Borer 2 Structuring Sense: "The Normal Course of Events"

Structuring Sense
'Hagit Borer's two volumes are a truly impressive achievement. She develops an
original and careful theoretical framework, with far-reaching implications, as
she describes. And she applies it in what have traditionally, and plausibly,been
the two major domains of language: nominals and predication (event struc-
ture). The application is deeply informed and scrupulously executed, as well
as remarkably comprehensive, covering a wide range of typologically different
languages, and with much new material. No less valuable is her careful critic-
al review of the rich literature on these topics, drawing from it where appro-
priate, identifying problems and developing alternatives within the general
framework she has developed. These are sure to become basic sources for fur-
ther inquiry into the fundamental issues she explores with such insight and
understanding.'
Noam Chomsky
'Syntacticians like Borer define the big research questions for the rest of us.
Two provocative and inspiringbooks.'
Angelika Kratzer
Hagit Borer's three-volume work proposes a constructionist approach, driven by
Universal Grammar, to the interfaces between morphology, syntax and seman-
tics and in doing so presents a fundamental reformulation of how language and
grammar are structured in human minds and brains. Volume III will be published
in 2006.
PUBLISHED
Volume I: In Name Only
Volume II: The Normal Course of Events
IN PREPARATION
Volume III: Taking Form (working title)

The Normal Course
of Events
HAGIT B O R E R
OXTORD
UNIVERSITY PRESS
OXFORD
UNIVERSITY PRESS
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To Mata, Monjek, andBenek Taffet
In memory of your lives
T'was [A brillig], and the [ Np [ A slithy] toves]
Did [v gyre] and [v gimble] in the [ N wabe]:
All [ A mimsy] were the [Nborogove.s],
And the [ Np [ A/N mome] raths] [v owfgrabe]
Jabberwocky
Lewis Carroll, Through the Looking Glass
(annotated)
Acknowledgements
It is in the nature of any true knowledge that it can only be gained on the basis of
already existing knowledge. To the extent that I have gained any knowledge, it is
a pleasure to acknowledge the intellectual debt that this work owes to the know-
ledge previously gained by Gennaro Chierchia, Noam Chomsky, Hana Filip, Henk
Verkuyl, Paul Kiparsky, Angelika Kratzer, Manfred Krifka, Beth Levin, Pino Longo-
bardi, Terry Parsons, Malka Rappaport, Betsy Ritter, and Carol Tenny. I have not
always agreed with their conclusions, but their work is the foundation upon which
this book is based.
The ideas which have come to be this book were first born in January 1993, while
I was a visitor at the OTS at the University of Utrecht. They reached maturity while I
was a Belle van Zuylen Visiting Chair at the University of Utrecht in the fall of 2000.
I would like to recognize with gratitude the linguistics community at the Univer-
sity of Utrecht for serving as such a wonderful audience to this work at its infancy
and as it was reaching culmination (no pun intended), and for providing me with
such a hospitable working environment. Special thanks go to Martin Everaert and
to Eric Reuland for making it possible, to Peter Ackema and Maaike Schoorlemmer
for more helpful suggestions than I can possibly acknowledge, and most of all, to
Denis Delfitto for pointing out the right direction to me on some truly significant
semantic issues.
As this project was progressing through childhood and adolescence, my col-
leagues as well as students and visitors, both at the University of Massachusetts at
Amherst and at the University of Southern California, saw it through with numer-
ous helpful suggestions. I thank, especially, Christine Bartels, Laura Benua, Angelika
Kratzer, Barbara Partee, and Peggy Speas at UMass, and Jim Higginbotham, Audrey
Li, Roumi Pancheva, Barry Schein, and Philippe Schlenker, at USC. Very special
thanks go to David Nicolas for a close early reading of my fledgling attempts at
semantics, and to Nathan Klinedinst, who made extensive suggestions for improve-
ments on matters ranging from content to style.
During the years, as this work was going through its growing pains, it has been
presented and taught in many places where audiences were extremely generous
with their responses and suggestions. Special thanks go to David Adger, Richard
Breheny, and Bill McClure for a particularly active feedback during my summer
class in Girona in 1994, as well as to my graduate classes at UMass in Spring of
1996 and at USC in the spring of 2001.1 benefited greatly from comments made
by Artemis Alexiadou, Maya Arad, Lisa Cheng, Edit Doron, David Embick, Nomi
Erteschik-Shir, Abdelkader Fassi Fehri, Hana Filip, Rafaella Folli, Irene Heim,
Norbert Hornstein, Angeliek van Hout, Idan Landau, Agnieszka Lazorczyk, Beth
Levin, Gillian Ramchand, Malka Rappaport, Tova Rapoport, Tanya Reinhart, Henk
viii Acknowledgements
van Riemsdijk, Gemma Rigau, Ur Shlonsky, Michele Sigler, Tal Siloni, Peter Sveno-
nius, Donca Steriade, and many many others, to be sure, who I can no longer recall,
during many presentations and conversations, who took the time to understand
what I am trying to do, and who did their best to be helpful.
Last, but not least, special thanks go to my co-settlers of Catan, Bernhard Rohr-
bacher and Tim Stowell, for their love, friendship, and support. It was fun, wasn't it?
HB
Los Angeles
March 2003
Contents
Acknowledgements vii
Contents to Volume I xii
Abbreviations xv
A Note on Transcription xvi
Parti Setting Course

1 Exo-Skeletal ExplanationsA Recap 3
1.1 How Grammatical are Words? 3
1.2 Functional Structure and the Architecture of Heads 11
1.2.1 General considerations 11
1.2.2 Licensing functional structure: abstract head features
and f-morphs 14
1.2.3 Functional heads as open values 15
1.2.4 What's in a head? 19
1.3 A Note on Inflection 22
1.4 A Note on Idioms 25
2 Why Events? 30
2.1 Variable-behaviour Verbs 30
2.1.1 The paradigm 30
2.1.2 Evidence for syntactic representation for
variable-behaviour verbs 36
2.2 ButWhyAktionsart? 47
2.3 UTAH? 55
2.4 Severing the Internal Argument from its Verb 59
Part II The Projection of Arguments

3 Structuring Telicity 69
3.1 Preliminaries 69
3.2 Structuring Quantity 73
3.2.1 Quantity objects 73
3.2.2 The architecture of event structures 79
3.3 Prepositional Licensing 87
3.3.1 Cascade structures 87
3.3.2 The conative alternation and the spray-load alternation 91
X Contents
4 (A) structuring Atelicity 97

4.1 Where Are We? 97
4.2 Atelic Transitives and Partitive Case 99
4.3 Impersonal Null Subjects and the Unaccusative-Unergative
Paradigm 112
5 Interpreting Telicity 121
5.1 Introduction 121
5.2 Against Lexical Encoding 127
5.3 To Quantity or to Quantize? 143
5.4 Scalar Representations and Telicity 149
6 Direct Range Assignment: The Slavic Paradigm 155
6.1 From the Head to the Specifier: Quantity prefixes
and DP interpretation 155
6.2 Against Atelic Agreement 160
6.3 Licensing DP-internal Structure 173
7 Direct Range Assignment: Telicity without Verkuyl's Generalization 182
7.1 Slavic Intransitive Perfectives 182
7.2 Does the Perfective Mark Quantity? 190
7.3 Telicity Without Verkuyl's GeneralizationEnglish 200
7.3.1 Range assignment to [As (e}J through an adverb
of quantification 200
7.3.2 Particles and prepositions as range assigners 203
7.3.3 An open issue: predicate modifiers or range assigners? 209
8 How Fine-Grained? 214
8.1 Preliminaries 214
8.1.1 Event structure or argument structure? 215
8.1.2 Against decompositionresultatives and others 220
8.2 What Gets Modified? 232
8.2.1 Preliminaries 232
8.2.2 Referring to quantity, referring to non-quantity 232
8.2.3 Anti-telicity effects i: Hebrew reflexive datives 234
8.2.4 Anti-telicity effects 2: nominalizer-z>zg 239
8.3 A Somewhat Speculative Note on the Conceptual Status
of Some Predicate Modifiers 245
Contents xi
Part III Locatives and Event Structure

9 The Existential Road: Unergatives and Transitives 255
9.1 Introduction: Post-verbal Nominatives 255
9.2 Projecting the Event Argument 261
9.3 Assigning Range to (e>EThe Locative Paradigm 272
9.3.1 Post-verbal nominatives in unergative structures 272
9.3.2 Locatives and unergative constructions 275
9.4 Why Locatives? 285
9.4.1 The distribution of locatives and existentials 285
9.4.2 Existentially binding the event?
Existentially binding the DP? 289
9.5 Why a Weak Subject? 298
9.5.1 A brief note on incorporation 301
9.6 Transitive Expletives? In Hebrew?? 303
9.7 Conclusion 305
10 Slavification and Unaccusatives 306
10.1 Re-Examining the Paradigm 306
10.2 And Returning to Erupting Riots 319
10.3 Achievements? 326
10.4 Summary 338
11 Forward Oh! 343
11.1 Inter-Language and Intra-Language Variation 343
11.2 Some Final Notes on the Nature of Listemes 346
11.2.1 Introductory comments 346
11.2.2 More on phonological indices 347
11.2.3 A last note on idioms 354
References 356
Index 374
Contents to Volume I
Acknowledgements vi
Abbreviations xiv
A Note on Transcription xv
Parti Exo-SkeletalExplanations
1 Structuring Sense: Introductory Comments 3
1.1 How Grammatical are Words? 3
1.2 Some Preliminary Notes on Functional Structure 14
1.2.1 A note on the syntax-semantics interface 14
1.2.2 Projecting functional structure 17
1.2.3 Specifiers, complements 22
2 Nuts and Bolts 30
2.1 The Architecture of the Grammar 30
2.1.1 Licensing functional structure: abstract head features
and f-morphs 30
2.1.2 Functional heads as open values: adverbs of quantification 34
2.1.3 Range assignment through specifier-head agreement and
definiteness marking 38
2.1.3.1 A brief summary 42
2.1.4 What's in a Head? 43
2.1.5 Ordering within the L-D 48
2.2 A Note on Inflection 51
2.3 An Overview 58
Part II Determining Structures

3 The Proper Way 63
3.1 The Distribution of Determiners 63
3.2 Proper Names 70
3.2.1 Proper or common? 70
3.2.2 Some more on proper names with determiners 82
Contents xiii
4 Some Stuff: On the Mass-Count Distinction 86

4.1 Plurals as Classifiers 86
4.1.1 Classifying Chinese 86
4.1.2 A little more on the mass-count distinction in Chinese 97
4.2 On the Flexibility of the Mass-Count Distinction 101
4.3 A Classifier Phrase for English 109
4.4 Creating Individuals 120
4.5 Noun Stems in Compounds, or How Seriously Lexicalists
Take the Lexicon 132
5 Things that Count: Null D 136
5.1 The Works 136
5.2 The Interpretation of Indefinites 144
6 Things that Count: Null # and Others 160
6.1 Null* and the Interpretation of Definite Articles 160
6.2 Heads vs. Specifiers 169
6.3 Proper Names, Supplemental 174
6.4 Chinese IndividualsSome Final Thoughts 178
6.5 Concluding Part II 188
Part III Another Language, Another System

7 One is the Loneliest Number 193
7.1 Introduction 193
7.1.1 On some differences between'one'and other quantifiers 193
7.1.2 (Ac)counting (for) Hebrew singulars 201
7.2 The Hebrew Definite Article Revisited 211
7.2.1 Construct state and the licensing of cardinals in definite
descriptions 211
7.2.2 Quantifiers in specifiers 221
7.2.3 The structure of Hebrew singularsfinal touches 223
7.3 A bit More on Quantifiers as Specifiers in Hebrew,
and a Speculative Note 225
xiv Contents
8 Cheese and Olives, Bottles and Cups: Notes on Measure Phrases

and Container Phrases 238
8.1 An Overview of the Hebrew Determiner System 238
8.2 Hebrew'Massifiers' 242
8.2.1 Grocerese nominals 242
8.2.2 Structure for Grocerese nominals 247
8.2.3 Container phrases 251
9 Some Concluding Notes on Language Variation 261
References 267
Index 285
Abbreviations
A Agent (subject of transitive M masculine
predicate) NEUT neuter
ABS absolutive case NEC negative
ACC accusative case NOM nominative case
ADESS adessive case NO.EXT negative existential
Adj. adjective NPI negative polarity item
AGR agreement OM object marker
APASS antipassive #P Quantity Phrase
ART article PASS passive
ASP aspect PART partitive operator
AspQ quantity-Aspect PL plural
AUX auxiliary pp past participle
CL classifier PRT partitive case
D determiner PST past tense
DEE definite REEL reflexive
DEM demonstrative s-o-q subj ect- of-quantity
dim diminutive so singular
DP determiner phrase TOP topic
ECM Exceptional Case Marking Unacc unaccusative
EP Event Phrase Unerg un ergative
EPP Extended Projection UTAH Universal Th eta-Assignment
Principle Hypothesis
ERG ergative case XS exo-skeletal
EXT existential
F feminine
FUT future
FP functional proj ection
FSP shell functional projection
GEN genitive case
IMP imperative
Imperf. Imperfective
IND indicative
INDEF indefinite
INESS inessive case
INF infinitive
INSTR instrumental case
INTRANS intransitive
LOG locative case
A Note on Transcription
The Hebrew transcription used in this work represents a compromise between

the pronunciation of Modern Hebrew and an attempt to render the examples, at
least up to a point, morpho-phonologically transparent. Specifically, in Modern
Hebrew pronunciation, spirantized k is pronounced as /x/, otherwise occurring
in the language, spirantized b is pronounced as /v/ otherwise occurring in the
language, and the pronunciation /k/ is associated with two distinct segments,
one which spirantizes, and one which does not. Further, although contempor-
ary phonological processes still distinguish between the historical glottal stop (')
and the historical pharyngeal fricative (c), both are pronounced as glottal stops
in Modern Hebrew. Wishing to help the reader to discern relatedness between
morpho-phonologically related forms, the following transcription conventions
are adopted:
Historical glottal stop (K)
c
Historical pharyngeal fricative (V)
Spirantized b (1) b
v (consonantal "I) v
x(r\) x
Spirantizable k (when unspirantized:3) k
Spirantized k (D) k
non-spirantizable k (p) q
Spirantized p (Q) p
Parti
Setting Course
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1
Exo-Skeletal Explanations
A Recap
1.1 How Grammatical are Words?

Consider briefly the conclusions that we reached in Volume I in our discus-
sion of the nominal system. We concluded that nouns are, on the whole, liste-
mes which are unspecified with respect to many of their relevant grammatical
properties. The distinction between proper names and common nouns, the dis-
tinction between mass nouns and count nouns; between generic expressions
and existential expressions; between weak and strong interpretations for indef-
initesall these turn out to revolve not around lexical properties of particular
items, but rather, around the grammatical properties of the functional struc-
ture in which they are embedded. The listemes themselves only'determine' that
functional structure insofar as some denote concepts which are 'odd' in certain
grammatical contexts, in the sense that such grammatical contexts return an
interpretation that conflicts with world knowledge. Thus Kim is 'odd' as a com-
mon noun, and rabbit is 'odd' as a mass noun. Given an appropriate context,
however, much of this oddity can be overridden. This, I suggest, is exactly what
we expect from concepts, as opposed to grammatical properties. Information
provided by the grammatical (i.e. functional) system cannot be thus overrid-
den. The quantity properties of three, every, and a lot of cannot be contextual-
ized, nor can a noun with plural inflection ever be interpreted as (undivided)
mass, no matter how salient the context. While an expression such as a round
square can be assigned interpretation by rendering the meanings of round and
square fuzzy and impressionistic, no such fuzziness is available to rescue one
cats, much cats, or, for that matter, one pants or much scissors.
Within the nominal domain, the assumption that, say, cats is the same 'lexic-
al' item regardless of whether or not it receives a generic or an existential inter-
pretation is rarely controversial, as is the assumption that an explanation for the
The content of Chapter i, Sections 1.1-3 is largely (although not exclusively) a summary of the more
detailed discussion in Chapters i and 2 of Volume I. The reader is referred to the relevant chapters for a
more thorough justification of various claims.
4 Setting Course
distinct properties of generic cats and existential cats should be sought within
the domain of structure, be it semantic or syntactic, and not by appealing to
lexical mapping rules. However, when we turn to the verbal domain, we find
an altogether different tradition. Presented with triplets such as brea/c.TRANS,
fcreafc.iNTRANS, break.MiDDLE, the most common strategy has been to assume
that each is associated with a distinct lexical entity, which is in turn associ-
ated with a distinct argument structure or thematic grid. Although the entries
are clearly related by means of more or less formal mapping rules, giving rise
to some measure of generality (see, in particular, Williams 1981; Bresnan and
Kanerva 1989; Bresnan and Moshi 1990; Grimshaw 1990; Levin and Rappaport
Hovav 1986; Levin and Rappaport Hovav 19920, b, 1995; Rappaport Hovav and
Levin 1989; Reinhart 1996, 2000; and much related work), the important fact
here is that these mapping operations are crucially assumed to apply to infor-
mation in lexical entries, resulting in a unique syntactic projection for each of
the instantiations of break, for instance. If a similar logic were to be applied
to the nominal domain, and assuming our conclusion that, for example, weak
indefinites have a null D, but strong indefinites have a filled D (cf. Volume I,
Chapter 5, Section 5.1), it would entail the existence of a lexical operation on the
entry for cat, for instance, converting it from a weak indefinite to a strong indef-
inite (or the other way around). On a par with the assumption that modified
lexical verbal entries give rise to the projection of distinct syntactic structure
for their arguments, a similar rationale applied to the nominal domain would
dictate that the 'weak' entry for cat be specified to project in the context of a null
D (and an overt determiner in #), and the 'strong' entry would require the pro-
jection of an overt determiner in D. To the best of my knowledge, this type of
logic has not been pursued within the nominal domain. Rather, it is typically
taken for granted that the entry in question is uniform, and that the burden of
distinguishing between the strong and the weak readings is assumed by what-
ever structure, be it syntactic or semantic, is associated with the determiner, a
functional element.
The characterization of words and structures and the division of grammatical
labour between them has always been a major component of the generative lin-
guistic agenda. From the mid-1960s onwards, in some generative traditions, an
increasingly central role was played by the lexicon, construed as the reservoir of
lexical entries. A lexical entry consists not only of the arbitrary pairing of sound
and meaning, but also of a variety of formal diacritics, which translate into a set
of instructions for the syntax. Within such an approach, the entry for a listeme
such as kick contains crucially the information that it is a verb with a particu-
lar syntactic insertion frame, however derived. Starting with Grimshaw (1979)
and Pesetsky (1982), a rich tradition developed of attempting to derive syntactic
Exo-Skeleton ExplanationsA Recap 5
insertion frames as well as syntactic category from facets of lexical semantics.

Nor is the agenda thus described model-specific. Although the Government-
Binding model and its descendants on the one hand, and, for example, Lexic-
al-Functional Grammar or Head-driven Phrase Structure Grammar in their
various incarnations, on the other, may differ as to the relevant level of represen-
tation onto which such lexico-semantic distinctions are initially mapped, these
approaches do share an important assumption. All assume that a well-defined
entry point into the formal component of the grammar (however character-
ized) exists, and that it consists of the deterministic output of lexical proper-
ties in conjunction with certain combinatorial principles (and see Chapter i
in Volume I for elaboration). Rappaport Hovav and Levin (1998) refer to such
approaches as 'projectionist! We note that they are fundamentally endocentric,
in that they construct the properties of larger units from the properties of some
central lexical entry, which is itself presumably to be projected as a syntactic
head. In Volume I, I referred to such approaches as endo-skeletal. Schematical-
ly, endo-skeletal approaches subscribe to some articulation of the scheme in (i),
where LK is some choice of a listeme, P is its lexical semantics, possibly as trans-
lated into some Predicate-Argument Structure, C refers to a combinatorial sys-
tem with some well-defined formal properties, and RK is a well-defined formal
representation.
(1) P(LK) + C^RK
We already noted in Chapter i of Volume I that the formula in (i) is a type

of checking system. Concretely, assuming RK to be a phrase marker, it agrees
with the properties of the terminals embedded within it. As a simple illustra-
tion of this point, consider kick again, and assume its relevant properties, how-
ever arrived at, to be the existence of two thematic rolescall them agent and
patientalongside some linking conventions which force agents to be external,
in some well-defined sense, and patients to be internal, in some well-defined
sense. The resulting syntactic structure, assuming it to be something like (ia),
agrees with the relevant properties of kick, in allowing its lexically specified
properties to be checked against the appropriate projection of arguments in spe-
cific syntactic positions (or, in minimalist terms, the agent merges in a position
where it checks the relevant properties of kick). In contrast, (ib-c) are ungram-
matical, not because there is anything wrong with the phrase marker as such.but
because the properties of kick fail to agree with the emerging structure.
(2) a. [Vp agent [ykick patient ]]

b. [ V ppatient [ykick agent]]
c. [Vp [v-kick [Pp P agent] [PPP patient]]]
6 Setting Course
The endo-skeletal approach contrasts with the approach I referred to as exo-

skeletalor the XS-approachin which the structure is independent of the
properties of specific listemes. Specifically, suppose that the conventional treat-
ment of nouns is correct, and should be extended to verbs as well. Under such
a treatment the differences between, for example,foreafc.TRANS, brea/c.iNTRANS,
and break.MiDDLE are no longer to be determined by lexical properties, but
rather by the functional structure in which break is embedded. The distinctions
between transitive, intransitive, and middle break are to be attributed to prop-
erties of the associated structures, rather than to properties of distinct (related)
lexical entries. Put differently, just as the presence of a null D with cat yielded
a weak indefinite, but an overt determiner in D gave rise to a strong indefi-
nite, so break, in the context of a structure licensing two arguments, would be
transitive, but in the context of a structure licensing only one argument, would
be either a middle or an intransitive, depending on the structure projected. In
turn, as in the case of the nominal system, we would expect it to be possible
for world knowledge associated with the meaning of some concepts to render
some argument structure combinations infelicitous. We note that in tradition-
al systems, which appeal to lexical specification to determine argument struc-
ture, world knowledge is crucially appealed to as well, typically under the label
'selectional restrictions'. Consider, for instance, the verbs eat and drink. In the
argument-structure models that I am aware of (the one proposed here being
no exception), eat and drink are treated in a virtually identical fashion. They are
assumed to assign the same semantic roles, in systems that utilize such roles, or
to select the same grammatical functions, within systems that describe verbs in
that fashion. They are further assumed to be embedded in the same set of syn-
tactic structures, whether derived from their lexical specification, or independ-
ent of it. Yet, of course, eat and drink are not synonyms, and it is precisely this
that results in the distinct oddity of (sa-b).1
1
An interesting exception to the syntactic identity of eat and drink is presented by the ambiguity of
(ia), vs. the non-ambiguity of (ib):
(i) a. Kim drank,
b. Palate.
While both (ia) and (ib) have a reading on which the understood object of the verb is some appropri-
ate substance for drinking or eating, respectively (e.g. water, juice, bread, lunch), (ia) also has a reading
whereby the understood object of drink is alcoholic, and the predicate is understood as a property of Kim
rather than an event (i.e. Kim was an alcoholic). However, to the best of my knowledge, there is no way
of capturing this distinction between eat and drink within any existing theory of semantic roles, short
of assuming that the verb drink is ambiguous between a reading of consuming a beverage, and a reading
of habitual consumption of alcohol. Note in this context that Kim smokes has the same reading as (ia).
Thanks to R. Kayne (pers. comm.) for pointing out these examples to me.
(3) a. Kim drank (up) the steak

b. Pat ate (up) the water.
The oddity of (sa-b) derives from our world knowledge that drinking is a
mode of consumption associated with liquids, and that steaks are solids; that
eating is a mode of consumption associated with solids, but water is liquid.
In turn, the oddity of (sa-b) can be overridden in a manner typical of restric-
tions born of world knowledge rather than grammar, thereby giving rise to a
'coercion effect. Such overriding can be accomplished either by modifying our
presuppositions regarding the objects consumed (e.g. a liquefied steak can be
drunk; frozen water can be eaten), or by modifying our presuppositions about
the consumption mode. Such modifications are clearly in evidence with so-
called metaphoric uses of drink and eat, as in (4a-b):
(4) a. She drank him with her eyes,

b. She ate him with her eyes.
In both (43) and (sb), the context conjures up the manner of consumption
aspect of eat and drink, but not the nourishment-taking aspect. For example,
drink in (43) really means something like'absorb', while eat in (4b) means a pos-
sibly more aggressive form of viewing. All these properties could, in principle,
be listed as part of the lexical entries of drink and eat. We note, however, that, at
least in the case of eat and drink, they never give rise to structural differences of
any discernible sort, and as such appear to be the sort of distinctions which the
grammar does not care to make. Under the plausible assumption that distinc-
tions that are not grammaticalized do not belong in the grammar but are prop-
erties of the conceptual system and its interaction with world knowledge, some
appeal to the conceptual, extra-grammatical system is necessary in any frame-
work, even those within the endo-skeletal family of models. Our claim here is
that such an appeal to an extra-grammatical conceptual system, together with
the grammar of functional projections, suffices to characterize the distribution
of verbs, just as it suffices to characterize the distribution of nouns.2
The notorious flexibility illustrated here and in Volume I for listemes is by
and large restricted to the domain of so-called 'open-class items'that is, to
2
Within Chomsky's (1965) Aspects model, the lexical entry for drink includes the specification that
drink requires a +liquid theme, while eat requires a +solid theme. From a formal perspective, however,
+liquid theme and +solid theme are distinct formal objects, and all generalizations ranging over them
need to be justified. No such justification is required, of course, if the specification liquid is relegated to
the conceptual component. In effect, then, we are saying here that'selectional restrictions', in the sense of
Aspects, belong with the conceptual system, and not with the grammar. This is not to say that concepts do
not have formal properties, but rather to claim that formal properties of concepts, should they turn out
to exist, need not correspond to formal grammatical properties.
8 Setting Course
substantive, as opposed to grammatical formatives. No such flexibility is attest-

ed for closed-class items: for grammatical formatives (henceforth, functional
vocabulary). Quantifiers, cardinals, past-tense markers, and the various species
of derivational affixation are rarely susceptible. The is the; every is every; -able
makes an adjective; past-tense markers are compatible only with verbs. This
rigidity of grammatical formatives carries over to phrases in which such gram-
matical formatives are included, as we already noted. Thus three cats cannot be
made mass or singular; every cat cannot be made plural or mass; permissible
cannot be made a verb; walked cannot be made a noun or a present tense verb. If
this is a valid distinction, then the dividing line here is not between vocabulary
items and syntactic structure, but between substantive vocabulary, on the one
hand, and functional vocabulary (including derivational affixation) and syntac-
tic structure, on the other.3
The proposed dividing line, I believe, is a crucial one, and distinguishes
between what is grammatically realstructures and formal properties of func-
tional itemsand what maybe very real, but not grammatically soproperties
of substantive vocabulary. The latter, I propose, are creatures born of percep-
tion and conceptualization, representing an intricate web of layers upon layers
of a complex perceptual structure and emerging world knowledge, concepts
which come to represent it, the reflection upon these concepts, and so on. Their
properties, however characterized, are fundamentally not grammatical. That
they can be so easily overridden by the grammar emerges from the fact that the
grammar only cares about its own. It does not override grammatical proper-
ties. As for the conceptual properties of words, we must ask whether they have
grammatical reality at all.
If we conclude that they do not, a very specific picture emerges of the inter-
face between the grammatical, computational system and the cognitive module
responsible for the emergence of substantive listemes. Contrary to common
assumptions, there is, in fact, no direct interface, as such, between the concep-
tual system and the grammar, in that properties of concepts do not feed direct-
ly into the determination of any grammatical properties. A substantive listeme
is a unit of the conceptual system, however organized and conceived, and has
no grammatical properties.4 Its use will return a meaning based fundamentally
3
And see n. 4 in Chapter i, Volume I, for some important notes on the boundary which separates
functional vocabulary from substantive listemes.
4
By the absence of grammatical properties, I am referring not only to the absence of category or of
argument structure specification, but also to the absence of overt grammatical marking of any sort, be
it syntactic, morphological, or inflectional. Thus while form is plausibly a listeme, theform,formation, or
formed are not. While form has no grammatical propertiesin the relevant sensethis is of course not
the case for the form, formation, andformed, each of which encodes the existence of some grammatical
structure which is non-coercible and constrained by strict computational principles.
on its conceptual value. A grammatical structure will return an interpretation

as well, based on combinatorial, computational principles of interpretation
assignment, as linked with the structural and the formal-semantic properties
of functional vocabulary and syntactic structure. In a cognitive place which is
neither the grammar nor the conceptual systemcall it the 'making sense' com-
ponentthese two outputs will be compared. Here the overall felicity of any
linguistic behaviour would emerge as a direct function of the extent to which
these two outputs match each other. It is in the nature of things that the two out-
puts will not always match, or at least, not in a straightforward way. In the event
of a mismatch, the grammar will always prevail. The interpretation put forth by
the conceptual component can and will stretch, as much as possible within the
confines of the concept under consideration, so as to match the rigid, absolute
interpretational constraints circumscribed by the grammar. The more the con-
ceptual system stretches, the more the utterance will appear'odd' or metaphoric,
and at times, the oddity may be so extreme that it becomes difficult to distin-
guish from a straightforward case of ungrammaticality, where by'ungrammat-
ically' I would like to refer exclusively to the effect created by the violation of
formal computational principles.5
Within an XS-model, then, the particular final meaning associated with any
phrase is a combination of, on the one hand, its syntactic structure and the inter-
pretation returned for that structure by the formal semantic component, and,
on the other hand, by whatever value is assigned by the conceptual system and
world knowledge to the particular listemes embedded within that structure.
These listemes, I suggest, function as modifiers of that structure. The picture
that emerges is thus as in (53) (and compare with (sb), a particular instantiation
of the more general scheme discussed in (i)):
(5) a. Structure > predicate-argument structure/event structure;
(category) > event interpretation > meaning assignment to
structure.
b. (Lexical-semantics of a verb) > predicate-argument structure;
(category) > structure
In the next chapters I will elaborate on the scheme in (53). I will propose a
specific structure, where by structure I mean functional structure, which will
in turn be translated, semantically, into a predicate-argument structure, and,
more specifically, into an event structure. Before I proceed, however, some
5
And see Chapter i in Volume I, as well as Borer (20030), for some phonological considerations and
for some discussion of vocabulary choice inter-linguistically. Likewise, for a discussion of category
assignment to category neutral listemes.
10 Setting Course
methodological clarifications are in order. Much of the discussion in Volume I

addressed the division of labour between properties of listemes and the syntax.
In what follows, I will continue to bring forth arguments that support a rich syn-
tactic functional component, and a correspondingly impoverished lexical com-
ponent. In turn, I will also propose a very specific syntactic functional structure
for event structure, and will proceed to justify it as well. However, the validity
of postulating an impoverished lexicon, in the sense employed here, is quite
independent of the validity of any specific functional structure I will propose.
In other words, it may very well turn out that the lexicon is every bit as impov-
erished as I suggest, but that the syntactic structure required in the presence
of such an impoverished lexicon is different from that proposed below. Such
differences could arise in several domains. For instance, it may turn out that it
is wrong to assume that the relevant computational burden is carried by func-
tional categories rather than by'lexical' categories, where by functional categor-
ies we mean nodes headed by items from the functional lexicon, and where by
'lexical' categories we mean nodes such as NP, VP, AP, etc., headed by N, V, A, etc.
It may further turn out that the burden of computation is carried by functional
structure, but that the particular view of functional structure presented in this
work is wrong. Finally, it may turn out that the functional structure implicated,
which is based here on aktionsart and event structure, is neither aktionsart nor
linked to event structure.6
Most of these issues are fundamentally empirical in nature: it is up to the
present study to justify the view of functional structure presented here, and the
specific representations proposed for event structure. For any XS-type approach
these remain possible but not necessary executions. Chapter 2 is devoted to a
justification of the use of event structure and aktionsart as the functional build-
ing blocks of syntax. In Chapters 3-10 the syntax and the interpretation of the
proposed event structure are spelled out in greater detail, providing addition-
al evidence both for an event-based approach and for its specific execution. As
always, the ultimate explanatory success of the analyses presented here would
remain the strongest argument in their favour.
6
Thus Marantz (1997,1999, 2000), within a constructionist approach (often labelled 'neo-construc-
tionism'), proposes structures that are quite distinct from those proposed in this work, and which are not
based on event structure. As already noted in Volume I (cf. Chapter i, n. 12), Marantz's (1999,2000) pro-
posal also differs from ours in assuming that the important structural building blocks are not functional
labels, as such, but rather, n and v (at times known as little n and little v). To some extent, the debate here
is notational rather than contentful, as one could of course define any functional projection dominating
VP as v, or alternatively, define v as F with the relevant set of features. For some possible considerations,
see Volume I, Chapter i, Section 1.2.2.
1.2 Functional Structure and the Architecture of Heads

1.2.1 General considerations
Crucially, the attempt to account for the properties of syntactic structures in
this work proceeds from the generalizations in (6):
(6) a. All aspects of the computation emerge from properties of structure,
rather than properties of (substantive) listemes.
b. The burden of the computation is shouldered by the properties of
functional items, where by functional items we refer both to func-
tional vocabulary (including all grammatical formatives and affixa-
tion) and to functional structure.
Some of the specific formal properties of functional structure assumed in
this work and their motivation are considered in great detail in Chapters i (Sec-
tion 1.2) and 2 of Volume I. To summarize some of the points made there, I point
out that the grammar as it now stands gives us no way to determine the specific
internal architecture or the relative order of functional nodes, as notions such as
head, complement, and specifier, developed to describe lexical syntactic projec-
tions and argument structure, do not carry over in a straightforward way to the
functional domain. On the other hand, the existence of functional structure, the
fixed hierarchical ordering of at least some functional projections with respect
to each other, and the placement of some constituents in functional specifiers,
can be shown to be an empirical fact. Suppose we assume, then, that like other
arbitrary elements in the grammar, the properties of functional structures are
innate and universal. If this is the case then the internal architecture for func-
tional projections as well as the order of functional nodes are a syntactic given,
and are not reducible to semantic selection. They are, in a sense,'pure' syntactic
structures, which cannot be otherwise derived. In turn, and assuming that the
hierarchical structure of functional projections is a given, and that notions such
as specifier and complement are purely syntactic without any selectional or lex-
ical content, the most parsimonious approach must postulate a fixed, universal
inventory of functional nodes with a fixed, universal order of projection, a con-
stant of all human grammars.7 Specifically, I will assume that phrase structure is
constrained in the following ways:
(7) a. All phrasal projections have an Xmax and an Xmm (but inline with
Chomsky 1995 b these are derived notions, rather than primitives,
and the same node may be both Xmax and Xmin).
7
And see Borer and Rohrbacher (2003) for some learnability considerations in this context.
12 Setting Course
b. Every phrasal projection has at most one specifier and at most one
complement (specifically, there is a unique maximal daughter of
Xmax which enters specifier-head relations with Xmin).
If, indeed, listemes are devoid of any syntactic properties, it follows that argu-
ments must be interpreted in conjunction with structural configurations, and I
will assume that this is achieved through a merger of such arguments as speci-
fiers of functional projections which are related to event structure. An obvious
query now concerns the internal architecture of lexical projections. As already
observed by Ouhalla (1991), within current approaches to syntactic architec-
ture, lexical projections, by the end of the derivation, are radically emptied of
much of their overt material anyway. It is typically assumed that the head raises
to some superordinate functional head, while the direct arguments, in search of
case, merge a copy in some functional specifier. There remains little overt evi-
dence, then, to attest to the presumed 'base' position of direct arguments, or to
suggest that they ever were within the lexical domain.
Nonetheless, the lexical proj ection is not entirely phonologically empty. First,
the head does not always move, overtly or covertly. For instance, I argued explic-
itly in Chapter 4 of Volume I that in English, N does not move for mass and
singular interpretation, and that movement of N for proper names is covert
(cf. Chapter 3 in Volume I). Plausibly, the lexical domain will also continue to
include elements which do not move to a functional specifiersuch as clausal
complements and PP complementsbut which, in turn, display hierarchical
relations with each other, thereby attesting to the existence of some architecture
within the lexical projection. I return to this matter in greater detail in Chapter
3, Section 3.3, (and see also Chapter 2, Section 2.1.5, in Volume I). Focusing for
the time being on the head and on direct arguments, suppose we define a lexic-
al domain (L-Domain, or L-D), as the domain that emerges from the merger of
some listeme from the conceptual array, where the 'conceptual array' is a selec-
tion of unordered listemes. The subsequent merger of functional heads with
the L-Domain gives rise to the schematic structure in (8) (and assuming head-
movement, specifically, for listeme-3).
Consider now in greater detail the properties of schematic structures such as
(8). By assumption the order of F-i and F-2, as well as at least the category label
of F-i, are givens of UG (see Volume I, Chapter i, Section 1.2.2, for a discussion
of the category label of F-2). The specific merger of listeme-i and listeme-2 as
[Spec,F-i] or [Spec,F-2] will result in a particular interpretation (e.g.'subject',
in some well-defined sense; 'object', in some well-defined sense, etc.). Finally,
listeme-3, by virtue of having merged a copy in some head, becomes, perforce,
the head of L-D. If L-D is categorized as a V by some appropriate functional
structure (such as Tense), listeme-3 becomes a verb. If L-D is categorized as

N, it becomes a noun, etc. We note that merger at Fmm is not required to deter-
mine the head status of listeme-3. Even if it remains in L-D, it will be verbalized
(under Tense), quite simply because L-D will be categorized as V by Tense, and
is in need of a head, and there are no other candidates for that function. We may
thus assume that the choice of a head for L-D in a structure such as (8) may be
arbitrary, but has consequences. If listeme-3 is chosen as a head, any other lis-
teme remaining in L-D must project a non-minimal phrase, or linear ordering
would fail and the derivation would crash.
As an illustration, consider a conceptual array consisting of boat, sink, dog
and F-i being T. The structure in (8) will correctly generate all the utterances
in( 9 ): 8
(9) a. (the) dogboat(ed) (three) sink(s).
b. (the three) sink(s) fooaf(ed) (some) dog(s).
c. (The) sink(s) dog(ged) (the) boat.
d. (The) boat(s) dog(ged) (the) sink.
e. (The three) dog(s) sank (the) boat.
f. (The) boat sank (the) dog(s).
The scheme in (8) is, of course, in need of much further elaboration concern-
ing both general and particular aspects of the execution. Some of these issues
involve the specific choices for F and L, and the relationship between them, and
the manner in which the relationship between any particular F and its speci-
fier determines the interpretation of that specifier. Some of these matters were
already addressed in Volume I. Thus, a specific choice for functional structure
within the nominal domain was motivated (including, specifically, DP, #P, and
8
And see n. 17 in Chapter i of Volume I for some crucial notes on the execution of these derivations.
14 Setting Course
CLmax), and the role of elements which merge as specifiers of these projections
was elaborated on. Before we turn to the workings of this scheme within the
domain of events, a review of some crucial additional structural assumptions
is in order.
1.2.2 Licensingfunctional structure: abstract head features andf-morphs

Suppose we consider in greater detail the diagram in (8). I assumed that the
conceptual array consists of listemes. The general reservoir of such listemes
constitutes the encyclopedia, a list of all arbitrary pairings of sound and mean-
ing, where by sound we mean a phonological index, and by meaning we refer to
the appropriate package of conceptual properties associated with such an index.
Alongside the encyclopedia, and distinct from it, the grammar has a function-
al lexicon, including, in essence, grammatical formatives. These, I assume, come
primarily in two varieties: independent grammatical functional formatives
(f-morphs), for example the and will, and (phonologically abstract) head fea-
tures such as (pst), for past tense. Consider now a preliminary proposal for the
emergence of syntactic structure. Specifically, suppose the abstract head feature
(pst) merges with the L-Domain, to give rise to the structure in (10):
(10) [ (pst} [ L _ D listeme-i listeme-2 ]]
Assuming free copy and merger (and abstracting away from the possibly
covert nature of verb movement in English), in principle any of the listemes
in the conceptual array may merge within the L-D, and any listeme in the L-D
may merge a copy in T, but under standard assumptions, only one may do so.
That element will thus become an Xmm, and hence by necessity the head of L-D.
In turn, L-D will become a VP in the context [(pst) [ L _ D ]], in effect making
its head in T as well as the copy of that head in L-D a V. It only remains to be
hoped that some post-derivational phonological storage area will be capable of
dispensing, for the resulting V.(pst) structure, a well-formed phonological rep-
resentation. If it does not, the derivation would not converge and ungrammat-
icality would result.
Consider now the derivation of future tense in English. A derivation in which
a listeme merges a copy in T would not converge. This might be either because
there is no abstract head feature (fut) in English, or more plausibly, because the
combination V.(fut) fails to give rise to an appropriate phonological representa-
tion. On the other hand, a well-formed derivation with a future interpretation
could still result just in case the f-morph will merges with L-D. Here, too, L-D
will become a VP and some listeme within it will become the relevant head.
The two modes of licensing functional structurethe one associated with
the English past tense and the other with the English futureare, I believe, the
two major strategies universally available. One involves the projection of an

abstract head feature, which requires movement of a head to be instantiated.
The output of this head movement gives rise to an [L.(feature}] complex, the
input to the phonology, which will (or will not) dispense a phonological rep-
resentation of it. The other strategy involves the licensing of functional struc-
ture through an independent f-morph. In this latter case, head movement is
not needed, and, at least in the case of English will, is in fact blocked. As is obvi-
ous, these two strategies do not characterize an inter-grammatical situation,
but, rather, an intra-grammatical one, putting forth a view of language variation
which is firmly associated with the morpho-phonological properties of gram-
matical formatives, rather than with syntactic structures or the semantics of
grammatical formatives as such.
Viewing matters in general terms, the emerging picture could be schema-
tized by the diagram in (11).
(11) [L-D ]
Functional merge merge+move conceptual array
The Great Phonological Dispenser
1.2.3 Functional heads as open values

Consider now the following paradigm (and see also Volume I, Chapter 2, Sec-
tion 2.1.2 and Chapter 5, Section 5.1 for fuller discussion).
(12) a. During the summer, water in the pond mostly evaporates,
b. Hummingbirds always die young.
(13) a. Water in the pond is mostly lost through evaporation,
b. Hummingbirds always drink from our birdfeeder.
Of particular importance is the well-known fact that the adverbs of quantifi-
cation in (i2)-(i3) may range either over the interpretation of the event (a read-
ing most salient in (13)) or over the interpretation of the subj ect alone (a reading
most salient in (12); see Lewis 1975; Heim 1982; Doetjes 1997 for some relevant
discussion). Crucially, the readings are mutually exclusive. Setting aside the spe-
cific reasons for the preferred readings in (i2)-(i3),we note that even if it were
plausible that all hummingbirds in the world drink from our birdfeeder, under
that reading it would not necessarily imply that they are constantly doing so.
Likewise, (133) cannot mean that most water is mostly lost. Finally, we note that
16 Setting Course
under the nominal reading, the DP under consideration can include no other
quantifier. Examples (i4a-b), under the relevant reading, are ungrammatical
(the adverb of quantification can only range over the event):
(14) a. Most/all hummingbirds always die.
b. Most/all water in the pond mostly evaporates.
It thus emerges that adverbs of quantification, when associated with a nom-
inal expression, are in complementary distribution with DP-internal quanti-
fiers. In the discussion of this paradigm in Chapter 2 in Volume I, I concluded
that such complementary distribution emerges from the fact that the adverb
of quantification binds, in some syntactically well-defined sense, some func-
tional structure within the DP, while in the event readings the adverb of quan-
tification binds, in some equally well-defined syntactic sense, some functional
structure which is related to the event. Focusing on the nominal cases, it is pre-
cisely because the adverb binds some otherwise unspecified value within the
nominal, that a DP-internal quantifier may not do so. A DP-internal quantifier
and an adverb of quantification are thus in structural competition, not because
of their specific projection site, but because both function as operators, binding
the same variable. But if this is the case then functional heads are best viewed as
operator-variable pairs, rather than as singleton terminals.
A concrete formulation of this proposal would be to view functional heads as
open values with a category label, which are in turn assigned range by a variety
of means. The specific open value here, heading, as we have argued in Volume
I, a Quantity Phrase (#P) is (e}#. The emerging representation, and abstracting
away from the DP projection, is as in (15):
(15) [*p<e)*[ N p ]]
In (15) (e) is an open value and the subscript # marks its categorial member-
ship, (e), maybe assigned range, in English, either by an f-morph (most, all, three,
etc.) that merges with it (cf. (i6a)) or by an adverb of quantification (cf. i6b)).
Although in English, range assignment to (e), through an abstract head feature
is not instantiated, in Hebrew it maybe assigned range by the dual abstract head
feature, with the resulting representation in (i6c) (see Volume I, Chapter 7, Sec-
tion 7.1.2. for discussion) (superscripting indicates range assignment):
(16) a. [p most3 <e3}, [NP ]]
4 4
b. ADV Me }, [NP ]]
2 2
c. [#P yem{dwa/ } {e }, [NPyem ]] >yomayim
day 'two days'
Suppose we refer to range assignment by an f-morph or a head feature as dir-

ect range assignment, and to range assignment by an adverb of quantification,
or a discourse operator, as indirect range assignment. The intuition here is that
range assignment by a member of the functional lexicon of the given language,
dedicated to the assignment of range to a specific open value, and projecting as
a head (in a sense to be elaborated on shortly), is more 'direct! As it turns out,
indirect range assignment is instantiated in one more important domainthat
of specifier-head agreement. As a brief illustration, consider definiteness in
English (and see Chapter 6 in Volume I for extensive discussion).
The marking of definiteness in English is, at first sight, a simple matter. We
may assume that D is headed by an open value, call it (e)d, where the assignment
of range to (e)d translates to the assignment of a referential index to objects. In
turn, the f-morphs the, this, that, etc. assign range to (e)d (and see Chapter 3 in
Volume I for much discussion of the semantic content of such assignment). The
emerging structure is as in (17). As the is a (free) f-morph, N-movement to D is
neither expected nor attested.
(17) [ DP the.<e) d [(AP)[ NP cat]]]
As it turns out, however, (17) is not the only way of assigning range to (e)d in
English. Specifically, consider the contrast in (18):
(18) a. the dog's ear
b. a dog's ear
As is well known, (i8a) is a definite description, but (i8b) is not. Furthermore,
as is equally well known, a definite article is barred in (19) (and see Volume I,
Chapter 2, Section 2.1.3, for a discussion of (i8b)):
(19) a. *The dog's the ear.
b. *The [the dog's ear].
Intuitively, it is clear that definiteness, for the nominal in (i8a), is mediated
through the definiteness of the possessor DP the dog, presumably in [Spec, DP].
Suppose, then, that just like in the case of adverbs of quantification, specifier-
head relations can give rise to indirect range assignment. Because the possessor
is in [Spec,DP], and because it is itself marked as definite through its own DP-
functional structure, it will assign range to (e)d, providing it is in specifier-head
agreement with it. The resulting configuration, for definites, is as in (20):
(20) [DP [DP the dog's]3 <e 3 ) d ... [NP ear]]
To summarize the salient aspects of the system proposed here:
i8 Setting Course
a. Functional structures are headed by categorically labelled open values which

must be assigned range by the appropriate functional operator.
b. The functional lexicon of each language makes available an array of range
assigners for specified open values. Such range assigners come primarily in
two varieties; f-morphs, independent morphemes, which are linked with a
phonological index, and abstract head features. The latter require the sup-
port of some head (L, possibly F), a fact that typically translates to obligatory
head movement in such contexts.
c. The derivation converges just in case the phonology dispenses a representa-
tion for the combination of head.(headfeature).
d. Two modes of indirect range assignment are possible (i.e. range assignment)
by elements which are not necessarily specified, in the functional lexicon, as
range assigners for a particular open value, and which are not heads). One
involves range assignment by an adverb of quantification or a discourse
operator. The second involves specifier-head agreement.
Before I turn to some additional formal ramifications of the view of func-

tional heads as open values, one important note is in order. I have ruled out the
double marking of any open functional value by more than one range assigner
as a case of vacuous quantification (e.g. in the discussion of the complementari-
ty between adverbs of quantification and other range assigners to (e}#), thereby
making a strong prediction concerning the absence of double marking in nat-
ural language. Some ramifications of this prediction are discussed in detail in
Chapter 6. The system does not, however, predict a one-to-one correspondence
between a functional range assigner and an open value, just as operators, in gen-
eral, are not assumed to bind at most one variable. It is perfectly possible for a
specific grammatical formative, be it a head feature or an f-morph, to bind more
than one open value, should the range of its semantic properties allow it. The
assumption that such a configuration is licit in the grammar, and is mediated
through head movement, was already extensively used in Volume I. To illus-
trate, I assumed that strong quantifiers may assign range to both (e), and (e)d,
and that such double range assignment is accomplished through the movement
of the relevant quantifier from its initial merger site (e.g. in #) and the merger
of a copy in D. For every, for instance, the relevant emerging structure is (essen-
tially) as in (21):
(21) [DP every.<e)d [P very.<e), [ dog ] ] ]
In effect, then, functional elements which assign range to more than one
open value are thus semantically'portmanteau' elements, a point already dis-
cussed extensively in Chapter 4 of Volume I.
1.2.4 Whats in a head?

The notion of head', as it emerges from the previous discussion, deviates archi-
tecturally from what is typically assumed by canonical phrase-structural
accounts, whichwith their fundamentally bottom-up approach to categor-
ical propertiesdo not distinguish between the lowest phrasal label and the
terminal it dominates. In X'-theory (and its predecessors), entries, lexical or
functional, are typically inserted under X, as in (na). In Bare Phrase Structur-
al accounts, the identity between the lowest label instantiation and the terminal
is even more strongly stated, in that it is the terminal itself which projects, itera-
tively, up the tree, as in (lib).
In (na-b), the question of how the appropriate value is associated with the
relevant syntactic projection (i.e. how range is assigned) does not arise. In (na),
it is typically assumed that some percolation mechanism is responsible for the
association of the properties of the maximal projection with those of the ter-
minal. In (lib), the maximal projection is but an expansion of the terminal,
and the statement of the relationship is even more direct. In turn, neither sys-
tem allows, in a natural fashion, for the statement of the relations which we
called indirect range assignment, in which the relevant properties of the maxi-
mal projectionand its headdo not emerge from within the projection itself
and are not mediated by the categorial and semantic properties of the terminal.
Rather, they emerge from the availability of an outside operator, associated with
a presumably null functional head. Within Bare Phrase Structure the problem is
particularly acute, since if phrases project from terminals, in the absence of an
(overt) terminal, we would have to assume the existence of an abstract, phono-
logically null entry with some well-defined properties, which agrees, by some
mechanism to be specified, with some material which is outside the main pro-
jection lineindeed, outside the maximal projection altogetheras in the case
of adverbs of quantification. Note further that the direct projection of lexical
terminals as in (lib) does not in fact circumvent the need to specify a syntac-
tic category for the, or the fact that, for example, both the and that have a deter-
miner distribution cannot be stated. Rather, we must assume that the or that are
20 Setting Course
specified as having the categorial value D, and that it is their sharing of it that
accounts for their similar distribution.
Suppose, however, that we structurally separate the category label from the
terminal, or in terms of the system proposed here, separate the open value from
the range assignment. Specifically, let us assume that (functional) category
labels are just labelled open values, and that the functional terminals associ-
ated with them are best viewed as operators which assign range to them. On
that view, what the and that have in common is that both can assign range to
the same open value, that associated with the category label D, and projecting
as (e)d. In and of themselves, however, they are not D. Indeed, they have no syn-
tactic category whatsoever. Of course, (e)d can project without a projection-
internal range assigner, in which case range could still be assigned, indirectly,
by an adverb of quantification or a discourse operator, or through specifier-
head agreement. In such a case there will not be a terminal associated with the
head, but DP would still have a head(e)d, which is interpreted through indir-
ect range assignment. Supposing this to be on the right track, an (overt) categor-
ial head emerges as a pair, in which one member provides the category label and
the open value, while the other, optional one, provides the range assigned to that
value. We can thus assume the structure in (23), where (e)F is some functional
open value of the type F, where R(F) is a range assigner to (e}F, and where co-
superscripting notates range assignment:
A detailed formal justification for the structure in (23) is not undertaken

here, as phrasal architecture is by and large orthogonal to the main focus of
this study (but see Borer, forthcoming, for much additional discussion). Some
aspects of the structure in (23) nevertheless need to be pointed out. First, it does
not involve (a base-generated) adjunction of R2(F) to (e2}Fmln, and as such it does
not entail a violation of the Extension Condition of Chomsky (19958) and sub-
sequent work. Secondly, it allows for a natural statement of head movement
without a resulting violation of the Extension Condition, and also in conform-
ity with the Uniformity Condition of Chomsky (1995^). Specifically, note that
we may assume the existence of movement which affects solely R(F) (but not
(e)F).-R(-F) may in turn merge with some higher open value, assigning range to
it, without resulting in the inheritance of categorial properties, as R(F), in and
of itself, does not have a category. Further, as R(F) is part of a head pair by def-
inition, it is not maximal in either one of its instantiations, and the Uniformity
Condition is adhered to. The emerging structure would be as in (24), and would
involve grammatical formatives which can assign range to more than one open
value, every, for instance, as in (21), without assuming adjunction.
To the extent that a range assigner can thus move and merge a copy with a
higher categorial open value, and to the extent that we are correct in assuming
that such grammatical formatives are range assigners and not, in and of them-
selves, associated with a category label, the typical complications associated
with head movement, in which a subordinate labelled Xmm adjoins to a higher
labelled Ymm, do not emerge (and see Volume I, Chapter 2, Section 2.1.4, as well
as Borer, forthcoming for some comments on head adjunction).
Finally, the configuration in (25) is fundamentally ambiguous, in that R2(F)
maybe either a specifier or a member of a head-pair.
Recall now that it was specifically denied that there is an inherent semantics
for specifiers (as opposed to non-specifiers) in the functional domain, making
the structural ambiguity of (25) immaterial, especially as we just concluded that
open values may be assigned range, indirectly, through specifier-head agree-
ment. As R2(F) is by definition both minimal and maximal, if it is a specifier, no
particular problem emerges.9
9
I suggested in Volume I, Chapter 2, Section 2.2, (and see below for a summary) that head features are
not morphemic. Assuming that morphemes do project, this means that head features, as such, are not
nodes in the structures. Rather, a head feature is a semantic specification that is instantiated in the con-
text of an appropriate lexical head. Thus in (i), (pst) is instantiated on kick, in a position which enables
it to assign range to (e)T. The emerging structure does not involve the branching of (pst}.kick, and the
head pair consists o((pst}.kick and (e)T. Interestingly, if it is assumed that inflection is base-generated
on a stem, as in Chomsky (1991,19950, and subsequent work), the non-branching nature of (psi).kick in
(i) follows directly.
22 Setting Course
1.3 A Note on Inflection

The model presented thus far puts forth a particular view of the relationship
between, for example, a verb and past-tense inflection in English. We proposed
that such a relation consists of the instantiation, on a V-head, of an abstract head
feature, which is itself neither morphemic nor is it associated with a general
fixed phonological representation. As such, this proposal is incompatible with
much current research which postulates an isomorphism between inflection
and syntactic structure, assuming, specifically, that inflected words are built,
morpho-phonologically, through the movement of heads and their attachment
to inflectional morphemes heading functional structure.
The approach is also incompatible with many morphological non-syntactic
analyses of inflection as morphemic and compositional, and as such, consti-
tuting a unified module with derivational morphology (cf. Williams 1981; Lie-
ber 1980, and much subsequent work). In contrast, it is fully compatible with
the view of inflection within the family of approaches called Word and Para-
digm (see, especially, Matthews 1972; Anderson 1982,1992; Beard 1981,1995). In
Chapter 2, Section 2.2 (Volume I) I review some reasons to reject a hierarch-
ical representation for (most of) inflection. When put together with a hierarch-
ical view of (at least some of) derivational morphology, as proposed in Borer
(20030, forthcoming), a picture emerges in which, rather contrary to tradition,
(much of) inflectional marking is non-syntactic and non-hierarchical, while
(much of) derivation is hierarchical, and at least at times, syntactic (the reader
is referred to Stump 1998 for an excellent review of the relevant considerations
with respect to inflection).
As the multiplicity of reservations in the above paragraph indicates, the div-
ision that emerges correlates only partially with the classical division between
inflection and derivation. And indeed, I believe the distinction to be largely
useless, morphologically. While there is a notion of inflection which is syntac-
tically coherent, and is based on syntactic function, that notion does not trans-
late usefully to any morpho-phonological generalizations. At the bottom of
the confusion, I believe, is the conflation of syntactic function with morpho-
phonological form. When viewed functionally, inflection is perfectly coherent.
Morpho-phonologically, however, it turns out to consist of two distinct oper-
ations. One is morphologically compositional and hierarchical (English V + ing,
for progressive,being an example), the other is neither morphological nor hier-
archical (English V.(psf) being an illustration, with (pst) as a non-morphemic
head feature and the combination as a non-branching syntactic node).
To recapitulate some of the conclusions proposed in Volume I, Chapter 2,
Section 2.2,1 note that to the extent that inflected forms are syntactically regu-
lar, this is so because, for example, the appropriateness of marking a particu-

lar noun as accusative is determined by a particular syntactic context, and has,
presumably, syntactic conditioning of a well-defined, regular sort. Further, with
the exception of whatever interpretation is imposed on an accusative noun by
virtue of being in some particular syntactic position (i.e. that position which
is responsible for the appropriateness of accusative case), typically no other
meaning is added to the noun. The interpretation of inflected forms is thus
compositional, in the same sense that the interpretation of syntactic structures
is compositional.
As it turns out, the compositional meaning of inflected forms as well as their
syntactic conditioning is often translated into a rather different claim, according
to which inflectional morphology is syntactic and regular, and as such, consti-
tutes a word-formation module which is distinct from derivational morphology,
which is lexical and irregular. According to this logic, the best way to capture the
regularity of inflection is to assume that inflected morpho-phonological units,
as such, are compositional in the same sense that syntactic phrases are compos-
itional, and are put together by syntactic composition principles. It is precisely
here that serious problems emerge, due to the conflation of function and form.
While the function of inflection is clearly regular and syntactic, no such claim
can be made about its form. In fact, morpho-phonologically, inflectional form is
notoriously erratic, involving listed relations between stems and marking, acci-
dental gaps, and stem changes which do not yield easily to a characterization in
terms of compositional morphology (and see, in this very context Halle 1973;
Anderson 1982,1992; Beard 1981,1995, and many others).
In fact, when viewed exclusively from a morpho-phonological perspective,
much of inflection is considerably more idiosyncratic than so-called deriv-
ational marking. If regularity in the morphological domain is measured against
the predictability of form from function and function from form, we note that
neither derivation nor inflection exhibit a predictability of form from function.
If, for example, PAST or PLURAL are functions, in the relevant sense, and if
NOM is a function, in that same sense, their form is not predictable from their
function. However, in the derivational domain, function is pretty much predict-
able from form. Thus a verb, when combined with -(a)tion, is a noun, a complex
form ending in -ize a verb, etc. Not so within the domain of (much of) inflec-
tion, where the function is not predictable from the form, either.
Following the detailed discussion in Volume I, Chapter 2, Section 2.2,1 will
assume that the best way to view (most of) inflection is not as morphemic in
nature, but rather as amorphous, in the sense of Anderson (1992). Within such
a view, phonological representations are paradigmatic, and inflection is a pro-
cess of mapping from a set of non-morphemic representations, such as V.(pst)
24 Setting Course
to a complex phonological entry, which contains a full list of potentially unpre-

dictable forms. Within such a view, we note, regular forms, for example, walk >
walkedpast and walk > walkedpmticiple need not be listed. Rather, a phonological
realization convention would spell out walk.(pst} as walked and watt. PARTI-
CIPLE as walked as well. The application of such a phonological realization con-
vention would be triggered when a specific phonological index comes without a
paradigm (and see Beard 1995 and Anderson 1982,1992 for more specific execu-
tions and some relevant theoretical considerations, as well as Stump 1998 for a
review).
More crucially from the perspective of the present study, I believe that pend-
ing significant additional insight into the nature of inflection, the course of
action is to radically separate form and function within the domain of inflec-
tion. The reader may recall that I suggested that abstract head features must be
realized on stems (L-heads, but possibly at times f-morphs as well). Seeking
to integrate that particular view with a view of non-morphemic inflection, I
will assume that while more than one head feature can be realized on a single
L-head, those features are neither ordered nor hierarchically organized. Specif-
ically, for a representation such as (263), the input to the phonological compon-
ent is as in (26b):
(26) a. [F.1L-head.(^>.(f2>.(^><eFl>[F.2t-had.(f3>.(f2><eF2>[F.3t-feead.(^>
<eF3) [ L . D t-head]]]].
b. L-head. (/3}.(/2}.(/i} (with{(^}.(/2}.(^)} as an unordered set).
The structure in (26b), in turn, serves as the basis for the choice between
members of the paradigm given by the relevant phonological entry. While some
phonological sub-regularities associated with the realization of some feature
combinations are of course expected and attested, the forms remain, crucial-
ly, morphological simpletons, and there is no expectation for either linear or
hierarchical correlations between the syntactic structure and the placement of
inflectional marking.10
This said, it is clear that some markings which are functionally inflectional
are extremely regular. Thus, for instance, -ing in its function as the progressive
attaches to virtually all English verbs, and never triggers any stem allomorphy
or meaning change. It thus stands to reason that -ing, unlike, for instance, past
tense in English, is not an abstract head feature, but rather a bound f-morph,
differing from an f-morph such as the in forcing the movement of some L-head
10
And see Volume I, Chapter 2, n. 20, for a comparison between the system of inflectional morph-
ology advanced in this work and Distributed Morphology.
to support it. As such -ing patterns with (much of) derivational morphology
(and is, in fact, at times classified as such), where affixes do give rise to a hier-
archical combination with their host stem, and where, at least at times, move-
ment of an L-stem is required. This issue is however set aside for the remainder
of this book The reader is referred to Borer (forthcoming) for a detailed dis-
cussion.
1.4 A Note on Idioms

The vocabulary of the system we are putting forth here consists of, on the one
hand, listemes (where by listemes we refer to a pairing of a conceptual fea-
ture bundle with a phonological index), and on the other, of members of the
functional lexicon, including abstract head features, free f-morphs as well as,
possibly, bound f-morphs. Its formal vocabulary consists of category labels
associated with open values (e.g. (e)d) which are in need of range assignment.11
Combinatorial principles in the syntactic domain consist of (some version of)
Bare Phrase Structure, together with merge and move. We set aside here the
possibility that a parallel set of combinatorial principles are responsible for the
formation of hierarchical structure within derivational morphology.
Before proceeding, a comment is in order on the nature of units which do not
lend themselves to such a perfectly combinatorial account. Thus consider the
utterances in (27):
(27) a. trousers (cf. shirts)
b. cross (that) bridge when (we) come to (it) (cf. cross that bridge when
we come to it, literally)
c. depend on (cf. sit on)
d. kick the bucket (cf. kick the bucket, literally)
The constituents in (27) have very clear, characterizable formal properties
which parallel exactly those associated with counterpart non-fixed expres-
sions, for example those given in parentheses in (27). Trousers is plural, and
must trigger plural agreement, where relevant. On in depend on is a preposition,
its complement must be a DP, and the resulting PP acts on a par with other PPs
syntactically. Kick, in its idiomatic instantiation in (27d), has categorial selection
properties akin to those of its non-idiomatic instantiation, as is true for cross in
(27b), and bucket in (27d) must be a DP and must be in a case position, as is true
for bridge in (27!)).
11
See Borer (forthcoming) for some discussion of 'pure' categorizers, such as -ation (N), -al (A), etc.
within an XS model.
26 Setting Course
Nevertheless, something extra must be said about the constituents in (27),

addressing the fact that they have, as wholes, interpretations which are listed,
in some relatively well-understood sense. Their interpretations are not derived
compositionally from the meaning of their parts. The fact that the meanings
of these expressions are listed requires an obvious extension of the notion of
listeme, as presented thus far. Specifically, we must allow for the linking of con-
ceptual packaging, so to speak, not just with a phonological index, but, more
specifically, with structured phonological material. We note, in this context, that
the information must be structured. Thus it would not do to list the meaning
TROUSERS with a phonological index that would spell out as /trauzerz/, as
such a realization would fail to capture the fact that trousers is plural. Rather, it
would appear, the best way to capture the properties of trousers would be as in
(28), where, by convention, square brackets indicate a relation which is internal
to the 'extended projection line:
(28) TROUSERS o [Tt3+(e)div]
In (28), TROUSERS stands for the relevant conceptual meaning. n3 stands
for the phonological index /trauzer/, and {e}^ stands for a piece of functional
structure which must be assigned range, specifically, as I argued in Chapter 4 in
Volume I, by so-called plural inflection.
Consider in greater detail the predictions of the representation in (28). Note,
first, that there is no information here that trousers is N, although, of course, it
always is. This follows directly from the fact that (e)div is a nominalizer. In con-
junction with the listeme trouser, the structure in (29) results, in which trouser
is properly nominalized:
(29) [Div(e)div [L-D trouser]] => [Div(e)div [N trouser]]
As it turns out, the representation in (29) is incomplete. I argued that (e)div in
English can be assigned range both by so-called plural marking and by singu-
lar-producing f-morphs (a, every, each). Only the former is licit, however, for the
idiom in (273). A more accurate representation, then, would be as in (30), where
a stands for non-singular (div) range assignment (and note in this context that
we can now dispense with the categorial label DIV for the open value (ea) in
(30), as it is fully predictable from the fact that a, by assumption non-singular
(div), assigns range to (e)div):
(30) TROUSERS o [Tt3+<ea>]
The only means for assigning range to (ea) in English is through the abstract
head feature (diva), which must be realized on an L-head. The emerging struc-
ture would thus be as in (31):
(31) [DIV trouser.(diva) (ea) [N trouser]] > /trauzerz/

The representation for trousers further allows, indeed presupposes, the exist-
ence of the phonological index trouser, and indeed, such an index clearly does
exist independently of trousers, appearing both in compounds (trouser leg) and
in isolation, for instance, as a verb.12
Consider now (ijb). Following a similar logic, the best representation for the
complex expression here should likewise consist of a combination of otherwise
existing building blocks, i.e. open values and listemes. Focusing on the combin-
ation of cross and bridge, a plausible representation would be as in (32):
(32) MEANING <=> [n2+ <e)Asp]+Tt4(+adjunct)
In (32), MEANING is whatever the relevant idiom means. The sound com-
ponent of our complex expression here consists of two phonological indices,
specifically those associated with cross(Tt2) and bridge(n4), and of a piece of
functional structure, the open value (e)^, which by assumption is the function-
al node responsible for the licensing of a direct argument, and which is in turn
a verbalizer (and see Chapters 3-8 for much additional elaboration). Note now
that at least for the first part of the idiom (adjunct excluded) very little needs
to be said beyond what is otherwise provided by the grammar to derive cross
the road or similar expressions. I will argue in Chapter 3 that range is assigned
to (e)^ in English through agreement with a (quantity) DP in its specifier, and
that the specifier in question acts as a nominalizer, in the relevant sense. It thus
emerges that the only well-formed output for (32) is as in (33) (we are abstract-
ing away from the fact that verb movement would further raise the verb to a
position above [Spec.Asp]):13
(33) [Asp ^(bridge) [ASP W [l-D Across) \ \ => [ASP [DP ^(bridge)] [ASP W [v Across) \ \ \ \
One more thing needs to be said about (33), to exclude the emergence of a
mass-noun interpretation for bridge. I argued in Chapter 4 in Volume I that the
mass-count distinction is represented through the presence of the open value
(e)div in count, but not in mass nouns. Thus a complete representation for the
idiom in (2jb) should be as in (34):
(34) MEANING o [TI.+ <e)Asp]+ [n4+ <e>div>] (+ adjunct)
12
The Oxford Dictionary lists the verb trouser as meaning, colloquially, to pocket. Native speakers
consulted find the expression'to trouser the untrousered'whimsical, but entirely comprehensible.
13
By assumption, (33) consists of the full conceptual array for a given phase, thereby forcing 7T4 to
merge in [Spec, Asp]. We set aside the possibility, if indeed instantiated, of idioms which represent a par-
tial conceptual array for a given phase, and the manner in which the representation of idioms can be
fine-tuned so as to ensure that the correct phonological index is associated with a specific syntactic pos-
ition, in such cases.
28 Setting Course
Note that nothing more needs to be said here about the DP in [Spec,Asp], as
its quantity and definiteness properties are largely free, allowing plural, singular,
definite, indefinite, quantified, etc. (and see Williams 1994 for a related discus-
sion).14 Although, as in the case of trousers, (e)div must project (hence excluding
mass noun complement), unlike the case of trousers, there is no specification
here of what range must be assigned to it, thereby suggesting that at least two
degrees of specification are allowed for idiomatic expressions. In one of these
cases, it suffices to specify a particular open value (with its categorial label); in
the second, an open value is specified alongside a narrower set of possible range
assigners.with some relevant property a.
When the idiomatic expression in (ijd) is considered, we note that the repre-
sentation in (34) does not suffice. Specifically, the bucket is fixed here, allowing
no other range assigners to (e)d (*this bucket; *that bucket), no plural mark-
ing (*the buckets), and no quantifiers (*a bucket; *every bucket; *the one buck-
et). Not only must bucket be specified as associated with whatever functional
open values would make it singular and definite, it must also specify the spe-
cific f-morph which assigns range (under the assumption that, e.g., this assigns
singular and definite range, but is nevertheless excluded for kick the bucket).
The resulting representation must thus include the phonological index for the
(say Tt7). I argued in Volume I (Chapter 6) that the definite article always assigns
range to both (e)d and (e}# and furthermore that for singular structures (but not
for plurals), the assigns range to (e)div as well. The most parsimonious represen-
tation for the idiom in (27d) is thus as in (35). Note specifically that as the always
assigns range to (e), and (e)d, specifying the as a range assigner to (e)^ suffices
to derive the fact that the bucket must be singular and definite:
(35) MEANING o [Tt5+ <e)^]+ [n 6+ <en')div]
where Tt5 is the phonological index for kick, Tt6 the phonological index for buck-
et and Tt7 for the, and where the superscript Tt7 for (e)div indicates that it must be
assigned ranged by the.
14
The account here is guilty of some oversimplification, (i), note, is well formed, although bridges is
not a quantity DP, and as we shall argue, not licensed in [Spec, Asp] but rather in (the Case-marked) pos-
ition [Spec, FT]. The reader is referred to Chapters 4 and 6 for an extensive discussion of the licensing of
non-quantity DPs as direct objects. However, once that discussion is considered, it should be obvious that
the necessary modification for (33), to account for the presence of non-quantity DPs, is relatively straight-
forward:
(i) Experts cross bridges when they come to them.
I am setting aside here the fuller representation of this idiom which must include the representation
for the adjunct. We note that one additional mechanism that must be available for idioms is some type of
indexation, accounting for the obligatory co-reference of bridge and the pronoun in the adjunct, as well
as the obligatory co-reference of one with the subject in reflexive idioms such as crane one's neck.
Degree of specification in idioms, then, allows a gradation:15

(36) a. [Tt; + (e)x ] (e.g. (e)div for bridge, with range assigned to (e)divby any
available assigner).
b. [TT, + (ea) ] (where e.g. a is non-singular (div) for trousers, causing (e)
tobe<e) div ).
c. [ftk + {e"3}div] (e.g. where n3 is the, for bucket, forcing the projection of
<e),and<e) d ).
It now emerges that our last idiom, (270), is in many respects like (3 6c). Assum-
ing, specifically, that prepositions are f-morphs (see Baker 2003 for a detailed
discussion), we may represent depend on as in (37), where Tt9 is the phonological
index of depend, and (eon) corresponds to an open value that must be assigned
range by the f-morph on:
(37) MEANING OTt 9 +[(e on )
One difference between the representations considered thus far and (37) is
worth noting. While all representations considered thus far included a listeme
together with an open value which categorized it, this is not the case in (37),
where, by assumption, the emerging PP is not in the extended projection line of
depend, and thus cannot verbalize it. Thus while the idiomatic representations
in (36) all give rise to a representation which is perforce already categorized, this
is not the case for (37), where depend must be categorized by whatever other
mechanisms are available in the grammar, be they syntactic or morphological.
I will return to this point, and to idioms, in Chapter 11 where I will suggest that
such categorizing, for depend, emerges from the prefix de-.
To conclude this brief discussion of idioms, we note that idiosyncratic selec-
tion, such that it does exist in the grammar and is associated with particular lis-
temes, is integrated here into a system which consists of phonological indices
and functional structure, but no categorially marked listemes. While represen-
tations such as those in (36)-(37) do go beyond the pure sound-meaning pair,
they nevertheless are restricted to the formal vocabulary introduced here, and
do not involve a formal extension of the grammar.
15
We note that although for e.g. trousers the representations in (36b-c) appear identical, this need not
be the case. Thus the representation in (36b) would allow, in principle, more than one range assigner to
(e), if the language has more than one range assigner associated with the same (relevant) semantic value,
(e.g., the and this for (e)d). Thus the representation would allow in principle for the possibility of a lan-
guage which has more than one means of assigning non-singular value to {e)div to have both instantiat-
ed in cases ofpluralia tantutn.
If abstract head features do not have an independent phonological index, as suggested in Chapter i,
Section 1.3, we predict that type (36c) would never be instantiated with abstract head features. That is, an
idiom could not be specified as being associated with an idiosyncratic plurality marker distinct from that
typically associated with non-idiomatic plural instantiations of the same word, e.g. childs instead of chil-
dren. This prediction seems eminently plausible, but its ramifications will notbe pursued here any further.
2
Why Events?
2.1 Variable-behaviour Verbs1

2.1.1 The paradigm
The fundamental premise of the remainder of this work is that argument struc-
ture is licensed by functional syntactic structure, and specifically, functional
structure that is interpreted as event structure. This syntactic structure, in turn,
affects aspects of the basic meaning of its L-head, where by L-head we mean a
(category-neutral) listeme, part of the conceptual array. The functional struc-
ture may further have the effect of Verbalizing' the L-domain (if not already
verbalized by categorial morphology), where by the L-domain we mean the
maximal category the L-head projects.2 The L-head, or, more accurately, the lis-
teme, in turn functions as a modifier of the structure, giving rise to appropriate-
ness or oddity, as the case maybe, and as already discussed extensively. To the
extent that argument structure is altogether severed from the properties of the
L-head that is to become the verb, we expect massive polysemy. Such polysemy
was already illustrated within the nominal domain. We now turn our attention
to at least one well-known case of polysemy within the verbal domain. In the
remainder of this chapter, we will illustrate this polysemy within the domain of
1
Earlier versions of this section, as well as some sections of Chapter 3, appeared in Borer (1994,
19980). The text which follows here differs from these versions in important ways, notably in setting aside
the mapping hypothesis account proposed in Borer (1994), and in developing a more formal account of
aspect within the more general approach to functional structure proposed and motivated in Volume I.
The argument in this section is based fundamentally on the status of polysemy within the verbal
domain. An examination of polysemy within the intransitive domain and otherwise has led van Hout
(1992) to conclusions which are rather similar to our own concerning the division of labour between the
syntax and the lexicon. Van Hout (1996) and subsequent work, however, weakens the conclusions of van
Hout (1992), in assuming that verbs are lexically specified as telic. I return to aspects of these distinct
systems throughout the ensuing discussion.
2
Or, alternatively, adjectivizing the L-domain. We already noted (see Volume I, Chapter i, Section 1.2,
and see also Chapter i, Section 1.1), that L-domains are category neutral only insofar as they are headed
by a category-neutral listeme, and that as a result, categorizing by functional structure is only'visible' for
what appear like productive 0-alternation (or conversion) cases. As there are no productive 0-alterna-
tions/conversions involving adjectives in English, it would appear that for reasons that may or may not
be English-specific, adjectives, as L-heads, are never 'pure' category-less listemes. Rather, all adjectives are
already'like' verbalize and not like form, and the L-Ds they project are always categorized vacuously by
the functional structure. See n. 25 for some additional brief comments.
Why Events? 31
verb structures, arguing not only that it occurs, but that its best characterization
is through the projection of functional structure which is interpreted as event
structure.
The starting point of our discussion is the paradigm of so-called Variable-
behaviour verbs', which went unnoticed for many years, but has received mas-
sive attention in the past decade. The reader should note that Variable-behaviour
verb' here is a technical term, referring specifically to intransitive verbs that
show a variable unaccusative-unergative behaviour. While many other verbs
show polysemy, and are hence variable-behaviour verbs, our discussion here
focuses on this specific subset, as contrasts associated with their variable behav-
iour can be easily illustrated.
If one considers the analysis of the unaccusative-unergative distinction as it
comes to us within the GB tradition, starting, say, with Burzio (1981,1986) and
continuing with much subsequent work, the picture is more or less as in (i). Set-
ting aside verbs that occur with indirect complementation or with clausal com-
plements, there are essentially three types of verb that take direct arguments,
and which we will refer to as transitive, unaccusative, and unergative.3 As there
are only two types of direct argument, this picture covers all logical possibil-
ities:4
(i) Transitive Unaccusative Unergative
[VP External [v- V Internal] [VP 0 [v- V Internal] [VP External [v- V 0]
The empirical consequences of the paradigm in (i) have been considered to
provide considerable evidence for endo-skeletal (or projectionist) approaches.
The systematic syntactic patterning of arguments of unaccusative verbs with
direct objects, vs. the systematic syntactic patterning of arguments of unerga-
tive verbs with subjects of transitives appears to lend considerable credence to
the view that information concerning the syntactic projection of arguments
is, indeed, specified in the lexical entry of the verb. In turn, to the extent that
3
Terminology, as well as original classification, from Perlmutter (1978). However, as Perlmutter did
not associate the classification with lexical entries of verbs and properties listed therein, and was, in fact,
quite aware of the problems for such a lexical encoding presented by variable-behaviour verbs, the fol-
lowing critique does not apply to his research.
4
We are concerned here solely with verbs that take direct nominal arguments. A notational clarifica-
tion is therefore in order: the term unaccusative has been used ambiguously in the literature to refer to
two distinct verbal types, both sharing the absence of an external argument: intransitive verbs, whose
sole argument displays some syntactic diagnostics typically associated with direct objects; and verbs
which do not project a direct nominal argument altogether (i.e. raising-to-subject verbs, weather verbs).
In this study, the term unaccusative is restricted to the first type, and the second type is not discussed any
further. Note that aspectual properties correlated with the unaccusative-unergative distinction have
been stated with respect to those intransitives which take direct nominal arguments, and that the 'raising'
type is typically stative, rather than eventive, a fact that is rather easy to correlate with the absence of an
internal direct argument, in line with the discussion to follow.
32 Setting Course
the class of unaccusative and unergative verbs is overwhelmingly the same in

different languages, lexical information concerning the syntactic projection of
arguments would appear to derive from the verb's lexical semantics.
However, as has been observed in numerous studies, the unaccusative-
unergative alternation is not nearly as stable and lexical-entry dependent as
it is occasionally presented to be. Thus, consider the following well-known
examples:
(2) a. Jan heeft gesprongen. (Dutch)
Jan has jumped
b. Jan is in de sloot gesprongen.
Jan is in the ditch jumped
'Jan jumped into the ditch.'
(3) a. Gianni ha corso. (Italian)
Gianni has run
b. Gianni e corso a casa.
Gianni is run to home
(4) a. *Ne hanno corso/i due.
of-them have run two
b. Ne sono corsi due a casa.
of-them are run.AGR two to home (Hoekstra and Mulder 1990)
(5) a. ha.xadasot hericu 'et dan le.misrado. (Hebrew)
the.news made.run OM Dan to.office.his
"The news made Dan run to his office.'
b. #ha.xadasot hericu et dan be.misrado.
the.news made.run OM Dan in.office-his
"The news made Dan run in his office.'
c. ha.boss heric 'et dan be.misrado/l.-misrado.
the.boss made-run OM Dan in.office-his/to.office his
"The boss made Dan run in his office/to his office.'
(6) In het tweede bedrijf werd er doorde nieuwe acteur
in the second act was there by the new actor
op het juiste ogenblik gevallen. (Dutch; Perlmutter 1978)
on cue fallen
(7) a. ha.praxim nablu le-rani/li. (Hebrew)
the.flowers wilted to-Rani
'Rani's/my flowers wilted.'
Why Events? 33
b. ha.praxiiri! nablu lanem^

the.flowers wilted to.them
"The flowers were wilting (implies self-directed motion).'
(8) a. ha.qir hitporer le-rina/la.
the.wall crumbled to.Rina
'Rina's/her wall crumbled.'
b. ha.kirj hitporer Io1 (le-'ito).
the.wall crumbled to.it (slowly)
"The wall was crumbling slowly.'
The paradigms in (i)-(4) illustrates that verbs typically classified as unerga-
tive, such as springen 'jump' in Dutch and correre 'run' in Italian, which typically
take an unergative auxiliary (hebben and avere respectively) and which do not
allow we-cliticization (Italian), exhibit the full range of unaccusative character-
istics, selecting zijn and essere and allowing ne cliticization, if a PP specifying a
terminal point of the motion is added. Example (5) illustrates that in Hebrew,
the verb rac'run', under causativization (heric'make run) results in an obliga-
tory agent interpretation without a PP terminal, but allows a non-agentive caus-
er reading in the presence of a PP terminal. If indeed, as is often argued (see
Hale and Keyser 1993; Reinhart 1996), causatives associated with unaccusatives
allow a non-agentive causer reading, but not causatives which are associated
unergatives, this would suggest that rac'ran is an unaccusative in the context of
'to his office'but unergative in the context of'in his office'.
Although it is sometimes assumed that the presence of an overt result phrase
or a terminal PP is crucial for the emergence of variable behaviour (cf. Hoek-
stra and Mulder 1990), this appears to be the case, if at all, only for manner of
motion verbs with meanings such as 'jump', 'run, etc. When other intransitives
are considered, both unergative and unaccusative diagnostics can emerge in
the absence of any additional structure. Sentence (6) illustrates that the Dutch
impersonal passive, argued to be restricted to unergative verbs, can occur with
the verb vallen 'fall', typically classified as unaccusative, provided that self-dir-
ected motion is ascribed to the argument (fall on purpose). Examples (7) and (8)
illustrate that in Hebrew the argument of verbs such as nabal'wilt' and hitpor-
er'crumble' (among many others) can be either internal, allowing a possessor
dative, or external, allowing a reflexive dative.5
5
The following is a description of the distribution of possessor dative and reflexive dative, as argued
for in Borer and Grodzinsky (1986). I return to these diagnostics in Section 2.2.1.2.Note that the descrip-
tions in (i) and (ii) do not range over the same type of linguistic domains. While the distribution of pos-
sessor datives is a species of binding (or movement, as Landau 1997 argues), the distribution of reflexive
34 Setting Course
It has been further observed (already by Perlmutter 1978, but see especially
Van Valin 1990) that the unaccusative-unergative diagnostics associated with
variable-behaviour verbs are linked to clear interpretational correlations. Spe-
cifically, syntactic unaccusative diagnostics are associated with telic and non-
agentive characteristics. Syntactic unergative diagnostics, on the other hand,
are typically associated with atelicity and with agentive interpretation.6 As an
illustration, (73), where nabal is associated with a possessor dative, and is hence
an unaccusative, clearly means that the flowers have died, rendering (93) anom-
alous. On the other hand, (7b), associated with a reflexive dative, and hence
unergative, implies that the flowers were engaged in a wilting activity, and no
termination is implied, making (gb) perfectly felicitous:
(9) a. ??ha.praxim nablu le-rani me-axat 'ad sales ve-'az yarad gesem
the.flowers wilted to.Rani from ipm to 3pm and then fell rain
ve-hem hit'osesu.
and-they recovered
b. ha.praxim2 nablu Iahem2 me-axat 'ad salos ve-'az yarad gesem
the.flowers wilted to.them from ipm to 3pm and then fell rain
ve-hem hitbsesu.
and-they recovered
datives is linked to argument structure, or to event structure, as I shall argue, and not to a position, as
such (and see Chapter 8, Section 8.2.3, fr the analysis of reflexive datives):
(i) Possessor dative binds the determiner of the possessed NP (D-structure)
(ii) Reflexive dative is coindexed with an external argument.
6
Within the area of aktionsart and aspect, terminological proliferation as well as terminological con-
fusion is rampant. In what follows, I will use terminology in the following way:
(i) a. Telic: a semantic, aktionsart, term. Vendler's accomplishments and achievements; Bach's (1986)
eventives, as distinct from either states or activities; Kiparsky's (1998) boundedness.
b. Atelic: not telic; Vendler's activities and states.
c. Accomplishment, achievement, activity, and state are used following Vendler's original classifica-
tion.
d. Perfective: a morphological term. The grammatical marking on verbs in, for example, Slavic lan-
guages, typically referred to by traditional grammarians as perfective, and at times argued to cor-
relate with telicity (see Chapters 6 and 7 for much discussion).
e. Imperfective: a morphological term. Not perfectivethat is, the bare (unmarked) stem in Slavic
languages (primary imperfective); the imperfective-marked stem in Slavic languages (secondary
imperfective), at times argued to correlate with atelicity, at other times argued to correlate with
progressive (see Chapter 6 for discussion).
f. Perfect: a morphosyntactic-semantic term, referring to the morphological realization of bound
grammatical aspect. In English, marked with the morpheme -en (eaten, danced). Not implicated
in aktionsart.
g. Progressive: a morphosyntactic-semantic term, referring to [be V+ing] forms within the verbal
domain in English. I will argue that it is not implicated in aktionsart and is an instance of outer
(grammatical) aspect in the sense of Verkuyl (1972) (see Chapter 8, Section 8.2.4, for some dis-
cussion).
Why Events? 35
The systematic correlation between telicity/atelicity and unaccusative-

unergative diagnostics has led Dowty (1991) to stating the following correla-
tions (henceforth Dowty's correlations):
(10) Dowty's correlations
Agentive, Atelic: definitely unergative
Non-Agentive, Telic: definitely unaccusative
If indeed the distinctionbetweenunaccusative intransitive verbs and unerga-
tive intransitive verbs is not stable and fixed, and one and the same verb may
appear in both classes, and if indeed Dowty's correlations are robust, then one
is tempted to argue, as has Van Valin (1990), that the unaccusative-unergative
distinction is altogether not a syntactic one, but rather, an aspectual-seman-
tic one. It is not a property of a particular lexical entry, but rather, a property
of the entire predicate, of which the meaning of the verb is just one part. An
(intransitive) predicate may be either agentive-atelic or non-agentive-telic,
and if properties such as auxiliary selection and we-cliticization are dependent
on aspectual distinctions, there remains no motivation for assuming that argu-
ments of unaccusatives and unergatives merge in different syntactic positions,
or are distinct syntactically at any level. Further, within such an approach, it
seems, the need for a PP which defines a terminal point in (i)-(4) receives a nat-
ural account: the predicate, rather than the verb itself, is telic in the presence of
such a PP and hence we expect'unaccusative' diagnostics. In the absence of such
a terminal point, atelicity results, and'unergative' diagnostics are attested.
What is at stake here, note, is the relationship between syntactic structure
and interpretation. Suppose Dowty is correct, and it is truly the case that the
unaccusative-unergative distinction has systematic semantic content. Several
options are open to us: we could argue that the unergative/unaccusative distinc-
tion has independent semantic and syntactic formal properties. In other words,
that unaccusative verbs select an internal argument, and, quite independently,
predicates headed by unaccusative verbs receive a telic interpretation. This is
clearly the worst theory. To the extent that Dowty's correlations are true and
universal, stating them in terms of independent properties of the syntax and the
semantics of unaccusatives and unergatives makes them arbitrary and unex-
plained. If these properties are indeed entirely independent, why should telicity
correlate systematically with an internal, rather than external argument?
On the other hand, it could be the case that the unaccusative-unergative
distinction has primarily semantic properties, and that diagnostics erstwhile
considered syntactic are, in fact, semantic in nature, in that they do not indi-
cate, specifically, a different (underlying) position for the sole direct argument.
If that is indeed the case, then all intransitives could project as in (11), making
36 Setting Course
the need for movement to subject position, in the case of unaccusatives, unnec-
essary. From the perspective of the syntactic computation, note, abandoning
such movement is actually economical. In turn, auxiliary selection, for example,
could be accommodated by specifying that certain auxiliaries are sensitive to
the relevant semantic distinction (e.g. via selectionit could be proposed, for
instance, that zijn selects, or checks the properties of, a telic predicate). This is
in essence the solution adopted by Van Valin (1990) (and see also Dowty 1979,
where this position is explicitly defended).
(11) [s Kim... [Vp arrived/laughed] ]
Crucially, the issue here is empirical. If, as Van Valin contends, the unaccusa-
tive-unergative syntactic diagnostics can be reanalaysed in terms of the
compositional semantics of predicates, then the syntactic diagnostics of the
unaccusative-unergative distinction should systematically correlate with the
telic/atelic distinction. For instance, auxiliary selection should always be reduc-
ible to (a)telicity, we-cliticization should only co-occur with telic predicates,
impersonal passive should always co-occur with atelic predicates, the reflex-
ive dative in Hebrew should always co-occur with atelicity, while possessor
datives should only co-occur with telic predicates, etc. If, on the other hand, it
turns out that some properties of the syntactic diagnostics of the unergative/
unaccusative distinction cannot be reduced to the telic/atelic distinction, and
that they require unaccusatives to have a syntactically projected internal argu-
ment, and unergatives to have a syntactically projected external argument, then
it would follow that the distinction cannot be fully reducible to the compos-
itional semantics of predicates, but rather, is syntactically reflected.
Finally, should it turn out that the unaccusative-unergative distinction is
associated both with a semantic distinction and with a distinction of syntac-
tic argument projection, a parsimonious theory would attempt to derive one
of them from the other. There are two logical possibilities of course. One could
attempt to derive the distinct syntax from the distinct semantics. As we will see,
this is the route pursued by Levin and Rappaport Hovav (1989), and Levin and
Rappaport Hovav (19920, b). On the other hand, one may try to derive the dis-
tinct semantics from the distinct syntax. This will be the direction pursued in
this study.
First, however, we must convince ourselves that the unaccusative-unergative
distinction is indeed associated with a syntactic distinction that is not reducible
to its semantic properties.
2.1.2 Evidence for syntactic representation for variable-behaviour verbs

An argument for syntactic representation of the unaccusative-unergative dis-
tinction, postulating an internal argument for the former but not for the latter,
Why Events? 37
is presented by Levin and Rappaport Hovav (1989) based on the distribution of

partitive ne cliticization in Italian. Note, as our starting point, that the distribu-
tion ofne (in intransitive) constitutes a subset of telic environments. Specific-
ally, partitive ne cliticization is possible, in telic intransitives, from a post-verbal
subject,but not from a pre-verbal subject, as illustrated by (12):
(12) a. Ne arrivanno [moltifie].
of-them arrive many
b. *[moltifle-] wearrivanno.
Following primarily Belletti and Rizzi (1981), Levin and Rappaport Hovav
(1989) assume that the pre-verbal-post-verbal asymmetry here is reducible to
proper government. While the post-verbal trace of ne is properly governed by
the verb, this is not the case for the pre-verbal trace, leading to ungrammatical-
ity. In turn, as is well known, post-verbal subjects of unergative verbs do not
allow ne cliticization, as illustrated by (13), presumably because the post-verbal
subject of unergatives is outside the VP, and is not governed by the verb:
(13) *ne telephonano [moltifle-]
of-them telephone many
This explanation, Levin and Rappaport Hovav point out, is only available if
the post-verbal [molti ne-] occupies different structural positions in unerga-
tive and unaccusative constructions, thereby suggesting a syntactic distinction
between the two, with an 'external' argument for unergatives, and a syntactic
'internal' argument for unaccusatives.
We note, as an aside, that to the extent that we-cliticization is possible in atelic
transitive structures, from the direct obj ect, as (14) illustrates, a semantic explan-
ation for the distribution of we-cliticization would have to take into account at
least some syntax, and could not be based purely on the semantics of (a)telicity.
(14) a. Kim we ha spinti [molti fie-] (per molte ore).
Kim ne has pushed many (for many hours)
b. Kim ne ha guidate [molte e] (per molte ore).
Kim ne has driven many (for many hours)
The properties of we-cliticization in transitives aside, however, the argument
advanced in Levin and Rappaport Hovav (1989) is weakened by the fact that par-
titive we-cliticization is only possible from (weak) indefinites, which are inde-
pendently restricted pre-verbally in Italian. Further, as Van Valin (1990) points
out, an explanation for the post-verbal restriction maybe available in terms of
the focus-topic distinction, with post-verbal position favoured independently
of government. If the post-verbal restriction is otherwise explained, and given
that ne is, to begin with, only possible, for intransitives, in telic contexts, then
38 Setting Course
it may very well turn out (as conceded, in fact, in Levin and Rappaport Hovav
1992^) that there is no conclusive argument from ne cliticization for the syntac-
tic projection of an internal argument in unaccusatives and its availability may
receive an exclusively semantic explanation.7
Everaert (1992) gives another argument for the syntactic representation of
the unaccusative-unergative distinction. He observes the following auxiliary
selection in light-verb idiomatic constructions in Dutch:
(15) a. Het vliegtuig is geland.
the plane islanded
b. De voorstelling is begonnen.
the performance is begun
(16) a. Het vliegtuig heeft een landing gemaakt.
the plane has a landing made
b. De voorstelling heeft een aanvang genomen.
the performance has a beginning taken
For any aspectual calculus, Everaert notes, (153) and (i6a) on the one hand,
and (isb) and (i6b) on the other, are synonymous. Both are telic in the rele-
vant sense, and the NPs 'landing' and 'beginning' are clearly not arguments, but
rather part of a complex predicate. In fact, an aspectual calculus of the type pro-
posed in Dowty (1979) and adopted by Van Valin (1990) would decompose a
verb such as geland 'landed' into BECOME+cuL(mination), thereby making it
particularly difficult to distinguish from een landing gemaakt 'make landing',
with a virtually identical semantic representation. Yet, in (isa-b) the auxiliary
zijn is selected, whereas in (i6a-b) the auxiliary hebben is selected. It appears,
then, that auxiliary selection here is sensitive not to telicity, or agentivity, but
rather to the presence of a syntactic NP object, even devoid as it is of any actual
argumenthood or semantic role that could serve to distinguish it from (isa-b).
A purely semantic approach would be hard pressed to account for these facts
without supplementing the semantic restriction on auxiliary selection with a
syntactic insertion frame, barring zijn in the presence of an NP complement,
7
And see Chapter 7 at n. 13, as well as Chapter 9, Section 9.3.2, for the suggestion that the ne-cliticiza-
tion test, as such, is orthogonal to the unaccusative-unergative distinction.
We note that auxiliary selection for intransitives, typically used in distinguishing unaccusatives from
unergatives, is in actuality inconclusive under any account. It appears that the only unfailingly robust
generalization concerning auxiliary selection within the event domain is that intransitive atelic (non-
stative) predicates always select averelhebben. However, adjectives, both unaccusative and unergative,
select essere/zijn, as do reflexives, making the selection ofessere/zijn uninformative with respect to deter-
mination of event type. For a compelling argument that reflexives are not unaccusatives (contra Marantz
1984 and much subsequent work), see Reinhart and Siloni (2003). See also n. 23 for some relevant com-
ments.
Why Events? 39
regardless of its semantics. We note, however, that to the extent that a semantic
account would have to be sensitive to syntactic transitivity anyway in order to
account for we-cliticization in atelic transitives.the argument advanced in Ever-
aert may not be conclusive either. Rather, it appears, what is necessary is a syn-
tactic test which is not attested in a subset of telic contexts, but rather, is clearly
and demonstrably oblivious to (a)telicity.
Consider, in view of this, another argument for the syntactic projection of the
unaccusative-unergative distinction, from the distribution of possessor datives
in Hebrew. Borer and Grodzinsky (1986) argue that possessor datives in Heb-
rew exhibit, in essence, binding-like characteristics with respect to the deter-
miner of the possessed DP.8 Assuming the possessor dative to be in a position
c-commanding all (traditional) VP-internal material (and not the 'external'
argument), it is hardly surprising to find that it can exhibit possession relations
with any complement DP, either a direct object or a DP-complement of a select-
ed preposition, as illustrated by (17). It can further exhibit possession relations
with DPs within PP adjuncts, as (18) illustrate, or subjects of small clauses. In
fact, the only systematically excluded possession relation is with an 'external'
argument, as illustrated by (173) and (i8b) (indices in curly brackets notate pos-
sible possession relations).9
8
See Landau (1997) for an account of the distribution of possessor datives in terms of possessor
raising. Note that as raising environments and binding environments are almost identical, and both
share the exclusion of external arguments and the inclusion of c-commanded adjuncts or complement
PPs, Landau's account makes the same predictions with respect to the matter at hand as does a binding
account. Landau further notes that experiencers do not allow possessor datives, a fact which he reduces
to the high projection site of experiencers, a result likewise compatible with a binding approach.
E. Doron (pers. comm.) notes that the restriction against possessor datives with external arguments
disappears in cases of inalienable possession expressed with possessive datives, giving rise to the con-
trast in (i)-(ii):
(i) ha.sen mitnadnedet li.
the.tooth swings to.me
'My tooth is loose.'
(ii) *ha.cec mitnadned li.
the.tree swings to.me
'My tree swings'
Inalienable possession examples are thus systematically avoided here and in all subsequent diagnos-
tic uses of possessive datives. Given the purely diagnostic role of the possessive dative phenomena in
this work, no attempt is made to account for the different behaviour of inalienable possession and other
forms of possessive datives.
9
In (i/a-b) a coincidental possession of'boys' or 'girl' by 'Rani' is possible, resulting in the interpret-
ation 'Rani's son and 'Rani's daughter', respectively. However, this co-reference between the external
argument and the possessive dative cannot satisfy the condition on the occurrence of a possessor dative,
as in such cases the fence or the piano as well must be possessed by Rani, resulting in the possibility of
(i/a-b) meaning 'Rank's sons cut his; fence','Rani/s daughter played his; piano', but not'Rani's sons cut the
fence'or'Rani's daughter played the piano'.
40 Setting Course
(17) a. haj.yeladim xatku le-rani(1>2} et ha2.gader?

the.boys cut to-Rani Accthe.fence
'*Rani's boys (=Rani's sons) cut the fence'
"The boys cut Rani's fence.'
b. ha.yaldaj nigna le-rani(1)2} ba-psanter2.
the.girl played to-Rani in-the.piano
'*Rani's girl (=Rani's daughter) played the piano.'
"The girl played Rani's piano.'
(18) a. haj.yeladim zarku (le-rina(1)2)3)4) et ha2.kadur le-tox ha3.gina
the.boys threw to-Rina ACC the.ball into the.garden
'al-yad ha4.mitbax.
next-to the.kitchen
'*Rina's sons threw the ball into the garden (while) next to the kitchen.'
"The boys threw Rina's ball into the garden, (while) next to the kitchen.'
"The boys threw the ball into Rina's garden, (while) next to the kitchen.'
"The boys threw the ball into the garden, (while) next to Rina's kitchen.'
b. haj.xatulim yilelu le-rina(1)2)3) mi-taxat Ia3-xalon bi-zman
the.cats whined to-Rina under to.the.window during
ha2.sena.
the.nap
'*Rina's cats whined under the window during naptime.'
"The cats whined under the window during Rina's nap.'
"The cats whined under Rina's window during naptime.'
Unlike we-cliticization, then, possessor datives, in transitive or intransitive

domains, are not restricted to a subset of telic contexts. In (173), the possessor
dative occurs as part of a transitive accomplishment, exhibiting a possession
relation with the direct object. However, in (ijb), an atelic structure with a com-
plement PP, a possessor dative is possible with respect to the object ofP,psanter
'piano'. This, note, is an environment which in Italian and Dutch would require
the auxiliaries avere or hebben, respectively, and which would not allow ne-clit-
icization (for a post-verbal subject). Finally, in (i8b), again an atelic structure,
possession by a possessor dative is possible into an array of PP adjuncts. Here,
again, Italian and Dutch would select unergative auxiliaries and we-cliticization
would be blocked (again, for post-verbal subjects).
Consider now the relationship between possessor datives and subjects of
intransitive verbs. (i8b) already illustrates that subjects of unergative intransi-
tives (with activity/process interpretation) cannot be 'possessed' by dative pos-
Why Events? 41
sessors. However, this is not the case with subjects of unaccusative intransitives
(with telic interpretation), where the relationship is possible with the subject
post- or pre-verbal (see Borer and Grodzinsky 1986 for discussion of binding in
the latter case):
(19) a. ha2.mitriya napla le-rani(2>.

the.umbrella fell to-Rani
'Rani's umbrella fell.'
b. napla le-rani(2> ha2.mitriya.
fell to-Rani the.umbrella
'Rani's umbrella fell.'
c. ha2.mitriya napla le-rani(2)3)4} alha3.sbil le-yad ha4.mitbax.
the.umbrella fell to-Rani on the path next-to the.kitchen
'Rani's umbrella fell on the path, next to the kitchen.'
"The umbrella fell on Rani's path, next to the kitchen?'
"The umbrella fell on the path, next to Rani's kitchen.'
As is evident from (i7)-(i9), a possessor dative can express a possession rela-
tion with an unaccusative subject, as well as with any DP in a complement pos-
ition or within a PP adjunct. On the other hand, it cannot express a possession
relation with an unergative or transitive subject. It is hard to see how this state of
affairs canbe reduced to an aspectual distinction, with or without syntactic tran-
sitivity taken into account, given the fact that possessor datives are clearly blind
to aspectual distinctions in the domain of both transitives and intransitives.
Thus (ijb) and (18) clearly involve an activity, while (173) and (i8a) are telic, but
the range of possible possessor-dative relationships is the same, without any
effect on the resulting event interpretation. The configuration that allows pos-
session by the possessor dative is thus purely structural, arguing for a distinct
syntactic positioning of the unaccusative subject and the unergative subject.
While the former must be internal to the c-command domain of the posses-
sor dative, on a par with complements and PP adjuncts, the latter must be exter-
nal to that c-command domain, on a par with subjects of transitive sentences.
It is thus evident that at some level of representation the subject of (73), involv-
ing an accomplishment, is projected lower than the subject of (7b), involving an
activity, resulting in the licensing of a possessor dative in the former but not in
the latter.10
10
Sentence (/b), recall, has a reflexive dative. As already noted in n. 5, the reflexive dative (in contrast
with the possessor dative) does interact with event structure, and is, in effect, compatible only with atelic
predicates (whether stative or eventive). It could not, however, be equated with the English progressive
(presumably, a case of outer aspect in the sense of Verkuyl 1972 and subsequent literature), as I will show
42 Setting Course
It therefore follows that the unaccusative-unergative distinction is hierarch-

ically represented in the syntax, in that the former involves an argument occu-
pying the same syntactic position as a direct object, while the latter involves an
argument occupying the same syntactic position as a subject of a transitive. The
assumption that all diagnostics of the unaccusative-unergative distinction can
be reduced to semantic properties of predicates, or that they can be stated on
structures in which the subjects of unaccusatives and unergatives occupy the
same position, must then be rej ected. Rather, we must consider the other logic-
al parsimonious optionseither deriving the distinct syntax of the arguments
from the semantically distinct event interpretations, or alternatively, deriving
the semantically distinct event interpretations from the distinct syntax of the
arguments.11
Levin and Rappaport Hovav (1992^), who address this issue within a funda-
mentally endo-skeletal approach, write, in comparing their own approach to a
constructionist one:12
Verbs that show variable behaviour of this kind are always associated with more than
one meaning; each meaning turns out to be correlated with the predicted syntactic
properties, including membership in the unaccusative or unergative class. The question,
however, is whether the change in meaning displayed by a particular variable-behav-
iour verb is to be attributed to its appearance in a particular construction, as the con-
structional approach would claim, or to the existence of some lexical rule which gives
rise to multiple semantic classifications of verbs, which then license the appearance of
these verbs in more than one construction, as the lexical approach would have to claim.
[...] The constructional approach predicts that... verbs are free to appear in a range of
constructions (and hence meanings) constrained only by the compatibility of the 'core'
meaning of the verb with the semantics of the construction. [...] The lexical approach, in
contrast, does not make this prediction ... [in turn there is a] need for lexical rules which
specify multiple class membership. In addition, the multiple classification of verbs is
manifested in a variety of constructions, suggesting that verbs are classified once and for
all for class membership. (Levin and Rappaport Hovav 19921?: 12,13)
directly in Chapter 8, Section 8.2.3. Most specifically, unlike the English progressive, which is by and large
oblivious to its surroundings (unergative, unaccusative, some statives, passive), reflexive datives cannot
co-occur with passives and unaccusatives.
11
Inboth Dowty (1991) and Krifka (1989,1992,1998), the semantic similarities between objects of telic
transitives and subjects of telic intransitives are captured by appealing to the notion theme, presumably
projected either as a direct object or as a subject of intransitives. The distribution of possessor dative in
Hebrew is clearly a problem for these accounts, and to any account that seeks to de-link the properties of
the direct argument in telic constructions from a fixed (internal) syntactic position.
To the extent that it can be demonstrated that subjects of telic unaccusatives and objects of telic tran-
sitives are in the same position, on the other hand, this is fully compatible with the claim which we will
otherwise advance, according to which the relevant property of the so-called quantized (or quantity)
argument is not its thematic role, but its syntactic position.
12
In subsequent work, Rappaport Hovav and Levin refer to the 'lexical' approach as the projection-
ist approach (1998).
Why Events? 43
Levin and Rappaport Hovav, in a manner consistent with their theoret-

ical approach, then proceed to suggest multiple (but related) entries for vari-
able-behaviour verbs. Within an endo-skeletal approach, their type of solution
is indeed the only available one. If the syntax of argument structure projects
deterministically from specifications associated with lexical entries, different
argument structure projections must reflect different lexical specifications, and
hence, distinct, albeit related, entries. However, the desirability of postulating
two distinct lexical entries for variable-behaviour verbs, with the sole lexical-
semantic distinction involving telicity, is questionable, especially if we concur
with Mittwoch (1991) that all 'accomplishment verbs' in English are in actual-
ity ambiguous between an accomplishment reading and an activity reading.13
Quite plainly, if the value telic is allowed to be associated with lexical entries as
such, then whenever a verb, intransitive or transitive, may occur in both a telic
and an atelic context, it would have to have two lexical entries. Not only would
such an account require numerous intransitive and transitive verbs to have a
double entry, it would also require two lexical entries for well-known pairs such
asthosein(2o)-(2i).
(20) a. I sprayed the wall with the paint (in two hours),
b. I sprayed the paint on the wall (in two hours).
(21) a. I ate the cake (in ten minutes).
b. I ate at the cake (*in ten minutes).
As is well known, in (203) an accomplishment interpretation is associated
with spray the wall (and spray with the paint remains an atelic process), whereas
the accomplishment interpretation is associated with spray the paint in (2ob)
(and spray on the wall remains an atelic process). Example (2ia) is largely inter-
preted as an accomplishment, while (2ib) may only be interpreted as an activ-
ity. If two distinct lexical entries are associated with Hebrew'wilt', one telic (and
unaccusative) and the other atelic (and unergative), then two distinct entries
13
For these reasons and some others, Levin and Rappaport Hovav (1995) abandon the claim that vari-
able-behaviour verbs represent aspectual distinctions, and argue instead that variable-behaviour verbs
in the intended sense are a class of intransitives derived through (lexical) detransitivization (following
suggestions in Chierchia 1989 and Reinhart 1991). Depending on the presence or absence of an exter-
nal causer interpretation, an unergative or an unaccusative entry results. This latter solution, in turn,
leaves open the question of whether or not Dowty's correlations are correct or not. If indeed they are,
then within the Levin and Rappaport Hovav system, the correlation between telicity and the presence of
an external cause must be otherwise explained. In Section 2.2 as well as in Chapters 3,4, and 6,1 return
to additional detailed justification of the event-structure, aktionsart, approach to argument structure,
assuming, for the time being, the correctness of Dowty's correlations. For a detailed criticism of the
external causer' account see Reinhart (2000), who assumes that all unaccusatives, not just those which
show variable behaviour, are derived from transitives through existential binding of the external argu-
ment, and that all have an 'unergative' correlate which is in actuality a lexical reflexive involving binding
of the internal argument. For an additional brief comment, see n. 23.
44 Setting Course
must be likewise associated with spray, one being telic with respect to a theme,
but atelic with respect to a location, and the other telic with respect to a loca-
tion and atelic with respect to a theme (with an additional entry, note, to mark
the fact that (loa-b) need not be telic at all). Likewise, two entries for eat, one
associated with an atelic process (and selecting an optional PP) and one with an
accomplishment (and selecting an obligatory direct object).
An even trickier complication is presented by the contrast between (223) and
(22b):
(22) a. Kim built the houses (in three months),
b. Kim built houses (*in three months).
As is well known, (223), with a definite object, may have a single event, accom-
plishment reading. (22b), with a bare-plural object, can only be interpreted as
an activity under a single event reading. (Alternatively, it can be interpreted
iteratively, a reading we largely set aside for the remainder of this work) If
(a)telicity distinctions trigger distinct lexicalizations, then it follows that build
would have to have two distinct lexical entries: an atelic process entry which
only allows determinerless NPs as internal direct arguments, and an accom-
plishment reading, which bars determinerless NPs as internal direct arguments.
To quote Dowty (1991) on the undesirability of moves of this nature, specifically
for the unaccusative-unergative distinction as proposed by Levin and Rappa-
port Hovav (19920, b):
Hypothesizing that a large semantically coherent group of verbs have duplicate categor-
ization in unaccusative and unergative syntactic classes (and with corresponding dif-
ferent semantics in the two frames) would be missing the point, I argue . . . I would
argue that the correct analysis is ... semantic ... instead of or in addition to the syntactic
type. (Dowty 1991: 608).
We note, following Dowty, that postulating two distinct entries, mediated or

not through lexical rules, in order to capture the meaning differences in (20)-
(22), appears equally undesirable.
The debate here, focusing as it does on intransitive verbs, concerns two issues
which are at least partially independent of each other. One is whether the sole
argument of intransitive verbs may project in different positions, correlating
with interpretational differences. The second is whether argument structure
projects deterministically from lexical entries or not. Levin and Rappaport
Hovav (19920, b, as well as 1995) (and see also Reinhart 1991,1996,2000) answer
both questions in the positive: the projection of arguments is determined by lex-
ical information, and the sole argument of intransitives does project in differ-
ent positions depending on lexically specified or lexically derived factors (such
Why Events? 45
as role features and lexical mapping operations, as in Reinhart's system, aspec-

tual value, as in Levin and Rappaport Hovav 19920, b, or a variety of linking
rules connecting roles with positions, as in Levin and Rappaport Hovav 1995).
The Van Valin-Dowty approach, on the other hand, gives a negative answer to
both. While syntactic structures associated with different aktionsart values may
vary (e.g. [VP run PPdiJ is telic while [VP run ] is atelic), projection of the argu-
ment of intransitives does not varyit always projects as (the external) subject.
Furthermore, argument structure does not project deterministically from lex-
ical entries depending on the lexico-semantic properties of a specific entry or
the role assignment associated with it. The double positive and double negative
responses, however, are not the only logical possibilities. If one subscribes to the
view that argument structure projects deterministically from lexical entries, it
indeed must follow that different syntactic configurations which are associated
with a single verb must reflect the existence of multiple (possibly related) lex-
ical entries. However, one could subscribe to the view that the sole argument of
intransitives projects in different positions as correlating with interpretational
factors, while still maintaining that arguments do not project deterministically
from lexical entries. From the perspective of a constructionist orXS-approach,
if distinct syntactic structures are indeed associated with different aktions-
art values, and if aktionsart values are computed on the basis of the syntactic
structure rather than the lexical entries of the verbs involved, there is no reason
in principle to exclude the possibility that these different syntactic structures
include not only the presence of a directional PP, but also a distinct syntactic
position for the sole argument of intransitives.
We have seen that there are rather compelling empirical reasons to assume
that the syntactic positions of unaccusative and unergative arguments are dis-
tinct. We must then reject this aspect of the Van Valin-Dowty approach. If we
further assume that these syntactic distinctions correlate with semantic ones,
we are left with two logical choices:
(23) a. If argument structure projects from the lexicon, the distinct syntax
of unaccusatives and unergatives means that there are two entries for
variable-behaviour verbs, together with lexical mapping rules which
modify argument structure configurations.
b. If we wish to reject the systematic existence of two distinct entries
for variable-behaviour verbs, then it follows that at least the syntax of
variable-behaviour verbs, and by extension, the syntax of argument
structure, cannot project from the lexicon.
We saw that the first option is the one pursued by Levin and Rappaport
Hovav, and by Reinhart (1996,2000). In this work, however, I will take seriously
46 Setting Course
the objections raised by Dowty (1991), and assume that (23!)) is the correct
option. Variable-behaviour verbs in all their manifestations are a single item.
The structure within which they are embedded and the interpretation of that
structure are not derived from properties of the lexicon, but rather are in line
with general properties of functional structure and its mapping onto the inter-
pretational component. Aspectuality, in the sense of Dowty's correlations, is not
a property of verbs, or any argument takers, but rather of specific, universal,
syntactic structures. In turn, the particular interpretation of arguments as, say,
'agentive' or'non-agentive'will become an entailment from the aktionsart of the
entire event. Very schematically, because an event such as a window's breaking
is telic, the argument in the window broke is 'non-agentive', and likewise, because
an event such as a laughing is atelic, the argument in Kim laughed is 'agentive'.
From this perspective, all direct arguments bear a relationship with the event,
rather than the verb, and the verb itself is a modifier of that event, rather than a
determinant of its interpretation.14
The reader may object now that another possibility must be considered,
according to which the syntax of arguments does project from the lexicon,
but, in accordance with Baker 1985 and 1988, and adopting the assumption that
there are no grammatical function changing rules, variable-behaviour verbs
project a specific syntax (say that of unaccusatives), which in turn is syntactic-
ally modified to give rise to the syntax of the alternative frame. We return to this
possibility and to a review of other current approaches to argument structure
projection in Section 2.3, where we argue that the behaviour of intransitives is
incompatible with any version of UTAH. Before we do so, however, we turn to
another important issuea prima facie justification of the use of aktionsart as
the building block for the syntax of arguments.
14
Although clearly some aspects of the event, as a whole, do not figure in the determination of argu-
ment interpretation or placement. Thus, for instance, a negated accomplishment such as Kim didn't build
a house (in two months) still has the syntax of an accomplishment, and an 'agentive' subject of such a
negated accomplishment remains interpreted as an 'agent', although, clearly, nothing has been accom-
plished, and the 'agent' has not exercised its 'agenthood' in any relevant sense (and compare with the
ungrammaticality of *Kim didn't build houses in two months). A clear illustration of this fact is the odd-
ity associated with inanimate 'agents' in cases such as the wind tried to break the window, which does not
disappear under negation, with the wind didn't try to break the window equally odd. Similar generaliza-
tions hold for the English progressive, which negates culmination when associated with telic predicates,
but which does not appear to change the restrictions on argument structure associated with these predi-
cates. And most striking of all, note that for x-time, usually taken to be a test for atelicity when adjoined
to an atelic predicate turns it into a telic, bound predicate (e.g. it is quantized in the sense of Krifka 1989,
1992). This distinction, in essence, is in line with the distinction postulated by Verkuyl (1972) between
inner aspect and outer aspect. In what follows I will assume that both negation and the English progres-
sive are instantiations of outer aspect, as are time duration adverbs such asfor-x-time, all functioning as
operators on existing event structure configurations, rather than as determinants of them. For some add-
itional comments on the progressive as outer aspect, see Chapter 8, Section 8.2.4.
Why Events? 47
2.2 ButWhyAktionsart?
Van Valin's account, as well as Dowty's correlations, range over the domain of
aktionsart, claiming it to be the relevant domain for the characterization of event
structure and argument structure. A particularly strong claim in this respect
has been made by Tenny (1987,1992, and subsequent work), who explicitly pro-
poses to replace the existing inventory of thematic roles, based on characteriz-
ing the mode of interaction of an argument with an event, with aspectual roles,
linked to the way in which particular arguments interact with the determina-
tion of aktionsart. However, the relevance of aktionsart in determining argu-
ment structure in general, and in determining the unaccusative-unergative
distinction in particular, must be independently justified.
The justification, note, must address two issues. First, we must argue that
aktionsart is syntactically represented, and is not just an interpretational effect.
Secondly, we must show that to the extent that aktionsart is syntactically repre-
sented, its syntactic structure is implicated in the interpretation of arguments.
That aktionsart and argument structure are indeed related has been often
pointed out, and there is little doubt that characteristics of the object contribute
to determining event type (cf. Verkuyl 1972 and subsequent work; Dowty 1979,
1991; Tenny 1987,1994; Krifka 1992,1998, among many others). Rosen (1999), in
reviewing previous results on the interaction between the direct object and the
overall event type, cites the following:
(24) a. Addition of direct object gives rise to felicity:

i. Bill ran for five minutes/*in five minutes,
ii. Bill ran the mile *for five minutes/in five minutes.15
b. Cognate objects give rise to telicity:
i. Terry sang for an hour/*in an hour,
ii. Terry sang a ballad ?for an hour/in an hour.
c. X's way constructions give rise to telicity:
i. Marcia sang for an hour/*in an hour,
ii. Marcia sang her way to the Met in 10 years/*for ten years.
d. Fake reflexives give rise to telicity:
i. Terry swam for an hour/*in an hour,
ii. Terry swam herself to sleep in an hour/*for an hour.
15
Judgements from Rosen (1999). Native speakers report that (i4a) is possible with an atelic construal
in certain contexts, e.g. if the mile' is understood as a particular stretch, rather than defining the length
of the running.
48 Setting Course
e. The conative alternation (cf. (21)) gives rise to atelicity:

i. I ate the cake for ten minutes/in ten minutes,
ii. I ate at the cake for ten minutes/*in ten minutes.
f. Antipassive gives rise to atelicity:
i. Junna-p Anna kunip-p-a-a.
Junna-ERG 2 Anna.ABS 1 kiss-iND-(TRANs)-3SG 2 /3SG 1
'Junna kissed Anna.'
ii. Junna (Anna-mik) kunis-si-vu-q.
Junna.ABS2 (Anna-iNTRANs) kiss-APASS-(intrans)-3SG.A2
'Junna kisses/is kissing Anna.'
(Inuit; Bittner and Hale 1996)
g. The addition of an (ECM) obj ect, in resultative constructions, trig-
gers telicity:
i. Terry ran for an hour/*in an hour,
ii. Terry ran us ragged in an hour/*for an hour.
h. Verb particles with 'objects' trigger telicity:
i. Terry thought for an hour/*in an hour,
ii. Terry thought an answer up in an hour/*for an hour.
Clearly, as has been often observed, the examples in (i4a-h) demonstrate
that whether or not an object is present largely affects the resulting aktionsart.
As Rosen further points out, internal properties of the object DP are implicated
as well. Thus mass nouns and bare plurals block a telic interpretation (as already
illustrated by (22)), and partitive vs. accusative case marking on the object in
Finnish reflects the overall (a)telicity of the resulting predicate (see Chapter 4
for extensive discussion):
(25) a. Annerakensitaloa.
Anne built house-FRT
'Anne was building a/the house.'
b. Anne rakensi talon.
Anne built house-ACC
'Anne built a/the house.'
There is no doubt, then, that aktionsart is syntactically represented, and shows
sensitivity to syntactic structure. There is further no doubt that there is massive
interaction between aktionsart, and more specifically telicity, and the existence
and the structure of the direct'internal' argument. We note in this context that
the relevant relation cannot be captured in terms of thematic relations between
the verb and its arguments, as telicity is induced in at least (24d) and (24g) (and
Why Events? 49
possibly in other cases as well) by a direct argument which cannot be viewed as

a thematic object of the verb.
The question, then, is not whether aktionsart is syntactically represented, and
whether or not it shows sensitivity to the placement of arguments. Rather, we
must ask whether the relevant semantic roles associated with arguments are
indeed exclusively those that are implicated in event structure, or, alternative-
ly, whether the aktionsart system exists alongside a more traditional thematic
system. This question, note, is actually independent of the question posed in
Section 2.1, about the source of event structure and aktionsart roles. It is thus
possible for roles to be event-oriented, but nevertheless still projected from lex-
ical entries which are in turn provided with aktionsart value, and indeed, sys-
tems which project event arguments partially or wholly from lexical entries have
been proposed (e.g. by Tenny 1987,1994; van Hout 1992,1996; van Voorst 1993). It
has been pointed out frequently, however, that it is precisely within the domain
of aktionsart and event structure that one finds the greatest variability between
verbal insertion frames (in the sense of variable behaviour already discussed). It
is thus not particularly surprising that it is precisely within approaches to argu-
ment structure that subscribe to event roles, rather than thematic roles, that
syntactic approaches to argument projection are most influential.
In turn, as syntactic structure for aktionsart and some statement of its inter-
action with, at least, some arguments is clearly necessary, the null hypothesis
would be that this is the only structure that is relevant for the projection and
the interpretation of arguments. Suppose, then, that we adopt the essence of the
proposal made by Tenny (19871994), according to which the syntactically rele-
vant argumental roles are those that are aspectually relevant. We will, however,
depart from Tennys system in assuming that these argumental roles do not
emerge as a result of mapping from lexical entries to specific syntactic positions
with specific properties, but rather, that they are 'created', so to speak, in the rele-
vant positions. From this perspective, note, the role that would be assigned to
the shoes in Jenny polished (up) her shoes (in five minutes) is one and the same
as the role that would be assigned to shoes in Jenny ran her shoes rugged (in five
minutes), both contributing to the emergence of telicity in the same sense and
receiving their interpretation in the same syntactic position. We note as an aside
that to the extent that this execution is valid, it is entirely incompatible with
Exceptional Case Marking accounts for constructions such as those in (24d)
and (24g) (i.e. accounts that postulate exceptional government across a phrasal
boundary for such structures), but is fully compatible with any account which
posits a uniform position for all accusative-marked DPs.16 In the remainder
16
In turn, to the extent that ECM subjects also participate in an additional event, if there is one, which
50 Setting Course
of this volume I will develop a system which can account for role assignment
to DPs within such an aspectual structure. I will argue that only direct argu-
ments interact with event structure. Although event structure can be syntactic-
ally affected by constituents other than direct arguments, these constituents will
not be DPs. The privileged relationship of direct arguments with event struc-
ture will follow directly from their positioning as specifiers of functional nodes
that are dedicated to the computation of event structure. Indirect arguments, in
turn, are interpreted through the mediation of prepositions, and are aspectually
inert.17 Before I turn to the development of such a system, however, a number of
possible objections must be contended with.18
In objecting to the linkage of argument roles and event structure, and in refer-
ence specifically to Dowty s correlations, Reinhart (1991,1996,2000) challenges
the claim that unaccusative verbs are always telic. Specifically, Reinhart (1996)
points to the meaning contrast between (26)-(27), on the one hand, and (28), on
the other, citing a test from Kamp (1979) and Partee (1984). The test appealed to
involves the interpretation of coordinated verbs. Two telic verbs, when coordi-
nated, give rise to a sequential interpretation. For this reason, the truth condi-
tions of (263) and (i6b) are quite distinct, as are the truth conditions of (273)
and (27b). On the other hand, the coordination of atelic verbs does allow a sim-
is embedded under the relevant telic event, such a relationship could be encoded via raising, control, or
any of the other usual methods. For some discussion of resultative constructions, see Chapter 8, Sec-
tion 8.1.2.
17
We note as an aside that insofar as indirect arguments are not interpreted through the event struc-
ture, it is at least possible, in principle, that some (functional) structure which is not part of the event
computation system is responsible for their interpretation, beyond the specific proposals made in this
work. We leave this matter aside, however, noting that if indeed this is the case, it would suggest the exist-
ence of two distinct syntactic representations, utilizing distinct primitives and category types, and gen-
erating two distinct outputs which then need to be integrated, a possibility which is quite intriguing and
quite possibly on the right track.
18
The brief discussion in the text is by no means an attempt to review all syntactic approaches to the
projection of arguments, or to aspectual distinctions. Van Hout (1992) independently proposes a'syntac-
tic' account rather akin to that presented in Borer (1994) and motivated largely by similar considerations.
Aspects of her work are addressed in subsequent chapters. Travis (1994,1997, 2000), McClure (1995),
Ramchand (1997), Davis and Demirdash (1995,2000), Schmitt (1996), and Ritter and Rosen (1998,2000),
who all assume a syntactic approach to aktionsart, nevertheless adopt mixed systems, where tradition-
al roles (thematic or others) assigned lexically co-exist alongside aspectual roles, at times partially listed
and checked, so to speak, against particular syntactic configurations, and at times assigned by the struc-
ture. Finally, we acknowledge here the seminal work of Hale and Keyser (1993). Although their system is
fundamentally lexical in assuming that the relevant architecture characterizes argument structure inter-
nal to specific entries, they nevertheless postulate principles of argument interpretation which are archi-
tectural, and not head-based, and are independent of any properties of the verb itself. In that it derives
the interpretation of arguments from structure, and not the other way around, their work continues to
be extremely influential within the domain of syntactic approaches to event structure and argument
structure. For work that directly continues the Hale and Keyser tradition, see Erteschik-Shir and Rap-
oport (1995,2001). The reader is referred to Rosen (1999) for an excellent review of syntactic approach-
es to events.
Why Events? 51
ultaneous interpretation, hence the synonymous readings of (i8a) and (i8b)

(although a sequential reading is also possible):
(26) a. The vase broke and fell,
b. The vase fell and broke.
(27) a. The apple dropped and reddened,
b. The apple reddened and dropped.
(28) a. Kim ran and sang,
b. Kim sang and ran.
Now, Reinhart suggests, consider the unaccusative verbs twist and spin. By
traditional tests, they are indeed unaccusative: they are related to a transitive
entry with a possible inanimate causer, they (could) express a change of state,
they allow resultative constructions, etc. If indeed unaccusative verbs are telic,
we expect the truth conditions for (293) and (igb) to differ. However, this is
not the case. Spin and twist certainly allow a simultaneous reading, and as such
(293) and (2pb) can be interpreted as truth-conditionally equivalent:
(29) a. The yarn twisted and spinned.
b. The yarn spinned and twisted. (Reinhart 1996)
It follows, Reinhart concludes, that unaccusativity and telicity simply do not
go hand in hand, and hence that Dowty's correlations are wrong.
Some aspects of Reinharts argument are independently problematic, as it
turns out. Others, we will show, are orthogonal to the claims made here. Note
first that the coordinated events in (26) and (27) are not just interpreted as
sequential, but as having a causal relation, the first having caused the second.
The truth conditions of (263), (273) and (26b), (27b) do not just differ in terms
of which event took place first, but also in terms of which event caused the other.
Suppose we consider, then, two verbs that do not easily permit such a causal
connection. Specifically, suppose we take the verb redden, classified by Rein-
hart as telic due to the contrast in (27a-b), and coordinate it with a semantically
equivalent verb such as yellow. In an utterance such as (30), neither reddening
nor yellowing caused the other, and the simultaneous reddening and yellowing
of a ripening fruit (at its opposing extremities, say) is certainly plausible. The
contrasts in (26a-b) and (27a-b) are not replicated with (soa-b). Although a
sequential reading is available, so is a simultaneous one, and the truth condi-
tions of (303) and (sob) could be identical:
(30) a. The apple yellowed and reddened,
b. The apple reddened and yellowed.
52 Setting Course
One could conclude, based on the truth conditional equivalence of (soa-b),

that the telicity test used by Reinhart is simply not a valid one. However, consid-
ered from a slightly different perspective, it turns out that the coordination test
for telicity is a valid one. While (soa-b) can be truth-conditionally equivalent,
it is also the case that on this simultaneous reading,yellow and redden are inter-
preted as activities, and not as accomplishments (or achievements). Specifical-
ly, note that a simultaneous reading of (3oa-b) means that the apple underwent
some yellowing and reddening, but not that the apple simultaneously became
both yellow and red. Further, when an activity reading is truly unavailable (e.g.
in some achievements), a sequential reading is forced, regardless of causality,
as (31) illustrates:
(31) a. The guest understood the solution and left,

b. The guest left and understood the solution.
On the other hand, if the tests are valid, then it appears that neither yellow nor
redden are unambiguously telic or atelic, but rather, they are variable-behaviour
verbs in the sense discussed already. This, of course, is true of twist and spin as
well; both have a telic and a non-telic interpretation. What now of verbs such as
drop and burn, which seem to imply an end point rather strongly? Well, it turns
out that if a sufficiently plausible context is conjured, burn and drop, and even
fall and break apart, can be coordinated with a simultaneous interpretation and
atelic process reading resulting:
(32) a. We watched [the asteroid drop/fall (through the atmosphere) and

burn/break apart for several minutes].
b. We watched [the asteroid burn/break apart and drop/fall (through
the atmosphere) for several minutes].
(cf. We watched [the guest understand the problem and leave (*for
several minutes)] vs. we watched [the guest leave and understand the
problem (*for several minutes)] with a sequential interpretation only)
If we suppose the asteroid in question to have been ejected out of the atmos-
phere at some point subsequent to the event in (32) (some mass having been
lost, naturally), thereby continuing its free fall through space indefinitely, then
the utterances in (32) are well-formed, without a culmination, insofar as the
asteroid neither fell apart completely, nor did it burn up completely. What can
we conclude from this? Simultaneity does appear to correlate with an atelic pro-
cess interpretation (although lack of simultaneity clearly does not necessari-
ly correlate with a telic reading), and telicity does appear to correlate with a
sequential reading. However, the classifications that emerge here for most verbs
Why Events? 53
are rather vague. It seems that too many verbs typically considered telic can
be construed as simultaneous with another telic verb, with a resulting atelic
process interpretation, confirming Mittwoch's (1991) claim that all accomplish-
ment verbs in English can have an atelic process interpretation.
But this state of affairs is hardly a problem for the system proposed here if teli-
city, or lack thereof, is not a property of verbs, but rather a property of syntactic
structures. The source of atelicity in (3oa-b) is not the verbs yellow and redden,
but rather the syntactic structure within which they are embedded. Specifically,
the claim put forth here is that the sole direct argument of (intransitive) clauses
with an activity interpretation will display behaviours associated with exter-
nal arguments, while the sole direct argument of (intransitive) clauses with an
accomplishment/achievement interpretation will display syntactic behaviours
associated with internal arguments. It therefore follows that when a verb such as
(intransitive) redden is coordinated with another verb and a simultaneous read-
ing emerges, the syntactic behaviour will be that of unergatives. On the other
hand, when redden is coordinated with another verb and a sequential reading
emerges, the syntactic behaviour could be that of unaccusatives.19
In turn, we predict that if we force a predicate to be telic, a sequential reading
will emerge, but not so if we force it to be atelic. Using the distribution of datives
in Hebrew, we can see that this prediction is borne out. Specifically, recall that
possessor datives require the possessed to be in the (traditional) VP, and that
reflexive datives require an external argument. Suppose, now, that we coordi-
nate two intransitive variable-behaviour verbs, in our intended sense, in the
context of a possessor dative. The only grammatical reading requires an internal
argument, forcing an unaccusative structure, and hence by assumption telicity
as well. We therefore predict that a simultaneous reading would disappear in
the context of possessor datives. The converse should hold in the presence of a
reflexive dative, where the obligatoriness of an external argument would force
an atelic process reading. Here, simultaneity is expected to be possible. The facts
in (33)-(35) confirm these predictions.
(33) ha.meteor nisrap ve-napal/napalve-nisrap. (Ambiguous)
the.meteor burned and fell/fell and burned
"The meteor burned and fell/fell and burned.'
(34) a. ha.meteor napalle-ran ve-nisrap.
the.meteorfell to-Ranand-burned
19
There is no argument here against endo-skeletal approaches to this issue, and more specifically,
there is no argument here against the approach proposed in Levin and Rappaport Hovav (1992^, b) to
which Reinhart (1996) specifically objects. As the verbs used by Reinhart are all variable-behaviour verbs,
an endo-skeletal account postulating two entries, one telic/unaccusative and the other atelic/unergative,
could handle the facts just as well.
54 Setting Course
b. ha.metebr napalve-nisrap le-ran.

the.meteorfell and-burned to-Ran
'Ran's meteor fell and (then) burned.'
(e.g. in a physics class, with students writing programs simulating
meteoric trajectories)
(35) a. ha.metebr; nisrap ve-napallo;.
the.meteorburnedand-fell to.it
b. ha.metebr; napal lo; ve-nisrap.
the.meteorburnedto.it and-fell
"The fell and burned.' (simultaneity is possible but not forced)
Reinhart's facts, then, prove wrong the claim that verbs such as spin, or for that
matter, burn and redden, are telic, but are entirely neutral concerning the claim
that telic events are associated with unaccusative syntax, while atelic events are
associated with unergative syntax. The facts in (33)-(35), while still compatible
with an endo-skeletal approach, actually support Dowty's correlations, and any
account that correlates (a)telicity with the projection of arguments.20
Despite the massive polysemy within the domain of intransitive verbs, as is
well known, not all intransitive verbs are possible as both unaccusatives and
unergatives. Two notable exceptions are agentive verbs of manner of motion (in
the sense of Levin 1993) when they occur without a terminal complement, and
achievement verbs, in the sense of Vendler (1967), indicating, it is sometimes
proposed, an instantaneous culminating change. The failure of such polysemy
exactly in these cases, I will argue, is not accidental. In the former, it follows
from the fact that agentive manner of motion verbs are originator modifiers,
in a sense to be made more precise in Chapter 8, Section 8.3. In the latter, I
will suggest, the verbs in question are idioms, in the technical sense discussed
in Chapter i, Section 1.4, i.e. incorporating a functional range assigner which
forces the projection of a particular structure (i.e. the equivalent, within the
20
To the extent that verbs such as nisrap 'burn or napal 'fall' behave as unaccusatives in (34), but as
unergatives in (35), Levin and Rappaport Hovav (1995) would have to argue that in the first occurrence,
an external cause is implied, but not so in the second occurrence. No such interpretational differences
are in evidence, however, casting serious doubt on their classification. For Reinhart (2000), on the other
hand, the 'unergative' variants of nisrap 'burn and napal'fall' would involve a reflexive interpretation, i.e.
the meteor burned itself and caused itself to fall. We note that at least under the most common inter-
pretation of the term reflexive as applied to intransitives (e.g. in Mary washed, or Kim rolled down the
hilt), no reflexive interpretation seems to be implicated here. We believe that both distinctions involve
over-determination, representations too fine-grained, usurping roles that in actuality belong with world
knowledge. The relevant contrast, I will suggest, is that which holds between notions such as originator
(of a non-stative event) and subject-of-quantity on the one hand, and other possibly finer conseptual dis-
tinctions (e.g. those which distinguish eat from drink) but which have no grammatical correlates (and
see Chapter i, Section 1.1, for discussion).
Why Events? 55
verbal domain, of trousers). I return to the discussion of achievements and their

interpretation in Chapter 10, Sections 10.2-3.
2.3 UTAH?
It is worthwhile starting this section by delineating the ways in which the
approach to be proposed here is distinct from, and akin to, some of the domi-
nant approaches to argument structure, taking as our starting point the Univer-
sal Theta-Assignment Hypothesis (UTAH), proposed by Baker (1988).
Quite contrary to much work that is informed by endo-skeletal consider-
ations, the system proposed by Baker bars modifications of lexical entries so as
to give rise to a different argument structure configuration, and thus a particu-
lar lexical entry (an 'item') must always project in the same way, giving rise to
a unique representation. In turn, all appearance of argument structure modifi-
cation is mediated through the existence of syntactic structures (often headed
by syntactically projected morphology), or through incorporation. Clearly, to
the extent that the system presented here derives argument structure variations
associated with the same verbal listeme syntactically, rather than lexically, it is
very much a continuation of Bakers research agenda. We further share with the
UTAH agenda the assumption that particular syntactic positions are inherently
linked with particular argumental interpretations.
On the other hand, however, UTAH is a fundamentally endo-skeletal
approach, and argument structure is very much viewed as a property of lexic-
al items, which in turn determines D-structure or some other fragment of the
representation. Within that system, then, there are lexical entries with a given
configuration of semantic roles, together with fixed, possibly universal link-
ing conventions. Once projected, the 'fixed' structure may be embedded within
an architecture that would add, appear to eliminate, or appear to modify the
assignment site of a role. Crucially, role addition is the result of adding an argu-
ment taker (with no change to the argument structure of the item itself), and
role elimination is only apparent, emerging actually from incorporation, role-
assignment to an affix, existential binding of an argument, etc. UTAH is funda-
mentally committed to viewing the constant relations between the structure
and the interpretation of arguments as mediated through the head selecting
those arguments. Hence, relations between items must stay fixed, which means
that if a verb stem assigns a theme role in a particular position, the verb stem-
theme relation will be realized in that same position throughout the derivation.
The system proposed here, on the other hand, does not require mediation by a
lexical item to fix the interpretation of a particular role (nor does it use notions
such as theme and patient). For this reason, we may keep fixed the relationship
56 Setting Course
between structure and argumental interpretation, but allow different instan-

tiations of a particular stem to be associated with different argument structure
interpretations. As an illustration, for proponents of UTAH, all instantiations of
drop must have the same syntactico-thematic configuration. Consider, in this
view, some of the possible instantiations of drop in (s6):21
(36) drop.TRANS; drop.UNACC; drop.UNERG; [A dropped]; [A droppable];
[N drop]
The verb stem drop must be assumed, within a UTAH approach, to be asso-
ciated with the same thematic and syntactic configuration in all these instan-
tiations. Further, as thematic roles cannot be eliminated, by hypothesis, it
follows that all verbs which alternate between transitive and intransitive vari-
ants must start as intransitive, and have the external argument added through
a separate, abstract, CAUSE-type head, which may or may not be realized mor-
pho-phonologically. In turn.because drop.iNTRANS is (typically assumed to be)
an unaccusative verb, its argument (presumably a theme) projects internally,
and must do so for all instantiations of drop. Yet, as is well known, adjectival
passives are unergative, syntactically, rather than unaccusative, rendering the
derivation of [A dropped] a serious problem for UTAH (as is often in fact con-
ceded by advocates of that approach; see Baker 2003 for some discussion). Simi-
lar considerations apply to droppable, which has unergative properties, rather
than unaccusative, as would be expected under a UTAH-type approach. No
less problematic is the fact that both dropped and droppable are derived from
transitive drop, but none shows any evidence for the sort of implicit external
argument present in verbal passives, presenting yet another problem for UTAH.
Finally, the nominal drop does not allow any of the arguments of the verb stem,
thereby raising not only the problem of a missing external argument, but also a
missing internal argument.
The paradigm of variable-behaviour verbs, in the technical sense used here,
presents a particularly tricky problem. Within the UTAH approach, strict link-
ing regulations dictate the relations between particular syntactic positions and
21
A full review of the UTAH system is clearly outside the scope of this work. It might be worth point-
ing out, however, that UTAH as formulated in Baker 1988 is inherently vague, in providing no proper def-
inition for the notion 'item'. Most crucially, from analyses presented in the body of the work, it appears
that by'item Baker means stem, i.e. drink in [A drinkable] and in [v drink] are the same item. It could be
argued, however, that'items' are words, in which case [A drinkable] and [v drink] are distinct items, and
one does not expect UTAH to apply to them. The empirical predictions here, note, are vastly different,
and specifically, the preservation of the insight of UTAH, under the latter instantiation, would require
one to argue that drinkable is distinct from drink, but not so, e.g. make-drink, in synthetic languages
which realize this form as a single morpho-phonological word. See Borer (1998^) for a fuller review. See
also Baker (2003) for some follow up discussion.
Why Events? 57
thematic interpretations. Specifically, to the extent that unaccusatives have an

internal argument, that internal argument is interpreted as a theme, and to the
extent that unergatives have an external argument, that external argument can-
not be interpreted as a theme, but rather, must be interpreted as an agent or as
a causer.22 Assuming that variable-behaviour verbs project from one specific
entry, and that syntactic operations bring about their second 'instantiation, we
note that there are no syntactic mapping operations which could possibly bring
about the change in the role assigned to the single argument.23
Within the system to be presented here, these problems do not arise, as the
projection of arguments is entirely independent of any lexical information. The
encyclopedic information associated with the listeme drop does not include any
syntactic information whatsoever about argument structure, nor is the merger
of drop linked in any sense with a fixed set of roles. Rather, drop could be, in
principle, embedded under any of the schematic syntactic structures in (37),
where it is the distinct syntax of the functional structure associated with the
arguments which determines their interpretation, rather than any information
associated with drop:
(37) a. [FPl [SUBJECT-OF-CHANGE] (e)Fl [ V p[ v drop]]]
b. [FP2 [SUBJECT-OF-PROCESS] (e)F2 [ v p[ydrop]]]
C. [FP2 [SUBJECT-OF-PROCESS] (e)F2 [FPl [SUBJECT-OF-CHANGE] (e)Fl [VP [ v drop]]]]
d. [DP (e}d [ N p[ N drop]]]]]
(38) [FP3 [SUBJECT-OF-STATE] (e)F3 [AP [Adrop(-aff)]]]
The syntax of roles such as subject-of-change, subject-of-process, and sub-

ject-of-stateassuming these roles, subject to further elaboration, to be rough-
ly the correct approximation of instantiated event rolesis distinct, although
each of these structures is universally fixed as associated with a given argumen-
tal interpretation. If the listeme drop is embedded within the structure in (373),
22
Or possibly as an instrument, goal, or experiencer, but this is orthogonal to our discussion.
23
Note that a syntactic, rather than lexical, realization of Reinhart's (2000) system would encoun-
ter serious problems. The external role cannot be eliminated, in principle, but only assigned to an affix.
Assignment to an affix, for unaccusatives, would predict properties akin to those of implicit arguments
in passives, contra to fact. As for reflexivization, the prediction would be that syntactic reflexivization
involving absorption of the internal argument would leave a trace in the object position, but there is no
evidence for the existence of such a trace in unergatives. If, on the other hand, reflexivization involves
absorption of the external argument (cf. Marantz 1984; Kayne 1993, among others), we predict unerga-
tives to pattern with unaccusatives, projecting an internal rather than an external argument, again con-
trary to the facts. For a recent discussion of this and other related issues, see Reinhart and Siloni (2003)
and Siloni (2001).
58 Setting Course
it will be 'unaccusative'. If it is embedded within the structure in (sjb), it will be

'unergative'. If embedded within the structure in (370) it will be 'transitive', and
if embedded within the structure in (37 d), drop will project an N, with no argu-
ments. Finally, the structure in (38), a combination of functional and morpho-
logical structure, will yield an adjective.24'25
In turn, note, argument structure modification, if assumed to be accom-
plished through the type of structural schemata in (37)-(38), no longer must
be mediated through morphology, which within UTAH system is the basis of
adding arguments (e.g. causative morphology), absorbing or existentially bind-
ing arguments (such as passive morphology), etc. We note that a category-neu-
tral, morphologically unmarked stem can, in principle, be embedded within
the structures in (37) (but probably not (38), see n. 25). To the extent that a lan-
guage marks phonologically the differences between the syntactic contexts in
(37), such marking must be functional, the type of marking we have analysed as
the spell-out of head features, or alternatively, through the merger of f-morphs
(see Chapter i, Section 1.2.2, for discussion). In turn, the L-domain in (37) is
categorized solely by the functional structure, which is also implicated in the
assignment of roles to the DPs.
But if (syntactically projected) morphology is no longer allowed to be impli-
cated in the modification of lexically-specified argument structure, through
selecting head-assigned arguments or absorbing them, claims regarding the
syntax/morphology isomorphism, extremely popular in the wake of UTAH,
are likewise weakened. Note that within the UTAH approach, a morpheme such
as -en, whether adjectival or verbal, must project syntactically, as it (appears
to) modify the argument structure of the verb it is attached to (and likewise,
of course, for -able). However, if the relationship between argument structure
and L-heads is severed, then regardless of whether or not some morphology
does project syntactically, it no longer needs to project overtly or covertly solely
to resolve problems in the mapping from lexical entries to argument structure
representations. To illustrate, the motivation for projecting an abstract verb,
24
The structure in (38), but not (3/a-d), requires the intervention of categorizing adjectival morph-
ology (-able, -en). As we noted earlier (cf. n. 2), in English, and perhaps universally, morphological struc-
ture is needed to turn a stem into an adjective. For this reason, in (38) there must be morphological
structure, within the L-domain, which will 'adjectivize' the L-head, rendering any dominating function-
al structure which is incompatible with the existence of such an adjective ill formed. This is not the case
with (underived) verbs or with (underived) nouns, which may involve stems Verbalized' or 'nominal-
ized', respectively, directly by the functional structure, requiring no additional morphology, at least in
English. See Borer (20030, forthcoming) for some further discussion.
25
This view, note, is compatible with at least some interpretations of the pre-cursor of UTAH, the
Universal Alignment Hypothesis (cf. Perlmutter and Postal 1984), which subscribes to the existence of
structural-interpretational correlations, but which does not link them inherently to information in the
lexical entries of argument takers.
Why Events? 59
roughly with the meaning CAUSE, so as to assign an external role to drop, has
evaporated, as has the need for such abstract verbs to actually exist.
2.4 Severing the Internal Argument from its Verb

Kratzer (1994,1996), in a detailed study of the properties of so-called exter-
nal arguments and their relationship with the verb, concludes (correctly in our
opinion) that it is wrong to assume that verbs assign external arguments. Rather,
she proposes, external arguments are assigned by a functional projection which
dominates the VP, VoiceP.26 In turn, severing the external argument from the
verb gives rise to a system that Kratzer (1999) refers to as semi-Davidsonian,
based as it is on the fundamental insight of Davidson (1967,1980) on the nature
of the event argument. Specifically, she proposes that the syntax of 'external'
arguments maps directly onto a Neo-Davidsonian representation, introducing
an independent predicate of the event argument. In turn, the internal argument
remains associated with the verb, at least syntactically. It therefore follows that
the lexical entry for feed is as in (403), where feed is a two-place predicate (exter-
nal argument having been severed). The 'external' argument, on the other hand,
is introduced syntactically by VoiceP. The resulting representation (translating
somewhat to Neo-Davidsonian notation, and ignoring the mapping of the dog
to a theme role) is as in (4ob):
(39) Jane fed the dog
(40) a. (feed (theme) (e))
b. 3e [Agent (Jane, e) & ( feed (the dog) (e))]
Suppose we endorse fully the claim that severing the 'external' argument
from the verb is a syntactic realization of a Neo-Davidsonian association, as
Kratzer claims. Taking this conclusion one step further, however, note that in
this work, we seek to sever not only the external argument from the verb, but
also the internal argument. By the logic followed in Kratzer, the result is a syn-
tactic structure which not only represents a Neo-Davidsonian-type association
of the'external'argument, but also a Neo-Davidsonian-type association of the
'internal' argument, or in other words, a full Neo-Davidsonian representation,
much in line with Parsons (1990), although I will depart from Parsons' assump-
tion that the relevant roles are thematic ones. Specifically, with respect to (39)
on its telic interpretation, I will suggest a full Neo-Davidsonian representation,
26
The reader is referred to Chapter 8, Section 8.1.1, for some comparison between Kratzer's VoiceP
(active and passive) and the assumptions made in this work concerning the assignment of 'external'
arguments.
60 Setting Course
based on the fact that neither internal nor external arguments are assigned by
the verb, as represented in (41). 'Quantity' here refers to a telic predicate, and
the role labels 'originator' and 'subject-of-quantity' (roughly, subject-of-struc-
tured-change) are computed on the basis of the relevant functional structure
(see Chapters for elaboration):
(41) 3e [quantity(e) & originatorQane, e) & subject-of-quantity(the dog, e)
&feed(e)]
In view of the claim that all 'direct' arguments are assigned by function-
al event structure, it is worthwhile to consider the arguments for severing the
external argument from the verb and assessing the extent to which similar argu-
ments can be made to support severing the internal argument from the verb. As
it turns out, the main argument in favour of disassociating the verb from the
external argument comes from the major simplification that would emerge in
the statement of grammatical rules. A prime example discussed by Kratzer (op.
cit.) is that of the adjectival passive. Kratzer points out that a well-known asym-
metry between verbal passives and adjectival passives involves the fact that the
former retains properties of the external argument (e.g. implicit argument con-
trol as well as the barring of sd/anaphors as by-phrases), but no such proper-
ties are associated with adjectival passives, where the external argument of the
original verb seems truly gone. We noted earlier that the behaviour of adjectival
passives, with their external argument apparently gone, presents a prima facie
problem for proponents of UTAH. To the extent that adjectival passives are pre-
dicted by UTAH to be derived syntactically, rather than lexically, disappearance
of the external argument is extremely problematic. Not so, Kratzer points out, in
a theory that does not assume that verbs have external arguments. Within such
a theory, the disappearance of the external argument follows directly from the
fact that the relevant functional structure which licenses the 'external' argument
of the original verb (Voice? for Kratzer) does not project in adjectival passives,
or, as we will suggest here, from the fact that 'external' arguments, originators,
are entailments from some event structure, rather than roles assigned by such
structure, and are clearly dispensable in the absence of that structure.
But a similar rationale has already been shown to be applicable with respect
to internal arguments. We already noted that in de-verbal nominals such as
drop, for instance, no arguments are projected whatsoever. Within a theory that
severs both external and internal arguments from the verb, nothing needs to
be said about [N drop] beyond the fact that it is embedded under a functional
structure that licenses neither'external' nor'internal' argumentsthat is, nom-
inalizing functional structure. Within a theory that assumes that both external
and internal arguments are assigned by the lexical item, the disappearance of
Why Events? 61
both arguments in nominal drop (as well as in derived result nominals such as
the examinations) must be explained. While a theory that severs the external,
but not the internal, argument from the verb need not explain its disappearance,
it still must contend with the disappearance of the internal argument.27
Note further that any theory that assumes internal, but not external, lexical
assignment, when combined with UTAH or similar restrictions on lexical argu-
ment structure modification, is faced with serious problems in accounting for
the properties of variable-behaviour verbs. The issue here, to recall, is not the
'loss' or the change in the nature of an external argument, but rather involves
an internal argument. While it is cost-free within such an approach to state
the presence of an external argument for the unergative variant, the presence
of an internal argument in the unaccusative variant, but not in the unergative
variant, poses precisely the same problems as it does for full lexical projection
accounts.
Finally, we note that Kratzer's own account of adjectival passives (op. cit.)
avoids running into a mapping problem of this sort only at the cost of descrip-
tive adequacy. Specifically, as is well known, adjectival passives do not just
involve the loss of the 'external' argument of their source verb, they also involve
the 'externalization' of the internal argument of that source verb (cf. Levin and
Rappaport Hovav 1986). Specifically, adjectival passives behave like unergative
verbs, and not like unaccusative verbs. To illustrate, consider the following par-
adigms which show that diagnostics of unaccusativity apply to verbal passives,
but not to adjectival passives:
(42) a. Verbal passive

Takie studenty nikogda ne prinjaty v universitet. (Russian)
such students never NEC accepted in university
(M.NOM.PL) (PL)
'Such students are never accepted in the university.'
b. Verbal passive
Takix studentov nikogda ne prinjato v universitet.
(M.GEN.PL) (NEUT.SG)
(43) a. Adjectival passive

Takie manery nikogda ne prinjaty v xorosixklubax. (Russian)
such manners never NEC acceptable in good clubs
(F.NOM.PL) (PL)
27
This is a problem faced not only by Kratzer's model, but also by Harley 1995, Marantz 1997, and var-
ious similar approaches, which postulate the lexical projection of internal' but not'external' arguments.
See Borer (20030, forthcoming) for an extensive discussion in the context of derived nominals.
62 Setting Course
b. Adjectival passive
*Takix maner nikogda ne prinjato vxorosix klubax.
(F.GEN.PL) (NEUT.SG)
(Russian; Pesetsky 1982)
(44) a. Verbal passive, possessor dative
c
ha.cuga hunxa li al sulxan. (Hebrew)
the.cake placed(V.PASs) to.me on table
'My cake was placed on a table.'
b. Verbal passive, possessor dative
ha.xeder qusat li be-praxim.
the.room decorated(V.PASs) to.me with-flowers
'My room was decorated with flowers.'
(45) a. Verbal passive, reflexive dative
*ha.cuga2 hunxa Ia2 cal sulxan. (Hebrew)
the.cake placed(V.PASs) to.it on table
b. Verbal passive, reflexive dative
*ha.xeder2 qusat Io2 be.praxim.
the.room decorated(V.PASs) to.it with.flowers
(46) a. Adjectival passive, possessor dative
*ha.cuga hayta munaxat li c
al sulxan. (Hebrew)
the.cake was placed(A.PASs) to.me on table
b. Adjectival passive, possessor dative
*ha.xeder haya mequsat li be-praxim.
the.room was decorated(A.PASs) to.me with-flowers
(47) a. Adjectival passive, reflexive dative
ha.cuga2 hayta munaxat Ia2 cal sulxan. (Hebrew)
the.cake was placed(A.PASs) to.it on table
"The cake was lying on the table.'
b. Adjectival passive, reflexive dative
ha.xeder2 haya mequsat Io2 be-praxim.
the.room was decorated(A.PASs) to.it in-flowers
"The room was decorated with flowers.'
Genitive of negation, in Russian, marks unaccusative subjects and subjects of

verbal passive, but not unergative subjects. As Pesetsky (1982) points out, it may
not be associated with adjectival passives. Hebrew reflexive dative, associated
with external arguments, may not be associated with subjects of verbal pas-
Why Events? 63
sives or subjects of unaccusatives. They are licit in conjunction with unerga-

tive subjects, as well as with subjects of adjectival passives. Possessor datives, on
the other hand, are barred with adjectival passives, although licit with both sub-
jects of unaccusatives and subjects of verbal passives. Similar facts are report-
ed for Italian we-cliticization by Belletti and Rizzi (1981), barred in adjectival
passives, although licit with unaccusatives and with verbal passives. Within the
Kratzer model, there is simply no way to 'externalize' the internal argument,
which is projected from the lexical entry of the verb. Kratzer's structures indeed
do not involve externalization, projecting the argument of adjectival passives in
[Spec,VP], the very same position in which the internal argument is projected
in both actives and passives. As a result, the unergative behaviour of adjectival
passives remains unexplained. No such problems are faced by a model that sev-
ers both external and internal arguments from the verb.28'29
28
The assumption that the argument of adjectival passives projects internally (specifically, in [Spec,
P/AP], as do arguments of verbal passives) is supplemented in Kratzer (1994,1996) by the assumption
that adjectives are either raising or control structures, roughly as in (i):
(i) a. Stage-level adjectives
[cop-0 [ApIvpmterna/V]]]
b. Individual-level adjectives
[cop- external [M, [VP internal/PRO V ] ] ]
The structures in (ia-b) predict that while subjects of stage-level adjectives should exhibit unaccusa-
tive diagnostics, subjects of individual-level adjectives should exhibit both unaccusative and unergative
diagnostics. We note in this context that to the extent that the genitive-of-negation in Russian and pos-
sessor datives in Hebrew are unaccusative diagnostics, both structures in (ia-b) make the wrong predic-
tions. Reflexive datives in Hebrew, on the other hand, are altogether incompatible with individual level
predicates, but do occur with stage level adjectives, including adjectival passives (see Section 8.2.3 fr
some additional comments). To the extent that they are possible with stage-level adjectives, the structure
in (ia) fails to predict this.
29
Kratzer gives two more arguments for severing the external argument from the verb. As both
involve an asymmetry between internal and external arguments, both could be construed as arguments
against severing the internal argument from the verb. The first argument concerns the well-known para-
digm discussed in Marantz (1984), which shows that the semi-idiomatized expressions involving the
verb and its direct object exist, while idioms involving the subject are considerably rarer. The second
argument involves the impossibility of realizing the so-called external argument in derived nominals,
derived by Kratzer from the absence of an event argument (and hence a VoiceP) in derived nominals.
For extensive argumentation that so-called external arguments are realized in derived nominals, see
Rozwadowska (2000), as well as Borer (1999^, 20030, forthcoming). As for the observations made by
Marantz (1984) concerning semi-idiomatized expressions, Kratzer opts to state them (with respect to
the verb kill) as follows:
Assuming... that kill has its traditional denotation ... its denotation would be a function/with the following properties:
if its argument is an animate being a, F yields a function that assigns truth to any individual b if b kills a. If its argument
is a time interval a,/yields a function that assigns truth to any individual b if b wastes a. If its argument is a conversa-
tion or discussion a,/delivers ... a function that assigns truth to any individual b if b dampens a. And so on. (Kratzer,
op. cit., 10-11)
By assumption, Kratzer suggests, there could be no such relations between the verb and the 'external'
argument, thereby suggesting an asymmetry between external and internal arguments. However, the
assumption is by no means a correct one. Consider the pairs in (i) and (ii) as an illustration:
64 Setting Course
The remainder of this volume is devoted to articulating the syntactic, seman-

tic, and morphological ramifications of severing both direct arguments from
the verb. In Chapter 3,1 discuss the projection of functional event structure,
arguing specifically for an Event Phrase (EP) and for an Aspectual Quantity
Phrase (AspQP). In the context of both of these nodes, argument role labels
may emerge, those of originator and subject-of-quantity, respectively. In both
cases, however, it is not the structure itself that assigns a role. Rather, the role
is assigned as an entailment from the event structure. The appearance of an
obligatory argument, especially in the case of unaccusatives and telic transitives,
I will argue, does not arise from assignment relations, but rather, from the need
to assign range to aspectual structure, which must occur under well-defined
syntactic conditions, specifically, under specifier-head relations. As such, the
existence of well-defined formal syntactic conditions on the emergence of a
telic interpretation will provide a strong argument for the syntactic representa-
tion of event structure. Crucially, I will assume that while 'telicity' is structurally
represented, 'atelicity' is that which emerges in the absence of telicity, thereby
ascribing to the telic-atelic distinction the same type of structural variation that
was already motivated for the distinction between quantity and non-quantity
nominals. These matters are discussed in Chapter 4.
In Chapter 5,1 turn to an elaboration of the notion of quantity, as proposed
in this work both for nominals and for events. The notion will be argued to be
the same one in both cases, differing in some important ways from e.g. Krifkas
(1992,1998) notion of quantization. In that context, I will further argue for the
syntactic, rather than lexical, representation of event argument roles, for the
view of telicity as the 'structuring' of atelicity, and for the emergence of argu-
(i) a. The wall touched the fence,

b. Jane touched Amy.
(ii) a. Sincerity frightened the boy.
b. Amy frightened the boy.
While (ib) is ambiguous, the choice of subject in (ia), an 'external' argument, excludes an eventive
(non-stative) reading and forces a stative reading. Likewise, while (ii b) is ambiguous, the choice of
subject in (iia) excludes a causative reading, and forces a psychological predicate reading. Within the
approach advocated here, neither suggests selection by the verb, but simply the existence of a set of selec-
tional restrictions which are imposed by world knowledge, and which favour a particular syntactic com-
putation. To the extent that semi-idiomatized expressions clearly do exist with respect to'external' as well
as'internal' arguments, they show that there is no case here for the proposed asymmetry.
It might be interesting to note that even with respect to the paradigm of the verb kill, while (iii a) is
ambiguous, (iiib) forces an 'idiomatic' reading, as we know that attitudes, fortunately, cannot literally
kill:
(iii) a. You are killing me.
b. Your attitude is killing me.
Why Events? 65
ment interpretation as an entailment from event structure, rather than as a dir-

ect assignment relationship.
In Chapter 6 I turn to cases where range assignment in event structure is
marked morphologically, specifically, through the Slavic perfective system.
I will argue that the perfective system is fundamentally the marking of aktions-
art (although this does not hold for the imperfective system), and that just as
within languages such as English or Hebrew quantity marking of the argument
translates into quantity marking of an aspectual head, so in Slavic languages,
quantity marking on the head (i.e. a quantity head feature) translates into quan-
tity marking on the argument. One of the most important predictions of the
system presented here is that in well-defined structural environments, telicity
could exist without an 'internal' argument. That this is indeed the case will be
argued in detail in Chapter 7.
Chapter 8 explores the level of graininess desirable for the system as a whole,
as well as some additional residual issues touching specifically on the implica-
tions the system has for resultative constructions and for manner of motion-
verbs. It ends with some broad reflections on the nature of the interaction
between the conceptual system and the grammatical system.
In Part III (Chapters 9-10) I turn to the licensing of event arguments, argu-
ing specifically that the event argument, projected as part of the EP node, must
be existentially bound, and that such existential binding is responsible for the
emergence of effects otherwise attributed to Chomsky's (1981) Extended Pro-
jection Principle. The chapter will involve a close examination of locative clitics
in Hebrew and their existential function, which in conjunction with the binding
of the event argument give rise to a wide range of word orders and interpret-
ations otherwise absent in the language.
Finally, Chapter 11 concludes this study with a discussion of some open issues
and possible future research agendas, focusing largely on some unresolved
properties of listemes.
Part II
The Projection of Arguments
3
Structuring Telicity
3.1 Preliminaries
To recapitulate, lexical entries do not contain information about the projection
of arguments, nor are there any specified links between the lexical semantics of
individual lexical items and syntactic positions. Argument interpretation is (at
least up to a point) independent of the meaning of listemes. It follows that there
is no level of representation that is the deterministic realization of information
projected from the lexicon (i.e. D-structure, if such a level indeed exists, is not
GF-6). In turn, the assignment of roles to arguments is accomplished primarily
by the syntax of those arguments, which, we assumed, is based on event struc-
ture. Specifically, argument structure is computed (in LF) on the basis of the
syntactic configuration. L-heads such as verbs and nouns are, in essence, modi-
fiers of structures, with their syntactic properties determined by the hierarch-
ical syntactic and morphological structure dominating them.
A very clear prediction emerges in a system that computes argument roles
and event interpretation exclusively on the basis of their syntax, not based on
properties of listemes. As already pointed out by Levin and Rappaport Hovav
(1992^), such a system'predicts that... verbs are free to appear in a range of con-
structions (and hence meanings) constrained only by the compatibility of the
"core" meaning of the verb with the semantics of the construction.' (op cit). We
have already suggested explicitly that the existence of variable-behaviour verbs,
in the technical sense intended in Chapter 2, is an illustration of precisely such
freedom. A rather striking further illustration, already noted in Chapter i of
Volume I, is the paradigm in (i), from Clark and Clark (1979):
(i) a. The fire stations sirened throughout the raid.
b. The factory sirened midday and everyone stopped for lunch.
c. The police sirened the Porsche to a stop.
d. The police car sirened up to the accident.
e. The police car sirened the daylights out of me.
What is striking about the paradigm in (i) is that while there is a shared mean-
ing between all occurrences of the denominal verb siren (i.e. the emission of a
70 The Projection of Arguments
sirening noise), this shared meaning does not correlate with any commonality
in argument structure projection. The situation is quite the contrary. Each of the
sentences in (la-e) takes on the event interpretation imposed on it by the syn-
tax of the arguments, with the verb siren interpreted as a modifier of that event.
Sentence (la), note, is the only one of these in which the event is restricted to the
emission of a siren noise. Sentence (ib) involves an event of signalling by means
of emitting a siren noise, (ic) involves an event of bringing on a result, or for-
cing, by means of emitting a siren noise, (ic) involves an event of locomotion
(probably hurried) while emitting a siren noise, and finally, (le) is a psychologic-
al predicate, describing an event of scaring by means of emitting a siren noise.
If we wished to trace the projection of the arguments in (i) to lexical informa-
tion, we would have to state that the verb siren has five lexical entries, each with
a somewhat different meaning, and each with a different argument structure
specification, provided by at least four lexical mapping operations, determin-
ing its five distinct syntactic projection environments. If, however, we adopt a
syntactic approach to the projection of arguments, we still need to specify five
different syntactic constructions or templates, each with its own meaning, but
there need only be a single item, siren, meaning, indeed, the emission of a siren
noise, together with whatever world knowledge and connotations are associ-
ated specifically with sirens (e.g. loud noise, used by police cars and ambulanc-
es in particular situations, etc.). However, there will be no argument structure
information provided. The particular event in which siren is embedded will be
determined by the syntax it finds itself in, and not by siren itself.
Two important questions must be addressed now. One concerns the actual
syntax of arguments, which mustbe such that the range of interpretations asso-
ciated with siren, for example, can be derived. The second concerns the obvi-
ous fact that most verbs in English cannot actually be embedded within all the
contexts in (i). How, then, can we prevent any event structure based exclusively
on the syntax of arguments from overgenerating wildly? In the following sec-
tions I turn to the syntax of arguments. Issues of overgeneration, and specific-
ally, the exclusion of some verbs in some insertion frames with some argument
structure combinations will be treated throughout the following five chapters,
at points where such discussion is relevant.1
Recall now that listemes merge directly from the conceptual array, and that
their syntactic as well as their grammatically relevant interpretational proper-
ties are derived from the properties of functional structure. Assuming now a
1
The reader is referred, specifically, to Chapters, Section 8.3, where the exclusion of manner intransi-
tive verbs in telic contexts is discussed and to Chapter 10, Sections 10.2-3, where the exclusion of so-
called achievements in atelic contexts is analysed. See Chapter 11, Section 11.2, for a brief discussion of
issues that are relevant to the number of arguments.
Structuring Telicity 71
conceptual array consisting of, for instance, chase, skunk, and cat, together with
the (aritrary) choice of chase as the L-head of the L-domain, the construction
of structure above the L-domain headed by chase must now proceed in accord-
ance with the following guidelines (the reader is referred to Volume I, Chapter
i, Section 1.2, as well as to the summary in Chapter i, Sections 1.2.2, and 1.2.3,
where the selection of an appropriate head and appropriate label for L-D is con-
sidered and where the premises in (2a-b) are originally introduced).2
(2) a. A listeme inserted from the conceptual array may merge with some
functional head to give rise to a specifier of a functional projection
associated with both interpretational properties and categorial prop-
erties.
b. A listeme may merge within the (original) L-domain if a semantically
appropriate preposition or inherent case marker merges with it, and
the resulting PP merges within the L-domain.
Consider first (23), according to which either one of the non-head listemes
in the conceptual array, or indeed, both, could merge as some specific func-
tional, possibly case-assigning specifier with a well-defined set of properties,
such as [Spec.AgrO] or its structural equivalent. Such a merger, we assume,
would instantaneously categorize the merged element as an L-head of a nom-
inal projection, as determined by the inherent categorial properties of the rele-
vant functional head. Specifically, as only nominal projections may receive case,
if the relevant specifier position is a potential case position, it will categorize
its L-head as a nominal. If only DPs (but not NPs, #Ps, etc.) may receive case,
the relevant nominal projection would further become a DP. It will further be
assigned case, if such case is available in that position. After DP categorization,
relevant entries in the functional lexicon, including both categorical labels and
functional items, should become available for merger in the manner already
described in detail, giving rise to the construction of a full nominal functional
structure in the relevant specifier position.3
A scheme of the possible resulting argumental configurations for the rele-
vant conceptual array is in (3) (verb movement ignored).
2
Listemes may also merge as (non-projecting) bare stems, and subsequently must undergo incorpo-
ration onto a host (cf. Chomsky 1995^). I set this possibility aside here, only noting that incorporation,
together with the resulting lack of referentiality for the incorporated stem, is clearly very easy to accom-
modate within the system presented here. See Volume I, Chapter 2, Section 2.1.4 for some brief com-
ments, as well as Borer (forthcoming) for some discussion.
3
I am abstracting away here from some general questions concerning the construction of a phras-
al projection in a phrasal specifier within a system which adheres to Bare Phrase Structure and to the
Extension Condition of Chomsky (19950). This issue, note, is not specific to the proposals made here; it
applies to any Minimalist execution.
(3) a. [FP [D cat-NOM] [FP [D skunk-ACC ] [Vp chase ]]]

b. [Fp [D skunk-NOM] [FP [D cat- ACC ] [Vp chase]]]
Suppose now that accusative case is available, optionally, for the specifier of
a functional projection which I will label AspQmax (Q for quantity), the merger
of which, like that of all functional labels, is optional as well. Suppose further
that AspQmax is the syntactic projection responsible for telic interpretation.4 We
return shortly to the notion quantity and to its relevance here. Tackling the syn-
tactic structure first, suppose the architecture of AspQmax is as in (4), with the DP
(or its copy) in the specifier position interpreted as subject-of-quantity (hence-
forth s-o-q), roughly subject-of-structured change, and AspQ and its c-com-
mand domain of interpreted as a quantity predicate:
The relation between s-o-q and quantity in (4) is instantiated in a specifi-

er-head configuration, as notated by the superscript 2, assigned to both subject
and predicate, a point to which we will return shortly. We may assume for the
time being that the configuration [[spec,Asp DP2][AspQ2]], when otherwise well-
formed, gives rise to a telic interpretation.5 Neither the aspectual head nor its
DP specifier suffices to give rise to telicity. But when [ [spec,Asp DP2] [AspQ2] is well
formed, a telic interpretation does emerge, which consists of a quantity predi-
cate, and a s-o-q interpretation assigned to the DP in [Spec, AspQ].
4
Asp", with Q standing for quantity', is a re-labelling, as well as a re-conceptualization of the nodes
labelled in Borer (1994,19980) as AspEif and AspEmlx, respectively. The reason for this re-conceptualiza-
tion will become clear enough as we proceed. Structurally, AspQ is the equivalent of Chomsky's AgrO,
and its existence can be motivated by the same structural considerations. See Runner (1995) for such
arguments. I assume no functional projections specifically and exclusively dedicated to agreement (and
see also latridou 1990 and Chomsky 19950 on this point). See van Hout (1992,1996) and Schmitt (1996)
for the formally similar claim that AgrO checks both accusative case and telicity. I believe, however,
that both van Hout and Schmitt err in correlating structural objective case with telicity so strongly. See
Chapter 4, Section 4.2, for discussion.
5
I am setting aside for the remainder of this chapter cases in which telicity is licensed without a sub-
ject of quantity altogether. These cases will be discussed at some length in Chapter 7. The cases discussed
in the text all investigate the conditions that hold whenever there is indeed a DP-object, interpreted as
subject of quantity, involved in the derivation of a telic interpretation.
3.2 Structuring Quantity

3.2.1 Quantity objects
It has been suggested by Verkuyl (1972, 1989, 1995) that the presence of an
argument with some specific properties (for Verkuyl, 'specified quantity of A',
[+SQA]) is essential for the emergence of a telic interpretation, an assumption
that has proven very influential in subsequent treatments of aktionsart (see
Platzack 1979; Tenny 1987; Dowty 1991; Krifka 1992,1998, among many others).
Wishing to abstract away, for the moment, from the debate concerning the rele-
vant properties of the argument in question (and the accuracy of the generaliza-
tion in general), suppose we put together the broad description in (5), referring
to it without prejudice as Verkuyl's generalization:6
(5) Verkuyl's Generalization
Telic interpretation can only emerge in the context of a direct argument
with property a.
To illustrate, the examples in (6) have direct arguments generally assumed to
have property a, and give rise to a possible telic interpretation, but not so for the
examples in (7), in which the direct arguments presumably do not have prop-
erty a:
(6) a. Kim ate some apples.
b. Pat drank too much beer.
c. Robin read two books.
d. Marcia built a house.
(7) a. Kim ate apples,
b. Pat drank beer.
Although the nature of property a is generally sought within the domain of
quantification, its precise characterization is not agreed upon, and we will argue
that it corresponds to the notion of'quantity' already developed in Chapter 4 of
Volume I in the context of DP structure. Note that the structure in (4) captures
Verkuyl's generalization in postulating an obligatory direct argument, which, in
turn, may or may not have property a.
Elaborating more on the nature of the structure in (4) and the role played
by the DP in [Spec.AspJ, suppose we adopt the prevailing view that the
6
That Verkuyl's generalization should be derived from configurational specifier-head agreement
relations is proposed in Benua and Borer (1996); Borer (1995,19980), as well as in Schmitt (1996).In Ch. 6,
Sect. 6.11 return to cases in which specifier-head agreement works the other way around, and the prop-
erties of the head are copied onto the specifier.
telicity-atelicity distinction is to be viewed as parallel to the semantic distinc-

tion attested within the nominal domain between quantity and non-quantity
expressions. Recall that in discussing the mass-count distinction I conclud-
ed that neither bare mass nouns nor bare plurals are quantities (alternatively,
they are homogeneous) in a very specific structural sense, i.e. in that they do
not project a Quantity Phrase (#P), thus deriving the fact that quantity is not
part of their interpretation. Now following Link (1983,1987), Bach (1986), Krif-
ka (1989,1992), and much subsequent literature, let us assume that a similar
distinction should be applied in the domain of events, where telic events are
quantities, in the sense that they involve quantification over event divisions,
while atelic events are homogeneous, in the sense already discussed in the
context of DP structure. Some of the relevant structures for quantity DPs and
homogeneous DPs are given in (8)-(9). The definitions for homogeneous and
quantity are in (10). (See Volume I, Chapter 4, Section 4.4, for discussion of
those definitions in the context of DP structure; see Chapter 5, Sections 5.2-3,
for a more detailed discussion of these definition within the domain of event
structure.)
(8) Non-quantity (homogeneous) structures
a. Determinerless mass [Dp{e)a basalt]]
b. Determinerless plural [Dp{e)a [CL dogs [NP4eg]]]
(9) Quantity (non-homogeneous) structures
a. Quantity (indefinite) mass [DP (e)d [ fP Q (e)f [ NP salt]]]
b. Quantity (indefinite) plurals [DP <e)d [ Q <e)f [CL dogs [ NP 4eg]]]]
c. Quantity (indefinite) singular [DP <e>d [ P a{e) f [ N pdog]]]]
d.Definite mass [DP the (e)d [ fp tke(e) f [ NP salt]]]
e.Definite plurals [DP the <e>d [ fp tke(e) f [CL dogs [ N P 4eg]]]]
f.Definite singular [DP the <e>d [ fp tke(e) f [cL&e [ N P dog]]]]
(10) a. P is homogeneous iff P is cumulative and divisive.
i. P is divisive iff Vx [P(x) - By (P(y) /\y < x)] A Vx,y [P(x) A P(y)
Ay<x^P(x-y)]
ii. P is cumulative iff Vx [P(x)/\P(y) > P(x(jy)]
b. P is quantity iff P is not homogeneous.
Suppose we assume now that on a par with the nominal domain where
quantity is realized as syntactic structure (#P), in the aspectual domain quan-
tity is likewise syntactically realized in the form of a functional head dominat-
ing an open value in need of range assignment. Specifically, suppose we adapt
the essence of Krifka's (1992) analysis to our structures. Krifka assumes that all
verbs are inherently atelic, in the sense that they do not specify a culmination
point, but only a path. In turn, a quantized theme functions as an operator in

his system, giving rise to telicity, in essence measuring out the event (to use the
terminology of Tenny 1987,1994), and thereby giving rise to culmination. Note,
now, that within the approach defended here, the basic'atelicity' of verbs follows
from the fact that items within the conceptual array have no grammatical prop-
erties. If verbal stems, just like nominal stems, are unstructured stuff, then in the
absence of syntactic 'structuring' they will remain so. We suggested that both
bare mass interpretation and bare plural interpretation for nouns was indica-
tive of the absence of such structure. For mass, this involved the absence of both
a classifier phrase and a quantity phrase, leaving the nominal 'stuff' undivided
and non-quantity, and hence mass. For bare plurals, there was division through
the projection of CLmax, but that division left an output that was neither uniform
nor'quantified', in the absence of a quantity phrase. In a parallel fashion, we may
assume that in the absence of any quantity structure, verbal stems are not quan-
tities, and hence are, within the verbal domain, the equivalent of non-quality,
homogeneous nominals, that is, they are atelic. It also follows, as we will argue
in Chapter 4, that just as bare mass nouns and bare plurals involved less struc-
ture, so homogeneous events, or atelic events, will require less structure (and see
Tenny 1994 for a similar conclusion).
The verb stem, inherently without quantity (or any other interpretational
properties which are relevant for event structure and argument role assign-
ment), is now to be embedded within a quantity phrase, which will potentially
assign quantity to the event, i.e. make it telic (and see Chapter 5 for more dis-
cussion of the quantity-telicity connection). However, such a quantity phrase,
labelled AspQmax in the verbal domain, is headed by a (e), open value in need
of range assignment. English does not provide dedicated range assigners to
[AspQ(e}#], which is to say, there is neither a head feature nor an f-morph which
can assign range to [ASpQ(e}#] and which would functionally be the equivalent,
within the verbal domain, of independent morphemes such as three, some, and
every.7 But range assignment to [AspQ(e}#] is available, if we assume it to be mediat-
7
Note that it is possible that the head feature exists in English, but that there is no well-formed phono-
logical realization for V.(quantity). That execution is clearly to be favoured if we opt for a system in
which all grammars share an identical reservoir of abstract head features, but in some languages no
phonological well-formed output exists for their realization. For a brief discussion of this point, see
Chapter 11, Section 11.1.
Arguably, some particles as well as directional prepositions in English do actually assign range direct-
ly to [AtPq(e) J, which gives rise to a telic interpretation:
(i) a. Jake ran to the store.
b. The army took over.
c. Robin swam away.
I return to direct range assignment to [AspQ(e}] by adjuncts and particles in Chapter 7, Section 7.3.
ed through specifier-head agreement between the DP in the specifier of AspQmax

and its head, AspQ.8 Thus, if the DP in [Spec, AspQ] is a quantity, which is to say,
has one of the structures in (9) but not one of the structures in (8), [ASpQ{e}#] will
be assigned range and telicity will emerge. In essence, then, we derive Verkuyls
generalization from the possibility of assigning range to [ASPQ (e)J through spec-
ifier-head agreement, together with the absence of a direct range assigner to
[Aspa(e}#] in English (or, for that matter, in Hebrew, Italian, Spanish, and numer-
ous other languages which largely obey VerkuyFs generalization, but see n. 7).
The sense in which the DP argument assigns quantity to the event is thus simi-
lar to the sense in which a particular determiner assigns quantity to mass or to
mass divisions. To use previous terminology, the quantity DP in [Spec,AspQ]
selects a reticule, a webbing network with a fixed number of divisions, which it
superimposes on the event, thereby giving rise to a quantity event (and see Vol-
ume I, Chapter 4, Section 4.4, for the relevant discussion in nominals).9
Elaborating on the structure in (4), an s-o-q interpretation is assigned to
the DP in [Spec,AspQ] just in case that DP is quantity, precisely because when
the DP is quantity, the quantity property can be copied onto [ASpQ{e}#] thereby
giving rise to a well-formed quantity predicate. The fuller structure is in (na),
where Q-i stands for the particular Q value of the quantity DP, assigned, in turn,
8
See Volume I, Chapter 2, Section 2.1.3,as weH as the brief summary in Chapter i, Section 1.2.3 of this
volume for a discussion of range assignment through specifier-head agreement. For a detailed discus-
sion of range assignment through specifier-head agreement in the nominal domain, see especially Vol-
ume I, Chapter 6, Section 6.2, and Chapter 7, Sections 7.2.2 and 7.3.
9
A similar notion of quantity events, specifically in reference to accomplishments, has recently been
suggested by Rothstein (2000^). Rothstein proposes that accomplishments involve the superimposition,
on ACTIVITY events, of an incremental BECOME event, which in turn give rise to a set of (sub-Culmina-
tions. Again along lines quite similar to those proposed here, Rothstein further assumes that the rela-
tionship between ACTIVITY and BECOME is at least in some sense a modificational one:'... the function
of the incremental BECOME event is to"keep track" of the progress of the activity. This requires imposing
a developmental structure, or ordered part structure, on the activity (this includes assigning it a culmi-
nation), and we do this by relating it to the developmental structure of the BECOME event via an incre-
mental relation.'
The accounts do, however, differ in two important ways. First, Rothstein continues to assume that
accomplishments consist of two events, specifically those of ACTIVITY and BECOME, in the relevant sense.
Secondly, she continues to assume that BECOME itself can be decomposed into a development event and
a culmination event, and that'since the culmination event is part of the BECOME event, it must share an
argument with it; thus the argument of the culmination event is the argument of the BECOME event'. In
contrast, I assume that the relationship between activity and quantity is not that of being sub-events of
a larger event, but rather, in some sense, a relation of event modification. When a (non-stative) event is
associated with AspQ, it becomes a structured event, i.e. quantity. There is no motivation here, I believe, for
postulating two events rather than a single one (and see Chapter 8, Section 8.1, as well as Chapter 10, Sec-
tion 10.3, for some more discussion of this point). Secondly, in the account outlined here, the emergence
of a culmination event or an argument of the culmination event in the sense used by Rothstein remains
an epiphenomenon which (may) emerge from the existence of quantity predicates, but which does not,
in and of itself, define what quantity predicates, or telicity, are all about. I suggested, and will proceed to
illustrate in Chapters 5 and 6, that a quantity interpretation is possible without a culmination event (in
the sense used by Rothstein) as well as with a culmination that is not predicated of an argument.
to [AspQ(e}#]- The relevant (fragment) of the Neo-Davidsonian interpretation is

in dib):
b. Wilt(e) & subject-of-quantity (theflower, e).

Telic predicates, our quantity predicates, are typically assumed to require cul-
mination, and we note that if indeed such a culmination exists, homogeneity
directly fails and the predicate is quantity. However, at least logically, homogen-
eity may fail without culmination, for instance if the event specifies a starting
point, rather than an end point. Thus culmination is sufficient, but not neces-
sary, to give rise to quantity predicates. The notion of quantity used here, as
motivated within the nominal domain (see Volume I, Chapter 4, Section 4.4), is
not identical to that of quantization suggested by Krifka (1992,1998). Specific-
ally, and contra Krifka, I proposed that the failure of divisiveness, as defined in
(loai) is sufficient to give rise to non-homogeneity. Applied within the domain
of events, and in reference to the emergence of telicity, this means that for quan-
tity to hold for a predicate P, there may in fact be a subpart of P which is itself
P. In other words, it need not be the case, as argued by Krifka, that every proper
part of a telic event is itself not a telic event of the same type.
But if some subparts of an event E, where E is 'telic' (i.e. quantity), may them-
selves be 'telic' events of the same type, it follows that there may in principle be
more than one (sub-)culmination, so to speak, or differently put, it need not be
the case that no sub-event of P can culminate, as would be the case for Krif-
ka's quantized predicates. We therefore submit that subject-of-quantity (when
present) may indeed be interpreted in conjunction with some culmination, but
that the culmination need not coincide with the end of the event as a whole. Fur-
ther, quantity may exist even in the absence of any culmination, intermediate or
final to the event (e.g. when a starting point is specified). It therefore follows that
telicity as well as the presence of a subject-of-quantity are not dependent on a
well-defined end to the event (its telos, in the terminology of Higginbotham
loooa).10 It is precisely in this sense that subject-of-quantity is interpreted as a
10
Note that it also follows that the'final' sub-event of E, along the time axis, need not itself culminate.
See Chapter 5 for much discussion. This prediction points to another potential difference between the
view of telicity proposed here and that advanced in Rothstein (looofo), although it is harder to pinpoint
subject of (quantifiable) change (rather than e.g. subject-of-result or subject-of-

target-state). I return to this matter in great detail in Chapter 5, where the notion
of telicity put forth here is compared in detail with the notions proposed in
Krifka (op. cit), Kiparsky (1998), and Kennedy and Levin (2000).
Quantity events, which most typically are associated with a culmination
point that signals the end of the event, are otherwise instantiated in the gram-
mar in count derived nominals, argued by Mourelatos (1978) to correspond to
the culmination point of a telic event:11
(12) a. There were three eruptions by Vesuvius.
b. There was a capsizing of the boat by Mary.
c. There were three late arrivals of a train.
d. For hours there was (*a) pushing of the cart by John.
e. For hours there was (*a) painting of the Nativity by Jones.
f. There was at least one pushing of the cart to New York by John.
In addition, the distribution of subjects-of-quantity, precisely insofar as they
maybe interpreted as the subjects of some (potentially intermediate) culmina-
tion point, generally correlates with the distribution of subjects of adjectival
passives, exemplified in (is):12"13
due to the different assumptions made by the two accounts. Thus it is unclear, in Rothsteiris account,
what would be the fate of intermediate culminations. It could be, for instance, that to the extent that
ACTIVITY and BECOME are separate events, the former may continue past the latter, thereby giving rise
to an intermediate culmination. On the other hand, if independent conditions force the ACTIVITY event
and the BECOME event to co-terminate although neither causally nor temporally ordered by Rothsteins
account, intermediate culminations become impossible to handle.
11
The grammatically of (iia-c) presents a problem for Grimshaw (1990), who claims that Complex
Event Nominals cannot occur with indefinite determiners or a plural marker. In fact, we believe that
Grimshaw's claim is true, unsurprisingly, for atelic Complex Event Nominals, but not for telic ones, pre-
cisely because telic Complex Event nominals are quantity, while atelic nominals are akin to mass in the
sense discussed here. For a detailed study of event structure in nominals, see Borer (forthcoming).
12
But note the grammaticality of the pushed car, contrary to prediction. Intuitively, however, the
pushed car is most saliently interpreted not as the car which is in the process of being pushed, but the
car which has been pushed some distance already, opening up the possibility that a sub-culmination, of
sorts, has been defined by the implied change of location.
13
Levin and Rappaport Hovav (1986) note that although the goal argument does passivize ill double
object constructions (Kim was given a car), it cannot be modified by an adjectival passive (*the given
woman). However, it is the goal argument which induces telicity, as is clear from the judgements in (i):
(i) a. I gave Mary juice in two minutes.
b. I gave babies the/much milk (*in two minutes).
In turn, the 'goal' argument in (i) has a delimiting function (in the sense of Tenny 1987,1994). I return to
the issue of delimitation, specifically through PPs, in Chapter 7, Section 7.3, where it is proposed that such
delimitation is achieved not through a direct argument of the event, but through adjunct adverbs func-
tioning as range assigners to aspectual structure. To be consistent with that approach, one would have to
claim that the 'goal' argument in (i) is not a direct argument of the event, but rather, must include a hid-
den preposition of sorts. These comments notwithstanding, double object constructions remain largely
outside the scope of this study.
(13) a. the wilted flower

b. the moved car
c. the reddened apple
d. the twisted yarn
e. the fallen tree
f. the arrived train
In the remainder of this chapter, I will focus primarily on the syntactic prop-
erties of the structure in (4) and other aspectual structures implicated in the
projection of arguments. The interaction of these syntactic structures with
semantic considerations is addressed in Chapter 5.
3.2.2 The architecture of event structures

In Chapter 4 I turn to derivations in which the DP direct object is homoge-
neous, in the sense of (10), having one of the structures in (8), and to the result-
ing event structure. But let us first review the syntax of derivations in which
the DP is quantity. Consider again the derivation of variable-behaviour verbs,
or, more specifically, the derivations of unergative and unaccusative structures.
Two optionalities are associated, by assumption, with AspQmax. Like any func-
tional category, it may or may not merge in a particular derivation (with inter-
pretational consequences). In turn, when AspQ does merge, its specifier may or
may not be associated with (accusative) case. Consider now the three possible
resulting derivations when only one argument is projected, assuming that argu-
ment to be a quantity DP:14
14
Here, as well as in the remainder of this chapter, verb movement is only represented if relevant to
the resulting structure, specifically, if the language has a head feature which results in forcing the verb
to move to AspQ or to some other event-related functional head. For completeness sake, I assume that
8o The Projection of Arguments
In (143), AspQ is projected, and hence must be assigned range. The argument
moving and merging with it, if quantity, assigns range to [ASpQ(e)#]> resulting in
the formation of a telic, quantity predicate, the specifier of which (the quantity
DP) is interpreted as s-o-q. However, as case is not available in this position by
assumption, the s-o-q DP must move to receive nominative case, presumably in
[Spec.TP]. This, I assume, is an unaccusative derivation, the syntactic context
that is responsible for the generation of syntactic unaccusativity effects. The
interpretation, in turn, is that of quantity, or in other words, telic.
The derivation in (i4b), on the other hand, is ruled out by a familiar rea-
son, being clearly in violation of Burzio's generalization. Although Burzio's gen-
eralization was originally stated in terms of 0-role assignment, and therefore
not transferable directly to the system proposed here, more recent attempts to
reduce it to structural conditions are directly applicable to the structure in (i4b).
English verbs do undergo overt short verb movement (cf. Pesetsky 1989; Johnson 1991), and specifically,
that they move higher than AspQ. Movement of the object to AspQ is overt as well. See Runner (1995) for
extensive discussion. The presumed landing site of the verb in English is neither considered nor repre-
sented in any of the diagrams here. For structure above TP, see directly below.
Regardless of how that generalization is explained, be it by the obligateriness of

nominative case, as in Borer (1986), or through effects of the Agree operation
of Chomsky (2000), the structure in (nb) would be ruled out, as required. We
note at this point that to the extent that (i4b) is ruled out, for example by some
statement on the obligatoriness of nominative case in tensed contexts, accu-
sative case for AspQ is not really optional for any given derivation. Rather, it is
assigned if and only if nominative is assigned to a distinct chain. Thus not only
is accusative assigned only in the presence of a nominative, but if nominative
is otherwise assigned to a distinct chain, and AspQ is projected, it must assign
accusative case, as in that case there must be a DP in [Spec, AspQ] to assign range
to [Aspa(e}J, which is in need of case. This outcome is rather straightforwardly
derivable, we note, and hence it need not be independently stipulated that AspQ
is an optional case assigner. We leave the specific implementation of this result
aside, however, as it is largely peripheral to our main concerns here.15
Finally, consider (140). Here, AspQ does not merge and there is no AspQmax, and
so a DP in need of case must merge with T, to become [Spec.TP] and receive
nominative case. The aspectual properties of AspQ are thus not part of this der-
ivation, and a telic interpretation is an impossibility. However, in the absence of
lexically assigned semantic roles, and, for that matter, in the absence of event
structure, we must ask how the sole argument in (i4c) receives its interpret-
ation.
Viewed differently, it is clear that something is missing in the syntactic repre-
sentations of event structures proposed thus far. Harking back to the nominal
arena, I argued that distinctions between homogeneous or non-homogeneous
DPs were encoded internal to the DP domain, and the properties of the predi-
cate, below D, determined what would ultimately be predicated of the referent
of that entire DP. In turn, the predication relations between, for instance, #P and
the referent of the entire DP were encoded through the assignment of range
to (e)d. If we assume, in a similar fashion, that AspQ indicates the existence of
a predicate of an event, it follows that AspQ, or, more specifically, the property
of quantity, is a property of the event argument, and hence must be somehow
associated with it. But in the representations given thus far, no such relationship
between quantity and the event argument is represented.
15
Although in English nominative-case assignment is only available, presumably, in [Spec,TP], this
may not be the case universally. Assuming nominative case realized in positions lower than [Spec, TP] to
be licensed in some functional specifier through the I-Subject system proposed in Borer (1986), or alter-
natively, through the Agree operation of Chomsky (2000), we expect it to be possible, in principle, for
the s-o-q in (i4a) to receive nominative case in [Spec, AspQ] without moving to [Spec,TP]. In Chapter 10,
Section 10.1, such cases will be considered briefly.
Adopting a fundamentally Davidsonian approach (cf. Davidson 1967,1980;

Parsons 1990), and assuming that event structure does correspond to syntac-
tic functional structure, we must postulate an event node, which will in turn
host the event argument, and will be predicated of AspQ, or similar event struc-
tures. Suppose we call this node EP, for Event Phrase. Just like (e)d, where range
assignment amounted to establishing a mapping from predicates to reference,
so range assignment to the head of EP, (e)E, is responsible for establishing a
mapping from predicates to events. When the predicate under consideration
is AspQ, the event is interpreted as a quantity event. What, however, transpires
when AspQ is not projected? How is the event interpreted? As atelic, for sure, but
does the grammar make additional distinctions here, specifically, as involving
the distinction between stative events, and activity events?
A number of logical possibilities present themselves here, which I will review,
but I will not attempt to choose between them. It could be the case, in a minim-
ally specified theory, that there is no grammatically valid distinction between
stative and eventive atelic predicates. Such a claim has been made (most recent-
ly by Reinhart 2000, based on Bennet and Partee 1972). Its immediate attrac-
tion lies in the fact that both eventive atelic predicates and stative predicates
are homogeneous, a fact that would follow directly from the absence of AspQ.
Some drawbacks to such a classification include the fact that adjectival predi-
cates occur in statives, but not in eventive atelic predicates, and the fact that at
least some statives allow their direct object, when a bare NP, to receive a gener-
ic interpretation, a possibility never attested within the eventive domain (see
Smith 1999 for a careful review of the relevant issues here, and for the conclu-
sion that activity predicates are distinct from statives).
A second possibility then is to maintain the distinction between eventive
atelic predicates and states and to claim that statives have some event structure
which may preempt the verbalization (e.g. by T), otherwise forced within the
non-stative domain. That very same structure, in turn, could also license gener-
ic direct objects. On the other hand, no such special event structure is available
for atelic eventives. Atelic eventive, then, would be the default interpretation in
the absence of either quantity structure or stative structure.
Finally, it is possible that EPs come in more than one flavour, which is to say,
event arguments come in more than one flavour. Eventives would thus involve
one type of EP, essentially denoting a process, while statives would involve
another type of EP, denoting a state. In the presence of an eventive EP, a well-
formed AspQ would give rise to a quantity event, a type of process. In the absence
of a well-formed AspQ, an atelic eventive, and activity, would emerge, precisely a
non-quantity process.
From the perspective of the overall agenda proposed in this work, the second
option, which postulates some functional structure for states (thereby poten-
tially preempting VP categorization) but assigns no special stative or eventive
structure to EP itself is conceptually the most attractive. However, it is also clear
that the substantiation of such a proposal must rely on a full articulation of the
structure of stative predicates, a task beyond the scope of this work. Assum-
ing such a task to be in principle possible, but setting it aside here, I will for the
remainder of this work assume that EP, as such, is interpreted as a non-quan-
tity process, activity, unless otherwise specified. Some consequences and pre-
dictions, specifically of the claim that activities are not grammatical objects, as
such, but quantity and state are, are pursued in Chapter 8.16
We must now ask what, if anything, assigns range to (e)E. Suppose we assume,
for the time beingthough subject to extensive discussion and revision in Part
III (Chapters 9,10)that any element in [Spec.EP] may somehow assign range
to (e)E.17 Suppose we further assume that any event participant in [Spec.EP]
which is not otherwise assigned interpretation is interpreted as the originator
of the process denoted by EP (henceforth originator, following terminology
introduced by van Voorst 1988), where by'otherwise' we mean either as sub-
ject-of-quantity, or through the mediation of a preposition (and see below, Sec-
tion 3.3, for discussion). In fact, borrowing an insight of Davis and Demirdash
(1995), we may assume that such an argument is interpreted as the originator of
the process by entailment, rather than by direct assignment. As such, the projec-
tion of EP does not imply the existence of an originator, regardless of whether
EP is telic or atelic.18 The structures in (14), then (apart from (nb), which is
independently ungrammatical), must be augmented as follows:19'20
16
The reader is referred to Arad (1998,1999) for an interesting discussion of (stative) psychological
predicates within a (neo-) constructionist model, where it is suggested, largely on the basis of polysemy,
that it is structure rather than lexical specification of verbs which creates stative psychological predi-
cates.
17
In fact, we will argue that assigning range to (e)E amounts to binding it existentially and that an
element in [Spec,EP] may so do if it has, itself, existential force. See Chapter 9 (especially Section 9.2) for
a detailed discussion.
18
Note that Dowty's correlations, as stated in Chapter 2, require agentive intransitives to be atelic, but
do not suggest that all intransitive atelics have agentive subjects. In Chapter 9 we return to the licens-
ing of EPs without an originator and to the interpretation DPs which are neither in [Spec,EP] nor in
[Spec, AspQ]. The atelicity of agentive intransitives is discussed in Chapter 8, Section 8.3.
19
Travis (1994,1997,2000) likewise argues for the existence of an EP node, responsible for the licens-
ing of the event argument in the Davidsonian sense. We return to her notion of EP, as well as to an exten-
sive discussion of the nature of EP and range assignment to (e)E, in Chapter 9.
20
The representations in (15), as well as representations in the remainder of this chapter, do not con-
form to the Chain Condition in that structural nominative case is not associated with the highest mem-
ber of the chain. In turn, if there are indeed grammatical objects such as Chains, the chain consisting of
the flower and its copy meets a looser condition, requiring a unique case.
The corresponding Neo-Davidsonian representations are in (16) (but see

Chapter 8, Section 8.1, for more discussion on whether there is a need for the
specification activity in (i6b), given the assumption that non-quantity, non-
state events are activity by default):
(16) a. 3e [quantity (e) & subject-of-quantity (the flower, e) &wilt(e)].
b. 3e [activity (e) & originator (the flower, e) & wilt (e)].
Note that regardless of the final landing site of the flower in [Spec.EP], as
unaccusative diagnostics require a well-formed AspQ, we do not expect (isb) to
display such diagnostics.21
21
It is worth emphasizing at this point that EP, by assumption, even when interpreted as a non-quan-
tity and non-state (i.e. as activity as in (isb) and (i6b)), does not in and of itself correspond to activity
or atelicity but rather, is a node responsible for mapping between event predicates and the event argu-
ment. If those predicates include a statement about quantity or state, the event argument will be predi-
cated of them. Otherwise, a homogeneous, non-stative interpretation will emerge (i.e. activity), rather
Consider now the representation of quantity transitives, such as Anna read

the book (in two hours):
b. 3e [quantity (e) & originator (Anna, e) & subject-of-quantity (the

book, e) & read (e)].
If the only mode of argumental licensing considered is that in (ia) which
applies to all direct arguments, then to become arguments, both Anna and book
must merge as functional specifiers, as in (17). Further, unless we assume some
additional mechanisms of structural case assignment, AspQ must project to
assign accusative case to one of these arguments. Once AspQ is projected and a
listeme merges to become its specifier, if that listeme is expanded as a quantity
DP, it will assign range to [AspQ(e}#], with the consequent quantity predicate for-
mation. The other argument, if the conceptual array indeed does contain two,
will result from the merger of a listeme (no higher than) [Spec,TP], where it is
expanded and receives case. By the assumptions made thus far, it will proceed
to move to [Spec,EP], to license EP by assigning range to (e)E. The argument in
[Spec, AspJ is interpreted as a subject-of-quantity. The argument licensing EP
is now interpreted as originator and c-commands the s-o-q'internal' argument,
as required.22 Note that if either argument in (17) may merge as a specifier of
on a par with the emergence of a (bare) mass or plural reading within the DP domain in the absence of
any quantity structure. In Chapters 4 and 6 I will argue explicitly that (non-stative) atelicity as such, is
not structurally represented, and hence never gives rise to agreement effects of the type required with-
in the quantity domain.
22
The terms 'internal' and 'external', originally introduced in Williams 1981 to describe the linking
of particular arguments in lexical entries with syntactic positions, are used here purely descriptively, to
refer to arguments which are assigned their role lower in the structure (in [Spec, AspQ] or [Spec,FP], see
below) or higher in the structure (e.g. in [Spec, EP]), respectively. No lexical or semantic linking regulari-
ties are implied by the terms, as such.
either functional head, this system actually dispenses with a particular aspect
of the Minimalist Program's checking mechanism, which is designed to ensure
that the argument with the 'right' thematic role moves to the 'right' specifier.
In Chomsky (1992 and subsequent literature), the need to ensure that inter-
nal arguments move to [Spec.AgrO] and external arguments to [Spec.AgrS]
(or equivalent case-assigning nodes) presents considerable complications. As
in our system arguments do not have a role until they merge in the specifier that
assigns role to them, no such complications arise, and domain extensions of the
type represented by the Equidistance Principle are rendered unnecessary. In
turn, of course, we make the prediction that the grammar would generate freely
expressions such as the book read Anna, alongside expressions such as Anna
read the book. The grammar, however, would generate the book read Anna only
with the interpretation whereby the book is the reader and Anna is being read,
which is indeed the only interpretation that the sentence has, the very reason
for its oddity. That oddity, however, clearly should be attributed to conflicts with
world knowledge and not to grammatical principles, and just like other world-
knowledge-triggered oddities, it can be overridden by (a sufficiently creative)
context.
One point is worth noting with respect to quantity interpretations, as in (153),
(i6a), and (17). Contra much literature (McCawley 1968; Dowty 1979; Parsons
1990; Pustejovsky 1995; Higginbotham looofo, among others, and see also Hale
and Keyser 1993), I do not assume that the reading event in (17), for example, is
semantically decomposed into a process (or an activity) sub-event and a result/
state sub-event (alternatively, a culmination or a telos). Rather, the presence of
AspQ and a quantity predicate is indicative of the existence of a non-stative event
with some internal quantifiable divisions. Should such event divisions have an
argument, this argument will be interpreted as the subject of'structured' (and
hence possibly, but not necessarily, incremental) change (i.e. subject-of-quanti-
ty). Should one of the event divisions culminate, the subject-of-quantity would
be interpreted in conjunction with such a culmination. However, such a cul-
mination need not give rise to whatever resulting state holds at the end of the
event, nor does it have to coincide with the end of the event, time-wise, or play
any role in either the syntactic representation or in the Neo-Davidsonian rep-
resentation. In this respect, whatever resulting state follows the end point of the
event, from the perspective of the time axis, is truly a resultant state in the sense
in Parsons (1990), which does not distinguish between whatever state prevails
after telic or atelic events. I return to this issue in greater detail in Chapter 5, Sec-
tions 5.2-3, as well as in Chapter 8, Section 8.1.
3.3 Prepositional Licensing

3.3.1 Cascade structures
In addition to being assigned interpretation through their merger as event-
structure related functional specifiers, arguments could also be assigned inter-
pretation through attachment within the L-domain, a point already discussed
in Volume I, Chapter i (Section 1.2) and summarized in Chapter i, Section 1.2.1,
in this volume. Such direct attachment within the L-D, I suggested, is possi-
ble when a listeme merges with a P. The merger with P would categorize the lis-
teme as an L-head of a DP. In turn, the preposition assigns both inherent case
and an appropriate interpretation to the DP thus constructed. The resulting PP
will then merge with the (copy of the) L-head of L-D. I have assumed through-
out this work that both direct object movement and (short) verb movement are
overt in English. As a consequence, the only (non-sentential) phrases that can
remain in the VP, by spellout, are non-direct argumentsthat is, PPs or pos-
sibly modifiers and other predicates of some sort. It follows that when such a PP
merges with the copy of the L-head, linear considerations regulating the order
of the copy of the L-head and the merged PP are irrelevant (cf. Chomsky 1995^),
and we thereby sidestep, at least within the verbalized L-domain, any questions
concerning the head parameter (although issues may still remain, as to the lin-
earization of head and PP complements, in the domain of nominals, and specif-
ically for singular and bare Ns which, by assumption, remain in the N-domain;
see Volume I, Chapter 4 for the relevant structures).23
23
Of course, a P head may also merge with a PP, not just a DP, therefore giving rise to the possibility
that P categorizes its sister as a P. However, as prepositions are members of the functional lexicon, a PP
can only project from a functional head, not from a substantive listeme. Thus, if a merged P categorizes
its sister as a PP, an additional preposition would need to merge with the relevant structure to license the
emerging PP, and so on, ad infinitum. In turn, any merger of a (non-functional) listeme directly with P
within such a structure would immediately give rise to its categorization as N.
Given the provisions for the projection of idioms, in the technical sense defined in Chapter i, Sec-
tion 1.4, our description of the grammar of PPs can be extended to the properties of both particles and
semantically bleached prepositions, idiosyncratically associated with specific verbs, as in e.g. (ia-b) list-
ed as in (ii) (see also Chapter 7, Sections 7.3.2, and Chapter 10, Sections 2-3 for additional discussion of
idioms).
(i) a. I looked the reference up.
b. We decided on a dishwasher.
(ii) Listemea [P f>]
where a is a phonological index and (3 is a particular value for P.
A separate host of questions which we set aside here, but which do not seem to present, at least prima
facie, any particular formal difficulty, involve predicate modifiers and non-selected adjuncts which may
remain internal to the L-domain. For some discussion of the interaction of such modifiers and adjuncts
in the context of event structure, see Chapter 7, Section 7.3, as well as Chapter 8, Section 8.3. We fur-
Consider now cases in which more than one listeme is stranded within the
L-domain. As the architecture of L-Ds is not governed by argument structure
considerations, principles of argument ordering (the thematic hierarchy, link-
ing rules, mapping rules, etc.) are not available here, and hence, to the extent
that more than one listeme is licensed internal to the VP, the grammar, as such,
does not give us any means of ordering them with respect to one another. How-
ever, the order of PPs within the VP is notoriously free, even when they are non-
adjuncts, in ways which are never attested for direct arguments, as illustrated
by(i8):24
(18) a. I talked with Kim about Pat.
b. I talked about Pat with Kim.
If indeed PPs are the means by which unstructured listemes are licensed
within the L-domain, such freedom in word order is exactly what we expect.
On the other hand, as is well known, although both (i8a) and (i8b) are pos-
sible, the resulting structure is not flat. Rather, as argued extensively by Pesetsky
(i995) precedence relations are translated here directly to architectural ones,
pretty much along the lines predicted by the Linear Correspondence Axiom of
Kayne (1994), with a correlation between left to right ordering and c-command
relations. These effects are illustrated here in English as well as in Hebrew:
(19) a. Sue spoke to these people; about each other's friends in Bill's house.
b. John spoke to Mary about these people; in each other's houses on
Tuesday.
c. Sue gave books to these people; on each other's birthdays.
(Pesetsky 1995:172, ex. (451))
(20) a. Sue spoke with every boy about his mother this morning,
b. ?Sue spoke about every boy with his mother this morning.
ther remain silent on the question of clausal complements, even when they complement eventive verbs
(such as say, scream, whisper, decide). A prima facie desirable result, from our perspective, would place
such complements (or a silent copy thereof) ill [Spec,AspQ], when telicity is induced (plausibly with e.g.
decide), but leave them in the VP without need for case licensing, if no telicity is induced. In either case,
one would have to elaborate on the linearity conditions that would order such clauses following PPs, and
not preceding them. Prosodic considerations, typically invoked for such a purpose quite independently,
would be likewise available within the approach put forth here.
24
As is well known, to-marked'goals' are not as free as other PPs:
(i) I spoke to Kim about Pat.
??I spoke about Pat to Kim. (Neutral intonation)
For this and other reasons, it is tempting to assume that the role of goal is likewise assigned in a func-
tional specifier, and is thus a role associated with event structure, accounting, among other things, for
dative alternations, an intuition that is further supported by the delimiting role of goals. We return briefly
to the properties of delimiters in Chapter 7, Section 7.3. See also n. 13 for some more brief comments.
c. *Sue spoke with his mother about every boy this morning.
d. *Sue spoke about his mother with every boy this morning.
(21) a. soxaxti cim kol yeled cal 'ima selo ha.boqer.
talked.isc with every boy about mother his this.morning
b. soxaxti cal kol yeled cim 'ima selo ha.boqer.
talked.iSG about every boy with mother his this.morning
c. *soxaxti cal 'ima selocim kol yeled ha.boqer.
talked.iSG about mother his with every boy this.morning
d. *soxaxti cim 'ima selo cal kol yeled ha.boqer.
talked.iSG with mother his about every boy this.morning
In turn, the architecturally constrained, but argumentally free, configuration
illustrated by (i9)-(2i) is precisely what we expect if phrasal architecture within
the L-domain is constructed by means of principles that are architectural in
nature, and which are blind to argument structure. Consider an L-domain with
two or more unmoved listemes, with the conceptual array in (223) (verb and
possible direct arguments omitted). Note first that the merger of two listemes,
as in (lib), is in itself ungrammatical, as there is no way to assign either a head
or a category to the emerging structure. Nor can it be rescued by the attachment
of a preposition, as there would still be no way to determine the head for the
complement, even if categorized as a DP by the merged P (cf. for (ubii)). Sup-
pose, however, that one of the listemes merges with P, to give rise to (220). The
second listeme can now merge with the structure in ((220) as either a specifier
(cf. (lid), or a head (lie)). While (nd) is straightforwardly well formed, (lie)
is not, as there is no way to assign a category either to the listeme head, or to the
category it projects. Structure (i4d) is thus the only possibility here. The appli-
cation of merge with any additional listemes follows similar logic. The resulting
structure is precisely a cascade (in the sense of Pesetsky 1995), as illustrated by
(23) (and the reader is referred to Pesetsky, op. cit. for detailed argumentation
for the structure in (23)):25
25
In fact, the structure in (lie) could be assigned category, e.g. DP, if it merged with a P, which would
categorize it as a DP (or alternatively, with some categorizing morphology), with the structure in (i) or
some equivalent thereof emerging:
Structure (i) is, of course, a licit structure with a licit interpretation. The question, however, is whether
it could emerge as a result of two unordered listemes in the L-domain that is to become the VP, given
the conceptual array in (na). Note, specifically, that in (i), the PP in (Bill's) house is within the L-domain
of the N-head people (and would be within the L-domain of some L-head under any categorization of
the structure in (i)) and hence in a distinct phase from the conceptual array within the L-domain of the
verb. There are, then, overriding theoretical reasons to seek the exclusion of the derivation in (i) as a pos-
3.3.2 The conative alternation and the spray-load alternation

Consider now from this perspective the conative alternation, as illustrated by
examples such as (23)-(24):26
(23) a. I ate the cake in five minutes/for five minutes.
b. I ate at the cake *in five minutes/for five minutes.
(24) a. hikiti 'et ha.saken tokxacisa c a/bemesekxacisa c a. (Hebrew)
beat.isc OM the.neighbour in half an hour/for half an hour
'I beat (up) the neighbour in half an hour/for half an hour.'
b. hikiti ba-top *tokxacisa c a/bemesekxacisa c a.
beat.isc in-the.drum *in half an hour/for half an hour
'I beat the drum in half an hour/for half an hour.' (Atelic reading)
c. #hikiti ba-saken.
beat.isc in-the.neighbour
'I beat the neighbour.' (Atelic reading)
d. #hikiti et ha.top.
beat.isc ACC the.drum
'I beat up the drum.'
We now have a natural, straightforward explanation for the conative alter-
nation, which does not require a dual representation for English eat and Heb-
rew hika 'beat', nor for the many other verbs that display similar behaviour. The
interpretation of a listeme as an argument, we noted, could result from one of
two operationsit may merge as [Spec,AspQ], licensing telicity (if expanded
as quantity in the relevant formal sense), in the manner discussed in Section
3.1.2. Otherwise, it may merge with a P, which in turn merges directly with the
(copy) of the V-head, thus being categorized, assigned inherent case, and inter-
preted through an appropriate prepositionin the case of the conative alter-
nation, at in English, and be- (literally'in') in Hebrew. While it will continue to
be interpreted as the 'affected' argument, which is to say, the substance being
eaten in (23), or the entity being beaten in (24), when merger as [Spec, AspQ]
takes place, a telic interpretation will emerge, but not so when the argument
is licensed through a prepositional merger, quite simply because the relevant
sible output from the conceptual array in (na). In turn, the question here is a general one, and is like-
ly to emerge within any execution of the Bare-Phrase Structure system, if combined with assumptions
about initial arrays and phased application. Thus within standard executions of the MP, it is likewise not
clear what could block the derivation in (i) for a numeration containing e.g. about (the),people, in, (Bill's),
house, alongside a derivation that would give rise to the intended reading, in which both about people and
in (Bill's) house are modifiers of the verb, and not of a nominal head.
26
I return in Chapter 4 to the atelic reading of transitive sentences such as (i4a) and (i5a).
argument is not in [Spec, AspQ], and as a result, [ASpQ(e}#]> if projected at all, can-
not be assigned range, making an AspQ node ill-formed and a telic interpret-
ation unavailable.27
A similar account is available for the well-known spray-load alternation,
illustrated in (25):
(25) a. Kim stuffed the pillow with the feathers (in two hours).
b. Kim stuffed the feathers into the pillow (in two hours).
c. Pat loaded the wagon with the hay (in two hours).
d. Pat loaded the hay on the wagon (in two hours).
In accordance with the assumptions made so far, consider the conceptual
arrays in (26) (V-head, arbitrarily selected, in parentheses):
(26) (spray), paint, wall, Kim
(load), wagon, hay, Kim
(stuff), feather(s), pillow, Kim
Only two structural case positions are (universally) available and hence only
two of the arguments in (26) could be structurally licensed, thereby becoming
direct arguments. Suppose the structure associated with the two direct argu-
ments is that of regular telic transitives, in essence, as in (17), with both assigned
interpretation in the context of event structure, one as a subject-of-quantity,
the other as originator. The remaining third argument, with no possibility of
being structurally licensed, can only be interpreted through the attachment of
an appropriate preposition. Notice now that in principle.both location and sub-
ject matter (or theme), the two roles typically associated with spraying, loading,
and stuffing, could serve as subjects-of-quantity. In fact, in the system presented
here, roles such as location and subject matter (or theme) do not have any for-
mal status within the event structure and if anything, could only be properties
of complements of some particular prepositions. It follows, then, in the contexts
27
This may be an appropriate place to point out that affectedness, as a syntactically active phenom-
enon, does not fully correlate with telicity. We note, first, that any attempt to define 'affectediiess' in a com-
mon-sense fashion would have a hard time distinguishing between the sense in which a cake is impacted
by being'eaten at', or a drum by being 'beaten at', and the sense in which a book is impacted by being read,
a ball by being kicked, or the neighbour by being beaten. Yet, read a book, kick a ball, or Hebrew hika et
ha.saxen'beat the neighbour' maybe telic but eat at a cake, and Hebrew hika ba-tofbeat at the drum may
not be. At least one established test for affectedness, middle formation, typically taken to be possible only
for affected objects, (cf. Roberts 1987) excludes creation verbs which are telic, but allows activity transi-
tives, which are atelic, showing that telicity is neither necessary nor sufficient to define affectedness:
(i) a. Tictures of loved ones paint easily.
b. *Houses in the countryside build easily.
c. This car drives easily.
For additional criticism of the notion'affectedness'in conjunction with telicity, see Jackendoff (1996).
of the conceptual arrays in (26), that (at least) two outputs are possible. There is
one in which an understood location is the subject-of-quantity, and any struc-
tured change is measured with respect to that location. The understood subject
matter is licensed through the attachment of an appropriate preposition and PP
attachment to the L-head. This gives rise to (253), typically assumed to imply,
most saliently, the filling of the entire pillow in two hours, but not necessarily
the exhaustion of the feathers (cf. structure (273)). In the second derivation, on
the other hand, it is the understood subject matter that is the subject-of-quan-
tity, and structured change is measured with respect to the subject matter feath-
ers, leaving the location indifferent to the event structure, to be realized through
the attachment of an appropriate preposition and PP attachment to the L-head
(cf. structure (27b)). In this case, we derive the (most salient) reading in which
the feathers have been exhausted in two hours, but the pillow not necessarily
full. In both cases, a quantity reading, to the extent that it involves a measur-
able change, gives rise to such a measurable change reading with respect to that
quantity DP which induces the quantity property, but not with respect to the
argument which has remained in the L-domain licensed through merger with
P. While it remains true, then, that quantity direct objects (tend to) induce a
telic interpretation, but not (typically) indirect objects, we note that within the
approach postulated here, we need not assume that these effects are restricted to
themes (contra Dowty 1991 and Krifka 1989,1992), nor do we need to resort to
a double listing for the verb, with either location or subject matter (or, location
or theme) as the direct argument. In the presence of the array (26), the existence
of the structures in (2ja-b) with the representations in (28) follows directly
(or-tor= originator of process).
(28) a. 3e [quantity (e) & originator (Kim, e) & subject-of-quantity (the pil-
low, e) & WITH (the feathers, e) & stuff (e)].
b. 3e [quantity (e) & originator (Kim, e) & subject-of-quantity
(the feathers, e) & INTO (the pillow, e) & stuff (e)].
Of course, given a conceptual array including Kim, feathers, and pillow, and
assuming the free merger of prepositions, the system outlined here also predicts
the possibility of all the sentences in (30) (setting aside the trivially grammatical
readings of (ipc-d) with a dyadic argument structure and an adjunctive read-
ing for the PP, for instance, I stuffed the pillow while I was on thefeathers):2S
28
In addition, we predict, with an atelic reading, the following, in which both 'internal arguments' are
licensed through a PP, and none as a direct argument:
(i) a. I sprayed with the paint on the wall.
b. *I loaded at/with the hay on the wagon.
c. *I stuffed with the feathers into the pillow.
We note that while (ia) is grammatical, (ib-c) are not. Intuitively, it appears, the ungrammaticality
of (ib-c) derives from a requirement that the structures associated with load and stuff be transitive,
although the specific role of the direct argument seems rather immaterial. For some brief comments on
the possibly idiomatic nature of obligatory transitivity, see Chapter 11, Section 11.2.
Another unresolved issue here concerns the well-known absence of spray-load effects with cases such
as those in (ii)-(iii). Within the approach proposed here, the impossibility of (iib) and (iiib) must be
attributed to the conceptual infelicity of introducing divisions within a filling event by anything other
than a container, and by the conceptual infelicity of introducing divisions within a pouring event by any-
thing other than a liquid. Granting that any true explanation must delve deeper into the nature of con-
cepts than is attempted here, we leave this matter aside:
(29) a. I stuffed the feathers with the pillow.

b. I stuffed the pillow into the feathers.
c. I stuffed the feathers on/about/under/in/at the pillows.
d. I stuffed the pillow on/about/under/over/at the feathers.
I believe, however, that this is in fact a positive result. While none of the sen-
tences in (29) involves a particularly common event in the world as we know it,
sufficiently generous assumptions about the nature of pillows and feathers in
some worlds would certainly allow (ipa-b) without any radical modification of
the meaning of stuff. A coherent interpretation of (ipc-d), on the other hand,
arises according to the degree of modification we are willing to make to the
world as we know it. The main point here is that rather than give rise to ungram-
maticality, they give rise to oddity, which may be reconciled if we are willing to
reconcile ourselves to giving up on at least some of the archetypal properties
associated with concepts such as stuff, feathers, and pillows.29
Note now that the domain from which roles such as subject-of-quantity and
originator come is entirely distinct from the domain including roles such as
locative, affected subject matter, and so forth. While locative, affected-subject-
matter, etc. are specifically linked to the function of prepositions, subject-of-
quantity and originator are linked to event structure. Thus while notions such as
location, affected-subject-matter, etc. may have some grammatical reality, that
grammatical reality is not realizable within the domain of direct event argu-
ments. Likewise, subject-of-quantity and originator can only be licit in the con-
text of event structure, and may never be realized in the context of prepositions.
It is precisely because of this that no preposition can assign a subject-of-quanti-
ty interpretation, and no preposition can assign an originator interpretation.30
(ii) a. Kim filled the glass with water,

b. *Kim filled the water into the glass.
(iii) a. Robin poured water into the sink,
b. * Robin poured the sink with water.
29
To illustrate, stuff under/over/on are clearly acceptable, if we imagine a shelving space constrained
from all directions, and stuffing interpreted essentially as an action modifier synonymous with placing
within a restricted space. With prepositions such as at and about, such a reading is possible insofar as they
allow a location reading which is compatible with the modificational reading of stuff.
30
It therefore follows that the preposition by, in foy-phrases as they occur in passives, cannot, by itself,
be the assigner of an originator role in utterances such as those in (ib), and that to the extent that an ori-
ginator interpretation is associated with verbal passive constructions, it reflects the fact that aspectually
there are no structural differences between active and passive sentences. It is thus precisely the non-
availability of an originator role outside the event domain which rules out (ic).
(i) a. Kim broke the window.
b. The window was broken by Kim.
c. *The window broke by Kim.
In Chapter 4 we turn to the structure of atelic events, focusing especially on

the structure of atelic transitives. Chapter 5 focuses on the semantic interpret-
ation of telicity and quantity within the domain of events. Some extensions and
ramifications are pursued in Chapters 6-8.
In terms of the proposal made in this work, it means that to the extent that in (ib) Kim is perceived as
an originator, such an interpretation must be assigned within the direct domain of the event (e.g. to a null
pronominal) and iy-phrases must be interpreted as doubling phrases, along the lines suggested in Jaeg-
gli (19860) and Baker, Johnson, and Roberts (1989). I return to a more detailed discussion of the licensing
of originator interpretation in Chapter 9.
4
(A) structuring Atelicity
4.1 Where Are We?

A number of questions emerge immediately in considering the derivations out-
lined in Chapter 3 (cf. (15) and (17)). These questions are summarized in (i):
(1) a. What of transitive structures which do not have a subject-of-quantity
direct object? How are their objects assigned case, and how do the
arguments receive distinct interpretation? This question applies, in
principle, both to quantity direct objects, as in (ia-b), as well to non-
quantity direct objects, as in (ic).
b. Verkuyls generalization was derived from the absence of direct range
assignment to LspX6)*] in languages such as English. Such absence
forced range assignment to [ASpQ(e)#] to be indirect (i.e. through specifi-
er-head relations), thereby necessitating a quantity DP in [Spec,AspQ].
But when the UG picture is considered, it should at least be possible to
assign range to [AspQ(e}#] directly. Are such cases of direct range assign-
ment to [AspQ(e}#] attested? Note that we predict that if and when they
are, telicity could emerge in exception to Verkuyls generalization.
c. What of post-verbal subjects in transitive sentences? As they are by
assumption not in [Spec.EP], how is (e)E assigned range, and how is
the post-verbal subject interpreted? Quite independently, what does
range assignment to (e)E consist of, and why is it necessary?
(2) a. Kim pushed the cart.
b. Pat pulled the wagon.
c. Robin built houses.
An additional question can be formulated on the basis of the analysis of
quantity as telicity proposed in Chapter 3. As is well known, two of Vendler's
(1967) verb classes correspond to telic eventsaccomplishments and achieve-
ments, distinguished primarily based on instantaneity.1 Smith (1991), in turn,
1
Dowty (1979) proposes that the accomplishment-achievement distinction further involves the
presence of an agent in the former, but not in the latter (see also Van Valin 1991). We note, however,
proposes that instantaneous events may or may not be telic (e.g. jump, cough, etc.
are instantaneous, but not telic). What is the status of the distinction between
achievements and accomplishments within the quantity approach to telicity?
Are achievements a unified class? Can the telic structures proposed thus far
differentiate between achievements and accomplishments? Alternatively, is the
distinction even grammatically valid? Its grammatical validity has been ques-
tionedby Parsons (1990) andVerkuyl (1989), for instance.
In the remainder of this chapter, I focus on the question in (la). After dis-
cussing in greater detail the interpretation of quantity structures in Chapter 5,
I return, in Chapters 6 and 7, to question (ib), discussing direct range assign-
ment to [AspQ(e)#] and quantity interpretation without a quantity direct object.
In Chapter 8, some issues of graininess in the emerging system are considered,
together with the status of residual issues, such as resultatives and manner-of-
motion intransitive verbs. In Part VI, I return to range assignment to (e)E, dis-
cussing in that context the rationale for such range assignment, as well as its
properties in a broad array of constructions, including those with post-verbal
subjects in unergative (Chapter 9) and unaccusative (Chapter 10) structures.
The system emerging here and some of its ramifications pursued, especially,
in Chapters 7 and 10, will lead us to the conclusion that while there is indeed
something special about so-called achievements which distinguishes them
from so-called accomplishments, that distinction does not consist of classi-
fying achievements as a distinct event type. Rather, both achievements and
accomplishments have quantity structures, as realized through the projection
and the assignment of range to LspX6}*]- Achievements, I will suggest, are not
in and of themselves a uniform class, but, rather, idioms, in which [AspQ{e}#]
must merge (and AspQ project), and where at least sometimes, [AspQ{e}#] must
be assigned a specific range by a specific direct range assigner. Telicity, perforce,
emerges.
Finally, Chapter 11 concludes this book with some additional discussion
of the syntax as proposed within an XS-model and its interaction with both
linguistic variation and other cognitive modules.
that, at first sight at least, some classical achievements have an agentive interpretation (e.g. (ia-b)),
while intransitive telic events as (iia-b) are not instantaneous (and hence not achievements), but do not
have an agent, either (for some recent criticism of the claim that accomplishments require a causer, see
Kennedy and Levin 2000; for more discussion of the accomplishment-achievement divide, see Chap-
ter 10, Sections 10.2-3):
(i) a. Pat reached the summit,
b. Kim won the race.
(ii) a. The apple reddened (in two weeks).
b. The wall fell apart (in two hours).
(A)structuring Atelicity 99
4.2 Atelic Transitives and Partitive Case

Turning first to the question of atelic, eventive (non-stative) transitives, their
existence is, of course, well documented, as is the fact that case is clearly avail-
able to direct objects, regardless of telicity. Interestingly, however, in languages
that display finer morphological distinctions than English, direct obj ects in atel-
ic contexts are not assigned accusative case. For instance, as is well known, accu-
sative case in Finnish, within the eventive domain, is reserved to direct objects
in telic predicates. In atelic eventive predicates, direct objects receive partitive
case. This contrast is illustrated in (s)-(4) (examples from Vainikka and Maling
1993 and de Hoop 1992).2
2
Kiparsky (1998,2001) notes a number of cases in which accusative case occurs in atelic contexts, spe-
cifically with stative verbs such as omistaa 'own and ndhdd 'see, illustrated by (i):
(i) Omist-i-n karhu-nb.
own.PST.iSG bear.ACC
To the extent that the accusative-partitive alternation in Finnish is indicative of event structure, then,
this may indicate that statives are not a unified structural class, that more than one structure is projected
in statives, and that in at least one of these structures, the case assigned to direct arguments is homoph-
onous with the case assigned in eventive telic constructions (in this context, Kiparsky notes that Esto-
nian, which otherwise has a case-assignment system identical to that of Finnish, nevertheless assigns
partitive in cases such as those in (i)). As statives are largely outside the scope of this work, we will not
attempt to pursue this distinction any further, noting only that in English as well, statives such as own
and see do not behave like e.g. psychological statives, in barring a generic reading for a bare plural in their
object position, possible (indeed forced) in the case of psychological statives:
(ii) a. I like cats (true of all typical cats that I like them).
b. Tenured professors own homes (not true of all typical homes that tenured professors own
them).
Ultimately, it might be that the correct theory of event structure will involve a property that some telic
predicates and some statives have in common, and which is marked by means of accusative case. We set
this aside, however, for the remainder of this work.
Within the eventive domain, accusative case always entails a telic predicate. The converse, we note, is
not the case, in that at least in some cases,'inner telicity' survives in the presence of partitive case. These
cases, as claimed by Kiparsky (2001), involve negation, illustrated in (iii), and generics, illustrated in (iv):
(iii) E-n saa karhu-a/#karhu-n.
not.iSG get bear.FRT/#bear.ACC
(iv) Puutarhuri istutt-i paljontata ruusu-a.
gardener plant.PST.3SG much this.FRT rose.PKT
'The gardener planted this (kind of) rose a lot.'
I will assume that (iii) and (iv) are cases of outer aspect, in the sense of Verkuyl (1972) and that at least
on some level the assignment of partitive case is computed on the basis of full sentential aspect, rather
than that associated with the V-headed functional complex alone.
An interesting case is presented by the partitive case associated with intransitive presentational bare
NP subjects, as illustrated in (v):
(v) a. Lapsi.a on nyt synty-nyt.
child.PL-PRT nowbe.3SG born-pp
'Children have been born.'
ioo The Projection of Arguments
(3) a. Anne rakensi taloa.

Anne built house.FRT
'Anne was building a/the house.'
b. Han luki kirjaa.
he read book.pRT
'He was reading a/the book.'
c. Tiina heitti keihasta.
Tiina threw javelin.PRT
'Tiina threw the javelin.'
d. Kirjoitin juuri naita kutsukortteja perjantaina, kun soitit.
I.wrote just these.FRT invitations.FRT on.Friday when you.called
'I was just writing these invitations on Friday when you called.'
(4) a. Han luki kirjan.
he read book.ACC
'He read a/the book.'
b. Anne rakensi talon.
Anne built house.ACC
'Anne built a/the house.'
c. Tiina heitti keihaan metsaan.
Tiina threw javelin.ACC into-the.forest
d. Kirjoitin nama kutsukortit perjantaina.
I.wrote these.ACC invitations.ACC on.Friday
T wrote (and finished) these invitations on Friday when you called.'
Note that the differing aktionsart value associated with the members of the
pairs in (s)-(4) must emerge from the grammatical marking of the direct object,
rather than from an inherent specification of (a)telicity associated with the verb.
In the terminology already used here, then, read, build, and throw are variable-
fa. Taa.lla virta-a joki.a.
here.ADESS flow.3SG river.PL
"There flows a river here.'
c. Tehtaa.ssa tyoskentele-e nais-i-a.
factory.iNESS work.3SG women.PL.pRT
"There are women working in this factory.'
Kiparsky (1998,2001) assumes that cases such as those in (v) are unbound (atelic, in effect), due to the
unbound nature of the relevant NP argument. As such, the possibility of partitive case is unproblematic
here. This said, in Chapter 101 discuss extensively cases of telicity with (post-verbal, nominative) bare NP
(non-quantity) subjects in presentational cases, suggesting that in such cases telicity could be licensed
through the presence of a locative, overt or covert. This raises the possibility that such telicity may be
available for at least some cases of presentationals, in spite of the fact that the argument is partitive. This
discussion remains largely speculative here and I set it aside for the rest of this work.
behaviour verbs. Although their variability cannot be described by appealing

to the unaccusative-unergative dimension, as these are transitive contexts,
they do differ in their telicity value, and that difference correlates here, as in the
unaccusative-unergative case, with a grammatical distinction.3
Within a theory which assumes both structural case and inherent case, and
which further associates particular case values with particular structural con-
figurations (e.g. accusative case in [Spec.AgrO] or [Spec, AspQ], nominative case
in [Spec.TP] or [Spec.AgrS], or, alternatively, nominative case through I-Sub-
ject coindexation or Agree), the distinction between the assignment of partitive
case and accusative case must correspond to some formal difference. Further,
if accusative case is structural, we cannot suggest that verbs such as read, build,
and throw, among many others in Finnish, optionally assign accusative or par-
titive. As accusative case is structural, its assignment cannot be associated with
lexical specification, typically linked with a particular interpretation and with
inherent case. Rather, we must assume, at the very least, that accusative case
is a type of inflectional marking, subject to licensing through either structur-
al checking or assignment in the context of specific architecture, and realized
phonologically on the DP or the N. How, then, can the difference between accu-
sative and partitive be characterized in a way that would further capture the
telicity distinctions associated with each of these case realizations?
One option which is immediately available, and which has been often sug-
gested in the literature on partitive case, is to assume that partitive case, but
not accusative case, is inherent and is assigned by a lexical head, specifically
the verb, in a direct complementation context (i.e. under government). One of
the better known executions of this idea is in Belletti (1988), where it is sug-
gested that inherent partitive case is available (abstractly) in unaccusative con-
texts such as those in (5), and one of its properties is that it imposes an indefinite
restriction on its recipient:
(5) a. There arrived three children (yesterday),
b. There is *the/a cat-pRT in the garden.
Bellettfs account is not concerned with aktionsart, or with the assignment of
partitive case in transitive contexts, but rather with deriving indefinite effects
3
Care must be taken here in determining what, precisely, the domain of quantity and homogeneity
is. Take an example such as (3c), with the Finnish verb heitti 'throw' and with a partitive-marked object,
indicating homogeneity. Note that while the thrown item, the javelin, undergoes a homogeneous motion,
the originator, the thrower, is not part of that homogeneity, as it indicates a starting point to the motion.
In turn, as we already noted, the existence of an originator, or its absence, is neutral with respect to the
quantity interpretation of non-stative events (although it does mark the absence of a stative interpret-
ation). If we assume that the domain of event, as relevant to the determination of telicity, is below both EP
and TP, however, then the event in (3c) is homogeneous as desired.
for subjects in post-verbal positions, a property which (53) and (sb) have in
common (and note that if partitive case blocks telicity, the assumption that chil-
dren is partitive in the telic (53) would be at least prima facie problematic; see n.
2 for a brief comment, as well as Chapters 9 and 10 for discussion of telicity in
presentational there insertion cases). Can her account be extended, however, to
the telicity/case correlations displayed in (s)-(4)?
At least at first glance, such an extension might appear attractive. We argued
that a quantity direct object in [Spec, AspQ] is essential to induce telicity. In turn,
direct objects in [Spec, AspQ] receive accusative case. Why not argue, then, that
the cases in (3) are precisely cases where the direct object does not move to
[Spec,AspQ]? If that were so, neither accusative case nor telicity could emerge,
and the argument could only be licensed by attaching directly to the L-D in
the company of an appropriate preposition, or, in a clear extension, an appro-
priate (abstract) inherent case marker. And in fact, de Hoop (1992) and van
Hout (1992,1996, 2001) have proposed analyses that are compatible with this
general direction (and see also Ramchand 1997). De Hoop, working within a
traditional approach to argument projection, argues that partitive case is asso-
ciated with weak NPs while accusative case is associated with strong NPs. In
turn, it is precisely the class of strong NPs that trigger telicity, she claims, in the
sense of satisfying VerkuyFs generalization. Weak NPs, on the other hand, fail
to trigger telicity and are assigned partitive case.4 Van Hout (1992,1996), work-
ing within a framework very akin to our own but endorsing the weak-parti-
tive and strong-accusative correlations, explicitly proposes that the licensing
of telicity is linked with'strong object case'in the sense of de Hoop (1992), and
that such assignment involves movement to [Spec,AgrO], the structural equiv-
alent of our [Spec, AspQ] position, and furthermore, a node in which a telicity
feature is checked. Ramchand (1997), in a variation of this approach, proposes
that strong case is available in [Spec,VP], while weak case (genitive, in Scottish
Gaelic) involves verbal complements.5 Finally, although van Hout (1996,2001)
4
Although de Hoop does not assume that partitive case is inherent, but rather, a structural weak case,
assigned to weak NPs, sensitive to lion-thematic considerations.
5
Some care needs to be taken to distinguish between what we call here partitive case, based, largely on
descriptions in Kiparsky (1998,2001), and the fact that some perceived complements may be attached,
internal to the VP,by means of prepositional licensing of some sort. The relevant distinction, in a language
such as English, would emerge when attempting to compare the atelic reading of real transitives, as in (i),
with the atelic reading of so-called conative sentences,as in (iib) or the genitive complement in (iic):
(i) a. Kim pushed the cart.
b. We read the bible in church last Sunday.
c. I read books.
(ii) a. I ate the cake.
b. I ate at the cake.
c. I ate of the cake.
is not explicit about her proposed mechanism of weak case assignment, within
the model she suggests, it is not possible for weak case to be structural, as there
are no structural case-assigning specifiers available other than [Spec.AgrO],
an accusative-case assigner.6 For van Hout, then, there remain two logical pos-
sibilities. Weak, or partitive, case may be assigned inherently, as proposed, in
essence, by Belletti. Alternatively, van Hours discussion (as well as de Hoop's) is
compatible with the possibility that weak NPs, functioning as event modifiers,
are predicates of sorts, which do not need licensing by case assignment at all
(and see van Geenhoven 1998 for an explicit proposal along these lines). Either
way, weak NPs and partitive case are assumed to be available in situ, a claim
further supported in de Hoop by the fact that object shift applies, in Dutch and
German, to strong NPs, but not to weak NPs. The de Hoop-van Hout approach,
then, can be summarized as in (6):
(6) a. Strong DP <=> movement to [Spec.AgrO]
b. Weak DP <=> in-situ case (no movement); alternatively, semantic
incorporation
c. Telicity > strong DP 7
The existence of linguistic devices that give rise to (iib-c) is beyond dispute, as is the fact that telicity
cannot emerge in such contexts. We note, however, that in these cases there is little reason to believe that
a weak interpretation is imposed on the relevant atI of object. It may very well turn out that the genitive
marking, discussed in Ramchand (1997), and associated with atelic reading, is an instantiation of the
conative alternation or of the partitive complement in (iic). The question under consideration here, how-
ever, is the status of the direct objects in (ia-c), and whether or not there is evidence to distinguish their
syntactic positioning as well as their interpretation as weak or strong from that of their counterparts in
telic structures. Both claims are made by van Hout (op. cit). The latter claim is made by de Hoop (op. cit.).
For some more relevant contrasts, see Chapter 5, Section 5.2.
6
Although, presumably, the notion of structural case could be modified so as to allow it both in func-
tional specifiers and in government configuration. Such a move, unfortunately, would do away with both
a unified description for structural vs. inherent case and with a unified account for ECM constructions,
see below for some discussion.
7
Van Hout's (1996,2001) system retains a degree of lexical specification greater than that proposed in
this work. Specifically, she assumes that verbs may be associated with event types (i.e. kill, murder, open,
etc. are inherently telic). Furthermore, within van Hout's system, AgrOP checks, rather than'creates', teli-
city. The telicity feature in AgrO is always checked by the verb, although the telicity marking on the verb
need not be inherent to the lexical listing of that verb. Rather, the verb may'inherit' telicity from a telic
predicate (i.e. a predicate rendered telic through the intervention of particles, delimiting PPs, or resulta-
tives), or through the presence in the structure of an incremental Theme argument. The projection of
AgrOP, in turn, triggers the merger of a DP in its specifier, thereby giving rise to Verkuyl's generaliza-
tion. This approach commits van Hout to the claim that accusative case is necessary,but not sufficient, to
trigger telicity. Within her system, for instance, a stative verb, e.g. a psych verb, would still project in the
context of an AgrO node and be associated with accusative case, but telicity will not be induced because
the verb is associated with a stative inherent feature. In the model presented here, on the other hand, the
structure of psych predicates and statives,by definition, will not involve the projection of AspQ, and hence
whatever case is available to objects of psych predicates, and whatever its morphological realization, it
would represent a distinct structure from that associated with accusative case in telic transitives. We note
that in Finnish, stative transitive predicates verbs are typically associated with partitive case (but see n. 2
for some comments on accusative case in stative contexts).
Regardless of the prima facie attraction of such an approach to the differ-

ence between accusative case and partitive case, I will argue that empirical evi-
dence overwhelmingly shows it to be the wrong analysis. Following Maling and
Vainikka (1993) and Vainikka (1993), I will show that partitive case is structural
and is insensitive to the distinction between strong and weakNPs. Furthermore,
telicity itself is insensitive to the distinction between strong and weak NPs, con-
tra de Hoop (1992), van Hout (1992,1996), and Borer (1994). The correct dis-
tinction is not the weak-strong one, but rather the quantity-homogeneity one,
as outlined earlier. Homogeneous DPs are certainly weak (semantically as well
as syntactically, if by weak we mean, as discussed in Chapter 5 in Volume I, an
absence of DP-internal range assignment to (e)d, and hence a variable in D).
Nevertheless, their distribution and their properties do not correlate with the
distribution and the properties of quantity weak NPs or partitive case. Finally,
I will appeal to Vikner (1995) in rejecting the analysis of object shift in Dutch
and German as movement for case, thereby seriously weakening the claim that
object shift of strong, but not weak DPs is relevant to the location of partitive
case assignment or to event structure in general.
Let us turn first to the putative correlation between partitive and accusa-
tive case and the weak-strong distinction. Note now that in the absence of an
overt article in Finnish, the direct objects in (s)-(4) are, in principle, ambigu-
ous between a definite and an indefinite reading. A definite reading is certainly
pragmatically less plausible in some atelic contexts (e.g. if a house only comes to
existence at the end of the building event, an event of building the house is prag-
matically less plausible, although certainly not impossible to construe), while
an indefinite reading is equally pragmatically odd in telic contexts, especially in
the past tense (thus if I finished reading a book, it acquires a rather particular
reference, but although describing the event with I finished a book, where a book
is a non-specific indefinite, might be pragmatically odd, it is, again, certainly not
impossible). When such pragmatic factors are set aside, however, it turns out
that native speakers of Finnish find definite (and hence strong) readings of the
objects in (3) fully acceptable. Yet a definite NP, by the de Hoop-van Hout sys-
tem, must receive accusative case, and must, in the context of these particular
verbs, trigger telicity under van Hout's approach. Likewise, indefinite readings
are available for the objects in (4), predicted erroneously, within the de Hoop-
van Hout system, to receive partitive case and induce atelicity (and see Kiparsky
1998, where the de Hoop system is directly criticized).
Even more damning are the following examples, from Maling and Vainikka
(i993):
(7) Presidentti ampui kaikkia lintuja.

president shot all.FRT birds.PKT (also mostPRT)
"The president was shooting at all the birds.'
While the definite-indefinite interpretation of article-less DPs maybe sub-
ject to some vagueness, this is clearly not the case in (7), where partitive case is
attached to a strong quantifier. In addition to being a clear counter-example to
the strong NP/accusative generalization, it also serves as a counter-example to
van Hour's execution of de Hoop's system, according to which all strong NPs
map onto [Spec.AgrO] to receive accusative case, thereby displaying object
shift diagnostics and triggering telicity. To the extent that there is any validity,
then, to the Mapping Hypothesis of Diesing (1992), it is clear that telicity could
not be derived from it (again, contra Borer 1994 and van Hout 1992,1996). We
further note that as the strong quantifier in (7) is capable of taking wide scope,
its occurrence as a partitive in an atelic sentence, as in (7), constitutes a serious
problem for all attempts to derive atelicity or the distribution of partitive case
from the assumption that partitively-marked nominals, or for that matter, any
direct objects in atelic structures, are predicates which incorporate semantic-
ally onto the verb, giving rise to a semantically intransitive complex predicate.
It is worthwhile noting at this point that Belletti's original attempt to derive
the indefiniteness restriction from the properties of partitive case as otherwise
attested in Finnish, for example, would likewise have to be abandoned at this
point (and see Ramchand 1997, for a similar conclusion).8
We conclude, then, that the [weak NP <=> partitive], [strong NP <=> accusa-
tive] generalization is simply empirically incorrect, and that therefore the dis-
tribution of partitive case cannot be accounted for by assuming that weak DPs
stay in the VP, while strong ones move to a functional specifier triggering telicity
8
As pointed out by Kiparsky (1998), partitive case does impose a definiteness restriction when it is
assigned to subjects of intransitive verbs. One could thus argue that these serve as the relevant com-
parison set for Belletti's data. However, two important differences remain even within the domain of
intransitive subjects between cases of partitive case in Finnish, and the class of cases studied by Bellet-
ti (1988). First, and most importantly, partitive subjects in Finnish do not trigger subject-verb agree-
ment, and rather, the verb is inflected as a default third-person singular, in contrast with the post-verbal
unaccusative subjects studied by Belletti (1988), which display full agreement. Secondly, as Kiparsky
(1998) points out, only a subset of indefinites are possible in such contexts, namely, determinerless ones
(bare plurals and bare mass nouns), making this class characterizable as homogeneous (or unbound, in
the terminology of Kiparsky, op. cit), rather than weak, or indefinite. Of course, as the homogeneity-
quantity distinction is, to begin with, the one relevant for aspectual differences, rather than the weak-
strong distinction, this is not surprising. The class of post-verbal (indefinite) subjects studied by Belletti,
on the other hand, appears to be best characterized by the obligatoriness of existential binding, and
hence correlates precisely with the strong-weak distinction, and not with the homogeneity-quantity
distinction, suggesting that a partitive case account for post-verbal unaccusatives is altogether implaus-
ible. For a detailed discussion of weak post-verbal subjects, see Chapter 9.
and receiving accusative case. Nevertheless, one could suggest the weakening of
(6) to (8):
(8) a. Strong DP <movement to [Spec,AgrO].
b. Weak DP > in-situ case.
c. Telicity> filled [Spec,AgrO].
In essence, (8) involves an optional movement for strong DPs to [Spec, AgrO].
If such movement takes place, it results in accusative case and in telicity. If, on
the other hand, the strong DP stays in the VP, it is assigned weak, possibly inher-
ent case, and no telicity emerges. As it turns out, however, such a weakening
to (8) does not do much to solve our problems. First, as Maling and Vainikka
(1993) and Vainikka (1993) show, partitive case cannot possibly be an inherent
case, as it is found in ECM contexts such as those in (9):
(9) Anne pitaa [Helsinkilaisia kummallisina].
Anne considers Helsinki.folks.pRT strange
In (9), partitive is assigned to the subject of the small clause [Helsinki.folks
strange]. The sentence is, of course, atelic, and as such, does not serve as a coun-
ter-example to the claim that partitive case in Finnish correlates with atelicity.
However, as Helsinkilaisia 'Helsinki folks' can hardly be an argument of pitaa
'consider', by common assumptions it would not be possible for it to be assigned
inherent case by'consider'. On the other hand, if partitive case is structural, this
casts much prima facie doubt on the assumption that it stays in the VP. If we
assume that it does, note, we must presuppose not only two distinct structural
case assignment mechanisms, one under government and one under specifi-
er-head agreement, but also two distinct configurations of ECM, one involving
raising to [Spec,AgrO], the other involving direct structural case assignment
in situ. Yet evidence for raising to [Spec,AgrO] (see, particularly, Postal 1974, as
adapted by Runner 1995 and others) does not vary along telicity lines.
Recall now that indirect evidence for the in-situ status of partitive case is
argued to come from the fact that weak NPs in Dutch and in German do not
undergo object shift, but strong NPs do. The line of argumentation is as fol-
lows:
(10) a. [-shift <=> weak NP] <=> [weak NP <=> weak case]
b. [+shift <=> strong NP] <=> [strong NP <=> strong case]
c. Weak case <=> VP-internal (no-shift)
d. Strong case <=> VP-external (shift)
However, as argued very convincingly by Vikner (1995), object shift in both
Dutch and German is not a case of A-movement, and hence cannot be con-
flated with movement to receive case. That weak NPs do not undergo object
shift while strong NPs do is beyond dispute. However, there is no particular
reason to think that case movement triggers this shift, or that it reflects differ-
ent case assignment configurations. If indeed Vikner is correct, these are cases
of A'-movement of an already case-marked DP from its case position, and are,
at least in principle, neutral with respect to the kind of case assigned (thus PPs
exhibit similar movement possibilities). Nor do the predicted shifted/unshifted
correlations emerge in Finnish, where, as Kiparsky (1998) shows, both parti-
tives and accusatives undergo object shift, contrary to expectation under the
approach in (10)
And finally and most crucially, the implicational relations between felicity
and strong NPs (the latter is necessary for the former) is quite simply incorrect.
Thus consider the following examples, all constructed so as to avoid any pos-
sible construal of the weakNP as a specific indefinite:9
(11) a. You have to publish two books (in one year) to get tenure.
b. She always eats an apple (in two minutes) before she leaves.
c. She will build a house in the Berkshires next year (in three months).
Sentences (na-c) are all very telic indeed, and yet the direct objects are all
weak NPs. On the other hand, the telic interpretation of (na-c) is a very small
mystery if we consider the relevant distinction to be that which separates quan-
tity nominal expressions from homogeneous ones. Two books, an apple, and a
house are all quantities. Their ability to trigger a telic reading is thus fully antici-
pated.
The picture that emerges, then, is that there is no correlation between weak
NPs and telicity, or between weak NPs and partitive case. There is indeed a cor-
relation between partitive case and atelicity. But such a correlation cannot be
reduced to inherent case vs. structural case, weak NPs vs. strong NPs, weak case
vs. strong case, or the mapping hypothesis. Rather, the relations between parti-
tive case and atelicity must find another explanation, which will be formally
strong enough to express the aktionsart correlations, on the one hand, and gen-
eral enough to allow for the free variation attested with respect to particular
verbs as illustrated by (3)-(4), on the other. Finally, it must capture the fun-
damentally structural, rather than inherent, nature of partitive case. Note that,
descriptively, the interaction between partitive case and event structure could
be stated as in (12):
9
Special thanks go to an anonymous one-time visitor to my class in Girona in summer 1994 for
bringing the example in (na) to my attention.
io8 The Projection of Arguments
(12) DPs marked as partitive, even when quantities, cannot assign range to
[AspQ(e}#], nor do they allow any another DP to do so.10
It follows from (12) that in the presence of a DP marked as partitive, Aspq11
may not be well-formed, or at the very least, it follows that it cannot be headed
by (e}#. It therefore follows that telicity cannot be induced. Suppose, now, that
a functional structure could be projected which is not headed by (e}#, or by
any other functional open value. Such a functional structure is but a shell of a
structure, being devoid of a semantically contentful head. Could such a struc-
ture ever be licensed? I will assume that such a projection is, indeed, possible,
but under very well-defined circumstances: it is possible iff it is phonologic-
ally licensed. Specifically, and modifying slightly Speas (1994), I will assume the
licensing principle in (is):11
(13) Xmax must be licensed at PF or at LF
Quite crudely put, (13) means that projections in general, and functional
projections in particular, are only licensed if they actually do something. Such
'doing something' may consist of dominating a (semantically) open value in
need of range; this would be a case of LF licensing. Alternatively, XP could be
licensed by being the realization site of some phonological features such as case.
In other words, a functional projection, say FP, could be licensed either by dom-
inating an open value in need of range (and selecting from the functional array
an appropriate range assigner), by assigning case, or of course by both. Thus
AspQm" may have both semantic and case assigning properties, as is the case in
transitive telic derivations. On the other hand, it may have only semantic prop-
erties, as is the case for AspQ in unaccusative derivations. Finally, if semantical-
10
Interestingly, accusative case and partitive case do co-occur in Finnish (see, especially Pereltsvaig
2000). Crucially, however, the generalization in (12) still holds: whenever a partitive-marked DP occurs,
[ Alpq <e>J may not be assigned range, and telicity cannot emerge. Thus although in the following case
(from Pereltsvaig 2000) the adverb is accusative, the event is atelic:
(i) Maria lukikirjaakiokoillan
Maria.NOM read bookpRT whole evening.ACC
As Pereltsvaig notes, it is the partitive complement in (i) which is understood as the 'direct object', and
never the accusative-marked one, which is typically interpreted as an adverb. In other words, the con-
figuration in which the object is marked as accusative (and triggers quantity interpretation) and the
adverb is marked as partitive never arise. In turn, the availability of an additional mechanism which may
assign accusative (and at times nominative) to adverbs is independently motivated, and gives rise to two
accusatives in Russian, in Arabic, and elsewhere. We set aside here the nature of the mechanism which
allows for such additional case marking for adverbs, such that it is necessary, satisfied that it is clearly not
accomplished in [Spec, AspQ], and hence does not bear on the complementarity of partitive and accusa-
tive for elements interpreted as 'direct objects'.
11
Speas (1994) targets specifically functional projections as subject to phonological or semantic licens-
ing.Note, however, that as L-Ds always contain substantive elements (or their copies), their LF licensing is
trivially met, making the restriction of the licensing condition to functional structure unnecessary.
ly vacuous, it must be phonologically licensed by assigning case (and note here

that for a functional head to be in the movement path of the verb does not satis-
fy phonological licensing. See Speas 1994 for the relevant discussion). In turn, it
is not surprising that languages with a fine-grained case marking system should
opt to signal morphologically the difference between a semantically content-
ful functional projection (=AspQ), and a semantically vacuous one. Finnish, we
suggest, is such a language, in which DPs in the specifier of a contentful func-
tional projection (=AspQ) are marked as accusative, while DPs in the specifier of
a shell FP, corresponding structurally to AspQ, are marked as partitive. Crucially,
then, the structure of atelic transitives does not involve an atelic objective node,
nor does the grammar provide us with atelic structure as such. Atelic interpret-
ation remains that which is available in the absence of a dedicated structure,
namely, AspQ. The shell FP (henceforth FSP) that we suppose here, and which
assigns partitive case, is devoid of any semantic properties, and quite possibly is
the correlate, within the verbal domain, of structural of insertion (see n. 10 for
some additional comments). That partitive case is found both in (certain) even-
tive structures and in stative structures is, in turn, a direct result of the fact that
for different reasons, neither projects a (semantically contentful) AspQ.
Returning, then, to cases of atelic transitives such as those in (2), I propose
that they have the structure in (i4a-b).
(15) 3e [activity (e) & originator (Kim, e), & participant (the cart, e) &
push(e)]
From the perspective of derivational considerations, note that the causal

relationship in the structure in (14) could go either way. Within a checking-type
no The Projection of Arguments
model, it could be assumed that partitive case is base-generated on the relevant

N. As partitive case must be checked in [Spec.FP] (where FP stands for a shell
functional projection otherwise headed by AspQ), any derivation which selects
to merge [ASpQ{e}#] with VP will not converge, as AspQ cannot check partitive
case. In this way, the base-generation of partitive case on N would block a telic
derivation. The base-generation of partitive case on N, however, does not rep-
resent the only execution consistent with our structural assumptions. Suppose,
instead, that partitive case represents a (semantically vacuous, and therefore
phonologically contentful) value associated with F which is realized through
specifier-head relationship with a DP in [Spec.FP]. Such a relationship would
represent precisely a structural shell of the specifier-head agreement in the
case of quantity assignment to [ASpQ(e)#] > where it is semantically contentful, but
where it need not be phonologically realized. Under such an execution, it is the
merger of F that would rule out any derivation in which an overt N did not
merge with F to become its specifier. Thus it would be the merger of F that
would both block a telic derivation as well as force a transitive derivation, with a
direct object marked as partitive.
Turning to the interpretation of arguments such as the cart or houses in (14),
I suggest that they are assigned a default participant interpretation, to be calcu-
lated on the basis of other, fully specified components of the event.12 Specifical-
ly, if event representations with a default participant, such as (i4b), are viewed
as an algebraic formula with one variable, it becomes rather trivial to calculate
the value of the participant as the participant in an event which is otherwise
an activity, which is predicated of push and which has a specific originator (i.e.
Kim). Of course, the cart or houses in (14) could be interpreted as affected, or as
undergoing some change. This, however, does not suffice to give rise to a quan-
tity interpretation, as quantity requires quantifiable event divisions, in turn
licensed through the projection of AspQ, the assignment of appropriate range to
[AspQ(e)J, and to predication of the event argument of quantity, all impossible for
structures such as those in (14).
Note that if, from such an algebraic perspective, each event representation is
a single formula, we derive, as indeed expected, the impossibility of a resolution
for more than one default participant value within one event. Such a predic-
tion is, indeed, not only directly derivable from the need to calculate the value
of participants, but also from the very obvious fact that in the presence of more
than one default argument, proper c-command relations could not be estab-
12
The existence of a default argumental interpretation, as associated with L-heads which do not
project argument structure in and of themselves, was first suggested in Borer (1994), and has recently
been proposed for external arguments within derived nominals by Marantz (1997).
lished, and all explanatory hope would be lost. To see that this is true, consider
specifically the initial array in (i6a). Suppose now that FP projects, rather than
AspQ, and that there is no EP node to license an originator interpretation, or
alternatively, that EP does not give rise to an originator interpretation, an option
which is discussed in Chapter 9, Section 9.2):
(16) a. Horse, pull, farmer
b. ([EP) [ T phorse.NOM [FsP farmer.pRT [yppull]]
c. ([EP) [TPfarmer.NOM [ FsP horse.pRT [ VP pull]]
While (i6b) and (i6c) would give rise to a fixed word order and fixed c-com-
mand relations, there is, in actuality, no way within the system under develop-
ment here to prevent the structure in (i6b) from having the interpretation 'the
farmer pulled the horse', or the structure in (i6c) from having the interpretation
'the horse pulled the farmer'. Even if by default we can conclude that the event
must have a puller and a pulled, deriving the fact that the puller c-commands the
pulled and not the other way around is not possible if both arguments receive a
default interpretation.
In addition to stressing the need for an EP node for atelic transitive struc-
tures which, in turn, must be associated in this particular derivation with an
originator interpretation, this conclusion also serves to reiterate the question
already posed in (ic). Subjects of atelic predicates are not always in a sentence
initial position, and often occur post-verbally, and hence are by definition not
in [Spec, EP], but in all likelihood, in [Spec.TP]. We now note that if they occur
post-verbally in conjunction with the projection of an FSP, that is, a transitive
sentence with a non-quantity activity interpretation, we cannot assume that they
are interpreted by default, as the argument in [Spec,FsP] is already interpreted
by default. To illustrate from Hebrew, as in (173), if one were to assume that the
pre-verbal PP constituent, ba-rexob ha-rasi 'in the main road' is in [Spec.EP],
thereby assigning range to (e)E, it would follow that slosa susim 'three horses'
cannot be assigned an originator role, and hence must be assigned a default par-
ticipant role. However, as the event is clearly not a quantity, ha.'ikar,'ihe farmer',
must be assigned a default role as well. As a result, under a derivation such as
that in (i?b) the sentence would be uninterpretable. As it is grammatical, an
alternative derivation must be available:
(17) a. ba-rexob ha.rasi masku slosa susim'et ha.'ikar

in the main road, pulled three horses OM the.farmer
be-mesek sales sacot.
for three hours
b. *[EPba-rexob ha-rasi masku [TP slosa susim [FsP 'et ha.'ikar [Vp masku].
in the main road pulled three horses OM the.farmer
default default
Similar logic applies to transitive expletive constructions, in which the exple-

tive is at least plausible in [Spec.EP], and, if atelic, both arguments appear to
receive a default interpretation. More, then, must be said on the interpretation
of originators and on the licensing of EP, a matter to which I return in detail in
Chapter 9.
4.3 Impersonal Null Subjects

and the Unaccusative-Unergative Paradigm
An interesting confirmation of the relationship between syntactic event struc-
ture and the projection of arguments is provided by the behaviour of imper-
sonal constructions, exemplified here in Italian, Spanish, and Hebrew, based on
Jaeggli (1986^), Cinque (1988), and Borer (19980), respectively:
(18) a. dapku/dopkim ba-delet. (Hebrew;

knock.PST.3PL.M/knock.pRES.3PL.M on-the.door Borer 19980)
'Someone knocked/knocks on the door.'
b. hipcicu/mapcicim et lebanon ha.boqer.
bomb.PST.3PL.M OM Lebanon this.morning
'Lebanon was/is (being) bombed this morning.'
c. samcu btam corxim ha.boqer.
heard them scream this morning
'Someone heard them screaming this morning.'
(19) a. Llamana la porta. (Spanish; Jaeggli 1986^)

call.PL at the door
'Someone is calling at the door.'
b. Aseguran que van a venir a arreglar la heladera manana
assure.PL that go.PL to come tofix the refrigerator tomorrow
de manana.
morning
'I am assured that someone will come to fix the refrigerator tomor-
row morning.'
(20) a. Prima, hanno telefonato: miparevatua sorella. (Italian;

earlier have.PL telephoned me seems your sister Cinque 1988)
"There was a phone call earlier. I think it was your sister.'
b. Lo hanno cercato: era un signore anziano.
him have.PL searched was a man old
'Somebody was looking for him. It was an old man.'
c. Hanno comprato i giudici. Pare sia stato Fawocato.
have.PL bought the judge seems was the lawyer
"The judge was bought. Apparently by the lawyer.'
The null subjects in (i8)-(2o) are clearly interpreted as indefinite and non-
specific. Purther, the meaning of the sentences in (i8)-(2o) clearly resembles
that of passive constructions. Suppose, then, that the understood subject in
(i8)-(2o) is an indefinite pro. Note, strikingly, that in Hebrew, Italian, and Span-
ish, this pro is plural, insofar as it triggers plural agreement, raising immedi-
ately the possibility that it has the internal structure of a bare plural, making it a
non-quantitied structure, akin to that of bare plurals (and see (8b) of Chapter 3,
repeated here as (21)):
(21) Determinerless plural [DP <e)d [CL dogs [NP deg]]]
Even more suggestive, in this respect, is the fact that such null subjects, trig-
gering plural agreement, may have a generic reading as well, as illustrated by the
Italian and Hebrew examples in (22)-(23):13
(22) a. Ti, odiano gli sranieri. (Cinque 1988)
there, hate.PL.M strangers
"They hate strangers there.'
b. Qui, lavorano anche di sabato.
'Here, they work even on Saturday.'
c. In questo ufficio, sonon molto gentili col pubblico.
'In this office, they are very kind to the public.'
(23) a. be-sabucot bklim gbina. (Borer 19980)
in-Pentecost eat.PL.M cheese
'One eats cheese in Pentecost.'
13
A variant that is singular is discussed both by Jaeggli (1986) and by Cinque (1988). Crucially how-
ever, the singular variant only co-occurs with si, suggesting that unlike the 'bare plural' pro discussed
here, the singular variant must be morphologically licensed. For a review of some important differences
between indefinite pro and sr'-constructions see references.
ii4 The Projection of Arguments
b. be-yemeyha.beynayimhe'eminu se-ha.colam satu'ax.

in the middle ages believe.PL.M that-the.world flat
'In the Middle Ages it was believed (universally) that the world is flat.'
c. mixuc la-cir somcim ciporim.
outside the.city hear.PL.M birds
'One hears birds outside the city.'
The null subjects in such constructions are clearly distinct from (defin-
ite) personal pronouns. It could not be argued, for instance, that these are just
instances of pro-drop applied to a third-person personal pronoun, meaning
'they', as they are licit in contexts which do not allow a definite personal pro-
noun. Specifically, Modern Hebrew does not allow null subjects with a definite
pronoun interpretation in present tense, and in future and past, null subjects
with a definite pronoun interpretation (in main clauses) are excluded for third
person contexts. The (indefinite) plural pro, on the other hand, is licit with both
generic and existential readings in present tense as well as in future and past.
Thus contrasting with the grammaticality of (18) and (23), we have the cases in
(24)-(25), ungrammatical without an overt pronoun:
(24) a. *(hem) bklim gbina.
*(they.DEF) eat.pRES.3PL.M cheese
b. *(hem) qor'im sparim.
*(they.DEF) read.pRES.3PL.M books
(25) a. *(hem) 'aklu gbina.
*(they.DEp) ate.3PL.M cheese
b. *(hem) yiqre'u saprim.
*(they.DEF) read.FUT.3PL.M books
As the licensing conditions for null definite pronouns and null indefinite/
generic 'bare plural' pronouns are clearly different, we must assume that they
are, indeed, distinct elements. With respect to the structure proposed in Vol-
ume I for nominals, and adapting slightly the analysis of Ritter (1995), suppose
that definite pronouns, null or overt, always assign range to (e}#. In turn, if they
move to D, they assign range to (e)d as well, giving rise to a discourse anaphor
interpretation, much along the lines of the definite article the (typically, first-
and second-person pronouns; optionally for third-person pronouns). If they do
not move to D, (e)d cannot be assigned range internal to the DP, and a variable
reading emerges (typically third-person pronouns). On the other hand, if we
are correct in assuming that the null indefinite pro in (i8)-(2o) is akin to a bare
plural, then it occurs in a structure which involve the projection of CLmax (there-
fore being a divided nominal), but in which (e), does not merge, giving rise to a
non-quantity DP. Crucially, in Volume I, Chapter 5,1 argued that an existential
operator only assigns range to (e)d, and never to (e}#, thereby accounting for
the possible co-occurrence of existential closure and weak determiners. On the
other hand, a generic operator assigns range to both (e)d and (e}#, excluding the
occurrence of any other determiners. The range of relevant structures, when
applied to the null indefinite pronominals under consideration, are in (i6):14
(26) a. Non-Quantity (homogeneous) null plural pronouns, existential
reading:.
3' [DP (6% [CL pro (div) <e)DiV [ N p fr&] ] ]
b. Quantity (non-homogeneous), variable null plural pronoun.
31 [DP (6% [*ppro(#}(e}t[CLpre(div}(e}Dlv[NPpre\]]]
c. Quantity (non-homogeneous), discourse anaphor null plural pro-
noun:.
[oppro (def)<e)d[tppm(#}<e), [CLpm(div)(e}DW [wpm]]]]
d. Quantity (non-homogeneous), generic null plural pronoun:.
GEN; [DP <eGEN)d [#p <eGEN), [CL pro (div) <e)DIV [NP pre] ] ] ]
Consider now, in view of the structures in (26), the behaviour of null sub-
jects in Hebrew embedded clauses. As is well documented, Hebrew does allow
null third-person definite pronouns in embedded contexts, but only in future
and past, and only when they are co-referential with a matrix argument, as (27)
illustrates:
(27) a. hem 2 'amru se-pro2/3'aklu gbina.
they said that ate.3PL.M cheese
"They2 said that they2 ate cheese.'
b. hem2hexlitu se-pro2/3 yiqre'u sparim.
they decided that read.FUT.2PL.M books
"They! decided that the^ will read books.'
14
Considerations of space prohibit us from a fuller exploration of the structure of pronouns in this
work. We note, however, that with respect to the structures in (26), and null pronouns in general, a mech-
anism must be available which copies some relevant values from agreement features onto some func-
tional heads. Specifically, onto (div), so as to allow it to assign range to (e)DIV (in all 'count' cases) and to
(def) and {#}, when (e), and {e)d merge and must be assigned range internal to the DP. I assume that trad-
itional identification mechanisms, involving some copying of agreement features under specifier-head
configurations, or the I-Subject mechanism (alternatively, Chomsky's 2000 Agree) will take care of these
tasks, leaving aside further discussion of this point. For some additional discussion of the relevant facts
in Hebrew, see Borer (1986,1989,19980). For the essence of the treatment of pronouns here, as well as
an insightful discussion of the relationship between DP, #P (NumP), and the interpretation of null and
overt pronouns, see Ritter (1995).
n6 The Projection of Arguments
When the embedded sentence is in present tense, a null subject in the embed-
ded clause is altogether ungrammatical, regardless of its co-reference with a
matrix argument:
(28) a. *hem 2 'amru se-pro2 bklim gbina.
they said that eat.pRES.3PL.M cheese
'""They! said that the^ eat cheese.'
b. *hem2hexlitu se-pro2 qor'im sparim.
they decided that read.pRES.3PL.M books
'""They! decided that the^ read books.'
Interestingly, however, when a null existential plural subject does occur in an
embedded context, be it present or past/future, it cannot be interpreted as co-
referential with the matrix subject, even if that subject is itself a null plural pro
interpreted as an existential:
(29) bmrim/'amru se-mapcicim 'et lebanon.
say.PL.m/said.PL.M that-bomb.PL.M OM Lebanon
'It is said (byx) that Lebanon is being bombed (byy/*x).'
On the other hand, a null plural pro can serve as an antecedent for another null
subject (provided that it is not itself a null plural pro with an existential inter-
pretation):
(30) a. prohexlitu (PRO) le-hapcic et lebanon.
decided.3PL.M to bomb OM Lebanon
'It was decided (byx) to bomb Lebanon.'
b. hexlitu se-pro yapcicu et lebanon.
decided.3PL.M that bomb.FUT.3PL.M OM Lebanon
If we assume that our plural pro is indeed akin to a bare plural expression
in projecting without a #P, as in (263), and if we further assume that (e}a in
such representations is subject to existential closure, these facts could be eas-
ily explained. As existential reading is by definition a reading available in the
absence of any discourse antecedent, to the extent that the structure in (263)
is subject to existential closure, we expect it to bar any co-reference with any
antecedent, including a pronoun which is itself subjectto existential closure. On
the other hand, no such conditions hold concerning the ability of existentially
closed expressions to serve as antecedents. Once introduced into the discourse,
their ability to antecede a pronoun is fully anticipated.
Needless to say, when a generic reading is assigned to the relevant null pro-
noun, it maybe co-referential with another generic expression, again a fact that
is hardly surprising, as two generic expressions can certainly co-refer, even if no

binding relations are established between them:
(31) a. kse-pro2 maxlitim (PRO2) le-hikasel, qase le-hacliax.
when decide.pRES.3PL.M to-fail hard to-succeed
'When one decides to fail, it is hard to succeed.'
b. im pro, ma'aminim se pro, yekolim, 'az pro,
if believe.PRES.3PL.M that capable.pRES.3PL.M then
maclixim.
succeed.pRES.3PL.m
'If one believes that one is capable, then one succeeds.'
One important difference between null existential pro and overt bare (exis-
tentially interpreted) plurals does exist, as directly illustrated by the grammat-
icality of the initial paradigm, (i8)-(2o). Bare plurals with an existential reading,
in Hebrew, Spanish, and Italian, are ungrammatical precisely in the context in
which they are grammatical for existential pro. To illustrate from Hebrew, note
the ungrammaticality of the examples in (32), regardless of the position of the
subject, when compared with (i8):15
(32) a. *skenim dapku ba-delet.
neighbours knocked.PL in-the.door
b. *dapku skenim ba-delet.
knocked.PL neighbours in-the.door
c. *dapku ba-delet skenim.
knocked.PL in-the.door neighbours
Suppose we assume, as is common, that (323,c) are ungrammatical because
the bare plural subject is outside the scope of existential closure. At least in Heb-
rew, (32b) is ungrammatical as part of a general restriction on the occurrence
of Vi clauses (and see Part III for an extensive discussion of paradigms such as
those in (32)). But for null existential pro, at least one of these positions must be
available, or we would predict, erroneously, that they could never occur. What
could be the reason for such a contrast? We note that as null existential pro dis-
plays full subject-verb agreement, and occurs freely in tensed clauses, it is not
plausible to assume that it is somehow allowed in a position which restricts
overt bare plurals because it is excused from case assignment, for example. We
15
The ungrammaticality of (32a,c), when contrasted with the grammaticality of (18) translates directly
to a similar contrast in Spanish and Italian, where existentially interpreted bare plurals are impossible
pre-verbally. The ungrammaticality of (sib), on the other hand, is more language specific, in that post-
verbal subjects in Vi contexts are more highly restricted in Hebrew than they appear to be in Spanish or
Italian.
n8 The Projection of Arguments
therefore must conclude that unlike bare plurals, null existential pro may be
existentially bound outside the domain of the verb. Differently put, we must
assume that null existential pro is existentially closed internal to the DP, thereby
making its distribution freer than that of DPs which need to be existentially
bound from without. The structure of existential null pro, in an extension from
(263), must be as in (33):"
(33) [DP 3i<ei)d Icipro (e}DW [NPp? ]]]
Armed with these conclusions concerning the properties of null plural pro-
nouns, consider a well-known fact about their distribution. As argued by Jaeg-
gli (1986^) for Spanish, and by Cinque (1988) for Italian, and as is the case for
Hebrew as well, it turns out that null pronouns with a bare plural interpretation
do not occur in unaccusative contexts with an existential interpretation. Thus
(34)-(36) are ungrammatical (or, we submit, have a very coerced reading):17'18
(34) a. *naplu/noplim ba-xacer ha.boqer. (Hebrew;
fell.3PL.m/fall.pRES.3PL.M in-the.yard this.morning Borer 19980)
'Someone fell/is falling in the yard this morning.'
b. *kap'u/kop'im ba-seleg.
froze.PL.m/freeze.PL.M in-the.snow
'Someone froze/is freezing in the snow.'
(35) a. *Llegan cansadosdespuesdeunviaje tan largo. (Spanish;
arrive.PL tired after of a trip so long Jaeggli 1986^))
'Someone arrives tired after such a long trip.'
16
In yet another departure from the distribution of bare (existentially bound) plurals, plural indefin-
ite pro cannot occur, in Hebrew, in object position. This restriction, however, is clearly subsumed under
the general restriction against null pronouns in non-subject position, and is hence of no direct relevance
to our discussion here.
17
Likewise, they are barred as subjects of passives, as pointed out by Jaeggli (1986^) and Cinque (op.
cit). For a detailed discussion, see Borer (19980).
18
Pesetsky (1995) suggests that the relevant null pronoun construction (with an existential reading)
must be agentive, thereby accounting for its exclusion in unaccusatives and passives. Note, however, that
(i8c) clearly discoiifirms this suggestion, ill having ail existential reading together with ail experience!
subject. Similar examples are in (i):
(i) a. hirgisu se-hu niknas.
feel.PST.3PL.M that-he entered
'Somebody noticed/felt that he entered.'
b. garu ecli ba-dira kse-hayiti be-xopes.
lived.PST.3PL.M chez-me in-the.apartment when-was.iso in-vacation
'Somebody lived in my apartment when I was on vacation.'
It is nevertheless the case that null plural pronouns, with either existential or generic reading, must be
interpreted as animate, a fact that does tend to be conflated with agentivity all the more so for an elem-
ent which is independently barred as a subject of unaccusatives or passives. Animacy in turn, also char-
acterizes so-called big PRO.
b. *Mueren en defensa de la democracia.

die.PL in defence of the democracy
'Someone dies in defence of democracy.'
(36) *Sono venuti a vedere: era una signora anziana.
are come.PL to see: it was an elderly woman
'Someone came to see. It was an old woman.' (the 'comer')
(Italian; Cinque 1988)
Examples (34)-(s6) contrast with (37)-(38), in which bare-plural pro has a
generic interpretation, and is grammatical in unaccusative contexts:
(37) a. [Kse-kopcim me-ha.gag] noplimle-mata.
[when-jump.PL.M from-the roof] fall.M.PL down
'For all x, when x jumps from the roof, x falls down.'
(Hebrew; Borer 19980)
b. [Be-antartiqa] qop'im ba-seleg 'im mitxolelet secara.
[in Antarctica] freeze.PL.M in-the.snow if happens storm
'In Antarctica, one freezes in the snow if there is a storm.'
(38) a. Qui, sono educati in un'atmosfera protestante molto rigida.
here are.PL educated in an atmosphere protestant very rigid
'Here, one is educated in a very strict Protestant atmosphere.'
b. Qui.vannoa scuola gia a quattro anni.
here go.PL to school when four years
'Here, one goes to school at age four.'
(Cinque 1988)
(39) c. Ai Tropici, muoiono giovani.
in.the Tropics die.PL young.PL
'In the tropics, one dies young.'
d. In Inghiliterra, arrivono presto per incontrare la regina.
in England arrive.PL early to meet the queen
'In England, one arrives early to meet the queen.'
(A. Vecchiato, pers. comm.)
Consider now how such a contrast can be accounted for within the sys-
tem presented here. Recall that (non-generic) bare plurals and mass nouns
are non-quantity structures. Recall that by definition, unaccusatives are struc-
tures in which AspQ is projected, LspX6)*] is assigned range by a quantity DP
in [Spec,AspQ], and that DP, in turn, is interpreted as subject-of-quantity. If,
however, the structure under consideration is such that the conceptual array
includes at most one argument, and if, by assumption, that argument is non-
quantity, an unaccusative structure could never emerge. No such restriction
applies to unergative structures, where the relevant argument could move dir-
ectly to [Spec.EP] (having merged, presumably, in [Spec.TP]), giving rise to a
non-quantity, activity reading without any difficulty. Recall now that we cru-
cially assumed that existential closure does not consist of assigning range to
(e)t, but only of assigning range, indeed binding, (e}a. It is precisely that fact
which allowed the co-occurrence of existential closure and weak determiners.
On the other hand, generics, we suggested, assigned range to both (e)d and (e}#,
making their occurrence with other determiners, weak or strong, impossible. It
therefore follows that pro with an existential reading is not a quantity structure
(cf. 26a) and cannot license unaccusative structures. However, it could co-exist
with unergative structures. On the other hand.pro with a generic interpretation
could occur in both unaccusative and unergative structures. Both predictions
are born out empirically, as demonstrated earlier, thereby providing inde-
pendent evidence for the DP structure proposed here, for the view of syntactic
quantity suggested, and for the building blocks of event structure. The relevant
(intransitive) configurations are in (4o)-(4i):
(40) Existential pro
a. *[EPpro-ex [-^pm-ex [Aspapf&-ex (e), [VP
( [ASPQ <e), not assigned range)
b. *[EPpro-ex [^pm-ex- [PPpr&-ex(e), [VP
(FP is not phonologically licensedpartitive case
cannot be assigned due to Burzio's generalization)
c. [Eppro-ex[~[ppm-ex- [VP---
(licit, unergative, atelic derivation)
(41) Generic pro
a. [EP pro-gen [TP pm-gen [ASPQ pm-gen (e}t [ V P ...
(licit, unaccusative derivation)
b. * [EP pro-gen [TP pm-gen [FT pm-gen <e), [ V P ...
(FP is not phonologically licensedpartitive case
cannot be assigned due to Burzio's generalization)
c. [EP pro-gen [TPpm-gm [ V P ...
(licit, unergative, atelic derivation)
5
Interpreting Telicity
5.1 Introduction
The account given for the projection of arguments in the previous chapters
rests very heavily on the existence of a particular syntactic configuration, which
leads to an event structure and an argumental interpretation of a specific sort.
Most prominently, it involved postulating a structure which is sufficient (but as
we will see, not necessary) to give rise to a telic interpretation, and which results
in the assignment of an event participant role to the direct object. More specif-
ically, the account rests on the following premises:
A. The semantics of (at least some aspects of) event structure is read off the
syntax of functional structures with specific range assigned to the function-
al heads.
B. At least for a well-defined subset of telic interpretations, such range assign-
ment is met in a particular syntactic configuration, specifically, that of speci-
fier-head agreement, with the structure in (i):
(i) [AspQ DP/ UspX6")*]] (with a the specific quantity value of [DP (e),])
It is precisely this syntactic configuration which gives content to the often-
discussed homomorphism between the quantificational properties of events
and the quantificational properties of nominals. Within the syntactic domain,
this homomorphism derives from the fact that both nominals and events may
(or may not) be syntactically specified as quantity, where by quantity we mean
the existence of quantifiable divisions, ranging semantically over a similar class
of predicates within the nominal domain and the event domain, and from the
fact that specifier-head agreement may copy the quantity value of a nominal
onto the head that it is attached to, thereby giving rise to quantifiable event div-
isions.
C. As the crucial property here is quantity, syntactically represented and
semantically interpreted in accordance with that syntactic structure, no
role whatsoever is played by the lexical semantics of items involved, which
is to say, neither the lexical semantics of the verb nor of a direct argument
which meets Verkuyls generalization does or can play a formal role in the
determination of telicity. Furthermore, to the extent that we deny the exist-

ence of lexical specification concerning argument structure, and in follow-
ing Tennys (1987,1992,1994) attempt to reduce all argument roles to those
of event participants, we must reject any account of telicity which crucially
relies on the assignment of some particular role to some particular argument,
such as theme, regardless of whether it is assigned by the verb or through any
other means.
It is worthwhile noting that to the extent that there is indeed a clear direct
mapping between the properties of overt determiners associated with the direct
object (in an English-type language) and event interpretation, and to the extent
that it can be shown that the relationship between direct objects and event inter-
pretation obeys well-defined syntactic conditions, the system we are developing
here constitutes a strong argument for a view of the syntax-semantics interface
according to which the syntax constructs formulas that the semantic compon-
ent then interprets. While it may still be the case that distinct syntactic struc-
tures could be assigned an identical interpretation, if the picture here is on the
right track, it seriously challenges a semantic picture which allows a single syn-
tactic structure to be manipulated by the semantics so as to give rise to distinct
interpretations (e.g. through typeshifting).
These conclusions notwithstanding, the account offered for telicity thus far
remains incomplete with respect to some crucial interpretational issues. Spe-
cifically, we must address lexical specification and thematic role assignment,
typically claimed to play a crucial role in the determination of telicity, as clearly
within the account proposed here they could not assume this task Further, the
interpretational consequences of replacing Krifka's (1989,1992) quantization
with quantity, in the relevant sense, must be discussed in detail. I turn to this
task directly, in Sections 5.2 and 5.3, where I argue against the lexico-semantic
encoding of any properties which give rise to telic structures, and where I elab-
orate further on the notion of quantity, contrasting it with Krifka's quantization
and Kiparsky's (1998) boundedness.
Quantity, when associated with AspQ, has a role akin to that attributed to
#P within the nominal domain. It selects, with respect to a particular event, a
specific quantity reticule, providing quantification to divisions of that event.
Syntactically, quantity interpretation emerges from the projection of a specific
open value, [AspQ{e}#]which must be assigned range. The structure in (i), as well
as Verkuyl's generalization, crucially emerges as a result of the fact that (in the
languages considered thus far) there is no regular paradigm in the functional
lexicon, be it in the form of a phonologically realizable head feature or an inde-
pendent f-morph, that merges with [ASpQ{e}#] and assigns range directly to it. The
Interpreting Telicity 123
only systematic way to assign range to LspX6)*] is thus indirectly, through speci-
fier-head agreement, requiring the existence of a quantity DP.
Surely, however, the absence of such functional range assignment, through
either an f-morph or a head feature, is a language-specific, or even construction-
specific fact. Further, recall that, at least in the nominal domain, range can be
assigned through an adverb of quantification. Thus, in principle, we expect the
occurrence, in some languages, of overt functional marking on the verb, reflect-
ing the existence of a head feature that can assign range directly to [ASpQ(e)*]>
and/or an independent f-morph likewise assigning range directly to [ASpQ(e)#]-
Alternatively, an adverb of some sort could assign range to [ASpQ(e)#] In turn,
should it turn out to be possible for such range assignment to occur, we expect
the occurrence of a quantity DP to no longer be crucial for the emergence of
telicity, contra Verkuyls generalization. Schematically, such structures would
beasin(2a-b):
(2) Telicity (through direct range assignment):

a. [ AspQ (DP ,)V.<a> <e a >,[vp]]
b. [ASPQ ( DP*,) \f-morph]a <e<% [VP V]]
c. [adverb" [ As p Q (DP ,) <e<% [ VP V] adverb"]]
([f-morph] a = free functional morpheme with an a range; (ct} = a head
feature with the relevant range)
Note that if indeed telicity is possible without a quantity DP, it indicates that
the emergence of a subject-of-quantity interpretation is the (optional) effect of
telicity, rather than its cause. In turn, recall that the originator interpretation,
associated with [Spec,EP], was assumed to be an effect of the structure, rather
than a cause, a point to which I return at some length in Chapter 9. If subject-
of-quantity is likewise not obligatory in telic configurations, the asymmetry
between originators and subjects-of-quantity disappears, and all direct event
arguments turn out to be entailments from event structure, rather than assign-
ment relations between particular nodes and referential expressions. VerkuyFs
generalization, and the argumental interpretations associated with it, valid as
they are for a broad range of telic constructions, turn out to reflect one specif-
ic mechanism of range assignment to [ASpQ(e)#]namely, that associated with
quantity specifierson the one hand, and the absence (in the typically discussed
languages) of direct range assigners for [AspQ(e}#]on the other.
Even more crucially, consider the following possibility. In a language such
as English, there are neither aspectual f-morphs nor (realizable) head features
which can assign range to [AspQ(e)#],and hence [ASpQ{e}#] must be assigned range
through a quantity DP in [Spec,AspQ]. Specifier-head agreement, however, is
at least prima facie a symmetric relation. It is thus fully predicted by the system
proposed here that alongside the structure in (i), we would find the structure in
(3) (where the arrow indicates indirect range assignment):
(3) [A S p Q ([DP<e a },)[A Sp <e a }J]
In (B)> [AspQ(e}#] is assigned range directly through one of the mechanisms in (ia-
c). In turn, through specifier-head agreement, the value of [AspQ(e}#] is transmit-
ted to [DP (e}#], turning it into a quantity DP, in the absence of an independent
range assigner to (e}# within the DP. Thus in structures such as (ia-c), we expect
no DP at all, or alternatively, a DP with the range assigned to [DP (e}#] inherited
from the quantity properties of AspQ. Elaborating, as the assignment of range to
[AspQ(e}#] in (ia-c) is clearly not dependent on the DP, we do not expect Verkuyl's
generalization to hold, and whether or not there is a DP in [Spec, AspQ] becomes
orthogonal to the presence of telic interpretation. If, however, a DP does project
in [Spec,AspQ], and if it does contain an open value for (e}#, we predict that
through specifier-head agreement, it would be the value assigned to AspQ,
through an independent f-morph or a head feature, that would assign value
to [DP (e)f\. To the extent that there is a specifier for AspQ, then, we do expect it
to exhibit the same sort of agreement phenomena as we saw in languages that
must obey Verkuyl's generalization to assign range to AspQ. In these cases, how-
ever, it would be the value of the head that would be copied onto the specifier,
rather than the other way around.
Are there actually structures such as those in (2)-(3), involving, specifical-
ly, direct range assignment to AspQ, without a direct argument, without a DP
in [Spec,AspQ]? Note that if there are, not only do they serve as evidence that
Verkuyl's generalization does not hold universally, but further, they pose a seri-
ous problem for accounts that crucially derive telicity from the existence of a
DP argument with particular properties. For instance, if cases such as (i)-(3) do
occur, the existence of a (quantity) incremental theme could not be argued to be
a necessary semantic (or syntactic) condition for telicity, contra Dowty (1991)
and Krifka (1992).1
Turning to atelicity, we concurred with Tenny (1994) that atelicity is associ-
ated with the absence of the relevant event structurethat is, quantity.2 Specif-
1
And see also Schmitt (1996). Although she does analyse cases in which properties of heads are cop-
ied onto specifiers in telic contexts as cases of specifier-head agreement, she nevertheless continues
to subscribe to the view that a direct object is necessary to derive telicity. We note that within such an
approach, Verkuyl's generalization cannot be derived from the need of AspQ, or the predicate in general,
to be assigned quantificational properties, but must be a primitive.
2
Although, contrary to Tenny (1987,1994), the structure under consideration is not lexical in nature,
thereby preempting objections articulated in Filip (1996).
ically, atelicity emerges whenever the structure in (i) is missing. The structure in
(i) might be missing in a variety of contexts, at least three of which were men-
tioned. First, the event might be stative. Secondly, the structure might be missing
when a sole direct argument is otherwise licensed, as in the case of unergatives,
for instance, or conatives. Third, the structure might be missing if a shell FP
(FSP) is projected, assigning partitive case to its DP specifier. In all these cases
atelicity emerges, but it is clear that atelics are not a uniform class, in that the
term ranges, as a description, at least over atelic intransitive eventives (unerga-
tive structures), atelic transitive eventives (partitive constructions), and statives.
It follows that while there may be well-formedness conditions associated with
telicity (quantity DP, etc.), there should not be any which are associated with
atelicity. Rather, we expect to find distinct well-formedness conditions associ-
ated with various structures which, by virtue of lacking the structure in (i), are
atelic, but which are otherwise distinct. Thus, for instance, we suggested that
FSP may only project if phonologically licensed, and that the conative alterna-
tion involves an originator, together with an argument licensed in the L-domain
through the merger of a preposition. Although both of these configurations are
atelic, the well-formedness considerations are distinct and unrelated to atelicity,
as such. Likewise, if it is correct to assume that stative events include a special-
ized structure, they maybe subject to well-formedness conditions of their own,
which, in turn, would not apply to other atelic configurations. In this respect, the
account of atelicity offered here differs from the account given in Krifka (1992)
and from its extension in Filip (1996), both of which crucially assume that atel-
icity does involve a specific set of properties.
I already argued in Chapter 4 that atelicity is the absence of quantity struc-
ture, and not a dedicated structure in and of itself. In Chapters 6 and 71 return
to the investigation of atelicity, as well as to the study of telicity that is associ-
ated with direct range assignment to AspQ. Specifically, I will be concerned with
empirical evidence for the following claims:
A. Atelicity is lack of telicity. There is no atelic structure as such. Telicity, on the

other hand, is quantity structure, consisting of a reticule which is superim-
posed, so to speak, on unstructured events, thereby associating them with
quantified divisions (and see Rothstein 2ooofo, for a similar conceptualiza-
tion of the properties of accomplishments).
B. Verkuyl's generalization captures the essential property of indirect range
assignment to [ASpQ(e}#], one of three possible modes of assigning range to
[AspQ(e}#]. In the presence of direct range assignment, AspQ could be well-
formed without a (quantity) DP specifier, and hence in violation of Verkuyl's
generalization.
We will see that structures in which range is assigned directly to [AspQ(e}#]

do exist, as expected, thereby lending support to the specifier-head agreement
mechanism suggested as an account for Verkuyls generalization. They further
constitute strong support for the syntactic representation of telicity and event
structure proposed here.
I suggested that both inter-language and intra-language variation could
and should be traced back to the mode in which open functional values are
assigned range, alongside the specific range of values associated with any given
functional marker (numerals were counters in English, but both counters and
dividers in Hungarian, etc. See Volume I, Chapter 4) Likewise, within the ver-
bal domain, I suggest, variation is to be traced back to range assignment modes
and specific values associated with specific range assigners. The English func-
tional lexicon, for example, does not list a head feature (alternatively, does not
provide a phonological realization for a head feature), or an f-morph which can
assign range directly to [ASpQ{e}#]- On the other hand, it does include f-morphs
which assign range to [DP (e)J. As a result, range assignment to [ASpQ{e}#] can
be, and typically is, accomplished through specifier-head agreement. On the
other hand, Slavic languages do have head features that can assign range dir-
ectly to [AspQ(e}#]but a limited inventory of f-morphs and head features that can
assign range directly to (e}a (specifically, no definite or indefinite determiners).
Asa result, range assignment to the value (e)d of the DP in [Spec,AspQ],and,by
extension, at least sometimes to [DP (e}#], can be accomplished through speci-
fier-head agreement.3
As in the case of the nominal system, it will turn out that language-internally,
more than one mode of range assignment may be available for the same open
value. While English predominantly assigns range indirectly to [AspQ(e}#]we will
see that in some constructions direct assignment is available, making the pro-
jection of a quantity DP unnecessary. I return to this issue in Chapter 7. Like-
wise, Hebrew, in which range to [ASpQ{e}#] is typically assigned indirectly, and
range to [DP (e),] directly, exhibits constructions in which range is assigned dir-
ectly to [AspQ(e)*]> and indirectly to [DP (e),]. I return to this last issue in Part III,
where direct range assignment to event functional nodes in Hebrew is studied
in great detail.
3
Bulgarian and, at times, Serbo-Croatian, have been argued to have definite determiners of a type
which is not attested in other Slavic languages such as Polish, Czech, and Russian. In turn, these deter-
miners are often analysed as adjectival in nature. If they are indeed adjectival, they should be compat-
ible, in principle, with range assignment to [DP (e}J through specifier-head agreement with AspQ, with
the adjectival structure within such DPs functioning as a modifier of the range assigner to [DP (e) J. For
some relevant discussion of the potential modificational function of some adjectives and determiners,
see Volume I, Chapters 6 and 7.
5.2 Against Lexical Encoding

Consider again paradigms such as those in (4):
(4) a. Kim built houses. (conceptual array: Kim, build, house)
b. Robin pushed the cart. (conceptual array: Robin, push, cart)
Recall now that the merger of AspQ is altogether optional. If AspQ does not
merge with VP, telicity will never emerge, nor will any argument receive accusa-
tive case. If a shell F merges with VP, on the other hand, only an atelic transitive
derivation can emerge, as a shell F is only licensed if its specifier is associated
with (partitive) case. And finally, if neither AspQ nor F merge with VP, the con-
ceptual array associated with (4a-b), for example, could only result in a con-
verging derivation if one of the arguments is licensed VP-internally, through an
adjoined preposition or through incorporation (and see Borer, forthcoming, for
discussion of incorporation within the L-domain).
Suppose now that AspQ, with its [ASpQ{e}#] open range, does merge with VP, and
that the conceptual array is as in (43). Suppose, further, that no quantity head
merges with houses. As a result, houses comes to have the DP structure associ-
ated with bare plurals, repeated here as (5):
(5) [DP <e)d [ci1 house.(div) <e)DiV [NP house ] ]
That derivation, clearly, will not converge. Although [DP houses] will pre-
sumably receive accusative case, as [DP (e)J does not project, [ASpQ(e)#] cannot
be assigned range and the derivation will collapse. The representation of this
ungrammatical derivation is in (6) (where [-Q] refers to a non-quantity struc-
ture, specifically here, a non-quantity DP).
However, such an account appears unavailable for the impossibility of a telic
derivation for sentences such as those in (4b). Note specifically that the relevant
argument, the cart, is in fact a quantity, and hence could and should give rise
to telicity. Of course, an atelic derivation is available, but we predict for (4b), in
contrast with (43), an ambiguity. In other words, (4b) should behave just like
those cases in Finnish in which a verb-argument combination receives a telic
interpretation in the context of accusative case, but an atelic one in the context
of partitive.
Standard judgements, however, are rather clear in the case of (4b). A telic
interpretation, in the absence of an independently specified delimiting point
(e.g.push the cart to New York) is very difficult, if not impossible, to get. But are
we actually dealing here with properties of the verb push'? Should we resolve
the issue by assuming that push, for instance, is [-ADD TO], in the sense of
Verkuyl (1972,1993) and that as such, it blocks a telic reading even in the pres-
ence of a quantity DP? The sentences in (7) suggest that this would be a hasty
move indeed, unjustified by the telic interpretation clearly available here for the
verbs push and pull:
(7) a. Kim pushed the button/the lever,
b. Kim pulled the rope/the lever.
To make matters worse, it turns out that (7a-b) themselves are actually ambig-
uous. Suppose I push a button to and fro on the surface of a flat table, without
a well-defined end point in mind. This, clearly, would be akin to pushing a cart,
and a sentence describing it would have an atelic reading. If, on the other hand, a
button is pushed (realistically or figuratively) such that it produces a clear result
(a bell ringing, someone going nuts, etc.) the event is a telic one. A very similar
point, concerning the inability of lexical items as such to determine (a)telicity is
made by Schein (2002), who discusses examples such as (8):
(8) Johnny Reb heaved the cannon towards the Union battery (in ten sec-
onds/for ten seconds).
As Schein notes (and see also the discussion in Jackendoff 1996), if the action
denoted here involves heaving the cannon in a straight trajectory towards the
enemy lines, due north for example, an atelic reading is natural, and a telic one
anomalous. If, on the other hand, the heaving under consideration involves
rotating the cannon initially pointing, for example, northeast, toward the enemy
lines directly to the north, then a telic reading is fully natural. The illustration
here, note, does not concern the properties of either the direct argument or the
verb, but rather those of the directional preposition towards, but nevertheless,
it is clear that the same point is valid for the examples in (7). The trajectory of
pushing or heaving, together with the function of such pushing or heaving and
the presumed nature of the object pushed, when combined with a bit of com-
mon sense and world knowledge, will in all likelihood give rise to the correct
interpretation. From the point of view of the grammar, however, it is clear that
the meanings associated with the concepts push and button, or for that matter,
heave and towards, are in and of themselves neither sufficient nor necessary to
induce telicity (or lack thereof), and that the information associated with tra-
jectory and function is neither grammatically nor lexically marked. Rather, it
is clearly based on world knowledge (e.g. pushing buttons and pulling ropes
is consistent with a well-established telic event; pushing carts is not). We must
conclude, then, that it is precisely the grammatical event structure associated
with specific utterances, as realized in Finnish through the accusative/parti-
tive distinction, which is responsible for the ambiguity of (ja-b), rather than
the lexical properties of the verb, the noun, and/or their combination. In other
words, given an event structure, common sense and world knowledge are called
upon to render the meaning of the individual concepts involved compatible
with it. The emergence of a felicitous reading is then directly dependent on the
degree to which the interpretation returned by the structure can be reconciled
with those concepts. Thus a telic structure associated with pushing a button will
give rise to an interpretation of a bell sound, while the absence of such a struc-
ture will give rise to a non-directed motion.
Similar effects can be observed with verbs which are typically assumed to
involve no change of state at all, that is, verbs most saliently associated with a
stative interpretation. Thus consider (9), where the presence of adverbs such
as twice forces an eventive reading, as argued by Mourelatos (1978) and Bach
(1981):
(9) a. Kim loved Robin twice last summer.
b. The wall touched the fence (#twice today).
c. Kim touched the fence (twice today).
Speciflcallybecause twice and similar adverbials in effect force the projection
of AspQ, a quantity structure, love and touch in (9a-b) are 'coerced' and forced to
be conceptually compatible with an eventive, rather than stative, interpretation.
In turn, the conceptual component returns a much more felicitous output for
an eventive event predicated of love or touch as associated with human subjects,
than for an eventive event predicated of touch, as associated with an inanimate
subject. In all these cases, there is little sense in claiming that the anomaly or
felicity emerges from the properties of love or touch (and see Chapter 7, Sec-
tion 7.3.1, for a more detailed discussion of range assignment to [AspQ(e}#] in such
cases, as well as argumentation that they are not instances of outer aspect, in the
sense ofVerkuyl 1972 and subsequent work; similar cases of'coercion in Finnish
will be discussed shortly).
In claiming that the relevant domain for aktionsart distinctions is not the
lexical specifications of verbal listemes (together with their lexically selected
arguments), this work deviates from much literature on aktionsart, including
(but not restricted to) Verkuyl (1972,1989,1993), Tenny (1987,1992,1994), Dowty
(1991), Krifka (1989,1992), Filip (1992,1993,1996, 2000), Levin and Rappaport
Hovav (1989,19920, b, but not 1995), van Hout (1996), Schmitt (1996), Ram-
chand (1997), and Kiparsky (1998), in which a variety of lexical properties are
attributed to verbs.
Similarly, we must reject claims that the lexical semantics of the noun which
conforms to Verkuyls generalization, or the specific role-assignment relations it
has with the verb, is crucial to the emergence of telicity. While the lexical prop-
erties of the relevant verbs proposed to be relevant are typically associated with
graduality or scalar implicature (see, most recently, Hay, Kennedy, and Levin
1999), the nouns which meet Verkuyls generalization, in addition to requiring
a theme role, are typically argued to be associated with a property which allows
the natural partitioning of the event into gradual subparts, a property not unlike
that argued by Tenny (1987) to give rise to measuring out the event, or alterna-
tively, to its delimitation. In Krifka's (1998) terms, the homomorphism between
events and objects, defined in (10), must hold:4
(10) a. Uniqueness of objects
There can be no two distinct objects which bear relation R to the
same event.
b. Uniqueness of events
There can be no two distinct events which bear R to the same object.
c. Mapping to objects
If an event bears R to an object, any subpart of the event bears R to
some subpart of the object.
d. Mapping to events
If an event bears R to an object, any subpart of the object bears R to
some subpart of the event.
4
From Krifka (1998):
(i) 6 shows uniqueness of events, UE(6) iff
Mx,y& (7PVee UE[Q(x,e) Ay<Px^3le' [e' <Ee A Q(y.e')]]
(11) 6 shows uniqueness of objects, UO(6) iff
\/x<= UpVe, e'<=UE [Q(x, e) A e' <E e - 3!y [y <Px A Q(y.e')]]
(iii) 6 shows mapping to events, ME(6) iff
Vx,y<= UPVe<= UE [Q(x,e)A.y<Px^3e' [e' <Ee^ 6(y.e')]l
(iv) 6 shows mapping to objects, MO(6), iff:
Vx <= UpVe, e' <= UE [Q(x, e) A e' <E e - 3y [y <px A Q(y.e')] ]
The event-object mapping in (10) is intended to capture both the mapping

of events onto quantized objects (e.g. reading three books), and the mapping of
events onto properties of an object which is the theme of the relevant verb, and
which, by virtue of its ontological properties, is capable of partitioning the event
in the relevant way. Consider, as an illustrative example, the reading of a (sin-
gle) book that involves, presumably, a unique event of reading a unique book In
turn, it consists of a series of sub-events, each of these sub-events defined on the
basis of divisions introduced naturally by the object'book'. Each such sub-event
may be a reading of a chapter, a reading of a page, or even a reading of a single
word. None of these subparts of the book are, in turn, a book, nor are any of the
sub-events (e.g. the reading of Chapter 5) the same as the whole event, name-
ly reading a book In turn, the incremental theme must be quantized, in the
sense of (11). Thus no subpart of a book is a book, making a book quantized, but
there are subparts of books that are books, and thereby books is not quantized.
Rather, books is cumulative, as books added to books are books (see definition
in (12)). Following a similar line of reasoning, a reading of books when added to
a reading of books yields an event of reading books, and the event denoted by
read books certainly could have subparts which are likewise readings of books.
But not so for an event of reading a book added to another such event, which
instead gives rise to two events, each consisting of reading one book. Similarly,
no part of a reading of a book is, in itself, a reading of a book (with a culminat-
ing interpretation). Thus, in the presence of a cumulative theme, at least (IDC, d)
do not hold (and arguably, neither do (ioa,b)). The relationship between telicity
and quantization is regulated by (13) (all definitions from Krifka 1998):
(n) VXc Up [QUAp (X) <- Vx,y[X(x) A X(y) - ->y <P x]]
(X is quantized iff for all x,y with the property X,y is not a proper part
ofx)
(12) VXC UP[CUMP(X)^3x,y[X(x) AX(y) A->x=y] A\fx,y[X(x) AX(y)
-*X(xy)]]
(X is cumulative iff there exist y,x with the property X (and x distinct
from y) such that X is a property of the sum x+y)
(13) a. Telicity is the property of an event predicated that applies to event e
such that all parts of e that fall under X are initial and final parts of e.
b. If a quantized predicate X applies to some event e then it does not
apply to any proper part of e. Hence the onlye' such that X(e') and
e' < e is e itself.
We note first two obvious problems with the use of the term 'theme' here as
the relevant notion of the object, evoking lexical properties of a selecting verb
as the relevant notion of the object. First, direct objects may induce telicity even
when they are clearly not arguments of the verb, as in resultatives, for instance:
(14) a. We sang the baby asleep.
b. We ran our shoes threadbare.
According to traditional views, the baby and our shoes in (14) are not argu-
ments of the verb. Within an approach that depends on the thematic rela-
tions between the verb and the object, then, some sort of typeshifting would
be required to convert the direct object into a derived theme of some sort, as
well as to postulate, in a manner that would need to be particular to each event,
what the resulting relations would be between the verb and its theme (and see
Rothstein looofo for a similar objection). I return to a discussion of this point
and to resultatives in general in Chapter 8, Section 8.1. Similar problems for
any constrained theory of thematic role assignment are presented by the way
construction (and see Chapter 2, Section 2.3, for some discussion):
(15) We danced our way to the ball.
Secondly, under plausible theories of thematic role assignment, the thematic
relations which hold for verbs such as spray and load are constant across their
different instantiations. For example, spray is as in (i6a), with the sprayed con-
stantly a theme, and the target of spraying constantly a location. And yet in (i6c)
it is clearly not the theme which is the 'measured' object, telicity-wise, but rather
the location:
(16) a. Spray: (agent),theme,location.

b. Kim sprayed the paint on the wall.
theme location
c. Kim sprayed the wall with the paint.
location theme
Of course, an operation involving either lexical mapping or typeshifting of

some sort could be defined so as to reassign the role of theme to the wall in (i6c).
Such an operation, however, would render any account of telicity which crucial-
ly makes reference to theme circular in obvious ways.
Setting aside the obvious problems for the notion of incremental theme pre-
sented by (i4)-(i6), let us return to the ambiguity of (7). Note now that the
object the button (or, for that matter, the cart), is a theme of push on both telic
and atelic readings, and that it is likewise quantity, or quantized in both. Finally,
the relations between the button and push (or the cart and push) satisfy (loa-b)
for both telic and atelic readings (and excluding iterative pushing of the same
button or the same cart). As for (loc-d), it is hard to see how the properties of
the button as a participant in either a telic or an atelic event could be reconciled
with such statements, especially as it is hard to see how a button as such meas-
ures out an event, or undergoes incremental change in any sense, as depending
on the trajectory of the pushing. Now it could be suggested that the telic event
and the atelic event pick up on distinct properties of the button, which may or
may not be true. It may also be proposed that there are two lexical entries for
button (as well as for rope, book, mountain, and the many other nominals which
are comfortable, with the very same verbs, in both telic and atelic contexts).
However, it is precisely at this point that the account becomes circular. Because
telic events, by anybody's definition, are incremental, and because they are spe-
cifically characterizable as having sub-events which are distinct from the event
itself (and note here that this is true of quantization in Krifka's definition as
well as of quantity according to the definition given here) any attempt to con-
strue a button as part of the telic event would require imagining sensible sub-
events to the pushing, consisting, presumably, of measurable partial, rather than
complete pushing, as defined by a well-established culmination (e.g. the ringing
of the bell). It would therefore also require conceptualizing buttons as things
that can be in a state of being partially pushed (but, note, the very same button,
incrementality here defined only as a point along a path, rather than subparts of
the object). An atelic event does not have quantifiable sub-events that are dis-
tinct from the whole, and hence no such conceptualization is necessary. How-
ever, what is at stake here is not properties of button or its relations with push,
but rather, properties of the event. To assume that the properties of buttons are
somehow implicated in bringing them about not only requires multiple lexic-
al entries for button, but is clearly putting the picture on its head. We note that
our objection here is not to the characterization of telic events as gradual, or as
consisting of sub-events, or even as consisting, at least at times, of mapping onto
subparts of the object. Rather, we object to this characterization being described
as emerging from the lexical semantics, or indeed, the ontological properties
of either the verb denotation, or denotation of the noun that heads the direct
object.5
The objection raised here joins a number of other objections to the concep-
tualization of telic events as consisting of the mapping of subparts of events
to subparts of objects and vice versa. Thus an event of building a house may
5
In fact, this point is basically conceded in Krifka (1998), who notes that the reason for the failure
of telicity for push the cart is that 'if the pushing of the cart goes on in an event e, then it typically goes
on during parts of e as well' (p. 212). Granting that this is indeed the case, however, one wonders what,
beyond whatever structure would force such homogeneity, is the role played by the lexical semantics of
the verb, the lexical semantics of the object, or the thematic relations between them.
consist of much activity that does not map onto house parts (hiring an architect,
reviewing blueprints, buying lumber, etc.). An event of reading an article, even if
it does culminate, may include a re-reading of various sections, or indeed, read-
ing the article twice, assuming that the first reading did not yield satisfactory
comprehension, thereby violating both quantization and the homomorphism
between sub-events and parts of the object. To echo another well-discussed
objection (cf. Tenny 1987; Dowty 1991; Verkuyl 1993; Kratzer 1994; Schein 2002,
among others), we note that for the propositions in (17), with a telic interpret-
ation, the object cannot provide a natural end point for measuring out the event,
in the intended sense:
(17) a. Her face reddened.
b. Her mood brightened.
c. We cooked the eggs.
d. We filled the room with smoke.
e. We wrote a sequence of numbers.
Suppose we consider as an illustration of the problem here (17d), based on
the discussion in Schein (2002). Suppose we define 'full of smoke' for my liv-
ing room as a milligram of smoke per cubic yard of air. We can then measure
the event, by mapping filling of smoke to cubic yards of air in the room, to the
point that the room is full. Suppose, however, we continue to pump smoke into
the room subsequent to that point, stopping when there are two milligrams of
smoke per cubic yard. This is clearly not a new event, nor has the filling become
an event of'overfilling' the room with smoke. Nor can we assume that the defin-
ition of'full' is relativized here, or a clear circularity would emerge, so that full is
precisely when the event was over, and hence only a posteriori can the relevant
room parts be defined with respect to the filling event. The problem, we note, is
a particularly acute one because smoke, the substance being filled into the room,
is a mass noun, and hence we cannot assume that it is itself the relevant object in
(10), and that subparts of the event map onto subparts of smoke.6
Suppose we turn now to analyses that make crucial appeal to some gradu-
al property (of events) associated with the lexical properties of the verb, and
see how they fare with respect to the ambiguity of (7)-(8). Specifically, con-
sider some aspects of the analyses proposed by Verkuyl (1972,1989,1993) and
6
As such,/!// the room with smoke is not amenable to the solution which Krifka (1998) proposes for the
telicity of both (ia) and (ib), which involves the scoping out of the italicized DP from within the domain
of the in three minutes phrase, thereby acquiring an interpretation associated with a given, but unspeci-
fied amount (I return to these issues in Section 5.3):
(i) a. We wrote a sequence of numbers in three minutes,
b. We ate some apples in three minutes.
Kiparsky (1998). Kiparsky, studying partitive case and taking as his starting
point the assumption that the distribution of partitive and accusative case is
indicative of the property bounded of verbal predicates, suggests an account
of aspect in which it follows compositionally from the lexical properties of the
head verb and its object, largely following Verkuyl (1989) and Krifka (1989,1992).
Within the eventive domain, the bounded distinction is in effect equivalent to
telic.7 We already discussed briefly the notion bounded in the context of DP
structure and interpretation. Specifically, the lexical properties under consider-
ation are formulated in terms of the properties divisive, cumulative, and diverse,
as in (18) (and see Chapter 4, Section 4.4 in Volume I, and, in this volume, Chap-
ter 3, Section 3.2, for some discussion):8
(18) a. P is divisive iff Vx [P(x) /\-*atom(x) >3y[ycx AP(y)]]
(P is divisive if and only if for all x with property P, where x is non-
atomic, there is a y, proper subset of x, with the property P)
b. P is cumulative iff Vx [P(x) A ->sup(x,P) > 3(y)[xcy /\P(y)]
(P is cumulative if and only if for all x with property P, where x is not
the maximal element with property P, there is a y, proper superset of
x with the property P)
c. P is diverse iff VxVy[P(x) /\P(y) Ax^y^-^xcyA-iycx]
(P is diverse if and only if for all x with the property P and all y with
the property P, and x distinct from y, x is not a proper subset of y and
y is not a proper subset of x)
(19) A predicate P is unbounded (-B) iff it is divisive and cumulative and
not diverse
By extension, then, a predicate P is bounded (+B) if it is not unbounded,
which maybe the case, for example, if it is divisive but not cumulative, cumula-
tive but not divisive, diverse but neither divisive nor cumulative, etc. (see Vol-
ume I, Chapter 4, Section 4.4, for some discussion). Finally, the properties B
may be properties of lexical items as well as properties of phrases (e.g. DPs).
7
As Kiparsky (op. cit.) notes, unboundedness, as marked by partitive case, is a notion akin but not
identical to that of atelicity. Most crucially, while all (transitive) telic predicates are accusative, and all
partitive-marked predicates are atelic, it is not the case that all atelic predicates are partitive, but rather,
some statives are marked with accusative case, a matter already touched upon in n. 2 in Chapter 4.1 noted
there that within the domain of eventives, the correlation is a perfect one, and that the distribution of
accusative case in Finnish suggests that some generalization concerning the uniform behaviour of some
telic eventives and a specific subset of statives is yet to be uncovered. We continue to set this matter aside
for the remainder of this work, assuming that a careful investigation of the structure of stative predicates
will reveal a workable solution.
8
The reader is referred to Kiparsky (op. cit.) for the specific justification of the inclusion of the restric-
tions non-atomic and non-maximal (supremum) in the definitions in (18).
-B predicates, by this definition, are bombs, food, run, throw at, etc. +B predi-
cates, on the other hand, are few bombs, drop, read something in a short time, etc.
The statements in (20) regulate the relations between the meaning of the VP-
predicate and its subparts, and determine the distribution of partitive case.
(20) a. A VP predicate is unbounded if it has either an unbounded head or
an unbounded argument,
b. The object of an unbounded VP is obligatorily partitive.
Examples of the workings of this system are in (21)-(22):
(21) a. They touched (-B) the bombs (+B) for an hour (#in an hour)
> partitive
b. They dropped (+B) bombs (-B) for an hour (#in an hour)
> partitive
(22) a. They dropped (+B) the bombs (+B) in an hour (#for an hour)
> accusative
b. They dropped (+B) many bombs (+B) in an hour (#for an hour)
> accusative
Note now that Kiparsky tacitly assumes a fundamental asymmetry between
the properties of verbs and the properties of arguments. While for verbs the B
feature appears to be linked with the lexical entry of a single stem, this is clearly
not the case for arguments, where the B feature is associated with the phrasal
level (NP or DP), and not with the lexical entry of a particular noun. A simi-
lar asymmetry is found in Verkuyl (1972,1989,1993), where properties that are
relevant for telicity are marked on the lexical verb within the verbal domain (as
the feature [+ADD TO]) but on the determiner, rather than the lexical noun,
within the nominal system (as the feature [+SQA]). To the extent that the B
feature or the feature [+SQA] on determiners correspond semantically to quan-
tity functional structure within nominals (cf. (8)-(9), Chapter 3, and related dis-
cussion in Volume I, Chapters 4-6), I certainly concur with the conclusion that
it is a property of nominal phrases (be they NPs or DPs), and not of lexical head
nouns, as such. The remaining question, then, is whether or not the assignment
of the B feature or the [+ADD TO] feature to verbs, as a component of their
lexical semantics, actually derives the properties of the aspectual system in an
insightful manner.
Consider from this perspective again the ambiguities in (7), which are prima
facie problematic for any unambiguous semantic classification of the verb push
as either +B or -B, or as [+ADD TO] or [-ADD TO]. If push is classified as
-B or [-ADD TO], we predict the ungrammaticality of any telic configuration
involvingpws/z. If, on the other hand,push is +B or [+ADD TO], we predict (73)

to be telic, as it clearly involves a +B/[+SQA] object. Within both the Verkuyl
system and the Kiparsky system, then, verbs such as push must be classified as
B, [ADD TO], or alternatively, remain unspecified. And indeed, Verkuyl (op.
cit.) does assume such ambiguity, while Kiparsky (1998) specifically postulates
a large class of verbs that are unspecified for the property B (see Chapter 4, (3)-
(4), for illustration).9
If, however, a verb such as push (as well as verbs of creation and destruction,
verbs 'whose progress is mapped out into the parts of the objects,' and assorted
other verbs, including beat, shoot, name, investigate, and others) can be free-
ly assigned either a +B or a -B classification, or alternatively, [+ADD TO] or
[-ADD TO], the telicity or lack thereof of (7a-b) could not emerge from the
lexical semantics of the verb, and must have another source (or alternatively,
we must subscribe to the rather incoherent notion that push has distinct lex-
ical semantics in its two different realizations). For Verkuyl (1993) to classify
such verbs as [ADD TO], or for Kiparsky to classify them as unspecified for
boundedness, amounts to conceding that at least with respect to these verbs, the
lexical semantics of the verb plays no role whatsoever in determining telicity.
But to make matters worse, telicity could not possibly emerge either from the
determiner system or from the properties of the head N, as the NPs in (7a-b)
are uniformly +B/[+SQA]. What, then, is the source of the telicity/atelicity (or
alternatively, bounded/unbounded reading) in such examples, or the equiva-
lent ones in Finnish?
Interestingly, in Finnish, although the interpretation of such predicates
is clearly underdetermined by the semantics of their parts, morphological-
ly and syntactically, they are entirely regular. As Kiparsky observes, 'once their
boundedness is fixed they are treated in exactly the same way as... aspectually
unambiguous verbs' (p. 286), in that the emerging morphological and syntactic
properties associated with accusatively marked and partitively marked predi-
cates become entirely indistinguishable from the properties of predicates which
are headed by verbs that are, by assumption, lexically marked as +B or -B.
Kiparsky (1996) takes this latter fact, along with the fact that aspectual inter-
pretation is accomplished at the VP level, and not at the level of any one lexic-
al entry, to be evidence for the existence of a purely formal, morphosyntactic
component of the aspectual system.10 Specifically, he assumes that partitive
9
Although Verkuyl (1993) specifically suggests that the verb push is [ADD TO], for other transitive
verbs which do not easily give rise to a telic interpretation, he assumes the presence of a hidden prepos-
ition.
10
Although the discussion in Kiparsky (1998) is consistent with this conclusion, the point is not
explicitly made, although Kiparsky (1998) does assume that the purely formal properties of partitive case
and imperfective morphology in Slavic have the ability to coerce predicates, see below.
and (Slavic) imperfective morphology is -B, while accusative (in Finnish) and
(Slavic) perfective morphology is +B. The distribution of B morphology, in
turn, is keyed to the semantic properties of boundedness of the VP verbal head
and nominal object, if these are informative enoughthat is, when the verb is
unambiguously +B or -B. When the verb is unspecified, however, it appears that
it is the morphology on the object or the verb (and whatever syntactic structure
it reflects) that ends up forcing the VP to be interpreted as +B or -B, respec-
tively. Furthermore, Kiparsky (1998) observes, (morphological) aspect as well
as partitive case can coerce shifts in the lexical meaning of verbs. Thus verbs
which are, by assumption, lexically marked as +B can occur with partitive case
or imperfective morphology, in Slavic, giving rise to unboundedness (as in the
Russian examples in (23)), while -B verbs can occur with accusative case or per-
fective morphology, giving rise to boundedness (as in the Finnish examples in
(24))- n
(23) a. On da-va-1 (Imp.) nine den'gi, a ja ne vzja-1. (Perf.)
he give-PST-3SG.M me money, but I not take.PST.-3SG.M
'He tried to give me money, but I refused.'
(Leinonen 1984, as cited in Kiparsky, op. cit.)
b. Javas obman-yva-1 (Imp.), no mog li obman-u-t.
I you deceive-PST-3SG.M but could-PST-3SG.M Q deceive-iNF
'I tried to deceive you, but could I deceive you?'
(24) a. Hiero-i-n si-ta.
rub-PST-lSG it-PRT
'I rubbed it.'
b. Hiero-i-n sen pehmea-ksi.
rub-PST-iSG it-Ace soft-sc
'I kneaded it soft.'
c. Ravist-i-n mato-n.
shake-PST-isc carpet-ACC
'I shook (out) the carpet.'
d. iti makas-i lapse-nsa kuoliaa-ksi.
mother lie-PST-3SG child-ACC dead-sc
"The mother lay her child dead.' (killed him by lying on him)
11
Note that at least some of the pairs in (24) involve resultatives, and hence could be argued to be
independently telic. This point, however, is orthogonal to the discussion here. If the existence of resulta-
tive structures changes event structure, it implies that the properties of the verbs, as such, cannot deter-
mine telicity, and that telicity is syntactically structured, precisely the point we seek to make here.
e. Jussi maalas-i talo-n.

Jussi paint-PST-3SG house-Ace
'Jussi painted the (whole) house.'
f. Jussi maalas-i talo-a.
Jussi paint-PST-3SG house-PKT
'Jussi was painting the house.'
g. Rakast-i-n tei-ta.
love-PST-isc you-PL-FRT
'I loved you.'
j. Rakast-i-n te-i-da-t rappio-lle.
love-PST-iSG you-PL-ACC ruin-ADESS
'I loved you to ruin.'
In every single case in which the morphosyntax and the (assumed) lexical
semantics of the verb are at odds, as well as in all cases in which the semantics
of the verb is assumed to be underdetermined, it is the morphosyntax which
prevails. For all such cases, one wonders what role, if any, the lexical semantics
of the verb plays in the determination of aspect, given that grammatically, if
not conceptually, it can be cancelled. The assignment of the B feature to verbs
thus appears redundant in a very large number of cases. Rather, it appears, the
majority of verbs can occur in both partitive and accusative contexts, and'coer-
cion is what emerges whenever the semantic interpretation of a syntactic (or
morphosyntactic) structure leads to a clash with the conceptual, encyclopedic
meaning of the listeme embedded within that syntactic frame.
There remain, then, those relatively fewverb-types in which the perceivedlex-
ical semantics of the verb and the morphosyntactic marking are never at odds,
and where only one morphosyntactic marking, either imperfective or perfec-
tive, either partitive or accusative, is possible (the reader should recall, however,
that the only Finnish verbs under consideration here are transitive, as we are
specifically focusing on the partitive-accusative division, which is irrelevant for
intransitive predicates). All transitive constructions which do not allow accusa-
tive case (and a bounded/telic interpretation), or allow it under an extremely
coerced interpretation only, turn out to be stative (and see (9) for the relevant
comparison with 'coerced' statives in English). Under the assumption already
advanced here that at least the relevant stative events do not project an AspQ, the
absence of both accusative case and a telic/bounded interpretation for statives
follows (but see n. 7 for some relevant discussion). A more interesting challenge
is presented by eventive transitive constructions which do not allow partitive
case (and an unbounded/atelic interpretation), and which all turn out to be
achievements, in the sense of Vendler (1967)that is, punctual or instantaneous
telic events. I return to the discussion of achievements in Chapter 10, Sections

10.2-3. The absence of partitive case in achievements, in turn, patterns with the
absence of variable behaviour for intransitive achievements, already touched
upon in Chapter 2, Section 2.2. The picture here is a general one. Intransitive
agentive verbs of manner of motion (in the sense of Levin 1993) reject telic
structure; some achievement verbs, so-called, resist atelic structure. These two
cases aside, however, the picture presented by Kiparsky (op. cit.) does not sup-
port a lexical account. In fact, it directly undermines it, in showing conclusively
that a substantial formal, morphosyntactic component is involved, and that it
systematically can override conflicting lexical information and assign formal
interpretation in the face of undetermined lexical information.
Why, then, is it so difficult to get a telic reading for (4-b)? I suggest that here,
as elsewhere, what is responsible is world knowledge. The motion pattern asso-
ciated with the concepts cart and wagon (i.e. parallel to a surface) is very sali-
ent, especially in view of their transportation function, making the relevant
world knowledge very hard to override. To the extent that situations in which
this knowledge is overridden can be constructed, they must involve abstracting
away from the motion/transportation meaning associated with the concepts
cart and wagon, and from their extremely salient locomotion mode. I leave it
to the reader to imagine such scenarios. While not easy to construct, they are
nonetheless possible.
Crucially, however, our predictions here go beyond the properties of push
and pull. In fact, we predict directly that all (non-stative) transitive verbs should
be ambiguous between a telic reading and an atelic reading, and that any anom-
alies which emerge are attributable to conflicts with world knowledge, rather
than to grammatical factors. We already saw that classical cases of atelic tran-
sitives are, in fact, potentially ambiguous between an atelic and a telic reading.
Can it further be shown that classic telic cases are too?
Although it has been rather standard in the literature to assume that transi-
tive verbs such as read, write, climb, eat, destroy, etc. are telic, increasing grass-
root pressure has led to revision of this claim. As it turns out many, if not most,
native speakers of English find those verbs fully acceptable in the context of the
adjuncts in (25) :12
(25) a. We read the bible in Church today for two hours.
b. Pat climbed the mountain in two hours/for two hours.
12
I am particularly grateful to my class in Girona in summer of 1994 for insisting on the judgements
in (25), which have been pivotal in the emergence of the present model, designed precisely to capture
them. For a recent objection to the notion of'incremental theme', based on ambiguities such as those in
(25), see Rothstein (2000^).
c. Kim wrote (and re-wrote) this letter in a week/for a week.

d. For how long do you intend to eat this chicken?
e. Jan destroyed her relationship with her parents for decades.
It would be useful to compare the (at times) relative possibility of the atelic
readings of (253-6) with the complete impossibility of using an atelic modifier
in at least some verb-particle constructions which are unambiguously telic, and
the impossibility of modifying clearly atelic expressions with telic modifiers:
(26) a. I wrote this letter up in a week/*for a week.
b. I ate the cake up in two minutes/*for two minutes.
c. I broke my office down in three days/*for three days.
(27) I ate at the cake for an hour/*in an hour
(28) Hebrew
a. masakti et ha.xebel tok sales daqot/bemesek sales daqot.
pulled.isc OM the.rope inside three minutes/for three minutes
b. masakti ba-xebel *tok salos daqot/bemesek salos daqot.
pulled.isc in-the.rope *inside three minutes/for three minutes
c. hikiti et ha.saken tok salos sacot/be-mesek salos sacot.
beatisc OM the.neighbour inside three minutes/for three minutes
d. hikiti ba-top *tok salos sacot/be-mesek salos sacot.
beatisc in-the.drum * inside three minutes/for three minutes
e. qarati et ha.seper tok salos sacot/be-mesek salos sacot.
read.isc OM the.book inside three minutes/for three minutes
f. qarati ba-sefer *tok salos sacot/be-mesek salos sacot.
read.isc in-the.book*inside three minutes/for three minutes
We conclude, then, that as in the case of the unaccusative-unergative alter-
nation, massive ambiguity appears to be associated with different dyadic arrays
(that is, arrays which select two participants), allowing them to occur in (at least)
two distinct structures: a telic, accusative one, and an atelic, partitive one.13
Before turning to a comparison of the specific definitions of quantity and
quantization, one potential objection must be dealt with. One could propose,
at this point, that the conclusion reached here, according to which lexical spe-
cifications of felicity are unhelpful, may lead to an entirely different conclu-
sion from the one adopted here. Thus instead of arguing in favour of syntactic
13
I will return in Chapter 6, Section 6.2, to Krifkas analysis of Finnish partitive case, in the context of
a discussion of the properties of the Slavic (im)perfective system.
structures which determine event structure, and for the structural ambiguity
of (ja-b), one could argue that (?a-b) are simply vague, and are interpreted in
accordance with world knowledge, indeed, but not in conjunction with specif-
ic syntactic structures. Such a position is taken in Schein (2002), who suggests
that telicity, such that it is attested as part of the grammar, is induced by time
measure expressions such as in x time, and specifically, by the scoping out of the
direct object, or some other constituent, from within the domain of the in x time
phrase. Thus the grammar will assign a telic interpretation to (293), just in case
the fish scopes outside the domain of in two minutes, but as there is no in x time
phrase in (29b), it will remain vague, with culmination, or lack thereof, deter-
mined outside the domain of grammar, by world knowledge alone:
(29) a. Bernhard fed the fish in two minutes,
b. Bernhard fed the fish.
However, any analysis of telicity as induced by the relevant time-measure
phrase faces serious difficulty in accounting for the distribution of partitive and
accusative case in Finnish, which is independent of the presence of such meas-
ure phrases. Thus, in considering the examples of partitive and accusative case
in Finnish (cf. (3)-(4) in Chapter 4, as well as (24)), we note that a telic or an
atelic reading emerges irrespective of the presence of time-measure phrases,
solely through the presence of case, clearly reflecting the existence of a structure
which is interpreted unambiguously as telic or atelic, without any such time-
measure phrases.14
I return shortly to the scoping out analysis, assumed also in Krifka (1998) and
to some problems with it. With respect to the role of in x time, I suggest that it
is fundamentally different from that which is played either by adverbs such as
once or twice, or by delimiting expressions such as to the store or down. Most
importantly, while once and to the store give rise to a telic reading by themselves,
in x-time expressions do not, as attested by the contrasts in (si):15
14
Barry Schein (pers. comm.) proposes that these difficulties could be solved if partitive case in Finn-
ish is treated on a par with the English progressive. Note, however, that as partitive case occurs with
statives, such a reduction is at least prima facie not easy to accomplish. Further, even if the partitive is
analysed as a progressive, one still needs to account for the fact that accusative case is not possible with
an atelic interpretation, for presumably non-progressive cases, such as we read the bible in church. Finally,
as Kiparsky (1998) notes, there is a progressive construction in Finnish, which requires an auxiliary and
has a distribution distinct from that of partitive case.
15
And note in this respect that the expression for x-time, usually treated as a diagnostic of atelicity
returns a bound, quantity reading, and thus must be viewed as an operator on atelic predicates which
turns them into telic ones. Not so for in x-time, which, we argue, is a modifier of quantity, and not an
operator. See Chapter 7, Section 7.3.3, for some discussion of this point, as well as some additional discus-
sion of the dividing line between predicate modifiers and range assigners.
(30) a. Kim ran once in two months.

b. Kim ran to the store in two hours.
b. *Kim ran in two months.
c. Kim loved Robin twice in three months.
d. #Kim loved Robin in three months.
Rather, I will assume that in x-time is a predicate modifier, specifically modi-
fying quantity, and hence requiring the projection of AspQ. Note, in this respect,
that in x-time has the effect of equating the time of culmination with the actual
end of the event itself. As I will suggest below, however, quantity readings do
emerge in the presence of intermediate culminations, which can be followed by
a non-culminating sub-event. In fact, it may very well turn out that the prevail-
ing theoretical focus on the diagnostic value of in x-time expressions as a test
for telicity has resulted in explanations for telicity which focus on end point cul-
minations, thereby obscuring the theoretical significance of intermediate cul-
minations.16
5.3 To Quantity or to Quantize?

In Volume I, Chapter 4, Section 4.4, it was noted already that Krifkas (1992,1998)
definition of quantization gives rise to a number of problems. First, of the class
of DPs which induce telicity in accordance with Verkuyl's generalization, those
in (31) (among others) are (arguably) quantized in the relevant sense. Those in
(32) (among others) are not:
(31) a. three books (and likewise all cardinals)
b. the book
c. every book
d. a book
(32) a. some books
b. more than three books
c. at least three books
d. unas manzanas
INDEF.PL apples
e. several books
f. many books
16
If, indeed, telic events do not require an end point, or a telos, the term 'telicity' is clearly a misnomer.
This fact notwithstanding, I will continue to use it, with the clear understanding that what is denoted by
the term is the existence of a quantity predicate (or its absence, in the case of atelicity), rather than the
existence (or absence) of a telos.
I further noted that the notion of boundedness as suggested by Kiparsky

(1998) potentially resolves some of these problems, in allowing a bounded read-
ing in the presence of either cumulativity or divisive reference, but not both.
However, we saw that while this would appropriately classify at least three
books as bounded (cumulative, but not divisive), it would continue to classify,
incorrectly, some books, several books and unas manzanas as unbounded (both
cumulative and divisive, and see Volume I, Chapter 4, Section 4.4, for a detailed
discussion of this point).
Krifka (1998), in attempting to address these problems, proposes that quanti-
fiers such as those in (32) scope outside the domain of the time-measure phrase
in x-time, thereby giving rise to an interpretation of a fixed amount (and see
Schein 2002, for a similar assumption reached from a different perspective).
There are, however, a number of problems with this proposal. First, we note
that Krifka (1998), in assuming the scoping out of phrases such as some books,
appeals to de Hoops (1992) correlation between a weak interpretation and
scoping out, in turn correlated with telicity. I reviewed this claim in Chapter
4, Section 4.2, concluding that weak DP interpretation cannot possibly be cor-
related with telicity. It was further noted that to the extent that weak DPs, such
as weak some DPs, do give rise to telicity, if one assumes that they scope out of
the domain of time-measure phrases, it must be assumed that there are at least
three distinct positions for some: weak some, which does not give rise to telicity,
does not scope above time-measure phrases, and does not exhibit object-shift;
weak some (identical reading) which does scope above time-measure phrases,
and does give rise to telicity, but which nevertheless does not object-shift, and
finally, strong some, which scopes above time-measure phrases, giving rise to a
strong interpretation, and to telicity, and which does object-shift.
Consider now the following paradigm, based on Carlson (19770, b):
(33) a. *Bill ate apples and Bill didn't eat apples.
b. Bill ate some apples and Bill didn't eat some apples.
The paradigm in (33), Carlson argues, follows from the fact that some apples
does not have the properties of apples, however similar their interpretation
might be in certain contexts. Specifically, as some apples may scope outside the
domain of negation, no contradiction emerges in (33b). However, apples cannot
scope outside the domain of negation, and as a result, (333) asserts a contradic-
tion.
As it turns out, English marks phonologically the distinction between strong
and weak some, through the presence in the former of primary stress, absent in
the latter. In view of this, consider (34)-(35):
(34) *Bill ate sm apples and Bill didn't eat sm apples.

(35) a. Bill ate sm apples in half an hour.
b. *Bill ate sm apples in half an hour and Bill didn't eat sm apples in half an
hour.
c. Bill ate some apples in half an hour and Bill didn't eat some apples in
half an hour.
Note specifically that sm apples can induce felicity, but cannot scope outside
the domain of negation, leaving us with the inevitable conclusion that if, indeed,
scoping out is required for telicity to emerge then sm scopes to some position
above the time-measure phrase, but below negation, with no discernible effects
on its interpretation beyond telicity. We note further that sm apples can receive
a variable, distributive reading and induce telicity at the same time, thus in (36)
sm articles is clearly within the scope of every professor. Note further that (36) is
ambiguous between a reading in which sm distributes over (in) a month (i.e. for
each professor, there are a number of articles such that each of them has been
written in one month), and a reading in which sm does not distribute over (in)
a month, but rather, for each professor there is a number of articles bigger than
one such that they have been written in the same month. Both readings are telic.
If indeed telicity requires sm books to scope outside the domain of in a month,
this ambiguity would need an explanation which is not scope related:17
(36) Every professor wrote sm articles in a month.
Given these complications, it would appear that a solution to the problems
presented by the non-quantized DPs in (32) should be sought elsewhere. As it
turns out, Krifka's notion of quantization faces yet another problem. Consider
cases such as those in (37):
(37) a. Kim ran to the store.
b. The ship sank (to the bottom of the ocean).
c. Pat walked home.
We note that while (37a-c) are telic, they are not quantized. In fact, they are
neither quantized nor cumulative. Specifically, there are proper subparts of an
event of Pat having walked home which are events of Pat having walked home,
including all subparts of the walking event that terminate at home, regardless of
their starting point. Faced with this difficulty, Krifka (1998) separates the notion
of telicity from the notion of quantization, stating that while the latter implies
17
And see Zucchi and White (2001) for some of these objections as well as others.
the former, the former does not imply the latter, an unfortunate conclusion, as it
leads one to wonder what the explanatory role of quantization might be.
Consider, however, the notion of homogeneity I proposed in Volume I, Chap-
ter 4, Section 4.4, to resolve the problems associated with the paradigm in (32).
I proposed, largely following Kiparsky (1996), that homogeneity be defined
on the basis of cumulativity and divisiveness, the latter slightly modified from
Krifka (1992), and requiring, specifically, every interval of P to be P. As such it is
distinct from the definition of divisive formulated by Kiparsky (1998), (see (i8a),
which requires some part of P to be P.18
(38) P is divisive iff Vx [P (x) -> By (P (y) A y < x)] AVx,y [P (x) A P (y) A y < x
-*P(x-y)]
A prima facie impediment to the definition of atelicity (or unboundedness,
or homogeneity) in terms of divisiveness as in (38) would be the fact that bare
plurals, if analysed as sets of singulars, are not divisive in the intended sense. I
suggested, however, that 'plural' inflection, so called, does not mark the exist-
ence of a set of singulars, but rather, an infinite number of possible division
configurations of mass, with any possible number of cells, including none and
one. In turn, it is the task of the quantity function, projected as the head of the
nominal quantity phrase, #P, to select from among the many reticules made
available through the dividing function that function which matches its prop-
erties. Thus three would select a reticule which has three cells, thereby giving
rise to three individuals, for instance, three books. Further, I assumed that some
or several would likewise select a reticule, that which corresponds, roughly, to
the set of'any (smallish) number (distinct from one)' (and see Volume I, Chap-
ter 4, Section 4.3, for discussion of the principled exclusion of numeral one in
this context).
Consider now again the application of the notion divisive as formulated in
(38) to DPs specifically. Books is now divisive, as required, as there are no parts
of books which are not books, a book no longer being part of books. On the other
hand, all plural selecting quantifiers, including cumulative ones, such as some
NP, many NP, several NP, more than three NP, at least three NP, etc. are indeed
sets of singulars and hence non-divisive, in the required sense, as they all have
individuals associated with them, as created by the reticule-selecting func-
tion of three, several, many, some, etc. In turn, as they are not divisive, they may
give rise to a telic interpretation, if we assume, along the lines of the rationale
established in Kiparsky (1996,1998), that a bound or telic interpretation is to be
18
The reader is alerted to the fact that the definition of divisive' in (38) is altered slightly from that pro-
posed by Krifka (1992), in order to bypass at least some questions concerning the minimal parts problem;
see Volume I, Chapter 4, Section 4.4 for some comments.
defined in terms of the failure of homogeneity, or unboundedness. A similar

rationale applies to all the cases in (32). As I noted in Volume I, Chapter 4, in a
language such as English (or for that matter, any language which has determin-
ers in the functional lexicon capable of assigning range to [DP (e), ]), the strict
correlation between the presence of an overt determiner and the emergence of
a non-homogeneous reading provides independent evidence not only for the
presence of the specific execution proposed here, but also for a system in which
realized syntactic structures largely underlie semantic interpretation.
Assuming that cumulativity is part of the picture here, note that the notions
non-divisive and quantized are distinct in the following way. While Krifka's
quantization is only met if no proper part of an x that is P has the property P,
non-divisive reference may be met even if there are proper subparts ofx with
the property P, provided that there is at least one such subpart which when
subtracted from x gives rise to a proper part ofx which does not have the prop-
erty P.
Suppose, then, that we replace the notion quantization as proposed by Krifka
with a weaker notion, labelled quantity, as defined in (39).
(39) a. Quantity: Pis a quantity iff Pis not homogeneous,

b. P is homogeneous iff P is cumulative and divisive.
(40) a. Pis cumulative iff Vx[P(X) AP(y)>P(x(jy)].

b. P is divisive iff V x [P (x) -> By (P (y) A y < x)] AV x,y [P (x) A P (y)
Ay<x>P(x-y)].
We may now dispense with the need to define telicity distinctly from quantity,
and rather reduce the former to the latter. The cases which proved problematic
for Krifka (1992,1998) are now tractable. In these cases, predicates as well as DPs
that were non-quantized turn out to be quantities, and hence to give rise to teli-
city, as required. To illustrate, run to the store, more than three books, and some
books are all quantities, as none of them are homogeneous. Further, consider
again our event of continuing to fill a room with smoke past some conventional,
agreed-upon point counting as full, as discussed in Section 5.2. In this case, there
clearly is a sub-event of the filling which is likewise a filling of the room with
smokethat is, if the filling commenced at point i and ends at point 100, the
event transpiring from point 2 to point 100 is a filling of the room with smoke,
but its subtraction from the 1-100 event would give rise to a proper part which
is not, itself, a filling of the room with smoke, quite regardless of the fact that
the filling event may continue past the point of full. The predicate, then, is non-
homogeneous, or quantity, and is telic as predicted. Finally, the fact that an event
falling under build a house (under a non-activity interpretation) may involve
actions which cannot be measured by the progression of the house, or the fact
that an event falling under read a book (under a non-activity interpretation)
may consist of re-readings of some of its portions, is quite simply irrelevant. As
both events must include sub-events which do not fall under build a house and
read a book, respectively, and which can be obtained by subtracting sub-events
that do from the main event.both predicates are quantities, and hence telic.
We note, finally, that Kiparsky's (1998) boundedness does not face problems
in at least some of these cases, notably run to the store and the like, in which both
cumulativity and quantization fail. This is because telicity, or boundedness,
emerges if either cumulativity or divisiveness, in Kiparsky's sense, fails. While
the predicates in (37) are divisive, by Kiparsky's definition, they are not cumu-
lative, and hence a bounded reading is predicted, as necessary. A more tricky
issue for boundedness is presented by fill the room with smoke, with the filling
event progressing beyond the full point, or eat more than three apples. Thus both
are divisive by Kiparsky (1998) (as both include some sub-interval which is fill
the room with smoke or eat more than three apples) and both are cumulative, as
both, when non-maximal, include a superset event which is eat more than three
apples or fill the room with smoke. It thus emerges not only that both cumula-
tivity and divisiveness are required to properly define quantity (and telicity),
but that the notion of divisiveness must be essentially like that originally pro-
posed in Krifka (1992) (and used in Kiparsky 1996), and not its modification in
Kiparsky (1998).
The weakening of the condition on telicity is not without consequences. Note
that such a notion of telicity is incompatible with the complete mapping of sub-
events to sub-parts of the object, and the converse, argued for by Krifka. On the
other hand, we also noted that the complete mapping between sub-events and
subparts of the object is not without its own problems. More importantly, if the
mapping (loc-d) is abandoned, we no longer predict that a telic event must cul-
minate when the object is exhausted, so to speak. Therefore, this notion of teli-
city does not predict co-finality, or for that matter, co-initiality. Rather, it suffices
that there be some sub-part of an event with the property P which is not itself
P. We note that any reference either to the final point of the event or its initial
point is sufficient to establish a sub-interval within P which is not P, specific-
ally any interval which excludes either the initial or final point, and hence any
specification of an initial or final point will immediately give rise to telicity. If,
however, some intermediate point within the event should turn out to be suf-
ficiently well differentiated from the rest of the event, in involving, specifically,
the (sub-) culmination of some sub-event, we predict the emergence of a telic
reading without co-finality.
Consider, in this view, the paradigm in (41):
(41) a. Kim ate more than enough meat.

b. Robin read at least three books.
c. We filled the room with smoke.
We do not actually know how much meat Kim ate, or how many books Robin
read. What we do know, however, is the point at which the predicates in (41)
become non-homogeneous. As soon as Kim ate enough meat, regardless of
whether or not she proceeded to eat, the event became non-homogeneous, and
hence telic. As soon as the room became full of smoke, according to whatever
definition of'full of smoke' is in effect, and regardless of whether or not the fill-
ing proceeded, the event became telic. It is, in fact, entirely consistent with a
situation where the sub-event that follows the eating of more than enough meat,
for instance, is not itself a culminating one (in the aktionsart sense), in that the
final amount of meat eaten remains immaterial for the truth conditions, just as
how far John ran is immaterial for the truth conditions of John ran. Co-final-
ity, then, becomes a special case of telicity. We submit that it has become such a
dominant criterion in the discussion of aktionsart due to the prevalence of the
in x-time test for telicity, which, while certainly testing telicity, is also testing
telicity of a very particular kind, namely that which arises at the very end of the
event. In Chapter 7, Sections 7.1-2,1 touch briefly upon cases which are quantity,
by the definition in (39), but where quantity is induced by an initial state, and no
final point is specified or entailed. The existence of such cases, together with the
successful application of telic diagnostics to them, will provide further support
for the modified approach to telicity advocated here.
5.4 Scalar Representations and Telicity

In recent articles, Hay, Kennedy, and Levin (1999) and Kennedy and Levin
(2000) advanced a proposal linking telicity to scalar representations. More spe-
cifically, they propose the following:
(42) The scalar structure of the degree of change determines the telicity of the
predicate, since the terminal point of the entire event corresponds to the
sum of the degree to which the affected argument possesses the measured
property at the beginning of the event plus the degree of change 8 [emphasis
mine.HB]:
a. If 8 is quantized (has a maximal value) an end point for the event can
be identified, and the predicate should be telic.
b. If 8 is not quantized (does not have a maximal value), an end point of
the event cannot be identified (based on the semantics of the predi-
cate), and the predicate should be atelic.
Before I turn to the evidence in favour of the view of telicity in (42), note that
defining telicity in terms of the scalar structure of the predicate is fully compat-
ible, indeed, is a specific articulation of the view elaborated here, according to
which telicity emerges as a result of the predicate being quantity, where quan-
tity is understood in terms of quantified divisions.19 And yet, as formulated, the
conditions in (42) present a bit of a puzzle. Specifically, we note that a degree
of change can be fully identified and measured even if it is not maximal. With
respect to the italicized portion of (42), then, it is not clear why the measurabil-
ity of change, as expressed through the measured property at the beginning of
the event, plus the degree of change, must coincide with the terminal point of
the entire event. In fact, it does not follow from the scalar structure of degree-of-
change predicates, nor is it necessary to give rise to measurable change, and rep-
resents an independent stipulation within the view in (42), which, we submit, is
unnecessary. To consider some examples already discussed, formulating previ-
ous observations in terms of degree of change, we note that for examples such
as eat more than three apples, or fill the room with smoke, a degree of change is
measurable, although it need not coincide with the terminal point of the entire
event. Specifically, if we view the eating of apples as having a scalar structure,
determined in this case by the quantity properties of the direct object, as already
argued, we note that it is perfectly easy to measure the degree-of-change in the
'affected object', the apples, precisely to the point at which three apples were
eaten, but not beyond that, illustrating clearly that the coincidence of measur-
ability and the terminal point of the event is but a special case of telic interpret-
ation. Likewise, the degree to which the room is full of smoke is measurable at
the point at which it can be defined as full of smoke, although filling may pro-
ceed past that point, and the final amount of smoke in the room beyond what-
ever it takes to qualify as full, may not be measurable. The replacement in (42) of
quantized, with its implication of maximal point, with quantity as defined here
requiring rather than a maximal point, quite simply a well-defined point with
respect to which a degree-of-change could be measured, is thus both conceptu-
ally and empirically warranted.
Adopting, then, the perspective that degree-of-change, as defined on the basis
of quantified event divisions, is the essence of telicity, but disagreeing with the
assumption that the point of measurement is the event terminus, suppose we
omit the italicized portion of (42), and reformulate (42a-b) as in (43).
(43) a. If 8 is quantity (has quantified divisions) a measuring point for the
degree of change can be identified, and the predicate should be telic.
19
Although scalar structures may turn out to be a special case of quantity predicates. We leave this
issue aside.
b. If 8 is not quantity (does not have quantified divisions), a measuring

point for the degree of change cannot be identified and the predicate
should be atelic.
Having adopted a slightly modified version of this important insight into

the nature of quantity predicates, consider now the way in which the account
presented here differs from the perspective proposed by Hay et al. (op. cit.) and
Kennedy and Levin (op. cit.). Crucially, for Hay et al. and Kennedy and Levin,
the existence of a degree of change derives primarily (although not exclusively)
from the lexical semantics of the verb. As such, their perspective is an articula-
tion and a modification of notions such as path, or [+ADD TO], which have
been proposed as a lexical semantic characterization of verbs which may give
rise to a telic interpretation. Studying in great detail the properties of de-adjec-
tival verbs, and following the work of Hay (1998) and Kennedy and McNal-
ly (1999), they propose that quantized degree of change (de-adjectival) verbs
inherit from the source adjective both their scalar properties and the existence
of a well-defined terminal point (the property of being a closed scale). To illus-
trate, while gradable adjectives such as straight, empty, and dry have a maximal
value (and are hence closed-scale adjectives), this is not the case for long, wide,
short, and so on, which are open-scale adjectives, in that there is no maximal
value for length or for width (and see references for the relevant tests). Thus the
verb straighten, derived from the gradable, closed-scale adjective straight, gives
rise to telic predicates, while the verb lengthen, derived from the gradable, open-
scale adjective long, gives rise to an atelic predicate, as illustrated by the follow-
ing contrasts:
(44) a. They are straightening the rope => they have straightened the rope
(telic).
b. They are lengthening the rope => they have lengthened the rope
(atelic).
Consider now this picture from the perspective of an XS-approach. I have

argued consistently that telicity, as such, could not come from the lexical seman-
tics of particular listemes, regardless of whether or not they are categorized
as verbs, adjectives, or otherwise, but rather, that it emerges from a particular
grammatical structure which creates a quantity predicate. The quantity predi-
cate, in turn, is licensed through the assignment of range to a functional head
[AspQ(e}#], which is accomplished through formal grammatical means that are
entirely oblivious to the specific meaning of (substantive) listemes embedded
within the structure. At the very best, such listemes could be viewed as modi-
fiers of particular structures, giving rise to conceptual felicity, or lack thereof,
as depending on the degree of conflict between the meaning of such concepts,

extra grammatically determined, and the interpretation returned by the com-
putational system. It is thus clear that any view that attributes the telicity of
(443), for instance, to the lexical semantics of straight cannot be adopted here. It
would thus appear, at least at first sight, that the existence of effects such as those
in (44), and the extent to which they do correlate with the perceived interpret-
ation of the source adjectives, serves as a counter-example to the account devel-
oped here, and to the XS-approach in general.
But what appears problematic at first sight, upon closer investigation turns
out to be an asset. Kennedy and Levin (2000), in pursuing the implications of
their view, do note that context plays an overwhelming role in actually deter-
mining the telicity, or lack thereof, of predicates with de-adjectival verbs. Thus
alongside (44a-b), they acknowledge the existence of (45a-b):
(45) a. The tailor is lengthening my pants=> the tailor has lengthened my
pants,
b. They straightened the rope, but not completely.
To these cases in which the lexical semantics of the source adjective seems to
under-determine the emerging value of the predicate, we may add the follow-
ing:
(46) a. The workers straightened the fence on Monday and on Tuesday (one
event).20
b. The workers straightened the fence for several hours.
c. I emptied the pool for several hours this morning,but it is still not
completely empty.
d. The apple reddened for several days and then it dropped before it
was actually red.
e. We allowed the apple to ripen for several weeks, but we actually
picked it before it was completely ripe.
In commenting on this, Kennedy and Levin note that when degree-of-change
is explicitly provided by linguistic material, rather than by the lexical semantics
of the verb or adjective in question, telicity cannot be cancelled:
(47) a. *They straightened the rope completely, but the rope isn't completely
straight.
20
See Verkuyl (1989) for the relevant test, distinguishing a possible single event reading for atelic
events vs. an obligatory two-event reading for the minimally contrasting case in (i):
(i) The prospectors found gold on Sunday and on Monday.
For a detailed discussion of obligatory telicity as in (i), see Chapter 10.
b. *They widened the road 5 metres, but the road didn't increase in width
by 5 metres.
Unfortunately, the conclusion they reach on the basis of this is that 'telicity
is not strictly determined by the linguistic representation', a conclusion which
in fact is inconsistent with the fact that telicity in (47) cannot be cancelled. The
conclusion, I believe, should be that telicity is determined strictly by linguis-
tic representation, but that the meaning of listemes is not a linguistic repre-
sentation. Consider how such an account could be executed. Telic, quantity
predicates would project an [AspQ(e)J, thereby imposing a scalar structure, with
measurable degree of change, on the event under consideration. In turn, no
such quantity structure is available for atelic predicates, in which some pro-
gression may still be implied, but in the absence of a quantity structure, without
well-defined points for measuring it. Within the XS model, the actual listemes
embedded within these respective structures, recall, are fundamentally modi-
fiers, rather than determinants of the structure. They do, however, have mean-
ing, as determined by their salient contextual and conceptual properties. Thus
our concept of straight does have an absolute maximal value, (in turn coercible,
as with all other concepts), while our concept of crooked does not, dry has con-
ceptually a maximal value, while wet does not.21 A case of embedding a form
such as straighten (already verbalized, we note, but still devoid of any argument
selecting properties) in the context of non-quantity structure is thus a clear case
in which the conceptual system returns a measurable meaning, but the gram-
mar returns an unmeasurable one. Likewise, lengthen embedded in a quantity
context, even without any additional measurement information provided, is a
case of the conceptual system returning an unmeasurable meaning, while the
grammar returns a measurable one. Both of these cases are neither more nor
less complex (and are in actuality considerably less extreme, in terms of their
effect) than other cases of grammatical-conceptual conflict such as three bloods
and much dog, which are extremely odd without a context, and much improved
when a supporting one is provided (and see Volume I, Chapter 4, Section 4.2, for
an extensive discussion).
When viewed from this perspective, the uncancellability of telicity in (47)
emerges directly from the fact that in these cases the grammar, rather than the
lexical semantics of any particular listeme, has forced the projection of telic
structure. Assuming, rather straightforwardly, that the syntactic/functional
constituent DegP, presumably dominating completely, as well as five metres, is a
21
And we note here the clear divergence of the conceptual system from physical reality where a
notion such as 'dry' is just as relative as the notion 'wet', and where absolute dryness is a virtually impos-
sible condition to meet on the surface of this particular planet.
modifier of AspQthat is, a modifier of quantityits presence forces the pro-

jection of quantity in (47a-b), with the impossibility of cancelling telicity as a
consequence.
I therefore conclude that while Hay et al. (op. cit.) and Kennedy and Levin
(op. cit.) have uncovered an important property of telicity here, they are mistak-
en in assuming that this property emerges from the lexical semantics of liste-
mes, as well as in concluding, as is inevitable from their perspective, that telicity
is not strictly grammatical. Quite contrary to their conclusion, I believe, telicity
is strictly represented by the grammar. It is the meaning of listemes which is not
thus represented.
6
Direct Range Assignment:

The Slavic Paradigm
6.1 From the Head to the Specifier:

Quantity prefixes and DP interpretation
The existence of markers which typically occur on the verb and which function
as range assigners for a DP is well documented, argued to occur in languages
as typologically distinct as Walpiri (Hale 1989), Haisla (Bach 1995), Chichewa
(Dalrymple, Mchombo, and Peters 1994), and West Greenlandic (Bittner 1995),
as well as in Slavic languages (Filip 1992,1993). An illustration is given in (i).
Note that in (i), the affixpwfa 'part' assigns range to the object DP, ngapa 'water',
itself occurring without any marking.1
(i) a. Ngapa O-ju puta-nga-nja. (Walpiri; Hale 1989,
water AUX-ISG PART-drink-iMP cited in Filip 1996)
'Drink some (not all) of my water.'
b. Q'i-utl John miai-xi. (Haisla; Bach 1995)
much-catch John flsh-DEM.3
'John caught much fish.'
In fact, given the (presumed) quantity-telic interpretation of (i), it appears
more than reasonable to assume that the structure in (i) is an instantiation of
that schematized in (3) in Chapter 5. Specifically, LspX6)*] is assigned range by
puta. In turn, that very same value is assigned to [DP (e>#] through agreement
with the value of # in AspQ, giving rise to the representation in (2), where a is the
specific range assigned by puta, and where the arrow indicates range assignment
through specifier-head agreement (see Schmitt 1996 for a similar claim):2
1
Examples such as those in (i) are often analysed as involving incorporation of nominal determin-
ers onto the verb. See Bach (1995) and Schmitt (1996) for compelling arguments against an incorporation
analysis. For more discussion of this point, see Chapter 9, Section 9.5.1.
2
Care must be taken here to construe puta as having scope over the water drinking event as a whole,
so as to avoid the undesirable interpretation according to which the event involves partial drinking of
part of the water. Likewise, in (3), na,'a lot of, when affixed to the verb, does not give rise to a reading of a
lot of baking of a lot of rolls. I assume, however, that as neither the verb nor any of its affixes is interpreted
15 6 The Projection of Arguments
(2) [A S p a [DP<e a U As p a puta a <e<%]]
A particularly informative discussion of the relations between markers

attached to the verb stem and the interpretation of DP objects is found in Filip
(1996) for Czech (and see also Pinon 1995). Filip (1992,1993,1996) argues explic-
itly that one of the salient functions of Slavic verbal morphology and verbal
forms is to provide certain nominal arguments with quantiflcational force. Thus
consider the prefix na-, roughly'a lot', in (3):
(3) Petr na-pekl housky.

Petr na-baked rolls.PL.ACC
'Peter baked a lot of rolls/a batch of rolls.'
Czech, like most Slavic languages, has neither definite nor indefinite articles.
In the context of the bare noun in (3), the prefix na accomplishes a double role:
first, it gives rise to a quantity-telic interpretation, and secondly, it binds a vari-
able in the DP interpreted as the'objective'argument (specifically, Filip assumes,
an incremental theme, following Dowty 1991 and Krifka 1992). The binding of
the direct object, in turn, results in the interpretation 'a lot', or 'a batch of. It
might be worthwhile to note that the role of na here goes beyond that which
is derived from assigning quantity range to [ASpQ(e}#]> deriving quantity-felicity
in our terms, in that quantity assignment to AspQ in general need not be asso-
ciated specifically with quantification over the object. Nor is an analysis which
restricts the scope of na to the verb appropriate (or, for that matter, a correct
interpretation of (3)). One can do a lot of baking, and the event could still be
neither telic, nor give rise to a lot of rolls. Further, a telic event of prolonged
baking need not give rise to multiple rolls. And finally, restricting the scope of
na to the direct object would not do either. As already noted in Chapter 4, Sec-
tion 4.1, quantity direct objects do not necessarily trigger telicity, and an atelic
event of baking a lot of rolls is a perfectly coherent one, and would emerge with
the direct object marked overtly as partitive in a language such as Finnish. We
must then conclude with Filip (op. cit.) that the interpretation associated with
(3) must involve the execution, by na, of the double duty of marking the event as
quantity and assigning quantity to the DP.
Alongside na we find the prefix u, usually interpreted as 'all (the-)'. Not sur-
prisingly, u, too, accomplishes the double role of giving rise to quantity-telicity
within the event domain, and a quantity interpretation to the DP:
in isolation, puta, as well as na, will be construed with the resulting predication structure, rather than
with each of its parts separately. See Filip (1996) for some discussion of this point.
Direct range assignment: The Slavic Paradigm 157
(4) Petr u-pekl housky

Petr u-baked.3SG rolls.PL.ACC
'Peter baked all the rolls'
Following traditional classifications, Filip refers to the verbal forms in both
(3) and (4) as perfective. Morphologically, the forms in (3) and (4) consist of the
bare verbal stem, otherwise interpreted as non-culminating, and the prefixes
na and u respectively. The output is clearly quantity-telic. It is thus fair to say
that for Filip (1996), perfectivity is a derived notion, brought about as a result
of the presence of a quantity verbal prefix, which in turn binds the argument
'rolls', making it quantity as well.3 Matters of syntactic execution notwithstand-
ing, we will concur with this view of perfectivity as derived from the presence
of quantity-telic structures. The incorporation of Filip's analysis into the syntac-
tic structures proposed here is entirely straightforward, where {na} and {u} are
the phonological realizations of the relevant head features assigning range to
[Aspa(e}J. Irrelevant details are glossed over in (5):4
(5) a. Petr [TP napekl [Aspa [ DP <e>d [ <ena>, [housky] ] ] <na> pekl <e>, [VP pdd] ] ]
b. Petr[ T P upekl [Aspa [ DP <e>d [ <eu>, [housky]]] <u> pk4<e>, [VP pdd]]]
Making things explicit, I assume that the quantiflcational nature of perfec-

tive head features, when coupled with specifier-head agreement, results in the
copying, onto DP in [Spec, AspJ, of the open value [DP (e>J, to which the quan-
tificational head feature ('prefix') assigns range (and see Section 6.3 for a follow
up discussion of this point). We remain silent, at this point, on the assignment of
range to (e}a in (5), only to return to this point in Section 6.3. For the time being,
however, suppose we define perfectivity in Czech (and in the other Slavic lan-
guages which pattern with it) as the presence of a (set of) head features which
can assign range to [Aspa(e}#], and which, according to the specific range assign-
ment properties of each particular head feature, are realized phonologically as
na, u, or others.5
3
But see Section 6.3 for a more complete review of the system proposed by Filip (1996,2000).
4
And see also Borer (19950), Benua and Borer (1996), and Schmitt (1996), where the transfer of fea-
tures to the DP in Slavic languages is assumed to be mediated through specifier-head relations.
5
Formally I opt to represent perfective marking as the phonological realization of a head feature, i.e.
as devoid of morphemic structure. Alternatively, perfective markers could be viewed as bound, prefix-
al f-morphs, in the sense discussed in Volume I, Chapter 2, Section 2.2, (and see Chapter i, Section 1.3, in
this volume, for a summary), projecting independently. Here, again, two options are availableprefix-
es may merge directly with AspQ, triggering, in turn, the incorporation of the verb, or alternatively, they
may be viewed as preposition-like elements, merging originally in the L-domain and incorporating into
the verb, which then moves to AspQ, assigning range to it through that merged preposition. Ultimately,
I believe, the choice between these different options is not a semantic or a syntactic matter, but a mor-
phological one, and I return to this, and related issues, in Borer (forthcoming). Here, I favour the view of
Filip (op. cit.) extends her analysis of na and u to the perfective-imperfective

distinction in general, even where there are no clear, overt markers with a per-
fective quantificational interpretation. Specifically, she suggests that perfectiv-
ity involves a (covert) totality operator. The totality operator functions exactly
like the na and u operators, in binding the DP argument and giving it a totality
interpretation. The totality interpretation of the DP is, in turn, realized in the
obligatorily holistic (and by extension definite) interpretation associated with
direct objects such as those in (6):6
perfectives as the phonological realization of a head feature largely because it is consistent with the pre-
sumed role of perfective marking as range assigner to an open value heading a functional category. Nor
does such an execution face, I believe, the type of morpho-phonological problems discussed in Pinon
(2001) and Filip (2000), a matter I return to in Chapter 7, Section 7.2. Should it turn out, however, that
empirical considerations strongly favour a view of perfective marking as affixal in nature, it would not
crucially affect issues of (a)telicity and the assignment of range to [Alpq (e)J. For expository purposes, I
continue to use the term 'perfective prefixes', although the reader should bear in mind that in actuality,
'perfective head feature' is intended.
6
As Filip shows, the distribution of definite-indefinite is quite independent of aspect. This conclu-
sion is directly compatible with the conclusion reached here, according to which indefinite quantity
expressions may trigger telicity and definite expressions, always quantity, may freely occur in atelic con-
texts. Filip further argues, following Jackendoff (1990), that definites may be non-quantity expressions,
a claim which allows her to have them within imperfective structures, following her own analysis which
requires part-o/agreement in imperfective structures. However, if it is indeed the case that definites may
be non-quantity expressions, the account developed here faces a problem. Specifically, we suggested
that in a language such as English, in order for AspQ to become a quantity, the DP in [Spec, AspQ] must
be a quantity. As definite expressions can give rise to telicity, if it turned out that definite expressions are
non-quantity we would have to assume that they are always quantities in telic structures, but not (nec-
essarily) in atelic structures, clearly an unfortunate result, given that the system tries to derive the prop-
erties of AspQ from the properties of the DP, and not the other way around. Jackendoff (op. cit.), working
within an approach which is not likewise constrained, actually makes the claim that definite expressions
are quantities in telic contexts (as in (ia-b)), but non-quantities in atelic or progressive contexts (as in
(iia-b)), a matter that we touched upon briefly in Volume I, Chapter 6, Section 6.1. Specifically, recapitu-
lating the discussion there, consider the contrasts in (i)-(ii), where, Jackendoff assumes e.g. that the water
is a quantity in (ia), but not in (iia):
(i) a. The water rushed out of the faucet,
b. The people streamed into the room.
(ii) a. The water was rushing out of the faucet,
b. The people were streaming into the room.
Analysing the definite article as having a deictic function, Jackendoff claims that it designates a pre-
viously known medium, rather than quantity. On the other hand, in Volume I, Chapter 6, Section 6.1,1
explicitly suggested that the definite article, a discourse anaphor (=deixis), designates not only a pre-
viously known medium, but also previously known reference and, hence, previously known quantity,
thereby making definite descriptions by definition quantity. I noted the grammatically of (iiia-c) with
an atelic interpretation rather akin to that in (ii), but clearly involving quantity expressions, and there-
by refuting the claim that the uncertain amount interpretation associated with (ii) is perforce associated
with the nature of definite descriptions as non-quantity expressions. (The reader is referred to Volume I,
Chapter 6, Section 6.1, for some more relevant discussion.)
(iii) a. All the children/more than a hundred children were streaming into the room.
b. All water/millions of drops of water flows/were flowing down the gutter.
c. I was building many houses.
(6) Pavel snudlp jablko.

Paul ate.3SG.PERF apple.sc.ACC
'Paul ate (up) the whole apple.'
'Paul finished eating the (whole) apple.'
In turn, in the presence of a bare stem, most typically classified as imperfec-
tive, the interpretation assigned to the DP is considerably freer:
(7) Pavel jedl1 jablko.
Paul ate.3SG.iMPERF apple.sc.ACC
'Paul ate an/the/some apple.'
'Paul was eating an/the/some apple.'
In discussing the interpretational differences between'apple'in (6) and'apple'
in (7),Filip says:
The speaker of [6] commits himself to the proposition that the whole apple was con-
sumed when the event was terminated. This does not necessarily hold for [7]. From the
point of view of the direct object argument,'apple', what is at issue in [6] contrasted with
[7] is whether the whole apple was eaten [6] or just possibly part of it,but not necessar-
ily the whole apple [7]. (Filip 1996)
Within the model presented here, we will assume that an abstract, covert
totality operator, if indeed present, is only available, and indeed only needed,
in those few cases in which a bare stem appears to give rise to a quantity-telic
reading without overt marking. More concretely, such cases, idiosyncratic as
they indeed are, should be compared with, for example, the absence of an overt
past tense phonological realization for a verb such as put, or the absence of an
overt plural inflection distinguishing between/jsksc andfish.PL, and represent
an 'irregular' phonological realization of the stem+quantificational head fea-
ture conglomerate. The reading associated with (overtly marked) perfectives
follows if we assume that perfective marking is, indeed, the phonological real-
ization of a head feature which is the range assigner to [AspQ{e}# ], much on a par
with the way that past tense marking is the phonological spell-out of a head fea-
ture which assigns range to [TP^T]. and'plural' marking a phonological spell-
out of a head feature assigning range to [cLm"I(e}Div]- The very same head feature,
whether phonologically realized on the stem or not, triggers through specifier-
head agreement the projection of [DP (e}J, to which it assigns value, resulting in
a quantity interpretation for that DP, as required (see Section 6.3 for additional
discussion).
While in Filip (1996) the relations between the prefixes na, u, and others and
the totality operator associated with the perfective are not pursued in detail,
an explicit proposal addressing this issue is made in Filip (2000), where it is
suggested that an explicit semantic distinction should be drawn between quan-

tity prefixes and perfectivity. Specifically, Filip (2000) assumes that na and u are
derivational prefixes which are best described as contributing to the meaning
of the verb an extensive measure function, in the sense of Krifka (1998). While
she does attribute to the prefixes a quantificational property of some sort, this
quantificational property, she claims, is semantically distinct from the seman-
tics of perfectivity, which consists of the presence of an abstract, morphologic-
ally unrealized, totality operator. There is no relationship, Filip (2000) claims,
between the presence of prefixation and a perfective (i.e. total, telic) interpret-
ation.
I believe, however, that Filip's (2000) conclusion, separating what she refers to
as perfective aspect from the semantics of quantificational prefixes, is in error.
I return to this matter in some detail in Chapter 7, when I consider the interac-
tion, in Slavic, between perfective marking and Verkuyls generalization. In the
remainder of this chapter, I discuss Slavic imperfectives as well as the effects
which quantificational perfectives have on the interpretation of DPs, as well as
other aspects of the perfective-imperfective system in Slavic.
6.2 Against Atelic Agreement

Consider what would be the account given to sentences such as (7) under the
analysis presented in this work. Recall that, crucially, under the analysis pre-
sented here atelicity is the absence of quantity structure. Although a direct
object maybe licensed in the absence of a well-formed AspQ, such a direct object
is licensed in the context of a shell FP (FSP), which assigns (partitive) case, but
which is devoid of any semantic value. If indeed (7) is atelic, then in line with
these assumptions, the relevant aspects of its derivation would be as in (8) (TP
omitted for expository purposes):7
Significantly, the structure in (8) means that a quantificational interpret-
ation of the DP in [Spec,FsP] in (8) is entirely independent of the properties of
either FSP (which is by definition devoid of any semantic properties) or the VP
and the verb which it dominates. Further, recall that the structure, as such, does
not assign any argument role to the DP in [Spec,FsP]. Rather, because Pavel is
assigned the role of originator in [Spec.EP], jablko is assigned the default'other
participant' role, as consistent with the conceptual encyclopedic meaning for
7
Filip (1996) briefly discusses and dismisses the claim that atelicity involves the absence of telic struc-
ture, making reference primarily to claims made by Tenny (1987,1994). The criticism of Tenny's propos-
als, however, is crucially dependent on Tenny's assumption that verbs are either telic or atelic, and that
those of the former class project more structure than those of the latter. Such criticism is clearly not valid
for the analysis presented here.
the listeme jist 'eat', with the existence of an originator, and with the event being
non-stative.
We turn now to the analyses proposed for imperfectives by Krifka (1992) and
by Filip (1996,2000). Before doing so, however, a terminological comment is in
order. The reader should bear in mind that by (a)telic, we are referring here to
the presence vs. absence of quantity, as instantiated syntactically through the
presence or the absence of a well-formed AspQ. (A)telicity, as used here, is thus
a semantic notion. By (im)perfectivity, we are referring here to a paradigmatic
notion, as typically employed in the Slavic literature. In the case of the perfective
paradigm, it includes cases in which an overt prefix is attached to the stem, typ-
ically a locative preposition historically, and often with quantificational inter-
pretationthat is, 'perfective' is a morpho-phonological classification. In the
case of imperfectives, on the other hand, and unless more is said, I will follow
traditional classification in taking it to refer to two distinct morphological para-
digms, at times labelled primary and secondary imperfective. While the former
involves a bare stem, the latter involves suffrxation, typically onto an already
prefixed (i.e. perfective) form. This is an important terminological distinction
to keep in mind, as we shall see shortly.
In the previous section, I equated quantity (= felicity) with perfective mark-
ing, taking perfective marking to be the phonological realization of quantity
range assignment to [AspQ(e}#] and at times to [DP {e)t] as well, through speci-
fier-head agreement. As we shall see, however, imperfectives are neither'atelic'
as such, nor are they apart structure in the sense of Filip (1996,2000). Rather,
'imperfectivity' in Slavic, as traditionally referred to, is neither semantically
nor morpho-phonologically (or syntactically) a well-defined notion. Primary
imperfectives, I will suggest, are atelic (i.e. non-quantity) because they lack syn-
tactic quantity structure. Secondary imperfectives, on the other hand, are in all
likelihood a species of outer aspect, in the sense of Verkuyl (1972 and subse-
quent work).
Although the analyses proposed by Krifka (1992) and Filip (1996,2000) differ
in ways which I will review shortly, they do share one important property. Both
assume that just as telic events require a quantized argument, an atelic event
requires a non-quantized argument. Specifically, for Krifka (1992), this means
that while (93) is atelicthat is, non-quantized and cumulative(pb-d) are
not straightforwardly atelic, as the direct objects here are not cumulative:
(9) a. We drank wine (for three hours).
b. We drank the wine (for three hours).
c. We drank a bottle of wine (for three hours).
d. We drank some wine (for three hours).
As the objects of (pb-d) are not cumulative, the failure of (pb-d) to have
a straightforward telic interpretation (i.e. to have a set terminal point) must
be otherwise accounted for; Krifka suggests that they are best characterized as
involving part-of relations. Such part-of relations can hold within the verbal
domain, where they (may) give rise to progressive of the English type, and with-
in the nominal domain, where, Krifka argues, they give rise to partitive nom-
inals, of the Finnish type (and recall that partitive case, indeed, does not impose
non-quantity restrictions on the direct object, thus preventing Krifka, by defin-
ition, from analysing it as an atelic structure):
(10) a. PART = \PAx'3x[P(x)Ax'Cx]

b. PROG = APAe'3e[P(e)Ae'Ce]
When applied to verbal reference or to nominal reference, the result is that
the PART relations impose a part-of relation either on the event (English pro-
gressive) or on the object, as expressed by (11), where a is a verbal predicate (e.g.
eat), 8 a nominal predicate (e.g. a fish), and 0 a particular thematic role associ-
ated with the object (i.e. incremental or gradual theme):
(11) n = \e3x,x' [ct(e) A8(x) A 0 (e,x') AX'Cx] (nominalprogressive,

part of the object)
c|)v = \e'3e,x [a(e) A 8(x) A Q (e,x) Ae'ê] (verbal progressive,
part of the event)
The verbal predicate a, furthermore, must be divisive, and the account in

general is couched in terms of homomorphism between events and objects, as
defined by the conditions in Chapter 5, Section 5.3.
Some problems for the analysis of Finnish partitive case faced by Krifka's sys-
tem are pointed out by Kiparsky (1998), focusing on the fact that partitive case,
in Finnish, is used in contexts in which the verb is not divisive (buy,prove), in
which the uniqueness of objects, required by Krifka (1992), is not met (notably
stative verbs, but not only), etc.8 We note, in addition to the specific objections
raised in Kiparsky (1998), that objects of stative verbs (such as love Mary, see
the birds) do not receive a part-of interpretation in any sensible way, and yet
they are marked with partitive case in Finnish, suggesting that at the very best,
a part-of analysis of the Finnish partitive case accounts only for a subset of its
occurrences.
The criticism of Krifka (1992) to be offered here, however, does not focus on
the part-of analysis, but rather on another aspect of the system, namely, the
assumption that atelic structures require the direct object itself to have cumula-
tive reference, an assumption which is the motivating force behind the assign-
ment of a non-aktionsart interpretation to Finnish partitive case, to begin with.
Specifically, Krifka does assume that Slavic imperfectives are atelic, and that
they do give rise to a cumulative interpretation of the direct object, citing, as
evidence, the following examples:
(12) a. Ota pil1 vino.

'Ota drank wine/?the wine.'
b. Ota vypilp vino.
'Ota drank the wine/*wine.'
However, as the strength of the judgements in (12) indicates, and as Krifka

himself notes, the object in perfective cases is always quantized, in the relevant
sense (or, as we argued, quantity, with the modified definition in mind). Bare
NPs, in the context of the perfective, are never interpreted as bare plurals (see
Filip 1996; Pinon 2001), a point to which I return in Chapter 6, Section 6.3. On
the other hand, bare NPs in the context of the imperfective maybe interpreted
as either bare or definite. Nor are quantized, or quantity DPs in general barred in
imperfective paradigms, leading Krifka to state that'in a similar way, the imper-
fective aspect may force a non-quantized interpretation on the verbal predicate,
which consequently enforces a non-quantized interpretation on the object NP.
However, this requirement seems to be much weaker' (p. 50).
It is precisely this 'weakness' which leads Filip (1996) to reject the assump-
tion that imperfectives in Slavic are ever atelic. Concurring with Krifka's main
claimthat atelic predicates require a cumulative direct objectshe points out
8
And note in this context that as verbs in the present model cannot have properties such as divisive
or non-divisive (although events may), and as the uniqueness of object-event mapping has been direct-
ly challenged by the account of quantity Kiparsky's observations do not present a problem in the present
framework, under the assumption that partitive case is indeed a marker of the absence of quantity struc-
ture at the functional level.
that no such restriction holds for imperfectives, as was already illustrated by the
interpretation(s) of (7), and is as well by the example in (13):
(13) Pil1 vino, co mujehoneunavnyhostitel stale doleval1.
drank.3SG wine that...
'He drank (of) the wine that his tireless host kept pouring.'
As a further problem for the claim that imperfectives impose a cumulative
reading on their objects, Filip (op. cit.) cites the example in (14).
(14) Psal1 dopis.
wrote.3SG letter.sc.ACC
'He wrote a/the letter.'
If indeed objects of imperfective verbs must be cumulative, we would be
committed to the claim that in (14), dopis 'letter' is cumulative, that is, a mass
noun, with (14) presumably having uniquely the interpretation whereby he
was engaged in letter writing. However, (14) clearly does have an interpret-
ation whereby he was writing a specific letter. One might mention that it is also
perfectly grammatical in Czech to write five letters, imperfectively, although a
cumulative interpretation for'five letters'in this case is clearly unavailable:
(15) Psal1 pet dopisu.
wrote.3SG five letters.PL.GEN
The internal argument in (15) is clearly not cumulative, making it necessary,
at the very least, to assume that the cumulativity imposed on the direct inter-
nal argument (the incremental theme) by Krifka's system maybe overridden or
cancelled by an overt cardinal.
Before proceeding to a discussion of Filip's own analysis, note that given
the structures proposed here, the failure of agreement between the properties
of atelic events and their internal arguments is exactly what we would expect.
Assuming that (i4)-(is) are indeed atelic, we note that this would mean that
there is no LspX6)*] open value, the event is a non-quantity event, and there
simply exists no configuration in which the quantity properties of the internal
argument, whatever they are, may translate through a specifier-head configur-
ation to the functional head. Quite independently of what is the correct notion
of quantity and what is the correct notion of homogeneity (non-quantity), the
latter will never be instantiated through specifier-head relations, because by
definition there is no homogeneous structure. There is only the failure of a
quantity structure to be instantiated. Further, note, given the analysis of atelicity
proposed here, there is no reason to assume that the structure of (93) is different
from that of (pb-d)both having the structure in (8). In short, while we concur
with Filip's objections to Krifka's analysis of Slavic imperfectives, unlike Filip,

the failure of cumulative interpretation for the objects of imperfectives, just like
the failure of cumulative interpretation for the objects in (pb-d), does not force
us to the conclusion that imperfectives are not atelic, nor does it force us to the
conclusion that there exist two distinct formal relations, atelicity and part-of,
quite simply because under the analysis put forth here, there is no expectation
that objects in atelic cases should be cumulative.9
Filip (op. cit.), having accepted that atelic structures must have cumulative
objects, and faced with the fact that imperfectives in Slavic are not thus con-
strained, concludes that all imperfectives fall under the part-of analysis and do
not indicate atelicity. We note before proceeding that this raises a very obvious
question concerning the instantiation of atelicity in any language. If (9b-d) are
part-of relations, as are Slavic imperfectives and Finish partitives, one wonders
whether a notion such as atelicity, instantiated, according to both Krifka and
Filip (op. cit) only in cases such as (93), is indeed grammatically ever neces-
sarily. In other words, do we have two relations here, atelicity and part-of, or
just one relation, however defined? In the latter case, note, the debate basically
reduces to the question of whether telicity, however defined, is in opposition to
atelicity, however defined, as in the account outlined here (where the opposition
is between quantity and non-quantity structures), or alternatively, all cases of
'atelicity' are in fact cases of part-of relations which are not in opposition with
telicity (or more accurately, Krifka's quantization), as Filip (op. cit.) believes.
As it turns out, Filip's assumption that all imperfectives fall under the part-
of analysis and are not in opposition with telicity (= quantization) faces some
serious problems. Concretely, Filip (1996, 2000) proposes that paralleling the
existence of a totality operator for perfectives, there is a part operator for imper-
fectives. Together with the lexical semantics of the verb root, and whether or not
it selects an incremental theme, the following picture emerges:10
(16) Without quantificational prefixes

a. Perfective verb + incremental theme:
[(affix) root]TOT [incremental theme]TOT
b. Imperfective verb + incremental theme:
[root]PART [incremental theme]PART
9
A separate question concerns the source of the possible (but not obligatory) definite interpretation
of the bare NP in imperfectives such as (14), an issue which I set aside here. For some brief relevant com-
ments in the context of Chinese bare NPs, see Volume I, Chapter 6, Section 6.4.
10
As already noted, Czech has two imperfective paradigms, one consisting in essence of the bare
stem, the second a morphologically complex form derived from the perfective paradigm. Thus psat
'write. iMp'-napsat, zapsat 'write-up' -zapisovat 'writing up'.
(17) With quantificational prefixes

a. Perfective verb + incremental theme:
[affixq root]TOT [incremental theme]Q+ToT
b. Secondary imperfective verb + incremental theme:
[[affixq + root]+ impf-suffix]PART [incrementaltheme] Q+ pART
Most crucially, from our perspective, Filip's system implies that just as within
the perfective domain the TOT operator associated with the head stem binds the
direct object, making it TOT, so within the domain of imperfectivity, a (covert)
PART operator associated with the head stem binds the direct object, making it
PART. I believe that this conclusion is not borne out by the facts.
Note first that when na or u, or any other quantificational prefix, attaches to
the verb stem, and provided that no other marking is added, a quantity-teli-
city interpretation always emerges. Put differently, in the presence of quantifi-
cational prefixes, and without secondary imperfective morphological marking,
PART interpretation is excluded and TOT interpretation forced, as schematized
in (18).
(18) *[affixQ+root] PART [incremental theme]Q+PARi:
The interpretation that would be associated with an imperfective, part-of event
with the structure in (18), for example, that of'(being engaged in) baking (part
of) many rolls' or'(being engaged in) eating (part of) many apples', is a perfect-
ly sensible one, and is in fact available for the bare DP in (7), when no quantifi-
cational prefixes are associated with the verb. In turn, quantification could be
expressed by directly marking the DP object of an imperfective V, as in (19):
(19) Petr pekl1 mnoho housek/dvu housky.
Peter baked.iMPERF many-of rolls.PL.GEN/two rolls.PL.ACC
As noted, this interpretation is not, however, available in the presence of quan-
tificational prefixes, unless a secondary imperfective morphological marking
is added. But if Filip is right, and imperfectivity, for both primary and second-
ary imperfectives consists of a covert PART operator, the absence of the PART
reading with quantificational prefixes remains unexplained.11 This is especial-
11
We note a certain potential circularity here. The problem presented by the absence of the structure
in (18) is based on the assumption implied in Filip (op. cit.) that the presence of a PART operator defines
what is (semantically) imperfective, while the presence of a TOT operator defines what is (semantical-
ly) perfective, and that quantificational prefixes are specifically not semantically perfective. One could,
of course, claim that the exclusion of the structure in (18) stems from the fact that a PART operator is
only available in the morphological imperfective cases, but not the morphological perfective ones, i.e.
that it is the presence of imperfective morphology that gives rise to PART, and the presence of quantifica-
tional prefixes that licenses TOT. This, however, would amount to claiming that semantic imperfectivity
lyso asFilip (1996,2000) assumes that the telic effect, for perfectives, is obtained
by the presence of a totality (TOT) operator, which is independent of the pres-
ence of quantiflcational affixes. As telicity within the perfective domain is not
induced by the quantity nature of the perfective prefixation, there is little reason
to exclude such quantity prefixation from co-occurring with the PART operators.
And yet, the combination of quantity prefixation with a bare stem cannot give
rise to an atelic or part-of reading of any sort. The problem is further exacerbated
by the fact that quantification prefixation does not conflict with a part-of read-
ing, and may co-occur with it, but only if additional overt imperfective morph-
ology is added, giving rise to the secondary imperfective scheme in (ijb).12
Even more surprising, given that Filip assumes the presence of a PART oper-
ator in the imperfective paradigm, is the complete absence of overt quantifl-
cational marking in the Slavic languages (preflxal or otherwise) associated
specifically with the imperfective paradigm, on the one hand, and the gram-
maticality of (19) on the other hand. If indeed the TOT operator in the perfective
paradigm is distinct from quantiflcational affixation, the latter being non-per-
fective by Filip's assumptions, why do we not find, within the imperfective
domain, an array of quantificational prefixes which agree with the object DP?
Further, within the perfective paradigm, any conflict between the quantifica-
tional properties of the DP and the quantificational properties of the marking
on the verb results in ungrammaticality. On the other hand, no such ungram-
maticality is associated with (19), where presumably the verb stem is marked as
does not reduce to the presence of a PART operator, but has some other defining characteristics, presum-
ably morphological, which supersede the presence of such an operator, and which condition its distri-
bution, although by assumption they are not, themselves, the PART operator. Likewise, one would have
to claim that semantic perfectivity has some other defining characteristics, presumably morphologic-
al, which suprecede the presence of a TOT operator and condition its distribution, although by assump-
tion they are not, themselves, the TOT operator. However, given the morphologically diverse nature of
perfective affixation, and the existence of two entirely distinct morpho-phonological imperfective para-
digms, a coherent classification is hard to find within the morphological domain. It therefore emerges
that if there is a coherent perfective/imperfective semantic classification which determines the distribu-
tion of PART and TOT, it cannot be based on the morphological paradigm, and further, must be independ-
ent of the PART and TOT distinction, if (18) is to be excluded in a non-circular fashion. It is not obvious,
however, what such a classification could be based on, or, that if and when postulated, it could derive in a
non-arbitrary fashion the fact that'morphological' perfectivity, with some presumed property P, should
correlate with TOT, while 'morphological' imperfectivity with some presumed property not-P, should
correlate with PART.
12
Filip's (2000) system is largely couched within lexicalist terms, assuming perfective affixation to be
derivational and lexical, but imperfective affixation to be grammatical. We note that a lexicalist approach
here is not, however, particularly helpful in resolving the problems noted in the text. An account for
the impossibility of (18) together with the grammaticality of (i/b) would require marking all prefixed
verb combinations, lexically and arbitrarily, as having a TOT operator, which can then be overridden by
the grammatical projection of imperfectives, associating it with a PART operator. In turn, as stems may
emerge from the lexicon unmarked, and hence imperfective and with a PART operator, we must assume
that imperfectives are both lexical and syntactic.
PART,but the direct object is not interpreted as PART (i.e. in (19), there is no bak-
ing of a part of two rolls, a point to which I return directly).
In turn, the absence of quantiflcational, preflxal marking in the primary
imperfective paradigm follows directly if we are correct in assuming that there
is no dedicated atelic structure, and if the primary imperfective, so-called, is the
paradigm associated with atelicity. In the model presented here, the difference
between a telic-quantity paradigm and an atelic paradigm consists of the pres-
ence in the former, vs. the absence in the latter, of a projected [AspQ(e}#] in need
of range. If na, u, and similar prefixes are the phonological instantiation of head
features (with quantiflcational properties) which assign range to [Aspa(e}J, their
presence in the structure is only licit if they spell out a head feature which does
assign range to [ASpQ(e}#] Otherwise, vacuous quantification results. It follows,
then, that na and u, or any other quantiflcational marking on the V-head, can
only be licit in a derivation that includes the merger of [ASPQ (e),]. The merger of
[AspQ(e>#], together with range assignment by quantiflcational markers such as na
and u, however, immediately gives rise to a quantity structurethat is, telicity.
We therefore predict directly the fact that the transmission of an (e)t value to a
direct object from quantiflcational markers such as na and u is never possible in
atelic contexts, as required, as by assumption, [AspQ(e}#] does not merge in such
structures. Not so within the Filip system. Here, the operator on V, be it TOT or
PART, binds a variable introduced by the incremental theme. The structural rela-
tions that hold between PART, in the imperfective, and its incremental theme are
identical to those which hold between the TOT operator, in the perfective, and
its incremental theme. There is thus no reason in principle for the systematic
absence in Czech of overt quantifier prefixes which bind an incremental theme
without telicity emerging. Their absence (outside the secondary imperfective
paradigm) must be independently stipulated.
We return shortly to the fact that overt quantiflcational prefixes do occur
in the secondary imperfective paradigm. We turn first to the relation between
an incremental theme and the primary imperfective, assumed to be regulated
by the existence of a covert PART operator. According to Filip, in the context of
imperfective stems, incremental themes must be interpreted as part of a whole,
rather than a whole. As an illustration, consider the following contrast:
(20) a. Vypilp vino.

perf.drank.3SG wine.sc.ACC
'He drank (up) all the wine.'
b. Pil1 vino.
drank.3SG wine.sc.ACC
'He was drinking the/some wine.V'He drank the/some wine.'
c. Rozbijel1 salky.
broke.3SG cups.PL.ACC
'He was breaking (some/the) cups.V'He broke (some/the) cups.'
With respect to (2ob),Filip (1996) notes, the interpretation crucially is'some-
thing like "drink only some wine, not all of it".' Likewise, (ioc) seems to imply
that not all the cups were broken.
However, as Filip's text itself indicates, the PART relation is not always clearly
instantiated on the direct object. Thus consider the examples in (21) ((na) from
Filip (2000); (2ib) from Polish):13
(21) a. Plotla1 svetry.
knitted.3SG.F pullovers.PL.ACC
'She was knitting pullovers.'
b. Malowalem1 kubki.
painted.isc (the) mugs
Sentence (2ia), Filip suggests, is ambiguous between a reading in which

part of the pullover set has been knitted and a reading in which possibly every
pullover, rather than part of the pullover set, has been part of some sub-event
of knitting. We note, in this context, that (2ia) is in fact entirely vague as to
how many pullovers have been completed and how many partially knitted, a
reading that quite simply seems to involve a non-delimited knitting event, in
which any PART interpretation of the pullover set appears irrelevant. If any-
thing, it seems to correspond to Krifka's part-of-event readingthat is, the pro-
gressive(and see (io)-(n)). Example (2ib) displays a similar vagueness: it is
certainly possible that some subset of the mugs has been completely painted
(PART interpretation), but it is equally possible that any number of mugs have
been manipulated (including all of them), some fully painted, others partially
painted, while others remain untouched. In short, here as well, the reading is of
a non-delimited event, in which a PART interpretation of the mug set appears
only one of many possible scenarios.
Consider now the imperfective cases in (22), from Polish, which do not
involve an incremental theme altogether.
(22) a. Prowadzilem1 samochody.

'I drove (the) cars.'
b. Prowadzilem1 Nissana.
'I drove the/a Nissan.'
13
With thanks to A. Lazorczyk (pers. comm.) for the examples in (lib) and (22).
c. Kopalem1 ptfkf.
'I kicked (the) ball.'
Unsurprisingly, in the absence of an incremental theme the internal argu-

ments here have no PART interpretation. In (22), under a definite interpretation
for cars, or the interpretation corresponding to some cars, both possible, it is
clear that Kim drove all the relevant cars, and not some of them. While the sen-
tences remain clearly atelic, that atelicity involves the fact that the motion was
not delimited, and follows neither from the part interpretation of cars, nor, for
that matter, from the part interpretation of the driving. As to (22b), the proper-
ties are clearly the same, except highlighted by the singularity of the specific car
under consideration, the Nissan. Although in (223) all relevant cars are driven
under a definite interpretation, it is at least coherent to claim that the cars, as a
collective, could have a partitive interpretation with respect to driving. A par-
titive interpretation of a single car in the context of driving is clearly absurd.
Sentence (220) could have a partitive interpretation in a very specific sense, in
that the kicking could (but does not have to be) interpreted iteratively, with
the imperfective signalling a subset of the kicking events (and see Krifka 1992
for some discussion of this point). This interpretation, however, would clearly
fail to give the ball itself a PART interpretation. Of course, given the fact that
the objects in (22) are not incremental themes, a part reading for them is not
expected. We note, however, that the events themselves are not always inter-
preted as partial in any sensible way, and rather, they are interpreted as non-
delimited and failing to have a well-defined culmination. And yet, here, too, we
find the imperfective.
If one wishes to adopt the PART analysis, then, one might be driven to the
unfortunate conclusion that the Slavic imperfective is ambiguous. In the pres-
ence of an incremental theme it maybe interpreted as involving a PART operator
which binds the object. However, when an incremental theme is not in pres-
ence, no PART operator is involved, and instead, a non-delimited interpretation
is assigned to the event. To make matters worse, a non-delimited interpretation,
in the presence of an imperfective, is possible for cases of incremental themes
as well, making them ambiguous, under this analysis, between a PART reading
and a non-delimited reading. And finally, we note that if atelicity (in the sense of
non-quantized) continues to be a possible formal relations alongside the PART
relations, there is no way to prevent (203), for example, from being ambiguous
between a PART reading (and the incremental theme interpreted as some of the
wine), and a cumulative reading, short of stipulating the fact that bare stems
must include a PART relations.
Suppose we consider another view, according to which (na-b) are not ambig-
uous but rather just vague. According to this view, what unifies the occurrences
of the imperfectives in (21)-(22) is the absence of a well-defined culmination
point, otherwise known as atelicity. For the emergence of this atelicity, what is
required is precisely the failure of any formal relations between the imperfec-
tive marking and the direct object, be it an incremental theme or otherwise. In
turn, the failure of such a formal relations follows directly from the structure
in (8). According to such an analysis, the internal DPs in imperfective-atelic
structures only play a role in the interpretation of the event by entailment, if
such entailment is relevant. To the extent that so-called incremental themes
are perceived as having well-defined subparts, an event, delimited or otherwise,
maybe perceived as progressing incrementally along these subparts. Certainly,
it is part of our world knowledge that pullovers, in the process of being knitted,
are partial prior to completion, that books have discrete subparts and that read-
ing normally involves progressing through these subparts (but not burning, for
instance). On the other hand, to the extent that the integrity of cars does not
seem to be dependent on the existence of a culmination to the driving, nor the
integrity of a ball dependent on kicking (which may or may not culminate), no
such part interpretation is applied to the object in the relevant events. Whatever
lack of completion or presumed partitivity remains of the interpretation here
is exclusively within the domain of the event, with its relationship to the inter-
pretation of the object remaining entirely undetermined by the grammar and
entirely determined by world knowledge.14
This conclusion is not a surprising one, of course, and is a direct parallel
of the conclusion we reached concerning the distribution of partitive case in
Finnish. As in Finnish, there is no evidence that atelicity involves any relations
between the verb and an argument, or between aspectual morphology and an
argument. The correlation, clearly, works the other way around: when there are
such (well-formed) relations, telicity emerges. Atelicity is precisely the absence
of such relations.
14
H. Filip (pers. comm.) notes that while the subset of pullovers or mugs involves a proper-part inter-
pretation, all other readings involve a part interpretation and not necessarily a proper part. Thus the
non-delimited reading, under this interpretation, would emerge from the presence of a part interpret-
ation which is not a proper-part one. While this is certainly true for pullovers and mugs, it is clearly not
applicable to non-incremental themes, where part-of relations are often altogether incoherent, as we
noted, but the event is nevertheless imperfectively marked and is non-delimited. In turn, viewing the
events, regardless of the presence of an incremental theme, as non-delimited, extends to all cases. A uni-
fied approach to imperfectives thus suggests that the formal PART relations with the direct object is not
needed, and that to the extent that a part-of interpretation does emerge for the direct object it is based on
considerations of world knowledge, rather than grammatical structure.
We note, in summary, that while the structure in (8) and an atelic interpret-
ation are highly plausible for the primary imperfective which is morphologically
unmarked in any way, the structure in (8) is clearly not available for second-
ary imperfectives, which typically involve the suffixation of overt imperfective
morphology to an overtly perfective form. As Filip (2000) notes, the co-occur-
rence of imperfective morphology and perfective prefixation clearly shows that
morphological perfectives and (secondary) imperfective morphology are not
in semantic opposition. Filip (2000) concludes from this that quantificational
prefixes are not perfective. We adopt a different conclusion. Having concluded
that quantificational prefixes are markers of quantity (= felicity), and that the
absence of quantificational prefixes marks the absence of quantity (= atelicity),
we must assume that overt imperfective morphology does not mark aktionsart,
and that the primary and the secondary imperfectives are by necessity not a uni-
form semantic class. The conclusion, we note, is eminently plausible given their
different morpho-phonological status, and we will assume it to be so without
further discussion. Relying on Zucchi (1999) we suggest that secondary imper-
fective inflection has at least up to a point a progressive function, in turn a spe-
cies of outer aspect, in the sense ofVerkuyl (1972) and subsequent work. Should
such a solution turn out to be workable, it would provide additional evidence
for the distinction between outer aspect and inner aspect, in showing them to
be associated with distinct morphological marking and with distinct morpho-
logical history. Being concerned here primarily with inner aspect, I leave this
matter aside. See, however, Chapter 7, Section 7.2 for some additional comments
on the interaction of prefixes and the secondary imperfective paradigm.15
15
As already noted, Schmitt (1996) shares with the present account the assumption of symmetrical
specifier-head relations, in telic structures. Specifically, within her system the argument in [Spec, AgrO]
agrees with the functional head AgrO, thus giving rise to quantization, in the sense of Krifka (1992). In
turn, the head, in Slavic, when quantificational, determines the quantificational properties of the object
through specifier-head relations. Schmitt's account nevertheless differs from the account outlined here
in a number of fundamental ways, not least of which is the adoption of Krifka's (1992) notion of quan-
tization. First, Schmitt continues to assume that partitive case is assigned internal to the VP, contra our
claims (and see Chapter 4, Section 4.2, for discussion). Secondly, Schmitt continues to assume that a
predicate is homogeneous, i.e. atelic, or non-quantized, 'if the PATH built by the verb and the object is
homogeneous, which entails in other words that the DP complement is homogeneous (or can be interpret-
ed as such)' [p. 94, emphasis mine, HB]. Thus Schmitt fundamentally subscribes to the view that, at least
semantically there are such things as atelic structures, and to the view that imperfective morphology
represents the existence of such structures, which in turn trigger agreement in cumulativity or homo-
geneity between the verb's lexical meaning and the DP complement. Thirdly, Schmitt continues to adhere
to Verkuyi's generalization as a crucial building block for the emergence of a telic interpretation, attribut-
ing it, in essence, to the properties of measuring-out events, essentially following Tenny (1987,1994) and
Krifka (1992). Finally, as is clear from the above quote, Schmitt remains fundamentally committed to a
crucial role, in the emergence of (a)telic interpretation, for the lexical semantics of the verb, an assump-
tion that has been rejected here (see Chapter 5, Section 5.2, for the relevant discussion).
6.3 Licensing DP-internal Structure

We adopted Filip's analysis (op. cit), which involved the binding of, or range
assignment to, in our terms, [DP (e)t] through the quantification properties
of a head feature which spells out as a quantificational prefix, na and u being
two such cases. Specifically, we proposed that quantificational prefixes trigger,
through specifier-head agreement, the projection of [DP {e)t], therefore barring
the occurrence of a non-quantity DP in [Spec,AspQ]. For bare N-stems, then,
the following structure emerges for the DP in [Spec, AspQ] (with CL marking
the difference between plural and mass readings; see Volume I, Chapter 4, Sec-
tion 4.1 as well as Chapter 3, Section 3.2 of this volume):
(23) [DP<e> d [,P<e>,([cL<e> d i v )[ N pN]]] ( ] )
We turn now to a more detailed investigation of how range is assigned, in
(23), to (e>d as well as to [ DP <e)].
Consider first the interpretation of bare N stems in perfective contexts in
Slavic. As both Filip (1992,1996) and Pinon (2001) show, such bare N-stems
may never receive a non-quantity interpretation (i.e. that of bare plurals or
bare mass). Further, they must be interpreted as strong, even if not as definite
(examples from Pinon 2001).16
(24) a. Basia czytala1 artykuly. (Polish)
Basia read.iMPERF articles.ACC
'Basia read.iMPERF articles.'
b. Basia prze.czytalap artykuly.
Basia read.FRF articles.ACC
i. *'Basia read articles.'
ii. 'Basia read the articles.'
(25) a. Basia prze.czytalap inny artykuly. (Polish)
'Basia read another (i.e. different) article.'
b. Basia u.dowodnilap podobne twierdzenie.
'Basia proved a similar theorem.'
Consider now the properties of DPs containing bare N-stems in Slavic from
the perspective of our conclusions concerning the internal structure of DPs,
argued for in Volume I, Chapters 3-6. Addressing specifically the strong-weak
16
Although Pinon (op. cit.) does not highlight the fact that the interpretation must be strong (involv-
ing, according to his account an obligatory generalized quantifier), the choice of adjectives in (25), as
well as Pinon's own statement that the adjectives which allow an indefinite reading must be 'judiciously'
chosen, clearly suggests that reading must be strong.
distinction, I suggested in Chapter 5 in Volume I that these readings are syntac-

tically distinguished. While the former involves DP-internal range assignment
by the same f-morph (or head feature) to both [DP (e)t] and (e>d, the latter involves
an internal range assigner to [DP (e)t] (if [DP (e)t] projects) but the assignment
of range to (e>d by an external operator, specifically, an existential operator. In
fact, I argued that a weak reading was the direct result of the presence, in D, of
an open value (e}a which is subject to existential closure from without. Viewed
from the perspective of the output structure, rather than the properties of par-
ticular range assigners, the structure-interpretation correlation was argued to
be as in (26):
(26) a. 3 [ DP (e 3 > d ([CL"-...)[NP...]](])
b. 3 [ DP <e 3 > d [* P Q i (e%([cL-x...)[ N p...]]](])
c. [DP Q1 (6% [*P Q1 <e% ( [CL ...) [NP . . - ] ] ] ( ] )
d. GEN [ DP <e GEN > d [ #P <e GEN >, ([ C L max...) [ N P . . . ] ] ] ( ] )
a: non-quantity structure: bare mass and plurals
b: weak NPs (Q = cardinals, weak quantifiers, a)
c: strong NPs (Q = strong quantifiers, weak quantifiers and a with 'wid-
est scope', the)
d: generic operators, possibly other adverbs of quantification
Consider now the structure in (23), assumed to be that of the DP in [Spec,
AspQ].We assume that the specifier-head agreement with AspQ, and specifically
with the perfective quantificational prefix which assigns range to it, results in
the obligatory copying of #P onto the DP structure. Given this assumption, it is
clear that we can now exclude, in principle, the occurrence of DPs of type (263)
in [Spec, AspQ]. Their exclusion follows from the fact that they are non-quantity
structures, without a projected [DP (e)t], as coupled with the specific assumption
on the structural nature of specifier-head agreement with quantificational per-
fective prefixes.
What we must ask now is what assigns range to [DP {e)t] and to (e}a in licit
structures and whether the output configuration is akin to any of the structures
in (26b-d). We note before proceeding that given the specifier-head agree-
ment between DP in [Spec, AspQ] and AspQ combined with the quantificational
nature of perfective prefixes, the relation between the quantificational marking
on the verb and the DP in [Spec.AspJ is by definition that of operator binding
(indeed, explicitly assumed by Filip 1992,1996). As a result, it renders the DP in
[Spec, AspQ] opaque to binding relations with any operator other than the quan-
tificational prefix. We can thus exclude, in principle, any instantiation of the
structure in (23) in which a generic operator or an existential operator assigns
range to (e>d, to [DP {e},], or to both. We note that this rules out not only a generic
interpretation for (23), in which GEN assigns range to both (e>d and [DP {e},], as
in (26d), but also all three logically possible derivations in (27), as all involve a
relation between the DP in [Spec, AspQ] and an operator distinct from the per-
fective prefix:17
(27) a. 3[ DP {e 3 > d [p{e>, ([cL m a *--.) [ N P - - ] ] ] ( ] )

b. 3[ D P<e 3 ) d [*p3<e) # ([CL...) [ N P - . . ] ] ] ( ] )
c. 3 [DP (e3>d [p(perf) (e)t ([ C L max...) [ N P . . . ] ] ] ( ] ) .
Given that both [DP {e},] and (e}d must be assigned range, and given that they
may only be assigned range by the perfective, quantificational marking on the
verb, the only licit structure is as in (28) (CLmax and head movement not repre-
sented; superscripts indicate range assignment):
The representation in (28) is necessarily a strong one, as a weak representa-

tion would require a null (e}d which would be assigned range by an existential
operator, a possibility already excluded. We note, interestingly, that the config-
uration in (28) is precisely that of the template in (260), in which the very same
quantifier assigns range to both (e>d and [DP {e},]. The emerging reading, in such
cases, is always strong as indeed it is in the cases under consideration here.
As it turns out, however, not all DPs which occur in [Spec, AspQ] are bare, and
we must now turn our attention to the way in which range is assigned to (e>d and
[DP {e},] in such cases. Specifically, consider the paradigm in (29):18
(29) a. Petrna-pekl p mnohohousek. (Czech)
Petr na-baked many rolls.PL.GEN
b. Petr u-peklp dvuhousky.
Peter u-baked two rolls.PL.ACC
17
Note in this context that (i/a, b) are ruled out independently: (i/a) due to the failure of range
assignment to [DP (e},], and (i/b) due to the assignment of range to [DP (e),] by 3, a possibility which is
explicitly excluded in Volume I, Chapter 5, Section 5.1.
18
The realization of the complements of some cardinals and quantifiers as genitive, rather than accu-
sative, is taken in this work to be orthogonal to the issue of telicity. Specifically, we assume that the DP as
a whole receives structural accusative case in [Spec, AspQ] in the case of perfectives, and a structural par-
titive case in [Spec,FT], in the case of imperfectives.
c. Vypilp tri kavy.

drank-3SG three coffee.PL.GEN
'He drank (up) three portions of coffee.'
Sentences (293-0) present an interesting puzzle. As is the case for DPs con-
taining bare N-stems, we assume that the perfective affixation gives rise obliga-
torily to the merger of [DP (e)J, thereby forcing a quantity interpretation and
excluding both bare mass and bare plurals. However, in (293-0), and in contrast
with (28), range is assigned to [DP (e)t] by an f-morph (a cardinal, a quantifier)
which merges internal to the DP itself, making range assignment to [DP (e)t] by
the perfective prefix unnecessary, and indeed impossible. Plausibly, then, the
structure of the DP in [ Spec, AspQ], for (293-0) is as in (30):
(30) [DP <e)d[*P {mnoho, dvu, tri} <e<% ([ a P ...) [ N P . . . ] ] ] ( ] )

many, two, three
The structure in (30) gives rise to 3 host of questions. First, if in (293-0) range
is sssigned to [DP (e}J by 3n f-morph internsl to the DP, whst of the qusntifi-
cstionsl properties of the perfective prefixes? Note that we must prevent the
quantiflcational prefix from assigning range to [DP (e>#] through specifier-head
agreement in (30) or double marking of [DP (e> # ]and ungrammaticalityare
predicted to result. Secondly, the reverse question must be posed as well. If range
is assigned in (293-0) directly to [DP (e)t], and assuming that DP and AspQ are in
specifier-head agreement, how can we prevent the quantity value of DP from
binding [ASpQ{e}#]thereby giving rise to the double marking of [ASpQ{e}#] ? Final-
ly, what assigns range to (e}a in (30)? Note that if we assume that the f-morph
which assigns range to [DP {e)t] is also the assigner of range to {e}a, we expect
(293-0) to have 3 strong resding. Is this prediction correct?
Addressing these questions in turn, consider first the ungrammaticality of
(31), noted in Filip (1996):
(31) Na-koupilp *jedno jsblko/ ??pet jablek/
na-bought.3SG one.sc.ACC apple.sc.ACC/??five apples.PL.GEN/
*nekolik jablek (Czech)
^several apples.PL.GEN
The ungrammaticality of (31), Filip suggests, is due to the incompatibility

between'one','several', and even'five'with the meaning of'a lot'. In turn, the gram-
maticality of (293-0) would follow from the absence of such incompstibility.
Supporting evidence for the sssumption that the ungrammaticality of (31) stems
from some incompatibility between na and the value of the quantifiers/cardin-
als comes from the grammaticality of (32) in Polish, from Schmitt (1996):
(32) Irenka na-luskalap sto orzechow.

Irenka na-shelled hundred.ACC nuts.GEN
That such compatibility is indeed required is not particularly surprising, and
we will assume, indeed, that in the absence of such compatibility interpretation
fails. Considering the paradigm in greater detail, however, reveals that incom-
patibility alone cannot account for the ungrammaticality of the co-occurrence
of na with any (unambiguous) strong quantifier, including every, each, and all:
(33) a. Na-trhalap (*kazdou) jahodu. (Czech)
picked.3SG.F each.sc.ACC strawberry.sc.ACC
b. Na-delalp (*vsechny) dluhy.
make.3SG all.PL.ACC debt.PL.ACC
c. Na-berp (*vsechny) vody do dzbanu!
pour all.SG.GEN water.sc.GEN into jug
Extending the puzzle, it turns out that strong readings for cardinals and for
measure phrases are blocked with perfective prefixes, even when no incompat-
ibility emerges, as Filip points out, and as (34) illustrates:
(34) Vypilp tri kavy. (Czech)
drink.3SG three coffee
i. 'He drank up three portions of coffee.' (weak)
ii. *'He drank up those three portions of coffee' (strong) (Filip 1996)
The restriction against a strong reading for cardinals and measure phrases
appears to generalize to other languages which lack articles, as observed by Bit-
tner and Hale (i995):19
(35) a. Znowu zobaczylemp jedno dziecko. (Polish)
again see-PST-isc.M one-Ace child-Ace
i. 'I again saw a child.' (weak)
ii. *'I saw the child again.' (strong)
b. Miiraq otaasiq taku-qqip-p-a-ra. (Eskimo)
child-ABS5 one-ABS5 see-AGAiN-iND-[+tr]-iSG.3SG 5
i. "There was one child which I saw again.' (weak)
ii. *'I saw the child again.' (strong) (Bittner and Hale 1995)
19
Note that the impossibility of a strong reading within this or any subset of the perfective paradigm
is at least prima facie very surprising from the perspective of the analysis proposed in Krifka (1998), as it
is precisely the perfective/telic paradigm which he argues to correlate with object shift, wide scope, and
hence a strong reading for the quantity DP. It presents similar difficulties for the scoping-out analysis of
Schein (2002) (see Chapter 5, Section 5.3, for discussion).
The picture in (34)-(35) clearly contrasts with the obligatoriness, in perfec-

tive contexts, of a strong reading for bare N-stems. In order to account for the
paradigm in (35), together with the strong reading for bare N-stems, Bittner and
Hale (1995) postulate, in languages without articles, a type-shifting operator (a)
whose semantic effect is equivalent to that of a definite article. The question, of
course, is how to restrict the operation of the a operator so as to bar it in (34)-
(35), but allow it in the cases of bare N-stems, as in (i4b) and (25). Appealing to
a sort of structure preservation principle restricting semantic typeshifting, Bit-
tner and Hale propose that the application of the a operator can only take place
if there are, in the grammar under consideration, constituents of the same cat-
egory and the same basic meaning as the output type.20 The a operator could
operate on bare nouns, turning N predicates to individuals, because there are in
the Slavic languages and in Eskimo other constituents of the category N whose
basic meaning is of the individual type, namely, proper names. However, cardi-
nality expressions in Slavic and Eskimo, which are either determiners or adjec-
tives, are not N, and hence are not a proper input to the typeshifting operator a.
A weak reading results. The situation in Eskimo and Slavic languages, in turn,
contrasts with Walpiri, likewise a language without articles, in which both bare
N-stems and cardinality expressions can be strong. This difference, Bittner and
Hale claim, derives from the fact that in Walpiri cardinality expressions are of
the N type, and hence an appropriate input to the a operator.
Consider a different perspective on this issue, however, capitalizing on our
discussion of the internal structure of DPs, and in particular the proposed
range of DP structures in (26). We concluded that a strong reading for bare
N-stems in Slavic is forced for structures such as those in (28) by the fact that
the perfective prefix assigns range to both (e>d and [DP (e)J, and an existential
operator is prevented from assigning range to (e>d. The resulting template, we
noted, mimicked that which emerges with strong quantifiers, as in (260), giving
rise to the generalization that a strong reading always emerges when (e>d and
[DP(e}#] are assigned range by the same element. By a similar rationale, note,
a weak reading emerges whenever (e}d and [DP {e)t] are assigned range by dis-
tinct range assigners, and more specifically, whenever (e}d (but not [DP (e),])
is assigned range external to the DP.21 Consider now again the structures in
20
Specifically, following Link (1983), Bittner and Hale (op. cit.) assume a variable-binding operator a,
which, when applied to a predicate P, yields a term, ax.P(x), which denotes the maximal element in the
extension of P if there is such an element, and otherwise is undefined. The 'structure preserving restric-
tion is in (i):
(i) 'A typeshifting operator of type (a,b) could apply to a constituent of type a and syntactic category K
only if there are constituents of category K whose basic meaning is of type b.' (op. cit., p. 102)
21
The system outlined in Volume I, Chapters 4-6 excludes, in principle, the assignment of range
internally to (e)d by an element distinct from that which assigns range to [DP (e)J, by assuming that all
DP-internal (e)d range assigners must merge no higher than (e),, thereby collapsing the two require-
(26), this time in reference to the structure in (30), which involves DP-inter-
nal range assignment to [DP (e)J, but not to (e>d. Excluding as irrelevant (i6a)
and (26d), as before, the following possible representations emerge for (293-0)
(CLmax ignored).
(36) a. Up, [DP<e)d Up{mnoho ) dvu ) tri}{e}J NP ]]] [Aspa(per/a}(ea}J]
b. [AspJDp{mnoho)dvu)tri}(e}d U{mnoho,-dv6,tri}(e)JNp]]] [Asp>er/a}(ea},]
Structure (363), if possible, is predicted to have a weak interpretation if we

assume that (e}d is assigned range from without, but note that it is not obvious,
prima facie, what assigns range to it. Recall specifically that given the agreement
with AspQ, (e}d cannot be assigned range by any external operator other than the
perfective prefix, and specifically, it may not be assigned range by an existen-
tial operator. On the other hand, (36b), if possible, is predicted to have a strong
interpretation, as range is assigned to (e>d and [DP (e)t] by the same quantifier.
Viewed differently, however, if structure (s6b) is adopted, involving the
assignment of range to (e>d by the quantifier internal to the DP, we directly pre-
dict it to be ruled out as a case of vacuous quantification. Specifically, there are
no open values in (36b). If we take seriously the claim that perfective prefixes are
quantifiers, and if we take equally seriously the claim that they are coindexed,
through specifier-head agreement, with the DP in [Spec, AspQ], such coindexa-
tion perforce marks a variable binding relation. As there are no free variables in
the DP representation in (36b), we predict the structure to be ungrammatical.
Put differently, we predict any quantificational DP in [Spec, AspJ to have a free
variable which can be bound by the quantificational prefix. Now, as (e>, is, by
assumption, already bound by the cardinal or quantifier f-morph, the only pos-
sible open variable that maybe bound by the quantificational prefix is (e>d. Weak
reading now emerges, as required, because (e>d is assigned value from without,
by an operator which does not assign range to (e)t, giving rise, in essence, to a
template on a par with (i6b). In effect, then, the perfective prefix here func-
tions as an existential operator, giving rise to a weak DP, to the requirement
for quantificational compatibility, and to the surprising, prima facie paradox-
ical state of affairs that a strong reading is imposed on bare NPs with perfective
prefixes, but a weak reading on quantificational DPs. The resulting structure
is as in (37), where range is assigned to (e}d by the perfective prefix, range is
assigned to [Dp(e}] through the quantificational head, where the requirement
that the perfective prefix bind some free variable within the DP is met, and
ments for weak interpretation. We nevertheless noted (see Volume I, Chapter 4, n. 23), that this result
may be in need of weakening. Even insofar as such weakening might be necessary, we note that as long
as weak interpretation requires range assignment to (e)d from without, the results to be outlined below
still follow.
i8o The Projection of Arguments
where double marking is avoided, as the perfective prefix assigns range to (e>d,
but not to [{e},]:
(37) [ASPQ [DP <e>d [*P {mnoho, dvu, tri} <e>, [NP ] ] ] [AspQ(Perf a> <O*] ]
We note that as quantificational prefixes by assumption assign range to, and

hence bind, [ASpQ(e>#], the requirement that they bind a variable within the DP
in [Spec,AspQ] as well cannot follow from vacuous quantification. As we will
see shortly, quantificational prefixes can be well-formed when they do not
bind a variable within such a DP, precisely in cases in which there is no DP in
[Spec, AspQ], licensing quantity interpretation against Verkuyl's generalization.
The need for the DP to be interpreted as a variable follows here from precisely
the same restriction that would disallow a pronoun coindexed with a quantifier
to be interpreted referentially. In other words, it is the specifier-head agreement
which gives rise to a coindexation with a quantifier that forces a variable within
the DP in [Spec, AspQ] and it is the absence of a syntactic variable representation
in (s6b) that renders it ungrammatical in the presence of coindexation with a
perfective prefix.22
We now predict the range of DP interpretations in perfective/quantity struc-
tures in its fullest:
(38) a. Bare NPs must be strong (definite or strong indefinites)

b. Cardinality expressions and weak quantifiers may not receive a
strong interpretation.
22
A detailed comparison of the system presented here and that developed in Bittner and Hale (1995)
is not attempted. We do note, however, that the predictions made by the two systems overlap largely, but
are not identical. Specifically the system proposed here predicts the impossibility of strong quantifiers
in perfectives, but the possibility of such strong quantifiers (i.e. all, every) for imperfectives. The Bittner
and Hale system is neutral on the distribution of strong quantifiers altogether, as these can be interpret-
ed without typeshifting. The system proposed by Bittner and Hale (op. cit.) predicts the impossibility of
strong reading for cardinals and measure phrases in imperfective contexts as well as in perfective con-
texts. The system we adopt here, however, predicts their impossibility only ill perfective contexts. At least
in Czech, Filip reports that the picture in (35) does generalize to imperfective paradigms as well, as the
example in (i) shows:
(i) Znovu videl1 jedno auto.
again saw.3SG one car.so.ACC
'He saw a car again.' (Weak)
'*He saw that car again.' (Strong)
The issue here is clearly complicated by the fact that again, in and of itself, induces telicity. Neverthe-
less, should it turn out to be the case that the predictions made by Bittner and Hale (1995) are correct, it
suggests that within the model proposed here, more would need to be said about the interpretation of
cardinals in Slavic, barring, specifically, the structure in (i6c) for cardinals and measure phrases. I leave
this matter for future research.
c. Strong quantifiers are impossible.

d. Non-quantity interpretations are impossible.
e. Generic interpretation for bare NPs is impossible.
We return now to the sentences in (29), to their structure in (30), and to the
host of questions that we posed regarding that structure. We asked first why,
if in (iga-c) range is assigned to [DP {e)t] by an f-morph internal to the DP,
double marking does not emerge, given the presence of a quantificational per-
fective prefix which likewise assigns range to some open value within the very
same DP. This question has already been answered. If we assume that the oper-
ator-variable relations between a perfective prefix and the DP in [Spec,AspQ]
need not be realized as range assignment to [DP {e},], but can be realized as range
assignment to (e>d as well, double marking does not emerge. Another question
posed in the same context, that concerning the assignment of range to (e>d in
(30), has been fully answered: (e>d is assigned range by the perfective prefix, a
fact that gives rise to, indeed forces, a weak interpretation.
Finally, consider the last issue raised in conjunction with the structure in
(30). We noted that in principle, as the DP in (30) is a quantity DP through
internal range assignment, its coindexation with AspQ should make it a range
assigner, indirectly, to [AspQ(e}#]- Such range assignment, however, is clearly
undesirable, for two reasons. First, as a perfective prefix is in place, it would give
rise to double marking of [ASpQ(e}#]- More seriously, it would predict incorrectly
that quantity DPs of the type in (30) can assign range to [ASpQ(e}#] m Slavic in
the absence of perfective prefixation, clearly a wrong result. It is thus clear that
indirect range assignment, as attested in English and similarly structured lan-
guages, in which a DP in [Spec,AspQ] assigns range to [ASpQ(e}#], is simply not
available for Slavic, or at any rate, is not available in the configuration in (30).
We note that while restricting a DP-internal operator from assigning range to
[AspQ(e}J in structures such as those in (30) might not be difficult to derive (for
one, it would lead to a referential circularity, as the DP would be dependent on
AspQ, and AspQ dependent on DP), the need to exclude, across the board, indir-
ect range assignment by a quantity DP to LspX6)*] in the absence of perfective
quantificational prefixes shows that something deeper is afoot, specifically, that
the grammar of Slavic specifies a non-symmetrical, unidirectional relationship
between AspQ and any DP specifier, such that the latter may be bound by the
former, but not vice versa. One does suspect that the structure of the determiner
system in Slavic is at the root of this non-symmetrical relationship, but at this
point, we must leave this as speculation, pending future research.
7
Direct Range Assignment:

Telicity without
Verkuyls Generalization
7.1 Slavic Intransitive Perfectives

Consider again the conclusions reached in Chapter 4 (i):
(i) a. Atelicity is lack of telicity. There is no atelic structure as such.

b. Verkuyl's generalization is an instantiation of indirect range assign-
ment to [AspQ(e}#]> ne out of at least two possible modes of assigning
range to [ASpQ(e}#]- In the presence of direct range assignment, AspQ
maybe well formed without a (quantity) DP in its specifier.
We have now provided substantial evidence in favour of the claim that the
best characterization for atelicity is as the absence of telicity, rather than as
involving some specific (atelic) structure. We have further established the exist-
ence of structures in which range is assigned directly to [ASpQ(e>#], and specifi-
er-head agreement is responsible for the copying of that range onto some open
value in the DP in [Spec,AspQ] (indirect range assignment to the specifier by
the head). This, alongside the indirect range assignment to [ASpQ{e}#] by its speci-
fier, as is exhibited by languages such as English and Hebrew. Not surprisingly,
the grammars we have studied so far show a substantial degree of complemen-
tary distribution between the existence of direct range assigners to [ASpQ(e}#] and
the existence of direct range assigners to values within the DP, be it [DP {e)t] or
(e}d. While in English there are direct range assigners to {e}a, but no (inflection-
ally productive) direct range assigners to [ASpQ(e}#]> the converse seems to hold
in (most) Slavic languages, where there is direct range assignment to [ASpQ(e}#]>
but direct range assignment to (e}d seems restricted to proper names, and where
[DP (e}#] in addition to being assigned range within the DP, can also be assigned
range through specifier-head agreement. Such a correlation, once properly
tuned, could and should follow from the interaction between direct and indirect
range assignment, together with the role played by specifier-head agreement.
Telicity without Verkuyls Generalization 183
We are now in a position to tackle the assertion (ib), namely, the claim that
Verkuyls generalization is an instantiation of indirect range assignment for
[AspQ(e}J, and the prediction that in the presence of direct range assignment, a
(quantity) DP is not necessary to give rise to telicity. A prime example of range
assignment to [ASpQ{e}#] without Verkuyls generalization, one would expect, is to
be found in a grammar that actually has a phonologically realized head feature
devoted specifically to the assignment of range to [AspQ(e}#]- We have argued that
Slavic is precisely such a system, claiming, following Filip (1996), that the verbal
perfective prefixes in Slavic languages are quantificational in nature, but more
precisely that they assign range to [ASpQ(e}#] And indeed, as I will now argue, teli-
city without Verkuyl's generalization is found in Slavic. As I will show, this lends
support to the specifier-head agreement mechanism suggested as an account
for Verkuyls generalization. It also constitutes strong support for the syntactic
representation of telicity and event structure proposed here.
Before illustrating that there exists telicity without Verkuyls generalization
in Slavic, let us consider briefly the context in which such a prediction could be
tested. Given the system presented here, a peculiar asymmetry emerges between
the behaviour of dyadic and monadic predicates whenever [ASpQ(e}#] is assigned
range directly and not through specifier-head agreement with a quantity DP.
In order to see that this is so, we must consider the following logically possible
configurations of direct arguments:
(2) a. Perfective dyadic predicate, nominative, accusative
b. Perfective dyadic predicate, nominative, partitive
c. Perfective monadic predicate, nominative
Structure (ia) is the one associated with standard transitive perfectives in the
Slavic languages. Here, [ASpQ{e}#] is assigned range by a head feature phonologic-
ally realized as quantity affixation, and in turn, through specifier-head agree-
ment, the value of AspQ is transmitted to some open value in the DP, resulting
in the DP in [Spec, AspQ] receiving a subject-of-quantity interpretation, being
quantity, and receiving accusative case.
Consider now (ib). To give rise to quantity/telicity in (ib), we must project
AspQ. A quantity affix in turn assigns range to [ASpQ(e}#]>as needed. No quantity
DP is needed for this purpose, therefore. However, an object DP, provided that
one exists, and regardless of its range assigning properties, does need structur-
al case, and structural case is available either in [Spec,AspQ] (accusative) or in
[Spec,FP] (partitive). In turn, the nodes AspQ and FSP are mutually exclusive,
the latter being the shell of the former. It therefore follows that in the presence of
telic structures, partitive case can never occur. In turn, the agreement between
AspQ and the DP in its specifier forces [DP (e)t] to project and to be assigned
range, as already discussed in Chapter 6, Section 6.3. Therefore, if a DP object

exists, it must be quantity, it must have accusative (rather than partitive) case,
and it receives a subject-of-quantity interpretation. We therefore derive the fact
that in Slavic languages as well, in transitive perfective structures the internal
argument must be quantity (i.e. it may not be interpreted as a weak bare plural
or a weak bare mass noun), even though it need not be quantity for the sake of
range assignment to [AspQ{e}#]-
Consider now perfective monadic predicates. Range is again assigned to
[Aspa(e}#] by a head feature realized as the 'perfective' marking, making indirect
range assignment by a quantity DP unnecessary. But in these cases, note, a DP
need not occur in [Spec,AspQ]. The obligatoriness of the quantity DP for tran-
sitive cases followed directly from the need for structural case distinct from
nominative, which, due to the presence of AspQ in telic structure, forced merger
in [Spec,AspQ] and subsequent accusative assignment. For intransitives, how-
ever, this necessity does not arise, quite simply because nominative case must
be assigned to the single argument regardless of telicity. Should the single argu-
ment merge directly in [Spec.TP] and then move to [Spec,EP], thereby receiv-
ing nominative case as well as an originator interpretation in the presence of a
quantity affix, we expect a converging derivation. We therefore derive the result
that while transitive telic predicates will always have a quantity direct object
in [Spec,AspQ] regardless of whether [ASpQ(e}#] is assigned range directly or
through specifier-head agreement, for intransitive telic predicates a (quantity)
argument in [Spec,AspQ] is possible, but not obligatory, and even in its absence
a telic interpretation may arise. We note, however, that we are postulating here
two possible derivations for telic intransitives, as (3) illustrates. There is only one
DP in (33), the predicate is a quantity predicate, the DP is interpreted as an ori-
ginator of the quantity event, and there is no direct object which is otherwise
interpreted as subject-of-quantity. This reading, however, is clearly rather diffi-
cult to tease apart from the classical unaccusative structure in (sb), in which the
nominative subject is interpreted as the subject-of-quantity of a quantity event.
Nevertheless we note that the existence of the structure in (33), if established, is
precisely what our account predicts as the case in which quantity may emerge
without VerkuyFs generalization:
(3) a. [ E pDP N o M [TpBP N oM[A S p Q V.<per/> <e>,[ VP ...

Originator
b. [a, DPNOM [TP B^NOM [Aspa B V.<per/) <e>, [VP ...

Subject-of-quantity
Showing that both structures in (3) exist is not a trivial matter. Tests for inter-
nal arguments, or in our terms, a DP in [Spec,AspQ] in Slavic languages, such
as those involving genitive of negation and the distribution of the distributive

marker po (see Pesetsky 1982; Schoorlemmer 1995, to appear) can confirm the
existence of a DP in [Spec,AspQ] for telic intransitives and thus confirm the
existence of the structure in (3b),but they remain entirely silent on the possible
presence of the structure in (33)that is, they do not show that it does not exist.
It is thus not easy to establish that all telic intransitives in Slavic are structur-
ally ambiguous between (33) and (3b), as predicted by our account. Indeed, to
show that the structure in (33) does exist, we must demonstrate specifically the
presence of an originator in quantity structures without a copy in [Spec,AspQ].
Such a demonstration need not be done theory-internally. If configurations
such as (33) do occur, we expect the single argument to never pass tests for inter-
nal arguments such as genitive-of-negation and po distribution, and to have
an agentive or a causer interpretation. In turn, the predicate as a whole should
behave as a telic, non-homogeneous one, given that there are indeed tests for
telicity which are independent of the existence of the internal argument. Can-
didates for such tests are, for example, modification by in x-time and gradu-
ally. Thus we are looking, specifically, for configurations in which the subject
is clearly'external' in relatively agreed-upon ways, both structurally and inter-
pretationally, but in which (inner) telicity nevertheless can be shown to exist, as
triggered by perfective quantificational marking.
Consider from this perspective the paradigm which Schoorlemmer (to
appear) refers to as the semelfactive paradigm, involving verbal marking that
expresses one instance of a potentially repetitive action, as illustrated in Rus-
sian by UHs):1
(4) a. Ja morgnulap (*casami).
I blinked (*for hours)
b. Ja kasljanulap (*casami).
I coughed (*for hours)
c. On kriknulp za minutu (*casami).
he shouted in minute (*for hours)
(5) a. Ja morgala1 casami.
I blinked for hours
b. Ja kasljala1 casami.
I coughed for hours
c. On krical1 za minutu.
he shouted in minute
1
The discussion of semelfactive verbs is based on Schoorlemmer (to appear). I am indebted to M.
Schoorlemmer for making her work available to me, and for discussing it with me extensively. This state-
ment by no means commits her to an agreement with my conclusions.
In (5), imperfective forms are used. In (4), on the other hand, the verb stem
has a -nu suffix, roughly translatable as 'once'. The resulting interpretation is
telic, as is clear from the ungrammaticality of modification with adverbials such
as for hours.
Schoorlemmer (to appear), within an approach to telicity which requires an
internal quantity argument (i.e. an approach which crucially assumes there is
no telicity without Verkuyl's generalization), points out that there is little evi-
dence that in (4) there is indeed such an internal argument. Po, a distributive
marker argued by Pesetsky (1982) and Schoorlemmer (to appear) to be sensi-
tive to the existence of a direct internal argument, is not possible with (5). Fur-
thermore, to the extent that some semelfactives can take an (optional) object,
that object is often instrumental rather than accusative, and certainly does not
receive an interpretation compatible with establishing any sort of homomor-
phismbetween events and objects, which Schoorlemmer assumes to be a requi-
site for (grammatical) telicity. Furthermore, such objects cannot be passivized,
indicating clearly that they are not direct arguments, and hence cannot be con-
sidered to be the quantity DP relevant to instantiating Verkuyls generalization:
(6) a. Vasja tolknul dver.
Vasja pushed door
'Vasja gave a push into (the) door.'
b. Sobaka maxnula xvostom.
dog wagged tail.iNSTR
('the dog wagged with the tail')
c. Vasja pnul (masinu) nogoj.
Vasja kicked (the car) leg.iNSTR
'Vasja kicked (the car) with his leg.'
(7) a. *Dver'byla tolknuta Vasej.
door was pushed by-Vasja
b. *Masina byla pnuta nogoj.
car was kicked leg.iNSTR
Schoorlemmer thus concludes that semelfactive verbs, in the specific sense
of the paradigm in (4), are lexically marked as perfective, and that telicity, to the
extent that it is derived with such verbs, is not compositional in these cases.2 We
2
For Schoorlemmer (1995, to appear), perfectivity is the result of agreement of the verb stem with an
internal argument, making the latter crucial. Because the perfectivity involved in semelfactive verbs can-
not be derived through agreement with an internal argument, it must be lexical, in the intended sense.
We note that within the account suggested here, perfectivity is not agreement, but rather, a head feature
independently projected. While agreement certainly plays a role in our account, it is the agreement of
note, nevertheless, that the suffix nu, found in (4) and (6) is entirely productive,
and that its affixation to a particular verb stem gives rise to compositional rather
than idiosyncratic information. Nor is the emerging telicity surprising, in view
of the existence of telic paradigms such as those in (8), with roughly identical
interpretation, which cannot be lexically derived, but which, we will argue in
Section 7.3, are nevertheless cases of (inner) aspect:
(8) a. Pat laughed twice and cried twice.

b. Robin danced once and sang once.
c. Robin loved Kim three times.
The behaviour of-nu is not unique in Russian. Other verbal markers can give
rise to perfectivity (and quantity/telicity) without a discernible internal argu-
ment (example (11) is from Filip 2000; see Section 7.2 for additional discus-
sion):3
(9) a. po-spaf 'sleep for a while'

b. pro-spat' 'sleep for a long time'
c. po-igrat 'play for a while'
(10) a. ras-smejat'sja 'burst out laughing'

b. ot-smejat'sja 'stop laughing'
c. za-revet 'start to bawl'
(11) a. Ivan guljal1.

Ivanwalk.PST
'Ivan walked'/Tvan was walking.'
b. Ivanna-guljalsja p po gorodu.
Ivan na-walk.PST.REFL around town
'Ivan walked a lot/enough/to his heart's content around the town.'
c. Ivan po-guljalp po gorodu.
Ivan po-walkpsT. around town
'Ivan took a (short) walk around the town.'
We note that all the events in (9)-(n) are non-homogeneous, although none
involve a quantity object DP. While it is possible to assume that (pa-c), (lob),
and (11) have a telos, the non-homogeneity of (loa, c) arises from there being a
specified starting point, rather than specified end point.
the DP with the marking of the stem which is implicated here, rather than the other way around, which
allows perfectivity without a direct argument, and avoids the need to postulate two distinct sources for
perfectivity.
3
Note, following Schoorlemmer (op. cit.), that nu, with the most predictable of output interpret-
ations, is a suffix, while other telicity-inducing affixes are typically prefixes.
i88 The Projection of Arguments
The distribution of the suffix nu and the prefixes in (9)-(n) is not restrict-
ed to intransitives or to agentive contexts. Thus the very same affixes occur in
transitive contexts and in the context of non-agentive intransitives, as (12) illus-
trates, with or without -nu:
(12) po-stroit 'build'
(13) a. pro-moknut get wet, soak'
b. pro-niknut 'penetrate'.
(14) a. za-cerknut 'crosscut'
b. za-xvorat 'fall ill'
c. za-cvesti 'flower, come into bloom'
However, this is exactly what one would expect, if perfective prefixes as well as
the suffix -nu are direct range assigners to [AspQ(e}#] No need, then, to have a sub-
ject of quantity or, for that matter, any quantity DP moving through [Spec, AspQ].
Quantity is otherwise achieved, and can thus co-occur with a single argument
receiving an originator role in [Spec,EP], as in the structure in (33).
We note, however, that at least in principle, one could argue that the sole
argument in (9)-(n) could be moving through [Spec, AspQ], thereby triggering
a quantity reading (but note that such an account is considerably less attrac-
tive for objects that are marked by an instrumental, or do not passivize, as in
(7)). Can we show, then, that the arguments in (9)-(n) do not move through
[Spec,AspQ]? As it turns out, there do exist important diagnostics which are
sensitive to the presence of a quantity DP in [Spec,AspQ], rather than to the
presence of a well-formed AspQ, as such. Specifically, Schoorlemmer (1995, to
appear) argues that secondary imperfective suffixation applies only to perfec-
tives with a quantity DP (i.e. transitives and unaccusatives.but not unergatives).
As such, it is possible with the cases in (15), for instance.4
4
A few morphological points are in order here. The co-occurrence, in perfective forms, of prefix-
es such as na- and vs- with prefixes such as za-,pro-, etc., is impossible, quite possibly due to a morpho-
logical conflict or double marking. We note, however, that na- and vs- may co-occur with -nu, although
stems such as krac when prefixed with vs- alone, or when prefixed with vs- and suffixed with -nu, have
an identical meaning. We can speculate here that the apparent perfective doubling for forms such as
vskriknu may emerge precisely because -nu assigns range only to [Alpq (e)J, whereas vs- always assigns
range to some open value within the DP (either [DP (e)J or (e)d), and in the absence of another range
assigner, to [Alpq (e),] as well. An additional morphological conflict bars the co-occurrence of the suffix
-nu with secondary imperfective suffixes, although the occurrence of the secondary imperfective suf-
fix with perfective prefixes is otherwise well-formed. We speculate that the conflict here is fundamental-
ly morphological, as issues of double marking are largely irrelevant in this case. For additional relevant
comments, see Section 7.2. Special thanks to Maaike Schoorlemmer, Agnieszka Lazorczyk, and Roumi
Pancheva for walking me through the data in (i5)-(i6).
(15) a. vy-prosit'p 'request'

vy-prosivat'1
b. pere-dvigat'sjap 'move'
pere-dvizit'sja1
c. na-pisatp 'write'
na-pisyvat'1
d. vz-bodritp 'stimulate, cheer'
1
vz-badrivat'
e. vy-rastip grow, unaccusative'
vy-rastat'1 grow, unaccusative'
It is, however, ruled out for (16), where telicity is induced with a perfective mark-
er assigning range to AspQ, but there is no quantity DP in [Spec,AspQ]:
(16) a. *po-sypat'' 'sleep for a while'

b. *pro-sypat'' 'sleep for a long time'
c. ^ras-smeivat'sja1 'burst out laughing'
b. ôt-smejivat'sja1 'stop laughing'
c. *za-revyvat'1 'start to bawl'
Although we do not offer, at this point, an account for the impossibility of

secondary imperfectives without a quantity DP in [Spec, AspQ] (and see Schoo-
rlemmer 1995 and to appear, for some discussion), the correlation seems robust
enough for us to conclude that there is, in Slavic, a construction which exhibits
precisely the properties one would expect from the structure in (sb). Morpho-
logically, it is marked as perfective; semantically, it is quantity (non-homoge-
neous). It does not, however, have an internal argument, and it violates Verkuyl's
generalization. It is nonetheless a licit quantity structure, we submit, precisely
because range can be assigned to [ASpQ{e}#] without a quantity DP in [Spec,AspQ],
given the presence of quantiflcational prefixes which do precisely thatassign
range to [AspQ(e>,].5
Note now that while semelfactives (in the sense used by Schoorlemmer, op.
cit.) are quantity, they are not systematically quantized, in the sense of Krifka
(1982,1998), a matter to which we now turn directly.
5
A separate question concerns the impossibility of an unaccusative derivation for the semelfactive
paradigm, as illustrated by the ungrammaticality of secondary imperfective in these contexts. This ques-
tion, in turn, is of some generality, as already noted in the context of intransitive agentive manner verbs.
The reader is referred to Chapter 8, Section 8.3, for some discussion.
7.2 Does the Perfective Mark Quantity?

Let us return now to the claim made in Filip (2000), according to which seman-
tic perfectivity and imperfectivity are the presence, respectively, of a totality
operator and a PART operator, and where quantity affixation, as such, is ana-
lysed as a verbal modification involving the existence of an extensive measure
function. In Chapter 6, we equated the existence of quantity prefixation with
the existence of a telic reading, which we take to be that of quantity predicates.
We further suggested that the secondary imperfective is a species of grammat-
ical (outer) aspect. We did claim, however, that the primary imperfective is atel-
ic (and hence presents the logical opposition to perfective).
In order to make clear the conclusion reached in Filip (op. cit.), according to
which quantiflcational prefixes are not, in and of themselves, markers of felicity
or perfectivity, we must elaborate briefly on some assumptions underlying Filip's
analysis. As noted earlier, Filip crucially assumes that imperfectives, primary
and secondary, are a uniform semantic class. Secondly, Filip assumes that per-
fectivity and imperfectivity represent incompatible, conflicting values. If a verb
is perfective, which is to say, it is associated with a covert totality operator, it can-
not be imperfective, which is to say, it cannot be associated with a covert PART
operator. As the two distinctions have exactly the same grammatical status, it
follows, for Filip, that their marking should constitute a uniform morphologic-
al class. Finally, Filip (2000) assumes the notions quantization and incremental
theme, essentially as used in Krifka (1992), already discussed extensively.
Now, from Filip's perspective, the classification of quantity affixes in Slavic as
non-perfective (i.e. in Filip's terms, disassociated from telicity or quantization)
is inevitable. Indeed, within her set of assumptions, postulating Slavic 'perfec-
tive' prefixes as markers of telicity is problematic in a number of semantic and
morphological ways. First, Filip notes the paradigm in (17) from Russian (Filip's
2000:47, example (9)):
(17) a. Ivan guljal1.
Ivanwalk.PST.
'Ivan walked'; 'Ivan was walking.'
b. Ivanna-guljalsjap po gorodu.
Ivan NA-walk.PST.REFL around town
'Ivan walked a lot/enough/to his heart's content around the town
c. Ivan po-guljalp po gorodu.
Ivan po-walk.PST. around town
'Ivan took a (short) walk around the town.'
The prefixed verbs in (17) are associated with events which, Filip notes, are
neither quantized nor cumulative, by Krifka's (1992,1998) definition. Quoting,
Filip says:
1-akspoguljdf in the sense of 'to walk for a (short) time', where po- functions as a meas-
ure of time. Suppose that e is an event of walking for a short time, then there is a proper
sub event of e,e', which also counts as an event of walking for a short time. Hence both e
and e' fall under the denotation ofpoguljdlp, and consequently,pog//'a/p fails to be quan-
tized At the same timepoguljdlp fails to be cumulative .. .because two events of walk-
ing for a (short) time do not necessarily add up to one event of walking for a short time...
Now let us take naguljdlsjap,m the sense of 'to walk for a long time'. If six hours of walk-
ing is considered to be walking for a long time in a given context (event e), then in the
same context walking for five hours (event e') may be as well, but not walking for one
hour (event e"). This means that there are events like e (walking six hours) in the denota-
tion of naguljdhjcf 'to walk for a long time' that have a proper subpart like e' (walking for
five hours) which is also an event in the denotation of this verb. Therefore naguljdhjcf
fails to be quantized ... and it qualifies as cumulative. (Filip 2000:51)
From the failure of na and po verbs to return a quantized output, Filip con-
cludes that the function of prefixes such as na andpo cannot be equated with
semantic perfectivity, where by semantic perfectivity she means, in essence, teli-
city.
We note in considering the paradigm in (17) that it parallels exactly cases
within the nominal and the verbal domains which we have already discussed, in
presenting a problem for the quantized/cumulative picture. Considering again
the relevant cases, note that (i8a) behaves exactly like poguljdf, 'to walk for a
(short) time' while (i8b) behaves exactly like naguljdlsjap 'to walk for a long
time! Within the verbal domain, (193) illustrates a case which is neither quan-
tized nor cumulative (and hence likepoguljdf), while the examples in (i9b) are
both cumulative and non-quantized, although telic by other tests, on a par with
naguljdlsja?
(18) a. less than three apples
b. more than three apples
(19) a. run to the store
b. cook eggs; write a sequence of numbers; fill the room with smoke
The DPs in (18) may trigger a telic reading, although by Krifka's definition
they are not quantized. The events in (19) maybe telic, although again, by Krif-
ka's definition they are not quantized. Even if we assume that (i7a-c) are not
telic because they are not quantized, Krifka's treatment of telicity, as dependent
on the quantized/cumulative distinction, would still need to be fixed to account

for the telic properties of (i8)-(i9). Rather than relegating quantificational
affixes which are not quantized in Slavic to some other semantic domain, then,
what is needed is a revised notion of quantity. Once the appropriate notion
of quantity is in place, the anomaly of the paradigm in (17) vanishes, just as it
vanished for (i8)-(i9). All the events under consideration are quantities, and
hence telic, exactly as would be predicted if prefixation does indeed correlate
with telicity-quantity (or, in Filip's terms, semantic perfectivity).6 To see that
this is so, consider again the properties of quantity, as proposed in Chapter 5,
Section 5.3.
(20) a. Quantity
P is quantity iff P is not homogeneous
b. P is homogeneous iff P is cumulative and divisive.
i. P is divisive iff for all x with property P there is ay, proper subset of
x, with property P, such that subtracting y from x yields a set with
the property P.
ii. P is cumulative iff for all x with property P and all y with property
P, a union of x and y has the property P.
Consider first na-guljdlsja,'walk a lot'. As Filip (2000) points out, it is, indeed,
cumulative, as 'walk a lot' added to 'walk a lot' is clearly'walk a lot'. However, by
the definition in (2obi), it is clearly not divisive. Subtracting 'walk a lot' from
'walk a lot' need not give rise to 'walk a lot', and may result in 'walk a little'. Na-
guljdlsja is thus not homogeneous, and is quantity, as required. Similarly, more
than three apples is not divisive, because subtracting more than three apples
from more than three apples need not give rise to more than three apples. Con-
sider now poguljdlp'walk for a short time'. As Filip points out, it is neither cumu-
lative nor quantized, by Krifka's definition. However, by the definition in (20),
failing to be cumulative suffices to give rise to non-homogeneity, and hence
quantity, and thus poguljdlp, too, is quantity by the definitions in (20). Similar-
ly, less than three apples is not cumulative, and hence non-homogeneous and a
quantity.
6
Filip notes that with respect to (almost) all other tests, the forms in (17) pattern with Verbs that are
both clearly perfective and semantically quantized'. The one exception is attenuativepo-verbs, as in (i/c),
which may not occur with temporal measure phrases such as in-x-time, but can occur with durative time
spans, such asfor-x-time.We note that the exclusion of measure phrases is to be expected, given the fact
that time span is already built into the meaning of po (although H. Filip, in pers. comm., notes that meas-
ure phrases are possible for 'walk for a long time' thus suggesting that 'short' and 'long' have different
semantic properties, a fact otherwise discussed in Hay, Kennedy, and Levin 1999). In turn, the possibil-
ity of durative temporal expressions could very well be licensed as a modifier on 'short' (i.e. how short?
One hour).
Prefixed forms such aspoguljdlp naguljdlsja, then, behave exactly like other
telic predicates which violate quantization, but which abide by the definition of
quantity in (20). Thus there are no semantic arguments to reject perfectivity as a
morphological realization of telicity/quantity range assignment.
Let us now consider Filip's morphological argument against viewing quanti-
ficational prefixes as marking telicity. The morphological argument is based on
two claims, summarized in (21):
(21) a. Quantity prefixation is derivational while (secondary) imperfec-
tive marking is inflectional. If quantity prefixation were aspectual in
nature, we would have expected it to be inflectional (and see Pinon
2001 for a similar point concerning the morphology of perfective pre-
fixation).
b. Quantity prefixation does co-occur with imperfectivity, notably in the
secondary imperfective paradigm. If quantity prefixation were per-
fective, its occurrence with imperfective inflection would be ungram-
matical.
We note thatboth of these objections are fundamentallybased on the assump-
tion that perfectivity, and whatever semantic class it may correspond to, is the
logical opposite of imperfectivity, and more specifically, secondary imperfectiv-
ity and whatever semantic class it may correspond to. This claim has already been
discussed at great length in Chapter 6, Section 6.2, where I argued explicitly that
perfectivity corresponds to telicity/quantity, while secondary imperfectivity
corresponds to grammatical aspect, possibly akin to the progressive. Perfectiv-
ity, as a realization of quantity, is not contrasted with secondary imperfectiv-
ity, but with primary imperfectivity, which, I suggested, is the true correlate of
atelicity in Slavic. Within the domain of primary imperfectives, quantificational
affixation is absolutely non-existent, a fact which remains entirely unexplained
under Filip's (2000) analysis. In turn, if perfectivity is quantity, but secondary
imperfectivity is grammatical aspect, we no longer expect them to be in com-
plementary distribution, nor do we expect them to show any measure of mor-
phological uniformity (i.e. in being both inflectional or both derivational).
Pinon (2000), arguing specifically against severing the perfective prefix from
the verb, raises similar objections, arguing that any analysis in which the prefix
is generated in some functional head, above the VP, and which involves some
incorporation of the verb onto that prefix, would predict that the prefix should
have inflectional properties rather than derivational properties. However,
Pinon points out, the choice of particular prefixes associated with any particu-
lar verb is idiosyncratic, a hallmark of lexical-derivational morphology, rather
than inflectional, he suggests. Finally, Pinon points out, any such derivation is
in violation of the Lexical Integrity Hypothesis, in allowing words to be formed

through syntactic operations.
Insofar as the analysis proposed here could be construed as involving the
severing of the prefix from the verb, it must be defended against this criticism.
Specifically, I proposed that perfective prefixes are the phonological spell-out of
head features assigning range to [ASpQ{e}#]as represented roughly in (22) :7
(22) [AspQ<gana>.V<e>JVp]]
In (22), (quana) is a head feature, where a is a specific quantificational value
(e.g. that associated with na-). To give rise to a licit derivation, the verb moves to
support the head feature (quana). The combination {quana).V is in turn assigned
phonological value, on the basis of the paradigmatic entry of the verb in ques-
tion, by the phonological component.
It now turns out that the specific execution proposed here suffers from none
of the problems pointed out by Pinon, quite simply because they all arise on the
basis of distinctions which within the present framework are ill-defined, and
quite possibly non-existent. I suggested explicitly that there are no computa-
tional processes which can be sorted out, as such, into inflectional morphology
or derivational morphology. Rather, I assumed that the functional lexicon con-
sists of two types of elementsfree morphemes (f-morphs) and head features.
F-morphs, I argued, come in two varietiesthose which assign range to open
functional values (the, three, possibly up, possibly also -ing, as a bound f-morph,
etc.), and those which are categorial and project a category label ([N -ation], [A
-al], etc.). A curious intermediate status seems to be associated with prefixes in
languages like English, where they are sometimes indeed fully merged with the
phonological properties of the listeme (e.g. sub- in suggest), at other times func-
tion as modifiers of a listeme (e.g. trans- as in transatlantic), and finally, at times
can be possibly assumed to have a functional role, specifically if it turns out that
they may assign range to some open functional value (see specifically the dis-
cussion of out- and half- in Section 7.3.3).
The functional lexicon also contains head features. Head features are abstract
range assigners which are spelled out phonologically in conjunction with a host.
7
The specific structure Pinon (2001) is arguing against is as in (i):
(i) LpPREFIXIvpNP^VNPJ]
Given that in the analysis proposed here, there is no internal structure to the VP, nor are there external
arguments and internal arguments, as such, projected within the VP, at least some of Pinon's criticism is
not valid. However, the analysis proposed here could be construed as involving, at least in some sense, the
severing of the prefix from the verb, and aspects of Pinon's criticism which are applicable to this point must
be addressed. We note as an aside that although checking, as such, is not assumed in this work, a checking
account involving the base-generation of perfect-stem combinations together with movement to some
presumed PERF aspectual head can trivially solve the morphological problems highlighted by Pinon.
Telicity without Verkuyl's Generalization 195
The phonological spell-out of such forms is crucially dependent on the exist-

ence of a paradigm, and while some sub-regularities do occur, ultimately there
is no correlation from function to form, nor is there a correlation from form to
function (e.g. -ed need not be past, nor does past need to be -ed; see Chapter i,
Section 1.3 for discussion). It is thus within the area of so-called inflectional
morphologythat is, the domain of head feature spell-outthat we find most
morpho-phonological idiosyncracy, as dependent on properties of a particu-
lar phonological index of the L-head under consideration. In contrast, within
the area of functional f-morphs there is little, if any, divergence of form and
function, and within the area of categorial f-morphs function is always pre-
dicted from form (although the converse is not the case). For example, [N -ation]
always attaches to verbs to form nouns, etc. (The reader is referred to Borer
20030 and forthcoming, for some discussion.)
Consider now the properties of the perfective paradigm, as based on a review
by Peter Svenonius (2003). Svenonius notes the existence of three distinct types
of perfective prefixes, which he refers to as lexical prefixes, superlexical prefixes,
and purely perfectivizing prefixes, as exemplified by (23)-(25).
(23) Lexical prefixes (Russian)

a. pere-kinuti a', pere-kusitj a" pere-bitj
across-throw across-bite across-beat
'throw across' 'bite in half 'interfere'
b. is-tech b'. is-koren-itj b". iz-datj
out.of-leak out.of-root out.of-give
'drain out (blood)' 'root out (evil)' 'publish'
c. na-brosiltj c'. na-bratj+sja c". na-kopatj
on-throw on-take.on+REFL on-dig
'drape (e.g. shoulders)' 'get drunk' 'dig up'
(24) Superlexical prefixes

a. na-kapatj (Russian)
cuM-drip
'drip a lot'
b. za-kuriti
iNCEP-smoke
'start smoking'
c. po-gonjatj
DELiM-chase
'chase for a while'
(25) Purely perfectivizing prefixes

a. is-kupatj+sja (Russian)
PERF-bathe+REFL
b. na-kormitj
PERF-feed
'feed'
c. po-lomatj
PERF-break
'break
As it turns out, all have in common the fact that they are associated with a
quantity reading of some sort. They differ, however, along two dimensions. For
the pure perfectivizers and the superlexical perfectivizers, the meaning of the
output word is directly related to the meaning of the stem in isolation. For the
lexical prefixes this is not the casethe meaning of the stem in isolation does
not seem to play a role in the meaning of the derived prefixed form. On another
dimension, the forms differ on the predictability of the choice of prefix. While
for the superlexical prefixes the sound-meaning correspondence is fixed (i.e.
na is always cumulative; za is always inceptive, etc.), for both lexical prefixation
and pure prefixation the choice of prefix appears arbitrary. Table 7.1 summarizes
these characteristics.
Let us now consider the behaviour of each of these morphophonological
paradigms from the perspective of Slavic prefixes as head features associated
with AspQ, which views the derived word as a spell-out of [(quart).Vstem], as in
(22). Clearly, the superlexical paradigm presents no particular problem here
we have a head feature which, in addition to the (quart) feature associated with
all head features that spell out as prefixes, is also endowed with some particular
value, say CUM. The combination (quan-cum) always spells out as na, thereby
representing a'regular'piece of morphology. Consider now the paradigm asso-
ciated with the pure perfectivizers. Here the form-function correlation breaks
down in a very particular sort of waywhile the function is regular, and is
always associated with (quart) and the assignment of range to [ASPQ (e>#], the form
TABLE 7.1
Lexical Superlexical Pure

prefixes prefixes perfectivizers
Bare stem is predictably related to stem in no yes yes
derived form
Function <- form for prefix no yes no
is unpredictable and depends on the choice of stem. The picture that emerges
here is curiously similar to the characterization of past-tense marking in Eng-
lish. While the common syntactic denominator for past tense is the assignment
of range to [TP (e>], we find -ed suffixation, 0-marking (e.g. put-put), stem alter-
nations which represent sub-regularities (e.g. sing-sang; ring-rang), alongside
others of an entirely unpredictable nature (leave-left; see-saw, etc.), as well as an
altogether hectic paradigm involving the merger of two distinct phonologic-
al matrices (e.g. go-went). It is thus evident that morpho-phonological idio-
syncrasy, or item-specific phonological realization in the context of a common
syntactic denominator, cannot be considered the hallmark of derivation, rather
than inflection, and certainly does not exclude the possibility that the pure per-
fectivizer prefixes in Slavic are head features which are spelled out in conjunc-
tion with a host when they assign range to a particular open value, in this case
[AspQ(e}#]. More specifically, recall that we have assumed that inflectional morph-
ology is paradigmatic. If that is indeed the case, and if it extends not only to
English past tense but also to Slavic perfective prefixes, then the inflectional
paradigm for a verb such as catch is as in (i6a), the inflectional paradigm for, for
example, kormi(tj) 'feed' is as in (26b), and loma(tj),'break' is in (260):
(26) a. ["Meaning: CATCH
Stem (category neutral) catch
(spell-out in environment V catch)s
spell-out in environment V.pst caught
(spell-out in environment N catch)
b. Meaning: FEED
Stem (category neutral) kormi
spell-out in environment V kormitj
spell-out in environment V.quan na-kormitj_
c. ["Meaning: BREAK
Stem (category neutral) loma
spell-out in environment V lomatj
spell-out in environment V.quan po-lomatj_
Finally, let us turn to the lexical prefixes, where, it appears, the combination of
8
The reader may note that the specification of the spellout in both N and V environments are redun-
dant here, as they constitute simply the insertion of the stem. They are included, however, for two rea-
sons. First, at least in principle, one of these pronunciations maybe arbitrarily missing (and see below for
discussion of quoth and lexical prefixation in Slavic). Secondly, the form may require an allomorph in a
particular syntactic context, for example, progress^ vs. progress^ in English. For a detailed discussion of
all these issues, see Borer (forthcoming).
prefix and stem changes the meaning of the stem. Clearly, one would imagine,
a lexical process? Consider, however, a different perspective, which equates the
behaviour of lexical prefixation with that of the morphology of missing stems
of well-attested derived words. Within the realm of word formation, which is
traditionally considered derivational in nature, this is the case of the paradigm
aggression, aggressor, aggressive, where the stem, the verb aggress, is non-attest-
ed.9 As it turns out, similar cases exist within the realm of'traditional' inflec-
tional morphology, where members of paradigms are often missing. The verb
'be' in Hebrew (haya) lacks a present-tense paradigm; the French verb frire'fry'
is missing past tense, plural of present indicative, the participle, the subjunc-
tive, and the imperfective forms; the archaic English verb quoth,\o quote' only
exists in the past tense, etc. (and see Stump 1998 and Carstairs-McCarthy 1998
for some discussion). Suppose now that forms such as iz-datj 'publish' have, in
effect, the structure of trousers. The stem from which they are derived is not
attested; in the relevant meaning (singular for trousers, primary imperfective
for'publish'). However, the derived form is.
Consider the logic here in greater detail. Suppose there exists a stem for quoth,
for instance, with the required meaning, to do with quotation, but, like aggress,
is not phonologically attested. In effect, then, the phonological paradigm for
quoth looks roughly as in (27), where forms marked with * represent missing
paradigm members:
(27) [Meaning: QUOTATION"
V.pres *
V.pst quoth
etc.
It is now clear what the natural course of action is for lexical prefixed verbs in
Slavic. Consider as an example iz-datj, 'publish'. The form is perfective, and the
prefix iz is a quantity prefix. However, the primary imperfective form, predicted
to be datj, does not exist with the intended meaning. As traditional accounts would
have it, the stem datj does exist, with the meaning 'give out', and upon prefixation
of iz- its meaning is altered to give rise to 'publish'. While such an account may be
historically plausible, however, we note that as an account for the synchronic mor-
phological complexity of iz-datj it entails giving up on any attempt at composition-
al word formation, be it derivational or inflectional, lexical or syntactic. It might be
worthwhile to note that once such compositionality is given up, the/orm ^func-
tion regularity of superlexical prefixes, as well as the form > function regular-
9
Although agress does occur in present-day English as a result of back formation, there is no doubt
that its existence post-dates the existence of the paradigm without it.
ity of perfectivizers become mysterious coincidences. The alternative is to bank on

precisely that irregularity which is well-attested in inflectional paradigmsthat of
accidental paradigmatic gaps. In this case, the missing paradigm member is the
'bare'verb stem, the form which would have meant an atelic, unstructured'pub-
lish'. The paradigm for'publish' is thus as in (28):
(28) [Meaning: PUBLISH
Stem (category neutral) da
spell-out in environment V *
spell-out in environment V.quan iz-dat
In effect the paradigm of lexical perfectives now merges with that of pure per-
fectivizersthese are cases with an idiosyncratic, paradigmatically specified
spell-out for a regular syntactic head feature, on a par with English past tense,
or cases of English plural such as children. Insofar as they appear distinct, this
is because the verb stem is phonologically missing, an accidental gap typical of
inflectional paradigms.10'11
Finally, as an aside, we note that while a derivation such as that in (22) may
violate some version of the Lexical Integrity Hypothesis, as this is a theory-
internal objection, its validity is contingent on evidence that such a principle
does, in fact, have explanatory value in further constraining a theory of para-
digmatic inflection such as the one assumed here.
A more serious challenge, cited in Filip (2000), is presented by the possibil-
ity of more than one prefix occurring attached to the same stem, as illustrated
by(29):12
(29) a. v-statp > pri-v-statp
v-stand pri-v-stand
to get up 'to rise', to stand up' (for a moment)
10
We set aside here the distribution of secondary imperfective, only to note that the emergence of a
secondary imperfective precisely for lexical perfectivizers'is naturalin the absence of an unstructured,
atelic stemand argues against an account that seeks to derive the missing 'atelic' form exclusively from
the lexically specified (e.g. necessarily culminating) semantics of the verb.
11
While the account given here to lexical perfectives in Slavic is based on a defective paradigm, the
account could also be couched in terms of idiom-formation, on a par with the analysis given to pluralia
tantutn in Chapter i, Section 1.4, or to the properties of verbs such as 'arrive' in Chapter 10, Section 10.3.
We note in this context that the existence of a defective paradigm for idioms is necessary (and noted) in
such casesthus the singular noun scissor is not attested, nor is the non-locative version of arrive. The
question of the division of labour between idioms, in the sense used in this work, and phonological para-
digm would take us too far afield, however, and is set aside here, only to be returned to in Borer (forth-
coming).
12
We note that at least the example in (2pb) is far from a straightforward case of double perfective, in
that distributive po (not to be confused with attenuativepo) is not clearly part of the perfective paradigm,
as it is available in non-perfective contexts as well. For extensive discussion, see Schoorlemmer (1995, to
appear). See also n. 4 on the co-occurrence of nu and perfective prefixes.
b. na-tascitp > po-na-tascitp

na-drag po-na-drag
'to accumulate gradually 'to accumulate gradually
by lugging' by carrying one after the other'
From the perspective of the analysis we put forth here, the paradigm in
(ipa-b) and similar cases are problematic only if we assume that both prefixes
attached to the stem are range assigners to [ASPQ (e>#] But as it turns out, a number
of other possibilities present themselves as to the availability of two prefixes.
One prefix maybe an incorporated element, an adverb or a preposition, which
is not associated with range assignment at all. Alternatively, functional struc-
tures may be considerably more expansive than proposed in this work, with the
outer prefix indicating the existence of some additional open value, above AspQ,
in need of range assigner. At least some prima facie evidence for this possibility
is noted in Svenonius (2003), who cites the forms in (30), in which, he suggests,
the presence of the secondary imperfective licenses a second perfective pre-
fix which is interpreted semantically (although not morpho-phonologically) as
having scope over the imperfective:
(30) na-so-biratj
cuM-[from-take]
Although these possibilities are not pursued here in detail, we note that they
are at least in principle perfectly executable within the approach suggested
here.
Finally, Filip notes, verbal prefixes in Slavic behave very much like verbal pre-
fixes in German and Hungarian, in having meanings derived historically from
that of locative prepositions (and see Pinon, op. cit., for a similar observation).
And yet, Filip complains,'verbal prefixes in neither Hungarian nor German are
taken to be grammatical markers of perfective aspect.' (p. 72). This author fully
endorses Filip's complaint here. There is, indeed, no reason whatsoever why
Hungarian and German verbal prefixes, to the extent that they induce quantity
readings, should not be treated as grammatical markers of'perfective' aspect.
Although the accomplishment of this task remains outside the scope of this
work, I remain confident that it is a manageable one.
7.3 Telicity Without Verkuyl's GeneralizationEnglish

7.3.1 Range assignment to /ASpQ(e}#7 through an adverb of quantification
Cases of telicity in English which do not adhere to Verkuyl's generalization have
been discussed in the literature, of course, and were already referred to, sporad-
ically, in the preceding text. Consider specifically the paradigm in (31), already
touched upon in Chapter 5, Section 5.2, following discussions of Mourelatos
(1978) and Bach (1981):
(31) a. Robin danced once in five hours,

b. Pat laughed twice in three days.
Examples (3ia-b) have a telic interpretation, as illustrated not only by the

availability of the in x-time phrase, but also by the fact that they are quanti-
ties (and non-homogeneous), in the required sense. For example, for the event
described in (sib), there is at least one sub-event (i.e. a singular laughing) which
does not fall under the predicate, which is therefore non-divisive. Further,
(3ia-b) are both non-cumulative (e.g. dancing once and then again is not to
have danced once, etc.). Other tests of telicity confirm this result. Consider, for
instance, the interpretation of (32a-b) when compared with the interpretation
of (33a-b) and (34a-b):
(32) a. Pat laughed twice and cried twice,

b. Robin danced once and sang once.
(33) a. Pat laughed and cried twice (in three years/*for three years),
b. Robin danced and sang once (in three years/*for three years).
(34) a. Pat laughed and cried (for two hours/fin two hours).
b. Robin danced and sang (for three hours/fin three hours).
Insofar as we take the expression in x-time to be a modifier of a well-formed

quantity predicate, that is, a well-formed AspQ (and see Chapter 8, Section 8.2,
for some more discussion), it is clear that we must claim that both (32a-b) and
(33a-b) are quantity predicatesthat is, telic. On the other hand, by the same
logic, (34a-b) are atelic. However, the interpretations of (32a-b) and (33a-b),
both telic, are not identical. Most specifically, we note that while in (323) there
are four events explicitly described, two of laughing and two of crying, in (33a-b)
there are only two, each involving a potentially overlapping laugh-cry.
Viewed from the perspective of the system proposed here, however, this is
exactly what we expect, if twice and similar adverbs of quantification assign
range to [ASpQ(e}#]> thereby giving rise to a quantity predicate and to telicity. In
(32a-b), crucially, there are two occurrences of an adverb of quantification. It
therefore must be the case that each occurrence is associated with a distinct
event argument, and that each of the conjuncts projects its own [AspQ(e}#]in turn
assigned range by the adverb of quantification. The relevant representations are
in (35a-b). On the other hand, in (33) only one type of event is implicated, that
is, an overlapping laughing and crying. Range assignment to [AspQ(e}#] is again

by the adverb of quantification, giving rise to a quantity reading. However, as
the adverb of quantification ranges over only one instance of AspQ, in this case,
we have only two instances of the relevant event type, a laughing-crying, rather
than a total of four. The relevant part of the representation is in (36)."
(35) 32e [quantity(e) & subject of quantity(Pat,e) & laugh (e)]
and
32e [quantity(e) & subject of quantity(Pat.e) &cry(e)]
(36) 32e [quantity(e) & subject of quantity(Pat,e) & laugh (e) &cry(e)]
It might be worthwhile to note that in (32a-b) and fea-b) telicity is not only
induced without Verkuyl's generalization being instantiated, but also without
the emergence of a state that is predicated of any object, or a telos, in the sense
of Higginbotham (20000, b), in any coherent sense. Certainly, the events under
consideration are temporally bound, but not anymore so than any event involv-
ing past running or laughing, which may give rise to a resultant state, in the
sense of Parsons (1990), the post-running, non-running state, which is perma-
nent, and which places an absolute boundary on the running event. And yet,
such events (cf. (37)) continue to disallow modification with in x-time, and con-
tinue to be homogeneous, in the required sense:14
(37) Kim has run (*in two hours)
We note further that to the extent that the distribution of quantificational
adverbs in paradigms such as those in (32) and (33) determines whether or not
in x-time phrases may or may not occur, it suggests that these are instances of
inner, rather than outer aspect, in the sense of Verkuyl (1989).
More interestingly, as we already noted in Chapter 5, Section 5.2, the presence
of adverbs such as once or twice actually impacts the nature of the event under
consideration, and specifically, it forces an eventive, rather than stative reading:
13
The reader may note that twice performs here the double role of assigning quantity value to AspQ
as well as ranging over the number of iterations of the relevant event. I leave aside execution issues con-
cerning this double role. We note further that if it is indeed true that there are two events associated with
cases such as those in (32), however many times they may be iterated, this would require the projection
of two EP nodes, strongly suggesting that the coordination here is at the EP level, as is represented in (35),
and is subsequently subject to conjunction reduction. This matter, as well, is left aside here.
14
The distinction between the function of time measure adverbials, such as in x-time, which I propose
to be a predicate modifier requiring the projection of an otherwise licensed AspQ, and the function of
adverbials such as once, which, I propose, are range assigners to [Alpq (e),], is in need of some justification,
a matter to which I return in Section 7.3.3. Note that for our purposes the most salient difference involves
the fact that while once does have the power to convert an otherwise non-telic event to a telic one, as in
(31), time measure adverbials cannot do so, as the ungrammaticality of the time measure adverbial in (37)
indicates. If we assume this distinction to be a meaningful one, we must conclude that once may achieve
what in two hours may not, i.e. the assignment of range to [Alpq (e),].
(38) a. Kim loved Robin twice last summer.

b. The wall touched the fence (#twice today).
c. Kim touched the fence (twice today).
If we assume that twice and similar adverbials in effect force the projection of
AspQ, a quantity structure, love and touch in (38a-b) are 'coerced' and forced to
be conceptually compatible with an eventive, rather than stative, interpretation.
Such a simple account for the'coercion in (38a-b) is only available if we assume
that AspQ indeed does project in such cases and is assigned range by the adverb,
making this an instantiation of inner aspect.
7.3.2 Particles and prepositions as range assigners

Even if adverbs of quantification could for some cases be argued to be instances
of outer aspect, in the sense of Verkuyl (1989), this would be a hard claim to
make for the cases in (39), in which telicity is triggered by a (locative) prepos-
ition/particle complement:15
(39) a. Kim went out (in two seconds).
b. Pat was off (in two seconds).
c. Robin took off (in two seconds).
d. Jake pulled up alongside us (in two minutes).
e. When the crowd arrived he shoved off (in two minutes).
f. We were ready to push off at ten o'clock.
g. They paired up (in two minutes).
(40) a. The army took over (in two hours).
b. The catcher wanted the pitcher to pitch out (in two seconds) and see
if they could catch the runner stealing.
(41) a. While the boys were discussing the car accident, Ben put in that the
road was icy.
b. He moved in on my girl friend (in two seconds).
c. He took up gardening (in two months).
d. Frank took up with Lucy (in two weeks).
e. Mary took to mathematics (in two minutes) like ducks take to water.
It is also worthwhile to note that, at least with respect to (40), the assumption
that an elliptical object is implicated in bringing about a telic interpretation nei-
ther seems right, nor would be useful if right. Note first that take over does not in
fact mean the same as take something over. More seriously, note that in principle
reducing the telicity of (4oa-b) to the presence of an elliptical object would only
15
Examples (sgd-g), (4ob), and (4ia-e) are based on Boatner and Gates (1975), Dictionary of Ameri-
can idioms. Example (sga) is from Mourelatos (1978).
serve to re-formulate the problem. As is well known, constructions with ellipti-

cal objects (with verbs such as eat and drink) are atelic. Intransitive alternates
which involve a missing 'theme' rather than a missing 'agent', for instance, verbs
such as dance, shout, dream, etc., which can take a cognate object, do not give
rise to telicity either. Why, then, should (4oa-b) be telic, when eat, drink, smoke,
and dance, when they occur without an object, are not? Note further that ellipti-
cal objects for (4oa-b) are as plausible as elliptical objects for other unergative
intransitives, such as dance,shout, dream, etc.
One could, however, argue that at least in some of these cases the surface sub-
ject is in fact a deep object, or in other words, that some of these cases involve
an unaccusative structure,with a subject-of-quantity DP in [Spec,AspQ],and as
such, they obey Verkuyl's generalization. We note that at least prima facie, this
approach appears very implausible for (4o)-(4i), given the fact that the surface
subject in these cases clearly has an agentive flavour, and at any rate, does not
seem in any way to undergo a change of state. The surface subjects in (39), how-
ever, do seem to undergo a change, raising the possibility that at least these con-
structions are unaccusative.
Consider in light of this the distribution of adjectival passives, which, we sug-
gested, correlates largely with that of subject-of-quantity. We note in this respect
that while adjectival passive formation is fully productive neither for unaccusa-
tive verbs nor for verb-particle and verb-preposition constructions, we never-
theless do find the relatively grammatical combinations in (42):
(42) a. ?the eaten-up cake
b. ?the taken-over company
c. theslept-inbed
d. the broken-down car
e. the burned-down house
f. the caved-in roof
g. the worn-in shoes
Although the examples in (42) may not all seem perfect, they contrast sharply
with the verb+particle combinations in (39)-(4i), where adjectival passives are
clearly ungrammatical, as (43) illustrates. Not, we submit,because these combi-
nations are not telic, but quite simply because they are telic without a subject-of-
quantity, and hence there is no argument that can serve as the subject when an
adjectival passive is formed.
(43) a. ??the gone-out person
b. *thetook-off person
c. *the pulled-up person
d. *the shoved-off man (with the intended reading)
An interesting conundrum is presented by the paradigm in (44), with the

properties in (45):
(44) a. Pat climbed the mountain.
b. Pat climbed down the mountain.
c. Pat climbed down.
(45) a. the climbed mountain; *the climbed (down) woman
b. There were three climbings {of the mountain/down the mountain/
down}.
By standard accounts, mountain in (443) is a theme. By standard accounts of
telicity, including our own, it is the mountain in (443) which is the DP that meets
Verkuyls generalization.
Consider now (440). If this sentence is to meet Verkuyls generalization, the
only DP which can possibly be involved is Pat. If all telic structures were to obey
Verkuyls generalization, then it would follow that in (440) Pat must be the incre-
mental theme in the sense of Dowty (1991) (or measured theme in the sense of
Krifka 1992), or, in terms of the account developed here.Paf would be interpret-
ed as a subject-of-quantity. Now, however, consider (44b). From the perspec-
tive of any plausible view of events in the world, Pat participates in the event
described in (44b) precisely in the same way that she participates in the events
described in (440) and (443). Likewise, the role of the mountain in the event
does not seem to change from (443) to (44b). What DP, then, is responsible for
Verkuyls generalization being instantiated in (44)? If it is the mountain in (443-
b), but Pat in (44c), we must postulate a theory according to which the argu-
ment role of Pat in (44a-b) is completely different from the argument role of
Pat in (440), clearly a very arbitrary move. If, on the other hand, it is Pat which is
the target of Verkuyls generalization in (44b-c), but not in (443), then we must
postulate a theory according to which Pat receives the same interpretation in
(44b) and in (440), but an entirely distinct interpretation in (443). And yet, our
intuition tells us that Pat and the mountain have exactly the same interpretation
in all their occurrences in (44), including the sense in which they might be con-
sidered to measure out the event, in the sense of Tenny (1987,1994). Pat is always
the one in motion, allowing the measuring out of the event by her progress on
a delimited path. The mountain, whenever mentioned, constitutes some path to
be traversed. When the mountain does not surface, as in (440), there is simply no
sense in which the event comes to be measured out in terms of the properties
of Pat any more or less so than when the mountain does surface in the sentence.
Rather, the path is measured here with respect to some delimiting point, down.
We note at this point that a small-clause type analysis, according to which
Pat is an underlying subject of down, does not really improve matters. To be
workable, such an account would have to assume that (44b-c) both involve a
small clause structure, with Pat predicated of down (mountain), as in (463),
but that (443) involves the structure in (46b), where Pat is predicated of climb
(mountain), or alternatively, as in (460), where Pat is predicated of mountain.
The mountain, on the other hand, is at times a complement of down, and at
other times, a complement of climb.
(46) a. climb [sc Pat, [down (mountain)]]
b. Pat [Vp climb mountain]
c. Climb [sc Pat, mountain]
Either way, given the distinct predicates, we do not expect a uniform inter-
pretation for Pat or for the mountain, contra intuition (and note that such a uni-
form interpretation could not be upheld either within theta-theoretic accounts
or within accounts which assign event-participant roles). We note further that
within a view that subscribes to UTAH, none of these variants maps into the
other in a fully constrained fashion, unless we assume that climb is always asso-
ciated with a silent preposition, which is deleted in (443). The latter solution,
which postulates mountain as an indirect object, even if tenable, we note, is
independently incompatible with Verkuyl's generalization, and hence is of little
help in our attempt to see whether Verkuyl's generalization could be rescued for
the paradigm in (44).
None of these complications emerge if it is assumed that telicity may be
induced without Verkuyl's generalization. The derivation of (443) continues
exactly as before, with the mountain being subject-of-quantity, the path read-
ing here being a direct entailment from the existence of a quantity predicate. In
turn, there is no subject-of-quantity in (440), and possibly not in (44b) either
(and see Section 7.3.3. for some follow-up discussion). In (440), telicity is satis-
fled because the particle down assigns range to [AspQ(e>#], making the presence of
a quantity DP in [Spec,AspQ] unnecessary. If an account is to be given in terms
of measuring out, we simply restate the above as follows; while in (443) the event
entails progressing along the mountain, with the mountain top being the pre-
sumed culmination point, in (440), the event entails progressing down, with
some presumed culmination at a point which is down in a contextually defined
sense. In all the derivations Pat continues to be an originator, and the fact that
she herself is participating in the motion has no more status, here, than the fact
that in simple unergative constructions such as Pat danced the subject under-
goes a motion.
More specifically, and returning to the full paradigm in (39)-(4i), we already
suggested in Chapter i, Section 1.4, that the best characterization for the rela-
tions which hold between verbs and obligatorily selected prepositions or par-
tides is as idiomatized expressions, in which a partial functional structure is

associated with a particular listeme, often giving rise to its categorization, as
well as to a specific syntactic environment in which it may (or may not) occur.
Specifically, we may assume that expressions such as pair up or take over have
the representation in (47a-b), while move in on and take up with are represented
as in (47c-d) (and see Chapter 10, Section 10.2-3, for some additional relevant
discussion of idioms and idiom structure). We draw the readers attention to the
locative nature of all the particles which assign range to [AspQ(e}#] in (47a-d), a
point to which we return at great length in Chapters 9 and 10 (the structures in
(47a-d) remain non-committed as to the presence in the L-Domain of a copy of
the preposition; see footnote for some discussion).16
(47) a. [ AspQ up <eu">, [ L . D pair ([up <eu"> ] ) ]]
ov TCr
b. [ASPQ over {e ">,LD take ([ewr <e >]) ]]
in in on
c. [ AspQ in <e >, LD move ([in <e > ])[ P (e > ]]]
d. [ AspQ up <e ">, [ L _ D take ([up <e u ">,]) [P <ewith> ]]]
u
16
Recall that prepositions and particles are assumed to be members of the functional lexicon. To
recap some of the discussion in Chapter i, Section 1.4, we suggested that idioms are listemes with par-
tial subcategorization, consisting, specifically, of (adjacent) open values, at times with fixed range assign-
ers, and that these open values force the projection of specific syntactic structure which is interpreted
and realized in accordance with the independent interpretative formulas that otherwise apply to it.
More specifically, we proposed that the listemes depend on and trousers are as in (i a-b) (in all cases un
is the presumed phonological index of the non-functional part of the listeme, i.e. depend and trouser
respectively).
(i) a. DEPEND ON <^>7r9 + [(e on >]
b. TROUSERS <=> [it, + <ea)div]
By convention, the representation in (i a) is interpreted so as to force the insertion of the functional
item on to assign range to (e), and the structure projects as a phrasal complement of the head phono-
logically indexed as 7T9. In turn, by convention, the functional head feature (diva) in (ib), a non-singular
range assigner to (e)div, projects as part of the extended projection of the head phonologically indexed as
7T3 specifically in this case having the effect of producing 'plural' marking. The emerging syntactic struc-
tures are thus as in (ii) (possible verb movement in (ii a) set aside):
(ii) a. [ v depend [Pon(e011)]]
b. [DIV trouser.(div") (edl") [N trousor ] ] > /trauzerz/
Note now that unlike depend where the preposition on projects a full PP and remains within the
L-domain, the particles in (40) are by assumption range assigners to an open value within the extended
projection of the listeme. This is so quite independently of whether or not they merge, originally, with-
in the L-Domain and then move to AspQ, or alternatively, merge directly with AspQ. This characteristic
of e.g. over, in conjunction with take, is thus on a par with trousers, rather than depend on. It thus appears
that the relevant representation for the listeme take over should be as in (iii a) (with TT, the presumed
phonological index of take), realized syntactically as (iiib):
(iii) TAKE OVER <=> [u7 + <eover)AspQ-,]
[Alpq take (over) <eover), [vtak-e]] <=> /teykowvr/
Structure (iii) is neutral with respect to the original merging site of over, as long as eventually it merges
with Lip/e),], and assigns range to it. Thus it might be that over always merges in the L-Domain, and that
In (47), range is assigned, by assumption, by the locative particle, a mem-

ber of the functional lexicon, a range assigner to [AspQ(e}#] which merges with
[AspQ(e>#]. As an aside, we note that the presence of an AspQ above the listemes in
(47) necessarily verbalizes them. Not surprisingly, locative particles here behave
rather similarly to perfective prefixes in Slavic, themselves historically locative
prepositions, in assigning range to [ASpQ{e}#] We may only speculate on the con-
tinuum of historical change, of which Slavic locatives, fully grammaticalized,
may be an end point, free PPs which may assign range to [AspQ(e}#] as adjuncts,
to which we turn shortly, the beginning point, and the idiomatized particles in
(47a-d) some intermediate point.
Turning now to range assignment to [ASpQ(e}#] by a PP adjunct, consider
delimiters such as to the store, in the context of well-known cases such as those
in (48). We assume that such PPs assign range to [ASpQ(e}#]>as they do appear to
'create'telicity where it otherwise does not exist, as (48) shows. Like the cases in
(39)-(4i), and like (44b), then, such range assignment is accomplished, and a
quantity reading emerges, although Verkuyl's generalization is not met. Just like
adjuncts such as twice and once, so directional-locatives, such as to, into, onto,
etc. can assign range to [ASpQ(e}#]> indirectly, through the very same mechanism
that allows adverbs of quantification to assign range to open values in general
(and see Chapter i, Section 1.2.3, fr some discussion). We suggested, when dis-
cussing divided structures (range assigned to (e}div) within the nominal domain,
that they create an infinite number of division matrices, or reticules, and the
role of quantity expressions or adverbs of quantification is to select a specific
(set of) reticule(s). Adapting the same intuition to the case of events, we sug-
gest that the presence of an adverb of quantification ranging over an event (e.g.
twice) or a PP delimitor (e.g. to the store) may function to select a specific (set
of) event reticule(s) associated with a particular syntax:17
(48) a. John ran to the store.
b. Jane swam into the room.
c. Pat danced into the corridor.
it merges in AspQ as a result of movement, either independently, or through a prior incorporation with
take. According to either one of these executions, the L-Domain contains not only a copy of take, but also
a copy of over (note that if it turns out that all P elements must merge in the L-Domain, such an initial
merger site need not be stipulated for (iii)). We note finally that an execution which involves incorpora-
tion into take requires a distinct structure for (transitive) cases of particle movement, as in take the city
over, where such incorporation is at the very least not overt, but where range to AspQ could be assigned
by the direct object, potentially not requiring over to merge in AspQ altogether. We leave these matters to
future research, but see Section 7.3.3 for some more discussion.
17
With thanks to N. Klinedinst for suggesting the applicability of reticule selection in this context.
The reader may note that we are assuming here that (51) and similar cases are in violation of Verkuyl's
generalization, and hence that neither the subjects, originators, nor their copies are in [Spec, AspQ]. This,
of course, immediately raises the question of how the well-known facts of ne cliticization, possible from
7.3.3 An open issue:predicate modifiers or range assigners?

One final point is worth considering concerning the assignment of range by
adjuncts, such as we argued for adverbials such as once, as well as for to the store
and similar expressions. We note that in contrast with direct range assignment
by prefixes as in Slavic, and in contrast with direct range assignment by loca-
tive clitics, as will be discussed for Hebrew in Chapter 10, range assignment by
adjuncts in English does not impose any restrictions on the direct object, in
allowing it to remain quantity, indeed strong, at least prima facie in violation of
double marking:
(49) a. Kim loved her three times last summer.
b. John hated every doctor three times in his life.
(50) a. Kim pushed the cart to New York.
b. Pat threw the ball into the forest.
Similarly, if we assume that particles are range assigners to [ASpQ{e}#] even

when separate from the verb, note that they may co-occur with quantity DPs, as
(51) illustrates (and see n. 12 for some relevant comments).
(51) a. I wrote the letters up.
b. I broke the window down.
c. I climbed down the mountain.
d. I took over the company.
(post-verbal) subjects in configurations such as those in (51),but not, typically, from post-verbal subjects
of unergatives and transitives, are to be captured:
(i) a. *Ne hanno corso/I due.
of-them have run two
b. Ne sono corsi due a casa.
of-them are run.AGRtwotohome
We return to this issue in greater detail in the context of the discussion of similar paradigms in Catalan
in Chapter 9, Section 9.3. Essentially, we believe, the key to the ne-cliticization paradigm is not the
unaccusative-unergative distinction (and the accompanying event-structure configurations), but rather
the licensing of a post-verbal subject in a position that allows ne-cliticization without the empty cat-
egory in effect c-commanding its antecedent, ne. If phrased this way, note, the post-verbal restriction
on ne-cliticization follows immediately. If, in turn, subjects of unergatives occurring in the right periph-
ery have been post-posed from [Spec,EP], they could not allow ne-cliticization any more than subjects
overtly in [Spec, EP]. The grammaticality of (ib), then, is not about the unaccusative-unergative distinc-
tion, but about the licensing of the subject here, but not in (ia), in some position below [Spec,EP], say
[Spec,TP]. In Chapter 91 will argue that such positioning of the subject is a function accomplished, typ-
ically, by locative particles which may assign range to (e)E, the open value heading EP, in the absence of
a filled [Spec,EP]. If that is on the right track, it suggests that a casa fulfils a double role here, assigning
range not only to [AspQ(e) J > but also to (e)E, on a par with the role which is performed, I will argue, by loc-
ative deictic pronouns in Hebrew.
The quantity nature of events such as those described in (50) can be demon-
strated by the accusative case marking on the object in corresponding Finnish
examples, as in (52):
(52) a. Tiinaheitti keihasta.

Tiina threw javelin.PRT
'Tiina threw the javelin.'
b. Tiinaheitti keihaan metsaan.
Tiina threw javelin.ACC into-the-forest
'Tiina threw the javelin into the forest.'
To make matters worse, it turns out that the paradigms in (49)-(5i) do not
actually behave uniformly with respect to the nature of the DP and its relations
to the event structure. Thus for (49) a quantity reading can emerge in the pres-
ence of a non-quantity object (which, interestingly, can be interpreted existen-
tially rather than generically in this case, further confirming the inner aspect
nature of the modification here):
(53) a. Kim loved cats three times and feared cats three times.
b. Kim loved cats and feared cats three times (in three years/*for three
years).
c. Kim loved and feared cats three times (in three years/*for three
years).
In turn, for (50), and in spite of the presence of a delimiting expression, the
quantity nature of the direct object continues to play a crucial role in determin-
ing the nature of the event. Thus while (soa-b) maybe telic, (54a-b) may not:
(54) a. Kim pushed carts to New York (for several hours/*in several hours).
(Single-event interpretation)
b. Pat threw balls into the forest (for several hours/*in several hours).
(Single-event interpretation)
And finally, for (51), the DP must be quantity, but when it is not quantity,
ungrammaticality rather than atelicity emerges:
(55) a. *Kim wrote letters up. (Single-event interpretation)

b. *Kim ate sandwiches up. (Single-event interpretation)
Interestingly, matters for particle-verb constructions improve considerably

when the particle is adjacent to the verb, and the picture becomes akin to that
in (50), (54):
(56) a. We ate up ?meat/sandwiches (for hours/all afternoon/*in three

hours). (One-event reading)
b. Pat wrote up letters (for hours/in three hours). (One-event reading)
The contrast between (55)-(s6) replicates itself with the contrast in (57):
(57) a. Kim wrote up the letter (?for several hours/in several hours),
b. Kim wrote the letter up (*for several hours/in several hours).
While native speakers are not entirely uniform in their judgements of (56)
and (57), some assigning a question mark to (563)7(573) and a full star to (s6b)
and (57b), others assigning full grammaticality to (563) and (573) and a question
mark to (s6b) and (57b), they are uniform in maintaining that an atelic reading
is considerably easier in [V+particle NP] configurations than it is in [V NP par-
ticle] configurations (see Chapter 8, Section 8.2.4, for discussion of these para-
digms in derived nominals).
The degree of variability here is not trivial to explain. We note that the oblig-
atoriness of a quantity DP for the verb-DP-particle constructions is easy to
account for if we assume that the particles under consideration here, in contrast
with the particles considered for intransitive cases such as those in (39)-(4i),
are not range assigners to [ASpQ(e}#] but rather, modifiers of AspQ. They force
its projection, just like time measure modifiers such as in-x-time, but they do
not themselves assign range. That task remains the role of the quantity DP. We
must assume that such a modificational role may be suspended in the V-par-
ticle-DP configurations in (56) and (573), possibly due to the merger of the verb
and the particle at the level of the conceptual array, resulting in no requirement
for the projection of AspQ. Delimiters such as to New York would have to be
viewed as (optional) AspQ modifiers in such contexts, allowing, but not requir-
ing, the proj ection of AspQ. The latter, note, is already rather problematic, in view
of the fact that for intransitive cases, we assumed that the delimiter is a range
assigner to [ASpQ(e}#] thereby allowing quantity interpretation without a quan-
tity DP in [Spec, AspQ]. Finally, (49) and (53) present the trickiest paradox. To
allow a quantity reading to emerge in the absence of a quantity DP, as in (53),
we must assume that adverbials such as once and three times assign range to
[Aspa(e}J in transitive cases as well as in the intransitive cases already discussed
in (31), (33). However, to allow for a strong quantity DP alongside an adverbial
such as once and three times in (49) without the emergence of double marking
requires the assumption that even within the transitive class, such adverbials
may sometimes act as range assigners for [AspQ{e}#]while at other times they are
predicate modifiers for [ASpQ(e}#]-
As a particularly illuminating discussion in Schmitt (1996) reveals, the eclec-

tic behaviour illustrated here by adjuncts is mirrored in the behaviour of some
English prefixes assumed at times to impact event structure. Thus consider the
prefixes re- (discussed in Wechsler 1989), half-, and out- (discussed in Schmitt
1996). First, note that in all these cases, a quantity direct object is obligatory
(although cases with bare plurals are typically judged as better than bare mass
nouns, which maybe due to the availability of an iterative reading for the former,
but not the latter), thereby seeming to pattern, surprisingly, with the separated
particles in (55), and not with the incorporated ones in (57):
(58) a. *Kim re-read mail/??letters. (Single event, non-iterative reading)
b. *Pat half-read junk mail/??letters.
c. *Robin out-ran contestants.
However, re-, in contrast with verb-DP-particle constructions (but possibly
not half- and out-) does occur with durative adverbs without ungrammatical-
ity resulting:
(59) a. Kim re-read the mail for hours.
b. ??Kim outran the contestants for hours.
c. ??Kim half-ate the meat for hours.
And finally, note that (60) is grammatical under a simultaneous reading:
(60) Kim half-cried and half-laughed when she heard the news.
This situation, note, again suggests that the range of typological distinctions
made here is rather broad. While Slavic prefixes as well as the particles in (39)-
(41) are range assigners, separable particles, out-, and possibly half- (the gram-
maticality of (60) notwithstanding) seem to be predicate modifiers of AspQ, as
are time-measure adverbs. Finally, re- appears to have altogether different prop-
erties, related, it would appear, to the interpretation of the direct object, barring
the latter from being non-quantity, but unrelated to AspQ. As a result, bare DPs
are impossible, but telicity, as such, remains optional. I leave these matters aside
here, but the reader is referred back to Schmitt (1996) for an impressive range of
relevant cases (and see n. 15 in Chapter 6 for some comments on the differences
between the approach adopted by Schmitt and the one developed here).
We note, in conclusion, that while the descriptive tools differentiating
between range assignment and predicate modifiers are available here, a prin-
cipled explanation, predicting when a particular adjunct assigns range, and
when it acts as a predicate modifier, remain wanting, and must await a future
elaboration on the nature of adjuncts, their distinct semantics, and the way in
which they interact with aspectual structure. We do note, nevertheless, that a
close examination of the facts strongly suggests that adjuncts in English may
be either range assigners to [ASpQ(e>#], making the occurrence of a quantity DP
unnecessary, or alternatively, predicate modifiers which force the projection of
[AspQ(e}J, but which are incapable of assigning range to it, thereby necessitating
the presence of some other range assigner, typically a quantity direct object. The
final determination of the factors determining their specific role in specific con-
texts must, however, await future research.
8
How Fine-Grained?
8.1 Preliminaries
Ultimately, every event has a unique interpretation, as dependent on the unique
context of its occurrence. The fully articulated interpretation, then, will of neces-
sity be so specific and detailed as to make generalizations impossible. Pursuing
such detailed interpretation assignment for events, however, has not typical-
ly been the goal of formal theories of interpretation and structure, nor is such
a goal consistent with scientific pursuit in general, or formal linguistics in par-
ticular. Rather, it has been the task of the linguist to focus on what are, and what
are not, legitimate and relevant grammatical generalizations. We must navigate
here a rather treacherous path between the general and the particular. More
concretely, and taking grammaticality judgements to be the primary source of
linguistics evidence, as is well known grammaticality judgements do not come
in black and white, but rather along a continuum, and do not wear the cause of
their malaise on their sleeve. Barring the development of some means of better
categorizing the shades of (in) felicity, it is, ultimately, the nature of the theoret-
ical model employed that determines which shades of grey represent the vio-
lation of some formal principle of the grammatical computational system, and
which are due to factors external to it.
The particular form of the investigation that I have undertaken in this study
hasbeen shaped by the assumption that whatever generalizations do apply with-
in the grammar do not involve generalizations over the properties of concepts.
While concepts certainly are amenable to generalization, I suggested that their
properties do not interface with the grammar. Rather, the interface is between
the interpretation returned by the grammar, and the meaning returned by the
conceptual component as combined with world knowledge. Should these two
outputs conflict, oddity emerges, at times so extreme that coercion of the rele-
vant concepts is impossible, making it difficult to distinguish that oddity, a pri-
ori, from ungrammaticality as assigned by the formal grammatical system. In
turn, it also follows that properties of particular concepts cannot play a role in
determining grammatical structure.
How Fine-Grained'? 215
Beyond that, however, we must also determine which of the many nuances
of interpretation associated with grammatical objects are assigned by the struc-
ture, and which are artefacts of world knowledge, as combined with whatever
principles may govern the formation of concepts. To illustrate, at one extreme,
there are claims which most linguists would agree on, that is to say that the
grammar need not represent formally the distinction between the role assigned
to the (subject) argument of eat and the (subject) argument of drink, insofar as
both occur in identical grammatical contexts, and have, for all intents and pur-
poses, an identical grammatical representation. To take a less extreme example,
common theories of argument projection from the lexicon postulate a specific
set of grammatical properties for a given verb, assuming that some addition-
al computation is required to license it in other grammatical contexts. In the
domain of thematic structures, these are theories such as UTAH, which postu-
late grammatical operations to absorb and manipulate the assignment of the-
matic roles through incorporation and other devices. In the domain of telicity,
there is the claim that some verbs are in some sense telic, while others are not,
and that typeshifting is required to allow variable behaviour (see e.g. van Hout
1996, 2000). At the other extreme are claims that might give rise to consider-
ably more controversy. To illustrate, Parsons (1990) suggests that as activities
and accomplishments give rise to resultant states with identical properties, ulti-
mately the distinctions between them may not be grammatically represented.
As another illustration, Schein (2002) suggests that telicity is induced, in effect,
by the presence of a DP which can take scope over time measure phrases (i.e.
in x-time), and that in the absence of such time measure phrases, events are
vague, rather than telic or atelic as such (see Chapter 5, Section 5.2, for some
discussion). It is the taskof this chapter to make explicit the degree to which the
structures proposed here for events are fine-grained.
8.1.1 Event structure or argument structure?

As is already clear from the previous comments, the account proposed here
occupies some intermediate spot between the extreme which postulates a
unique structure for every instantiation of a particular lexical item, and the pos-
ition put forth by Parsons (op. cit.) or by Schein (op. cit.). I already argued that
contra Schein (2002), telicity is structurally represented regardless of the pres-
ence of a time measure phrase, as evidenced by accusative/partitive assign-
ment in Finnish, marking (a)telicity in the absence of time measure phrases.
Nor would it be coherent, within the approach advocated here, to argue other-
wise. If indeed event structure determines the role and structure of arguments,
and if there is more to the correspondence between roles and syntactic pos-
itions than evident in statements like those in (i), then it must follow that there
is some event structure in every expression that involves arguments. We do note
that to the extent that one opts for a representation such as that in (i), or for the
type of model espoused by Parsons (1990,1995) and Schein (2002), the gram-
mar must be augmented with some other mechanismstructural, thematic, or
otherwiseto ensure that in (ic-d), for example, the correct c-command rela-
tionship between the arguments comes to be (i.e. it is the understood builder
that c-commands the built object and not the other way around).1
(1) a. 3e [run (e) & argument (Kim, e)]

'Kim ran
b. 3e [arrive (e) & argument (Kim, e)]
'Kim arrived'
c. 3e [build (e) & argument (Kim, e) & argument (the house, e)]
'Kim built the house'
d. 3e [push (e) & argument (Kim, e) & argument (the cart, e)]
'Kim push the cart'
I will assume, then, that the representations in (i) are too coarse. At the very
least, they should be replaced with something like the representations in (2).
(2) a. Telic intransitive (unaccusative)

Be [subject-of-quantity (Kim, e) & arrive (e)]
b. Atelic intransitive (unergative)
Be [originator (Kim, e) & run (e)]
c. Telic transitive
Be [originator (cat, e) & subject-of-quantity (the tree, e) & (climb, e)]
d. Atelic transitive
Be [originator (cat, e) & default participant (the tree, e) & (climb, e)]
Taking now the representations in (2) as our starting point, note that they
are still quite coarse. Consider, specifically, some often discussed distinctions
which (2a-d), as such, do not capture, as well as some assumptions implicit in
the representations. First, note, to the extent that the distinction between telic
1
And indeed, Parsons (1990,1995) utilizes thematic roles alongside Neo-Davidsonian representa-
tions, tacitly assuming such roles to accomplish the hierarchical representation associated with argu-
ment structure. Schein (2002), on the other hand, discusses in great detail the workings of a generalized
structural mechanism for such assignment, based on notions such as CAUSE and others, rather than on
assignment by specific lexical entries.
eventives and atelic eventives is a grammatically real one, it is not directly rep-
resented in (la-d), except through the interpretation of the argumentsthat
is, in (ia) the event argument is not an argument of quantity, in and of itself,
but rather, the quantity interpretation is mediated through the existence of a
subject-of-quantity relationship between the event argument and Kim. Telicity,
then, is not directly represented as a property of the event argument in (ia, c).
Only the presence of subject-of-quantity gives rise to such an interpretation.
When no such subject-of-quantity projects, a telic reading fails to emerge.
As it turns out, we can exclude immediately the structures in (2), precisely by
showing that reference to arguments does not suffice to draw the correct dis-
tinction. We already argued extensively, in Chapter 7, that quantity interpret-
ation can emerge in the absence of subject-of-quantity, as for (3), for example.
(3) The army took over. (Quantity)
Activity and stative interpretations, further, can emerge in the absence of an
argument as well, as illustrated by (4), a point that will be discussed extensively
in Chapter 9, Section 9.2.
(4) a. It rained. (Activity)
b. It was cold. (Stative)
If indeed the event argument is never predicated of event types, the repre-
sentations for (3)-(4) have to be as in (5), leaving out of the representation the
fact that (3) is quantity, as well as the difference in event type between (43) and
(4b):
(5) a. 3e [originator (the army, e) & take over (e) ] (or, possibly, take (e) &over
(e))
b. 3e [rain(e)]
c. 3e [cold(e)]
In a brief discussion in Chapter 3, Section 3.2.2, touching specifically on the
distinction between statives and eventives, I assumed that stative interpretation
emerges from the existence of some functional structure dedicated specifical-
ly to stative interpretation, and which can in turn preempt verbal categoriza-
tion of its L-head complement. Suppose we continue to assume this. If it is on
the right track, and given that event representations must distinguish between
event types, and that quantities and statives (this latter one by assumption), but
not activities, are associated with dedicated structure, two possibilities emerge
for (s)-(4). One involves specifying that (3) and (4b) are quantity and stative,
respectively, while leaving (43) unspecified, as in (6). The other involves specify-
ing (4b) as an activity, that is, assuming that activity interpretation emerges in
2i8 The Projection of Arguments
the absence of any structure to the contrary. The emerging representation is in

(7) (argument representation omitted for expository purposes):
(6) a. 3e [quantity(e) & take over(e)]
b. 3e [rain(e)]
c. 3e [state (e) & cold(e)]
(7) 3e [activity (e) & rain(e)]
Interestingly, note that the coarser representations in (2) force VerkuyFs gen-
eralization. Specifically, in the absence of an argument that is interpreted as sub-
ject-of-quantity, felicity quite simply could not emerge. In turn, to the extent
that telicity can emerge without subject-of-quantity, this is not only an argu-
ment against the universality of Verkuyl's generalization, but against the repre-
sentations in (2). Assuming the general veracity of the analyses proposed there,
all event typesquantity, activity, and stateshould be possible without an
associated argument, and as such the representations in (2) are too coarse.
Suppose then that quantity and stativity, both syntactically represented, must
be predicates of the event argument. Given the yet-to-be-determined status
of activities, however, the following two revised versions of (2) are available,
both involving the specification of quantity, but one specifying activity for atel-
ic events (8), while the other (9) does not, but rather assumes, in effect, that an
unspecified event argument defaults to activity:
(8) a. Telic intransitive (unaccusative)
3e [quantity (e) & subject-of-quantity (Kim, e) & arrive (e)]
b. Atelic intransitive (unergative)
3e [activity (e) & originator (Kim, e) & run (e)]
c. Telic transitive
3e [quantity (e) & originator (cat, e) & subject-of-quantity (the tree,
e) & (climb, e)]
d. Atelic transitive
3e [activity (e) & originator (cat, e) & default participant (the tree, e)
& (climb, e)]
(9) a. Atelic intransitive (unergative)
3e [originator (Kim, e) & run (e)]
b. Atelic transitive
3e [originator (cat, e) & default participant (the tree, e) & (climb, e)]
The choice between the representations in (2) and those in (8) and (9) must
ultimatelybe made empirically. If the representations in (2) were to be favoured,
it would follow that event types could not be distinguished in the absence of
arguments, a point we already disputed. It would further follow that quantity
and activity could not be directly modified, and that any predicate modification
would have to target either the originator or the subject-of-quantity. A simi-
lar rationale should dictate the choice between (8) and (9). If (8) is correct, we
expect to find predicate modification of quantity, of activity, of originator, and
of subject-of-quantity. On the other hand, if (9) is correct we expect predicate
modification of quantity, originator, and subject-of-quantity, but not of activ-
ity. While in such a case activity might still be a well-defined interpretation,
specifically, an event type that is neither stative nor quantity, it would not be a
grammatical object, as such, and could not be specified to interact directly with
grammatical operations.
I return in Sections 8.2-3 to empirical facts that may bear on the choice
between (8) and (9). In advance of this discussion, note that to the extent that
it is possible for the event argument to be predicated of at least some event
types without any additional arguments, and to the extent that distinct event
interpretation can emerge without arguments, we need not, indeed we cannot,
assume that the main function of event nodes such as AspQ and EP (or for that
matter, whatever functional structure is responsible for the emergence of a stat-
ive interpretation) is to license arguments in some form. Rather we must view
argumental interpretation as orthogonal to the main function of event nodes.
In short, neither originator nor subject-of-quantity, as such, contribute to the
emergence of event classification. Event classification is achieved by direct
predication of the event argument, and arguments, to the extent that they exist,
receive their interpretation as an entailment from the event type. Most crucially,
they do not determine what the event type is (see Davis and Demirdash 1995 for
a similar view of argument interpretation).
It is worthwhile highlighting here a point which I will return to in Chapter 9,
concerning the difference between the grammatical properties of the origin-
ator, as it may emerge in conjunction with an eventive EP, and the properties of
external arguments assigned by a specialized node, often called little v, as artic-
ulated, for instance, in the work of Harley (1995,1996,2001) and Marantz (1999).
Fundamentally, v is a verbal argumental scheme, and represents an attempt to
generalize over types of thematic grids, as projected from verbal lexical entries.
To consider Marantz (1999 and subsequent work), there are as many v-types as
there are argument-structure configurations. That is, there is an external causa-
tion v, an internal causation v, a stative v, an inchoative v, etc., each associated
with a template determining both the syntax and the interpretation of its argu-
ments. A more parsimonious theory is suggested in Harley (op. cit.), in that v
can only be specified as to whether it assigns an argument role or not (and see
also VoiceP, which is either active, thereby assigning an external role, or passive,
thereby not assigning an external role, as claimed in Kratzer 1994,1996). Either
way, each instantiation of v is clearly a way of forming a specific argumen-
tal configuration, much as traditional lexicalist accounts would associate, for
example, verbs of emission with a particular argument structure (cf. Levin and
Rappaport Hovav 1995 for the classical work within this domain). On the other
hand, if the suggestions here are on the right track, AspQ and similar structures
are first and foremost predicates of the event argument, and argument roles are
by and large epiphenomena. If an originator or a subject-of-quantity emerges
in the structure, it does so for reasons that are orthogonal to the semantics of
activities or quantities. In the case of quantity, we argued, a quantity direct argu-
ment emerges because it is needed to assign range to [ASpQ(e}#]- When range is
assigned directly to [ASpQ(e>#], as illustrated in Chapter 7, a direct quantity argu-
ment need not project, but quantity, telic interpretation is licit nonetheless. Thus
the role subject-of-quantity, as assigned to the argument in [Spec,AspQ], is but
an artefact of the fact that a DP projects in [Spec, AspQ], together with the fact,
specific to some grammatical configurations, that such a DP serves as the pri-
mary mode for assigning range to [ASpQ(e}#]- If> however, such a DP does project,
it bears, perforce, a predication relation with the syntactic projection of quan-
tity, which results in its interpretation as a subject-of-quantity, by entailment.
As such, then, AspQ, or quantity, is not a role assigner. Similarly, EP does not
assign an originator role. A referential DP in [Spec.EP] which is not otherwise
assigned a role is interpreted, by entailment, as the originator of an eventive
(non-stative) event. However, EP, in and of itself, is devoted to the licensing of
the event argument, and need not be associated with any other argument. Like-
wise, activities do not require an originator, as the paradigm in (43) illustrates, a
matter that we shall discuss at some length in Chapter 9.
8.1.2 Against decompositionresultatives and others

It is frequently proposed (see McCawley 1968; Dowty 1979; Parsons 1990,1995;
Pustejovsky 1991,1995; McClure 1995; Ramchand 1997; Higginbotham 20000,
b, among others) that telic events, most notably accomplishments, should be
decomposed into two sub-events, roughly a development and a resulting state
(alternatively, BECOME and CUL, as in Dowty, or process and telos, as in Hig-
ginbotham 2oooa, b, etc.). The relationship between the development and the
resulting state is taken to be causal in nature. Specifically, if Kim wrote a let-
ter, the development part consists of the writing process, or the writing activ-
ity, while the resulting state consists of the letter being in a written state. An
accompanying assumption (cf. Dowty 1979, and much subsequent literature)
also assigns to the direct internal argument the role of the subject of the result-
ing state (subject of CUL). Note that to the extent that telicity requires such a
resulting state, which in turn must be predicated of an argument, it is possible to
thus derive Verkuyls generalization.
Considering this view, specifically of accomplishments, we note that from
the perspective of the account of telicity in this work, such event decomposi-
tion is uninformative at best. First, I suggested that culmination is a side effect
of the existence of an event structured by quantifiable division, rather than an
independent property that holds of quantity events. Secondly, I suggested that
such a culmination, a specific instantiation of the lack of homogeneity in the
intended sense, need not coincide with the end of the event, and hence there is
no sense in which it can be coherently described as the starting point of a result-
ing state, or fete, as proposed by Higginbotham (20000). I further argued that
the (apparent) obligateriness of a direct internal argument is to be derived not
from the existence of some argument assignment properties of CUL, or from the
existence of some interpretationally relevant resulting state which follows the
event and which must share an argument with it (cf. Dowty 1979 and subsequent
work), but rather, from the fact that in English-type languages, specifier-head
relations is the primary mode of assigning range to [ASpQ(e}#] Finally, I suggested
that atelic events, as such, are not associated with any structure, and that quan-
tity is in a fundamental sense best viewed as a quantifiable predicate of the event
argument. In its absence, the event argument is only predicated of the other-
wise unstructured (eventive) verbal predicate. Decomposing an event into for
instance, an atelic event and a telic event, the latter being quantity, thus makes
little sense. The question then is whether or not, within the approach advanced
here, analysing the interpretation of accomplishments, or quantity predicates
in general, in terms of the conjunction of the properties of some development
and some culmination contributes in any sense to our understanding of the
phenomena under consideration.2
In Chapter 71 discussed cases of quantity, or telicity, that do not conform to
Verkuyls generalization. To the extent that such cases do exist, they weaken
2
It is interesting, from this perspective, to note that Higginbotham (looofo), in addressing the oblig-
atoriness of quantity DPs, or what he refers to as 'singular-term internal arguments', suggests, contra
Tenny (1987,1992,1994), that the measuring out effect is a consequence of the existence of a telos, rather
than the basis for it, and that if, for example, the eating of the apple is to attain a telos, then it follows that
there should be 'a systematic change in the apple, such that the attainment of the telos is brought closer
and closer' (p. 66). While I certainly endorse the view here that the emergence of a measuring out effect
with respect to an existing direct object is a consequence of, rather than the cause of telic interpret-
ation, I also endorse Tenny's original insight that the best characterization of telic events is in terms of
the nature of their development, and not in terms of the emerging result, and that it is the attainment of
a telos which is the consequence of a'measured' event, rather than the other way around (and see Roth-
stein looofo, for a fundamentally similar view on the essential properties that distinguish accomplish-
ments from activities).
considerably the empirical foundation for the decomposing of events into

subevents of development and result, with the latter predicated of the direct
(internal) argument of the former. This point aside, most of the arguments for
the decomposition of accomplishments, specifically, into a development part
and a resulting state of some sort, proceed by attempting to show that each of
the implicated subevents may exist as a distinct syntactic constituent, and that
when combined an accomplishment reading results, as a simple conjunction
of their interpretations.3 Consider, however, other types of evidence that have
been brought to bear on the decomposing of events. An illustrative example is
provided by the sentence in (10), as discussed by Higginbotham (looob):
(10) a. The boat floated under the bridge for hours,
b. The boat floated under the bridge in two hours.
While (loa) characterizes a non-directional floating under the bridge, taking
place in the same location and lacking a telos, Higginbotham claims, (iob),telic,
indicates a transition and a telos, the latter expressed through a locative prepos-
ition. In (lob), but not in (loa), the boat was once elsewhere, but has come to be
under the bridge. In (loa), the boat is under the bridge throughout.
Viewing the paradigm from our perspective, we note that (lob) is non-homo-
geneous while (loa) is homogeneous in the required sense. We note further that
to the extent that (lob) is non-homogeneous, precisely insofar as the boat is not
under the bridge throughout the event, it does not actually imply that under the
bridge is the telos, if we take telos here to be the starting point of some resulting
state characterizing the location of the boat. If under the bridge did characterize
the telos, and if we were to take the time adverbial in two hours to measure the
time that passed between the origination of the event and its telos, as is specif-
ically suggested in Higginbotham (2000^), we would expect the interpretation
for (lob) to be that two hours passed from the time that the event originated
to the time that the boat was actually under the bridge. Such an interpretation,
while perhaps possible for (lob), is not in actuality the most salient one. The
most salient interpretation is that at the time that two hours have elapsed, the
boat is no longer under the bridge, and that it took two hours for the boat to
pass from one side of the bridge to the other, with the strong suggestion that
3
It is often assumed that event decomposition is the source of the difference between achievements,
in the sense of Vendler (1967), and accomplishments. We note that even if the view that accomplish-
ments are somehow achievements-p/ws could be supported, it certainly could not be sensibly supported
by decomposing accomplishments into activities and resulting states. While both activities and result-
ing states may occur on their own, a resulting state is very clearly not an achievement. If, then, there is a
sense in which accomplishments are complex events, but achievements, if indeed they exist as a distinct
class, are simpletons, the decomposition under consideration could not be into development and result-
ing state, or process and telos. See Chapter 10, Section 10.3, for some relevant discussion.
the end point is, in fact, specifically not under the bridge. While time-measure
adverbials do, we suggested, force a culmination and measure the duration of
the event, we also note that the relevant culmination is not denoted by under
the bridge, thereby strongly suggesting that the event implicated in (lob) cannot
be decomposed, usefully, into a progression part, as denoted by the verb float,
and a culmination point, as denoted by under the bridge.4 Any floating from one
side of the bridge to the other, note, suffices to give rise to a quantity reading in
our sense. However, a decomposition of the event, so as to allow the expression
the boat (is) under the bridge to act as characterizing the onset of some result-
ing state, clearly misses the most salient interpretation for (lob). Float under the
bridge, then, is yet another instantiation of quantity defined not by the end point
of the event, but by some intermediate point, specifically, by the change from
not being under the bridge to being under the bridge, although being under the
bridge does not coincide with the end of the event. Float under the bridge thus
is a case of fill the room with smoke (see Chapter 5, Sections 5.2 and 5.3 for dis-
cussion), where quantity is defined on the basis of the existence of a particular
point, a 'full' point or 'under the bridge' point, but where that point need not be
at the end of the event.
If on the right track, then, this means that decomposing/foaf under the bridge,
either syntactically or semantically, so as to make under the bridge the basis of
either a telos or resulting state, in some sense, is probably on the wrong track
Rather, it seems plausible to assume that under the bridge is simply a predicate
modifier of the floating event, and we note in this respect that it is entirely neu-
tral with respect to quantity, as it is perfectly comfortable giving rise to both
quantity and non-quantity events, as the pair in (loa-b) indicates. Either way,
not only is there no argument here for the existence of decomposition into a
progression and a resulting state, such a decomposition actually gives rise to the
wrong interpretation.
Another important construction which has been argued to give rise to an
accomplishment reading through the conjunction of events denoted by distinct
development and result constituents is the resultative, illustrated in (11) (transi-
4
The problem here is distinct from that discussed in Higginbotham (20000, b) in conjunction with
English prepositions such as to, which have both an interpretation involving a directed motion and one
involving an end point location. If one were to assume, for instance, that to has, roughly, a meaning akin
to to + in, in John ran to the store, the culmination of the event does, in fact, involve John being in the store,
thereby making such sentences amenable to a compositional analysis. Not so with under, which, under
the interpretation intended in (lob), and regardless of the possibility of decomposing under into directed
motion and location, involves in actuality the negation of under as the relevant end point for the motion.
Under here does not appear to characterize any end point, but rather a significant landmark in measur-
ing the progression of the motion under consideration.
tive resultative), (12) (intransitive resultative) and (13) (so-called ECM resulta-
tive).
(11) a. Kim hammered the metal flat.
b. Robin painted the barn red.
c. Pat wiped the table clean.
(12) a. The river froze solid.
b. The vase broke to pieces.
c. The ball fell down.
(13) a. Robin ran her shoes threadbare.
b. Pat sang the babies asleep.
c. The dog barked me awake.
The cases in (13) are typically taken to provide the strongest evidence for
decomposition of telic events into a development part and a resulting state. Spe-
cifically, under such an analysis, in (133), for example,Robin is the (lexically spe-
cified) subject of the verb run, typically a predicate of activity events, while her
shoes is the subject of the stative predicate threadbare. The resulting interpret-
ation, a presumed conjunction of the two, gives a clearly telic event, in which
a process, otherwise atelic and as defined by run, gives rise to a resulting state,
as defined by threadbare, which is in turn predicated of an object. If (13) could
be viewed as a periphrastic representation of what is otherwise synthetic (e.g.
Robin wrote the letter), it would provide strong evidence for the existence, for
synthetic telic constructions, of a representation which is indeed decomposed
into a development part (Robin write) and a culmination/result part (letter writ-
ten), interpreted through a conjunction of some sort (for analyses of the 'result'
part of resultative constructions in terms of a result-state, see Dowty 1979;
Pustejovsky 1991; Levin and Rappaport Hovav 1999,2000; Rapoport 1999; Hig-
ginbotham 20000, among others). From a Neo-Davidsonian perspective, the
representation for a resultative construction such as (na) would be as in (143);
(i3b) would be represented as in (i4b):
(14) a. 3e [hammer (e) & originator (Kim, e) & participant (metal, e) &
3e' [flat(e') & subject-of- state (metal, e')] & cause (e, e')]
b. 3e [sing (e) & originator (Robin, e) & 3 e' [asleep(e') & subject-of-
state (the baby, e')] & cause (e, e')]
There are, however, a number of problems with this particular view of resulta-
tive constructions, and by extension, of accomplishments or telic events in gen-
eral, as reducing to the analysis in (14). First, as noted by Rothstein (20000),
there is in fact no necessary causal relation between whatever development

might be denoted in a resultative, and the emerging result:
(15) a. On May 51945, the people of Amsterdam danced the Canadians to

Dam Square.
b. Reluctant to let him go, the audience clapped the singer off the stage.
c. At the opening of the new Parliament building, the crowd cheered
the huge gates open.
In the absence of a causal relation between these sub-events, however, there

is little to ensure any relation between them. The failure of causality suggests
either that decomposing is the wrong move, or alternatively, that decomposing
should be otherwise conceived.5
Consider next the following, based in part on Wechsler (2001) :6
(16) a. John hammered metal/cans flat (for an hour/*in an hour),

b. Kim sang babies asleep (for an hour/*in an hour).
(17) a. You can paint these walls white for hours, and they won t become
white (e.g. because something in the plaster oxidizes the paint) (and
compare *You can paint these walls white in a week and they will not
become white).
b. We yelled ourselves hoarse (for ten minutes).
The significance of (i6)-(i7) is that although they have the syntax of resulta-
tive constructions, they do not give rise to a telic interpretation, as indicated.
Of course, we are already familiar with the optionality of telic interpretation
with most so-called accomplishments. Thus Kim wrote the letter, Robin read
the book, etc. are all ambiguous between a telic and an atelic interpretation. But
the failure of felicity to emerge in such cases, is typically handled by assuming
5
The latter is the direction pursued by Rothstein (looofo). Thus she proposes that accomplishments
should be decomposed into an ACTIVITY event and a BECOME event, which are neither causally nor tem-
porally ordered, but rather,'[t]he function of the incremental BECOME event is to "keep track" of the pro-
gress of the activity. This requires imposing a developmental structure, or ordered part structure, on
the activity (this includes assigning it a culmination), and we do this by relating it to the developmen-
tal structure of the BECOME event via an incremental relation.'We already noted the similarity between
Rothsteiris notion of BECOME as the imposition of structure on an otherwise unstructured event, and the
notion of quantity proposed here (see Chapter 3 at n. 10 for some discussion). We note, however, in dis-
agreement with Rothstein, that an'extended' BECOME event in her sense presupposes whatever proper-
ties are otherwise associated with ACTIVITY, and most specifically, it is entirely unclear what a BECOME
event is without an ACTIVITY event. For some more discussion of this point in the context of the accom-
plishment/achievement division, see Chapter 10, Section 10.3.
6
Wechsler (2001), noting these and some other problems, opts for the event-argument homomor-
phism model of Krifka and others. I return briefly to this point below. Wechsler further assumes that the
availability of atelicity with quantity direct objects is restricted to ECM resultatives. As (i/a) illustrates,
this is not the case.
that for these verbs, and for the predicates that they head, the result state, or
the culmination, is itself optional. Thus while for the telic instantiation of such
verbs one would postulate, very schematically, something like the representa-
tion in (i8a), for their atelic instantiation one would postulate the representa-
tion in (i8b):
(18) a. Development (write (y,x)) + result state (written (x))
b. Development (write (y,x))
However, how are resultatives of the form in (i6)-(i7) to be analysed? Note
that if the relationship between the adjectives and the direct objects in (16)-
(17) is assumed to be predication or role assignment of any sort whatsoever,
as in (14), then the emergence of a state is inevitable, as [babies asleep], or [the
walls white], must denote a state, regardless of the overall interpretation of the
entire resultative construction. And note that bare plurals are not independent-
ly barred as well-formed subjects of states, as (19) clearly illustrates:
(19) a. Babies are asleep in the bedroom.
b. There are babies asleep in the bedroom.
c. I consider walls white when they match my sheets.
Further, not much leeway is available here with respect to the interpretation
of paint the walls or sing as involving development, or as causing whatever
degree of whiteness or'asleepedness' is associated with the walls or the babies,
respectively. It thus emerges that if resultatives are indeed a syntactically trans-
parent case of event decomposition, with the adjective describing the resulting
state, then they must always be accomplishments, clearly a wrong prediction. It
is of course possible to construct some kind of an account that would block an
accomplishment reading in (i6)-(i7), as well as the state reading for [the walls
white] for example, but one suspects that once such an account is fully articu-
lated, it would render the putative evidence for event decomposition as based
on resultative constructions inconclusive, at best.
Two conclusions emerge from the consideration of the examples in (i6)-(i7).
First, it appears wise to reconsider the claim that, for example, the walls in (173)
is predicated of white in any way. If the walls is not predicated of white, serious
doubt is cast not only on the analysis of resultatives as transparent cases of event
decomposition, but also on the small clause analysis of the adjective phrase in
resultative constructions. Secondly, it seems clear that resultative constructions
are telic, or atelic, in exactly the same situations in which transitives in general
are telic, or atelic; in the presence of a non-quantity DP they cannot be telic,
while in the presence of a quantity DP they are ambiguous. This, it appears, is
the case both for transitive resultatives and for ECM resultatives. The failure of
the relationship between the walls and white to be correctly interpreted under
a small clause analysis, along with the fact that the conditions on the emer-
gence of telicity are the same in resultative and non-resultative transitives alike,
provides strong motivation for an analysis of resultatives in terms of predicate
composition, rather than event decomposition. Recall now that items such as
sing and asleep do not have arguments, as such, in the XS-model. Rather, we sug-
gested, items of the conceptual array, listemes, when embedded within syntactic
event structure, function as predicates of these events, rather than role assigners
or determiners of event type in anyway. The composition of the relevant items
would thus give rise to a representation such as that in (20):
(20) a. Hammer + flat > hammer-flat
b. Sing + asleep > sing-asleep
c. Clap + off > clap-off
The composed items in (20) are neither telic nor atelic. They are quite sim-
ply complex V-heads, of some sort, entered, I propose, into the semantic com-
putation as such, giving rise to representation of the structures in (n)-(i3) and
(i6)-(i7) as in (21):
(21) a. 3e [quantity (e) & originator (Kim, e) & subject-of-quantity

(the metal, e) & (hammer-flat, e)]
b. 3e [quantity (e) & originator (Robin, e) & subject-of-quantity
(the baby, e) & (sing-asleep, e)]
c. 3e [activity (e) & originator (Kim, e) & participant(the walls, e)
& (paint-white, e)]
d. 3e [activity (e) & originator (Robin, e) & participant(babies, e)
& (sing-asleep, e)]
The representations in (21) emerge precisely like their counterparts in (8c,
d). To the extent that (2ia-b), for instance, receive a quantity interpretation, it
is because there is a quantity DP in [Spec, AspQ], capable of assigning range to
[Aspa(e}#], indirectly, through specifier-head agreement. To the extent that there
is no such reading for (2id) it is because babies is a non-quantity DP, and can-
not assign range to [ASpQ(e}#]> barring its projection. Finally, to the extent that an
atelic interpretation is associated with (173), for instance, it is due to the option
of merging, with VP, [AspQ(e}#] or F, the latter a head of a shell FSP, in turn associ-
ated with partitive case in [Spec,FsP] and no quantity reading.
To the extent that within the XS-model lexical items do not assign any roles
to arguments, note now that the fact that in ECM resultatives the direct object
is not an argument of the verb, or is not a theme, incremental or otherwise, is
neither here nor there. In fact, none of the arguments in resultative construc-
tions or otherwise are arguments of the verb, and to the extent that there is
a privileged relationship between some arguments and the emergence of a
telic interpretation, it stems from the structural position of those arguments
namely, [Spec, AspQ]and not from any role that is otherwise assigned to them.
In fact, we suggested that the role assigned to such an argument is an entail-
ment from its position, and to the extent that this is the case, the babies, in (isb),
is every bit as much subject-of-quantity as the metal is in (na). There is no way
to distinguish within an XS-model between these two types of structures, nor
does such a distinction seem warranted. In turn, the felicity of expressions such
as those in (13), as compared to the infelicity of (22), mustbe attributed to what-
ever conceptual difficulties are associated with assigning interpretation to an
event of singing with the babies as a non-originator participant, or to an event of
runningwith her shoes as a participant:
(22) a. #Kim sang the babies.
b. #Robin ran her shoes.
c. #Pat cried herself.
Of course, sing, run, or cry are not, strictly speaking intransitive, as (23) shows,
and so the presence of the resultative adjective is clearly not necessary for the
emergence of a direct argument:
(23) a. Kim sang Carmen.
b. Robin ran a marathon.
c. Pat ran three horses in yesterday's race.
d. Cry me a river, I cried a river over you.
Nor is the presence of a resultative complement sufficient to give rise to well-
formedness. Notice the contrast between (n)-(i3), (i6)-(i7) and (24):
(24) a. #The king laughed himself healthy.
b. #Kim sang the babies tired.
c. #The crowd cheered the performer pale.
d. #Pat cried herself awake.
The anomaly of (24) is most likely to be attributed to some conceptual restric-
tions on predicate composition, in the required sense. But if such conceptu-
al restrictions are appealed to in order to rule out (24), it is hard to see how
they can be excluded, in principle, as the reason for the ungrammaticality of
(22). Finally, we note that a requirement that there be a direct object in resulta-
tive constructions follows, in our case, only for those resultatives that are telic,
that is, for those that actually have a resultative interpretation of some sort. It is
not a condition on predicate composition, nor is it a condition on the distribu-

tion of predicate modifiers. It remains a restriction on the emergence of telicity,
quite simply because in English there are few other means of assigning range
to [AspQ(e}#]- Thus (25a-d), we submit, are not ungrammatical. Rather, they are
fully grammatical under the straightforward atelic interpretation according to
which asleep is a modifier of run, assuming some predicate composition here
between run and asleep. They are of course atelic, quite simply because there
is nothing to assign range to [ASpQ(e}#] the sole present argument being an ori-
ginator. In (26) range can be assigned to [ASpQ(e}#] by a quantity DP, which not
only results in the appearance of a direct (internal) argument, but also in the
emergence of quantity predicate with the requisite interpretation, and thus the
implication of development towards a culmination:
(25) a. We sang off key.

b. Robin ran asleep, (i.e. she ran while she was asleep)
c. Kim danced wet with sweat.
d. The king cried out of the palace.
(26) a. We sang Mary off key.
b. Robin ran himself asleep.
c. Kim danced herself wet with sweat.
d. The king cried himself out of the palace.
It might be worthwhile to compare at this point our (admittedly sketchy)
suggested treatment of resultatives with the recent account of resultative con-
structions in terms of predicate composition suggested by Wechsler (2001).
Wechsler's and our account concur in rejecting an analysis of (at least transitive
and intransitive) resultatives in terms of a result state. In its stead, Wechsler pro-
poses that resultatives be analysed in terms of predicate composition, where the
composition is between predicates and their arguments, as in
(27) hammer (x,y) + flat (y) > hammer-flat (x,y)
As Wechsler is not aiming at the characterization of a result state, the out-
put of predicate composition need not be telic, thereby avoiding the problems
for the result state model mentioned earlier. In turn, he proposes that predicate
composition is restricted by the semantics of the emerging composed predicate,
such that'the resultative predicate must provide scale and bound at the point of
predicate composition. More specifically, the scale and bound are provided by
the resultative secondary predicate, that is, the adjective, which must be grada-
ble (in the sense of Kennedy 1999, among others) and closed-scale (in the sense
of Hay, Kennedy, and Levin 1999; Kennedy and Levin 2000). Hay, Kennedy, and
Levin (1999) and Kennedy and Levin (2000) have argued independently that the
lexical semantics of de-adjectival degree achievement verbs is dependent on the
lexical semantics of the adjectives that they are derived from, and in particular
that they give rise to telicity precisely when the source adjective is gradable and
closed-scale (see Chapter 5, Section 5.4, for discussion). That a similar restriction
should emerge in the presence of a predicate composed of a verb, with what-
ever properties, and an adjective which is gradable and closed-scale is thus to be
expected. To support his point, Wechsler notes contrasts such as those in (28),
with drybeing (de facto) a closed-scale adjective,vs. wet (de facto) open scale:
(28) a. We wiped the table dry.
b. *We wiped the table wet.
In turn, Wechsler suggests, in ECM resultatives there is no predicate compos-
ition, because there are no shared arguments between the verb and the adjective
secondary predicate. As a result, the adjective need not be gradable and closed-
scale, and the result need not be (potentially) telic, thereby deriving (ijb), for
example. For such ECM resultatives, Wechsler notes, the original decomposi-
tion/result state analysis may very well be on the right track.
Although I share with Wechsler the assumption that resultatives involve
predicate composition, and that there is little need to analyse (transitive or
intransitive) resultatives in terms of result states, I also believe that the condi-
tions on the emergence of predicate composition are considerably more erratic
than one would hope for. Levin and Kennedy (2000) note themselves that the
notions of gradable and closed-scale, as appealed to when attempting to derive
the properties of degree achievement verbs, are massively subject to contextual
factors. I already suggested in that very context (see Chapter 5, Section 5.4), that
gradability and closed scale, in the intended sense, emerge from the structure,
rather than from the lexical semantics of particular items, listemes, in this case
as in general, giving rise to conceptual and contextual expectations, but not to
grammatical structure. To make matters worse, within the transitive resultative
domain, there is little evidence that open-scale adjectives are indeed barred, or
that they cannot give rise to a telic interpretation, as (29) clearly shows:
(29) We sponged the table wet.
Not surprisingly, world knowledge dictates that wiping-wet should be odd,
while sponging-wet should not be. It therefore emerges that here again the con-
ditions are best stated in terms of extra-linguistic cognitive systems, and not as
grammatical constraints. In other words, it is not obvious why resultative con-
structions should place a restriction on predicate composition such that the sec-
ondary predicate mustbe gradable and closed-scale, nor are such claims tenable
How Fine-Grained? 231
in view of the grammaticality of (29) with a telic interpretation. It is of course

possible to claim that only in the presence of a secondary predicate which is
gradable and closed scale, will a telic interpretation emerge in such configur-
ations, but if that is the case then we predict not the ungrammaticality of (28b),
but the impossibility of a telic interpretation. And finally, if it is assumed that a
resultative interpretation can emerge for ECM resultatives with the secondary
predicate corresponding to a result state, one must ask what excludes this deriv-
ation for transitive resultatives, or put differently, why predicate composition is
obligatory in transitive constructions, especially since at times (e.g. in (28b)) it
gives rise to ungrammaticality which would be avoided if it did not take place.
We note, in conclusion, that while some appropriate notions of gradability
and closed scale may be associated with telic resultatives, as they are indeed
with degree achievements in general, the view promoted here is that such an
interpretation is ultimately to be derived from the existence of a structured,
quantity predicate, and from the fact that the existence of such a quantity predi-
cate imposes gradability and some degree of boundedness on the event. Should
the adjective under consideration be conceptually amenable to such an inter-
pretation, felicity results. Should it be in conceptual discord with such an inter-
pretation, (conceptual) coercion is required.
As a final comment on this topic, note that if indeed it is the case that the sec-
ondary predicate in a resultative is not in and of itself associated with a subevent
of any sort, then its properties are fundamentally different in such construc-
tions from the properties of stative predicates in contexts such as those in (30),
or, for that matter, from the properties of stative predicates in causative con-
structions such as those in (31):
(30) a. Kim is sick.

b. Robin is off the stage.
(31) a. I made Kim sick.

b. I made the table dry/wet.
c. I made babies sick
Specifically, we assume that there is an event argument in (30) which is predi-

cated of a state, and in (31), plausibly, two event arguments, the second predi-
cated of a state, in contrast with resultative constructions, in which there is
no event argument of any sort associated with the secondary predicate. Thus
while the stative event in (3o)-(3i) is associated with functional event struc-
ture which may (or may not) license some event participants, arguments, the
secondary predicate in resultatives is not associated with any functional event
structure, and thus does not, in and of itself, license any event participants. It is
then basically a bare modifier. As a final note, we observe that as predicted, and
in contrast with (173), for example, (sic), to be true, does require the existence
of some sick babies.
8.2 What Gets Modified?

8.2.1 Preliminaries
Under consideration here is the extent to which our proposed building blocks
of (non-stative) event interpretation, originator, subject-of-quantity, quantity,
and possibly activity, are indeed grammatically real, insofar as predicate modi-
fiers make reference to them. In what follows I will illustrate that modification
is attested specifically for the predicates quantity, originator, and state, but that
there appear to be no cases that target activity, as such. If on the right track, this
suggests that although activity interpretation may emerge by default for some
event representations, it is not otherwise associated with a well-formed gram-
matical object, insofar as grammatical operations may not refer to it directly.7
8.2.2 Referring to quantity, referring to non-quantity

I already suggested (see Chapter 5, Section 5.2, as well as Chapter 7, Section 7.3),
that time measure phrases such as in-x-time are predicate modifiers of quanti-
ty, syntactically AspQ and as such, differ from adjunct phrases, which can assign
range to Lspê),]. Thus consider again the following paradigm, from Chapter 5:
(32) a. Kim ran once in two months.
b. Kim ran to the store in two hours.
c. *Kim ran in two months.
d. Kim loved Robin twice in three months.
e. #Kim loved Robin in three months.
Specifically, we noted that while once and twice give rise to a quantity read-
ing in contexts which otherwise bar one, or in which such a reading gives rise
to strong coercion, time-measure phrases do not. The conclusion I reached was
that while adverbials such as once do give rise to a quantity reading through
range assignment to [ASpQ{e}#] (see Chapter 7, Section 7.3, for discussion), this is
not the case for time measure phrases, which cannot change the fundamental
7
Modification of subject-of-quantity is not investigated here. We note that as subject-of-quantity
occurs in a proper subset of quantity constructions, illustrating the modification of subject-of-quantity,
rather than quantity as such, is not a trivial matter. On the other hand, as subject-of-quantity is structur-
ally constrained in obvious ways (i.e. it must be quantity when range assigner), its grammatical reality is
not in question. Subject-of-state is likewise expected to allow direct modification, but an illustration is
set aside, as we have not undertaken a detailed discussion of the properties of stative events.
properties of an event, but rather, require a well-formed [AspQ(e}#]that is, quan-

tity predicate, to be licit. Thus they are predicate modifiers of quantity and as
such their well-formedness is a true diagnostic of at least some, if not all, quan-
tity predicates.
Consider now the equally well-established test for the presence of atelic
predicates, co-occurrence with for x-time. Strictly speaking, for x-time is not
a predicate modifier, because unlike in x-time, which cannot affect a change
in event structure,/or x-time is in fact an operator of sorts, turning non-quan-
tity predicates to quantity predicates, or at least, to bound ones, in the sense of
Kiparsky (1998). Thus, note that an expression such as Kim ran for three hours is
non-homogeneous (and in fact, also meets Krifkas stronger, quantization con-
dition), in that no sub-event of it could be a running by Kim for three hours.
Following in essence Verkuyl (1972 and subsequent work), I will assume that
for x-time is an instantiation of outer aspect, in that the Kim ran portion of Kim
ran for three hours is truly an activity and remains so, and that as an activity it
is within the scope of for-three-hours. In fact, the need to define a domain for
the licensing offor-x-time phrases which is aspectually distinct from the out-
put of events thus modified provides independent evidence for the distinction
between inner aspect and outer aspect. In tmn,for-x-time phrases display what
I shall refer to as 'anti-telicity' effects, being barred in the presence of an AspQ
projection. It might be interesting to note thatfor-x-time phrases do differ from
once or twice, for instance, insofar as they require atelicitythat is, they are anti-
telicwhile once or twice may of course occur with both activity and quantity
(cf. John built the house twice), and thus cannot serve as indicators for the aspec-
tual nature of the predicates with which they occur.
Note now, with respect to the degree to which event structure must be fine-
grained, that for x-time is not restricted to activities, but is licit with statives as
well, as illustrated by (33). It thus emerges that the well-formedness of for x-time,
just like the well-formedness of in x-time, makes reference to (non)-quantity,
and not to activity as such. Most importantly, recall that a similar result emerged
for partitive case, the presence of which was indicative of the absence of AspQ,
and not the presence of any specific uniform atelic structure.
(33) a. Kim loved Robin for three years.
b. Robin lived in my house for seven months.
c. The bush was green for precisely three days.
d. The baby was asleep during the entire raid.
The question, of course, is whether there are any cases in which activity, as
such, is modified, as opposed to cases in which modification is sensitive to the
absence of quantity structure. An equally important question concerns the
difference between activity and state, both homogeneous. If no modification

distinguishes between the two, and partitive case and for x-time certainly do
not, then one wonders whether there is any motivation for postulating different
structures for activities and statives.
As it turns out, establishing different modiflcational possibilities for states
and non-states is a relatively straightforward matter. Thus manner adverbs such
as slowly and quickly will modify any non-stative event, be it quantity or activ-
ity, but not statives:
(34) a. Kim arrived slowly.
b. Robin ran quickly.
c. Pat pushed the cart quickly.
d. Jo build the house slowly.
(35) a. *Kim was sick slowly.
b. #Robin loved Pat slowly.
c. *Pat knew English quickly.
d. *Jo owned the house slowly.
I submit here that modification that distinguishes between stative and non-
stative predicates does exist, suggesting the grammatical reality of the event
type stative. Likewise, modification that distinguishes between quantity and
non-quantity predicates exists, suggesting the grammatical reality of the event
type quantity. It appears, however, that there are no modifiers that make refer-
ence to homogeneous, non-stative events, as such, suggesting that while activity
is certainly a well-defined notion, it does not have a direct grammatical reality,
but rather, is the interpretation associated with events that are neither quantity
nor stative.8
8.2.3 Anti-telicity effects r. Hebrew reflexive datives

We saw that both in x-time and for x-time made reference to the notion quanti-
ty, in x-time being a modifier of quantity (or AspQ), and/or x-time being exclud-
ed in the presence of quantity (or AspQ). Consider now an interesting aspect of
the logic of elements such as/or x-time, which we may refer to as 'anti-telic'. As
8
We note in this context that there is no prediction here that stative (intransitive) structures should be
unaccusative, in the sense that the sole argument merges at a point which is at least as low in the structure
as AspQ (and see Chapter 9 at n. 10 for a brief comment). We further note that to the extent that e.g. (ia) is
ambiguous between a stative and a non-stative reading, but (ib) is non-stative, there is further evidence
for the fact that verbs, as such, are neither stative nor non-stative, and that the event structure which
licenses manner adverbs likewise blocks a stative reading:
(i) a. The light shone on the parking lot.
b. The light shone quickly on the parking lot.
they preclude the projection of AspQ, they of course preclude the projection of
subject-of-quantity as well. When associated with transitive predicates, then,
the direct object must be in [Spec, FSP], receiving a default participant interpret-
ation and (by assumption) partitive case. Consider, however, the projection of
anti-telic elements in the context of intransitive predicates. Again, by assump-
tion, AspQ may not project, and a subject-of-quantity interpretation is blocked.
It thus follows that if there is an argument in need of licensing in the event, it
must be interpreted as an originator, or alternatively, as subject-of-state. Impor-
tantly, ifforx-time is anti-telic, rather than a modifier of, for example, activity or
originator, we expect intransitive structures with anti-telic effects to allow both
state and activity readings, as the impossibility of projecting AspQ is not suffi-
cient to otherwise determine whether the output is stative or eventive, in the
required sense.
Consider, from this perspective, Hebrew reflexive datives, already discussed
as a test for the existence of an 'external' argument (cf. Chapter 2, Section 2.1).
Reviewing, a reflexive dative may only enter into a coindexation relationship
with the subject of a transitive sentence, and never with the object, and it may
never be coindexed with the subject of a passive or with the (surface) subject of
a clearly telic intransitive. It may, however, be coindexed with either the subject
of an intransitive eventive predicate (activity) or of an intransitive non-eventive
predicate (stative).
(36) a. ha.klabim2 nabxu Ia.hem2.

the.dogs2 barked to.them2
b. rani 2 'akal Io2 'et ha.tapuaxbe-hana'a.
rani 2 ate fo.fe'm 2 OMthe.apple with-pleasure
c. rani 2 sama Io2 et ha.muziqabe-kep.
Rani heard2 to.him2 OM the.music in-fun
d. ha.kadur2 haya munax Io2 cal ha.sulxan.
the.bal!2 was [A laying] fo.zf 2 on the.table
(37) a. ha.spina2 saqca Ia2 (*toksalos sacot).
the.boat sank to.it (*in three hours)
b. ha.kadur2 hunax (*lo2) cal ha.sulxan.
the.ball [v placed.PASs] (*to.it) on the.table
c. rani hizmin (*la.hem2) et ha.yeladim2.
Rani invited (*to.them) OM the.children
We further noted that reflexive datives not only do not require culmination,
they actually block culmination, even in the presence of an appropriate'external'
argument to be coindexed with, illustrated here by the examples in (38), verbs

that strongly suggest culmination:
(38) a. rani haraglo'et ha.yatusim (le-ito/bemesexxacisaca/
Rani killed to.him the.mosquitoes (slowly/for half an hour/
*tokxacisa c a).
*in half an hour)
b. #ranipoceclo et ha.balon.
Rani blew to.him OM the.balloon
(possible under changed presuppositions about balloons and what it
takes to blow them)
The absence of culmination with reflexive datives could not, however, be
taken as evidence for equating them with the English progressive. Specifically,
the English progressive, as is well known, is oblivious to the role of arguments
or to the position in which they are licensed. In particular, the progressive is
equally felicitous with telics, atelics, and at least some statives, as well as with
passives:9
(39) a. The wall is touching the fence.
b. The workers were being fired.
c. Bill is reaching the summit.
d. Kim is running.
e. The train is arriving.
Reflexive datives, on the other hand, cannot co-occur with passives or with
telic intransitives, as already illustrated by (37). In view of the sensitivity of
reflexive datives to the nature of the arguments with which they are associated,
as opposed to the neutrality of the English progressive, it is plausible to assume
that the English progressive is a case of outer aspect, in the sense of Verkuyl
(1972 and subsequent literature). The progressive has the event in its entirety
within its scope and its function, in essence, is to negate the events culmina-
tion point (if there is one). Something else is going on in the case of reflex-
ive datives, which are directly involved in the projection of the inner event
structure.
9
In Chapter 10, Section 10.3,1 return to the fact, often observed, that the progressive with so-called
achievement verbs is sometimes assumed to have a distinct interpretation from that associated with the
progressive with activities or accomplishments. What is of significance here, however, is that regard-
less of whether or not this difference is theoretically important, (39C, e), and, likewise, (50), below, are
assigned an interpretation. No interpretation, anticipatory or otherwise, is available for (sSb). Thus,
regardless of how one chooses to analyse the grammaticality of (3gc, e), it is clearly not sensitive to the
presence or absence of an external argument.
Note now that reflexive datives could not be considered modifiers of origi-
nators. Presumably, adverbs such as carefully could be considered as such, and
likewise, in Hebrew, adverbs such as bezehirut 'carefully'. Such modifiers, how-
ever, are impossible in stative contexts, while reflexive datives are licit:
(40) a. rani2 sama (Io2) et ha.muziqa (#be-zehirut).

Rani2 heard2 to.him2 OM the.music in-fun (#carefully)
(possible with an activity reading, essentially listen, rather than hear)
b. rina2 qarna (Ia2) me-'oser (#be-zehirut).
Rina2 glowed to.her2 from happiness (#carefully)
c. ha.kadur2 haya munax (Io2) cal ha.sulxan (*be-zehirut).
the.bal!2 was [A laying] to.zf2 on the table (^carefully)
Nor can we say, given the structural account developed here, that there is
some atelic structure, ranging over statives and activities, such that reflexive
datives must be associated with it.
We could, however, attribute to reflexive datives anti-telicity effects, in assum-
ing that they bar the projection of AspQ. The result would be that they would
straightforwardly prevent a subject-of-quantity reading from being assigned
to any argument. With monadic predicates, that would translate directly to the
obligatoriness of either a subject-of-state or originator reading.
More concretely, suppose now that reflexive datives are (inner aspect) opera-
tors on events, and that as such, they merge at E. Suppose further that as ele-
ments that merge at E, they exhibit a coindexation relation with [Spec.EP], a
coindexation that is overtly marked, and is referential in nature, and which is
realized, in the case of reflexive datives, as gender, number, and person agree-
ment. The configuration for reflexive datives is thus as in (41):
(41) [ EP DP i E+RD i <-<jwattfif7> i ]
We suggested that range is typically assigned to (e>E, the head of EP, through
an overt element in its specifier position (but see Chapter 9 for much addition-
al discussion). We further noted that the DP in [Spec.EP] need not be an ori-
ginator, or, for that matter, a DP with any particular role. A referential DP in
[Spec, DP] which is not otherwise assigned a role, however, would be interpret-
ed in [Spec.EP] as an originator of a non-stative event. Consider, in view of
this, what could be the interpretation of DP in (41). It could of course be an
originator, as instantiated by (36a-b). It could, further, be a subject-of-state, in
case it is assigned such a role in some position below [Spec,EP], as instantiated,
for instance, by (40). It could not however be subject-of-quantity, quite simply
because AspQ is by assumption prevented from projecting. Finally, due to the
referential nature of the coindexation in (41), the DP in [Spec.EP] could not be

an expletive, a prediction confirmed by the ungrammaticality of (42):
(42) ze hirgiz (*lo) bti se-rani sub 'exer.
it annoyed (to.it) me that-Rani again late.PST.
In conclusion, the properties of the reflexive dative follow in full.

On a final note, we hinted already (see Chapter 2 at n. 28) that reflexive datives,
while compatible with states, are nevertheless impossible in the context of indi-
vidual level predicates, as the contrasts in (^-(44) illustrate:
c
(43) a. ha.pesel amadlo ba-pina.
the.sculpture stood to.it in-the.corner
"The sculpture was standing in the corner.'
b. dani hayaxolelo be-kefkolha.semester.
Daniwas sick to.him in-fun all the.semester
'Dani was sick, and enjoyed it, all semester.'
(deliberate reading possible, but not necessary)
c. rina sam c ala et ha.simfonia be-kef.
Rina heard to.her OM the.symphony in-fun
'Rina heard the symphony with pleasure.'
(44) a. binyan ha.kneset camad (#lo) mul ha.universita.
building the.Knesset stood (#to.it) opposite the.university
"The Knesset building stood/#was standing opposite the University.'
b. ha.tinoq haya xole (#lo) mi-leyda.
the.baby was sick (#to.him) from-birth
"The baby was congenitally sick'
c. ze'ebim somcim (*lahem) qolot mimerxaqim gdolim.
wolves hear (*to. them) voiced from distances large
'Wolves hear voices from large distances.'10
If the analysis of reflexive datives proposed here, linking them crucially to E,

is on the right track, their impossibility in individual-level and generic contexts
would be entirely consistent with, and would indeed lend support to, the claim
made in Kratzer (1989 and subsequent work) that there is no event argument
for such predicates.
10
To the extent that (44a-b) may be 'coerced' this follows from whatever conditions determine the
possible transitional nature of the position of buildings or controlling congenital sickness. To the extent
that (44c), in contrast, is ungrammatical, this follows from the fact that pre-verbal bare plurals in Hebrew
must receive a generic interpretation for structural reasons.
8.2.4 Anti-telicity effects 2: nominalizer -ing

Evidence is directly available from the paradigm in (45) that the nominalizer
-ing, just like Hebrew reflexive datives, is an anti-telic element (and compare
with (46)). The examples in (47), with so-called achievement verbs, which, we
shall claim in Chapter 10, Section 10.2, are idioms incorporating a range assign-
er to [AspQ(e}#] and are hence obligatorily quantity structures, give rise to a highly
coercive, if not ungrammatical reading:
(45) a. Kim's formulating of government policy {for several weeks/*in two

weeks/??twice}
b. Pat's forming of a complex event {for three minutes/*in two minutes/
??twice}
c. Robin's dissolving of several chemicals {for three hours/*in two
hours/??twice}
d. Inny's writing of the letter {for three hours/*in two hours/??twice}
(46) a. Kim's formulation of government policy {twice/in two weeks}

b. Pat's formation of a complex event {twice/in two minutes}
c. Robin's dissolution of several chemicals {twice/in two hours}
(47) a. */#Kim's reaching of the summit

b. */#Pat's ending of the flood
c. */#Robin's finding of (the) oil
d. */#The bulldozer's hitting of (the) bedrock
Interestingly, the anti-telic effects attested in (45), (47) are not present in ger-
unds, as indicated by the full grammaticality of the following, suggesting that
the property in question is not related to the morpheme -ing as such, or alter-
natively, that there is more than one -ing morphemeone anti-telic, the other
neutral.11
(48) a. Kim formulating government policy {for several weeks/in two

weeks/twice}
b. Pat forming a complex event {for three minutes/in two minutes/
twice}
11
Alexiadou (2001) attributes a similar observation to Graham Katz (pers. comm.), who also notes
that verbal gerunds are grammatical with stative predicates, unlike -ing nominals, a point to which I
return shortly. In assuming that -ing within gerunds has distinct properties from -ing as a nominalizer,
I disagree with Pustejovsky (1995) and Siegel (1997), who argue that verbal gerund -ing and nominalizer
-ing (in event contexts) are one and the same, and that both have a progressive interpretation (and see
below on the comparison with the progressive).
c. Robin dissolving several chemicals {for three hours/in two hours/

twice}.
d. Inny writing the letter {for three hours/in two hours/twice}.
(49) a. Kim reaching the summit.

b. Pat ending the flood.
c. Robin finding (the) oil.
d. The bulldozer hitting (the) bedrock.
In blocking culmination, nominal -ing does appear to directly share the

properties of progressive -ing. And indeed, the claim that nominalizing -ing is a
progressive marker inside a deverbal formation has been made by Pustejovsky
(1995) and by Siegel (1997) (and see also Portner 1992; Zucchi 1989,1993, among
others). There are, however, some notable differences between the behaviour of
progressive -ing and nominalizer -ing. Specifically, we noted already that pro-
gressive -ing does assign an interpretation to (50) (albeit a non-culminating
one), but in the context of nominal -ing no such interpretation is available, as we
already saw in (47), thereby showing that a straightforward unification of these
two occurrences of -ing is not possible (and see n. 9 for some relevant discus-
sion):
(50) a. Kim is reaching the summit.

b. Pat is ending the flood.
c. Robin is finding oil.
d. ?The bulldozer is hitting bedrock.
Recall now that a similar contrast was attested with reflexive datives, likewise
impossible with unambiguous telic structures.
Consider now the following well-known contrasts, discussed originally in
Chomsky (1970) (and see Harley and Noyer 1997 for a recent discussion):
(51) a. Kim wrote up the letter,

b. Kim wrote the letter up.
(52) a. Kim was writing up the letter,

b. ?Kim was writing the letter up.
(53) a. Kim writing up the letter,

b. Kim writing the letter up.
(54) a. Kim's writing up of the letter,

b. *Kims writing of the letter up.
Here, again, we note a difference between the progressive, the verbal gerund,
and nominalizer -ing. The progressive shows some marginality, though not
extreme, when the particle and the verb are separated (sib). The verbal gerund
exhibits precisely the same behaviour as the non -ing verbal paradigm in (51),
with no ill-effects emerging. But in the presence of nominalizer -ing, ungram-
maticality results when the verb is separated from the particle.
We touched briefly upon this paradigm in Chapter 7, Section 7.3.3, where we
suggested that locative prepositions such as up, as in the case of write DP up, are
predicate modifiers of AspQ. We noted specifically the contrasts in (55) (under
a single event interpretation), as lending support to the obligatoriness of AspQ
when up is separated from the verb:
(55) a. We ate up sandwiches (for hours/all afternoon/*in three hours),
b. ??We ate sandwiches up (for hours/in three hours).
Note now that if this is at all on the right track, then it suggests that the status
of nominalizer -ing as blocking culmination and the status of the progressive
as blocking culmination are very different indeed. Although the progressive
blocks a culmination reading in (sib), and although up, when separated from
the verb, is by assumption a predicate modifier of AspQ, and hence requires its
projection, no ungrammaticality results. In other words, the occurrence of the
progressive here is compatible with the occurrence of AspQ, although culmina-
tion is negated. For nominalizer -ing, culmination is likewise blocked, but here
the presence of up, an obligatory AspQ modifier when separated from the verb,
does give rise to ungrammaticality.
This paradoxical situation lends itself to an immediate resolution, however,
if we assume that the progressive is an instance of outer aspect, in the sense
of Verkuyl (1972,1993). That is, if we assume that it is an operator which takes
scope over an event template constructed independently, much like negation
(e.g. the train did not arrive means that there was no event of a train arriving,
and not that there was an event of a train not-arriving), or alternatively, like/or-
x-time phrases, which take structures without AspQ as their input and return a
bound event, but which nevertheless leave argument assignment intact within
the inner aspectual domain. This, however, is not the case for nominalizer -ing,
whose effect on the event structure we must view in terms of inner rather than
outer aspect. Specifically, while the progressive has scope over a projected AspQ,
acting to negate culmination if it exists, nominalizer -ing, just like Hebrew
reflexive datives, blocks the projection of AspQ altogether. It does not negate
culmination, in short, but prevents quantity predicates from ever emerging.
Such an account, note, will immediately rule in (50) and (sib) and rule out (47)
and (54b), the latter with a predicate modifier of AspQ, which, in the presence
of an element that blocks the projection of AspQ cannot be licensed.12
That -ing nominals are always atelic is a conclusion also reached by Snyder
(1998) and Alexiadou (2001). Suppose, however, we stretch the comparison with
reflexive datives in Hebrew even further, and we assume that as an anti-telic
element, nominalizer -ing must be associated with the event argumentthat
is, it must project in Eand that just like reflexive datives, it is coindexed, as a
result, with an argument in [Spec.EP]. The emerging structure, omitting irrel-
evant details, is as in (56).
(56) [ D P ... \wV-ing[EP DP-<e> E ... [ VP ]]]
In (56), skipping some matters of execution, -ing further moves and merges
with EP, thereby giving rise to an N projection (see also van Hout and Roeper
1998, for the assumption that nominalizing -ing is generated within the event
structure). The structure in (5 6) gives rise to a post-V+ mgargument in [Spec, EP],
which maybe realized directly, as in (57), all, note, non-culminating events:13
(57) a. the sinking of the ship (Intransitive reading)
b. the falling of stock prices
c. the slipping of standards
d. the laughing of the boys
e. the jumping of the cows
f. the dancing of the fairies
Alternatively, the DP in [Spec, EP] may raise to [Spec, DP], a raising forced in
transitive contexts (and see Borer 1999^ and forthcoming for a more detailed
discussion of event structure within nominals). Note now that if we are correct
and -ing is an anti-telicity marker, we expect the impossibility, in [Spec.EP] (or
[Spec,DP]), of a subject-of-quantity argument. Therefore, just as we predict-
12
A detailed study of the historical and semantic relations between progressive -ing and nominalizer
-ing is clearly outside the scope of this enterprise. A full account must, of course, take note both of the
ways in which they are the same (e.g. ill blocking culmination) and the way in which they seem to oper-
ate at different levels, with differing scope properties.
13
The existence, in English, of argument-structure nominals derived from atelic verbs (i.e. unergative
verbs) is at times disputed (see Picallo 1992; Alexiadou 2001). That the nominals in (5/d-f) are indeed
argument-structure nominals is (Complex Event Nominals in the terminology of Grimshaw 1990) evi-
dent from the following:
(i) a. The frequent laughing of the boys from dawn till dusk.
b. Thedeliberatejumpingofthecows.
c. The constant dancing of the fairies.
See Rozwadowska (2000) for detailed argumentation for the existence of such nominals, as well as for
a review of the evidence for the existence of intransitive (unergative) argument-structure nominals in
Slavic languages.
ed the ungrammaticality of the transitive achievements in (47), we predict the

ungrammaticality of intransitive achievements as in (58), under the assump-
tion, already touched upon, that achievements, so-called, are complex expres-
sions including a range assigner to [ASpQ{e}#]:
(58) a. */#the arriving of the train (at 5pm)
b. */#the erupting of Vesuvius
c. */#the exploding of the balloon
The ungrammaticality of (58) is particularly noteworthy, as it contrasts minim-
ally with the grammaticality of (59):"
(59) a. the arrival of the train
b. the eruption of Vesuvius
c. the explosion of the balloon
We note that here, too, nominalizer -ing parts company with both progres-
sives and gerunds:
(60) a. The train arriving at 5pm (is unlikely).
b. Vesuvius erupting this morning was very unfortunate.
c. ...as was the balloon exploding.
(61) a. The train is arriving.
b. Vesuvius is erupting.
c. The balloon is exploding.
Further, the DP in [Spec.EP] not only cannot be subject-of-quantity, it also
cannot be an expletive, if we assume the indexation in question to be referen-
tial in nature. That expletives are indeed excluded, is well known (and see again
Chomsky 1970); cf. the ungrammaticality of the much discussed examples
in(62): 15
(62) a. *Its constant seeming that John is late,
b. *The constant seeming that John is late.
14
We note in this context that given the well-formedness of pairs such as formation-forming, formu-
lation-formulating, survival-surviving, and many others, which may co-occur in similar environments
(precisely because none involve an achievement), indicates that the contrast between (58) and (59) can-
not be reduced to some sort of a blocking effect.
15
Example (6ib) is ungrammatical under the assumption that either [Spec,EP] is unfilled, or, alter-
natively, that it is occupied by a PRO receiving an expletive interpretation, an impossibility. The text dis-
cussion does explain the impossibility of expletive or null subjects for -ing nominals, but remains silent
on the impossibility of raising to subject, also observed in Chomsky (1970), as in (i). For additional dis-
cussion, see Borer (forthcoming):
(i) "John's constant seeming to run.
Again, no such restriction is attested for either gerunds or progressives.

It turns out, however, that the restrictions on the DP in [Spec.EP] go beyond
those which hold for reflexive datives in Hebrew, in allowing only an originator
in [Spec,EP], and specifically, in excluding a subject-of-state. That this is indeed
the case, and that similar restrictions do not hold for gerund -ing (or, for that
matter, nominals formed with affixes other than -ing) is illustrated by the fol-
lowing paradigm:
(63) a. Kim's loving of Pat

b. Kim's feeling of {#the cold/the coat on his shoulders}
c. #The wall's touching of the fence
d. #Kim's hearing of the symphony
(64) a. Kim loving Pat
b. Kim feeling the cold/the coat on his shoulders
c. The wall touching the fence
Under the most salient reading of love, it is a stative predicate. Feel and touch
are compatible with both stative and non-stative readings; which one is applic-
able is often directly determined by context. Thus in combination with the
weather, feel has a salient stative reading, and in combination with stationary
objects, such as wall orfence, touch has a salient stative reading. In the context of
gerunds, the salient readings are maintained. Examples (64a-c) may all receive
a stative interpretation. This is not the case, however, for (63). Stative interpret-
ation is not available at all, and the felicity of the nominals depends exclusively
on the extent to which they can be interpreted as non-stative and their subject
as an originator. Finally, it might be interesting to note here that the progres-
sive does not treat these cases uniformly. While feel and touch do allow a stative
reading with the progressive, such a reading is not available for love, for reasons
that remain mysterious here. We do note that to the extent that progressive -ing
is incompatible with at least some stative events, it shows, again, a subset of the
properties of nominalizing -ing:
(65) a. #Kim is loving Pat.
b. Robin is feeling the cold.
c. The wall is touching the fence.
We must therefore conclude that nominalizer -ing has all the properties
of Hebrew reflexive datives, but that in addition it is a modifier of originator,
therefore forcing its projection, with the exclusion of stative readings following.
Alternatively, but equivalently, we may say that in addition to being an anti-telic
element, it is also an anti-stative element, potentially making impossible the

projection of any event structure below EP.16
To conclude this section on a somewhat theory-internal note, the sceptical
reader, having made it thus far, might now object that the behaviour of nom-
inalizer -ing is in fact evidence for the existence of activities as grammatical
objects which maybe directly modified, that is, that -ing forces the projection of
an activity structure, exclusive of both quantity and stative structures. However,
postulating -ing as a modifier of activities cannot possibly be sufficient. Activ-
ities, as we already noted, do not force the projection of an originator, as is the
case with activity weather predicates, for instance, which are in turn not possi-
ble as -mgnominals:
(66) a. It rained constantly for several hours yesterday,
b. *The constant raining for several hours yesterday
At the very least, then, -ing the nominalizer must be specified as a modifier
of activity and as an originator modifier, thereby forcing the projection of both,
otherwise not forced in activities. Thus, postulating a grammatical object activ-
ity, which may be directly modified by -ing, does not in actuality simplify the
statement of the latter's properties. In fact, it is otherwise costly, disallowing us
to unify, at least up to a point, the properties of -ing and reflexive datives, and
forcing us to make reference here to activity, which is otherwise never directly
modified (and see Section 8.3 for some additional brief comments).
8.3 A Somewhat Speculative Note on the Conceptual Status

of Some Predicate Modifiers
In a fundamental way, the view advocated in this book is a constructionist one.
It is structure that assigns interpretation. Listemes are modifiers of that struc-
ture, rather than determinants of it. To return to the paradigm repeated in (67),
the model allows us to say that in (673), there is an event which is neither stat-
ive nor quantity, and an originator of it, and that the event is modified by a siren
noise. In (67b), on the other hand, there is a quantity event, which is modified
by a siren noise, etc.
16
As raising to [Spec,DP] must be through [Spec,EP],andas subject-of-quantity is blocked in V-mg
nominals, it emerges that any DP in the specifier of V-mgnominals must receive an originator interpret-
ation, therefore deriving the well-known ungrammaticality of (ii):
(ii) *the city's bombing (by the army)
For a detailed discussion of this, as well as a fuller analysis of event structure within -ing nominals and
others, including the licensing of -ing in cases such as the bombing of the city, see Borer (1999^, forth-
coming).
(67) a. The fire stations sirened throughout the raid.

b. The factory sirened midday and everyone stopped for lunch.
c. The police sirened the Porsche to a stop.
d. The police car sirened up to the accident.
e. The police car sirened the daylights out of me. (Clark and Clarki979)
It is nevertheless a clear fact of natural language that many verbs do not actu-
ally occur in all the environments in (673-6). While we have noted that many a
verb typically assumed to be telic or atelic, unaccusative or unergative, respec-
tively, do in fact occur in either context, there nevertheless remain verbs that do
not exhibit such freedom.
As it turns out, the bulk of unyielding (non-stative) verbs belong to two cat-
egories. One is that of so-called achievements, and we return to those at some
length in Chapter 10. The other is that of intransitive manner verbs which refuse
quantity event structure, as illustrated by (68)-(69), contrasted with (70).
(68) a. *le-mi ha.kelebrac? (Hebrew)
to-who the.dog ran?
(Under the interpretation'whose dog ran?')
b. *le-mi ha.xatulayilela?
to-who the.cat meowed?
(Under the interpretation'whose cat meowed?')
c. *le-mi ha.tuki mepatpet?
to-who the.parrot chats?
(Under the interpretation'whose parrot chats?')
d. *le-mi ha.kursa hitnadneda?
to-whom the.armchair rocked?
(69) a. ha.keleb rac lo. (Hebrew)
the.dog ranto.him
"The dog ran/was running.'
b. ha.xatula yilela la.
the.cat meowed to.her
"The cat meowed/was meowing.'
c. ha.tuki mepatpet lo.
the.parrot chatters to.him
"The parrot is chattering.'
d. ha.kursa hitnadneda la.
the.armchair rocked to.it
"The armchair was rocking.'
(70) a. le-mi ha.perax nabal?/ha.perax nabal lo. (Hebrew)

to-who the.flower wilted?/the.flower wilted to.him
'Whose flower wilted?/The flower wilted/was wilting.'
b. le-mi ha.kursa zaza?/ha.kursa zaza la.
to-who the.armchair moved?/the.armchair moved to.her
'Whose armchair moved?/The armchair moved/was moving.'
c. le-mi ha.tiax hitporer?/ha.tiax hitporer lo.
to-who the.plaster crumbled/the.plaster crumbled to.him
'Whose plaster crumbled?/The plaster crumbled/was crumbling.'
Recall that possessor datives must c-command their possessed, and that
reflexive datives, anti-telic elements, must be coindexed with an argument in
[Spec,EP] which is distinct from subject-of-quantity. Note that given the sys-
tem we have developed here, this in effect forces a single direct argument to be
in [Spec, AspJ in order to be bound by a possessor dative. Consider why this
is so. In order to be within the c-command domain of the possessor dative, the
single argument of an intransitive (or its lowest copy) cannot be in [Spec.EP]
or [Spec.TP]. On the other hand, the only lower positions in which it may be
instantiated (setting aside the precise structure for statives) are [Spec, AspQ] and
[Spec.FP]. FP, in turn, is barred in principle in intransitive contexts, as it must
assign partitive (objective) case. It thus emerges that in intransitive contexts, a
direct argument that is bound by a possessor dative must, at the very least, have
a copy in [Spec, AspQ], or differently put, it must be subject-of-quantity. The fact
that manner intransitives cannot co-occur with possessor datives thus indicates
that the subject of these intransitives (or its copy) cannot be in [Spec, AspQ], and
cannot be interpreted as subject-of-quantity. We do expect them to co-occur
with reflexive datives, of course, which is confirmed by the grammaticality of
(69). In this respect, they contrast with the intransitives in (70) which can occur
both with reflexive datives and with possessor datives, with distinct implica-
tions for telicity, as already discussed in Chapter 2, Section 2.1.
Now, why should this be so? Note that viewed from the perspective of con-
ventional lexical semantics, verbs such as moveHebrew zaz, and verbs such as
rock and swingHebrew hitnadned, are not very different. Both denote motion,
neither requires a volitional agent (none is +m in the terminology of Reinhart
2000), both are compatible with an external cause and with an internal cause
interpretation, employing Levin and Rappaport Hovav's (1995) distinction.
Why, then, should one be comfortable both as atelic/unergative and as telic/
unaccusative, but the other be restricted to an atelic/unergative template?
The answer, I believe, resides ultimately in an understanding of the relations
that hold between concepts in a properly formulated theory of concepts. In
essence, note, whatever specifications are associated with the concept of mov-
ing are a proper subset of the specifications associated with the concept of rock-
ing (differently put, move is less marked than rock). Those specifications of the
concept rock which constitute added information with respect to the concept
'move' make reference to the manner in which movement was performed, and
hence, perforce, to the existence of an origin for that movementthat is, an ori-
ginator. As a listeme, then.'rocA;' is best viewed as a modifier of originator, but not
so with move. If rock is a modifier of originator, then an originator mustproject,
and if the event in question has only one argument, an activity, non-quantity
interpretation emerges as a consequence of the failure of range assignment to
[Aspa(e}#]. It might be worthwhile to recall here that the failure is precisely due to
the failure of range assignment to [ASpQ(e}#]> and not due to the fact that there is
no subject-of-quantity. Thus, under the plausible assumption that take-over is
likewise a modifier of originator, we note that in cases such as (713), already dis-
cussed in Chapter 7, Section 7.3.2, the argument is an originator, but a quantity
interpretation is available. Likewise, if we are correct in assuming that adverbs
such as twice can assign range to [ASpQ(e}#] (?ib) is a quantity event, although run
is a modifier of originator (and Kim is indeed an originator):
(71) a. The army took over in two weeks.
b. Kim ran twice (on Sunday and on Monday).
We discussed already the function of both reflexive datives and nominalizer
-ing as anti-telic elements, as well as the function of nominalizer -ing as a modi-
fier of originator. Note in this context that the verbs in (69) cannot be viewed as
anti-telic in the required sense, as they are fully compatible with telicity, nor can
they be viewed as modifiers of activity. Not only the grammaticality of (71), but
also the grammaticality of the paradigm in (72^(73), shows that they are fully
compatible with a quantity interpretation and with a subject-of-quantity, when
transitive:
(72) a. Mary ran the marathon.

b. Bill laughed his way into the executive suite.
c. Marcia whistled the thief away.
d. Marcia whistled The Blue Danube (in five minutes).
(73) a. Mary ran a run.
b. Bill laughed a big laugh.
c. Marcia whistled a whistle.
In (72)-(73) quantity is licensed quite simply because there is an addition-
al DP, which is in turn quantity and thus can assign range to [ASPQ (e)t] (and see
Mittwoch 1998, where the role of cognate objects as telicity inducers is spelled
out in great detail).
We already admitted the existence of predicate modifiers of quantity (e.g. in
three hours), non-quantity (i.e. structures in which AspQ does not project), (for
three hours, Hebrew reflexive dative and nominalizing -ing), as well as of origin-
ator, (i.e. nominalizer -ing). We argued independently that subject-of-quantity
is a grammatical object, in that it is structurally constrained in well-defined
ways and fulfils a well-defined grammatical function (see n. 7 for some relevant
comments). We suggested, in contrast, that activities do not have a well-defined
dedicated structure, that there are no modifiers which are restricted to activ-
ities, and that the range of interpretations associated with the listemes in (68)-
(69) and (?2)-(73) is entirely consistent with this conclusion. Nor are there, to
the best of my knowledge, any adverbials that are restricted to activities, includ-
ing those which may occur without an originator, but which exclude all other
event types. If this is indeed so, it provides further evidence for the conclusion
that activity is a derived notion and not in and of itself a well-formed grammat-
ical object.
This point made, it is nevertheless the case that the predicate modifiers dis-
cussed until now were all fundamentally functional, and not listemes. As such,
their existence is entirely consistent with the view that listemes, as such, do not
determine syntactic structures. The role of listemes such as the verbs in (68)-
(69) as originator modifiers, in effect forcing the projection of a particular syn-
tactic structure, thus represents a clear way in which the conceptual array does,
albeit indirectly, impact syntactic structure.
The role of non-functional modifiers in affecting argument structure is well
known, as the following examples illustrate:
(74) a. Mary pleased the neighbours deliberately.
b. Pat died quickly.
c. The noise irritated the neighbours quickly.
(75) a. #The music pleased the neighbours deliberately.
b. #Pat died competently.
c. #Mary feared the storm deliberately/quickly/fast.
(76) a. Kim moved deliberately/competently (??in two hours/for two
hours),
b. Robin moved quickly (in two hours/for two hours).
Deliberately and competently are typically classified as modifiers of an origin-
ator (agent-manner adverbs), thereby giving rise to the oddity of (753-0), where
an originator reading is inconsistent with world knowledge. Quickly and fast,
on the other hand, are modifiers of non-stative predicates, (but not necessarily
requiring an originator), and hence in the context of a stative event, such as that
in (750), oddity emerges. Consider finally (76). Because deliberately and com-
petently are originator modifiers, and because the conceptual array allows only
one argument, the event in (763) cannot be a quantity event, as there is no range
assigner to [ASpQ{e}#] A quantity reading is possible, however, in (76b), as quickly
is not a modifier of an originator, but rather, a modifier of non-stative predi-
cates, compatible with both quantity and non-quantity interpretation.
The interaction of predicate modifiers with argument structure is often
viewed in terms of secondary predication (cf. Zubizarreta 1982,1987, and much
subsequent work). Within such a view, secondary predicates assign themat-
ic roles to arguments, which are, in a sense, superimposed on, or composed
with, the role assigned by verbs, to give rise to a complex role. Within the model
developed here, note, the distinction between primary and secondary predica-
tion, as far as the distinction between verbs and adverbs goes, cannot be for-
mulated. In a fundamental sense, all listemes are 'secondary' predicates, in that
roles are assigned to arguments by functional structure, and listemes are always
modifiers of structures, rather than determinants of it, be they verbs, adverbs,
or adjectives. What then could be the role played by such members of the con-
ceptual array in the system developed here? How is it best to characterize their
interaction with the functional event templates created through the computa-
tional system?
The reader may recall that I suggested that the primary mode of interface
between the grammar and the conceptual system is by means of comparing out-
puts. The interpretation assigned to a grammatical object by the computational
system is matched against world knowledge, meaning of specific concepts, etc.
Such matching returns a result ranging along a continuum from the completely
felicitous to the highly abnormal, depending specifically on the degree to which
the interpretation returned by the grammar deviates from world knowledge, on
the one hand, and the salient value of specific concepts, on the other hand. The
logic of the system thus dictates that the more specificthat is, markedthe
concept, the larger the number of event templates that will clash with it. In turn,
the more unmarked the concept, the smaller the number of event templates that
will clash with it. Thus, to the extent that we are correct in assuming that rock, for
example, is more marked, as a concept, than move, the fact that rock clashes with
more event templates than move follows. To the extent that listemes do affect the
interpretation, then, they do so by selecting among possible structures, rather
than by creating them.
Byway of lending some support to this picture, note that the radical freedom
exhibited by siren with respect to the range of event templates that it allows (cf.
(67)) is a trait that is characteristic of tokens newly introduced, spontaneously

coined, and otherwise the least standardized of listemes. The more standard-
ized the use, the more conceptually marked it becomes, and the less likely it is to
continue to allow, without coercive cost, a wide range of event templates. In this
context, let us conduct a bit of a thought experiment, comparing the paradigm
in (77) with the conventionalized verb dog, with the paradigm in (78), with the
non-conventionalized verb cat, and assigning freely to (78a-e) whatever inter-
pretation seems plausible in the context:
(77) a. I dogged during class.

b. I dogged midday and everyone stopped for lunch.
c. I dogged the Porsche to a stop.
d. I dogged up to the accident.
e. I dogged the daylights out of him.
(78) a. I catted during class.
b. I catted midday and everyone stopped for lunch.
c. I catted the Porsche to a stop.
d. I catted up to the accident.
e. I catted the daylights out of him.
The only difference between (77) and (78) is that the usage of dog as a verb
has already picked up on a very specific subset of the conceptual properties of
the animal dog, in effect creating a concept separate from, albeit linked to, that
of domestic canines. As in (773, b, d) the conventional interpretation is uncom-
fortable with the event structure, and oddity results. The homophony between
the concept dog, as in following tenaciously, and the concept dog, as in a domes-
tic canine, may give rise to a blocking effect for the insertion of the concept dog
(domestic canine) fully productively in any event structure. Not so with cat,
which has not been conventionalized in its verbal use with any specific proper-
ties of cats, and hence remains a uniform concept across all its occurrences. For
that reason, embedding cat within all the event templates in (78) remains largely
possible, subject to the use of any appropriate properties of cat as the modifier
of the relevant event template (including, but not restricted to napping like a
cat, plausible in (783), emitting cat sounds, plausible in (78a-e), moving fur-
tively like a cat, plausible in (783, c-e), etc.). Broadly speaking, then, to acquire
a conventional knowledge of a listeme is to have narrowed down the range of
its associations with possible conceptual properties sufficiently so as to allow
the conceptual exclusion of some computational outputs. This notion, note, is
rather different from the conventional one, in which a lexical entry represents
a particular insertion frame, and other insertion frame possibilities require an
increase in computational complexity (through lexical mapping rules, syntac-

tic operations, typeshifting, etc.). Here, the cost is in the narrowing down of
the range of possible computational outputs, and not in their increase. As is
argued in Borer (2003^), the 'narrowing down effect is very much confirmed
by errors made by young children, who freely assume that any verb stem can be
inserted in just about any syntactic context. We leave this topic aside here, not-
ing that although it is crucial to our understanding of the interface between the
conceptual system and language, its resolution almost certainly resides in the
understanding of the conceptual component, a task well beyond the scope of
this work.
Part III
Locatives and Event Structure
9
The Existential Road:

Unergatives and Transitives
9.1 Introduction: Post-verbal Nominatives

At the heart of Part III of this book is the following well-known paradigm from
Italian and Hebrew:
(1) a. Sono arrivati (molti) student!. (Italian)
are arrived (many) students
(2) a. parca mehuma (ha.boqer). (Hebrew)
erupted.F.sc riot.F.SG (this.morning)
b. hitxilu hapganot (ha.boqer).
started.M.PL demonstrations (this.morning)
c. hopiac casan laban ba-samayim (ha.boqer).
appeared smoke white in-the.sky (this.morning)
(3) a. parcu salos mehumot.
erupted three riots
b. hitxilu harbe hapganot.
started many demonstrations
c. hopiac harbe casan laban ba-samayim.
appeared much smoke white in-the.sky
(4) a. *parac ha.vikuax (ha.boqer).
erupted.M.sc the.argument.M.SG
b. *hitxilu kol ha.hapganot (ha.boqer).
started.M.PL all the.demonstrations (this.morning)
c. *hopiac ha.casan ha.laban ba-samayim (ha.boqer).
appeared the.smoke the.white in-the.sky (this.morning)
(5) a. *cabad ganan.
worked.M.sc gardener.M.sc
256 Locatives and Event Structure
b. *caxaqa yalda.
laughed.F.sc girl
c. *nazlu mayim.
dripped.M.PL water.M.PL
The facts illustrated by (i)- (5) are well known and extend beyond just Hebrew
and Italian. For the languages under consideration, they have been discussed by
Borer (1980,1983,1986) and Shlonsky (1987,1997) (Hebrew), and Belletti (1988)
(Italian). Both languages allow post-verbal nominative case assignment in Vi
contexts (attested in these cases through subject-verb agreement). While in
Italian post-verbal nominatives are possible for unergative constructions and
in the presence of defmiteness, Belletti (1988) shows that in these cases the post-
verbal nominative is structurally higher, and certainly not within the traditional
VP domain or in its 'original' argument position, be it the complement of V or
the specifier of VP. Only in unaccusative and passive constructions are post-
verbal nominatives 'closer to the verb', in what appears like the traditional pos-
ition for internal arguments, and only in these constructions the post-verbal
DPs exhibit a restriction against defmites and strong quantifiers. As for Hebrew,
post-verbal nominatives in Vi unergative constructions are highly restricted,
typically possible only when the nominative is heavy and receives contrastive
stress. Most typically, post-verbal nominatives in Vi contexts occur only as sub-
jects of unaccusative and passive constructions, cannot be strong quantifiers,
definite descriptions, or specific indefinites, and are, indeed,'closer to the verb',
in being inside the domain of adjuncts.
Historically, cases such as those in (i)-(s) have presented a problem for the-
ories of nominative-case assignment and agreement, as well as for the Extended
Projection Principle. Both nominative case assignment and agreement appear
to occur here, at least prima facie, in complement position, and not in the high-
est specifier under CP (call it [Spec,IP]), otherwise also available in both Ital-
ian and Hebrew. On the other hand, [Spec,IP], at first sight at least, is empty.
Accounts of the 'abnormality' of (i)-(s) have taken various routes. Some try to
subsume (i)-(s) under analyses that have been proposed to account for aspects
of the grammar of English, assuming a null expletive, on a par with there, which
occupies [Spec,IP], assuming LF movement to nominative position, or both
(e.g. through expletive replacement). Other analyses propose that the post-ver-
bal nominals in (i)-(s) are not nominative (but inherent partitive, or object-
ive; see especially Belletti 1988), and exist alongside a nominative expletive in
[Spec, IP], the latter satisfying the EPP. Yet other analyses give up on the univer-
sality of the EPP and propose a mechanism for nominative case assignment that
can be generalized to post-verbal arguments (Borer 1986; Chomsky 2000).
Unergatives and Transitives 257
Some problems for the assumption that partitive case is inherent, or that it
imposes indefmiteness, were already reviewed in Chapter 4, Section 4.2.1 As to
accounts which involve LF raising of the post-verbal subject, we note that they
are semantically inadequate (see Runner 1993 for discussion). To illustrate, in a
language such as Hebrew, (unfocused) bare pre-verbal subjects with an existen-
tial interpretation are ungrammatical (cf. (6) for unergatives, (7) for transitives,
and (8) for unaccusatives), and bare plurals and mass nouns may only receive a
generic interpretation in that position (cf. (9)). In turn, post-verbal bare DPs in
Hebrew mustbe interpreted existentially; a generic interpretation is impossible
(cf. (10) for unergatives, (11) for transitives, and (12) for unaccusatives). Simi-
lar facts hold in Italian and Spanish, the exception being the grammaticality in
Hebrew, but not in Italian and Spanish, of generic bare plurals and mass nouns
in pre-verbal position:
(6) a. *klabimnabxu etmol kolha.layla. (Existential reading)

dogs barked yesterday all night
b. *studentim c amduba-misdaron ve-caxaqu. (Existential reading)
students stood in-the.corridor and-laughed
c. *maim nazlu min ha.tiqra kol hayom. (Existential reading)
water trickled from the.ceiling all the.day
(7) a. *xatulim radpu 'axrey cakbarim. (Existential reading)
cats chased after mice
b. *xatul tapas cakbar ba-gan.
cat caught mouse in-the.garden
(8) a. *eben napla.
stone fell
b. *'abanim naplu. (Existential reading)
stones fell
1
Interestingly, post-verbal indefinite subjects in contexts such as those in (i)-(3) can receive parti-
tive case in Finnish, a fact clearly in need of an explanation. Note, however, that given the overall proper-
ties of partitive case, it is clear that the properties of the post-verbal argument in (i)-(3) cannot actually
be derived from the presence of partitive case. First, (i)-(3) are telic, while partitive case correlates with
absence of telicity. Secondly, if partitives were responsible for the imposition of the definiteness restric-
tion in (i)-(3), one would have to postulate two distinct instantiations of partitive case, one which does
impose a definiteness restriction, and one which does not. Finally, partitive subjects part company with
the paradigm in (i) -(3) in an important respectthey do not exhibit agreement with the verb, indicating
that to the extent that there is agreement in (i) -(3), it is independently untenable to explain the paradigm
by positing partitive case for the post-verbal subjects, making them akin, incorrectly, to the non-agreeing
partitive post-verbal subjects in Finnish.
c. *basar nirqab. (Existential reading)

meat rotted
(OK if generic, meaning'meat had the property of rotting', e.g. before
iceboxes were introduced)
(9) a. xatulim noplim cal 'arba raglayim. (Generic only)
cats fall on all four
b. basarnimkar be-qilogramim.
meat sell.PASS in-kilograms
'Meat is sold in kilograms.' (Generic only, meaning that kilograms
is the normal measuring unit for meat.)
c. dinozaurim'aklu ceseb. (Generic only)
dinosaurs ate grass
d. klabim nobxim kol boqer. (Generic only)
dogs bark every morning
(10) a. 'etmol nabxu klabim kol ha.layla.
yesterday barked dogs all night
b. etmol camdu studentim ba-misdaron ve-caxaqu.
yesterday stood students in-the.corridor and-laughed
c. kol ha.yom nazlu maim min ha.tiqra.
all day trickled water from the.ceiling
(11) #be-derek klal topsim xatulim cakbarim be-qalut.
usually catch cats mice easily
(Generic interpretation not available, existential odd)
(12) a. etmol napla'eben.
yesterday fell stone
b. etmol naplu 'abanim. (Existential only)
yesterday fell stones
c. ha.sabua nirqab basar. (Existential only)
this.week rotted meat
Any syntactic account for the paradigm in (i)-(s) which involves raising of
the post-verbal (weak) subject into a pre-verbal LF position fails to predict this
contrast, and is thus clearly missing an important generalization concerning the
relation between the syntactic position of bare DPs and their interpretation.
Nor does the paradigm in (i)-(s) fare well from the perspective of the licens-
ing of the EP node postulated in this work Thus far, I have postulated the
projection of an EP node, above TP, and I further made the assumption that
just like (e>d, the head of DP, where range assignment amounts to establishing
a mapping from predicates to objects (or quantifiers), so the head of EP, (e>E,
is responsible for establishing a mapping from predicates to events. As to the
assignment of range to (e>E, I assumed tentatively that any element in [Spec, EP]
may, somehow, assign range to (e>E. However, what, specifically, could be the
range assigner to (e}E in (i)-(3), given that [Spec.EP] is unfilled? Suppose we
assumed that the ungrammaticality of (5) is in fact due to the failure of (e}E to
be assigned range when [Spec, EP] is unfilled. Could a mechanism be developed
such that it would allow for range assignment to (e}E in (i)-(3), but not in the
ungrammatical (unergative) cases in (5)?
Consider now another interesting property of the predicates in (i)-(s). In
addition to presenting a problem for theories of nominative case, agreement,
and the EPP, as well as for our own proposal concerning range assignment
to (e>E, note that they present a problem for Verkuyl's generalization. We dis-
cussed in Chapter 7 counter-examples to Verkuyls generalization,namely,cases
of felicity which involved no DP-internal argument whatsoever. The problem
for Verkuyl's generalization presented by predicates such as those in (i)-(3) is
somewhat different. While there is an 'internal argument' here, and in fact, the
presence of an 'internal' argument seems somehow crucial to delineating the
difference between (i)-(3) and (5), the'internal'argument does not need to have
property a, under anybody's understanding of what a may amount to. As (2)
illustrates, it can consist of bare DPs which are clearly not [+SQA] (cf. Verkuyl
1972 and subsequent literature), clearly not quantized (cf. Krifka 1992,1998),
clearly not bound (cf. Kiparsky 1998), and not quantity, under the definition sug-
gested in this work. In fact, they are precisely the type of bare DPs which have
been extensively argued to block telic interpretation. And yet, the predicates in
(2) clearly receive a (single event) telic interpretation, as demonstrated by the
series of tests proposed in Kamp (1979), Partee (1984), and Verkuyl (1989):
(13) a. parcu mehumot ve-hitxilu ccaqot.

erupted.PL riots and-started.PL screams
'Riots erupted (first) and screams started (second).'
b. hitxilu ccaqot ve-parcu mehumot.
started screams and-erupted riots
'Screams started (first) and riots erupted (second).'
(14) a. hipocecubalonim ve-hopiac c

asan.
blew.PL balloons and-appeared smoke
'Balloons blew (first) and smoke appeared (second).'
b. hopiac casan ve-hipocecubalonim.

appeared smoke and-blew balloons
'Smoke appeared (first) and balloons blew (second).'
(15) a. parcu mehumot be-yom risonve-be-yomseni.
erupted riots on-Sunday and-on-Monday
(Two occasions of riot eruption)
b. hopiac casan be-yom risonve-be-yom seni.
appeared smoke on-Sunday and-on-Monday
(Two occasions of smoke appearance)
The existence of telicity with a non-quantity argument has already been
noted by Mittwoch (1991), who takes this to be a diagnostic for achievements
(rather than accomplishments). And indeed, the events in (i3)-(is) clearly are
achievements, in the sense of Vendler (1967). Nor is the phenomenon restricted
to intransitive clauses with post-verbal subjects. Similar problems for Verkuyls
generalization are presented by the transitive achievements in (16) (examples
based on Mittwoch 1991):
(16) a. The prospectors discovered gold and found rare coins.
b. The prospectors found rare coins and discovered gold.
c. Robin found oil on Monday and on Tuesday. (Requires two diggings)
d. The prospectors struck oil on Saturday and on Sunday.
e. The bulldozer hit bedrock on Saturday and on Sunday.
f. Mary noticed ink on her sleeve on Saturday and on Sunday.
g. John spotted wildfowl on Saturday and on Sunday.
Similar facts hold in Hebrew for at least some of these verbs. 2
(17) rina gilta zahabve-mac'a matbecotyeqarim.
Rina discovered gold and-found coins expensive
How, then, does telicity emerge specifically in (2) and (i3)-(i7)? Or, phrased
in the terms of the account developed here for telicity, how is range assigned to
[Aspa(e}#] in these cases in the absence of a quantity DP?
The investigation of these cases requires a closer examination of a number of
issues that were left aside in previous discussions. Specifically, it is clear that we
2
In turn, the Hebrew correlate of notice/spot', hibxin, while clearly interpretationally telic, does not
take a direct object altogether, and is thereby independently problematic for Verkuyl's generalization, but
not for the account that we will propose heresee Chapter 10, Sections 10.2-3, fr discussion.
(i) rina hibxinabe-ketem(*be-meseksalosdaqot)
Rina noticed in-stain (*for three minutes)
require a better understanding of the EP node and the nature of range assign-
ment to (e>E, to resolve the grammaticality of (i)-(s) when contrasted with the
ungrammaticality of (5). Further, if, indeed, it is true that achievements (but not
accomplishments) somehow allow the telic interpretation in (2) and (i3)-(i7)
without a quantity DP, then clearly the nature of the accomplishment-achieve-
ment distinction must be discussed. Finally, it may be that the clustering of
properties in (i)-(3) is accidentalthat is, the absence of an overt range assigner
to both (e}E and [AspQ(e}#] is not correlated. But on the other hand, it is at least pos-
sible that these properties do cluster for a deeper reason, a possibility that must
be explored. The remainder of Part III is devoted to exploring these issues. In
Chapter 9,1 investigate the properties of EP and range assignment to {e}B espe-
cially in the context of unergative and transitive structures. Specifically, I will
investigate the reasons for the ungrammaticality of (5), arguing that it is due to
the failure of (e>E to be assigned range in these cases. It turns out that locatives, in
some configurations, do allow for post-verbal subjects in unergatives, and as we
shall see, in some transitive structures as well. This fact will give rise to an analy-
sis of some locatives as existential binders and as range assigners to (e>E, thereby
shedding some important light on the nature of EP and (e)E. Following a gen-
eral discussion of the event argument and its properties and licensing in Section
9.2, we turn in Sections 9.3-5 to the investigation of locatives. Cases of locative
licensing of post-verbal subjects in transitives are discussed in Section 9.6.
In Chapter 10,1 return to the paradigm in (i)-(3), and to the licensing of
both (e}E and [ASpQ(e}#] in unaccusativesthat is, in intransitive quantity struc-
turesshowing that here, again, locatives play an important role, with covert
locatives potentially assigning range to both (e>E and [AspQ{e}#] in (i)-(3),but not,
as we shall see, in all quantity intransitives. The resulting discussion will further
shed light on the accomplishment/achievement distinction, showing the lat-
ter to be a non-uniform event type, and in general subsumable under quantity
structures.
9.2 Projecting the Event Argument

In anyattemptto represent syntacticallyatleast some aspectsof(Neo)-Davidson-
ian semantics, a central question is whether the event argument projects syntac-
tically, and if so, under what conditions the projection is well-formed. Within
this work, I have postulated the projection of an EP node, above TP. I further
made the assumption that just like (e>d, the head of DP, where range assignment
amounts to establishing a mapping from predicates to objects (or quantifiers), so
the head of EP, (e>E, is responsible for establishing a mapping from predicates to
events. When the predicate under consideration is AspQ,the event is interpreted
as a quantity event. Finally, I assumed that any event participant that is not other-
wise assigned interpretation, and which appears in [Spec.EP] is interpreted as
originator. It is the purpose of this chapter to elaborate on the nature of EP, its
interpretation, and the manner in which range is assigned to (e>E.
Consider from this perspective Higginbotham (1985), who proposes that the
event argument is associated with the (lexical) head of the predicate and that
it is syntactically licensed through being existentially bound by tense. We note
that event arguments, for Higginbotham, are not actually syntactically pro-
jected, as such, in contrast with thematic arguments. An execution which does
involve the syntactic projection of e in a phrasal position, on a par with other
verbal arguments, is outlined in Kratzer (1994), assuming more specifically that
the event argument projects in the syntax as'the higher argument'.
We already noted that viewing the event argument as assigned by a lexical
(open class) head of any sort is not a possibility within an XS-approach, as lex-
ical items, as such, do not have arguments. Nevertheless, it would be compatible
with an XS-approach to claim that an event argument is part of the properties of
the syntactic node labels V or A, derived through either morphological or func-
tional structure. However, the association of the event argument with V or A is
clearly an empirically problematic claim. Consider this claim specifically in the
context of the italicized words in (i8)-(i9), all derived from V:3
(18) a. a damaged window

b. a drinkable liquid
c. a colossal (state of) confusion
(19) a. The window is damaged.
b. The water is drinkable.
c. The confusion was complete.
Although a case presumably could be made that drinkable has an event argu-
ment, such a case would by no means be straightforward. We note further that
if it assumed that there is no event interpretation in (i8)-(i9) due, for example,
to the failure of the event argument to be bound by tense in such contexts, the
question is, of course, why the utterances are not simply ruled out, given that the
verb has an event argument that remains unbound. One could argue that the
3
In Borer (20030, forthcoming) it is argued that in cases such as (i8)-(22), the derivational affixation
serves to categorize the stem, e.g. -ation nominalizes damage. Insofar as confuse, when embedded within
confusion is thus a V, a theory which associates the event argument with V labels would predict an event
interpretation for confusion.We note that as within a Bare Phrase Structure system nodes are not speci-
fied inherently as maximal or minimal, a V embedded within N is by definition Vmlx, and not just Vmm,
and hence the exclusion of the event argument interpretation in this cases cannot follow, e.g. from the fact
that Visa bare head. For a discussion of the applicability of EPS inside words, see Borer (forthcoming).
event argument for damaged, for instance, is saturated, somehow, internal to the
word, thereby enriching the formal component in obvious ways. The direction
taken in this work, however, has been to avoid such enrichment. Rather, we have
tried to derive the possibility of projecting L-heads without any arguments, as
is the case for the L-heads damage and confuse in (18), (19) and similar cases,
from the fact that L-heads simply do not have any arguments, event or other-
wise. Rather, arguments emerged as a result of the projection of some function-
al structure. If, indeed, the event argument is a true argument, then on a par with
other arguments it must emerge in the context of some functional structure.
And in fact, note that at least in (i8c) and (i9c), none of the (DP) arguments typ-
ically associated with the VP instantiation of confuse is realized. That the event
argument is likewise missing suggests that it should indeed be treated exactly
on a par with other arguments, in being licensed through functional structure,
and not through lexical specification or categorical nodes such as V or A (and
see Chapter 2, Section 2.4, for some discussion of the 'disappearance' of argu-
ments in configurations such as (i8)-(i9)).
Consider now the licensing of an event argument, once it is projected. If,
indeed, TP functions as the existential binder of such an event argument, it fol-
lows that in the absence of a TP, an event interpretation cannot emerge. And yet,
an event interpretation does emerge in the absence of a TP, for example in event
(derived) nominals, such as those in (20), as illustrated by the presence of event
modifiers in (21):
(20) the examination of the students by the faculty
(21) a. the instructor's (intentional) examination of the student
b. the frequent collection of mushrooms (by students)
c. the monitoring of wild flowers to document their disappearance
d. the destruction of Rome in a day
As is well known (see Grimshaw 1990 for extensive discussion), the event
interpretation of (20) (a complex event nominal, in the terminology of Grim-
shaw 1990) contrasts with the absence of such an event interpretation in the so-
called result nominal in (22), where no event modification is allowed (and see
also (190)). This is true even when the nominal, derived or underived, denotes
an event, as is illustrated by (24) (and note in this context that examination) in
(22) denotes an event):
(22) The examinations were thorough/took seven hours.
(23) a. *Mary's frequent examination
b. *the collection to document the disappearance of mushrooms
c. *the destruction in a day
(24) a. The (*frequent) wedding lasted several hours.

b. The lecture (*in a day) took three hours.
c. The ("intentional) journey to the mountains took several days.
In (2o)-(2i) all the arguments, including the event argument, are retained,
while in (22)^23) none of the arguments, including the event argument, are.
And yet, it is unlikely that derived nominals such as those in (20) are bound by
tense, be it the matrix tense or otherwise, as their interpretation is clearly not
dependent on that tense, or, for that matter, on any tense (i.e. the examination of
the students may never come to be). We have no choice, then, but to assume that
at least in (complex) event nominals, the event argument is licensed independ-
ently of tense. But in turn, if the event argument can be bound by some elem-
ent distinct from T in (20), it is worth considering the possibility that it is never
bound by T.
In Borer (1999^, forthcoming) the issue of event structure in derived nom-
inals is discussed, and detailed arguments are presented showing that a link-
age between an event argument in derived nominals and tense is untenable.
Restricting our attention here to sentences, recall that we already postulated
specifically a functional node responsible for the interpretation of the event
argument, EP. Suppose, now, that we assume that an existential binder for the
event argument is associated with in that same structural node, which is dis-
tinct from T. An EP node, specifically functioning as an existential binder for
the event argument, is proposed in Travis (1994,1997,2000). For Travis, the EP
node provides the means of existentially binding the event argument, but the
event argument itself remains associated with the verb. The notion of EP as pre-
sented here does tally with that proposed by Travis, in disassociating the licens-
ing of the event argument from the presence of tense. It differs from Travis's EP
in two ways. First, the event argument is not associated with the verb. Second-
ly, I assume that EP projects above TP (or without TP altogether). T(P), then,
becomes a predicate of the event argument (e.g.past (e)) and not, as the logic of
the Higginbotham-Kratzer approach would have it, a head which selects e as its
argument. The reader is asked for his/her continued patience in waiting for the
rationale behind projecting EP above TP, and not below it.
We proposed in Chapter 3, Section 3.1, as well as in Chapter 8, Section 8.1.1,
that in eventive (non-stative) contexts, EP is interpreted as atelic eventivethat
is, activityunless some additional structure, AspQ, projects to give it quantity.
We set aside there, as we will continue to do here, the precise nature of the dif-
ference between eventive and stative event arguments, in the hope that future
research will shed some light on how that difference is best to be characterized.
We did note that within the model developed in this work, the best outcome
would be a characterization of statives in terms of a dedicated structure pro-

jected below EP, which, in turn, would also have the property of preempting
verbalization, thereby correctly deriving the fact that adjectives can be predi-
cates of stative events. In the absence of such a structure, and in the absence
of AspQ, EP emerges as an unstructured atelic event. Continuing to subscribe
to the view that such an execution is ultimately possible, we will show below
that the licensing of EP, which is to say, the need for the assignment of range to
(e}E, will obey similar constraints for both eventives and statives. Even with the
detailed structure for statives yet to be established, such an outcome does sug-
gest that the differences between eventive and stative events should not be cap-
tured in terms of the properties of EP.but rather in terms of properties of some
other structure, subordinate to it. As a first approximation, and assuming this to
be on the right track, EPs come in the following flavours (irrelevant aspects of
the structure omitted; SP* is some functional stative event structure, which pre-
empts verbalization):
(25) a. Stative: [ E p<e> E [ T p [SP*[VP/AP ]]]]
b. Eventive, atelic (activity):[EP(e}E [TP [Vp ]]]
c. Eventive, telic: [ EP <e) E [TP [ASPQ [VP ]]]]
While AspQ and its interpretation have been discussed extensively up to this
point, the configurations of range assignment to [EP (e}E] and the properties of
the argument in [Spec.EP] have not enjoyed such attention. Thus far, we associ-
ated EP with exactly one propertythat of assigning an originator role to a DP
in its specifier, provided that it is not already assigned a role elsewhere. How-
ever, while it might be the case that a DP in [Spec.EP] can receive an originator
interpretation, it is nevertheless clear that an eventive EP, whether telic or atelic,
is possible without an originator. For telic events, this possibility is attested for
unaccusatives; (26) attests that possibility for atelic eventives:
(26) It rained (for forty days).
If the representations in (25) are at all on the right track, it follows that (26)
must have the structure in (27). However, one would be hard pressed to give
weather it, whatever its other properties, the role of the originator of the raining
activity. We are thus forced to assume that although it is in [Spec.EP], it is not
associated with an originator role, noting that it moreover does not seem to play
any other role as an event participant (the value of tense in (27) is set aside for
expository purposes):4
4
For concreteness, I assume that expletive it is a member of the functional lexicon which merges in
some functional specifier (most likely, [Spec.TP]), and is associated both with case (here nominative)
and with range assignment to (e)E (see below). Specifically, it is not part of the conceptual array.
(27) [EP it-NOM (e>P [TP it-NOM [VP rain]]]
We must therefore conclude that it is possible for EP to project, and for a

non-quantity process interpretation (i.e. activity) to emerge, without an ori-
ginator role being assigned to the phrase in its specifier. As an aside, and quite
independently of the structures proposed here, the assumption that it does not
occupy the highest possible specifier in (26) (e.g. that it is in [Spec.TP] and
not in [Spec,EP]), and for this reason does not receive an originator role, is
clearly incompatible with well-established empirical observations about Eng-
lish, which suggest that the highest specifier under CP is barred from being null,
and which place it to the left of modals (and in actuality, it is often argued that
weather it is inserted in the highest specifier under CP precisely to prevent it
from being null).
Note now that the role of EP as an originator assigner, at least in activities,
cannot be rescued if it is assumed that TP projects above EP. To see this, consid-
er the two alternative derivations in (28), involving TP projected above EP:
(28) a. [ TP it-NOM [ EP it<e}p[ VP ...

b. [TP it-NOM [EP 0 <e)P [ w ...
If one opts for the derivation in (283), the problem remains exactly the same
as it was in (27). A copy of it is in [Spec, EP], and if a DP in [Spec, EP], or its copy,
must be assigned an originator role, the derivation in (283) would be predicted
illicit. On the other hand, if one opts for the derivation in (28b), it remains pos-
sible to subscribe to the view that a DP in [Spec.EP] is obligatorily interpreted
as an originator. On the other hand, however, in the derivation in (28b) there is
nothing in [Spec,EP], and no originator role is assigned altogether. Thus, at the
very least, we have to assume that EP does not assign an originator role obliga-
torily, but only assigns it when there is a referential DP in its specifier position
which is not already assigned a subject-of-quantity role, having moved from
[Spec, AspQ]. It is not clear that this statement is in any way less or more prob-
lematic than the statement that EP quite simply need not assign an originator
role, thereby ruling in the derivation in (27) as is.
We have now established that EP, even when atelic, need not be associated
with an originator role. Rather, as we already suggested, a DP in [Spec.EP], if
conceptually and contextually appropriate, and if EP is otherwise interpret-
ed as eventive, is interpreted as the originator of the relevant event by entail-
ment (and see Davis and Demirdash 1995 for such a view of argumental roles).
There is then no role, as such, which must be assigned in [Spec,EP], just as there
was no role which was obligatorily assigned in [Spec, AspQ]. A referential DP in
[Spec,AspQ], if there is one, is interpreted as subject-of-quantity, as an entail-
ment from the existence of a quantity predicate (and recall specifically that in
some intransitive telic structures there was no DP in [Spec,AspQ] altogether).
Likewise, a referential DP in [Spec.EP] is interpreted as originator, if the event
in question is eventive rather than stative and if it does not carry any other
role. In turn, the well-formedness conditions on EP, or (e>E, clearly should not
depend on the presence of an originator role.5
So far, so good, but now a new puzzle emerges. If EP need not have an argu-
mental specifier, and an (eventive) event need not have an originator, what is it
doing in the sentence in (26)? What grammatical principle could possibly com-
pel the presence of a semantically null element in a specifier that does not assign
any interpretation to it, and which, in general, need not be associated with any
interpretation? Another question must be posed, of course, with respect to the
structure in (27) (or, for that matter, the structures in (28)): what assigns range
to(e> E ?
Suppose we combine these two questions, making the first an answer to the
second. Expletive it is obligatory in (26) because it assigns range to (e>E, or in
other words, the specifier of EP must be filled.because the only means of assign-
ing range to (e)E is indirect range assignment through specifier-head agreement
with a DP in [Spec,EP]. We note now that this explanation harks back in non-
trivial ways to Chomsky's 1981 Extended Projection Principle, the principle that
requires the highest specifier to be overt. Specifically, as we are proposing that
(e}E (at least in English) can only be assigned range through the presence of a
DP in its specifier, and as (e}E is projected as the highest functional node in the
structure, it directly emerges that the highest specifier must be filled. In turn, if
on the right track, it also mandates the projection of EP above TP.
Returning to the structures in (25), it is clear that there is little reason to
believe that such properties are associated only with the eventive, atelic EPs as
in (isb). Rather, EPP effects are oblivious to aktionsart, with expletives licensed
in statives, as well as in quantity EPs:6
(29) a. It is cold.
b. It is possible that John will be late.
c. It seems that Kim is early.
5
In being associated with an originator role by entailment, and not as an assignment relation, EP dif-
fers from other functional nodes often proposed in the literature which are devoted to the assignment
of'external' arguments, such as v ('little v') and VoiceP. For a detailed discussion of this point see Chap-
ter 8, Section 8.1.1.
6
As is well known, expletive it does not occur, in English, in the context of monadic structures, but
there does. The reason for this, I believe, involves some formulation of Burzio's generalization, requir-
ing nominative to be assigned to a referential DP, if it can be thus assigned. Under the assumption that it
is assigned an independent case, but there and its associate share case, according to some formulation or
another, this contrast can be explained. See throughout this chapter for more discussion of English there.
(30) a. There arrived three trains at the station,

b. There walked into the room a man.
We may assume, then, that expletives such as there or it are obligatory in con-
texts such as those in (29)-(3o), and EPP effects emerge in English, because (e}E
must be assigned range indirectly, and such range assignment requires the pres-
ence of some DP in its specifier.
But wrinkles emerge immediately. As is well known (cf. Borer 1986; Chom-
sky 2000, among others), the EPP does not generalize to other languages, which
do in fact allow the highest functional structure below CP to project without a
specifier, and in fact, the paradigm in (i)-(3), the starting point for our discus-
sion here, illustrates precisely that. Further, what range could expletives it or
there possibly be assigning to (e}E? Expletives are fundamentally non-referen-
tial, and do not have any thematic or event role. What, then, could be the value
of (e}E, such that they can assign range to it in all event types?
Suppose the property expletives have is that they can existentially bind the
event argument.7 In Volume I, Chapter 5, Section 5.11 motivated the binding of
a variable in a head position (e.g. of DP) as a special case of range assignment.
Suppose then that range assignment to (e>E consists of existentially binding it.
Note further that expletive it occurs in gerunds, where, arguably, there is no TP
node (cf. (31)), thereby suggesting that it is, indeed, licensed in [Spec,EP], rather
than in [Spec, TP], and insofar as it leaves a copy in [Spec, TP] in tensed clauses,
it does so for reasons of case:
(31) It being so cold in California is atypical.
Finally, we must assume that the structural conditions that hold for EP and
(e}E are always the same, regardless of whether the event argument is interpret-
ed as stative or as non-stative, as telic or as non-telic. The emerging structural
possibilities are as in (32):8
7
That English there does have an existential force is uncontroversial, although the attribution of this
property to it may be less standard. We note that in the case of there, it is typically assumed that the exis-
tential force ranges not only over the event, but also over the associate of there, which, as a result, must
be a weak DP. We further note that if it is assumed that there binds existentially not only its associate, but
also the event argument, then we must also assume that in standard non-there sentences, such as a man is
in the yard, a man walked into the room, something other than tense existentially binds the event. Finally,
we note that as expletive it does not have an associate, the issue of existentially binding a nominal expres-
sion does not typically arise. An exception to this last statementwhich we set asideis presented by
focus structures such as it is John (who)...
8
A particularly interesting issue concerns expletives in some Germanic languages, which occur in
main clauses in the highest specifier, traditionally argued to be [Spec, CP], but which are not possible in
embedded clauses (German, Icelandic). We note that if those expletives are likewise existential operators
available in [Spec, CP], it would suggest that in at least some Germanic languages, (e)E is in C. In turn, if
it is correct, as is often assumed, that embedded [Spec, CP] in Vi languages may not be filled, it follows
naturally that the relevant languages are forced to resort to means other than expletives to existential-
(32) a. Stative: [EP ex3 (e3>E [TPex-3 [SP [VP/AP ]]]]

b. Eventive, atelic: [EP ex3 (e3>E [TPex3 [Vp ]]]
c. Eventive, telic: [EP ex3 <e 3 > E [TPex3 [ASPQ [VP ]]]]
EP is licensed, of course, and the event argument existentially bound in the

absence of expletives, in the presence of a standard subject, with any event role.
With respect to the structures in (25), and continuing to assume that a referen-
tial DP in [Spec, EP] is interpreted as an originator if not otherwise assigned
interpretation, we note the following possible structures:9'10
(33) a. Stative: [ EP DP <e> E ... [jpOP... ([ASPQ/FSP) [VP/AP ]]]

s-o-s s-o-s
b. Eventive,atelic: [ EP DP <e) E [ TP DP [VP ]]]

originator
c. Telic,intransitive: [ EP DP <e) E [ TP DP [AspQB* [VP ]]]]

s-o-q s-o-q
d. Telic, transitive: [EP DP, <e>E [TPDP-, [ AspQ DP 2 [VP ]]]]

originator s-o-q
From the rationale employed thus far, it follows that in cases such as those in
(33), it is the DP in [Spec, EP] which assigns range to (e}E, quite independently of
the location of its role assignment. Thus in unaccusative structures, a DP with
a subject-of-quantity role assigned in [Spec, AspQ] moves to [Spec.EP] through
[Spec,TP], and we must assume it to be capable of assigning range to (e>E. The
availability of range assignment to (e>E, by assumption existential binding, by
such arguments is, however, hardly surprising. DPs in general are existential-
ly closed, through their reference being otherwise established by a discourse
antecedent, through a determiner or a quantifier in (e>d, through binding by an
adverb of quantification or an existential operator, etc. Simple indirect range
ly bind embedded event arguments,. For considerations of space, this issue is not pursued any further.
For extensive discussion of some of the relevant issues, see Vikner (1995) and Bobaljik and Jonas (1996),
among others.
9
An interesting question concerns range assignment, i.e. existential binding, of (e)E by a null (def-
inite) pronoun. It will emerge from the discussion below that such binding must be assumed possible,
as the properties of (overt) Vi structures with an understood (possibly pre-verbal) pronominal sub-
ject are distinct in relevant ways from those of (overt) Vi structures without an understood (pre-verbal)
pronominal subject. A natural account would involve an abstract DP in [Spec,EP] in the former, but no
specifier whatsoever in the latter. For some discussion of range assignment by indefinite null pronouns,
see Section 9.4.2.
10
's-o-s' stands for subject-of-state assigned by SP, dedicated stative structure. We remain non-
committal here as to the precise position of SP with respect to TP, noting only that constituency tests as
well as the presence of transitive statives suggest that it must be higher than whatever functional struc-
ture licenses direct objects, be it AspQ or FT.
assignment would thus suffice here to assign range to, indeed existentially bind,
(e>E, as required.11
A comparison with the nominal domain may be useful here. To repeat the
discussion in Chapter i, Section 1.2.3 (and see also Volume I, Chapter 2, Section
2.1.3), in cases such as those in (34), range is assigned to (e>d, specifically as (def)
(or its absence), indirectly through specifier-head relations with the possessor,
presumably in [Spec,DP]:
(34) a. [ D P [Kimr d e f ['s<e + d e f > d [...hat]]]
b. [ D P [aboy]- d r f ['s<e- d r f > d [...hat]]]
By a similar rationale, as the DP in [Spec, EP] is existentially closed, by speci-
fier-head agreement (e}E becomes existentially closed as well.
Some interesting cases, in this respect, are those in (35), where the subjects are
themselves bare DPs:
(35) a. Dogs barked last night.
b. Students were standing laughing in the corridor.
c. Water trickled through the ceiling all day.
We already touched at several points in this work upon the fact that, as is
well-established, many grammars disallow weak bare DPs pre-verbally, thus
ruling out the utterances in (35). The ungrammaticality of such cases in Heb-
rew, for example, was touched upon in Chapter 4, Section 4.3, and was already
illustrated previously in this chapter by (6)-(8). No such restrictions are in evi-
dence for post-verbal subjects, as already illustrated by (10) and (12). Standard
accounts for (6)-(8) and similar cases attribute their ungrammaticality to the
fact that the bare DPs are outside the domain of existential closure, typically
taken to be the VP (following Diesing 1992), or alternatively, the c-command
domain of the verb (cf. Benedicto 1997). In turn, (10), (12) are said to be gram-
matical precisely because the bare DPs are within the relevant domain of exis-
tential closure. Finally, the English cases in (35) are grammatical, it is typically
argued, because the bare DP may be lowered, in Logical Form, so as to be
within the domain of existential closure, a lowering not licit in Hebrew, for
instance. It is tempting at this point to assume, in a fashion compatible with
the standard account, that only DPs which are themselves existentially closed
can assign range to (e}Ethat is, existentially bind the event argumentthere-
by ruling out cases of existentially unbound DPs in [Spec.EP], and that an LF
chain consisting of an existentially bound copy is responsible for the binding
11
I return in Section 9.4 to the scope interaction between the DP in [Spec.EP] and the existentially
bound (e)E node.
of (e>E in (35). Such a statement is certainly consistent with (35) and (6)-(8),
as they are typically analysed, and we will tentatively subscribe to it as an
account for the grammaticality of (35). As we shall see in Section 9.5, how-
ever, some improvement over the standard treatment, specifically in making
lowering unnecessary in English, may be possible within the account to be
developed in this chapter.
Some additional predictions, as well as some prima facie questions, are asso-
ciated with the structures in (32)-(33). First, we note that if indeed EPP effects
emerge from the need to assign range to (e}E, and if, indeed, any (existential-
ly closed) constituent in [Spec, EP] may assign range to (e}E, we predict range
assignment to (e}E by elements which are neither expletives nor argument DPs,
but which, in turn, do have in some sense existential force. Secondly, as in the
case of range assignment to [AspQ(e}#], there is no reason to exclude in principle
direct range assignment to (e>E, either through an f-morph in E or through a
head feature of some sort. In such cases, neither an expletive nor an argumen-
tal DP would be required, and a specifier would not need to project. We turn to
a study of both of these cases in the following sections, showing that locative
expressions, either in [Spec.EP] or merging directly with E can assign range
to (e}E, although they are neither expletives nor argument DPs. Finally, we note
that on the face of it, the structures in (32)-(33) predict the complementary
distribution of expletives and originators (but not the complementary distri-
bution of subject-of-quantity, or subject-of-state, and expletives). Yet, this pre-
diction is incorrect. Transitive expletive constructions, as discussed extensively
in the literature for languages such as Dutch and Icelandic, as well as cases of
English presentational there insertion, as in (36), involve the co-occurrence of
an expletive and an argument which is interpreted as an originator (examples
based on Levin and Rappaport Hovav 1995).
(36) a. On the third floor, there worked two young women called Maryanne
and Ava...
b. Above them, there pranced three horses on the Parthenon frieze.
The prediction, then, is too strong, and cases such as those in (36), as well
as cases of transitive expletives, must be otherwise accounted for within this
system. It is to the resolution of all these issues that we devote the rest of this
chapter. In Section 9.3 I turn to a discussion of range assignment to (e}E by loc-
atives in Hebrew as well as in Spanish and Catalan, showing that such range
assignment, whether direct or indirect, allows a post-verbal subject, albeit only
a weak one, in configurations which otherwise would not allow it, and notably
in unergative constructions. The interaction between locatives, specifically, and
the licensing of (e>Ethat is, the existential binding of the event argumentis
discussed in Section 9.4, where it is shown the dual existential/locative role of

locative markers is well established across languages. In Section 9.5 we turn to
interaction between the licensing of (e>E by a locative and the obligatoriness
of a post-verbal weak subjects in that case. We conclude this chapter with an
extension of the proposed system to post-verbal (weak) subjects in transi-
tive constructions in Hebrew, in effect uncovering, precisely in these cases, the
existence of a 'transitive expletive' construction in Hebrew. The ramifications
of the interaction between locatives and range assignment for unaccusative
structures are pursued in Chapter 10.
9.3 Assigning Range to <e}EThe Locative Paradigm

9.3.1 Post-verbal nominatives in unergative structures
Recall now that our starting point is the grammaticality of the paradigm in (i)-
(4), repeated selectively here as (37)-(s8):
(37) a. Sono arrivati (molti) student!. (Italian)
are arrived (many) students
(Hebrew)
b. hitxilu hapganot/*ha.hapganot (ha.boqer).
started.M.PL demonstrations/*the. demonstrations (this.morning)
c. hopiac harbe casan laban ba-samayim.
appeared much smoke white in the sky
(38) a. *hitxila kol hapgana (ha.boqer).
started.M.PL every demonstration (this.morning)
b. *hopiac ha.casan ha.laban ba-samayim (ha.boqer).
appeared the.smoke the.white in-the.sky (this.morning)
In the context of the model presented in this work, we noted two problems
associated with (37a-c) and similar cases. First, it is not clear what licenses (e}E
in these configurations, [Spec.EP] being null. Secondly, it is not clear what
licenses LspX6)*] in (37b) and similar cases, in the absence of a quantity DP.
In the remainder of this chapter, we consider the first of these questionsthe
assignment of range to (e}E in the licit post-verbal cases in (37). The assignment
of range to [ASpQ(e}#]> together with a detailed discussion of the accomplish-
ment/achievement distinction, will be taken up in Chapter 10.
Clearly, a closer investigation of post-verbal nominatives in Vi contexts is
warranted at this point. Thus consider again the ungrammaticality of atelic
structures with post-verbal subjects repeated here as (39), and specifically, the
impossibility of a post-verbal subject in all the illustrated contexts (while illus-
trated with cabad 'work', the same facts hold, of course, for most verbs typically
classified as (unambiguous) unergatives):12
a
(39) - *('amarti Se-) cabad ganan (ha.yom).
(I said that) worked gardener (today)
b. *('amarti se-) cabad ha.ganan (ha.yom).
(I said that) worked the.gardener (today)
c. *('amarti se-) cabdu gananim (ha.yom).
(I said that) worked gardeners (today).
d. *('amarti se-) cabdu kol ha.gananim (ha.yom).
(I said that) worked all the.gardeners (today)
(40) ha.gananim cabdu (ha.yom).
the.gardeners worked (today)
The explanation for the impossibility of Vi structures for intransitive atelic
structures (i.e. unergatives), or, for that matter, transitives, is less than obvious
within any account, especially in view of the grammaticality of (37) and simi-
lar structures. One might suggest that in (39) nominative case assignment fails.
However, it is hard to imagine an account of post-verbal nominative case that
would give rise to nominative case assignment in (37) but would fail in (39)."
Nor would it be useful to suggest that the subject of an unergative or transi-
tive verb is licensed in a higher position than the subject of unaccusative verbs,
forcing the pre-verbal position of the former. While descriptively this may be
something most accounts, including the present one, agree on, many accounts
12
See Chapter 8, Section 8.3, for discussion of unambiguous unergative verbs.
13
Bobaljik and Jonas (1996) propose a mechanism for post-verbal nominative assignment which cru-
cially depends on the presence, in a language such as Icelandic, of two IP-type functional projections
(AgrP, TP) vs. the presence in English of just one. In the presence of one functional specifier, the subject
must occupy that specifier, which is perforce pre-verbal. If, however, two specifiers are available, a post-
verbal position for the subject is possible in the lower specifier, as well as nominative case in that position.
The account to be offered here will borrow from Bobaljik and Jonas the important intuition that post-
verbal nominatives may exist in the presence of two functional IP-type nodeswithin the architecture
proposed here, two functional nodes above AspQ or F!P, i.e. TP and EP. However, the mere presence of two
functional IP-type nodes cannot explain the ungrammaticality of (39). Note first that in Hebrew, post-
verbal nominative clearly is available for the unaccusatives in (37). Therefore, either Hebrew has both
TP and AgrP (or some equivalents, thereof), or an additional mechanism must be postulated to account
for nominative case assignment to unaccusative post-verbal subjects. Further, Bobaljik and Jonas cor-
relate the existence of two functional nodes with the existence of a transitive expletive construction. As
we will see below, Hebrew does actually allow transitive expletives, of a sort, with a post-verbal nomina-
tive'external'argument, re-raising the question of why nominative is not available in (39). Note finally
that if one postulates any specialized position for'external'arguments, below or above TP, be it [Spec,v],
[Spec,EP], [Spec,VoiceP], etc., which is not identical with TP, two nodes are always available in principle,
and hence the contrast between (37) and (39) could not be reduced exclusively to the presence of two
functional specifiers above the VP.
would also agree that the subjects of unergative and transitive verbs are not
base-generated in their surface position, at the highest specifier under CP, but
rather somewhere below T.14 In turn, the generation of the subject of unerga-
tives (or transitives) below T (whether in [Spec.VP], [Spec.v], [Spec.VoiceP],
etc.), when combined with verb movement to T, would create a natural con-
figuration for post-verbal nominative which could not be easily distinguished
from unaccusative Vi contexts. Here, I proposed that the 'external' argument
is licensedthat is, assigned interpretationabove TP. Nevertheless, I also
assumed that it merges at [Spec,TP], where it is assigned nominative case, rais-
ing anew the question of why it may not stay there, in light of the fact that nom-
inative is clearly available in the post-V position for subjects of unaccusatives.
It is worthwhile to make explicit the nature of the puzzle here, when con-
sidered from the perspective of the XS-system. EP, potentially consistent with
originator entailment in its specifier position, projects above TP. I suggest-
ed that the event argument is existentially bound through the assignment of
range to (e>E by an element in [Spec.EP], provided that element itself is exis-
tentially closed. In turn, the constituent which merges with E to become its
specifier need not be a referential DP, but can be an expletive, for example.
If indeed this is on the right track, then the structure of (40) is as in (413)
(cf. (ssb)) while the structure of the (ungrammatical) examples in (39) is as
in (4ib). Suppose now that (4ib) is ruled out quite simply because (e}E is not
assigned range and hence the derivation does not converge (irrelevant details
omitted):
(41) a. [EP ha.gananimNOM3 cabdu (e3 }E [TP ha.gananimNOM cabdu- [Vpcab_du-,] ]]

the gardeners worked
c
b. *[EP abdu(e> E [Tpha.gananimNOMCabdu-[Vpcab4u-,]]]
worked gardeners
We note as an aside that at least from the perspective of what was said so far,
it is not obvious how gananim, 'gardeners' is assigned a role in (4ib) although I
will argue that it not being assigned a role, in and of itself, would not rule out
(4ib). In turn, the ungrammaticality of (4ib) is not very difficult to derive on the
grounds that (e}E is not assigned range. It is the grammaticality of (37) which
presents a problem. Specifically, if (e}E is not assigned range in (4ib), why should
a similar situation not hold for the unaccusatives in (37)? At a first approxima-
tion, the structure of Vi unaccusatives is as in (42), where, at least for (37b),
14
But note that in this respect the account proposed here differs. The lowest instantiation of the DP
which will eventually become the'subject'of transitive and unergative constructions is in [Spec, TP], and
its role, if it receives one, is assigned in [Spec,EP], above [Spec,TP].
range is assigned to neither (e>E, nor to [AspQ{e}#]- Why should it be a grammat-

ical derivation, which furthermore has a quantity interpretation, in light of the
ungrammaticality of (4ib)? Note, incidentally, that the assignment of nomina-
tive case, in either (41) or (42), is not in and of itself problematic, nor would it be
helpful in deriving the contrast in grammaticality between (37) and (39), if we
assume that [Spec.TP] is the locus of nominative case assignment, and that EP
dominates TP (see n. 13 for some discussion):
(42) [EP parcu (e>E [TP mehumotNOM paêu- [ASPQ mehumot pareu- [AspQ<e>*
erupted riots [VP parcu...
9.3.2 Locatives and unergative constructions

It turns out that some helpful light can be shed on the question of range assign-
ment to (e}E by contrasting (39) with (43):
(43) a. ('amarti Se-) cabad sam/kan/ecli ganan (ha.yom).

(I said that) worked here/there/chez.me gardener (today)
b. *('amarti se-) cabad sam/kan/ecli ran/ha.ganan (ha.yom).
(I said that) worked here/there/c/iez.me Ran/the.gardener (today)
c. ('amarti se-) cabdu sam/kan/ecli (kama, slosa) gananim
(I said that) worked here/there/c/iez.me (several, three) gardeners
(ha.yom).
(today)
d. *('amarti se-) cabdu sam/kan/ecli kol ha.gananim (ha.yom).
(I said that) worked here/there/chez.me all the.gardeners (today)
Surprisingly, post-verbal subjects in Vi unergative contexts are possible in

(43). In fact, the paradigm in (43) looks extraordinarily similar to the para-
digm in (37)-(38): the post-verbal subjects occur inside the domain of adjuncts,
which is to say'close to the verb' in some relevant sense, and must be weak
Torrego (1989) discusses a similar paradigm in Spanish and in Catalan, and
a further discussion of the Catalan paradigm is found in Rigau (1997). In the
normal course of events, a post-verbal subject is possible in unaccusative struc-
tures in Spanish, (44), but impossible in unergative structures, (45), as is true
of Hebrew in non-contrastive contexts. However, in the presence of locatives,
post-verbal subjects become possible in unergative structures, as (46) illus-
trates. The paradigm in Catalan is, on the other hand, extremely similar to Heb-
rew. Normally, (weak) post-verbal subjects are possible only in unaccusative
contexts. However, in the presence of the locative clitic hi, weak post-verbal
subjects are possible for unergative constructions. Furthermore, in these cases
en cliticization is possible from the post-verbal subject. While strong, specific,

post-verbal subjects are possible in Vi ergative contexts without a locative, such
post-verbal subjects do not license en cliticization. Assuming en cliticization,
like ne cliticization in Italian, to be sensitive to c-command considerations, its
possibility with locatives vs. its impossibility without suggests that the position
of the post-verbal subject in unergatives differs, depending on the presence of a
locative: with locatives, it is somehow'lower' or'closer to the verb', like such sub-
jects in both Hebrew and Spanish:15
(44) Crecen flores. (Spanish)
grow flowers
'Flowers grow.'
(45) a. *Anidan ciguenas.
shelter storks
'Storks shelter.'
b. *Han dormido animales.
have slept animals
c. *Juegan ninos.
play children
(46) a. Aqui han dormido animales.
here have slept animals
b. En este parque juegan ninos.
in this park play children
c. En este arbol anidan ciguena.
in this tree shelter storks
(47) a. Hi canten molts nens. (Catalan)
there sing many boys
b. Hi dormen molts nens.
there sleep manyboys
c. Canten molten nens.
sang many boys
'Many of the boys sang.' (Specific reading only)
15
We note that the definition of lower', in the relevant context, is not trivial in any account which
merges the surface subject, initially and in all cases, below the final landing site of the verb, be it in
[Spec,VP], [Spec,VoiceP], [Spec,v] or, as in the present account, in [Spec,TP] below [Spec,EP]. The prob-
lem is a familiar one within theories that project the subject as [Spec,VP], and which must therefore
devise a mechanism that prohibits, e.g. VP-adverbs from having scope over the subject, or the object in
[Spec,AgrO] from c-commanding the trace of the subject in [Spec,VP]. We will assume here without
further discussion that a solution is available in terms of an appropriate notion of reconstruction.
(48) a. N'hi canten molts.

of-them there sing many
b. N'hi dormen molts,
of-them there sleep many
(49) a. *En canten molts.

of-them sing many
b. *En dormen molts,
of them sleep many
Torrego (1989) further observes that the locative in question is configura-

tionally restricted, and specifically, if it is phrasal it must be pre-verbal. If the
locative occurs on the right periphery, post-verbal subjects in Spanish remain
illicit, as (50) shows. Identical facts hold for Hebrew, as (51) illustrates:
(50) a. ??Han dormido animales aqui.

have slept animals here
b. *Juegan ninos en este parque.
played children in that park
c. ??Han anidado ciguenas en este arbol.
have sheltered storks in that tree
(51) a. *('amarti Se-) cabad ganan ba-gan/ecli/ecel ran.

(I said that) worked gardener in-the garden/chez.me/chez Ran
b. *('amarti se-) cabad ha.ganan ba-gan/ecli/ecel ran/sam.
(I said that) worked the.gardener in-the garden/chez.me/chez Ran/
there
c. *('amarti se-) cabdu gananim ba-gan/ecli/ecel ran/
(I said that) worked gardeners in-the garden/chez.me/chez Ran/
sam.
there
d. *('amarti se-) cabdu kol ha.gananim ba-gan/ecli/ecel ran/sam.
(I said that) worked all the.gardeners in-the garden/'chez.me/chez
Ran/there
Hebrew sam, kan, po, and ecel + INFL; 'there', 'here', 'here', 'chez+ pronominal
inflection, must all be phonological clitics for the effects in (43) to be realized.
Their clitic status is rather phonologically transparent in cases such as (43), as
their stress is much reduced. In turn, sam, kan,po, and ecel + INFL need not be
cliticized to the verb or adjacent to it. When they are not, they carry main stress,
and the effects illustrated in (43) do not hold. Non-cliticized, stressed versions
of deictic locatives are in (523-0), with (sib-c) showing that deictic locatives
can be conjoined when stressed. When unstressed, deictic locatives cannot be
separated from the verb (sid), or conjoined (526). When unstressed and adja-
cent to the verb, on the other hand, they cannot be conjoined, as (52!} illustrates,
with the only possible output being (52g), with an unstressed locative not con-
joined and adjacent to the verb. The ungrammaticality of post-verbal subjects
in Vi contexts without cliticized locative deictics is illustrated by (53) (judge-
ments in the context of neutral intonation):
(52) a. kol ha.yeladim'aklu'aruxat cereb'eclenu/kan. (Stressed locatives,
all the.boys ate supper c/zez.us/here phrasal)
b. ha.yeladim qiblu mamtaqimkan ve-sam.
the.boys received candies here and-there
c. ha.yeladim qiblu kan ve-sam mamtaqim.
the.boys received here and-there candies
d. *ha.yeladim qiblu mamtaqim kan. (Unstressed locatives,
the.boys received candies here clitics)
e. *ha.yeladimqiblu mamtaqimkan ve-sam.
the.boys received candies here and-there
f. *ha.yeladim qiblu kan ve-sam mamtaqim.
the.boys received here and-there candies
g. ha.yeladim qiblu kan mamtaqim.
the.boys received here candies
(53) a. *cabad sam ve-kan ganan (ha.yom).
worked here and-there gardener (today)
b. *cabad ganan sam ve-kan (ha.yom).
worked gardener here and-there (today)
c. *cabdu (kama, slosa) gananim sam/kan/ecli (ha.yom).
worked (several, three) gardeners there/here/chez.me (today)
The effect illustrated here is further unique to locatives. In contrast with the
grammaticality of (433, c), we have the ungrammaticality of similar structures
with temporal, rather than locative, deictic markers, although clearly these too
are phonologically cliticized to the verb stem:
(54) a. ('amarti se-) *cabad 'az ganan (ba-gan).
(I said that) worked then gardener (in-thegarden)
b. ('amarti se-) *rac 'az yeled (ba-rexob).

(I said that) ran then boy (in-the street)
(55) a. ('amarti se-) *cobed cata/caksav ganan (ba-gan).
(I said that) works now/now gardener (in-the.garden)
b. ('amarti se-) *rac cata/caksav yeled (ba-rexob).
(I said that) run now/now boy (in-the street)
Thus in Spanish, Catalan, and Hebrew, a post-verbal unergative subject is
licensed just in case a locative occurs either as a pre-verbal phrase (Spanish), or
as a clitic on the verb (or the auxiliary), and specifically not when it appears as a
right-periphery adjunct.16
Torrego (1989), in analysing these structures, suggests that the presence of the
locative turns the verb (or the structure) under consideration from unergative
to unaccusative. Crucial for her evidence is the possibility of en cliticization in
Catalan from the post-verbal subject in the presence of a locative, illustrated by
the contrast in (48)-(49) above. We note, however, that while analysing unerga-
tive verbs in the presence of locatives as unaccusatives will certainly derive the
distribution of en cliticization, so will any analysis that places the subject within
the scope of the verb, at some relevant stage of the derivation, in (48) but not
in (49). Suppose, for instance, that not only must en c-command its extraction
site within the relevant DP, but also, the (highest occurrence of) the DP can-
not c-command en, a restriction which is independently plausible for Italian
ne cliticization, possible only from post-verbal position (see Chapter 7, n. 13, for
some discussion in the context of Italian ne). If this is indeed on the right track,
note that a post-verbal subject within the c-command domain of the verb is
16
As clitics in Semitic occur in the right periphery of their host, rather than on the left periphery, their
status is rather easy to distinguish from both pre-verbal phrasal locatives and right-periphery phrasal
locatives. It is further easy to see that these are, indeed, Vi structures. Similarly, for Catalan, the Vi status
of constructions such as those in (47) and the clitic nature of hi can be shown by the placement of nega-
tion, which must precede the verb but follow an overt subject:
(i) a. No hi canten gaires nens.
not there sing many boys
b. No hi dormen gaires nens.
not there sleep many boys
Whether or not pre-verbal phrasal locatives, certainly possible in Hebrew, license a post-verbal subject
as in Spanish is, however, a tricky matter, as most pre-verbal constituents in Hebrew optionally license
a post-verbal subject. However, locative licensing, as in (43), is accompanied with a restriction requir-
ing a weak subject. No such restriction is attested when post-verbal subjects are licensed by a pre-verbal
phrase, including locatives. As weak subjects are clearly a subset of those licensed by pre-verbal constitu-
ents, where no such restriction holds, pre-verbal locative licensing of post-verbal subjects would appear
impossible to tease apart from other pre-verbal licensing by argument DPs, temporals, etc. As it turns
out, however, some evidence suggests that pre-verbal phrasal locatives do not license post-verbal sub-
jects in the same manner that locative clitics do, a matter to which we return, in a wider context, in n. 27.
28o Locatives and Event Structure
predicted to allow en or ne cliticization.but not a subject in [Spec,EP], or a sub-

ject postposed from [Spec,EP].17
An analysis which assumes that the configurations in (43) and (46)-(48) are
unaccusative is clearly not available within an approach to the unaccusativity/
unergativity phenomena which seeks to reduce it to event structure. First, the
interpretation of the sentences in (433, c) clearly remains atelic, just like their
standard SV word-order incarnations, as modification possibilities in (56) illus-
trate.
(56) a. cabad sam/kan/ecli ganan be-mesekkolha.yom/
worked here/there/chez.me gardener during all-the day/
*toksalossa c ot.
inside three hours
b. cabdu sam/kan/ecli (kama, slosa) gananim be-mesek
worked here/there/chez.me (several, three) gardeners during
kol ha.yom/*tok salos sacot.
all-the day/inside three hours
c. cabad sam/kan/ecli ganan ve-sar. (Simultaneous reading
worked here/there/chez.me a gardener and sang available)
Further, locative deictic clitics allow Vi word orders in statives with identi-
cal restrictions, thereby clearly indicating that there is no possible connection
between their occurrence and quantity interpretation:
(57) a. ha.boes gar ba-qayic mitaxatla-bayit.

the.skunk lives in-the.summer under to-the.house
b. gar sam boes ba-qayic mitaxatla-bayit.
lives there skunk in-the.summer under to-the.house
c. *gar (ha.)boes ba-qayic mitaxatla-bayit.
lives (the)skunk in-the.summer under to-the.house
d. *gar sam ha.boes ba-qayic mitaxatla-bayit.
lives there the.skunk in-the.summer under to-the.house
And finally, reflexive datives, which we took to be diagnostics for 'external'
arguments, whether originators or subjects-of-state, and which, we argued are
anti-telic elements (see Chapter 8, Section 8.2.3, fr discussion), are possible
17
This matter is largely orthogonal to our main purpose here, and an execution in terms of postpos-
ing (rather than remnant movement, for instance, in the sense of Kayne 1994) is not necessarily crucial in
any way to deriving the relevant result. We note, nevertheless, that some re-formulation of Rizzi's (1986)
chain condition would be plausibly violated by moving the DP over ne or en.
with the configurations in (43), as (583) shows, while possessive datives, which,
we argued, must be in possession relations with an argument no higher than
AspQ or FP, are impossible, as (s8b) shows. Similar facts hold for (57), as (59)
illustrates:
(58) a. cabad lo kan ('eyze) ganan (kolha.boqer).

worked to-him2 here (some) gardener2 all morning
b. *cabad sam {le-rani} (eyze) ganan {le-rani} (kolha.boqer)
worked here {to-rani} (some) gardener2 {to-Rani} all morning
'*A gardener of Rani's worked there all morning.'
(59) a. gar lo sam bo'es mitaxat la-bayit.

lives to-him there skunk under to-the.house
'there was a skunk living under the house.'
b. *gar sam {le-rani} bo'es {le-rani} mitaxat la-bayit
lives there {to-rani} skunk {to-Rani} under to-the.house
*Rani's skunk lived under the house.'
We therefore must conclude that the paradigm in (43) does not involve
any fundamental change in event structure and that the post-verbal argu-
ment retains its originator role. It follows that the paradigm in (43) cannot be
unaccusative, contra Torrego (1989).
Rigau (1997), considering the same paradigm primarily from the perspective
of Catalan, proposes that in the relevant cases, a covert locative preposition is
incorporated onto an unergative verb, and as a result, the verb loses its agentive
meaning and becomes stative. In turn, the clitic hi functions as the subject of
the (covert) preposition, giving rise to impersonal sentences. A sentence such as
(6oa), Rigau suggests, is synonymous with the one in (6ob), due to the fact that
in both hi is the subject of a covert preposition, while news'boys'is the object of
that preposition. The resulting structure is essentially an existential one, as in
(6oc):
(60) a. En aquest coral, hi canten nens.
in this choir, CL sing boys
b. Hi ha(n) nens que canten en aquesta coral.
CL have boys that sing in this choir
"There are boys who sing in this choir.'
c. [Vp {cantar, haver} [PP hi [y e nens ] ] ].
This account is extremely reminiscent of that proposed by Hoekstra and
Mulder (1990), according to which variable-behaviour verbs (in the sense
discussed in Chapter 2) may function either as main verbs, thereby selecting an

agent, or as raising verbs, of sorts, selecting a small clause headed by a prepos-
ition and having the properties of unaccusatives quite simply because they lack
an external argument (and see Moro 1990,1997 for an extension of this struc-
ture to all unaccusatives). Hoekstra and Mulder's analysis does, however, differ
from that of Rigau, in assuming that the post-verbal subject,'boys', is the sub-
ject of the incorporated preposition, and not its object, as Rigau suggests. Under
their analysis, the structure in (61) would presumably be postulated, with the
arrow indicating movement, to account for (6oa-b):
(61) [Vp cantar [PP nens [P locative -(hi)]]]
4 I
Although a small clause analysis, under any instantiation, does not in and
off itself predict that (43) and (46)-(48) should be telic, and as such does not
make the wrong predictions for the paradigms in (s6)-(57), at least for Heb-
rew, Rigau's proposal, as well as Hoekstra and Mulder's (1990) original proposal,
faces a number of problems when applied to the paradigm in (43). First, contra
Rigau's observations concerning Catalan, (43) has no stative flavour. Originator-
oriented adverbs, associated with manner, are clearly possible in (43), although
they are barred in statives, as the contrast between (62) and (63) shows:
(62) a. hitpalelusam ma'aminimbe-hitkavnut raba.
prayed there faithfuls in-deliberation much
"The faithful prayed there with much deliberation.'
b. histolelu sam eyze yeladim be-toqpanut.
made.noise there some children aggressively
(63) a. garu sam ma'aminim (#be-hitkavnut raba).
resided there faithfuls in-deliberation much
"The faithful lived there with much deliberation.'
b. xayu sam eyze studentim (#be-toqpanut).
lived there some students aggressively
Secondly, we noted that possessor datives are barred in the structures in (43).
This, too, remains unexplained under Rigau's analysis or a Hoekstra and
Mulder-type approach, as it was under Torrego's analysis, as both postulate a
base-generation position for the argument which wouldbe within the scope of a
possessor dative. Thirdly, and addressing specifically the hypothesized Hoekstra
and Mulder-type structure in (61), we note that there is no forthcoming explan-
ation here for the obligatory cliticization of the locative, and the impossibility,
in Vi structures, of a locative in the right periphery. And yet, we saw that only
when the deictic locative is adjacent to the verb can a Vi word order emerge.
Finally, it turns out that locative deictic clitics do not just allow Vi word orders
with unergatives, they also repair considerably the ungrammaticality of pre-
verbal weak subjects, as (64) illustrates, a fact that cannot be accommodated
under either Rigau's account (op. cit), or by appealing to a small clause analysis
of the type advanced in Hoekstra and Mulder (i99o):18
(64) a. *ganan cabad ba-gan/ha.boqer.

gardener worked in-the.garden/this-morning
b. *yeladim sixaqu ba-gan/ha.boqer.
children played in-the.garden
c. ?ganan cabad kan ba-gan/ha.boqer.
gardener worked here in-the.garden
d. ?yeladim sixaqu sam ba-gan/ha.boqer.
children played there in-the.garden
(cf. the full grammaticality of
c
ha.ganan abad ba-gan/ slosa yeladim sixaqu
the.gardener worked in-the.garden/three children played
ba-gan, etc.
in-the.garden, etc.)
I will, however, concur with the important insights of Rigau's analysis that in
some fundamental sense the structures carry existential force, and that the loc-
ative is responsible for the licensing of the Vi order (and see also Freeze 1992,
to which we return shortly). No change in roles or in the interpretation of the
event is involved, however, nor is there a small clause, of which the post-verbal
subject is a subject or an object.
Continuing to assume that the ungrammaticality of (39) stems from the
absence of existential binding for the event argument, as instantiated by the fail-
ure of (e}E to be assigned range, we now must assume that the event argument is
existentially bound in (43)that is, that (e}E is assigned range. As the difference
between the paradigms is solely the presence vs. absence of a locative clitic, the
obvious conclusion is that the locative clitic is the existential binder of the event
argumentthat is, the range assigner to (e}Eand that by extension, in Span-
ish and in Catalan existential binding of the event argument is accomplished
by the pre-verbal locatives aqui and hi, respectively. In other words, locatives,
18
For reasons that I can only speculate on, and which may be related to discourse structure (i.e. old
vs. new information), (64c-d) are marginal rather than fully grammatical. The contrast with the full
ungrammaticality of (64a-b) is however very clear.
deictic or prepositional, are f-morphs which can assign range to (e>E, an assign-
ment which translates to existentially binding the event argument.19 While in
Spanish such range assignment is achieved through specifier-head agreement
(i.e. indirectly), in Hebrew and in Catalan it can also be achieved directly, the
locative being a clitic associated with the verbal head which moves to E, thereby
assigning range to (e>E. Structurally, then, we have (65).
(65) a. [EP cabad-sam3<e3}E [ T pganan NOM libad sam[ VP ]]]
worked-there gardener
b. [EP aqui 3 han (e3)E [ F pdormito [TP animalesNOM dormito [Vp ]]]]
here have slept animals
c. [EP hi3-canten <e3}E [ TP nens NOM hi-canten [VP ]]]
here sing boys
As to the assignment of an originator role to the post-verbal argument in
(65), we note that if an originator role is associated with a DP as a result of the
existence of an eventive EP with an argument which is not otherwise specified,
then the assignment of an originator role to this DP in [Spec.TP] need not be
problematic. Specifically, and looking to bar an originator role in [Spec, FSP], the
objective shell structure associated with partitive case (see Chapter 4 for discus-
sion), suppose we follow a suggestion in Benua and Borer (1996), itself inspired
by insights in Bobaljik (1993). According to this suggestion, in accusative lan-
guages the specifiers of EP and TP are identified, while in ergative languages the
specifiers of AspQ and TP are identified. From this, it follows that whatever case
is assigned by T, and assuming this case to be the only one obligatorily assigned
in tensed clauses, it will go to the originator in accusative languages, if there is
one, but to subject-of-quantity in ergative languages, if there is one.20 In turn,
it follows from the identification in (65) of [Spec.TP] and [Spec.EP], together
with the absence of AspQ, that the post-verbal subject must receive the origin-
ator role.21
19
Crucially, we do not assume here an event decomposition. Locatives as well as other prepositions
thus do not contain a separate event variable in need of range assignment.
20
In Benua and Borer (1996), as well as in Borer (19980), this idea is formulated in terms of the rela-
tionship between TP and AspP, a process node which is telicity-neutral, rather than EP. AspP, as proposed
in Borer (1994,19980), does have, in many ways, the properties of EP. The change in labelling, in addition
to involving a more detailed discussion of the syntactic properties of the event argument, was designed
to highlight the fact that the grammar does not have a structure devoted specifically to process (or to
activity), and that every event must have an EP, regardless of whatever additional structure might be
associated with it.
21
Clearly, something must be said about the possibility of identifying [Spec,TP] with [Spec,EP] in
the case of passive, where an originator reading is available, but is associated with neither [Spec, TP] nor
[Spec,EP]. If we assume that passive morphology, along lines suggested by Baker, Johnson, and Roberts
(1989) or Kratzer (1994), is capable of licensing the role otherwise associated with [Spec,EP] away from
Returning now to (36), repeated here, we note that it shares, in essence,

the structure of the Spanish examples in (46) given in (6sb). In (36), range is
assigned to (e}Eby the expletive there, just as in (46) it is assigned by the pre-ver-
bal locative expression. The identification of [Spec.TP] and [Spec.EP] amounts
in turn to the assignment of both nominative case and an originator role to the
DP in [Spec,TP]. No conflict emerges, quite simply because the expression in
[Spec.EP] is not itself an appropriate target for the assignment of an originator
role, nor, plausibly, does it need Case (examples based on Levin and Rappaport
Hovavi995).
(36) a. On the third floor, there worked two young women called Maryanne
and Ava...
b. Above them, there pranced three horses on the Parthenon frieze.
The structures in (65) give rise to two new queries: Why is it specifically loca-
tives which can have existential force? and, What is the source of the obliga-
torily weak reading of the post-verbal subject? We have now concluded that
post-verbal subjects in unergative constructions are possible whenever (e>E is
otherwise assigned range, or differently put, whenever the event argument is
otherwise existentially bound. However, at least the following puzzles concern-
ing the properties of range assignment to (e}E remain, a matter to which we turn
in the following two sections:
(66) a. Supposing (e>E is assigned range in (43) and similar configurations by
the presence of a locative clitic in E, this still leaves unexplained the
licensing of EP in the unaccusative cases in (i)-(3), where no such loc-
ative is in evidence.
b. Why locatives?
c. And why is the subject obligatorily weak in (43) and similar struc-
tures?
9.4 Why Locatives?

9.4.1 The distribution of locatives and existentials
We might as well say upfront here that the reason that locatives, as opposed to,
for instance, temporal expressions, have existential force, remains rather myste-
rious. However, that they do indeed have existential force, and that this function
[Spec,EP] and [Spec,TP], then we derive the fact that in passive [Spec,TP] and [Spec,EP] are associated
with a non-originator role, as well as capture the fact that passive may only emerge through the interven-
tion of morphological marking. A detailed execution is left aside here, but see Borer (forthcoming) for
some more discussion.
TABLE 9.1. Locatives, existentials, and the placement of the subject-Word order
Basic Example Predicate locative Existential

order
SVO Russian Th COP L L COP Th

Finnish Th COP L L COP Th
Catalan Th COP L 0 p-coplh
VOS Chamorro COP L Th COP Th L
Palauan COP L Th COP-P Th L
VSO Tagalog COP L Th COP ThL
Palestinian Arabic Th COP L COP-P Th L
SOV Hindi Th L Th COP
Note: Th = theme subject; L = locative; COP = copula, p = locative prepositional clitic

Source: Freeze (1992:564)
tends to go hand in hand with licensing post-verbal subjects, is well established.

An extraordinarily detailed study of the correlation between locatives, existen-
tials, and the placement of the subject is found in Freeze (1992). Freeze summar-
izes his empirical findings for numerous languages in a table, replicated here as
Table 9.1 (with slight expository adjustments).
Specifically, Freeze concludes that locatives are systematically implicated in
the derivation of existential meaning, and that such an existential meaning is
available whenever the locative is either in the subject position, or, for languages
such as Catalan, Palauan, and Palestinian Arabic, as well as for Italian (ci), when
there is a proform of a locative nature attached to the verb or to the copula, in a
position which, he argues, is I. In all these cases the subject is post-verbal, in the
intended sense, in that it always occurs following the copula, and not immediate-
ly after the locative expression. Freeze concludes that full locative expressions in
existentials must be in the canonical subject position, and that locative clitics in
that context correspond to a null pro in the subject position (and see also Bres-
nan and Kanerva 1989). Further, predicate locatives and existentials are but two
facets of the same coin, they must be derived from the same source, and for this
reason are in complementary distribution. Our claim that the locatives in Heb-
rew, Spanish, and Catalan have an existential function, and that they are either
in [Spec.EP] (Spanish) or in E (Hebrew, Catalan), with the (logical) subject in
some specifier lower than E (and hence post-verbal) is clearly entirely consist-
ent with this picture. Nevertheless, it is worthwhile noting several respects in
which the picture presented by Freeze is, I believe, not general enough. First,
Freeze claims that the phenomenon is restricted to structures with the thematic
arguments locative and theme. However, while locatives are certainly required
for the configuration in question to emerge, they can only be considered argu-
ments in the most general sense and are certainly not arguments o/any head,
and could be adjuncts. More crucially, the existence of a theme is clearly not
necessary. The constructions under consideration here specifically do not need
to involve a theme, as traditionally understood, but may involve an agent. Sec-
ondly, as is clear from the relevant examples, the verbal element is not restrict-
ed to a copula. These expansions of Freezes picture notwithstanding, it is clear
that the paradigms discussed thus far for Hebrew, Spanish, and Catalan are but
another instantiation of a broader phenomena, in which locatives, when occur-
ring either as pre-verbal 'subjects', or, in effect, as subject clitics or clitics on I
(where by I we refer to the highest functional head under C), have an existential
force in configurations which involve the presence of an agreeing subject'lower'
in the structure, and specifically following the highest verbal element, be it a
copula or the verb. While we must continue to ponder the issue of why this is so,
that it is indeed so appears beyond dispute. Even in English, a language other-
wise very particular about licensing post-verbal subjects, it is precisely locatives
which can most freely do so, in the so-called locative inversion structure. Nor is
locative inversion restricted to unaccusatives (or themes), as has been conclu-
sively shown by Levin and Rappaport Hovav (1995), from which we note the fol-
lowing examples (discussion restricted to atelic cases):22
(67) a. Opposite the landing-place stood half-a-dozen donkeys with saddles
on their backs, etc.
b. On the third floor worked two young women called Maryanne
Thomson and Ava Brent...
c. ... rafts of styrofoam on which dozed naked oily bathers lying on
their backs...
d. Above them pranced the horses on the Parthenon frieze.
e. Around here heaved and shuffled the jeaned and T-shirted... crowd.
From our perspective, of special interest is the example in (68). Note that here
a weak post-verbal subject is licensed by a deictic marker (although not a clitic)
which is not semantically vacuous, and yet has clear existential force in add-
ition to whatever locative meaning it may convey (and see also Tortora 1997 for
22
The few comments here on locative inversion are mostly intended to show that in principle, English
does allow the event argument, argued to be in EP, to be assigned range by a locative phrase. It is not our
purpose to propose a full analysis for locative inversion in English, which is restricted in ways which do
not surface in the Hebrew construction (it creates island effects, it bars negation, etc.), and which are not
clearly relevant to our discussion here. For a fuller discussion of locative inversion in English, see Bres-
nan (1994), as well as Levin and Rappaport Hovav (1995), among many others.
the claim that existentials derived from locatives retain their locative interpret-
ation, and that it is the existential function which is derived from the locative
one, rather than the other way around):
(68) Here was a young girl who could out-strut anything on two legs. (From G.
R Edwards, A toast before dying, quoted in Levin 1999 in the context of the
useofpreflxowf-)
We note, finally, the exclusively existential, i.e. non-locative, use of so-called
'existential' there, possible (contrary to what is commonly claimed) in a wide
range of (intransitive) constructions, including stative and eventive atelic.
Interestingly, however, the omission of the locative expressions in (70) causes a
marked deterioration in their felicity:23
(69) a. There lived ??(in London) in the igth century a famous author.
b. There danced ??(in the woods) this morning three elves.
c. There grazed ??(in my backyard) a brown moose this morning.
We consider the fact that English there (or, for that matter, Italian cz) has lost
its locative meaning in the context of existential sentences to be neither neces-
sary nor sufficient for the emergence of an existential meaning. In other words,
there as well as, for example, Italian ci have lost their literal locative meaning and
retained the existential one, but ultimately, I concur here with Freeze (1992) and
with Tortora (1997) that the origin of the existential meaning resides with the
locative function, still retained by here, as in (68), and by the entire deictic loca-
tive paradigm in Hebrew. The reason for the existential meaning of locatives,
however, remains mysterious in Freezes study, and is in fact largely unstudied,
to the best of my knowledge.
23
As is well known, there-insertion constructions with verbs other than be exhibit a (primarily weak)
subject in the right periphery, following adjuncts. This is true for unaccusatives, statives, and unergatives
alike. We speculate that while in there-be constructions the (logical) subject maybe in some functional
specifier above VP but below TP, that position, for reasons that are poorly understood, is not available ill
the absence of be, causing the subject to be adjoined to the right (note its position between adjuncts in
(iib) below). As is further well known, the effects of be here are rather mechanical in nature, e.g. in allow-
ing (ia), while (iia) is barred, thereby suggesting clearly that what is at stake here is not the semantics of
the verb or event semantics of any other sort. For some discussion of the peculiarities of English there, as
well as the conclusion that it is rather unique in its properties, see Freeze (1992):
(i) a. There was a cow jumping for an hour in the yard.
b. *There was jumping in the yard a cow (for an hour).
c. *There was jumping for an hour a cow in the yard.
(ii) a. ??There jumped a cow for an hour in the yard.
b. There jumped in the yard two cows for an hour.
c. There jumped for an hour in the yard two cows.
9.4.2 Existentially binding the event? Existentially binding the DP?

An independent proposal which briefly addresses the relations between loca-
tion and existential binding, albeit not in the context of existential sentences, is
found in Dobrovie-Sorin and Laca (1996), who reach the conclusion that'local-
izing objects or eventualities in space entails asserting their existence'. Consider
specifically their results as they hold for bare DP subjects. Dobrovie-Sorin and
Laca note that an existential reading forbare DPs is possible if the clausal predi-
cate containing them is compatible with what they call'a Space Localizer'. Thus
consider the following contrasts:
(70) a. Farmers were sleeping/dancing.

b. Butter was melting.
c. Linguistic books are available.
d. Blood was visible.
(71) a. ^Children are dirty. (With an existential reading for children)

b. *Cats are nasty. (With an existential reading for cats)
c. *Butter was fresh. (With an existential reading for butter)
The contrasts in (jo)-(ji) correlate, Dobrovie-Sorin and Laca argue, with the
contrasts in (ji)-(j^):
(72) a. Where is John sleeping/dancing?

b. Where was the butter melting?
c. Where is Chomsky's book available?
d. Where was the blood visible?
(73) a. * Where was John dirty?

b. * Where was Jane nasty?
c. * Where was the butter fresh? (Under the intended reading, with the
locative ranging over fresh, but not over fresh butter)
These facts, Dobrovie-Sorin and Laca conclude, follow if we assume that bare
DPs are licit precisely when they can be located in space. Their specific conclu-
sion is that default existential closure applies only to formulas which contain a
locative argument, possibly as a covert space variable, and that only those argu-
ments of the predicate whose location in space is specified by the locative argu-
ment can be bound by existential closure (Dobrovie-Sorin and Laca 1996:16).
Before proceeding, note as an obvious advantage of the Dobrovie-Sorin and
Laca account that it does not require lowering in English to bring about the
existential binding of pre-verbal subjects, although it must retain, as a state-
ment of language variation, the assumption that in English (covert) locatives
can license existential bare DPs in pre-verbal position, but not in Hebrew, for
instance.24
Independent confirmation for the proposal that the possibility of projecting
existential pre-verbal subjects is linked to the occurrence of locative expres-
sions, this time necessarily overt, is found in French. Roy (2001) notes the fol-
lowing contrasts:
(74) a. *Des enfants dansent/jouent.

des children dance/play
'Children are dancing/playing.'
b. *Des enfants ont dormi.
des children have slept
'Children slept.'
(75) a. Des enfants dansent dans la classes/jouent sous mafenetre.

des children dance in the classroom/play under my window
'Children are dancing in the classroom/playing under my window.'
b. Des enfants ont dormi sur la plage.
des children have slept on the beach
'Children slept on the beach.'
Striking a somewhat speculative note here, suppose we reformulate slightly

Dobrovie-Sorin and Laca's (1996) account. Specifically, instead of focusing on
the existential closure of pre-verbal subjects, suppose we suggest that the loca-
tive acts directly as a range assigner to (e>Ethat is, it existentially binds the
event argument. For concreteness, suppose that predicates such as those in (70),
which in these cases are not associated with an overt locative but nevertheless
allow a where question, are associated here with a covert locative (or a locative
variable, in the terminology of Dobrovie-Sorin and Laca), and that this covert
locative is assigned interpretation through the discourse. No such covert loca-
tive is available in (73). Rather than assume, as Dobrovie-Sorin and Laca (op.
24
N. Klinedinst (pers. comm.) nevertheless notes that an existential reading for (i) is not available, in
spite of the occurrence of an overt locative, raising the possibility that the relations between the locative
and the DP is further restricted in ways which the Dobrovie-Sorin and Laca account remains silent on,
(i) Cats are nasty around here.
Presumably, cats are nasty cannot be relativized to the discourse in the way that cats yawned can. That
is, Cats are nasty with a weak reading for cats is unfelicitous in a context in which it is clear that the speak-
er is only talking about cats in this town, or whatever. The reason for this, however, remains unclear. We
may note as an aside that appealing to a distinction between stage and individual predicates is not neces-
sarily helpful, as e.g. dirty is not necessarily an individual predicate (e.g. my hands are dirty), and yet dirty,
as in (/la), does not appear to have a covert locative.
cit.) do, that existential closure applies to predicates localized in space, suppose
we assume that localization in space is itself a type of existential binding of
events, and possibly of DPs as well. We note that in the English cases in (70), an
overt or a covert locative could assign range to (e>E neither through direct range
assignment, with a clitic or a head feature in E, nor through specifier-head rela-
tions. Rather, the range assigned to (e>E by an overt or a covert locative adjunct is
akin to range assignment to [AspQ(e}#] by a locative adjunct or an adverb, already
discussed in detail in Chapter 7, Section 7.3. In turn, the ungrammaticality of
existentially bound pre-verbal subjects (illustrated in Hebrew by (6)-(8) and
true for numerous other languages) indicates that such range assignment to (e}E
by a locative adjunct, whether covert or overt, is not available. Thus, in lieu of
lowering we postulate for English the possibility of assigning range to (e}E (i.e.
binding the event argument) through an adjunct locative (overt or covert), a
possibility which we must assume to be unavailable for languages such as Heb-
rew and Spanish.
We already argued that (e>E can be assigned range through specifier-head
agreement with a phrase which itself has existential force. A natural assumption
is that a bare DP which is not otherwise existentially closed cannot provide exis-
tential closure over the event argument, or put differently, it cannot assign range
to (e}E. Thus in the presence of a pre-verbal weak or bare subject, (e}E can only
be assigned range (and the event argument be existentially bound) through the
mediation of a locative. When (e}E is assigned range by a locative, however, the
open value (e}d associated with the pre-verbal bare DP in [Spec.EP] can like-
wise be assigned range, or in other words, the variable in D can be existentially
bound through specifier-head agreement with (e>E, since the latter is assigned
range by a locative with existential force. Following a similar rationale, du/des
DPs in French involve the projection of an (e>d which is not bound internal to
the DP, and is hence in need of existential closure. As such, du/des DPs cannot
themselves assign range to (e>E, and thus the event argument cannot be bound
without an (overt) locative. The contrasts in (74)-(75) follow directly. We note
now that the two possible configurations here mimic, formally, the two modes
of licensing [AspQ(e}#] already discussed, one involving indirect range assignment
from the specifier to the head (discussed in Chapter 3), the other direct range
assignment to the head which is copied onto the specifier, discussed in Chap-
ter 6 (and see (8o)-(8i) below for the relevant structures). We note, crucially,
that when range was assigned to a DP in [Spec, AspQ] through specifier-head
agreement, it involved the obligatory copying of a [DP (e>#] into the agreeing
DP (see Chapter 6, Section 6.3, for extensive discussion). However, as E does
not have any quantity properties, no such copying is expected, and the DP in
[Spec, EP] is not expected to have a quantity interpretation in the absence of an
[DP (e}#] which is independently licensed (e.g. through the projection of a quan-
tity determiner).
Generalizing, and speculating some more, if Benedicto (1997) is on the right
track, and the domain of existential closure is the c-command domain of the
verb, rather than the VP, as originally argued by Diesing (1992), then we can now
assume that the domain of existential closure is determined by the domain of
the event argument, when itself existentially bound. Normally, such existential
binding is accomplished by the presence of an overt subject with existential
force. In the absence of such a subject, a locative is necessary (or some other
operator, possibly), to assign range to (e}E. In the latter case, the domain of exis-
tential closure may actually be extended, in that an event argument that is exis-
tentially bound by a locative may, in turn, bring about the existential binding of
its own subject, through specifier-head agreement and the subsequent existen-
tial closure of (e>d.
Supposing all this is correct, and range assignment by a locative adjunct is
available in English, we derive precisely the fact that in English, in the presence
of a (possibly covert) locative adjunct, but not otherwise, the subject may be a
bare DP with an existential interpretation.25
It is worthwhile to digress briefly to consider the nature of the logical entail-
ments here. Two executions are in principle possible (and possibly, both may
be instantiated). According to both executions, the event argument must be
existentially bound, and the bare DP must be existentially bound. According
to both executions, the locative binds one of these elements, either the event
argument or the bare DP, and the other becomes existentially bound through
a process of specifier-head agreement. The question is, however, whether the
locative directly existentially binds the bare DP or the event argument. Accord-
ing to the execution favoured here, the locative binds the event argument, and
a bare DP, specifically in [Spec.EP], is existentially bound through specifier-
head agreement with E. According to the other execution, more compatible
with the spirit of Dobrovie-Sorin and Laca (1996), the locative binds the bare
DP in [Spec, EP], and the bare DP, now having existential force, binds the event
argument through specifier-head agreement. We note now that at least for the
Hebrew locative clitic cases, the former execution must be preferred. Consid-
ering again the relevant structures, as in (65), note first that there are no speci-
fier-head relations between the bare DP (singular and weak, in this case, and
see (56) for a case of bare plural) and E, as the bare DP (or weak DP) is not in
[Spec.EP]. In fact, we have suggested that it is precisely the absence of such
25
The reader is referred to Dobrovie-Sorin and Laca (1996) for the extension of the account to exis-
tential bare DPs in object position.
specifier-head relations which made the presence of a locative direct range

assigner to (e>E necessary. Further, if one assumes, as appears plausible from
the paradigm in (6)-(i2), that the domain of existential closure is the c-com-
mand domain of E, thereby allowing only generic bare DP subjects pre-verbal-
ly and only existential bare DP subjects post-verbally, then the post-verbal DP
in (65) is already existentially closed, and is in no need for any further help, so
to speak, from the locative clitic. In turn, of course, it is possible that E in (65),
in the absence of a locative, does not establish a domain of existential closure.
But in that case, we must assume that the locative binds, first and foremost,
the event argument, and not the DP. The distribution of locative clitics, then,
could not be attributed solely to the need for existential closure for post-ver-
bal DPs in Vi in Hebrew, and can only be compatible with the need of some
other argument for existential closurethat is, the event argument. I return
in Section 9.5.1 to more evidence which bears on this issue, showing specif-
ically that the locative could not be construed with the post-verbal subject in
cases with the structure in (65), quite simply because an overt locative within a
post-verbal DP subject does not suffice to license these structures. Thus at least
for the cases in Hebrew, the logic of Dobrovie-Sorin and Laca (1996) must be
reversed.
Turning now to English, and applying a similar rationale, locatives, overt
or covert, are obligatory in the presence of pre-verbal bare DP subjects with
an existential interpretation not because the subjects could not otherwise be
bound, but because the event argument could not be otherwise bound. The exis-
tential binding of pre-verbal subjects in English is thus the result of the existen-
tial binding of the event argument, and not the other way around. Of course, we
cannot rule out in principle a derivation in which a locative existentially binds a
pre-verbal bare or weak DP, and such binding, in turn, is transferred to the event
argument through specifier-head relations, nor does it seem advantageous, at
this point, to exclude such a possibility without further empirical support. We
further note that at least one piece of evidence suggests that in English a direct
closure of the DP by the locative, rather than the event, may give rise to desirable
empirical results. Thus note that adjunct locatives in English do license pre-ver-
bal bare DPs and possibly there as well, but nevertheless they do not permit EP
to project without a specifier altogether, a situation which is allowed in Hebrew
and in Catalan. We note in this context the ungrammaticality of (76), as well as
the deteriorated status of (69) without locatives:
(76) a. *There were children dirty (this morning).

b. *There were cats nasty (last night).
c. *There was butter fresh (this week).
In addition to the fact that the ungrammaticality of (76) casts serious doubt
on the generalization proposed in Diesing (1992), according to which there con-
structions are the hallmark of stage level predicates, we note that clearly Eng-
lish there is not sufficient to license a post-verbal subject, and just as a (covert)
locative is necessary to assign range to (e>E in the presence of bare DP subjects,
so a locative appears necessary to augment, so to speak, there in the context of
existential there insertion. This suggests that in English, adjunct locative range
assignment to (e}E is somehow mediated through [Spec.EP]. This would actu-
ally derive the presence of EPP effects in English, but not in Hebrew or Spanish.
Leaving this matter open, and hoping that future empirical findings will bear on
its resolution, we conclude that it can be shown conclusively that, at least in the
case of locative clitics in Hebrew, existential closure applies to the event argu-
ment first, and then to the weak subject in [Spec.EP] by specifier-head agree-
ment with range-assigned (e>E. Some prima facie evidence suggests that English
may follow the other route, from the specifier to the event argument, but a full
resolution of this issue is still pending.
Consider in this context the grammaticality of cases such as those in (77),
already discussed extensively in Chapter 4, Section 4.3.
(77) a. dapqu ba-delet.

knocked.PL in-the.door
b. hipcicu et lebanon ha.boqer.
bombed.PL OM Lebanon this.morning
c. samcu bta soberet et ha.delet.
heard.PL her break OMthe.door
The grammaticality of (77a-c), when viewed from the perspective of the par-
adigm discussed here thus far, appears at first sight rather puzzling. We already
noted that the (missing) subjects in (77a-c) are interpreted very much on a par
with weak bare plurals. And yet, in the presence of an overt bare plural DP with
an existential interpretation in such constructions, whether pre-verbal or post-
verbal, ungrammaticality results, as already noted (minimal contrasts in (78)).
Why should such an asymmetry emerge?
(78) a. *'yeladim dapqu ba-delet.

children knocked.PL in-the.door
b. *metosim hipcicu et lebanon ha.boqer.
planes bombed.PL OM Lebanon this-morning
c. *skenim samcu bta soberet et ha.delet.
neighbours heard.PL her break OM the.door
The solution is obvious, however, when we recall, following the discussion

in Chapter 4, that existential pro has inherent existential force, and as such, it
need not be within the scope of existential closure. Note, however, that it fol-
lows that existential pro must be pre-verbal in (77). Only in that position can it
assign range to (e>E through specifier-head agreement. In turn, the behaviour
of existential pro thus provides additional evidence for the fact that there is no
restriction against pre-verbal weak subjects, as such, and that well-formedness
emerges exactly when (e}E can be assigned range either by a locative (directly),
or by an existentially closed DP in its specifier (indirectly). It further provides
evidence that existential closure, while defined with respect to the c-command
domain of the verb, cannot be associated with the verb as such, but rather must
be associated with the functional head which we labelled E, and which, we
argued, corresponds with the licensing of the event argument.
Finally, note that the (relative) grammaticality in Hebrew of pre-verbal, weak
subjects precisely in the presence of locatives, already noted in (64), now fol-
lows. If indeed the locative assigns range to (e>E in (64), we expect a weak subject
to be licit, due to specifier-head agreement (and see structure (81)).
There is substantial evidence, then, that the distribution of locatives does cor-
relate with existential binding of the event argument. Opting for the simplest
possible description, I will assume that anchoring in space, in and of itself, is
sufficient to establish existence, thereby making locatives, potentially, existen-
tial binders. I will further assume that such an existential function exists inde-
pendently of the specific information on location provided by the locative (i.e.
in the library, here, there), and that in addition to serving as existential bind-
ers, locatives may quite simply be locatives, that is, pick out a location without
existentially binding an event argument or a nominal expression altogether. As
such, locatives fall within the domain of quasi-functional elements, on a par
with heads of measure phrases (e.g. box and cake in box of cigars and cake of
soap), in that they may or may not assign range to open values (and see Volume
I, Chapter i, n. 4 for some discussion). Thus cases such as (79) do not (need to)
give rise to double range assignment to (e}E (by the DP in [Spec, EP] and the loc-
ative adjunct) and are hence grammatical. Here, the locative adjunct remains,
indeed, a locative adjunct, and it is the definite description in [Spec.EP] that
assigns range to (e}Ethat is, existentially binds the event argument:
(79) The cat meowed in the yard.
To summarize, the configurations in (80) are licensed in Hebrew, English,
and Spanish, and quite possibly universally (but see n. 27 on Hebrew pre-verbal
locatives), the configuration in (81) is licensed in English, but not, for example,
in Hebrew or Spanish, and that in (82) occurs in Hebrew and Catalan, but not
English, quite possibly due to the fact that the former but not the latter have loc-
ative clitics (arrows indicate direction of range assignment):26
24
As is often noted (Borer 1984,1995^; Shlonsky 1987,1997; Shlonsky and Doron 1992), Hebrew allows
VS word orders quite freely in Vi or 3 contexts, as the paradigm (i)-(iv) shows (and see n. 16 for some
brief comments):
(i) a. etmol cabad (ha.)ganan ba-gan.
yesterday worked (the-)gardener in-the-garden
c
b. ba-gan abad (ha.)ganan ha.boqer.
in-the-garden worked (the-)gardener in-the-morning
c. be-derek klal cobed (ha.)ganan ba-gan ba-boqer.
usually works (the-)gardener in-the-garden in-the-morning
(ii) a. et ha.mekonit raxaca rina ha.boqer bemesek salos sacot.
OM the-car washed Rina this-morning for three hours
b. la-misrad higi'u ha.miktabim ba-zman.
to-the-ofBce arrived the-letters on-time
(iii) a. ba-qayic gar ha.boes mitaxat la-bayit.
in-the-summer lives the-skunk under to-the-house
b. ba-xorep hayta ha.mora selanu xola.
in-the-winter was the-teacher ours sick
(iv) a. lama cabad ha.ganan ba-gan?
why worked the-gardener in-the-garden
b. eypo cabad ha.ganan?
where worked the-gardener?
It appears tempting to suggest that not just DPs and locatives, but any pre-verbal constituent may
assign range to (e)E, thereby offering a unified account for the grammaticality of (i)-(iv) and that of post-
verbal subjects in locative constructions. Such an extension, however, is not clearly on the right track.
Most importantly, (i)-(iv) clearly allow a strong post-verbal subject, while post-verbal subjects which
are licensed in the contexts of deictic clitics (in both Hebrew and Catalan), post-verbal subjects in there
insertion in English, as well as post-verbal subjects in the context of sentence-initial locatives in Spanish
all require that the post-verbal nominative arguments (specifically we suggested, in [Spec,TP]) be weak
when (e)E is assigned range by a locative. For this reason, an extension of the account is not undertaken
here. We note as an aside that like locative inversion in English, but unlike cases of locative deictic clitics
or cases of there insertion, (i)-(iv) are islands:
c
(v) a. matay ha.ganan abad ba-gan?
when the-gardener worked in-the-garden
b. matay cabad sam ganan?
when worked there gardener
c
(vi) a. *matayba-gan abad (ha.)ganan?
when in-the-garden worked (the-)gardener
b. *eypo ba-qayic gar (ha.)boes?
where in-the-summer lives (the-)skunk
c. * matay et ha.mekonit raxaca rina?
when OM the-car washed Rina
For proposals that the pre-verbal constituent in (i)-(iv) is in [Spec,CP] (and hence not in [Spec,EP]),
see Shlonsky and Doron (1992) and Shlonsky (1997). For a proposal that it is in an A'- [Spec, IP], see Borer
(1995 fo).
So) Indirect range assignment to head by specifier
(81) Range assignment to head by adjunct; indirect range assignment to

specifier by head
(82) Direct range assignment to head
*XP3 is a constituent with existential force (strong, for DP), and [Dp (e)J is a DP with an open
value for (e)d, an unbound variable, and hence weak.
9.5 Why a Weak Subject?

We have now explained why it is that a bare DP pre-verbal subject in English
can receive an existential interpretation. However, in the cases under consider-
ation here, locative Vi contexts, the post-verbal subject must receive an existen-
tial interpretationthat is, it must be weak This is clearly a stronger restriction,
and we must now ask what it follows from. Intuitively, the answer is obvious: the
subject is weak because it must fall under the scope of the existential binder of
the event argument. However, this solution is not straightforward. Specifically,
why must a post-verbal subject, but no other argument, be weak whenever (e)E
is bound by a locative? Consider the example in (83); why is the DP ha.xalon 'the
window' not within the obligatory scope of the existential binder? (See also (96)
for a strong reading for direct objects in similar contexts).27
(83) rac sam yeledmitaxatla-xalon.
ran there boy under to-the.window
Now recall that we have already seen in Slavic a restriction forcing cardinals
to be weak in the presence of verbal prefixes (see Chapter 6, Section 6.3). I sug-
gested that this restriction is the direct result of the relevant prefixes being oper-
ators (realized on the verbal head) which assign range, indirectly, to (e}d. In turn,
strong readings emerge either as a result of range assignment to (e}d internal
to the DP, or as the result of range assignment by one of these quantificational
(perfective) prefixes to both (e}d and (e}#. I further suggested that in assigning
range to (e>d from without the DP, the function of such quantificational prefixes
is akin to that of existential closure, in giving rise to a weak, variable reading
whenever (e>d is bound from without the DP phrase.
We noted already that locative clitics may assign range to (e>E as well as to (e>d
in [Spec,EP]through specifier-head agreementif what occupies that pos-
ition is a bare DP, for which this range assignment yields an existential interpret-
27
Note that it is entirely possible that a similar restriction holds in pre-verbal positions for both Heb-
rew and English, i.e. that whenever the event argument is bound by a locative, a pre-verbal subject must
be weak. Consider why this is so. We assumed explicitly that locative adjuncts may, but need not, function
as existential binders. It thus follows that whenever the pre-verbal subject is itself strong, a locative need
not, indeed may not, assign range to (e)E. The only cases in which locatives must assign range to (e)E dir-
ectly or through the assignment of range to the DP in [Spec,EP], thus by assumption forcing the subject
to be weak, are precisely those in which the subject is an existentially-interpreted weak or bare DP, and
those in which the subject is not in [Spec,EP] altogether, i.e. is post-verbal. It is thus possible that when-
ever Hebrew deictic clitics co-occur with a pre-verbal (strong) subject, they are just locatives, they do not
existentially bind the subject, and range is assigned to (e)E by the strong pre-verbal subject. In turn, when
locatives do bind the event argument, the subject in [Spec,EP] must be weak. Of course, for pre-verbal
subjects, the argument here is unfalsifiable. If one were to claim, however, that the correlation between the
event argument being bound by a locative and the subject being weak in any position is mandated by UG
principles, pre-verbal subjects in English and in general would not be a counter-example to such a claim.
ation. In a sense, then, Hebrew locative deictic markers, phonological clitics, are
slavified. Specifically, these locative clitics function, at times, just like perfective
prefixes in Slavic, in constituting material which attaches to a head, which assigns
range directly to the open value associated with that head, and which may fur-
ther assign range, indirectly, to certain open values within the heads DP speci-
fier. Nevertheless, given the fact that locative deictic clitics are quasi-functional,
in that they may also be pure locatives, they are not direct parallels of Slavic ver-
bal prefixes, and as such we must fine-tune the description of their function here.
Suppose, then, that locatives must realize their operator function only in those
contexts in which ungrammaticality would otherwise result.28 It is presumably
for that reason that in (68) (cf. (843)) we get existential force, as here is assigning
range to an otherwise unlicensed (e}E. In contrast, no such existential interpret-
ation occurs in (84b), as (e>E is licensed through the presence of the subject:
(84) a. Here was a young girl who could out-strut anything on two legs,
b. (Here), the girls (here) are capable of, etc.
In turn, the hallmarks of slavified structures are given in (86):
(85) a. A node licensed through slavification need not be otherwise
licensed.
b. If there is a DP in the specifier of a slavified head, at least one open
value within that DP must be assigned range by the very same assign-
er which assigns range to the slavified head. As the salient property of
direct range assignment to (e>E is existential binding, it follows that a
DP in [Spec, EP] must be weak (and see n. 27 for some relevant com-
ments).
Suppose we return now to the paradigm of locatives in unergative contexts,
considering, for the sake of completeness, both pre-verbal and post-verbal sub-
jects, with locative clitics as well as without them. The cases under consideration
are schematized in (86) and (87), with illustrations in (88) and (89), respectively:
(86) a. [ EP DP strong V <e> E [ TP DP- [...]]] ( 4 o),(88a)

b. *[EPDPweak V <e> E [ TP DP- [...]]] (6),(88b)
c. [ EP DP strong -loc <e> E [ TP DP- 4 [...]]] ( 5 2g),(88c)
d. ?[EPDPweak V-loc <e> E [ TP >P- 4e [...]]] (64c-d) (88d)
28
Alternatively, within an overgenerating modelas opposed to an economy-driven onelocatives
may optionally function as existentials in any context, with under-applications ruled out as cases of
unbound variables, and over-applications ruled out as cases of double marking. The reader is referred to
Chapter 2, n. 3 (Volume I) as well as to Chapter i in this volume (Section 1.3), for some brief comments on
the morphological place of clitics as range assigners on the continuum from head features to f-morphs.
(87) a. *[EP V <e>E [TP J-^-tstrong-weak ~^~ [...]]] (39),(9a)

b. [EP V-loc (e>E [TP DPweak -VJ [...]]] (43a, c), (89b)
c. *[EP V-loc (e>E [TP DPstrong ~^ "* [...]]] (43b,d), (89c)
(88) a. ha.gananim cabdu kolha.boqer.
the.gardener worked all the.morning
"The gardeners worked all morning.'
b. *gananim cabdu kolha.boqer.
gardeners worked all the.morning
c. ha.gananim cabdu sam kolha.boqer.
the.gardeners worked there all the.morning
d. ?Gananimcabdu sam kolha.boqer.
gardeners workedthereall the.morning
(89) a. *cabdu (ha.)gananim kolha.boqer.
worked (the)gardeners all the.morning
"The gardeners worked all morning.'
b. cabdu sam gananim kolha.boqer.
worked there gardeners all thte.morning
c. *cab_du sam ha.gananim kolha.boqer.
worked there the.gardeners all the.morning
The grammaticality of the structure in (86a), as attested by (893), is straight-

forward: here range is assigned to (e>E by the subject DP. Likewise, the structure
in (86b) is straightforwardly ungrammatical: a weak subject, not itself existen-
tially closed, cannot assign range to (e>E. In (86c), the locative must remain exis-
tentially inert, with range to (e>E assigned by the existentially closed subject.
Finally, in (86d), range cannot be assigned by the DP in [Spec,EP], as that DP is
weak. Again, we must assume that range is assigned to (e>E by the locative, and
that the subj ect DP is existentially closed through indirect range assignment via
specifier-head relations.
Turning now to post-verbal subjects, consider first (873). Here too matters
are straightforward. There is quite simply nothing to assign range to (e}E, and
ungrammaticality results, regardless of the type of DP in the post-verbal subject
position. Consider, however, (87b-c). Here, the locative must be an existential
operator, as there is no other range assigner to (e>E. However, assuming T to be
in the upward path of the movement of V+loc to E, the DP in [Spec.TP] now
agrees, perforce, with (the copy of) +40, where loc has existential force. Such
agreement in turn gives rise precisely to the phenomenon we have seen in the
Slavic languages, in which a range assigner to an open functional head value
must also assign range to some open value within that functional projection's
DP specifier, if one projects. As the range assigner under consideration is an
existential binder, it must assign range to (e>d, resulting in an obligatorily weak
DP. It might be helpful to remind the reader at this point that the requirement
that the locative bind an open value within the DP in [Spec.TP] does not follow
from the properties of the locative clitic itself as an existential binder, but rather,
from the fact that because of specifier-head agreement, the clitic, an operator,
perforce binds the DP, just as Slavic prefixes such as na perforce bind both the
open value [ASpQ(e}#] and some value within the DP in [Spec,AspQ]. If all values
within that DP are already assigned rangethat is, boundvacuous quantifi-
cation results. Differently put, as (a copy of) an existential operator is in speci-
fier-head relations with the DP in [Spec, TP], that DP must have an open value.
As existential binders are not appropriate range assigners to (e>, (a point dis-
cussed in Volume I, Chapter 5, Section 5.1; see also Chapter 10), the only avail-
able open value is (e>d, and the DP in [Spec.TP] must be weak. The obligatory
weakness of post-verbal subjects, as illustrated by the grammaticality of (8jb)
when contrasted with the ungrammaticality of (Sjc), now follows in full.29
9.5.1 A brief note on incorporation

It is often assumed that when an operator surfaces on the verb but has an effect
for the nominal paradigm, such an operator has undergone incorporation from
the nominal into the verbal domain. Baker (1988,1996) proposes such an analy-
sis for Mohawk, and Verkuyl (1993) assumes it to apply to the prefix na in Rus-
sian (and by extension, to the entire perfective paradigm), functioning roughly
on a par with na in Czech, already discussed extensively in Chapter 6, Section
6.1. From Verkuyl's perspective, note, an incorporation analysis is essential if
the requirement for a quantity argument in telic configurations is to be main-
tained (or, in Verkuyl's terms, [+SQA]). As we already saw, objects in the Slavic
languages maybe bare, and hence at least prima facie non-quantity ([-SQA]).
Further, in such cases, their interpretation depends on the verbal affixation. An
incorporation analysis would then allow, in principle, the projection of such
DPs as non-bare and as quantity, and their bareness to emerge as a result of
29
The reader is reminded here that for bare DPs in Slavic, Slavic quantificational perfective affixes
assign range to both [DP (e) J and (e)dj thereby giving rise, by definition, to a strong reading. This is not the
case for (8/b), where a definite or specific reading is not available. The difference follows directly from the
fact that the range assigner to (e)E is not a range assigner to (e),, but rather an existential operator, which
can assign range to (e)E or, alternatively, to (e)d, but never to [DP (e) J. Thus the DPs which agree with such
an existential operator must be weak, and may receive a quantity interpretation only through an inde-
pendent range assigner to [DP (e),] (e.g. a cardinal). For some more discussion of this point, see Chapter
10, where I discuss in detail the interaction between locative deictics and range assignment to [Alpq (e),].
syntactic incorporation (but see Bach 1995; Schmitt 1996 for compelling add-
itional arguments against the incorporation analysis).
The overall plausibility of such accounts for Mohawk and the Slavic lan-
guages notwithstanding, we note that even if such an incorporation analysis is
tenable for Hebrew, what is clear is that it strengthens, rather than undermines,
our claim that the locative deictic expression is a range assigner to the event
argument, and cannot be understood in terms of existentially closing a weak
DP. Thus while locative deictic expressions may occur internal to the DP (on the
right, as shown in (90)), they always occur with determiners in such contexts,
and the DP involved is always strong as shown in (91), and thus in no need for
existential closure. Proponents of an incorporation account would thus have to
argue not only that incorporation is blocked out of strong DPs, which may be
independently plausible, but also that locatives are incorporated determiners
only in weak DPs, and that in such cases incorporation is obligatory, a consid-
erably less plausible claim. Further, such an analysis would have to hold that the
incorporation is somehow essential to existentially close the relevant DP:
(90) a. [ha.yeled kan] roce bananot.

the.boy here wants bananas
"The boy here wants bananas.'
b. *[kan ha.yeled] roce bananot.
here the.boy wants bananas
(91) a. salaxtiet [ha.yeled kan] la-qaytana.
sent.I OM [the.boy here] to the summer camp
b. salaxti [slosa yeladim kan] la-qaytana.
sent.I [three boys here] to the summer camp
(Strong reading only for three children)
c. *salaxti [yeladim kan] la-qaytana.
sent.I [boys here] to the summer camp
d. salaxti [slosa yeladim] la-qaytana.
sent.I [three boys ] to the summer camp
(Ambiguousboth weak and strong readings possible for three
children)
Furthermore, DP-internal locatives do not license post-verbal (strong)

unergative subjects in Vi contexts, as (92) indicates, suggesting that even if the
locative may existentially bind the DP when it is internal to it, such existential
binding does not suffice to license the relevant structures, strengthening our
claim that the primary role of deictic locatives is to assign range to (e>E:
(92) a. *rac [yeledsam] ha.boqer.

ran [boy there] this.morning
b. *racu [slosa yeladim sam] ha.boqer.
ran [three boys there] this.morning
c. *rac [ha-yeled sam] ha.boqer.
ran [boy there] this.morning
Finally, deictic locatives clitics can occur together with locatives internal to
the DP:
(93) [slosa yeladim kan] racu sam.
three children here ran there
"Three children here ran there.'
Of course, as the pre-verbal subject in (93) is obligatorily strong, and hence
by assumption it assigns range to (e>E, the clitic sam may just be an adjunct.
However, the existence of two locative expressions here, one interpreted in con-
junction with the event, the other in conjunction with the subject without any
apparent conflict, casts serious doubt on any attempt to collapse the function of
DP-internal locatives with that of the deictic locatives discussed in this chapter.
9.6 Transitive Expletives? In Hebrew??

So far, the discussion of range assignment to (e}E, i.e. the existential binding
of the event argument by a locative clitic or a locative specifier has been lim-
ited to intransitives, specifically unergatives. However, the logic of the analysis
does not restrict it to intransitives; in principle, a locative existential can bind
the event argument in EP in a transitive construction as well. In turn, if and
when such licensing of the event argument takes place in Hebrew in transitive
constructions, we expect a rather dramatic effect. Specifically, we predict that
Vi word order will be attested in transitives, a configuration otherwise entire-
ly absent from the language, under any intonation.30 We further expect that the
post-verbal subject will be obligatorily weak. Examples (94)-(96) illustrate that
this prediction is borne out:
(94) a. kol matoshipcic et ha.cir ('az/etmol/sam).
every plane bombed OM the.town (then/yesterday/there)
30
In fact, almost entirely absent. The exception is narrative inversion, as in (i), attested exclusively
in matrix clauses, and allowed only in very restricted registers. The examples in the text clearly do not
involve narrative inversion, and are licit in embedded clauses,
(i) patxa 'ima et piha ve-amra:pacam'axathaytayalda
opened mother OM mouth and-said once was girl
b. *metosim hipcicu 'et ha.cir ('az/'etmol/sam).

planes bombed OM the.town (then/yesterday/there)
(95) a. *hipcic (kol/ha.)matos et ha.cir.
bombed (every/the.)plane OM the.town
b. *hipcic 'az (kol/ha.)matos 'et ha.cir.
bombed then (every/the.)plane OM the.town
c. *hipcic etmol (kol/ha.)matos 'et ha.cir.
bombed yesterday (every/the.)plane OM the.town
(96) a. hipcic sam matos'et ha.cir.
bombed there plane OM the.town
b. hipcicu sam metosim'et ha.cir.
bombed there planes OM the town
(Existential only; generic reading impossible)
c. hipcicu sam slosa metosim'et ha.cir.
bombed there three planes OM the.town
d. *hipcicu sam slosetha.metosim'et ha.cir.
bombed there three the.planes OM the.town
"The three planes bombed the town.'
e. *hipcic sam ha.matos et ha.cir.
bombed there the.plane OM the.town
f. *hipcic sam kol matos'et ha.cir.
bombed there every plane OM the.city
The similarities between (96) and structures with transitive expletives, as dis-
cussed in languages in which expletives are overt pronominals (e.g. Icelandic
and Dutch), are self-evident. We note that the system proposed here derives the
similarities directly from the availability in Hebrew of a mechanism that can
assign range directly to (e}E, thereby existentially binding the event argument,
in the absence of a specifier for EP. Assuming that overt expletives, as attested in
Icelandic and Dutch, are in [Spec.EP] rather than cliticized to the verbal head
in E, the difference between Dutch and Icelandic, on the one hand, and Hebrew,
on the other, reduces to the difference between direct range assignment to (e}E
(Hebrew), vs. indirect range assignment to (e}E (Icelandic, Dutch), although a
detailed analysis of Icelandic and Dutch transitive expletives along these lines
is not attempted here.
The structures proposed for Hebrew 'transitive expletives', telic and atelic, are
as in (97):
(97) a. Atelic: [ EP V-loc 3 <e 3 > E [TP DP3weak4e3 [ F s P DP P R T ...]]]

originator default
3 3 3 3
b. Telic: [EP V-loc <e >E [TP DP weak4e [ASPQ DP ACC ...]]]
originator s-o-q
9.7 Conclusion
The main concern of this chapter has been to investigate the properties of the
node EP, and the ways in which (e>E is licensed. We did so by exploring the condi-
tions that allow the occurrence of post-verbal subjects in Vi structures in Heb-
rew. We specifically stayed away here from unaccusative structures, in which the
post-verbal subject in Vi contexts is often argued to be in its base-internal pos-
ition, as well as from cases in which the post-verbal subject surfaces at the right
periphery of the clause, arguably derived through phrasal movement (either of
the subject to the right, or of some predicative constituent to the left). Instead, the
investigation focused on the licensing of'external' subjects immediately follow-
ing the verb in Vi contexts, configurations which have been previously assumed
to be ungrammatical in Hebrew (as well as in Italian, for instance). The investi-
gation revealed that in both transitive and intransitive contexts, such 'external'
subjects can surface post-verbally in Vi contexts, but only in the presence of a
locative clitic. Based on this paradigm, and drawing parallelisms with similar
phenomena in Catalan and Spanish, we suggested that the locative allows the
occurrence of post-verbal subjects because it assigns range to the value {e)& a
role usually assumed by pre-verbal subjects in [Spec,EP].Semantically,we sug-
gested, such range assignment to (e}E amounts to existentially binding the event
argument, again, a role usually achieved through the presence, in [Spec.EP], of
an existentially closed (i.e. strong) DP. The role which the locative fulfils in exis-
tentially binding the event argument in turn translates into clear ramifications
for the DP (post-verbal) subject, allowing it a weak reading, exclusively.
This conclusion, if on the right track, sheds considerable light on the syn-
tactic licensing of event arguments, and suggests strongly that locatives, rather
than temporal expressions, are crucial for the licensing of events. In the next
chapter, we return to the paradigm first introduced in the beginning of this
chapterthat of post-verbal subjects in Vi unaccusative contexts. In that case as
well, it will turn out that locatives play a crucial role, this time in the licensing of
telicity/quantity reading, raising the additional possibility that locatives are one
of the crucial building blocks of event structure in general.
10
Slavification and Unaccusatives
10.1 Re-Examining the Paradigm

We concluded in Chapter 9 that locative deictics in Hebrew can function in cer-
tain contexts as existential operators binding the event argument. This conclu-
sion provided an answer to questions posed in (66b-c) of Chapter 9, repeated
here as (la-b), in that we now know why locatives, and why weak subjects in Vi
contexts with locatives:
(1) a. Why locatives?
b. And why is the subject obligatorily weak in (2) and similar struc-
tures?
(2) a. ('amarti Se-) cabad sam/kan/ecli ganan (ha.yom).
(ha.yom).
(today)
(I said that) worked here/there/chez.me all the.gardeners (today)
However, we must still provide an answer to the following questions (and see
Chapter 9, Section 9.1, for a brief discussion of question (33)):
(3) a. Supposing EP is licensed in (2) and similar configurations by the pres-
ence of a locative clitic in E, this still leaves unexplained the licens-
ing of EP in the unaccusative constructions in (4)-(6) where no such
locative is in evidence.
b. How is [AspQ(e}#] assigned range in (4)-(s) and in (?)-(8), given the fact
that the 'internal' DP is non-quantity but the interpretation is telic?
Slavification and Unaccusatives 307
(4) Sono arrivati student!. (Italian)

are arrived students
erupted.RSG riot.RSG (this.morning)
c. hopica casan laban ba-samayim (ha.boqer).
(6) a. parcu sales mehumot.
erupted three riots
c. hopica harbe casan laban ba-samayim.
(7) a. The prospectors discovered gold.
b. The prospectors found rare coins.
c. Robin found oil.
d. The prospectors struck oil.
e. The bulldozer hit bedrock
f. Mary noticed ink on her sleeve.
g. John spotted wildfowl on Saturday.
(8) a. rina gilta zahab. (Hebrew)
Rina discovered gold
b. rani maca matbecot yeqarim.
Rina found coins expensive
A closer examination of the unaccusative paradigm reveals, however, that, at
least for Hebrew, cases like (s)-(6) are scarce, and are restricted to a subset of
mostly achievements. Other classical unaccusative contexts, whether intransi-
tive or passive, pattern rather with unergatives and transitives, in barring Vi con-
texts, whether the post-verbal subject is bare, weak (but not bare), or strong:
(9) a. *hibsilu sloset (ha.)tapuxim (cal ha.cec).

ripened three (the.)apples (onthe.tree)
b. *hitmotetu (ha.)qirot (be-sabat).
collapsed (the.)walls (on-Saturday)
c. *nirqab (qcat) basar (ba-meqarer).

rotted (a little) meat (in-the.fridge)
d. *qap'u (kol ha.)mayim (ba-layla se-cabar).
froze (all the.)water (last night)
e. *putru slosa cobdim (ha.boqer).
fired.PASS three workers (this.morning)
f. *culma (eyze) zebra (cal yedey pil) (ha.boqer).
photographed.PASS (some) zebra (by an elephant) (this.morning)
Nor are the achievements in (10) possible in Vi contexts:
(10) a. *nipsequ gsamim (sop sop).
stopped.PL rains (finally)
b. *nigmeru (harbe) sukaryot (ba-bayit).
flnished.PL (many) candies (at-home)
c. *nececru (kama) diyunim (ba-memsala).
flnished.PL (several) discussions (in-the.government)
d. *histaymu (salos) bxinot (ba-universita).
ended.PL (three) tests (in-the.university)
It should come as no surprise at this point to find out that at least the ungram-
maticality of the examples in (9) is reversed in the presence of a locative deictic
clitic, as (11) shows:
(11) a. hibsilu po slosa tapuxim (ha.qayic) (tokxamisa sabucot).
ripened here three apples (this.week) (in five weeks)
b. nirqab eclenu qcat basar (ba-meqarer) (tokyomayim).
rotted chez.us a little meat (in-the.fridge) (in two days)
c
c. putru sam asarot c obdim (ha.boqer) (tok ceser daqot).
fired.PASS there tens (of) workers (this.morning) (in ten minutes)
d. culma po zebra (cal yedey pil) (ha.boqer)
photographed.PASS here zebra (by an elephant) (this.morning)
(tokxames daqot).
(in five minutes)
(12) a. hibsilu po tapuxim (ha.qayic) (tokxamisasabu c ot).
ripened here apples (this.summer) (in five weeks)
b. hitmotetusam qirot (ha.boqer) (tok salos sacot).
collapsed there walls (this.morning) (in three hours)
c. nirqab eclenu basar(ba-meqarer) (tokyomayim).

rotted chez.us meat (in-the.fridge) (in two days)
d. qap'usam mayim (ba-layla se-cabar) (tokxacisa c a).
froze there water (last night) (in half an hour)
Emitting a partial sigh of relief, then, we note that at least for the events
denoted by (n)-(i2), the question in (33) is no longer relevant. We can assume
quite straightforwardly that the deictic locative in (n)-(i2) assigns range to (e}E
in the now familiar manner, thereby accounting for their contrast in grammat-
icality with (9). For the resolution of (33), there remains then only the clearly
exceptional nature of range assignment to (e>E in (4)-(6). However, as to (sb),
the puzzle of how range is assigned to [AspQ{e}#] in (4)-(s) and in (?)-(8) is now
augmented by the fact that in (12) telic interpretation is available, as in the case
of (4)-(s) and in (?)-(8), without a quantity DP. Things, however, become con-
siderably more complicated before they become simpler.
Locatives, as it turns out, do not improve matters for the achievements in (10).
They continue to be ungrammatical, and thus part company not only with the
paradigm in (4)-(6),but also with (n)-(i2):
(13) a. *nipsequ sam gsamim.
stopped.PL there rains
b. *nigmeru kan (harbe) sukaryot.
fmished.PL here (many) candies
c. *nececru eclenu (kama) diyunim.
halted.PL chez.us (several) discussions
d. *histaymu po (salos) bxinot.
ended.PL here (three) tests
What is grammatical, in the context of these specific achievements, are post-
verbal strong DPs, as shown in (14), which are impossible both in the paradigm
in (4)-(6), and in the paradigm in (9).*
(14) a. nipsequ ha.gsamim.

stopped.PL the.rains
b. nigmeru kol ha.sukaryot.
fmished.PL all the.candies
c. nececru rob ha.diyunim.
halted.PL most the.discussions
1
With thanks to I. Landau (pers. comm.) for alerting me to the grammaticality of the examples in (14).
d. histaymu kol ha.bxinot.

ended.PL all the.tests
Achievements, then, as uniformly instantaneous as they might be, come in at
leasttwo varieties: the'permissive'class, in (4)-(6), with which licensing of both
(e}E and [ASpQ(e}#] is accomplished through yet-to-be determined means, and the
'restrictive' variety in (14), with which a locative does not appear sufficient to
assign range to (e>E, and instead, a strong subject is required in post-verbal con-
texts, which could, at least in principle, assign range to both [ASpQ{e}#] and (e>E (a
matter to which we return in Section 10.3).
But postponing, yet again, the persistently puzzling behaviour of achieve-
ments, and focusing on better-behaved events, suppose we stop to consider the
assignment of range to LspX6)*] in (n)-(i2). We note first that a problem really
surfaces only in (12), as the post-verbal subject is non-quantitythat is, a bare
plural or mass noun. In (11), a quantity DP is, presumably, available in [Spec,
AspQ] to assign range to [Aspa(e}#], in the usual way.
Recall now that we already assumed that locatives (specifically, locative
adjuncts in English) can assign range to [ASpQ(e}#]> in which case they are inter-
preted as delimiters of the event (see Chapter 7, Section 7.3, for discussion). We
further assumed that locative particles (in verb-particle constructions) are
range assigners to [AspQ{e}#] in combinations such as take over and pair up. Sup-
pose, then, that the locative clitic in Hebrew may do double duty, assigning range
to [ASpQ(e}#]> possibly as a delimiter, and to (e>E as an existential operator.2 Such
an assumption would boil down to presuming the Slavification of locative clit-
2
We reject here the possibility that the locative existentially binds both AspQ and E, as we have been
assuming throughout that existential operators (unlike e.g. generic operators) are not quantity operators,
and hence cannot assign range to (e},, regardless of whether it is dominated by DP or by AspQ (and see
Volume I, Chapter 5, Section 5.1, as well as Chapter 6, Section 6.3 of this volume for a detailed discussion).
The question here is in fact a more general one, and concerns the possibility of unifying the existen-
tial function and the quantity function of locative deictic clitics. We note that it is not at all obvious that
such a unification is possible, or even desirable. In English, locative existentials are not implicated in any
way in the formation of telic predicates, and locative particles such as up and down, or adjuncts such as
to the store, even when they force the projection of AspQ, do not have existential force. Likewise, in Slavic,
perfective prefixes do not appear to have existential force over the event argument, their locative histor-
ical antecedents notwithstanding. Severing the functions, however, would result in attributing to coin-
cidence the dual function of locatives as licensors of both telicity and existential binding, clearly an
unfortunate conclusion. It is precisely because of this that one is tempted to assume that the unified func-
tion of locatives is as existential operators, with existential force over the event argument, [Alpq (e),], or
both. However, an immediate drawback to this conclusion is the fact that what matters for range assign-
ment to [Alpq (e),] is not existential closure but quantity, as demonstrated by the fact that three apples, even
if weak, but not apples, can assign range to [AjR (e)J, the latter being homogeneous and lacking quantity.
We leave these matters aside here, noting only that clearly there is much more to be said about the role
of locatives and their function in event structure, and that the discussion here can only serve to reveal
the tip of this iceberg.
ies not only as range assigners to (e>E, but also as range assigners to [ASpQ(e}#] (and
recall now that historically, the Slavic perfective paradigm is related to locative
prepositions). Specifically, let us assume that Hebrew locative clitics, in their
role as quasi-functional items, are possible range assigners to both [AspQ(e}#] and
(e>E. More concretely, suppose a locative clitic may merge either with [AspQ(e}#] or
with T (or with some functional head below T but above AspQ). In the former
case, it can function as a range assigner to [ASpQ(e}#]and subsequently, as it is car-
ried to E through verb movement, it may assign range to (e}E as well. When the
locative merges above AspQ, however, it is of course prevented from assigning
range to [ASpQ(e}#] > but may still assign range to (e}E. Setting aside, for a moment,
the position of the post-verbal subject, the former derivation is represented in
(153), the latter in (isb):
(15) a. [EP hibsilu.(/oc> <e}E [TP hibsilu.(/oc) [AspQ hibsilu.(/oc) [AspQ{e>, ] [ V P ...
b. [EP hibsilu.(/oc> <e)E [TP hibsilu.(/oc) [AspQ hibsilu [AspQ(e>* ] [Vp

ripen
In view of this, let us consider first the paradigm in (n). As it turns out, both
structures in (i5a-b) are, at least in principle, available for derivations with a
quantity, post-verbal DP, as depicted in (i6a-b):
(16) a. [EP hibsilu.(/oc> (e>E [TP slosa tapuxim hibsite.{/oc>
[AspQ slosa tapuxim hibsilu.(/oc) [ASpQ(e}#] [VP
b. [EP hibsilu.(/oc) (e}E [TP slosa tapuxim hibsilu.(/oc)

ripen three apples
[AspQ slesa tapuxim hibsilu [AspQ(e>*] [ w ....
Suppose we consider these derivations in turn. Range assignment in (i6a)

for both [AspQ(e}#] and (e}E is by assumption accomplished through the loca-
tive. Three apples moves to [Spec.TP] to be assigned nominative case, where
it also comes under the jurisdiction of the locative, as an existential binder,
through specifier-head agreement, requiring it to be weak. There is, then, noth-
ing unusual about the derivation in (i6a), although one point is worth noting.
Recall that we argued in Chapter 6, Section 6.3 that Slavic quantificational pre-
fixes, assigning range to AspQ, obligatorily give rise to the copying of #P onto
the DP in [Spec, AspQ], thereby blocking a bare mass or plural DPs in that pos-
ition. In turn, we also suggested that some value within the DP in [Spec, AspJ
in Slavic must remain open, so as to allow the agreement between that specifier
and the quantificational prefix in AspQ to be instantiated, in this case though
indirect range assignment by the quantificational prefix to some open value
within the DP specifier. Consider, however, Hebrew locatives in their function
as Slavified affixes. Although by assumption they can assign range to [ASPQ (e}J,
they are clearly not quantificational in nature. We will thus assume that range
assignment to [DP (e}#], imposed by the quantificational nature of Slavic quan-
tificational prefixes, does not take place in the case of locative clitics. It never-
theless remains the case that the locative clitic, a range assigner to [Aspa (e}J,
by assumption must assign range to some value of the DP in [Spec, AspQ] by
specifier-head agreement. It follows that for the structure in (i6a), the DP in
[Spec,AspQ] may not be strong, or no such open value would be available. It
thus emerges that the post-verbal subject in derivations such as those in (i 6a)
is weak not only because of specifier-head agreement with a locative existential
binder, but also because it has a copy in [Spec, AspQ], and is therefore required to
be weak by the presence of a direct quantificational range assigner to [ASPQ (e}J.
The reader may recall that a similar restriction was attested in Slavic, where
quantified DPs in perfective contexts received, obligatorily, a weak interpret-
ation (and see Chapter 6, section 6.3 for discussion).3
Little beyond that needs to be said about the derivation in (i6b). We note
that here range is assigned to [Aspa (e}J by the DP itself, and hence the DP is not
required to be weak (but is required to be quantity, of course). However, given
the post-verbal status of this DP in the presence of a locative existential range
assigner to (e>E, and given the specifier-head agreement between such a DP and
the locative existential range assigner in TP, the DP is independently required to
be weak The sentences returned by the derivations in (i6a-b) are thus predict-
ed, for the paradigm in (11), to have effectively indistinguishable properties.
Consider,however, a third possibility. Suppose the locative deictic clitic merg-
es with the verb above AspQ, as in (isb), leaving the quantity DP in [Spec, AspQ]
to assign range to [ASPQ {e},]. Suppose now that the DP in [Spec,AspQ] does not
move to [Spec,TP],but rather, stays in [Spec,AspQ]. No special assumptions are
needed concerning the assignment of nominative case, as a mechanism such as
I-Subject (cf. Borer, 1986) or Agree (cf. Chomsky 2000) could assign nominative
3
As within the unergative paradigm, in the presence of a pre-verbal strong subject we must assume
that at least the existential range assignment properties to (e)E of the locative are inert. If the construction
is telic and intransitive, then when the subject is strong (or even just quantity), the locative, quite possibly,
does not assign range to [Alpq (e) J either. Thus it is only in the presence of post-verbal subjects or in the
presence of a non-quantity DP subject which cannot, by assumption, assign range to [Alpq (e),], that the
existential function of the locative deictic clitic must be instantiated.
case to a DP in [Spec,AspQ], within intransitive configurations such as those in

(n), in an entirely straightforward way; see (17).
(17) [EP hibsilu.(/oc) <e)E [TP hibsilu.(fee) [AspQslosa tapuxim hibsilu [ASpQ(e)J [VP
ripened three apples
NOMby Agree
When compared to the derivations in (i6a-b), however, the derivation in (17)

does have one important distinct property. In (i6a), recall, the post-verbal sub-
ject had to be weak, both by restrictions on [Spec, AspJ in the presence of direct
range assignment to [ASpQ(e}#]> and restrictions on [Spec.TP] in the presence of
an existential direct range assigner to (e}E. In (i6b), on the other hand, the post-
verbal subject had to be weak only due to the presence of existential direct range
assignment to (e}E. However, in (17), neither set of restrictions is expected to
hold. At no point of the derivation is the DP in [Spec,AspQ] in agreement rela-
tions with any direct range assigner, existential, quantificational, or otherwise,
and the prediction is that it should be able to be strong. Put differently, we pre-
dict that the paradigm in (11), involving a post-verbal subject in an unaccusative
context with a deictic clitic, should have a correlate which involves a strong DP
in post-verbal position. This prediction is correct, as the grammaticality of (18)
clearly shows:
(18) a. hibsilu kan/sam/eclenu ha.tapuxim (tok slosa sabucot)/

ripened here/there/chez.us the.apple (in three weeks)/
(ha.qayic).
(this.summer)
b. qap'ueclenu kol ha.mayim (bin layla).
froze chez.us all the.water (in one-night)
c. nisxat sam kolha.yebul (tok slosa sabucot)/
destroyed.iNTRANS there all the.harvest (in three weeks)/
(ha.sana).
(this.year)
What is worth noting is that in contrast with the telic intransitives in (18),
the derivation in (17) is excluded for intransitive atelic structures,barring abso-
lutely strong DPs in post-verbal positions in unergative contexts regardless of
the occurrence of a locative clitic, a fact already discussed at length in Chapter
9, and illustrated by the paradigm in (2). In unergative structures, note, there is
no functional specifier that can host the post-verbal subject without giving rise
to agreement with the existential locative, and hence requiring the subject to
be weak Specifically, recall that FP, the node we postulated to assign partitive
structural case to objects of atelic transitive constructions, is only licensed in
the presence of partitive case assignment, and hence does not come under the
jurisdiction of Agree, and a DP in its specifier cannot receive nominative case
(see Chapter 4, Section 4.2, for discussion). Not so for AspQ, which is semantic-
ally licensed, and which may occur without the assignment of accusative case to
its specifier, and in fact routinely does in unaccusative constructions.
Returning now to the original puzzles associated with the properties of post-
verbal subjects, we have now reached conclusions which at first sight contradict
much of what has been assumed about the properties of these cases. If the dis-
cussion here is on the right track, then it is in unergative (and transitive) con-
texts that the post-verbal subject in Vi configurations must be weak, while in
unaccusatives, as (18) illustrates, it maybe strong! We further note that the der-
ivation in (17) presents no problems whatsoever for the list of questions in (3),
as it involves the assignment of range to AspQ by a quantity DP (whether weak
or strong) and the assignment of range to (e>Eby the locative deictic clitic. It fur-
ther emerges that while the paradigms in (4)-(6), as well as the paradigm in (14)
must still be explained, they do not represent the generalization concerning the
distribution of post-verbal subjects in Vi contexts, but rather, the exception. In
the majority of cases.be they unergative, transitive or unaccusative, post-verbal
subjects in Vi contexts are licensed by an overt locative. There is, then, some-
thing special about (4)-(6) and (14), which is in need of a special explanation.
Consider now the paradigm in (12). By assumption, as the DP under consider-
ation here is non-quantity, it cannot assign range to [AspQ(e}#] It therefore follows
that neither derivation (i6b) nor derivation (17) are available, as in such cases
there is no range assignment to [AspQ(e}#]- The only derivation available for non-
quantity DPs, then, is that in (i6a). Here, range is assigned as required to both
[AspQ(e>#] and to (e>E by the locative. In turn, the DP in [Spec, AspQ] need not be
quantity. Quantity DP is not required to assign range to [AspQ(e}J, nor is a quan-
tity interpretation imposed by the locative clitic assigning range to [AspQ(e)*]>
as the locative clitic is not quantificational in nature. It therefore follows that
precisely in these cases, we have a particular kind of violation of Verkuyl's gen-
eralization: there is, indeed, a direct object, but it does not have any quantity
properties (nor is it +SQA, in the sense ofVerkuyl 1972 and subsequent work, or
quantized, in the sense of Krifka 1992).
It is worth recalling, in this context, that in Slavic, bare DPs in [Spec, AspJ
always receive a strong interpretation, a matter discussed at some length in
Chapter 6, Section 6.3. We derived this effect by assuming that perfective prefix-
es copy #P onto the DP in [Spec, AspQ], and then proceed to assign range both to
(e>d and to [DP (e)t], thereby giving rise to a strong interpretation. In contrast, we
already suggested that there is no reason to assume such copying of (e>, in the
case of non-quantiflcational, albeit Slavifled Hebrew locative clitics. As a result,
the structures remain non-quantity, and the requirement that the locative clitic
assign range to some open value within the DP in [Spec, AspJ is met through
the assignment of range to (e>d, thereby existentially binding it and giving rise to
a weak, non-quantity DP. The emerging (relevant) structure for the AspQ node
is in (19) (and see Volume I, Chapter 5, Section 5.1, for the relevant discussion of
the internal structure of non-quantity DPs):
(19) [ASPQ [DP <e>d [CL tapuxim [ N ...]]] hibsilu (loc) (e)t]
apples ripen
indirect range assignment direct
(by specifier-head agreement) range assignment
The differences between Slavic and Hebrew crystallize, we assume, around

the distinct functional properties of quantity prefixes in Slavic, on the one hand,
and the locative/existential properties of locative deictic clitics in Hebrew, on
the other hand. Quantity prefixes require the DP in their specifier to have a #P,
but not so locative deictic clitics, which are not quantificational in nature. In
turn, this difference makes clear predictions concerning transitive derivations.
If indeed the derivation in (19) is a licit one, with direct range assignment by a
deictic clitic to [ASpQ(e}#]> alongside a non-quantity DP in [Spec,AspQ], there is
little reason to assume that the effects of (12) should not replicate themselves
for direct objects which are non-quantity, in this very context of [ASpQ(e}#] being
licensed through a locative clitic. We thus predict that while (20) should denote
atelic, non-quantity events, (21) should allow a telic interpretation, in spite of
the non-quantity nature of the direct object. The judgements, while subtle, con-
firm these predictions (all grammaticality judgements associated with a single
event reading):
(20) a. michal katba sirim (bemesekslosasabuot/*tokslosasabu c ot).

Michal wrote poems (for three weeks/*in three weeks)
b. rina satla vradim(bemesekslosasabuot/*tokslosasabu c ot).
Rina planted roses (for three weeks/*in three weeks)
c. ran limed sira cibrit (bemesekslosayamim/*tokslosayamim).
Ran taught poetry Hebrew (for three days/*in three days)
(21) a. michal katba sam sirim (bemesekslosasabu c ot/tokslosasabuot).
Michal wrote there poems (for three weeks/in three weeks)
b. rina satla eclenu vradim(bemeseksalossa c ot/tok sales sacot).
Rina planted chez.us roses (for three hours/in three hours)
c. ran limed kan sira cibrit (bemesekslosayamim/

Ran taught here poetry Hebrew (for three days/
tokslosayamim).
in three days
Other tests confirm the telicity of (21) when contrasted with (20). Suppose we
assume, following the discussion in Pinon (2000), that an adverb such as gradu-
ally, or its Hebrew correlate, be-hadraga, is an indicator of a predicate being sca-
lar, and that this property is necessary (but not sufficient) for quantity predicates
to emerge, as discussed in Chapter 5, Section 5.4. We now note that the presence
of a locative clitic is crucial for the licensing of gradually, as (22)-(23) show:
(22) a. michal katba sirim (*be-hadraga).
Michal wrote poems (^gradually)
b. ran limed sira cibrit (*be-hadraga).
Ran taught poetry Hebrew (^gradually)
(23) a. michal katba sam sirim (be-hadraga).
Michal wrote there poems (gradually)
b. ran limed kan sira cibrit (be-hadraga).
Ran taught here poetry Hebrew (gradually)
Likewise, the construal of the coordinated events in (24) as non-simultan-
eous is difficult, while such construal is straightforward in (25):
(24) a. rina satla vradimve-diqlema sirim.
Rina planted roses and-recited poems
b. ran limed sira cibrit ve-katab proza gruca.
Ran taught poetry Hebrew and-wrote prose bad
'Ran taught Hebrew poetry and wrote bad prose.'
(25) a. rina satla sam vradimve-diqlema sam sirim (toksalos sacot).
Rina planted there roses and-recited there poems (in three hours)
b. ran limed po sira cibrit ve-katab po proza gruca
Ran taught here poetry Hebrew and-wrote here prose bad
(tok sbu cayim).
(in two weeks)
'Ran taught here Hebrew poetry and wrote here bad prose in two
weeks.'
Note that in (21), (23), and (25) the locative mustbe a range assigner to [ASpQ{e}#]
as the DP is non-quantity. In turn, the subject-of-quantity, for instance, vradim
'roses', must be weak, as the deictic clitic must assign range to (e>d. The emer-
ging structure for (21), (23), and (25) is thus as in (26) (TP structure omitted for
expository reasons; arrows indicate range assignment):
Rina planted.LOC
While the locative in (26) assigns range to [ASpQ{e}#] note, we cannot assume
that it assigns range to (e>E, as in these cases we have a pre-verbal strong subject.
It therefore follows that the locative assigns range to [ASpQ(e}#] and existentially
binds the argument in [Spec, AspQ], but must remain existentially inert when it
comes to range assignment to (e}E.
It now turns out that (12), on the one hand, and (21), (23), and (25), on the
other, exhibit precisely the property attributed by Mittwoch (1991) to achieve-
ments, as exemplified by English (7) and Hebrew (8), in that they allow a quanti-
ty interpretation in the presence of a non-quantity object. But at least according
to commonly used criteria, (12), (21), (23) and (25) are accomplishments, rather
than achievements, and their interpretation in the presence of a locative carries
no implication of instantaneity. I will argue directly below, in Sections 10.2 and
10.3, that the type of achievements discussed by Mittwoch (1991) are complex
expressions which include an existential operator. Insofar as such an account is
workable, it extends directly to the properties of (12), (21), (23), and (25). It does
leave open, however, one interesting question: assuming that Slavic perfective
prefixes require the copying of #P onto the DP in their specifier, but Hebrew
Slavified locatives do not, and noting the fact that perfective prefixes, histor-
ically, are derived from locative prepositions, we must wonder at what point
locatives lose their existential/delimiting function, and become quantification-
al in nature. And finally, does such a transition depend on the nature of the
determiner system in the grammar under consideration, sensitive, specifically,
to the presence vs. absence of articles (Slavic and Hebrew, respectively)? These
questions, however, must await future research. Before we turn to the renewed
discussion of remaining issues, Table 10.1 (p. 318) summarizes the event types
discussed thus far with their properties.
TABLE 10.1. Event types and their properties
Intransitive-atelic Transitive, Intransitive, telic

(unergative) telic (unaccusative)
hibsil class parac class nigmar class

'ripen' 'erupt' 'finish
Without locative *V-SUBJ (cf. (2)) *V-SUBJ *V-SUBJ V-SUBJ V-SUBJ

(cf. Chapter 9, (95)) (cf.(9))
Post-verbal subject *Strong Strong
(cf. Chapter 9, (4)) (cf.(i 4 ))
weak/bare *weak/bare
(cf.( 4 )-(6)) (cf(i3))
Direct object n/a Quantity n/a n/a n/a

*non-quantity (bare)
(cf.( 2 o))
With locative V-SUBJ V-SUBJ V-SUBJ V-SUBJ V-SUBJ
Post-verbal subject *Strong (cf. (ib)) *Strong Strong *Strong Strong
weak/bare (cf. (za)) (cf. Chapter 9 (96d-e)) (cf.(i8)) weak/bare *weak/bare
weak/bare weak/bare (Cf.(2 9 )) (Cf.( 5 2))
(cf. Chapter 9, (96a-c)) (Cf.(ll)-(l2))
Direct object n/a Quantity/n on - quantity n/a n/a n/a

(Cf.(2l))
Note: Shaded boxes indicate paradigms that are still in need of explanation.
10.2 And Returning to Erupting Riots

It is time to return to the original paradigm in (4)-(6), repeated here:
(4) Sono arrivati student!. (Italian)
are arrived students
c. hopica casan laban ba-samayim (ha.boqer).
(6) a. parcu salos mehumot.
erupted three riots
c. hopfa harbe casan laban ba-samayim.
The relevant, puzzling properties of the paradigm are summarized in (27):
(27) a. There is no apparent range assigner to (e>E in (4)-(6).
b. There is no apparent range assigner to [AspQ(e}# ] in (4)-(5).
More specifically, I suggested that when the subject is post-verbal (in unerga-
tive, transitive, and unaccusative structures), a locative is required to assign
range to (e>E, as in (18), for example. In (4)-(6), however, the subject is post-
verbal, but a locative is not available. Further, I suggested that when the DP in
[Spec, AspJ is non-quantity, range to [AspQ(e}#] could still be assigned by a Slavi-
fied locative, as in (123) and (253), giving rise to a quantity interpretation with-
out a quantity DP. However, in (4)-(s) a quantity reading emerges without a
quantity DP and without a Slavified locative.
To the puzzling properties in (27) we may add one more. Recall that for Vi
quantity intransitive structures, the configuration in (28) was licit, giving rise
to a strong post-verbal subject in Vi, telic contexts (cf. (18) and related discus-
sion):
(28) [EP V.(/oc> <e>E [TP.{/oc> [ASPQ DP strong [AspQ(e>,] [ V P ...
But in contrast with the paradigm in (18), the addition of a locative to (s)-(6)
has no effect whatsoever on the obligatory weakness of the post-verbal subject;
see (29).
(29) a. parca kan/sam/eclenu (*ha.)mehuma (ha.boqer).
erupted here/there/chez.us (*the.)riot (this.morning)
b. hitxilu kan/sam/eclenu (*kol ha.)hapganot (ha.boqer).
started here/there/c/iez.us (*all the.Demonstrations (this.morning)
c. hopica kan/sam/eclenu (*ha.)casan (*ha.)laban ba-samayim
appeared here/there/chez.us (*the.)smoke (*the.)white in-the.sky
(ha.boqer).
(this.morning)
When viewed from a different angle, however, note that in all relevant respects,
short of the overt occurrence of a locative, the paradigm U)-(6) behaves exact-
ly on a par with (12):
b. hitmotetusam qirot (ha.boqer) (toksalossa c ot).
c. nirqabeclenu basar (ba-meqarer) (tokyomayim.
Suppose we review the structure for (12) (and cf. (153) and (i6a)):
The relevant properties of the structure in (30) are summarized in (31).

(31) a. Vi structure.
b. The DP in [Spec, AspQ] must be weak
c. The DP in [Spec, TP] must be weak
d. Quantity interpretation is available without a quantity DP.
But these are precisely the properties of the paradigm in (4)-(6). It thus
emerges that (4)-(6) behave as if they have a locative assigning range to both
(e}E and [Aspa(e}J, although no such overt locative is in evidence.
A similar correlation holds between the transitive cases discussed by Mitt-
woch (1991), as in (?)-(8) (repeated here together with telicity tests) and cases of
transitives with overt locatives, as in (21) repeated here. In both cases, we find a
quantity reading without a quantity DP (cf. structure (26)):

c. Robin found oil on Monday and on Tuesday (requires two events).
d. The prospectors struck oil on Saturday and on Sunday (two events).
e. The bulldozer hit bedrock on Saturday and on Sunday (two events).
f. Mary noticed ink on her sleeve on Saturday and on Sunday (two
events).
g. John spotted wildfowl on Saturday and on Sunday (two events).
(33) rina gilta zahabve-mac'a matbecotyeqarim.

Rina discovered gold and-found coins expensive

b. rina satla eclenuvradim(bemeseksalossa c ot/tok sales sacot).
c. ran limed kan sira cibrit (bemesek slosa yamim/tok slosa
Ran taught here poetry Hebrew (for three days/in three
yamim).
days
In view of the clear similar properties of (4)-(6) and (12), on the one hand,
and (?)-(8), (32)^33) and (21) on the other hand, it appears extremely promis-
ing to assume that they all contain a covert locative, which functions exactly on
a par with its overt counterpart in (12) and (21), assigning range to (e}E in (4)-
(6), and to [Aspa(e>,] in( 4 )-(8),( 3 2)-(33).
Note now that all the (internal) DPs in (4)-(8), (32^(33) emerge in the
discourse as a direct result of the event involved. Thus, in some important sense,
they are all presentational. It is worthwhile noting that this is clearly not the
case for the achievements in (14), which are not presentational, but rather, tend
to have a presupposed argument. We note further that the events in (4)-(8),
(32)-(33) have a strong locative interpretation, in assigning a particular loca-
tion to the emerging DP. The presence of a covert locative/existential, on a par
with overt deictic locatives is thus independently plausible. In terms of execu-
tion, suppose we assume that the verbs occurring in (4)-(8), (32)-(33) are all
idioms, in the technical sense discussed in Chapter i, Section 1.4. Specifically, I
suggested that idioms are listemes with partial subcategorization, consisting of
(adjacent) functional open values, at times with fixed range assigners, and that
these open values force the projection of a specific syntactic structure which is
interpreted and realized in accordance with the independent interpretative for-
mulas that otherwise apply to it. Thus, for instance, apluralia tantum expression
such as trousers is the phonological realization of an idiom which consists of the
phonological index of trouser, together with the functional range assignment
(ea>, with (e> an open value that can only be assigned range by a (non-singu-
lar) (div), as in (343). The representation in (343) (where Tt3 is the phonologic-
al index, trouser) gives rise to the structure in (34b), where the merger of the
head feature (div) is necessary to assign range to (e), thus giving rise to a 'plural'
marked form:
(34) a. TROUSERS o [Tt3+(ediv>]
b. [DIV trouser.(div) (edlv> [N trouser] ] > /trauzerz/
Suppose now that likewise, Hebrew parac, 'erupt' as well as its English cor-
relate proj ect as [AspQ(elocB }# [L-D erupt] ], that is, accompanied by the open value
(eloc/3)t. An abstract head feature, (loc/3), now assigns range directly to (ebc/3)t,
rather on a par with its Hebrew overt, possibly prepositional counterpart. In
turn, the phonology returns, for V.(loc/3 >, in these cases, a representation which
is indistinct from that of the original phonological indexthat is, the instantia-
tion of the head feature {loc/3) is phonologically covert, and the instantiation of
the phonological index as a bare verb is paradigmatically missing. The relevant
representation for Hebrewparac,'erupt' and for English notice, for example, are
in(35): 4
4
Note that we are assuming that the locative-existential which assigns range to [Alpq (eloc/3) J is a head
feature, rather than an f-morph, and that, as such, it is distinct from the overt deictic locative in Hebrew,
or from particles in verb-particle constructions which likewise merge to assign range to a'named' open
value, as in (i) (see Chapter 7, Section 7.3.2. for discussion):
(i) a. [ AspQ up <e"P) L D pair<e"P> ]]
b- [ASPQ over <eover) [L_D take <eover)] ]
(35) a. PARACo[Tt5+{e/0<:/3>,]
b. NOTICE o[Tt2+{e/0<:/3>,]
c. [ AspQ parac.(/oc/3> {e/0<:/3>Jvpafae]] -^parac
c. [ASPQ notice.(/oc/3) (elocB)t[v notice]] > notice
We now note that as the combinationparac.(loc/3) moves to E (cf. structure

(30)) for the derivation for an overt locative), it also is in a position to assign
range to (e}E, making the derivation of (4)-(6) an exact parallel to that of (12).
The proposal that some verbs include a 'lexicalization of a preposition is not
newit was made by Talmy (1985, 2000). That some of these lexicalizations
have an aspectual impact is not new either, having been discussed by Higgin-
botham (2ooofo), who proposes that the possibility of incorporating a prepos-
itional, delimiting meaning into a lexical verb constitutes a semantic parameter
distinguishing languages. The proposal that a locative preposition may incor-
porate into a verb resulting in an existential interpretation is specifically argued
for in Mateu and Rigau (2000), to characterize the Catalan locative hi already
discussed in Chapter 9, Section 9.3.2, (see (47)-(49) and related discussion).
Adopting the spirit of these proposals, although not their execution, we will
assume that the 'incorporation' in question is the association of an empty func-
tional value with a listeme, giving rise to the obligatory merger of a head feature
which assigns range to that empty value, much on a par with other idioms. In
turn, whatever language variation we may find will depend on the nature of the
range assigner to the empty value, which maybe an abstract head feature which
is not phonologically realized, an abstract head feature which is phonologic-
ally realized, or alternatively, an f-morph, as in the case of English verb-particle
constructions. As such, it is intra-language variation, rather than inter-language
variation (contra Higginbotham 2ooob, and see also Mateu and Rigau, op. cit.
for a similar claim).
Consider now, in this context, the grammaticality of (36)-(38):
(36) a. Kim discovered the gold.
b. The prospectors found the oil.
c. Mary noticed the ink on her sleeve.
c. John spotted the wildfowl on the tree.
The failure of the abstract head feature (/oc/3) to be phonologically realized in the context ofparac or
notice is now exactly on a par with the failure of other abstract head features to be phonologically real-
ized, e.g. the past tense of forms such as English put or the plurality offish and sheep.
For some general discussion of the status of specifications such as those in (35) in a model that
attributes no formal grammatical features to listemes, see the discussion in Chapter n, Section 11.2. For
a discussion of the relationship between idioms, in the sense used here, and paradigm gaps, see Borer
(forthcoming).
(37) a. ran gila 'et ha.zahab.

Ran discovered OM the.gold
b. dina mac'a et ha.nept.
Dina discovered OM the.oil
(38) a. ha.mehumot parcu ba-boqer.
the.riots erupted in-the.morning
b. ha.casan ha.laban hopica be-sa c a'arba.
the.smoke the.white appeared at 4pm
c. ha.hapganot hitxilu sop sop.
the.demonstrations started finally
If indeed verbs such as English notice and find, and Hebrew parac 'erupt' and
hitxil'start' are idioms containing a phonologically unrealized locative always
assigning range to [AspQ(e>#], and at times possibly also to (e>E, how can the direct
object in (36)-(37) and the subject in (38) be strong? The answer here, I suggest,
is actually different for each case. Specifically, suppose that for the cases in (36)-
(38), the incorporation of (loc/3) is optional, and that the phonological indices
discover, find, spot, etc. exist as bare verb stems as well. If this is correct, we pre-
dict the idiomatized uses to differ in meaning from the non-idiomatized ones
precisely along the (loc/3) lines, and indeed, it is entirely clear that the events
implicated in (36)-(37) are rather different from those implicated in (7)-(8), in
that they do not bring about the creation, or the emergence into the discourse,
of the relevant object DP denotation, nor is the DP in [Spec.AspJ existential-
ly bound (perforce). To illustrate, if the prospectors found the oil, that oil has
already been found before, in the sense of emergence, but was hidden and re-
revealed by the prospector's search. The contrast is particularly clear for (7d, e),
where the presence of a strong DP object radically changes the nature of the
event, and is incongruous under either emergence or re-emergence reading:
(39) a. The prospectors struck the oil on Saturday,
b. The bulldozer hit the bedrock on Saturday.
Consider now (38). Here, the denotations of the DPs under consideration,
although brought into existence by the event in some sense, are nevertheless
presupposed to the extent that the events are clearly anticipated in some sense.
Nevertheless, we must assume that the verbs under consideration do involve
the obligatory projection of (loc/3). If such a projection were optional here,
we would predict that when (loc/3) does not project, such verbs would behave
exactly on a par with the paradigm (n)-(i2), (i7)-(i8), ruling in, specifically, the
paradigm in (29) with the derivation in (28) with a strong direct object, contra-
ry to fact. We must then assume that for (38), range to [AspQ{e}#] continues to be
assigned by (loc/3). But the subject in (38) is strong. If we were to assume that it
merged a copy in [Spec,AspQ], the derivation would be predicted ungrammat-
ical, contrary to fact, either because [ASpQ{e}#] is doubly marked (directly by a loc-
ative existential, indirectly through specifier-head agreement), or, alternatively,
because the existential locative has clearly failed to assign range to any value
within the DP in [Spec,AspQ]. Any merger of a copy of a strong DP in [Spec,
AspQ], then, is predicted ungrammatical here.
As it turns out, however, there is no particular need for the subject in (38) to
merge a copy in [Spec,AspQ]. Rather, it could merge its lowest copy, and thus
be categorized, in [Spec.TP], a configuration already argued to be licit for telic
intransitives in Slavic, where a quantity interpretation is available without a DP
in [Spec,AspQ], in violation of Verkuyls generalization (see Chapter 7 for dis-
cussion). That the subject in (38) need not be weak thus follows both from the
fact that (loc/3) need not assign range to the event argument in the presence of
a strong subject, as well as from the fact that none of the copies of the subject
in (38) were ever in specifier-head relations with an active (loc/3) or within its
c-command domain. The derivation of (38) is thus as in (4o):5
(40) [EP DPstrong V.(/oc>(e>E [TP.(/oc> [ASPQ [AspQ(e>,] [ V P ...
It should come as no surprise at this point, then, that precisely the strong pre-
verbal subjects in (38) should bar possessive dative, as illustrated by the contrast
in(4i)-(42):
(41) a. ??ha.casan hopica le-dani.

the.smoke appeared to-Dani
"The smoke appeared, affecting Dani/at Dani's.'
b. ??ha-mehuma parca le-rina.
the riot erupted to-Rina
"The riot erupted, affecting Rina/at Rina's.'
5
Although the optionality vs. obligatoriness of the covert locative seems to cluster here around
the transitive/intransitive paradigm, at least one verb in Hebrew appears to be intransitive, but have
an optional, rather than obligatory covert locative, namely napal 'fall'. Thus, like panic 'erupt' or hopi-
a, 'appear' it allows a post-verbal weak subject without an overt locative, as in (ia), but unlike panic and
hopi'a, and like e.g. hibsil,'npen, it allows a strong post-verbal subject in the presence of an overt loca-
tive, as in (ib):
(i) a. naplu (*ha.)'abanim.
fell (* the.) stones
b. naplu sam (ha.)'abanim.
fell there (the.)stones
(42) a. hopica le-dani casan.

appeared to-Dani smoke
'Smoke appeared at Dani's/smoke appeared affecting Dani.'
b. parca le-rina mehuma.
erupted to-Rina riot
'A riot erupted affecting Rina/a riot erupted at Rina's.'
10.3 Achievements?
Following original insights in Dowty (1979), it is often proposed that the rela-
tionship between accomplishments and achievements should be defined in
terms of compositionality. Dowty (1979) specifically proposes that accom-
plishments are essentially a CAUSE predicate added to an achievement, the lat-
ter being a BECOME predicate. Under other proposals, challenging specifically
the need for accomplishments to have a CAUSE, accomplishments are a develop-
ment plus a culmination, but achievements are culminations without a devel-
opment, hence accounting for their perceived instantaneity. A recent proposal
put forth (but not executed in detail) in Rothstein (2000^) is that accomplish-
ments consist of an ACTIVITY event, fundamentally homogeneous in the famil-
iar sense, and an extended BECOME event which imposes structure, so to speak,
on the homogeneous ACTIVITY. Crucially, these events are not linearly or caus-
ally ordered. Possibly, Rothstein suggests, achievements should be viewed as the
BECOME event without an ACTIVITY component.
Note now that from the perspective of the account proposed here, quanti-
ty events, whether they fall under Vendler's accomplishment or achievement
class, are not compositional. They are not segmented into a development part
and a resulting state, or a culmination, nor are they segmented into CAUSE
event and CAUSED event, however described. Rather, quantity events are distin-
guished from non-quantity events by having internally quantifiable divisions.
It is thus clear that any account which distinguishes between accomplishments
and achievements, both quantity events, based on the latter being a complex
event including the former cannot be defined within such an approach. In what
follows, I will argue that achievements are not a distinct event type, nor are
they subparts in any sense of accomplishment events. Rather, they are quantity
events. What does single out achievements, so called, is the fact that the V-head
typically found in so-called achievements is more specified than listemes typ-
ically are, in being part of an idiom which forces the projection, and hence the
assignment of range to [ASpQ(e}#] > thereby making their insertion in non-quantity
structures impossible. In contrast, accomplishments, so called, are associated
with V-heads that can be inserted in either quantity structures or non-quan-

tity, activity structures. It is in this way that we seek to capture, indeed capital-
ize on, the generalization proposed by Mittwoch (1991), who points out that all
accomplishment Verbs' in English are in fact ambiguous between accomplish-
ment and activity.
Before turning to the argument that this is indeed so, and to an elaboration
of the properties of the relevant V-heads in achievement contexts, we note that
attempts to account for the accomplishment-achievement distinction in terms
of decomposition are independently problematic. Dowty's (1979) original sug-
gestion, that accomplishments must include a CAUSE component, is quite prob-
lematic, as has been often pointed out. Thus the events implicated in (43), for
instance, have none of the characteristics of achievements, and yet they do not
have a CAUSE component (or at least, it is difficult to see how they have such a
component any more than Vesuvius erupted or Bill arrived, for instance).6 In
turn, the events described in (44) do, plausibly, have a CAUSE component, but are
typically considered to be achievements (and see Kennedy and Levin 2000, for
a similar point recently made):
(43) a. The ship sank in two hours.
b. The apple reddened in three weeks.
c. The line straightened in four minutes.
(44) a. The government ended the project.
b. The prospectors discovered gold.
c. Kim reached the summit.
d. Pat won the race.
The assumption that achievements are culmination points without a devel-
opment part is likewise problematic. Typically, a culmination is taken to be a
telos, in the sense of Higginbotham (20000, b)that is, a point which is the
beginning of a resulting state which prevails at the end of the development part
of the telic event. However, if culminations really are the beginning of a result-
ing state, it is not clear how achievements can be thus described, given the fact
that achievements most certainly denote a transition, albeit a'short' one, and not
a state. In turn, the segmentation of accomplishments into a development part
and a culmination point which is distinct from a resulting state, and which has,
built into it, the notion of transition, amounts to claiming that accomplishments
6
The reader is referred here specifically to the suggestion in Levin and Rappaport Hovav (1995)
according to which the unaccusative instantiation of sink must be accompanied by an understood exter-
nal causer, while the unergative instantiation involves an internal causer, a distinction which is clear-
ly hard to maintain for the examples in (43). For some additional brief comments on this issue, see
Chapter 2 at n. 20.
consist of a homogeneous activity part which ends in an instantaneous transi-

tion, an analysis which seems difficult to maintain in view of the clear interpret-
ation of progressive change associated with many accomplishments. Finally,
when Rothstein's (20000, b) view is considered, we note that its merits can only
be considered with respect to an account which fundamentally subscribes to
the view that verbs, as such, are specified as either accomplishments or achieve-
ments. Consider why this is so. According to Rothstein's suggestion, the BECOME
event, which is built into accomplishments and achievements alike, is an extend-
ed one. One must ask, then, why both ACTIVITY and BECOME (sub-)events are
necessary to describe accomplishments, as opposed to BECOME events alone.
The answer, speculating somewhat, would be that, assuming accomplishments
to consist of both ACTIVITY and BECOME (sub-)events, one could capture the
often observed fact that accomplishments do lend themselves to the negation
of their culmination, thereby giving rise to ACTIVITY, while achievements do
not. However, as achievements do not have an ACTIVITY part but only a BECOME
part, an achievement minus the BECOME event is no longer an event at all.
Note, however, that the generalization thus captured is.by definition, only stat-
able if it is assumed that there are accomplishment verbs or achievement verbs
as such, a view which we rejected here (and which has likewise been rejected
by lexicalist accounts such as Levin and Rappaport Hovav 1995 as well as Rein-
hart 2000). Specifically, such an account could capture very easily the fact that
achievement verbs are obligatorily telic (i.e. they must involve only a BECOME
event), while accomplishment verbs are typically ambiguous between a telic
reading and an atelic reading, a fact that can be captured, by assumption, if it is
assumed that the BECOME sub-event can be negated or omitted. Events, how-
ever, are never ambiguous (i.e. an accomplishment event is never ambiguous
between being an ACTIVITY + BECOME as opposed to just an ACTIVITY), thereby
restricting any claims about ambiguity to the lexical domain. Instead, when a
view is considered according to which event types are not typically properties of
lexical items, so-called'accomplishment verbs'become the standard case (liste-
mes which can be inserted in any event frame, be it activity or quantity), while
something special needs to be said about 'achievement verbs', specifically, what
makes it impossible for them to be inserted in activity contexts. The empirical
advantages of assuming that accomplishments are both ACTIVITY and BECOME
thus disappear.
In turn, the existence of achievements as a distinct event type, originally pro-
posed in Vendler (1967), has come under considerable criticism. It has been
often noted that while many achievements seem to give rise to a culmination
instantaneously without a lead-up development or a perceptible transition of
any sort, instantaneity, in and of itself is neither necessary nor sufficient to give
rise to a telic reading. Thus Smith (1991) notes that the class of instantaneous
events includes both telic events (notice a problem, reach the summit, erupt)
and atelic events (jump, cough), the latter labeled semelfactives by Smith. Focus-
ing on culminating instantaneous events, it turns out that tests which in effect
distinguish achievements from accomplishments are rather difficult to come
by. Parsons (1990) and Verkuyl (1989) both note that the progressive, typically
assumed to tease apart achievements from accomplishments, is actually fully
grammatical in utterances such as those in (45):
(45) a. She is winning the race.

b. Pat is reaching the summit.
c. The king is dying.
d. The train is arriving.
e. He is starting to leave.
While it might be true that in all these cases the actual event being referred
to cannot be said to have a duration (the transition between life and death is a
dichotomy rather than a process, as is reaching a summit, etc.), it is nevertheless
the case that the progressive is well-formed, and that whatever process it does
refer to is understood as being preparatory, or relevant, to the subsequent cul-
mination point. We already noted in a different context that accomplishments
denoted by events such as build a house and similar cases, may include not only
the actual progression of the construction of an object, but also numerous rele-
vant preparatory steps, such as making a blueprint, purchasing lumber, digging
ground for a foundation, etc. To the extent that Kim is building a house may
describe an event that involves not only the gradual construction of a structure
but also relevant preparatory steps intended to further the eventual existence of
a structure, such preparatory steps are rather difficult to distinguish from what-
ever relevant preparatory steps are undertaken by Pat in (45b) to further her
eventual presence on the summit, such as her climbing. What is at stake here,
then, are ontological and conceptual differences, tied in with our understanding
of what may and what may not count as a relevant intermediate step towards a
particular culmination. The grammar, however, seems rather oblivious to such
ontological considerations, a point explicitly made by Verkuyl (1989,1993). We
note in addition that as in most other cases, the verb in and of itself seems to
have little to do with the instantaneous effect in (45). Thus consider the senten-
ces in (46):
(46) a. Kim is (gradually) winning my affection.

b. They are reaching an understanding on the contract.
c. The Amazon forest is dying.
d. The winter is arriving.

Assuming the common-sensical interpretations of (46a-d), in (463) Kim has
already won quite a bit of my affection, and has certainly brought about already
some change in my attitude, when (46b) is true, although, of course, she has not
won my affection fully yet. There is little to differentiate the situation here from
the painting of a picture. Likewise, reaching an understanding involves having
already agreed on some items but not all, and the death of the Amazon forest is
definitely a development, not an instantaneous achievement. Finally, the arrival
of the winter is typically marked by the gradual increase of cold days and is,
likewise, a development.
Nor are other tests mo re useful. Mittwoch (1991), following Mourelatos (1978),
notes that the 'it took x time' test has properties identical to those of the progres-
sive when used with achievements, in that the time passage is understood as
preparatory and relevant, as illustrated by (47). Specifically, note that after three
hours Kim is not yet (partially) at the summit. On the other hand, while it stands
to reason that after three weeks the house was partially constructed, it is equally
plausible that after three weeks the foundation was dug, the lumber was bought
and all the permits were in place, but there was no structure in evidence:
(47) a. It took Kim seven hours to reach the summit.
b. It took them seven hours to win the race.
c. It will take the king two more years to die.
d. It will take seven hours for the train to arrive.
(48) a. It took Kim seven weeks to build the house,
b. It took Jake three minutes to drink that beer.
Further, as in the case of the progressive, the'anticipatory'reading of'it took
x time' can be overridden:
(49) a. It to ok Kim a long time to win my affection.
b. It will take them many months to reach an understanding.
c. It will take the Amazon forest ten years to die.
d. It will take winter at least two more weeks to finally arrive here.
Other proposed tests, including start to and in x time adverbials, at times
claimed to exclude achievements, do not fare any better:
(50) a. Kim started to reach the summit.
b. They started to reach an understanding on the contract.
c. They reached the summit in 10 hours.
d. They reached an understanding in 10 hours.
(51) a. The king started to die sometime last night.

b. The Amazon forest started to die about 25 years ago.
c. The king died in 10 minutes.
d. The Amazon forest died in 10 years.
Mindful of the failure of most of these tests, Mittwoch (1991) neverthe-
less suggests that achievements do exist, and that their hallmark is precisely
the property we have already discussed in this chapterthe existence of a telic
reading in the absence of a quantity DP. Telicity in the absence of a quantity DP
in transitive achievements is amply illustrated, as already noted, by the para-
digm in (32), repeated here:
c. Robin found oil on Monday and on Tuesday (requires two diggings).
d. The prospectors struck oil on Saturday and on Sunday.
e. The bulldozer hit bedrock on Saturday and on Sunday.
f. Mary noticed ink on her sleeve on Saturday and on Sunday.
g. John spotted wildfowl on Saturday and on Sunday.
Although Mittwoch (1991) suggests that various factors conspire to make the
phenomenon more difficult to illustrate for intransitives, the examples in (52)
seem straightforwardly illustrative:
(52) a. Lava erupted (from Vesuvius) on Sunday and on Monday.
b. Ghosts materialized in the living room on midnight and at 2am.
c. Poisonous gas exploded on Fairfax on Sunday and on Monday.
As it turns out,however,Mittwochs diagnostic does not capture all events typ-
ically classified as achievements. Thus the events in (53) are typically interpreted
as involving an instantaneous obligatory culmination, and are hence achieve-
ments, by Vendler's (1967) diagnostics. However, unlike the situations with the
events in (4)-(6) or in (7)-(8),bare DPs are impossible (and cf. (10) above):
(53) a. nipsequ *(kol ha.)gsamim (ha.boqer).

stopped.PL *(all the.)rains (this.morning)
b. nigmeru *(eyze) diyunim (ha.boqer).
finished.PL *(some) discussions (this.morning)
c. nececru *(rob ha.)siksukim (sop sop).
halted.PL *(most the.)disputes (finally)
d. histaymu *(kama) bxinot (ha.sabuca).
ended.PL ^(several) tests (this.week)
Further, we noted that the presence of a locative allows post-verbal subjects

to be bare for some unaccusatives (e.g. (12)), and we suggested that when bare
post-verbal subjects co-exist with a quantity reading, a covert locative is respon-
sible for range assignment to Lspê),]. However, for the events denoted by (53),
the presence of a locative does not result in a similar effect, and the subject must
remain non-bare:
(54) a. nipsequ sam *(kol ha.)gsamim (ha.boqer).
stopped.PL there *(all the.)rains (this.morning)
b. nigmeru sam *(eyze) diyunim (ha.boqer).
flnished.PL there *(some) discussions (this.morning)
c. nececru sam *(rob ha.)siksukim (sop sop).
halted.PL there *(mostthe.)disputes (finally)
d. histaymu sam *(kama) bxinot (ha.sabuca).
ended.PL there ^(several) tests (this.week)
The ungrammaticality of the examples in (53)-(54) with bare DPs, in turn, is
directly mirrored by the ungrammaticality of the English transitives in (55) and
the Hebrew transitives in (56) (and see Sybesma 1992 for the observation that
(55) and similar cases in English are ungrammatical).7
(55) a. *The government ended negotiations.
b. *The plumber stopped water.
c. *The court halted discussions.
d. *The baby finished milk
(56) a. asap gamar *(et ha.)xalab (ha.boqer).
Asaf finished *(OM the.)milk (this.morning)
b. hagai siyem *(kama) bxinot (ha.sabuca).
Hagai finished ^(several) tests (this.week)
c. *ha.memsala hipsiqa *(et ha.)siyua (be-pitbmiyut).
the.government stopped *(OM the.)support (suddenly)
d. *ha.vacada c
acra *(et ha.)yisumim (sop sop).
the.committee halted *(OM the.)applications (finally)
And yet, the predicates in (53)-(s6) denote instantaneous culminations just
as much as those in (32), (52) and in (4)-(6). If we adopt Mittwoch's claim (op.
cit.), according to which a telic interpretation being possible in the presence of
7
Unsurprisingly, (54a-d) are grammatical in the 'Abbreviated English' dialect, which allows article
omission. See Stowell (1996) for some relevant discussion of the dialect under consideration.
a bare NP is the hallmark of achievements, should we then conclude that (53)-

(56) are not achievements?
Intuitively, the ungrammaticality of (53)-(5 6) is easy to explain. Suppose, spe-
cifically, that the events here have an uncancellable culmination, which is to say
that AspQ must project, and as such, must be assigned range. Suppose, further,
that there are no independent means for assigning range directly to [ASpQ{e}#] in
such structures, and crucially, that in these cases there is no covert {loc/3). The
result is that the only way to assign range to LspX6)*] is through the proj ection of
a quantity DP in [Spec, AspQ], thereby deriving the obligateriness of a quantity
DP in (53)-(s6), or in other words, the conformity to VerkuyFs generalization.
But if we conclude this concerning (53)-(s6), then we must conclude that
at least some 'achievements' have exactly the same event structure as other,
non-instantaneous, quantity events, and that at least for these cases, positing
a distinct event type, achievement, is not warranted. In turn, this considerably
weakens whatever claim may remain for postulating a distinct event type for
(32) and (52), or, for that matter, for (4)-(6). Rather, a plausible account would
be that achievements, so-called, are precisely those cases in which the projec-
tion of a quantity structure is obligatory, and that what singles out (32), (52),
and (4)-(6) from other obligatory quantity structures, as in (53)-(s6), is the
fact that range is can be assigned here to LspX6)*] without a quantity DP in
[Spec,AspQ], thereby giving rise to a violation of Verkuyl's generalization. We
already argued that the existence of quantity events where Verkuyl's general-
ization fails is not evidence for the existence of a distinct event type, nor does
it provide justification for postulating a distinction between lexical aktionsart
and grammatical aktionsart. Rather, the assignment of range to [AspQ(e}#] by a
quantity DP in [Spec,AspQ] is but one mode of giving rise to a quantity predi-
cate. Another mode involves the assignment of range to [ASpQ{e}#] directly. In
Slavic languages, such direct range assignment may be accomplished through
prefixation, at least sometimes giving rise to quantity events without an argu-
ment DP (and see Chapter 7, Section 7.1, for discussion). In Hebrew, such dir-
ect range assignment maybe accomplished by a locative deictic element. And
finally, for verbs such as those in (32), (52), and (4)-(6), we suggested that they
are idiomatic expressions and specifically that a (phonologically unrealized)
{loc/3) must assign range to an idiomatically specified [Aspa{e/oc/3 )#], thereby for-
cing the DP in [Spec, AspQ], if present, to be weak. We note again that this con-
clusion is eminently plausible, given the presentational nature of the events in
(32), (52) and (4)-(6), vs. the absence of such a presentational interpretation
for( 5 3)-( 5 6).
If we are on the right track here, the implication is that there is no independent
achievement event type any more than there is an independent DP structure to
accommodate pluralia tantum. Rather, what we have here is a complex expres-

sion, an idiom, which in effect forces the projection of a particular event type,
otherwise already attested, to the exclusion of all other event types. Specifical-
ly, whatever event type is already associated with quantity interpretation must
project here. In turn, we submit, the obligatory culmination which emerges in
the context of such idiomatic expressions (but not in the context of other lis-
temes) may give rise to the outstanding salience of the culmination of these
events which may be translated into a pragmatically favoured instantaneous
interpretation (and see, in this context, Pustejovski 1991, as well as the account
put forth by Erteschik-Shir and Rapoport 2000, attributing the achievement/
accomplishment distinction to the effects of focus).
Having concluded that there is no evidence for positing achievement as a dis-
tinct event type on the basis of the occurrence of bare DPs in (32) and (4)-(6),
let us conclude by elaborating on the nature of the events in (53)-(s6), and on
the means by which the obligatory projection of AspQ is achieved here.
Note that at first sight, at least the paradigm in (53) is puzzling. If indeed the
quantity DP in (53) is in [Spec, AspQ], thereby assigning range to [ASpQ(e}#] why
are such derivations blocked for other intransitive unaccusative verbs, or spe-
cifically, what excludes the paradigm in (9), under a similar derivation? Recall,
specifically, that we excluded (9) by arguing that such derivations leave (e}E
without range assignment, in the absence of either a DP in [Spec, EP], or alter-
natively, a locative which can existentially bind the event. But if range is not
assigned to (e}E in (9), how is it assigned in (53)?
A careful examination, however, reveals that the problem is not as substan-
tial as it first appears. Specifically, consider in the context of (53) the following
contrasts:
(57) a. nipsequ ha.boqer kol ha.gsamim.
stopped.PL this-morning all the.rains
b. nigmar ha.boqer ha.diyun.
finished.PL this-morning the.discussion
c. nececru sop sop rob ha.siksukim.
halted.PL finally most the.disputes
d. histaymu ha.sabuca kama bxinot.
ended.PL this-week several tests
(58) a. ??nipsequ kol ha.gsamim ha.boqer.
stopped.PL all the.rains this-morning
b. ??nigmar ha.diyun ha.boqer.
finished.PL the.discussion this-morning
c. ??nececru rob ha.siksukim sop sop.

halted.PL mostthe.disputes finally
d. ??histaymu kama bxinotha.sabuca.
ended.PL several tests this-week
While the sentences in (58) could be improved with strong emphasis on the
DP, on neutral intonation the word order in (57) is clearly favoured. In turn, the
right-periphery, post-adjunct position of such DPs suggests that they have been
postposed, or that at any rate, that they are not in [Spec, AspQ] (and note in this
context that the definite post-verbal subjects in (18), repeated below, are not
subject to a similar constraint). Thus although the quantity DPs in (57a-d) are
responsible for the assignment of range to [ASpQ(e}#] > it is also entirely clear that
they cannot remain in [Spec.AspJ. Rather, we must assume that they move to
[Spec,TP] and then to [Spec.EP], receiving nominative in the former position
and assigning range to (e>E in the latter. In turn, they maybe postposed, thereby
ending up in the right periphery, due to some other mechanism, plausibly con-
nected to discourse structure. Range assignment for [ASpQ{e}#] and for (e>E is thus
not problematic, and asymmetry with the ungrammaticality of (9) (repeated
here) only apparent. That this is indeed on the right track is further indicated
by the fact that in the presence of a locative, the constraints on the word order
are much relaxed, again, as was the case in (18), precisely because in these cases
range is assigned to (e}E by the locative, allowing the quantity DP to remain in
situ, as already discussed, and as is illustrated by (59) (and see, specifically, the
derivation in (28)).8
8
An issue does remain, however, when the complete grammaticality of (57) under any intonation is
compared with the variable judgements for (i) and the ungrammaticality of (ii), without a very strong
emphasis on the post-verbal subject:
(i) a. hibsilu ha.qayic ?kol ha.tapuxim/*ha.tapuxim.
ripened this-summer ?all the.apples/*the.apples
b. hitmotetu ha.boqer slosa qirot/??ha.qirot.
collapsed this-morning three walls/??the.walls
c. nirqab ha.xodes ?qcat basar/*ha.basar.
rotted this-month a little meat/the.meat
d. qap'u ba-layla se-"abar *kol ha.mayim.
froze last night *all the.water
(ii) a. *cabdu ha.boqer kol ha.gananim/ha.gananim.
worked this-morning all the.gardener/the.gardeners
b. rakdu ha.xodes ??slosatalmidim/*ha.talmidim.
danced this.month ??three students/* the.students
c. *saru ba-xacer kol ha.yeladim/ha.yeladim.
sang in-the.yard all the.children/the.children
(18) a. hibsilu kan/sam/eclenu ha.tapuxim (tok slosa sabucot)/

ripened here/there/'chez.us the.apple (in three weeks)/
(ha.qayic).
(this.summer)
b. qap'u eclenu kol ha.mayim (bin layla).
c. nisxat sam kol ha.yebul (tok slosa sabucot)/
destroyed.iNTRANS there all the.harvest (in three weeks)/
(ha.sana).
(this.year)
(9) a. *hibsilu sloset (ha.)tapuxim (cal ha.cec).
ripened three (the.)apples (on the.tree)
b. *hitmotetu (ha.)qirot (be-sabat).
collapsed (the.)walls (on-Saturday)
c. *nirqab (qcat) basar (ba-meqarer).
rotted (a little) meat (in-the.fridge)
d. *qap'u (kol ha.)mayim (ba-layla se-cabar).
froze (all the.)water (last night)
(59) a. nipsequ kan kol ha.gsamim ha.boqer.
stopped.PL here all the.rains this-morning
b. nigmeru sam eyze diyunim ha.boqer.
flnished.PL there some discussions this-morning
c. nececru 'eclenu rob ha.siksukim sop sop.
halted.PL chez.us most the.disputes finally
d. histaymupo kama bxinotha.sabuca.
ended.PL here several tests this-week
We suggested that idioms come in several varieties, differing as to the degree
of specification of the particular functional structure associated with a phono-
d. navxu ba-xacer ??slosaklavim/*ha.klavim.

barked in-the.yard ??three dogs/*the.dogs
At least two factors seem to be involved in determining the relative grammaticality of (i)-(ii), one
involving the nature of the event (activity vs. quantity), the other involving the nature of the DP. Thus
definite descriptions seem to be the most deteriorated, and strong quantifiers are excluded in (ii), but
not necessarily in (i).We note, in view of this, that clearly more is going on here, and that a system which
regulates the postposability of the subject is in need of further articulation. While there is little prima
facie reason to believe that the model developed in this work would be inconsistent with such an articu-
lation, it does not in itself provide an account for this paradigm.
logical index. Thus an idiom may involve the specification of a unique range
assigner, of a specific type of range assignment to a functional head, in principle
compatible with more than one assigner, and finally, it may specify a particular
open value, leaving entirely open the means of range assignment. The possibil-
ities are schematized in (6oa-c):
(60) a. [Tt; + (e>F ] where F is a label of some functional node

b. [ttj + (ea> ] where a is a specific type of range assigned to the open
value (e.g. +def)
c. [ttk + {e"3} ] where Tt3 is a fixed phonological representation for a fixed
terminal range assigner (e.g. the)
Instantiations of (6ob) are cases of pluralia tantum, already discussed. As

an illustration of (6oc), consider not only verb-particle constructions, such as
take over and pair up (cf. n. 6), but also cases such as kick the bucket, where
the f-morphs associated with the DP the bucket are fixed, as already noted in
Chapter i, Section 1.4. Thus the bucket, rather than this bucket, the buckets, every
bucket, some bucket, etc. are required for an idiomatic reading to emerge. How-
ever, the choice of f-morphs in the DP dominating bridge, in the idiom cross
that bridge when (x) come to it, is considerably less fixed, with the bridge, every
bridge, those bridges, as well as bridges, all possible. As such, we have an idiomatic
expression here which consists of the phonological index for bridge (alongside
some additional phonological indices), together with one or more open values
((e)div> possibly (e}d), but not with a specified range which must be assigned to
them, and certainly not with a fixed range-assigning terminal. Thus bucket in
its idiomatic context is best represented as in (6oc), and bridge, in its idiomatic
context, as in (6oa).
In view of this, consider the distinction between notice, which can license
quantity interpretation with a bare DP, contra Verkuyl's generalization, and fin-
ish which can only occur in quantity contexts, but which nevertheless cannot
violate Verkuyl's generalization. Notice, clearly, is like bucket. Finish, however, is
like bridge. The emerging idiomatic representations are as in (61):
(61) a. [AspQ<e'oc/3>JL-D notice]]
b. [AspQ<e>* [L-D finish]]
Some element now must be provided by the grammar to assign range to
[AspQ(e'ocfl>] and [AspQ{e}#] in (6ia) and (6ib) respectively, or ungrammaticality
results. Aside from the head feature (loc/3) available, by assumption, to assign
range to [ASpQ(e'cfl}] in idioms such as notice, spot, erupt, etc., with their conse-
quent presentational function, and not counting the particles associated with
idioms such as pair up or take over, all fully idiomatically specified, the grammar
of English does not have head features or f-morphs which may assign range to
[AspQ(e>#]. The standard, fully grammaticalized mode of assigning such a range
is through the presence of a quantity DP in [Spec.AspJ. It therefore follows
that when an idiom's specification is for a functional open value, but not for a
specified range assigner to such an open value, the grammar will make use of
whatever mechanisms are otherwise available. The result is a strict adherence to
VerkuyFs generalization together with the impossibility of a non-quantity event
structure for idioms specified as (6ib), namely the class of achievements that are
not presentational in nature. The properties of the paradigm in (53) result.
10.4 Summary
Fundamentally, all structures proposed in Part III of this work are based on the
licensing possibilities for the structure in (62):
In the most standard cases, a strong DP in [Spec.EP] will assign range to (e>E
(as discussed in Chapter 9, Section 9.2), and in languages such as Hebrew and
English, a quantity DP in [Spec, AspQ] will assign range to [AspQ(e}#]> as discussed
extensively in Chapters 3 and 5. The subject matter of Chapters 9 and 10 was
the licensing of the structure in (62), in Hebrew, without such DPs, and rather,
through the presence of a locative/existential element, overt and covert, which
could assign range to (e}E, to [ASpQ(e}#], or to both. In the domain of range assign-
ment by a locative to [ASpQ(e}#] there was a direct parallelism with the ability of
the perfective paradigm in Slavic, historically related to locative prepositions, to
assign such range.
The ability of locative/existential deictic expressions to assign range to open
values greatly increases the range of word orders available in Hebrew, resulting
in a complex and at times entirely surprising paradigm. The range of possible
configurations are given below, together with the sentences which exemplify
them (all arrows indicate range assignment):
(18) a. hibsilu kan/sam/eclenu ha.tapuxim(tokslosasabu c ot)/

ripened here/there/chez.us the.apple (in three weeks)/
(ha.qayic).
(this.summer)
b. qap'u eclenu kol ha.mayim (bin layla).
c. nisxat sam kolha.yebul (tokslosasabu c ot)/
destroyed.iNTRANS there all the.harvest (in three weeks) /
(ha.sana).
(this.year)
(11) a. hibsilu po slosa tapuxim (ha.qayic) (tokxamisasabu c ot).

ripened here three apples (this.week) (in five weeks)
b. nirqab eclenu qcat basar (ba-meqarer) (tokyomayim).
rotted chez.us a little meat (in-the.fridge) (in two days)
c. putru sam casarot cobdim (ha.boqer) (tok c eserdaqot).
fired.PASS there tens (of) workers (this.morning) (in ten minutes)
d. culma po zebra (cal yedey pil) (ha.boqer)
photographed.PASS here zebra (by an elephant) (this morning)
(tokxames daqot).
(in five minutes)

b. hitmotetu sam qirot (ha.boqer) (tok sales sacot).
c. nirqab eclenu basar (ba-meqarer) (tokyomayim.
(5) a. parca mehuma (ha.boqer).

c. hopica casan labanba-samayim (ha.boqer).
(6) a. parcu sales mehumot.

erupted three riots
c. hopica harbe casan labanba-samayim.
appeared much smoke white in the sky
(38) a. ha.mehumot parcu ba-boqer.

the.riots erupted in-the.morning
b. ha.casan ha.laban hopfa be-saVarba.
the.smoke the.white appeared at 4pm
c. ha.hapganot hitxilu sop sop.

the.demonstrations started finally

b. rina satla eclenu vradim(bemeseksalossa c ot/toksalossa c ot).
c. ran limed kan sira cibrit (bemesekslosayamim/tokslosa
Ran taught here poetry Hebrew (for three days/in three
yamim).
days
(7) a. The prospectors discovered gold,
b. The prospectors found rare coins.
c. Robin found oil.

d. The prospectors struck oil.
e. The bulldozer hit bedrock
f. Mary noticed ink on her sleeve.
g. John spotted wildfowl on Saturday.
(8) a. rina gilta zahab.
Rina discovered gold
b. rani maca matbecot yeqarim.
Rina found coins expensive
(2) a. ('amarti se-) cabad sam/kan/ecli ganan (ha.yom).

(ha.yom).
(today)
(I said that) worked here/there/c/iez.me all the.gardeners (today)
(68) ((96) of Chapter 9)
a. hipcic sam matoset ha.cir.
bombed there plane OM the.town
b. hipcicu sam metosim'et ha.cir.
bombed there planes OM the.town
(existential only; generic reading impossible)
c. hipcicu sam slosa metosim et ha.cir.
bombed there three planes OM the.town
11
Forward Oh!
Some Concluding Notes
11.1 Inter-Language and Intra-Language Variation

Within any generative approach to the study of the language faculty, what is
common to all languages may, in principle, come for free. While it might still
be in need of description, the null hypothesis is that it is fundamentally part
of the human biological structure, however described. The true challenge is to
account, within a biological approach to language, for precisely those facets of
linguistic behaviour which differ from one language to the other, and hence,
by assumption, are sensitive to facets of the input. Within the Principles-and-
Parameters approach, the task, then, is to describe and delimit variation, while
bearing in mind that its acquisition must be sensitive to the linguistic environ-
ment. It has now become quite accepted (cf. Borer 1984; Chomsky 19958) that
variation is to be attributed to formal properties of grammatical formatives.
Thus, rather than looking at a picture of language variation which includes 'big
parameters' (the selection of bounding nodes for subjacency, the determina-
tion of a domain for binding, etc.), we are looking at the properties of any sin-
gle E-language as they emerge from the collection of specific computational
properties associated with members of its functional lexicon. As such, the set
of constructions instantiated in any given language is not determined by some
disjunction, within UG, with respect to some formal principle, but rather from
the collection of UG-specified features which are associated with the inventory
of the specific of formatives available in any given language.
I have suggested that the actual functional hierarchy associated with gram-
mars is uniform. Thus, the selection of grammatical categories within a particu-
lar language cannot be responsible for the emergence of distinct architecture.
Functional category labels, associated as they are here with functional open val-
ues such as (e>d, (e>#, [ASpQ(e}#], (e>T, (e>E, etc., must be uniform across languages,
being responsible, in turn, for the projection of DP, #P, TP, etc. Variation within
the functional domain, then, can only be attributed to the mode in which such
open values are assigned range. I further suggested that such range assignment
can be accomplished in a number of well-specified ways, specifically, via direct

range assignment by an abstract head feature or by an f-morph (free or bound),
and via indirect range assignment, either by an adverb of sorts (including dis-
course operators and covert generic operators) or via specifier-head agree-
ment. The mode of range assignment had structural ramifications, within both
the syntactic and the morphological domain. For instance, range assignment
by an abstract head feature or by a bound f-morph resulted in obligatory head
movement, while head movement was altogether blocked for cases in which
range assignment is accomplished by a free f-morph. In turn, the morphologic-
al output of head movement in the case of abstract head features was argued to
be mono-morphemic, while the output of head movement in the case of bound
f-morphs, if needed, is morphologically complex. Finally, indirect range assign-
ment competes with direct range assignment, giving rise, likewise, to syntactic
effects. Thus, for instance, in the presence of range assignment by an adverb of
quantification, an f-morph assigning range to the same value is blocked (there-
by accounting for the fact that in (la) mostly must range over events, and cannot
range over the interpretation of the DP). Similarly, in the presence of specifier-
head range assignment to (e)d, a strong interpretation is blocked, for example
in Slavic, as illustrated by (ib) (see Chapter 6, Section 6.3, for extensive discus-
sion):
(i) a. Most water in the pond is mostly lost through evaporation.
b. Znowu zobaczylemp jedno dziecko. (Polish)
again see-PST-isc.M one-Ace child-Ace
i. T again saw a child.' (weak)
ii. *'I saw the child again.' (strong)
The picture of language variation which emerges, if indeed generalizable
to all other domains of variation, is thus a very specific one. It is reducible to
phonological properties of (direct) range assigners, on the one hand, and to
the availability, in specific languages, of phonological instantiations for par-
ticular range assignment combinations. To wit, if in a language such as Eng-
lish the combination of the verb with some abstract head feature which may
assign range to [ASpQ(e}#] (say (fl5P*)) does not give rise to a well-formed phono-
logical output (i.e. there is no phonological representation for V.(asp*}), and
given the fact that English does not have an f-morph which can assign range
to [ASpQ(e}#]> specifier-head relations remains as the primary available option
for range assignment to [AspQ(e}#] It thus emerges that in English, Verkuyl's gen-
eralization must hold (but see the exceptions noted in Chapter 7, Section 7.3,
precisely in the presence of other range assigners to [ASpQ{e}#])- On the other
hand, in Slavic languages, [ASpQ{e}#] can be assigned range directly, by an abstract
Some Concluding Notes 345
head feature, giving rise not only to obligatory verb movement in such contexts,
but also to the violability of Verkuyl's generalization, to the obligatorily strong
reading associated with bare DPs in [Spec,AspQ] and to the obligatorily weak
interpretation of cardinal expressions in [Spec,AspQ]. The extension of such a
reduction to phonological properties of grammatical formatives of all attest-
ed variation, whether inter-linguistic or intra-linguistic, is clearly a formidable
task, outside the scope of any one project. We nevertheless note that if indeed
possible, such a reduction represents a huge simplification of the task of lan-
guage acquisition. Fundamentally, it consolidates syntactic acquisition with the
acquisition of the phonological properties of grammatical formatives. That the
particular phonological representation of any given formative is language spe-
cific is beyond dispute, as is the fact that phonological representations must be
learned on the basis of exposure. If the applicability of grammatical principles,
otherwise universal, is constrained only by the (morpho-)phonology of gram-
matical formatives, much of the acquisition of syntax becomes, in principle, the
task of matching the properties of phonological forms with the set of otherwise
available and unchanged grammatical computational operations. To the extent
that the variations discussed in this work, both inter-linguistic and intra-lin-
guistic, do, indeed, conform to such a characterization, they potentially point to
towards a research agenda in which all variation is thus accounted for.
It is worthwhile noting that if indeed we are on the right track, the expect-
ation that emerges is that there should not be any grammatical' variations
between languages which are substantially different from variations which may
be found in language internally (although, of course, some such generalizations
may emerge from phonological, rather than syntactic, generalizations). Thus, we
suggested, N-to-D movement is always instantiated in Hebrew, for both proper
names and for definite expressions, due to the fact that (e>d is always assigned
range by an abstract head feature.be it (def-u) in proper names, or (def). In Ital-
ian, in contrast, (def-u) is an abstract head feature, triggering N-to-D movement,
while for definite expressions, range to (e}a is assigned by the article, which is a
free f-morph. No N-movement is attested in such cases. Finally, we noted that
the system as such imposes its own constraints on the inventory of range assign-
ments in any given language. Thus, if a 'high' functional value is assigned range
by an abstract head feature, thereby requiring head movement.'lower' function-
al values cannot be assigned range directly by free f-morphs. As by assumption
f-morphs blockhead movement, the'higher'head feature could notbe support-
ed, and ungrammaticality would result. It is precisely this configuration which
gave rise to the ungrammaticality in Romanian of (ib-d), and to the need in
Hebrew for the formation of a construct nominal to allow the configuration in
(3) (see Volume I, Chapter 7, Section 7.2.1. for a detailed discussion).
(2) a. pisici.le
Cat.RPL.DEF
b. *trei.le pisici
three.F.PL.DEF cats
c. *pisici.le trei
cat.RPL.DEF three
d. *trei pisici.le
three cat.RPL.DEF
(3) sloset ha.xatulim
three the.cats
We do note, in closing, that the claim here is distinct from the one made
in Chomsky (1999 and subsequent literature) that head movement is phono-
logical. While phonological considerations could in effect rule out derivations
in which head movement does not take place, head movement, as proposed in
this work, clearly does change meaning, insofar as cardinals, for example, when
they move to D and assign range to (e}d, give rise to the interpretation associated
with strong indefinites, while cardinals which do not move to (e>d give rise to the
interpretation associated with existential, weak indefinites. The claim is consist-
ent, however, with the possibility that the movement of L-heads, in and of itself,
does not give rise to interpretational distinctions.
11.2 Some Final Notes on the Nature of Listemes

11.2.1 Introductory comments
In a perfect XS system, all listemes would constitute a unique phonologic-
al index associated with a unique conceptual package. Such listemes would
be devoid of any grammatical marking, be it morphological or syntactic in
nature, and would thus be devoid of any formal properties, short of those asso-
ciated with their sound structure. It would be up to formal structural config-
urations, be they morphological or syntactic, to give rise to syntactic category,
to argument structure configurations, to inflectional marking, and to mor-
phological derivatives. In principle, then, any such listeme could occur in any
architectural configuration, with the resulting interpretation to be computed
solely on the basis of the structure, with the listeme in question acting as a pure
modifier. It is precisely these cases which served as the primary case studies in
this work, with illustrations both within the domain of DP structure and event
structure. To the extent that considerable mileage can be gotten from pursuing
a research agenda in which listemes are indeed thus characterized, the obvious
simplicity and parsimonious nature of the system recommends itself.

As the reader has no doubt observed by now, however, it is not the case that all
of English vocabulary, including vocabulary items which are not morphologic-
ally or inflectionally marked in any obvious way, exhibit the sort of flexibility
attested with siren, for example, illustrated by the paradigm in (i) of Chapter 3
and repeated here:
(4) a. The factory horns sirened throughout the raid.
b. The factory horns sirened midday and everyone broke for lunch.
c. The police car sirened the Porsche to a stop.
d. The police car sirened up to the accident site.
e. The police car sirened the daylight out of me.
(from Clark and Clark 1979)
Nor is it the case that languages in general exhibit even the degree of free-
dom attested in English. Thus in Hebrew, and in Semitic languages in general,
argument structure alternations are almost without exception reflected in the
morphology of the verbal form, and there is no noun-verb homophony of the
type so common in English. Likewise, when the Romance languages are consid-
ered, transitivity alternations are typically marked, and specific verbal instan-
tiations cannot occur with varying argument structure configurations, or as
nouns. The XS system, then, overgenerates. These final comments point to some
ways in which this overgeneration can be curtailed.
11.2.2 More on phonological indices

Note now that much of the vocabulary of English has a phonological index
which is, in and of itself, a well-formed phonological word. Form, for example,
a phonological index of a listeme which is in principle unspecified for any syn-
tactic properties, may emerge from at least some verbalizing and nominalizing
contexts unchanged, phonologically, as illustrated by (5):
(5) a. the [N form]
b. to [v form] a word
Further, even if the listeme/orm occurs in the context of inflectional marking
of derivational affixation, it will retain, by and large, its phonological discrete-
ness, as illustrated by (6):
(6) a. forms
b. formed
c. forming
d. formation
The properties of form are shared by many (although probably not all)
underived vocabulary items in English, giving rise to the well-known malleabil-
ity of categorization in English, as well as to the possibility of such vocabulary,
in verbal contexts, occurring in multiple argument structure configurations.
There is, however, nothing inherent to the XS approach that requires such hom-
ophony between phonological indices and well-formed phonological units.
It is thus conceivable, and eminently plausible, that other vocabulary systems
exist in which phonological indices do not correspond to a well-formed phono-
logical word. Possibly at the other extreme from English, we find the Semitic
morpho-phonological system, where, plausibly, (non-borrowed) phonologic-
al indices are never well-formed phonological words. Specifically, suppose we
assume that the relevant notion of a phonological index within the Semitic lan-
guages corresponds to a consonantal root, consisting of two, three, or four con-
sonants (see Marantz 2000 and Arad 2003 for the same assumption). Such a
phonological index is appropriately related to some conceptual package, to be
sure, but in and of itself can never surface as a well-formed phonological output.
As an illustration, consider the consonantal root KTB, clearly associated with
some conceptual feature bundle related to writing. As such, it may occur as part
of both a verbal and a nominal paradigm, as illustrated by (?)-(9):
(7) Verbal forms

Morpho-phon. Past tense Interpretation
template (SSG.M)
I katab 'wrote' (dyadic/monadic)
II niktab 'was-written (monadic)
III kiteb 'copy-edit' (dyadic)
IV (kutab) (not attested)
V hiktib 'dictate' (triadic)
VI huktab 'was-dictated' (monadic)
VII hitkateb 'correspond' (monadic, symmetrical)
(8) Nominal and Adjectival forms derived from verbs

Template Nominal Interpretation Adjective
I ktiba 'writing' katub 'written'
III kitub 'copy-editing'
V haktaba 'dictation'
VII hitkatbut 'correspondence' mekutab 'correspondent'
(9) Nominal forms not derived from verbs

a. miktab 'letter'
b. makteba 'desk'
c. katban 'typist'
d. ktobet 'address'
e. ktuba 'marriage contract'
f. ktab 'hand-writing'
g. katab 'correspondent'
Further, inflection as well corresponds to templates, in which consonantal
roots are supplied with a vocalic melody, and at times with affixal material, to
give rise to different tenses for example, as well as different moods. In fact, tem-
plates IV and VI are typically considered inflectional, passive variants of tem-
plates III and V, respectively, rather than independent templates:1
(10) Root: XSB ('consider')
Template Imperfective/ Passive (SSG.M)
future (SSG.M)
I yaxsob 'consider.FUT' ('consider
something','think')
II yexaseb 'beconsidered.FUT'('be
considered as')
III yexaseb yexusab(IV) 'calculate.FUT'
V yaksib (yuxsab (VI) 'consider.FUT', ('consider as')
not attested)
VII yitxaseb 'be considerate.PUT'
Within an XS system, it must be assumed that the vowels and whatever affrxal
material occurs in well-formed phonological words based on roots such asKTB
and XSB are the realization of some formal structure.be it syntactic or morpho-
logical. We note that the morpho-phonology here cuts across the inflection/
derivation line, in that similar morpho-phonological principles appear to gov-
ern both the formation of well-formed inflection paradigms and the formation
of words which have, at times, unpredictable meaning (albeit always related to
the meaning of the root), as in (9), for instance. Setting aside, however, the spe-
cific execution involved in word formation, and whether it is best characterized
1
Within the nominal domain, Hebrew inflection is by and large non-vocalic (plural and definiteness,
both, by assumption, abstract head features, are not intervocalic). In Arabic, on the other hand, plurals
are at least at times vocalic, giving rise to broken plurals.
(across the board) as the phonological realization of abstract head features or

as based on actual morphemes, we note that the type of homophony attested
in English between nominal stems and verbal stems with multiple argument
structure realizations is neither expected nor attested, but that the system is exo-
skeletal, nevertheless, in that listemes (e.g. KTB), once properly characterized,
need not have grammatical properties, as such. Indeed, any attempt to specify
grammatical features on such listemes is doomed to fail, given their occurrence
in such a wide array of formally diverse outputs (the reader is referred to Arad
2003, for a specific execution within a constructionist approach, as well as to
Borer, forthcoming, for an alternative constructionist view).
Non-trivially, it emerges that all phonologically well-formed words in Semit-
ic languages are derived and categorized. Thus the absence of an English type
polysemy follows not only from the fact that tri-consonantal roots are not in
and of themselves phonologically well-formed words, but also from the fact
that any morpho-phonological word by definition represents a complex gram-
matical structure and is hence no longer category neutral. Its occurrence in any
other categorial context, without added affixation, is expected to be impossible.
Put differently, any verb or (unborrowed) noun in a Semitic language is the for-
mal equivalent of formed or formation, and never the equivalent of form. Just
as formed cannot be embedded under D, so Semitic verbs and nouns cannot be
embedded under functional structure which conflicts with their categorial spe-
cification.
The impossibility under the set of assumptions made here of embedding a
derived word under functional structure which cannot 'categorize' it properly
(albeit vacuously; see Volume I, Chapter i, Section 1.2.3, for some comments)
suggests an obvious way to deal with the fact that even in English some vocab-
ulary items allow only a rigid insertion frame, as well as the fact that in some
languages (the Romance languages, for instance) much of the vocabulary is
similarly rigid. Thus note that Romance verbs are rarely simpletons (inflec-
tion excluded). First, Romance verbs contain a theme vowel which is attested
only in verbal contexts (and forms derived from verbs), and appear to mimic
the Semitic system, on a small scale, in having a vocalic (sub-)melody which is
assigned by some formal structure. Further, few Romance verbs are morpho-
logical simpletons, but rather involve pre fixation of some sort. If we assume that
the pre fixation here reflects the presence of some functional structure, whether
morphological or syntactic, which in turn has verbalizing properties, it would
emerge that little of the Romance verbal stock is underived, and as such is akin
to Semitic words or overt derived forms in English. If there is, then, a listeme
embedded within such derived forms in Romance, one must look for it after
stripping the prefix. It is with respect to that listeme, which may never give rise
to a phonological word on its own, that one must examine the applicability of
the XS model to such languages.
Turning to Latinate verbs in English, we note that an extension of the Romance
picture would require the assumption that, for example, mit is a listeme, and that
for the forms in (11), the presence of a prefix constitutes a verbalizing environ-
ment, either syntactic, or more plausibly, purely morphological:
(11) remit, commit, submit, permit, emit
Positing the existence of a listeme mit in English (and likewise, struct/stray,

duce, gest, and others) is, however, not without problems. For one thing, if a lis-
teme consists of a sound-meaning pair, the presence of sound representation
here is clear enough, but the assignment of meaning to mit or duce is at best an a
posteriori matter, based on a conscious attempt to find a common denominator
among all its occurrences. Suppose, however, we assume that mit is not a com-
plete listeme as such, but rather, is a pure phonological index. Consider the ram-
ifications of such a move. Here is a phonological index without any structural
properties, by assumption, and without any meaning. As it is not a grammatical
formative, it is not part of the functional lexicon, and it cannot merge within the
functional domain or categorize any listeme. In short, it can only be inserted in
a syntactic or morphological structure which by assumption categorizes it. We
proposed that the main function of listemes is as modifiers of structure. Under
the plausible assumption that meaningless phonological indices cannot mean-
ingfully modify a structure, the embedding of mit, for instance, in a syntactic
structure will, at best, give rise to an incomplete interpretation. The following
(possible) Neo-Davidsonian representation involving the verb mit illustrates
this point:
(12) a. The cat mitted the tree.

b. 3e [quantity (e) & originator (cat, e) & subject-of-quantity
(the tree, e) & (mit, e)].
While some partial interpretation can be assigned to (lib), it is incomplete

precisely insofar as mit does not correspond to any bundle of conceptual fea-
tures.
There remains one option for the embedding of mit within a meaningful
structure, as there is exactly one structure in which phonological indices, rather
than full listemes, play a crucial roleidioms. Idioms, recall, are cases in which
some grammatical formative is specified to occur with a phonological index,
and meaning is assigned to the complex constituent as a whole. Within the
domain of syntax, I suggested that idioms consist of the association of a phono-
logical index with some functional structure, with varying degrees of specificity
for the properties of the open value (e> heading that structure, as in (13) (see
Chapter i, Section 1.4):
(13) a. MEANING o[Tt; + (e>]
b. MEANING OTt k +[(e>]
If we assume that morphology may put forth hierarchical structures which
are independent from those produced by the syntax, note, the idiomatic tem-
plates in (13) mustbe augmented by the representations in (14),with M standing
for a bound f-morph:
(14) a. [7t; + M]
b. 7t;+[M]
Meaning, in (i3)-(i4), is not necessarily linked with the interpretation of the

associated phonological index. To wit, in kick the bucket, there is no commit-
ment to the conceptual bundle associated with bucket. Rather, it is associated
with the configuration as a whole. Furthermore, some words (rather than mor-
phemes) may only occur in idiomatic contexts, having no independent inter-
pretation, otherwise, in the language. Thus consider the word ixpat, in Hebrew,
as it occurs in the contexts in (15):
(15) a. lo 'ixpat li.
no IXPAT to.me
T don't care'
b. 'ixpat lo.
IXPAT to.him
'He cares.'
c. *ha.'ixpat, "le.'ixpat.
the IXPAT, to IXPAT
Not only is it the case that 'ixpat never occurs in any other context in the lan-
guage, its categorial membership is extremely difficult to determine. While it
clearly is not a verb (past tense requires a copula), on the whole its properties are
a combination of properties of nouns and properties of adjectives.2
2
While modifiers such as me'od'very are possible with ixpat, suggesting that it might be an adjec-
tive, we also note that to derive the noun ixpatiut, colloquially'caring', with the nominalizer -ut, typically
attached to adjectives, the suffix -i must be added, otherwise in the language typically a derivational suf-
fix attached to nouns to turn them to adjectives:
(i) Israel>Israel-i >Israeli-ut
Israel > Israeli > Israeliness
bayit > beyt-i > beyti-ut
house > domestic > domesticity
It thus emerges that within an idiomatic structure, and only within such
structures, pure phonological indices can receive an interpretation. We may
now propose that mit is associated with the idiomatic structure in (i6a), with a
standing for the relevant range of categorial V morphemes such as re, e, con, etc.
The emerging structure is as in (i6b).3
(16) a. [Ttmit + Ma]
b. [ v {re-,con-,e-}[Tt mit ]]
Under such an analysis remit in English will be a verb, and will not occur
under DP or in the context of plural inflection. The remaining need for narrow-
ing down the overgenerating capacity of the XS model can thus be considerably
reduced.
Clearly, this is but an outline for future research. One must investigate, spe-
cifically, the nature of prefixed expressions in Romance, determining, specific-
ally, whether they are idiomatic, in the sense of (16), or more plausibly, whether
they represent cases in which the prefixes are range assigners to some func-
tional structure (e.g. aspectual structure) or are potentially derivationally com-
plex forms with combinatorial interpretations, and where mit is a true listeme
which contributes its own interpretation albeit one that is possibly not an
(ii) kar^*kar-i
cold (and cf.kar li, 'I am cold', ostensibly on a par with (15))
raceb <=s> *receb-i
hungry
3
Note that a 'complementation idiom (as e.g. depend on), within the morphological domain, would
involve the hierarchical structure in (i), which is in need of categorization, on a par with its syntactic
counterpart in (i4b). Outside the domain of idioms, such structures may be the correct ones for cat-
egory-neutral prefixes, which may then adjoin to the head, itself a full listeme, rather than a pure phono-
logical index. As we are assuming here that idioms involving mit are by definition categorized as V by the
idiomatic structure, these are clearly not the correct structures for them. We leave the matter of whether
complementation idioms such as (i) actually exist as an open issue.
Of some interest in this context is the existence, in English, of nominal forms such as import and
export, as well as permit, all with a penultimate stress. Two avenues are available here, as to their account.
It might be the case that exactly for such cases, but not e.g. for emit and commit, the structure is as in (i),
leaving these forms category-neutral, to be categorized by the structure. In turn, it is possible that the
stress shift is indicative of some derivational process (albeit probably not affixal in nature) which derives
nouns from verbs. We note, in this context, the existence in English of the verb to permit, alongside the
verb to permit, with a final stress. If the noun permit is derived from the verb permit, the existence of to
permit becomes a puzzle. If, on the other hand, permit and permit are but stem allomorphs instantiated in
distinct categorial contexts, the emergence of a verbal form with the erstwhile nominal allomorph (albeit
with a slightly different meaning) is less puzzling. We leave these matters aside here, but see Borer (20030,
forthcoming) for more discussion.
attested phonological word and hence must be subject to further prefixation

(see Chapter 7, Section 7.2 for discussion). If that is the case, then the structure of
Romance prefixed verbs is as in (173) (if the prefixes are range assigners to func-
tional open values), or alternatively, as in (i7b) (if the prefixes are morphologic-
al categorizers), and the importation of Romance forms into English involves
preserving the morpho-phonological complexity, but not the functional value
of the relevant prefix, a rather plausible assumption:
(17) a. [ (ea> [ L _ D Ttmit ]] <=> [ {re-; con-; e-}.Ttmit <e> [v H mit ]]
b. [ v {re-;con-;e-}L D Tt mit ]]
A more detailed investigation is not attempted here. The reader is referred,
however, to Arad (2003) and to Borer (forthcoming) for some relevant discus-
sion.
11.2.3 A last note on idioms

Although by assumption a listeme cannot be associated with any grammatical
properties, one device used in this work has allowed us to get around the for-
midable restrictions placed on the grammar by such a constraintthe forma-
tion of idioms. We have analysed as idioms not only kick the bucket, trousers,
take over, and remitcases where there is an obvious tension between the exist-
ence of a complex hierarchy alongside non-compositional meaningbut also
cases such as depend on, and, possibly most controversially, arrive (cf. Chapter
10, Sections 10.2-3), for which we assumed a hidden existential/locative to be in
place. Potentially, then, within the system developed here, any syntactic or mor-
phological property which does not reduce directly to some formal computa-
tional principle is to be captured by classifying the relevant item as an idioma
partial representation of a phonological index with some functional value. It is
the functional value which in turn determines the categorial environment for
the insertion of a phonological index, and by extension, its interpretation. Such
idiomatic specification could be utilized, potentially, not just for arrive and
depend on, but also for obligatorily transitive verbs (e.g. as requiring an object-
ive (e) correlating with either AspQ or Fs), for verbs such aspwf.with their obliga-
tory locative, and for verbs which require a sentential complement.4
4
And see in this context Ramchand (2003), where the claim that interpretation follows from listed
categorial features associated with L-syntax is explicitly made. See also Marantz (2000,2001) and Arad
(2003), where the claim is made that in effect, all 'words' are interpretations associated with fully articu-
lated structures, and hence are all idioms which, by definition, are categorially specified. The claims made
here are considerably narrower.
In Borer (1994) it is suggested that listemes do specify the number of arguments, although not their
role or their insertion frame. As such, that system can state directly that some verbs are obligatorily tran-
sitive, while others are not. Although a system in which the number of arguments is specified over-
The reader may object that subcategorization, of sorts, is introduced here

through the back door, with the introduction, in lieu of lexical syntactic anno-
tation, of an articulated listed structure, called an idiom, which accomplishes,
de facto, the same task. The objection has of course some validity, and at the
present state of the art, the introduction of idioms may represent somewhat
of a concession, an attempt to integrate the richness of syntactic environments
conditioned, as they at times appear to be, by listemes. On the positive side, we
note that to the extent that the existence of idioms is costly, we have attempted
to put in place here a system which at least potentially extricates from the costly
component of language all properties of listemes which are otherwise derivable
from the structure. Formally unmarked listemes become the norm. The listing
of fixed associations between functional values and listemes, sometimes associ-
ated with phonological indicesthat is, creating idiomshandles the residue
of cases which cannot be otherwise derived. Fundamentally, then, the research
agenda outlined here must now branch into the study of idioms, in the technical
sense defined here. Can the class of idioms be narrowed down? Is it the case
that a more articulated functional structure along with a better understanding
of its semantic function could do away with at least some of the cases which are
here handled via listing as idioms? Are there conditions on the well-formed-
ness of idioms from which the existence of some, but not others, would emerge?
These are all issues which must be investigated in detail before an exo-skeletal
approach can be completely successful, and it is to be hoped that future research
will indeed shed some light on them.
generates less, we note that it gives rise to problems precisely where those arguments do not surface,
for example, in the context of (result) derived nominals (to wit, where are the arguments of destroy in
destruction'. See Chapter 2, Section 2.4, for some discussion). This, among other factors, is the reason why
I opted here for the most limited statement possible with respect to the grammatical properties of lis-
temes. As noted before, it is only under such a strong version that the full explanatory power of such a
system can be investigated, and it is only when its full explanatory power has been researched that it is
appropriate to consider the ways in which this aspect of its statement is to be relaxed.
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Index of languages
Arabic (Palestinian) 266-68,270-1,273 n., 287-9,291-6,
Vol II 349 n. 298,298 n., 310,310 n., 317,322-4,327,
Arabic (Standard) 332,338,344,347-8,350-1,353-4
Vol I 83,132 n., 204 English, Abbreviated ~
Vol II 286 VolII 332 n.
Armenian Eskimo, West Greenlandic ~
Vol I 94-6,114,117-18,178-9,182 Vol II 156,177-8
Estonian
Bulgarian Vol II 99 n.
Vol I 155 n.
Vol II 126 n. Finnish
Vol II 48,99,99 n., 101,101 n., 103-7,108 n.,
Cantonese 109,129,135 n., 137-9,156,162-3,171,
Vol I 9o,96n., 179-82,184-7 215,257 n., 286
Catalan French
Vol II 209,271,275-6,279-84,286,287,293, Vol I 89
295,296 n., 305,323 Vol II 198,290-1
Chamorro
Vol II 286 German
Chichewa Vol I 79,85 n., 92 n., 144 n., 150
Vol II 156 Vol II 103-4,106-7,200,268 n.
Chinese Germanic Languages
Vol I 38,59,68 n., 86-94,96-100,107-9, Vol II 268 n.
114 n., 141,141 n., 178-84,187.187 n., Greek
189,246 Vol I 85
Vol II 165 n.
Czech Haisla
Vol II 126 n., 156-7,164,165 n., 168,180 n., Vol II 155
301 Haitian
Vol I 38
Dutch Hebrew
Vol I 92 n., 190 Vol I xvi, 12-13,36-7,39,41-2,47 n.,54,56-7,
Vol II 32-3,38,40,103-4,106-7,171.304 60,71 n., 75,79,81-3,91,100 n., 103 n.,
111 n., 114 n., 116 n., 118 n., 132 n., 137 n.,
English 144 n., 150-2,154-5,158,171,174,178-9,
Vol I 3,9,12-13,23,26 n., 27,27 n., 29,31-3, 186,187 n., 189,193-5,197-202,204-16,
32 n.,33 n.,36,38-40,42,51-5,58-60, 219-25,232-5,237-42,244,246-7,249,
62,65-7,69-74,79-85,90-4,96,99- 253 n., 255,257,259-60,263,265
101,103,103 n., 108-12,115-17,119,128, Vol II xvi, 15,32-3,36,39,42 n., 43,53,62-3,
131-2,137 n., 139,141,144 n., 145,149-51, 65,76,88,91-2,111-15,117-19,126,141,
154-5,157-8,163,163 n., 171,173,177- 182,198,209,234-5,237-9,241-2,244,
9,184-6,188,194,197,199,199 n., 202, 247,249,255-7,260,260 n., 270-3,
204-11,214 n., 215 n., 227,233,238-40, 275-7,279,279 n-, 282,284,279,279 n.,
242,246-7,249,255 282,284,286-7,288,290-6,298-9,
Vol II 12,14-17,22,24,26,-27,30 n., 41-3, 302-7,310-12,315-17,319,321-2,324-
46 n., 53,58 n., 65,70,74-6,80 n., 5,332-3,338-41,345,347,349 n., 352.
81 n., 87-8,91,97,99,99 n., 102,122- Hindi
3,126,129-130,143 n., 144,147,158 n., Vol II 268
162,181-2,194,197-200,209,212-13, Hmong
221,223 n., 229,234,236,242 n., 256, Vol I 180
376 Index a/languages
Hungarian Romanian
Vol I 94 n.,97 n., 114,116-19, !4O> 167 n., 178- Vol I 212-14,263-4
9,187,193,250,258 Vol II 345
Vol II 126,200 Russian
Vol II 62,108 n., 126 n., 138,185,187,190,
Icelandic 286,301
Vol II 268 n., 271,273 n., 304
Italian Semitic Languages
Vol I 64-7,70-2,80-1,87,89-91,93,104,150, Vol I 39,71 n., 198,215 n., 228,228 n., 265
235 n., 245 n. Vol II 279 n., 347-8,350
Vol II 256-7,272,276,279,286,288,305,307, Serbo-Croatian
319,345 Vol II 126
Slavic Languages
Japanese Vol II 34 n., 65,126,126 n., 137-8,141 n., 155-
Vol I 98 n., 100 n. 9,161,163-5,167,170,172-3,178,180-5,
189-90,192-3,196-200,208-9,212,
Kraho 242 n., 298-302,310-12,314-15,317,
Vol I 33,42,265 325,333,335,344
Spanish
Mandarin (see also Chinese) Vol I 65-6,70,89,132 n.
Vol I 90,96 n., 179,180-2,184,184 n., 185 n., Vol II 283-7,291,294-5,296 n., 305
186,186 n., 187 n.
Min Tagalog
Vol I 180,186-7 Vol II 286
Min, Southern ~ Thai
Vol I 184 Vol I 186,259
Turkish
Nung Vol I 94n.,97,114,166,178-9,187
Vol I 180
Vietnamese
Palauan Vol I 180,186,256
Vol II 286
Polish Walpiri
Vol II 126 n., 169,176-7,344 Vol II 155,178
Portuguese (Brazilian)
Vol I 63n.,i38n. West Greenlandic see Eskimo, West Greenlandic
Wu
Romance Languages Vol I 179-81,184-7
Vol I 72 n., 909,123,139,165
Vol II 347,350-1,353-4
Index of names
Abusch, Dorit Brugger, Gerhard
Voll 146,149 Voll 114 n.
Ackema Peter Burzio, Luigi
Voll 84 VolII 80,120,267n.
Adger, David
Voll 67 n. Carlson, Gregory N.
Alexiadou, Artemis Voll 138 n.
Voll 25 n. VolII 144
VolII 239 n., 242,242 n. Carstairs-McCarthy, Andrew
Allan, Keith VolII 198
Voll 88n. Cheng, Lisa L.-S.
Anderson, Stephen Vol I 88 n., 90,94 n., 96 n., 97-9,179-82,
Voll 32n.,51,53,56 185 n., 186 n., 187 n., 259
VolII 22-3 Chierchia, Gennaro
Arad, Maya Vol I 66 n., 68 n., 87 n., 87-94,97-9,99 n.,
Voll 265 101-2,104-7,121 n -> 122 n-> 235 n -j246
VolII 83,348,350,354n. VolII 43n.
Chomsky, Noam
Bach, Emmon Vol I 4,11,18,19 n., 20,22,27,37 n., 45,46 n.,
VolII 74,129,155,155n. 48 n., 52,71,262,265 n.
Beard, Robert Vol II 11,20,20 n., 71 n., 72 n., 81,81 n., 86,87,
Voll 51,53,56 240,243,243 n., 256,258,312,343,346
VolII 22-4 Cinque, Guglielmo
Beghelli, Filippo Vol I 18 n., 25 n., 26,48 n., 198 n., 228 n., 229
Vol I 6,7 n., 8 n. 113 n. Vol II 112-13, H3 n., 118-19,118 n.,
Belletti.Adrianna Clahsen, Harald
Vol II 101,103,105 n., 256 Voll 26
Benedicto, Elena Clark, Eve
Voll 137,137 n. Voll 8
VolII 270,292 VolII 70,240,347
Benmamoun, Elabbas Clark, Herbert
Voll 57n. Voll 8
Bennet, Michael VolII 70,240,347
VolII 82 Contreras, Helas
Benua, Laura Voll 65,69,139
Vol II 73 n., 157 n., 284,284 n. Corver,Norvin
Bittner, Maria Voll 48
VolII 155,157,177-8,180 n. Croft, William
Boatner, Maxine Tull Voll 14-15
VolII 203
Bobaljik, Jonathan Dalrymple, Mary
Voll 72n. VolII 156
VolII 269,273n.,284n. Davidson, Donald
Bowers, John Voll 19
Voll 140,141 n. VolII 59,82
Bresnan, Joan Davis, Henri
Voll 4,23 Voll 15 n.
VolII 4,286,287n. VolII son.,83,219,266
Brody, Michael Dechaine, Rose-Marie
Voll 24n. Voll 36-8
378 Index of names
Delfitto, Denis Giorgi, Alessandra
Voll 66,120 n., 235 n. Vol I 24 n., 68 n., 68,107 n., 113-14 n., 183
Demirdash, Hamida Givon, Talmy
VolII son.,83,219,266 Voll 150
Diesing, Molly Gleitman, Lila
Voll 69,137,13711. Voll 8
VolII 105,202,292,294 Goldberg, Adele
Dobrovie-Sorin, Carmen Voll 14-15
Voll 138,212 Greenberg, Joseph
VolII 289-90,292-3 Voll 182
Doetjes, Jenny Grimshaw, Jane
Voll 93-4,103-4,232 Voll 3-4,20,22
VolII 15 VolII 4,78n.,263
Doron, Edit Grodzinsky,Yosef
Voll 250-1 VolII 33n.,39,41
VolII 39,296
Downing, Pamela Hale, Kenneth
Vol I 100 n. Voll 5
Dowty, David R. Vol II 33,48,50,50 n., 86,156,177-8,180 n.
Vol II 130,134,156, 2O5, 22O-1, 224,326-7 Halle, Morris
Voll 13 n.,53,55
Emonds, Joseph VolII 23
Voll 71 Harley, Heidi
Erteschik- Shir, Nomi Voll 9,14,58n.
VolII 56n.,334 VolII 61,219
Everaert, Martin Hay, Jennifer
VolII 38-9 Vol II 130,149,151,154,192 n., 229
Hazout, Ilan
Fanslow, Gisbert Voll 39
Vol I 46,46 n. Heim, Irene
Fassi Fehri,Abdelkader Voll 34,137-8,161
Vol I 39,132 n., 198 n., 228 n., 229 VolII 15
Filip, Hana Higginbotham, James
Voll 129 n., 167 Vol I 66-7,107,246
Vol II 124 n., 125,155-69,171 n., 172-4,176-7, Vol II 77,86,202,220-4,262,264,323,327
180 n., 183,190-3,199-200 Hoekstra, Teun A.
Fillmore, Charles VolII 32-3,281-3
Voll 14 Holmberg, Anders
Fodor, Janet Vol I 46,46 n.
Voll 144-7,149 Honcoop, Martin
Fodor, Jerry Voll 232
Voll 14 Hoop, Helen de
Fox, Dani VolII 99,102-4
Voll 72 Hornstein, Norbert
Freeze, Ray Voll 6n.,2o8n.
VolII 286-8 Hout, Angeliek van
Frege, Gottlob Voll 14
Voll 128 n. Vol II 31 n., 49,50 n., 72 n., 102-5,1O3 n '> !3>
Fukui, Naoki 215,242
Voll 24n. Hudson, Wesley
Vol I 140 n.
Gates, John Edward Hundius, Harald
VolII 203n. Voll 88n.
Geenhoven, V. van Hyams, Nina
VolII 103 Voll 37
Gil, David
Voll 43,144,182,259 latridou, Sabine
VolII 72n.
Index of names 379
Jackendoff, Ray Larson, Richard

Voll 5,140 n., 167-8 Voll 25
VolII 92 n., 128,158 n. Landau, Idan
Jaeggli, Osvaldo Voll 162 n.
VolII 96n., 112-13,118,118n. VolII 33n.,39n.,309n.
Johnson, Kyle Lazorczyk, Agnieszka
Voll 27n. VolII 168 n., 188 n.
VolII Son.,96n.,284n. Leinonen, Marja
Jonas, Dianne VolII 138
VolII 269,273n. Lepore, Ernest
Voll 14
Kamp, Hans Levin, Beth
Voll 137,161 Vol I 4-5,5 n.
VolII 50,259 Vol II 4-5,36-8,42-5,53 n., 54,61,69,78,
Kanerva Joni M. 78 n., 98 n., 130,140,149,151-2,154,
Voll 4 192 n., 220,224,229-30,247,271,285,
VolII 4,286 287-8,327-8
Kay, Paul Lewis, Carroll
Voll 14 Voll vi
Kayne, Richard VolII vi
Voll 22,50 Lewis, David
Vol II 6 n., 57 n., 88,280 n., Voll 34,102
Kennedy, Christopher VolII 15
Voll 48 Li, Charles N.
Vol II 78,98 n., 130 n., 149,151-2,154,192, Voll 88n.,96
229-30,327 Li, Y.-H. Audrey
Keyser, S. Jay Voll 88 n.,96,141 n., 186-7n.,247
Voll 5 Lieber, Rochelle
VolII 50,son.,86n. Voll 51
Kiparsky, Paul VolII 22
Voll 125-7 Lin.Y.W.
Vol II 33,99 n., 100 n., 104,105 n., 107,130, Voll 141
135-8,142 n., 144,146,148,162-3,233, Link, Godehard
259 VolII 74,178n.
Klinedinst, Nathan Longobardi, Giuseppe
Voll 170 n. Vol I 64-5,69-73,71 n., 72 n., 80-1,81 n.,
VolII 209n.,290n. 138 n., 139,144 n., 174,235 n.
Klooster.W.G. VolII
Voll 246
Kolver, Ulrike McCawley, James
Voll 88 VolII 86,220
Koopman, Hilda McClure, William
Voll 46n. Vol II 50 n., 220
Kratzer, Angelika McNally, Louise
Voll 14,147-8 VolII 151
Vol II 59-60,63-4,134,220,238,262,264, Malingjoan
284 n. VolII 99,104,106
Krifka, Manfred Manzini, M. Rita
Voll H5n.,i24n., 125-7,130n.,232 Voll 6
Vol II 42 n., 46 n., 47,73-4,77-8,93,124-5, Marantz,Alec
130-5,131 n., 133 n., 134 n., 142,144-8, Voll 13 n., i4,2on., 55,58 n.
156,160-3,165,170,172 n., 177 n., 189- Vol II 10 n., 38 n., 57 n., 61 n., 63 n., no n.,
90,205,225 n., 259,314 2i9.348,354n.
Mateu, Jaume
Laca, Brenda VolII 323
Voll 138,212 Matthews, PH.
VolII 289-90,292-3 Voll 51
VolII 22
380 Index of names
May, Robert Pinon, Christopher
Voll 137 n. VolII 156,148 n.,i63,173,173 n.,i93-4,2oo,3i6
Mchombo, Samual E. Platzack, Christer
VolII 156 VolII 73
Milsark, Gary Pollard, D.E.
Voll 34 Voll 183
Mittwoch, Anita Pollock, Jean-Yves
Vol II 43,249,260,317,321,327,330-1 Voll 71
Mohammad, Mohammad Portner, Paul
Voll 39 VolII 240
Moro, Andrea Postal Paul
VolII 282 VolII 58n., 106
Moshi Lioba Prince, Alan
Voll 4 Vol I 215 n.
VolII 4 Prince, Ellen
Mourelatos, A. P. D. Voll 150
VolII 78,129,201,203n.,330 Pustejovsky, James
Mulder, Rene Voll 14 n.
VolII 32-3,281-3 VolII 86,220,224,239n.,240
Munn, Alan
Voll 63,138 Ramchand, Gillian C.
Muromatsu, Keiko Voll 67n.
Vol I 87,94 n., 98 n., 100 n., 103-4 n., 128 n., Vol II 50 n., 102,103 n., 105,130,220,354 n.
140 n., 180 n. Rapoport, Tova R.
Vol II 50 n., 224,334,
Noyer.Rolf Rappaport Hovav, Malka
Voll 9,56,58n. Vol I 4-5,5 n.
VolII 240 Vol II 4-5,36-8,42 n., 42-5,53-4,61,69,
78 n., 130,149,220,224,247,271,285,
Ortman, Albert 287,287 n., 327 n., 328
Voll 116 Reinhart, Tanya
Ouhalla, Jamal Vol I 4-5,146,148-9
Voll 24n.,27,39 Vol II 4,33,38 n., 43 n., 44-5,50-4,57 n., 82,
VolII 12 247,328
Riemsdijk, Henk van
Pancheva, Roumyana Vol I 10 n., 20,24,49,92 n., 247
VolII 188 n. Rigau, Gemma
Parsons, Terence VolII 275,281-2,323
Vol II 59,82,86,98,202,215-16,220,328 Ri tier, Elizabeth
Partee, Barbara Vol I 14,18 n., 39,41 n., 56,112 n., 140,140 n.,
Voll 134 n. 142,177 n., 207 n., 209 n., 247,247 n.
VolII 50,82,259 Vol II 50 n., 114,115 n.
Penke, Martina Rizzi, Luigi
Voll 26 VolII 37,63
Pereltsvaig, Asya Roberts, Ian
VolII 108 n Vol II 92 n., 96 n., 284
Perlmutter, David Roeper, Thomas
VolII 31 n.,32,34,58n. VolII 242
Pesetsky, David Rohrbacher, Bernhard
Voll 3,22,27n. Voll 26,37n., 165
VolII 4,62,Son.,88-9,118n., 185-6 VolII 11 n.
Peters, Stanley Rosen, Sara Thomas
VolII 156 Voll 14
Petrova, Milena VolII 47-8,son.
Vol I 155 n. Rothstein, Susan
Pianesi, Fabio Vol II 76-8,125,132,140 n., 221 n., 224-5,
Vol I 24 n., 68,68 n., 107 n., 113-14 n., 183 326
Index of names 381
Roussou, Anna Snyder, William

Voll 6n. VolII 242
Roy, Isabella Souza, S. M. De
VolII 290 Voll 33
Rozwadowska, Bozena Speas, Margaret
VolII 6311., 24211. VolII 108-9
Runner, Jeff Stowell, Tim
Voll 27 Vol I 6,7-8 n., 19,22,65,113 n.
Vol II 72 n., 80 n., 106,257 VolII 332n.
Russell, Bertrand Stump, Gregory
Voll 787n., 181 n. Voll 51,56
Ruys.EddyG. VolII 22,24,198
Voll 146,149 Svenonious, Peter
VolII 195,200
Safir.Ken Swart, Henrietta de
Voll 149 Voll 246
Sag, Ivan Sybesma, Rint
Voll 144-7,149 Vol I 88 n., 90,94 n., 96 n., 97-9,179-82,
Schein, Barry 185 n., 186 n., 187 n., 130,259
Vol I 112 n., 123,124 n., 232 n. VolII 332
Vol II 128,134,142,142 n., 144 n., 177,215-16, Szabolcsi,Anna
216 n. Voll 19,46,65
Schlenker, Philippe
Voll 127 n. Talmy, Len
Schmitt, Christina J. Voll 10
Vol I 63 n., 138 n., 171 n. VolII 323
Vol II 50 n., 72 n., 73 n., 124 n., 130,156, Tenny, Carol
156 n., 172 n., 176 n., 212,302 Vol II 47,49,73,75,75 n., 78,124,124 n., 130,
Schoorlemmer, Maaike 134,160 n., 172 n., 205,221 n.
VolII 185-9,199 n. Thompson, Sandra A.
Schwarzschild, Roger Voll 88n.,96
Voll 246-7 Torrego, Ester
Sciullo, Anna-Maria di VolII 275,277,279,281
Voll 4 Tortora, Christina M.
Selkirk, Elizabeth VolII 287,288
Voll 246 Travis, Lisa
Sharvy, Richard Vol II 50 n., 83 n., 264
Voll 88n.,94n. T'sou, Benjamin K.
Shlonsky.Ur Voll 92
Voll 18,36,39,57 n., 140 n., 195-8,213 n., T'ung,P.C.
214 n., 215 n., 228 Voll 183
VolII 256,296n.
Sichel.Ivy Vainikka,Anne
Voll 18 n., 198 n.,228 n.,229 VolII 99,104,106
Siegel, Laura Valois, Daniel
VolII 239n.,240 Voll i8n.,72n.,81 n., 197
Siegler, Michele Van Valin, Robert, D
Voll 94 VolII 34-8,45,98 n.
Siloni, Tal Vendler, Zeno
Voll 39,41 n.,71,211,216,218n. VolII 54,139,222n.,260,328
VolII 38n.,57n. Vergnaud, Jean-Roger
Simpson, Andrew Voll 81 n.
Voll 183-7 Verkuyl, Henk
Slobin, Linda Voll 124,130
Voll 87 Vol II 34 n., 41 n., 46 n., 47,73,98,99 n., 128-
Smith, Carlota 30,134-7,152 n., 161,172,202-3,233,
VolII 82,97,329 236,241,259,301,314,329
382 Index of names
Vikner, Sten Williams, Gwyn
VolII 104,106-7,269 Voll 259
Voorst, J. G. van Williams, Edwin
VolII 49,83 Voll 4-5,51,67
Ware,RobertX. VolII 4,22,28,85n.
Voll 88 n., 182-3 Wu.Zoe
Wechsler, Stephen Voll 184 n.
Vol II 212,225,225 n., 229-30
Zubizarreta, Maria Luisa
White,Michael Voll 81 n.
Voll 129-3on. VolII 250
VolII 145 Zucchi, Alessandro
Wilkinson, Karina Voll 129-30 n.
Voll 246,246n. VolII 145n., 172,240
Index of subjects
(e) see Functional Structure: (e) Adjunction
Voll 45-7,198
a (English indefinite determiner) Vol II 20-1
Vol I 61,67 n., 110-14,116,119,142-3,149 n., Adjunction, Head ~
160,163-4,169,178 Voll 46-7,219n.
Accomplishment (events, predicates) (see also Adjuncts
Quantity events; Telicity) Voll 25,71
Vol II 34 n., 43-4,52-3,76 n., 97-8,215,220- Vol II 209,212-13,232
6,260-1,317,326-9,334 Adverb of Quantification
Accomplishment verbs see Verbs, Accom- Vol I 34-5,38,42,130,139,164-6,262-3
plishment ~ Vol II 15-19,123,129,142,174,201-3,208,
Accusative languages 269,344
Vol II 284 Adverb
Achievement Voll 48-9,138,262-3
Vol II 34 n., 52-4,97-8,139-40,222 n., 243, Vol II 211,232,237,248-9,250,316,344
246,260-1,307-10,317,322,326-31, Adverbs, covert ~
333-4,338 Voll 138
Achievements as instantaneous events Adverbs, durative ~ (see Aspectual Predicate
Vol II 328-9,332,334 Modifier)
Active (voice) Adverbs, Manner ~
Vol II 220 Vol II 234,282
Activity (see also Atelicity; Quantity,Non Adverbs, Originator modifiers ~
events) (agent-oriented ~) ~ see Originator,
Vol II 82,76 n., 78 n., 217-20,222 n., 224-5, Modifiers of ~
232-5,237,245,248-9,264,266,327-8 Affectedness
Activity as a grammatical object Vol II 92 n.
Vol II 245,249 Affixation see Morphology: Affixation
Activity interpretation see Homogeneous and Agent/agentivity/agentive interpretation (see
Homogeneity also Originator)
Activity verbs see Verbs, Activity ~ VolII 5,34-5,39,46,97n.,98n.,i85
Adjective Agentive.Non (interpretation)
Vol I 48,71,72 n., 83,98-101, no n., 141 n., VolII 34-5,46
176-7,183,193,195-8,210,216,228-9, AGR, infinitival
234-7,249,252 Vol I 162 n., 163 n.
Vol II 30 n., 58 n., 63 n., 151-2,178,226,229- Agree (mechanism)
30,250,265 VolII 81 n., 101,115,312,314
Adjectival agreement Agreement
Voll 197,216 Vol I 6-7,20,24,103,198 n., 222,226-7
Adjectival modification VolII 72n., 186n.,237,256-7,259
Voll 176,249,252 Agreement features
Adjectival passives see Passive, Adjectival ~ Voll 68
Adjectives, closed-scale (see also Scalar Vol I 115 n.
predicates and structures) Agreement, Adjectival ~ see Adjectival ~
Vol II 151,229-31 Agreement, Anaphoric ~ see Anaphoric ~
Adjectives, gradable ~ (see also Scalar predi- Agreement, Cardinal ~ see Cardinal ~
cates and structures) Agreement, Definiteness ~ see Definiteness
Vol II 230-13 spreading
Adjectives, open-scale (see also Scalar predi- Agreement, Gender ~
cates and structures) Voll 195,197-8,222,239,244,257-8
Vol II 151 Agreement, Plural ~ see Plural ~
384 Index of subjects
Agreement (cont.) 280,282,305

Agreement, Specifier-head ~ see Argument, Goal ~
Specifier-head ~ VolII 78n.,88n.
Agreement, Subject-verb ~ Argument, Indirect ~
VolII 117,256 VolII 50
AgrO Argument, Internal
Vol II 72 n., 103,172 n. Voll 22,25
Aktionsart (see also Event structure) Vol II 5,31,33,35-8,53,59-61,63,85 n.,
Vol II 10,34 n., 45-9,65,73,100,130,149,172, 170,185-7,189,194 n., 256,259
267,333 Argument, Nominal ~
Aktionsart, Coordinated verbs ~ test Voll 66,72n.,87,89-90
VolII 50-2 Article see Determiner
all (see also kol (Hebrew'all', every', each')) Aspect
Vol I 116,172-4,199 n., 200 n., 223 Vol II 34 n., 39,41,43 n., 46,65,72,74,135,137,
Amorphous morphology 139,158 n., 172,323
Vol I 56 Aspect, Grammatical ~
VolII 23-4 VolII 193
Anaphor Aspect, Inner ~
Vol I 161 Vol II 172,187,202-3,210,233,237,241
Anaphoric Agreement Aspect, Morphological ~
Vol I 162 VolII 138,171
Animacy Aspect, Outer -
VolII 118 n. Vol II 161,172,190,202-3,233,236,241
Antipassive Aspect, Quantity ~ Phrase (AspqP, telicity
VolII 48 inducing) see Quantity (events)
Antisymmetry Aspectual decomposition see Decomposition,
Vol I 197 n. Event ~
Anti-telicity see Telicity: Anti ~ Aspectual predicate modifiers
AP (Adjective Projection, A, A") Vol II 142-5,192 n., 201-2,211-13,215,223,
Vol I 72 n., 131 n. 232-5,241-2,330
Argument projection Atelicity/atelic (see also Activity; Quantity
VolII 5,32,57,69,215,262-3 events: Quantity,Non events)
Argument structure (see also Event structure) Voll 124,168,206
Vol I 7n., 13,24 Vol II 34-6,43-4,46,48,52-3,64,74-5,82,
Vol II 4,6,8 n., 11,30,43-5,47,55-8,61,69- 99,103 n., 105,107,109,111,124-5,127-
70,112,121-2,215-16,219-20,249-50, 8,132-3,135,137,139-42,146,149,151,
346-8 153,158 n., 160-5,168,170-2,182,190,
Arguments 201,204,211,215-18,224-7,229,233,
Voll 17,27,64-6,86-7,89-90,166 n. 236-7,242,246-7,264-7,269,272-3,
Vol II 5-6,12,31-46,49,57,69-70,73,76,85- 280,304-5,313-15.318
6,91,136,215-16,219,227-9,25> 262- Auxiliaries and auxiliary selection
4,354 n., 355 n. Vol I 33 n., 118 n.
Arguments as theta-role recepients VolII 33,36,38
Vol II 64,75,87,122,160,205,215-16,220,
227-8 Bare mass nouns see Mass, Bare ~
Argument, Default participant ~ Bare nominal see Nominal, Bare ~. see also:
VolII 110-12,160,216,235 Bare plural see Plurals, Bare ~
Argument, Direct ~ (see also Quantity direct Bare singulars see Singulars, Bare ~
object) Bare stem see Stems, Bare ~
Vol II 12,31,46-50,60,73,85,92,102,121- Bare Phrase Structure
3,130-2,134,136,156,160,162-6,183, Voll 18-20,44,169,189 n.
186,204,210,226,235,228-9,247> VolII 19,25,262 n.
269 n., 318,324 BECOME predicate
Argument, External ~ VolII 76n.,78n.,225n.,326,328
Voll 22,25 Binary Branching
Vol II 5,31,33,35-7,53,59-61,63,85 n., 185, Voll 22
194 n., 219-20,235-6,267 n., 273-4, Bounded and Boundedness (see also DP, Bound
Index of subjects 385
~; f-morph, Bound ~; Event, Bound ~; Causer interpretation

Unbounded and unboundedness) Vol II 185
Vol II 34 n., 122,135-9, 144, 146, 148,231 Chains and Chain Condition
Burzio's generalization Vol II 8311., 280 n.
Vol II 80-1,120,267 n. Checking system
foy-phrases (see also Passive) Vol I 6,17,20,48 n.
Vol II 95 n., 96 n. Vol II 5,86,194 n.
Choice functions
Cardinal, cardinality expressions (see also Voll 146-7,149
Number) CL head feature see Division: (div) (dividing
Vol I 109,111-19,124,148-9,154-7,185-6,193- head feature)
9,238,242-50,254-8,260 n.,265 n. Classifier Projection (CLm") (see also Division)
Vol II 175 n., 176-80,298,301 n., 345-6 Vol I 59,72 n., 91,95-6,100 n., 108-11,119,162,
Cardinal, divider-counters ~ see Division: 166-8,175-6,183 n., 188,204,208-9,
Dividing-Counters 242,248
Cardinal agreement Vol II 75,114,173
VolI 257-8 CLhead(CL,(e) DIV )
Cardinal one see one Voll 95,108,163,201,209,247n.
Cardinal zero see zero Vol II 159
Cascade structure CL head feature see Division: (div) (dividing
Vol II 89-90 head feature)
Case and Case assignment CL structure, Bare ~
Vol I 18,27-8,33 n., 40,44,49.52,131 n. Vol I 166 n., 179-83,185-7,259
Vol II 71,81,85,99,101,108-9,285
Case, Accusative ~ Classifiers (see also CLm"; Division)
Vol II 23,48,72,79-81,85,99,101-6,108- Classifier function
9,127-8,135-9,141-2,175 n., 183-4, Voll 94,108-9,111,128,178-86,188
210,215,314 Classifier languages
Case, Genitive ~ (see also Genitive) Voll 86-94,259
Vol II 102-3 Classifier marking (inflection)
Case, Inherent ~ Vol I 86,91-5,97-101,109,117-18,182-3,
Vol I 49 259-60
Vol II 71,87,101,103,106-7 Classifier system
Case, Nominative ~ Voll 86-7,93,109,178
Vol II 80-1,101,183-4,256,259,265 n., Classifier, Non-plural ~
167 n., 272-5,285,311-14,335 Voll 184-5
Case, Partitive ~ (object) Classifier, Plural ~
Vol II 48,99-110,120,125,127-8,135-42, Voll 96 n.,97n., 184-5
156,160,162-3,165,171-2,175 n., 183- Classifier, Covert ~
4,215,227,233-5,247,256-7,284,314 Voll 94n., 104-5
Case, Partitive ~ (subject) see Subjects, Par- Clausal complements see Complements, Claus-
titive ~ al-
Case, Structural ~ Clitic and Cliticization (see also en cliticization;
Vol II 92,101,103-4,106-7,175 n'> 183- Locative clitics, ne cliticization; Sub-
4,314 ject clitics)
Categorial features Vol I 32 n., 47 n., 111 n., 150,169,264 n.
Vol I 20,20 n. CLm" see Classifier Projection
Category and categorizing Coercion
Voll 13,17,20-1,28-31,35,42,44-5 Voll 8-10,79,105-6
Vol II 5,8 n., 16,20,25,28,30 n., 71,194,207, Vol II 7,129,138-9,153,203,214,231-2,251
262 n., 346,348,350-1,353-4 Co-finality (see also Telicity: telos; Culmination)
Causality Vol II 148-9
Vol II 225 Cognate object see Object, Cognate ~
Causative constructions Co-initiality
Vol II 231 Vol II 148
CAUSE predicate Common name
Vol II 326-7 Voll 10,59,73-7,79-81,84-5,175-6
Complement Culmination (see also Telicity: Telos)

Voll 22,24-7,50,139 Vol II 74-5,76-8,86,133-4,143,148-9,170-
VolII 11-12 1,223-4,226,229,235-6,240-2,326-
Complement, Clausal ~ 9,331-4
VolII i2,88n. Culmination, Non
Complementizer see CP VolII 157,242
Compositionality Cumulative reference
Voll 52-3 Voll 124-7
VolII 22-3,198,326 VolII 74,i3i,i35,i44-8,i62-5,i70,i72n.,i9i-2
Compound and compounding see Morphology,
Compounding D see DP
Computational system Dative alternation
Voll 11-13,15,106 VolII 88n.
VolII 8,345 Dative, Possessor ~ (Hebrew)
Conative alternation and conatives Vol II 33-4,39-42,53,62-3,247,281-2,325
Vol II 48,91,103 n., 125 Dative, Reflexive ~ (Hebrew)
Concepts and the Conceptual component Vol II 33-4,41 n., 42 n., 53,62-3,235-8,240-
Voll 11-13,15,106,128-9,133 2,244-5,247-9,280
Vol II 6-9,129,139,152-3,214-15,228,230, Davidsonian approaches to event structure
329,247-8,250-2,346,351-2 VolII 82-3
Conceptual array Davidsonian, Neo ~ 59,77,84,86,216 n., 224,
Voll 27 261,351
VolII 227,249-50,265n. Davidsonian, Neo ~ formulas
Construct State nominals and Construct forma- Vol II 60,77,84-5,94,109,202,216-18,
tion (Hebrew) 224,227,351
Vol I 47 n., 71,196,199,214-21,226-7,251-2 Davidsonian, Semi - 59
VolII 345 Decomposition, Event ~
Construction grammar VolII 220-7,230,284n.,327
Voll 14 Default participant see Argument, Default par-
Constructionist and Neo-Constructionist ticipant ~
approaches Definite and Definiteness (see also Determin-
Voll 14-15 er; DP)
VolII 42,45,245,350 Vol I 38-41,59,68,79,82-4,97,158,161,165-
Container Phrases 6,167-8,175,181-2,189,212-18,223-5,
Voll 250-7 246,263-4
Copula Vol II 17,104-5,158,158 n., 163,165 n., 173,
VolII 286-7 180,256-7,295,336 n., 345
Count (as opposed to Mass) Definite determiner (see also the)
Vol I 9-10,59,88,91,93-4,97-9,101-9, n5> Vol I 60,63,72,78,81-5,90,109,118-19,
120 n., 132-5,162,167,203-4,245-6 140-1,158,160-74,177-8,187,189,197,
VolII 27 199-200,211-12,214 n., 215 n., 226-7,
Count structure 246,265
Voll 106-8,130,188, Vol II 17,28,114,158 n., 178
Counter Definite head feature see Determiner Projec-
Voll 111-19,122-3,128-9,140^,210,240,242 tion,^/)
Counter-divider- see Division: Definiteness agreement see Definiteness
Dividing-Counters spreading
Count-mass distinction see Mass-count dis- Definiteness spreading
tinction Voll 39,197-8,216-17,222,227
CP (C, Cm", Complementizer Phrase) DegP
Voll 22-4 Voll 48-9
CP, Specifier of ~ ([Spec.CP]) VolII 153
VolII 268n. Degree Achievement (de-adjectival) (see also
Creole (languages) Scalar predicates and structures)
Voll 33 VolII 230-1,239
C-selection (see also Subcategorization) Degree-of-change predicate
Voll 4,22,38 VolII 149-53
VolII 25
Deixes Discourse anaphor, discourse antecedent

Voll 140,168 Vol I 69,78,78 n., 82,119,161-3,166,170-2,
Delimiting and delimiters 176-8
VolII 142,208,210-11,310,323 Vol II 114-15,158 n.
Delimited, Non (interpretation) Discourse operator (D-operator)
VolII 170-1 Voll 38,42,138
Demonstrative VolII 17-18,344
Vol I xv, 38,82,140-1,150,163,166 n., 170,182- Distributed Morphology
3,212-14,246 Voll 30 n.,58 n.
Derivational morphology see Morphology, Der- Distributivity
ivational ~ Voll 6
Determiner Distributive marker po- (Slavic) seepo, Dis-
Vol I xv, 59-60,63-6,70,74,78,80-1,87,90, tributive marker ~
101,104,110-13,119-20,123-4, i3i> Distributive universals quantifiers (see also
138 n., 140-3,163,169,173,188-9,2O3, each; every; kol)
213 n., 234,240-3 Vol I 7,81 n., 113-14,129 n., 179,182,187,
Vol II 120,122,126,136-7,147,156,177-8, Distributor, abstract ~
317,345 Vol I 129 n.
Determiner, # ~ see Determiner, Weak ~ Diverse (reference)
Determiner, Count ~ see Count determiner Voll 125
Determiner, Definite ~ see Definite determin- VolII 135
er (see also the) Division and dividers (see also CLm")
Determiner, Indefinite ~ see Indefinite deter- Voll 59,88,93-7,99,101,104n. 108-23,125 n.,
miner, (see also a) 127-9, !33i 1(>7 n., 173,178-80,188,193,
Determiner, Mass ~ see Mass determiner 197,209-11,238,240,240 n., 242,250,
Determiner, Null - see DP: Null D 260 n.
Determiner, Overt ~ VolII 208
Voll 65,131,141,144n. (div) (Dividing head feature)
Determiner, Plural ~ see Plural determiner Vol I 95-7,109-10,119,167,173,187, 210-
Determiner, Singular ~ see Indefinite deter- 11,242
miner; a VolII 26,29,322
Determiner, Strong ~ (see also Scope, Wide ~) (div-2) (Dual division head feature) see Dual
Vol 138,43,59,139-46,150-4,157-8,172, (e)DIV (Division open value)
177,185-9,200-2,220,230-7,246-7 Voll 43,59,67n.,95-6,101,109-19,123,129-
Vol II 120,178,180 n., 181,256,336 n. 32,136-7,143,157-8,161-4,167,173,175-
Determiner, Unrestricted ~ 84,186-9, W, !99,201-2,204-5,207,
Voll 119,161,203,240 209-11,220,224-5,238,242,250,
Determiner,Weak- (seealso Scope,Nar- VolII 26-9,208
row-) Dividing counters and the identified
Vol I 137-40,140-5,149-50,152,157,163, division-quantity head feature
169-70,177,186-9,230-3,246-7,269 ((div-#))
VolII 120,180 Vol I 97 n., 114-15,117-18,140 n., 157-8,
Determiners and proper names see Proper 176-85,193,197,200-2,204-5,220,
names 224-5,254,256,258,260 n.
Determinerless nominals see Nouns and Nom- Division, Creating individual ~ s
inals, Bare - (see also Mass, Bare ~; Voll 120-9,132 n., 134,178
Plural,Bare~,DP,NullD) Divisive and Divisive reference
Determinerless proper names see Proper Names, Voll 125-7
Determinerless ~ (see also DP: Null D) Vol II 74,77,135,144,146-8,162-3,192
Detransitivization, (lexical) ~ Divisive, Non (reference)
VolII 43n. Vol II 147,163 n., 201
Development subevent D-linking
VolII 76n.,220-2,326-7 Voll 37-8
Diminutives Double marking, double range assignment see
Vol I 92 n. Range Assignment, Double ~
Directional locatives Dowty's correlations
VolII 208 VolII 35,50,54
DP (Determiner Projection, D, D") Event ~

Vol I xv, 19-20,45,59-60,63-9,71-3,77- Event participant
81,83-4,87-90,96-100,108,124,133, Vol II 121-2,231
140 n., 141 n., 166 n. 170-2,214-16,221- Event type
2,233-4,246,261-2,265 n., Vol II 47,217-19,234,317,326,328,333-4
(def) (definite head feature) Event, Bound ~ (bound predicate)
Vol I 39,47-8,72,79,197,199,211-19,221-5, Vol II 233,241
227,238,263-5 Event, Complex ~
Vol II 270,345 Vol II 222 n., 326
(def-u) (definite-unique head feature, proper Event Phrase (EP, E, Em")
names) see Proper Names: (def-u) Vol II 64-5,82-5,111-12,160,209 n., 219-20,
(e)d (DP open value) 237-8,242,258-9,261,264,267,269,
Vol I 38-9,41,45,59-60,68-9,72-4,77- 271,273-5,284,291-3,295,303-6,323
81,83-4,137-40,142-3,145,150,166 n., EP, Specifier of- [Spec.EP]
170,177-8,185-6,188-9,200-2,211-12, Vol II 83,85,112,120,123,184,209 n., 220,
222, 227,233-4,261-2,265 237-8,237,242-4,247,259,262,265-
Vol II 17, 2O, 28-9,114-16,120,126,157, 72,274,280,285-6,291-2,294,299,
173-6,178-9,181-2,259,261,269-70, 304-5,334-5,338
291,297-8,301,314-16,343-6 (e)E (EP open value)
D, Indefinite ~ see Indefinite determiner Vol II 2,82-3,85,209 n., 259,261,265,
D.Null- 267-72,274-5,283-5,290-6,298-300,
Vol I 59,65-6,69-70,74,81 n., 89-90,94 n., 301-5,309-11,313-14,317,319,321,
131,136-9,143-4,158,188-9 323-4,334-5,338,343
D-determiner see Determiner, Strong ~ Event structure
DP, Bare ~ see NP, Bare ~ (see also Mass, Bare Vol II 9-10,12,30-1,47,49-50,60,64,69-
-; Plural, Bare ~) 70,75,82,95,107,112,120,121,123-4,
D-pronoun see Pronoun, D- ~ 126,129,215-16,227,231,233,241,245,
D-structure 280-1,305
Vol I 4-5 Event templates
Dual (marking; (div-2)) Vol II 250-1
Vol I 36,207-10 Eventives (non-stative events) (see also Activity;
Quantity events)
each (see also kol (Hebrew'all/every/each') VolI 53
Vol I 7,38 n., 113-19,129 n., 140-1,167 n., Vol II 2,34 n., 82,202-3,217,220,235,264-5,
176-9 267,269,284
Empty Category Principle (ECP) every (see also kol (Hebrew'all', every', each'))
Vol I 65-6,69 Vol I 7,8 n.,38 n., 43,45 n., 87,89-90,102,113-
en cliticization (see also ne cliticization) 15,117,119,128,128 n., 137,140-1,143,
Vol II 276,279-80 145-8,164,172 n., 182-3,185 n., 199 n.,
Encyclopedia and encyclopedic entries 232
Vol I 30,77,79-80,85,107 n. Exceptional Case Marking (ECM)
Vol II 14 Vol II 48-9,106
Endo-skeletal approaches Existential binding/closure
Vol I 5,15,19-20,77,103 Vol I 63-6,69-70,74-5,87 n., 129 n., 130 n.,
Vol II 5-7,31,42-3,55 137-42,144-7,151,157-8,165-6,179,
Equidistance Principle 186-7,189.2OO-1,220,234, 262
Vol II 86 Vol II 65,83 n., 105 n., 118,261-4,120,174,
Ergative languages 268-71,274,283-5,289-95,297-9,
VolII 284 301-6,310-13,315,317,324,334
Event Existential force
Vol I 17,19,34-5,127 n., 129 n., 130 n., 137 n., Vol II 283,285,287,291-2,295,297,299-
139,168,168 n., 232-3,262 300,310 n.
Event argument Existential operator
Vol II 49,59,63 n., 65,81-5,217-21,231, Vol II 115,174-5,178-9,268-9,300-1,306,
238,242,261-4,268-71,274,283-5, 310,317
287 n., 290-5,302-6,310 n., 325 Existential reading/meaning (see also Scope,
Event decomposition see Decomposition, Narrow-)
Vol II 114-18,120,210,257-8,286,288-90, Focus

292-4,298-9,323,346 Vol I 153 n.
Existentially-bound bare nouns see Mass, Vol II 334
Bare ~, Plurals, Bare ~ Fractions
Existential locative Vol I 115
Vol II 303,313,315,322,325,338,354 Functional lexicon (functional items, functional
(eloc/3) (Existential locative open value) vocabulary)
Vol II 322-5,333,337 Vol I 6,10-11,20-1,29,31,31 n., 37-8,42,45,
Existential there constructions 49,51,68,78,80 n., 100,107 n., 131,
Vol II 281,286,288,293-4 239,261
Exo-skeletal (XS-) (approach) Vol II 8-11,14,17-18, 25,122,126,194-5,
Vol I 15,17,20,29,51,60 207 n., 208,265 n., 343,345,351
Vol II 6,45,151-3,227-8,262,274,346-51, Functional Structure and functional categories
353,355 Vol I 7,7 n., 14-35,38-9,41-3,46-8,50,59,
Expletives 68,71,88-9,103-4, i7,114 n., 182-3 n.,
Vol II 112,243,256,265,268 n., 271,274,304 185 n., 198 n., 199,211,247,261-2,265
Expletive determiner Vol II 3,6,9-11,13-15,18,20,30-1,46,50,57-
Vol I 7i,8in. 60,64,70-1,108,121,207,250,263,351
Expletive it (e) (Functional open value)
VolII 265-7 Vol I 35-7,42-5,47,78,113-14,118 n., 140,
Expletive replacement 143,166,178,188,193,201,219,225 n.,
Vol I 71,73,81 233-4,238,261-2,264-5
VolII 256 Vol II 16-17,18,20,25,28,108,126,194,
Expletive there 207 n., 322,337,343
Vol II 267 n., 285 Functional features
Expletives, Transitive - Vol I 2i,24n., 68,103
Vol II 271,273 n., 304 Functional heads
Extended Projection Principle (EPP) Vol I 25,27-8,33-7,68,72 n., 198 n., 213 n.
Vol II 65,256,259,267-8,271,294 Vol II 16,18,71
Extended Standard Theory (EST) Functional hierarchy
Vol I 16 VolI 261
Extension Condition Functional label
Vol I 28 n., 45-6 Vol I 42,45
Vol II 20 Functional range assignment see Range
External argument see Arguments, ~ assignment
Functional shells (FT) see Shell Phrase
Features Functional specifiers see Specifier, ~
Features, Agreement ~ see Agreement features Functional structure acquisition see Language
Features, Agreement in ~ Acquisition
Vol I 20,226 Functional, Quasi ~ L-heads see L-head,
Features, Categorial ~ see Categories and cat- Quasi ~
egorizing: Categorial features Vol I 101,256
Features, Conceptual ~ see Concepts and the Fusion
conceptual component Vol I 68,113 n., 114 n., 183
Features, Functional ~ see Functional features
Features, Head ~ see Head features Gender agreement see Agreement, Gender ~
Features, Lexical ~ see Lexical features Generative semantics
F-morph Vol I 16
Vol I 31-4,36-9,42 n., 43 n., 58,72,78-9,84, Generics and Genericity
95-6,110-11,118,118 n., 157-8,166 n., Vol I 16 n., 40 n., 63-4,66,66 n., 74-6,106,
176,178,193,205 n., 212,214 n., 238, 120,130,137-9, 142, 144 n-> 164-6,179-
262-5 80,183,185 n., 186 n., 189,234-5,262
Vol II 14-15,16-17,18,24,25,29,122-4,126, Vol II 113-17,119-20,174-5, l8l, 210, 238,
176,194-5,271,284,323,337,344-5 238 n., 257-8,293,310 n., 344
F-morph, bound ~ Genitive construct formation see Construct
Vol I 32 n., 58,264 n. nominals
Vol II 24,25,157 n., 344,352
Genitive (see also Case, Genitive ~) Head, Null-

Voll 41 n., 251-2 Voll 89
Genitive marking Head-Driven Phrase Structure Grammar
Voll 18,40 (HPSG)
Genitive of negation VolII 5
VolII 62-3,185 Homogenous and Homogeneity (see also Atelic-
Genitive of quantification ity; Activity; Quantity events: Quan-
VolII 175 n. tity, Non-~)
Gerunds (see also -ing) Voll 96,125n., 127-30,168
VolII 239-40,243-4,268 Vol II 74,77,82,104-5, US, 146-7,164,172 n.,
Government and Binding model (GB) 192,202,217,222,234-5,266,326,328
Voll 22 Homogeneity, Non (see also Quantity)
VolII 5,31 Voll 130-1
Government, Lexical ~ Vol II 147,187,189,192,201, 222, 233
Voll 65-6,69-71,139
Grammatical formatives (see also Functional Idiom
lexicon) Voll 84
Vol I 10,10 n., 21,31-2,37 n., 42,45-6,47 n., Vol II 25-9,54,63 n., 64 n., 87 n., 98,199 n.,
80, Son.,261,264; 207-8,239,322-4,326,333-4,336-8,
Grammatical variation (inter-language and 351-5
intra-language) (see also Phonologic- Imperfective and imperfectivity (see also
al source of grammatical variation) Atelicity)
Vol I 32,33 n., 60,79,96,107 n., 131,136,187, Vol II 34 n., 65,158-61,163-7,169-72,175 n.,
289,193,205 n., 238,261-6 180 n., 186,189-90,193,199-200
VolII 15,126,323,343-5 Imperfective marking/affixation
VolII 137-9,165,167,172,193
half Imperfective, Primary ~
Voll 116 n., 207-8 Vol II 161,166,168,172,190,193,198
VolII 212 Imperfective, Secondary ~
Head adjunction see Adjunction, Head ~ VolII 161,166-7,172,189-90,
Head features (abstract) ~ Impersonal constructions
Vol I 31-9,42-3,47-8,57-8,68 n., 78-81,83, VolII 112
95-6,109-11,118 n., 188-9,2O4, 212> Inalienable possession construction
214,225,234,238,262-5 Voll 81 n.
Vol II 14-18,21-25,122-4,126,157-9, 168, Incorporation
183-4,194-7,271,323,344-5 Voll 216-19,120n.
Head feature, Definiteness ~ ((def))) see Vol II 55,71 n., 127,155 n., 157 n., 193,200,
Determiner Projection: {def) 208 n., 215,239,281-2,301-2,323-4
Head feature, Division ~ ({div)) see Division Incremental theme see Theme, Incremental ~
and Dividers: {div) Indefinite and indefiniteness (see also plurals,
Head feature, Dual ~ ((div-2)) see Dual Bare ~;Mass,Bare ~; Scope, Wide;
Head feature, identified division-quantity ~ Scope, Narrow)
({div-#)) see Division and Dividers: Vol I 16,40-1,59-60,66-7,75,75 n., 109-11,
Dividers and counters 123,131,136-8,140 n., 142,144-60,163,
Head feature, Proper names ~ ({def-u)) see 180,184,188-9,193,201-2,205 n., 214-
Proper names: {def-u) 15,219-21,224-5,244 n.
Head Movement Constraint Vol II 4,104-5,158 n., 180,257
Voll 143,176,198-9,205,212,262 Indefinite determiner (see also a)
Head movement see Movement, Head ~ Vol I 40-1,59-60,63-4,67 n., 90,93-4,101,
Head 109-16,123,138 n., 163,178,184 n.188-9,
Vol I 24,32,42-5,47,169-74,183 n., 188-9, !93, 205 n., 208 n.
197,205,212-13,216,219 n., 224-7,234, Indefinite, Strong ~ see Determiner, Strong ~
238,247 n., 258 Indefinite, Weak ~ see Determiner, Weak ~
Vol II 11-12,19-20,166,172, 2O7, 291, 227, Individual (divisions) see Division, Creating
299,337 individual ~ s
Head pair Individual-level predicate
Voll 45-7,73,80,264 VolII 238
VolII 20 Inflection see Morphology, Inflectional ~
-mg Lexical government see Government,Lexical~

-ing, Gerundive ~ (see also Gerunds) Lexical head see L-head
VolII 239-40,243-4 Lexical listing (encoding, specification, prop-
-mgjNominalizer ~ (see also Nominals, erties)
Derived ~) Vol I i,3-8,10,10 n., 12,14-15,17,22,24-6,
VolII 239-40,242-5,248-9 48,55,58-9.73,77,88,88 n., 91,93,93 n.,
-ing, Progressive ~ 97-9,103-7,12 n-> !32> !35>188-9
Vol II 34 n., 142 n., 158 n., 162,169,172,193, Vol II 122,130,141,186, 263
236,240-4,329-30 Lexical plurals see Plurals, Lexical ~
Instantaneity and instantaneous events see Lexical Projection (see also L-Domain)
Achievements: Instantaneous events Vol I 19-21,24-5,27
Intermediate scope see Scope, Intermediate ~ VolII 12
Internal argument see Arguments, Internal ~ Lexical rules (mapping, derivation)
Intransitivity (see also Unaccusative; Unergative) Vol I 8,52,103
Intransitive (monadic) predicates VolII 4,45,70,252
VolII 183-5,235-6,243 Lexical selection
Intransitive structures/derivations Vol I 24,51
Vol II 216,218,260,267,269,273,303,307, Lexical categories see L-Domain, L-heads;
318,325,342 Lexical Projection
Intransitive verbs see Verbs, Intransitive ~ Lexical Integrity Hypothesis (LIH)
Island VolII 194,199
Vol I 145-7,157 Lexical semantics
I-Subject (mechanism) Vol I 3-6,14 n., 25,59,88,93 n., 99,104 n.,
VolII 81 n., 101,115,312 106-7,135
Iterative (interpretation) Vol II 5,32, 69,121,130,133,137-9,151-4,165,
VolII 170 172 n., 230,247
Lexical-Functional Grammar (LFG)
Join semi-lattice approach Vol I 4
VolI 121-2 VolII 5
Lexicalist approach(es)
Kind Vol I 103,103 n., 132,135
Vol I 87-90,105 n., 108,129 n., 138 n., 144 n. Lexicon (see also Encyclopedia)
Kol (Hebrew'all', every'each') Vol I 3,10-15,52,77,104 n., 106-7, !32> 135,210
Vol I 194,198-200,203-4,209 n., 223,223 n., VolII 4,10,45-6,69
230-1,233,240-2,246 Lexicon, Functional ~ see Functional lexicon
LF movement see Movement, LF ~
Language acquisition L-head
VolI 264-6 Vol I 20,25,27,33,33 n.,37 n., 44,47,51,57-9,
VolII 345 72-3,78-81,105 n., 118 n., 206 n., 211-
Language Acquisition, Functional ~ 12,250,256,258-9,263-5
Vol I 265 VolII 10,24,20,26310
Language variation see Grammatical Variation L-head movement see Movement, L-head ~
L-Domain (L-D) L-head, Null-
Vol I 19,27-9,31-4,42,48-51,177 n., 198 n., Vol I 256-8
217-18,248,258 L-head, Quasi-functional ~
VolII 12,14,30,207 n., 208 n. Vol I 10 n., 49 n., 100 n., 213 n., 247,254,258
Lexical /lexicalist approach(es) VolII 295,299,311
VolII 42,44-5,140,167n.,220,328 Linearization see Word order
Lexical ~ Linearization Correspondence Axiom (LCA)
Lexical domain (L-domain, L-D) see Vol I 50
L-Domain VolII 88
Lexical entry (item) (see also Listeme) Listeme
Vol I 3-5,14,22,44,55,77,104 n., 142,209 Vol I 3,10-15,27,3, 77,79,84,88,100 n., 103-
VolII 4-7,31,43-5,49,55,69-70,133,136, 8,135,178,188,206,265
227,251,262 Vol II 2-3,8,11-12,14,25-6,29,30,69-71,
Lexical features 139,151,153-4,207,227,230,245,248-
Vol I 77 51,322- 3^3,346,350-1,354-5
Little v Minimalist Program (MP)

VolII 219-20,267 n. Vol I 5-6,29 n., 37 n., 103
Locative-Directionals see Directional-locatives VolII 5,86
Locative-existential see Existential Locatives Mirror Theory 24 n.
Locatives Morphology and Word Formation
Vol II 100 n., 261,271,275-303,305-6,308- Vol I 46-7,51-3,60,132-3,135,216,219-20,
23,325 n., 332,334-5,338 261-2
Locative adjunct VolII 23,58,198,349
VolII 291-5,298n.,310 Morphological conversion (0-affixation)
Locative argument VolII 30n.
VolII 289 Morphological template
Locative clitics VolII 348-9
Vol II 209,272,275,277-86,292-4,296, Morphology, Agreement ~ see Agreement
298-9,301,303,305-6,308,310-16 Morphology, Derivational ~
Locative inversion Vol I 51,53,92 n., 133
VolII 287,296n. Vol II 22-4,193-4,197-8,262 n., 346,349,
Locative preposition/particles 353 n.
Vol II 203,207-9,222> 24i> 284,31O> 323> Morphology, Inflectional ~ (see also Aspect-
338 ual marking; Classifier marking; Dual;
Locatives, Covert ~ Genitive marking; Plural marking;
VolII 281,289-94,321-5,332 Singular marking; Tense marking)
Locatives, Deictic ~ Vol I 26,48 n., 51-8,92 n., 105,114 n., 261
Vol II 278,283-4,296 n., 298-9,302-3, VolII 22-4,193-5,197-8,346,349
306,308-9,312-16,322,333,338 Morphology: Affixation (see also Prefixes and
prefixation; Perfective prefixes; Per-
Mass fective marking)
Vol I 9-10,59,63,65,75,87-94,96,99-123,129- Vol I 21
33,129 n., 131 n., 132 n., 135 n., 137,139, Morphology: Compound and compounding
147-8,161-2,164,166 n., 173,175-8,187- Vol I 52,82,84,133
8,198,202-4,206-8,210-11,222,234, Morphology, Amorphous ~ see Amorphous
238,240,243,245-6,249-50,253,260, Morphology
VolII 27,48,119,173 Morphology, Distributed ~ see Distributed
Mass determiner Morphology (DM)
Vol I 105,203 Morphology-syntax interface
Mass noun, Bare ~ VolII 58
Vol I 59,88,90,96-7,120-1,124-5,13i 137> Move (operation) (see also Merge; Movement)
152,161,166,189,238 VolII 25
Vol II 74-5,173-4,176,184, 212, 257,31O-11 Movement (see also Merge; Move)
Mass structure see Structures, Mass ~ VolI 262,265-6
Mass, Collective ~ noun Movement, Head ~
VolI 103 Vol I 32 n., 42-6,51,114 n., 197,262-5
Mass-count distinction VolII 12,15,18,20-1,24,344-6
Vol I 59,88,94 n., 97-9,102,104-8,119,132, Movement, L-head ~
135,161,166,181,188,242 Vol I 36-7,58,110,167,176,217
VolII 27,74 Movement, LF ~ ,
Massifier Vol I 71,158
Vol I 97-101,108,242-59 VolII 7n.256-8
Measure constructions (see also Container Movement, lowering ~
Phrases) VolII 270-1
Vol I 60,80 n., 91,93,99-101,104 n., 108, Movement, N(oun) ~
116 n., 174 n., 203,206-8,246-51,254- Vol 171, no n., 143,174,177,197-9,211,2O1>
6,258 205,209,213-14,234,235-7,263,265
Vol II 160,177,180 n., 190 VolII 17,345
Merge Movement, V(erb) ~
Vol I 31,33 VolI 265
VolII 25 VolII 79n.,Son.,87,345
Middle construction ne cliticization (see also en cliticization)
VolII 4,6,92n. Vol II 33,35-40,63,209 n., 276,279-80
no Null quantity (Null #P) see Quantity, Null ~

Voll 114-15 Number (grammatical) (see also Cardinal, Frac-
Nominals, Derived ~ (see also -ing, Nominal - tions, Owe, Zero)
izer ~) Vol I 94 n., no, 123,182,193,199 n., 213 n.,
VolII 61,63 n., 78,263-4,355 214 n., 215 n., 243,246,257
Nominals, Argument structure- (Complex Number agreement see Cardinal agreement
Event Nominals) Number function
VolII 78n.,242n.,263-4 Voll 185,219
Nominals, Result Number marking
VolII 263 Voll 93n.94n., 170,184,255,264
Non-agentive interpretation see Agentive,Non- Number pronoun see Pronoun, Num ~
~ interpretation
Non-culmination see Culmination, Non NumP (Number Phrase, Num", Num) (see also
Non-delimited see Delimited,Non Quantity Phrase)
Non-divisive see Divisive, Non Vol I 59-60,78 n., 109,183,185 n., 247 n.
Non-homogeneous see Homogeneous,Non NumP, Null-
Non-quantity events see Quantity events: Quan- Voll 185 n., 187 n.
tity,Non events NumPs, Bare ~
Noun and Nominal (N, NP, N") (see also Voll 247
Count, Mass, Plural, DP)
Vol I 65-6,86-7,89-90,108-10,140 n., 166 n., Object shift
186 n., 197-8,205,233,254 VolII 104,106-7,177 n.
N-stem see Stems, N Object, Direct ~ see Argument, Direct ~
Nominal functional structure see DP; Quanti- Object, Cognate ~ 47,203-4,249
ty Phrase; Classifier Phrase Object, Elliptical ~ 204
Nominal, Argumental - see Arguments, One (including in Hebrew)
Nominal ~ Vol I 111-15, H9,142-3,148-52,158,163,167,
Nominal, Bare ~ (see also Mass, Bare ~; Plural, 169,178,183-5,187-8,193-8,201,219,
Bare ~) 221,224-6,228-9,233-4,236-8,243-4,
Vol I 63-6,69,75,87,90,96-7, no, 120,133, 249,250,258-65
135,143-4,152-3,165-6,175,177,180-1, Open value fusion see Fusion
184,187,233 Open value see Functional Structure: (e)
Vol II 163,178,180-1,258-9,270,298,314, Operator-variable pair
318,332-334,337,345 Voll 35
Nominal, Non-argumental ~ VolII 16
Voll 71 Originator
Nominal, Null D ~ see DP: Null D Vol II 64,83,85,92,95-6,111-12,123,160,
Nominal, Predicate ~ see Predicate nominals 184,206,209 n., 216,219-20,229,232,
Nominal, Argument structure ~ see Nominals, 235,237,244-5,248-9,262,265-7,269,
Derived ~ : Argument Structure ~ 271,280-1,284-5,305
Nominal, Complex Event ~ see Nominals, Originator, Modifiers of ~
Derived: Argument structure ~ Vol II 54,219,244-5,248-50,282
Nominal, Determinerless ~ see Nominals, Overgeneration
Bare- VolII 86,347,353
Nominal, De-verbal ~ (see also Nominals,
Derived ~) Partitive Construction
VolII 60 Vol I 100 n., 116 n., 196,199 n., 206-8,215 n.,
NP predicates 221,224,244 n.
Voll 87,89-90,108 Partitivity
Nu- (Semelfactive marker, Russian) VolII 162-3,165,168-71
VolII 185-6,188 PART-OF Operator,
Null Voll 104-5
Null (e)f see Quantity, Null ~ VolII 162,165-8,170-1190
Null (e)d see D, Null- Passive
Null determiner see D,Null ~ Vol II 60-3,95 n., 186,220,235-6,256,284 n.
Null NumP see NumP, Null ~ 285 n., 307
Null pronominal/pronoun see Pronoun, Passive, Adjectival ~
Null- VolII 56,60-3,78,204
Path Pluralia tantum

VolII 151 Vol I 54,105-6
Perfect VolII 29n., 199n.,322,334,337
VolII 34n. Plurals and plurality
Perfective aspect Vol 136,59,74-5,88,92-6,100-1,103-6,109-
VolII 160,200 23,126-9,131-5,161,165-6,175-7,180,
Perfective prefixation/affixation (see also Perfec- 188-9,2O4,207-11,220,222,234-5,
tivity marking; Quantity affixation) 240,244,250,253-4
Vol II 157-61,167,172,174-81,183,188,190, VolII 173
i93-4> 197> 200,208,298-9,301,310 n., Plural agreement
314,317 Vol I 115 n.
Perfective (prefix) doubling VolII 113
VolII 188 n. Plural classifiers see Classifier, Plural ~
Perfective prefixes, Lexical ~ Plural determiner
VolII 195-6,198-9 Voll 112,123,203
Perfective prefixes, Purely perfectivizing ~ Plural marking (inflection)
VolII 195-7,199 Vol I 86-8,91-6,101,104-5, i9,111-13,
Perfective prefixes, Superlexical ~ 115-19,122,125 n., 127,132-3,143,167,
VolII 195-6,198 173,175,177-88,199,202,209 n., 211,
Perfect! vity 238-40,242,244,247 n., 249,250,
Vol II 34 n., 65,157-61,163,165-8,173,175 n., 255-6
178,180 n., 183-4,186-7,189-93,195, VolII 146,159
198 Plural proper names see Proper names
Perfective head features Plural, Bare ~
VolII 157,158 n. Vol I 59,63,74-5,90,94,96-7,120-5,127,
Perfectivity marking 129-30,137,139,147,148-9,152,160-1,
VolII 138-9,157-9,161,184-5 179,181,188,234-5,238,247,249-50
Perfective paradigm Vol II 48,74-5,113-14,116-19,127,!46> lf>3,
VolII 161,338 173-4,176,184,212,226,238 n., 257,
Phonological index 294,310-11
Vol I 12,15,30 n., 42,56,83-4 Plural, Lexical ~
Vol II 14,18,22,24-6,29,87 n., 207,207 n., Voll 105-6,121,135
322,336-7,346-55 Pluralizing
Phonological (PF) licensing Voll 91-3
Vol I 130 n., 131 n. po- (Attenuative marker, Russian)
VolII 108-10,120-2 VolII 192 n., 199 n.
Phonological paradigms (see also Morphology, po- (Distributive marker, Slavic)
Inflectional ~) VolII 185-6,199 n.
VolI 56-7 Polysemy
VolII 23-4,194-5,197-8 Voll 3,188
Paradigmatic gaps (Defective paradigms) VolII 30-1,54
VolII 199,323 n. Portmanteau morph
Paradigmatic morphology Vol I 33 n., 43,68,113-14,178,182,204,204,
VolII 197,199 213 n.
Phonological source of grammatical variation Possession construct nominal see Construct
Vol I 32-3,79,261-6 nominal
VolII 2,15,323,345 Postposing
Phonological representations, phonological VolII 335-6
realization PP delimitors see Delimiters
Voll 3,12-13,26 n.30-3,36-7,39,42,5i,55-7, Predicate-argument structure (PAS)
68,72 n., 78-9,85,110-11,151,157,183, Voll 5
187 n., 202,234 n., 237-8,262 VolII 5,9
Vol II 12,18,22,24,26,58,75 n., 122,126,157- Predicates
61,168,183,194-5,197-200,227,322- Voll 87-90,133,138,141 n.
4, 222, 244, 250 Predicate modifiers see Aspectual predicate
Phonological word modifiers; Originator, modifiers of ~
Voll 58,199 Predicate composition
VolII 56,347-50,354 VolII 227-31
Predicate modifiers Proper names: uniqueness

Vol II 212-13,229,232-4,241-2,249,250 Vol I 83-4,134,175-7
Predicate nominal Pseudopartitive
Vol I 66-7,81 n., 87,89,108 VolI 246-9
Predicate, Bare ~ Psychological predicates
Vol I 65,81,82 Vol II 103 n.
Predication, Secondary
VolII 250 QR see Movement, LF ~
Prefixes and Prefixation see Quantity aspect- Quantification and quantificational expression
ual (verbal) affixation; Perfective Vol I 6,88-90,92,97 n., 109,111-16,118-19,
prefixation 122,124 n., 125 n., 138,140-1,144-7,
Prepositional Phrases and prepositions (PP,P, 170-3,175-7,187,193-9,205 n., 209-10,
Pn") 212,214-15,220,222-3, 225-7,232-4,
VolI 49-51 240,246-7,249,260 n.
Vol II 12,29,33,35,45,50,71,75 n., 83,87-92, Vol II 146,175-6,179
95,105 n., 108,127,203-4,207-8, Quantification, Distributive ~ see Distribu-
284 n., 223 tivity
Presentational constructions Quantification, Universal ~
VolII 9911.,loon.,271,333,337 Vol I 78 n., 116,161 n., 166-8,199 n.
Presuppositional interpretation/reading see Quantification, Vacuous ~
Specificity Vol I 37 n., 41,43,47 n., 205 n., 227
Principles and Parameters model VolII 18,168,179,301
VolI 261 Quantificational reading see Variable reading
Vol II 343 Quantifier, Complex ~
pro see Pronoun, Null- Vol I 170
Process see Activity; Atelicity; Quantity events: Quantifier, Strong - see Determiner, Strong -
Quantity, Non events Quantifier, Weak ~ see Determiner, Weak ~
Progressive see -ing, Progressive ~ Quantificational affixes and affixation (quanti-
Projectionist approach(es) see Endo-skeletal ficational marking) (see also Perfec-
approaches tive affixation; Perfectivity: perfective
Pronoun marking; Quantity aspectual (verbal)
Vol I 142,161,175,177 n. affixation)
Vol II 115 n. Vol II 157,160,166-8,172-5,179-81,183-5,
Pronoun, Bound ~ 189-90,192-3,198,298,301 n., 311-
Vol I 147 12,315
Pronoun, D Quantifier, Negative ~ see no
Vol I 142 Quantity and Quantity Projection (within DP)
Pronoun, Null (pro) (#,#P,#")
Vol I 83,162 n., 165 n., 177 n. Vol I 16,59-60,72 n., 78 n., 94-7,99,109-
Vol II 113-20,268 n., 269 n. 11,113,119-20,125,127-31,133,141 n.,
Pronoun, Null indefinite ~ 143-4,151, 158> 160-70,172,174-80,
Vol II 113-14,116-19,269 n., 295 182,185-9, i97-9> 204-7,211-12,215 n->
Pronoun, Num ~ 217,220-2,224-5,233,246-52,254-5,
Vol I 142 258,264
Proper name Vol II 27-8,42,64,73-5,79-80,85,85 n., 93,
Vol I 10,59,70-85,100 n., 113 n., 138-9,143-5, 102,104,108,119-28,133,136,163,174,
157,174-6,186 n., 188-9,233-4,265 l8l, 2O9, 211, 22O-1, 225-7, 229, 259,
Vol II 178,182,345 301,310-11,314-15,317,333-5,338
(def-u) (definite-unique head feature, proper (e)t (Quantity open value)
names) Vol I 36,60,109,111-19,122-4,128-32,136-
Vol I 72-3,78-80,85,174-7,189,233-4,265 9,141 n., 143,150-1,157-8,160-2,164-
VolII 345 73,175-89,193,197,199,201-2,204-7,
Proper name, Determinerless ~ 209-11,220,224-6,238,240,242,250,
Vol I 80-2 258-61,263
Proper names with determiners Vol II 16,28-9,75,114-15,120,124,126-7,
Vol I 70,72,74,82-5 157,159,161,168,173-6,178-9,181-3,
Proper names, Plural ~ 291-2,298,301,301 n., 314,343
Vol I 74 n. Quantity, Non see Quantity, Null ~
Quantity and Quantity Projection (cont.) Quantization

Quantity (#) determiner (see also Determiner, Vol I 124-7,13 n-
Weak-) Vol II 77,122,131-4,143,145-8,165,172 n.,
Voll 145,165,253 190,192-3,233
Quantity Phrase, Bare ~ Quantized object/argument
Voll 166 n., 247 Vol II 131-2,143,145,147,149-51,162-3,
Quantity, Null ~ (Null #,Null (e)f) 259
Vol I 96-7,131,136,143-4,160-1,167-8,177, Quantized predicate/verb
189,207 Vol II 189,191
Vol II 74,115,119-20,127,158 n., 173,226-7, Quasi-functional L-head see L-head, Quasi
301,310,314-15,317,319 functional ~
Quantity, Predicate modifier of ~ see Aspect-
ual predicate modifiers Range Assignment
Quantity aspectual (verbal) affixation Vol I 35-8,42-3,45,60,72-3,78,107 n., 109,
Vol II 157,159-60,194, 2OO 2O9, 212, 298-9, 111-14, H9, 122-3,129-31,138,140-1,
333,350,353-4 143,145,150-1,158,160-2,165-7,172-3,
Quantity (direct) object/argument 107,102, 176-80,186,188-9,193,197-206,209-
132,148,158 n., 163,184,210,212-13, 12,220,222,224 n. 225 n., 227,233-4,
220,225 n., 259,301 238,240,250,258-60,262-6
Quantity Events and Quantity Event Projec- Vol II 16-18, 2O-1,25-6,1O8,121-3,126,173-
tion (AspQ,AspQP,AspQm) (see also 4,176,178-81,195, 2O8-9, 211-13, 221,
Telicity) 232, 243, 259, 26l, 267-71, 283-4, 290-
Vol II 64-5,72-7,79-82,85,93,97-8,104, 2, 295, 298-302,310-12,319,322-3,
107-11,115,119-27,129,133,136,139, 337-8,343,345353-4
147-61,153-61,164-6,168,172-4,180- Range assignment, Direct ~
4,187,190,192-3,203,206-11,217-21, Voll 38,78,96,262
223,227,229,239-40,245-48,261- Vol II 17,122-6,182-4,188, 2O9, 271, 284,
2,264-5,267,269 n., 275,291,301 n., 291,293,295,297,304,313,315,333,
316-17,319,321,325-7,332-4,337,339 344
[ASP, (e)J (Quantity event open value) Range assignment, Double ~ (double mark-
Vol II 75-7, 8O, 85, 97-8,1O8, HO, 119,122- ing)
7,147,151,153,155-7,159,161,164,168, Vol I 37 n., 41,43,45-7,60,73,113,138,162.
176,180-4,188-9, !94> !97>200-2,, 170-1,177,205,205 n., 225-7,262-3
211-13, 220-1,227, 229, 232-3, 239, 243, Vol II 18,176,180-1,188 n., 209,211
248, 25O, 26O-1, 271-2, 291,3O1,306, Range assignment, Indirect ~
309-17,319,321,324-6,332-4,337-8, Voll 38,41-2,44-5,262
343-4 Vol II 17-20,123-6,181-4,227,267-70,
Quantity,Non events (activity,process) (see 284,291,295,297,300,304,312,315,
also Activity; Atelicity, Homogeneity) 344
Vol II 164,223,249,266,315,326 Reference
Quantity Phrase, Specifier of ~ ([Spec,AspQ]) Voll 38,67-9,78,84,135,146,161,166 n., 170,
Vol II 72-3, 76, 8l, 85, 91-2,1O1-2,119,123, 172,176,247,261
158 n., 173-5,183-5,188-9,204,220, Reflexive dative (in Hebrew) see Dative, Reflex-
228,247,266-7,269,284,291,311-15, ive-
317,319,321,325,333-5,338,345 Relative clause and relativization
Quantity, Interpretation of ~ Vol I 141 n., 148-9,170 n. 171 n.
Voll 125,166,168,182,251 Result nominals see Nominals, Derived ~ :
Vol II 64-5,72-7,80-2,85,93,97-8,104-5 n., Nominals, Result
no, 115,121-2,124,133,136,141-59,161, Resultant/resulting state/result (sub-event)
166,168,172,176,180,183-4,187,189, Vol II 202,220-4,226,229-31,326-7
217,221,227,232,248,275,291,301 n., Resultatives
305,310 n., 317,319,321,325,332-4,337 Vol I 50 n.
Quantity, Interpretation of Non see Homo- Vol II 48,132,138 n., 223-31
geneity Root (in the sense of Distributed Morphology)
Quantity expressions (see also Voll 20n.,2in.,3on.
Vol I in, 130,139,164-6,177 n., 179,181,185, Root, Tri-consonantal ~ (Semitic Languages)
189,198 n., 254 Voll 37,132n.,265
Vol II 208 Vol II 348-9
Scalar predicates and structures (see also Adjec- Vol I 134,137 n., 144-5,147 n., 234
tives, Open scale ~; Adjectives, Closed Specificity marker
scale ~; Degree achievements) Voll 150-9
VolII 149-51,153,316 Specifier (for specifiers of particular projections
Scope see entry of particular projection)
Voll 6,7n.,8n. Vol I 6,18,22,24-7,47,131 n., 169,170-2,174,
Scope, Intermediate ~ 177-8,183 n., 185,189,197 n., 198 n.,
Voll i37n., 145-9,154-5,157-8,189 205-6,212,214 n., 220,222-3,225-9,
Scope, Narrow ~ 234,236,238,247 n., 255,264
Vol I 146,149,154-5,157, 189,202 Vol II 11-12, 21, 50, 71-2, 85, 267-8, 271,
VolII 4,37 273 n., 284,293
Scope, Wide- Specifier-head agreement (configurations)
Voll 153 Vol 138,41-2,47,170,172,185,193,205-6,
Vol II 4,102-7,144, i73-5> 177-81,209,211, 212,222,226-7,262-3
297-303,305,309,3H-14,318,324-5, Vol II 17-18,21,27,72-3,76,97, no, 115 n.,
338,344-6 121,123-4,126,155,157,159,161,164,
Scope, Widest ~ 172-4,176,179-84, 221, 227, 267, 270,
Vol I 137 n., 144-7,149-50,152,154-5,157- 284, 291-3, 294-5, 297-301,312,315,
8,202 344
Selectional restrictions Specifiers, Functional ~
VolII 6, 7 n. Voll 6,18-19,21-2,27,72
Semantic selection see S-selection Spray-load alternation
Voll 22,24 VolII 92,132
Semi-lexical L-head see L-head, S-selection
quasi-functional ~ Voll 22,24
several Stage-level predicates
Vol I 148-9,167,184-5,240 VolII 294
Shell FP (FT) State, stative
Vol I 130 n. Vol II 34 n., 82-3,99 n., 103 n., 125,129,135 n.,
Vol II 109-11,120,127,160,175 n., 183,227, 139,142 n., 163,202-3,217-19,222 n.,
247,269 n., 273 n., 284,314 224,226,231-8,244-5,250,265,267-
Shell FP specifier ([Spec,F!P]) (see also Case, 9,280-2
Partitive ~) Stative Phrase (SP)
Vol II 28 n., 85 n., 110-11,160,175 n., 183, VolII 265,269n.
227,235,247,284 Stative verbs see Verbs, Stative ~
Singulars Stative, Anti- ~ elements
Vol I 59-60,74-5,88,94,100 n., 103-5, no- VolII 245
16,119-20,122,125-9,131-6,150,152-8, Stems
161-4,167,173,175-80,184,186-8,197, Stems, Bare ~
200-2,204-11,223-6,234,236-9,242- Vol I 110-13, US, 133,167,201-2,204-10,239,
3,247,249-50,253-4,259 243,246
Singular determiner see Indefinite determin- VolII 159,161,173,176,178,324
er; a) Stems, N- ~
Singular marking (inflection) Vol I 199 n., 201,204,215-16,240,245
Voll 131,136,160,163,175,197,207 Stress shift
Singular structure VolII 353n.
Voll 110,207,208,249 Strong quantifier see Determiner, Strong ~
Singular, Bare ~ Strong reading see Scope, Wide ~
Vol I 63 n., 74-5,151-2,154-5,157-8,186, Structures
200-2,204-5,210,220,234,249 Adverb of Quantification (individual read-
Small clauses ing)
Voll 50 Voll 139,165
VolII 106,206,226-7,282-3 Bare CL-N combinations (Chinese)
some Voll 183
Vol I 147-9,154-5,158,169-70,184-5,188 Cardinals (Chinese)
VolII 144-5 Voll 186
Specificity (presuppositionality) (see also Scope, Construct Nominals
Wide ~; Determiners, Strong ~) Voll 217-19
Structures (cont.) Quantity structures (English)

Count (English, Chinese) Voll 97,137,161
Voll 97,110,130 VolII 74
Definite descriptions Quantity structures, Post-nominal ~
English (Hebrew)
Voll 131,137,160-1,163-4,167 Voll 226-7
VolII 74 Quantity, Non structures
Hebrew Voll 97
Voll 211,212,225 VolII 74
Demonstratives (Chinese) Singular
Voll 183 English
Dividing cardinals (Hungarian, Armenian) Voll 114,137
Voll 117 VolII 74
Dual Hebrew
Voll 209 Voll 200,201,204
Eventive atelic events Spray-load-type Alternations
VolII 269 VolII 93-4
Existential locatives: Event structure licens- Stative events
ing VolII 269
VolII 297,299-300,320,339-41,342 Strong reading (wide scope)
Existential structures (DP) Chinese
Voll 138,164 Voll 185
VolII 174 English
Expletive, Transitive ~ (Hebrew) Voll 143,145,157,158,164
VolII 305 Hebrew
G en eric structures Voll 222
Chinese Transitive, Atelic event structure (Homo-
Voll 183 geneous, non-quantity transitives)
English VolII 109
Voll 138,164,165 Transitive, Telic event structure (Quantity
VolII 174 transitives)
Hebrew VolII 85,269
Voll 204,240,241 Unaccusative event structure (Quantity
Mass (English, Chinese) intransitive)
Voll 97,110,130 VolII 84,269
VolII 74 Unergative predicates (Homogeneous, non-
Measure phrases quantity intransitive)
English VolII 84
Voll 208 Weak reading (narrow scope)
Hebrew Chinese
Voll 208 Voll 186
Multiple determiner structures English
(all+the+three) Voll 143,145,158,164
English Hebrew
Voll 174 Voll 222
Hebrew Subcategorization
Voll 223 VolII 4-5,251,322,350,355
Non-Quantity structures see Quantity, Non- Subjects
~ structures Subjects, Bare DP ~ (see also Generics and
Plural genericity; Scope)
Voll 114,117,137 VolII 289-94,298,314,318
VolII 74 Subjects, Bare pre-verbal ~ (see also Scope,
PP Cascade structure Wide ~; Generics and genericity)
VolII 90 VolII 257,270
pro, Indefinite ~ and event structure Subject, External see Arguments, External ~
VolII 115 Subjects, Null ~ (see also Pronouns,
Proper names Null ~)
Voll 80,176,177 VolII 113-16
Subjects, Partitive Vol II 17,28,114

Vol II 105 n., 257 n. Thematic structure, thematic roles (6-roles),
Subjects, Post-verbal ~ (see also Scope, Nar- thematic hierarchy
row) Vol I 6,6n.
Vol II 37,105 n., 111,209 n., 256,258,260-1, Vol II 4,5,48-9,56-7,122,132,215,227,250
270-4,257 n., 272,275-9,281-7,293- Theme
4,296 n., 298,300-3,305,307,309-10, Vol II 42 n., 57,75,93,122,131-2,205
312-14,318-20,325 n., 332,335-6 Theme, Incremental ~, quantized ~
Subject, Strong ~ (see also Scope, Wide ~, Vol II 124,131-2,140 n., 164-6,168-71,
Determiners, Strong ~) 190,205
Vol II 303,309-10,312 n., 314,317-18,319, Time-measure phrase/adverbials see Aspectual
324-5 predicate modifiers
Subjects,Weak~ (seealso Scope,Narrow ~; Totality operator (TOT) and totality interpret-
Determiners, Weak ~) ation
Vol II 283,294-5,298,300-1,303,305-6, Vol II 158-60,165,166-8,190
312-14,318,320,325 n. TP (T, T") and tense
Subject-of-change Vol I 16-17,20-4,26,26 n.,28-9,34,36-8,40,
Vol II 57 137".
Subject-of-process Vol II 259,261,263-4,266-8,273-5,284
Vol II 57 (e)T (Tense open value)
Subject-of-quantity Voll 31-2,36-8,42-3,261-2
Vol II 64,72,76-8,80,83,85,92-5,119,123, Vol II 159,197,343
183-4,204-6,216-20,228,232,235, T.Null-
237,242-3,245 n., 247-9,266,269,271, Voll 37-8,55
284,316 Temporal expressions
Subject-of-state Vol II 278,285,305
Vol II 57,232 n., 235,237,244,269,271,280 Tense
Vol II 262,264
Subject-verb agreement see Agreement, Tense features
Subject-verb ~ Voll 118,213 n.
Substantive items see Listemes Tense marking (inflection)
Syntactic insertion frame see Subcategorization Vol I xv, 10,21 n., 26 n., 29,31-2,34,37,37 n.,
Syntax-semantics interface 40,53,55,58 n.
Vol I 14-17,22,68 Vol II 159,197
Vol II 122 TP, Specifier of - ([Spec, TP])
Vol II 80-1,85,101,111,120,184,247,268-
Telic structure see Quantity events 9,274-5,284-5,301,311,313,321,335
Telicity Transitive expletive constructions see Expletive,
Vol I 121-5,129,130 n., 132 n., 165-6,168, Transitive expletive ~
168 n., 175,177 n., 179,206-7,238 Transitivity (dyadicity)
Vol II 34-6,39,43-4,46-8,50-3,64-5,72-8, Vol II 94 n., 108-9, in, 127,139,183-4,212,
80-1,91-3,97-108,121-62,165-8,171- 218,226-7,235,242-3,260-1,269,273,
2,180 n., 182-3,185-7,189-93,200-6, 303,314-15,318,347
2O8, 212, 215-18, 22O-1, 224-6, 228-31, Transitive verbs see Verbs, Transitive ~
235-6,246-9,257 n., 259-61,265,267- Transitivization,De-~(lexical)seeDetransitiv-
269,301,304-6,309-10,313,315-16, ization
318,321,325,327-9,331-2 Type-shifting
Telic-atelic distinction Voll 8,16,59-60,89-90,94^,104-8
Vol II 36,64,74 Vol II 122,132,178, 215, 252
Telicity, Anti-~
Vol II 233-5,237,239,242,244-5,247-8, Unaccusativity
280 Vol II 79-80,84,108,118-20,184,216,218,
Telos 247,256,261,269,275,280-1,305-7,
Vol II 77,143 n., 187,202,220-3,327 313-14,318,332
Tense see TP and Tense Unaccusative subjects
the (see also Definite determiner) Vol II 62-3
Vol I 63,67-9,118-19, 158,160-74,176,178,211, Unaccusative verbs see Verbs, Unaccusative ~
222-3,226-7,238
Unaccusativity (cont.) Verbs, Intransitive manner ~ 246-7
Unaccusative-unergative distinction/alterna- Verbs, Manner of motion ~
tion/diagnostics Vol II 32-3,54,140
Vol II 31-2,34-9,42,44,61,63 n., 209 n. Verbs, Raising ~
Unbounded and Unboundedness Vol II 31 n., 282
Vol II 135-9,144,146-7 Verbs, Semelfactive ~
Unergativity Vol II 185-6,189,329
Vol II 79,84,120,125,216,218,247,256,259, Verbs, Stative ~
261,271,273,275-6,279-80,285,299, Vol I 139,165 n.
303,307,313-14,318 verbs, Transitive
Unergative subjects Vol II 6,31,41,56,58,85,99,140,188,248,
Vol II 62-3,179,302 257,273-4,354
Unergative verbs see Verbs, Unergative ~ Verbs, Unaccusative ~
Vol II 31-8,41-5,50-1,53-4,56-8,61,188,
Uniformity Condition 204,246,257,265,273,279-80,282,
VolI 45-7 334
Vol II 20 Verbs, Unergative ~
Uniqueness see Proper Names: uniqueness Vol II 31-8,40-5,53-4,56-8,61,125,188,
Universal Alignment Hypothesis 204,242 n., 246,257,273-4,281,283
VolII 58 n. Verbs, Variable-behavior ~
Universal Grammar (UG) Vol II 31-4,42-3,45-6,52,56-7,61,79,
Vol I 14,16,2.6,28,68,118 n., 214 n., 261,265 100-1,215,281
Vol II 11-12,343 Verkuyl's Generalization
Universal Theta Assignment Hypothesis Vol II 73,76,97,102-3,122-6,130,143,172 n.,
(UTAH) 180,182-3,189,200,202,204-6,208-
Vol I 5,104 n. 9,218,221,259-60,314,325,333,337-
Vol II 46,55-6,58,60-1,206,215 8,344-5
Unrestricted determiner see Determiner, Unre- V-head
stricted ~ Vol II 168,227,284,298,326-7
Vocabulary, Functional ~ see Functional lexicon
v (Little v) see Little v Vocabulary, Substantive ~ see Lexicon, Listeme
Vi structures/contexts VoiceP
Vol II 256,269 n., 272-6,278-80,282-3,293, Vol II 59-60,63 n., 220,267 n.
298,302-3,305-8,314,318-19,321
V2 languages Weak reading see Scope, Narrow ~
Vol II 268 n. WH-in-situ
Vacuous quantification see Quantification, Vac- VolI 148-9
uous- Wide scope see Scope, Wide ~
Variable reading and variable binding Widest scope see Scope, Widest ~
Vol I 38 n., 43,67,67 n., 69,81 n., 137-9, !42, Word and Paradigm
144-7,149-50,152,154,157,170-2,176, Vol I 51,56
189,200,202,202 n., 233-4 Vol II 22
Vol II 16,114-15,156,179-80,268 Word formation see Morphology
Verb movement see Movement, Verb ~ Word order (see also Vi structures)
Verb particles and verb-particle constructions Vol I 7 n., 19,24 n.,39,50,70-2,171,177,198-9,
Vol II 48,75 n., 141,203-4,207,211-12,241, 215 n., 222,228-9,233>236> 266
310,322-3,337 Vol II 87-8,111,280-3,286,296 n., 335
Verbs
VerbSjAccomplishment ~ 43,53,327-8 X' theory
Verbs, Activity ~ Vol I 22,44
Vol II 34 n., 43-4,52-3,215,217,221 Vol II 19
Verbs, De-adjectival ~ Xit (Hebrew specificity marker) 150-9
Vol II 151-2
Verbs, Intransitive ~ zero
Vol II 6,31-3,35,39-41,44-6,53-4,56, Vol I 114-16,122-3,239
242 n., 247

Borer 2 Structuring Sense: "The Normal Course of Events"

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What is the overall structure and scope of the work?

What is the overall structure and scope of the work?

What are the major domains that the work applies its framework to?

What are the major domains that the work applies its framework to?

Structuring Sense

Volume III: Taking Form (working title)

Parti Setting Course

Part II The Projection of Arguments

4 (A) structuring Atelicity 97

Part III Locatives and Event Structure

Part II Determining Structures

4 Some Stuff: On the Mass-Count Distinction 86

Part III Another Language, Another System

8 Cheese and Olives, Bottles and Cups: Notes on Measure Phrases

The Hebrew transcription used in this work represents a compromise between

1.1 How Grammatical are Words?

insertion frames as well as syntactic category from facets of lexical semantics.

(1) P(LK) + C^RK

We already noted in Chapter i of Volume I that the formula in (i) is a type

(2) a. [Vp agent [ykick patient ]]

The endo-skeletal approach contrasts with the approach I referred to as exo-

(3) a. Kim drank (up) the steak

(4) a. She drank him with her eyes,

substantive, as opposed to grammatical formatives. No such flexibility is attest-

on its conceptual value. A grammatical structure will return an interpretation

methodological clarifications are in order. Much of the discussion in Volume I

1.2 Functional Structure and the Architecture of Heads

structure (such as Tense), listeme-3 becomes a verb. If L-D is categorized as

1.2.2 Licensingfunctional structure: abstract head features andf-morphs

two major strategies universally available. One involves the projection of an

Functional merge merge+move conceptual array

The Great Phonological Dispenser

1.2.3 Functional heads as open values

Suppose we refer to range assignment by an f-morph or a head feature as dir-

a. Functional structures are headed by categorically labelled open values which

Before I turn to some additional formal ramifications of the view of func-

(21) [DP every.<e)d [P very.<e), [ dog ] ] ]

1.2.4 Whats in a head?

A detailed formal justification for the structure in (23) is not undertaken

1.3 A Note on Inflection

lar, this is so because, for example, the appropriateness of marking a particu-

to a complex phonological entry, which contains a full list of potentially unpre-

1.4 A Note on Idioms

Nevertheless, something extra must be said about the constituents in (27),

(31) [DIV trouser.(diva) (ea) [N trouser]] > /trauzerz/

Degree of specification in idioms, then, allows a gradation:15

2.1 Variable-behaviour Verbs1

the class of unaccusative and unergative verbs is overwhelmingly the same in

b. ha.praxiiri! nablu lanem^

The systematic correlation between telicity/atelicity and unaccusative-

2.1.2 Evidence for syntactic representation for variable-behaviour verbs

is presented by Levin and Rappaport Hovav (1989) based on the distribution of

(17) a. haj.yeladim xatku le-rani(1>2} et ha2.gader?

Unlike we-cliticization, then, possessor datives, in transitive or intransitive

(19) a. ha2.mitriya napla le-rani(2>.

It therefore follows that the unaccusative-unergative distinction is hierarch-

Levin and Rappaport Hovav, in a manner consistent with their theoret-

We note, following Dowty, that postulating two distinct entries, mediated or

as role features and lexical mapping operations, as in Reinhart's system, aspec-

(24) a. Addition of direct object gives rise to felicity: