Abuse and Alienation Are Each Real A Response To A Critique by Joan Meier
Abuse and Alienation Are Each Real A Response To A Critique by Joan Meier
Abuse and Alienation Are Each Real A Response To A Critique by Joan Meier
To cite this article: Leslie M. Drozd & Nancy W. Olesen (2010) Abuse and Alienation Are Each
Real: A Response to a Critique by Joan Meier, Journal of Child Custody, 7:4, 253-265, DOI:
10.1080/15379418.2010.521118
Download by: [UNAM Ciudad Universitaria] Date: 04 July 2017, At: 19:52
Journal of Child Custody, 7:253265, 2010
Copyright # Taylor & Francis Group, LLC
ISSN: 1537-9418 print=1537-940X online
DOI: 10.1080/15379418.2010.521118
LESLIE M. DROZD
Independent Practice, Newport Beach, California
NANCY W. OLESEN
Independent Practice, San Rafael, California
In 2004, the authors of this paper, Drozd and Olesen, wrote an article
published in the Journal of Child Custody titled, Is it Abuse, Alienation
and=or Estrangement? A Decision Tree. In the current issue of JCC, Professor
Joan Meier (2010) from George Washington University Law School wrote a
critique of that article titled, Getting Real About Abuse and Alienation: A
Critique of Drozd and Olesens 2004 Decision Tree. This article is a response
to the Meier critique.
253
254 L. M. Drozd and N. W. Olesen
There are some points on which we agree with Meier and some on
which we do not. The differences boil down to a matter of perspective. Meier
is a law professor and an advocate for women who are victims of male
perpetrated domestic violence. On the other hand, we are psychologists with
a combined total of over 70 years in practice; we both work with families in
treatment and are both seasoned child custody evaluators. Professor Meier
is concerned with the legal process in which innocence and guilt are
determined and where the determination of that is the end point of the inves-
tigation. We are concerned with the responsibility of forensic experts to pro-
vide valid and reliable information to the courts, and we are concerned with
long-term child and family wellbeing after the court process is over. Meiers
approach is more of an all-or-nothing one, and ours is a multivariate one.
This article will discuss some of the similarities and differences between
the Meier approach and the Drozd and Olesen approach. We respect that
Professor Meier wrote this in depth critique of the 2004 Decision Tree. Her
challenges have helped to sharpen and clarify our thinking. It is clearly with
this kind of intellectual discourse that those of us working in the field can
learn to best serve the families that we investigate, evaluate, or treat.
With the 2004 Decision Tree, we set forth a conceptual framework (a
multivariate approach) that lays out an array of variables to consider as to
what may be resulting in a childs behavior not being age and stage appro-
priate and=or what may be contributing to his or her relationship with his
or her parent. The Decision Tree is a way to determine the roots of why a
child might reject a parent. It is our belief that there could be many reasons
that children behave the way they do and that all of those ways should be
considered, including allegations of abuse and allegations of alienation.
Meier points out that we start with the child and ask: Are his or her
behaviors age and stage appropriate, and is the childs relationship with both
parents relatively equal and good? She writes that our failure to evaluate
abuse first taints the entire process (Meier, p. 222). We understand how this
could be a perception of what we wrote given that it is true that our evalua-
tions start with and end with the child. It is, however, the childs safety and
best interests that are primary; we agree with Meier on that. It is not, though
for us, a matter of all or nothing. Problems can exist in a family even when
there is no abuse. The kind of evaluation we suggest is a forensically sound
and child-centered one, which is abuse-sensitive, if done properly. Evalua-
tions done with the Decision Tree in mind include a risk assessment at the
very beginning with the childs safety considered at the beginning, middle,
and end of the process.
As Meier points out, both of us were a part of the process with the
National Council of Juvenile and Family Court Judges that led to their
Bench Book on Navigating Domestic Violence in Child Custody Cases
(Dalton, Drozd, & Wong, 2006). Clearly stated in that guide is that safety
comes first. In the same year that the 2004 Decision Tree was published,
Abuse and Alienation Are Each Real: A Response to Meier 255
Drozd wrote an article with Kuehnle and Walker by that very name: Safety
First: Understanding the Impact of Domestic Violence in Child Custody
Disputes. It is possible that the way the 2004 Decision Tree is laid out
confuses the issue of what comes first. In fact, in the past several years, both
of us have used a revised version of the Decision Tree in which some of the
points that Meier has raised have been addressed. An article regarding our
revised Decision Tree analysis is in press at this writing (Drozd & Olesen,
in press).
It is what happens next, after the critically important risk assessment that
is important to the goal of the Decision Tree. We turn from the initial safety or
risk assessment to the consideration of multiple hypotheses as we attempt
to find the roots of the problems that a given family might bring to us. The
Decision Tree is a road map. It is a multivariate tool to assist the evaluator.
Meier does not agree with the use of this multivariate tool. She wrote,
The multivariate tool is more of a tool for denial than truth (Meier,
p. 246). She opines that in considering multiple hypotheses, we are mini-
mizing the effect of abuse. As will be clarified in this article, we respectfully
disagree.
One of the reasons that we use this multivariate tool is that we have
found that all domestic violence does not come in the same package (Kelly
& Johnson, 2008). The main categories of domestic violence that are being
written about and researched today are those involving coercive control
(otherwise called real battering or intimate terrorism and involving intrusive
and authoritarian acts), conflict instigated abuse (including some situation-
specific violence), separation-instigated abuse, major mental disorder
associated abuse, and substance abuse associated abuse. There is abuse that
involves physical aggression; and=or there is abuse that involves psychologi-
cal aggression and relationship control. The father or the mother may insti-
gate abuse and=or some is mutual, defensive, or reactive. A retrospective
analysis of abuse in some cases may reveal a previous history of violence,
substance abuse, major mental disorder, developmental antecedents (e.g.,
early onset violence and=or conduct problems), and some violence has
involved things that would be found in a threat assessment (e.g., the making
of a threat, obsessive following or stalking, and=or use of weapons) (Austin,
Drozd, & Flens, manuscript submitted for publication).
The research shows that in highly contested divorce cases, which are the
population with whom we work, the highest percentage of abuse fits in the
conflict-instigated or separation-associated categories and not in the more
insidious category of coercive control (Kelly & Johnson, 2008; Austin, Drozd,
& Flens, manuscript submitted for publication). Thus, one of the reasons that
the multivariate approach works best is that it can help the evaluator and,
hence, the court differentiate between the kinds of abuse, given that the
harm to children and prognosis for healing differ per kind. The coercive
control kind, which involves a pattern of power and control, oppression, fear
256 L. M. Drozd and N. W. Olesen
and isolation over time, would predictably be more likely to cause more
harm and require more resources to treat.
It appears that the population that Professor Meier is talking about
throughout her critique of our article is that which best fits in the coercive
control, the real battering category with or without some components of
major mental disorder and=or substance abuse. Whereas, we see these cases,
we see others as well, most commonly the conflict-instigated and=or
separation-induced kinds of violence. Although these families often need
treatment, the treatment requires less time and resources.
In sum, it is possible that the major differences between the Meier and
the Drozd and Olesen approaches may not only be one of perspective, but
additionally that the populations they are working with may differ.
In some ways, the process that Meier takes is similar to the one that we take;
and in some ways, the processes differ. Both start with an assessment of the
safety of the children and agree that no matter what, safety comes first. We
also agree with Meier when she writes that the childs safety now and in
the future is paramount and that what is in a childs best interest is that he
or she is safe. Additionally, we agree with Meier that the evaluator must
consider abuse allegations carefully and thoroughly, and most assuredly
abuse allegations should be given significant weight.
Whereas, we recommend an abuse-sensitive evaluation, Meier asserts
that that is not enough. She opines that once abuse allegations are brought
up, the rest of the evaluation should be looked at through an abuse lens.
Whereas the abuse lens is critical and abuse allegations must be investigated
and evaluated, we urge the evaluator to also carefully consider the abuse
allegations first in addition to and not instead of the other allegations set forth
by the parties. Additionally, whereas Meier considers the abuse hypothesis as
paramount, we consider it to be important and primary and as possibly one
of several causes of the problems in the familycertainly one to be given
reasonable weight but not the only weight. In our work, we have found that
sometimes when there are abuse allegations, there are other allegations as
well. This neither means that we devalue the abuse allegations, nor does it
mean that we elevate the importance of other variables. Simply put, we
consider all variables.
It appears that the three of us agree that not only does the childs safety
come first, but also if there has been a finding of abuse by the court and if the
child has been severely traumatized, treatment for the trauma comes first. If a
parent has been traumatized by the abuse, the trauma to that parent also
needs to stop and it needs to be treated sooner rather than later. Concurrently
the abusive parent must receive treatment for and take ownership of and
Abuse and Alienation Are Each Real: A Response to Meier 257
responsibility for his or her abusive behavior. Ultimately the child, the childs
safety, and the best interest of the child are primary. And, it is only when the
child is ready that any kind of conjoint work should or can be done.
reliable, and valid any more than he or she should consider the abuse
allegations to be false, until proven otherwise. Instead, the approach we sug-
gest is that one consider allegations as just thatallegationsuntil data has
been collected, evaluated, and analyzed and a court makes a finding as to
whether there is or is not abuse. We suggest that the evaluator remain neu-
tral, approach the allegations as a scientist, collect and examine the data,
form multiple hypotheses, and refuse to have contempt (for any data) prior
to investigation.
It seems that if an evaluator takes Meiers approach and stops the evalu-
ation once there are allegations of abuse, it is as if one is assuming abuse
until proven otherwise; that would be putting the cart before the horse. If
one stops an evaluation and concentrates only on the abuse aspects of the
case when there have been only allegations and no findings of abuse by a
court, the evaluation becomes subject to confirmatory bias and distortion.
One of the largest areas of disagreement that we have with Meier has to do
with allegations of alienation in child custody cases. It is her view that alien-
ation should not be considered until abuse is ruled outtotally ruled out. This
is because, as she sees it, alienation is usually not real; it is something that is
only born out of and in reaction to abuse allegations, and it is rare. She
believes that if it exists it is most likely that the alienating behavior is done
as part of the power and control used by the abuser against the victim parent.
In the last decade or so, an alienated child has been described as one
who persistently expresses strong, negative feelings (such as anger, hatred,
contempt, and fear) and beliefs about his or her parent that are unreasonable
and significantly disproportionate to the childs actual experience with that
rejected parent. The beliefs are typically irrational, distorted, or exaggerated.
Many alienated children reject a parent and resist contact or refuse to have
any contact with that parent. Their feelings, beliefs, and angry behaviors
may range from mild to extreme. Alienation can arise from, follow, or occur
during a high conflict separation or after divorce. Alienated children are most
commonly between the ages of 8 and 18, may be of either gender, and may
reject either parent. Alienated children are distinguished from children and
adolescents who experienced child abuse or violence in the family toward
the other parent or themselves, and have become emotionally estranged
from that parent and=or traumatized and do not want continued contact
(J.B. Kelly, April 23, 2009).
Per this definition, alienation cannot be found in cases in which there
was abuse. This is consistent with what we wrote in 2004. We realize the
politics in the use of the term alienation in cases where there has been a
Abuse and Alienation Are Each Real: A Response to Meier 259
finding of abuse. That is why we proposed that in abuse cases, when there is
an alienating kind of behavior, that it should be called sabotage, not alien-
ation. The reality is, though, that despite our attempts and those of Kelly
& Johnson (2008), Kelly & Johnston (2001), Lee & Olesen (2001), and other
articles, from the study group that came up with the new conceptualization
of alienation in 2001, the word alienation is still used in cases where there
has been abuse. The foundation laid by Gardner (1987, 1992) has been dif-
ficult to overcome in part because he offered what seemed like a simple sol-
ution to what turned out to be, from our perspective, very complex cases.
The reality is that Gardner was simply wrong. In the real world, children
reject parents for many reasons, with alienating behavior on the parents part
being but one of many, and certainly abuse being another. The point is that
Gardners all-or-nothing thinking (alienation or abuse) is not what we see in
the real world of child custody cases and the point is that these cases call for
a multivariate approach, not one that involves all-or-nothing thinking.
In 2004, we wrote about protective parents; that is, those who are sim-
ply trying to protect their children from what they perceive as the abuse the
children (and=or they) have endured. In these instances what may be labeled
by others as alienation, we called protective parenting. We have in our prac-
tices seen instances where the parent who is trying to be protective does just
that, in usually what amounts to an incredibly heroic manner. Other protec-
tive parents seem less aware of how their protective behavior bypasses
protective and becomes problematic. In these cases, there is a conflation
of concern for the childs safety and the parents own reactions to their own
experience of trauma, whether historical or current, and their fear of the
aggressive or abusive parent gets in the way of their parenting. We have care-
fully stated and are stating again, we are not blaming the protective parents
but, rather, we are pointing out how they might better accomplish their goal
of protecting their child or children if they did not let their own fear govern
their parenting. We acknowledge that this is a lot to ask of abused parents
who truly fear for their childrens safety; and we acknowledge that many pro-
tective mothers, somewhat unbelievably, are able to bifurcate their feelings
about the abuser from their childrens feelings. Another way of saying what
we said in 2004 is that parents who have been abused or who have witnessed
their children being abused function best when they receive the support they
need and deserve. It remains true that the best thing that you can do to help a
child heal who was exposed to, a witness of, or the primary victim of abuse is
to help the protective parent heal (Chemtod, Carlson, & Perrone, 2000).
With all of the aforementioned discussion put into context, one of the
most interesting points presented in a preliminary study by Johnston,
Walters, and Olesen (2005a) was that it is the domestic violence perpetrator,
at least as often if not more often than the victim, who engages in alienating
behaviors. It is the abuser, with all of his or her power, who sets out to say
and do things that may result in the child rejecting the victim parent. It is the
260 L. M. Drozd and N. W. Olesen
4. Hold perpetrators accountable for their past and future actions (i.e., in the
context of family proceedings, have them acknowledge the problem and
take measures to correct abusive behavior); and
5. Allow and promote the least restrictive plan for parentchild access that
benefits the child, along with parents reciprocal rights (pages 142144).
We believe that a careful read of the 2004 Decision Tree article shows
that we do not focus on alienation except as one of a myriad of types of
problematic parenting. In that article, we sought to provide information
to nave evaluators who might miss abuse while overly focusing on alien-
ation. It is not our experience, in the evaluations that we have done or in
the cases we have reviewed, that allegations of alienation dominate the pic-
ture. Certainly there have been and continue to be cases of false allegations
of alienationwhere the false allegation of alienation is a counter to an
allegation of abuse. It is also true, though, that there are false allegations
of abuse. Unfortunately, the research data on the prevalence of false allega-
tions is old (Tjaden & Thoennes, 2000), nonexistent, or unreliable. This is
precisely why we take the multivariate approach set forth in the 2004
Decision Tree. All factorsnot any one single factorshould be investigated
and evaluated with the Abuse Hypothesis holding a significant amount of
weight precisely because of the harm that can come to children exposed
to abuse, or who are a witness of and=or the primary victim of abuse
themselves.
p. 243) could be a bit problematic. Take the case where abuse that, in fact,
never occurred is alleged, and the court accurately finds no abuse. A series
of rhetorical questions come to mind: Would that not be something that
might be considered to be a conscious effort on one parents part to sabotage
the other parents relationship with the child or children? Should not that par-
ent be held accountable? And if that parents efforts are indeed successful,
resulting in the child or childrens rejection of the falsely accused parent,
might that not by definition be alienation?
The reality is that at this time we do not have research that shows if alien-
ation allegations are more or less prevalent, credible, reliable, and=or valid
in cases where the abuse has been conflict-instigated versus ones
dominated by coercive control. We should know that before we implement
the policy that Meier suggests of banning the use of allegations of abuse as
evidence of alienation. In our view, Step One is useful and Step Four may
not be.
One of the steps about which we have some questions is Step Five
(Alienation claims are independently evaluated only under limited
conditions and only if i) all possible natural reasons for the childs extreme
hostility to the other parent (such as affinity, development, or the disfavored
parents own conduct) have been ruled out, and (ii) there is identifiable
intentional alienating behavior by the aligned parent) (Meier, p. 243). This
step logically follows Step One in which abuse is assessed first, though we
still question the following: Is it not true that alienating behavior is in and
of itself not monolithic? Is it not true that alienating behavior can be inten-
tional or unintentional, overt or covert, and=or mild or severe and is it not
true that all of these can be harmful to a given child? And is it not true that
Step Five, Part ii, would rule out all but intentional alienating behaviors leav-
ing many kinds of behaviors harmful to children uninvestigated?
We raise at least one question about Step Seven (Remedies for
confirmed alienation are limited to healing the childs relationship with the
alienated parent) (Meier, 2010, p. 245). In practice, neither of us is in favor
of a 180-degree change in custody except in absolutely extreme situations
after every other intervention and remedy has been tried. In the rare instance
when abuse has been ruled out, as have the other variables listed previously,
and when the in parent continues to consistently alienate the child from the
other parent, maybe, just maybe, a change of custody is called for. In the
70 or so years we have worked in the field, we can think of only three cases
out of thousands where such an extreme measure was clinically indicated.
These cases met the standard for removing a child from a parent under
dependency court standards, based on mental or emotional illness in the par-
ent. In two additional cases where the alienation allegations were found to
be false, the falsely accused mother was awarded sole legal and physical cus-
tody. In sum, whereas we agree with Professor Meir in spirit, we are not able
to say never.
Abuse and Alienation Are Each Real: A Response to Meier 263
Meiers seven-steps have some merit; although, in our view, they are not
a panacea. If anything, Meiers critique has nudged us to prioritize our
Decision Tree in a somewhat different way to clarify what could be
misunderstood and change areas that we think were not as effective as we
intended.
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