of Christ failed to be realized in I844 Seventh-Day Adventists
constituted themselves as a separate body; they began to observe Sab-
bath instead of Sunday. Until today, there have been no serious
structural changes in Adventist movement; they believe that the Scrip-
tures provide the unerring rule of faith and practice and that the return
of Christ to earth is imminent.
Jehovah's Witnesses, a sect of American origin, was founded by
C. T. Russel in 1872. The centre of his message was the belief in the
near end of the world for all save his own adherents, who would be
the sole members of the Messianic Kingdom; the Second, secret Advent
of Christ will take place in 1874 and the end of world in I9I4. The
outbreak of war in this year, though very different from the millenium
which he had prophecied for that year, increased his popularity. His
ideas were developed in a still more anarchistic way by J. F. Ruther-
ford: he held that Christ had really, but invisibly, returned in I9I4
and that the final Armageddon between God and Satan was imminent,
though no precise date was fixed. The sect flourishes up to the present
day, its views are practically unchanged, although its prophecies failed.
We have adduced only two examples of modern eschatological move-
ments. The common feature of such sects is that the patterns of their
belief remain constant, although they have to postpone the date of
salvation; today all these groups have abandoned the temptation of
predicting eschatological chronology, although the fixed date of re-
demption was the cause of their very existence. Thus, these move-
ments exist, preserving their eschatological tension, without essentially
changing the original meaning of their religious message. The space of
time between the foundation of Jehovah's Witnesses until today is the
same as from Jesus' crucifixion to the martyrdom of Ignatius of
Antioch. Adventists already exist as long as the time from Jesus' death
to Melito of Sardes' writing of his Pascal Homily and Justin Martyr's
martyrdom at Rome. The last believed in millenium and, according to
his words, also "many others are of this opinion and believe that such
will take place, but, on the other hand... many who belong to the
pure and pious faith, and are true Christians, think otherwise". 3)
3) JustinMartyr,Dialoguscum Tryphone80-I.
Salvation Present and Future 143
As already said, since Middle Ages the formation of eschatological

movements has mostly been conditioned by the fixing of the date of
future redemption. Such phenomena, although they existed were not
typical in antiquity. Where there was no date or when it was not
central, no decisive disappointment could arise when the prophecy failed.
We have seen that the modern millenarist sects, though seriously
handicapped by their own dates of salvation, have subsisted without
essential change during a period whose length sufficed in current
Christianity to accomplish the edifice of the Church and its doctrinal
fundaments. Thus we may ask, if the so-called Parousieverzbgerung
was such a decisive factor for structural changes in original Christianity
as it is often supposed today. But before answering the question,
mention should be made of the various trends in early Christianity: it
was by no means a monolithic movement.
The principal source of our knowledge about Jesus are the Synoptic
Gospels. It seems that the idea of Jesus' vicarious death was completely
lacking in the original stratum of Synoptic tradition 4), although such
an interpretation of the Cross is in accordance with the Jewish concept
of martyrdom. It is also significant for our purpose that even the
extant Synoptic Gospels do not speak explicitly about Jesus' incarnation
and that the story about Jesus' birth is absent from Mark. 5) He also
only mentions Jesus' resurrection without describing it. The other
Gospels bring new different descriptions of apparitions of the resur-
rected Lord. The question of the Messianic self-consciousness of Jesus
is difficult to answer not only because of Jesus himself, but also
because of obscurities in the sources. It will not help our present
investigation to try to know what really happened and what is the
meaning of these events, but one thing is clear: in the Synoptic tra-
dition motifs of Christology, though existing to some extent, are not
4) The two unequivocalstatements about Jesus' vicarious sacrifice in the Synop-

tic Gospelsare Mk. X, 45 (Mt. XX, 28, cf. Lk. XXII, 27) and Mk. XIV, 24 (Mt.
XXVI, 28; Lk XXII, I9-20); in the first case, Luke, who is more original, does
not reflect the idea of Jesus' sacrifice; in the second case the decisive passage is
lacking in the important Codex Bezae and in two ancient translations,also reflec-
ting the Western text. See D. Flusser, Jesus (Reinbek bei Hamburg, I968),
pp. 60 (and note 8o), II3-5 (and note 203). Un the whole question see also Morna
D. Hooker, Jesus and the Servant, London, I959.
5) See D. Flusser, Jesus, p. I6.
I44 David Flusser
developed. Thus, in those circles in which the Synoptic tradition was

formed, Christology did not have the same importance as in "Pauline"
Christianity and in later Church. But it must be stressed-and we
shall repeat it - that Christology was not invented as an answer to the
delay of Advent: Christological motifs are almost all present in some
way in Synoptic tradition. Paul, for whom the present salvation by
Christ was so central, lived in a strong expectation of the Second
Coming of Christ. The book of Revelation, which is itself an expression
of eschatological hopes, contains a very developed Christology. Its
author was himself a Hebrew-thinking Jewish Christian. Christology
is not a product of Hellenistic Christianity. It seems that it was de-
veloped in Jewish Christian circles, different from those in which the
Synoptic tradition was formed.
It could seem that in such Christian trends, in which the idea of
salvation through the incarnation, death and resurrection of Christ was
weak or existed only partially, the longing for the Second Coming was
stronger, because for such - Jewish Christian - groups the salvation
did not happen in the past but must be awaited in the eschaton. Un-
fortunately the documentation about the messianic hope of various
Jewish Christian groups in the first century is very poor and inco-
herent, but even so we now possess sufficient references to show that
the situation was more complex than could have been imagined. Until
recently, the only outstanding Jewish Christian group which was known
was the Ebionite sect. Now the situation has changed: S. Pines dis-
covered in an Arabic treatise, written around the year Iooo, a Jewish
Christian source, the greatest part of its material being from early
centuries of Christianity. The source reflects traditions and opinions
of a Jewish Christian sect, different from the Ebionites and very
probably identical with the Nazarenes of the Church Fathers. 6)
Thanks to Pines' discovery it has become clear that both the Ebio-
nites and the Nazarenes agreed on one central point: for both Jesus'
6) See S. Pines, The Jewish Christians of the Early Centuriesof Christianity

According to a New Source, in: The Israel Academy of Science and Humanities
Proceedings, Vol. II, No. I3; "Israel, My Firstborn" and the Sonship of Jesus,
in: Studies in Mysticism and Religion, Jerusalem, 1967, pp. I7-I90; Judaeo-
Christian Materials in an Arabic Jewish Treatise, in: American Academy for
Jewish Research Proceedings, Vol. XXXV, 1967, pp. 187-217.See also D. Flusser,
Die Christenheitnach dem Apostelkonzil,in: Antijudaismusim Neuen Testament,
Miinchen, I967, pp. 65-75.
Salvation Present and Future I45
main function was to be a prophet and not the Messiah. As is known,

the Ebionites saw in Jesus the "true prophet". This concept was only
a part of their special doctrine: they believed that the coming of the
true Prophet Jesus abolished the old temporal "three powers", the
prophecy, the kingdom and the priesthood. 7) This true prophet had
also appeared previously in various guises throughout history, from
the beginning of the world. None of these - and other - special
Ebionite doctrines are professed by the original authors of the Naza-
rene texts, 8) but for them too Jesus is simply a prophet, and we
never read that he was the expected Jewish Messiah. 9) Thus, the
concept of Jesus as the Prophet has its origin in the first generations
of Jesus' disciples. It can already be found in the Gospels and originates
from Jesus himself (see Luke 13, 33), while the question, if Jesus saw
himself as the Messiah, cannot be easily solved. Both the situation in
the Synoptic Gospels and the existence of two Jewish Christian groups,
which stressed the prophetic task of Jesus, make it certain, that already
at the beginning a part of Jesus' disciples saw in their master a prophet,
and perhaps not the Messiah at all. From this faction both Ebionites
and Nazarenes originated.
It could be supposed that such early Christian groups as Ebionites
and Nazarenes, which did not accept the Christology as developed e.g.
in Paulinism and which became the official doctrine of the Church,
saw salvation mainly in future, but the fact that Jesus' prophetic and
not the messianic task was the centre of their theological speculations
complicates this situation. The expectation of the Second Coming of
the Messiah, who will also bring political redemption, is surely a
decisive impulse for a chiliastic atmosphere, but the hope for a future
return of the Prophet has not per se the same impact upon the minds
of believers.
7) This idea is already hinted at in Mathew XII, 6, 41, 42 (Lk. XI 31, 32);
there is something greater than the temple, Jonah (the prophet) and Solomon
(the king). Thus, the originally Jewish idea of these "three powers" (see e.g.
Philo's Life of Moses II, Josephus, Ant. XIII 299) was applied to Jesus, probably
already in the source Q. The idea became important in the Ebionite sect (see G.
Strecker, Das Judenchristentum in den Pseudoklementinen, Berlin, 1958, p. 148).
We would suggest that Eusebius, hist. eccl. I 3, 7-13 is Ebionite, probably taken
from Hegesippus.
8) See Pines, Jewish Christians p. 12.
9) See D. Flusser, Die Christenheit nach dem Apostelkonzil pp. 66-7.
NUMEN XVI IO
I46 David Flusser
Moreover, there is a further point, which could cause a weakening

of eschatological tension in these circles. There are today scholars
and thinkers who maintain that the belief in Jesus as the Messiah was
created by the apparitions of the Resurrected to his disciples. The truth
is that these visions could only confirm a faith which existed before
and was weakened by the catastrophe of cruxifixion. It must also be
remembered that the idea of a Messiah who will arise from death and
ascend the heavens was foreign to Judaism. The idea of resurrection
and ascension already existed among the Jews but it was by no means
a proof for messianic dignity. There is also, as far as can be seen, no
instance showing that resurrection should be the crown and conse-
quence of the expiatory death of a martyr. Thus it is improbable that
Jesus' resurrection was interpreted already in the first years in the
light of later Christology and there is no reason why even later all
Christian groups should understand the apparitions of the resurrected
Jesus as a decisive Christological event. What was then more natural
than to see in these apparitions mere parallels to the assumptions of
Enoch, Moses or Jeremiah, or to the apparitions of Elijah or to the
resurrection of John the Baptist? 10)
If a Jewish Christian group saw in Jesus only a prophet and in his
resurrection not a central event of faith, then the way was paved for a
progressive weakening of the whole eschatological tension. This is what
happened in the Nazarene sect when it came into conflict with the
Church. The Church, though not greatly interested in eschatology,
saw in the Messianic dignity of Jesus and in his resurrection important
components of the Christological drama, whose final stage will be
the Second Advent of Christ. The Nazarenes, like other Jewish Chris-
tian groups, opposed the Christology of the Church and this explains
why in the whole new Nazarene source the resurrection of Jesus is
never mentioned. It seems even probable that according to this Jewish
Christian source Jesus pronounced the last instructions to his disciples
(see Mt. 28, I9-20) not after his resurrection, but before, "he left this
world". 11) This group's polemic tendency against eschatology becomes
clear from their sectarian form of the Lord's Prayer; "Our father that
io) See D. Flusser, Die Christenheit,pp. 67-8.

ii) See D. Flusser,The Conclusionof Matthewin a New Jewish Christian
Source, in: Annual of the Swedish Theological Institute, Jerusalem,Vol. V, I967,
p. II3. In the new source Jesus is once mentioned,in a parodistic passage, as the
art in heaven, Your name is holy and Your dominion precious, Your
command is executed in the heaven and earth. Nothing that You de-
mand is beyond Your power and nothing that You wish is withheld
from You. Forgive us our sins and trespasses and do not punish us in
hell." 12) Thus the text of the prayer is so changed that even a slightest
possibility of its eschatological interpretation is radically eliminated. All
this shows that in a certain stage of their development the Nazarenes
not only weakened, but even practically abolished the eschatological as-
pect in their message.
The position of the other Jewish Christian group, the Ebionites, as
far as we can see from their doctrines, was different. Their dynamic
belief in the True Prophet, appearing in various shapes throughout
history, from Adam to Jesus, tended naturally to the eschaton, to the
Second Coming of Jesus. And indeed, at the end of the first century,
a chiliastic movement arose among the Ebionites: the Elchasaites. 13)
Their name is derived from the aramaic Elxai (or Elchasai), which
Epiphanius translated rightly "the hidden Power". 14) This name fits
the typical Ebionite (and Elchasaite) belief of successive incarnations
of the heavenly Power. The Elchasaites thought that this power was
at the beginning incarnated in Adam, later in Jesus and that it incar-
nates when it wants. 15) Thus the "Hidden Power" of the Elchasaites
is near to the "hidden (or inner) Adam" (adam kasia) of the Man-
eschatological judge (see Pines, Jewish Christians, p. 7); this need not be a hint
to his resurrectionafter the crucifixion.
12) S. Pines, "Israel My Firstborn" and the Sonship of Jesus (see above,
note 6), p. 184.
13) About the Elchasaites see G. Strecker, Elkesai, in: Reallexikon fur Antike
und Christentum, Stuttgart, 1959, pp. 1171-1186; J. Thomas, Le mouvement
baptiste en Palestine et Syrie, Gembloux, 1935, pp. 140-156; H. J. Schoeps, Theo-
logie und Geschichte des Judenchristentums, Tiibingen, 1959, pp. 325-334; K.
Rudolph, Die Mandaer I, G6ttingen, 1960, pp. 233-9; H. Waitz in: E. Hennecke,
Neutestamentliche Apokryphen2, Tiibingen, 1924, pp. 422-5; A. Harnack, Ge-
schichte der altchristlichenLiteratur2I, Leipzig, 1958, pp. 207-9, G. Allon, Jewish
History in Palestine in the Mishnaic and Talmudic Period, I, Tel Aviv, 1952,
pp. I88-I90 (hebrew). It can easily be shown that the Elchasaites were only a
faction in the Ebionite movement; even the name "The Great King" (Hippolyt
IX, I5; Epiphanius 19,3) appears in the Pseudoclementineliterature (Homilies,
Epistle of Clement to James, Chapter 13; XIII, I6) and in the Oracles of
Hystapes (Lactantius, Div. Inst. VII, I6, 24) and Orac. Sybill. III, 560.
14) Epiph. XIX, 2; the aramaic form is hjl ksj.
15) Epiph. XXX, 3; L III, i; Hipp. IX, I4; X 29.
I48 David Flusser
daeans. 16) The Elchasaites possessed a holy book of revelations "of

which they say that it has fallen from heaven". 17) According to the
Church Fathers, the prophet, who received the book was Elxai (or
Elchasai). We have already seen that the meaning of the name is "the
hidden Power". This could be the name of the prophet only if we
suppose that the man Elxai himself deemed to be an incarnation of
this Power, as earlier Simon Magus was thought to be "The Great
Power" of God (Acts VIII, io). This could be in accordance with the
doctrines of the sect, but the reports of the Church Fathers that the
fouder of the sect himself was named Elxai can be based on a confu-
sion: we learn from the sources that the seer received the book in a
vision from a being of colossal size which appeared to him together
with another, female, being of similar proportions 18): the male giver
of the book was the Son of God and the female the Holy Spirit. 19)
Thus it is easier to suppose that "Elxai" was not the seer, but the giver
of the "Book of Elxai", the Son of God, i.e. God's "Hidden Power".
In the apocryphal Testament of Isaac 20) an interesting prophecy
is preserved: "And hereafter twelve mighty ones shall come forth, and
Jesus the Messiah shall come of thy (Jacob's) seed of a virgin whose
name is Miriam, and God shall abide upon him till a hundred years
be fulfilled". 21) We shall soon see that the text is of Elchasaite origin;
thus the "twelve mighty ones" may be twelve incarnations before Jesus'
i6) About this concept see K. Rudolph, p. 15I-2.

17) Eusebius, hist. eccl. VI, 38; see also Hipp. IX, I3.
18) Mystical descriptions of immense measures of Godhood are known both
from Judaism ("shiur 'komah")and from the Gnosis. The idea that God has a
shape is clearly expressed in the I7th book of the Ebionite ClementineHomilies
and Recognitions III, 30.
19) See Hipp. IX, 13; Epiph XIX, 4; XXX 17; LIII, I.
20) The Arabic version (in English translation) was publishedby W E. Barnes
in: M. R. James, The Testament of Abraam, Cambridge,1892, pp. I40-I5I; the
Coptic version (in English translation) by S. Gaselee in: G. H. Box, The Testa-
ment of Abraham, London, I927, pp. 57-75.
21) James, p. I43; Box, p. 63. The English translationof the Copticversionruns:
"After these, therefore, there are twelve generations (yevea) that shall come from
thee, so that Jesus Christ may come forth from thy seed, from a virgin called
Mary, and God was with him until he had completed a hundred years". Thus,
the "twelve mighty ones" of the Arabic version correspondto the Coptic "twelve
generations". In the case of the end of the passage ("and God was ... years")
the Arabic version is surely to be preferred to the English translation of the
Coptic text: according to Genesis XXXV, 28 Isaac died at the age of I80 years.
birth. 22) The hundred years is the period between the first and second
coming of Christ; if we follow the wording of the source, it is more
logical to see their beginning in Christ's birth than in his resurrection.
This suggestion is confirmed by an important passage from the Book
of Elxai quoted by Hippolytus. According to this apocalypse "there
was preached unto men a new remission of sins in the third year of
Trajan's reign 23) and again when three years of the reign of the em-
peror Trajan are completed from the time that he subjected the Par-
thians to his own sway 24) - when (these) three years have been com-
pleted, war rages between the angels of impiety of the north; by this
event all kingdoms of impiety are in the state of confusion". 25) The
time of the new remission of sins is the third year of Trajan's reign,
i.e. the year Ioo-I.
We learn from extant fragments of the Ebionite Gospel that this
sect accepted the Lukan chronology 26) - and, as we have seen, the
Elchasaites were only a special group in the midst of the Ebionites. It
is known that our common date of Jesus' birth is a logical consequence
of the chronology in Luke 27) and it was not necessary to wait for
Dionysius Exiguus to perform this calculation. Thus according to the
prophecy of the Book of Elxai the date of the new remission of sins
will be a hundred years after the birth of Jesus and according to the
prophecy, contained in the Testament of Isaac, God shall abide upon
Christ "till a hundred years be fulfilled". We see that there was a
"chiliastic" expectation of the Second Coming of Christ in the year hun-
dred after his birth. The Testament of Isaac probably preserves this
expectation in the form as it existed before this fixed date and the Book
of Elxai in the version which was known to Hippolytus seems to have
changed the prophecy after that the year Ioo passed without the expected
event; now the third year of Trajan's reign became only the date of a
22) But see the preceding note. In a Christian addition to the Jewish Book of
Secrets of Enoch we read about "twelve priests" who will precede Christ. (Le
Livre des Secrets d'Henoch, texte slave et traduction francaise par A. Vaillant,
Paris, 1952, pp II5-7).
23) Hippolytus IX, I3, 3.
24) The text in the only extant manuscriptis corrupted.For the conjectures see
Wendland's edition, Leipzig, 1916, p. 255.
25) Hipp. IX, I6, 4.
26) A. Resch. Agrapha, Leipzig, I906 (Darmstadt, I967), pp. 221, 229.
27) For this computation see Louis Dupraz, De l'association de Tibere au
principat a la naissance du Christ, Fribourg, 1966, p. IOI.
I50 David Flusser
new remission of sins; but the third year of Trajan's reign after his
victory over the Parts will be the time of destruction of the wicked king-
doms. We cannot learn from the fragment if according to the Book of
Elxai this will be also the time of the Second Coming of Christ. What
we do know is that the catastrophe will follow the Roman victory over
Parthia and will be the consequence of the inner war between the wick-
ed angels of the north, these angels being evidently the demonic repre-
sentatives of the wicked kingdoms. The parallelism between the visible
and the invisible world is genuinely Persian; so is also the belief that
the wicked angels dwell in the north: according to the Persian religion
the north is the place of the wicked demons. 28) Thus, the connection of
the Elchasaite prophecy to Trajan's Parthian expedition is not acci-
dental. We even learn from Hippolytus (IX, I3,I) that the Book of
Elxai itself originated from Parthia; according to this author Elxai
received it "from the Seres of Parthia". 29)
In that time "Seres" was a designation of a nation which produced
silk and lived above India, i.e. the Chinese and Tibetans. As the trade
with Chinese silk passed through Parthia, the "Seres of Parthia" are
Chinese or Tibetans who came to the Parthian territory. Thus, the
Book of Elxai was supposed by its readers or by its author to be a sort
of "Chinese" or "Tibetan Gospel", a mysterious revelation from the
distant East. The Elchasaite prophecy about the destruction of the
wicked kingdoms in the third year after the Parthian defeat originates
probably in Ebionite circles in Parthia and is an expression of the
spirit of revenge after the Roman victory over the East.
It is practically certain that the expectation of salvation in the bird
year after Trajan's victory was then not limited to the Elchasaite move-
ment. There exists an interesting ancient Christian document, namely
the "Epistula apostolorum" which was discovered in Ethiopic and Cop-
28) See K. Rudolph,Die MandaerI, G6ttingen,I96o, index, s.v. Nordenand

especiallypp. 137, I79. Accordingboth to the Mandaeansand Manichaeansthe
northis a goodside.
29) About this name of nationsee e.g. A. Hermann,China,in: Reallexikon
fur Antike und Christentum, Vol II, Stuttgart, 1954, pp. I078-IIoo. According
to Josephus(Ant. I, 69-7I) two steles,containingheavenlywisdom,were erected
by the descendentsof Set andare untilnow in the landof Seiris (xaor&
y?v -r~v
lS;plc ). This land is almostsurelythe land of Seres. Josephus'wordsare an
interestingparallelto the origin of the Elchasaiterevelation"fromThe Seres
of Parthia".
Salvation Present and Future I5I
tic translations and Latin fragments. 30) The work is surely not Ebio-
nite or Elchasaite; to use a term, taken from later reality, it is orthodox
and originates from a group of Christians of Jewish origin which
accepts the importance of Paul's mission to the Gentiles. In the "Epis-
tula apostolorum" the resurrected Lord announces to his disciples the
date of his Second Advent 31): according to the Coptic version, it will
take place after I20 years and according to the Ethiopic version when
the year I50 will be completed. Although the wording of the two ver-
sions seems to indicate that these numbers have to be counted from the
resurrection, L. Gry 32) is probably right, when he suggests that the
original intention was to the space of time from Jesus' birth to his
Second Coming. Gry's suggestion is confirmed by the fact that the
year I20 after Jesus' birth of the Coptic version fits the second date
of Elchasaite expectation, namely the third year after Trajan's victory
(the year II9/I20). 33) It is probable that the difference of dates of
Advent in the two version - I20 years in the Coptic and I50 years
in the Ethiopic version - was caused by failling of the first expec-
tation. The progressive postponing of dates is, as we said before, the
destiny of all chiliastic movements.
The information we have collected shows that there were, at the end
of the first and in the first half of the second century, Christian groups
which expected eschatological events at a close, fixed date. We have
also seen that these Christians were prepared to postpone the date if the
expected day passed without events. This is a natural procedure in all
"chiliastic" movements. Such a delay of a date is in similar modem
movements only the first step towards the abolition of the searching
for dates at all, and this abolition does not mean that this movement
changed its religious structure and rejected its hopes for future. In
antiquity the disillusion at the failure of a prophecy was not as strong
as in medieval and modem times, because precise date of salvation was
30) See H. Duensingin: E. Hennecke,Neutestamentliche Band1,

Apokryphen3,
Tiibingen, 1959, pp. I26-I55.
3I) Duensing, pp. I34-5.
32) L. Gry, Le date de la parousie d'apres L'epistula apostolorum, in: Revue
biblique, Vol. 49 (1940), pp. 86-87.
33) It is possible that 20o years after Jesus' birth were also chosen, because,
according to Gen. VI, 3, the maximal age of man is 120 years. - About a Syrian
Christiantradition, connectedwith the year 119, see H. Windisch, Die Orakel des
Hystaspes, Amsterdam, 1929, p. 39.
152 David Flusser
then not a rule as in later times. Thus, Christianity could exist at least
for a long time without changing its content because of the so-called
"Parousieverzigerung".
We have to add to this point also other considerations. There is no
"messianic" movement which would be based exclusively upon an
eschatological expectation. Such a movement is always also characte-
rised by its faith, its "Weltanschauung". These concepts of God, human
history, social ideals and understanding of man's destiny have always
their impact upon the content of the special eschatological hope. Often
not only faith, but also the organisation of a "chiliastic" group or sect,
its relation to the surrounding world, and the indefinable human and
religious atmosphere within the community are decisive factors, which,
together with expectation of redemption, form the personality of the
believer and answer more or less his personal demands. This explains
why also such religious groups which have no developed theology or
whose raison d'etre is mainly the eschatological message, can subsist
a long space of time, even if their hopes so often failed to be fulfilled.
Survival and further flourishing of an eschatological religious move-
ment is safeguarded if the community possesses a developed and auto-
nomous theology and especially if its members believe not only that
their redemption will happen in future, but also that salvation was al-
ready offered to them according to divine design. An interesting illus-
tration of such an attitude are the Essenes. It is clear from the Dead
Sea Scrolls that this Jewish sect remained faithful to its eschatological
hope, though meantimes they came to the conclusion that this wicked
time will continue longer than biblical prophets foretold. The end of
this period was hidden from these ancient seers, but was revealed to
the Teacher of Righteousness, the founder of the Sect (Habbakuk
Commentary VII, I-I3). Essene eschatology was based upon the doc-
trine of double predestination: the members of the community, the
Sons of Light are God's elect, preordained for final redemption, while
the Sons of Darkness will be destroyed. This dualistic theology of
election and curse, together with the strict organisation of the Sect, led
to the view that the Sons of Light, chosen by God's providence, are
in a state of grace from the moment when they were accepted into
the community: at that time they received the gift of the Holy Spirit.
From these positions Essenes developed a deep anthropology which
expressed itself in the Thanksgiving Psalms: the unredeemed humanity
is in the sphere of the sinful flesh and the elect ones can overcome the
sin of flesh with the help of the spirit granted to them. It is clear that
per se such an anthropology does not strictly need a redemption in
future, for the function of such a redemption can only be to complete
the salvation which already occured. Indeed, it is a fact that in the
Thanksgiving Scroll the political aspect of the final struggle between
the Sons of Light and the Sons of Darkness is not present; the escha-
tological events are there described only as cosmic happenings, as a
struggle between demonic powers. But even so, Esseness' hope in their
near victory in the last days never left them. During all the years when
the Sect existed Essenes believed, so to say, in three stages of salvation:
the first is the preordained election, the second, when the grace begins
to function at the moment when the elect entered the community and
the third is the eschatological redemption in future with its reward for
the elect.
It is more than probable that early Christian trend, which was the
base of the theology of John the Evangelist, Paul and the authors of
most other New Testament Epistles was deeply influenced by Essene
ideas. 34) Thus, there is no wonder that we find in the theology of
this trend the three Essene stages of redemption, but especially the
second received in Christianity a new meaning: the grace of salvation
of a Christian is caused by his faith in Christ's expiation of sins
through his death and resurrection. This belief became in the Church
the centre of Christian message but is was already the main theme of
Paul's preaching. Thus, there were at the very beginning of Christi-
anity important groups which believed that the act of salvation took
place in the past through Jesus Christ. Paul's attitude shows that in
such groups the hope for imminent Second Coming of Christ could be
as strong as in other early Christian groups which did not stress
Christology or where Christology practically did not exist. Paul's wit-
ness shows that the developed Christology existed already in the first
decades after Jesus' death and its structure proves that this belief did
not emerge as a consequence of the delay of the Second Coming.
Not only Paul, but also the Book of Revelation is an example for
the fact that Christology can be compatible with ardent desire for the
34) See D. Flusser,The Dead Sea and Pre-PaulineChristianity,in: Scripta

Hierosolymitana, Vol. IV, Aspects of the Dead Sea Scrolls, Jerusalem, I958,
pp. 2I5-266.
I54 David Fluzsser
eschaton. Both Ebionites and Nazarenes lacked the belief in salvation,

performed by the death and resurrection of Christ.
It would be natural to suppose that such Christian movements which
did not believe that they are already saved by Christ, had a strong
longing for future redemption. Unfortunately we do not know how
strong was the chiliastic element in the Nazarene group at its very be-
ginning; in any case, the newly discovered Nazarene texts show that
this Jewish Christian group which had no interest in Christology, fi-
nally abandoned all acute eschatological expectations. The other Jewish
Christian group, the Ebionites, professed a kind of futuristic Christo-
logy. No wonder that in their midst Elchasaite chiliasm arose. Its his-
tory offers an interesting parallel to modern "chiliastic" movements
which can subsist a long space of time without losing their eschatolo-
gical tension, even if all their prophecies failed. Elchasaites developed
a new missionary activity in the time of Pope Callistus, i.e. a hundred
years after their prophecy failed to be accomplished. And as late as
the fourth century, two sisters, Marthus and Marthana, descendents of
the family of the founder of the sect, were venerated as goddesses.
We hope that these facts make it clear that the high appreciation of the
day of Second Coming as a formative element in Christian faith is at
least greatly exaggerated.
Martin Buber said 35) that according to Christianity there is a knot
on the cable leading from the creation to the final redemption of
humanity at the end of days. The knot is the Christology of the Church;
as we have seen it existed already in a time when eschatological tension
in Christian faith was inevitable. Christology is not a product of pro-
gressive lessening of this tension. On the contrary: the belief that
salvation already happened and that the Second Coming of Christ will
confirm the division of mankind between saved and damned 36) made
the weakening of eschatological hopes in the Church easier. But the
eschatological hope in Christianity could never be forgotten. Chiliastic
movements arose repeatedly and it is a rule that in those movements
35) M. Buber, Ragaz und Israel, in: Neue Wege, Vol. 41, number II, Zurich,
November 1947
36) The righteous or sinful life of a Christian,not only his faith, is decisive for
his salvation or damnation; thus the real decision of individual man's fate is in
the moment of his death. This complication exists in all religions which believe
both in afterlife and eschatology.
Christology is weakened on account of the actual expectations of Ar-

mageddon. 37) On the other hand where Christology is strong, the lon-
ging for Millenium is comparatively weak. Thus, from the time of the
constitution of the Christian Church there seems to be an equilibrium
between Christology and Millenium, but at the beginning it was not so.
To sum up: even if a religious movement originates in acute escha-
tological expectation, its structure does not fundamentally change if
this expectation is not fulfilled. If a religious movement is based upon
eschatological expectation but had also a strong faith in a present, past
or extra-historical salvation, the weakening of acute eschatological
expectation can find its more or less complete substitute in strengthe-
ning of the idea of present salvation of its members. But this does not
mean that this theological feature came into existence only in the stage
of weakening of the eschatological tension. It is an organic part of the
religious structure of the group from its very origins.
37) It is an interesting fact that in the modern Pentacostal movement the

chiliastic moment is weakened because the central experience of election is the
enthusiastic speaking in tongues of members of this movement (private communi-
cation by Y. Malachy).
MANICHAISCHE VERBEUGUNGEN VOR DER
SONNE AUF DEM VORDERPLATZE
DER SANKT PETERSKIRCHE IN ROM ?
VON
L. J. VAN DER LOF

Hilversum
? I. In den Predigten Leos des Grossen findet sich eine Stelle, die
man oft fur eine Beschreibung eines manichaischen Sichverbeugens vor
der Sonne auf dem Vorderplatz der Sankt Peterskirche in Rom gehalten
hat 1). Es handelt sich um die Worte: quod nonnulli etiam Christiani
adeo se religiose facere putant, ut priusquam ad beati Petri apostoli
basilicar, quae uni Deo vivo et vero est dedicata, perveniant, superatis
gradibus quibus ad suggestum areae superioris ascenditur, converso
corpore ad nascentem se solem reflectant, et curvatis cervicibus, in
honorem se splendidi orbis inclinent (Serm. 7, 4 = Ballerini-Migne
XXVII).
Es will uns aber vorkommen, dass dies sich unm6glich auf die Ma-
nichaer beziehen kann und zwar aus folgenden Griinden.
? 2. I. Unsre Stelle will Menschen belehren, die aus dem G6tzen-
dienst kommen und keine Manichaer sind, wie sich aus den darauf fol-
genden Zeilen ergibt: abstinendum tamen est ab ipsa specie hujus offi-
cii, quam cum in nostris invenit, qui deorum cultum reliquit, nonne
hanc secum partem opinionis vetustae tamquam probabilem retentabit,
quam Christianis et impiis viderit esse communem? (Serm. 7, 4).
Es sind Glaubige, die diesen Brauch angenommen hatten: Abjiciatur
ergo a consuetudine fidelium damnanda perversitas (Serm. 7, 5). Sie
i) So z. B. J. Leclercq und R. Dolle Leon le Grand. Sermons. Tome I. Paris

I964 2, Sources Chretiennes22 bis, S. 158: avec assez de vraisemblance; F. Pyper.
Beknopt handboek tot de geschiedenis des Christendoms, 's Gravenhage I924,
S. 242; T. Jalland The Life and Times of St. Leo the Great. London-New York
I94I, S. 51: it is possible that this practice reflects Manichaean influence; R.
JolivetundM. Jourjon,Six traitesanti-Manicheensin Oeuvresde SaintAugustin
17, Paris 1961, S. 774: pourrait bien etre une trace de manicheisme.
Manichiiische vor der Sonne
Verbeugungen I57
handeln dann auch falsch zum Teil durch Unwissenheit und zum Teil
durch Aberglauben: quod fieri partim ignorantiae vitio, partim paga-
nitatis spiritu (Serm. 7, 4). Leo unterscheidet iibrigens Judaei, haere-
tici, pagani (Serm. 6, 5 = B.M. XXVI).
Bei den Manichaern ist aber alles falsch, im Gegensatz zu alien andern
Ketzereien, die nur zum Teil falsch sind: Hoc modo si omnes quos
catholica fides anthematizavit retractentur errores, in allis atque allis
quiddam invenitur quod a damnabilibus possit abjungi. In Manichaeo-
rum autem scelestissimo dogmate prorsus nihil est quod ex ulla parte
possit tolerabile judicari (Serm. 4, 5 = B.M. XXIV); arcem tamen
sibi in Manichaeorum struxit (sc. diabolus) insania...; ubi non unius
pravitatis speciem, sed omnium simul errorum impietatumque mixturam
generaliter possideret. Quod enim in paganis profanum, quod in Judaeis
carnalibus caecum, quod in secretis magicae artis illicitum, quod denique
in omnibus haeresibus sacrilegum atque blasphenum est, hoc in istos,
quasi in sentinam quamdam, cum omnium sordium concretione con-
fluxit (Serm. XVI, 4; P1 54, 178 A); et ad contrarium fraudem, famu-
lis utendo Manichaeis, sicut impulit interdicta praesumi, ita suadet con-
cessa vitari (Serm. 29, 4; B.M. XLII); Nihil est apud eos sanctum,
nihil integrum, nihil verum (Serm. 23, 4; B.M. 9).
II. Das Typische des manichaischen Gebets zur Sonne fehlt. Fur
das Charakteristischek6nnen wir uns auf Augustinus berufen, der ohne
Zweifel als Zeuge auftreten kann. Nach 439 war Karthago und Um-
gebung den Vandalen in die Hande gefallen. Das machte es einem, der
sich nicht zum arianischen Glauben bekannte oder von Geburt kein
Barbar war, unm6glich in Sicherheit zu leben. Ohne Zweifel gab es
unter denjenigen die auswanderten sowohl Katholiken als Manichaer.
Leo erwahnt selbst den Grund der Einwanderung in Rom: Hos...
Pestiferos, quos aliarum regionum perturbatio nobis intulit crebriores
(Serm. XVI, 5; P1. 54, I79 A).
Augustinus erwahnt als das Eigenartige der manichaischen Sonnen-
anbetung, dass man sich mit der Sonne mitwendet und dass man Mond
und Polarstem anbetet, wenn die Sonne abwesend ist: Unde vos verius
dixerim nec solem istum colere, ad cuius gyrum vestra oratio circum-
volvitur (Contra Faustum XX, 5); quia solem et lunam vetuit adorari
(Deut. I7, 3), ad quorum circuitum vos per omnos angulos vertitis, ut
eos adoretis (Ibid. XIV, I).
,,In seinem Buch iiber die Haresien bringt Augustinus einen ge-
158 L. J. van der Lof
drangten Abriss iiber den Manichaismus, dabei halt er auch fur n6tig,
die Gebetsrichtung der Manichaer noch hervorzuheben. Wir erfahren
hier, dass die Gebetsrichtung am Tage dem Laufe der Sonne folgte,
wahrend der Nacht der Stellung des Mondes; war aber mondlose
Nacht, so trat auch hier die Sonne wieder in ihre Rechte ein. Nach
einer Annahme kehrte namlich die Sonne wahrend der Nacht iiber
den hohen Norden nach dem Osten zuriick. So wendeten sich die
Manichaer in dem mondlosen Nachten nach Norden 2): Orationes
faciunt ad solem per diem, quaqua versum circuit; ad lunam per noc-
temn,si apparet; si autem non apparet, ad aquiloniam partem, qua sol
cum occiderit, ad orientem revertitur, stant orantes (De haeresibus ad
Quodvultdeum 46, P.L. 42, 38).
Die Christen, die nur die Gebets-Ostung kannten, nahmen mit
grosser Entschiedenheit gegen die manichaische Kreisbewegung Stel-
lung. Noch lange zittert dieser Kampf nach. Er hat Ausdruck gefunden
in einer Abschw6rungsformel (9. Jh.), die dem zum Christentum iiber-
tretenden Manichaern abverlangt wurde. Die Betreffenden mussten
sagen: ,,Ich verfluche, auch diejenigen, die nicht lediglich nach Osten
gewendet zum wahren Gott beten, sondern der Bewegung der Sonne
folgen in ihren tausendfachen Anrufungen." 3)
Nach H. Ch. Puech mussten die electi taglich siebenmal beten und
die auditores nur viermal 4).
Uberdies teilt Leo uns nichts mit iiber einen Hymnus an die Sonne,
wie bei den Manichaern iiblich war. G. Fliigel (Mani Leipzig I862,
S. 306) hat schon ganz richtig das Eigenartige der manichaischen An-
rufungen empfunden. Er spricht von einer ,,Anwiinschung" oder von
einem ,,hymnenartigen Anruf" und meint S. 3Io die manichaischen
Gebete seien mehr Hymnen oder Lobgesange als Gebete 5). Oder etwas
vorsichtiger behauptet Puech, dass ihre Hymnen und Psalmen Gebete
sind, oder mit Gebeten im engern Sinn ein Ganzes bilden 6).
Zwar wissen wir aus Augustinus' Schriften, dass die Manichaer
gegen die Sonne zu Riicken und Nacken beugten: Ita fit, ut ad istut
2) Franz Joseph Dilger Sol Salutis. Gebet und Gesangim christlichenAltertum

Miinster in Westf. 1920, S. 21.
3) A. Adam Texte zum ManichiiismusBerlin I954, S. 99.
4) H.-Ch. Puech in Annuaire du College de France 1959, Paris, S. 265.
5) Erik Peterson EI ?EOS G6ttingen 1926, S. 325.
6) Puech Ibid., S. 268.
Manichiiische Verbeugungen vor der Sonne I59
quidem solem dorsum cervicemque curvetis (Contra Faustum XX, 6).

Aber die Manichaer haben damit aber keinen ihnen eigentiimlichen
Ritus geiibt, sondern nur einen Brauch aufgenommen, der im Sonnen-
kult algemein iiblich war 7).
Wenn wir eine Bemerkung des J. B. Casale glauben diirfen, hatte
Leo der Grosse aber nicht einmal besonderen Erfolg erzielt; denn nach
den Worten dieses Schriftstellers sollen sich die Christen Roms noch
bis zum Jahre I300 im freien Atrium von St. Peter gegen die Eingangs-
tiire nach Osten gekehrt haben, um so ihr Gebet zu verrichten. In
diesem Jahre habe der Kardinal Stephanesco, der Neffe Bonifaz' VIII,
den Florentiner Maler Giotto veranlasst, iiber jener Tiire ein Mosaik
anzubringen, dass Christus mit Petrus und den iibrigen Aposteln im
Schiffe darstellte, so dass nun die Christen beim Gebete dieses Bild
vor sich sahen und die Gefahr der Sonnenanbetung vermieden wurde.
Erst Urban VIII. habe dieses Bild in dem Innenraum der Basilika iiber
dem Hauptportal anbringen lassen 8). Dahingegen horen wir wenig
mehr von Manichaern in Leos Rom. Gelasius vertrieb spater noch ein-
mal Manichaer aus Rom, als er sie entdeckt hatte 9).
Ubrigens ist die von Augustinus erwahnte Gebethaltung nicht die
einzige, die angewendet wurde. Wir mussen uns also davor hiiten nicht
ausschliesslich auf die Worte des Kirchenvaters zu achten. Puech nennt
als andere Gewohnheiten fur die Manichaer; man kniete oder beugte
das Knie und warf sich auch wohl langelang zu Boden 10).
III. Leo unterscheidet verschiedene Merkmale, welche die Mani-
chaer verraten, aber nennt selbst dabei nicht das Sichverbeugen vor der
Sonne als solches. Wohl erwahnt er ihre Nahrungsvorschriften, nach-
lassige Kleidung und blassen Gesichten; discretionibus ciborum, sor-
dibus vestium, vultuumque palloribus (Serm. 15, 5; B.M. XXXIV).
Und ihr Fasten fur die Sonne am Sonntag und fur den Mond am Mon-
tag: Luminaribus caeli stultam abstinentiam devoventes: siquidem in
7) DolgerIbid. S. 5.
8) Ibid., S. I94.
9) L. Duchesne Liber Pontificalis. Paris I886-'92. Vol. I., S. 255.
io) Puech Ibid., S. 268. Man kniete: EvodiusDe fide 24, S. 961, 22 Zycha;
Fragmente Tourfan M 8oi, APAW, 1936, Io, S.27 und M I, APAW, 1912, 5,
S. 22; Koptisch Psalter, S. 13, 26, S. I8, 9-10, S. 19, 25-26; Chavannes-Pelliot,in
J A, nov.-dez. I911, S. 586.
Zu Boden: Kephal. LXXXIII, S. 200, 24-25 und 27-28, S. 201, I und LXXXIV,
S. 208, 9-io; Horn. II, S. 36, I3-I4.
6o0 van der Lof, Manichdische Verbeugungenvor der Sonne
honorem solis ac lunae prima ac secunda Sabbati jejunare delegerunt

(Serm. 29, 5; B.M. XLII). Das bezieht sich aber unseres Wissens nur
auf die electi 11).
Auch ist bekannt, dass die electi der Manichaer keinen Wein ge-
niessen durften. Wie sie sich auch unter die Katholiken mischen m6gen,
sagt Leo, sie laufen sich fest mit der Eucharistie, weil sie keinen Wein,
aber wohl die andere Gestalt akzeptieren: Cumque ad tegendam infide-
litatem suam nostris audeant interesse conventibus, ita in sacramen-
torum communione se temperant, ut interdum, ne penitus latere non
possint, ore indigno Christi corpus accipiant, sanguinem autem redemp-
tionis nostrae haurire omnino declinent (Serm. 29, 5; B. M. XLII).
Gleich nach diesen Zeilen behauptet er, dass die Verweigerung des
Bechers durch den Laien mit Exkommunikation zu bestrafen ist:
a sanctorum societate sacerdotali auctoritate pellantur.
Mit dem Risiko, das die electi auf diese Weise liefen ist es fur aus-
geschlossen zu halten, dass sie mit einer Verbeugung vor der Sonne
dieses Risiko noch einmal extra vergrosserten. Den Wein mussten sie
ablehnen, aber die Verbeugung auf dem Vorderplatz konnten sie unter-
lassen ohne an ihrem Glauben Verrat zu iiben. Aus diesem Grunde, so
meinen wir, erwahnt Leo nirgends die Verbeugung vor der Sonne als
eine typisch manichaische Angelegenheit.
Dennoch haben sie sich offenbar nur selten unter die Katholiken
gemischt. Jedenfalls wird jedermann von Leo aufgefordert der Pries-
tern gegen die Manichaer beizustehen. Ut autem in omnibus, dilectis-
simi, placeat Domino vestra devotio, etiam ad hanc vos hortamur in-
dustriam, ut Manichaeos ubicumque latentes vestris presbyteris publi-
cetis (Serm. 23, 4; B. M. IX).
? 3. Auf Grund der Tatsache, dass man Manichaer zu erkennen
glaubte in unserer Stelle, hat man Serm. 7 (B.M. XXVII) vor 443
datieren wollen 12). In dieses Jahr fiel namlich der Prozess gegen die
Manichaer in Rom und leitete Leo zusammen mit den biirgerlichen
Beh6rden eine Strafverfolgung ein. Diese Datierung aus diesem Grunde
fallt selbstverstandlich aus wegen des oben Angefiihrten, worin Kir-
chengeschichte und Religionsgeschichte durcheinanderspielen.
ii) H.-Ch. Puech Le Manicheisme,son fondateur,sa doctrine.Paris 1949,

SS. 183, I84.
12) Leclercq und Dolle, S. I59.
ZOROASTRIAN SAVIOUR IMAGERY AND ITS
INFLUENCE ON THE NEW TESTAMENT
BY
JOHN. R. HINNELLS
Newcastle upon Tyne.
ZOROASTRIAN SAVIOUR IMAGERY AND ITS INFLUENCE ON THE

NEW TESTAMENT 1)
Although influence of Zoroastrian eschatology on the Judeo-Chris-

tian tradition is widely recognised, 2) so far little attention has been
paid to the parallel concepts of the saviour in the two traditions. 3)
I) Based on a paper read to the British Section of the International Associa-

tion for the History of Religions in London, Sept I8th. I968.
2) See for example M. Black, The Development of Judaism in the Greek and
Roman Periods, in the new Peake's Commentary on the Bible, Ed. M. Black
and H. H. Rowley, London, I962, p. 696; J. Bright, A History of Israel, London,
I96o, p. 444; W. D. Davies, ContemporaryJewish Religion, New Peake p. 705;
W. Eichrodt, Theology of the Old Testament, London, 1961 and I967, vol. I, p. 487,
II, pp. 2o8f.; S. B. Frost, Old Testament Apocalyptic, London, 1952 pp. I9f.,
73 ff.; R. N. Frye, The Heritage of Persia, London, I962, p. 128; R. H. Fuller,
The Foundations of New Testament Christology, London, I965, p. 34; T. H.
Gaster articles on 'Satan' and 'Gehenna' in the Interpreter's Dictionary of the
Bible, New York, 1962; E. O. James, ComparativeReligion, Oxford, I96I, p. 218;
H. Ringgren, Israelite Religion, E.T. by D. Green, London, 1966, pp. 315, 323,
336; H. H. Rowley, The Relevance of Apocalyptic, London, I963, pp. 43, 73;
D. S. Russell, The Method and Message of Jewish Apocalyptic, London, I964,
pp. 235, 258-262 reservations are expressed on pp. 385-7.
3) Parallels between the Messiah and S6oyant were noted by L. H. Mills,
ZaraOustra,Philo, the Achaemenids and Israel, Chicago, 1906, p. 437; R. Otto,
The Kingdom of God and the Son of Man, London, 1938, p. 251 and Von Gall
argued that the post exilic Messiah was influenced by the S6oyant imagery,
aro ??eo, Heidelberg, 1926, pp. 251 ff. On the other hand N. Siderblom
paoaLXg)
argued that the two figures developed independently,La Vie Future d'apres le
Mazdeisme, Paris, 190I, pp. 305-308. J. Duchesne-Guillemin, likewise, believes that
the parallels between the two figures are vague and general, La Religion de
rIran Ancien, Paris, 1962, p. 261. W. Staerk contends that the two are very
different, since in Zoroastrianismthe saviours are not related to the mythical
figure of the Primordial Man and the Primordial King. Zoroaster and the other
helpers, according to Staerk, are not returning figures of the primordial time;
NUMENXVI II
I62 John. R. Hinnells
This is rather surprising since it may be thought doubtful if there could

be influence on the eschatological scene generally and not on the central
figure of that scene. Further, it is generally held that the form of the
later Jewish and Christian concept of the devil or Satan was influenced
by Iranian tradition. If this be accepted then it has serious implications
for the understanding of a saviour or Messianic figure. When Satan
is thought of as the prosecuting counsel within God's court, as he is in
the Book of Job, then he is not a figure with whom the saviour has to
deal. When this figure becomes truly demonic, ruling over hell, leading
a horde of demons and attacking the world, then the saviour is given
a new task. Instead of defeating human forces at the end of the
world, in the shape of Edom and Egypt, he must now defeat a super-
natural being. This new task demands new imagery, and if the devil
imagery be thought to come from Iran, then a most natural source for
the developed saviour imagery would be, similarly, Iran.
The intention of this paper is, therefore, to trace the development of
the saviour concept in the Zoroastrian tradition in order to see if it
casts any light on the vexed question of the origin of the New Testa-
ment imagery.
It is important to begin by asking precisely what is meant by the
term 'influence'. While this may imply the transference of a total
concept from one tradition to another, it is a fact of everyday expe-
rience that to be influenced by someone or something is usually an un-
conscious process of modifying or developing one's own beliefs, in
accord not only with the source of influence but also with one's own
theological or philosophical convictions. It must be held to be highly
unlikely that any religion would incorporate ideas totally alien to its
existing faith. Since a religion is more open to influence from doctrines
which bear some degree of similarity to the beliefs which it already
they are quite unmythical,and have their basis in the idea of the ethical process,
Die Erlisererwartung in den Ostlichen Religionen, Stuttgart, I938, p. 268. W.
Bousset was also doubtful about influence from the concept of S6syant on the
figure of the Messiah, Die Religion des Judentums, third edition edited by H.
Gressmann, reprinted Tubingen, I966, p. 513, n. I. A Kohut drew attention to
parallels between S6oyant and certain Talmudic beliefs, 'Was hat die Talmudische
Eschatologie aus dem Parsismus Aufgenommen?,' Z.D.M.G. xxi, pp. 552-591.
Influence on the later Messianic belief was suggested by Frost, op. cit. pp. 224-
225, but he accepts the erroneous view of Glasson that Sosyant 'does
not seem to
exercise a judicial function.'
Zoroastrian Saviour Imagery I63
holds one must begin by looking for a common stock of ideas on to

which branches might be grafted.
There was certainly a common stock of ideas lying behind the figures
of the Zoroastrian saviour, Sosyant, and the Messiah. As the Messiah
was born of the line of David, so Sosyant was born of the seed of the
great prophet Zoroaster; in each case the saviour came to establish the
true faith and God's own nation; both, as it were, were God's 'trump
card' against those who opposed his will, and both effected the renewal
of the earth and of mankind. Whether there was anything more than a
common stock of ideas worked out independently can only be decided
after a study of the development of the two figures and a consideration
of the historical factors involved.
THE ZOROASTRIAN
SAVIOUR, SOSYANT
What has to be established is not what the teaching of Zoroaster was

concerning the saviour, although this may be one step on the way, but
rather what was the teaching of the Zoroastrianism of the pre-Christian
period. In other words attention need not be confined entirely to Zoro-
aster's own hymns, the Gathas, but must also include the Zoroastrian
scriptures, the Avesta. Unfortunately the extant Avesta is but one
quarter of the original. Inevitably one seeks to reconstruct, as far as
possible, the remaining three-quarters, and does so on the basis of the
later Pahlavi texts, that is to say the Zoroastrian religious books written
in Middle Persian, or Pahlavi, whose final redaction belongs to the
ninth century A.D. and later. The dangers here are too obvious to need
emphasizing, and New Testament scholars in particular have expressed
doubts about bringing the Pahlavi texts into any discussion of the Zoro-
astrian origins of the New Testament imagery. 4) Yet it is an old
dictum that the value of a text lies not in its date but in its sources. It
is important to remember the motive for the compilation of these books,
and the word 'compilation' is used advisedly. The original Avesta was
of enormous proportions, and, to help laymen understand its teachings,
the priests made summaries and compiled selections in Pahlavi trans-
4) See for example C. Clemen, Primitive Christianity and its non-Jewish

Sources, E. T. by R. G. Nisbet, Edinburgh, 1912, pp. 122 f. 139; Le P. E. B. Allo,
Saint Jean 'iApocalypse, Paris 1933, p. 196; R. H. Charles, I.C.C. Commentary
on Revelation, vol. II, p. 142.
lation of Avestan texts on particular subjects put together to form a

continuous theme. A good example of this is the Bundahisn, which
covers creation, the nature of earthly creatures and the end of the
world. 5) Another, the seventh, eight, and ninth books of the Denkard,
which are the relevant ones for our subject, claim to be no more than
summaries of the contents of the various books of the Avesta. It is,
therefore, too easy to dismiss these Pahlavi books as merely ninth cen-
tury productions. One has to assess the value of each element in the
tradition to see if it can be said to be Avestan or a later innovation.
There is a further problem with which we have to contend. The ex-
tant books of the Avesta are wholly liturgical and consist largely of
invocations where the functions of the divine beings are incidental to
the main purpose of the text. This means that we cannot expect to find
there a systematic expression of the Sosyant imagery. The method of
investigation which will be followed here in order to elucidate the
Avestan belief in S6oyant is as follows: firstly to consider the actual
meaning of the title S6oyant and to outline briefly the possible Gathic
basis of the belief; secondly to consider the Pahlavi teaching on each
of the relevant points and then to turn back to the Avesta to see if
there is any reason to accept that behind the Pahlavi picture there is
an Avestan, i.e. pre-Christian, basis for the belief.
i). Sosyant in the Gathas

The word Sosyant is the future participle active from the root su,
meaning more or less 'to benefit'; thus Sosyant should mean 'one whose
work will be beneficial', or 'one who will bring benefit'. A more precise
connotation of the root su in a religious context can be gathered from
the use of derivatives from this root in the Gathas. Thus one text
speaks of 'the long suffering for the wicked and sava for the righteous',
where sava is generally translated as salvation. 6) Another text reads,
5) On the Pahlavi Literaturesee M. Boyce, 'MiddlePersian Literature'in Hand-

buch der Orientalistik, Ed. B. Spuler, Bd. 4, Abschn. 2, Literatur Lief. I, pp.
31-66 and J. C. Tavadia, Die Mittelpersische Sprache und Literatur der Zara-
thustrier, Leipzig, I956.
6) Ys. 30: I See M. Wilkins Smith, Studies in the Syntax of the Gathas,
reprinted New York, I966, p. 73 and J. Duchesne-Guillemin, The Hymns of
Zarathustra, E.T. by Mrs M. Henning, London, 1952, p. 107.
'Or (is) he an enemy, who, verily, (being) a wicked-man, opposes thy salva-
tion (Sava) ?'7)
A number of texts could be adduced illustrating the same point. From
this evidence Bartholomae translates S6syant as Redeemer or Sav-
iour. 8)
The word occurs a number of times in the Gathas, but its implica-
tions are far from clear. It is used in the plural, apparently to denote
the future benefactors of the Good Religion. So, for example, in one
Gatha Zoroaster asks Ahura Mazda when the time of piety, justice,
peace and general prosperity is to come:
Then shall they be the saviours (saosyants) of the lands who, through good
purpose, by deeds in accordance with justice, shall attend-to satisfaction of
thy teaching through wisdom. For they (shall be) the appointed suppressors
of passion. 9)
The word is used in the singular in a number of texts, and it is gene-

rally assumed that in these passages Zoroaster is making an oblique
reference to himself, 10) although Lommel argues that Zoroaster
did think of a future saviour to come. 11). A good example of the
ambiguity of the use of the word in the singular is in Ys. 48:9:
When shall I know (these things)? If, through wisdom, through justice, you
rule over him from whom destruction threatens me, let the prophecy
of good purpose be truly spoken for me. May the Saviour know how his
reward shall be. 12)
From this we can conclude that Zoroaster spoke of a saviour, and

the form of the word shows that the work of this figure lay in the
future, but the ambiguity of its use forbids any more precise or
confident statement of what he meant by it. The use of the plural
suggests, however, that the word has not yet become a technical term,
as it is in the Pahlavi literature.
7) Ys. 44: 12, Trans Wilkins Smith, p. III; Duchesne-Guillemin, p. 69. See
also Ys. 43 :3; 45 :7; 51 :9 & I5.
8) Altiranisches Worterbuch Strassburg, 1904, p. I55I. See also H. Lommel,
Die Religion Zarathustras, Tubingen, 1930, p. 226.
9) Ys. 48 : I2, trans Wilkins Smith, p. 137; Duchesne-Guillemin, p. 39. Further
examples of the use of the plural are 34: I3; 46 :3.
Io) So, for example Wilkins Smith and Duchesne-Guillemin in their trans-
lations.
1) op. cit. p. 229. S6oyant is used in the singular in Ys. 45: 1I and in 53: 2,
a text composed shortly after the death of Zoroaster.
I2) Wilkins Smith, p. 136; Duchesne-Guillemin, p. 39.
i66 John. R. Hinnells
ii) The Pahlavi teaching concerning Sosyant

a) The Virgin birth of S6syant
Here it is said that at one thousand year intervals before the end
of the world three 'brothers' will be born. The seed of Zoroaster
was thought to be preserved in a lake, and towards the end of the
world this seed will impregnate three virgins who go to bathe
there 13). Thus each of the three brothers is of the seed of, or the
son of, Zoroaster, yet born of a virgin. Their names are Usedar,
Usedarmah, and finally Sosyant who is also called Astvat.3rata.
This belief is not set out in connected form in the Avesta, yet at
least the elements appear there. Briefly the evidence is that the
names of the three brothers occur in the ancient Avestan hymn,
the Farvardin Yasht, as do those of their three mothers. 14) Inci-
dentally by ancient is meant probably not later than fourth century
B.C. in its presents form, yet clearly preserving even older mate-
rial. 15) Another of the Yashts speaks of S6syant 'coming up to
life out of the lake Kasava', 16), and this belief appears again in
the Vendidad, a work held by some to have been compiled in its
presents form about the time of Christ. 17) Again in the Farvardin
Yasht the fravashis of the faithful are said to watch over the seed
of the holy Zarathustra. 18) Hence, using the Pahlavi texts in con-
junction with the hints which appear in the Avesta, it can be said
that the basis of the doctrine of the virgin birth of Sosyant is
clearly Avestan.
In the later Avesta, that is the extant Avesta excluding the Gathas,
Sosyant is sometimes used in the plural, as it is in the Gathas
themselves, with reference to the prominent leaders of the religion,
13) Dk. VII, 8, 5i-60; VII, 9, 18-23; VII, Io, 15-19.

14) The three brothers are mentioned in Yasht I3, the Farvardin Yasht, st. 128.
The names being given, of course, in their Avestan form. The names of the
mothers are given in sts. 141-2 of the same Yasht.
I5) A. Christensen, 'etudes sur le Zoroastrisme de la Perse Antique,' in Det
Kgl. VidenskabernesSelskab. Historisk-filologiske Meddelelser.xv, 2, 1928, p. 34
argues for a pre-Achaemenid dating for the material on the grounds of the geo-
graphy implied by the Yasht and the proper names which appear in it.
I6) Yt. I9 :92.
17) Vd. 19: 5.
I8) Yt. 13 :62.
the future helpers, those who have not yet appeared and are there-
fore nameless. 19) It can even refer to the priests who celebrate the
Yasna sacrifice. 20) Yet 'Sosyant' in the singular is a definite refe-
rence to the last of the three brothers born towards the end of the
world, as benefactor par excellence.
b) S6oyant as restorer of the world
Dspite the characteristics of the Avesta that we have already

referred to, nevertheless certain of Sosyant's functions are so clearly
defined that we have no need even to look to the Pahlavi texts. One
such function is his restoration of the world. This is set out most
clearly in the very old Zamyad Yasht, where it is said:
We sacrifice unto the awful kingly glory... which will cleave to the victo-
rious one of the Saosyants (i.e. to the S6oyant) and to (his) other companions,
so that he shall restore (literally make frasa) existence, not ageing, not
dying, not decaying, not rotting, ever living, ever benefiting (literally ever
having su), ruling at his will.21)
It is also contained in a number of Avestan texts. His mother
Eradat-fadri for example, is worshipped in the following terms:
We worship the Fravashi of the righteous maid Erodat-fodri. who is called
Vispa-taurvairi. Therefore she is Vispa-taurvairi (the all destroying) because
she will bring him forth, who will destroy the malice of Daevas and men, to
having su), ruling at his will.21)
Similarly S6syant is called the 'fiend smiter' in Vd. I9:5. In the

Pahlavi literature S6syant has a number of helpers 23); these also
occur in the Avesta, and they, too, are described as destroyers of
demons. The Zamyad Yasht again:
And there shall come forward the friends of the victorious Astva.arata,
(that is Sosyant) well-thinking, well speaking, well-doing, of good conscience,
19) Yt. : 17; 13 :38; Vsp. 3:5; Ys. 9 :2. See further, Lommel, op. cit.
p. 229.
20) M. Mole, Culte Mythe et Cosmologie dans l'Iran Ancien, Paris, I963,
pp. 86, I20, 133, I35.
2I) Yt. I9 :8gff. The translation is based on that of J. Darmesteter, Sacred
Books of the East, reprinted Delhi, I965, vol. xxiii, p. 226.
22) Yt. 13 : 142.
23) Ir. Bd. 34 : 6; Dk. VII, ii, 8. Lommel, p. 215 points out that even the
number of helpers is the same in the Avesta as in the Bd., fifteen, although in
the Bd. this has become fifteen men and fifteen women.
i68 John. R. Hinnells
and whose tongues have never uttered falsehood. Before them shall flee the
ill-famed Aesma with bloody club ... (the notorious demon of wrath). 24)
and there then follows a general onslaught of the powers of good

on evil. Hence part of the restoration of the world by S6syant in-
cludes the final defeat of the demons.
c) The resurrection of the dead.

The Pahlavi Bundahishn states that another part of the restoration
is the resurrection of the dead by Sosyant.25 This seems to have
been part of the Avestan doctrine also. Certainly the resurrection
is part of the restoration effected by Sosyant. So, for example an
Avestan fragment translated by Jackson states that at the coming
of Sosyant when Ahura Mazda rules over his creatures, then:
In the earth shall Ahriman hide,
In the earth, the demons hide.
Up the dead again shall rise,
And within their lifeless bodies
Incorporatelife shall be restored.26)
The Farvardin Yasht, again, supports this:
We worship the Fravashi of the righteous Astvat.srata; Whose name will be
the victorious Saosyant... He will be Saosyant (the Beneficient One), be-
cause he will benefit the whole bodily world; he will be Astvat.arata (he who
makes the bodily creatures rise up), because as a bodily creature and a living
creature he will stand against bodily destruction, to withstand the Drug of
the two-footed brood... 27)
Here the fight against the devil involves the destruction, or reversal,
of one of his chief weapons, death. Thus it can be seen that the
Pahlavi doctrine of the resurrection of the dead at the end of the
world by Sosyant is Avestan.
d) The Eschatological Judgement.

In he Iranian Bundahishn it is also stated that it is Sosyant who
executes the eschatological judgement:
24) Yt. 19 :89 ff.

25) Ir. Bd. 34:3 (edition of B. T. Anklesaria, Zdnd-Akasih, Bombay, 1956).
26) 'The ancient Persian Doctrine of a Future Life,' in E. Hershey Sneath,
Religion and the Future Life, New York, 1922, p. 136.
27) Yt. 13 : 128 f.
S6oyant, at the command of the creator will give all men their reward and
recompense suiting their actions. 28)
This passage has the appearance of a translation from the Avesta,
rather than a later addition, since it is not introduced by the custom-
ary commentators gloss 'there is one who says...' whereas the two
passages on either side of this text are so introduced. One may also
see how this belief could develop from the teaching of Zoroaster,
since in one Gatha which looks forward to the defeat of evil, it is
said:
Then shall they be the saviours of the lands who, through good purpose, by
deeds in accordance with justice, shall attend to the satisfaction of thy
sangha. 29)
'Sangha' has been given a variety of meanings, 'decree', 'doctrine',

'judgement', 'speech', 'word' etc. and is rendered as teaching here
by Bartholomae, which is the basis of the translation quoted above.
But it appears to be used elsewhere in the Gathas for 'judicial decree',
'judgement' - in an eschatological sense. 30) Zoroaster may here be
saying, therefore, that at the end of the world the saviours would
not only defeat evil would also administer the judgement of Ahura
Mazda. Naturally anything done by the Sosyants (plural) would be
thought to be done by the S6oyant par excellence. Furthermore, in the
Gathas Zoroaster himself is called a judge (ratu). 31) As Sosyant
brings the revelation of Zoroaster, and is his son, it would not be sur-
prising if he too were thought of as a judge. Hence it would be the
extreme of scepticism to attribute this belief in S6oyant as the mediator
of the eschatological judgement simply to the period of the compilation
of the Pahlavi books, that is to the ninth century A.D. Not only can
one see how the belief would arise at an early period, but also the way
it is presented in the Pahlavi books suggests that it was an Avestan
belief.
e) The End Result

The effect of S6shyant's work is to restore man to his primeval state.
28) Ir. Bd. 34 :25, based on the translation of Anklesaria, p. 29I.

29) Ys. 48: 12, trans Wilkins Smith, p. I37.
30) e.g. Ys. 51 :14, perhaps also Ys. 46:3. On other occasions it is quite
definitely 'doctrine' rather than 'judgement', see for example Ys. 44: 14.
31) Ys. 44:2 & I6. See Paury, pp. 56 f,
The first step on the path to sin, it is believed, was when he first began
to eat and drink, for this left man open to the assaults of one of the
chief demons, Az, Greed. Thus, as man at first began to drink water,
eat vegetables, drink milk and to eat meat, so at the end he will give
up eating meat, drinking milk, eating vegetables and drinking water.
(One) says in (the) Scripture: 'Whereas, when Masya and Masyane32)

grew up from (the) earth, (they) first drank water, then ate vegetables,
then drank milk, and then ate meat, men, too, when their time of death
(shall have) come, will desist first (from) eating meat, then (from) drinking
milk, and then even from eating bread, (and) will be drinking water (only)
till death.'
Thus too, in (the) millenium of Usedarmah, (the) strength of appetite will
so diminish that men will be satisfied (for) three nights and days, by eating
one (single) meal. And then after (that), (they) will desist (from) meat
food, and will eat vegetables and drink (the) milk of animals; and then,
(they) will abstain even from (that) milk diet, (and then they) will abstain
even from vegetable food, and will be drinking water, and ten years before
Sosyant will come, (they) will remain without food, and will not die, and
then Sosyant will raise (the) dead.33)
This return to the primeval state also involves the defeat of death, since
death is one of the weapons used by Ahriman to harm the Good Crea-
tion. Thus as the primeval bull was killed at creation by Ahriman, 34)
so S6oyant will, at the end, sacrifice the mythical bull Hasayans, and
from this sacrificial victim will come the elixir of immortality.
And S6oyant with (his) associates will perform (the) rites for (the) restora-
tion (of the) dead; and (they) will slay (the) 'HaSayans gav' for that rite;
out of the fat of that 'gav' and the white h6m (they) will prepare (the)
immortal (beverage), and give (it) to all men; and all men will become im-
mortal up to eternity (and) eternal progress .. 35)
The problem of the dating of these beliefs is a very vexed one. It is
therefore essential to state clearly the object of this section: it is to
consider the dating of the general parallels between creation and the
end, not just that of the two examples cited. Since the bull sacrifice
raises wider problems, it will be advisable to take the former belief and
examine that.
The passage cited above explicitly states that the author is quoting
32) The first human couple in the Zoroastrian tradition.

33) Ir. Bd. 34 : -3, trans. that of B. T. Anklessaria, pp. 283-5.
34) Ir. Bd. 4 : I9 ff.
35) Ir. Bd. 34: 23, trans. that of B. T. Anklessaria, pp. 289 ff.
Zoroastrian Saviour Imagery I7I
scripture, i.e. the Avesta. But the quotation only draws parallels
between creation and individual, not universal, eschatology:
Whereaswhen Masyaand Masyaye... men, too, when their time of death

(shall have come)...
This text cannot, therefore, on its own, be used as evidence for the
Avestan basis of the universal eschatological belief. The Dadistan i
denig and the Denkard also refer to the idea that men will not need to
eat food at the coming of Sosyant. The appearance of this idea in
Denkard 7 is important, since this section of the work, as has already
been noted, is not just a priestly work of the ninth century, but is lar-
gely a collection and precis of Avestan passages. In the first appearance
of the belief, Dk. 7: 8: 50 it is not said whether or not this is a quota-
tion from the Avesta, but in 7: Io: 2 the introductory formula reads
'as what it says...' the 'it' being explained in paragraph 4 as 'revela-
tion'. The passage then goes on to say that men do not have the same
need for food during the millenium of Usedarmah, and that one meal
is sufficient for three days. The same idea, in fact occurs in the extant
Avesta. Yasht I9: 96 declares that at the end hunger and thirst will
be smitten. This last passage on its own might be taken to imply that
the after life is a time of feasting, but in the total context of Zoroastri-
anism, where hunger is a weapon of Ahriman, and in the light of the
above passages, it is more reasonable to take it as referring to a belief
that men will not need to eat and drink, and thus will return to their
primeval state. Dr. Shaul Shaked is, therefore, fully justified in saying
that the basis of the creation/eschatological scheme is to be found in
the Avesta. 36)
It may be possible to take this a stage further and see the patterns
between the beginning and the end as pre-Zoroastrian, perhaps even
Indo-Iranian. Thus in the Haoma ritual, the central rite of Zoro-
astrianism, the worshipper looks back to the first slaying, and forward
to the last slaying of the bull. 37) Although this ritual has been thor-
36) 'Eschatology and the Goal of the Religious Life in Sasanian Zoroastri-
anism', paper to the Study Conference of the I.A.H.R., Jerusalem, July, I968. I
am indebted to Dr Shaked for giving so generously of his time during the con-
ference to discuss this matter with me.
37) See the forthcoming work of M. Boyce, 'Haoma, priest of the sacrifice',
in the W. B. Henning Memorial Volume (in the press).
172 John. R. Hinnells
oughly Zoroastrianised it is in origin an Indo-Iranian rite. This alone

might not be significant if it were not for the other examples of Indo-
Iranian or even Indo-European elements of Zoroastrianism that have
such a pattern. So Yima, ruler of the primeval golden age, constructed
a vara into which he took the best of men, animals and plants (Vd. 2.)
to preserve them from a great and terrible winter so that he could
repeople the world at the end. The eschatological element appears only
in the Middle Persian texts, the Bundahishn and Denkard, but because
of the narrative's non-Zoroastrian character, and its parallels with
Norse tradition, this story is often thought to be a fossillised form of
an Indo-European myth. 38) In another story, again of a non-Zoro-
astrian character, the monster Azi Dahaka was bound in chains at the
beginning of the world, but it is said that at the end he will break free,
and attack the creation, finally being destroyed by the resurrected hero
of old, Karasaspa. Again this has a striking similarity to Nordic belief,
and may represent an extremely old myth.
The return of the primeval state, therefore, in the work of the
saviour can reasonably be said to represent an old rather than a late
tradition.
These are all the functions of Sosyant germane to this study. To
summarise the conclusions so far; the title Sosyant can be translated
Redeemer or Saviour, and the form of the word shows that the work
of the figure lies in the future. The title is used both in the plural and
the singular in the Hymns of Zoroaster. In the plural the word is used
freely to denote future leaders of the religion, in the singular it may
denote a future saviour to come, or Zoroaster himself - or, of course,
both. The implication of this may be that the word has not yet become
a technical term, (i.e. in Zoroaster's own vocabulary). The word is still
used freely in the Avesta, again it is used in the plural for the future
benefactors, or to denote the priests. Nevertheless in the singular it
definitely refers to the eschatological saviour who will be born of a
virgin at the end of the world, but who will also be a son of Zoroaster.
His task is to restore the world, which involves the defeat of the de-
38) See especiallyN. S6derblom,La Vie Futured'apresle Mazdeisme,Paris,

1901, pp. I69 ff., A. V. Str6m, 'Indogermanischein der Voluspa,' Numen, xiv,
fasc. 3, Nov 1967, pp. 167 ff. E. O. G. Turville-Petre, Myth and Religion of the
North, London, 1964, p. 278 and H. R. Ellis-Davidson, Gods and Myths of North-
ern Europe, Pelican 1964, pp. 206 ff.
mons, raising the dead, assembling men for judgement, and the ad-
ministration of the same. All this means a return to the primeval state
which existed before the assault of Ahriman.
THE JUDEO-CHRISTIANSAVIOUR IMAGERY
The purpose of this section of the paper is to do no more than to

note certain developments in the Judeo-Christian saviour imagery.
The Saviour and the devil
That a belief in a devil is a late entry into the Jewish faith needs
no demonstration. In the Old Testament Satan is simply an accuser
at the heavenly court and there is nothing inherently evil about the
figure. The verb satan means prosecute, attack with accusations,
accuse. 39) In the books of Job and Zechariah a particular figure is
denoted as 'the accuser' in heaven, 40 his role is to question, test,
accuse, the motives of men. The first indication of a supernatural
adversary is in the post-exilic I Chronicles 21: where ha-satan, 'the
accuser', is replaced by satan, a personal name. Although he seduces
David into doing evil, in this text he is still the messenger of God
and a member of the heavenly staff. It is only in the inter-testamental
period that Satan becomes a devil, ruling in Hell with a horde of
demons. Even here, however, the concept has not assumed a fixed
form. The figure can be called by a variety of names, the devil (The
Life of Adam and Eve 2: i dated about the time of Christ) 41) Satan
(The Similitudes of Enoch, mid-first century B.C.) 42) Satanail (II
Enoch 18:3 original Jewish work dated pre A.D. 70), 43) Mastema
(Jubilees o1:8, 50o-Ioo B.C. and the Dead Sea Scrolls),44) Beliar
(Testament of the Twelve Patriarchs, c. Ioo B.C. and the Dead Sea
39) W. Eichrodt, vol. II, p. 206.

40) Job i :6f., 2: I ff., Zech. 3: I f.
41) 0. Eissfeldt, The Old Testament, An Introduction, E.T. by P. R. Ackroyd,
Oxford, I966, p. 637. D. S. Russell, p. 59.
42) Eissfeldt, p. 6I9; Russell, p. 52; E. Sj6berg, Der Menschensohn im Athiop-
ischen Henochbuch, Lund, I946, pp. 35-9; M. Hooker, The Son of Man in St.
Mark, London, I967, pp. 47 ff.
43) Eissfeldt, p. 623; Russell, p. 6i. In the form we have it the book has been
subject to Christian redaction.
44) Eissfeldt, p. 608; Russell, pp. 53 f.
Scrolls). 45). Azazel and Semjaza are the figures said by I Enoch
9:6f (c. I60 B.C.) 46) to have been responsible for the bloodshed and
lawlessness on earth. It may not be, of course, that all these names refer
to the same figure. The functions of the 'devil' and his demons are
variously described, but the general stress in the inter-testamental lite-
rature is on their role as beings who seduce men into evil, 47) punish
the wicked, 48) and cause physical ill by inflicting disease. 49).
As the Messiah in the Old Testament was thought to defeat the
enemies of Israel, so in some inter-testamental literature the saviour
figure is said to defeat the demons. In Jubilees 23:29 it is simply
asserted that in those days
there shall be no Satan or evil destroyer 50)
but in the Testament of the Twelve Patriarchs it is said that the 'new
priest' raised up by God will bind Beliar, 51) and that he will
... make war against Beliar
And execute an everlasting vengeance on our enemies;
And the captivity shall he take from Beliar
And turn disobedient hearts unto the Lord. 52)
Although not all Jews believed in a 'devil' at the time of Christ, (the
Sadducees, for example, did not), in the New Testament the defeat
of the demons by Jesus plays a very important part in the Christology
of more than one writer. Thus Mark expresses one aspect of the work
of Jesus as the binding of the strong man, the devil, and the plundering
of his house. 53). The writer of Colossians, also, interprets the cross
as the disarming of 'the principalities and powers'. 54).
45) Eissfeldt, pp. 633 f.; Russell, p. 55 f. P. Volz, Die Eschatologie der Jiidi-
schen Gemeinde, Hildesheim, reprinted I966, pp. 30 ff.
46) Eissfeldt, p. 619, Russell, p. 52.
47) H. Ringgren, Israelite Religion, E.T. by D. Green, London, 1966, p. 315.
48) Russell, p. 254.
49) Tobit 3: 8, Ringgren, p. 316. This last function is stressed more in Rabbin-
ical literature.
50) Trans R. H. Charles, in R. H. Charles, Apocrypha and Pseudipigrapha of
the Old Testament, Oxford, reprinted 1964 (hereafter cited as 'Charles'), vol. II.
p. 49.
5I) Testament of Levi I8 : 2, Charles, p. 315.
52) Testament of Dan 5 Io f., Charles, p. 334.
53) Mark 3: 23 ff.
54) Colossians 2: 15.
If one accepts, with Eichrodt,55) that Iran was a source of influence

in the shaping of Jewish demonology the matter cannot rest here, for,
as Eichrodt again notes, the increase in demonology in late Judaism
is symptomatic of 'a radical change in man's feelings about the
world.' 56). Influence at this point, therefore, implies influence at the
heart of a modified or developed theology and might be expected to
show itself in other doctrines as well.
The Saviour and the Resurrection.
The resurrection doctrine is another late and important innovation
in the Jewish faith. It may be contained in the Little Apocalypse in-
serted in the book of Isaiah, chapters 24-27, variously dated between
the second and fourth centuries B.C. 57). The belief does appear in
Daniel 12 but not, interestingly, in association with the Son of Man
in chapter 7.
There is no unity of tradition in the inter-testamental literature. The
author of I Maccabees (c. Ioo B.C.) 58) does not seem to accept the
doctrine, 59) nor do the writers of I Baruch (second century B.C.) 60)
and Judith (mid second century B.C.) 61) nor did the Sadducees. The
position of the Qumram sect on this point is not clear. If the resur-
rection was part of their faith, then they kept very quiet about it.
Only a few passages can be interpreted as referring to the resurrection,
and these are very ambiguous. 62). Among those who held such a belief
55) Theology, II, p. 209 He adds that the Persian belief in 'the eternity of the
evil as well as the good spirit,at no timebecameproperto the conceptof Satan.'
It is not true to say that the evil spiritis eternalin Iran.The texts quotedabove
showthat the evil spirithas an end, as Eichrodt'ssource,E. Langton,Essentials
of Demonology,London,I149,p. 63, recognises.
56) p. 227.
57) Eissfeldt, p. 325, Frost, p. 154; Russell, pp. 367 f.; Ringgren, p. 322; R. H.
Charles, Eschatology, The Doctrine of a Future Life, reprinted New York, 1963,
p. 132.
58) Eissfeldt, p. 579; R. H. Pfeiffer, History of New Testament Times,
London, 1949, p. 491; B. M. Metzger, An Introduction to the Apocrypha, Oxford,
I957, p. I30.
59) So W. Bousset and H. Gressman,Die Religion des Judentums, reprinted
Tubingen, 1966, p. 273.
60) Eissfeldt, p. 593; Pfeiffer, pp. 413 ff.
6I) Eissfeldt, p. 587; Metzger, p. 43; Pfeiffer, p. 297.
62) See for example Russell, pp. 373 ff; G. Vermes, The Dead Sea Scrolls in
English, Pelican, 1962, p. 51.
there was no unity of teaching. II Maccabees (c. Ioo B.C.) teaches

a resurrection of the righteous only, 63) as do the Psalms of Solomon
(dated mid-first century B.C.). 64). In different passages the Testa-
ment of the Twelve Patriarchs and I Enoch both include the contra-
dictory ideas of the resurrection of the righteous only, and the resur-
rection of all men. 65). Some texts have no resurrection of the body,
but instead the immortality of the soul.
The evidence suggests, therefore, that at the time of Christ there
was no uniform interpretation of the resurrection doctrine even among
those who held the belief. This implies that the doctrine was in its
infancy. Again it is important to note the remark of Eichrodt that the
doctrine of the resurrection came into Judaism at a time of 'neurotic
anxiety'. 66). It arose in answer to a theological need which in turn
was provoked by the traumatic experience of the persecution of An-
tiochus Epiphanes. Whilst some of the 'raw material' for the symbolism
may have been at hand in the Jewish heritage, much was not, and the
question has to be asked, to what extent did the Jews, in their search
for an answer to a desperate problem, look to outside sources for gui-
dance in teaching and imagery?'
In view of the variety of inter-testamental traditions the unity of
the New Testament tradition on the doctrine of the resurrection is,
perhaps, surprising.67). Although two passages in Luke, 14:14 'the
resurrection of the just' and 20:36 'sons of the resurrection' do sound
like a doctrine of the resurrection of the just, the general teaching of
the New Testament is of a physical resurrection of all men at the end
of the world. 68) Although it is God who raises the dead in I Cor.
6: 14 it is 'at the coming of the Lord' i.e. the saviour, that the dead
are raised, I Cor. i5:23. John, at least, develops this so that it is the
Son of Man who raises the dead. John 5:28
63) 6: 26; 7:9, I4, 36; 12 :43 f; I4:46. On dating see Eissfeldt, p. 58I;
Metzger, p. I4I.
64) Eissfeldt, p. 613; Russell, pp. 57 f.
65) On the resurrection of the righteous only Test. of Simeon 6:7; Judah
25 : 7 f and I Enoch 46.6. On the resurrection of all men Test. of Benjamin
o1 :8 and I Enoch 51 :I.
66) p. 509 and Volz, p. 232.
67) This unity cannot be explained simply in terms of the belief in the resur-
rection of Christ. It is true that Paul links the two in I Cor. I5, but, as the
Corinthians saw, there is no necessary connection between the two.
68) Mt. 22:23f; Jn. II:24; Acts 17:32; I Cor. 6:14; I Thess. 4: 6.
... the hour is coming when all who are in the tombs will hear his (i.e. the
Son of Man's) voice and come forth.
That this is not only a reference to the Lazarus episode, but also
to the eschatological resurrection is shown by the words which follow:
those who have done good, to the resurrection of life, and

thosewho havedoneevil, to the resurrectionof judgement.
Similary in Jn. 6:54 Jesus declares:

I will raise him up at the last day.
The background to this development is not clear. In the inter-testa-

mental literature the earliest text to speak of the dead being raised at
the advent of the Messiah is II Baruch 30: I second half of the first
century A.D.) which may be subject to Christian influence. 69). In I
Enoch 5I:1-3 the resurrection is said to occur in the days when the
Elect One arises, if one accepts Charles' transposition of verse 5a to
the end of verse I, 70) but that is far from certain. Unless this trans-
position is made the passage simply refers to the resurrection without
relating it to the arrival of the Saviour. There is, therefore, no earlier
evidence for the association of the Saviour with the resurrection than
the New Testament.
The Saviour and the Judgement Scene

The idea of a final judgement of those who oppose the will of God
is an old one in Israelite belief. Precisely how old does not matter
here, it is sufficient to notice that it occurs in Isaiah 3. The general
belief was in a judgement of the nations who opposed Israel, and in
the establishment of God's chosen nation, Israel. Some of the prophets,
Amos 5:8 for example, condemned blind hope in this, and warned
that it would be a day of darkness and not of light.
The inter-testamental literature generally stresses the forensic cha-
racter of the judgement scene in terms unlike the Old Testament. 71).
Some books retain the idea of the establishment of the nation of Israel
69) Eissfeldt, p. 630; Russell, pp. 64 f; Volz, p. 255.

70) Apocrypha and Pseudipigrapha, II, p. 218.
71) See Russell, p. 383.
NUMEN XVI 12
(e.g. the Psalms of Solomon) 72) but the tendency becomes more and
more to stress the judgement of the individual, as in IV Ezra (latter
part of the first century A.D.). 73) The Judgement scene is now given
a cosmic setting, not only men and nations being judged, but also fallen
angels and demons (I En. I6: I), the prince of demons himself (I En.
io: 6), even the sun and moon (I En. I8: 13 ff.). In the Old Testa-
ment God himself is always the judge (Gen. I8: 25, Isa. 33: 22,
Ps. 94: 2), and this is so in Daniel 7, in much of the inter-testamental
literature (I En. 47: 3, 90, Sib. Or. 4: 41, 72 IV Ezra 7: 33), and in
the teaching of many of the rabbis. 74) The difference, however, is that
the saviour can also act as judge. This idea is best represented in the
Similitudes of Enoch. In ch. 46 it is the Son of Man with the 'One
who had a head of days' who carried out the judgement, in 49: 4 it is
the Elect One, and in 61 : 8 it is said:
And the Lord of Spirits placed the Elect One on the throne of glory.
And he shall judge all the works of the holy above in heaven,
And in the balance shall their deeds be weighed.75)
In 41:1 this judgement is extended to men. In 11 Baruch 40:1, 72:2,

IV Ezra 12:33 and the Targum on Isaias 53 it is the Messiah who
administers judgement.
The New Testament follows the tradition of the inter-testamental
literature, with regard to the cosmic setting, the forensic character of
the judgement and the confusion over who is judge. Thus God is judge
in James 4: 12 and Acts Io: 42, and the saviour in a number of other
passages. So in Mt. 13:41 the Son of Man sends out his angels to
gather together causes of sin and evil-doers and they are thrown into
the furnace of fire. He sits on his glorious throne and separates the
sheep from the goats in Mt. 25:3I, he repays every man for what he
has done (Mt. 16:22) and in Jn. 5:27 Jesus is given authority to judge
because he is Son of Man. Jesus is also called judge in James 5:9, I Pet.
4:5 and II Tim. 4: I.
72) See also I En. 38: I; 62: I ff; Sibylline Oracles 3: 742.
73) Eissfeldt, p. 626; Russell, p. 62.
74) Volz, p. 274; Russell, p. 383.
75) Charles, II, p. 226.
Conclusion
This study is, of necessity, a limited one, but certain points have
emerged. The development in the eschatological imagery in the inter-
testamental period, a development which is usually attributed, in part
at least, to Iranian influence, involves a corresponding development in
the concept of the saviour: he is said to defeat the demons, the dead
are raised at his coming or by him, and he introduces and administers
the eschatological judgement. Precisely the same functions are carried
out by the Zoroastrian saviour Sosyant, and since the apocalyptic set-
ting of both is so similar one might reasonably conclude that the deve-
lopment in the Judeo-Christian saviour imagery is indebted to Iranian
influence.
One point should be noted. There does not seem to be one Jewish or
Christian figure which has been taken over in toto. The influence is
of a more fragmentary nature than has sometimes been suggested. 75a)
It is spread over a number of figures: the priestly saviour and his defeat
of the demons, the Elect One as judge, and the resurrection of the
dead at the coming of the Son of Man or Messiah. It is in the New
Testament that the various functions are attributed to one figure. It
should also be noted that the effect of the influence has not been to
introduce a new or alien idea, but rather to develop and modify of
existing concepts. Thus the Messiah, who originally suppressed the
enemies of Israel and established God's own nation, now defeats the
forces of evil, and at his coming men are raised to share in God's king-
dom. One cannot understand the developed idea without looking both
at the Old Testament and at the source of influence, Iran. Indeed, there
is a third factor to be taken into account before a proper understanding
of the development can be gained - the historical situation.
The Historical Background

A study of the historical background to the question of influence
deserves far more attention than it is usually accorded, for two reasons.
In the first place, although one must stress the Old Testament back-
ground to the developed imagery, the development is nevertheless a
major one involving the adaptation of a new mythology. But religions
do not cast off and take on new mythologies lightly. Myths are not
75a) e.g. by the 'History of Religious School'.
simply 'Purely fictitious narrative', 76) they are condensed symbols ex-
pressing men's deepest feelings about the world in which they live.
They are
told in satisfaction of deep religious wants, moral cravings, social submissions,
assertions, even practical requirements. 77)
They are expressive of men's innermost religious convictions and
practices. To think of any religious group exchanging myths as min-
strels might traditional songs is to misunderstand completely the cha-
racter of myth. They are not stories that can be neatly lifted from
one system and transferred to another without affecting the frame-
work of the latter. In arguing for the influence of one religion or cul-
ture upon another it is important to take into account the circum-
stances and conditions under which such influence was possible and
likely. Hence the importance of Eichrodt's observations that the in-
crease in demonology in late Judaism is symptomatic of 'a radical
change in man's feelings about the world', and that the resurrection
doctrine appeared in Judaism at a time of 'neurotic anxiety.'
The second reason why the historical background should be given
more attention is that all the elements of the developed saviour imagery
which have been noted occur in books dating from the end of the
second century B.C. and later, yet it is generally assumed that the
period of influence was that of the Achaemenids, that is between the
sixth and fourth centuries B.C. While it cannot be denied that there
may have been influence at this time, why should the influence of
Zoroastrian Apocalyptic become more marked in the second and par-
ticularly the first century B.C.? Granted that the historical circum-
stances favoured the growth of apocalyptic at the time, and that in-
fluence takes a long time to become effective, the problem still remains,
why did it take I50-200 years of Greek rule for the Zoroastrian Saviour
Imagery to percolate through? This point has led Glasson to doubt
the extent to which Jewish Apocalyptic was influenced by Zoroastria-
nism. 78) The popular theory of some kind of 'deep freeze' for these
76) The Oxford English Dictionary definition.

77) B. Malinowski, Myth in Primitive Psychology quoted by M. Eliade, Myth
and Reality, London, I963, p. 20.
78) T. F. Glasson, Greek Influence in Jewish Eschatology, London, I96I, p. I
Eichrodt, Theology, takes a similar position. Frost, p. 225 notes the date of the
Jewish developments and suggests that Iranian influence was conveyed to North-
ern Palestine by 'Chaldeanism'.
Zoroastrian Saviour Imagery i8i
ideas, or of the preservation of the beliefs in circles for whose exis-

tence no evidence has been adduced, is not convincing. Unless some
historical explanation of this phenomenon can be given the theory of
influence must remain, at best, doubtful.
Some account of the history of the first two centuries B.C. must be
given. It will be easier to begin by considering the Jewish/Iranian con-
tacts in this period. Professor Widengren has noted the many points
of contact that took place between the Parthians, who ruled Iran from
the third century B.C. onwards, and the Jews. 79) The period of con-
tacts may go as far back as the beginning of the Seleucid rule in
Palestine, since the Seleucids also ruled over Parthia, and both the Jews
and the Parthians were seeking to throw off the Seleucid yoke at the
same time. Indeed Professor Neusner has pointed to a series of in-
stances where an uprising by one nation provided the other with the
most timely relief. 80) For example the Jewish rebellion between 170
and I60 B.C. eased pressure on Mithridates I when he was seeking
to gain his nation's independence from the Seleucids. On the other hand
the Jews were assisted by the attack of Phraates II on Antiochus
Sidetes in I29 B.C. Another example is the assault of Hyrcanus on
Syrian cities whilst Antiochus was attacking Parthia. Opportunism
may explain the odd coincidence, but in view of the number of coinci-
dences one may suspect, with Neusner and Downey, some kind of
entente between the two nations. 81)
The evidence for the contacts between the two in the first century
B.C. is much less speculative. There is a reference to Parthian am-
bassadors visiting Jerusalem during the reign of Alexander Janneus
(I03-78 B.C.) and these ambassadors mention previous visits that they
had made. 82) Contacts between the two reached a climax in the period
54-38 B.C. To appreciate the significance of the contacts it is necessary
to consider the state of the Jews in the Roman Empire at that time.
79) Iranisch-semitische Kulturbewegung in parthischer Zeit, Cologne, 1960.

(AGF Nordrhein-West. Geisteswiss. Reihe, 70) passim, a development of his
'Quelques rapports entre juifs et iraniens a l'epoque des Parthes,' Vetus Testa-
mentum, supplement IV, 1957, pp. I97-24I.
80) A History of the Jews in Babylonia, vol. I, The Parthian Period, Leiden,
1965, p. 24.
8I) Neusner, p. xii; G. Downey, A History of Antioch in Syria, Princeton,
I96I, p. I26.
82) Neusner, p. 25.
During the first century B.C., in particular from the time of Pompey,
the Roman rule in Syria generally had been hard. The gentle and con-
ciliatory acts of Julius Caesar were soon nullified by the exactions and
cruelty of Gabienus, and the taxes of Anthony. 83) But the acts of
Crassus in 54 B.C. left the Jews even more disaffected with Rome
than ever. In that year Crassus wintered his forces in Syria before
marching against the Parthians. Not only did his forces ravage the
land but he himself went further than even Pompey had done, in that
he invaded the Temple and also stole the Temple treasure. Within a
matter of months, on the sixth of May 53 B.C., to use the Julian ca-
lendar, he took his army to Carrhae and although his troops outnum-
bered the Parthians 3:1, he suffered a defeat on a scale almost un-
parallelled in Roman history; only Io,ooo of the original 44,000 troops
re'urning alive. 84) While it is speculation, it is not unreasonable
speculation, to say that this may well have appeared to the Jews
as the hand of God at work. Their hopes must surely have been high
for a Parthian invasion and a repetition of the Messianic role of
Cyrus. 85) These hopes would be fanned by the unpopularity of the
Roman-supported Idumaean king of Jerusalem - Herod. He was
not eligible for the throne; he flouted the Jewish law by summarily
having a brigand put do death on his own authority, and not by
decree of the Sanhedrin; and he actually led an army against Jeru-
salem itself to avenge the insult of being tried by a special court
for flouting the Jewish law. 86) The looked-for Parthian invasion came
in 40 B.C. It is indicative of the Jewish feeling towards the invasion
that the Parthians delayed their final assault on Jerusalem until the
Passover so that they could receive the help of the pilgrims. 87) After
the expulsion of the Romans from Palestine a Hasmonean was placed
on the throne, Mattathias Antigonus, and following the policy of their
Achaemenid forbears, the Parthians withdrew.
83) On the nature of the Roman rule see Downey, pp. I58 n74, I59. E. Schiirer
A History of the Jewish People, Edinburgh, I885-i890, E.T. by various trans-
lators Division I, vol. I, p. 339. On Gabienus see Dio Cassius 39: 55 f and Schurer,
op. cit., pp. 33of. On the greed of Crassus see F.-M. Abel, Histoire de la
Palestine, Paris, 1952, vol. I, p. 298 and Cambridge Ancient History (hereafter
C. A. H.), vol. IX, pp. 403 f. On Anthony see Appian, Civil Wars, 5: 7.
84) For details and sources see C. A. H. IX, pp. 606-612.
85) Isa. 45 : I.
86) C. A. H. IX, pp. 404f.
87) Josephus, Antiquities, XIV, I3, 4.
Zoroastrian Saviour Imagery i83
Although the period of Jewish independence was short, only two

years, one can imagine the effect this must have had on their hopes
and aspirations. The fact that these hopes were never fulfilled would
in no way dampen their aspirations since at that time the outlook was
promising, for the Parthians made repeated attempts during the fol-
lowing hundred years to invade again. Just as there was a pro-Hellenic
movement during the reign of the Seleucids, so it can be supposed that
before, during and after the Parthian invasion there would be a pro-
Parthian party in Jerusalem. Perhaps it was among such circles that
Apocalyptic speculation flourished. The historical circumstances would
certainly favour religious influence. An attempt to enforce one's own
religion usually meets stubborn opposition, but a period of co-operation
to liberate a country is perhaps more likely to stimulate an exchange of
ideas, providing the ground is prepared - as it was by the long period
of Achaemenid rule. In particular the historical situation would favour
the exchange of Apocalyptic beliefs, of speculation about the coming
of God's kingdom and the overthrow of evil, and thereby of saviour
imagery.
There is another important way in which Parthian influence might
make itself felt on Jewish, and later on Christian apocalyptic thought,
and that is through the Diaspora. Scholars have increasingly recognised
the inter-action of Diaspora and Palestinian Judaism. 88) It is there-
fore very important to note the many points of contact of the Parthians
with the Jewish Diaspora. Such contacts can be seen in Parthia itself,
in Babylonia, Adiabene, Syria (in Palmyra and Damascus for example),
Commagene, Armenia, Pontus, Cappadocia and Cilicia. 89). To take but
one example - that of Pontus: there were trade contacts between
Palestine and Pontus from an early time 90) and there are specific
mentions of the Jewish communities there in the Parthian period. Philo,
for example, mentions such a community, 91) and he is supported by
Acts which lists people from Pontus at Pentecost in 2 : 9, and in 8 : 2
mention is made of Aquila, a Jew of Pontus. I Peter i : also refers
either to a Jewish community of Pontus, or perhaps more likely, to
88) For example W. D. Davies, New Peake, p. 687.

89) For Bibliography
see Hinnells,'Christianity
andthe MysteryCults,'Theol-
ogy, vol. 71. no 571, January, 1968, pp. 23 f.
go) C. A. H. IX, p. 212.
91) See Schurer, II II, p. 226, n. 21.
an early Christian community there. On the other hand while it was

inevitably under Hellenistic influence, particularly the area around the
Black Sea, Pontus was also an important centre of Iranian culture. It
was founded by a Persian noble sometime in the fourth century
B.C. 92) and the names of the kings, particularly the number of Mi-
thridatae, (a name meaning, of course, 'the gift of' or 'given by
Mithra') implies that this character was not forgotten. Mithridates
Eupator laid great stress on his alleged descent from Cyrus and Darius,
and he claimed to have inherited some of these kings' valuable treas-
ures. 93) Whether or not these were valid claims is an irrelevant ques-
tion - the point is that they illustrate the cultural, and presumably re-
ligious, inclinations of Mithridates. His children were also given Per-
sian names, for example, Cyrus, Darius and Xerxes. 94) Strabo reports
that the Iranian goddess Anahita was worshipped there, as was Oma-
nos, that is, Ahura Mazda. 95) The Iranian element in the character of
Pontus received fresh impetus in the first century B.C. not only from
the rebellion of Mithridates Eupator against Rome, but also from the
Parthians who invaded Pontus at the same time that they invaded
Palestine, i.e. 40 B.C.
Hence the Jewish contact with the Parthians was not limited to one
isolated invasion of short duration, but was an important feature
throughout a long period of history. Thus Zoroastrianism was not a
dead force of the past, but a living faith encountered in many places by
the Jews in the first century B.C. It was also encountered in the most
favourable circumstances, not only as the religion of the liberating
forces, but also as the faith of a man who instigated an enormous and
almost successful revolt against Rome. Professor Neusner writes:
Therecanbe no doubtwhateverthatthe Parthiangovernment andthe Jewish

communityof Babylonia,and that in Palestine as well, workedtogether
consistently,frequently,and in substantialand importantways to oppose
Seleucid,and then Romanhegemonyin the Mesopotamian valley.96)
92) C. A. H. IX, p. 216.

93) Appian,MithridaticWars, 112, and Polybius, The Histories, V, 43, 2
recordhis claimsto be descendedfrom Darius,and Appian,Wars 115refersto
his claimconcerningthe treasure.
94) Appian, Wars, 64, III, I17.
95) Geography, XII, 3, 37 and XV, 3, 15 respectively.
96) op. cit. p. xii.
What Professor Neusner here writes of the Mesopotamian valley may

therefore be extended to a much wider area. And a further implication
could arise from this. The Parthian culture was firmly established in
centres into which the Early Church moved, and it had been there for
a long time. Hence is is historically possible that, contrary to the usual
assertion, Zoroastrian influence may have been conveyed directly to
early Christian Apocalyptic without the mediation of Jewish thought.
This may be important in the case of the Book of Revelation, and other
elements of the saviour imagery, but this requires a further study.
To sum up: the influence of Zoroastrian Eschatology on the Judaeo-
Christian tradition is likely to have included the influence of the sav-
iour figure. This influence is to be seen particularly in the saviour's
defeat of the demons, his gathering of men for the judgement scene,
his raising of the dead, and his administration of the judgement. It is
noteworthy that these elements occur for the first time in the Jewish
tradition at a date later than Daniel 7, i.e. in the Inter-testamental
literature and more clearly in the New Testament. This suggests that
influence took place at a later date than is usually suggested, and that
the occasion for it lay in the Jewish-Parthian contacts which began in
the second century B.C., but which came to a climax in the middle of
the first century B.C.The conditions of this period, the raising of Apo-
calyptic hopes first by the Seleucid and Roman oppression and then by
the Parthian liberation, would explain why the answer to the Jewish
anxieties was given in a developed mythological form under the in-
fluence of a sympathetic ally.
THE HIGH GOD AMONG THE ZINZA OF
NORTHWESTERN TANZANIA1).
BY
SVEIN BJERKE
Oslo
i. In the context of this paper 'Zinza' refers to the dominant section

- some 20.000 individuals in all - of the population of the former
chiefdom of Rusubi in the Biharamulo District to the southwest of
Lake Victoria in Tanzania (2). The Zinza who were traditionally
organized in several chiefdoms, are part of the group of Bantu-speaking
peoples referred to as the Interlacustrine Bantu who inhabit the area
between the great lakes of East Africa. Within this group they are
particularly closely related to the western subgroup which comprises
the Haya of Tanzania, and the Nyoro, Toro, and Ankole of Uganda.
The Zinza are subsistence hoe cultivators living mainly on a diet of
plantains and beans, though cassava, maize, and millet (for beer
making) are also important foodstuffs. Most families own some goats
and chickens, but sheep are rare and few families today own cows.
Each 'family' (eka, pl. amaka), today often an elementary family
although patrilineally extended and polygynous families are by no
means rare, live in one or more mud-and-wattle houses standing in a
holding of plantains and surrounded by other food-gardens. A number
of homesteads make up a 'village' (kyaro). Within this unit each
family head (nyineka) stands in the centre of a circle of neighbours
with whom close ties of friendship and cooperation are maintained. The
Zinza are further organized in a large number of patrilineal, exogamic
'totemic' and widely dispersed clans (ruganda; pl. nganda), each of
i) The materialon whichthis paperis basedwas collectedin Biharamulo be-

tween May I966 and June I967whilethe writerwas holdinga scholarshipfrom
the NorwegianResearchCounsil(NAVF) besidesbeing a ResearchAssociate
at the East African Instituteof SocialResearch(EAISR), Makerere.
2) It shouldalso be notedthat the Zinza of Rusubicall themselvesSubi and
are thusreferredto by others,whilethe termZinzais primarilyusedof the Zinza
populationof GeitaDistrictwhichis traditionallycalledBuzinza,'Zinzaland'.
The High Godamongthe Zinza I87
which may comprise both huma and iru subclans (kitako; pl. bitako),
the former used to be an exclusively pastoral 'noble' class (nfura),
while the iru are 'commoners' and cultivators. The distinction and
social distance between these classes are formally expressed through
strict rules against intermarriage and commensality, rules which are
now becoming obsolete. The huma too are mainly cultivators today.
At the present time the Zinza religion is a system of ideas and
practices especially concerned with providing an answer to the exist-
ential question of the meaning of suffering. Sickness, death and other
misfortunes and the physical and mental suffering which they imply,
are generally thought to have a personal source, either some spiritual
being or a fellow man using magic. Misfortunes are thought to be
symptoms of the unwanted presence of these mystical powers, a pre-
sence which implies a reduction of ontological status expressed as a
loss of 'power' (amani) in the person attacked and in most cases in his
domestic group as well. A family in which mystical powers have inter-
vened in this way is thus considered to have 'dirt' (miyanda), i.e. they
are religiously impure. The idea of how this impurity orginates, what
the consequences are for those who are in this state, and how this state
is changed by ritual means into that of 'purity' or 'whiteness' (obwera)
are therefore essential to the understanding of Zinza religion.
Apart from the use of the power inherent in magical substances there
are three categories of spiritual beings that are believed to bring mis-
fortunes. In most homesteads one finds shrines established for these
spirits with which the domestic group thus has regular cultic relations.
It is, however, the spirits with which a cultic relationship is lacking that
are feared most as they are believed to kill without scruples people who
do not belong to 'their' family. The three categories of spirits are,
firstly, the 'ancestors' (mizimu), i.e. the dead father and father's father
and usually others who used to be close agnates of the family head;
secondly, many clans have a clan-spirit (musambwa) which is usually
common to all the members of a clan and is thought to be the clan-
founder or some other remote ancestor. Unlike the other spirits the
musambwa manifests itself in the shape of some animal, usually a
snake or leopard. The third category of spirits the backwezi is the one
which is the most important today. This category comprises the spirits
of chiefs and their followers from a remote past. The bachwezi may
be split up into two groups. One of these comprises the 'old' bachwezi,
188 Svein Bjerke
which should rather be called mbandwa - this is the old term- to

distinguish them from the more recent bachwezi which people claim
mainly came from Buhaya to the north of Rusubi from the second half
of the last century onwards and their number is still increasing. While
the old mbandawa, such as Lyangombe their 'leader' (mukuru), Mugasa,
the spirit of the lakes and rivers, wind and rain, Irungu, the master of
the wild animals, and Kihazi and Nyabayombe which are associated
with the cultivation and growth of food crops also had a positive func-
tion in that they could grant man the three standard values of health,
children and riches, the new bachwezi are not believed to contribute to
the well-being of man but only to bring misfortunes. These spirits of
a demonic nature today provide the pattern on which spirits of all cate-
gories are conceived of. The belief in the beneficient influence of the
mizimu, the misambwa, and the mbandwa is now rapidly disappearing
and there is a marked tendency to think of them all as demonic beings.
Today the traditional religion coexists with Christianity in the area.
More than one third of the population as a whole are Christians, the
overwhelming majority of them being Roman Catholics, but there are
also a few Anglicans (Church Missionary Society) and a very few
Pentecostals. In the central parts of the chiefdom, moreover, the Ro-
man Catholics far outnumber the pagans. The oldest mission, a Cath-
olic mission of the White Fathers, was established near the chief's
residence shortly after the turn of the century and Christianity has
thus been known directly for more than sixty years. This naturally
makes it difficult today to describe with precision the content of the
traditional idea of the High God. Today everyone thinks that there is
only one god, though the names used may vary with the different
peoples or religions. In Rusubi, the current name for God today even
among the pagans, is Mungu, which is an old Bantu name for the High
God, though the name is not native to Rusubi. When people conse-
quently use the word Mungu one cannot on the evidence of the use of
the name decide whether it refers to the traditional High God, or the
Christian, (or to Allah, as there are also a few Muslims in the area), as
these are all considered to be the same deity. The identification of the
traditional High God with the Christian god was encouraged by the
early Catholic missionaries who also for some time used the traditional
name for the High God, Nyamuhanga, to denote the Christian god. The
idea that there is only one god who may have different names must
The High God among the Zinza I89
imply that the specific conceptions of god originally denoted by the

different names may have reached a new, though unstable, synthesis.
Mungu is thus a deity which combines some of the old ideas with the
new ones disseminated through the missions and in later years by other
agencies as well. We should bear this point in mind in what follows.
I do not aspire to consider the High God of the Zinza as he was con-
ceived of before there were any contacts with Christianity, but can only
state how pagans think of this deity today or what they thought in the
recent past, and try to outline the position of the High God in the
traditional religion of the Zinza as it exists at the present time.
2. Today people will use indiscriminately several names for the High
God. Apart from Mungu, which is the most common name today
among pagans, Christians, and Muslims alike, I have also heard the
traditional name Imana, commonly used by the southern subgroup of
the Interlacustrine peoples (Ruanda, Rundi, Ha). Among the Zinza
the High God is traditionally called Nyamuhanga, or alternatively Ise-
wahanga, while the form Ruhanga, which is in common use among
other Interlacustrine peoples is also well known. These three names
are all related to kuhanga, 'to create' and thus describe the High God
as 'the creator'. Like the name for the High God in many other
African languages this one is clearly a derivative, and what is equally
important, its derivation is consciously recognized by the Zinza them-
selves.
In referring to the traditional High God two other names may also
be used, Rugaba and Kazoba. These names too, have a clear meaning.
Rugaba is derived from kugaba, 'to give' and Kazoba from izoba, the
sun, the names may be translated 'the giver' and "the Sun', somehow
thought of as a person. Rugaba and Kazoba are not, however, just two
more names for the High God. Though they may be used separately
they form part of the series Nyamuhanga-Kazoba-Rugaba and in
prayers and appeals to the High God he is often addressed in this way.
The series as a whole is the linguistic equivalent of 'Mungu' or 'Imana'.
This is illustrated in the following quotation from a text written for
me by a Christian,
Even before the Europeanscamepeopleknew that Munguexisted... The

work of NyamuhangaRugabaKazobawas to free people from diseases.
Mungucreatedpeoplethroughhis mercyand he createdplantsin orderthat
peoplemay feed on them.
190 Svein Bjerke
In the following extract (also written by a Christian) the three names

are thought to refer to three separate deities,
In the old days Mungu was known as Rugaba, Kazoba, and Nyamuhangato
whom they used to go to pray at the mumande-tree.It was Nyamuhanga
who created men together with Rugaba and Kazoba. They created every-
thing else that is in this world.
Though a few people said that they used to believe in three different
gods denoted by these names, this is not the universal belief. Most
people stressed that there was only one god who could be referred to
by this series of three names, or by one of them. It is thus not a ques-
tion of a trinity of a tritheistic kind and when people use e.g. the name
Rugaba they do not imply that there exists a divine being, Rugaba
which is distinct as a separate deity from Kazoba and Nyamuhanga.
But neither is it a question of a mere 'nominal' trinity as Nyamuhanga,
Rugaba, and Kazoba imply more than alternative use of names. Though
people will say that the names all refer to the same god, they will also
insist that they refer to three deities saying that they are one, but Nya-
muhanga is the greatest of them. The three terms can be shown to ex-
press three different aspects of the nature of the High God, so that
when one uses one name rather than another this is dependent on which
aspect of the High God one wishes to draw attention to. But more is
usually implied than this selective use of names for the different
aspects or characteristics of the High God; and it seems fairly clear
that we are dealing with a modalistic trinity of some kind. Among
pagans this is expressed by the statement, that they are one but
different, but as the trinity idea is implicit and not a conscious article
of faith its verbalization is made difficult. Christians, however, readily
identify the three terms with those of the Christian trinity.
The word Mungu was not known in the old days because this word was
brought by the Swahili people. People in the old days knew of Kazoba as,
so to speak, the great god, and Isewahanga as the second, and Rugaba as
the third. This corresponds to the modern doctrine as follows: God the
Father is Kazoba, God the Son is Isewahanga, and the Holy Ghost is Rugaba.
So they used to address God (Mungu) as Kazoba Isewahanga Rugaba.
Today it is common knowledge among Christians that Nyamuhanga is

the same as Patri, the Father - the common important characteristics
being their creative activities - and that Kazoba is Mwana, the Son,
The High God among the Zinza I9I
and Rugaba Mwoyo Mutakatifu, the Holy Ghost. (The man from
whom the above quotation is taken had made the 'wrong' identifica-
tions). This identification of the different modalities of the traditional
High God with the members of the Christian trinity was encouraged
by the missionaries, and there is little doubt that people today -
Christians and pagans alike - do think of the traditional High God
as a plurality in oneness. Whether the trinity idea is traditional of
whether it is a result of Christian missionary activity in the area is
another question to which we will return later.
3. The more important characteristics of the traditional High God
can be shown to belong to one or other of his modalities or 'persons'.
Nyamuhanga, or alternatively Isewahanga and Ruhanga, is the
creator. Nyamuhanga and Ruhanga only differ in the form of the
prefixes used to form a proper noun from the verb kuhanga, and the
name means 'the creator'. The name 'Isewahanga', on the other hand
is a little different. This name was said to be the equivalent of 'tata
omuhangi', 'my father, the creator' (ise, 'his (or her) father'; tata,
'my father') the name of the High God thus being combined with the
word for 'father'. While Nyamuhanga and Ruhanga as names give ex-
pression to the idea of the High God as creator without any further
specifications, 'Isewahanga' is understood to be the creator with special
reference to the creation of men. It should be noted that 'father' in this
context means genitor rather than pater. The High God is the creator
of all men, but he takes little 'fatherly' interest in them once they have
been created. While the very names used stress the role of the High
God as creator, some further information can be elicited from the
meaning of the verb kuhanga which I have translated 'to create'. This
word has a restricted meaning and does not refer to just any kind of
'creation' like the act of producing something from or organizing some
pre-existent material. It is not used of the common human activities
when something is made, and can not, for instance be used of the
activity of a potter, an activity with which creation is often compared
in other parts of Africa (Millroth, I965: 54-5). Kuhanga means to
'bring something into existence by a word of command', an activity
which is dependent on the 'power' (amani) of the creator. The verb is
only used to refer to the creative activity of Nyamuhanga, and to the
analogically 'creative' activities of the chief (mukama). The chief was
regarded as the representative of the High God on earth and was that
192 Svein Bjerke
being who, next to the High God, had the greatest 'power'. His 'com-
mand' (muhango) based as it was on his 'power', could bring about a
change in the existing conditions. As he had to delegate some of his
authority to the lesser territorial chiefs (batwale; sing. mutwale), these
could also be said to hanga on the understanding that they represented
the 'power' of the mukama.
Some traditional proverbs also illustrates the creativeness and power
of Nyamuhanga. 'Nyamuhanga is the one who creates all things' (Nya-
muhanga niwe ahanga ebintu byona). It is significant that the verb
form here used and which is the one commonly used in proverbs, is
the form which expresses the iterative or habitual action. The use of
this verb form implies that the creative activities of Nyamuhanga did
not end with the creation of the world and of man, but that he is still
creating. He is not only thought to have created man in the beginning;
he also creates every new human being. He creates - though some
people here will say forms or moulds (kubumba) in the manner of a
potter - the embryo and gives it a 'life-soul' (muganya) while it is
still in the father who during coitus transfers the embryo to the mother,
who provides it with nourishment and a place in which to grow.
This proverb is supplemented by another, 'Nyamuhanga is the one
who destroys all things' (Nyamuhanga niwe ahangurura ebintu byona).
As everything is brought into existence and this existence is maintained
by Nyamuhanga, he is also the one who destroys parts of his own
creation, and people here naturally think first and foremost of the
deaths of human beings. The idea that Nyamuhanga takes the lives of
men is expressed in the figure of 'Death' (Rufu) who is the 'servant'
of God who sends him down to earth whenever a man is about to die.
Death is brought about by Rufu when he removes the 'life-soul', ori-
ginally given by Nyamuhanga, from the dying man. 3)
A third proverb gives expression to the idea of the supreme power
of the High God; 'Nyamuhanga is not ruled by anything' (Nyamu-
hanga talemwa kantu). 'Rule' must here be understood in the sense of
'be too much for' or 'not succeed'. That he is not 'ruled by anything'
thus means that no task is too great for him, that if he wants to do
3) Though a man is always 'killed'by God he will also (unless he is a very old
man) be killed by one on the spirits or by magic, and his death may have been
brought about by drowning. There may thus be three levels of 'causes' recognized
in a given instance.
something nothing can prevent him and he is thus thought to be omni-

potent. In this connection something should be said of the idea of
'power' (amani) which is the key word in the 'ontology' of this people.
Existence is inconceivable without amani and everything that is to
exist must have amani to some extent. The soil, vegetation, stones,
animals and men must have 'power' as only that which has power can
exist. But things have varying degrees of power. Stones have consider-
able power as they are 'heavy' and durable. Some plants, like the
banana-plant with its striking regenerative properties, have more
'power' than most other plants. In the social sphere the mukama was
clearly the one who had the greatest 'power' and the hierarchical struc-
ture of the traditional society was envisaged in terms of 'power', those
nearer the apex having more than those at the bottom, i.e. the mukama,
and also a huma existed more fully than a commoner. As mentioned
in the first section, men will lose 'power' when they have been struck
down with illness or when some misfortune has befallen them, a loss
of 'power' which is expressed in ideas of impurity and impurity con-
notes death, i.e. nonexistence. The source of all 'power' is the High
God who is said 'to rule' all 'power', the 'power' of men and things is
dependent on the 'power' of Nyamuhanga who thus is the reality which
has ontological independence.
Though people will say that Nyamuhanga created the world and man
by word of command, there is no further information to be obtained
as to how this was done. What we would have liked to have in this
connection is clearly some kind of cosmogony. I did not find a cohe-
rent cosmogony among the Zinza and this lack of interest in cosmo-
gony is usual in the Interlacustrine area 4) and indeed in Africa gener-
ally (Baumann, I936: I85). Some mythical motifs could, however, be
found. The traditional cosmology considers the sky to be a solid vault
of rock created by Nyamuhanga, to which the stars are fastened like
lamps to a ceiling, and which covers the earth like a lid. There is a be-
lief that there is a 'country' (ensi) above the sky, and this country is
thought to be a replica of the known land below. In the beginning these
two lands were lying close together. We can here recognize the wide-
spread motif of a close connection which in the beginning is thought to
4) There are exceptions. See Rhese, I9IO: I25, for the Ziba (a Haya chief-
dom), and Fisher, I9II :69ff, for a much more detailed 'myth' of the Nyoro.
NUMEN XVI I3
I94 Svein Bjerke
have existed between sky and earth. It is also said that Nyamuhanga
lifted the sky to its present place. This motif is, however, not linked
with any myths, or remnants of myths expressing how man as he
exists at the present time was conditioned by the event of the separa-
tion of sky and earth. People maintained that man was created after
this separation and the closeness of sky and earth is thus not associated
with some kind of 'paradisal' existence which came to an end with the
withdrawal of the sky. This may, of course, have been different in the
past; at least the closely related Nyoro do have a myth of this type
(Fisher, I9II : 69 ff.).
As to the origin of mankind there is a widespread belief in the Inter-
lacustrine area that the first man or human couple originated in the sky
and were placed on earth by the High God, or fell down from the sky
(Baumann, I936: 208). In a couple of tales I collected the motif of
falling down from the sky was used, and one man told me:
In the sky there is a land just like this one. There are people there but they
have tails like cows and chickens. A very long time ago such a man with a
tail dropped down from the sky. When his tail was cut off he became just
like an ordinary man.
Though this was not by the informant considered to be a myth in the

technical sense of a 'true' story offering an understanding of how
something began to exist, it was stated that people believed in it in
the past. Though the High God is thought of as the originator of men
and people may have believed that the first man fell down from the
sky associated with him, he does not seem to be implied at all in an-
other tale which tells of the origin of death.
There is a story of the old days which says that when people died and were
buried they after some time and often on the same day, came out again alive.
Now a Musingo once struck the grave of a man who had just died with a
stick and said that dead men should not come out of their graves. The dead
man did not and neither did people who died after this time. Formerly,
therefore, the Basingo were not liked, they were despised, they were bad
people. A Musingo was killed as a sacrifice at the building of a new house
for the chief.
Similar stories about the origin of death are known from other peoples
within the Interlacustrine area (Abrahamsson, I95 : 62; 64). The
Basingo-clan is considered to be the lowest clan in the social hierarchy
and the story was obviously used as a justification for the killing of
a man of this clan as a sacrifical victim to the new house of the chief,
and it thus served, to use Malinowski's term, as a 'charter' for this
practice.
One 'story' which I was told and which only seemed to be known
to medicine-men (bafumu; sing. mufumu) has all the characteristics of
a myth and was also considered to be 'a true story' (omugani gw'ama-
zira) as the events referred to were believed to have happened. Nya-
muhanga is here said to have lived on earth together with men a very
long time ago. He had come down from the sky in order to teach man-
kind how to go about exploiting their environment in general, how to
make fire by friction in order that they might cook their food - up
to that time they had to eat it uncooked - how to build houses, and
how to cultivate the land. He also told people how to live together.
Culture and society are thus understood to have been given by Nya-
muhanga who thus not only created man as an organism but made him
into a cultured and social being.
The point on which especial emphasis was placed, however, was the
role of Nyamuhanga in connection with the various kinds of magical
substances, or 'medicines' (mibazi), an emphasis which is only to be
expected in a myth which is especially concerned with medicine-men.
Medicines are primarily made from trees and plants and Nyamuhanga
showed the medicines, i.e. he identified the plants from which they
were to be made and showed the procedures to the first medicine-man
who was called Bwamba ('Blood'). Bwamba then taught other men the
use of the medicines which Nyamuhanga hade revealed to him. It
should be noted that all kinds of medicines were thus revealed, not only
the good ones, but also the 'bad' ones used by witches for killing people.
4. The modality of the High God which is referred to by the term
'Rugaba' is perhaps the most difficult to define. As the name shows he
is 'the giver'. Kugaba is a verb in general use meaning to give, and
rugaba is a common noun used when an inferior addresses a superior
from whom he has received some gift or favour. There is a proverb
which clearly expresses the conception of Rugaba as 'the giver': 'Ru-
gaba is the one who gives everything' (Rugaba niwe agaba byona). The
interesting thing in this connection is naturally what it is that Rugaba
gives. Informants stated that Rugaba may give anything he is asked to
give, but also that it is far from certain that he will give as he may well
refuse to grant what is asked of him. What he may give is health,
I96 Svein Bjerke
children, and riches, which are the standard values asked of any super-
natural being. He may, however, not only refuse to give these things
but may, on the contrary, give 'bad things', all kinds of misfortunes and
diseases. In this connection, leprosy and syphilis were especially singled
out as diseases 'brought' by Rugaba.
Rugaba, then, is the one who decides whether a man is to be rich or
poor, whether he is to have many children or none at all, whether he is
to be healthy or ill, or live long or die young. He is, in other words,
the power which determines a man's destiny.
5. Kazoba is the modality of the High God which is of primary
significance in connection with ritual activities, and he is, moreover,
the only modality that manifests itself in a natural phenomenon. 'Ka-
zoba' is derived from izoba, the common word for 'sun', the two words
differing only in the prefixes attached to the root -zoba. The nominal
prefix 'ka-' is often used to form diminutives from nouns belonging to
other noun classes (e.g. mwana, 'child', kana, 'small child'), but it is
also used in the formation of proper nouns which take the concord
prefixes of the 'personal class' without any implications of the dimi-
nutive. The name thus indicates that Kazoba is the sun thought of as
some kind of person. 5) The Zinza High God is thus clearly a 'sun-
god'. As we saw in a preceding section there are some indications that
God as Nyamuhanga is associated with the sky as people talk about him
as if he were living in the sky. But he is never thought to be the sky
and can hardly be called a 'sky-god'. When asked were Nyamuhanga
is, the Zinza will answer that 'he is everywhere' (ali hona). In answers
to direct questions of this kind they never associated him specifically
with the sky, an association which is undoubtedly expressed in their
myths and stories. Nymuhanga has thus, at least today, only a rather
vague connection with the sky, and neither he nor Rugaba is believed
to manifest himself in any natural phenomenon. It should be borne in
mind that although Kazoba is not a separate deity, but only one of the
modalities or 'persons' of God and that the 'total' High God may be
5) Though there can be no doubt that Kazoba is God, various people maintained
that Kazoba was a chief who had lived a very long time ago, or that he was a
muchwezi-spirit (as he generally is in the Interlacustrine area), or that he was
an ordinary man who lived some time ago and left a ghost which some people
actually had a regular cultic relationship to. To discriminate between God and
this man, people called the latter Kazoba k'ahansi, 'Kazoba of the earth'.
spoken of as a 'sun-god', it is actually Kazoba only who is thought of

as the sun. Nyamuhanga and Rugaba are never thought of in connec-
tion with the sun, to describe their natures people say that Nyamuhanga
(or Rugaba) is 'like wind' (nk'omuyaga). Being 'like wind' he is every-
where and in no place in particular, and he has no shape.
Though Nyamuhanga or Rugaba thus have no shape being like the
wind, this does not apply to Kazoba who 'is' the sun. Some people said
that Kazoba was a man shining all over like the sun. As already indi-
cated by the two terms izoba and Kazoba, people do not necessarily
think of the sun, as God except in certain situations. The sun is com-
monly thought of much as we do, as a thing which gives light and heat.
A certain kind of fever may thus be said to be 'brought' by the heat
of the sun. Kazoba is said to light the world through the sun, or to
show himself in the sun, and he may thus be said to be the sun in the
sense in which it can be said that a god or spirit 'is' the shape which
can be perceived by the senses. One man compared the relationship be-
tween Kazoba and the sun with that between a 'horn' (kihembe) and
a snake. A 'horn' is a kind of being with some human characteristics
made from various kinds of magical substances and supposed to be
used by witches who send it to kill their intended victims. 'Horns' are
usually invisible but on their way to the house of the victim, or inside
this house, they may occasionally be seen in the shape of snakes. The
horn has taken the shape of a snake and the point is that the horn is
the snake which has no separate existence, it is the shape in which the
horn may be seen. If we take this comparison to be exact, the existence
of the sun is thus dependent on Kazoba, the sun being the shape in
wich Kazoba 'shows himself'. Considered from another point of view,
the comparison is not accurate. A 'horn' may be, and usually is, thought
of as independent of a snake, Kazoba cannot in the same way be
thought of as independent of the sun. Thus people maintained that the
sun must have been pre-existent as they could not imagine a time
when Kazoba existed and not the sun. Some people, however, main-
tained that the sun was created by Nyamuhanga together with the rest
of the world.
6. In the fundamental idea of a loss of 'vital power' (amani) and
resulting religious impurity through an unwanted intervention of some
mystical agency, one may disern an implicit notion of three levels in
the conceptualization of the causes of misfortunes. On the most simple
I98 Svein Bjerke
level one only reckons with what may be called 'empirical' causes which
play about the same role in everyday life as they do in ours. The result
of empirical causes alone are minor accidents, like falling and bruising
oneself slightly, or minor ailments like constipation or a common cold.
Unless one has 'dirt' (miyanda) already one will not normally ascribe
a meaning to such slight misfortunes, and there is no loss of 'vital
power' and resultant 'dirt'. If a disease occurs the patient is treated
with medicines known to most people or alternatively in hospital with
'European' medicines and other remedies. If, however, the disease
should not yield to treatment, one will begin to suspect that the disease
had ben 'brought' (kuleta) by some supernatural agent or through
magic. This can only be disclosed through the use of an oracle and one
will therefore consult a diviner (mufumu) who, through the use of one
or another of a number of oracular techniques and through an inter-
view with his client finds an agent which as a rule is also acceptable
to the client as he will normally have his suspicions as to the identity
of the agent. The important thing is that when a man has decided to
consult a diviner to find out what is 'killing' him, the diviner will al-
ways point out some supernatural agent or a person using magic and
he will also suggest what might profitably be done in such a situation.
If the misfortune is a disease, interest is now lost in the would-be
rational identification and treatment. It will be identified with the
spirit, or spirits, or magical substance, the actual presence of which is
the cause of the disease which will disappear when the agents or
magical substances are made to go away or removed, by ritual means.
But it sometimes happens that diseases or the consequences of acci-
dents which are due to mystical agents and therefore imply a reduction
of ontological status cannot be cured through the usual ritual means
and the victim of the disease or accident and often his family as well,
will face a situation in which the state of impurity threatens to be per-
manent. In this situation God will be called forth in peoples' minds as
he is the final answer to all questions of meaning. God is not an agent
of particular misfortunes on the same level as the ancestors, clan-
spirits, bachwezi and magical substances, consequently he cannot be
disclosed as an agent through divination. But on the level where God
becomes relevant there is, of course, no need for divination, as he is
the only one who can be responsible. When the usual ritual means held
to be effective in puryfying the impure have not led to the hoped for
results and although they have been properly performed and it has been
made sure that no other agent on the same level has brought the mis-
fortune, there is only one possibility left, viz. that God does not wish
the ritual to be effective. In some way and for some reason usually un-
known to man God has prevented the ritual actions from being instru-
ments of salvation.
Though God may be called forth in peoples' minds on other occasions
as well, it is, typically enough in situations where a man and his family
face a situation of permanent impurity that a cult to him is established.
7. In a given instance, the cult of the High God is generally found
to have a ritual history behind it. On this level the intermediate agents
have lost interest and in this situation one is concerned with the High
God directly. The cult of Kazoba is thus established by a particular
domestic group in times of crisis and thus has an irregular character,
though when a man has promised to sacrifice to Kazoba it may take
years before the cultic relationship in which he has engaged himself
finally comes to an end.
The shrine of Kazoba is of a very simple kind, being a mumande-
tree (a species of wild ficus) at the foot of which grass is spread out as
is done at any place of sacrifice. A tree of this kind can be seen at most
older homesteads but new ones are not often planted nowadays. The
'mumande of Kazoba' is always planted on the eastern side of the court-
yard. When worshipping people therefore stand in the courtyard facing
the tree and the sun. Why a mumande-tree should serve as the shrine
of Kazoba, nobody knows; they only know that God is present at the
tree which thus serves as a means of communication between God and
the world of men. We know, however, from the related Nyoro, that the
mumande was one of the props on which the sky rested in the begin-
ning when sky and earth were close together, and thus it served in a
concrete sense as a means of communication between the two parts of
the world (Fisher, I9II:70). In addition to the three and the
grass spread out beneath it some people used to place an iron gong,
'the plate of Kazoba' (ntemere ya Kazoba) beside the tree. This gong
was struck with an iron rod at the beginning of a ritual directed to-
wards him in order to draw his attention to what was about to take
place. This does not, however, seem to have been a universal practice
and some people maintained that they had never used such a gong and
that it was a custom of the Sumbwa, a people belonging to the Nyam-
200 Svein Bjerke
wezi cluster, and who were the dominent ethnic element in a small
chiefdom in the southeastern part of Biharamulo District.
Nowadays the domestic group is the only kind of congregation in
the cult of Kazoba, but in the old days when larger groups of agnates
are said to have lived together, the congregation could also be a lineage
group led by the 'clan-head' (omukuru w'oruganda) and the sacrifice
in that case took place in the homestead of this man.
While one may go to the 'mumande of Kazoba' to pray at any time,
sacrifices are always performed in the morning at about 9 a.m. when
the sun is well above the horizon. When praying, one remains standing,
holding one's hands in front of one's face with the palms together.
Blood sacrifices to Kazoba are very rare. An old man of about 70
had sacrificed only twice in his lifetime. Usually a sacrifice is only
performed after a promise of sacrifice has been made by the head of
the domestic group when this is in a state of impurity and the usual
ritual means have proved ineffectual. Although the usual thing to do
is not to make a promise of sacrifice till the intermediate agents have
been approached with due rituals, one may also pray to Kazoba in these
situations and even sacrifice to him if one owns a suitable animal. A
man whose family had been made 'dirty' by the presence of his clan-
spirit and the bachwezi, on the same occasion sacrificed a goat to the
clan-spirit, a wether to the bachwezi, and a wether to Kazoba. Most
people will in a situation like this omit a sacrifice to Kazoba because
the intermediate agents, the spirits, must be sacrificed to anyhow, and
if these sacrifices should turn out to be successful, the sacrifice to Ka-
zoba would be unnecessary. In order not to run into unnecessary ex-
penses people tend to take great chances even if they know that their
lives are at stake. Most people then, will only combine the sacrifice (or
some other ritual) to the spirit, or spirits, in question with a prayer to
Kazoba that he may let the sacrifice or other ritual to the actual agent
become efficacious and often that he may not place any 'obstacles'
(bitango) in the way. The prayers are quite simple and run as follows:
Kazoba of the sky, look after me that I may sacrifice (to the actual agent)
in order that my son may come back to life!
Make my man well for me, Rugaba, make my man well for me, The long-
living (Nyakutura) !
The words may vary as there are no set formulas, but it is deemed
The High God among the Zinza 201
necessary that the supplicant should have the right intention, he must
feel really concerned about the matter and express this concern.
But apart from situations where a loss of vital power and resulting
impurity is an established fact, one will also pray to the High God in
emergencies when one feels that one is already in the grips of death
like e.g. when being overtaken by a violent storm on the lake but in
these cases the prayers may be primarily directed to the clan-spirit or
the ancestors.
If now, after prayers of this type, the sick person does not recover
but dies, one has not committed oneself to establishing a cult to Kazoba.
Simple prayers like those quoted above do not imply a promise of sacri-
fice. People will usually pray first, and if they do not seem to be heard,
they may take the next step and promise Kazoba that a sheep will be
dedicated to him. Formerly, a cow was the usual animal dedicated to
Kazoba but nowadays a sheep is more likely to be used. The sheep must
be white because the sun is white, and is called simply the sheep of
the property of Kazoba and cannot be sold of otherwise disposed of
Kazoba (entama ya Kazoba). The family head takes the sheep to the
shrine of Kazoba where he formally dedicates it. His family must be
present and often other relatives and neighbours will be present as
well. If he has recovered in the meantime, he will thank Kazoba and
inform him that he has brought him the sheep which he had promised
and that he will sacrifice the first male offspring of the sheep to him
when it has grown up. Only grown-up wethers born of a sheep dedi-
cated to Kazoba can be sacrificed to him. The sheep is considered to
be the property of Kazoba and cannot be sold or otherwise disposed of
and ideally all its offspring also belong to Kazoba and should even-
tually be sacrificed to him if necessary, but many people actually only
sacrifice the first wether to Kazoba, and are less scrupulous about the
rest of the offspring. If the dedicated sheep should die, Kazoba is in-
formed of the fact, and provided that the family has been saved from
a condition of impurity and disease, it will probably not be replaced,
though a replacement may be promised.
When the wether is eventually sacrificed, the ritual follows the same
pattern as the sacrifices to the various kinds of spirits, but as these
sacrifices are rarely performed I did not see one myself. The wether
is led to the mumande-tree where the family and often also relatives
202 Svein Bjerke
and neighbours, will be present, and there the family head presents it
to Kazoba,
Be welcome,the goat whichI gave you is this one,
Be satisfiedand lookafter my wholefamily.
The animal is then killed and skinned and small pieces of meat are cut
from its various parts and roasted on a small fire near the tree. Some
pieces are placed on fresh leaves at the foot of the tree and Kazoba is
asked to eat these, while the members of the family concerned and other
people present eat the other bits. Often beer is added so that the family
not only eats with Kazoba but also drinks with him. Through this rite
of commensality 'peace' (mirembe) is reestablished between Kazoba
and the family.
Though a prominent feature of these sacrifices is that of showing
Kazoba one's gratitude, it is of importance to note that the sacrifice
must be performed even though the sick person died in the meantime.
If, for instance, the family head is sick and dies after a promise of
sacrifice to Kazoba has been made, his heir must carry out the obliga-
tion incurred by his father. In the promise of dedication of sheep and
subsequent sacrifice of a wether to Kazoba there is no proviso that Ka-
zoba must let the sick become well again. One is fully aware that the
promise of sacrifice does not commit Kazoba to a positive return, Ka-
zoba is not expected to act always as man wants him to act and the
sacrifice is not thought of as a contract where Kazoba has his part to
fulfil. In Zinza blood sacrifices, the life of an animal is substituted for
the life of man, and all blood sacrifices are 'sacrifices of desacraliza-
tion', but in the sacrifices to Kazoba one has no guarantee that the sub-
stitution is accepted, and Kazoba may take both lives. This is in accord-
ance with the role Kazoba plays as the ultimate explanation of every-
thing that happens.
Though today Kazoba is of greater importance in situations which
imply a loss of vital power, prayers and simple offerings of beer or
milk are also directed to him in various situations where no loss of
vital power has occurred. After the harvesting of millet in July/
August there is a general presentation of beer made from the new
millet to the ancestors and the clan-spirit. In this ritual Kazoba is often
included. The family head dips a straw in a calabash which contains
some of the new beer and sprinkles a few drops of it on the shrine and
prays that 'peace' may be preserved in his family.
It is also said formerly to be a common custom - especially among

the Zinza of the Geita District to the east - each morning at sunrise
to clap one's hands in front of one's face as an expression of gratitude.
While facing the sun people said,
Thank you, chombeka(a honorificepithet), thank you Rugaba,you have
appeared!
This act is said often to have been accompanied by filling one's mouth
with beer and spitting it out in the direction of the rising sun.
Kazoba has a special significance for medicine-men, this was natu-
rally so in the past but has probably become more accentuated today as
the medicine-men with the vested interests they have in the traditional
religion are the natural upholders of the old beliefs and practices. Ka-
zoba is thus especially associated with the collection and use of the
'big medicines' i.e. those used for treating people attacked by witchcraft,
in exoristic rituals, and in legitimate vengeance magic (kutega). The
knowledge of these 'big medicines' is the special field of the medicine-
men. Before he makes for the forest in the morning to find trees and
other plants from the roots, bark, or leaves of which medicines are
usually made, the medicine-men will stop at the mumande of Kazoba
and ask God in words like these,
Kazoba,look after me and directme so that I may go and 'see' (i.e. find
the medicines).
Kazoba, Rugaba, look after me so that I may find this medicine.
When later on the medicine is used, it is said to be usual to ask for the
assistance of Kazoba, that he will make the medicine work properly,
i.e. in accordance with its nature as this was laid down by the High
God at the time of creation. This prayer is usually a silent one. The
assistance of Kazoba is often thought of in a rather negative way, and
he is asked not to prevent the power of the medicines from having the
desired effect. As to vengeance-magic, informants thus stated that Ka-
zoba is prayed to that he may 'allow' (kuzubura) the performance, that
he should put no obstacles in the way, but 'give a path' to the medicines
that they may have the desired effect.
In Zinza religion there is another category of men who use medi-
cines. These are the witches (barogi; sing. murogi), by nature evil and
perverted men whose greatest pleasure is to kill. The witches use other
medicines than the medicine-men, theirs are 'bad medicines' that can
204 Svein Bjerke
only be used for killing. But as the imaginary medicines of the sup-
posed witches are admittedly 'big medicines' they are believed to be
collected and used under the protection and with the aid of the High
God and the witches are believed to pray to Kazoba for assistance in
their evil deeds.
8. There has been some disagreement as to the ethical character of
the High God in 'primitive' religions. Some writers like Wilhelm
Schmidt and R. Pettazzoni have underlined the ethical character of the
High God, while others, like Geo Widengren, have stressed that the
typical primitive High God transcends good and evil, that he is morally
indifferent. This 'ambiguity' which often seems to be contained in the
conception of the High God may, I believe, in many cases be better
understood if we distinguish between the activities of the High God in
the beginning, and his continuing influence in the lives of men. In his
capacity of creator of the universe and of men, a creation which implies
social order and thus morality, he may be said to be an ethical being.
But although he created the cosmos it does not follow that he acts as a
guardian of this order in the sense that he punishes those who infringe
the divine norms and rewards those who act in accordance with them.
In Zinza religion Nyamuhanga created the world, not only the 'na-
tural' world, man in a state of nature and animals and plants which he
could feed on. He also made the chief rule other men as his represen-
tative. With this creation in mind people will say that Nyamuhanga is
'good' because existence is positively evaluated in the form which owes
its origin to the High God. The knowledge that society is of divine
origin may in itself motivate people to act in accordance with this order
and those who infringe the norms may be told by their fellow men that
it is bad to do so, the idea of a divine origin of society being used as
an argument. In this sense there is always a connection between mor-
ality and the High God when society is believed to have a divine origin.
The point I wish to make is that the actual sanctioning of this order is
in the hands of men as the Zinza High God does not act as an actual
guardian of the social order which he himself instituted. He is not be-
lieved to punish transgressors. In this respect he is the amoral God
who transcends the distinctions made between good and bad. There
are, however, two instances where God is believed to 'punish' (kuhasa)
men. Once concerns his cult. He is thus thought to punish people who
do not fulfil the ritual obligations they have committed themselves to,
but only those which are of direct concern to the High God. A man
who fails to sacrifice to him after he has promised to do so, or sells
the sheep of Kazoba, may thus be punished. Faults of this kind are
what we would call sins. But there is one more sin of a rather different
type, that of 'pride' (ikuru),
It is pride when a man boasts to himself or others that he has many children
or is rich, or of other things. It is Nyamuhanga who has given him every-
thing and if he shows pride in the things which really belong to Nyamuhanga,
he may take them back.
This idea is also expressed in a proverb, 'He who has riches will pos-
sess them with Mungu' (Atunga eitunga alitunga na Mungu). This
kind of pride, which implies a feeling of transcending one's own
position as an ordinary human being and ascribing to oneself some of
that 'power' and being which properly belongs to God alone, is thought
to be felt by God as a crime towards his very being, as a lese-majesty.
Those two cases strictly concern the relationship between man and
God, and the High God will never interfere and punish a wrong com-
mitted towards another man, he does not punish misconduct or reward
good conduct. Thus the right kind of behaviour is not considered a
necessary qualification in the cult of Kazoba. A 'bad' man, murderer
or thief, or even a witch, stands no less a chance of being saved from
his misfortune or disease or being helped in other ways, than the good
man. But no man, good or bad, can be certain that God will help him.
As we have seen it is God who creates every man and it is he who
determines the quality and length of his life. 'Mungu measures every
thing' (Mungu apima byona). In his 'measuring', God is not led by
any moral considerations.
Mungu protects good people and bad people. He has made good medicines and
bad medicines,for saving peopleand for killing people. Mungu can do anything
he likes, destroy the good ones or protect the bad ones.
Why God chooses to act as he does in a given instance nobody pretends

to know. What is stressed is not his morality or amorality, but his
sovereignty and power. God is far away from men, he is remote though
more in the sense of social distance than in terms of space. People do
not know him and there is little emotional warmth in their relationship
to him. He is always seeing men, but he is uninterested in them, he does
not care for them.
206 Svein Bjerke
God has created everything and when he takes the lives of men, i.e.
when he 'allows' (kuzubura) a man to be killed by one of the spirits or
by witchcraft, he only takes what belongs to him by right. One cannot
have a grudge (enzigo) against God, one cannot argue with him be-
cause he does not act in a just and moral way. Everything is his; and
with what belongs to him he can do as he likes and men can do nothing
but recognize his sovereignty, a recognition which implies that one
must not commit the sin of being a 'man of pride' 6).
9. The question of the conception of God as a trinity may now more
profitably be discussed. As said above the general idea is that Nyamu-
hanga, Kazoba, and Rugaba are more than three names for the same
deity, they are said to be one but at the same time Nyamuhanga is singled
out as the greatest of them. That God in traditional religions is some-
times conceived of as a plurality in oneness is well known, usually either
in the sense that his 'good' and his 'bad' aspects are hypostatized into
two divine figures who in some situations are different and in other
situations conceived of as a unity, or as a multitude of beings which
though separate entities are also God. There is thus no doubt among
some of the earlier Catholic missionaries in the Interlacustrine area
that such a conception of God was indigenous and pre-Christian in this
region. A missionary of the White Fathers, P. Cesard, who worked in
the Haya chiefdom of Ihangiro, a chiefdom bordering on the Zinza
chiefdom of Rusubi, wrote in I927,
"Les noms donnes a L'Etre supreme reviennent toujours sur leur levres:
Ishe Wanga, Rugaba, Kazoba et d'autres termes: le Createur, le Donateur,
la Lumiere. Ishe Wanga ou Ruhaga ou Nyamuhanga a cree, sons fils Rugaba
(le nom l'indique) distribue aux hommes la vie et la mort, la prosperite et
l'adversite; c'est a lui qu'on s'adresse dans le malheur et la detresse. Kazoba,
le soleil, est la personne providence." (Cesard, I927 :445-6).
6) The notion of God as a sovereign is naturally associated with the institution

of chieftainship. Though it is difficult today to describe with any precision 'the
sacral kingship' of the Zinza, it may briefly be said that the chief's relations with
his people were compared with the relations of God with the world. The chief
was considered to be the sun on earth. As mentioned previously, people used to
greet the sun in the morning and in the same manner the appearance of the chief
was greeted when he came out of his house in the morning. The verb used in
this connection, kuhabuka, 'to appear' was only used of the chief and the sun.
God had placed the chief on earth to rule men, 'the chief is in the place of
Kazoba'. Kazoba was called 'the chief who surpasses everything', or 'the great
chief'.
This statement is also said to be valid for the Zinza of Rusubi, but no
further relevant material is offered to confirm this statement.
Pere Cesard may not, however, have been quite independent of an-
other missionary of the White Fathers, Julien Gorju, who in his book
on the Interlacustrine Bantu maintains that the trinity idea may be
general throughout this area. Among the hima of Ankole he contends
that Rugaba and Kazoba are conceived of as the sons of Ruhanga
(I920: I77) and he characterizes the three entities in the same way as
P. Cesard in the statement quoted above. In Bunyoro the three entities
are called Ruhanga, Nkya and Kankya, an assertion which is corrobo-
rated by the Anglican Missionary Mrs. A. B. Fisher (I9II : 64) who
says,
"If one questions very closely the old witch-priests they will speak
of a first cause - a Creator who was plurality in one person; before
any offering was sacrificed the priest always threw dust in the air and
exclaimed, 'Ruhanga - Nkya - Kankya', which meant 'God - His
brother - One person indivisible."
But here, as in the case of Gorju no evidence is adduced to confirm the
statement. In a creation myth of the Nyoro as edited by Mrs. Fisher,
Nkya appears separately as the brother of Ruhanga, but Kankya does
not appear at all (19II : 69 ff). John Roscoe, who wrote on several of
the Interlacustrine peoples, mentions the possible existence of a trinity
belief, but thinks it probable that Enkya and Enkyaya Enkya (Kan-
kya) are epithets of Ruhanga (I923a: 21; 339).
Though as we have seen the existence of the conception of God as a
trinity is asserted by some writers to have existed in the area, little in
the way of material is offered to confirm this contention; neither do
I regard my own material from the Zinza as conclusive in this respect.
My doubts in connection with the supposed existence of trinity-idea
among the Zinza are first and foremost concerned with Rugaba. Only
Nyamuhanga and Kazoba are real proper names, Rugaba is equivocal.
Rugaba is a common form of address used by an inferior to a superior
from whom he has received some favour. This use of Rugaba as an
epithet is found in connection with all kinds of supernatural beings. In
prayers and addresses to any kind of spirit and also to fetishes, this
term is often used. Thus the term Rugaba, when used to address the
High God may not have been more than an epithet designating God as a
'giver'. As can be seen from the preceding section one can easily think
208 Svein Bjerke
of Kazoba and Nyamuhanga as separate entities, while Rugaba on the

other hand hardly only emerges as a divine figure. But, if we do not
suppose the traditional and pre-Christian High God to be a trinity, we
are still left with the problem of Nyamuhanga and Kazoba. Neither
can be dispensed with to form a unitary conception of God, and the
problem of a plurality in oneness still remains.
Among the western section of the Interlacustrine peoples Kazoba is
generally considered to be, not God, but a muchwezi-spirit. In Bunyoro
which must be considered the centre of diffusion of these spirits, Ka-
zoba is one of the bachwezi which are "a pantheon of contemporarily
effective spirits, each terminologically identified with one of the long
dead if not mythical Cwezi, and each possessing its own individuality
and special competence" (Beattie, I96I: I2).
'The long dead if not mythical Cwezi' were in Bunyoro a small group
of rulers and their close relatives, and Kazoba is one of the more in-
significant of these, both as the former man and the present spirit,
and as a muchwezi he is associated with the sun. Thus it does not seem
likely for Kazoba to have been one of the members of a trinity. In
Bunyoro and Ankole the sun is not associated with the High God but
with a muchwezi-spirit. What we are left with in Bunyoro and Ankole
is thus Ruhanga (Nyamuhanga, etc.). This god may best be described
as a deus otiosus who is the creator and whose amorality is stressed, but
he is no 'sky-god' as his associations with the sky are vague. Though he
may occasionally be prayed to for help or in gratitude, he is probably
never sacrified to (Roscoe, 1915:91; I3I, I923:24, I923a:23). We
can easily see how Nyamuhanga of the Zinza also fit this description.
But among the Zinza Kazoba is definitely not thought of as one of
the bachwezi, here Kazoba is God, and the same God as Nyamuhanga
One may thus be led to believe that Kazoba was originally a muchwezi
which, for some reason, coalesced with the otiose High God and thus
made him into a more active God to whom blood sacrifices are made,
as Kazoba as a muchwezi is sacrificed to in Bunyoro and elsewhere. I
think, however, that the question may be more complicated. If we go to
the area south and east of the Zinza we find that the High God is
often a sun-god. The island of Bukerebe in Lake Victoria, inhabited
by a people related to the Zinza, represents an interesting typological
'transitional' form. God is here called Namuhanga as he generally is in
the western section of the Interlacustrine Bantu. But this is the only
place within this area where he is obviously thought to be a 'sun-god',

"On le confond volontiers avec le soleil. Le soleil c'est Namuhanga et
Namuhanga c'est le soleil." (Hurel, 1911: 78). He further says that
one never sacrifices to him.
Though the conception of the High God as a 'sun-god' is probably
very old in Tanzania as it is found among the remnants of the hunting
cultures and is widespread among all ethnic groups, suffice it to point
out that the neighbouring Nyamwezi and Sukuma think of their God
as a 'sun-god', who is called Lyuba, 'the sun'. For a discussion of the
sun-god among the Sukuma and other East African peoples I can do
no better than to refer to a study by Berta Millroth (Millroth, I965).
io. If we consider the Zinza High God as a unitary figure it will
readily be seen that he largely conforms to the model of the High God
as formulated by Geo Widengren (I938: If; 70 ff). He is closely
related to a uranic phenomenon, in this case the sun, he transcends the
distinction between good and bad and is thus a 'Schicksalsgott', and he
is the creator. The characteristics of the High God as a 'destiny-god' is
stressed by Widengren, who also points out that the High God may
often split into a good and a bad god, which in some religions may in
scme situations be fused again (1938: 76-7). In the case of the Zinza
we probably also have to do with a fission and fusion, but not along
these same lines.
I believe, however, that the nature of the Zinza High God may best
be summed up in accordance with the model formulated by Pettazzoni,
as the distinction he has drawn between the 'all-knowing God' on one
hand and the creator on the other is especially apt in this case. His 'all-
knowing God', who because he is closely associated with the sky or sun
or some other uranic phenomenon, sees everything, and because he sees
everything knows everything, is clearly the type of god to which Kazo-
ba belongs. As the sun which traverses the sky every day Kazoba is
the one who watches men and their actions. So far Pettazzoni's model
also applies to Kazoba. But Kazoba is, as we have seen, hardly to be
characterized as an ethical god, he does not use his knowledge in order to
punish or reward men in accordance with the moral quality of their
actions. He is a passive observer, and his interference in the lives of men
is capricious and not to be foreseen as he distributes good and an accord-
ing to his own inscrutable will. Neither does he use atmospherical pheno-
mena like storm and lightning as means of interference. It is the bach-
NUMEMXVI I4
210 Bjerke, The High God among the Zinza
wezi-spirits which manifest themselves in this way, though in a sense it

may be said that God as the ultimate explanation of everything that
happens in the world makes his presence and will known through these
spirits as he allows them to act. But thunder, lightning, and rain are
never thought to be manifestations of God, but of various bachwezi
spirits.
A valuable part of his thesis is that creativity is not an invariable
characteristic of the omniscient god. And Kazoba is not the creator. 7)
In the Zinza conception of the High God this thesis is substantiated, as
the attributes of omniscience and creativity are shared by the two fi-
gures, Kazoba and Nyamuhanga is the creator and with creativity goes
omnipotence, and we have seen that it is Nyamuhanga who is regarded
as the source of all 'power'.
BIBLIOGRAPHY
ABRAHAMSSON, Hans, I95I. The Origin of Death. Studies in African Mythology.
Studia Ethnographica Upsaliensia xxlll. Uppsala.
BAUMANN, Hermann, I936. Schipfung und Urzeit des Menschen im Mythus
der Afrikanischen Volker. Berlin.
BEATTIE, John, 1961. 'GroupAspects of the Nyoro Spirit MediumshipCult'. The
Rhodes-Livingstone Journal, No. 30. Manchester.
CESARP,1927. 'Comment les Bahaya interpretent leurs origines'. Anthropos, Bd.
22, pp. 441-65. Wien.
A. B., I9II. Twilight Tales of the Black Baganda. London.
FISHER,
GORJU,Julien, 1920. Entre le Victoria I'Albert et I'Edouard. Marseille.
HUREL, Eugene, 1911. 'Religion et Vie domestique des Bakerewe', Anthropos, Bd.
VI, pp. 62-94, Wien.
MILLROTH, Berta, I965. Lyuba. Traditional Religion of the Sukuma, Studia Eth-
nographica Upsaliensia, xxll. Uppsala.
PETTAZZONI, Raffaele, i96o. Der allwissende Gott. Frankfurt am Main und Ham-
burg.
REHSE, Hermann, I9IO. Kiziba. Land und Leute. Stuttgart.
RoscoE, John, 1915. The Northern Bantu. Cambridge.
--,-- , I923. The Banyankole. Cambridge.
, --, I923a. The Bakitara or Banyoro. Cambridge.
WIDENGREN, Geo, I938. Hochgottlaube im alten Iran, Uppsala Universitets Ars-
skrift 1938: 6, Uppsala.
7) It is generally found in East African that sun-gods are not creator-gods.

See Millroth, I965: 55.
FLUCH UND SAKRALRECHT
Religionsgeschichtliche Prolegomena zur Friihentwicklung des
Kirchenrechts
VON
WOLFGANG WIEFEL
Halle/Saale
Segen und Fluch geh6ren zu den religi6sen Urgegebenheiten der

Menschheit. In niederen und in Hochreligionen begegnet uns in ver-
schiedenen Modifizierungen die Vorstellung, dab durch wirkkraftiges
Wort Heil oder Unheil gestiftet wird. Segen und Fluch stehen aber
auch in einer besonderen Beziehung zum Recht. Hier wie dort wird
durch einen Wahrspruch eine Wirklichkeit geschaffen, die sozial von
hochster Bedeutung ist. Durch den Segen wird der Gesegnete in einen
Status versetzt, der ihn von dem Nichtgesegneten unterscheidet, durch
den Fluch wird der von ihm Betroffene dauernd oder zeitweise von
seiner Umwelt ausgesondert. Solche Beziehungen streben einer ver-
bindlichen Regelung und schlief3lich einer rechtlichen Kodifizierung
zu. Handlungen oder Unterlassungen werden mit dem Fluch bedroht.
Auch hier stehen die Folgen in Entsprechung zu den Strafen, die das
Recht verhangt 1). Solange die Lebensordnung religi6s bestimmt ist,
sanktionieren Segen und Fluch die Rechtsordnung, ja ersetzen sie bis
zu einem gewissen Grade2). Mit fortschreitender Entsakralisierung
treten Religion und Recht immer mehr auseinander. Es liegt jedoch
keine geradlinige Entwicklung vor, wie es der Fall ware, wenn wir es
i) Darauf hat W. Schillingin seiner Studiefiber Religionund Recht hinge-

wiesen: ,,Aus dem religi6senUrerlebnisgeht der verpflichtendeCharakterbe-
stimmterHandlungenund Unterlassungen hervor,die die ersten Anfange einer
gesetzlichenOrdnungdes Lebensbilden.Die Sakralordnung wirdzurverbindlichen
Sitte und Rechtsordnung"(Religion und Recht 1957 S. 50).
2) ,,Es wird daherm6glichsein,Verhaltnisse,die wir gewohntsindals rechtlich
geschiitztzu betrachtenunddeshalbals Rechtsverhiltnisseansehen,zu irgendeiner
Zeit nicht unter dem Schutz des Staates,sondemallein unter dem der Gotter
gestellt zu denken",schriebschon I857 der RechtshistorikerH. A. Danz (Der
sakraleSchutzim r6mischenRechtsverkehr S. I2).
212 Wolfgang Wiefel
nur mit Stammes- und Volksreligionen zu tun hatten. Wo eine neue

religi6se Gemeinschaft auftritt und in ihr neues Recht sich heraus-
bildet, tritt der sakrale Ursprung des Rechts, seine Verwurzelung in
Segen und Fluch klar in Erscheinung. Demnach wiirde die Untersu-
chung der Anfange des Rechts einer religi6sen Gemeinschaft den Blick
auf deren religionsgeschichtlichen Mutterboden freigeben. In diesem
Zusammenhang soil hier von einem bestimmten Aspekt der Friihge-
schichte des Christentums die Rede sein.
Die landlaufige Vorstellung lautet: Der Fluch gehort einer Denk-
weise an, die in den Hochreligionen, vor allem im Christentum iiber-
wunden ist. Aus dem eigentlich religi6sen Bereich ausgeschieden, ge-
hore er nur dem der individuellen Ethik an und erscheine dort unter
den verbotenen Handlungen.
In der Tat spielt das Fluchverbot in der urchristlichen Gemeinde-
paranese eine wichtige Rolle. Nach der synoptischen Uiberlieferungwar
es Bestandteil der Lehre Jesu, der in der Feldrede bei Lukas sagt:
,,Segnet die euch Fluchenden" 3). Den Widerhall dieses Herrenworts
finden wir bei Paulus: ,,Segnet eure Verfolger, segnet und fluchet
nicht". 4) Die Ubereinstimmung ist so groB, dab man erwogen hat,
ob hier Paulus nicht unmittelbar von einem in der Urchristenheit weit-
hin bekannten Herrenwort abhangig ist. 5) Das Fluchverbot findet
sich auch in anderen Zeugnissen des Urchristentums. 6) Um es richtig
einzuordnen, muB man seinen religionsgeschichtlichkeiten Kontext be-
achten. Es ist offenbar, daB die Urchristenheit die Wirklichkeit des
Fluches ernst nimmt. Das Fluchverbot bedeutet ihr keineswegs, daB
sie in ihm nur den Riickfall in eine iiberwundene Vorstellungswelt
sieht, der keine Realitat entspricht. Sie teilt vielmehr mit dem religi6sen
Denken der alten Welt die Voraussetzung, daB Heil und Unheil an
bestimmte Wesenstrager gebunden sind, zu denen auch das gesprochene
Wort gehort, daB also durch Worte ebenso wie durch Handlungen
Heil oder Unheil gestiftet werden kann. Das Fluchverbot bekommt
von da einen bestimmten Stellenwert. Wenn sogar die, die selbst flu-
chen, gesegnet werden sollen, dann wird damit auch fur den auBersten
Grenzfall der Selbstverteidigung gegen das Schaden wirkende Fluch-
3) Luk. 6, 27; vgl. Matth. 5, 44 D O.
4) R6m. 12, 14.
5) Vgl. W. Schrage, Die konkreten Einzelgebote in der paulinischen Paranese,
1963, S. 243.
6) Jac. 3, 9. Did. I, 3.
Fluch und Sakralrecht 213
wort des anderen eine M6glichkeit abgeschnitten, die fur den antiken
Menschen als selbstverstandlich zur Verfiigung stand: das eigene Wort
zum wirkkraftigen Trager von Unheil werden zu lassen. Das ist nicht
mehr eine Frage der individuellen Ethik, sondern schlieBt ein ver-
andertes Verhaltnis zur menschlichen Gemeinschaft in seiner recht-
lichen Ordnungsgestalt ein. Um dies zu ermessen, muB man die Rolle
des Fluches in der rechtlich-sozialen Ordnung der antiken Welt naher
kennen lernen.
In welchem MaBe das urchristliche Verbot des Fluches in das Leben
des antiken Menschen eingriff, zeigt sich uns, wenn wir die Rolle
naher zu bestimmen suchen, die der Fluch im Bereich des griechisch-
hellenistischen Kulturraums, in den hinein sich das Christentum aus-
breitete, spielte.
Die Beobachtung des Sprachgebrauchs weist bereits auf einen fur
unsere Betrachtung entscheidenden Tatbestand hin. Er macht deut-
lich, daB fur den Griechen der Fluch in den Bereich des Verkehrs mit
den G6ttern geh6rt, ja als Aspekt dessen gelten kann, was wir beten
nennen.
Dafiir einige Belege: Das Verb O&pCaOot, das im neutestamentlich-
christlichen Sprachgebrauch das Fluchen bezeichnet, hat als Grund-
bedeutung beten. AufschluBreich ist, wie es von dieser Grundbedeu-
tung zu dem uns gelaufigen Wortsinn gekommen ist. Bei Homer heiBt
&apa7o6ain der Regel beten, anflehen. Er gebraucht es, wenn er von
Achilleus redet, der seine Mutter Thetis anruft 7), aber auch um das
Tun des Peleus zu bezeichnen, der (vergeblich) den G6ttern betend
etwas gelobt8). Die Bedeutung fluchen hat das Verb bei ihm noch
nicht. Die nachste Stufe ist bei Herodot erreicht. Bei ihm hat der
Wortsinn an einigen Stellen eine charakteristische Verschiebung er-
fahren. Er schlieBt jetzt das Anwiinschen, das Anflehen ein, wo die
unmittelbare Wirkkraft dessen, was man von den G6ttern erbittet, in
den Vordergrund ruckt. So, wenn in der Schilderung der religi6sen
Sitten der Perser betont wird, daB der Perser nichts fur sich selbst
von den G6ttem opfernd erbitten darf, sondern nur fur den K6nig
und das Volk9). Noch einen Schritt weiter gelangen wir mit der
Drohung des Kambyses fur den kiinftigen Herrscher, falls dieser nicht
7x pao-o
7) I1. I, 351: 7toXX&8? V.qp' cpiXTn X?tpoca6p'Yv6q. ed. P. Cauer, 1921.
8) I1. 23, I44: 7oaTrOp po7a0To CIIXSU6q.
9) Herod. I, 32 ed. H. R. Dietsch, I899.
214 Wolfgang Wiefel
versuche, die Herrschaft wiederzugewinnen 10). Wenn er sagt,

er wiinsche (popeopLc) alien Persern das ihm beschiedene Ende, so
erwartet er von diesem Wunsch die unheilbringende Wirkung. Hier
haben wir also das Verbindungsglied, das vom Gebetswunsch zum
Fluch im engeren Sinne fuhrt: mit ap&aoar. ist das Herbeirufen der
G6tter zur Ausfiihrung eines unheilbringenden Wunsches gemeint,
wobei der, der ihn ausspricht davon iiberzeugt ist, daB die G6tter die
Vollstreckung solchen Wunsches verbiirgen.
Etwas anders liegen die Dinge beim zugeh6rigen Substantiv. &poc ist
primar Flehen 11), Gebet 12), Wunsch 13) aber auch Geliibde 14). Je-
doch ist hier die negative Bedeutung Fluch, Verwiinschung schon friih
belegbar. Bereits Homer, der beim Verb den entsprechenden Sinn noch
nicht kennt, hat ihn 15), von den Tragikern an begegnet er in groBer
Breite 16). Demnach hatte sich zuerst bei dem den Inhalt des Spruches
charakterisierenden Substantiv die uns hier interessierende Pragung
herausgebildet, die dann spater auf die Bezeichnung des Vorgangs zu-
riickwirkte. Wahrend der Vorgang noch als einer begriffen wurde, als
&paaocaL, setzte vom Inhalt des Spruches her die Differenzierung ein.
So kam es zu jener Doppelbedeutung, die Gebet und Fluch umfaBt,
und die sich auch beim Verbaladjektiv o&paot6findet, das einerseits er-
beten, erwiinscht, erfleht, andererseits verflucht, unselig, heillos be-
deutet 17). Sowohl diese Art des Bedeutungswandels als auch die Dop-
pelsinnigkeit begegnen in den antiken Sprachen auch in anderen Fail-
len bei Begriffen aus dem religi6sen Bereich. Das Wort &avo60 Loc,das
urspriinglich eine den G6ttern als Weihgeschenk dargebracht Gabe
bezeichnet 18), erhalt die negative Bedeutung: das den G6ttern zur
Vernichtung Preisgegebene 19).
io) Herod. 3, 65.

I) II. I5, 378. Od. 4, 767.
12) Hesiod Opera 726, ed. Rzach, 1908. Pind. Isthm. 6, 63, ed. Snell, I959.
13) II. I5, 598. Herod. 6, 63.
14) I1. 23, I99.
15) I1. 9, 566. Od. I7, 496.
I6) Aisch. Prom. 9Io ed. Wilamowitz-Moellendorff. Sophokl. Od. T. 295, ed.
Mekler 1911, u.a.
17) Vgl. Liddell-Scott, Greek-English Lexicon 12 1940, S. 234.
I8) z.B. die Weihgeschenke des Krosos in Delphi (Herod. I, 92), die in den
Tempeln Thebens und mit ihnen von Kreon verwusteten Weihgaben fur die
Gotter (Sophokl. Antig. 286). Die Bedeutung bleibt auch in hellenistischer Zeit
neben anderen bestehen etwa Plut. Pelopid. 25, I, ed. Ziegler, 1967.
Die Doppelsinnigkeit ist uns vor allem vom Lateinischen her vertraut,
wo sie bei Begriffen wie sacer (heilig, verflucht), devotio (Weihung
an die G6tter, Preisgabe), bis zu einem gewissen Grade auch bei reli-
gio, religiosus in Erscheinung tritt. Hier leuchtet eine Grundgegeben-
heit der Religion auf, an der auch die apacAnteil hat, die urspriingliche
Einheit der numinosen Erfahrung, der gegeniiber die Scheidung des
vom Werterleben her Positiven und Negativen erst sekundar ist. Be-
statigt wird die Zugeh6rigkeit der &po zum religi6sen Bereich durch
die Personifizierung und schlieBliche Deifizierung des Fluches. Was
urspriinglich nur Werkzeug war (freilich mit numinoser Kraft erfiill-
tes), wird zur Person, zur Gottheit. Die Personifikation begegnet uns
bei Aischylos, wo die apcd als T6chter der Nacht und Bewohnerinnen
des Hades vorgestellt werden 20), wahrend die opocbei Sophokles zu-
sammen mit Hades, Persephone und dem chthonischen Hermes ge-
nannt wird, also in der Reihe der Gottheiten erscheint 21).
Verstandlicherweise finden sich die Belege fur die Personifizierung
des Fluches vor allem bei den Tragikern 22). SchlieBlich ist noch be-
deutsam, daB3fur den Priester, also fur den, der den Verkehr mit den
Gottem vermittelt, in altester Zeit noch die spater ungebriuchliche Be-
zeichnung &p7yr7p existiert 23).
Aus alledem diirfen wir folgern, daB3der Fluch eine Gegebenheit
der Religion ist, seinen Ursprung im Umgang mit der Gottheit hat und
zu jener Art das Gebets wird, das wirkkraftig Unheil herabruft. Wel-
che Funktion dem Fluch im Leben des antiken Menschen zukam, tritt
besonders eindrucksvoll an den im griechischen Raum begegnenden
Fluchtafeln in Erscheinung. Auf ihnen ist der Fluch schriftlich fest-
gehalten und damit gleichsam dauerhaft gemacht. Sie sind aus Blei
gefertigt, das man der Haltbarkeit des Materials wegen gewahlt hat,
vielleicht auch, weil es das Metall des Kronos (Saturnios) war. Man
pflegte sie in die Graber zu legen, denn die Unterirdischen, die
19) Altester Beleg: Fluchtafelnaus Megara: Def. Tab. ed. AudollentParis

1904, 4IB = IG III, 3 App. XIV, 17. Entscheidend diirfte gewesen sein, daB
LXX ?.1 mit &v0'&ctjjoc wiedergibt (an insgesamt 24 Stellen, denen nur 2 Stellen
im klassischen Sinne gegeniiberstehen:2. Makk. 2, 13, Jdt. I6, I9).
20) Eumen. 417.
21) Electr. III.
22) Aisch. Theb. 70. Sophokl. Od. T. 418. Trach. 1202. Eur. Or. 987.
23) Nur an wenigen Stellen bei Homer, u. zwar in der gemeinhin als alter
angesehenen II. I, II. 94, 5, 78.
216 Wolfgang Wiefel
x0atcXZ6vLoLgalten als Vollstrecker des Fluches. Was ist auf den

Fluchtafeln zu lesen? Auf manchen nur der Name dessen, den man
verflucht24). Die meisten der erhaltenen Fluchtafeln weisen jedoch
eine knappe Fluchformel auf. Die Terminologie, die dabei verwendet
wird, ist nicht sehr variabel. Man halt sich an stereotype Formeln.
Dies scheint dafiir zu sprechen, daB der schriftlich festgehaltene Fluch
der Fluchtafeln den miindlich ausgerichteten Verfluchungen entspricht.
Die hieratische Sprache der Bannung liebt keine Abwechslung. So be-
gegnen immer wieder die gleichen Verben: an erster Stelle das
xocToS3C25) mit den Objekten yx-r-rcv, XZpocv, XuZv, daneben
Opx2co 26) VL6poL 27) avrO 2) xrTOCypcJco 29) xTcrXc 30). Sehr
selten erscheint das Wort xocropoc31). Die Wendung rcrpaaouvovaL rozq
xocaroxovLov[ habe ich auf Fluchtafeln das griechischen Raumes nicht
angetroffen, wohl aber - insgesamt 4mal - auf den sog. Sethia-
nischen Verfluchungstafeln, die aus Rom stammen, aber in griechischer
Sprache aufgezeichnet wurden 32), sowie auf einem Zauberpapyrus33).
Die dabei bemiihten Gottheiten sind durchweg die unterirdischen, die
xO6vLoL bzw. xaact06VLoL : der (chthonische) Hermes, Ge, Perse-
phone, Hekate, die Erynnien, daneben auch in Griechenland ange-
sehene fremde Gottheiten wie Osirapis. Dagegen scheint der schon bei
Homer 34) vorkommende Zeus xacr0cxOo6oc(dort zusammen mit Per-
sephone genannt) keine groBe Bedeutung gehabt zu haben. Mit zuneh-
mender Religionsmischung nehmen die fremden Gotter einen immer
breiteren Raum ein. Hierin unterscheiden sich die Fluchtafeln kaum
von anderen Zeugnissen des Volksglaubens wie Amulett, Gemmen und
Zauberpapyri. Neben die agyptischen G6tternamen treten solche aus
24) Inscriptiones Graecae (IG) III Suppl. (Tab. def. ed. R. Wiinsch Berlin
1913) Nr. 1-39.
25) Mehr als die Halfte der in IG III wiedergegebenenTafeln, die iiber den
Namen hinausgehendenText bieten, also der Nrr. 40-141, weist dieses Wort auf.
26) Corpus Inscriptionum Graecarum (CIG) VII Suppl., I877, 12500, I2509-
I25II.
27) Sammlung griechischer Dialektinschriften (SDGI), 1884-1915, 3536-3539.
28) SGDI 3541. 3544. 3547. 3548.
29) IG III, i6i.
30) IG III 88. 89. I02. Io9.
31) CIG VII Suppl. i2511.
32) Def. Tab. ed. Audollent Nr. 155, 3I. I56, 8. i6i, 35. 163, 66.
33) Pap. Lond. 46 bei Preisendanz,Papyri Graecae Magicae II, I93I Nr. 5, 334.
34) I1. 9, 457.
Fluch und Sakralrecht 2I7
dem semitischen Bereich, wie Jao und El, auch Sabaoth 35) und Ado-
nai 36). Die Nennung, gelegentlich auch die Haufung heiliger, fur den
Schreiber oft ganz fremdartiger Namen soil die Wirkung steigern.
Daran zeigt sich, daB die Gottheit nicht so sehr als personhafte Macht
verstanden wird, die man anruft, um sie zum Eingreifen gegen die im
Fluch genannten Gegner zu veranlassen, sondern viel starker als Ga-
rant der Wirksamkeit des ausgerichteten Fluches, von dessen Eigen-
wirkung man iiberzeugt ist.
Wer sind die Devotierten, deren Zunge, Seele oder Hand gebunden
werden sollen? Nicht selten hat derjenige, der die Fluchtafeln anfer-
tigte auch die Taten derer bezeichnet, denen der Fluch gelten soil. Es
sind Leute, die geliehene Dinge nicht zuriickgegeben haben 37), solche,
die die falsche Beschuldigung erhoben haben, der Devotierende habe
Gift gegeben 38), es ist die Frau, um deretwillen der Mann seinem
Eheweibe abtriinnig wurde 39). In dem erschiitternden Fluchgebet von
Rhenania sind es Morder, die man nicht kennt: ,,Ich rufe und bete zu
Gott dem Hochsten, dem Herrn des Geistes und alien Fleisches wider
die, so in Arglist ermordeten und vergifteten die allzufriih abgeschie-
dene Heraklea, vergieB3endihr unschuldig Blut frevelhaft, daB es eben-
so gehe denen, die sie ermordet oder vergiftet haben, ihr Engel Gottes,
du dem jegliche Seele sich kasteit am heutigen Tage unter Flehen, daB
du rachest ihr unschuldig Blut und es heimforderst auf das schnell-
ste" 40).
Fragen wir nach dem Sitz im Leben, so ist es in einer iiberwiegen-
den Zahl von Fallen die Situation des Rechtsstreits. Der Kontrahent,
der zu unterliegen droht oder bei Gericht sein Recht nicht fand, wen-
det den Fluch als letztes Mittel an, um eine Wendung des Geschicks in
seinem Sinne zu erreichen. Wo die irdischen Instanzen versagen, soil
35) Def. Tab. Nr. 208 - Wiinsch, Antike Fluchtafeln, Ki. Texte 202 1912,
Nr. 2.
36) Def. Tab. 241 = Wiinsch a.a.O. Nr. 3.
37) SGDI 3537-3539.
38) SGDI 3536.
39) SGDI 3547.
40) Ubersetzung nach DeiBmann,Licht vom Osten2 S. 305 ff. Die Situation ist
aus dem Gebet deutlich zu erkennen. Zwei Maidchen,Heraklea und Marthine, der
jiidischen Gemeinde von Rhenania sind umgebracht worden. Der M6rder blieb
unerkannt.Am Versihnungstag ruft die Gemeindeden Fluch auf sie herab und
a1Btdie zwei gleichlautendenGebete je auf einer Stele einmeiBeln.
218 Wolfgang Wiefel
mit Hilfe des Fluchs, den die Gottheit sanktioniert, das Recht des
Schwacheren durchgesetzt werden. Das ist die Grundsituation, der
eigentliche Sitz im Leben fur den Fluch.
Wie verhalt es sich nun aber mit den Fluchtafeln, die in ganz andere
Bereiche zu geh6ren scheinen? Eine auffallende Rolle spielt neben dem
Rechtsstreit eine andere Situation, die mit ihm in gewisser Hinsicht
verwandt ist: der sportliche Wettstreit. Auch hier gilt es, die Gefahr
des Unterliegens abzuwenden, wenn nicht anders, dann mit dem Mit-
tel des Fluches.
Der gleichfalls nicht selten begegnende Grabfluch 41) soil die Ruhe-
statten der Toten schiitzen, da der Arm des irdischen Rechtes ausrei-
chende Sicherung vor Grabschandern offenbar nicht gewahren konnte.
Eine Stiftungsurkunde bedroht mit dem Fluch alle jene, die das Stif-
tungsverm6gen zweckentfremdet zu verwenden suchen 42). Dieser
Uberblick macht auf einen wichtigen Aspekt der Beziehungen zwischen
Fluch und Recht aufmerksam. Der Fluch hat seinen festen Platz in-
nerhalb einen sakralen Rechts- und Lebensordnung. Er ist die ultima
ratio, um das eigene Recht zu sichern. Er ist Mittel sakraler Selbst-
hilfe.
Die Vorstellung vom Fluch als sakraler Selbsthilfe ist auch dem
Orient nicht fremd. Im Alten Testament gibt das Richterbuch einen
Einblick in die palastinische Volkssitte, wenn es schildert, wie eine
Frau, die ihr Geld vermiBt und glaubt, daB es ihr gestohlen worden sei,
deswegen einen Fluch ausspricht (Jud. 17, 2f.). Dieser Fluch wird
bezeichnenderweise nicht im Wortlaut wiedergegeben. Als es sich her-
ausstellt, daB ihr eigener Sohn es an sich genommen hat, spricht sie,
um den Fluch aufzulosen, iber ihn ein Segenswort. Die in Lev. 5, I
enthaltene Rechtsvorschrift will diese Funktion des Fluches als Mittel
der Selbsthilfe starken, wenn sie jeden fur schuldig erklart, der einen
Fluch h6rt und nicht zur Anzeige bringt, was ihm von der betreffen-
den Sache bekannt ist.
Was die Verbreitung von Fluchtafeln und Inschriften angeht, so
gewinnt man aus dem vorliegenden Material den Eindruck, daB diese
Gestalt der Verfluchung vor allem im Bereich der griechisch-hellenisti-
schen Kultur vorkommt. In Rom begegnet sie uns erst vom I. Jahr-
41) Dittenberger, Sylloge 3III, I908, Nr. 1238.

42) Dittenberger, Sylloge 3II, I907, Nr. 578.
Fluch und Sakralrecht 2Ig
hundert v. Chr. an, in Kleinasien trifft man sie haufig, selten jedoch
im syrisch-palastinensischen Raum.
Dennoch sind wir berechtigt, bei der Bestimmung der sozialen
Rolle des Fluches bei den Fluchtafeln und -inschriften unseren Aus-
gangspunkt zu nehmen. Wenn es sich bei ihnen um die schriftlich
festgehaltene Form des Fluches handelt, dann unterscheiden sie sich
nur durch diese Fixierung, nicht aber in Wesen und Funktion vom
miindlichen Fluch. Die Schrift soil die Wirkung des Wortes verstar-
ken, die Aufzeichnung sie dauerhaft machen. Wir diirfen folgern, daB
der gesprochene Fluch, dessen Klang die Nachwelt nicht mehr erreicht
hat, nach Wesen und sozialer Funktion dem entsprach, was wir beim
geschriebenen Fluch kennengelernt haben.
Die Wirkung des Fluches lag nicht zuletzt darin, daB er - sei er
geschrieben oder gesprochen - nicht auflosbar war. 43). Mit ihm ist
nach der Vorstellung des antiken Menschen eine neue Wirklichkeit in
das Leben des Menschen eingetreten. Hier gilt das Wort Horaz: dira
detestatio nulla expiatur victima44). Allein die Gottheit vermag der
dem Fluche innewohnenden Automatik Einhalt zu gebieten, indem sie
sich des Fluchbeladenen annimmt. Ohne ein g6ttliches Eingreifen wirkt
das Verhangnis, das durch das unheilstiftende Wort ausgelost wurde,
unaufhaltsam weiter. Diese Uberzeugung ist Gemeingut der gesamten
antiken Welt.
Die Losung des Fluches wird man sich nach der Analogie der Helio-
dorlegende zu denken heben, die wir in dem aus dem Bereich des jii-
dischen Hellenismus stammenden 2. Makkabaerbuch lesen. Heliodor,
Kammerer des K6nigs Seleukos, versucht den Tempelschatz in Jeru-
salem zu konfiszieren, wird aber, bevor er sein Vorhaben ausfiihren
kann, durch eine iiberirdische Erscheinung niedergeworfen und ist dem
Tode nahe. An ihm hat sich der durch die Gebete des Hohenpriesters,
der Priesterschaft und des Volkes herabgerufene Fluch vollzogen. Um
ihn zu losen, bitten Freunde des Heliodor den Hohenpriester Onias, er
moge fur ihn bei Gott eintreten. Dieser bringt ein Opfer dar. Darauf-
hin wird Heliodor wiederum eine Erscheinung zuteil, die ihm kund-
gibt, Gott habe um des Hohenpriesters willen ihm das Leben geschenkt.
Nachdem auch Heliodor geopfert hat, ist der Fluch gelost und er kann
43) Vgl. dazu Thuwald im Reallexikon der Vorgeschichte 3, 1926, Sp. 397 f.
44) Epod. 5, 89 ed. F. Vollmer 1927.
220 Wolfgang Wiefel
zu einem Konig zuriickkehren 45). Die in der Legende berichteten

Erscheinungen reprasentieren jeweils das g6ttliche Wirken: die Voll-
streckung des Fluches wie seine L6sung geschehen jeweils durch Ein-
greifen der Gottheit.
Damit stehen wir bereits im jiidischen Bereich, in dem Segen und
Fluch schon von Alten Testament her eine wichtige Rolle spielen 46).
Auffallend ist, dab die wesentlichen Beispiele fur den schriftlich
fixierten Fluch im Judentum aus der hellenistischen Diaspora stammen
und von griechischen Vorbildern beeinfluBt sind. Auch das in seiner
Terminologie durchaus jiidische Fluchgebet von Rhenania ist dem
Brauch der Umwelt gemaiBauf einer Doppelstele angebracht. Die Zu-
riickhaltung des palastinischen Judentums, dem das orthodoxe Juden-
tum der spateren Zeit auch hierin folgt, erklart sich am besten vom
Glauben an die Wirkkraft des gesprochenen Wortes, wie sie fiir das
Judentum vom Alten Testament her charakteristisch ist. Offenbar ist
der Fluch so sehr an das gesprochene Wort gebunden, dab die schrift-
liche Gestalt als ein unangemessenes Surrogat gilt. Dem entspricht die
gro3e Scheu, die im Judentum den Fluch umgibt.
Dies verdeutlichen die folgende Beispiele, die zugleich zeigen, wie
man auch hier den Fluch als eine unmittelbar in das Leben hinein-
wilkende Realitat begreift. Die Rabbinen haben angeordnet, daB man
bei der 6ffentlichen Lesung von alttestamentlichen Abschnitten, die
Fliiche oder Strafandrohungen iiber Israel enthalten, statt dessen die
Namen seiner Feinde zu nennen, damit der Fluch diese treffe47).
Auf der gleichen Linie liegt die Sitte, die in Lev. 26 vorkommenden
Fluchspriiche bei der 6ffentlichen Lesung einfach zu iiberspringen.
Sie ist den Autoritaten des Talmud bekannt, wird aber von ihnen nicht
gebilligt 48). Vom Glauben an die Wirkung des Fluches zeugen auch
die Empfehlungen apotropaischer Mittel, die sich im Talmud finden.
vor Damaskusund ihre reli-

45) Vgl. Hans Windisch,Die Christusepiphanie
gionsgeschichtlichen Parallelen ZNW 31 (1932) S. 1-23.
46) Zur alttestamentlichenSeite des Problems vgl. Mowinckel, PsalmstudienV,
Segen und Fluch in Israels Psalmendichtung,1923. Pedersen, Israel its life and
culture, 1926 (The blessing S. 182-212). Hempel, Die israelitischen Anschauungen
von Segen und Fluch, ZDMG NF 5 (1925) S. 20-IIO. Sh. H. Blank, The curse,
blasphemy, the spell and the oath, HUCA 23 (I950/51) S. 73-95. Scharbert, Fluch
und Segen im Alten Testament, Biblica 39 (1958) S. 1-26.
47) b. Joma 75b, b. Sukka 29a, b. Sanh. 67a.
48) b. Meg. 25b.
Man versucht durch eine Handlung, die die Erfiillung des Fluches sym-
bolisiert, diesen selbst abzuwenden. Hat man etwa den Fluch iiber ein
Schulhaupt geh6rt, so wirft man den Stuhl, der die Lehrkathedra ver-
tritt, um 49). Das in einem Fluch angesagte Untergehen eines Schiffes
wendet man durch Einweichen der Kleider in Wasser ab 50).
Zwiespaltig ist das Verhaltnis des Juden zur Nennung des Gottes-
namens im Fluch. Naheliegend ware die Vorstellung, daB die Nennung
des Jahwenamens den Fluch besonders wirksam macht 51). Sie scheint
jedoch nur am Rande des Judentums, wo dieses in den griechisch-
orientalischer Synkretismus iibergeht, wirksam geworden zu sein.
Von der dort vorkommenden Verwendung der Vulgarform des Gottes-
namens Jao(oft in Verbindung mit heidnischen Gotternamen) war be-
reits die Rede. Im rabbinischen Judentum wurde ein derartiger Ge-
brauch durch die Scheu vor der Aussprache des heiligen Namens,
zumal bei einer Verfluchung, verhindert. So berichtet eine talmudische
Geschichte von einem persischen Magier, der das Tetragramm aus-
spricht und dadurch seinen Sohn t6tet 52). Bezeichnend ist, daB man
einen solchen MiBbrauch nur einem Heiden zuzuschreiben wagt.
SchliefBlich ist nach jiidischer Vorstellung die Wirksamkeit des
Fluches abgestuft nach dem Rang dessen, der den Fluch ausspricht.
So erfiillt sich bei einem Gelehrten der Fluch auch, wenn er unbe-
griindet ist oder nur zum Schein ausgesprochen wurde53). Wenn
solche Einschrankungen nicht gegeben sind, dann erfiillt sich auch der
Fluch eines ungelehrten einfachen Menschen 54).
Gerade die zuletzt behandelten Ziige verdeutlichen, wie stark auch
im Judentum die Vorstellung von der Eigenwirkung des Fluches ver-
wurzelt war. Da, wo man sie bewuB3tin Dienst nimmt, wird der Fluch
auch im Judentum zum Mittel sakraler Selbsthilfe. Wenn diese Ver-
wendung in unseren Quellen zuriicktritt, dann diirfte das durch die
Spannung zwischen der Eigenart des israelitisch-jiidischen Gottesbil-
des und der traditionellen Utberzeugungvon der Machtigkeit des Flu-
49) b. Gitt. 35a.

50) b. Baba batra I53a.
51) Vgl. EiBfeldt, Jahwenamenund Zauberwesen ZMRG 42, 1927, S. I6I-I86
= K1. Schriften I, S. I50-I7I. L. Blau, Das altjiidische Zauberwesen, 1898, bes.
Abschn. 4c, Das Tetragramm und die altjiidischen ZauberpapyriS. I28 ff.
52) jer. Joma 40d.
53) b. Ber. 56a, b. Sanh. gob.
54) b. Baba kama 93a.
222 Wolfgang Wiefel
ches bedingt sein. Diese Moglichkeit sakraler Selbsthilfe aber ist es,
die im Urchristentum durch das Verbot des Fluches radikal ausge-
schaltet wird. Darin liegt die Entscheidung, die iiber den Bereich des
Individualethischen hinaus in die rechtliche und soziale Sphare ein-
greift. Indem der Mensch sich des Fluches entschlagt, verzichtet er
darauf, sich selbst durchzusetzen und gibt sein Recht Gott anheim.
Mit dem Fluchverbot wird also keine allgemein anerkannte ethische
Norm eingeschiirft, sondern zum Rechtsverzicht, zur Preisgabe eine
Mittels sakraler Selbsthilfe aufgerufen. Das neutestamentliche 'segnet
und fluchtet nicht' steht unter den Leitprinzip des Rechtsverzichts, das
die Bergpredigt bestimmt und in die urchristliche Ethik hineinwirkt.
Damit ist freilich nicht das letzte Wort iiber die Stellung des Urchris-
tentums zum Fluch gesprochen ebensowenig wie der individuelle
Rechtsverzicht die Rolle des Rechts in der Urkirche abschlieBend be-
stimmt. DaB das Neue Testament nicht nur das Fluchverbot kennt,
sondern selbst dem Fluch als einem durch wirkkriaftiges Wort gestifte-
tem Raum gibt, wird deutlich im Blick auf folgende Zusammenhainge:
I. die sog. Strafwunder,
2. das Verfahren gegen den Blutschander,
3. die Verwendung des Anathema in den paulinischen Gemeinden
Jeder dieser Komplexe vergegenwirtigt uns einen wichtigen Aspekt
des Problems, das mit der Verwendung des Fluches im Urchristentum
gegeben ist.
i. Von der einzigen synoptischen Erzahlung, die man in diesem Zu-
sammenhang zu nennen pflegt, der sog. Verfluchung des Feigen-
baums 55), kann hier abgesehen werden. Man hat vielfach in Zweifel
gezogen, ob es sich bei ihr iiberhaupt von Hause aus um eine Wunder-
erzahlung handelt und nicht vielmehr um ein in Handlung umgesetztes
Gleichnis nach Art von Luk. I3, 6-9 56). Andere Ausleger bestreiten
zumindest den Charakter als Strafwunder bzw. als Verfluchung57).
So verbleiben nur die Strafwunder der Apostelgeschichte: Ananias und
Saphira 58), der Zauberer Elymas, der Paulus auf der i. Missionsreise
55) Mk. II, I-I4. 20f. = Mt. 2I, I8-20.

56) So Joh. WeiB, Die Schriften des NT Bd. I3, I907, S. 178. Klostermann,
Handb. z. NT4, I950, S. II6. Vom symbolischen Charakter sprechen auch kon-
servative Ausleger wie Zahn, Lohmeyer und Schniewind.
57) Zuletzt H. W. Bartsch, Die Verfluchung des FeigenbaumsZNW 53, I962,
S. I5I-I60, vgl. auch Bruno Violet, Eucharisterion Gunkel II, I923, S. I35-I50.
58) Act. 5, I-II.
entgegentritt 59) und - bedingt in diesen Umkreis geh6rig - die Ver-

fluchung des Simon Magus, der jedoch kein Strafwunder folgt 60).
Die nahere Betrachtung zeigt, daB diese Berichte eine ahnliche Struk-
tur aufweisen. Es zeigen sich folgende Elemente:
der Fluch Act. 5,3.4 5,9,
die Wirkung des Fluches Act. 5,5a 5,ioa I3,II (Tod bzw. Erblin-
dung),
die Demonstration des Erfolges Act. 5,6 5,iob. (Jiinglinge tragen die
Leichname fort, der Erblindete tappt herum),
der Eindruck auf die Anwesenden Act. 5,5b 5,II.I3 13,12 (cp63o
bzw. OauiartLv).
Das deutet auf einen besonderen Typus der Wundergeschichte, das
Strafwunder oder Verfluchungswunder, dessen Vorhandensein allein
bereits zeigt, daB der Fluch fur das Leben der Urchristenheit nicht
ohne Bedeutung war. Bemerkenswert ist jedoch, welcher Nachdruck
auf dem Wort liegt, das das Geschehen auslost. Der Fluch begegnet
nicht isoliert, sondern ist in ein personales Gerichtsgeschehen einge-
bettet. Wiederum lassen sich dabei gewisse strukturelle Gemeinsam-
keiten erkennen, die auch fur das Fluchwort des Petrus in der Simon-
Magus-Geschichte gelten. Es sind dies folgende Bestandteile:
die anklagende Anrede: Act. 5,3. 5,8. I3,IOa 8,20a,
die Begriindung: Act. 5, 4. 5, 9a. 13, Iob. 8, 2ob,
die Ansage der Strafe bzw. die Aufforderung zur BuBe Act. 5, 9.
I3,11. 8, 22f.
Hier liegt die Vermutung nahe, daB solche Uibereinstimmungennicht
in der schriftstellerischen Eigenart des Autors der Apostelgeschichte
begriindet sind, sondern sich von einer entsprechenden Praxis in der
Gemeinde herleiten. Wenn diese Annahme richtig ist, verweist die auf-
gezeigte Struktur auf die zur Zeit des Lukas iibliche Form des Bannes.
Dabei ist wichtig, daB der Fluch in alien Fallen solche trifft, die sich
an der Gemeinde versiindigt haben. Er wird nicht zum Schutze Ein-
zelner, etwa der Apostel angewendet. Die Gemeinde ist es, die von
Ananias und Saphira betrogen wurde, sie wird untergraben, wo der
Geist, der an den apostolischen ordo gebunden ist, durch ZptxocTocer-
59) Act. 13, 8-II.

60) Act. 8, 20 f.
224 Wolfgang Wiefel
worben werden soil, es geht um ihr Daseinsrecht, wenn die Mission

behindert wird.
Wir diirfen als erstes Ergebnis festhalten, daB der Fluch hier nicht
zur individuellen Selbsthilfe dient, sondern zum Schutze der Gemeinde.
Es soil freilich nicht verkannt werden, daB es sich bei den Straf-
wundern um einen Seitentrieb handelt, der in der apokryphen Litera-
tur noch starker hervortritt 61).
2. Beziiglich des ,,Blutschanders" von dessen Treiben Paulus Kunde
erhalten hat, und dessen Behandlung durch die Korinther ihm als zu
milde erscheint, ordnet er broov-r (cpa cr rapoo ov Ts-7 v?aUpxat an:
7rOapaCpouvaCXL ) caaocVa.
Das 7xpoc8ouvcoc
T-v) Cac-OCrav kann man als Entsprechung des
rrocpocouvacL xaa0ocZOovLo ansehen, das trotz der schmalen Bezeu-
gung 62) als feste Wendung der griechischen Fluchterminologie gelten
kann. Die Bestrafung geschieht durch Aussprechen einer wirkkraftigen
Formel. Spuren solcher Bannungsformeln sind inschriftlich noch er-
halten,
etwa CIG III 4235 iCaproXOgO6o0qxoarTaOovLoLq
oder CIG III 4253 [cp6?uXo?;Ozolc xoCaxaOzCX0OVLOLt
Demzufolge darf man annehmen, daB auch Paulus die Uibergabean
den Satan durch Aussprechen einer regelrechten Verfluchungsformel
vollzogen denkt. Nach dem Vorschlag von Lietzmann 63) hatte sie zu
lauten: Wir iibergeben dich dem Satan.
Worin besteht die Wirkung? Man hat an eine Exkommunikation ge-
dacht, an den dauernden Ausschlug aus der christlichen Gemeinde.
Doch hier liegt mehr vor. Das Tcpcxao5vocal-rC aocrav-rvist Preisgabe an
die Verderbensmachte. DaB der Satan als Verderbensmacht an die
6i) Am bekanntesten sind die Strafwunder des Knaben Jesus im Kindheits-

evangelium des Thomas (c. 3. 4. 5. I4). Dabei wird die Bedeutung des Fluch-
wortes ausdriicklich hervorgehoben.Die Anzahl der Strafwunder in den apokry-
phen Apostelakten ist geringer als man es angesichts ihres Umfangs erwarten
wiirde. Die wichtigsten sind die Zerst6rung des ArtemistempelsJoh. Act. 42, die
Strafwunder an ehebrecherischenKommunikantinnenAct. Petr. Verc. 2 (Hen-
necke-SchneemelcherII, S. IgIf.) die regelrechte Verfluchung des Simon Magus
durch Petrus in Act. Petr. Verc. 8 (Hennecke-SchneemelcherII, S. I99), die
jedoch zunachst ohne Folgen blieb.
62) s.o. Anm. 32 u. 33.
63) HNT 94, I949, S. 22.
Stelle tritt, die die Unterweltsg6tter sonst einnehmen, ist gut jiidisch 6).
Zu vergleichen ist auch I. Tim. I, 20, wo der Autor Hymenios und
Alexander, offenbar zwei Gemeindeglieder, nennt, die er dem Satan
iibergeben hat. Dies bezeugt, dab es sich bei dem in I. Kor. 5 gebote-
nen Handeln keineswegs um einen einmaligen Sonderfall handelt.
Die Preisgabe an den Satan geschieht zum Verderben des Fleisches.
Das Verstandnis dieser Wendung ist zur Beurteilung des Geschehens
von grofler Bedeutung. Von oiXOpoq ist sonst im NT noch 3mal die
Rede. In I. Thess. 5, 3 und 2. Thess. I, 9 geht es um den eschatolo-
gischen Aspekt, in I. Tim. 6, 9 wird die Totalitat, die V6lligkeit des
Verderbens betont. An dieser Stelle ist offenbar der physische Tod
gemeint. Wenn das Fleisch dem Verderben preisgeben wird, damit das
7rvupaocgerettet werde, ist als Folge des Bannwortes, des vollzogenen
Fluches an die Scheidung beider gedacht 65).
Von der Geschichte von Ananias und Saphira, die man oft genannt
hat zur Illustrierung dessen, wie Paulus sich die Wirkung des Bann-
spruches vorgestellt haben mag, unterscheidet sich das hier ins Auge
gefafte Handeln durch das Ziel. Dieses ist trotz des verderbenstiften-
den Fluches die Rettung des rcvzuLoz und zwar die endgiiltige, die escha-
tologische: 'vacrvspta 706
o v
TV -
7] pa toi xupLou. Damit tritt
ein neuer fur die Verwendung des Fluches bei Paulus (und wohl im
Urchristentum iiberhaupt) charakteristische Aspekt in unseren Ge-
sichtskreis: seine eschatologische Begrenzung.
Um die Bedeutung dieser Stelle fur das hier behandelte Thema voll
zu wiirdigen, muB noch ein Wort iiber die Tat gesagt werden, die
Paulus in dieser Weise geahndet sehen will. Jemanden wird vorgewor-
fen yuvoCixa Toi 7rrpcq eX LV mit der Frau seines Vaters, also mit
0o
seiner Stiefmutter zusammenzuleben. 66). Man hat das roLOCu-n
xtopveoc -TL< oUs8 ,v Troq ?60va7Lvso gedeutet, daB hier ein auch
nach heidnischem Recht strafwiirdiges Verhalten vorlag und auf Be-
64) Strackund Billerbeck,Komm.z. NT aus Talmudund MidraschIII, 1922,

z. St.
65) Hier wird zweierlei erkennbar: I.soapZ und rrvei5ocerscheinen als anthro-
pologischeKategorien.2. Die Gewaltdes Satanserstrecktsich nur iiberdieoap.
66) Da das yuva~Zxoc XZsvnicht das Konkubinatmeint, sonderngemiaBdem
Sprachgebrauchder Koinesich auf die Ehe bezieht,muBes sich um die Ehe nach
demTodedes Vatershandeln(vgl. auchDobschiitz.Die urchristlichen Gemeinden
1902 S. 269).
NUMEN XVI 15
226 Wolfgang Wiefel
stimmungen des r6mischen Rechts, etwa auf Caius, Institut. I, 62 f.

(ed. Huschke, Jurisprudentia anteiustiniana I879) verwiesen 67). Da-
bei iibersieht man, da63das r6mische Recht in den Provinzen keines-
wegs in alien Fallen unmittelbare Giiltigkeit hatte 68). DaB die Dinge
in Griechenland, auf das es uns hier ankommt, anders lagen, wird
durch zweierlei bewiesen:
I. durch die Rechtfertigung sogar des Inzests, die sich bei Vertretern
der Popularphilosophie findet, wie aus Sext. Empir., adv. Mathem. V
(XI), I9I (ed. J. Mau I96I) und Ps. Clem. Horn. V, I8, 5 (ed. Rehm
I953) zu ersehen ist.
2. durch das jiidische Proselytenrecht, das zwar die Blutsverwandten
miitterlicherseits verbietet, aber bestimmt: alle iibrigen, den Israeliten
verbotenen Frauen sind ihnen erlaubt, und sei es das Weib des Vaters
(b. Sanh. I7b Baraitha, jer. Jeb. I2a) 69).
Die Ehe mit der Stiefmutter ist in Griechenland zwar moralisch um-
stritten, gilt aber nicht als strafwiirdiges Vergehen. Freilich gibt es
eine von strengeren Moralbegriffen bestimmte Ablehnung solcher Ver-
bindungen. Das Traumbuch des Artemidoros etwa sieht darin einen
Fall von Unzucht 70).
Das fur die Beurteilung der Praxis des Paulus Entscheidende liegt
darin, da3 er die h6chste fur ihn erdenkliche Strafe nicht fur ein ge-
w6hnliches Kriminalvergehen verhangt, das jedes weltliche Gericht
gleichfalls ahnden wiirde, sondern fur eine Tat, die zwar vom sitt-
lichen Empfinden, nicht aber vom praktizierten Strafrecht verurteilt
wurde. Der Fluch tritt also gerade da ein, wo der Arm des irdischen
Gerichtes nicht hinlangt.
Als zweites Ergebnis k6nnen wir festhalten: Der Fluch als Mittel
des Strafhandelns der urchristlichen Gemeinde richtet sich auf einen
Bereich, der jenseits des weltlichen Strafhandlens liegt.
3. In diesen Zusammenhang ist auch die Verwendung des Anathema
67) Lietzmann HNT 94 S. 22 verweist noch auf Ulpian, Dig. 25, 7, I.

68) Ramsay nach Bachmann KNT 7, I9IO, S. 2o6.
69) Weniger wichtig sind die Falle dieser Art, die ausdriicklichgenannt werden:
etwa Caracalla bei Ael. Spartian., vita Ant. Carac. Io, 4, Hermigiskolos, der
Riidiger seine zweite Frau gibt, Prokop, Bell. Goth. IV, 20, ed. Haury, 1962.
Auch die wortgewaltige Entriistung des Cicero kann nicht dariiber hinwegtau-
schen, daB es mit der tatsachlichen Strafverfolgung nicht weit her war pro
Cluent. 5-6 ed. C. F. W. Miiller I9oI).
70) Oneirocrit. IV, 20 ed. R. A. Pack I963.
in den paulinischen Gemeinden einzuordnen 71). Wenn wir von den

beiden Stellen absehen, wo Paulus das Anathema fur sich selbst ins
Auge faat - Gal. I, 8 und R6m. 9, 3, die beide auf einen irrealen Fall
abheben - haben wir uns auf zwei Zusammenhange im I. Korinther-
brief zu konzentrieren.
Als Regel ,,zur Unterscheidung der Geister" erscheint in I. Kor.
12, 3 der Satz o8zq sv 7rV Voc l sorL o5
Xc0aXo Xy?Lt 'AvaOs0izo 'Iqo6q.-
Antithetisch geht es dann weiter: daB niemand xupLog'ITGaog sagen
kann, es sei denn ,v 7rveuzSocrL ayCo. DafI das XaoiZv,v rvsvizTcr
nicht ein bloB inspiriertes Reden ist, sondern ein glossolalisch-eksta-
tisches, wird aus I. Kor. 14 klar 72). Wenn also die Frage auftaucht,
ob jemand ev xrvulpoa:t Ozo5 sagen kann 'AvdOsp~a 'ITao6g, so ist
damit gemeint, wie das in der Ekstase gerufene Anathema zu ver-
stehen ist. Damit ist deutlich geworden, daB3das Anathema in die Ge-
meindeversammlung gehort, wo der Geist wirkt und nicht etwa als ein
vor heidnischen Gerichten erzwungener Widerruf 73). Obwohl die
iuBeren Phinomene gleich sind, kann es nicht das xrvcf?pa sein, das
hier wirkt. So gibt dieser Fall Paulus Gelegenheit, die bis dahin aner-
kannte unterschiedslose Gleichsetzung ekstatischer Phanomene mit dem
7rvipoc in Frage zu stellen. Wenn das parallele xupLog'Iaoq6Ug Akkla-
mationscharakter hat - wie im Blick auf Ram. io, 9 und Phil. 2, II
weithin zugestanden wird - so diirfte dasselbe auch'Ava60isOo 'Iaoi6q
gelten 74). Bei dem Anathema handelt es sich um eine pneumatische,
d.h. in ekstatischer Hochstimmung gesprochene Akklamation. Ratsel-
haft bleibt jedoch, dafBsie sich mit dem Jesusnamen verbinden konnte.
Man hat an einen Kampfruf der Gnostiker gedacht, die den irdischen
Jesus ablehnen und nur den pneumatischen Christus anerkennen, so
Joh. WeiB3 75), neuerdings Schmithals 76). Man braucht sich jedoch
nicht auf solche unsicheren Vermutungen einzulassen, wenn man sich
den besonderen Charakter der Gemeindeversammlungen (in Korinth)
vor Augen halt, in denen solche Akklamationen laut wurden. Der
schwedische Religionspsychologe Linderholm, auf den sich Lyder
7I) Zur Herkunft und Bedeutungsgeschichte vgl. o. Anm. 18 u. 19.

72) Peterson, Heis Theos, 1926, S. 147, I.
73) So Cullmann, Der Staat im Neuen Testament, 1956, S. 46.
74) Peterson, Heis Theos, 1926, S. I47, I.
75) Meyers Kommentar z. NT7 z. I. Kor. 12, 3.
76) Die Gnosis in Korinth, I956, S. 47.
228 Wolfgang Wiefel
Brun 77) bezog, hielt es fur durchaus verstandlich, daB die ekstatische
Stimmung bei psychopatisch affizierten Teilnehmern dahin fiihrte,
daB sie zu solchen Rufen wie 'AvoE0ilzo'Iycrou hingerissen wurden. Die
Nahe des Heiligen lost Gegenreaktionen aus, in denen das Unheilige
sich gesteigert Ausdruck verschafft. Noch nicht beantwortet ist dabei
die Frage, warum sich diese Gegenreaktion in einem Anathema-Ruf
Ausdruck verschafft. Die Losung liegt in der Einsicht, daB in der
Gemeindeversammlung regelmaTig Anathematismen iiblich waren 78).
Man kann mit Recht einwenden, daB Falle, die ein Strafhandeln
notwendig machten wie der des ,,Blutschanders" nicht sehr hiufig an-
standen. Hier hilft der Blick auf den SchluB des Briefes weiter, wo
uns wiederum das Anathema begegnet. Wir lesen dort einen Satz, der
uns als Ende eines Briefes reichlich unpassend erscheinen will:
' ou(pl0XsL 'v f-yco
[LtL xul4ov )voO6sja0 (16, 22).
Dem folgt das wegen seiner aramaischen Sprachgestalt als Akklama-
tion anzusehende Maranatha. Gunther Bornkamm hat aus der alteren
These, daB die Paulusbriefe zur Verlesung in Gemeindeversammlun-
gen bestimmt waren, die Konsequenz gezogen, daB auch die Anathe-
maformel dem christlichen Gottesdienst zugeordnet sei 79). Dies wird
bestatigt durch den Vergleich mit Did. io, 6, wo gleichfalls das Ana-
thema erscheint, indem statt des Anathema gesagt wird: ,,Wenn jemand
heilig ist, der trete herzu (epX0caOo),wer es nicht ist, der bekehre
sich." Bei dieser Scheideformel haben wir es mit einer milderen Form
des Anathema zu tun. Im Blick auf den kommenden Richter (Marana-
tha) wird die Scheidung vollzogen zwischen denen, die zum Kyrios
geh6ren und denen, die von ihm getrennt sind. Auch die Didache hat
die gottesdienstliche Versammlung im Auge. Die Scheidung konkreti-
siert sich hier in der Weise, daB diejenigen, von denen man sich durch
diese Scheideformel getrennt hat, vom Herrenmahl ausgeschlossen
bleiben. Das EpZXaO0cl meint zweifellos das Hinzutreten zum eucha-
ristischen Mahl. Die Scheideformel soil die Uneingeweihten (die noch
nicht heilig, d.h. noch nicht Christen sind) und die Unwiirdigen fern-
77) Segen und Fluch im Urchristentum, Oslo, 1932, S. I23.

78) Diese Linie setzt sich fort in den gleichfalls als Akklamationenausgespro-
chenen Anathematismender Konzile, auf die gleichfalls Peterson, a.a.O. hinge-
wiesen hat.
79) Das Anathema in der urchristlichenAbendmahlsliturgiein: Das Ende des
Gesetzes, 1952, S. 123-132.
halten. Ihr Sitz im Leben ist die Arkandisziplin. Wir k6nnen anneh-
men, dab da, wo in Ausnahmefallen, wie dem in I. Kor. 5 ins Auge
gefaBten, die feierliche Verfluchung stattfand, Scheideformel und
Anathemarufe laut wurden, um dadurch alle unerwiinschten, nicht zur
engeren Kultgemeinschaft geh6rigen Anwesenden auszuschlieB3en.Da
die in I. Kor. 14 geschilderte Versammlung zunachst offentlich ist
(vgl. v. 23 ff), diirfte die Scheideformel mit dem Anathema an die
Stelle geh6ren, wo die offentliche Gemeindeversammlung in die ge-
schlossene Mahlfeier iibergeht. Wenn die Feier der Messe in der alten
Kirche streng zwischen Katechumenenmesse und eigentlicher Opfer-
messe scheidet und vor Beginn der letzteren nicht nur die Katechu-
menen, sondern auch die BiiBer, d.h. die Exkommunizierten bzw. in
6ffentlichen Siinden Lebenden aufgefordert werden, den Gottesdienst
zu verlassen 80), so diirfte hier ein unmittelbarer Zusammenhang mit
dem bestehen, was bereits die Gemeindeversammlungen der apostoli-
schen Zeit kennzeichnete.
So k6nnen wir als drittes Ergebnis formulieren: Das in Fluch- und
Bannungsformeln Gestalt gewinnende scheidende Handeln ist ein
wesentlicher Bestandteil der urchristlichen Gemeindeversammlung.
Das Vorhandensein einer zwischen 6ffentlichem Gottesdienst und
Mahlfeier stehenden Scheideformel wird bestatigt durch den Blick auf
analoge Erscheinungen in der religi6sen Umwelt. In Lukians Alexan-
der von Abonuteichos, wo der Verfasser das Treiben eines zeitgenss-
sischen Mysterienkultes vor Augen hat, erscheint eine charakteristische
Scheideformel. Alexander selbst stimmt an: G&oXpLa-rtovoU'. Die Ge-
meinde antwortet: "wo 'E7tLxoupacou? 81). Hier wird in akklamatori-
scher Form die Scheidung von denen vollzogen, deren Anwesenheit
bei der Mysterienfeier nicht geduldet werden kann.
Dies ist nun keineswegs die Besonderheit eines obskuren Kultes,
sondern geht zuriick auf den Grundtypus des Mysterienkultes, der die
Struktur aller spater entstandenen bzw. in der griechisch-hellenistischen
Welt heimisch gewordenen Geheimkulte entscheidend beeinfluf3t hat,
auf den Kult von Eleusis. Bei den eleusinischen Mysterien erfolgt vor
80) Zuerst die sog. KlementinischeLiturgie Const. Apost. VIII, 6-9, ed. Funk
I906.
Weiteres: Griech. Liturgien (Bibl. der Kirchenvater 52), I912, S. 94 (Jakobus-
lit.), S. 169 (Markuslit.), S. 235 (Chrysostomoslit.).
8I) Lukian, Alexander 38 (ed. Jacobitz (I9II).
230 Wolfgang Wiefel
Beginn der eigentlichen Feier die 7p6popp(at,durch die die Unreinen

und die Leute mit sittlichen Makeln ferngehalten werden 82). Auf
diese Weise erhalten die kultischen aber auch die ethischen Vorbedin-
gungen, die die Kultgemeinde stellt, ihre letzte Sanktionierung. Nie-
mand wiirde es wagen, dennoch hinzuzutreten, da die Fluchwirkung
solcher feierlich ausgesprochener Scheideformeln feststand. Hier liegt
eine sakrale Rechtspflege vor, die sich dann gegeniiber der staatlichen
als unabhingig behauptet. Wir sehen das daran, daB selbst Nero es
nicht wagt, sich in Eleusis einweihen zu lassen, well er den sittlichen
Bedingungen nicht geniigen wiirde und fiirchten mug ausgeschlossen
zu werden 83). Wo in der weltlichen Rechtspflege die Strafe steht, ver-
traut man hier der Wirkung des Fluches.
Von einer solchen sakralen Rechtspflege k6nnen wir auch bei der in
Athen wirkenden Iobakchen-Gemeinschaft sprechen, die den Diony-
soskult pflegt 84). Religi6se Gemeinschaften, die Scheidung ausspre-
chen und sie durch Fluch sanktionieren, iibernehmen eine Funktion,
die urspriinglich der Volksgemeinde oder dem Staat zukam. Die sakrale
Rechtsordnung, die durch den Fluch geschiitzt wurde, bildete die
Grundordnung menschlichen Gemeinschaftslebens iiberhaupt. Aus der
altesten, noch vorstaatlichen Zeit des Lebens in Griechenland diirfte
es herriihren, wenn das Priestergeschlecht der Buzyges, die mit einem
Fluch belegt, die ihren Mitmenschen die einfachsten Pflichten verwei-
gern, den Verirrten den Weg nicht zeigen, Wasser und Feuer ver-
sagen 85) oder selbst als schidlich erkannte Ratschlage geben 86). So
soil das Leben der Sippenordnung geschiitzt werden. Auch die Tempel
und Heiligtiimer, um deren Schutz es nicht immer zum Besten stand,
werden auf diese Weise gesichert.
Einige dieser Fliiche sind uns iiberliefert 87). Vor allem verfahrt
der griechische Staat, d.h. die Polis so. Dort werden durch den von
82) Isokrates 4, 157 (ed. Benseler-BlaB I913). Likian, Demononax 34 (ed.

Nillen 1906).
83) Sueton, Nero 34 (ed. Roth 1865): Wahrend seiner Reise in Griechenland
wagte er nicht, an den EleusinischenMysterien teilzuhaben,wo durch den Ruf des
Herolds alle Unfrommen und Ubeltater von der Einweihung ferngehaltenwerden.
84) Dittenberger, Sylloge3 III Nr. IIO9 (= IG II Nr. 1368).
85) Athenaios VI, 35 ed. G. Kaibel 1887.
86) Clem. Alex., Strom. II, 50, 17 ed. O. Stahlin.
87) Lysias, adv. Andocid. 5I ed. Thalheim 1913: athenische Heiligtiimer,
Aischin., adv. Ctesiph. iiof. ed. BlaB 1896: Delphi.
Fluch und Sakralrecht 23I
seinen Beamten ausgesprochenen Fluch alle die getroffen, die den

Staat und seine Ordnung bedrohen. Das klassische Beispiel sind die
Fliiche von Teos, die dirae Teiae, die leider nicht liickenlos deutbar
sind. Hier werden genannt: Zauberei gegen die Gemeinde, Gefihrdung
der Getreideversorgung, Ungehorsam gegen die Magistrate, Hochver-
rat, Landsverrat und Landfriedensbruch 88). Es handelt sich dabei
durchweg um politische Vergehen, von denen sicher nicht alle durch
Gerichte erfaBt und bestraft werden konnten 89). Ahnliche Fliiche
sind aus Chios 90) und Magnesia 91) iiberliefert.
In ahnlicher Weise wird die Verfassung durch Fluch geschiitzt 92).
Schlie3lich geh6rt es gleichfalls in diesen Zusammenhang, wenn
Plato in den Nomoi den Fluch fur eine Reihe besonders schwerwie-
gender Vergehen vorsieht: die Hinterziehung von Gold und Silber
(742B), das Unterlassen der Anklage gegen die Morder der eigenen
Anverwandten (87 B, die Duldung von Elternmif3handlung (88I D).
Der Fluch erfaPt auch hier gerade die Bereiche, die sich der Straf-
justiz entziehen. Das bedeutet aber auch: er war nur solange voll
wirksam, wie die sakrale Wurde der 6ffentlichen Ordnung ungefragte
Voraussetzung des Lebens blieb, die theokratische Grundlage der Ge-
sellschaft noch nachwirkte.
In der hellenistischen Zeit ging diese Funktion ganz auf die Kult-
gemeinschaften iiber. Was friiher vor allem dem Staat zukam, bleibt
jetzt ihnen vorbehalten: den Fluch auszusprechen und wirksam zu
machen und durch die religi6se Sanktionierung Bereiche zu erfassen,
die vom weltlichen Recht nicht oder nicht mehr erreicht werden. Das
vollzieht sich in einer Periode, die durch den Niedergang der unmittel-
baren politischen Autoritat bestimmt ist. Damit iibernehmen die reli-
gi6sen Gemeinschaften zu einem Teil staatliche Funktionen. Die von
ihnen geiibte sakrale Rechtspflege ist fur das soziale Leben und die
88) Dittenberger, Sylloge3 I Nr. 37-38 = SDGI Nr. 5623.

89) WeitereBeispiele:Fluch auf Weisungdes Aristidesiiber jeden,der mit
den Persernin Unterhandlung
eintritt(Plut.,Arist. Io, ed. ZieglerI957,Isokrates,
Paneg. 156 ed. BlaB 1913), Verfluchung aller, die wider besseres Wissen, die
Boule, den Demos oder die Heliaea tauschen (Demosth., adv. Aristocr. 97 ed.
Sykutris I937).
go) Dittenberger, Sylloge3 II Nr. 987 = SGDI Nr. 5562.
91) Dittenberger, Sylloge3 II Nr. 685 = CIG II Nr. II60, p. 2561.
92) Demosth. 20, I07, Plut. Solon 24.
232 Wolfgang Wiefel
ethische Pragung des Menschen in der hellenistischen Welt von groBer

Bedeutung.
Dem entspricht der Umstand, dal der Fluch aus Bereichen, wo er
bislang zur Sicherung der Rechtsvorschriften diente, verschwindet und
durch Androhung direkter Strafen ersetzt wird. AufschluBreich sind
hier die Grabinschriften, die, wie wir sahen, eine besondere Domane
des religi6sen Fluches waren. Dieser wird nun ersetzt durch aus den
Frevlern Strafe androhende Gesetz: 6 -rq 0CoaepdaL
v6[o< 93). Man
iiberantwortet den Ubeltiter nicht der Rache der G6tter, sondern er-
legt ihm eine Geldstrafe auf 94).
Es konnte nicht ausbleiben, daB da, wo der Fluch seine Stellung im
allgemeinen Recht weithin verloren hatte, nun auch moralische Kritik
Raum gewinnt. Wenn Plutarch die Priesterin Theano sagen lait:
uXtcovo0 xOcTocpv LepeLv yyovvaoL 95), so macht er sie zur Spreche-
rin der eigenen Gedanken 96). Hier ist die neutestamentliche Ableh-
nung des Fluches uberhaupt nachgebildet.
Andererseits hat das Urchristentum, insofern es sich als Kultgemein-
schaft konstituiert und in Nachbarschaft zu den religiosen Gemein-
schaften mit Mysteriencharakter steht, an dem oben beschriebenen
ProzeB Anteil. In den Versammlungen wird eine sakrale Rechtspflege
geiibt, die in Scheideformel und Fluch ihren konkreten Ausdruck fin-
det. Indem die Urkirche in den von der griechisch-hellenistischen Kul-
tur bestimmten Zusammenhang hineinwachst, bildet sie selbst Polis-
Struktur aus. Sie realisiert, das was in ihrem Selbstverstandnis als
Gottesvolk angelegt ist, in Gestalt eines sakralen, alle Glieder verpflich-
tenden Rechts. In ihr bildet sich eine Tendenz aus, sich zu einer ge-
schlossenen auf dem sakralen Recht beruhenden Korperschaft zu ent-
wickeln und das weltliche Recht nicht in Anspruch zu nehmen. Neben
dem in i. Kor. 6 ausgesprochenen paulinischen Verbot, heidnische Ge-
richte in Anspruch zu nehmen, ist das oben bereits erwahnte Beispiel
des Graberfluchs sehr eindrucksvoll. Noch in spaterer Zeit verzichten
christliche Grabinschriften im Unterschied zu heidnischen auf die An-
drohung weltlicher Strafen, dafiir findet gelegentlich dort das ov&oe0eac
C6T 97).
93) CIG III 4266.

94) Belege: CIG V, 592 X, 6706.
95) Alkib. 22, 5.
96) Vgl. z.B. Aetia Romana 44.
So bietet sich uns als viertes und letztes Ergebnis dar: Indem die
Urchristenheit von Anfang an nicht nur als geistliche (,,eschatologi-
sche") Gr6ofe, sondern auch als soziales Gebilde, als Religionsgemein-
schaft existiert, tritt sie mit ihrem sakralen Recht in einen Geschichts-
zusammenhang ein, der von der antiken theokratischen Ordnung zu
den exklusiven Kultgemeinschaften der Kaiserzeit reicht.
Die zwiespaltige Wertung des Fluches im Urchristentum auf der
einen Seite Verbot des Fluches- auf der anderen Rezeption des Fluches
im kultischen Gebrauch der Gemeinde-griindet im Doppelcharakter des
Fluches, der einerseits sakrale Selbsthilfe, andererseits Bestandteil der
sakralen Rechtspflege, religi6se Sanktionierung der Ordnung einer Ge-
meinschaft ist.
97) F. Cumont, Recherche sur le Symbolisme funeraire des Romains, S. 354 f.,
Paris 1942. Der gleiche Autor schon friiher in den Melanges d'Ecole franc. de
Rome XV, 1895.
THE TRANSPLANTATION OF RELIGIONS
BY
E. M. PYE
Universityof Lancaster
This article offers some ideas about the transplantation of religions

which are thought to be sufficiently widely illuminating to be consi-
dered as a phenomenological theory.
What Van Der Leeuw called "the dynamic of religions" 1) has
always been the most neglected aspect of the phenomenology of reli-
gion. This neglect may have been at least partly due in recent times to
the necessity of distinguishing clearly between the history of religions
and the phenomenology of religion, which naturally led to the focussing
of the latter on static structures rather than on anything which smacked
of chronological development. R. Pettazzoni's "Aperqu Introductif"
in the first volume of Numen 2) illustrates this clearly. He explains
the purpose of phenomenology as being to explain "le sens" of reli-
gion 3) and quotes Van Der Leeuw's dicta: "Die Religionsphanomeno-
logie is nicht Religionsgeschichte" and "von einer historischen Entwick-
lung der Religion weiB die Phanomenologie nichts". 4) The distinction
between the two disciplines could not be more emphatically stated, and
it is significant that it is the notion of development which betrays itself
as an important distinguishing factor.
Conversely, Pettazzoni himself attempted to draw the two together
precisely by emphasising "la fenomenologia dinamica". In the phenom-
enology of the dynamics of religion he saw the point of identification
between phenomenology and history. 5) He was, it seems to me, partly
right. On the one hand it is important to hold history and phenomen-
i) G. Van Der Leeuw, Religion in Essence and Manifestation (2nd. Eng. ed.
1964) p. 609. (The first edition was in I933.)
2) Numen I, I (Jan. 1954), Apercu Introductif.
3) Op. cit., p. 3.
4) Op. cit., p. 4.
5) Numen I. 2 Manuali di Storia delle Religioni p. 140. Cf. also Numen VI, I
(Jan. 1959) II Metodo Comparativopp. 9ff. and p. I4.
The Transplantation of Religions 235
ology firmly apart, as their relationship is one of interplay. A "dualism"

of mental categories such as Pettazzoni feared does not necessarily
affect the unity and coherence of that which is studied. However on
the other hand Pettazzoni's instinctive demand for a phenomenology
of the dynamics of religion was completely justified. Such a phenom-
enology is just as important as a phenomenology of the static structure
of religion, though it may be more difficult to develop.
Perhaps the main difficulty in elaborating a theory of the "dynamic"
aspects of religion is indeed that it can easily be mistaken for history.
A phenomenological theory draws on histories of religions and relates
again to further historical research as a heuristic principle, but it is
itself an abstraction (or set of abstractions) and as such quite differ-
ent from those wide generalised sweeps of history which are some-
times illuminating but which more often simply obscure the actual
complexities of things. The integrity of the historical method as such,
which must be defended from the idolatry, so to speak, of specific
phenomenological theories, may be safeguarded if one assumes, at any
rate for a few centuries or so, that no phenomenological theory can
claim to be exhaustively illuminating, especially if the field of religion
is defined, for operative purposes, at its widest. Nevertheless a theory
is valuable if it illuminates some similarities between some religions
which are dissimilar in other respects, or if it sets up a framework in
terms of which varying degrees of some characteristics may be consid-
ered in the case of a series of religions. It is in this spirit that the
following ideas about the transplantation of religion, in expressly formal
and non-historical terms, are offered.
Van Der Leeuw himself devoted only nine pages 6) out of several
hundred to "the dynamics of religion", in the course of which he dealt
with syncretism, transposition, mission, revival and reformation. Of the
five terms mentioned "mission" stands out as carrying with it heavy
associations of one specific religion, Christianity, and I therefore sug-
gest that it should be dropped for phenomenological purposes in favour
of transplantation. Similarly I prefer the word ambiguity (for which
see later) to accomodation as the latter has specifically Buddhist over-
tones for those who are aware of them.
In the above cases the preferred terms also have the advantage over
6) Van Der Leeuw, op. cit., pp. 6o9ff.

236 E. M. Pye
the rejected ones that they do not necessarily imply conscious activity.
Van Der Leeuw admitted that "mission" may be completely uncons-
cious 7) but it must be said that it can scarcely be so in the specifically
Christian context from which the word was drawn. Transplantation
allows us to include conscious and unconscious activity without strain.
I admit that even transplantation, if taken too literally, suggests some
kind of gardener rearranging his flowers and vegetables, but propa-
gation, which is unconscious enough in botany, has already been snapped
up by the Vatican. So we shall have to make do with transplantation,
forgetting the gardener and allowing that seeds are sometimes blown
about by the wind or carried unwittingly by animals and birds. The use
of the word transplantation will also allow us to detail a rather more
comprehensive theoretical pattern which will link "mission" not only
with "syncretism" as in Van Der Leeuw's chapter 93 but also with
"revival" and "reform" as in his chapter 94.
The transplantation of a religion involves a complex relationship
between tradition and interpretation, or in other words, an interplay
between what is taken to be the content of the religion and the key
factors in the situation which it is entering. This relationship may be
considered in terms of three principal aspects (designated below as I.I;
1.2; 1.3) and five sets of differentia (designated 2.I; 2.2; etc.). In
order to explain the theory in consecutive prose it will be convenient to
detail briefly two pairs of differentia as an introduction, then the three
principal aspects as the hinge of the theory, then the three further sets
of differentia by way of elucidation.
2. . Transplantation may be geographical or chronological. It may be
geographical as in the case of the spread of oriental cults in the Roman
Empire, or the spread of Buddhism, Christianity, Islam, Manichaeism,
etc. into the areas concerned (c.f. "syncretism" and "mission", Van Der
Leeuw, op. cit., pp. 6o9ff.). It may also be chronological, not in the
trivial sense that geographical transplantation takes time, but in the
sense that a religion may find itself running on the spot to reassert
itself in changing cultural circumstances (cf. "revivals" and "reform-
ations", Van der Leeuw, op. cit., pp. 6I3ff. with which should also be
considered "transpositions", op. cit., p. 6Iof., and also restatements and
"aggiornamento").
7) Op. cit., p. 611.

The Transplantationof Religions 237
2.2. The factors in the situation into which a religion is transplanted

may be themselves specifically religious or not, or both. If a religion
already present in the situation under consideration is itself undergoing
a chronological transplantation, then religious struggle may ensue.
Sometimes however political or economic or other non-religious factors
may be more important than the claims of rival religions.
I.I. Contact (the first principal of transplantation). This is a very
simple matter involving the setting up or presentation of means of com-
munication, styles of activity, etc. e.g. writings, ideas, buildings, rituals.
These means bear some relation to the factors of the situation into
which the religion is being transplanted, i.e. writings are translated or
re-translated etc.
1.2. Ambiguity (the seond principal aspect of transplantation). This
involves a degree of acceptance of factors prevailing in the situation into
which the religion is entering, such that the question of heresy and
orthodoxy, rightness or wrongness, is thereby raised, i.e. the question
as to the identity or otherwise of that which is expressed in the new
situation and that which gave the initial impulse to the transplantation,
or in other words the question as to the persistenec or dissipation of the
tradition. Ambiguity may appear as one symbol with two sets of asso-
ciations (e.g. Mara 8)) or simply in the unresolved coexistence of ele-
ments belonging to the transplanting tradition and to the situation
which is being entered (e.g. Christian and pagan elements in Beowulf).
I.3. Recoupment 9) (the third principal aspect of transplantation). This
involves the reassertion or reclarification of that which was being trans-
planted in some adequate way. On the one hand the new expression of
the religion will have a reasonable claim to identity with that which
8) See T. O. Ling, Buddhismand the Mythology of Evil, I962.

9) Since working out the above ideas I have come across the use of the word
"recoupment"by I. R. Faruqi in his History of Religions: its Nature and Signi-
ficancefor ChristianEducationand the Muslim-Christian
Dialogue(continuation,
in Numen XII, 2. p. 83) where he says. "Therefore, there can be no doubt that
Semitic Christianity had itself developed into Islam, and that the latter's con-
tention with Orthodox Christianity is only a backward look within the same
stream from a point further down its course - in short a domestic recoupment
within the one and same Semitic consciousness itself." Clearly the usage is not
yet technical in the sense in which I am trying to establish it, but at the same time
it is a clear attemptto delineatea chronologicaltransplantation(for more details of
which see op cit., pp. 8Iff.) which coincides with Islam's account of itself, and to
claim the Quranic revelation as an adequate reassertion of the essential meaning
238 E. M. Pye
gave the impulse to the transplantation; but on the other hand it will
not be simply identical with older forms since it has expressed itself
in terms of the factors of the situation which it has entered. The recoup-
ment aspect is the most difficult to evaluate because it involves some
sorting out of heresy and orthodoxy (or similar), that is, some attempt
to elucidate the essential characteristics or content of the religion
concerned, which is frequently a theological problem (or similar) for
the adherents of the religion themselves.
2.3. The three aspects may appear chronologically in the order given
and are perhaps thus most easy to recognise, as e.g. in the case of the
hellenisation of Christianity. However they may also be relevant in some
other order. For example, the work of Nichiren, considered as a case
of chronological transplantation ("reform"), began with the extremely
fluid and ambiguous state of Buddhism in Japan at the time, developed
into a conscious attempt at recoupment by the seeking out and setting
forth of what he took to be orthodox essence of Buddhism, and finally
flowered into new symbols (new gohonzon, daimoku, and new kaidan)
which in turn made contact with that and subsequent generations. Indeed
the three aspects may be relevant in a quite unchronological way. For
example, the gohonzon in Nichirenite Buddhism might be considered
simultaneously under all three aspects.
2.4. The three aspects may be more or less tightly linked one with
another. E.g. in the case of Christianity the prevailing instinct seems
to be to insist on recoupment following closely on the ambiguities
caused by contact, although this judgement depends partly on how one
delineates Christianity as a historical phenomenon. Buddhism allows for
a greater degree of ambiguity, as does Shinto (so that relationships
between the two are very difficult to chart), while Manichaeism allowed
so much ambiguity that it was never able to recoup properly and died
out altogether.
2.5. The adherents of religions may be themselves conscious in varying
degrees of the transplantation process. They may react quite uncon-
sciously to situations which arise and thereby ensure the automatic
chronological transplantation of their religion (c.f. Van Der Leeuw's
of the tradition.Faruqi insists that the historical truth involved must be discovered
and established. But the extreme complexity of analysis should be recognised,
especially in the case of the aspect of recoupment,complicatedas it is by problems
of religious self-interpretationon the part of the religions involved.
The Transplantationof Religions 239
comments on "syncretism" and "transposition" op cit., pp. 6o0ff).

Conscious furtherance of a transplantation process may be variously
motivated, e.g. politically, economically (Diana of the Ephesians!) or
religiously (mission or apostolate, etc.) or by some subtle combination
of these. The lowest degree of sophistication in the conscious further-
ance of transplantation is reliance on contact; second in order of so-
phistication comes the recognition that in a resultant ambiguous situation
orthodoxy is at risk and that recoupment is demanded; and thirdly
comes the conscious acceptance of a tolerable amount of ambiguity as
the price of successful transplantation.
The theory I have outlined, I should insist, is not an invitation to vast
frescoes of the history of religion. In practice, under the umbrellas of
the big names, Buddhism, Christianity, Hinduism, Islam, many trans-
plantation processes are taking place at once, just as the situations in
which a religion is potentially influential are innumerable and various.
When a particular case is under consideration the eight points which
have been detailed might be thought of as questions to be raised. Some
of the questions may not prove easy to answer, especially those con-
cerning ambiguity and recoupment, and especially if those two aspects
are almost simultaneous and very tightly linked. However, it is essential,
in my view, to raise such questions in the study of religions, since
transplantation is an everpresent aspect of that which is under study.
PUBLICATIONS RECEIVED
CAMPANELLA,Tommaso, De Dictis Christi ineditis theologicorum Liber XXIII, testo
critico e traduzione a cura di Romano Americo- Roma, Centro Internazionale
di Studi Umanistici, I969, 230 pp.
CAMPENHAUSEN, Hans von, The Fathers of the Latin Church - (Men who shaped
the Western Church) - Stanford California, Stanford University Press,
I969, 328 pp.
CHAMBERLAYNE, John H., The Quest of Faith, An Introduction to Contemporary
Religion - Oxford, The Religious Education Press Limited, 1969, 135 pp.
CHIRASSI,Ileana, Elementi di culture precereali nei miti a riti greci - Roma,
Edizioni dell'Ateneo, I968, 211 pp.
CHIRASSI, Ileana, Poseidaon-Enesidaon nel Pantheon Miceneo (Atti e memorie del
congresso internazionale di Micenologia, Roma 27 settembre-3 ottobre I967)
- Roma, Edizioni dell'Ateneo, I968.
CONRAD,D., Studien zumnAltargesetz Ex 20: 24-26, Inaugural-Dissertation-Mar-
burg, Buch- und Offsetdruckerei H. Kombacher, 1969, 162 pp.
DEMETRIO, Francisco, S. J., Symbols in Comparative Religion and the Georgics,
Logos 3, Studies published by the Faculty of Loyola House of Studies-Ateneo
de Manila University, 1968, 146 pp.
DUTHOY, Robert, The Taurob,olium, its Evolution and Terminology (Etudes
preliminaires aux religions orientales dans l'empire romain, publies par M. J.
Vermaseren, Tome dixieme) - Leiden, E. J. Brill, I969, 129 pp.
EARHART, H. Byron, Japanese Religion: Unity and Diversity (The Religious Life
of Man) - Belmont, California, Dickenson Publishing Company Inc, I969,
II5 PP.
L'ANALYSEdu language theologique, Le nom de Dieu, actes du colloque organise
par le centre international d'etudes humanistes de Rome, Rome 5-II janvier
I969-aux soins de Enrico Castelli-Aubier, Editions Montaigne, I969, 528 pp.
LARSON, Gerald J., Classical Samkhya, an Interpretation of its History and
Meaning - Delhi-Varanasi-Patna, Banarsidass, I969, 312 pp.
MONUMENTA NIPPONICA, Studies in Japanese Culture, Volume XXIII, Numbers 3-4,
Volume XXIV, Numbers 1-2. - Tokyo, Sophia University.
OLDENBURG, Ulf, The Conflict between El and Ba'al in Canaanite Religion. (Sup-
plementa ad Numen, altera series, dissertationes ad historiam religionis
pertinentes, volumen tertium). - Leiden, E. J. Brill, 1969, 216 pp.
RELIGION IN THE MIDDLE EAST, Three Religions in concord and conflict, general
editor A. J. Arberry, Volume I Judaism and Christianity (595 pp.). Volume
II Islam (750 pp.) - Cambridge, at the University Press, I969.
REYMOND, E. A. E., The Mythical Origin of the Egyptian Temple. - New York,
Manchester, University Press, Barnes & Noble, Inc., I969, 355 PP.
RUNES, Dagobert D., Der Jude und das Kreuz - Fiirth-Erlangen, Ner-Tamid
Verlag, 1969, 79 PP.
SALLES-DABADIE, J. M. A., Recherches sur Simon Mage, I L'Apophasis megale
(Cahiers de la revue biblique, IO) - Paris. J. Gadalba et Cie, editeurs,
1969, 43 PP.
VISHAIANANDA, Swami, Conversations on Spirit Divine, Part III - Ottapalam,
George Press, 1968, 318 pp.
YOROI, K., Ganesagita, a Study, Translation with Notes and a Condensed Ren-
dering of the Commentary of Nilakantha - The Hague-Paris, Mouton,
i968, 2I0 pp.

Nvmen Volume 16 PDF

Uploaded by

Copyright:

Available Formats

Nvmen Volume 16 PDF

Uploaded by

Document Information

Original Title

Copyright

Available Formats

Share this document

Share or Embed Document

Sharing Options

Did you find this document useful?

Is this content inappropriate?

Copyright:

Available Formats

Nvmen Volume 16 PDF

Uploaded by

Copyright:

Available Formats

NVM

INTERNATIONAL REVIEW FOR THE

INTERNATIONAL ASSOCIATION FOR THE

JACOBNEUSNER, The Phenomenon of the Rabbi in Late Anti-

JOSEPH SHIH, The Notions of God in the Ancient Chinese

Jewish religious leadership through history has taken many forms.

*) Jacob Neusner is Professor of Religious Studies at Brown University. This

the Mishnah and Tosefta, extending then to the beraitot, or external

himself-these are only the external accidents of an inner spiritual con-

historiographical tendency, when dealing with the period in which the

3) See his "Martyrs of Caesarea," Annuaire de l'Institut de Philologic et

all important questions. The result would be an appendix and oblivion.

If, to consider a second possibility, neither the exilarchate nor the

events. 5) Shapur II is barely mentioned, and Julian's invasion of 363,

5) As I have already pointed out in "The Religious Uses of History," History

historical information it contains. The historical question, second, is for

That disciples were called saints is also seen in the following:

So discussion of legal traditions, rather than an ascetic discipline or

witchcraft, on incantations for cures, knot-tying [for phylacteries], and

Smith's reference to the handbook discovered by Margolioth, [M. Mar-

magic, but made it part of a picture of the cosmos in which Yahweh

There follow adjurations by the Strong one of Abraham, etc. On the

To the Jews of sixth and seventh century A. D. Nippur, therefore, the

We find then in these magical bowls an independenttradition concerningan

To this I may add another viewpoint. We must, first of all, regard

[DIgratdaughter of Mahalat, queen of demons] once met Abaye. She said to

We do not know the result. The same discussion continues, "But we

Abaye had believed that R. Aha's merits would be sufficient to exorcize

God, R. Zera would have had no reason to refuse a second invitation,

Observing the religious scene in the Levant, one is struck by the

THE GEORGIC SAINTS

to have a historical foundation. Consequently, his status as a saint

strongly even to the ancient Baal-Hadad known to us from the Ugaritic

7) The name of Khidr is most probablyconnectedto the Arabic word for

be the divine name par excellence. It is invoked before almost any

II) Cf. Dussaud,Histoire et religion des Nosairis, p. I35.

full of legendary deeds. His attributes, which will be enumerated

i6) See N. H. Smith, in InterpretersBible, vol. 3, pp. 3 f; I2 f. Also the New

death, i.e., the continuous renewal of life as observed in the vegetation.

Fertility is probably the central theme of the cult of the georgic

17) More on St. Georgein Europeanfolklorein Frazer,The GoldenBough

POWER AND MILITANCY

volent forces of nature, display what appears to be an inherent ag-

26) Gesta Regnum ii, 420.

Ashur. However, Baal-Hadad of the Ugaritic texts is the most likely

27) Josephus, De Bello Jud. vii, 5, I.

was returned to its place and is still there in an enclosure. It is sacred

29) Ibn al-Athir, Kitab al-kamil fil-tarikh (Leiden 1867), p. 369.

Aradus. The seamen, especially, refer to Khidr as rayyis "captain."

OF DEATH AND ETERNAL LIFE

The range of attributes of the georgic saints, as has been demon-

find especially emphasized in Assyrian documents referring to

Although St. George is basically a patron saint of the fields and of

38) For namesand attributesof Adad: H. Schlobies,Der akkadischeWetter-

40) Originaltext and Germantranslationin D. A. Chwolson,Uber Tammuz

beliefs. This quality in Khidr is a clear indication of his divine origin.

43) Cf. A. J. Wensinck, art. "Ilyas" in Encyclopedia of Islam. This is a

44) Goetze,in Near EasternTexts Relatingto the Old Testament,pp. 26 f.;

Fur die indianischen Hochkulturen des prakolumbischen Amerika