The Oxford Book of Latin Verse
The Oxford Book of Latin Verse
The Oxford Book of Latin Verse
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Author: Various
Language: English
*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE OXFORD BOOK OF LATIN VERSE ***
From the earliest fragments to the end of the Vth Century A.D.
Chosen by
H.W. Garrod
Oxford
REPRINTED 1921, 1926, 1934, 1940 1943, 1947, 1952, 1964, 1968
PREFACE
The plan of this book excludes epic and the drama, and in general so
much of Roman poetry as could be included only by a licence of excerpt
mostly dangerous and in poetry of any architectonic pretensions
intolerable. If any one remarks as inconsistent with this plan the
inclusion of the more considerable fragments of Ennius and the early
tragedians, I will only say that I have not thought it worth while to be
wiser here than Time and Fate, which have of their own act given us
these poets in lamentable excerpt. A more real inconsistency may be
found in my treatment of the didactic poets. It seemed a pity that
Didactic Poetry--in some ways the most characteristic product of the
Roman genius--should, in such a Collection as this, be wholly
unrepresented. It seemed a pity: and it seemed also on the whole
unnecessary. It seemed unnecessary, for the reason that many of the
great passages of Lucretius, Vergil, and Manilius hang so loosely to
their contexts that the poets themselves seem to invite the gentle
violence of the excerptor. These passages are 'golden branches' set in
an alien stock--_non sua seminat arbos_. The hand that would pluck them
must be at once courageous and circumspect. But they attend the fated
despoiler:
My Selection begins with fragments of the Saliar hymns, and ends with
the invocation of Phocas to 'Clio, reverend wardress of Antiquity.' If I
am challenged to justify these _termini_, I will say of the first of
them that I could not begin earlier, and that it is commonly better to
take the beginnings offered to us than to make beginnings for ourselves.
The lower _terminus_ is not so simple a matter. I set myself here two
rules. First, I resolved to include no verse which, tried by what we
call 'classical' standards, was metrically faulty. Secondly, I judged it
wiser to exclude any poetry definitely Christian in character--a rule
which, as will be seen, does not necessarily exclude all the work of
Christian poets. Within these limits, I was content to go on so long as
I could find verse instinct with any genuine poetic feeling. The author
whose exclusion I most regret is Prudentius. If any one asks me, Where
is Merobaudes? where Sedulius? where Dracontius? I answer that they are
where they have always been--out of account. Interesting, no doubt, in
other ways, for the student of poetry they do not count. Prudentius
counts. He has his place. But it is not in this Collection. It is among
other memories, traditions, and aspirations, by the threshold of a world
where Vergil takes solemn and fated leave of those whom he has guided
and inspired:
I have spent a good deal of labour on the revision of texts: and I hope
that of some poems, particularly the less known poems, this book may be
found to offer a purer recension than is available elsewhere. I owe it
to myself, however, to say that I have sometimes preferred the
convenience of the reader to the dictates of a rigorous criticism. I
have thought it, for example, not humane to variegate the text of an
Anthology with despairing _obeli_: and occasionally I have covered up an
indubitable lacuna by artifices which I trust may pass undetected by the
general reader and unreproved by the charitable critic.
H.W.G.
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INTRODUCTION
Latin poetry begins where almost all poetry begins--in the rude
ceremonial of a primitive people placating an unknown and dreaded
spiritual world. The earliest fragments are priestly incantations. In
one of these fragments the Salii placate Leucesius, the god of
lightning. In another the Arval Brethren placate Mars or Marmar, the god
of pestilence and blight (_lues rues_). The gods are most dreaded at the
seasons most important to a primitive people, seed-time, for example,
and harvest. The Salii celebrated Mars at seed-time--in the month which
bears his name, _mensis Martius_. The name of the Arval Brethren betrays
their relation to the gods who watch the sown fields. The aim of this
primitive priestly poetry is to get a particular deity into the power of
the worshipper. To do this it is necessary to know his name and to use
it. In the Arval hymn the name of the god is reiterated--it is a spell.
Even so Jacob wished to know--and to use--the name of the god with whom
he wrestled. These priestly litanies are accompanied by wild dances--the
Salii are, etymologically, 'the Dancing men'--and by the clashing of
shields. They are cast in a metre not unsuited to the dance by which
they are accompanied. This is the famous Saturnian metre, which remained
the metre of all Latin poetry until the coming of the Greeks. Each verse
falls into two halves corresponding to the forward swing and the recoil
of the dance. Each half-verse exhibits three rhythmical beats answering
to the beat of a three-step dance. The verse is in the main accentual.
But the accent is hieratic. The hieratic accent is discovered chiefly in
the first half of the verse: where the natural accent of a disyllabic
word is neglected and the stress falls constantly on the final
syllable.[2] This hieratic accent in primitive Latin poetry is
important, since it was their familiar use of it which made it easy for
the Romans to adapt the metres of Greece.
The first poets, then, are the priests. But behind the priests are the
people--moved by the same religious beliefs and fears, but inclined, as
happens everywhere, to make of their 'holy day' a 'holiday'. And hence a
different species of poetry, known to us chiefly in connexion with the
harvest-home and with marriage ceremonial--the so-called Fescennine
poetry. This poetry is dictated by much the same needs as that of the
priests. It is a charm against _fascinum_, 'the evil eye': and hence the
name Fescennine. The principal constituent element in this Fescennine
poetry was obscene mockery. This obscenity was magical. But just as it
takes two to make a quarrel, so the obscene mockery of the Fescennine
verses required two principals. And here, in the improvisations of the
harvest-home, we must seek the origins of two important species of Latin
poetry--drama and satire.
There was magic in the house as well as in the fields. Disease and Death
demanded, in every household, incantations. We still possess fragments
of Saturnian verse which were employed as charms against disease. Magic
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dirges (_neniae_) were chanted before the house where a dead man lay.
They were chanted by a _praefica_, a professional 'wise woman', who
placated the dead man by reiterated praise of him. These chants probably
mingled traditional formulae with improvisation appropriate to
particular circumstances. The office of the _praefica_ survived into a
late period. But with the growth of Rationalism it very early came into
disrepute and contempt. Shorter lived but more in honour was an
institution known to us only from casually preserved references to it in
Cato and Varro. This was the _Song in Praise of Famous Men_ which was
sung at banquets. Originally it was sung by a choir of carefully
selected boys (_pueri modesti_), and no doubt its purpose was to
propitiate the shades of the dead. At a later period the boy choristers
disappear, and the _Song_ is sung by individual banqueters. The ceremony
becomes less religious in character, and exists to minister to the
vanity of great families and to foster patriotism. In Cato's time the
tradition of it survived only as a memory from a very distant past. Its
early extinction must be explained by the wider use among the Romans of
written memorials. Of these literary records nothing has survived to us:
even of epitaphs preserved to us in inscriptions none is earlier than
the age of Cato. So far as our knowledge of Latin literature extends we
pass at a leap from what may be called the poetry of primitive magic[3]
to Livius Andronicus' translation of the _Odyssey_. Yet between the
work of Livius and this magical poetry there must lie a considerable
literary development of which we know nothing. Two circumstances may
serve to bring this home to us. The first is that stage plays are known
to have been performed in Rome as early as the middle of the fourth
century. The second is that there existed in Rome in the time of Livius
a school of poets and actors who were sufficiently numerous and
important to be permitted to form a Guild or College.
Ennius said that he had three hearts, for he spoke three tongues--the
Greek, the Oscan, and the Latin. And Roman poetry has, as it were, three
hearts. All through the Republican era we may distinguish in it three
elements. There is the Greek, or aesthetic, element: all that gives to
it form or technique. There is the primitive Italian element to which it
owes what it has of fire, sensibility, romance. And finally there is
Rome itself, sombre, puissant, and both in language and ideals
conquering by mass. The effort of Roman poetry is to adjust these three
elements. And this effort yields, under the Republic, three periods of
development. The first covers the second century and the latter half of
the third. In this the Hellenism is that of the classical era of Greece.
The Italian force is that of Southern and Central Italy. The Roman force
is the inspiration of the Punic Wars. The typical name in it is that of
Ennius. The Roman and Italian elements are not yet sufficiently subdued
to the Hellenic. And the result is a poetry of some moral power, not
wanting in fire and life, but in the main clumsy and disordered. The
second period covers the first half of the first century. The Hellenism
is Alexandrian. The Italian influence is from the North of Italy--the
period might, indeed, be called the Transpadane period of Roman poetry.
The Roman influence is that of the Rome of the Civil Wars. The typical
name in it is that of Catullus--for Lucretius is, as it were, a last
outpost of the period before: he stands with Ennius, and the Alexandrine
movement has touched him hardly at all. In this period the Italian
(perhaps largely Celtic) genius is allied with Alexandrianism in revolt
against Rome: and in it Latin poetry may be said to attain formal
perfection. The third period is the Augustan. In it we have the final
conciliation of the Greek, the Italian, and the Roman influences. The
typical name in it is that of Vergil, who was born outside the Roman
_ciuitas_, who looks back to Ennius through Catullus, to Homer through
Apollonius.
Mr. Sellar has called attention to the 'prophetic fury' of these lines,
their 'wild agitated tones'. They seem, indeed, wrought in fire. Nor do
they stand alone in Ennius. Nor is their fire and swiftness Roman. They
are preserved to us in a passage of Cicero's treatise _De Diuinatione_:
and in the same passage Cicero applies to another fragment of Ennius
notable epithets. He speaks of it as _poema tenerum et moratum et
molle_. The element of _moratum_, the deep moral earnestness, is Roman.
The other two epithets carry us outside the typically Roman
temperament. Everybody remembers Horace's characterization of Vergil:
I will not mention Lesbia by the side of Dido. The Celtic spirit too
often descends into hell. But I will take from Catullus in a different
mood two other examples of the Italic romanticism. Consider these three
lines:
--'till that day when gray old age shaking its palsied head nods in all
things to all assent.' That is not Greek nor Roman. It is the
unelaborate magic of the Celtic temperament. Keats, I have often
thought, would have 'owed his eyes' to be able to write those three
lines. He hits sometimes a like matchless felicity:
But into the effects which Catullus just happens upon by a luck of
temperament Keats puts more of his life-blood than a man can well spare.
Take, again, this from the _Letter to Hortalus_. Think not, says
Catullus, that your words have passed from my heart,
--'as an apple, sent by some lover, a secret gift, falls from a maid's
chaste bosom. She placed it, poor lass, in the soft folds of her robe
and forgot it. And when her mother came towards her out it fell; fell
and rolled in headlong course. And vexed and red and wet with tears are
her guilty cheeks!'
_Molle atque facetum_: the deep and keen fire of mind, the quick glow of
sensibility--that is what redeems literature and life alike from
dullness. The Roman, the typical Roman, was what we call a 'dull man'.
But the Italian has this fire. And it is this that so often redeems
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Roman literature from itself. We are accustomed to associate the word
_facetus_ with the idea of 'wit'. It is to be connected, it would seem,
etymologically with _fax_, 'a torch'. Its primitive meaning is
'brightness', 'brilliance': and if we wish to understand what Horace
means when he speaks of the element of '_facetum_' in Vergil, perhaps
'glow' or 'fire' will serve us better than 'wit'. _Facetus_, _facetiae_,
_infacetus_, _infacetiae_ are favourite words with Catullus. With
_lepidus_, _illepidus_, _uenustus_, _inuenustus_ they are his usual
terms of literary praise and dispraise. These words hit, of course,
often very superficial effects. Yet with Catullus and his friends they
stand for a literary ideal deeper than the contexts in which they occur:
and an ideal which, while it no doubt derives from the enthusiasm of
Alexandrian study, yet assumes a distinctively Italian character. Poetry
must be _facetus_: it must glow and dance. It must have _lepor_: it must
be clean and bright. There must be nothing slipshod, no tarnish. 'Bright
is the ring of words when the right man rings them.' It must have
_uenustas_, 'charm', a certain melting quality. This ideal Roman poetry
never realizes perhaps in its fullness save in Catullus himself. In the
lighter poets it passes too easily into an ideal of mere cleverness:
until with Ovid (and in a less degree Martial) _lepor_ is the whole man.
In the deeper poets it is oppressed by more Roman ideals.
There is invective. There is the lash with a vengeance. Yet the very
stanza that follows ends in a sob:
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There once more you have the unpredictable Celtic temperament--obscenity
of wrath dissolving in the tenderness of unbidden tears, fond regret
stung suddenly to a rage foul and unscrupulous.
II
These are not mere words: and this was not, in the Roman, an idle faith.
It was a practical faith; that is to say, he acted upon it. Upon this
faith was based, at any rate in the early period of Roman history, the
whole of the Roman system of education. The principal business of the
Roman schoolmaster was to take the great poets and interpret them 'by
reading and comment'. Education was practically synonymous with the
study of the poets. The poets made a man brave, the poets made a man
eloquent, the poets made him--if anything could make him--poetical. It
is hardly possible to over-estimate the obscure benefit to the national
life of a discipline in which the thought and language of the best
poetry were the earliest formative influences.
(1) In the earlier period the functions of the _grammaticus_ and the
_rhetor_ were undifferentiated. The _grammaticus_, as he was known
later, was called then _litteratus_ or _litterator_. He taught both
poetry and rhetoric. But Suetonius tells us that the name denoted
properly an 'interpres poetarum': and we may infer that in the early
period instruction in rhetoric was only a very casual adjunct of the
functions of the _litterator_. At what precise date the office of the
_litterator_ became bifurcated into the two distinct professions of
_grammaticus_ and _rhetor_ we cannot say. It seems likely that the
undivided office was retained in the smaller Italian towns after it had
disappeared from the educational system of Rome. The author of
_Catelepton V_, who may very well be Vergil, appears to have frequented
a school where poetry and rhetoric were taught in conjunction. Valerius
Cato and Sulla, the former certainly, the latter probably, a
Transpadane, were known as _litteratores_. But the _litterator_
gradually everywhere gave place to the _grammaticus_: and behind the
_grammaticus_, like Care behind the horseman, sits spectrally the
_rhetor_.
There is much here which is truly and tellingly said. We ought never to
forget that the system of patronage sprang from a very lofty notion of
patriotism and of the national welfare. It implies a clear and fine
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recognition among the great men of affairs of the principle that a
nation's greatness is not to be measured, and cannot be sustained, by
purely material achievements. It is true, again, that the system of
patronage did not originate with Augustus or the Augustans. Augustus was
a patron of letters just as Scipio had been--because he possessed power
and taste and a wide sense of patriotic obligation. So much is true, or
fairly true. But if it is meant, as I think it is, that the literary
patronage of the Princeps was the same in kind as, and different only in
degree from, that exercised by the great men of the Republican
period--if that is meant, then we have gone beyond what is either true
or plausible.
The Princeps and his coadjutors may perhaps be not unprofitably regarded
as the heads of a great Educational Department. Beneath them are
numberless _grammatici_ and _rhetores_. The work of these is directed
towards the ideals of the supreme heads of the Department. How far this
direction is due to accident and how far to some not very defined
control it would be impossible to say. But obviously among the conscious
aims of the schools of many of these _grammatici_ and _rhetores_ was the
ambition of achieving some of the great prizes of the literary world.
The goal of the pupil was government preferment, as we should call it.
And we may perhaps be allowed, if we guard ourselves against the peril
of mistaking a distant analogy for a real similarity of conditions, to
see in the recitations before the Emperor and his ministers, an
inspection, as it were, of schools and universities, an examination for
literary honours and emoluments. And this being so, it is not to no
purpose that the _rhetor_ in this age stands behind the _grammaticus_.
For the final examination, the inspection-by-recitation, is bound to be,
whatever the wishes of any of the parties concerned, an examination in
rhetoric. The theme appointed may be history, it may be philosophy, it
may be poetry. But the performance will be, and must be, rhetoric. The
_Aeneid_ of Vergil may be read and re-read by posterity, and pondered
word by word, line upon line. But it is going to be judged at a single
recitation. For Vergil, it is true, there may be special terms. But this
will be the lot of the many; and the many will develop, to suit it, a
fashion of poetry the influence of which even Vergil himself will hardly
altogether escape. Moreover, there will be, of course, other patrons
than the Princeps, at once less patient and less intelligent.
The first three lines might have been expressed by an ablative absolute
in two words--_Troia euersa_. But observe. To _res Asiae_ in 1 Vergil
adds the explanatory _Priami gentem_, amplifying in 2 with the new
detail _immeritam_. _Euertere uisum_ (1-2) is caught up by _ceciditque
Ilium_ (2-3), with the new detail _superbum_ added, and again echoed
(3) by _humo fumat_--_fumat_ giving a fresh touch to the picture. In 4
_diuersa exsilia_ is reinforced by _desertas terras_, _sub ipsa
Antandro_ (5-6) by _montibus Idae_ (6). In 7 _ubi sistere detur_ echoes
_quo fata ferant_. One has only to contrast the rapidity of Homer, in
whom every line marks decisive advance. But Vergil diffuses himself. And
this diffusion is in its origin and aim rhetorical.
Yet he did not write, and I do not mean to suggest that he wrote, for an
_auditorium_ and ἐς τὸ παραχρῆμα, and not for the scrupulous
consideration of after ages. He wrote to be read and pondered. But he is
haunted nevertheless by the thought of the _auditorium_. It distracts,
and even divides, his literary consciousness. He writes, perhaps without
knowing it, for two classes--for the members of his patron's salon and
for the scholar in his study. We shall not judge his style truly if we
allow ourselves wholly to forget the _auditorium_. And here let me add
that we shall equally fail to understand the style of Lucan or that of
Statius if we remember, as we are apt to do, only the _auditorium_. The
_auditorium_ is a much more dominating force in their consciousness than
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it is in that of Vergil. But even they rarely allow themselves to forget
the judgement of the scholar and of posterity. They did not choose and
place their words with so meticulous a care merely for the audience of
an afternoon. If we sometimes are offended by their evident subservience
to the theatre, yet on the whole we have greater reason to admire the
courage and conscience with which they strove nevertheless to keep
before them the thought of a wider and more distant and true-judging
audience.
III
Roman poetry continued for no less than five centuries after the death
of Vergil--and by Roman poetry I mean a Latin poetry classical in form
and sentiment. But of these five centuries only two count. The second
and third centuries A.D. are a Dark Age dividing the silver twilight of
the century succeeding the age of Horace from the brief but brilliant
Renaissance of the fourth century: and in the fifth century we pass into
a new darkness. The infection of the Augustan tradition is sufficiently
powerful in the first century to give the impulse to poetic work of high
and noble quality. And six considerable names adorn the period from Nero
to Domitian. Of these the greatest are perhaps those of Seneca, Lucan,
and Martial. All three are of Spanish origin: and it is perhaps to their
foreign blood that they owe the genius which redeems their work from its
very obvious faults. It is the fashion to decry Seneca and Lucan as mere
rhetoricians. Yet in both there is something greater and deeper than
mere rhetoric. They move by habit grandly among large ideas. Life is
still deep and tremendous and sonorous. Their work has a certain Titanic
quality. We judge their poetry too much by their biography, and their
biography too little in relation to the terrible character of their
times. Martial is a poet of a very different order. Yet in an inferior
_genre_ he is supreme. No other poet in any language has the same
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never-failing grace and charm and brilliance, the same arresting
ingenuity, an equal facility and finish. We speak of his faults, yet, if
the truth must be told, his poetry is faultless--save for one fault: its
utter want of moral character. The three other great names of the period
are Statius, Silius, and Valerius. Poets of great talent but no genius,
they 'adore the footsteps' of an unapproachable master. Religiously
careful artists, they see the world through the eyes of others. Sensible
to the effects of Greatness, they have never touched and handled it.
They know it only from the poets whom they imitate. The four winds of
life have never beat upon their decorous faces. We would gladly give the
best that they offer us--and it is often of fine quality--for something
much inferior in art but superior in the indefinable qualities of
freshness and gusto. The exhaustion of the period is well seen in
Juvenal--in the jaded relish of his descriptions of vice, in the
complete unreality of his moral code, in a rhetoric which for ever just
misses the fine effects which it laboriously calculates.
The second century is barren. Yet we are dimly aware in the reign of
Hadrian of an abortive Revival. We hear of a school of _neoterici_: and
these _neoterici_ aimed at just what was needed--greater freshness and
life. They experimented in metre, and they experimented in language.
They tried to use in poetry the language of common speech, the language
of Italy rather than that of Rome, and to bring into literature once
again colour and motion. The most eminent of these _neoterici_ is Annius
Florus, of whom we possess some notable fragments. But the movement
failed; and Florus is the only name that arrests the attention of the
student of Roman poetry between Martial and Nemesianus. Nemesianus is
African, and his poems were not written in Rome. But his graceful genius
perhaps owes something to the impulsion given to literary studies by
Numerian--one of the few emperors of the period who exhibit any interest
in the progress of literature. The fourth century is the period of
Renaissance. We may see in Tiberianus the herald of this Renaissance.
The four poems which can be certainly assigned to him are distinguished
by great power and charm. It is a plausible view that he is also the
author of the remarkable _Peruigilium Veneris_--that poem proceeds at
any rate from the school to which Tiberianus belongs. The style of
Tiberianus is formed in the academies of Africa, and so also perhaps his
philosophy. The Platonic hymn to the Nameless God is a noble monument of
the dying Paganism of the era. Tiberianus' political activities took him
to Gaul: and Gaul is the true home of this fourth-century Renaissance.
In Gaul around Ausonius there grew up at Bordeaux a numerous and
accomplished and enthusiastic school of poets. To find a parallel to the
brilliance and enthusiasm of this school we must go back to the school
of poets which grew up around Valerius Cato in Transpadane Gaul in the
first century B.C. The Bordeaux school is particularly interesting from
its attitude to Christianity. Among Ausonius' friends was the austere
Paulinus of Nola, and Ausonius himself was a convert to the Christian
faith. But his Christianity is only skin-deep. His Bible is Vergil, his
books of devotion are Horace and Ovid and Statius. The symbols of the
Greek mythology are nearer and dearer to him than the symbolism of the
Cross. The last enemy which Christianity had to overcome was, in fact,
Literature. And strangely enough the conquest was to be achieved
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finally, not by the superior ethical quality of the new religion, but by
the havoc wrought in Latin speech by the invasion of the Barbarians, by
the decay of language and of linguistic study. To the period of
Ausonius--and probably to Gaul--belong the rather obscure Asmenidae--the
'sons', or pupils, of Asmenius. At least two of them, Palladius and
Asclepiadius, exhibit genuine poetical accomplishment. But the schools
both of Ausonius and of Asmenius show at least in one particular how
relaxed had become the hold even upon its enthusiasts of the true
classical tradition. All these poets have a passion for triviality, for
every kind of _tour de force_, for conceits and mannerisms. At times they
are not so much poets as the acrobats of poetry.
The end of the century gives us Claudian, and a reaction against this
triviality. 'Paganus peruicacissimus,' as Orosius calls him, Claudian
presents the problem of a poet whose poetry treats with real power the
circumstances of an age from which the poet himself is as detached as
can be. Claudian's real world is a world which was never to be again, a
world of great princes and exalted virtues, a world animated by a
religion in which Rome herself, strong and serene, is the principal
deity. Accident has thrown him into the midst of a political nightmare
dominated by intriguing viziers and delivered to a superstition which
made men at once weak and cruel. Yet this world, so unreal to him, he
presents in a rhetorical colouring extraordinarily effective. Had he
possessed a truer instinct for things as they are he might have been the
greatest of the Roman satirists. He has a real mastery of the art of
invective. But, while he is great where he condemns, where he blesses he
is mostly contemptible. He has too many of the arts of the cringing
Alexandrian. And they availed him nothing. Over every page may be heard
the steady tramp of the feet of the barbarian invader.
After Claudian we pass into the final darkness. The gloom is illuminated
for a brief moment by the Gaul Rutilius. But Rutilius has really
outlived Roman poetry and Rome itself. Nothing that he admires is any
longer real save in his admiration of it. The things that he condemns
most bitterly are the things which were destined to dominate the world
for ten centuries. Christianity is 'a worse poison than witchcraft'. The
monastic spirit is the 'fool-fury of a brain unhinged'. The monasteries
are 'slave-dungeons'.
It was these 'slave-dungeons' which were to keep safe through the long
night of the Middle Ages all that Rutilius held dear. It was these
'slave-dungeons' which were to afford a last miserable refuge to the
works of that long line of poets of whom Rutilius is the late and
forlorn descendant. Much indeed was to perish even within the fastnesses
of these 'slave-dungeons': for the monasteries were not always secure
from the shock of war, nor the precious memorials which they housed from
the fury of fanaticism. Yet much was to survive and to emerge one day
from the darkness and to renew the face of the world. Rutilius wrote his
poem in 416 A.D. If he could have looked forward exactly a thousand
years he would have beheld Poggio and the great Discoverers of the
Italian Renaissance ransacking the 'slave-dungeons' of Italy, France,
and Germany, and rejoicing over each recovered fragment of antiquity
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with a pure joy not unlike that which heavenly minds are said to feel
over the salvation of souls. These men were, indeed, kindling into life
again the soul of Europe. They were assisting at a New Birth. In this
process of regeneration the deepest force was a Latin force, and of this
Latin force the most impelling part was Latin poetry. We are apt
to-day, perhaps, in our zeal of Hellenism, to forget, or to disparage,
the part which Latin poetry has sustained in moulding the literatures of
modern Europe. But if the test of great poetry is the length and breadth
of its influence in the world, then Roman poetry has nothing to fear
from the vagaries of modern fashion. For no other poetry has so deeply
and so continuously influenced the thought and feeling of mankind. Its
sway has been wider than that of Rome itself: and the Genius that broods
over the Capitoline Hill might with some show of justice still claim, as
his gaze sweeps over the immense field of modern poetry, that he beholds
nothing which does not owe allegiance to Rome:
715-673 B.C.
_i_
_ii_
_iii_
Page 21
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_Incertae Aetatis._
ANONYMOUS
_3. Charms_
_Incertae Aetatis._
_Incertae Aetatis._
Page 22
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284-176 B.C.
_i_
_ii_
_iii_
_iv_
L. LIVIVS ANDRONICVS
_i_
_ii_
_iii_
_iv_
_v_
_vi_
_vii_
_viii_
_ix_
_x_
Page 24
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_i_
_ii_
_iii_
_iv_
_v_
_vi_
_vii_
_viii_
_ix_
_x_
CN. NAEVIVS
_i_
_ii_
_iii_
Amborum uxores
noctu Troiad exibant capitibus opertis,
flentes ambae, abeuntes lacrimis cum multis.
_iv_
_v_
_vi_
Transit Melitam
Romanus exercitus, insulam integram urit,
populatur, uastat, rem hostium concinnat.
_vii_
_viii_
_ix_
_i_
Page 26
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LAETVS sum laudari me abs te, pater, a laudato uiro.
_ii_
_iii_
_iv_
_v_
_vi_
T. MACCIVS PLAVTVS
254-184 B.C.
MARCIVS VATES
_12. Precepts_
_i_
_ii_
_13. Vaticinium_
Q. ENNIVS
239-169 B.C.
_i_
_ii_
_iii_
_iv_
_v_
_vi_
_vii_
_viii_
_ix_
_x_
_Dramatic Fragments_
_22. Alcmaeon_
_23. Andromache_
_24. Cassandra_
Page 32
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_i_
_25. ii_
_26. Telamon_
_27. Telamon_
AGAM.
SENEX.
Temo superat
stellas sublimen agens etiam atque
etiam noctis iter.
M. PACVVIVS
220-130 B.C.
_35. Fortune_
Page 35
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_37. Genitabile Caelum_
_38. Speech_
L. ACCIVS
170-86 B.C.
TARQVINIVS
HARIOLVS
_42. The Argo seen by a Shepherd who has never seen a Ship_
_i_
_ii_
_iii_
_iv_
_v_
Page 37
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Multi iniqui et infideles regno, pauci beniuoli.
_vi_
ANONYMOUS
POMPILIVS
VALERIVS AEDITVVS
Q. LVTATIVS CATVLVS
PORCIVS LICINVS
LAEVIVS
_i_
_ii_
_iii_
M. FVRIVS BIBACVLVS
fl. 70 B.C.
ORACVLVM
76 B.C. (?)
_54._
M. TVLLIVS CICERO
106-43 B.C.
_56. Marius_
Page 44
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_59. From Euripides_
C. HELVIVS CINNA
fl. 50 B.C.
M. TVLLIVS LAVREA
fl. 40 B.C.
Q. TVLLIVS CICERO
102-43 B.C.
Page 45
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C. IVLIVS CAESAR
100-44 B.C.
_63. Terence_
82-47 B.C.
_i_
Page 46
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_ii_
_iii_
T. LVCRETIVS CARVS
95-54 B.C.
_66. Exordium_
Page 57
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C. VALERIVS CATVLLVS
84-54 B.C.
IVVENES
VIRGINES
IVVENES
VIRGINES
IVVENES
VIRGINES
Page 62
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Hesperus e nobis, aequales, abstulit unam.
. . . . . . . .
Namque tuo aduentu uigilat custodia semper,
nocte latent fures, quos idem saepe reuertens,
Hespere, mutato comprendis nomine Eous.
Hymen O Hymenaee, Hymen ades O Hymenaee!
IVVENES
. . . . . . . .
. . . . . . . .
at libet innuptis ficto te carpere questu.
quid tum, si carpunt, tacita quem mente requirunt?
Hymen O Hymenaee, Hymen ades O Hymenaee!
VIRGINES
IVVENES
_76. Attis_
Page 63
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SVPER alta uectus Attis celeri rate maria,
Phrygium ut nemus citato cupide pede tetigit,
adiitque opaca siluis redimita loca deae,
stimulatus ibi furenti rabie, uagus animis,
deuolsit ilei acuto sibi pondera silice.
itaque ut relicta sensit sibi membra sine uiro,
etiam recente terrae sola sanguine maculans,
niueis citata cepit manibus leue typanum,
typanum tuom, Cybelle, tua, mater, initia,
quatiensque terga taurei teneris caua digitis,
canere haec suis adorta est tremebunda comitibus:
agite ite ad alta, Gallae, Cybeles nemora simul,
simul ite, Dindimenae dominae uaga pecora,
aliena quae petentes uelut exules loca,
sectam meam exsecutae duce me mihi comites,
rapidum salum tulistis truculentaque pelagi,
et corpus euirastis Veneris nimio odio;
hilarate Erae citatis erroribus animum.
mora tarda mente cedat: simul ite, sequimini
Phrygiam ad domum Cybelles, Phrygia ad nemora deae,
ubi cymbalum sonat uox, ubi tympana reboant,
tibicen ubi canit Phryx curuo graue calamo,
ubi capita Maenades ui iaciunt hederigerae,
ubi sacra sancta acutis ululatibus agitant,
ubi sueuit illa diuae uolitare uaga cohors,
quo nos decet citatis celerare tripudiis.
simul haec comitibus Attis cecinit notha mulier,
thiasus repente linguis trepidantibus ululat,
leue tympanum remugit, caua cymbala recrepant,
uiridem citus adit Idam properante pede chorus.
furibunda simul anhelans uaga uadit animam agens
comitata tympano Attis per opaca nemora dux,
ueluti iuuenca uitans onus indomita iugi:
rapidae ducem secuntur Gallae properipedem.
itaque, ut domum Cybelles tetigere lassulae,
nimio e labore somnum capiunt sine Cerere.
piger his labante languore oculos sopor operit:
abit in quiete molli rabidus furor animi.
sed ubi oris aurei Sol radiantibus oculis
lustrauit aethera album, sola dura, mare ferum,
pepulitque noctis umbras uegetis sonipedibus,
ibi Somnus excitum Attin fugiens citus abiit:
trepidante eum recepit dea Pasithea sinu.
ita de quiete molli rapida sine rabie
simul ipse pectore Attis sua facta recoluit,
liquidaque mente uidit sine queis ubique foret,
animo aestuante rusum reditum ad uada tetulit.
ibi maria uasta uisens lacrimantibus oculis,
patriam allocuta maestast ita uoce miseriter:
'patria o mei creatrix, patria o mea genetrix,
ego quam miser relinquens, dominos ut herifugae
famuli solent, ad Idae tetuli nemora pedem,
Page 64
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ut aput niuem et ferarum gelida stabula forem,
et aprum uias adirem, furibunda latibula,
ubinam aut quibus locis te positam, patria, reor?
cupit ipsa pupula ad te sibi dirigere aciem,
rabie fera carens dum breue tempus animus est.
egone a mea remota haec ferar in nemora domo?
patria, bonis amicis, genitoribus abero?
abero foro, palaestra, stadio et gymnasiis?
miser a miser, querendum est etiam atque etiam, anime.
quod enim genus figuraest, ego non quod obierim?
ego enim uir, ego adolescens, ego ephebus, ego puer,
ego guminasei fui flos, ego eram decus olei:
mihi ianuae frequentes, mihi limina tepida,
mihi floridis corollis redimita domus erat,
linquendum ubi esset orto mihi sole cubiculum.
ego nunc deum ministra et Cybeles famula ferar?
ego Maenas, ego mei pars, ego uir sterilis ero?
ego uiridis algida Idae niue amicta loca colam?
ego uitam agam sub altis Phrygiae columinibus,
ubi cerua siluicultrix, ubi aper nemoriuagus?
iam iam dolet quod egi, iam iamque paenitet.'
roseis ut huic labellis sonitus citus abiit,
geminas deorum ad auris noua nuntia referens,
ibi iuncta iuga resoluens Cybele leonibus
laeuumque pecoris hostem stimulans ita loquitur:
'agedum' inquit 'age ferox i, face ut hunc furor agitet,
face uti furoris ictu reditum in nemora ferat,
mea libere nimis qui fugere imperia cupit.
age caede terga cauda, tua uerbera patere,
face cuncta mugienti fremitu loca retonent,
rutilam ferox torosa ceruice quate iubam.'
ait haec minax Cybelle religatque iuga manu.
ferus ipse sese adhortans rapidum incitat animo,
uadit, fremit, refringit uirgulta pede uago.
at ubi umida albicantis loca litoris adiit,
tenerumque uidit Attin prope marmora pelagei,
facit impetum: ille demens fugit in nemora fera:
ibi semper omne uitae spatium famula fuit.
dea, magna dea, Cybelle, dea, domina Dindimei,
procul a mea tuos sit furor omnis, hera, domo:
alios age incitatos, alios age rabidos.
COLLIS o Heliconiei
cultor, Vraniae genus,
qui rapis teneram ad uirum
Virginem, O Hymenaee Hymen,
Hymen O Hymenaee;
Vt lubentius, audiens
se citarier ad suum
munus, huc aditum ferat
Dux bonae Veneris, boni
coniugator amoris.
. . . . . .
. . . . . .
tardet ingenuus pudor:
Quem tamen magis audiens,
flet quod ire necesse est.
Page 72
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_85. Lesbia's Sparrow_
_a_
_b_
_a_
_b_
_a_
_b_
_a_
_b_
ANONYMOUS
Page 81
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L. VARIVS
74-14 B.C.
_i_
_ii_
C. CILNIVS MAECENAS
74-8 B.C.
_108._
_i_
_To Horace_
Page 82
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LVCENTES, mea uita, nec smaragdos,
beryllos neque, Flacce mi, nitentes
nec percandida margarita quaero
nec quos thunica lima perpoliuit
anulos neque iaspios lapillos.
_ii_
P. VERGILIVS MARO
70-19 B.C.
_109. 'Is this the Man that made the Earth to tremble'_
_112. Pharmaceutria_
_113. 'In the sweat of thy face shalt thou eat bread'_
_116. 'God made the country but man made the town'_
_117. Exordium_
_a_
_b_
Q. HORATIVS FLACCVS
65-8 B.C.
ostendet Capitolio:
sed quae Tibur aquae fertile praefluunt,
et spissae nemorum comae
fingent Aeolio carmine nobilem.
o testudinis aureae
dulcem quae strepitum, Pieri, temperas,
o mutis quoque piscibus
donatura cycni, si libeat, sonum,
_123. Winter_
_124. To Venus_
Page 100
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nec Coae referunt iam tibi purpurae
nec cari lapides tempora, quae semel
notis condita fastis
inclusit uolucris dies.
tempestiuius in domum
Page 101
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Pauli purpureis ales oloribus
commissabere Maximi,
si torrere iecur quaeris idoneum;
Page 102
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hic dies anno redeunte festus
corticem adstrictum pice dimouebit
amphorae fumum bibere institutae
consule Tullo.
Page 104
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non, si trecenis quotquot eunt dies,
amice, places inlacrimabilem
Plutona tauris, qui ter amplum
Geryonen Tityonque tristi
Page 109
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dux inquieti turbidus Hadriae,
nec fulminantis magna manus Iouis:
si fractus inlabatur orbis,
inpauidum ferient ruinae.
_140. Pollio_
_141. Regulus_
Page 112
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hoc cauerat mens prouida Reguli
dissentientis condicionibus
foedis et exemplo trahenti
perniciem ueniens in aeuom,
_142. Cleopatra_
_145. Bandusia_
_147. Pindar_
at fides et ingeni
benigna uena est pauperemque diues
me petit: nihil supra
deos lacesso nec potentem amicum
largiora flagito,
satis beatus unicis Sabinis.
truditur dies die
nouaeque pergunt interire lunae:
tu secanda marmora
locas sub ipsum funus et sepulcri
inmemor struis domos
marisque Bais obstrepentis urges
summouere litora,
parum locuples continente ripa;
quid quod usque proximos
reuellis agri terminos et ultra
limites clientium
salis auarus? pellitur paternos
in sinu ferens deos
et uxor et uir sordidosque natos.
pauperi recluditur
Page 121
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regumque pueris, nec satelles Orci
callidum Promethea
reuexit auro captus: hic superbum
_i_
_ii_
ALBIVS TIBVLLVS
55-19 B.C.
DOMITIVS MARSVS
circa 19 B.C.
SEXTVS PROPERTIVS
47-15 B.C.
Page 145
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_176. Cynthia will one day be but Dust and Ashes_
_178. Hylas_
_182. The Lover alone knows in what Hour Death shall come to him_
LYGDAMVS
43-2? B.C.
SVLPICIA
fl. 20 B.C.?
ANONYMOUS
Page 157
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circ. 20 B.C.
PANEGYRISTAE MESSALLAE
29 B.C.
_i_
Page 159
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_ii_
ANONYMOUS
40 B.C. (?)
CORNELIVS SEVERVS
fl. 38 B.C.
ANONYMOUS
Aetatis Augusteae.
9 B.C.
M. MANILIVS
fl. 8 A.D.
_197. Comets_
_204. Andromeda_
ALBINOVANVS PEDO
fl. 16 A.D.
P. OVIDIVS NASO
43 B.C.-18 A.D.
_i_
_ii_
_i_
_ii_
ANONYMOUS
15 B.C.-19 A.D.
C. IVLIVS PHAEDRVS
15 B.C.-45 A.D.
_225. Socrates_
_226. Opportunity_
_227. Epilogue_
ANONYMOUS
10 B.C.-50 A.D.
circa 35 A.D.
Page 209
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Page 210
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L. ANNAEVS SENECA
4 B.C.-65 A.D.
_232. Time_
_233. Corsica_
_234. Athens_
_235. Britain_
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ABLATVS mihi Crispus est amicus,
pro quo si pretium dari liceret,
nostros diuiderem libenter annos.
nunc pars optima me mei reliquit,
Crispus, praesidium meum, uoluptas,
pectus, deliciae: nihil sine illo
laetum mens mea iam putabit esse.
consumptus male debilisque uiuam:
plus quam dimidium mei recessit.
_i_
_ii_
Page 213
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_240. Death has no Terror_
_241. Hymeneal_
_243. Mutability_
Page 219
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L. IVNIVS MODERATVS COLVMELLA
10-80 A.D.
ANONYMOUS
54-5 A.D.
(GLYCERANVS. MYSTES)
C. CALPVRNIVS SICVLVS
circa 55 A.D.
_A._ di, precor, hunc iuuenem, quem uos (neque fallor) ab ipso
aethere misistis, post longa reducite uitae
tempora uel potius mortale resoluite pensum
et date perpetuo caelestia fila metallo:
sit deus et nolit pensare palatia caelo!
39-65 A.D.
ANONYMOUS
circa 60 A.D.
PETRONIVS ARBITER
Page 227
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20(?)-66 A.D.
_253. Contrasts_
Page 228
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L. VERGINIVS RVFVS
63 A.D.
P. PAPINIVS STATIVS
40-96 A.D.
Page 231
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_262. To Sleep_
M. VALERIVS MARTIALIS
40-104? A.D.
_263. Bilbilis_
_To lay aside the Punica, and read the light Verses of Martial_
_i_
_ii_
_i_
_ii_
_iii_
_iv_
_271. In Memoriam_
_i_
_Alcimus_
_ii_
_Glaucias_
_iii_
_Paris_
_iv_
_Erotion_
_272. 'The Ledean stars so famed for love Wondered at us from above.'_
_274. Diadumenos_
_275. Earinos_
_i_
_ii_
_276. To a Schoolmaster_
_280. Saturnalia_
_i_
_ii_
_285. Valedictory_
ANONYMOUS
circa 90 A.D.
_286. Epitaphs_
_i_
_Nepos_
_ii_
Page 257
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76-138 A.D.
ANONYMOUS
120 A.D.(?)
120 A.D.(?).
ANNIVS FLORVS
Page 259
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_293. Bacchus_
_294. Women_
TAM malum est habere nummos, non habere quam malum est;
tam malum est audere semper, quam malum est semper pudor;
tam malum est tacere multum, quam malum est multum loqui;
tam malum est foris amica, quam malum est uxor domi:
nemo non haec uera dicit, nemo non contra facit.
C. SVLPICIVS APOLLINARIS
ANONYMOUS
215 A.D.
_301. Viue_
_302. Ludite_
Page 261
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_304. Pan_
ANONYMOUS
_308. 'Margaret'_
_A Dog's Epitaph_
Page 266
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CLAVDIVS
Page 270
38503-0
CATO
290(?) A.D.
_i_
_Learning_
_ii_
_Religion_
_iii_
_Friendship_
_iv_
_Death_
_v_
_vi_
REPOSIANVS
PENTADIVS
Page 273
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circa 290 A.D.
_313. Narcissus_
_314. Woman_
ANONYMOUS
TIBERIANVS
_317. Gold_
_319. God_
ANONYMOUS
ALCIMIVS
_i_
_ii_
D. MAGNVS AVSONIVS
310-95 A.D.
_325. Dedication_
_329. Nemesis_
_337. Narcissus_
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LAIS anus Veneri speculum dico: dignum habeat se
aeterna aeternum forma ministerium.
at mihi nullus in hoc usus, quia cernere talem
qualis sum nolo, qualis eram nequeo.
_i_
_His Wife_
_ii_
_His Father-in-law_
_iii_
_His Aunt_
_i_
_Menelaus_
_ii_
_Deiphobus_
_346. Valedictory_
MODESTINVS
Page 291
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FORTE iacebat Amor uictus puer alite somno
myrti inter frutices pallentis roris in herba.
hunc procul emissae tenebrosa Ditis ab aula
circueunt animae, saeua face quas cruciarat.
'ecce meus uenator', ait 'hunc' Phaedra 'ligemus!'
crudelis 'crinem' clamabat Scylla 'metamus!'
Colchis et orba Procne 'numerosa caede necemus!'
Didon et Canace 'saeuo gladio perimamus!'
Myrrha 'meis ramis', Euhadneque 'igne crememus!'
'hunc' Arethusa inquit Byblisque 'in fonte necemus!'
ast Amor euigilans dixit 'mea pinna, uolemus'.
PSEVDO-AVSONIVS
350-400(?) A.D.
_351. Galla_
AVIENVS
ANONYMOUS
384 A.D.
Page 295
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_353. Epitaph of M. Vettius Agorius Praetextatus and Paulina his Wife_
ASMENIVS
THE ASMENIDAE
Page 297
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_I_
ASCLEPIADIVS
_355. Fortune_
_II_
PALLADIVS
_356. Orpheus_
_III_
Page 298
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_(a) Palladius._
_(b) Vomanius._
_(c) Maximinus._
_IV_
_(a) Asclepiadius._
_(b) Vitalis._
_(c) Euphorbius._
ANONYMOUS
Page 299
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CONVIVAE, tetricas hodie secludite curas,
ne maculent niueum nubila corda diem:
omnia sollicitae uertantur murmura mentis,
ut uacet indomitum pectus amicitiae.
non semper gaudere licet: fugit hora, iocemur:
difficile est fatis subripuisse diem.
_360. Epithalamium_
_364. On Avarice_
CLAVDIVS CLAVDIANVS
Page 305
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AVIANVS
_373. Rome_
430-80 A.D.
_376. An Invitation_
FLAVIVS FELIX
LVXORIVS
PHOCAS
_44_
By the side of this Epitaph may be placed Pope's Epitaph upon Mrs.
Corbet, with Johnson's comment:
Page 322
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_66_
D.A. SLATER.
_67_
C.S. CALVERLEY
_69_
D.A. SLATER.
_70_
DRYDEN.
_74_
R.C. JEBB.
_82_
C.S. CALVERLEY.
_83_
This beautiful and delicate piece remains the despair of the translator.
I quote a few lines of Cowley's sometimes rather clumsy version
(beginning from _Sic, inquit, mea uita_):
COWLEY.
_85 b_
So many critics have compared Catullus to Burns that some of them may be
glad to see this North-Italian rendered into the English of the North.
G.S. DAVIES.
I append the version of Prof. R. Ellis, which preserves the metre of the
original:
R. ELLIS.
_86 a_
J. LANGHORNE.
T. BLACKLOCK.
Page 330
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_86 b_
BEN JONSON.
_92_
THEODORE MARTIN.
_97_
W. WALSH.
D.A. SLATER.
_100_
H.W.G.
_101_
H.W.G.
_103_
LEIGH HUNT.
_110_
T.H. WARREN.
A.H. CLOUGH.
_116_
COWLEY.
_118_
JAMES RHOADES
_119 a_
H.W.G.
_121_
J. CONINGTON.
POPE.
_124_
H.W.G.
_125_
MILTON.
Page 342
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Milton's version has been a good deal criticized. Yet, though it lacks
the lightness of its original, it remains a nobler version than any
other. Of other versions the most interesting is, perhaps, that of
Chatterton (made from a literal English translation), and the most
graceful that of William Hamilton of Bangour. Of the latter I quote a
few lines:
W. HAMILTON.
_126_
HERRICK.
GLADSTONE.
_127_
FRANCIS.
_135_
DRYDEN.
_136_
THEODORE MARTIN.
_139_
HERRICK.
BYRON.
_145_
C.S. CALVERLEY.
_148_
Page 349
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LET me tell of Lydè of wedding-law slighted,
Penance of maidens and bootless task,
Wasting of water down leaky cask,
Crime in the prison-pit slowly requited.
W. JOHNSON CORY.
_149_
C.S. CALVERLEY.
_152, ii_
SAMUEL JOHNSON.
_153_
H.W.G.
_161_
BYRON.
_166_
Page 352
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In these scorch'd vitals dost thou joy to dwell?
Oh shame! to others let thy arrows flee;
Let veins untouch'd with all thy venom swell;
Not me thou torturest, but the shade of me.
ELTON.
_179_
When thou shalt kiss their tears, kiss too for me:
Henceforth thy load must be the house complete.
If thou must weep with them not there to see,
When present, with dry cheeks their kisses cheat.
L.J. LATHAM.
_217_
G. STEPNEY.
_240_
_261_
H.W.G.
_262_
W.H. FYFE.
SIDNEY.
DANIEL.
DRUMMOND.
WORDSWORTH.
KEATS.
HARTLEY COLERIDGE.
Side by side with these sonnets may be placed Thomas Warton's _Ode_--a
fine poem, too little known:--
T. WARTON.
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_287_
BYRON.
POPE.
_368_
COWLEY.
I append the version of a poet who was accounted in his time 'the best
translator since Pope'.
F. FAWKES.
This metre is illustrated by Nos. 1-4 (?), 5-6, 8, 10, 12-13 in this
selection. Three views have been taken of its character.
3. The best opinion, therefore, in recent years has been strongly on the
side of the view which makes the principle of the Saturnian metre purely
accentual. At the moment this view may, in fact, be said to hold the
field. Unhappily those who agree in regarding the metre as purely
accentual agree in little else. We may distinguish two schools:
(a) There is, first, what I may perhaps be allowed to call the
Queen-and-Parlour school. 'There cannot be a more perfect Saturnian
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line', says Macaulay, 'than one which is sung in every English nursery--
Place beside this English line the Latin line which has come to be
regarded as the typical Saturnian--
since by what is known as the Law of the Penultimate the accent in Latin
always falls on the penultimate syllable save in those words of three
(or more) syllables which have a short penultimate and take the accent
consequently on the ante-penultimate syllable. But those who accommodate
the Latin saturnian to the rhythm of 'The queen was in her parlour ...'
have to postulate an anomalous accentuation:--
The Saturnian line is, they hold, a verse falling into two cola, each
colon containing three accented (and an undefined number of unaccented)
syllables--word-accent and verse-accent (i. e. metrical _ictus_)
corresponding necessarily only at the last accented syllable in each
colon (as Metélli ... poétae above).
1. While the principle of the verse is accentual half the words in any
given line may be accented as they were never accented anywhere else.
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dabúnt malúm Metélli Naéuió poétae
or
(b) Beside the 'Queen-and-Parlour' theory there is what I may call the
Normal Accent Theory. It originated with two papers by W.M. Lindsay in
the _American Journal of Philology_ vol. xiv--papers which furnish a
more thorough and penetrating treatment of the whole subject than is to
be found anywhere else. Lindsay's view is in substance this:
1. The saturnian line falls into two _cola_ of which the first (_a_)
contains _three_, the second (_b_) _two_ accented syllables.
3. The accent is always the normal Latin accent, according to the Law of
the Penultimate.
These are the essential rules. In addition Lindsay has been at pains to
determine carefully the accentuation of 'word-groups'. Each word in a
Latin sentence has not necessarily an accent of its own. Thus _apud uos_
is accented _apúd-uos_; so again _in-grémium_, _quei-númquam_, _ís
hic-sítus_. No part of Lindsay's papers throws so much light on the
scansion of the saturnian verses as that which deals with these
word-groups: but it is impossible here to deal with the subject in
detail. I will give here the first two Scipio Epitaphs (5. _i_, _ii_) as
they are scanned and accented by Lindsay:--
_i._
_ii._
is not a music to pray to or dance to or die to. A much easier and more
lively movement would be
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If anyone cares to analyse the extant remains of saturnian verse in the
light of this suggestion, I would formulate three rules which can, I
think, be deduced:
1. Each line has five feet, and each foot contains one accented syllable
_plus_ either one or two unaccented syllables.[19] The first foot,
however, _may_ consist of a monosyllable.
3. The first and second, and again the fourth and fifth, feet may be
either disyllabic or trisyllabic: but (_a_) two trisyllables may not
follow one another in the first two feet, and (_b_) if the fifth foot
(usually trisyllabic) is a disyllable the fourth must be trisyllabic.
─́
─ ── │ ─́
─ ── │ ─́
─ ── ── ││ ─́
─ ── │ ─́
─ ── ──
││ ─́
─ ── ──
I have given the text of this celebrated piece according to what may be
called the Vulgate; and in the sub-title, in the Glossary and in my
Introduction p. 1 I have followed the ordinary interpretation. I may
perhaps be allowed here to suggest a different view of the poem.
It begins with an appeal to the Lares. These are apparently the Lares
Consitivi, gods of sowing. Then comes an appeal to Marmar, then to Mars.
Then the Semones are invoked, who, like the Lares, are gods of sowing.
There follows a final appeal to Marmar.
'Be thou glutted, fierce Mars, leap the threshold, stay thy
scourge',--or, as Buecheler takes it, 'stand, wild god'? This sort of
language is appropriate enough to Mars as god of war, but utterly
inappropriate to the farmer's god[21].
Now, when we remember the Lares Consitivi and the Semones, does it not
look very much as though _satur_ stood for _sator_, as though _fere_
were a blunder for _sere_, as though _saii_ were the vocative of Saius,
'sower' (cf. Seia a goddess of sowing, and Greek σάω σήθω), as though
_sia_ were the imperative of the verb _sio_ (moisten)[22], and as
though, finally, _berber_ were to be connected with the Greek βόρβορυς
and meant 'loam'? (I would give much the same sense, 'fat soil' to
_limen_: (from the root _lib-_: cf. Gk. λείβω λειμών).)
We get, then,
'Be thou the sower: sower Mars, sow the soil, moisten the loam'. And
this suggests what _ought_ to be the meaning of _enos iuuate_. _enos_
_ought_ to mean _harvests_, or at any rate something in that kind. And
why should it not? Hesychius knew a word ἔνος which he glosses by
ἐνιαυτός, ἐπέτειος καρπός. See Suidas _s.v._ and Herwerden _Lexicon
Suppletorium_.
The Hymn is a hymn for Seedtime. We know, however, that the festival at
which it was sung fell in the month of May. The explanation of this has
been hinted at by Henzen.[23] Henzen points out that the Arval Brothers
entered on their duties at the Saturnalia, and that their worship is
probably connected in its origin with Saturn, the god of sowing. (See
Varro _L.L._ 5, 57, and _apud_ Aug. _C.D._ 7. 13 p. 290, 28, Festus
_s.v._ Saturnus.) We must suppose, therefore, that at some date when the
meaning of its words had been already lost this hymn was transferred
from a seedtime festival to a harvest festival.
1.
_i._
_ii._
quome: _cum_.
Leucesie: (_Lucerie_?) a title of Jupiter as god of lightning.
tet: _te_.
tremonti: _tremunt_.
quor: _cur_.
Curis: 'god of spear-men' (?): Etruscan _curis_, a spear:
(cf. _Iunonis Curitis_).
decstumum: _dextimum_, 'on the right' (the suffix _-imus_ is not
strictly a superlative suffix, but denotes position: cf. _summus_
(_sup-mus_), _finitimus_, _citimus_).
_iii._
2.
5.
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_i._
_ii._
oino: _unum_.
ploirime: _plurimi_.
duonoro .. uiro: _bonorum .. uirum_.
Scipione: _Scipionem_.
Corsica Aleriaque urbe: _Corsicam Aleriamque urbem_.
aide: _aedem_.
meretod: _merito_.
_iii._
_iv._
6.
_i._
_iv._
dacrimas: _lacrimas_.
noegeo: 'noegeum amiculi genus', _Festus_: φᾶρος.
_v._
_vi._
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_vii._
7.
_ii._
_iii._
procat: _poscit_.
_v._
_vi._
_vii._
_viii._
8.
_ii._
_iii._
_iv._
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Aenea: _Aeneas_: so _Anchisa_ in _ii_.
_vi._
_viii._
9.
_iii._
_v._
12.
13.
15.
17.
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21.
_viii._
23.
24.
25.
postilla: _postea_.
29.
accedisset: _accidisset_.
34.
faxit: _fecerit_.
41.
42.
dum .. dum: τότε μὲν .. τότε δέ: cf. the use of _dum_ in
_primumdum_, _agedum_, _adesdum_.
44.
souo: _suo_.
45.
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clueor: _uocor_ (cf. κλυτός).
51.
_iii._
cresti: _(de)creuisti_.
54.
fuat: _sit_.
fatust: _fatus est_.
ABBREVIATIONS
The numerals in large type indicate the number of the _piece_ (not the
_page_, save where _p_. is prefixed).
(In the early fragments the numerals indicate the number of the _line_
as given in the principal editions.)
Accius, L., 41-43 (_T.R._ 17, 391; 156, 234, 314, 621, 651, 203)
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Calpurnius (T. Calpurnius Siculus), 247 (Ecl. iv)
Catullus, C. Valerius, 74-104 (34, 62, 63, 61, 1, 9, 35, 46, 31, 45,
51, 2 and 3, 5 and 7, 109 and 87, 70, 73, 82, 72 and 75, 8, 85, 60,
11, 30, 76, 68_b_, 101, 96, 51_b_, 38, 14_b_)
Ennius, Q., 14-34 (Vahlen, _Ann._ 35, 77, 194, 234, 303, 401, 266;
1, 52, 110, 367, 140 and 187, 287, 370, 443, 457, 514;
_Scen._ 27, 85, 54, 35, 316, 312, 234, 246, 215;
_Varia_ 19, 21;
_Sat._ 6;
_Var._ 15 and 17)
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Germanicus, Ti. Cl. Caesar, 223-224 (_P.L.M._ i, p. 153;
_A.L._ 708)
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Lygdamus, 184-185 (Tibullus iii. 4, 5)
Naevius, Cn., 8-10 (_F.P.R._ 1, 3, 4, 24, 32, 37, 38, 39, 63;
_T.R._ 15, 21, 7;
_C.R._ 10, 15, 75;
_F.P.R._ p. 296)
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Ovid (P. Ovidius Naso), 207-222 (_Trist._ iv. 10;
_Amores_ i. 1;
ii. 18;
iii. 1;
i. 9 and ii. 12;
i. 2, 3, 13;
iii. 6, 15;
ii. 6;
_Heroides_ ii;
_Amores_ iii. 9;
_Tristia_ i. 5;
iii. 3;
_Amores_ i. 15)
No.
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Anceps forma bonum mortalibus 239
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Callimachi Manes et Coi sacra Philetae 163
Cedo, qui rem uestram publicam tantam amisistis tam cito? 9, iii
Collis o Heliconiei 77
Cras amet qui numquam amauit quique amauit cras amet! 320
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Crede ratem uentis, animum ne crede puellis 314
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Diuitias alius fuluo sibi congerat auro 154
Esse quid hoc dicam, quod tam mihi dura uidentur 210
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Hie est ille, suis nimium qui credidit umbris 313
Iste quod est, ego saepe fui: sed fors et in hora 173
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Non possum reticere, deae, qua me Allius in re 99
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Pastorum Musam Damonis et Alphesiboei 112
Qui mihi te, Cerinthe, dies dedit, hic mihi sanctus 186
Tam malum est habere nummos, non habere quam malum est 296
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Threiciam uolucrem fertur Iunonius ales 372
Transit Melitam 8, vi
Vado, sed sine me, quia te sine, nec nisi tecum 351
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FOOTNOTES:
[2] I follow here the 'orthodox', or popular, view. But see Notes, pp.
505-12.
[3] For what is said here of this poetry of primitive magic cf. Horace,
_Epp._ II. i. 134 sqq.
[4] Even of the Italian poets of the Empire few or none are Romans.
Statius and Juvenal are Campanians, Persius is an Etrurian.
[13] _Fragments and Specimens of Early Latin_ pp. 396-7 and _passim_.
Wordsworth's competence to treat questions of quantity may be judged
from the fact that in a hexameter verse he makes the first syllable of
_caro_ (_carnis_) long: p. 567, l. 16.
[19] Very occasionally three, in cases where one of the syllables can be
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_slurred away_ in pronunciation.
[20] I use 'word-group' in the same sense as Lindsay. See also his
_Latin Language_ pp. 165-70.
[21] I say nothing of the difficulty of _limen sali_. We know the Hymn
to have been sung _within_ the temple, and with closed doors.
[22] _Sio_ is an old Latin word. See Buecheler's paper _Altes Latein_ in
_Rheinisches Museum_ 43 p. 480. _Siat_ is glossed in Philoxenus by
οὐρεῖ, ἐπὶ βρέφους. In common speech it survived only in the language of
the nursery and in this connexion. But it is closely related to a number
of words, in various Indo-Germanic languages, of which the root-meaning
is 'moisture'. See Walde, _Lateinisches Etymologisches Wörterbuch_2 p.
708.
Transcriber's Notes:
Multiple and inconsistent spellings retained.
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