Booth. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1998. 358pp
Booth. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1998. 358pp
Booth. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1998. 358pp
Statecraft and Security: The Cold War and Beyond. Edited by Ken
Booth. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1998. 358pp.
However, the remaining superpower, the United States, has not yet
demonstrated the kind of leadership necessary to transform the
international political structure, according to John Steinbrunner in Part
II, which examines powers the United States, Russia, Europe, Japan,
China, and middle powers and their policies. For him, the United
States is stuck in the Cold War mode in terms of military posture and
ways of thinking about the world. Two changes in particular
information technology and unprecedented growth in world
population require novel thinking about the international system to
solve problems such as unemployment. Wealth will have to be shared
more equitably to avoid civil disorders, one of the most pressing
problems. The United States seems not to have the will nor the stomach
to intervene in every case of internal disintegration.
The problem of disintegration is most evident in Russia, which is
the object of much discussion in this section. Chapters by Oles
Smolansky and Karen Dawisha analyse Russia over a longer historical
period. For the former, the seeds of a new political system have been
planted in Russia which will help it to escape from its past. The old
Russia authoritarian, under the sway of the Orthodox church,
the secret police, the bureaucracy, corruption, and nationalism
was not destroyed in 1917, but there is unlikely to be a return to
authoritarianism. In matters of foreign policy, both authors point to the
legitimate security interests in Russias perceived sphere of influence,
the near abroad the newly independent states which were once
part of the Soviet empire. For Dawisha, the will for traditional
imperialism (the quest for territory) is not evident, but Russia will
dominate this Eurasian space for security and economic reasons. The
challenge for the states of the near abroad is to foster economic
interdependence with Russia to avoid autocolonization.
Such interdependence continues unabated in Europe, which defies
neo-realist doom-and-gloom predictions of fracture. Europe has not
descended into power politics but continues to experiment with deeper
integration. Neo-realists erroneously assumed that European Union
(EU) unity was a product of the Cold War (rather, it was a cure for
Franco-German rivalry), that the United States will abandon the
European continent (it remains despite domestic opposition) and that
Western European governments will revert to balance of power policies.
While the EU is not yet a complete international actor, Robert ONeill
notes that it has international concerns the development of
international law, the control of weapons of mass destruction, and the
promotion of human rights and democracy.
Co-operation seems to be the hallmark of East Asian international
politics and, in particular, as Geoffrey Hawthorne notes, of Japanese
have in a fruitful way. Choice is also the core theme of Philip Alotts
penultimate chapter. He examines the myth of the concept of human
nature, which requires us to believe in a second self which is a
universal self, or an instinctive self. Since we are constantly creating
the past as we make the future, the latter need not be held prisoner to
the myth of an unchanging human nature. We are what we choose to
be. In conclusion to this wide-ranging book, Ken Booth discusses three
crucial aspects of global transformation globalization, global
governance, and global moral science. The last asks whether dominant
ideas of the past are sufficient to answer questions for the future.
A minor critique of this work is the exclusion of India and Latin
America, or one of its major constituents. Collectively and individually,
these countries are having an impact on the international system, which
is not negligible. While UNICEFs Geoffrey Hawthorne rightly points to
the need for a more collaborative spirit in helping Africa to face many
challenges, which cannot be ignored, its inclusion in a discussion of
powers and policies is incongruous.
Overall, this work should be required reading for students and
theorists of international relations. Its multi-disciplinary approach and
the inclusion of the policy-makers perspective into the overall analysis
makes for a more holistic analysis of the increasing complexities of
international relations. The attempt to incorporate the everyday lives of
people into the broader picture of global events is an endearing quality
of this book.
ROBIN RAMCHARAN
Jawaharlal Nehru University
New Delhi