Sinulog Festival

A woman during the Sinulog Festival Every third Sunday of January, Cebu City celebrates Santo
Nio with Sinulog Festival. During the highlight of the festival, the streets are filled with energetic
street dancers performing the traditional Sinulog dance wearing an intricate and colorful costumes.

Kadayawan Festival

Kadayawan Street Dancers Kadayawan takes place in Davao and is a celebrated during the
month of August with various events including ethnic dance demonstrations and competitions as well
as a trade fair and exhibit. Its a harvest celebration and is one of the most cheerful festivals in the
Philippines.

Ati-Atihan Festival

Ati-Atihan Festival (photo by Wikipedia)

Another January festival, Ati-Atihan is the annual tribute to the baby Jesus in Kalibo, Aklan. A
celebratory display of costumes, weapons, music, and dance is meant to celebrate the Santo
Nio. The festival has inspired many other Philippine Festivals including the Sinulog Festival of Cebu
and Dinagyang of Iloilo, both adaptations of the Kalibo Ati-Atihan Festival.
Dinagyang Festival

Dinagyang Festival of Iloilo City

On the fourth Sunday every January in Iloilo City, Dinagyang Festival is another celebration of Jesus
that includes a huge feast and a mascot called Dagoy who represents the traditional Aeta people of
the islands. The Dinagyang is divided into three Major events: Ati-Ati Street Dancing, Kasadyahan
Street Dancing and Miss Dinagyang.

Bontoc or Igorot Wedding

Opposite to common belief, modern ethnic weddings usually are not simpler compared to the
Christian. Theyre as tedious, as costly, and as memorable, or even more.

The Bontoc or Igorot wedding traditions usually range several days. It begins with the giving of the
black beans called faratong from the woman to the man symbolizing the intentions of the bride to
marry.
Later on, the family of the bride sends the salted pork khakhu to the family of the groom. This can
be countered by sending of glutinous rice sapa. These foods are given to their own family members,
which includes their relatives.
A significant ceremony follows called insukatan nan makan means exchange of food. After receiving
the invitation, one of the parents of the groom must visit the brides residence and join breakfast
together. Afterwards, the parent of the groom likewise invite the brides parent for the same meal.

The next step is called the farey in which the bride and a kaulog or her girlfriend will go to the
residence of the groom. This means they begin entering each others homes and Immediately leave
immediately. On the following morning, they will be invited again for breakfast. This can be the
beginning of the tongor to align.

The next morning, only the immediate family are invited for breakfast known as putut to half. This
signifies the end of the ritual. After the 2 days of the putut, the bride and groom can live as husband
and wife but will sleep together for 5 days which is called atufang period.

The last step is called the manmanok where the parent of the bride invites the groom together with
his parents and declare the groom could legally sleep together with his bride. This indicates the end
of the marriage ceremony for many Igorots. A non-obligatory lopis a big marriage feast might be
done, but it depends on the couples finances.
Tausug Wedding

The Tausugs or Sulu people still practice traditional marriage. Parents arranged the marriage so the
young couple could be married, although they didnt enough time to get acquainted.

Way Of Dressing

The Tausug male wears fitting pants as well as a shirt. A sash is put around the waist with a matching
turban. The clothes are made from cotton and weave locally. Often, males shave their hair or cut it
very short to indicate social status. The ladies wear Malay sarong. They put on brass accessories on
their blouses or perhaps use as a bracelet or necklace.

The Wedding Procedure

1. Pagpasihil (Courting) the mans parents will ask the womans parents if she is still single.
2. Pagpangasawa (Proposal of a man to a woman) Pagpangasawa (Proposing of man to woman)
The parents of the guy will visit the house of the woman to ask the womans hand for marriage. The
dowry is being agreed by both parents.
3. Pagturul tayma (Engagement) Pagturul tayma (Engagement) Within this event the amount of
cash or perhaps dowry is declare to the community and also the wedding date is set.
4. Pgtyaun (Wedding) The day is accompanied by the gleeful faces, vibrant attire, as well as
glittering jewelry pieces worn by the host as well as guests.
After the father of the bride had granted the consent, solemnization will occur as part of the
procedure. The solemnization imam may lead the groom to the brides quarter at which the grooms
thumb shall be firmly pressed between the eyebrows of brides. This procedure completed the
solemnization ritual.
Before the wedding, the couple will perform a traditional bath.

During the wedding day, there are lots of tausug food delicacy such as tyulah itum that you can only
see in Sulu province. The attendees and guests worn lovely dresses as well as gold, You may also
see a various type of decoration.
Tboli Wedding

When the child reaches benahung or in need of a life partner, the parents look for a spouse of ideal
age. This consists of family background as well as economic standing.

The parents go to the prospect spouses parents making arrangements for the first marriage
celebration. On the latter date set, the girls parents go to the home of the boy to discuss the
sunggod with his parents. The price of the bride as well as the Kimo will be provided by the families
of the couple that will consist of the brides belongings.

After the sunggod as well as kimo is decided, the contract is closed upon the sunggod delivery that
usually include agongs, horses, carabaos, land, or any other valuable properties from the parents of
the boy.
After the mulu, the wedding date is set, After several years, if the kids reach puberty, the exact
solemnization date is set, often during the full moon when there is no rain, because the marriage is
celebrated in the evening in the house of the bride. On that occasion, the house must be cleaned,
having displays of kumo megel ( hand-woven basket) and swords on the rafters, walls.
The igam (mats) as well as tilam (cushions) are laid on the floor. The couple wear their attire in their
own houses. After, they go separately on their own vulnerable elders, that sprinkle water on their
face, hands, and feet. You can find the constant sound of the agong, kulintang, hagalong, and
tnonggong.
When the bride is all set for her wedding, the groom is notified and that he goes to the brides house
with his whole entourage. The bride waits her groom sitting on the special cushion in the central
space.
The bride must be covered with tnalak blanket before the grooms entrance. On that occasion
nobody can go near the bride except for the elders who had sprinkled water on her.
The groom goes into the house along with his sister or other female relative that goes directly to the
bride, removing the tnalak blanket as well as kisses her. The blanket becomes her property, and n
turn she must give a gift to the bride in proportion to the price of the tnalak blanket that she had taken
out and received. The groom must sit in a vacant tilam (cushion) close to his bride, careful never to
touch her. Only the relatives of the groom and guests are permitted to the house.

The sister bride or other female relative performs the unveiling. She will remove th ulew (turban) of
the groom and put it beside him in the ceremony called hemwos ulew.

The wedding is performed by the elders that sprinkle water on the couple. The elder of the bride gives
food to the groom as well as vice versa. The 2 elders start the first touch among the couple through
meeting their knees. This function as an operative act of marriage, then the couple eat in one plate, a
celebration associated with hearty applause as well as acceptance from the gathered guests.

Following the meal, both parties represented by their own hulung telu epic singer, involved in the
slingon, as well as sbot mon tulun lingon or known as song debate. The themes usually result in a
comparison of the couples qualities.

The MoNimumis is the final and glorious event of marriage in theTboli marriage custom. The event
consists of 6 feasts that the couples.both family and friends act as moken (host) as well as mulu
(guest). The Guno Mo Ninum is made with a long-side main entrance. All the outdoor activities are
held here like horse fighting, dances, and mock-battles. The Tabule house-like structure where all
gifts are hanging in this area. This is a part of the kio which the grooms party offers to his bride and
her family.

The practice of Filipino weddings and the traditional marriages in the Philippines refers to the marriage
characteristics as well as wedding traditions set up and followed by Filipino people through years of courtship
as well as engagement.

1. Adobo

No list of Filipino food would be complete without adobo.

A ubiquitous dish in every household in the Philippines, it's Mexican in origin, but Filipinos found that cooking
meat (often chicken and pork) in vinegar, salt, garlic, pepper, soy sauce and other spices, was a practical way
to preserve meat without refrigeration.

This cooking style can be applied to different meats or even seafood. Sample it in a Filipino home or the
garlicky version of the lamb adobo at Abe.

Abe, Serendra Plaza, Fort Bonifacio Global City, Taguig; +63 2 856 0526; www.ljcrestaurants.com.ph
 Lechon -- this little pig went to our stomachs.

2. Lechon

The lechon is the most invited party guest in the Philippines. The entire pig is spit-roasted over coals, with
the crisp, golden-brown skin served with liver sauce, the most coveted part.

In Cebu, the stomach of the pig is stuffed with star anise, pepper, spring onions, laurel leaves and lemongrass
resulting in an extremely tasty lechon, which needs no sauce.

In Manila, get your piggy from Elar's Lechon, while in Cebu, the best is CnT Lechon.

Elar's Lechon, 151 Quezon Ave., corner Speaker Perez Street, Sta. Mesa Heights, Quezon City, Metro Manila;
+632 731 7551. CnT Lechon, 1377 Rama Ave., Guadalupe, Cebu City; +63 3 2254 4249

Sisig -- no pig parts ever go to waste.

3. Sisig

Nothing goes to waste in Filipino food. In the culinary capital of Pampanga, they turn the porks cheeks, head
and liver into a sizzling dish called Sisig.

The crunchy and chewy texture of this appetizer is a perfect match for an cold beer. Serve with hot sauce and
Knorr seasoning to suit the preference of you and your buddies.

Credit goes to Aling Lucing who invented this dish at a humble stall along the train railways in Angeles City,
Pampanga. While Sisig can be found in many restaurants, try the original version at Aling Lucing Sisig.

Aling Lucing Sisig, Valdez StcorAgapito Del Rosario Street, AngelesCity, Pampanga; +63 4 5888 2317

Also on CNNGo: 40 delicious Vietnamese foods

 Crispy pata -- crunchy, juicy, chewy; a tasty trinity of Filipino food.

4. Crispy pata

Not for the easily spooked, this pork knuckle is simmered, drained and deep fried until crisp. The meat is
tender and juicy inside, with a crisp, crackling exterior.

Served with vinegar, soy sauce and chili. If you have a craving for this at any time, Aristocrat is open 24 hours.

Aristocrat, 432 San Andres St., corner Roxas Blvd., Malate Manila; + 63 2 524 7671; www.aristocrat.com.ph

Chicken inasal -- you'll never go back to Nando's.

5. Chicken inasal

Yes, it's grilled chicken. But in Bacolod, this is no ordinary grilled chicken.

The meat is marinated in lemongrass, calamansi, salt, pepper and garlic and brushed with achuete (annatto
seeds) oil.

Every part of the chicken is grilled here from the paa (drumstick), pecho (breast), baticulon (gizzard), atay
(liver), pakpak (wings) and corazon (heart). It must be eaten with a generous serving of garlic rice, with some
of the orange oil used to marinade the chicken poured over the rice.

Go chicken crazy at Manukan Country where there is a row of authentic Inasal restaurants.

Manukan Country, Reclamation Area, Bacolod City

 Taba ng talangka -- crab fat; a rarity if ever there was one.

Social values and health priority setting in China.

Docherty M1, Cao Q, Wang H.
Author information
Abstract
PURPOSE:
The purpose of this paper is to provide an overview of the organisational and procedural arrangements for
healthcare reform in China, and describe the role of social values in the relevant decision-making process.
DESIGN/METHODOLOGY/APPROACH:
An analysis of recent developments aimed at achieving universal coverage in China was undertaken in the
context of describing the influence of underlying social values.
FINDINGS:
The key underlying social value was found to be social solidarity. Other values were implicit rather than
explicitly stated, and were subservient to the overall aim of comprehensive coverage.
ORIGINALITY/VALUE:
The paper shows that China is embarking on the largest-scale health reforms in the world. There is an eagerness
to share experiences with other countries in an attempt to ensure the success of the reforms. There is an
increasing understanding of the need to make the values underpinning the reforms more explicit and, in
particular, those concerned with efficiency and appropriateness.
PMID:

Japanese values are cultural assumptions and ideals particular to Japanese culture. The honne/tatemae
divide between public expression and private thoughts/feelings is considered to be of paramount importance
in Japanese culture.[1]

In Japanese mythology, the gods display human emotions, such as love and anger.[2] In these stories, behavior that
results in positive relations with others is rewarded, and empathy, identifying oneself with another, is highly valued.
By contrast, those actions that are individualistic or antisocial (those that harm others) are condemned. Hurtful
behavior is punished in the myths by ostracizing the offender.

No society can exist that does not manage and integrate antisocial behavior,[citation needed] Japanese children learn from
their earliest days that human fulfillment comes from close association with others. Children learn early to recognize
that they are part of an interdependent society, beginning in the family and later extending to larger groups such as
neighborhood, school, playground, community, and company. Dependence on others is a natural part of the human
condition; it is viewed negatively only when the social obligations (giri) it creates are too onerous to fulfill, leading to,
for example, suicide, which is a topic of great elaboration in Japanese history and culture. However, in the early part
of the 21st century school bullying has become a topic of very great concern.[3]

In interpersonal relationships, most Japanese tend to avoid open competition and confrontation.[4] Working with
others requires self-control, but it carries the rewards of pride in contributing to the group, emotional security, and
social identity. Wa (), the notion of harmony within a group, requires an attitude of cooperation and a recognition
of social roles. If each individual in the group understands personal obligations and empathizes with the situations of
others, then the group as a whole benefits. Success can come only if all put forth their best individual efforts.
Decisions are often made only after consulting with everyone in the group. Consensus does not imply that there has
been universal agreement, but this style of consultative decision-making involves each member of the group in an
information exchange, reinforces feelings of group identity, and makes implementation of the decision smoother.
Cooperation within a group also is often focused on competition between that group and a parallel one, whether the
issue is one of educational success or market share. Symbols such as uniforms, names, banners, and songs
identify the group as distinct from others both to outsiders and to those within the group. Participation in group
activities, whether official or unofficial, is a symbolic statement that an individual wishes to be considered part of the
group. Thus, after-work bar hopping provides not only instrumental opportunities for the exchange of information
and release of social tensions but also opportunities to express nonverbally a desire for continued affiliation.

Working in a group in Japan requires the development of successful channels of communication, which reinforce
group interdependence, and the sense of difference from those who are not members of the group.[citation needed] Yet
social interaction beyond that which occurs with individuals with whom one lives and works is a necessity in
contemporary society. If the exchange is brief and relatively insignificant, such as buying a newspaper, anonymity
will be maintained. But if the relationship is expected to continue over a long period, whether in business, marriage,
employment, or neighborhood, great care is likely to be invested in establishing and maintaining good relationships.
Such relationships are often begun by using the social networks of a relative, friend, or colleague who can provide
an introduction to the desired person or serve as go-between ( nakoudo ). The nakoudo most often refers to the
?

person (or people) who negotiates marriage arrangements, including checking each family's background, conveying
questions and criticisms, and smoothing out difficulties. But this kind of personal mediation is common in many
aspects of Japanese life.

Popular Culture of China and Japan

Aims and objectives
This unit on the Popular Culture of China and Japan aims to explore the relationship between the products of
popular culture (including films, TV, music, comedy, folklore, cultural icons, the Internet and theme parks) and
social life in China and Japan. By investigating the redistribution of global national, economic, and cultural
power through the flow of western popular culture into China and Japan along with the flow of popular culture
out of these nations, a reshaping and distortion of global cultural developments and the phenomena of
modernity is evident. This unit will investigate the following key questions in our quest of global continuity and
discontinuity of popular culture:

What are the implications of popularity of Asian popular culture for globalization?
Do regional forces impede the globalizing of cultures?
Does the Asian popular culture flow act as a catalyst or conveying channel for cultural globalization?
Does the globalization of culture pose a threat to local culture?
What is the interconnectedness between Asian popular culture and western culture in an era of cultural
globalization that turns subjects such as Pokmon, hip-hop or cosmopolitan into truly global phenomena, and
the local derivatives and versions of global culture that are necessarily disconnected from their origins in order
to cater for the local market?
After successfully completing this unit, students will be able to:
1. Demonstrate an understanding of the defining characteristics of Chinese and Japanese popular cultures;
2. Show an ability to discuss popular practical and theoretical paradigms that apply in cultural studies;
3. Exhibit an ability to examine the historical, social and cultural environments that produce pop products and
use this knowledge to develop critical thinking, and analytic and research skills;
4. Demonstrate an ability to present ideas and defend their position;
5. Show an understanding of the various fan communities and their relationship to popular culture.

Aims and objectives

This unit on the Popular Culture of China and Japan aims to explore the relationship between the products of
popular culture (including films, TV, music, comedy, folklore, cultural icons, the Internet and theme parks) and
social life in China and Japan. By investigating the redistribution of global national, economic, and cultural
power through the flow of western popular culture into China and Japan along with the flow of popular culture
out of these nations, a reshaping and distortion of global cultural developments and the phenomena of
modernity is evident. This unit will investigate the following key questions in our quest of global continuity and
discontinuity of popular culture:

What are the implications of popularity of Asian popular culture for globalization?
Do regional forces impede the globalizing of cultures?
Does the Asian popular culture flow act as a catalyst or conveying channel for cultural globalization?
Does the globalization of culture pose a threat to local culture?
What is the interconnectedness between Asian popular culture and western culture in an era of cultural
globalization that turns subjects such as Pokmon, hip-hop or cosmopolitan into truly global phenomena, and
the local derivatives and versions of global culture that are necessarily disconnected from their origins in order
to cater for the local market?

After successfully completing this unit, students will be able to:

1. Demonstrate an understanding of the defining characteristics of Chinese and Japanese popular cultures;
2. Show an ability to discuss popular practical and theoretical paradigms that apply in cultural studies;
3. Exhibit an ability to examine the historical, social and cultural environments that produce pop products and
use this knowledge to develop critical thinking, and analytic and research skills;
4. Demonstrate an ability to present ideas and defend their position;
5. Show an understanding of the various fan communities and their relationship to popular culture.