Marxism and the Oppression of Women

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 Marxism and the
Oppressiond of Women
Toward a Unitary Theory

Lise Vogel

New Introduction by
Susan Ferguson and David McNally

Haymarket Books
Chicago, IL
First published in the USA in 1983 by Rutgers University Press.
New Appendix and Introduction by Susan Ferguson and David McNally
published in 2013 by Brill Academic Publishers, The Netherlands. © 2013
Koninklijke Brill NV, Leiden, The Netherlands

Published in paperback in 2013 by

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ISBN: 978-1-60846-340-4

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In loving memory ofmy mother Ethel Morell Voge'
my aunt Anna Vogel Colloms,
and my father Sidney Vogel M.D.
Contents

Preface ............................................................................................................................. ix
Acknowledgements ..................................................................................................... xiii
Note on Previously Published Material :'................................................................ xv
Capital, Labour-Power, and Gender-Relations: Introduction to the

Historical Materialism Edition of Marxism and the Oppression

ofWomen ................................................................................................................... xvii
Susan Ferguson and David McNally
1. Introduction .............................................................................................................. 1

Part One: Socialist Feminism

2. A Decade of Debate ............................................................................................... 13
3· Socialist Feminism and the Woman-Question ............................................. 31

Part Two: Marx and Engels

4· Early Views ....................................................................... ,....................................... 43
5· Marx: the Mature Years ........................................................................................ 59
6. Engels: a Defective Formulation ....... (.::............................................................ 77

Part Three: The Socialist Movement

7· The Second International .................................................................................... 99
8. Toward Revolution ................................................................................................ 111
VIII • Contents

Part Four: From the Woman-Question to Women's Liberation

g. A Dual Legacy ........................................................................................................ 133
10. The Reproduction of Labour-Power ................................................................ 141
11. Beyond Domestic Labour ................................................................................... 157
Appendix: Domestic Labour Revisited .................................................................. 183 ·

References ...................................................................................................................... 199

Index ................................................................................................................................ 209

Preface

This project began more than ten years ago. Like that of many other women in the
late 1g6os, my commitment to the emerging women's liberation movement
coincided with my discovery of Marxist' theory. At first, it seemed to many of us
that Marxist theory could simply be extended in order to address our con-cerns as
women's liberationists. Very soon, we recognised that this solution was far too
mechanical, and left much to be explained. The Marxist theory we encountered,
and the socialist legacy of work on women's oppression, required thorough
transformation. With this realisation, some turned away entirely from Marxism.
Others persisted in the attempt to use Marxist theory, aiming now to develop a
'socialist-feminist' synthesis that would transcend the inadequacies of the socialist
tradition. While sympathetic to this approach, I continued to pursue the original
goal of extending Marxist theory, and quickly came up against the necessity of
examining just what Marxist theory is. Additionally, a careful read-ing of the major
nineteenth-century texts pertaining to the so-called woman-question made it clear
that the theoretical tradition is highly contradictory. In the past several years, I have
sought to confront these and related problems. This book is the result. Not
surprisingly, its order of presentation parallels the development of my own thinking
on these issues. That is, the text begins with an evaluation of socialist-feminist
theory, moves on to a critical reading of the nineteenth-century writings, and closes
with a theoretical treatment of women's oppression that situates it in the context of
the overall reproduction of society. In the course of working on the book, m}-
respect for socialist-feminist efforts to address the question of women's oppression
has deepened. Nevertheless, I remain convinced that the revival of Marxist theory,
not the construction of some socialist-feminist synthesis, offers the best chance to
provide theoretical guidance in the coming battles for the liberation of women.

When I first started work on the problem of women's oppression, a text by Marx
caught my attention. He is commenting on the relationship between reli-gious
ideology and social reality, and uses the Christian holy family as his exam-ple:
'Once the earthly family is discovered to be the secret of the holy family, the
x • Preface

former must then itself be criticised in theory and revolutionized in practice' .I It

seemed to me that with these words, Marx had also captured the essence of a
historical-materialist understanding of family-experience. Indeed, socialists have
attempted to criticise as well as revolutionise 'the earthly family' for more than a
century, although with limited effectiveness. The conditions that gave rise to
today's women's liberation movement have at last, I think, produced the possibil-ity
of a more adequate critique and a real revolution. But possibilities are never
certainties. As early as 1971,juliet Mitchell had analysed the state of the women's
liberation movement in terms of a potential battle between liberationists with a
socialist analysis and feminists with a radical-feminist analysis. The suggestion of a
way forward which she made then remains valid, I believe, today:
We have to develop our feminist consciousness to the full, and at the same
time transform it by beginning a scientific-socialist analysis of our
oppression. The two processes must go on simultaneously - feminist
consciousness will not 'naturally' develop into socialism, nor should it: the
two are coextensive and must be worked on together. If we simply develop
feminist conscious-ness ... we will get, not political consciousness, but the
equivalent of national-chauvinism among Third World nations or economism
among working-class organisations; simply a self-directed gaze that sees
only the internal work-ings of one segment; only this segment's self-interest.
Political consciousness responds to all forms of oppression. 2

It is precisely the need to respond to all forms of oppression while simultaneously

deciphering the specific character of women's oppression that has motivated my
efforts. To the so-called woman-question I make, therefore, a clear reply. In the
words of Lillian Robinson's poem:
Women?
Yes.3

Several articles came to my attention too late to be incorporated in the text. They
are relevant to the arguments I make concerning the limited scope of the con-cept
of patriarchy, and the problems inherent in paralleling sex, race, and class as
comparable sources of oppression. Recent work in social history emphasises that
the concept of patriarchy does not suffice to explain the complex linkages among
women's oppression, family-experience, and social reproduction. Two

1. Marx 1968, p. 29. Vogel1979. This text was, in fact, an 1888 revision by Engels of
Marx's 1845 notes. For discussion, as well as a more accurate translation of the 1888
ver-sion, see note 5 of Chapter 4·
2. Mitchell1971, pp. 93-4.
3· Robinson 1975·
 Preface • XI

studies on the family-wage and on occupational segregation by sex are espe-cially

interesting: May 1982 and Baron 1982. The problem of the paralleling of different
oppressions is raised by several studies that document the history of women of
colour and analyse the specific consequences of racial and national oppression for
women. Jacqueline Jones,4 for example, shows that slave-families on American
plantations represented an arena of support, autonomy, and resis-tance for the
slave-community, while simultaneously nurturing the seeds oflater patriarchal
family-relations. Bonnie Thornton Dill5 analyses how the history of oppressed
groups created barriers to social participation that affect women in these groups
today. Such studies shed light on the reasons underlying black women's general
distrust of the contemporary women's movement, for feminist emphasis on the
analogy between sex-1md race-oppression and on sisterhood tends to deny the
special character of racial and national oppression. By break-ing with the simplistic
paralleling of sex, race, and class as comparable sources of oppression, Jones,
Thornton Dill, and others establish the foundation for a strategic orientation that
responds to the special concerns of women of colour. Feminists and socialists must,
in Thornton Dill's words, go beyond 'the concept of sisterhood as a global construct
based on unexamined assumptions about [women's] similarities' if they wish to
develop strategies for social transforma-tion that can unite women on a more solid
basis.

4· Jones 1982, pp. 235-69.

5· Thornton Dill1983, pp. 131-50.
Acknowledgements

I cannot list, here, all the friends and co-workers who have provided encourage-
ment and helpful criticism during the years in which I worked on this project. For
their warm support, I am deeply grateful. As the manuscript took shape in an early
version, I benefited from the critical judgment of many. In particular, I am indebted
to Lee Austin, Egon Bittner, Ron Blackwell, Ralph Miliband, Molly Nolan, and
Charlotte Weissberg for intelligent readings and detailed commentar-ies on this
version. I want also to thank jeanne Butterfield, Marlene Fried, Sheila Morfield,
Susan Okin, Tim Patterson, Rayna Rapp, Carol Robb, and the members of several
study-groups. As I prepared the manuscript for publication, several people read,
and in some cases re-read, sizeable portions of it: Jill Benderly, Ira Gerstein,
Nancy Holmstrom, Beth Lyons, and Susan Reverby. For their thought-ful
comments and suggestions, particularly on the theoretical arguments and political
ramifications, as well as their generous willingness to come through on short
notice, I would like to express a special gratitude. Appreciation also to the staff at
Rutgers University Press, and especially to my editor Marlie Wasserman, for her
firm support of this project, and to my copy-editor Barbara Westergaard, for her
high standards and good sense.
Thanks, finally, to the women throughout the world whose participation in
movements for liberation gives this theoretical project meaning. Without them, it
would not exist.
Note on Previously Published Material

Previously published material has been adapted and/ or incorporated in this work.
The author wishes to thank the publishers for permission to use the
following: "

Excerpts from Lenin, Vladimir Ilych 1966, The Emancipation of Women, New York:
International Publishers.
Excerpts from Engels, Frederick 1968 [1848], The Condition of the Working Class in
England, translated and edited by W. 0. Henderson and W. H. Chaloner.
Stanford: Stanford University Press.
Excerpts from Engels, Frederick 1972 [1884], The Origin of the Family, Private
Property and the State, New York: International Publishers.
Robinson, Lillian 1975, 'The Question' from Robinson on the Woman Question,
Buffalo: Earth's Daughters.
Portions of Vogel, Lise 1981, 'Marxism and Feminism: Unhappy Marriage, Trial
Separation or Something Else?' in Women and Revolution: A Discussion of the
Unhappy Ma"iage ofMarxism and Feminism, edited by Lydia Sargent, Boston:
South End Press.
Portions ofVogel, Lise 1981, 'Marxism and Socialist-Feminist Theory: A Decade of
Debate', in Current Perspectives in Social Theory, 2: 209-31.
Vogel, Lise 2000, 'Domestic Labour Revisited', Science & Society, 64, 2: 151-170.
Capital, Labour-Power, and Gender-Relations:
Introduction to the Historical Materialism Edition of
Marxism and the Oppression ofWomen
Susan Ferguson and David McNally

Every book has its curious life-history. While some soar to great heights of suc-
cess on a wave of public acclaim, others quickly plunge into obscurity. Then there
are those that live a largely underground existence, kept alive through the efforts of
small bands of dedicated followers who spread the word in defiance of a larger
silence. The latter is the story of Lise Vogel's Marxism and the Oppression of
Women: Toward a Unitary Theory. First published in 1983, Vogel's work appeared at
a moment of acute disarray for the socialist-feminist movement that had shaped the
book's very terms of reference. Reeling under the hammer-blows delivered by
neoliberalism in the political sphere and postmodem theory in the intellectual
realm, and deeply disoriented by the retreat of working-class, social-ist, and
women's movements, socialist feminism clung to a desperate existence on the very
margins of intellectual and political life. A decade earlier, a book like Vogel's would
have become a lightning-rod for energetic discussion and debate. By the mid-
1g8os, it barely registered on the cultural radar.
But the sheer originality of Vogel's text helped nourish its below-the-radar
survival, ensuring that it would not entirely disappear. Despite its unpropitious
moment, individual Marxist and socialist-feminist scholars and activists (the cur-
rent authors among them) spread the w,<;td, pointing readers towards arguably the
most sophisticated Marxist intervention in the theoretical debates thrown up by
socialist feminism. And today, amidst a resurgence of anti-capitalist struggle and a
small renaissance for Marxist and radical thought, its republication seems both
timely and compelling. There is, after all, a growing hunger for theoretical work
that integrates accounts of diverse forms of oppression into an overarching anti-
capitalist analysis. To that end, key lines of argument laid down in Marx-ism and
the Oppression of Women offer indispensable resources for the rigorous development
of historical-materialist theorisations of capitalism and women's oppression.
XVIII • Capital, Labour-Power, and Gender-Relations

First and foremost, Marxism and the Oppression ofWomen is distinguished by the
fact that Marx's Capital (Volume I) forms its theoretical point of departure. To be
sure, many socialist feminists had deployed Maixist texts for analytical purposes.
Typically, however, works such as The German Ideology or Engels's Origins of the
Family, Private Property and the State constituted the main points of reference. From
such texts, analysts derived general commitments to a focus on the social
production and reproduction of material life. But rarely did writ-ers engage with
the locus of Marx's mature account of the capitalist mode of production, to be
found in his life's work, Capital. Yet, as Vogel recognised, any serious Marxist
account of women's oppression in capitalist society is obliged to reckon with the
central theoretical categories of that towering work. Put simply, Marx's critical
procedure in Capital disclosed a series of interrelated concepts - the commodity,
value, money, capital, labour-power, surplus-value, and so on - that were designed
to illuminate the deep structural processes through which the capitalist mode of
production reproduces itself. So, while materialist com-mitments in general are
laudable, the specific historical-materialist theorisations unfolded across Capital
move us to a markedly higher level of conceptual clarity. By raising the problem of
women's oppression within the categorical framework of Capital, and by doing so
in more than an ad hoc fashion, Vogel opened a new direction for socialist-feminist
research. And while her text is by no means entirely successful in this regard, its
accomplishments are nonetheless consider-able. To see this, we need to undertake a
brief excursion through the field of socialist-feminist theorising in the decade and a
half prior to the appearance of
Marxism and the Oppression of Women.

Socialist-feminism: domestic labour, postmodern theory, and social

reproduction
Throughout the 1970s, socialist feminism developed as a distinct political and
theoretical current sustained by a vigorous research-project. Socialist feminists
were largely united by a commitment to understanding women's oppression as
grounded in socio-material relations intrinsic to capitalism, rather than as sim-ple
products of attitudes, ideologies, and behaviours. To this end, they turned to
theoretical approaches associated with Marx's materialist conception of history.

One crucial way in which Marxism differentiates itself from 'bourgeois' theo-ries
of society is in its commitment to materialism, or, to be more precise, its
commitment to theory grounded in the embodied human practices through which
socio-material life is produced and reproduced. To be a Marxist is to delve into the
realm of the concrete, historically-constructed relationships of
 Introduction • XIX

people and things, and to hold up the patterns, rules, and contradictions dis-
covered in that realm as critical explanations of the social. And it was a confi-
dence in this approach that inspired the rich, groundbreaking Marxist-feminist
literature of the 1g6os and 1970s, a body of work that developed in conversation
with the increasingly radical ideas of the left wing of the contemporary women's
movement.! Emerging at the end of the 1g6os, the domestic-labour debate crys-
tallised the quest to locate the socio-material foundations of women's oppres-sion
in the terms and concepts of Marxian political economy.
That debate - the problems it set out to explore, the paths down which it took
readers, and the eventual collapse of its analytic framework - sets the scene for
Marxism and the Oppression of Women. While Vogel rehearses those contours in
Chapters Two and Nine in some deta'il, it is worth taking a moment, here, to
summarise the aims and trajectory of that debate.
Previous feminisms had identified the household as a site of women's oppres-
sion, and some had loosely related the domestic sphere to the realm of produc-tion.
But it was not until1g6g, with the publication of Margaret Benston's article 'The
Political Economy of Women's Liberation', that the work women performed within
the household became a subject of critical enquiry. Benston's originality lay in
proposing an understanding of that work as productive labour - a process or set of
activities upon which the reproduction of (capitalist) society as a whole depends. 2
Quite simply: without domestic labour, workers cannot reproduce themselves; and
without workers, capital cannot be reproduced.
It is difficult to overstate the significance of this single move. Benston's for-
mulation introduced an analytic framework in which to situate experiences that
feminists of an earlier generation such as Simone de Beauvoir and Betty Friedan
could only describe. Intuiting the power of that framework, social-ist feminists set
out, over the following decade, to theorise domestic labour as an integral part of
the capitalist mode of production. In and through the pages of Radical America,
New Left Review, the Review of Radical Political Eco-nomics, Cambridge journal of
Economics,•. Bulletin of the Conference of Socialist
Economists, and other journals,3 they pr6bed Marxist concepts of use-value and
exchange-value, labour-power, and class for what these might reveal about the

1. While there is no hard-and-fast line differentiating socialist feminism from Marxist

feminism, the latter tended to identify itself explicitly with historical materialism and Marx's
critique of political economy. This is the sense in which we use the term.
2. There was, however, a decided ambiguity, here: is domestic labour human-produc-tive
activity indispensable to social life, or is it also directly productive of capital? Dissent over
this question formed a crucial socialist-feminist debate.
3· Hartmann 1981, pp. 34-5 n. 10 provides a fairly comprehensive overview of the con-
tributors beyond those Vogel discusses. See also Luxton 2006, p. 43 n. 14.
xx • Capital, Labour-Power, and Gender-Relations

political-economic significance of mundane household-chores from washing

dishes and cooking meals to clothing and nurturing children.
Two definitive, related, questions emerged: does domestic labour produce
(surplus-) value? Does domestic labour constitute a mode of production unto itself,
distinct from the capitalist mode? Vogel traces the efforts of Benston, Peggy
Morton and Mariarosa Dalla Costa to work through these questions, show-ing how
their contributions led to the following responses: 'No', domestic labour produces
use-value not exchange-value, and does not, therefore, directly pro-duce surplus-
value; and 'possibly', domestic labour is its own mode of produc-tion, operating
according to a distinct pre- or non-capitalist logic.
Thus, if the domestic-labour debate drew attention to the potential of a Marxian
political-economic analysis of women's oppression, its conclusions also appeared
to highlight its decided limits. In 1979, Maxine Molyneux and Heidi Hartmann, in
two separate articles (published in New Left Review and Capitai and Class
respectively) offered sharp assessments of those limits. Citing its eco-nomic
reductionism, functionalism, and confusion between levels of analysis, they
pronounced the domestic-labour debate moribund. Few commentators at the time
disagreed. While not fully dismissing Marxism, the critics cast doubt on the
capacity of Marxian political economy to offer anything more than a lim-ited
understanding of women's oppression. Indeed, calling Marxism 'sex-blind',
Hartmann urged that a 'specifically feminist analysis', patriarchy-theory, should
supplement it. The 'marriage' or more hopeful union of Marxism and feminism was
over; a 'new direction for marxist feminist analysis' could only be developed if the
two movements - each with somewhat different, at times contradictory, aims -
could learn to respectfully co-habit.4
While Hartmann's article made the call for a 'dual-systems' approach (one that is
socialist and feminist, rather than socialist-feminist) explicit, the fact is that many
socialist feminists (including participants in the domestic-labour debate) were
already operating on such terms. But, as the contributions to a 1981 collec-tion of
articles responding to Hartmann, Women &Revolution: A Discussion ofthe Unhappy
Marriage ofMarxism and Feminism, attest, the dualist perspective was also deeply
flawed. Dual-systems theory, critics held, was unable to adequately theorise the
rationale for just two distinct spheres (where did racism and het-erosexism fit into
this schema, they asked); neither could it compellingly explain the nature of the
inter-connection between patriarchy and capitalism. Iris Young suggested that these
problems spoke to a fundamental methodological evasion: 'Dual systems theory
allows traditional marxism to maintain its theory of pro-duction relations, historical
change, and analysis of the structure of capitalism
 Introduction • XXI

in basically unchanged form ... [seeing] the question of women's oppression as

merely an additive to the main questions ofmarxism'.s
The solution, she continued, was to develop:
a theory of relations of production and the social relations which derive from and
reinforce those relations which takes gender relations and the situation of women
as core elements. Instead of marrying marxism, feminism must take over
marxism and transform it into such a theory. We must develop an ana-lytical
framework which regards the material social relations of a particular historical
social formation as one system in which gender differentiation is a core attribute. 6

While her own proposal on how such a unitary theory of women's oppression
might be achieved - through a division-of-labour analysis - disappoints,? the notion
that the very categories of Marxism could be re-envisioned through a feminist lens,
and an analysis of gender-relations integrated into an over-arching 'theory of the
relations of production', opened up a significantly new line of enquiry.

Yet, Young's proposal arrived at an inauspicious time. The emergence of neo-

liberalism, which for the sake of convenience we can date from the elections of
Margaret Thatcher and Ronald Reagan in 1979 and 1980 respectively, corre-
sponded to a new period of social retreat for the Left in which previous gains by
labour- and social movements were aggressively rolled back. Disoriented by
a period of retreat, many activist-groups turned their gaze inward as they strug-gled
to sort through the political-organisational challenges that anti-racist and queer
politics posed to their assumed unity and identities. Political retreat also induced
theoretical defections and reorientations. Commitments to emancipa-tory and
revolutionary politics now seemed increasingly passe, out of touch with the social
fragmentation and culture of consumerism that were hallmarks of an ostensibly
new era. The moment was propitious, therefore, for the disavowal of 'grand
narratives' that was a hallmark of postmodern and poststructural theory. A cult of
the particular became the ordei of the day; the striving after unitary theories of any
sort was glibly dismissed as the quaint pursuit of fossilised 'modernists'.

Socialist feminism, too, bent under the winds of this political and intellectual
shift. Michele Barrett's analysis of patriarchy as ideology - a powerful set of pre-
capitalist ideas able to withstand the very real equalising impulse that charac-
terises capitalism -was crucial in this regard.8 Barrett's Althusserian Marxism

5· Young 1981, p. 49·

6. Young 1981, p. so.
7· As Vogel points out, Young's analysis ultimately 'threatens to recreate the very dualism
she wishes to avoid', Vogel1983, p. 192 n. 4·
8. For a critique of Barrett's historiography, see Brenner and Ramas 1984.
XXII • Capital, Labour-Power, and Gender-Relations

seemed a healthy corrective to the overly mechanistic . models informing earlier

socialist feminism. But it also fed into (and was arguably swallowed up by)
poststructuralist and postmodem approaches which displaced the very materialist
orientation to social theory that had distinguished the socialist-feminist discussions
of domestic labour. Soon caught up in a poststructuralist wave of high theory, left-
feminist academics often appeared irrelevant to those who were continuing to fight
in their workplaces and communities for feminist rights and freedoms. However,
activist-circles also witnessed a sharp tum away from Marxism, as various politics
of identity moved to the fore. In this context, it became almost axiomatic for
scholars and activists alike to dismiss Marxism in general, and Marxian political
economy in particular, as an outdated, hopelessly reductionist explanatory
framework, inadequate to building a comprehensive theory of women's oppression.
Meanwhile, the sprinkling of far-left groups who insisted otherwise too-often
defended past orthodoxies, displaying an unwilling-ness to acknowledge that
historical materialism had real work to do in analysing women's oppression in
capitalist society.
Yet there were some important exceptions, particularly those who continued to
engage with Marxian political economy through a 'social-reproduction' per-
spective. Indeed, it is fair to say that the specifically Marxist-feminist current
within socialist feminism increasingly gravitated toward a social-reproduction
framework, rather than a focus on domestic labour per se. Certainly, social-
reproduction feminism adheres significantly to the spirit of Young's appeal. It
shares the premise that women's oppression under capitalism can be explained in
terms of a unitary, materialist framework. Rather than locate the basis of that
framework in the gendered division oflabour (as Young did), however, it takes the
daily and generational production and reproduction of labour-power as its point of
departure.
Marxism and the Oppression of Women is one of the first contributions to the
building of this approach. Other, mostly Canadian, socialist feminists were moving
in the same direction as Vogel around the same time, but Vogel's book is the most
theoretically robust and sustained early exploration of this prob-lematic in relation
to the conceptual architecture of Marx's Capital.9 While, as Vogel acknowledges,
such an approach does not claim to explain all aspects of women's oppression as it
is lived under capitalism, it does establish a firm socio-material foundation for
understanding that oppression.10 It thereby retrieves socialist feminism from a
single-minded preoccupation with ideas and discourse, while also avoiding the
methodological difficulties of the early domestic-labour

g. See Ferguson 1999, for a review of other work that explored and developed the
social-reproduction-feminist paradigm in the early 1g8os.
10. Vogel1983, p. 138.
 Introduction • XXIII

debate and dual-systems theory. In so doing, it lays out the parameters of a the-ory
of women's oppression under capitalism that aspires to be both materialist and
historical.

Reworking Marx: theorising the production and reproduction of

labour-power
Marxism and the Oppression of Women carries a significant subtitle: Toward a Unitary
Theory. That subtitle links Vogel's project to the socialist-feminist search for a
single, integrated theoretical account of both women's oppression and the capitalist
mode of production. Rat);ler than grafting a materialist account of gender-
oppression onto Marx's analysis of capitalism - and running into the
methodological eclecticism that plagues dual-systems theory- Vogel proposes to
extend and expand the conceptual reach of key categories of Capital so as to
rigorously explain the roots of women's oppression. To do this, of course, involves
approaching Capital in an anti-doctrinaire fashion, accenting its critical-scientific
spirit as a research-programme inviting the extension and develop-ment of its
central concepts. Vogel's quest for a unitary theory not only does this; it also probes
theoretical absences in Capital, places where the text is largely silent when it need
not- indeed should not- be.11 Marxism and the Oppression of Women thus pushes
Capitat:s own conceptual innovations to logical conclusions that eluded its author
and generations of readers.
To see what Vogel is getting at, it may be helpful to follow the flow of Marx's
argument in Capital, tracking those points where he touches on what Vogel iden-
tifies as the key problem - the biological, social, and generational reproduction
oflabour-power - as well as those places where he lapses into silence just where he
ought to have explored that crucial issue.

Capitalism and its 'special commodity'

A pivotal moment in the drama of Capital arrives when the commodity that
sustains the entire system of surplus-value production - human labour-power -
makes its appearance. As our eyes turn to that 'special commodity',I2 we discern a
vital clue to the mysteries of capital: only when an enormous mass of people are
dispossessed and forced onto the labour-market to seek the means of life,

n. Vogel suggests (Vogel1g8g, p. 62) that Marx's omissions in this area flow from his
tendency to naturalise an historically-specific division of labour. This is clearly part of the
story. In addition, as we shall see, Marx's views may have been skewed by his belief that the
working-class family was in a state of irreversible disintegration.
12. Marx 1976, p. 270.
XXIV • Capital, Labour-Power, and Gender-Relations

by selling their labouring capacities for a wage, can the systematic process of
capital-accumulation be launched. Capital, in other words, 'can spring into life,
only when the owner of the means of production and s-ubsistence meets in the
market with the free labourer selling his labour-power. And this one historical
condition comprises a world's history'P
Having identified labour-power as the hinge upon which the entire sys-tem
turns, Marx declares that We must now examine more closely this pecu-liar
commodity, labour-power. Like all others it has a value. How is that value
determined?'14 This question- as to how the value oflabour-power is determined-
has excited significant controversy in Marxist scholarship, and it has also pre-
occupied many socialist-feminist theorists. But if we follow Marx too quickly here,
we run the risk of failing to ask an equally powerful - and, for present pur-poses,
more crucial - question: how is that special commodity itself produced and
reproduced? Marx senses that there is an issue, here, but he does not get to the
heart of it. Vogel's critical insight involves interrupting Marx's argument at just this
point, by asking: what are the conditions ofpossibility of this 'special commodity',
labour-power, the very pivot of the capitalist economy? What is the nature of the
social processes through which labour-power is itself produced? Vogel's answer is
decisive. 'Labor power ... is not produced capitalistically'. Rather, it is produced
and reproduced in a 'kin-based site', the 'working class family'.l 5 Focusing on the
working-class family is not itself an original move. Vogel's innovation has to do
with the social role she ascribes to the working-class family (itself organised on the
basis of age- and gender-difference) and the ways in which she analyses this. To
begin by identifying the working-class family as the social site for the
production/reproduction of the special commodity, labour-power, Vogel shifts from
an overriding preoccupation with the internal structure and dynamics of this
family-form to its structural relation to the reproduction of capital. Of course, other
feminist theorists had focused on the relationship of the working-class family to
capital via the reproduction of labour-power. But the majority of these critics
erroneously concluded that because domestic work produces the labour-power that
creates value and surplus-value for capital it too must be a form of value-creating
labour.l6 Vogel clearly grasps what is wrong

13. Marx 1976, p. 274.

14. Ibid.
15. Vogel1983, pp. 151, 170. Others had, of course, touched on this issue prior to the
appearance of Vogel's text. See, for example, Seccombe 1974; Quick 1977; and Gimenez
1978. But we are not aware of any analyst prior to Vogel having explored this issue as
systematically and in such considered relation to CapitaL Volume 1, as did Vogel.
16. This mistaken notion was promoted by Dalla Costa and james 1972; Gardiner 197s;
and Humphries 1977, among others. It has recently been repeated by Hensman 2011, pp. 7-
10.
 Introduction • xxv

with this argument: labour in the household is not commodified; it produces use-
values, not commodities whose sale realises surplus-value for the capitalist.
Others, too, had noted as much, but unlike these domestic-labour theorists,
Vogel's appreciation of this reality does not lead her to argue that the socio-material
basis of women's oppression can be found in the gender-relations within the
household. While the family is fundamental to women's oppression in capitalist
society, the pivot of this oppression is not women's domestic labour for men or
children, however oppressive or alienating this might be. Rather, it pivots on the
social significance of domestic labour for capital - the fact that the production and
reproduction of labour-power is an essential condition under-girding the dynamic
of the capitalist system, making it possible for capitalism to reproduce itself. And
while this does noi: strictly have to be carried out within households - state or
private-run orphanages, for instance, take on the respon-sibility of reproducing
labour-power, too - the fact that it is overwhelmingly a private, domestic affair
undertaken according to the bio-physical fact that pro-creation and nursing require
female-sexed bodies, explains why the pressures on the household to conform to
unequal gender-norms exist in the first place. That is, women are oppressed in
capitalist society not because their labour in the home produces value for capital,
nor because of a transhistorical patriar-chal impulse pitting men against women
(although such attitudes have of course persisted across time and place). The socio-
material roots of women's oppres-sion under capitalism have to do instead with the
structural relationship of the household to the reproduction of capital: capital and
the state need to be able to regulate their biological capacity to produce the next
generation of labourers so that labour-power is available for exploitationP

It is important to emphasise that this account need not be a form of 'func-

tionalism'. For the argument here is not that capitalism created the heterosexual
nuclear family for these purposes. The claim instead is that family-forms which
pre-existed capitalism were defended by working-class people anxious to pre-serve
kinship-ties, and that they were als9, reinforced and modified by deliber-ate social
policy on the part of capitalist·states (we discuss both sides of this in the next
section below). Through complex and sometimes contradictory social processes,
then, family-forms compatible with the privatised reproduction of labour-power
were both preserved and adapted to a modem bourgeois gender-order.

17. It may be helpful to think of Vogel's contribution in these terms: in focussing on

a social precondition of the labour-process under capitalism - the reproduction
oflabour-power - she foregrounds the relationship between women and capital,
suggesting that the relationship between women and men be understood within this
historical context, and not ahistorically, as a universal, transhistorical phenomenon.
XXVI • Capital, Labour-Power, and Gender-Relations

In advancing this argument, Vogel gives us an historical-materialist basis for

understanding the persistence of gendered family-forms across the space and time
of the capitalist mode of production. With this insight, the nature of the Marxist-
feminist debate is transformed. No longer is the household itself an adequate
analytical frame; the domestic unit is now theorised in relation to the reproduction
of capital. At the same time, the specificity of work in the home is retained, rather
than being misleadingly conflated with commodified (and thus value-producing)
labour-processes.
This perspective grounds women's oppression in capitalist society in the cen-tral
relations of the capitalist mode of production itself. In order to secure the
production and reproduction of current and future supplies of labour-power,
capitalism requires institutional mechanisms through which it can exercise con-trol
over biological reproduction, family-forms, child-rearing, and maintenance of a
gender-order. As much as male-female relations within households may express
and socially reproduce a male-dominant gender-order, these are not the totality of
women's oppression. Indeed, because of the strategic role of private households as
(in principle) sites for the production and reproduction oflabour-power, it follows
that female-led, single-parent families are part of the matrix of gender-oppression,
as are households led by two or more women. The capitalist gender-order is thus
structurally founded not on a transhistorical patriarchy or a separate domestic mode
of production, but on the social articulation between the capitalist mode of
production and working-class households, which are fun-damental to the
production and reproduction of labour-power.18
Having located the key point at which Vogel innovates with respect to Marx's
analysis, let us now return to Capital in order to indicate the ways in which Vogel is
confronting logical absences in Marx's text.

The working-class family and the genera~onal reproduction of

labour-power
Marx is far from oblivious to capital's need for generational renewal of the sup-plies
of labour-power. Indeed, he builds this into his theory of wages. Taking up the
question of the value of the commodity labour-power, which is expressed . in
wages, Marx tells us that this is not just a question of reproducing the direct wage-
labourer. After all:
The owner of labour-power is mortal. If then his appearance in the market
is to be continuous, and the continuous conversion of money into capital

18. Other social institutions, particularly schools, also play important roles, here. But
private households remain the linchpin of labour-power's bio-social production and
 Introduction • XXVII

assumes this, the seller of labour-power must perpetuate himself, 'in the way
that every living individual perpetuates himself, by procreation'. The labour-
power withdrawn from the market by wear and tear and death, must be con-
tinually replaced by, at the very least, an equal amount of fresh labour-power.
Hence the. sum of the means of subsistence necessary for the production of
labour-power must include the means necessary for the labourer's substitutes,
i.e. his children, in order that this race of peculiar commodity-owners may
perpetuate its appearance in the market.19

Here, however, we encounter a problem: beyond procreation, Marx is noticeably

silent on the processes through which the next generation of 'the race of peculiar
commodity-owners' is birthed and raised: Indeed, rather than theorise the social
relations and practices through which future wage-labourers are produced, Marx
reverts to a simple naturalism, instructing us that, when it comes to 'the main-
tenance and reproduction of the working class', capitalists 'may safely leave this to
the worker's drives for self-preservation and propagation'.20
Yet this is clearly a non-answer to the problem. Just like procreation, drives for
self-preservation and propagation are organised within socio-cultural forms of life.
And these forms cannot be taken for granted, as a purely naturalistic theory would
suggest, since they are socio-historically created and reproduced. There is, in other
words, no maintenance and reproduction of children- and adult-labourers outside of
social-institutional forms of life. In Marx's day, as in our own, these are
predominantly kin-based units known as families. Here, however, we encounter a
problem, for Marx held that the capitalist mode of production was destroying the
working-class family. His analysis in these regards is thought-ful and occasionally
visionary, as we shall see. But at no point does he recog-nise that the destruction of
the working-class family would mean the elimination of that social site in which
the production and reproduction of labour-power occurs. As a result, he fails to
recognise the contradictory character of capitalist development in this area: if kin-
based families are the key sites for the produc-tion and reproduction of labour-
power, ~n capitalist economic dynamics that undermine such families will be
deeply 'problematic for capital as a whole. To be sure, Marx was acutely aware of
the destructive effects of capital on working-class households. Capital overflows
with outraged excurses on child-labour, as well as female labour. And the damaging
domestic effects of these phenomena are frequently noted, as in the following
observation:
The labour of women and children was, therefore, the first result of the capital-
ist application of machinery. That mighty substitute for labour and workers,
the machine, was immediately transformed into a means for increasing the

19. Marx 1976, p. 275.

20. Marx 1976, p. 718.
XXVIII • Capital, Labour-Power, and Gender-Relations

number of wage-labourers by enrolling, under the direct sway of capital, every

member of the worker's family, without distinction of age or sex. Compulsory
work for the capitalist usurped the place, not only of the children's play, but also
of independent labour at home, within customary limits, for the family itself. 21

In a footnote to the passage above, Marx further observes, 'capital, for the purposes of
its self-valorization, has usurped the family labour necessary for consumption'. 22

These passages are noteworthy for the ways in which Marx registers the real-ity of
domestic work, describing it as 'independent labour at home' and 'family labour
necessary for consumption'. He is here at the threshold of identifying the problem of
how the (non-capitalist) production and reproduction of the special commodity at the
heart of capitalism is to be secured. Were he to have con-fronted that question directly,
he would have been forced to reckon with the contradictions it throws up for his own
claim that industrialisation, machinery, and the growth of female and child-labour were
undermining the working-class family. For that claim would then sit uneasily with the
recognition that some social institution, like the kin-based working-class family, is
essential to the reproduction of a wage-labouring class. In another passage, we witness
Marx's partial recognition of the gendered dimensions of this question:

Since certain family functions, such as nursing and suckling children, cannot
be entirely suppressed, the mothers confiscated by capital, must try
substitutes of some sort. Domestic wrk, such as sewing and mending, must
be replaced by the purchase of ready-made articles. Hence, the diminished
expenditure of labour in the house is accompanied by an increased
expenditure of money outside. The cost of production of the working class
family therefore increases, and balances its greater income. In addition to
this, economy and judgment in the consumption and preparation of the
means of subsistence becomes impossible.23

Here, Marx effectively raises the question of biological difference - not preg-nancy and
birthing, about which he is silent, but 'nursing and suckling'. In so doing, he tacitly
acknowledges that the work of producing the next generation has a distinctly gendered
character rooted in biological difference. This, of course, opens onto the question as to
why women experience unique forms of oppres-sion in capitalist societies. And at just
this point, Vogel makes a critical contri-bution, arguing that the social organisation of
biological difference constitutes a

21. Marx 1976, p. 517.

22. Marx 1976, p. 518 n. 38.
23. Ibid., n. 39·
 Introduction • XXIX

•material precondition for the social construction of gender differences'. 24 While

men may well assume some of the domestic labour associated with child-rearing
and maintaining households, there are crucial processes for which they are not
biologically equipped. Here, however, we need to be quite precise. It is not biol-
ogy per se that dictates women's oppression; but rather, capital's dependence upon
biological processes specific to women - pregnancy, childbirth, lactation - to
secure the reproduction of the working-class. It is this that induces capital and its
state to control and regulate female reproduction and which impels them to
reinforce a male-dominant gender-order. And this social fact, connected to bio-
logical difference, comprises the foundation upon which women's oppression is
organised in capitalist society.2s
Vogel's analysis, in this respect, confofms closely to the logic of Capital. Yet, if
Marx did not pursue this line of argument, it seems to have been for two reasons.
One is the clear tendency in his writings to treat male-female relations as natu-ral,
26
not social. The other reason is his excitement at the prospect of the work-ing
class being (destructively) liberated from patriarchal family-forms. This view
clearly emerges in both The German Ideology (1846) and The Communist Mani-festo
(1848). Whereas the former text argues that the proletarian family has been
'actually abolished', the Manifesto insists that 'by the action of modem industry, all
family ties among the proletarians are tom asunder' _27 Capital stands in a
significant continuity with those earlier texts on this question. Moreover, Marx
insists there that the dissolution of the working-class family, appalling as it is,
prepares the way to a more progressive social form:
However terrible and disgusting the dissolution, under the capitalist system, of
the old family ties may appear, nevertheless, modern industry, by assigning as
it does an important part in the process of production, outside the domestic
sphere, to women, to young persons, and to children of both sexes, creates a
new economic foundation for a higher form of the family and of the relations
between the sexes. It is, of course, just as absurd to hold the Teutonic-Christian
form of the family to be absolute and fip.al as it would be to apply that char-
acter to the ancient Roman, the ancient Greek, or the Eastern forms which,
moreover, taken together form a series in historical development. Moreover, it
is obvious that the fact of the collective working group being composed of indi-
viduals of both sexes and all ages, must necessarily, under suitable conditions,

24. Vogel1983, p. 142.

25. Note that this gender-order does not require that all women give birth. Rather, it
entails gendered relations in which the social responsibility for birthing and raising the next
generation is coded as female. On this point, see also Armstrong and Armstrong 1983.
26. Vogel1983, p. 62.
27. Marx and Engels 1975a, p. 18o; and Marx and Engels 1973, p. 84.
xxx • Capital, Labour-Power, and Gender-Relations

become a source of humane development; although in it!) spontaneously

developed, brutal, capitalistic form, where the labourer exists for the process of
production, and not the process of production for the labourer, that fact is a
pestiferous source of corruption and slavery.2s

This vision of a new and 'higher' form of relations between women and men, and
adults and children is inspiring. But it is based on a faulty premise: that capitalist
development inevitably spells the disintegration of the working-class family. In
fact, Marx failed to register the overall significance of concerted leg-islative
moves, particularly throughout the Victorian period in Britain, to reas-sert gender-
differences and to reinforce the working-class family. Parliamentary commissions
figured prominently, here, particularly the Report of the Children's Employment
Commission (in two parts) and the Coalmines Regulation Act (both of 1842 ).
Reports such as these spurred legislative processes designed to limit child-labour
and hours of work, and to restrict female employment. Combined with legislation
creating mandatory public schooling of children, the state had clearly undertaken
to counter infant- and child-mortality rates, 'educate' children in the skills and
docility appropriate to industrial capitalism, and reassert gen-dered divisions of
labour that reinforced the identification of women with the domestic sphere. (It is
interesting, in this regard, that female work in the mines was restricted, while
frequently more onerous domestic service went untouched.) Moral panics
accompanied all these processes, including a telling alarm about trousered women
working underground with picks and shovels, which coincided with legislation
banning women and girls from below-ground work in the mines. Across the
Victorian period, then, the state sought to reconstitute the working-class family by
way of new restraints on female and child-labour, a reinforced gender-order, the
state's responsibility for public education of children, along-side health- and
sanitation-reform - much of it promoted by way of fear about the dirty, uncivilised
working-class hordes, at home and in the colonies, and fear of transgressive
working-class women in particular.29
Of course, working-class people also campaigned to defend their household-life
and kin-networks. In so doing, they unwittingly accelerated reforms that were in
the long-term interests of capital - restrictions on child-labour, pres-sures for a
male 'family-wage', and limits on female employment- and which also buttressed
the dominant gender-order.30 As a result, female participation-rates in paid
employment stabilised at around 25 percent across the nineteenth-

28. Marx 1976, pp. 620-1.

29. See McClintock 1995, pp. 114-18, who also explores the psychoanalytic dimension of
such gender-panics.
go. See Clark 1995. For a thoughtful discussion of these processes, see Humphries 1977;
and Laslett and Brenner 1989.
 Introduction • XXXI

century, and child-employment declined.31 The decomposition of the working-

class family was thus halted; indeed, reversed.
It is instructive that Marx failed to grasp this, and continued to believe that the
working-class family was dissolving. This is, in part, a symptom of his taking for
granted what cannot be assumed - that new supplies of labour-power will
invariably be both generationally and socially reproduced, and that already-
existing supplies will be reproduced daily, not just in adequate quantities but with
the appropriate 'skills' and 'aptitudes'. Notwithstanding his own observa-tions about
the destructive effects of capitalist industrialisation on proletarian families, Marx
continued to fall back on a naively naturalistic account in which, when it came to
reproducing the working class, capital could 'safely leave this to the worker's
drives for self-preservation find propagation'.
As we have seen, however, Marx's own dialectical logic invites the sort of
amendment that Vogel proposes. Just like the reproduction of capital, the repro-
duction of labour-power too requires a critical-social account. But this is not
possible without a theorisation of the biological, social, daily, and generational
reproduction of labour-power, and the social organisation of biological differ-ence
this entails in a capitalist society. In short, the internal relations between gender, the
family, and the capitalist mode of production must be thematised if we are to make
sense of gender-oppression in capitalism in a way that meshes with the conceptual
structure of Capital.

Critics and criticisms

As we have noted, Marxism and the Oppression ofWomen created barely a stir in
feminist and Marxist circles upon its publication. The sole scholarly response of
any significance was written by Johanna Brenner, author of one of the most
important social-feminist works of the zooos. 32 For Brenner, Vogel's book is
remarkable as a contribution to radical historiography, particularly in its retrieval of
the Marxist tradition on the 'woman-q_~stion', and for situating it within the political
context of the early socialist movement. Vogel, she suggests, extends our
understanding of the roots of dual-systems theory, tracing it to classics by Engels
and Bebel, while identifying an alternate 'social-reproduction' approach derived
from Marx's mature works. Brenner is less impressed, however, by Vogel's
theoretical innovations, suggesting that her social-reproduction framework fails
adequately to consider the conflicts of interest between men and women,

31. Humphries 1977, p. 251.

32. Brenner zooo. As further evidence of the scholarly neglect of Vogel's book, we note
that it does not gamer a mention in the impressive survey of historical-materialist work on
gender-relations provided in Haug zoos.
XXXII • Capital, Labour-Power, and Gender-Relations

especially with respect to the active role men play in instituting and maintaining
gender-oppression. As a result, she argues, Vogel passes over key socialist-feminist
questions about why men 'almost universal1y' exercise power over women within
the family-system.33
Intriguingly, Brenner attributes this failure to the 'high level of abstraction and
generality' ofVogel's analysis. 'Anadequate "unitary'' theory', she insists, 'would
have to specify at least how class structure sets the limits within which subor-
dinate classes organize families and households and how these terms are set in
such a way as to encourage "male-dominated" family systems'. Such a proj-ect, she
continues, involves looking beyond the 'material basis' of society to the ideological
and political structures that comprise the gender-hierarchy. Lacking such an
account, Vogel offers only a 'preliminary stage' of social-reproduction theory. 34

Brenner's comments, here, are instructive for the degree to which they articulate
the very problem Vogel has set out to solve: the establishment of a theoretically
indispensable first-level analysis of capital-, gender-, and social reproduction that
will make a unitary theory - as opposed to a dualist or purely descriptive account-
possible. Brenner is indeed correct that Vogel does not try to theorise the exercise
of male power within the household per se, or to provide an historical account of
its development. Instead, her interest is in analysing what it is about the
fundamental relations of capitalism that seems to require a family-system based
upon a male-dominated gender-order. As she puts it, 'it is the responsibility for the
domestic labor necessary to capitalist social reproduc-tion - and not the sex
division of labor or the family per se - that materially underpins the perpetuation of
women's. oppression and inequality in capitalist society'. 35 Unlike so much
feminist thought, especially after the linguistic turn in social theory, she seeks to
decipher the socio-material foundations for a house-hold-system based on female
oppression. To this end, she explores the way in which specifically-capitalist
dynamics establish definite limits on the possible range of institutions and practices
of social reproduction. In identifying capital's contradictory need to exploit and
renew labour-power - and considering this in light of the necessarily differentiated
relationship of men and women (or male-sexed and female-sexed bodies) to the
procreative and nursing aspects of those practices - Vogel identifies the socio-
material dynamic of the capitalist system

33· Brenner 1984, p. 6gg. Brenner rightly criticises Vogel for her overly narrow review of
the socialist tradition on 'the woman-question', noting that she fails to engage with the work
of either the anarchist Emma Goldman or the Bolshevik Alexandra Kollontai.
34· Ibid.
35· Vogel1983, p. 170.
 Introduction • XXXIII

that tends to reproduce patriarchal family-forms, as it persistently has across the

spaces and times of world-capitalism.
Of course, here we are dealing with a tendency, not an iron law. The fact that
social reproduction is, and must be, played out through embodied individuals
enmeshed in the imperatives of capitalism does not mean that any and all family-
forms are functionally determined. Cultural traditions and social struggles will also
shape the range of available household-arrangements. But by identifying the key
problem of the necessity under capitalism for a social site that biologically and
socially reproduces labour-power, Vogel's analysis allows us to understand why
capitalist societies, notwithstanding a wide array of diverse histories, have
repeatedly reproduced male-dominated family-forms. Similarly, it also offers a
way of understanding why domestic fohns can change in significant ways, as with
the growing legal recognition and acceptance of same-sex marriages and
households, as well as single-mother or single-father headed households, with-out
women's oppression being eliminated. For however much ruling classes have
resisted the relaxation of gender-norms and sexual mores, these changes have not
inherently undermined the gendering of fundamental responsibilities for the
birthing, nurturing, and raising of young children. In these ways, Vogel does indeed
set the 'preliminary stage' for a social-reproduction theory that logically connects
women's oppression to essential features of the capitalist mode of pro-duction.36
Rather than a weakness in her work, this is, as we have argued above, a singular
accomplishment of Marxism and the Oppression ofWomen.
By working within the conceptual architecture of Capital, Vogel not only opens
up a most fruitful line of historical-materialist enquiry; she also overcomes some
considerable weaknesses of earlier socialist feminism. In particular, as we have
seen, she lucidly rebuts the flawed claim that unpaid labour in the home pro-duces
both value and surplus-value. At the same time, however, Vogel falls into the trap
of arguing that domestic labour is a component of necessary labour in the sense in
which Marx used the term in Capital.37 She clearly erred, here, as she
later acknowledged in the 2000 article fro:rp. Science & Society that is reprinted as ,•.
an appendix to this book. Vogel was, of course, right that the labour of produc-ing
and reproducing current and future generations of wage-labourers is socially
necessary to capital. But the term 'necessary labour' has a much more restricted
meaning for Marx in his theory of surplus-value: it refers to the labour that
comprises a necessary cost for capital, the labour that must be paid (in wages)

36. It is unfortunate that Vogel later appropriated Althusser's hyper-abstracted notion of

'Theory' uncontaminated by the empirical in order to explain her theoretical proce-dure in
Marxism and the Oppression ofWomen (see Vogel2ooo). In our view, it would be greatly more
productive to understand Vogel's procedure as establishing the conditions ofpossibility
offamily-forms and gender-order in a capitalist society.
37· Vogel1983, pp. 152-4. The same error appears in Hensman 2011, p. 8.
XXXIV • Capital, Labour-Power, and Gender-Relations

out of capital's funds. 38 This is why Marx refers to wages.as variable capital. There
is much more unwaged work - labour that does not have to be paid for by capital -
that is necessary to the reproduction of a capitalist society. And capital is certainly
greatly aided by the fact that children are birthed, nursed, nourished, loved, and
educated in kin-based units, just as adults are physically, psychically, and socially
reproduced there. But individual capitals here benefit from social practices that do
not form any of their necessary costs. 39 There is thus no rate of surplus-value,
here, both because these practices are not commodified (they produce use-values
but not values), and because there is no direct cost-structure for capital involved.
Vogel's later correction of this point is an important clarification that readers
should bear in mind when reading her text. More than this, it is a reminder of the
critical-scientific spirit that informs Marxism and the Oppression ofWomen, and that
makes it a work capable of renewal, extension, and development.

New agendas: intersectionality, materialist feminism, social

reproduction, and the enduring quest for a unitary theory
As we have observed, Marxism and the Oppression ofWomen appeared at a most
inhospitable moment, just as socialist, working-class and radical social move-
ments were beginning to retreat under the onslaught of the neoliberal offensive.
This new and hostile context threw up mounting obstacles to the flourishing of a
vibrant socialist-feminist theory and practice. As the years went on, political and
intellectual agendas shifted and a Marxist-inflected concern with gender-oppres-
sion was relegated to the museums of 'modernist' theory. It was at this moment that
the linguistic turn, itself in preparation for decades, swept the humanities and
social sciences, and made its imprint on parts of the Left. In a reductionism as
blatant as that practiced by any vulgar materialism, language and discourse became
the determining forces of sociallife.40 Discursively-constructed identi-ties became
the overriding focus of political analysis, while preoccupations with labour and
embodied human-practice were glibly dismissed as quaint if not out-right
delusional.

38. Of course, as we have seen, these wages must be adequate to help sustain the
production of the next generation of labourers. But the necessary cost for capital is the
direct payment of the labourers who engage in the immediate process of production.
39· Of course, some of these costs might be claimed by the state by way of taxes on
profits. We abstract from that issue here as they do not affect the argument about the rate of
surplus-value.
40. For a sample of Marxist treatments of these developments, see Jameson 1972;
Palmer 1990; Hennessy 1993; and McNally 2001.
 Introduction • XXXV

Inevitably, perhaps, as the harsh realities of gender, race, and class persisted, and
as imperial militarism intensified, notably during the First Gulf War, dis-course
theory's rarefied abstractionism and its utter remoteness from politi!::al
intervention produced a counter-reaction. Theorists committed to materialist modes
of critique along with emancipatory politics soon launched theoretical responses to
the disabling constraints of 'post theory'. The early 1ggos witnessed key moments
in this counter-movement, largely initiated under the banners of black feminism
and materialist feminism.41
Black feminism in particular drove the agenda that gave rise to the framework
known as 'intersectionality', which quickly became a major point ofreference in a
wide range of theoretical debates. This approach had deep roots in the experi-ence
of socialist-feminist organisations of Mrican-American women, notably the
Combahee River Collective formed in Boston in 197 4, in which the scholar-
activist Barbara Smith played a central role. Undertaking campaigns around
reproduc-tive rights, prison-abolition, rape, lesbian rights, forced sterilisation, and
more, the Combahee River Collective and similar black-feminist initiatives had
little time for the reduction of politics to discourse. Bodies, particularly the
racialised and gendered bodies of black working-class women, figured centrally to
their theory and practice.42 As it emerged from black feminism, the
intersectionality-perspective thus maintained an abiding materialist orientation,
however much it stretched and modified earlier materialisms.43
Patricia Hill Collins, perhaps the most prolific and celebrated feminist of this
tradition, insightfully developed W.E.B. Du Bois's contention that social hierar-
chies of race, class, and nation co-determined the political-economic realities of
black people in America, thereby drawing attention to the 'matrix of domination'
encompassing race, class, and gender. 44 This approach tackled a key problem that
had plagued both the dual-systems and identity-politics perspectives: to elu-cidate
the interrelations among distinct dimensions of social experience and the
institutions and practices that shape them. However much these earlier perspec-
tives acknowledged a connection between, say, sexism and racism, or class and
heterosexism, they paid little attention ·t~ the operation of the totality within

41. See, for instance, Collins 1992 and 1993; Smith 1993; Hennessy 1993; Landy and
Maclean 1993.
42. It is important to acknowledge the influence on such work of two pioneering texts:
Selma James's Sex, Race, and Class Oames 1975), and Angela Davis's Women Race and Class
(Davis 1981).
43· There were, ofcourse, black-feministpositions that spun offsome ofthisworkinmore
postmodernist ways. The work of bell hooks is often indicative of this, although hooks has
regularly returned to unfashionably non-postmodern concerns with social class. See, for
instance, hooks 2000.
44. See Collins 1993, 1998; Collins and Anderson 1992.
XXXVI • Capital, Labour-Power, and Gender-Relations

which these relations are internally connected. To explicate theoretically such

connections became the distinct project of intersectionality.
Intersectionality has inspired significant empirical work documenting how
oppression is lived in non-compartmentalised and often contradictory ways. This
empirical orientation has been both its strength and its weakness. On the one hand,
in drawing attention to the experience of oppression, such studies rein-serted
people, human agents, into the analysis of history and social life. Moreover, this
approach understood experience as socially determined in a non-reductive way, in
terms of complex and contradictory processes of social organisation and
determination. On the other hand, as Johanna Brenner pointed out, much work in
this tradition limits itself to describing and explaining the dynamics of specific
social locations, exploring how a particular location shapes experience and iden-
tity, while often failing to ask how those locations are produced and sustained in
and through a system of social power. The social relations of domination (of
a racialised, patriarchal capitalism), in other words, tend to be under-theorised. 45

This is in part because, in deploying the spatial metaphor of intersection, the

intersectionality perspective tends to see each mode of domination as a distinct
vector of power, which then crosses paths with (intersects) others. But by tak-ing
each power-vector as independently given in the first instance (prior to the
intersection), this approach struggles to grasp the co-constitution of each social
relation in and through other relations of power. 46
Concurrent with the emergence of intersectionality as a powerful paradigm
within feminist theory was the development of materialist feminism. React-ing
against the discursive turn, Rosemary Hennessy and others insisted upon returning
feminist theory and practice to the extra-linguistic domains of bod-ies, needs,
class-relations, sexuality, and affect.47 The result is a potent body of work that re-
opens earlier socialist-feminist concerns and rehabilitates historical-materialist
approaches to understanding gender-oppression. Furthermore, as with black
feminists, theorists working within this perspective have developed significant
analyses of sexual oppression, even if they merely pointed to the need for a truly
integrative theory of capitalism and its multiple oppressions.
Social-reproduction feminism, as it has developed in the years after the pub-
lication of Marxism and the Oppression of Women also frequently fell short of
elaborating a fully integrative account of the co-constituting relations of class,
gender, sexuality, and race. Despite the stated goal of developing a unitary theory,
signalled promisingly by their commitment to a broad, non-economistic con-

45· Brenner 2000.

46. We return to this point in our discussion of the important work of Himani Bannelji.

47· Hennessy 1993; Landry and Maclean 1993; Hennessy and Ingraham 1997.
 Introduction • XXXVII

ception of labour, many of those working in this tradition defaulted to either a

dual-systems analysis or to an atheoretical descriptivism.48 These tendencies are
arguably a legacy of what Himani Bannelji has identified as the structuralist
influence on socialist-feminist political economy. Although social-reproduction
feminists began from the concept oflabour, too often they tended to conceptua-lise
labour as a thing, operating within another thing or structure (e.g. the econ-omy,
household, or community). Such a positivist approach, observes Bannerji, loses a
sense of history, of the processes of becoming through which structural relations
are constituted, and of the subjects of that history in particular. AI> a result, many
socialist feminists have created 'an unbridgeable gap between self, culture and
experience, and the world in which they arise and have little to say about political
subjectivity'.49 This is on~ reason, she suggests, that there is such a deep silence
about racism in the social-reproduction feminism of the 1g8os and 1ggos. Having
failed to grasp the complex and contradictory processes through which the multiple
dimensions of social life create an integral and dynamic whole, much Marxist-
feminist thought faltered when it came to theorising the social totality in all its
diversity.
But a more recent line of inquiry within the social-reproduction-feminist per-
spective shows greater promise, approaching its analytic categories - labour, the
economy, households, and so on - as processes rather than things. Insofar as it
succeeds, this perspective opens up the possibility of a more genuinely historical-
materialist reading of the social relations of power, one that identifies the con-
ditions under which race, gender, sexuality, and class are (co-)reproduced,
transformed and potentially revolutionised. Isabella Bakker, Stephen Gill, Cindi
Katz, and David Camfield have all contributed to this re-imagining of the social-
reproduction framework. 50 Rather than present structures in which subjects merely
act out the systemic logic of their social locations, their work conceives of the
social as a set of past and present practices, which comprise a system of structured
relations that people experience, reproduce, and transform over time. This
transformative activity is understood,,as labour, broadly defined. The world, as
Camfield points out, is significantly1 the product of people's reproductive labour- or
what, as Bakker and Gill emphasise, Gramsci would call 'work'. 51

48. Examples of the reversion to dual systems and descriptivism are discussed in Fer-
guson 1999.
49· Bannelji 1995, p. 8o. As we have noted, Vogel's later embrace, via Althusser, of a
rarefied notion of 'Theory' uncontaminated by the empirical, commits a similar error (see
Vogel2ooo).
so. See Katz 2om; Camfield 2002; and Bakker and Gill 2003. As we have intimated
above, this work would be strengthened in and through the dialectical approach to expe-
rience developed by Bannelji.
51. Such a perspective need not involve a simple humanist voluntarism. If humans are
themselves understood as part of nature, as embodied beings capable of making history,
XXXVIII • Capital, Labour-Power, and Gender-Relations

In positioning labour, conceived as conscious, sensuous, practical activity, at the

starting point of analysis (instead of structures and functions), these theo-rists both
return to and build upon Vogel's central insight, without lapsing into structuralist
functionalism. The notion that the production and reproduction of labour-power is
actually a process undertaken by socially located people, brings agency and,
ultimately, history, back into the picture. It also brings bodies into the equation.
And while social-reproduction feminists, beginning with Vogel, have long weighed
the question of the biophysical nature of (labouring) bodies - particularly, how or
why women's biological capacity to give birth and nurture infants matters - they
have not devoted much effort to thinking through the racialised (labouring) body.
Ferguson suggests a potential place to begin such a discussion, by interrogating the
spatialisation of bodies in a hierarchically ordered capitalist world, while Luxton
along with Bakker and Silvey propose an argument along similar lines. 52 Although
much remains to be done to flesh out a social-reproduction framework that fully
accounts for gender-, race-, and other social relations, the conception oflabouring
(re)producing subjects central to such recent work offers a promising beginning.

Exciting historical-materialist analyses of race and sexuality offer other prom-

ising beginnings to which we can turn in developing a renewed Marxism capable
of grasping the social as 'the concentration of many determinations, hence unity of
the diverse'. 53 While it is not possible to deal with these literatures in anything
approximating a comprehensive fashion here, it may be useful to indicate some key
sources and directions.
With respect to the analysis of race and racial oppression, in addition to the
literatures of black feminism cited above, important work on 'the wages of
whiteness', which also takes its departure from W.E.B. Dubois, has contrib-uted
enormously to understanding the psychological investments many white workers
make in racialised identities and structures of power. 54 In synch with the
theoretical orientation of the best recent work in social-reproduction the-ory, these
analyses reinstate working-class people as agents in the making (as well as the
unmaking) of race and racism. In a similar vein, albeit from a quite different angle
of attack, a growing body of work by the historian Robin D.G. Kelley has
insightfully documented aspects of the making of the black working

then the notion of world production remains enmeshed in the natural and the biological,
while also reworking it. On this point, see McNally 2001.
52. Ferguson zoo8; Luxton 2006, pp. 38-40; Bakker and Silvey 2008, p. 6.
53· Marx 1973b, p. 101.
54· See Roediger 1991, 1994, zoo8; and Ignatiev 1995. For the foundational text, here,
see Dubois 1998. In our view, work such as this can and should complement impor-tant
Marxist scholarship on racism and social control of the sort developed by Allen 1994, 1997·
 Introduction • XXXIX

class in the United States, including its gendered dimensions, and the way in
which that experience has involved the political-cultural production of enduring
'freedom dreams'.55 Recognising that experiences of gender, race, and class are
always already mutually inflected, or co-constituted, Kelley has also attended
closely to the development of 'a new multiracial urban working class' in Amer-ica,
analysing the interconnection of diverse aspects of social experience in capitalist
society.56
Equally promising is the emergence of a vibrant Marxist scholarship on sexu-
ality and queerness, particularly studies that have examined the class-tensions
involved in the formation of queer identities shot through by socio-cultural pro-
cesses of commodification. Linking sexual-identity formation to larger social pro-
cesses of capital-accumulation in raciaH~ed and gendered spaces, these studies
are interrogating the dialectics of class, sexuality, race, and gender in subtle and
provocative ways. 57 In so doing, they are making indispensable contributions to
the development of a robust historical materialism of late capitalism in which
sexuality and sexual oppression are positioned as essential features of any viable
unitary theory of capitalist society.
None of these theoretical developments, however, can productively engage one
another outside a dialectical social theory. And while many theorists have been
working in this area, few have been more effective at laying the ground-work for
an 'anti-racist feminist marxism' than Himani Bannerji. Starting with the notion of
experience, as does E.P. Thompson in his discussion of the making of a working-
8
class,~ Bannerji develops a dialectical and multi-dimensional anal-ysis centred on
the concept of mediation. The advantage of this concept lies in its insistence that
our 'immediate' experience of the world is always socially and historically
mediated. 59 As a result, each 'moment' of social experience is always already
refracted through, or mediated by, other moments. Rather than trying to grasp
distinct social relations that arrive at an intersection, this approach pro-poses a
'relational and an integrative analysis' designed to theoretically construct
'a meditational and formational view of1 social practice'.60 Bannerji suggests that
such a methodological approach is ·~imultaneously deconstructive - disas-
sembling the totality to locate distinct moments of the whole - and dialecti-cally
reconstructive: 'At its best it is a relational and integrative analysis which

55· Kelley 1ggo, 1994, 2002.

56. Kelley 1997.
57· Hennessy zooo; Sears zoos; Floyd 2oog. For earlier work, see Smith 1983; Kinsman
1987.
58. Thompson 1963. Bannerji's notion ofexperience is also deeply indebted to the work
of Dorothy Smith. See Smith 1987.
59· The classic discussion, here, is Hegel1977, Chapter 1.
6o. Bannelji 1995, p. 67.
XL • Capital, Labour-Power, and Gender-Relations

needs a deconstructive method to display the process of mediation. It cim both take
apart and put back together (in a non-aggregative fashion) an event or an
experience within a wider context by using a materialist theory of consciousness,
culture and politics'.61
By proposing that no category of social experience is not already inflected,
refracted, and constituted in and through others, this perspective understands the
social whole as always a (frequently antagonistic) unity of differences. In so doing,
it can attend to both the differentiated mediations of social life and their complex
unity, the very task Marx described when he advocated grasping the concrete as
'the concentration of many determinations', and, therefore, the 'unity of the diverse'.
To be sure, such a project can only ever be an unfinished one. Yet, a central task
of historical materialism is to develop a conceptual map of the real in all its
complex and contradictory processes of becoming. And this is impossible without
a theory of the ongoing production and reproduction of the social total-ity. It was
Marx's great innovation to have grasped the ways in which the pro-duction and
reproduction of labour-power - and the histories of dispossession and expropriation
it implies - is the great secret to understanding the totalising processes of capital.
By putting that secret at the centre of the analysis in Marx-ism and the Oppression
ofWomen, and linking it to specifically female reproduc-tive activities in working-
class households, Lise Vogel critically extended Marx's project and made an
indispensable contribution to understanding the gendered forms of capitalist social
reproduction. That there is much more work to be done in that regard should not
prevent us from appropriating and developing this work's most powerful insights.
Chapter One
Introduction

The 1g6os mad<:ed the appearance of movements for

the liberation of women in virtually every capitalist
country, a phenomenon that had not been seen for half a
century. Beginning in North America, this sec-ond wave
of militant feminism spread quickly. Great Britain and
the nations of Europe reacted first to the North American
stimulus, and a new feminist con-sciousness emerged as
well in such places as Japan, India, Iran, and Latin
America. Although reminis-cent of earlier feminism, the
women's movement of the 1g6os and 1970s necessarily
constituted a specific response to new social conditions.
Not the least of its peculiarities was the existence of a
significant trend within it known as socialist feminism
or Marxist femi-nism, which sought to merge the two
traditions so self-consciously linked together. Socialist
feminism, argued its proponents, represents 'a unique
politics that addresses the interconnection of patriarchy
and capitalism, with the goal of dealing with sexism,
class conflict, and raai'Sm'.1

The emergence of a socialist-feminist trend in the late

1g6os was an extremely important develop-ment.
Socialist feminism stood in solidarity with anti-
imperialist and progressive struggles both at home and
abroad. Simultaneously, it placed itself in opposition

1. Red Apple Collective 1978, p. 39· While socialism and Marxism are of course not
synonymous, I use the terms socialist feminism and Marxist feminism interchangeably,
following ordinary practice within the contemporary women's movement in the United
States. Socialist feminism is not, moreover, the exclusive province of women: the New
American Movement called itself a socialist-feminist organisation.
2 • Chapter One

to a growing radical-feminist tendency that considered .male supremacy the root of

all human oppression and the main obstacle to female liberation. By the mid-1970s,
however, the socialist-feminist movement began to lose some of· its momentum
and bearings, as anti-imperialist activity receded and as many Marxist women
withdrew from socialist-feminist organisations, if not from the women's movement
altogether. The theoretical and organisational perspectives of radical feminism now
appeared to offer more guidance to socialist feminists than they had before,
particularly on the critical questions of sexuality, inter-personal relations, ideology,
and the persistence of male domination through-out history. At the same time,
women's experience in revolutionary movements and socialist countries seemed
more removed from immediate socialist-feminist concerns. A certain pessimism
regarding the achievements of existing socialist movements and the possibilities of
current revolutionary initiatives developed. In this atmosphere, some socialist
feminists became persuaded that Marxism could not be transformed or extended by
means of the application of feminist insight. They suggested, moreover, that such a
goal is not only unattainable, but betrays women's liberation to the demands of
socialism. Whereas social-ist feminism had originated in a commitment to the
simultaneous achievement of women's liberation and socialist revolution, that
double commitment now threatened to break apart.

This book constitutes an argument for the power of Marxism to analyse the
issues that face women today in their struggle for liberation. It strongly rejects,
however, the assumption made by many socialists that the classical-Marxist tra-
dition bequeaths a more or less complete analysis of the problem of women's
oppression. In this sense, it could be called a socialist-feminist work, although it
shares neither the current scepticism among socialist feminists as to the useful-ness
of Marxist theory, nor their high hopes for radical-feminist perspectives. Instead,
the text argues that the socialist tradition is deeply flawed, that it has never
adequately addressed the question of women, but that Marxism can nev-ertheless
be used to develop a theoretical framework in which to situate the problems of
women's oppression and women's liberation.

The force and character of the feminist upsurge of the 1960s and 1970s, and of its
socialist-feminist component, owe much to the particular circumstances of the post
war period. Serious transformations in capitalist domination followed the end of
World-War II as the structure of power began to undergo profound changes, both
within each nation and internationally. Women, regardless of their class, soon faced
significantly altered tasks, expectations, and contradictions.
During World-War II, an emergency mobilisation had thrust women into an
unprecedented variety of new roles, many of them traditionally the preserve of
men. With the War's end and the return of the soldiers, the situation changed
 Introduction • 3

dramatically. Men flooded into the labour-force, pushing women back down the
job-ladder or out altogether.
In reality, women's participation in the labour-force never returned to its pre-war
level. Within a few years, moreover, statistics revealed a new phenomenon.
Whereas, before the War, the typical woman-worker had been young, unmar-ried,
and only temporarily in the labour-force, by 1950 large numbers of older married
women, often with school-age children, had entered the labour-force on a semi-
permanent basis. The trend was to continue unabated, in flagrant contra-diction to
the ideal of the nuclear family.
The social impact of these shifts in the character of female labour-force partic-
ipation was blunted by the intensification Of the ideology emphasising women's
place in the home. Beginning in the late 1940s, a new emphasis on domesticity
projected images of the happy home-maker devoting herself solely to the con-
sumption of goods and services and to the socialisation of children in isolated
nuclear-family households. Women, especially wives, were working in increasing
numbers but were supposed to believe that their real identity lay in their family-
roles. In more intimate fashion, the myth of the nuclear family fostered inter-
personal relations characterised by hierarchy, oppression, and isolation, thereby
contributing at the psychic level to the post war reconstruction of stability.
Tensions between the norm of the nuclear family and the reality of women's
lives were especially sharp in the United States. In the late 1950s, they reached the
breaking point, as more and more women chafed at the bonds of what Betty
Friedan was soon to name the feminine mystique. The early 196os witnessed the
beginnings of a critique, which took a variety of political, ideological, and
organisational forms. Many of these converged in the formation of the National
Organization for Women (NOW) by a group of militant middle-class feminists.
Founded in 1966, NOW announced its purpose to be 'to take action to bring
women into full participation in the mainstream of American society now, exer-
cising all the privileges and responsibilities thereof in truly equal partnership with
men'.2

2. Important landmarks in the early sixties include the following: In 1961, President
Kennedy established the President's Commission on the Status of Women, whose final
report appeared in 1963. Friedan's The Feminine Mystique was published in 1963, heralded by
magazine-articles and media interviews. As the book quickly became a bestseller, a series of
more scholarly reconsiderations of woman's place - led off in 1964 by a special issue of
Daedalus, the magazine of the American Academy of Arts and Sciences - sig-nalled a new
tum in liberal ideology. Meanwhile, legislation and executive orders had begun to create a
governmental policy structure in support of women's equality: the 1963 Equal Pay Act, Title
VII of the 1964 Civil Rights Act, and executive orders in 1962 and 1965 prohibiting
discrimination in federal employment. For NOWs statement of purpose, see Hole and
Levine 1971, p. 85.
4 • Chapter One

To all appearances, the new movement represented a genuine revival of tra-

ditional liberal feminism, seeking complete equality for women within capital-ist
society. Two characteristics distinguished it, however, from older forms of liberal
feminism. First, the feminists of the 1g6os began to extend the concept of equality
beyond the earlier movement's emphasis on formal equality in the civil and
political sphere. NOW, for instance, initially focused on legal redress, but its
concerns soon extended to areas of female experience formerly viewed as private,
and untouched by traditional feminist programmes. It demanded child-care
facilities and control over one's own reproductive life as basic rights for all women.
Implicit, if not explicit, in the discussion about such rights were the issues of
sexuality and the sex-division of labour in housework. Furthermore, the feminists
of the Kennedy-Johnson years sometimes distinguished among women by
economic status, as when NOW argued for the right of poor women to secure job-
training, housing, and family-support. This differentiation marked a break, however
unwitting, from the strict emphasis on formal equality that typi-fied nineteenth-
century versions of feminism. With its extreme sensitivity to the most subtle
aspects of inequality, as well as its occasional forays into questions of sexuality, the
sex-division oflabour in the household, and differential economic oppression, the
new movement pushed liberal feminism to its limits.
The second characteristic that distinguished modem feminism from its
nineteenth-century predecessor was the political atmosphere out of which it
emerged. The women's movement of the nineteenth and early twentieth cen-turies
had ridden the crest of an advancing capitalist world-order, demanding, in essence,
that the promise of equality held out by the triumphant bourgeoisie be extended to
women. While individual feminists argued that women needed more than equal
rights, and that bourgeois society itself required transforma-tion, their critiques
represented a visionary strain, largely peripheral to the main-stream-feminist
movement of the time. In sharp contrast, modem feminism drew strength from the
critique of capitalism that fl~urished and deepened following the end of World-War
II. Internationally, capitalism had come under siege, as large portions of the world
freed themselves from direct imperialist domination, often turning to socialism. A
number of countries began to follow strategies for the achievement of human
liberation in a socialist society that differed sharply from policies pursued in the
Soviet Union. At the same time, national-libera-tion movements around the world
were intensifying their struggles to achieve independence. These developments in
the international arena shaped a more thoroughgoing consciousness of the issues of
freedom, equality, and personal lib-eration. It was against this background that a
newly militant movement for civil rights emerged in the United States in the 1950s
serving, in tum, as an impor-tant inspiration for the feminist movement of the early
1g6os. Both movements
 Introduction • 5

demanded equality within the framework of capitalist society, yet pressed the
notion of equal rights to the threshold of a vision of liberation. .
Not until the mid-1g6os did large numbers of people step across that thresh-old.
In the United States, the rise of black-liberation movements, highly sensitive to
international developments, converged with the intensification of the war in
Vietnam. Periodic urban insurrections, an aggressive anti-war movement, and
resistance to the war within the military itself shook the country. Meanwhile, a
massive resurgence of Left activity swept Europe in the wake of the May 1968
events in France. And everywhere, the Chinese Cultural Revolution inspired a new
generation of social activists, who rejected all attempts to resolve discontent within
the confines of bourgeois society. Drastic social transformation seemed on the
immediate agenda. In this atmosphere, a 'women's liberation movement' emerged
in the United States, its founding members seasoned as (white) activists in the
Civil Rights, community-organising, and anti-war movements. Seemingly
independent of all earlier feminist efforts, including the liberal feminism of the
early 1g6os, the new movement initially adopted the form of small groups com-
mitted to consciousness-raising, local organising, and, at times, direct action.
Unlike the more sober feminism of such organisations as NOW, women's lib-
eration succeeded in tapping and mobilising the dissatisfaction engendered by the
many contradictions in all aspects of women's lives. 'Sisterhood is power-ful'
argued the women's liberation movement, as it rapidly spread throughout the
United States, Canada, Europe, and beyond. No sphere of experience could escape
attention, moreover, for these feminists recognised that 'the personal is political',
and put their theories into practice. In a period of social upheaval, the women's
liberation movement catapulted the idea offemale liberation into pub-lic
consciousness and laid the groundwork for a mass women's movement.
From the start, activists in the women's liberation movement differed among
themselves on the role of women's issues in the process of social change, and
developed distinct strategic orientations. Some saw the fight against women's
oppression as part of a larger struggle for ~ocialism. For these women, the task
became how to resist a traditional soci£list tendency to subordinate feminist issues
in the course of the struggle for socialism. Others insisted that the issue of women's
domination by men was fundamental to any process of social trans-formation, had
a sharply autonomous character, and required a qualitatively distinct struggle.
Here, the problem concerned the demarcation of this position from that held by the
most militant liberal feminists. As both discussion and practice deepened, a
cleavage developed within the women's liberation move-ment. Radical feminists
increasingly emphasised the primacy of sex-antagonisms in social development,
the critical role of sexuality and sexual preference, and the irredeemable
weaknesses of socialist work on women. In opposition, another
6 • Chapter One

tendency within the women's liberation movement began to argue that the
strengths of radical feminism could in fact be melded with socialist analysis into a
new strategy. By the early 1970s, this latter tendericy - soon dubbed Marx-ist
feminism or socialist feminism - had consolidated into ah important force within
the women's movement, as well as on the Left.3
Socialist feminists share a general strategic and organisational perspective. They
argue that the participation of women, conscious of their own oppression as a
group, is critical to the success of any revolutionary struggle. They assert that the
key oppressions of sex, class, and race are interrelated and that the struggles
against them must be co-ordinated - although the precise character of that co-
ordination remains unspecified. In any case, socialist feminists agree on the
necessity of an independent movement of women from all sectors of soci-ety
throughout the revolutionary process: working women; housewives; single women;
lesbians; black, brown, and white women; blue-collar and white-collar women, and
so on. For socialist feminists, only such an autonomous women's movement can
guarantee socialist commitment to women's liberation, partic-ularly in the
ideological and interpersonal areas, and in the domestic sphere. Autonomy, they
maintain, is a political as well as a tactical principle. Finally, socialist-feminist
theorists argue that the movement shares with much of the New Left 'a totalistic
view of the socialist transformation, an emphasis on subjective factors in the
revolutionary process, and a rejection of mechanical stage-ism'.4 For most activists,
however, the essence and strength of the socialist-feminist movement lie not in its
view of socialism but in its tenacious insistence on, and particular interpretation of,
the feminist insights that sisterhood is powerful and the personal political.

Theory did not play a large role in the development of the women's liberation
movement in its first stages. Indeed, the very ability to exist and grow without firm
theoretical or organisational bearings test;ified to the movement's strength as a real
social force. By the early 1970s, however, the movement began to re-evaluate its
practice, and to examine more closely the theoretical framework implicitly guiding
its activity. In turning to theoretical work, participants in the women's liberation
movement addressed practical issues arising out of their political experience.
Nowhere was this new commitment to theory stronger than· among socialist
feminists. Their interest in theory responded, in large part, to a

3· For differing accounts of the history of second wave feminism, see: Deckard 1978;
Dixon 1970, and 1972; Easton 1978; Epstein 1980; Sara Evans 1975, and 1979; Freeman
1972 and 1973; Anonymous 197s; Red Apple Collective 1988. For the development of
feminist consciousness and movements for women's liberation in the Third World, see:
Chinchilla 1977, and 1979; Omvedt198o, and 1978; Urdang 1979.
4· Anonymous 1975, p. 87.
 Introduction • 7

sense that the already established socialist-feminist strategic orientation needed a

more adequate foundation.
Socialist feminists quite naturally looked to the socialist tradition for a theo-
retical starting point. The issue of women's subordination has a long and rela-tively
distinguished pedigree as an object of concern for socialists. In practice, socialist
movements have sought, as best they could, and often with lapses, weak-nesses,
and deviations, to involve women in social change on a basis of equality. At the
theoretical level, socialists have generally conceptualised the problem of women's
oppression as 'the woman-question'. The socialist theoretical tradition bas been
unable, however, to develop adequate or consistent answers to this so-called
woman-question, as socialist feminists soon discovered. In the gloomy wake of
this failure, socialist feminists pose a series of difficult questions that must be
confronted more successfully. These questions centre on three inter-related areas:

First, all women, not just working-class women, are oppressed in capitalist
society. Women occupy a subordinate place, moreover, in all class-societies, and
some would argue that women are subordinated in every society, including
socialist society. What is the root of women's oppression? How can its cross-class
and transhistorical character be understood theoretically?
Second, divisions of labour according to sex exist in every known society:
women and men do different types of work. 5 In particular, women tend to be
responsible for work in the area of child-rearing, as well as other types of labour in
the household; they may also be involved in production. Generally speaking, sex-
divisions of labour represent stubborn barriers to. women's full participa-tion in
every society. What is the relationship of these sex-divisions oflabour to women's
oppression? Given women's child-bearing capacity, how is it possible for women
to be truly equal? Should not the very notion of equality be discarded or
transcended in order for women to be liberated?
Third, women's oppression bears strong analogies to the oppression of racial
and national groups, as well as to the explo),tation of subordinate classes. Are sex,
race, and class parallel oppressions of art ~ssentially similar kind? Does female
oppression have its own theoretically specific character? What is the relation-ship
of the fight against women's oppression to the struggle for national libera-tion and
for socialism?

5· I use the plural - sex-divisions of labour - because in most societies there are, in
fact, distinct divisions of labour according to sex in different areas of work and for dif-
ferent classes, age-groups, and so forth. While the singular term - the sex division of
labour - can be taken to include these variations, it tends also to merge them into an
abstract unity. For a similar conceptualisation, if not terminology, see Middleton 1979.
See also Beneria 1979·
8 • Chapter One

Explicitly or implicitly, socialist feminism sets itself the task of developing a

better set of answers to these questions than the socialist tradition has been able to
offer. But in its haste to define and take up this weighty burden, socialist-feminist
theory often leaves behind those elements in the tradition that might actually
lighten the load. All too quickly, socialist feminism abandons the social-ist
tradition's revolutionary Marxist core.
The chapters that follow present a case for the usefulness of Marxist theory in
developing a theoretical framework that can encompass the problem of women's
oppression. Because the focus throughout is on the material foundations that
underpin the oppression of women, certain other aspects must be put to one side
for the moment. In particular, the text does not address directly the psycho-logical,
interpersonal, and ideological issues that so often form the main subject of writings
on the question of women's liberation. Adequate consideration of these crucial
issues must be rooted in a materialist theory of women's oppres-sion, and attempts
to supply such a theory have been deficient. These deficien-cies are noted in the
two chapters of Part One, which assess the state of existing theoretical work
carried out from a socialist-feminist perspective. Chapter Two surveys the
development of socialist-feminist theory over more than a decade. Chapter Three
sums up its contributions, emphasising strengths but pointing to certain persistent
limitations. Chapter Three also considers the inadequacy of the Marxist theoretical
tradition on the so-called woman-question, and suggests that it is in fact very
poorly understood. The Marxist theoretical legacy requires serious re-evaluation.
Parts Two and Three therefore undertake a review of major texts of the tradition
that pertain to the issue of women's liberation. In Chapters Four, Five, and Six, the
work of Marx and Engels is examined in chronological order, revealing its
incomplete and contradictory nature as well as its substantial contribution.
Chapters Seven and Eight then discuss the manner in which the efforts of the late-
nineteenth-century socialist movement to confront the issue of women's oppression
exacerbated the analytical confusion.
With Part Four, the text returns to the problem of developing an adequate
theoretical framework. Chapter Nine argues that the Marxist-socialist move-ment
failed to establish a stable theoretical foundation for its consideration of the so-
called woman-question. The chapter. points out, furthermore, that the socialist
legacy actually represents a contradictory mix of divergent views, never
sufficiently clarified, much less elaborated in detail. As a result, Marxist efforts to
address the problem of women's liberation have been haunted by a hidden debate
between two perspectives, only one of which situates the problem within the
framework of Marx's analysis of the processes of overall social reproduction.
Chapters 10 and n therefore take up the task of elaborating this latter perspec-tive.
Chapter 10 develops a theoretical approach that puts child-bearing and the
 Introduction • g

oppression of women at the heart of every class-mode of production. In Chap-ter

u, the specific situation of women in capitalist society is addressed theoreti-cally,
together with the conditions for women's liberation. Both chapters take as their
object of analysis the phenomenon of women's oppression in the context of overall
social reproduction. That is, the theoretical focus is shifted away from the vague
concept of the woman-question, so common in traditional social-ist writings.
Likewise, the category of 'the family', often used by both socialists and socialist
feminists, is found to be wanting as an analytical starting point; its deceptive
obviousness masks a tangle of conceptual problems. Hence, these theoretical
chapters first establish the basis in social reproduction for women's oppression,
before considering the institution known as the family. Once the special character
of women's oppressfim in capitalist social reproduction is understood, for example,
it becomes possible to analyse families in capitalist societies.

This book constitutes, it should be emphasised, a theoretical undertaking. It

seeks to place the problem of women's oppression in a theoretical context. The last
two chapters in particular present what may appear to be a fairly abstract set of
concepts and analytical framework. This is as it should be. Only in the analysis of
an actual situation will abstraction spring to life, for it is history that puts flesh on
the bare bones of theory.
Part One
Socialist Feminism
Chapter Two
A Decade of Debate

Socialist-femi:~Jist theory, like the movement to which it

owes its existence, is far from monolithic. In general,
socialist feminists argue that socialist theory must be
extended or even entirely transformed by means of the
insights offered by feminist theory and practice. A
variety of attempts to execute this transformation has
been made, although no consensus yet exists on their
adequacy. If anything, socialist feminists increa~ingly
recognise the difficulty of the theoretical task. We have
been excessively impatient for finished products,
answers, and total theories', comments one group. We
have not allowed for the tremendous amount of work
involved in clearing new paths and dealing with new
questions'.! Nonetheless, more than ten years of theo-
retical efforts in the name of socialist feminism have left
their mark. Despite weaknesses, which sometimes
function as obstacles to further progress, the socialist-
feminist movement has made the most important
advances in the development of socialist theory on the
question of wum.en since the nineteenth century.

Initial efforts to develop a socialist-feminist theoretical

perspective focused on the family-unit and the labour of
housework and child-rearing in contemporary capitalist
societies. The opening argument, an article entitled
Women: The Longest Revolution'2 by Juliet

1. Red Apple Collective 1978, p. 43·

2. Mitchell1g66.
14 • Chapter Two

Mitchell, actually appeared well before the development of the socialist-feminist

movement proper. First printed in 1966 in New Lift Review, a British Marxist jour-
nal, Mitchell's piece began to circulate widely in the United States two years later.
It rapidly became a major theoretical influence on the emerging socialist-feminist
trend within the women's liberation movement. The publication in 1971 of
Mitchell's book, Woman's Estate, based on the earlier article, reinforced the impact
of Mitchell's ideas.3
Mitchell begins Women: The Longest Revolution' with an intelligent critique of
the classical-Marxist literature on the question of women. She comments briefly on
the schematic views of women's liberation held by Karl Marx, Frederick Engels,
August Bebel, and Vladimir Ilyich Lenin, locating their inadequacies in the
absence of an appropriate strategic context. In these texts, 'the liberation of women
remains a normative ideal, an adjunct to socialist theory, not struc-turally
integrated into it'. Even Simone De Beauvoir's The Second Sex, while an important
contribution, is limited by its attempt to meld 'idealist psychologi-cal explanation
[with] an orthodox economist approach'. In sum, 'the classical literature on the
problem of woman's condition is predominantly economist in emphasis'. 4

For Mitchell, the way out of this impasse is to differentiate woman's condition
into four separate structures: production, reproduction, socialisation, and sexu-
ality. Each structure develops separately and requires its own analysis; together,
they form the 'complex unity' of woman's position. Under production, Mitchell
includes various activities external to what we might intuitively call the domestic
or family sphere, for example, participation in wage-labour in capitalist society.
Conversely, the remaining three categories, oppressively united in the institu-tion
known as the family, encompass woman's existence outside of production, as wife
and mother. In an effort to reach general strategic conclusions, Mitchell then
surveys the current state of each of the four structures. Production, repro-duction,
and socialisation show little dynamism, she says, and indeed have not for years.
The structure of sexuality, by contrast, ·is currently undergoing severe strain, and
represents the strategic weak link - that is, the structure most vulner-able to
immediate attack.
While one structure may be the weak link, Mitchell argues that socialist strat-
egy will have to confront all four structures of woman's position in the long run.
Furthermore, 'economic demands are still primary' in the last instance. In this
context, Mitchell makes a number of sensitive strategic observations. The left must
reject both reformism and voluntarism on the issue of woman's oppres-sion, for
they always lead to inadequate strategic programmes. The reformist

3· Mitchell1g66, and 1971.

4· Mitchell1g66, pp. 15-16.
 A Decade of Debate • 15

tendency manifests itself as a set of modest ameliorative demands divorced from

any fundamental critique of women's position. The voluntarist approach takes the
more belligerent form of maximalist demands concerning the abolition of the
family, total sexual freedom, collective child-rearing, and the like. Although these
demands appear radical, they 'merely serve as a substitute for the job of theoretical
analysis or practical persuasion. By pitching the whole subject in totally
intransigent terms, voluntarism objectively helps to maintain it outside the
framework of normal political discussion'. In place of such abstract pro-grammes,
the socialist movement requires a practical set of demands that address all four
structures of woman's position. For instance, in the area of wage-labour, Mitchell
observes that 'the most elementary demand is not the right to work or receive equal
pay for work - the two thditional reformist demands - but the right to equal work
itself'. As for the abolition of the family, the strategic concern should rather be the
liberation of women and the equality of the sexes. The con-sequences of this
concern are 'no less radical, but they are concrete and positive, and can be
integrated into the real course of history. The family as it exists at present, is, in
fact, incompatible with either women's liberation or the equality of the sexes. But
equality will not come from its administrative abolition, but from the historical
differentiation of its functions. The revolutionary demand should be for the
liberation of these functions from an oppressive monolithic fusion'. 5
Questions about Mitchell's analysis of woman's situation arise in four areas.
First, the discussion of the empirical state of the separate structures is extremely
weak, a failure that has, or should have, consequences in the realm of strategy. To
maintain that 'production, reproduction, and sociali;z:ation are all more or less
stationary in the West today in that they have not changed for three or more
decades' grossly misrepresents not only post-war history but the evolution of
twentieth-century capitalism. Moreover, as Mitchell herself sometimes recogn-ises,
the contradictions produced by rapid movement in all four of her structures form
the very context for the emergence of the women's liberation-movement. A
generally inadequate historical vision accli'mpanies Mitchell's failure to identifY
contemporary changes in the structures/and her work reveals, overall, a certain
disregard for concrete analysis.
Second, Mitchell's view of women's relationship to production is open to seri-
ous criticism. She presents production as a structure from which women have been
barred since the beginning of class-society. Even capitalism has amelio-rated this
situation but little, for it perpetuates 'the exclusion of women from production -
social human activity'. Like all previous forms of social organisa-tion, capitalist
society constitutes the family as 'a triptych of sexual, reproductive,

5· Mitchell1g66, pp. 34-5, and Mitchell1971, p. 150.

16 • Chapter Two

and socializatory functions (the woman's world) embraced. by production (the

man's world)'.6 In sum, Mitchell views production as an aspect of experience
essentially external to women. Once again she misreads history, for women's
participation in production has been a central element of many class-societies.
Furthermore, Mitchell persistently devalues women's domestic labour as well, and
gives it no clear theoretical status.
A third problem in Mitchell's analysis is her treatment of the family. While she
mentions the family at every point, Mitchell denies the category 'family' any
explicit theoretical presence. Its place is taken by the triptych of structures that
make up the woman's world: reproduction, socialisation, and sexuality. At the same
time, the actual content of these three structures has a severe arbitrariness, and
Mitchell fails to establish clear lines of demarcation among them. Women are seen
as imprisoned in their 'confinement to a monolithic condensation of functions in a
unity- the family', but that unity has itself no articulated analyti-cal existence. 7

Finally, Mitchell's manner of establishing a structural framework to analyse the

problem of women's oppression requires critical examination. The four structures
that make up the 'complex unity' of woman's position operate at a level of
abstraction that renders social analysis almost impossible. They provide a universal
grid on which women - and, implicitly, the family - can be located irrespective of
mode of production or class-position. Societal variation and class-struggle appear,
if at all, as after-thoughts rather than central determinants. Furthermore, the
manner in which the four structures combine to produce a complex unity remains
largely unspecified, as well as abstract and ahistorical. As a result, Mitchell's
theoretical approach resembles the functionalism ofbourgeois social science, which
posits quite similar models of complex interaction among variables. Indeed, the
content of her four structures also derives from function-alist hypotheses,
specifically, those of George Murdock. Despite her staunchly Marxist intentions,
then, Mitchell's theoretical perspective proves inadequate to
sustain her analysis. 8 -

Even with its problems, easier to recognise at a distance of more than fifteen
years, Mitchell's 1966 article played an extremely positive role within the devel-
oping socialist-feminist movement. Its differentiation of the content of women's
lives into constituent categories helped women's liberationists to articulate their

6. Mitchel11966, p. 34·
7· Ibid.
8. Murdock argued that the universal nuclear family incorporates the 'four functions
fundamental to human social life - the sexual, the economic, the reproductive, and the
educational [i.e. that pertaining to socialization]'. (Murdock 1949, p. 10.) For critiques of
Mitchell's functionalism, see also: Landes 1977-8; Middleton 1974. On the family in
functionalist theory, see: Beechey 1978; Morgan 197s; Vogel1978.
 A Decade of Debate • 17

experience and begin to act on it. Its perceptive overview of the classical-Marxist
literature on women provided a base from which to confront both mechanical
versions of Marxism and the growing influence of radical feminism. Its insis-
tence, within a Marxist framework, on the critical importance of social phe-
nomena not easily characterised as economic, anticipated the socialist-feminist
critique of economic-determinism. And the political intelligence of its specific
strategic comments set a standard that remains a model. 'Ifsocialism is to regain its
status as the revolutionary politics', Mitchell concluded, 'it has to make good its
practical sins of commission against women and its huge sin of omission - the
absence of an adequate place for them in its theory'. 9 In the theoretical arena,
Mitchell's central contribution was to legitimate a perspective that recognises the
ultimate primacy of economic pheno1nena, yet allows for the fact that other
aspects of woman's situation not only have importance, but may play key roles at
certain junctures.

By 1g6g, the North-Anlerican women's liberation movement had reached a high

point of activity, its militancy complemented by a flourishing literature, pub-lished
and unpublished. In this atmosphere, two Canadians, Margaret Benston and Peggy
Morton, circulated and then published important essays. Each piece offered an
analysis in Marxist terms of the nature of women's unpaid work within the
familychousehold and discussed its relationship to existing social contradic-tions
and the possibilities for change.10
Benston starts from the problem of specifying the root of women's secondary
status in capitalist society. She maintains that this root is 'economic' or 'mate-rial',
and can be located in women's unpaid domestic labour. Women undertake a great
deal of economic activity- they cook meals, sew buttons on garments, do laundry,
care for children, and so forth -but the products and services that result from this
work are consumed directly and never reach the marketplace. In Marx-ist terms,
these products and services have use-value but no exchange-value. For Benston,
then, women have a definite rela,ponship to the means of production, one that is
distinct from that of men. Women constitute the 'group of people who are
responsible for the production of simple use-values in those activities associated
with the home and family'. Hence, the family is an economic unit whose primary
function is not consumption, as was generally held at the time

g. Mitchell1971, p. 86.
10. Margaret Benston's article circulated under the title What Defines Women?' and was
published as 'The Political Economy of Women's Liberation'. Peggy Morton's original essay,
'A Woman's Work Is Never Done, or: The Production, Maintenance and Reproduc-tion of
Labor Power', was abridged in Le:viathan in May 1970 and then revised for publica-tion as
'A Woman's Work Is Never Done'. See Benston 1g6g, and Morton 1971.
18 • Chapter Two

by feminists, but production. 'The family should be seen primarily as a produc-tion

unit for housework and child-rearing'. Moreover, Benston· argues, because
women's unpaid domestic labour is technologically primitive and outside the
money-economy, each family-household represents an essentially pre-industrial
and pre-capitalist entity. While noting that women also participate in wage-labour,
she regards such production as transient and not central to women's definition as a
group. It is women's responsibility for domestic work that pro-vides the material
basis for their oppression and enables the capitalist economy to treat them as a
massive reserve-army of labour. Equal access to jobs outside the home will remain
a woefully insufficient precondition for women's libera-tion if domestic labour
continues to be private and technologically backward. Benston's strategic
suggestions therefore centre on the need to provide a more important precondition
by converting work now done in the home into public production. That is, society
must move toward the socialisation of housework and child-care. 'When such work
is moved into the public sector, then the mate-rial basis for discrimination against
women will be gone'. In this way, Benston revives a traditional socialist theme, not
as cliche but as forceful argument made in the context of a developing discussion
within the contemporary women's movement.11

Peggy Morton's article, published in 1970, one year after Benston's, extended the
analysis of the family-household as a materially rooted social unit in capital-ist
society. For Morton, Benston's discussion of how unpaid household-labour forms
the material basis of women's oppression leaves open a number of ques-tions: Do
women form a class? Should women be organised only through their work in the
household? How and why has the nature of the family as an eco-nomic institution
in capitalist society changed? Morton sees the family 'as a unit whose function is
the maintenance and reproduction of labour power, meaning that 'the task of the
family is to maintain the present work force and provide the next generation of
workers, fitted with the skill~ and values necessary for them to be productive
members of the work force'P Using this approach, Morton is able to tie her analysis
of the family to the workings of the capitalist mode of production, and to focus on
the contradictions experienced by working-class women within the family, in the
labour-force, and between the two roles. In particular, she shows that as members
of the reserve-army of labour, women are central, not peripheral, to the economy,
for they make possible the functioning of those manufacturing-, service-, and state-
sectors in which low wages are a priority. While the strategic outlook in the several
versions of Morton's paper bears only a loose relationship to its analysis, and
fluctuates from workers' con-

n. Benston 1969, pp. 16, 20, 22.

12. Morton 1971, pp. 214, 215-16.
 A Decade of Debate • 19

trol to revolutionary cadre-building, her discussion of the contradictory tenden-

cies in women's situation introduces a dynamic element that had been missing
{rom Benston's approach.
Both Benston's and Morton's articles have a certain simplicity that even at the
time invited criticism. In the bright glare of hindsight, their grasp of Marxist theory
and their ability to develop an argument appear painfully limited. Ben-stan's facile
dismissal of women's participation in wage-labour requires correc-tion, as Morton
and others quickly pointed out. Moreover, her delineation of women's domestic
labour as a remnant from pre-capitalist modes of production, which had somehow
survived into the capitalist present, cannot be sustained theoretically,l3 Morton's
position, while analytically more precise, glosses over the question of the special
oppression of"all women as a group, and threatens to convert the issue of women's
oppression into a purely working-class concern. None of these problems should
obscure, however, the theoretical advances made by Benston and Morton. Taken
together, their two articles established the mate-rial character of women's unpaid
domestic labour in the family-household. Each offered an analysis of the way this
labour functioned as the material basis for the host of contradictions in women's
experience in capitalist society. Morton, in addition, formulated the issues in terms
of a concept of the reproduction of labour-power, and emphasised the specific
nature of contradictions within the working class. These theoretical insights had a
lasting impact on subsequent socialist-feminist work, and remain an important
contribution. Moreover, they definitively shifted the framework for discussion of
women's oppression. Where Mitchell had analysed women's situation in terms of
roles, functions, and struc-tures, Benston and Morton focused on the issue of
women's unpaid labour in the household and its relationship to the reproduction of
labour-power. In this sense, they located the problem of women's oppression in the
theoretical terrain of materialism.

An article by Mariarosa Dalla Costa, published simultaneously in Italy and the

United States in 1972, took the argument ~?everal steps further.14 Agreeing that
'I

women constitute a distinct group whose oppression is based on the material

character of unpaid household-labour, Dalla Costa maintains that on a world level,
all women are housewives. Whether or not a woman works outside the home, 'it is
precisely what is particular to domestic work, not only measured as number of
hours and nature of work, but as quality of life and quality of relation-ships which
it generates, that determines a woman's place wherever she is and

13. For early critiques of Benston, see: Morton 1971; Rowntree 1969; and Salper 1972. 14·
Mariarosa Dalla Costa's article Women and the Subversion of the Community' was
published in Italian in 1972, and appeared simultaneously in English in Radical America.
A corrected translation is found in Dalla Costa 1973.
zo • Chapter Two

to whichever class she belongs'.15 At the same time, Dalla Costa concentrates her
attention on the working-class housewife, whom she sees as indispensable to
capitalist production.
As housewives, working-class women find themselves excluded from capital-ist
production, isolated in routines of domestic labour that have the technologi-cal
character of pre-capitalist labour-processes. Dalla Costa disputes the notion that
these housewives are mere suppliers of use-values in the home. Polemicis-ing
against both traditional-Left views and the literature of the women's move-ment,
she argues that housework only appears to be a personal service outside the arena
of capitalist production. In reality, it produces not just use-values for direct
consumption in the family, but the essential commodity labour-power - the
capacity of a worker to work. Indeed, she claims, housewives are exploited
'productive workers' in the strict Marxist sense, for they produce surplus-value.
Appropriation of this surplus-value is accomplished by the capitalist's payment of a
wage to the working-class husband, who thereby becomes the instrument of
woman's exploitation. The survival of the working class depends on the working-
class family, 'but at the woman's expense against the class itself. The woman is the
slave of a wage slave, and her slavery ensures the slavery of her man ... And that is
why the struggle of the woman of the working class against the family is crucial'. 16

Since working-class housewives are productive labourers who are peculiarly

excluded from the sphere of capitalist production, demystification of domestic
work as a 'masked form of productive labour' becomes a central task. Dalla Costa
proposes two major strategic alternatives. First socialise the struggle - not the work
- of the isolated domestic labourer by mobilising working-class house-wives
around community issues, the wagelessness of housework, the denial of sexuality,
the separation of family from outside world, and the like. We must discover forms
of struggle which immediately break the whole structure of domestic work,
rejecting it absolutely, rejecting our role as housewives and the home as the ghetto
of our existence, since -the problem is not only to stop doing this work, but to
smash the entire role of housewife'. Second, reject work altogether, especially in a
capitalist economy which increasingly draws women into the wage-labour force. In
opposition to the Left's traditional view of this latter tendency as progressive, Dalla
Costa maintains that the modern women's movement constitutes a rejection of this
alternative. Economic independence achieved through 'performing social labour in
a socialised structure' is no more

15. Dalla Costa 1973, p. 19.

16. Dalla Costa 1973, p. 52, n. 12; and p. 39·
 A Decade of Debate • 21

than a sham reform. Women have worked enough, and they must 'refuse the myth
of liberation through work'P
The polemical energy and political range of Dalla Costa's article had a substan-
tial impact on the women's movement on both sides of the Adantic. Unlike Ben-
stan, Morton, and other North American activists, Dalla Costa seemed to have a
sophisticated grasp of Marxist theory and socialist politics. Her arguments and
strategic proposals struck a responsive chord in a movement already committed to
viewing women's oppression mainly in terms of their family situation. Few noticed
that Dalla Costa, like Morton, talked only of the working class, and never specified
the relationship between the oppression of working-dass housewives and that of
all women. What was most important was that Dalla Costa, even more than
Benston and Morton, seemed ro have situated the question of women's oppression
within an analysis of the role of their unpaid domestic labour in the reproduction
of capitalist social relations. Moreover, since her article functioned as the
theoretical foundation for a small but aggressive movement to demand wages for
housework, which flourished briefly in the early 1970s, it acquired an overtly
political role denied to most women's liberation theoretical efforts. 18

Dalla Costa's vigorous insistence that 'housework as work is productive in the

Marxian sense, that is, is producing surplus value' intensified a controversy already
simmering within the socialist-feminist movement. The discussion, which became
known as the domestic-labour debate, revolved around the theoretical status of
women's unpaid domestic work and its product.l 9 Published contribu-tions, usually
appearing in British or North American Left journals, established their particular
positions by means of intricate arguments in Marxist economic theory- abstract,
hard to follow, and in the atmosphere of the period, seemingly remote from
practical application. With some justification, many in the women's movement
regarded the debate as an obscure exercise in Marxist pedantry. Yet critical issues
were at stake, even if they generally went unrecognised.
In the first place, the domestic-labour debate attempted to put into theo-
•1
retical context the contemporary feminist insight that child-bearing, child-care, and
housework are material activities resulting in products, thus pointing to a
materialist analysis of the basis for women's oppression. At the same time, the
debate focused attention on the issues of women's position as housewives and of
domestic labour's contribution to the reproduction of social relations. Various

17. Dalla Costa 1973, pp. 34, 47·

18. For a fine analysis of the campaign for wages for housework, see Malos 1978.
19. For useful recent summaries and critiques of the domestic-labour debate, see Hol-
mstrom 1981, and Molyneux 1979. Important early critiques include Freeman 1973, and
Gerstein 1973.
22 • Chapter Two

interpretations corresponded, more or less closely, to a, variety of political and

strategic perspectives on the relationship of women's oppression to class-
exploitation and to revolutionary struggle, although theorists rarely stated these
implications clearly, leaving political and strategic issues unconfronted. Finally,
and perhaps most consequential for the development of theory, the domestic-
labour debate employed categories drawn from Capital, thereby displaying confi-
dence that women's oppression could be analysed within a Marxist framework.
At issue in the domestic-labour debate was the problem of how the commod-ity
labour-power gets produced and reproduced in capitalist societies. Differ-ences
arose over the precise meaning and application of Marxist categories in carrying
out an analysis of this problem. In particular, discussion centred on the nature of
the product of domestic labour, on its theoretical status as productive or
unproductive labour, and on its relationship to the wage and to work done for
wages.
Many suggested, following Benston, that domestic labour produces use-values-
useful articles that satisfy human wants of some sort - for direct consumption
within the household. The consumption of these use-values enables family-
members to renew themselves and return to work the next day; that is, it con-
tributes to the overall maintenance and renewal of the working class. While various
relationships were posited between this process of use-value production and
capitalist production as a whole, the linkages remained somewhat vague. Others
claimed, along with Dalla Costa, that domestic labour produces not just use-values
but the special commodity known as labour-power. In this way, they seemed to tie
women's unpaid household-labour more tightly to the workings of the capitalist
mode of production, a position that many found, at first encounter, very attractive.
A particular position on the product of domestic labour naturally had some
bearing, in the domestic-labour debate, on the view taken of the theoretical
character of that labour. The notion that domestic labour creates value as well as
use-value suggested to some, for example, that it could be categorised in Marxist
terms as either productive or unproductive, meaning productive or unproduc-tive
of surplus-value for the capitalist class. For those who argued that domestic labour
only produces use-values, no obvious Marxist category was at hand. Nei-ther
productive nor unproductive, domestic labour had to be something else.
Most of the initial energy expended in the domestic-labour debate focused on
the question of whether domestic labour is productive or unproductive. Among
those who followed the controversy, theoretical underdevelopment combined with
a certain moralism and strategic opportunism to create a great deal of con-fusion.
Again and again, the terms productive and unproductive, which Marx used as
scientific-economic categories, were invested with moral overtones.
 A Decade ofDebate • 23

After all, to label women's work unproductive seemed uncharitable, if not down-
right sexist. Furthermore, the argument that unpaid labour in the household is
productive suggested that women perform a certain amount of surplus-labour,
which is expropriated from them by men for the benefit of capital. In this sense,
women could be said to be exploited, sex-contradictions acquire a clear material
basis, and housewives occupy the same strategic position in the class-struggle as
factory-workers. For those wishing to reconcile commitments to both Marxism
and feminism, this implication acted as a powerful magnet. Few participants in the
women's movement or on the Left had the theoretical and political ability to grasp,
much less propose, a convincing alternative.
Once the domestic-labour debate was underway, the problem of the relation-ship
between wages and domestic labotir emerged as an issue. For Marx, the wage
represents the value of the commodity labour-power, a value that corre-sponds at
any given historical moment to a socially-established normal level of subsistence.
Participants in the domestic-labour debate pointed to difficulties created by Marx's
formulation, and asked a number of questions about the role of domestic labour
and household-structure in the establishment of the normal wage-level. For
example, it was not clear in Marx's work whether the normal wage covers
individuals or the entire household supported by a worker. In addi-tion, the
functioning of the wage as a type of articulation between domestic labour and the
capitalist mode of production required investigation. Those who viewed domestic
labour as value-producing proposed that the wage is the vehicle by which the value
produced by women, and embodied in male wage-workers' labour-power, is
transferred to the capitalist employer. Many also believed that women's unpaid
domestic labour enables the capitalist class to pay less than the value of labour-
power, that is, less than the normal level of subsistence. Some suggested that a
non-working wife cheapens the value of male labour-power. Those who
maintained that domestic labour produces use-value but not value attempted to
identify the role of domestic labour in the reproduction of labour-
power. Most participants in the debate also explored the possibility that cer-tain
tendencies immanent in capitalist d'~~elopment affect the performance of
domestic labour and, therefore, wage-levels.
Several years after the domestic-labour debate began, certain questions could be
said to be settled. As it turned out, it was relatively easy to demonstrate the-
oretically that domestic labour in capitalist societies does not take the social form
20
of value-producing labour. Benston's original insight that domestic labour

20. See Smith 1978, as well as Holmstrom 1981, and Molyneux 1979. For a recent revival
of interest in the issues raised by the domestic-labour debate, see the essays collected in Fox
(ed.) 1980.
24 • Chapter Two

produces use-values for direct consumption had been essentially correct. In the
scientific sense, then, domestic labour cannot be either productive or unpro-
ductive, and women are not exploited as domestic labourers. At the same time,
domestic labour is indispensable for the reproduction of capitalist social rela-tions.
Just what domestic labour is, rather than what it is not, remained a prob-lem only
superficially addressed by participants in the domestic-labour debate. Some
suggested it constitutes a separate mode of production which is outside the
capitalist mode of production but subordinate to it. Others implied domestic labour
is simply a special form of work within the capitalist mode of production. Most
left the question unanswered. The problem of specifying the character of domestic
labour, and issues concerning the wage and women's wage-work, now represent
the central concerns of most theorists working with Marxist economic categories.
As for politics and strategy, few today would use their analyses of the material
foundation for women's oppression to draw easy conclusions about the role of
women in revolutionary struggle.
Benston, Morton, Dalla Costa, and the participants in the domestic-labour debate
set an important agenda for the study of women's position as housewives and the
role of domestic labour in the reproduction of social relations. Their work
proceeded, however, within severe limits which were not clearly identi-fied. In the
first place, they focused mainly on the capitalist mode of production. Second, they
concentrated almost exclusively on domestic labour and women's oppression in the
working class. Third, they generally restricted their analysis to the economic level.
Fourth, they tended to identify domestic labour with house-work and child-care,
leaving the status of child-bearing undefined. Some of these limitations might have
been defended as necessary steps in the development of a theoretical argument, but
they rarely were. Although the discussion of domestic labour had been launched in
response to the need for a materialist theory of women's oppression, its promise
remained unfulfilled.
In any case, by the mid-1g7os, socialist-feminist theorists were turning their
attention to other questions. For example, the domestic-labour debate shed little
light on the problem of whether housework is analytically the same in differ-ent
classes within capitalist society, and even less on the theoretical status of domestic
labour in non-capitalist societies. Socialist feminists also turned their attention to
the child-bearing and child-rearing components of domestic labour, and
investigated the problem of why domestic labour generally falls to women. Since
women's oppression is not specific to capitalist societies, furthermore, many
wondered how to reconcile its particular contemporary character with the fact that
women have been subordinated for thousands of years. Similarly, they asked
whether women are liberated in socialist countries, and if not, what obstacles hold
them back. Finally, the relationship between the material pro-
 A Decade of Debate • 25

cesses of domestic labour and the range of phenomena that make up women's
oppression, especially those of an ideological and psychological nature, became a
key issue. In general, these questions spoke more directly than the issues of the
domestic-labour debate to the experience and political tasks of activists in the
women's movement, and they quickly became the focus of socialist-feminist
theorising.

While Juliet Mitchell had advised that 'we should ask the feminist questions, but
try to come up with some Marxist answers', many socialist feminists began to
disagree. They argued that the quest for Marxist answers to their questions led
down a blind alley, where the feminist struggle became submerged in the socialist
struggle against capitalism. Mabctst theory, they believed, was incapa-ble of
incorporating the phenomenon of sex-differences. To move forward, then, socialist
feminism had to take on the task of constructing an alternative frame-work using
other theoretical categories. As Heidi Hartmann put it, 'if we think Marxism alone
inadequate, and radical feminism itself insufficient, then we need to develop new
categories'. 21
Socialist feminists turned first to the radical feminism of the late sixties for a
conceptual orientation that could address the depth and pervasiveness ofwomen's
oppression in all societies. Radical feminists typically considered male suprem-acy
and the struggle between the sexes to be universal, constituting indeed, the
essential dynamic underlying all social development. At the same time, some
radical-feminist writings seemed to be extensions or deepenings of the insights
offered by Marx and Engels. Shulamith Firestone's Dialectic ofSex,22 for instance,
claimed to go beyond the merely economic level addressed by Marx and Engels, in
order to uncover the more fundamental problem of sex-oppression. 'The class
analysis is a beautiful piece of work', Firestone wrote, 'but limited'. In propos-ing a
dialectic of sex, she hoped 'to take the class analysis one step further to its roots in
the biological division of the sexes. We have not thrown out the insights of the
socialists; on the contrary, radicalJeminism can enlarge their analysis, granting it
an even deeper basis in objective conditions and thereby explaining many of its
insolubles'. Similarly, Kate Millett's Sexual Politics23 acknowledged Engels as a
major theorist, but her presentation of Engels's work transformed it almost beyond
recognition into a subordinate contribution to what she called the sexual
revolution. The limitation of Marxist theory, she maintained, was that it 'failed to
supply a sufficient ideological base for a sexual revolution, and was

21. Mitchelli971, p. 99; Hartmann 1979, p. 22.

22. Firestone 1970.
23. Millett 1970.
26 • Chapter Two

remarkably naive as to the historical and psychological strength of patriarchy'. In

broad strokes, Millett depicted Nazi Germany, the Soviet Union, and Freudian
psychology as comparable instances of reactionary patriarchal policy and ideol-
ogy, arguing that patriarchy will survive so long as psychic structures remain
untouched by social programmes. For Millett, the sexual revolution requires not
only an understanding of sexual politics but the development of a comprehen-sive
theory of patriarchy.~4
Firestone's and Millett's books, both published in 1970, had a tremendous impact
on the emerging socialist-feminist trend within the women's movement. Their
focus on sexuality, on psychological and ideological phenomena, and on the
stubborn persistence of social practices oppressive to women struck a responsive
chord. The concept of patriarchy entered socialist-feminist discourse virtually
without objection. Those few critiques framed within a more orthodox-Marxist
perspective, such as Juliet Mitchell's, went unheard. Although acknowledging the
limitations of radical feminism, many socialist feminists, particularly in the United
States, simply assumed that 'the synthesis of radical feminism and Marx-ist
analysis is a necessary first step in formulating a cohesive socialist feminist
political theory, one that does not merely add together these two theories of power
but sees them as interrelated through the sexual division of labor'. 25 No longer was
the problem one of using Marxist categories to build a theoretical framework for
the analysis of women's oppression. Like the radical feminists, these socialist
feminists took Marxism more or less as a given, and did not seek to elaborate or
deepen it.
The task, then, was to develop the synthesis that is socialist feminism - or, as
one writer put it, to dissolve the hyphen. To accomplish this task, socialist femi-
nists explored two related concepts: patriarchy and reproduction. The notion of
patriarchy, taken over from radical feminism, required appropriate transforma-tion.
Millett had used the term to indicate a universal system of political, eco-nomic,
ideological, and above all, psychological structures through which men subordinate
women. Socialist feminists had to develop a concept of patriarchy capable of being
linked with the theory of class-struggle, which posits each mode of production as a
specific system of structures through which one class exploits and subordinates
another. In general, socialist feminists suggested, as Heidi Hartmann and Amy
Bridges put it, that 'Marxist categories, like capital itself, are sex-blind; the
categories of patriarchy as used by radical feminists are blind to history'. From this
point of view, the concept of patriarchy provided a means

24. Firestone 1970, pp. 4, 12; Millett 1970, p. 169.

25. Eisenstein 1978, p. 6. For Mitchell's critique of radical feminism, see Mitchell1971,
pp. 82-96.
 A Decade of Debate • 27

for discussing social phenomena that seem to escape Marxist categories. Some
suggested that a theory of patriarchy could explain why certain individuals, men as
well as women, are in particular subordinate or dominant places within the social
structure of a given society. Others believed that issues of interpersonal dominance
and subordination could best be addressed by a theory of patriarchy. Socialist-
feminist theorists were not in agreement, moreover, on the meaning of the concept
of patriarchy. For some, it represented a primarily ideological force or system.
Many argued that it has a major material foundation in the ability of men to control
women's labour, access to resources, and sexuality. 'Patriarchal authority', wrote
Sheila Rowbotham, for example, 'is based on male control over the woman's
productive capacity, and over her person'. Different approaches emerged also to
the problems of the origin of divisions of labour by sex, and of the relationship
between patriarchy and the workings of a particular mode of production. 26

The concept of reproduction was invoked as a means of linking theoretically

women's oppression and the Marxist analysis of production and the class-struggle.
Socialist-feminist theorists analysed processes ofreproduction as comparable to,
but relatively autonomous from, the production that characterises a given soci-ety.
Often, they talked in terms of a mode of reproduction, analogous to the mode of
production. As with the concept of patriarchy, there was little agreement on the
substantive meaning of the term reproduction. Some simply identified repro-
duction with what appear to be the obvious functions of the family. Despite the
empiricism of this approach, it clarified the analytical tasks that socialist feminists
confronted. In Renate Bridenthal's words, 'the relationship between production and
reproduction is a dialectic within a larger historical dialectic. That is, changes in the
mode of production give rise to changes in the mode of reproduction', and this
dialectic must be analysed. Several participants in the domestic-labour debate
postulated the existence of a 'housework-' or 'family-' mode of production
alongside the capitalist mode of production, but subordi-nate to it. The concept of a
mode of reproduction converged, moreover, with
•i

suggestions by Marxist anthropologists that families act as a perpetual source of

cheap labour-power in both Third World and advanced capitalist countries. A
similar concept of the mode of reproduction was often implicit in the work of
socialist feminists who studied the relationship between imperialism and the
familyP

26. Hartmann and Bridges 1975, p. 14; Rowbotham 1973, p. 117. On dissolving the
hyphen: Petchesky 1978. Early and influential socialist-feminist discussions of patriarchy
include: Hartmann and Bridges 197s; Kelly-Gadol1975-6; Rubin 1975.
27. Bridenthal 1976, p. 5· Mitchell used the concept of a mode of reproduction as early
as 1966. Mitchell1966, p. 21. For other examples, see: Gardiner 1976; Harrison 1973;
z8 • Chapter Two

Recent socialist-feminist discussion has challenged the use of the notions of

patriarchy and reproduction, arguing that existing theoretical efforts have failed to
develop satisfactory ways of conceptualising either: 28 In the first place, nei-ther
patriarchy nor reproduction has been defined with any consistency. The concept of
patriarchy often remains embedded in its radical-feminist origins as an essentially
ideological and psychological system. Where it is used in a more materialist sense,
it has not been adequately integrated into a Marxist account of productive
relations. Problems in defining the concept of reproduction derive from its wide
range of potential meanings. Felicity Edholm, Olivia Harris, and Kate Young
suggest that three levels of analysis might be distinguished: social reproduction, or
the reproduction of the conditions of production; reproduction of the labour-force;
and human or biological reproduction. 29 While the sugges-tion has been helpful,
the issue of the relationship among the different aspects remains.

A second theme in recent critiques is the problem of dualism. Again and again,
theorists using the concepts of patriarchy and reproduction analyse women's
oppression in terms of two separate structures; for example, capital-ism and
patriarchy, the mode of production and the mode of reproduction, the class-system
and the gender-system. These 'dual-systems theories', as Iris Young terms them,
imply that 'women's. oppression arises from two distinct and rela-tively
autonomous systems'. Because they fail to relate the systems in a coherent, non-
mechanical way, dual-systems theories present a mysterious co-existence of
disjunct explanations of social development. The duality generally recapit-ulates
the opposition between feminism and Marxism that socialist-feminist theory had
attempted to transcend. Veronica Beechey argues, for instance, that 'the separation
of reproduction or patriarchy from other aspects of the mode of production has
tended to leave the Marxist analysis of production untouched and uncriticised by
feminist thinking'. Similarly, Young suggests that 'dual sys-tems theory has not
succeeded in confronting and revising traditional Marxist theory enough, because it
allows Marxism to retain in basically unchanged form its theory of economic and
social relations, to which it merely grafts on a theory of gender relations'. 30

Larguia 197s; O'Laughlin 1975, pp. 365-6. In the context of the study of imperialism, a notion
of the mode of reproduction is implicit in: Caulfield 1981; Deere 1976; Saffioti 1977. The
anthropologist Claude Meillassoux has put forth the concept of families as perpetual sources
of cheap labour-power, notably in Meillassoux 1977. Important reviews of Meillassoux,
which discuss the concept of reproduction, include: Mackintosh 1977; O'Laughlin 197s; Rapp
1977.
28. Beechey 1980; Burris 1982; McDonough and Harrison 1978; Young 1981, and 1980.
See also Barrett 1980, pp. 10-38, 126-8, and 131-8.
29. Edholm Harris and Young 1977.
30. Young 1980, pp. 170, 173-4; Beechey 1979, p. 78.
 A Decade of Debate • zg

Furthermore, the problem is not just dualism. Socialist-feminist theory has

focused on the relationship between feminism and socialism, and between sex-
and class-oppression, largely to the exclusion of issues of racial or national
oppression. At most, sex, race, and class are described as comparable sources of
oppression, whose parallel manifestations harm their victims more or less equally.
Strategically, socialist feminists call for sisterhood and a women's move-ment that
unites women from all sectors of society. Nonetheless, their sisters of colour often
express distrust of the contemporary women's movement and generally remain
committed to activity in their own communities. The socialist-feminist movement
has been unable to confront this phenomenon either theo-retically or practically.

In short, despite the vitality of deba"ie, socialist-feminist theorists have not yet
been able to achieve their goal of developing a unified dialectical-materialist
perspective on women's liberation.
~hapter Three
Socialist Feminism and the Woman-Question

A review of thl:! theoretical work produced in the con-

text of the socialist-feminist movement reveals many
significant themes. Taken together, they indicate the
important contribution made by socialist feminism to
the development of theory on the question of women.

Socialist-feminist theory starts from an insistence that

beneath the serious social, psychological, and
ideological phenomena of women's oppression lies a
material root. It points out that Marxism has never
adequately analysed the nature and location of that root.
And it hypothesises that the family constitutes a major if
not the major terrain that nourishes it. With this position,
socialist feminism implicitly rejects two fallacious, as
well as contradictory, currents in the legacy of socialist
theory and practice on the ques-tion of women. First, the
socialist-feminist emphasis on the material root of
oppression counters an ide-alist tendency within the
Left, which trivialises the issue of women'S oppression
as a mere matter of lack of rights and ideological
chauvinism. Second, social-ist feminists' special concern
with psychological and ideological issues, especially
those arising within the family, stands opposed to the
crudities of an eco-nomic-determinist interpretation of
women's position, also common within the socialist
movement. These perspectives - which make up the
implicit theoretical content of the slogan 'the personal is
political' - estab-lish guidelines for the socialist-feminist
consideration of women's oppression and women's
liberation.
32 • Chapter Three

Socialist feminists recognise the inadequacies as well as the contributions of

Engels's discussion of the family and property relations in The Origin of the Family,
Private Property and the State. 1 Like Engels, they locate the oppression of women
within the dynamic of social development, but they seek to establish a more
dialectical phenomenon as its basis than Engels was able to identify. Such a
phenomenon must satisfy several implicit criteria. It must be a mate-rial process
that is specific to a particular mode of production. Its identification should
nevertheless suggest why women are oppressed in all class-societies - or, for some
socialist feminists, in all known societies. Most important, it must offer a better
understanding of women's oppression in subordinate as well as ruling classes than
does Engels's critique of property. Socialist-feminist analyses share the view that
child-bearing, child-raising, and housework fit these criteria, although they offer a
wide variety of theoretical interpretations of the relation-ship between these
activities and women's oppression.
Some socialist feminists try to situate domestic labour within broader con-cepts
covering the processes of maintenance and reproduction of labour-power. They
suggest that these processes have a material character, and that they can be
analysed, furthermore, in terms of social reproduction as a whole. For elabo-ration
of this position, which shifts the immediate theoretical focus away from women's
oppression per se, and on to wider social phenomena, they turn to Marx's writings,
and especially to Capital. At the same time, they resist, as best they can, the
contradictory pulls of economic determinism and idealism inher-ited from the
socialist tradition.
The relationship between the capitalist wage and the household it supports
represents yet another major theme. Socialist feminists point out that Marxism has
never been clear on the question of whom the wage covers. The concept of the
historical subsistence level of wages refers, at times, to individuals, and at other
times, to the worker 'and his family'. Recognition of this ambiguity has inspired a
series of attempts to reformulate a~d answer questions concerning divisions of
labour according to sex in both the family and wage-labour. While some such
efforts stress concepts of authority and patriarchy, others focus on questions
involving the determination of wage levels, competition in the labour-market, and
the structure of the industrial reserve-army. Whatever the approach, the
identification of the problem in itself constitutes a significant theoretical step
forward.
Socialist-feminist theory also emphasises that women in capitalist society have
a double relation to wage-labour, as both paid and unpaid workers. It generally
regards women's activity as consumers and unpaid domestic labourers as the

1. Engels 1972.
 Socialist Feminism and the Woman-Question • 33

dominant factor shaping every woman's consciousness, whether or not she par-
. ticipates in wage-labour. An important strategic orientation accompanies this view.
Socialist feminists maintain, against some opinions on the Left, that women can be
successfully organised, and they emphasise the need for organisations that include
women from all sectors of society. In support of their position, they point to the
long history of militant activity by women in the labour-movement, in
communities, and in social revolution. They observe, moreover, that mobilisa-tion
demands a special sensitivity to women's experience as women, and they assert the
legitimacy and importance of organisations comprised of women only. It is precisely
the specific character of women's situation that requires their separate organisation.
Here, socialist feminists frequently find themselves in opposition to much of the
tradition ol socialist theory and practice. Socialist-feminist theory takes on the essential
task of developing a framework that can guide the process of organising women from
different classes and sectors into an autonomous women's movement.

Finally, socialist-feminist theory links its theoretical outlook to a passage from

~ngels's preface to the Origin:
According to the materialistic conception, the determining factor in history
is, in the final instance, the production and reproduction of immediate life.
This, again, is of a twofold character: on the one side, the production of the
means of existence, of food, clothing and shelter and the tools necessary for
that pro-duction; on the other side, the production of human beings
themselves, the propagation of the species. The social organization under
which the people of a particular historical epoch and a particular country live
is determined by both kinds of production: by the stage of development of
labor on the one hand and of the family on the other.2

The citation of these sentences, in article after article, accomplishes several pur-
poses. It affirms the socialist-feminist commitment to the Marxist tradition. It
suggests that Marx and Engels had more to say about the question of women than
the later socialist movement was ab(~' to hear. It seems to situate the prob-
lem of women's oppression in the context of a theory of general social repro-
duction. It emphasises the material essence of the social processes for which
women hold major responsibility. And it implies that the production of human
beings constitutes a process that has not only an autonomous character, but a
theoretical weight equal to that of the production of the means of existence. In
short, Engels's remarks appear to offer authoritative Marxist backing for the
socialist-feminist movement's focus on the family, sex-divisions of labour, and
unpaid domestic work, as well as for its theoretical dualism and its strategic

2.. Engels 1972, pp. 71-2.

34 • Chapter Three

commitment to the autonomous organisation of women. Yet the passage actu. • ally
reflects Engels at his theoretical weakest. Socialist-feminist insights into the role of
women in social reproduction need a more solid basis.
Despite the strengths, richness, and real contributions of socialist-feminist
theoretical work, its development has been constrained by its practitioners'
insufficient grasp of Marxist theory. With their roots in a practical commitment to
women's liberation and to the development of a broad-based autonomous women's
movement, participants in the socialist-feminist movement have only recently
begun to explore their relationship to trends and controversies within the Left. At
the theoretical level, the exploration has taken the form of several waves of
publications seeking, on the one hand, to delineate the substance of socialist
feminism more clearly, and on the other, to situate women's oppres-sion more
precisely within, rather than alongside, a Marxist theory of social reproduction. 3
These efforts are important, although they continue to suffer from an inadequate
theoretical orientation. Socialist-feminist theory has not yet overcome its tendency
to analyse women's oppression in dualistic terms as a phenomenon that is
independent of class, race, and mode of production. Nor has socialist-feminist
theory moved far enough away from its overemphasis on women's position within
the family, and within ideological and psychological relations. The links, that is,
between women's oppression, social production, and overall societal reproduction
have yet to be established on a materialist basis. Most important, socialist-feminist
theory has not been able to develop the theo-retical underpinning for its strategic
commitment to uniting women across such differences as class, race, age, and
sexual orientation.

Socialist-feminist efforts to build on the socialist theoretical tradition have been

hampered by the lack of an adequate foundation for the project. The socialist
movement has left a perplexing and contradictory legacy. Even the writings of
Marx and Engels, to which many socialist femiD:ists tum for theoretical guidance,
remain frustratingly opaque. A core of theoretical insight into the problem of
women's oppression lies embedded, nonetheless, within the socialist tradition.
To the extent that the socialist movement directly addressed the issue of
women's oppression, it focused on what it called 'the woman-question'. Origi-
nating in the nineteenth century, the term is extremely vague, and covers an
assortment of important problems situated at distinct theoretical levels. Most

3· See, for example, the following collections: Eisenstein (ed.) 1978; Kuhn and Wolpe ( eds.)
1978; Sargent (ed.) 1981. Important recent articles include: Barrett and Mcintosh 1980; Beechey
1979, and 1977; Beneria 1979; Blumenfeld and Mann 198o; Bujra 1978; Chin-chilla 1980;
Edholm, Harris and Young 1977; Holmstrom 1981; Humphries 1977; Kelly 1979; Mcintosh
1979; Mackintosh 1979; Molyneux 1979; O'Laughlin 197s; Quick 1977, and 1980; Young 1981,
and 1980.
I Socialist Feminism and the Woman-Question • 35

'renerally, it has been used by socialists to refer to the issue of women's subordi-
\ ·ption in all historical societies. At times this subordination is specified in terms
. flfwomen's differential role in the family, or in production. Most socialist con-
Jiderations of the so-called woman-question focus on women's oppression and
inequality in capitalist society, and the fight for equal rights. The term may also
include, finally, personal relations between the sexes and among family-mem-
bers, and sometimes extends to personal and non-work relations of all sorts. In
short, the woman-question is not a precise analytical category, but a tangled knot
of disparate strands. Three major strands have dominated theoretical work on the
so-called woman-question: the family, women's work, and women's equality.
Socialist theory has been unable, however, to weave these strands into a coher-ent
perspective on the problem ofwome"n•s liberation.4
Socialist feminists have subjected the socialist tradition of work on the woman-
question to critical examination, seeking the kernels of serious theoretical and
practical import stored within it. From this point of view, a major contribution of
the socialist-feminist movement has been its insistence that those who use tradi-
tional categories of Marxist theory must make their case adequately. The ques-tions
that socialist feminists raise - concerning the roots of women's oppression, the
persistence of sex-divisions oflabour in all areas of social life, the meaning of
women's liberation, and the organisation of the struggle against sexism and for
socialism - require answers that go beyond what socialist theory has so far been
able to provide. All indications suggest, furthermore, that the socialist theoretical
legacy is not only unfinished but seriously flawed. An important task, then, is a
rigorous re-examination of the texts of the socialist movement, starting with the
work of Marx and Engels.
Modem students of the socialist movement often suggest that Marx and Engels
produced virtually nothing of real usefulness about the oppression and libera-tion
of women. Even less, it is implied, did they put their convictions concerning
women's emancipation into practice. Yet these claims, whether openly stated or
merely insinuated, are generally not fjJ;Jilly based in research. Indeed, they are
often more the expressions of particular theoretical and political perspec-tives than
they are serious considerations of the actual work of either Marx or Engels. Such
statements reveal, therefore, the range and character of the widely held assumption
that a theory of women's liberation cannot be based on Marxist categories.

Some take the lack of an important tradition of Marxist work on women's

oppression to be entirely obvious. Mark Poster, a scholar of Marxism, laments, for
instance, that 'Marx himself wrote almost nothing on the family', and that

4· Vogel1979·
36 • Chapter Three

Marx and Engels 'relegated the family to the backwaters of the superstructure',s
More circumspectly, Richard Evans, a meticulous and sympathetic historian 0 the
feminist and socialist movements, comments that 'Marx and his collabora-tor
Engels had litde to say about the emancipation of women ... For them it was a
marginal question; Marx himself barely alluded to it except to repeat, in a slighdy
modified form, Fourier's critique of marriage in an early unpublished manuscript
and in the Communist Manifesto. There is also a brief passage on women in Capital,
much quoted because it is all there is'.6 The carelessness of these statements, made
by otherwise scrupulous scholars, is surprising. Masked by the current interest in a
feminist re-interpretation of Marxism, it suggests a i certain prejudice against
Marxism itself.
On a different tack, the observation that Marx and Engels were imprisoned
within the limited and sexist horizons of their period provides a somewhat more
secure basis for pessimism concerning their commitment to the liberation of
women. Marx was, after all, not only a man but a Victorian husband and father
with traditionally patriarchal attitudes in his own family-life. Engels, while more
unconventional in his personal relationships, could hardly escape the sex-typed
presumptions of nineteenth-century society. Both men participated in the largely
all-male socialist and working-class movements of their time. These facts have led
many, particularly activists in the women's movement, to conclude that Marx and
Engels could never have transcended their male-chauvinist blinders to say or do
anything useful on the woman-question. Marlene Dixon, for example, an
influential militant in the women's movement and on the Left for more than ten
years, has argued that the circumstance that Marx and Engels were men living in a
particular historical context irrevocably blocked their ability to implement good
intentions with respect to the woman-question. Moreover, she contends,
nineteenth- and early-twentieth-century Marxists never adequately challenged their
own bourgeois and sexist ideas concerning women, much less those of the (male)
proletariat. As a result, the sexist bias i!J. Marxism, originating with Marx himself,
actually reinforced the oppression of socialist women and contributed to the
growth of distortions of theory and strategy within the socialist movement. 7
Although Dixon herself might not go so far, the logical implication of this line

5· Poster 1978, pp. 42-3. Poster also declares that with the exception of Juliet Mitchell,
'feminists have in general not shed much light on family theory' (pp. xvii-xviii).
6. Evans 1977, p. 156. Meyer claims that The German Ideology was 'virtually the last
pronouncement either Engels or Marx made about male-female relationships for four
decades, except for the brief statements made in the Principles of Communism and the
Communist Manifesto, both written in 1847, and the occasional references to the plight of
female workers in Capitaf. Indeed, 'the relative neglect of the "woman question" was built
into Marxist theory' (Meyer 1977. pp. 8g-go, gg). Even Eisenstein suggests that 'Marx never
questioned the hierarchical sexual ordering of society' Eisenstein 1978, p. g.
7· Dixon 1977, pp. 35-41.
l reasoning is that socialists who today seek to develop theory, strategy, and gramme for women's liberation waste their time when they study Marx and

!Sngels. .
·•. Despite its obvious limitations, many socialist feminists have searched the
fiOrk of Marx and Engels for insights into the problem of women's subordina-tion.
They expect, not unreasonably, that the founders of the modern socialist tradition
were able at least to suggest some general orientation. These efforts often end,
nonetheless, in frustration and disappointment. Reluctantly, those who had hoped
for more concrete theoretical and practical guidance conclude that Marx and
Engels could only do so much. Charnie Guettel expresses the views of many in her
pamphlet Marxism and Feminism. 'Just as Marx and Engels had no theoretical work
on racism, a phenomenon that has become a central brake on progress in the
working class movement in the stage of imperialism, 80 did they lack a developed
critique of sexism under capitalism. Their class analysis of society still provides us
with the best tools for analysing both forms of oppression, although concerning
women it is very underdeveloped'. 8
The indisputable failure of Marx and Engels to develop adequate tools and a
comprehensive theory on women represents only part of the problem. The
frustration many socialist feminists experience derives also from the fact that
Marx and Engels did not say what these modern critics of the so-called woman-
question want to hear. Or, to put it another way, today's questioners often ask, and
try to answer, a different set of woman-questions.
Marx and Engels approached the issue of women's subordination and libera-tion
from the point of view of an evolving socialist movement. They sought to situate
the question within a theory of the essential mechanisms of social devel-opment as
a whole, and therefore paid special attention to social relations of production. By
contrast, contemporary socialist-feminist theorists and activists usually approach it
from within the framework of the women's movement. They seek a theoretical
perspective that will encompass both an understanding of how female persons
come to be oppressed wo~en and a comprehensive analysis of the elements required
for women's total liberation. Despite its commitment to socialism, socialist
feminism's different starting point often leads to a theoretical emphasis divergent
from that of Marx and Engels.
While Marx and Engels focused on the oppression of women within given social
relations of production, contemporary socialist-feminist theorists fre-quently try to
disengage the issue of women's oppression from the study of the family and social
reproduction. Juliet Mitchell complains, for example, that 'what is striking in
[Marx's] later comments on the family is that the problem of

8. Guettel1974, p. 15.
38 • Chapter Three
1
women becomes submerged in the analysis of the family -::- women, as such, are ,
not even mentioned!' At the same time, she finds the analysis of Marx and Engels
too narrow, and too dependent on what she sees as simplistic economic expla-
nation. 'The position of women, then, in the work of Marx and Engels remains
dissociated from, or subsidiary to, a discussion of the family, which is in its turn
subordinated as merely a precondition of private property'. 9 These statements,
originally formulated in 1966, reflect two widely held assumptions within the
socialist-feminist movement: first, that women and the family constitute the sole
possible objects of analysis, and that the category of woman, rather than the
family, represents the appropriate object for women's liberationists; and second,
that an adequate Marxist approach to the problem of women's oppression can-not
be developed, even conditionally, at the level of relations of production.
Not surprisingly, it proves impossible to speak of women's oppression without
some discussion of the family, and many socialist feminists focus on questions of
gender-development and on relations between the sexes in the family, or, more
generally, in society. These are often conceptualised in terms of inter-personal
dynamics, ideology, and power-relations, while productive relations and issues of
class tend to recede into the background. Then, when the works of Marx and
Engels are studied for their contribution, they are found to be wanting. Contem-
porary theorists offer various explanations for the gaps, and move on quickly to
alternative versions of a Marxist theory of the family and women's subordina-tion.
Yet what they have actually done is to substitute their own concerns and categories
- a primary focqs on psychology, on ideology, and on relations of hierarchy and
authority - for those of Marx and Engels.
In sum, because they are asking different questions, however important, those
socialist-feminist theorists and activists who today chide Marx and Engels for
their failings often cannot hear what they actually said. And yet a substantial
amount of the material is there, waiting to be developed. As a matter of fact, Marx
and Engels had a great deal more to sar_ of relevance to resolving the so-called
woman-question than either socialists or women's liberationists have noticed.
More precisely, Marx and Engels had a great deal to say, even if it was,
nonetheless, nowhere near enough.
Before proceeding, it is important to consider the kinds of things a compre-
hensive approach to the problem of women's oppression ought to include. First, it
must start from a firm commitment to the liberation of women and to the real
social equality of all human beings. Second, it must make a concrete analysis of
the current situation for women, as well as study how it arose. Third, it must
present a theory of the position of women in society. That is, in addition to a

g. Mitchell1971, pp. 78, So.

 Socialist Feminism and the Woman-Question • 39

Justory of women's position, it must also have a theory. Fourth, a comprehensive

cJiscussion of the situation of women must be informed by a vision of women's
liberation in a future society that is consistent with its theory and history of
women's subordination in past and present societies. Finally, and almost by
definition, to ask the so-called woman-question is also to demand an answer, in
terms of practical programme and strategy.
In their work, Marx and Engels addressed, at least partially, each of these
aspects. The next three chapters review this work from a theoretical perspective
that situates the problem of women's oppression in terms of the reproduction of
labour-power and the process of social reproduction. Thus, each text is examined
not only for its discussion of women, the family, or divisions of labour accord-ing
to sex, but also for its consideration of problems and concepts associated with the
reproduction oflabour-power. From this point of view, certain concepts play an
especially important role, and their development is followed carefully: individual
consumption, the value of labour-power, the determination of wage-levels,
surplus-population, and the industrial reserve-army. Over the years, fur-thermore,
involvement in the working-class movements and political struggles of their time
enabled Marx and Engels to modify and extend their positions in crucial ways. The
writings are surveyed, therefore, in chronological order.
Part Two
Marx and Engels
Chapter Four
Early Views

Karl Marx anq Frederick Engels arrived at a commit-

ment to socialist politics, and to women's liberation as
they understood it, by quite different routes. Marx, son
of a lawyer, descendant of rabbis, and educated for a
professional career, began from the perspective of a
student of philosophy. By contrast, Engels, who was
born into a securely established bourgeois fam-ily,
started from his own experience as a clerk in the family
textile-firm in Manchester, England, where he served
the apprenticeship expected of a future German
industrialist. Having set out separately, each man ini-
tially approached the problem of women's oppression in
a distinctive way.
Marx's earliest comments on the question of women
have a decidedly philosophical and symbolic tone. At
the university, he had moved quickly from a youth-ful
romanticism through Hegelianism to the more
philosophical position taken by the group known as the
Young Hegelians, intellectuals who sought to draw
revolutionary-spccrialist conclusions out of Hegel's
work. Not until somewhat later, after he began his
collabora-tion with Engels, did Marx study economics
seriously. Thus, like many nineteenth-century socialists,
Marx at first does not so much confront the issue of
women's actual subordination in social life as use it to
symbol-ise the state of society in general.
In On the jewish Question, published in 1843 when
Marx was 25, and in the unpublished Economic and
Philosophic Manuscripts written in 1844, Marx dis-cusses
the relationship between man and woman as
44 • Chapter Four

representative of the level of social development. Where relations of private

property and possession dominate, 'the species-relation itself, the relation between
man and woman, etc., becomes an object of trade! The woman is bought and sold.'
More generally, the relation of man to woman constitutes the 'direct, natural, and
necessary relation of person to person ... In this relationship, therefore, is
sensuously manifested, reduced to an observable fact, the extent to which the human
essence has become nature to man, or to which nature to him has become the
human essence of man. From this relationship one can therefore judge man's whole
level of development'. The relationship of man to woman reveals man's progress
beyond a natural state, for it shows 'the extent to which ... the other person as a
person has become for him a need - the extent to which he in his individual
existence is at the same time a social being'. In a society based on private property,
this relationship takes alienated forms, but a communist society will witness 'the
return of man from religion, family, state, etc., to his human, i.e. social existence'.1
In these remarks, Marx's focus is on the individual 'man' [Mensch]- on the one hand
standing generically for all human beings, but on the other bearing an unmistakable
gender-identity. To the extent that she appears, woman, the other, reflects and is
acted upon by man.
In The Holy Family, written shortly after the Economic and Philosophic Man-
uscripts in 1844 and published in 1845, Marx adopts the standpoint of Feuer-bachian
materialism in order now to argue against the radical idealism of the Young
Hegelians. Despite the book's title, which refers ironically to the group, its dense
and lengthy polemic does not touch on the issue of the family. However, in a few
relevant passages, Marx significantly transforms his previous empha-sis on the
relation of man to woman. Freely paraphrasing Fourier, he observes that 'the
change in a historical epoch can always be determined by women's progress
toward freedom, because here, in the relation of woman to man, of the weak to the
strong, the victory of human nature over brutality is most evi-dent. The degree of
emancipation of woman is the natural measure of general emancipation'. 2 The
focus in these remarks is now on woman's relation to man, and on women in
general. As his new index of social development, Marx takes the position of
woman, rather than the abstract relation of man to nature. More-over, in The Holy
Family, women's oppression becomes somewhat more than a

1. Marx 1975a, p. 172; Marx and Engels 1975b, pp. 295-6, 297.
2. Marx and Engels 1975b, p. 196, Marx claims he is quoting Fourier, yet in fact he very
freely renders a passage in which Fourier makes a quite different point, arguing that 'the
extension of the privileges of women is the fundamental cause of all social progress'. In
other words, for Fourier the condition of women is the cause, not the index, of social
progress. Beecher and Bienvenu ( eds.) 1971, pp. 195-6. Alfred Meyer also notes the dis-
tinction between Fourier's statements and Marx's paraphrase in Meyer 1977, p. 86, n. 2. See
also Okin 1979, p. 8.
 Early Views • 45

symbolic representation in the realm of ideas. It is also a reality, and one that Marx
contrasts, in scathing prose, to the hypocrisy of contemporary bourgeois notions
about women. Indeed, he specifies that under current conditions 'the general
position of woman in modern society is inhuman'.3
The nature of the tension between social reality and its ideological representa-
tion became a central concern for Marx less than a year later, as he developed a
severely critical stance with respect to Feuerbachian materialism itself. In a set
of'notes hurriedly scribbled down for later elaboration, absolutely not intended for
publication', Marx sketched his new perspective. According to Engels, who
published these 1845 notes in 1888 as Theses on Feuerbach, 'they are invaluable as
the first document in which is deposited the brilliant germ of the new world
outlook'.4 Here, it is of interest that Marx uses the family and its contradictory
internal relations to illustrate one of the theses:
That the secular basis lifts off from itself and establishes itself as an indepen-dent
realm in the clouds can only be explained by the inner strife and intrinsic
contradictoriness of this secular basis. The latter must, therefore, itself be both
understood in its contradiction and revolutionized in practice. Thus, for
instance, once the earthly family is discovered to be the secret of the holy family,
the former must then itself be destroyed in theory and in practice. 5

Almost accidentally, then, this thesis reveals Marx's initial programmatic orien-
tation toward the family: it must 'be both understood in its contradiction and
revolutionized in practice ... [It must] be destroyed in theory and in practice'. 6

Engels's first examination of woman's position in society appears in his book The
Condition ofthe Working Class in England, written in late 1844 and early 1845, and
published in May 1845. In contrast to the highly abstract approach taken dur-ing
this period by Marx, Engels's orientation is largely descriptive and historical. He
focuses on the actual experience of working-class women, members of the small
but growing industrial and agricultural proletariat. He insists that it is not
1

the invention of machines but capitalism' itself, with its drive for accumulation

3· Marx and Engels 1975b, p. 195.

4· Engels 1967, p. 8.
5· Marx 1975c, p. 4· In the 1888 publication, Engels modified Marx's wording of the
second two sentences: 'The latter must itself, therefore, first be understood in its contra-
diction and then, by the removal of the contradiction, revolutionized in practice. Thus,
for instance, once the earthly family is discovered to be the secret of the holy family,
the former must then itself be criticized in theory and transformed in practice': Engels
(ed.) 1975a, p. 7· Rather than a 'softening' of Marx's version, as Draper suggests, the
change represents an attempt to indicate more clearly what Marx and Engels later saw
to be the relationship between theory and practice. Draper 1972, p. 89, n. 19.
6. Marx 1975c, p. 4·
46 • Chapter Four

and profit, that makes the cheap labour of women and children attractive to
employers. Methodically surveying the development and present state of vari-ous
spheres of production, he documents the details ofi:he lives ofworking-class
women - as workers and as wives, mothers, and daughters. At the same time, his
remarks offer a general overview of the situation of working-class women, as well
as some insights of an essentially theoretical character.
To Engels, the most obvious effects of factory-work on women are physical and
moral. Long hours and ghastly working and living conditions render women-
workers vulnerable to severe bone deformations and diseases. Women-workers
have a high rate of miscarriages. Child-birth is exceptionally difficult. Fear of loss
of wages or dismissal forces pregnant workers to stay at their jobs to the last
moment. 'Itis quite common for women to be working in the evening and for the
child to be delivered the following morning, and it is by no means uncommon for
babies to be born in the factory itself among the machinery'. For the same reasons,
few are able to stay home after the birth of a child for more than a week or two. 'Itis
often only two or three days after confinement that a woman returns to the factory,
and of course, she cannot take the baby with her. When there is a break in the
factory routine she has to rush home to feed the infant and get her own meal'. As
might be expected, the babies are weak; perhaps so percent of working-class
children never reach their fifth birthday. In general, children in the factory districts
tend to be 'pale and scrofulous', 'weak and stunted'. Menstrua-tion often begins late,
or not at all.7
Such conditions are, according to Engels, literally demoralising. In nineteenth-
century fashion, he castigates the moral evils of factory-work, where 'members of
both sexes of all ages work together in a single room'. While we may smile at his
relatively archaic standards of morality, Engels nevertheless points to real
problems: seduction of girls by employers under threat of dismissal, unwanted
pregnancy, drunkenness and alcoholism, suicide, general lack of education, and a
high level of crime and interpersonal brutality. !v'loreover, widespread prostitu-
tion accompanied the 'appalling degree of demoralisation' characteristic of the
working class Engels describes. 8
The enormous surge of prostitution in the nineteenth century drew the atten-tion
of moral reformers and Utopian socialists of every stripe, who repeatedly pointed
to it as a shocking cultural symbol of modem social degradation. Marx himself
follows this tradition when, in a footnote in the Economic and Philo-

7· Engels 1968, pp. 182, 161, 184, 226. This translation has been the subject of much
criticism; see, for example, Marcus 1974, pp. xi-xiii, 28-9. In the interest of readability, I
follow Marcus in citing it nonetheless. For the authorised translation by Florence Kelley
Wischnewetzky, see Engels 1975b, 4, pp. 295-596.
8. Engels 1968, pp. 166, 134. More generally, see pp. 124-9, 166-8.
 Early Views • 47

sophie Manuscripts, he reduces prostitution to a rhetorical metaphor of exploita-

tion. 'Prostitution is only a specific expression of the general prostitution of the
Laborer, and since it is a relationship in which falls not the prostitute alone, but
also the one who prostitutes - and the latter's abomination is still greater - the
capitalist, etc.; also comes under this head'. 9 Marx's denunciation, in The Holy
Family, of liberal philanthropic notions of reform and redemption treats pros-
titution only a litde more specifically, as the paradigm of bourgeois ideological
hypocrisy.10 But it is Engels, in The Condition of the Working Class in England, who
analyses the reality and the social roots of that particular hypocrisy. Despite a
certain Victorian ring, his indictment of the bourgeoisie reveals a fine compre-
hension of both social forces and individual options:
While burdening the workers with numerous hardships the middle classes
have left them only the two pleasures of drink and sexual intercourse. The
result is that the workers, in order to get something out of life, are passion-
ately devoted to these two pleasures and indulge in them to excess and in the
grossest fashion. If people are relegated to the position of animals, they are
left with the alternatives of revolting or sinking into bestiality. Moreover the
middle classes are themselves in no small degree responsible for the extent to
which prostitution exists - how many of the 40,000 prostitutes who fill the
streets of London every evening are dependent for their livelihood on the vir-
tuous bourgeoisie? How many of them were first seduced by a member of the
middle classes, so that they now have to sell their persons to passers-by in
order to live? Truly, the middle classes are least entitled to accuse the
workers of sexuallicence. 11

From all this, Engels draws the stark conclusion that 'family life for the worker is
almost impossible under the existing social system'. Again and again he looks at
prevailing conditions and finds 'the dissolution of family ties', and 'the uni-versal
decadence of family life among the workers'. Again and again he notes
that 'these faults are due entirely to existing social conditions'. More specifically,
Engels points to the employment of marrl~d women in factory-work. 'Ifa mar-
ried woman works in a factory family life is inevitably destroyed and in the pres-
ent state of society, which is based upon family life, its dissolution has the most
demoralising consequences both for parents and children'. The problem is not just
the work itself. Long hours and terrible living, as well as working, conditions, take
a heavy toll in 'endless domestic troubles and family quarrels'. Moreover, 'if a
woman works for twelve or thirteen hours a day in a factory and her husband

g. Marx 1975b, 295n.

10. Marx and Engels 1975b, pp. 166-76.
n. Engels 1968, p. 144.
48 • Chapter Four

·is employed either in the same establishment or in some other works, what is the
fate of the children?' So far as Engels could see in England in 1844, capitalism,
unless blocked by the united action of the working class, promised a succes-sion of
generations faced with the same conditions: 'Pregnant women working until the
hour of their confinement, lack of skill as housewives, the neglect of household
duties, the neglect of the children, indifference to - even hostility towards- family
life, and general social demoralisation',l2
Women sometimes became the main earner in working-class households, and
this epitomised, to Engels, the apparent tendency toward family-dissolution.
Confused as well as struck by this trend, he experienced it as a 'complete reversal
of normal social relationships', and therefore a betrayal of the 'normal structure of
the family'. In shocked tones, he observes that 'very often the fact that a married
woman is working does not lead to the complete disruption of the home but to a
reversal of the normal division of labor within the family. The wife is the
breadwinner while her husband stays at home to look after the children and do the
cleaning and cooking ... Family relationships are reversed, although other social
conditions remain unchanged'. Such a situation 'deprives the husband of his
manhood and the wife of all womanly qualities ... It is a state of affairs shameful
and degrading to the human attributes of the sexes'. In the same vein, Engels lists
among child-labour's 'evil consequences' the possibility that 'the children become
emancipated and regard their parents' house merely as lodgings, and quite often, if
they feel like it, they leave home and take lodg-ings elsewhere' .13

Engels's comments on the dissolution of the family, which emphasise the sup-
posedly natural character of divisions oflabour and authority according to sex or
age, and misconstrue the effects of their reversal, reflect conventional nineteenth-
century assumptions. Engels fails, at this point, to recognise the possibility of a
contemporary form of family-life other than that established by the bourgeoisie,
and therefore declares the working-class family_ to be in a state of disintegra-tion.
He senses the contradictory character of his remarks, however, and seeks to root
them in historical development. If the present state of the working-class family
seems to be unnatural, it must result from 'some radical error in the original
relationship between men and women. If the rule of the wife over her husband - a
natural consequence of the factory system - is unnatural, then the former rule of the
husband over the wife must also have been unnatural'. Indeed, these observations
permit Engels a glimpse not only into the past but into the future as well. 'Such a
state of affairs shows clearly that there is no rational or sensible principle at the
root of our ideas concerning family income and prop-

12. Engels 1968, pp. 145, 160, 161, 225.

13. Engels 1968, pp. 160, 161, 163, 236.
 Early Views • 49

erty· If the family as it exists in our present-day society comes to an end then its
disappearance will prove that the real bond holding the family together was not
affection but merely self-interest engendered by the false concept of family
14
prope rty' ·
In The Condition ofthe Working Class in England, Engels also makes three gen-uine
theoretical contributions to an understanding of the situation of women, each, as
he later observed, in embryonic form.1 5 First, he implicitly recognises that neither
individuals nor the family exist as ahistorical abstractions. Focusing throughout
the book on working-class people and the working-class family, he often contrasts
their experience with bourgeois expectations and relationships. Furthermore, he
links, however vaguely and inconsistently, the nature of rela-tions between the
sexes in the family to social forms of property holding. In short, Engels suggests
that women's oppression and the family must be concep-tualised in terms of
specific modes of production and specific classes.
Second, Engels considers the determination and structure of the wage - the
means by which individual and family ensure their own reproduction. He argues
that two types of competition affect the level of the wage. Exceptionally, in peri-
ods of full employment or even job-surplus, employers must compete among
themselves for labour, and wages of course rise. More normally, competition
among workers for available jobs tends to force wages down. Nevertheless, there
are limits in the play of these forces of labour-supply and demand. Differ-ent
categories of workers require different living standards and therefore com-mand
different wages, under even the severest competition. Wages must be 'high enough
to maintain the living standards of the worker at a level appropriate to the job'.
Moreover, wages must be high enough for workers to replace them-selves,
although again within definite limits. In the case of factory-labour, for example, it
is 'in the interests of the middle classes that factory wages should be high enough
to enable the workers to bring up their children, who will in due course be fit for
regular industrial employment. On the other hand, the worker's wages must be low
enough to force him to ~.~nd his children to the factory rather than encourage them
to improve their lot hy training for something better than mere factory labor'.16

The nurnber of earners in a household affects the level of the wage. When an
entire family is working the wages of the individual can be cut down'. In this way,
the greedy bourgeoisie has 'craftily succeeded in depressing men's wages'

14. Engels 1968, pp. 164-5. Engels also briefly discusses the dissolution of the family
under the impact of the factory-system in his Outlines of a Critique ofPolitical Economy
(1843-44); see Engels 1975c, pp. 423-4.
15. Engels 1968, pp. 363-4.
16. Engels 1968, p. go.
so • Chapter Four

by requiring the work of wives and children in factories, In practice, Engels

observes, wage-rates have to correspond to some assumption about the average
number of earners within the household. In general, however, wages cannot fall
below the 'something a little more than nothing' defined by Engels as the 'mini-
mum' required for physical subsistence. From here, Engels attempts to deter-mine
the relationship between this 'minimum' wage and the 'average' wage in normal
times, that is, when there is no unusual competition among either work-ers or
capitalists. 'In such a state of equilibrium wages will be a little more than the
"minimum". The extent to which the level of the "average" wage is above that of
the "minimum" wage depends upon the standard of living and the level of culture
of the workers'. Although this formulation takes a hypothetical physical minimum
as a standard, it broadly anticipates Marx's later emphasis in Capital that 'a
historical and moral element' plays a critical part in the determination of all wage-
levels. In these passages, then, Engels has sketched the outlines of a theory of the
relationship between wages and the working-class family: the level of wages is as
much a social as a physical issue; wages cover the reproduction of the working
class by supporting households, not individuals; capitalists can therefore force
wages down by drawing more household-members into wage-labour; such a
depreciation of the value of an individual's work may require a significant
alteration in what Engels terms 'the standard of living and the level of culture of
the workers' P
Engels's third theoretical insight concerns the overall reproduction of the
working class, specifically, the relationship between population and capitalism. He
observes that the cyclical nature of capitalist development regulates the size of the
total work force at any given moment. 'English industry must always have a
reserve of unemployed workers'. Ordinarily, this massive 'superfluous popu-lation'
competes for the available jobs. At the peak of a boom, however, the existing
population suddenly appears insufficient, and must be supplemented. Labourers
from outlying agricultural districts and even from Ireland, as well as women and
young people, enter the work force·. 'These groups of workers dif-fer from the
main body inasmuch as it is only at times of exceptionally good trade that they
realise that they are in fact part of the reserve army of labor'. In opposition to
Malthus, then, Engels emphasises the structural necessity of a so-called surplus-
population for industrial expansion. Malthus 'was wrong when

17. Engels 1968, pp. go-2. In 1885, Engels observed that 'the thesis that the "natu-
ral", i.e. normal, price of labour-power coincides with the minimum wage, i.e., with the
equivalent in value of the means of subsistence absolutely indispensable for the
life and procreation of the worker, was first put forward' in his Outlines of a Critique of
Political Economy (1843-4) and in Condition. Still, he adds, the 'thesis is nevertheless
incorrect ... In Capital Marx has put the above thesis right'. Marx 1975d, p. 125. For the
Outlines, see Engels 1975c.
 Early Views • 51

he expressed the view that more people existed than could be fed from avail-able
resources. The real reason for the existence of the superfluous population is the
competition of the workers among themselves'. Engels thereby links the
phenomenon of surplus-population to the same processes that regulate wages and
the length of the working day. The difference is simply that they take place •on a
much larger scale [and] in the country as a whole'.18

By 1845, Marx and Engels had arrived, on different paths, at a provisional under-
standing of what was to become known as the materialist theory of history, or
historical materialism. Between November 1845 and August 1846, they produced a
long manuscript entitled The German Ideology. As Marx later recalled, they
'decided to set forth together our conception as opposed to the ideological one of
German philosophy, in fact to settle accounts with our former philosophi-cal
conscience'. The intention was carried out in the form of a critique of post-
Hegelian philosophy. Although never published in full, the manuscript 'achieved
our main purpose - self-clarification'.19 The German Ideology marks a turning point
in the development of Marx and Engels's work. It also contains their first
comprehensive formulation of a theory and history of the family.
In The German Ideology, Marx and Engels take the opportunity to explore sev-
eral aspects of the relationships among family, ideology, and social reproduction.
They call attention to the contradiction between ideological conceptions of the
family and the actual historical experience of families in different classes. In the
bourgeoisie, the family acts as a property-transmitting unit whose existence 'is
made necessary by its connection with the mode of production'. The bourgeoisie
develops an idealised concept of the family which it nevertheless betrays in its
every action. In the bourgeois family, 'boredom and money are the binding link,
[yet] its dirty existence has its counterpart in the holy concept of it in official
phraseology and universal hypocrisy'. Marx and Engels claim that, in contrast, the
family is 'actually abolished' in the proletariat, where 'the concept of the fam-ily
does not exist at all, but here and there, family affection based on extremely
_,ol,
real relations is certainly to be found'. In sum, Marx and Engels draw the explicit
theoretical lesson that 'one cannot speak at all of the family "as such"'.20

18. Engels 1968, pp. 92-8; see also pp. 320-4.

19. Marx 1970a, p. 22.
20. Marx and Engels 1975a, pp. 180-1. Marx and Engels do not say why they think the
proletarian family has been abolished. Presumably, the statement rests on the absence of
property and on observations of the type made by Engels in Condition. In a review
appearing in 1850 of a book by Georg Friedrich Daumer, Marx and Engels make a similar
argument against viewing women in abstraction from their social situation - Marx and
Engels 1975c, pp. 244-6.
52 • Chapter Four
1
How, then, can one speak of the family? Marx and Engels view it as a social I
form rooted in relations of production, for 'life involves before everything else
eating and drinking, housing, clothing and various other things'. They identify three
simultaneous aspects of social activity that respond to these requirements. First,
people produce means to satisfY basic needs. Second, this very act leads to the
creation of new needs. And third, 'men, who daily re-create their own life, begin to
make other men, to propagate their kind: the relation between man and woman,
parents and children, the family'. In this section of The German Ideol-ogy, the family
has the theoretical status of a site of reproduction of individuals whose essential
characteristic is that they participate in social-labour. The rela-tionship between the
biological or 'natural', and the social on this site- that is, in the family- remains
highly ambiguous. For instance, a well-known passage in The German Ideology
asserts that 'the production of life, both of one's own in labor and of fresh life in
procreation, now appears as a twofold relation: on the one hand as a natural, on the
other as a social relation - social in the sense that it denotes the co-operation of
several individuals, no matter under what condi-tions, in what manner and to what
end'.21
Using the concept of the division of labour - which often plays the role, in The
German Ideology, of a motivating force- Marx and Engels sketch the out-lines of a
history of the family in social development. The division of labour 'was originally
nothing but the division of labour in the sexual act'. Out of it arises the 'natural'
division of labour in the family. Stages in the development of the division of
labour correspond, moreover, to different forms of property. At first, in the stage of
tribal property, the division of labour is 'still very elementary and is confined to a
further extension of the natural division of labor existing in the family'. Initially
the family 'is the only social relation', but in the long run, as 'increased needs
create new social relations and the increased population new needs, [it becomes] a
subordinate one'.22
In The German Ideology, Marx and Engels also comment briefly on the fam-ily
in communist society. They are examining the relationship between forms of social
organisation and the state of development of productive forces. Early agricultural
societies, they note, were characterised by 'individual economy' and could not
develop along communal lines. 'The abolition [Aujhebung] of indi-vidual
economy, which is inseparable from the abolition of private property, was
impossible for the simple reason that the material conditions required were not
present'. Then, almost as an afterthought, they note that it is obvious that 'the
supersession [Aufhebung] of individual economy is inseparable from the super-

21. Marx and Engels 1975a, pp. 41-3.

22. Marx and Engels 1975a, pp. 33, 43, 44, 46.
 Early Views • 53

,ession of the family'.23 For the first time in their work, Marx and Engels here
.touch on the utopian-socialist theme of the abolition of the family.

:Marx and Engels now had the firm beginnings of both a theory and a history of
the issues involved in the problem of women's subordination. Marx summed up
the general theoretical insight in a letter to the Russian liberal Pavel Vasilyevich
Annenkov. 'Assume particular stages of development in production, commerce and
consumption and you will have a corresponding social constitution, a cor-
responding organisation of the family, of orders or of classes, in a word, a cor-
responding civil society'.24 From a theoretical point of view, in other words, all
social relations can ultimately be rooted in the relations of production dominant in
a given society. As for empirical mat~rial concerning the history of women and the
family, it was still quite scarce, but Marx and Engels had already been able to
piece together a fair sketch of the historical development.

21.

With the 'new world outlook' consolidated in the writings of1845-46, Marx and Engels found themselves confronting new tasks. A wave of re-awakened demo-cratic aspirations and intensified political activity was sweeping across Europe, triggered by the economic crisis of 1847 and culminating in the revolutions of 1848-so. Practical organisational work, first with the Communist Correspon-dence Committee and then with the Communist League, became paramount. When the newly formed Communist League required a theoretical
and practical platform, Marx and Engels were asked to draft it. Two preparatory versions, both by Engels, survive. An initial Draft ofa Communist Confession ofFaith, written in the question-and-answer format commonly used at the time by workers' organi-sations, was discussed at the First Congress of the Communist League in London in June 1847. In late October, Engels produced an improved version, the Prin-ciples of Communism, also in the form of a revolutionary catechism. By Novem-ber 1847 it was clear that the question and answer format conflicted with the
historical approach, and Engels suggested to Marx that they drop the catechism form. The result, The Manifesto of the Communist Party, was written between December 1847 and January 1848, on the instructions of the Second Congress of
25

the Communist League. In its pages, as well as in the drafts, Marx and Engels
recast their views on the issue of women's subordination into a more program-
matic, and frequently quite striking, form.
Having grasped the mechanisms underlying historical development, Marx and
Engels were able to link past, present, and future phenomena with a new, if still
rather unsubtle, clarity. Thus Engels observes in the Confession ofFaith that 'the

23. Marx and Engels 1975a, pp. 75-6.

24. Marx to P. V. Annenkov, 28 December 1846, in Marx and Engels 1965, p. 35·
25. Engels to Marx, 23-24 November 1847 in Marx and Engels 1965, p. 45·
54 • Chapter Four

family relationship has been modified in the course of history by the prope
relationship and by periods of development, and ... consequently the ending 0
private property will also have a most important influ~nce on it'. More dramaij. cally,
the Manifesto delineates the relationship between family and property in. capitalist
society. The bourgeois family is based 'on capital, on private gain. In its completely
developed form this family exists only among the bourgeoisie. But this state of
1

things finds its complement in the practical absence of the fam. ily among the
proletarians, and in public prostitution'. Since the working class lacks property, the
proletarian's 'relation to his wife and children has no longer anything in common
with bourgeois family relations'. At the ideological level, the Manifesto claims, with
a dramatic flourish, that 'the bourgeoisie has torn away from the family its
sentimental veil, and has reduced the family relation to a mere money relation'. 26
Communists argued that such relations within families, as well as prostitu-tion,
are natural products of bourgeois society. In addition, they had to respond to the
bourgeois accusation that they intended to collectivise women, that is, turn them
into prostitutes. In the Principles of Communism, Engels is terse and analytic:

Community of women is a relationship that belongs altogether to bourgeois

society and is completely realised today in prostitution. But prostitution is rooted
in private property and falls with it. Thus instead of introducing the community
of women, communist organisation puts an end to it.27

Still, no issue so inflamed and frightened the nineteenth-century bourgeoisie, for,

as Sheila Rowbotham compellingly argues, 'the prostitute became the symbol of
[its] class and sex guilt'.28 The question of prostitution takes a much greater place
in The Communist Manifesto than in the two preparatory drafts. In passion-ate
terms, Marx and Engels denounce the bourgeoisie's small-minded ignorance and
ideological hypocrisy:
But you Communists would introduce community of women, screams the
whole bourgeoisie in chorus.
The bourgeois sees in his wife a mere instrument of production. He hears
that the instruments of production are to be exploited in common, and, natu-
rally, can come to no other conclusion than that the lot of being common to
all will likewise fall to the women.
He has not even a suspicion that the real point aimed at is to do away with
the status of women as mere instruments of production.

26. Engels 1975d, pp. 102-3; Marx and Engels 1975d, pp. 501, 494, 487.
27. Engels 1975e, p. 354·
28. Rowbotham 1972, p. 65.
 Early Views • 55

For the rest, nothing is more ridiculous than the virtuous indignation of our
bourgeois at the community of women which, they pretend, is to be openly and
officially established by the Communists. The Communists have no need to
introduce community of women; it has existed almost from time imme-morial.29

Manifesto also situates the future of marriage and of relations between the
with respect to the prevailing mode of production. 'The abolition of the
.,, 11,, ...,.~··- system of production must bring with it the abolition of the community of

women springing from that system, i.e., of prostitution both public and pri-
; vate'. More specifically, 'the bourgeois family will vanish as a matter of course
when its complement [public prostituti~n and the disintegrating working-class
30
family] vanishes, and both will vanish with the vanishing of capital'. In con-
trast to these fairly cryptic remarks, Engels's draft versions are in places more
explicit. The Confession of Faith, for example, argues that communist society would
be able, if necessary, to 'interfere in the personal relationship between men and
women or with the family in general to the extent that the maintenance
31
of the existing institution would disturb the new social order'. In Principles of
Communism, Engels revises this position:

Question 21: What influence will the communist order of society have upon the
family?
Answer: It will make the relation between the sexes a purely private relation
which concerns only the persons involved, and in which society has no call to
interfere. It is able to do this because it abolishes private property and edu-cates
children communally, thus destroying the twin foundation of hitherto existing
marriage - the dependence through private property of the wife upon the husband
and of the children upon the parents.32

What seems, here, to be an about-face, may, in fact, be a clarification. Engels now

differentiates among types of societal intervention. Abolition of private prop-erty
and communal education beginnin&,p,t the earliest possible age strike at the heart
of capitalist society. Having thus drastically intervened, a communist society can,
Engels feels, safely leave other relations between the sexes alone.
These draft formulations recall typical nineteenth-century socialist positions
concerning the abolition of the family. While their omission from the Manifesto
leaves the issue frustratingly open, Marx and Engels evidently concluded that a
more precise and less utopian statement referring to the abolition of both the

29. Marx and Engels 1975d, p. 502.

go. Marx and Engels 1975d, p. 501.
31. Engels 1975d, p. 102.
32. Engels 1975e, p. 354·
56 • Chapter Four

bourgeois and the proletarian family better represented.. their position. In this way,
to the bourgeoisie's charge that communists seek the destruction of 'the family "as
such"', they quite properly replied that communists fight for the aboli-' tion of
classes as embodied in the specific institutions - here; the bourgeois and the
working-class family - of class-society.
Marx and Engels also refer very briefly, in the Manifesto, to the problem of the
structure of the wage with respect to the household. In an analytic mode, they
observe that 'the less the skill and exertion of strength implied in manual labour, in
other words, the more modern industry becomes developed, the more is the labour
of men superseded by that of women. Differences of age and sex have no longer
any distinctive social validity for the working class. All are instru-ments of labour,
more or less expensive to use, according to their age and sex'. This foundation
laid, they proclaim dramatically that 'all family ties among the proletarians are torn
asunder, and their children transformed into simple articles of commerce and
instruments oflabour'.33
Marx addressed the theoretical questions surrounding the wage more directly in
a set of lectures delivered at the time of the writing of the Manifesto, and pub-lished
sixteen months later as Wage Labour and Capital. He observes that with the
development of capitalism, competition increases and wages fall. Further-more, the
introduction of machinery has the effect of 'replacing skilled workers by unskilled,
men by women, adults by children', thereby generally depreciating the value
oflabour-power and changing the structure of the household's income. When, for
example, the factory employs three children and a woman in place of a man
discharged because of the machine, 'now four times as many workers' lives are
used up in order to gain a livelihood for one worker's family'. At the same time,
Marx confronts the difficult question of the determination of wage-levels. Wages,
or the 'wage minimum', are the price of'the cost of existence and reproduction of
the worker'. Marx cautions, however, that the concept of a wage-minimum pertains
to the working class as a whole. 'This wage minimum, like the determination of the
price of commodities by ·the cost of production in general, does not hold good for
the single individual but for the species. Individual work-ers, millions of workers, do
not get enough to be able to exist and reproduce themselves; but the wages ofthe
whole working class level down, within their fluc-tuations, to this minimum'. While
still holding to the notion of a hypothetical minimum-wage, Marx recognises its
essentially aggregate and social character. 34

33· Marx and Engels 1975d, pp. 491, 502.

34· In a notebook labelled Wages' kept at the same time, Marx also noted that the
supposed minimum wage 'is different in different countries' and 'has a historical move-
ment'. Indeed, at times it includes 'a little tea, or rum, or sugar and meat'. These com-ments
echo Engels's on the 'level of culture' discussed above, as well as foreshadowing Marx's own
more developed theory. Marx 1975e, pp. 425-6, 436.
 Early Views • 57

' . In their early writings, Marx and Engels evidence a commitment to the impor-lsnce of the
problem of the oppression of women. They dissect, to the extent the ~ailable empirical material
allowed, the hard facts of women's subordination in past and present society. Against this ugly picture,
they counterpose a serious, if somewhat simplistic vision of women's liberation in the future, and of the
aboli-tion of the family as it exists in class-society. Although their strategic approach hardly matches
the scope of this vision, its programmatic weakness reflects the level of development of the working-
class movement at the time. In their theo-retical views, Marx and Engels begin to distinguish their
position on the question of women from the imprecision and utopianism of earlier socialist opinions.

In the next decades, both Marx and Engels sought to elaborate the theoretical, as
well as the programmatic, aspects of their perspective. Insofar as they contin-ued
their emphasis on the division oflabour according to sex, on the oppression of
proletarian women at work, and on the supposed dissolution of the working-class
family, they set the terms within which the so-called woman-question was to be
discussed and acted upon by socialists for the next hundred years. At the same
time, they deepened their understanding of women's oppression as a struc-tural
element of the overall reproduction of the working class and of general social
reproduction. In this sense, they began to move toward a broader theoreti-cal and
practical approach to achieving the goal of women's liberation.
~hapter Five
Marx: the Mature Years

By 1850, the s~ries of insurrections that had inspired

democratic and revolutionary hopes across the
European continent was checked. Encouraged by an
upward turn in the economic cycle, counter-revolu-
tionary regimes sought to re-assert the power of the
propertied. Marx and Engels, the leading spokesmen of
the Communist League, soon became major tar-gets of
reactionary governmental ire. Hounded from the
continent, they took refuge in England: Engels to
Manchester, where he took a position in his father's
textile-firm, and Marx to London, where he remained
for the rest of his life.
Marx now began his economic studies anew, decid-
ing 'to start again from the very beginning and to work
carefully through the new material'. 1 Between 1857 and
1858 he consolidated his notes in a manuscript known
today as the Grundrisse. While many formulations in the
Grundrisse remain incorrect or imprecise from the point
of view of the works later prepared for actual
publication, th,ei manuscript shows how far Marx's
studies had brought him. It presents his first mature
attempt 'to lay bare', as he was to phrase it ten years later
in the preface to Capital, 'the economic law of motion of
modern society'. And it includes some com-ments
broadly relevant to the issues of women's sub-ordination
and liberation.
Because Marx strives to understand the capitalist
mode of production as a whole, he returns again and

1. Marx 1970a, p. 23.

Go • Chapter Five

again in the Grundrisse to the problem of the relationships among production,

distribution, exchange, and consumption. In this way he addresses the issue of the
reproduction, within definite relations, of individuals by means of the consumption
of products. 'Consumption reproduces the individual himself in a specific mode of
being, not only in his immediate quality of being alive, and in specific social
relations. So that the ultimate appropriation by individuals taking place in the
consumption process reproduces them in the original rela-tions in which they
move within the production process and towards each other; reproduces them in
their social being, and hence reproduces their social being-society - which appears
as much the subject as the result of this great total process'. 2 This very general
statement underscores the inseparability of the repro-duction of individuals from
overall social reproduction, even if it lacks specificity with respect to class-
membership.
Elsewhere in the Grundrisse, Marx focuses on the reproduction of individuals as
direct producers in the capitalist mode of production, that is, as members of the
working class. The individual worker possesses a commodity, the capacity to
labour, that the capitalist needs to set the production-process in motion. On the
market, the worker exchanges this commodity 'for money, for the general form of
wealth, but only in order to exchange this again for commodities, consid-ered as
the objects of his immediate consumption, as the means of satisfying his needs'. 3
The wages paid to the worker by the capitalist represent the amount of labour
embodied in these commodities bought for immediate consumption.
Wage-levels fluctuate. In general, they correspond to 'the objectified labour
necessary bodily to maintain not only the general substance in which [the worker's]
labor power exists, i.e. the worker himself, but also that required to modify this
general substance so as to develop its particular capacity'. When business is good,
needs and consumption - the worker's 'share of civilization' - expand. In the long
run, capital's drive for accumulation has the tendency to permit the worker to
augment and replace 'natural' needs with 'historically cre-ated' ones. It is this
element of flexibility that· distinguishes the wage-worker from the serf or slave,
for 'he is neither bound to particular objects, nor to a par-ticular manner of
satisfaction. The sphere of his consumption is not qualitatively restricted, only
quantitatively'.4
So long as Marx examines the immediate production-process, as in these
remarks on wages, he treats the worker as a sort of 'perennial subject and not yet as
a mortal individual of the working species'. At this level, 'we are not yet dealing
with the working class, i.e. the replacement for wear and tear so that it

2. Marx 1973b, p. 717n.

3· Marx 1973b, p. 283.
4· Marx 1973b, pp. 282-3, 287, 325, 283.
 Marx: the Mature Years • 61

can maintain itself as a class'.5 Once the analysis turns to capital-accumulation,

. however, the problem of the aggregate reproduction of the working class comes
j.nto clearer focus. Marx approaches it by means of a critique of Thomas Robert
Malthus's theory of over-population.
Malthus makes two serious errors, according to Marx. First, he fails to rec-
ognise that the determination of population proceeds according to qualitative and
quantitative relations specific to a given mode of production. 'He transforms the
immanent, historically changing limits of the human reproduction process into
outer barriers; and the outer barriers to natural reproduction into immanent [irnits
or natural laws ofreproduction'. Second, Malthus argues that a fixed quan-tity of
necessaries can sustain only a given number of people, when he should have
analysed the social relations enabltng individuals to acquire means of sub-sistence.
In capitalist societies, for example, a person must have employment to obtain
money to buy necessaries. More generally, the question is the 'social mediation as
such, through which the individual gains access to the means of his reproduction
and creates them'.6
Overpopulation therefore has a characteristic form in the capitalist mode of
production. The surplus-population represents a surplus of'labor capacities', and is
made up of workers rather than non-workers. In general, the absolute size of the
working class tends to grow as capital accumulates. At the same time, capital's
need to develop the productive forces causes a continual decrease in the proportion
of necessary to surplus-labour which 'appears as increase of the relatively
superfluous laboring capacities - i.e. as the positing of surplus popula-tion'. To the
extent that a portion of this surplus-population is sustained as a 'reserve for later
use', all classes pay the costs. In this way, 'Mr. Capitalist ... shifts a part of the
reproduction costs of the working class off his own shoulders and thus pauperizes a
part of the remaining population for his own profit'.7
Far from embodying an abstract law of nature, overpopulation in the form of a
relative-surplus of workers - what Engels had called the reserve-army of
labour - is inherent in capitalist relations of production. Its actual character at any
given time responds to the contf~dictory tendencies of capital to both
increase the labouring population absolutely and render a growing portion of it
relatively superfluous. In short, 'all the contradictions which modem population
theory expresses as such, but does not grasp', emerge from the phenomenon of
surplus-value.8 With these observations, Marx suggests an intimate theoretical

5· Marx 1973b, p. 323.

6. Marx 1973b, pp. 604-8; quotations on p. 607.
7· Marx 1973b, pp. 608-10.
8. Marx 1973b, p. 401.
62 • Chapter Five

linkage between the reproduction of the working class an<f the workings of the
capitalist mode of production.
As for family and household, Marx only mentions th€m in the Gmndrisse when
considering pre-capitalist forms of production. Speaking of various pre-industrial
or non-European societies, he consistently represents the family-household by its
individual, presumed male, head. Thus, for example, the aim of work in such
societies is 'sustenance of the individual proprietor and of his family, as well as of
the total community'. Moreover, Marx assumes the universality of a natural sex-
division of labour when he puts production of certain goods in brackets as a
'domestic side occupation of wives and daughters (spinning and weaving)'. Marx's
surprisingly uncritical stance in these remarks in part owes its existence to the
weakness of his sources.9 It is more deeply rooted, as we shall see in the next
section, in the relatively broad and unexplored conceptual boundaries accorded the
sphere of 'the natural' in nineteenth-century thought.

The Gmndrisse was the first in a series of manuscripts culminating in the publica-
tion of Capital. Only Volume I of Capital, which first appeared in 1867, was edited
by Marx himself. After Marx's death, Engels used the various drafts produced by
Marx in the 186os to edit versions of Volumes II and III for publication. Volume
IV, known today as Theories of Surplus Value, was assembled and published by
Karl Kautsky. Considerable portions of the manuscripts Marx drafted between
1857 and 1870 remain unpublished.10 ·
Scattered through the pages of Capital, Marx's comments on women's situ-ation,
on the family, on divisions of labour according to sex and age, and on the
reproduction of the working class have never been sufficiently appreciated by
students of the so-called woman-question. A systematic review of the three
volumes discloses a great deal of important material.
Marx considers the actual situation of working-class women, as well as chil-
dren, in the context of his description of capitalist development, focusing on the
impact of the introduction of machinery.' Machinery notably lessens the
importance of physical strength in the labour-process. Under capitalist condi-tions,
machinery therefore enables the employer to hire women and children, paying
lower wages than male workers ordinarily command. The employment of women
and children has specific physical, moral, and intellectual consequences, which
Marx describes in a manner reminiscent of Engels's account, twenty years

g. Marx 1973b, pp. 472, 475; see also pp. 473, 484, 495· On the sources, see the intro-
duction by Eric Hobsbawm in Marx 1965, pp. 20-7.
10. For a clear summary of the publishing history of the manuscripts, see the Vintage
Books edition of Capital, Marx 1977, pp. 26-8. See also Marx 1973b, pp. n-12.
 Marx: the Mature Years • 63

;arlier, in The Condition of the Working Class in England. 11 He emphasises how tlbe
introduction of machinery also has a severe impact on branches of produc-tion not
yet mechanised. Here, employers shift to 'cheap labor', that is, to a work-force
composed of women, children, and the unskilled. The·exploitation of these
workers is merciless, for 'the technical foundation of the factory system, namely,
the substitution of machines for muscular power, and the light character of the
labor, is almost entirely absent in Manufacture, and at the same time women and
over-young children are subjected, in a most unconscionable way, to the influence
of poisonous or injurious substances'. In such sweatshops, mines, and huts, even
more than in the mechanised factories, the capitalist mode of produc-tion 'shows
its antagonistic and murderous side' .12
The evolution of capitalism has the general effect of continually altering the
composition of the labour-force with respect to sex and age, as well as size. The
introduction of machinery, for example, throws many people out of work, but may
draw in others, among them women and children. In numerous branches of
production, women and children replace men as the principal element in the work-
force. Moreover, the extraordinary productivity of capitalist mechanised industry
permits the number of domestic servants, go percent of them women, to increase
greatly. Despite constant capitalist expansion, which to some extent offsets the
impact of mechanisation on employment, crises periodically cripple production,
force wages down, and cause mass unemployment. 'The workpeople are thus
continually both repelled and attracted, hustled from pillar to post, while, at the
same time, constant changes take place in the sex, age, and skill of the levies' .13

Next to the rich picture of social conditions under capitalism, the descriptive
material in Capital on non-capitalist past societies is quite sparse. Nothing spe-
cifically relevant to the experience of women per se appears, and Marx concen-
trates instead on the family. Alluding to the variety of family forms in history, he
observes that no single form is 'absolute and final'. Moreover, 'taken together
[they] form a series in historical develog¥Ient'. 14 He is most interested in the self-
supporting peasant-family, for it represents the family-form just preceding that of
capitalist society. The peasant-family is an elementary unit of production,

n. Marx 1971a, pp. 372-g. (Unless stated otherwise, all citations to Capital refer to the
Progress Publishers edition.)
12. Marx1971a, pp. 434-5. Marx then proceeds to a series ofexamples, pp. 435-42; see
also pp. 455-6, 612-66. Other evidence appears in the discussions of unregulated branches
of industry, the shift-system, and the struggle for a normal working day; pp. 233-8, 246-51,
264-81.
13. Marx 1971a, p. 428; see also pp. 384, 421-46, 457, and Marx 1977, p. 1061. On
domes-tic servants, see Marx 1971a, pp. 420-1.
14. Marx 1971a, p. 460.
64 • Chapter Five

an 'individual direct producer', which unites 'agricultural activity and the rura}
home industries connected with it' in an 'indispensable combination'. Charac-
terising the peasant-household as 'an isolated laborer with his family', Marx is
minimally concerned with the division of labour inside it. Rather, he focuses on
the peasant-family as a producing unit that may itself dispose of some surplus-
labour, because it is here, in the distribution of this 'combined agricultural and
industrial family labour', that he locates the mechanism for social reproduction in
the feudal system.15
Marx explicitly discusses divisions of labour by sex or age in several places in
CapitaL The peasant family 'possesses a spontaneously developed system of divi-
sion of labour. The distribution of the work within the family, and the regulation of
the labor-time of the several members, depend as well upon differences of age and
sex as upon natural conditions varying with the seasons'. Machinery sweeps away
the importance of skill: 'In the place of the artificially produced distinctions
between specialized workers, step the natural differences of age and sex'. When
early industrial capitalists tried to extend working hours beyond any possible
endurance, 'all bounds of morals and nature, age and sex, day and night, were
broken down'.16 These natural distinctions have their historical root in biology. At
the beginning of time, 'there springs up naturally a division of labor, caused by
differences of sex and age, a division that is consequently based on a purely
physiological foundation' P
Marx's view of the natural character of divisions of labour by sex and age leads
him to the corollary that servile relations naturally constitute the internal
organisation of all families in class-society. Along with most of his contempo-
raries, including Engels, he assumes that a single male adult, the husband and
father of subordinate family-members, ordinarily and naturally heads the family-
household in all societies. Hence, he observes, 'in private property of every type
the slavery of the members of the family at least is always implicit since they are
made use of and exploited by the head of the f~mily'.I8 As early as The German
Ideology, Marx and Engels had used the notion of 'latent slavery' to represent
internal relations in the family. Like the division of labour itself, 'the slavery latent
in the family only develops gradually with the increase of population, the growth
of wants, and with the extension of external intercourse, both of war and of barter'.
Indeed, it is clear that 'latent slavery in the family, though still very crude, is the
first form of property'.19 In his mature work, Marx returns to the

15. Marx 1971b, pp. 790-91, 796, 807, 79s; see also p. 877, and Marx 1971a, p. 82.
16. Marx 1971a, pp. 82, 396, 264; see also pp. 384, 595·
17. Marx 1971a, p. 332.
18. Marx 1977, p. 1083.
19. Marx and Engels 1975a, p. 46.
 Marx: the Mature Years • 65

; eme when he argues that the development of capitalist machine-industry

ansforms parents into 'slave-holders, sellers of their own children'. Formerly, e
workman sold his own labor-power, which he disposed of nominally as a tee
agent. Now he sells wife and child. He has become a slave-dealer'.20 The ~mage of
slavery in these statements flows, in part, from assumptions about the ·JIB.tural
character of the division oflabour within the family, and tends to present
' picture of women and children as passive victims rather than historical actors.
Behind such formulations, which are more metaphorical than scientific, lurks a
series of nineteenth-century ideological notions never sufficiently challenged.
Nineteenth-century social commentators often claimed a permanence based on
nature for social relations that are actually specific to the capitalist mode of
production. Such claims constituted a ready target for socialist polemics. In the
Manifesto, for instance, Marx and Engels observe how a 'selfish misconception'
on the part of the bourgeoisie leads it to 'transform into eternal laws of nature and
of reason, the social forms springing from [the] present mode of production and
form of property - historical relations that rise and disappear in the progress
ofproduction'.21 But Marx and Engels were not equally capable of demystifying
bourgeois notions regarding the natural status of historical divisions of labour
according to sex and age, much less of replacing them with more appropriate
concepts. Indeed, in this area, they come perilously close to a position that holds
biology to be destiny. A quite damaging spectre of 'the natural' haunts their work,
from the earliest writings to the most mature. It stamps their concept of a wage-
minimum by assuming the obviousness of the division between mere physical
subsistence and some more socially determined standard of living that might, for
example, include generational reproduction or a family-household. It obscures
their understanding of relationships within the working-class house-hold,
particularly where the wife is also a wage-labourer. And it undercuts their
investigations of historical development by tying it to an unquestioned assump-
tion of a natural division oflabour between the sexes, originating in the biology of
the sexual act. In the course of their wo~~· Marx and Engels managed to soften
some of the worst effects of these assumptions, often by postulating additional
'social' phenomena that outweigh the supposedly natural facts, but they never
entirely overcame them. Only with the development of feminist perspectives in
modern anthropology, and more especially of an approach in the social sciences
that is simultaneously Marxist and feminist, have the boundaries of 'the natural' in
this area begun to be seriously questioned. 22

20. Marx 1974, p. 88; Marx 1971a, p. 373; see also p. 285.
21. Marx and Engels 1975d, p. 501.
22. For reviews of this literature, see Rapp 1978-9 and Atkinson 1982-3. See also the
works cited in notes 12 and 22 of Chapter 10.
66 • Chapter Five

The existence of divisions oflabour according to age and sex has definite polit-
ical ramifications, to which Marx briefly alludes in Capital. In the early period of
capitalist development, 'the habits and the resistance of the male laborers' suc-
cessfully block the entry of women and children into the wage-labour force. The
introduction of machinery, however, 'at last breaks down the resistance which the
male operatives in the manufacturing period continued to oppose to the despotism
23
of capital'. Thereafter, capital tends to equalise all work, while 'the technical
subordination of the workman to the uniform motion of the instru-ments oflabor,
and the peculiar composition of the body of workpeople, consist-ing as it does of
individuals of both sexes and of all ages, gives rise to a barrack discipline'. 24 This
process of economic and social equalisation meets a barrier, however, in the
dependent and subordinate status of women, and especially of children, who are
also highly vulnerable to the assaults of large-scale industrial capitalism. Marx
argues the necessity of protective legislation, and sketches its history. The
development of capitalism overturned 'the economic foundation on which was
based the traditional family, and the family labor corresponding to it', and thus
tended to dissolve traditional family-relationships. 'The rights of the children had
25
to be proclaimed'. A long struggle ensued to force the state to for-mulate,
officially recognise, and promulgate regulations protecting children and women.
The passage of such protective legislation - limiting hours, forbidding night-work,
providing meal-periods, and so forth - represented the outcome 'of a protracted
civil war, more or less dissembled, between the capitalist class and the working
class•.26

Marx does more, in Capital, than comment descriptively on the situation of women,
the family, and sex-divisions of labour in past and present society. He makes a
major contribution toward the development of the theory required to illuminate
such historical developments. To the extent that the object of the so-called woman-
question actually lies in the sphere of the reproduction of labour-power and the
working class, Marx's economic Writings constitute an essential starting point.
From this perspective, the Marx of Capital had more to say of relevance to the issue
of women's liberation than either he or his socialist fol-lowers ever realised. Three
concepts are key: individual consumption, the value of labour-power, and the
industrial reserve-army.
Individual consumption is a concept that Marx develops in opposition to
productive consumption. While both productive and individual consumption

23. Marx 1971a, p. 346, 379; see also pp. 380, 384.
24. Marx 1971a, p. 399·
25. Marx 1971a, p. 459; see also p. 285.
26. Marx 1971a, p. 283; see also p. 268.
 Marx: the Mature Years • 67

pertain to labour-processes in which human beings use up, that is, consume,
·products, the distinction is critical. Productive consumption refers, broadly
speaking, to the bringing together of means of production - raw materials, tools or
machines, auxiliary substances - and producers in a specific labour-process whose
outcome is new products, either means of production or means of sub-sistence. By
contrast, individual consumption refers to the processes by which producers
consume means of subsistence - food, housing, clothing, and the ]ike - with the
result that they maintain themselves. 'The product, therefore, of individual
consumption, is the consumer himself; the result of productive con-sumption is a
product distinct from the consumer' ,27
In the most general sense, individual and productive consumption are pro-cesses
that must take place in some form in any society, if it is to reproduce itself from
day to day and year to year. Marx is, of course, especially interested in the
workings of the capitalist mode of production, and focuses on the particular forms
taken by individual and productive consumption under its dominance. Here, the
process of individual consumption is mediated by the wage paid to the worker by
the capitalist for the use of his or her capacity to work, and the distinction between
productive and individual consumption takes a specific dual form.

The laborer consumes in a two-fold way. While producing he consumes by his

labor the means of production, and converts them into products with a higher
value than that of the capital advanced. This is his productive consump-tion ... On
the other hand, the laborer turns the money paid to him for his labor-power into
means of subsistence: this is his individual consumption. 28

Most of Marx's remarks on the individual consumption of the worker present it as

a process that takes place alone and in the abstract. Obviously, this is not enough.
'Taking the working class as a whole, a portion of [the] means of sub-sistence is
consumed by members of the family who either do not yet work,
or have ceased to do so'. Marx implies, ~~re, a concept that would cover the
maintenance not only of present wage-w~rkers but of future· and past wage-
workers (such as children, aged and disabled persons, the unemployed), includ-ing
those who are not currently wage-workers but take part in the process of individual
consumption (such as house-wives). This concept would operate at the level of
class-relations and social reproduction as a whole. Such a concept of the
reproduction of the working class in fact lies just below the surface of Marx's
discussion of individual consumption. From the point of view of 'capitalist pro-
duction in full swing, and on its actual social scale', the working class's individual

27. Marx 1971a, p. 179.

28. Marx I97Ia, p. sg6.
68 • Chapter Five
1
consumption is 'the reconversion of the means of subsistence given by capital in
exchange for labor-power, into fresh labor-power at the disposal of capital for
exploitation. It is the production and reproduction of that means of production so
indispensable to the capitalist: the laborer himself'. 29 At the level of social
reproduction, the problem of the renewal of the working class becomes critical.
'The labor-power withdrawn from the market by wear and tear and death, must be
continually replaced by, at the very least, an equal amount of fresh labor power'.
While Marx himself never developed a comprehensive and rigorous view of the
reproduction of labour-power, he recognised its importance for a theory of the
capitalist mode of production whenever he pointed out that 'the mainte-nance and
reproduction of the working-class is, and must ever be, a necessary condition to
the reproduction of capital'.30
In the capitalist mode of production, the processes of individual consump-tion
enable the worker to return to the market, ready to sell his or her labour-power to
the capitalist. But what, exactly, is labour-power, and how is its value determined?

Marx defines labour-power as 'the aggregate of those mental and physical capa-
bilities existing in a human being, which he exercises whenever he produces a use-
value of any description'. In the capitalist mode of production, labour-power takes
the form of a commodity, that is, a thing that has both use-value and value. It is
labour-power's use-value that so endears it to the capitalist, for unlike any other
commodity, it 'possesses the peculiar property of being a source of value'. When
put to use - consumed - in the capitalist labour-process, labour-power creates more
value than was originally invested. Surplus-value originates, then, in the productive
31
consumption of this unique and wonderful commodity. But before labour-power
can be consumed in the production- process, the capitalist must acquire it in the
market by exchanging for it an equivalent value.
According to Marx, the value of the commodity labour-power is determined in
the same way as the value of any other commodity. That is, the value of labour-
power represents the socially necessary labour ~equired for the production of
labour-power. For a given individual, then, 'the production of labor power con-sists
in his reproduction of himself or his maintenance. For his maintenance he requires
a given quantity of the means of subsistence. Therefore the labor-time requisite for
the production of labor-power reduces itself to that necessary for the production of
those means of subsistence; in other words, the value of labor-power is the value of
the means of subsistence necessary for the maintenance

29. Marx 1977a, p. 984; Marx 1971a, pp. 536-7.

30. Marx 1971a, pp. 168, 537· See also pp. 538, 541-2; 2: 356, 385, 396; and Marx 1973b, pp.
458, 676-7.
31. Marx 1971a, p. 164.
~ Marx: the Mature Years • 6g

the laborer'. Nonetheless, there is something quite special about the value of
bour-power, for 'the number and extent of [man's] so-called necessary wants,
t.

IS also the modes of satisfying them, are themselves the product of historical
·development'. Into the determination of the value oflabour-'power enters, there-
fore, a 'historical and moral elemenf.32
Marx developed this point at greater length in a series of lectures entitled
'Wages, Price, and Profit', delivered two years before the publication of Capital.
Here, Marx distinguishes two components of the value oflabour-power, 'the one
merely physical, the other historical or social'. The physical element determines
the ultimate lower limit, although Marx observes that this limit is extremely
elastic. Thus, 'a quick succession of unhealthy and short-lived generations will
keep the labor market as well supplied 'as a series of vigorous and long-lived
generations'. The value of labour-power 'is in every country determined by a
traditional standard oflife. It is not mere physical life, but it is the satisfaction of
certain wants springing from the social conditions in which people are placed and
reared up'. Marx retains, in this discussion, the concept of a more or less natural
physical subsistence-level, but emphasises the wide latitude for expan-sion and
contraction in the 'historical or social' component. In Capital, even this small
concession to the notion of a natural physical minimum has all but disap-peared,
and the 'historical and moral element' plays the principal role. Never-theless, Marx
insists that the value of labour-power can be established, for 'in a given country, at
a given period, the average quantity of the means of sub-sistence necessary for the
laborer is practically known'.33
As with every commodity, the price oflabour-power does not ordinarily coin-
cide with its value, but rather fluctuates around it. At times, the price will rise
above the value of labour-power, with a consequent easing of 'the length and
weight of the golden chain' of capitalist exploitation. More ominously, the price of
labour-power may fall substantially below its value, to the point that sectors of
34
existing labour-power are not renewed in the next generation.
The existence of fluctuations in the pric;e of labour-power, and their impact on
the lives of working people, had already been discussed several times by Marx and
Engels. With Capital, Marx roots these fluctuations in a theory of the value of
labour-power, and thereby goes beyond the surface phenomena of supply, demand,
and capitalist avarice. Thus, for example, he offers a clear, if all too brief, analysis
of the structure of the value of labour-power with respect to the household,
focusing, as in earlier texts, on the effects of the increasing entry of

32. Marx 1971a, pp. 167, 168; see also pp. 486, 524.
33· Marx 1973c, pp. 72-3; Marx 1971a, p. 168. See also Marx 1977, pp. 1067-9.
34· Marx 1971a, p. 579; see also pp. 580-1, and Marx 1977, pp. 1032, .1068. For the fluc-
tuation of a commodity's price around its value, see Marx 1971a, pp. 98-106.
70 • Chapter Five

women and children into the wage-labour force. Marx assumes a situation in which
the value of labour-power is such that the wage of a single adult male worker
suffices to support an entire family-household. -While this assumption is
questionable from a historical perspective, it provides a theoretical base-line
against which to examine variations in the value of labour-power. An innova-tion
such as the introduction of machinery, 'by throwing every member of [the
worker's] family on to the labor market, spreads the value of the man's labor power
over his whole family. It thus depreciates his labor power'. The value of the
individual worker's labour-power falls because it now takes the wage-work of
several household-members to obtain the original quantity of means of sub-
sistence. Marx amplifies this observation in several ways. Most important, the
entry of additional household-members into wage-labour means, other things being
equal, an intensification of the rate of exploitation. Further, the fact that several
family-members work where only one did before may require the pur-chase of
more means of subsistence, and thus raise somewhat the total value of the
household's labour-power. For example, 'domestic work, such as sewing and
mending, must be replaced by the purchase of ready-made articles. Hence the
diminished expenditure of labor in the house is accompanied by an increased
expenditure of money. The cost of keeping the family increases, and balances the
greater income'.35
It is perfectly possible for the value of the labour-power expended by an entire
household to rise substantially, accompanied by a real shift upward in its 'stan-dard
of life', while at the same time the value of the labour-power of the indi-viduals
comprising the household falls and the rate of exploitation increases. In general,
'the capitalist may pay higher wages and still lower the value of labor [power], if the
rise of wages does not correspond to the greater amount oflabor extracted, and the
quicker decay of the laboring power thus caused'. Marx gives a strikingly familiar
example of how bourgeois ideology interprets this phenom-enon: 'Your middle
class statisticians will tell you ... that the average wages of factory families in
Lancashire have risen. They forget that instead of the labor of the man, the head of
the family, his wife and perhaps three or four children are now thrown under the
Juggernaut wheels of capital, and that the rise of the aggregate wages does not
correspond to the aggregate surplus labor extracted from the family'.36

The subject of the industrial reserve-army, which Marx characterises as the

principal manifestation of capitalism's impact on the working class, takes up an
entire chapter of Volume I of Capital. In general, 'the greater the social wealth, the
functioning capital, the extent and energy of its growth, and, therefore, also

35· Marx 1971a, p. 373; see also Marx 1971b, p. 233.

36. Marx 1973C, p. 68; see also Marx 197Ia, p. sog.
f Marx: the Mature Years • 71

t the absolute mass of the proletariat and the productiveness of its labour, the
greater is the industrial reserve army ... This is the absolute generalla:w ofcapital-ist
accumulation'.37 More clearly than in the Grundrisse, Marx ties the existence, , size,
and form of a surplus-population to the processes of capital-accumulation.
As capital grows, it demands progressively more labour. Workers must work
harder and for longer hours, and more workers must be hired. 'Accumulation of
capital is, therefore, increase of the proletariat'. This tendency to swell the num-ber
of wage-workers absolutely is opposed by a second, and far more powerful,
mechanism also inherent in capital-accumulation. The drive for surplus-value
forces capitalists constantly to augment productivity, chiefly through the intro-
duction of machinery. An ever-growing quantity of means of production requires
less and less human labour to be set in motion in the production-process. As a
result, demand for labour falls relatively, and a surplus-population of wage-
workers emerges. This relative surplus-population constitutes 'a condition of
existence of the capitalist mode of production. It forms a disposable industrial
reserve army ... Independently of the limits of the actual increase of popula-tion, it
creates, for the changing needs of the self-expansion of capital, a mass of human
material always ready for exploitation'.38
The industrial reserve-army fluctuates in size according to the cruel whims of
the capitalist accumulation-cycle. At all times, moreover, relative surplus-
population takes several distinct forms. The floating reserve is made up of work-
ers who move in and out of employment according to the needs of the constantly
changing capitalist labour-process. The latent reserve consists of those thrust out of
work by the extension of capitalism into non-capitalist sectors. The stagnant
reserve is formed by chronically under-employed workers, who are condemned to
terrible poverty and always willing to work for the lowest wages in the worst
conditions. Below these three categories of reserves, paupers make up the bot-tom
layer of the surplus-population. 'Pauperism', Marx observes, 'is the hospital of the
active labor army and the dead weight of the industrial reserve army'.39
While he is never entirely clear in his for~ulations, Marx seems to regard the
industrial reserve-army as included in, rath~r than co-extensive with, the relative
surplus-population.
At once the product of capital-accumulation and the lever for its further
extension, the industrial reserve-army embodies a 'law of population' specific to
capitalism. In this sense, Marx puts the reproduction of the working class at the
heart of the capital-accumulation process. 'The reproduction of a mass of labor
power, which must incessantly re-incorporate itself with capital for that capital's

37· Marx 1971a, p. 603.

38. Marx 1971a, pp. 576, 592.
39, Marx 1971a, p. 603.
72 • Chapter Five

self-expansion; which cannot get free from capital, and whose enslavement to
capital is only concealed by the variety of individual capitalists to whom it sells
itself; this reproduction of labor power forms, in fact, an essential of the repro-
duction of capital itself'.40
In Volume III of Capital, Marx returns to the concepts of relative surplus-
population and the industrial reserve-army, this time looking at them in the con-
text of total social reproduction. At this level, the capitalist accumulation-process
itself gives rise to the tendency of the average rate of profit to fall. Among the
factors potentially counter-acting this tendency, Marx names the relative sur-plus-
population. Members of the industrial reserve-army form a pool of available cheap
labour. Some capitalists hire them at extremely low wages, and forgo the advances
in productivity that lead eventually to a falling average rate of profit. In these
branches of production, the rate and mass of surplus-value are unusu-ally high,
producing a counter-balance to those branches in which the rates have fallen. It
may even be that the industrial reserve-army 'more or less paralyzes' the tendency
of the average rate of profit to fall. Once again, the reproduction of the working
class stands at the centre of the process of capitalist production, now considered as
a whole.41
Marx's discussion of individual consumption, the value of labour-power, and the
industrial reserve-army is tantalisingly incomplete. In particular, the treat-ment of
three issues remains vague and requires clarification. First, it is never obvious
whether the concept of the value of labour-power covers the mainte-nance and
replacement of the individual worker alone or includes that of other persons as
well, for example, family-members supported by a worker's wage. Second, Marx
scarcely mentions the unpaid domestic labour performed as part of the tasks that
result in the reproduction of the worker, and accords it no clear theoretical status.
Third, the critical question of the relationship between the concept of the industrial
reserve-army, which appears in the context of dis-cussions of capital-
accumulation, and the more limited concept of individual consumption is never
really addressed.42 Despfte these ambiguities, and the

40. Marx 1971a, pp. 575-6. On laws of population, see pp. 591-2.
41. Marx 1971b, pp. 236-7. See also the section entitled 'Excess Capital and Excess
Population', pp. 250-9.
42· Marx would perhaps have taken on the task of resolving these contradictions and
gaps in the future, never developed, 'special study of wage labor'. Marx 1971a, p. 508.
Whether or not he would have addressed the question of women's oppression directly in the
study is, of course, another issue. Roman Rosdolsky's argument that Marx entirely
abandoned the plan for the separate book on wage-labour is unconvincing. Rosdolsky 1g77,
pp. 57-62. Molyneux suggests that the reproduction of labour-power constitutes a condition
of existence for capitalism, but cannot itself be placed theoretically within the concept of the
capitalist mode of production; hence, she claims, it was proper for Marx to exclude it from
the discussion in Capital: Molyneux 1979, p. 20. For the author's view, see Chapters 10 and
n.
 Marx: the Mature Years • 73

generally schematic and unfinished character of Marx's remarks on the repro-

duction oflabour-power and the working class, his work provides the foundation
for a theory of the relationship of women and the family to social reproduction in
general and the capitalist mode of production in particular.
Consistent with his achievement, in Capital, of the rudiments of a theoretical
perspective on the reproduction of labour-power and the working class, Marx's
brief comments on the future of the family and relations between the sexes place
them in the context of social reproduction as a whole. The development of capi-
talism creates 'a new economic foundation for a higher form of the family and of
the relations between the sexes'. In its present, capitalist, guise, large-scale indus-
try brings workers together in a 'brutal' labour-process, which 'becomes a pestif-
erous source of corruption and slavery', "where 'the laborer exists for the process
of production, and not the process of production for the laborer'. Nonetheless, it is
precisely this phenomenon that Marx identifies as the potential basis for new
family-relations, inasmuch as it assigns 'an important part in the process of
production, outside the domestic sphere, to women, to young persons, and to
children of both sexes'. In sum, 'the fact of the collective working group being
composed of individuals of both sexes and all ages must necessarily, under suit-
able conditions, become a source of humane development'.
As to what form that development might take in terms of the family and sexual
relations in a future communist society, Marx cautiously refrains from
speculating.43

In these years, Marx seized, once again, the opportunity to engage in practi-cal
political work. After a period of relative inactivity, the working classes of Europe
recovered from the defeats of 1848-so, and began a process of reorgani-sation
which took its most advanced form in the International Working Men's Association.
Founded in 1864 on the initiative of working-class militants, the International
represented an uneasy coalition of English trade-union leaders, whose chief
political aim was suffrage, a,J?.d French utopian socialists, bent on establishing
producers' cooperatives and 'opposed to both strikes and political action. It fell
largely to Marx and Engels to attempt the shaping of this amalgam into an adequate
force for socialism. For a decade, until the International col-lapsed in the wake of
the Paris Commune, they committed themselves to the delicate task.

As its name suggests, the International was an organisation composed almost

exclusively of men. In this it reflected the general character of the working-class
movement, if not the working class, of the time. Not only was the working-class

43· Marx 1971a, p. 460.

74 • Chapter Five

movement a largely male province, it ordinarily espoused a decidedly backward

view of women and of women's work. Throughout the nineteenth century, male
workers and their organisations argued for the abolition of female wage-labour,
refused to admit women into labour-organisations, opposed female suffrage, and
promoted an idealised image of woman's proper place at the family-hearth.
Although the horrible conditions in which women worked and their desperate
misery struck everyone, the arguments to exclude them from wage-labour were
unrealistic as well as pragmatically unwise. Such reasoning denied the fact that
sizable sectors of working-class women were already permanent members of the
wage-labour force. And it enabled employers to perpetuate division and com-
petition within the working class. In this atmosphere, Marx put forth positions that
upheld the rights of women and protected, to the best of his understanding, the
interests and future of all members of the working class. At the same time,
a nineteenth-century view of the social meaning of physiological differences
between the sexes influenced his programmatic suggestions.
The critical theoretical insight that backed Marx's positions on women's and
children's wage-labour was his distinction between the labour-process and the
particular form it takes under capitalist conditions. 'I do not say it is wrong that
women and children should participate in our social production', he observed
at one meeting of the International's General Council. Rather, the issue is 'the way
in which they are made to work under existing circumstances'.44 Given this
situation, what was the working-class movement to do? Women, and especially
children, should be protected by legislation against the worst assaults of capital-ist
exploitation. 'The laborers must put their heads together, and, as a class, com-pel
the passing of a law, an all-powerful social barrier that shall prevent the very
workers from selling, by voluntary contract with capital, themselves and their
45
families into slavery and death'. Children need time to grow and learn. Women
must be excluded 'from branches of industry that are specifically unhealthy for the
female body or are objectionable morally for the female sex'.46 The necessity for
such protective legislation arises from the contradictory position of women and
children within capitalist society. On the one hand, the drawing of women and
children out of social isolation and patriarchal oppression in the peasant-family to
'cooperate in the great work of social production [is] a progressive, sound and
legitimate tendency'. On the other, 'under capital it was distorted into an
abomination•.47

44· Anonymous 1964, pp. 2, 232.

45· Marx 1971a, p. 285.
46. Marx 197ob, p. 22. See also Marx 1974, p. 88: '[Women are to] be rigorously
excluded from all nightwork whatever, and all sort of work hurtful to the delicacy of the sex,
or exposing their bodies to poisonous and otherwise deleterious agencies'.
47· Marx 1974, p. 88.
 Marx: the Mature Years • 75

'The woman has thus become an active agent in our social production', Marx
observed. It followed that women must be incorporated as active participants in
political work. 'Anybody who knows anything of history', he wrote to his friend
Dr. Ludwig Kugelmann, 'knows that major social transformations are impossible
without ferment among women'.48 In 1871, Marx initiated and the International
adopted a new rule recommending the establishment of female branches, with-out
excluding the possibility of branches composed of both sexes. 49 Effective
implementation of the recommendation depended, above all, on its being taken
seriously by men at every level of leadership. In view of the history of the nine-
teenth-century working-class movement, prospects for such a general commit-ment
were quite poor, and in any case, the International was nearing the end of its
organisational existence. Nonetheless, Marx's recommendation left an impor-tant
legacy by establishing, at least in principle, the legitimacy of autonomous women's
organisations within the mass movement.
After the collapse of the First International, Marx and Engels served as theo-
retical and tactical advisers to the emerging working-class parties that were later to
form the Second International. Thus, delegates from the new French Workers'
Party consulted them on the Party's programme for the 188o elections. Discussed
and drawn up in London, the programme included an introduction by Marx in
which, as he later put it, 'the communist goal is defined in a few words'. The
opening sentence of the introduction specifically asserts that 'the emancipa-tion of
the producing class involves all human beings without distinction of sex or race'. 50
These two issues- which, in the form of the so-called woman- and national
questions, were to constitute central problems for revolutionaries in the coming
decades - had already become a pressing concern in socialist theory and practice.
At the threshold of the epoch of imperialist domination and world revolution, but
at the close of his own life, Marx was still very much in step.

Taken as a whole, Marx's mature writings offer the rudiments of a theoretical

foundation for analysing the situation of ~omen from the point of view of social
reproduction. Marx himself did not, how~ver, develop such an analysis, nor did

48. Anonymous 1964, pp. 2, 232. Marx to Dr. Kugelmann, 12 December, 1868, Marx
1934, p. 83 (translation slightly modified to accord with the German original; Marx und
Engels 1gs6a, pp. 582-3)· '
49· Anonymous 1964, pp. 442, 460. Like Marx, Engels supported, at least in principle,
equal participation by women in political life; see Engels to Ida Pauli, 14 February 1877,
cited in Meyer 1977, p. 93·
so. For the programme, see Guesde 1959, p. 117. The translation in Marx 1974, p. 376,
made, unaccountably, from a German version, misleadingly gives 'mankind' for 'etres
humaines'. Marx's later comment is in a letter to F. A. Sorge, 5 November 188o, Marx and
Engels 1965, p. 332. See also Engels to E. Bernstein, 25 October 1881: Marx and Engels
1965, p. 344·
76 • Chapter Five

he leave significant notes on the subject. Subsequent attempts by late nineteenth-

century socialists, including Engels, to use Marx's theory of social development to
examine women's situation fell rather short of the mark. As the years passed,
moreover, and the problem of women's oppression became codified in the forrn of
the so-called woman-question, the very possibility of taking the perspective
suggested in Marx's mature work diminished. Recent socialist-feminist efforts to
situate women in terms of a concept of the reproduction of labour-power therefore
constitute the first sustained attempt to develop an understanding of women's
oppression based on Marx's theory of social reproduction.
Chapter Six
Engels: a Defective Formulation

Having arrive4 in 1850 as an exile from the political

storms on the continent, Engels remained in Manchester
for two decades, employed in the family textile-firm. A
secure and growing income enabled him to assist Marx,
continually in financial difficulty during these years. In
1870, on the eve of the Paris Commune, and with
developments in the International quickening, Engels
liquidated his partnership in the business and moved to
London, where he could more fully partici-pate in
political life. Until Marx's death in 1883, the two friends
worked side-by-side in the socialist movement, daily
discussing every aspect of their political and the-oretical
work. With Marx, Engels sat on the General Council of
the International, ·and worked to unify the various
trends within the socialist movement. And like Marx, he
played the part of dean and adviser to the movement
after the International's collapse, continu-ing in this
function up to his death in 1895.
During these last twenty years of his life, Engels also
embarked on a•wide-ranging programme of research
and writing. Among his published works, two well-
known and extremely popular books touch on the
problem of women's oppression. Together with The
Communist Manifesto these texts acted as fundamental
guides for the emerging generation of socialists.
Engels produced the work that became known as
Anti-Dilhring in 1878 as a polemic against the views of
the socialist Eugen Diihring. The book presents a com-
prehensive exposition of what Engels saw as 'the com-
munist world outlook fought for by Marx and myself'.
78 • Chapter Six

Naturally enough, that outlook included some comments on women, the family,
and the reproduction of the working class, which generally recapitulate his own
and Marx's earlier analyses and positions. In a survey of pre-Marxist socialist
thinkers, for instance, Engels approves Fourier's critique of the relations between
the sexes and of women's position in capitalist society, and asserts, following
Marx's free paraphrase of Fourier in The Holy Family, that the utopian socialist was
the first to regard woman's position as an index of general social devel-opment.l
Engels also reviews a number of themes discussed in previous works: the
determination of the value of labour-power, the effects of machinery on the
working-class family, the emergence of an industrial reserve-army, the character
ofbourgeois marriage as a legal form of prostitution, and the progressive dissolu-
tion of traditional family-bonds, including 'patriarchal subordination', with the
advance of capitalism.2 Looking at the family in earlier societies, Engels speaks of
'the natural division of labor within the family', and with some qualification,
subsumes all members of a household under its male head. 3 Finally, Engels insists
that family-forms are rooted in social relations, and thus that the family can change
if society is transformed. In this context, he draws a critical pro-grammatic
corollary from Marx's statement in Capital that capitalism creates the foundation
for such changes. What is necessary is not only 'the free association of men', but
'the transformation of private domestic work into a public industry'. This is the first
formulation within the classical-Marxist tradition of a position later to become a
central tenet of socialist strategy. 4

Engels's other major book from this period is the famous The Origin ofthe Family,
Private Property, and the State, written between March and May of 1884, pub-lished
that October, and instantaneously accorded the place of a socialist classic.
The circumstances of Engels's startlingly rapid production of the Origin remain
somewhat mysterious. The book is based, as its subtitle ('In the Light of the
Researches of Lewis H. Morgan') indicates, on Morgan's Ancient Society, which had
appeared in 1877 and immediately engaged Marx's interest. Writing to the German
socialist Kautsky on 16 February 1884, Engels described the late Marx's enthusiasm
for Morgan's book, adding 'if I had the time I would work up the material, with
Marx's notes, ... but I cannot even think of it'. Yet by late March he was already at
work on the Origin and by the end of April close to

1. Engels 1947, p. 308. For Marx's paraphrase of Fourier, see note 2 of Chapter 4·
2. Engels 1947, pp. 243-5, 304, 310, 325-8.
3· Engels 1947, pp. n8, 214, 215, 319, 322.
4· Engels 1947, p. 377· The question of changes in the organisation of domestic labour
had, of course, long been a concern among utopian thinkers; see, for example, Hayden
1981.
 Engels: a Defective Formulation • 79

finishing. 5 The full explanation of the reasons for Engels's change in plan, which is
especially striking in view of the fact that he was already immersed in the edit-ing
of Marx's unfinished volumes of Capital, must await further research. It seems }
ikely that the context was political. In 1879, the German socialist leader August Be
bel had published Woman in the Past, Present and Future, which appeared in a
revised version late in 1883. Tremendously popular from the start, Be bel's Woman
bore the influence of utopian socialism throughout; in addition, it reflected
emerging tendencies toward reformism within the socialist movement. Engels's
decision to write the Origin surely reflected a recognition of the weaknesses in
Bebel's work. The socialist movement's commitment to the liberation of women
urgently required an adequate theoretical foundation. Understood as an implicit
polemic within the movement, the Origin represented Engels's attempt to provide
one. 6
The socialist tradition has treated the Origin as the definitive Marxist pro-
nouncement on the family and therefore on the so-called woman question. Fur-ther,
the tradition holds that the book accurately reflects the views of Marx as well as
Engels. Neither assertion fairly measures the work's status. In the first place, the
subject covered in the Origin, as its title indicates, is the development not only of
the family but of private property and the state. The observation is important, for it
suggests the book's limited goals with respect to the issue of women's
subordination. Rather than provide a comprehensive analysis of women, the family,
and the reproduction of the working class, the Origin seeks simply to situate certain
aspects of the question securely in a historical and theo-retical context. In the
second place, the Origin bears the scars of its hasty genesis throughout. Far from
the work of either Marx or Engels at his best, it constitutes, in Engels's words, a
'meagre substitute for what my departed friend no longer had the time to do'.7
In drafting the Origin, Engels relied not just on Morgan's Ancient Society, but on
a series of notebooks in which Marx had entered passages from various authors'
writings concerning primitive so~Jety. These 'Ethnological Notebooks', composed in
188o-1, include a lengthy abstract of Morgan's book. It is not at all clear what Marx
intended to do with the material he was collecting, and Engels altered the
framework established in the 'Notebooks' to some extent. To grasp the structure and
meaning of Engels's book, it is, therefore, necessary

5· Engels to Kautsky, 16 February and 26 April 1884, Marx and Engels 1965, pp. 368,
372. See also Krader ( ed.) 1972, pp. 388-90.
6. For the publication history and a critique ofAugust Be bel's Woman and Socialism, see
Chapter 7·
7· Engels 1972, p. 71. Important critical evaluations of the Origin include: Brown 1978;
Brown 1979; Delmar 1976; Draper 1972; Hindess and Hirst 1975, pp. 28-9, 58-9; Krader
1972; Lane 1976; Leacock 1963; Sacks 1975; Santamaria 1975; Stem 1948.
So • Chapter Six

to examine the contents, theoretical assumptions, and weaknesses of Morgan's

Ancient Society.s
In Ancient Society Morgan, an American anthropologist living in northern New
York State, seeks to demonstrate the strikingly parallel evolution of what he saw as
four essential characteristics of human society: inventions and dis-coveries,
government, family, and property. The book organises a vast array of ethnographic
data into sections corresponding to these four characteristics, labelled by Morgan
'Lines of Human Progress from Savagery through Barbarism to Civilisation'. Part
One, a short survey entitled 'Growth of Intelligence through Inventions and
Discoveries', grounds Morgan's evolutionary periodisation in three major stages of
the development of the arts of subsistence. At the most primi-tive level of human
social organisation, peoples in the stage of 'savagery' - what anthropologists today
call hunting and gathering, or foraging, cultures- obtain subsistence by gathering
wild plants, fishing, and hunting. The second period, 'barbarism', is characterised
by food-production, as opposed to the food gather-ing typical of savagery. Cultures
at the lower levels of barbarism practice horti-culture, a simple type of plant-
domestication. In the upper stages of barbarism, animals are domesticated, and a
more sophisticated agriculture, which includes the use of the plow and irrigation,
develops. Finally, in the period of'civilization', societies base themselves on these
advanced agricultural methods, to which they add writing and the keeping of
records. Morgan divides such societies into two broad types, ancient and modern.
With this sequence of stages, Morgan rests all human history on a materialist
foundation, but one whose essence is technologi-cal, not social.

Morgan devotes nearly two-thirds of Ancient Society to Part Two, 'Growth of the
Idea of Government'. Here, he presents a theory of the evolution of social
organisation from early kin-based forms to fully developed political governance.
The social organisation of the most primitive peoples is based simply on broadly
defined 'classes' of persons permitted to marry one another. As the circle of pos-
sible marriage partners narrows, the 'gens', or clan, develops. A clan consists of
persons related through one parental line only. In a 'gentile' society - that is, one
organised on the basis of clans - an individual belongs to the clan of either mother
or father, not to both. Marriage must ordinarily be to someone outside one's own
clan. Where property exists, it is retained within the clan upon the death of a
member. The fundamental social unit is therefore the clan, either matrilineal or
patrilineal. The couple bond cannot have the central structural role it later acquires,
for it links persons whose major allegiances are to distinct clans. Morgan shows
that the gentile, or clan, system provides the foundation for

8. Morgan 1877. Of many subsequent reprint-editions, the most useful is Leacock 1963
(Krader 1972).
 Engels: a Defective Formulation • 81

quite complex types of social organisation. Clans may be grouped in larger units,
called phratries, and these in tum may join to form tribes. In the clan-system's
rnost developed form, which Morgan believed he had observed among the
Iroquois Indians, several tribes constitute a confederacy,· or nation, able to include
thousands of members over a vast geographical area, yet lacking formal political
institutions and still based on personal ties.
In the latest stages of barbarism, technological advances in productivity ren-der
society so complex that clan organisation must give way. The city develops,
bringing heightened requirements at the level of governance not solvable by the
dan-system. Property, while not a new phenomenon, attains a dominant role.
'Henceforth the creation and protection of property became the primary objects of
the govemment'.9 In place of the clan-system step the institutions of political
organisation, for government can no longer rest on personal relations. Morgan
sketches the early evolution of the state, which organizes people, now distrib-uted
in property-classes, on a territorial basis. Taking Rome as his example, he cites
three principal changes that mark the shift from gentile to political society. First, a
system of classes based on property replaces the clan-organisation. Sec-ond,
instead of government by means of a democratic tribal council, an assembly
dominated by the propertied classes holds, and soon extends, political power.
Third, territorial areas, rather than kin-based clans, phratries, or tribes, become the
units of government.
Even before the emergence of developed political organisation, a critical change
occurred within the clan-system. At a certain point, matrilineal clan-organisation
succumbed to the principle of patrilineality, under the impetus of the development
of property. According to Morgan, descent through the female-line was the original
form of clan-organisation, because of its biological certainty. However, as soon as
property in cattle and land emerged, two facts, entirely self-evident in Morgan's
view, meant that 'descent in the female-line was certain of overthrow, and the
substitution of the male-line equally assured'. 10 First, men naturally became the
owners of the propeJ;ty; second, they developed a natural wish to transmit it to
their own children.'Hence, in the middle-stages of barba-rism, the accumulation of
property has the consequence that the patrilineal clan becomes the basic unit of the
gentile social system.
Part Three, entitled 'Growth of the Idea of the Family', makes up roughly one-
quarter of Ancient Society. Emphasising that the form of the family is highly vari-
able, Morgan traces its evolution through five stages. Progressive restriction of
permissible marriage partners constitutes the basis of the development. In the first
type of family, the, 'consanguine', sisters and female cousins are married, as

g. Morgan 1877, p. 348.

10. Morgan 1877, p. 355·
82 • Chapter Six

a group, to their brothers and male cousins. The next family type, the 'punaluan',
modifies the first by prohibiting marriage between own brothers and sisters.
These two forms of group-marriage, which suggest an even earlier stage of
promiscuous intercourse, represent conjectural forms, reconstructed by Morgan on
the basis of his understanding of kin-terminology, and broadly corresponding to
the stages of savagery and early barbarism.
The third form, the 'syndyasmian' or 'pairing' family, is founded on marriage
between single-pairs, who live within communal households and whose bond may
be dissolved at the will of either partner. The pairing family constitutes the family-
type associated with clan-based societies. Lineage-ties remain primary to each
partner, for the clan is the basic social unit and takes final responsibility for its
members. Morgan notes the measure of collective security provided to individuals
by this system, as well as its relative egalitarianism when compared with
subsequent family forms.
The last two family-types reflect the influence of the development of property.
The 'patriarchal' family organises a group of persons - slave, servant, and free -
under a male head who exercises supreme authority. The 'monogamian' family is
based on the marriage of a single couple which, with its children, composes an
independent household. Morgan conceptualises both family-types as insti-tutions
whose primary purpose is to hold property and transmit it exclusively to their
offspring. To ensure the children's paternity, strict fidelity is required of women.
Paternal power is more or less absolute, and only death can break the marriage-
bond. The patriarchal and monogamian families therefore stand in total opposition
to clan-organisation. They are forms more appropriate for political society, and
they appear in the last stages of barbarism and continue into the period of
civilisation.
Morgan argues that the patriarchal and monogamian families represent a social
advance, for they permit a heightened individuality of persons. At the same time,
he recognises that in practice, such individuality was available to men only.
Women, as well as children, were generally subordinated to the pater-nal power of
the family-head. By contrast, the pairing family of clan-society had provided
women with a certain level of relative equality and power, particu-larly before the
transition to patrilineal descent. So long as children remained in their mother's
clan, the pairing family was embedded in the matrilineal clan household, and
Morgan thought it likely that the woman, rather than the man, functioned as the
family's centre. With the shift to descent in the male line, the pairing family
became part of the patrilineal clan household, and the woman was more isolated
from her gentile kin. This change 'operated powerfully to lower her position and
arrest her progress in the social scale', but the woman was still a member of her
own clan and thus retained a substantial measure of
 Engels: a Defective Formulation • 83

independent social standing.11 The advent of paternal power in the patriarchal and
monogamian families opens the way to a much more profound degradation of
woman's position. Here, the cruel subordination of women and children belies
Morgan's optimistic notions of evolutionary development. He presents the mate-
rial honestly, however, heartened by a faith that monogamy is, in principle at least,
the highest and most egalitarian form of the family. Nevertheless, the empirical
evidence stands in contradiction to Morgan's own commitment to a progressivist
theory of evolution.l2 It fell to Engels, in the Origin, to suggest a more adequate
theoretical framework.
Ancient Society closes with Part Four, entitled 'Growth of the Idea of Property', in
which Morgan summarises his understanding of social development. He dis-
tinguishes three stages in the developmeht of property, generally corresponding to
the three major evolutionary periods. Among the most primitive peoples, those at
the level of savagery, property scarcely exists. Lands are held in com-mon, as is
housing, and Morgan speculates that the germ of property lies in a developing right
to inherit personal articles. Property in land, houses, and live-stock emerges in the
stage ofbarbarism. The rules of inheritance at first conform to clan-organisation:
property reverts to the clan of the deceased, not to his or her spouse. Eventually,
individual ownership through the monogamian family prevails, with property
inherited by the deceased owner's children. The period of civilisation has arrived.
In conclusion, Morgan offers the observation that in his own time, property has
become an 'unmanageable power'. Society is on a collision course, and its
disintegration is the logical consequence 'of a career of which property is the end
and aim; because such a career contains the elements of self-destruction'.
Nevertheless, Morgan holds out hope for society's reconstruction on 'the next
higher plane', where it will appear as 'a revival, in a higher form, of the liberty,
equality and fraternity' of ancient clan society.l3
Ancient Society is a monumental work. In it, Morgan solved the puzzle of dan-
organisation, described the sequence ,?f social institutions in evolutionary terms,
and attempted to analyse the basis 'for their development. Published in 1877, the
book became the foundation for all subsequent research on the his-tory of early
human societies, despite its many factual and interpretive errors. These short-
comings, as well as Morgan's substantial contributions, have been

n. Morgan 1877, p. 481.

12. Morgan 1877, pp. 360, 398-400, 474-5, 477-8, 480-8, 499·
13. Morgan 1877, pp. 561-2.
84 • Chapter Six

much discussed.l4 Here, the emphasis will be on Morgan's understanding of the

mechanisms of social change.
Morgan presents his material in parallel form, as four kinds of phenomena
'which extend themselves in parallel lines along the pathways of human progress
from savagery to civilization'. Very much the pragmatic scholar, he sticks close to
the data and permits himself to generalise but not to theorise. Thus, each line
constitutes 'a natural as well as necessary sequence of progress', but the source of
this necessity remains mysterious. Moreover, Morgan's discussion of the evolu-
tion of the family presupposes a grasp of the development of dan-organisation and
vice versa. The extremely repetitive organisation of Ancient Society reveals its
author's inability to establish a clear theoretical relationship among the 'four
classes of facts'. A theory of social development lies implicit, nonetheless, in
Morgan's work. Frequently observing that 'the experience of mankind has run in
nearly uniform channels', he proposes that the placement of the major mark-ers in
these channels is determined by the evolution of the arts of subsistence - that is, by
the types of inventions and discoveries used to acquire or produce the means of
subsistence. In short, human progress ultimately rests on technological advances
in the mode of materiallife.15
Morgan acknowledges the critical role played by the development of prop-erty.
'It is impossible to overestimate the influence of property in the civilization of
mankind'. The need to transmit property to heirs underlay, in his view, the shift
from matrilineal to patrilineal dan-organisation. Similarly, 'property, as it increased
in variety and amount, exercised a steady and constantly augmenting influence in
the direction of monogamy'. And it was the rise of new 'complicated wants',
growing out of an accelerated accumulation of property, that brought about the
dissolution of dan-organisation and its replacement by political soci-ety. But what
is property and why is it a motivating force in social development? In Morgan's
account, property consists of things, the objects of subsistence, but it is not
embedded in any determinate network of social relations. Once the idea of property
has germinated, it simply grows· automatically, extending itself in both magnitude
and complexity while nurturing the sequence of stages in the arts of subsistence.
'Commencing at zero in savagery, the passion for the possession of property, as the
representative of accumulated subsistence, has now become dominant over the
human mind in civilized races'. For Morgan, a passion in the minds of men -
namely, greed - leads naturally to the evolution of property and, consequently, to
social development in general.l6

14· The starting point for any evaluation of Morgan's Ancient Society must be Lea-
cock's introduction to Ancient Society - Leacock 1963.
15. Morgan 1877, pp. vii, 3, 8.
16. Morgan 1877, pp. 511-12, 263, vii; see also pp. 5-6.
 Engels: a Defective Formulation • 85

In the extracts of Ancient Society he made in the 'Ethnological Notebooks', }l!

arx: revised Morgan's sequence of presentationP Morgan had begun with the
evolution of the arts of subsistence, and then surveyed the parallel development of
government, family, and property. Marx moved Morgan's long section on
government to the end of his notes and altered the relative amount of space given
to each part. He reduced by half the discussion of the arts of subsistence, and by a
third the section on the family. At the same time, he extended, pro-portionately, the
space given by Morgan to the consideration of property and government. In sum,
Marx's notes rearrange Morgan's material as follows: arts of subsistence (reduced);
family (reduced); property (expanded); government (slightly expanded). Through
this reorganisation, Marx perhaps sought to put Morgan's findings in a
theoretically more' coherent order.

To the extent that Engels incorporated the material in Ancient Society into his
Origin, he adopted the organisation of Marx's excerpts in the 'Ethnological
Notebooks' - making, however, several important structural changes. He did not
devote a separate chapter to the subject of property. He greatly enlarged the
relative importance of the chapter on the family, giving it almost as much space as
he assigned to the chapters on the state. And he shifted the focus to the transition
between barbarism and civilisation, in accordance with his and Marx's interest in
the emergence of the state. In this way, Engels converted Morgan's four 'lines of
human progress' into three sections, which make up the bulk of the Origin.

Substantively, Engels followed Morgan quite closely. He pruned the wealth of

ethnographic evidence, even replacing it where his own studies offered more
relevant data. He emphasised the points that most tellingly exposed the revised
theoretical foundation he was seeking to establish. And he employed a more
readable, and often engagingly chatty, literary style. In general, the Origin seems to
be a shorter, as well as a more focused and accessible version of Ancient Society. A
closer examination of the ways ip. which Engels's presentation of the
. '•
material differs from Morgan's reveals both the contributions and the limitations of
the Origin.
In a short opening chapter, 'Stages in Prehistoric Culture', Engels succinctly
recapitulates Morgan's account of the evolution of three stages in the arts of
subsistence. Emphasising the richness and accuracy of the account, he also
acknowledges a certain weakness. 'My sketch will seem flat and feeble compared
with the picture to be unrolled at the end of our travels'.18 Engels refers, here,

17. Krader 1972, pp. n and 365, n. 21. See also the review of Krader in Santamaria
1975·
18. Engels 1972, p. 93·
86 • Chapter Six

to his plan to deepen Morgan's work by recasting it in the light of Marx's th of

social development. As it turns out, the Origin remains far closer to Anc Society
than Engels intended.
Chapter 2, 'The Family', constituting about one-third of the Origin, presen
reworked and augmented version of Morgan's sequence of family-types. En
underscores the importance of Morgan's discovery of this history and takes
opportunity to situate Morgan's work in the context of eighteenth- and n· teenth-
century speculations concerning primate-evolution, early human so · behavior,
and the possibility of a primitive state of promiscuous sexual int course.
Concluding these half-dozen pages with the observation that bourge moral
standards cannot be used to interpret primitive societies, he quickly s marises
and comments on Morgan's discussion of the two hypothetical forms
group-marriage.l9 Like Morgan, he believes that natural selection, through th
innate mechanisms of jealousy and incest-taboos, triggered the succession of
family-types. In addition, the logic behind the change Marx had made in
Morgan's sequence of presentation now becomes clear, for Engels is able to
explain the origin of the dan-system in the course of his description of the
punaluan family.
Having disposed of group-marriage and the genesis of the clan, Engels tums
I

to the pairing and patriarchal families. He selectively summarises Morgan's find-

ings, at the same time integrating material Morgan had covered in his chapter on
property. Along with Morgan, JohannJakob Bachofen, and others, Engels assumes
that supremacy of women characterised primitive societies, but he argues that it
rested on the material foundation of a natural sex-division of labour within the
primitive communistic household. Only if 'new, social forces' caused that natural
material foundation to take a different form could women lose their position of
independence.20 And this occurred when society began to produce a sizable sur-
plus, making it possible for wealth to amass and eventually pass into the private
possession of families. Like Morgan, Engels sees the development of productiv-ity
as an automatically evolving process, but he makes a distinction, however vaguely,
between wealth, a given accumulation of things, and private property, a social
relation.
Once wealth is held privately, its accumulation becomes a central social issue.
'Mother right', that is, descent in the female line and, along with it, the suprem-acy
of women in the communal household, now constitutes a barrier to social
development. Earlier, the supposedly natural division oflabour between women
and men placed women in charge of the household while men had the task of
providing food. In a society at a low level of productivity, therefore, women

19. Engels 1972, pp. 101-10.

20. Engels 1972, p. 117.
 Engels: a Defective Formulation • 87

the household-goods, and men the instruments necessary to hunt, fish,

plants, and the like. With increasing productivity and the development
property in land, cattle, and slaves, this historical accident, as it were, grim
consequence that men, the former possessors· of the instruments and
producing food, now own the wealth. Mother right makes it
nm•~•L"~' however, for men to transmit the newly evolved private property to
children. 'Mother right, therefore, had to be overthrown, and overthrown

•HnJteis regards the shift to the patrilineal clan-system as pivotal in its impact
society and on women's position. It marks the establishment of a set of social
-~t14Jns conducive to the further evolution not only of private property but of
.....r.,~~- class-society. More dramaticallt, 'the overthrow of mother right was
world historic defeat of the female sex. The man took command in the home the
woman was degraded and reduced to servitude; she became the slave of his lust
and a mere instrument for the production of children'.22 The patriarchal
family, with its incorporation of slaves and servants under the supreme authority
of the male head, now emerges as a form intermediate between the pairing fam-ily
and monogamy. Engels offers specific historical examples of this transition-stage,
emphasising the relationship between land-tenure and social structure, as well as
the brutality of the patriarch toward women in the household.
In discussing the monogamous family, Engels again follows Morgan while
simultaneously incorporating a clearer analysis of property-relations and focusing
on the question of woman's position. The monogamous family appears toward the
end of the second stage in the development of the arts of subsistence - that is, at
the threshold of civilisation - and represents a perfected form for the transmission
of private property from father to children. Engels emphasises the origin of the
monogamous family in economic conditions and its function as a property-holding
institution. 'It was the first form of the family to be based not on natural but on
economic conditions - on the victory of private property over primitive, natural
communal property'.23 Although Engels never states it unam-
•1
biguously, the implication is that the fori:n of the monogamous, as well as the
patriarchal, family constitutes a product of the rise of class-society.
Engels has no illusions about the position of women in the monogamous fam-
ily. Monogamy is a standard enforced on the woman only, and exists solely to
guarantee the paternity of the offspring, not for any reasons oflove or affection.
Men remain free to live by a different standard. At the same time, the phenom-
enon of the neglected wife begets its own consequences. Thus, side by side with

21. Engels 1972, pp. 119-20.

22. Engels 1972, pp. 120-1.
23. Engels 1972, p. 128.
88 • Chapter Six

the institution of so-called monogamous marriage flourishes all manner of adui.

tery and prostitution. Furthermore, 'monogamous marriage comes on the scene. as
the subjugation of the one sex by the other; it announces a struggle between the
sexes unknown throughout the whole previous prehistoric period'. In Engels's
formulation, this struggle between the sexes appears simultaneously with class-
relations. 'The first class opposition that appears in history coincides with the '
development of the antagonism between man and woman in monogamous mar.
riage, and the first class oppression coincides with that of the female sex by the
male'. Contrary to a common misinterpretation of these remarks, Engels does not
assert that the sex-struggle antedates class-conflict. Neither, however, does he
clearly argue that it is rooted in the emergence of class-society. He simply treats the
two developments as parallel, skirting the difficult problems of histori-cal origins
and theoretical relationships.24
With the basic character of monogamous marriage established, Engels turns
briefly to a number of topics not addressed by Morgan. To start, he presents a quick
history of the monogamous family's development in the period of civili-sation, with
emphasis on the extent to which it fostered 'individual sex love'. According to
Engels, love-based marriages were impossible prior to the great 'moral advance'
constituted by the monogamous family. Moreover, in all rul-ing classes, even after
the rise of the monogamous family, expedience rather than love governed the choice
of marriage-partner. After a brief glance at the medieval ruling-class family, Engels
focuses on marriage in capitalist society. Among the bourgeoisie, marriage is a
matter of convenience, generally arranged by parents to further their property-
interests. By contrast, the proletariat has the opportunity to truly experience
individual sex-love. Among the proletariat, 'all the foundations of typical
monogamy are cleared away. Here there is no prop-erty, for the preservation and
inheritance of which monogamy and male suprem-acy were established; hence there
is no incentive to make this male supremacy effective ... Here quite other personal
and social conditions decide'. Moreover, Engels believes that with the increasing
employruent of women in wage-labour, and women's accompanying independence,
no basis survives for any kind of male-supremacy in the working-class household,
'except, perhaps, for some-thing of the brutality toward women that has spread since
the introduction of monogamy'.25 Engels's optimism, shared by Marx and the
socialist movement of the period, is problematic on three counts. First, it misses the
significance of the working-class household as an essential social unit, not for the
holding of property but for the reproduction of the working class itself. Second, it
overlooks the ways in which a material basis for male supremacy is constituted
within the

24. Engels 1972, pp. 128, 129.

25. Engels 1972, pp. 132, 135.
 Engels: a Defective Formulation • 8g

}etarian household. And third, it vastly underestimates the variety of ideo-

. gical and psychological factors that provide a continuing foundation for male-
. premacy in the working-class family.
, Most of Engels's brief discussion of the situation of women within the family
capitalist society is framed in terms of the gap between formal and substan-e
equality.26 He begins with an analogy between the marriage-contract and e
labour-contract. Both are freely entered into, juridically speaking, thereby aking
the partners equal on paper. This formal equality disguises, in the case
f the labour contract, the differences in class-position between the worker and the
employer. The marriage contract involves a similar mystification since, in the ease
of a propertied family, parents actually determine the choice of children's
marriage-partners. In fact, the legal equality of the partners in a marriage is in
aharp contrast with their actual inequality. The issue, here, concerns the nature of
the wife's labour within the household. The development of the patriarchal and
monogamous families converts such family-labour into a private service. As
Engels puts it, 'the wife became the head servant, excluded from all participa-tion
in social production'. Her work loses the public or socially necessary place it had
held in earlier societies. Both excluded and, later, economically dependent, she
therefore becomes subordinate. Only with large-scale capitalist industry, and only
for the proletarian woman, does the possibility appear for re-entry into pro-
duction. Yet this opportunity has a contradictory character so long as capitalist
relations endure. If the proletarian wife 'carries out her duties in the private ser-
vice of her family, she remains excluded from public production and unable to
· earn; and if she wants to take part in public production and earn independently,
she cannot carry out family duties'.27
Engels's conclusions regarding the conditions for women's liberation, sum-
marised in a few paragraphs, generally converge with the equally brief remarks on
the subject made by Marx in Capital. Like Marx, Engels underscores the pro-
gressive role that participation in the collective labour-process can potentially play,
and its crucial importance as a cong.ition for human-liberation. Whereas Marx had
embedded his comments in an' analysis of the historical impact of capitalist large-
scale industry, Engels places his observations in the context of a discussion of
political rights. He again draws an analogy between workers and women, arguing
that both groups must have legal equality if they are to under-stand the character of
their respective fights for 'real social equality'. 'The demo-cratic republic does not
do away with the opposition of [the proletariat and the capitalist class]; on the
contrary, it provides the clear field on which the fight can be fought out. And in the
same way, the peculiar character of the supremacy of

26. Engels 1972, pp. 135-8.

27. Engels 1972, p. 137.
go • Chapter Six

the husband over the wife in the modem family, the necessity of creating rea}
social equality between them and the way to do it, will only be seen in the clear
light of day when both possess legally complete equality ·of rights.'28
Although generally consistent with Marx's sketch of the reproduction of labour-
power, Engels's consideration of women's oppression is flawed or incom-plete in
several critical respects. In the first place, he assumes that it is natural for 'family
duties' to be the exclusive province of women, and that therefore they always will
be. Furthermore, he does not clearly link the development of a spe-cial sphere
associated with the reproduction oflabour power to the emergence of class-, or,
perhaps, capitalist society. For pre-capitalist class-societies, he fails to specify the
nature of women's subordination in different classes. Finally, Engels's emphasis on
the strategic importance of democratic rights leaves open the ques-tion of the
relationship between socialist revolution, women's liberation, and the struggle for
equal rights. The result is ambiguous, potentially suggesting that the socialist
programme for women's liberation consists of two discrete objectives: equal rights
with men in the still-capitalist short term; and full liberation on the basis of a
higher form of the family in the far distant revolutionary millennium.
Engels closes the chapter on the family with a long look to the future. 29 These
pages trace, yet again, the development of monogamy on the basis of private
property, and attempt a sketch of family-experience in a society in which the means
of production have been converted into social property. True monogamy, that is,
monogamy for the man as well as the woman, will now be possible, along with
wide development of that highest of intimate emotions, individual sex-love.
Exactly what relations between the sexes will look like cannot be predicted, for it is
up to a new generation of women and men born and raised in socialist society.
'When these people are in the world, they will care precious little what anybody
today thinks they ought to do; they will make their own practice and their
corresponding public opinion about the practice of each individual - and that will
be the end of it'. Engels's focus on the emotional and sexual content of inter-
personal relations within the family-household reflected a common view that they
represent the essence of the so-called woman-question.30
Only at one point in this section does he dwell on the implications of the future
abolition of the family's economic functions, observing that with the means of
production held in common, 'the single family ceases to be the eco-nomic unit of
society. Private housekeeping is transformed into a social industry'.

28. Ibid.
29. Engels 1972, pp. 138-46.
30. Engels 1972, p. 145. The subjects oflove and sexuality are covered at even
greater length by Bebel in Bebel1971.
 Engels: a Defective Formulation • 91

Moreover, 'the care and education of the children becomes a public affair'. 31 These
brief hints offer the barest programmatic guidance, and do not differ, in substance,
from nineteenth-century communitarian proposals. In short, Engels's chapter on
the family in the Origin remains an unintegrated mix of Morgan's dry materialism
and a radical view of sexual liberation - seasoned with genuine insights into the
nature of property- and social-relations, and liberally sprinkled with Engels's
warmth and wit.
In Chapters 3-8 of the Origin, corresponding to the section on government in
Morgan's Ancient Society, Engels examines the nature of clan-society and traces the
rise of the state. As in Chapter 2 on the family, he follows Morgan's general line of
argument, while at the same time focusing it and integrating the material on
property. In Engels's words, the chaflges 'in form' between the institutions of the
gentile constitution and those of the state 'have been outlined by Mor-gan, but their
economic content and cause must largely be added by myself'. 32 The resulting
discussion suffers from defects similar to those already observed in Engels's
account of the family. Moreover, it becomes more obvious in these chapters that
Engels identifies private property and the market-exchange of commodities as the
pivotal social developments in history. Nowhere, however, does he clearly discuss
these phenomena in terms of the social relations that constitute the mode of
production in which they originate.
In these chapters, a critique of property takes the place of a critique of class-
relations. Property, not exploitation - the appropriation of the surplus-labour of the
producing class by another class - becomes the implicit object of class struggle.
From the point of view of Marx's theory of social reproduction, how-ever, both
private property and commodity-exchange only represent specific manifestations
of particular types of class-society. In such societies, a given set of relations of
exploitation always dominates, constituting the basis for specific social relations
and forms of private property, the market, the state, and so forth. The difference
between this formulation and that in the Origin is crucial, and not simply a matter
of style or manner of exposition. It reveals that the argu-
•1
ments put forth by Engels in the Origin' generally remain within the theoreti-cal
framework of a utopian critique of property. Marx's comments about his favorite
utopian-socialist target, Proudhon, would apply equally to Engels: he should have
analysed 'property relations as a whole, not in their Legal expres-sion as relations
ofvolition but in their real form, that is, as relations ofproduc-tion. [Instead,] he has
entangled the whole of these economic relations in the general juristic conception
of "property'". Furthermore, Engels has confused the

31. Engels 1972, p. 139.

32. Engels 1972, p. 171.
92 • Chapter Six

circumstance that the products of labour are exchanged in a society, with the
presence of capitalist, or at least class-, relations ofproduction.~3
In the Origin's closing Chapter g, 'Barbarism and Civilization', Engels exam-ines
the 'general economic conditions' behind the developments presented in previous
chapters. 'Here', he observes, 'we shall need Marx's Capital as much as Morgan's
book'.34 Unfortunately, it is already far too late, for the analytical weaknesses
encountered throughout the Origin permeate this highly repetitive chapter.

Engels restates his account of social evolution in the period of the decline of
clan-society and the emergence of civilisation, this time pointing out a series of
major milestones. In the middle-stages of barbarism, the separation of pastoral
tribes from the mass of other peoples marks the 'first great social division of labor'.
These tribes tame animals and develop agriculture; as a result they soon find
themselves with products that make regular exchange possible. Inevitably and
automatically, the increasing exchange leads to higher productivity, more wealth,
and a society in which the harnessing of surplus-labour becomes fea-sible. Hence,
slavery appears. 'From the first great social division of labor arose the first great
cleavage of society into two classes: masters and slaves, exploit-ers and exploited'.
Engels reminds the reader that the change in the division of labour also has
consequences for relations between the sexes in the family. Because the pre-
existing division of labour had supposedly assigned the task of procuring
subsistence to men, men become the holders of the new wealth, and women find
themselves subordinated and confined to private domestic labour. A 'second great
division of labor' occurs at the close of the period of barbarism, when handicraft
separates from agriculture. On this basis, a new cleavage of soci-ety into classes
develops, the opposition between rich and poor. Inequalities of property among
individual male heads of families now lead to the break up of the communal
household, and the pairing marriage dissolves into the monoga-mous single family,
even more oppressive to women. Finally, a third division of labour emerges in the
period of civilisation: a class of merchants arises, parasites whose nefarious
activities lead to periodic trade-crises. In the meantime, the rise of class-cleavages
has necessitated replacement of the gentile constitution with a third force, powerful
but apparently above the class-struggle - namely, the state. 35

In sum, the concluding chapter of the Origin argues that civilisation results from
the continual evolution of the division oflabour, which in turn gives rise to

33· Marx to J.D. Schweitzer, 24january 186s; Marx and Engels 1965, p. 153. Marx 1971a, pp.
115-16, 165-7·
34· Engels 1972, p. 217.
35· Engels 1972, pp. 218-25.
 Engels: a Defective Formulation • 93

exchange, commodity-production, class-cleavages, the subordination of women,

the single family as the economic unit of society, and the state. What is wrong with
this picture is that Engels has once again simply listed phenomena without rooting
them in social relations and the workings of a dominant mode of pro-duction.
Moreover, he awards the leading role to the technical division oflabour in the
labour-process - what Morgan had considered under the rubric 'arts of subsistence'.
The development of class-cleavages, that is, of exploitative social relations, simply
follows automatically, once a certain level of material produc-tivity is reached. In
other words, the state of the forces of production mechanisti-cally determines the
nature of the relations of production. The emphasis on the technical division of
labour in this chapter constitutes a new element, tending somewhat to replace the
focus in earlier'chapters on the rise of private property as the prime mover of social
change. At the same time, Engels, like Morgan, often invokes innate human greed
and competitiveness to explain historical development. 36 All in all, the scattered
analysis of social development presented in this final chapter represents some of
the weakest reasoning in the Origin.
Not surprisingly, the Origin's summary comments in this chapter on the eman-
cipation of women exhibit similar ambiguities. Engels emphasises, yet again, the
crushing impact made by the 'first great social division of labor' on women's
position, and then leaps to a supposedly self-evident conclusion:
We can already see from this that to emancipate woman and make her the equal
of the man is and remains an impossibility so long as the woman is shut out from
social productive labour and restricted to private domestic labour. The
emancipation of woman will only be possible wheri woman can take part in
production on a large, social scale, and domestic work no longer claims any-thing
but an insignificant amount of her time. And only now has that become possible
through modern large-scale industry, which does not merely permit the
employment of female labour over a wide range, but positively demands it, while
it also tends toward ending private domestic labour by changing it more
and more into a public industry.37 ,•1

As in the chapter on the family, Engels here assumes that domestic labour is purely
women's work, does not locate his statement with respect to a specific class-
society, and blurs the relationship between women's eventual liberation in
communist society and immediate strategic goals.
Engels formulates the relationship between social transformation and women's
equality more specifically in a letter written in 1885: 'It is my conviction that real
equality of women and men can come true only when the exploitation of either

36. Engels 1972, pp. 223, 224, 235; see also pp. 119, 161.
37· Engels 1972, p. 221.
94 • Chapter Six

by capital has been abolished and private housework has been transformed into a
public industry'. In the meantime, protective legislation is necessary. 'That the
working woman needs special protection against capitalist exploitation because of
her special physiological functions seems obvious to me ... I admit I am more
interested in the health of the future generations than in the absolute formal
equality of the sexes during the last years of the capitalist mode of production'. 38
Once again, Engels wrestles with the problem of distinguishing juridical equality
from real social equality.

Engels made one argument in the Origin that the socialist movement later refused
to endorse, but which has recently been taken up by theorists of the contemporary
women's liberation movement. In a frequently cited passage from the 1884 preface
to the Origin, Engels spoke of two types of production proceed-ing in parallel: on
the one hand, the production of the means of subsistence, and on the other, the
production of human beings. The dualistic formulation strikingly recalls the never
published German Ideology of 1846, in which Marx and Engels had suggested a
similar characterisation of the dual essence of social reproduction: 'The production
of life, both of one's own in labor and of fresh life in procreation, ... appears as a
twofold relation: on the one hand as a natural, on the other as a social relation'. 39

The dependence of the Origin on the forty-year-old German Ideology is not lim-
ited to this dramatic linguistic parallel. Engels drew quite heavily on the forgot-ten
manuscript of his and Marx's youth, which he had just rediscovered among Marx's
papers.40 Thus, both texts make a relatively sharp distinction between natural and
social phenomena, emphasising the purely biological or animal-like character of
procreation. Furthermore, The German Ideology assigns, as does the Origin, a
central motivating role in social development to the continual evolu-tion of the
division of labour. According to The German Ideology, society devel-ops in stages,
beginning from the simplest forms, in which the only division of labour is natural,
and rooted in the sexual act. With-the growth of the division of labour, social
relations distinguish themselves from natural ones, and the 'family relation'
becomes subordinate. Both The German Ideology and the Origin refer to the
development, at this point in history, of a relationship of latent slavery within the
family, representing 'the first form of property'.41 Finally, both texts

38. Engels to Gertrude Guillaume-Schak, 5 July 1885, Marx and Engels 1965, p. 386.
39· Engels 1972, pp. 71-2; text of passage cited in Chapter 3 of Marx and Engels 1975b,
p. 43·
40. Marx und Engels 1956b, pp. 33-4; see also pp. 39, 41, and 54, and Engels 1972, p.
129. For The German Ideology, see Chapter 4· On the textual similarity, see also Geiger
1968, pp. 30-2.
41. Marx and Engels 1975a, pp. 33, 46; Engels 1972, pp. 121, 134, 137.
 Engels: a Defective Formulation • 95

put forth an equivocal image of the family as a germ or nucleus within which
larger social contradictions originate or are reflected, and which itself constitutes
the fundamental building block of society.42
Engels's extensive reliance on The German Ideology has the effect of importing
into the Origin many of the theoretical weaknesses of the earlier manuscript. In
1846, when Marx and Engels composed The German Ideology, they had been on the
threshold of two lifetimes of profound contributions to the socialist move-ment.
The manuscript bears, nonetheless, the marks of its very early place in their
development. Thus when Engels, in the preface to the Origin, echoes the
dichotomy suggested in The German Ideology by positing two separate sys-tems of
production of material life, he simply takes a very primitive distinction between
natural and social phenomena to its logical conclusion. His return to this
dichotomy, long after he, and even more so Marx, had generally transcended it in
subsequent work, epitomises the theoretical ambiguity found throughout the
Origin. Socialists at the tum of the century found the preface's assertion concerning
the duality of social reproduction 'very remarkable', indeed, 'almost
incomprehensible'. Soviet commentators eventually settled on the view that Engels
was mistaken, and that the statement can only refer to the very earliest period of
human history, when people were supposedly so much a part of nature that social
43
relations of production could not be said to exist. What disturbed these theorists
was the implication that the family represents an autonomous, if not wholly
independent, centre of social development. And it is precisely this implication that
has caught the imagination of contemporary socialist feminists, often tempting
them into a quite cavalier reading of the Origin.

Engels's purpose in writing the Origin was 'to present the results of Morgan's
researches in the light of the conclusions of [Marx's] materialist examination of
history, and thus to make clear their full significance'. 44 Engels's treatment of the
material falls short, however, of this goal, for he only partially transforms
Morgan's crude materialism. The Origin is J.llarred throughout by Engels's fail-,'
ure to base the discussion on an adequate exposition of Marx's theory of social
development. Instead, Engels relies, quite erratically, on several theoretical
frameworks in addition to his understanding of Marx's work: the technologi-cal
determinism implicit in Morgan's Ancient Society, his main source of data; The
German Ideology's early version of historical materialism; and a generally

42. Marx and Engels 1975b, p. 46; Engels 1972, pp. 121-2, 129, 131, 137.
43· On the tum-of-the-century socialists, see Geiger 1968, pp. 31-2; similar opinions have
been expressed more recently in Hindess and Hirst 1975, pp. 58-9. On the Soviet view, see
Sterri 1948, p. 48, n. 10. For other critiques of the dualism implicit in the Origin, see Brown
1979 and O'Laughlin 1975, pp. 5-7.
44· Engels 1972, p. 71.
g6 • Chapter Six

utopian critique of property and view of the socialist future. While the Origin
manages, in places, to rise above this eclecticism, its theoretical weaknesses and
omissions were to have serious consequences. The Origin constituted a defec-tive
text whose ambiguous theoretical and political formulations nevertheless became
an integral part of the socialist legacy.
Part Three
The Socialist Movement
thapter Seven
fhe Second International

In the quarter of a century that preceded World-War, a

powerful working-class movement, represented by
trade-unions and socialist parties, arose in virtu-ally
every European country. The new working-class parties
shared a commitment, however abstract, to the eventual
transformation of capitalist society into classless
communism. At the same time, they fought for the
extension of suffrage to workers and some-times to
women, ran impressive and often quite suc-cessful
electoral campaigns, and pushed legislation to better
working conditions and insure working people against
siclaiess, disability, and unemployment. Above all, they
encouraged the organisation of workers into trade-
unions to bargain direcdy with employers and, if
necessary, strike. Chief among the socialist parties stood
the German Social Democratic party, the SPD -
presumed heir to the mantle ofMarx and Engels, leader
of the German trade-union movement, and able, at its
height, to boast of four and a half million votes and over
one million J>arty members.
By 188g, the foundation had been laid for the Sec-ond
International, a body that sought to co-ordinate
discussion among and action by the various national
parties. In theory, socialism and the goal of a classless
communist society constituted supremely interna-tional
tasks, the more so as capitalism developed into a full-
scale imperialist system. In practice, the individual
working-class movements and their parties responded to
conditions of an essentially national character, and
generally trod along separate, if parallel paths. When
100 • Chapter Seven

war broke out in 1914, these paths diverged. With a few important exceptions
'
the International splintered along the lines of opposing armies. For the
socialist movement, the problem ofwomen'soppression was, in prin-ciple, an
inseparable part of what was called the 'social question'~ Socialist parties took up the
so-called woman-question in party-newspapers, and also produced a modest
amount of theoretical and agitationalliterature. With some reluctance, they
incorporated women's political rights in their programmes, sought to build mass
women's movements, and encouraged trade-unions to organise women workers.
Despite weaknesses, the socialist movement offered the most sustained and
thoroughgoing support then available to the struggle for sex-equality and women's
liberation. At the same time, examination of some examples of party-literature on
the woman-question suggests that for the most part, the Second International failed
to clarify, much less extend, the incomplete legacy of theo-retical work left by Marx
and Engels. Moreover, by codifying and in some mea-sure sanctifying this legacy,
the socialist movement actually hampered its ability
to move beyond inherited ambiguities.

Among party and trade-union militants able to find time to read socialist books,
Woman and Socialism, by the German Social-Democratic leader August Bebel,
ranked first in popularity. Originally published in 1879, by 1895 it had gone through
25 editions, and by 1910, so, not to mention numerous foreign transla-tions. For
years, Woman and Socialism was the book most borrowed from work-ers' libraries
in Germany, and it continued to serve as a major socialist primer into the first
decades of the twentieth century.
What was it that so persistently drew workers and socialists to a book nearly
five hundred pages long? In the first place, Woman, as the German movement
dubbed the book, was virtually the only work in the Marxist literature of the period
that spoke to people's desire for a detailed and specific picture of the socialist
future. Scanning the oppressive past an~ dissecting the capitalist pres-ent, the book
also devoted whole sections to sketching the general outlines of what life in the
socialist society to come might be like. 'It is quite safe to say', observed a library-
journal in 1910, 'that it was from this book that the proletarian masses derived their
socialism'. And years later, a party-activist reminisced that 'for us young socialists
Be bel's book was not just a programme, it was a gospel'. Until the Bolshevik
Revolution opened up the possibility of a real-life example, Woman offered the
most developed vision of what socialists were fighting for. 1
But the book was not just about socialism, it was also about women- Woman in
the Past, Present and Future, as the title of the second edition announced. For

1. On the popularity of Bebel's book as a vision of socialism, see Steinberg 1976.

 The Second International • 101

some readers, it documented the anguish of their own experience as women,

inspiring 'hope and joy to live and fight'. With these words, Ottilie Baader, a
working-class woman, recalled the impact the book had on her when she encoun-
tered it in 1887 at the age of forty, living 'resigned and without hope' under the
burden of 'life's bitter needs, overwork, and bourgeois family morality':
Although I was not a Social Democrat I had friends who belonged to the
party. Through them I got the precious work. I read it nights through. It was
my own fate and that of thousands of my sisters. Neither in the family nor in
public life had I ever heard of all the pain the woman must endure. One
ignored her life. Bebel's book courageously broke with the old
secretiveness ... I read the book not once but ten times. Because everything
was so new, it took considerable effort to come to grips with Be bel's views. I
had to break with so many things that I had previously regarded as correct.

Baader went on to join the party and take an active role in its politicallife. 2 For
certain militants within the German Social-Democratic Party, the publica-
tion of Woman and Socialism had a further meaning. Clara Zetkin, for instance,
observed in 1896 that Be bel's book, irrespective of any defects, 'must be judged
by the time at which it appeared. And it was then more than a book, it was an
event, a deed', for it provided party-members with a demonstration of the rela-
tionship between the subordination of women and the development of society.
Zetkin interpreted the publication of Bebel's work as a symbol of the Party's
practical commitment to developing women as socialist activists. 'For the first
time', she noted, 'from this book issued the watchword: We can conquer the future
only if we win the women as co-fighters'.3
As Woman progressed through edition after edition, Be bel continually revised
and enlarged its text. The first edition, totalling only 180 pages and not sub-divided
into chapters, appeared just after the German government attempted to crack down
on the growing socialist movement by banning the SPD and institut-ing severe
censorship. Despite the book's il,\egal status, it sold out in a matter of months. Not
until1883 was Bebel to locate another publisher willing to produce the book, as
well as find time to expand and revise it. In an unsuccessful attempt to get around
the anti-socialist laws, he re-titled the 220-page second edition Woman in the Past,
Present and Future, a change corresponding to the new chapter-structure. Although
the authorities nevertheless banned the book, it was once again an immediate
success and quickly sold out, as did six subsequent edi-tions in the following years.
In 18go, the anti-socialist laws were lifted, and Be bel prepared a substantially
reworked ninth edition, which appeared early in 1891.

2. Quataert 1979, p. 120.

3· For Zetkin's remark, see Draper and Lipow 1976, pp. 197-8.
102 • Chapter Seven ~

Re-christened Woman and Socialism, and expanded to 384 pages, the ninth edition
also incorporated, for the first time, parts of Engels's analysis from the Origin. It
was this version of Woman, repeatedly reprinted, and in 1895 further i
extended to 472 pages for its 25th edition, that became the socialist classic. ·
The German-speaking socialist movement thus had the distinction of produc-
ing two major works on the question of women's oppression within a span of
only a few years: the first, Hebel's Woman and Socialism, by a major leader of
the powerful German socialist party, the second, Engels's Origin, published in
1884, by Marx's collaborator, now a tremendously respected but somewhat iso-
lated figure, living in political exile. Given the convergence of subject matter
and politics in the two books, one would expect the voluminous correspon-
dence between the authors to include a substantial exchange of views on the
issues. Instead, a strange silence reigns, punctured by a few casual comments. On
18 January 1884, Engels thanks Hebel for sending him a copy of the second edi-
tion of Woman. 'I have read it with great interest', he notes, 'it contains much
valuable material. Especially lucid and fine is what you say about the develop-
ment of industry in Germany'. On 6 June, he mentions the forthcoming publi-
cation of the Origin, and promises to send Hebel a copy. On 1-2 May 1891, he
notes his desire to prepare a new edition of the Origin, which he did that June.
Hebel's letters to Engels mention his own book only in the context of problems
arising with the English translation, and do not refer to the Origin at all. Engels's
letters to other correspondents document the Origin's conception, writing, and
preparation for publication during the first five months of 1884, but say nothing
about his opinion of Hebel's work. The impression remains of a silent polemic
between differing views. Despite his special relationship to the socialist move-
ment, Engels probably judged it tactically unwise to do more than publish the
Origin, and hope it would be recognised as the more accurate approach to the
issue of women's oppression.4
Hebel divides Woman and Socialism into three major sections, Woman in the
Past', Woman in the Present', and Woman in the-Future'. Most of the constant
textual revision in successive printings consists of changes of a factual nature,
made to deepen and update the arguments. Only the publication of Engels's Origin
required Hebel to make substantial modifications, which he largely con-fined to
the first section. In the early version of Woman in the Past', he had pre-sented an
abundance of ethnographic evidence in rather disorganised fashion, under the
assumption that 'although the forms of [woman's] oppression have varied, the
oppression has always remained the same'.

4· The correspondence between Be bel and Engels appears in Blumenberg ( ed.) 1965,
nos. 58, 59, 62, 8o, 157, 28o, 2g8. Engels's letters to other correspondents are listed in
Krader 1972, pp. 388-go. See also the discussion of Engels's Origin in Chapter 6.
 The Second International • 103

, Engels's work made him realise the inaccuracy of this statement, and, as he ,ter

put it, enabled him to place the historical material on a correct foundation. Jebel
entirely recast the section in order to argue that relations between the ~es, like all
social relations, 'have materially changed in the previous course ef human
development ... in even step with the existing systems of production, ~n the one
hand, and of the distribution of the products oflabor, on the other'. :With the aid of
the Origin, he was now able to present the ethnographic material in the context of a
more systematic sketch of the history of the development of the family, private
property, the state, and capitalism. These changes hardly affected, however, Be
bel's analysis in the rest of the book.5
The section Woman in the Present' makes up the bulk of Woman and Social-ism.
It includes two long chapters on the 'current crisis of capitalism and on the nature
of socialist society ('The State and Society' and 'The Socialization of Soci-ety').
These chapters, as well as the four sections that close the book - Woman in the
Future', 'Internationality', 'Population and Over-Population', and 'Conclu-sion' -
barely touch on the situation of women. In other words, despite its title and chapter
headings, over a third of Woman and Socialism focuses on the larger 'social
question'. No wonder so many socialists read the book more as a sort of
inspirational general text than as a specific study on the question of women.
The strengths of Woman and Socialism lie precisely in its powerful indictment of
capitalist society, and the contrasting image it presents of a socialist future. As
detail follows detail and compelling anecdotes multiply, Bebel assembles a mass
ofinformation on virtually every aspect of women's subordination and the social
question in general. In capitalist society, marriage and sexuality have acquired a
distorted, unnatural character. 'The marriage founded upon bourgeois property
relations, is more or less a marriage by compulsion, which leads numerous ills in
its train'. Sexual repression results in mental illness and suicide. Sex without love
is also damaging, for 'man is no animal. Mere physical satisfaction does not suf-
fice'. Where 'the blending of the sexes is a purely mechanical act: such a marriage is

immoral'. The counterpart to loveless mapiages '. based on economic constraint is

prostitution, which 'becomes a social institution in the capitalist world, the same as the
police, standing armies, the Church, and wage-mastership'. 6 Wom-en's presumed natural
calling as mothers, wives, and sexual providers results in

5· For the history of the early editions of Woman and Socialism, see Bebel's 'Vorrede
zur neunten Auflage', dated 24 December 1890, in Bebel 1891. The follow-ing
discussion cites the easily available English translations of the second and 33rd editions
to stand for, respectively, the early version and the classic text of Woman and Socialism.
The second edition is Bebel 1976, the 33rd is Bebel 1971, cited hereaf-ter as Woman.
Citations in this paragraph are from Bebel 1976, p. 18, and Bebel 1971, p. 10. For a
useful evaluation of Be bel's work, see Evans 1977, pp. 156-9.
6. Bebel1971, pp. 85, 86, 146.
104 • Chapter Seven

discrimination against them as workers. Given the widespread employri:lent of

women, often under the most arduous conditions, it is easy for Be bel to docu-
ment the hypocrisy of such prejudice. 'The men of the ripper classes look down
upon the lower; and so does almost the whole sex upon woman. The majority of
men see in woman only an article of profit and pleasure; to acknowledge her an
equal runs against the grain of their prejudices.... What absurdity, is it not,
to speak of the 'equality of all' and yet seek to keep one-half of the human race
outside of the pale!' Be bel insists, moreover, that industrial development tends to
free women. In general, 'the whole trend of society is to Lead woman out of the
narrow sphere ofstrictly domestic Life to a full participation in the public Life of the
people'. But so long as capitalism survives, woman 'suffers both as a social and a
sex entity, and it is hard to say in which of the two respects she suffers more'.7
Be bel portrays socialism as a happy paradise, free of the conflicts that typify
capitalist society, and only concerned with the welfare of the people. His com-
ments are far more concrete and programmatic than anything suggested by Marx
and Engels. He envisions a society in which everyone works and all are equal.
Democratic administrative bodies replace the organised class-power of the state.
Marriages based on free choice prevail, offering both partners sup-portive
intimacy, time to enjoy their children, and opportunities for wider par-ticipation in
social and political life. Sexuality develops freely, for 'the individual shall himself
oversee the satisfaction of his own instincts. The satisfaction of the sexual instinct is
as much a private concern as the satisfaction ofany other natural
instincf. Amenities presently available only to the privileged few are extended to
the working class. Education and health-care are assured, as well as pleasant
working and living conditions. Domestic labour is socialised, as far as possible, by
means oflarge, hotel-like apartment-buildings, with central heating and plumb-ing,
and electric power. Central kitchens, laundries, and cleaning services make
individual facilities obsolete. After all, 'the small private kitchen is, just like the
workshop of the small master mechanic, a transition stage, an arrangement by
which time, power and material are senselessly squandered and wasted'. 8 At the
same time, the darker aspects of capitalist society disappear: sexual repression,
prostitution, deteriorating family-life, dangerous working conditions, inefficient
productive methods, goods oflow quality, divisions between mental and manual
labour and between city and country, and so forth. Above all the individual has an
abundance of free choice and develops himself or herself to the fullest in all
possible areas: work, leisure, sexuality, and love.
Throughout Woman and Socialism, Bebel challenges the assumption that existing
sex-divisions of labour represent natural phenomena.

7· Bebel1971, pp. 192, 187, 79·

8. Bebel1971, pp. 343, 338-9. On kitchenless houses, see Hayden 1981.
 The Second International • 105

What is natural, he says, is the sexual instinct itself. Indeed, 'of all the natural
impulses human beings are instinct with, along with that of eating and drinking,
the sexual impulse is the strongest'. Despite a fairly simplistic view of instinct,
Bebel's lengthy attack on the notion of eternally fixed sex-divisions of labour
stands out as an important political contribution to the socialist movement. For
once a socialist leader confronted the ideological character of claims about the
social consequences of physiological sex-differences. 9
With all its strengths, Woman and Socialism nevertheless suffers from a seri-
ously impoverished theoretical apparatus, as well as various political defects. Be
bel's theoretical perspective actually consists of an eclectic mix of two major
trends within the socialist tradition, trends against which Marx himself had often
struggled. On the one hand, Woman and Socialism reflects a utopian-socialist
oudook reminiscent of Fourier and other early nineteenth-century socialists,
particularly in its view of individual development within a communitarian con-
text. And on the other, the book exhibits a mechanical and incipiently reform-ist
interpretation of Marxism, thus heralding the severe reformism that overran most
parties in the Second International by the turn of the century. Lacking an adequate
theoretical foundation, Be bel's discussion of women's oppression and liberation
follows an erratic and sometimes contradictory course. From the start, he
conceptualises the issues in terms of the free development of the female indi-
vidual. 'The so-called "Woman Question" ... concerns the position that woman
should occupy in our social organism; how she may unfold her powers and facul-
ties in all directions, to the end that she become a complete and useful member of
human society, enjoying equal rights with all'. In the present, capitalist society
stamps every facet of women's experience with oppression and inequality. 'The
mass of the female sex suffers in two respects: On the one side woman suffers
from economic and social dependence upon man. True enough, this dependence
may be alleviated by formally placing her upon an equality before the law, and in
point of rights; but the dependence is not removed. On the other side, woman
suffers from the economic dependence ~~at woman in general, the working-woman
in particular, finds herself in, along with the workingman'. Equality and liberation
are thus always social as well as individual issues, and Bebel hastens to add that
the 'solution of the Woman Question coincides completely with the solution ofthe
Social Question' - incidentally putting the final resolution of the question into the
far future.l0 Meanwhile, the working class, and not the bourgeois feminist
movement, constitutes women's natural strategic ally in the struggle. Moreover,
participation in the revolutionary movement enables 'more favorable relations
between husband and wife [to] spring up in the rank of the

9· Bebel1971, p. 79: see also pp. 79-88, 182-215.

10. Bebel1971, pp. 1, 4, 5·
106 • Chapter Seven

working class in the measure that both realize they are tugging at the sarrie rope,
and there is but one means towards satisfactory conditions for themselves and
their family - the radical reformation of society that shall make human beings of
them all'.11
Insofar as Bebel considers the social source for the pervasive oppression of
women, he relies on the concept of dependence. In general, he asserts, 'all social
dependence and oppression [have their] roots in the economic dependence of the
oppressed upon the oppressor'. Thus, woman's oppression is founded on her
dependence upon men. 'Economically and socially unfree' in capitalist society, for
instance, woman 'is bound to see in marriage her means of support; accord-ingly,
she depends upon man and becomes a piece of property to him.' If oppres-sion has
its basis in personal dependence, then liberation in the socialist future must involve
the individual's independence. 'The woman of future society is socially and
economically independent; she is no longer subject to even a vestige of dominion
and exploitation; she is free, the peer of man, mistress of her lot'.I2 Apart from
carrying the bewildering theoretical implication that chattel-slavery systematically
characterises capitalism since every wife must be 'a piece of prop-erty', statements
such as these show that Bebel has lost touch with the essence of Marx's orientation.
For Marx, class-struggle within a specific mode of produc-tion constitutes the basis
of social development, and individual oppression has its root, therefore, in a
particular set of exploitative social relations that operate at the level of classes. Be
bel, caught up in the reformist tendencies of his time, replaces Marx's concept of
class-exploitation with the vague and far less con-frontational notion of
dependence, particularly the dependence of the individual on others. Social well-
being is measured, then, by the location of the individual on a scale ranging from
dependence to independence, not by the nature of the social relations of production
in a given society. Similarly, socialism is pictured largely in terms of the
redistribution of goods and services already available in capitalist society to
independent individuals, rather than in terms of the whole-sale reorganisation of
production and social relations. Despite Bebel's commit-ment to socialism, his
emphasis on the full development of the individual in future society recalls nothing
so much as liberalism, the political philosophy of the nineteenth-century
bourgeoisie.
It is the focus on individual dependence, viewed largely in isolation from the
mechanisms governing social development as a whole, that undermines Bebel's
strategic perspective. In Woman and Socialism, women's oppression is treated as an
important but theoretically muddled problem, and it is hardly surprising that Be bel
comes up with a variety of implicitly contradictory strategic approaches.

11. Bebel1971, p. ns; see also pp. Sg-go and 233·

12. Bebel1971, pp. g, 120, 343·
 The Second International • 107

In the first place, he often insists that the complete resolution of the problem
. must be postponed to the revolutionary future, when it can be fully addressed in
the context of solving the social question. Nevertheless, practical work on the issue
remains critical in the present. At the same time, it somehow becomes subsumed in
the working-class movement's struggle against capitalism. Finally, Bebel often
pictures the solution to the so-called woman-question in terms of achieving equal
rights to participate in society without distinction of sex. This approach fails to
differentiate socialist aims from the liberal-feminist goal of sex-equality in
capitalist society. In short, Bebel could not, despite his best socialist intentions,
sufficiently specify the relationship between the liberation of women in the
communist future and the struggle for equality in the capitalist present. He
conceptualised the so-called woman-question as an issue pertaining to woman's
situation as an individual, on the one hand, and to social conditions in general, on
the other, but he was unable to construct a reliable bridge between the two levels of
analysis.
The popularity of Woman and Socialism reflected the consolidation within the
Second International of a definite position on the question of women, Engels's
low-key and rather ambiguous opposition in the Origin notwithstanding. Insofar as
the socialist movement took up the problems of women's oppression, it spon-
taneously embraced Bebel's analysis.

In England, for example, Eleanor Marx- Marx's youngest daughter and an active
participant in the British labour- and socialist movements - wrote with her hus-
band, Edward Aveling, a pamphlet entitled The Woman Question.13 First pub-lished
in 1886, and reprinted in 1887, the popular pamphlet took the form of a speculative
review of the recently published English edition of Be bel's Woman. Its 16 pages
represented 'an attempt to explain the position of Socialists in respect to the woman
question'.
Like Bebel's Woman, The Woman Question focuses on issues oflove, sexuality,
and human feeling, while at the same tiJPe challenging the supposedly natu-ral
character of woman's place in social relations. As for the source of women's
oppression in capitalist society, the authors repeatedly insist that 'the basis of the
whole matter is economic', but they hardly offer any exposition of what they mean.
The implication is, however, that they follow Bebel in pointing to wom-an's
economic dependence on men as the essential problem. In a future socialist society,
by contrast, 'there will be equality for all, without distinction of sex', and women
will therefore be independent. Equality, in the sense of equal rights, con-stitutes a
major theme throughout The Woman Question. Unlike the feminists,

13. Aveling and Aveling 1972. For the pamphlet's publication-history, see Kapp 1976, pp.
82-5.
108 • Chapter Seven

the pamphlet claims, socialists press beyond the concept of equal rights as a
'sentimental or professional' issue, for they recognise the economic basis of the
woman-question and the impossibility of resolving it within capitalist society.
The Woman Question strikes a new note when it openly argues that the posi-tion
of women with respect to men parallels that of men with respect to capital-ists.
Women are the creatures of an organised tyranny of men, as the workers are the
creatures of an organised tyranny of idlers'. Women 'have been expropriated as to
their rights as human beings, just as the labourers were expropriated as to their
rights as producers'. In short, both groups have been denied their freedom. With
such formulations, the authors conceptualise oppression primarily in terms of lack
of political rights and the presence of hierarchical relations of author-ity. Moreover,
the idea that women's situation parallels that of workers suggests a strategy of
parallel social struggles for freedom. 'Both the oppressed classes, women and the
immediate producers, must understand that their emancipation will come from
themselves. [The] one has nothing to hope from man as a whole, and the other has
nothing to hope from the middle class as a whole'. Despite the pamphlet's socialist
stance, its images of parallel denials of rights and parallel movements for liberation
come quite close to liberal views of purely political freedoms in bourgeois society.
This explicit emphasis on the parallels between sex- and class-oppression takes
a logical step beyond Engels's Origin and Bebel's Woman. In the Origin, the
parallelism had remained latent in the series of dualities Engels had used to frame
his arguments: family and society, domestic labour and public production,
production of human beings and production of the means of existence, equal rights
between the sexes and legal equality of the classes. In Woman and Social-ism, Bebel
often counterposed the woman-question and the social question, ambiguously
according them equal weight as either separate or, paradoxically, identical
questions. Moreover, in arguing that 'women should expect as little help from the
men as working men do from the capitalist class', he implicitly postulated a
strategy of parallel social movements.14 The notion of a theoreti-cal and strategic
parallel between the sex- and class-struggles obviously had a certain currency
within the Second International. While The Woman Question represented one of the
first clear formulations of the position, socialist theorists and activists had
evidently already adopted its substance, and it quickly became a staple of the
socialist heritage.

Bebel's Woman and Socialism and the Avelings' The Woman Question may be taken
as indicative of the dominant views within the Second International. To

14. Bebel1971, p. 121.

 The Second International • 109

the extent that the late-nineteenth-century socialist movement took up practi-cal

work on the issue of women's subordination, these views generally underlay the
programmes and tactics that were developed. All too often, the movement offered
a perspective on women's oppression that combined visionary promises of
individual sexual and social liberation in the distant socialist future, on the one
hand, with an understanding of equal rights as an immediate but possibly
bourgeois goal, on the other. In this way, the Second International left a legacy of
theory and practice on the so-called woman-question that tended to sever the
struggle for equality from the tasks of revolutionary social transformation.
Chapter Eight
Toward Revolution

As the twentieth century approached, the parties of the

Second International increasingly substituted a concern
with immediate practical gains for a revolu-tionary long
view. At the theoretical level this reform-ism, whose
origins went back to the 187os, was dubbed revisionism
because it supposedly revised many of Marx's original
positions. Revisionism affected every aspect of the
International's theoretical outlook, but its impact on the
socialist movement's approach to the so-called woman-
question is hard to assess. Even in the time of Marx and
Engels, socialist work on the problem of women's
oppression had remained quite undeveloped, and the
Second International's gen-eral underestimation of its
political significance only perpetuated this state of
under-development. It was not entirely obvious,
therefore, what constituted the orthodox revolutionary
position, nor in what manner it might be subjected to
revision by reformists.
Reformism did not go unopposed within the Sec-ond
Internation~l. A left wing emerged, which sought to restore
the movement to a revolutionary path. Although
ultimately unsuccessful, the effort deepened its
participants' grasp of Marxism and of virtually all the
major theoretical and practical tasks facing socialists.
Because of the confused history ofwork on the question
of women, as well as the generally weak commitment to
it among socialists, the problem of women's oppres-sion
did not come under explicit scrutiny in the course of this
struggle. On this issue, then, the opposition to
nz • Chapter Eight

reformism within the socialist movement could only acquire rudimentary shape,
most visibly within the German Social-Democratic Party.
The SPD had always been at the forefront of the socialist movement on the
issue of woman's oppression, even though its theory and practice left much to be
desired. It produced the major political text on the question, Hebel's Woman and
Socialism. Within the Second International, it consistently took the stron-gest and
most advanced positions for women's suffrage and against all types of
discriminatory legislation. The portion of its membership that was female was the
largest of any socialist party, reaching sixteen percent just before World-War I. It
supported, on paper at least, women's active involvement in party-affairs, and took
some steps toward developing special internal mechanisms to facilitate their
participation. By the closing years of the nineteenth century, the German Social-
Democratic Party could boast of a large, well-organised, and extremely militant
socialist women's movement.
Many of these achievements bore witness to the dedicated work of German
socialist women themselves. Moreover, on all major issues, women party-members
generally took political positions well to the left of the Party as a whole. As the
struggle around reformism intensified, the socialist women's movement became a
stronghold of left-wing revolutionary orthodoxy! While the issue of women's
subordination never became a clear area of disagreement, members of the left wing
put forth theoretical and practical perspectives that suggested opposition to
dominant SPD positions on women.
The speeches and writings of Clara Zetkin, leader of the SPD's socialist women's
movement and an early opponent of the reformism engulfing the Party, offer some
of the clearest statements of this implicitly left-wing approach to the prob-lem of
women's oppression. In 18g6, for instance, Zetkin delivered an address on the issue
at the annual party congress, which was subsequently distributed as a pamphlet. 2
The 18g6 talk was an official policy-statement of the German social-ist movement.
At the same time, its text suggest~d a theoretical position that implicitly countered
the movement's drift toward reformism.
Zetkin opens the 18g6 speech with a brief sketch of the origins of women's
social subjugation. Morgan and other writers have shown that the develop-ment of
private property engenders a contradiction within the family between

1. For discussions of the achievements and limitations of the SPD's work on women,
see: Evans 1980; Evans 1977, pp. 159-65; Honeycutt 1979-80, Nolan 1977; Quataert 1979.
2. Zetkin 1957b English translation, with slight cuts, in Draper and Lipow 1976,
pp. 192-201. According to Karen Honeycutt, some changes and deletions have been
made in the 1957 publication of the 1896 speech, Honeycutt 1975, chapter 5, nn.
106, 129. While only a single text can be analysed here, the full range ofZetkin's
theoretical and practical contributions should not be underestimated. For the period
up to 1914, see Honeycutt 1975·
 Toward Revolution • 113

e man as property-owner and the woman as non-owner. On this basis arises e

economic dependence of the entire female sex, and its lack of social rights. uoting
Engels to the effect that such lack of social rights constitutes 'one of the foremost
and earliest forms of class rule', Zetkin nevertheless pictures the pre-,~apitalist
family-household in conventionally idyllic terms. 'It was the capitalist ·rnode of
production that first brought about the social transformation which raised the
modem woman question: it smashed to smithereens the old family economy that in
pre-capitalist times had provided the great mass of women with the sustenance and
meaningful content oflife'.3 To this point, Zetkin's account generally follows the
lines laid down by the dominant socialist tradition. Only the remark on the
specificity of the 'modem woman question' in the capitalist
mode of production suggests a different perspective.
Zetkin presses further in her analysis of the theoretically specific character of the
question of women. Having observed its emergence as a 'modem' question with the
rise of capitalist society, she proceeds to dissect it in terms of class. 'There is a
woman question for the women of the proletariat, of the middle bour-geoisie and
the intelligentsia, and of the Upper Ten Thousand; it takes various forms depending
on the class situation of these strata'. In the following passages, which occupy half
the text of the speech, Zetkin outlines these three forms of the question, in each
case specifying the source of woman's oppression, the nature of the demands for
equality, and the obstacles to their adoption. While in places her discussion falters,
sometimes quite seriously, the very attempt to develop such a systematic analysis
constituted an implicit rebuke to the vagaries of the dominant socialist position.
Zetkin begins with the ruling-class women of the 'Upper Ten Thousand'. The
specific woman-question, here, involves wives' sexual and economic dependence
upon men of their own class. Not work, either paid or unpaid, but property rep-
resents the core of their problem, since women of this class can employ ser-vants
to accomplish virtually all their household-tasks and spousal duties. When these
women 'desire to give their lives se~ipus content, they must first raise the demand
for free and independent control over their property'. To achieve this demand, they
fight against men of their own class, much as the bourgeoisie

3· Zetkin 1957b, p. gs; Draper and Lipow 1976, p·. 192. Honeycutt notes that both
Be bel and Liebknecht wanted Zetkin to eliminate references to the class-rule of men
over women in the 1896 speech, but Zetkin argued successfully that the concept could
be found in Engels's Origin; Draper and Lipow excise the sentence without comment or
ellipsis. Honeycutt 1975, p. 193. Earlier, Zetkin had clung even more closely to Bebel's
work. For example, in a speech delivered in 188g to the founding conference of the
Sec-ond International, she stressed women's economic dependence and maintained that
'in the same way that the worker is enslaved by capital, so is the woman by the man;
and she will remain enslaved so long as she is not economically independent': Zetkin
1957a, p. 4; Honeycutt 1975, p. go.
114 • Chapter Eight

earlier had to fight against all privileged classes. In this sense, the struggle of
ruling-class women for control over their own wealth after marriage constitutes
'the last stage in the emancipation of private property', and Zetkin views it as
entirely consistent with bourgeois claims to liberate the individual.
The woman-question presents itself in a quite different social form among
women of the small and middle bourgeoisie and the bourgeois intelligentsia. These
are the intermediate strata, which undergo intensifying strain with the expansion of
capitalist relations of production throughout society. As a class, the small and
middle-bourgeoisie is increasingly driven to ruin, its small-scale enterprises unable
to compete with capitalist industry. At the same time, capital requires an intelligent
and skilled labour-force, and encourages 'overproduction in proletarian brain-
workers', with the result that the bourgeois intelligentsia gradually loses its
formerly secure material position and social standing. Men of the small and middle
bourgeoisie and of the intelligentsia often postpone marriage, or even put it off
altogether. The basis of family-life in these strata becomes ever more precarious,
with a growing pool of unmarried women, and Zetkin argues that 'the women and
daughters of these circles are thrust out into society to establish a life for
themselves, not only one that provides bread but also one that can satisfy the spirit'.
Among these women of the small and middle bourgeoisie and the bourgeois
intelligentsia, a specific woman-question appears in the form of a demand for
women's economic equality with men of their own class in the field of
employment. Women fight for equal access to the educa-tion that will enable them
to enter the liberal professions, and for the right to carry on those professions.
These demands amount to nothing less than a call for capitalism to fulfil its pledge
to promote free competition in every arena, this time between women and men.
And, according to Zetkin, it is the fear of this competition within the liberal
professions that lies behind the petty obstinacies of male resistance. The
competitive battle soon drives the women of these strata to organise a women's
movement and demand political rights, in order to over-come the barriers to their
full economic and sociai participation.
In speaking of the bourgeois women's movement, Zetkin refers mainly to the
organised activity of women from the small and middle bourgeoisie, and from the
intelligentsia. Like women of the ruling class, these women focus on their lack of
equality with men of their own class, although as earners rather than as property-
owners. In both cases, there is a gap between the promise of equal-ity offered by
bourgeois society and its actual absence in daily life. While the economic aspect
represents the heart of the matter, Zetkin observes that the bourgeois women's
movement encompasses far more than purely economic motives. 'It also has a very
much deeper intellectual and moral side. The bour-geois woman not only demands
to earn her own bread, but she also wants to
 Toward Revolution • ns

}ive a full life intellectually and develop her own individuality'. Moreover, at all
levels, 'the strivings of the bourgeois women's-rightsers are entirely justified'. 4
Among the women of the proletariat, the woman-question assumes yet another
form. Working-class women have no need to fight for entry into capitalist eco-
nomic life; they are there already. 'For the proletarian woman, it is capital's need
for exploitation, its unceasing search for the cheapest labor power, that has cre-ated
the woman question'. Moreover, Zetkin claims, the working-class woman already
enjoys both equality and economic independence, although she pays for them
dearly, because of her dual obligations as worker both in the factory and in the
family-household. 'Neither as a person nor as a woman or wife does she have the
possibility ofliving a full life as an individual. For her work as wife and mother she

gets only the crumbs that are dropped from the table by capitalist production'.
Since capitalism has relieved her of the need to struggle for equality with the men
of her own class, the working-class woman has other demands. In the immediate
future, 'it is a question of erecting new barriers against the exploi-tation of the
proletarian woman; it is a question of restoring and ensuring her rights as wife and
mother'. Furthermore, 'the end-goal of her struggle is not free competition with
men but bringing about the political rule of the proletariat'. Alongside the men of
her own class, not in competition with them, she fights to achieve this goal. Her
principal obstacle is, then, capitalism itself. At the same time, adds Zetkin, the
working-class woman supports the demands of the bour-geois women's movement,
'but she regards the realization of these demands only as a means to an end, so that
she can get into the battle along with the working-men and equally armed'.

Obviously, a great deal of what Zetkin has to say about the three forms of the
woman-question departs from the realities of capitalist society. To some extent,
these inaccuracies owe their existence to her failure to distinguish, within the 1896
speech, theoretical argument from empirical description, a confusion shared by
most socialist writers of her day. Beyond this problem, however, Zetkin's contri-
bution remains limited by certain theoreticij.l weaknesses. That is, the distortions
in Zetkin's consideration of the woman-question appear to be largely empirical, but
they have theoretical roots as well as serious political ramifications.
In the first place, along with virtually all her contemporaries, not to men-tion
Marx and Engels, Zetkin glosses over the issue of domestic labour within the
family-household. She severely underestimates the contradictions that arise from
the sex-division of this labour in all three classes. In this way, she loses an
important opportunity to strengthen her argument for the existence of

4· The term 'women's rightsers' is as awkward in German as it is in English, and was

employed polemically within the socialist movement. See Draper and Lip ow 1976, p. 180.
n6 • Chapter Eight

specific forms of the woman-question according to class. Empirically, the ruling-

class wife's mediated relationship to housework bears little resemblance to the
working-class woman's never-ending domestic drudgery. And at the theoretical
level, the distinction stands out even more sharply, for only the unpaid domestic
labour in the working-class household contributes to the reproduction of the
labour-power required for capitalist production.
Second, Zetkin's picture of the working-class woman constitutes an abstraction
that verges on caricature. While the ability to command a wage always entails a
certain level of independence, in no way could it be asserted as a fact that 'the wife
of the proletarian, in consequence, achieved her economic independence'. In 18g6,
no less than now, working-class women suffered grievously from their lack of
equality with men of their own class at the work-place, in every possible way: pay,
working conditions, access to jobs, opportunity for promotion, and so forth.
Furthermore, working-class women lacked equality in the civil sphere and were
oppressed as women within the working-class family. Elsewhere in the text Zetkin
even cites several examples of the harmful effects of these phenomena, not only
for women but for the working-class movement. By not confronting such facts
theoretically, Zetkin simplifies her analysis but thereby passes over the problem of
specifying the relationship between the fight for women's equality and the struggle
against capitalism. Moreover, along with most socialist theo-rists of her period, she
fails to distinguish women-workers from working-class women; that is, in
speaking of the proletarian woman, she always assumes that the woman
participates in wage work. In this way, household-members who do not engage in
wage work - for example, wives, young children, the elderly, the sick - become
analytically, and therefore politically, invisible. At the root of these confusions,
which haunt socialist work to this day, lies the theoreti-cal invisibility of the
unpaid labour required to reproduce labour-power in the working-class household.

Finally, Zetkin errs in arguing that specific woman-questions arise only within
those classes thrust forward by the capitalist mode of production. In a period in
which peasants still made up the majority of the European oppressed masses, she,
along with many other socialists, idealised the peasantry as representing a 'natural
economy', however 'shrunken and tattered' under the impact of emer-gent
capitalism. In general, the parties of the Second International tended to ignore the
difficult theoretical and strategic problems presented by the exis-tence of this
massive peasantry alongside a growing industrial proletariat, and Zetkin, despite
her political acuity, all too easily fell into line. Peasantwomen, she claimed, 'found
a meaningful content of life in productive work ... their lack of social rights did not
impinge on their consciousness', and therefore, 'we find no woman question arising
in the ranks of the peasantry'. Here, the reality of
 Toward Revolution • 117

any peasant-society, past or present, strenuously contradicts Zetkin's remarks.

AJllong European peasants at the end of the nineteenth century, the woman-
question had its own, quite specific, character, which required analysis by the
socialist movement. Peasants could not, any more than women, be excluded from
a revolutionary perspective.
Having clarified, to the best of her ability, the theoretical issues involved in the
problem of women's oppression, Zetkin devotes the rest of the 1896 speech to the
current situation of the women's movement in Germany and the practi-cal tasks to
be taken up by the party. In the long run, the goal of the bourgeois women's
movement - equality with men of one's own class - hardly threatens capitalist
relations of power; hence 'bourgeois society does not take a stance of basic
opposition to the demands oT the bourgeois women's movement'. In Germany,
however, a prejudiced and short-sighted bourgeoisie fears any reform whatsoever,
not understanding that if the reforms were granted, nothing would change. 'The
proletarian woman would go into the camp of the proletar-iat, the bourgeois
woman into the camp of the bourgeoisie'. Zetkin also cautions against 'socialistic
outcroppings in the bourgeois women's movement, which tum up only so long as
the bourgeois women feel themselves to be oppressed'. In this context, the
responsibility falls on the German Social-Democratic Party to make good its
commitment to strengthening the socialist women's movement.
Zetkin proposes certain general guidelines for socialist work among women.
The party's main task is to arouse the working-class woman's class-consciousness
and engage her in the class-struggle. Hence, 'we have no special women's agi-
tation to carry on but rather socialist agitation among women'. Zetkin warns
against the tendency to focus on 'women's petty interests of the moment', and
emphasises the importance, as well as the difficulty, of organising women work-ers
into trade-unions. She notes that several major obstacles, specific to women as
women, stand in the way of successfully undertaking socialist work among
working-class women. Women often work in occupations that leave them iso-lated
and hard to mobilise. Young women believe that their wage-work is tempo-
•1
rary, while married women suffer the burden of the double shift. Finally, special
laws in Germany deny women the right to political assembly and association, and
working-class women therefore cannot organise together with men. Zetkin
emphasises that special forms of work must be- devised in order to carry out
socialist work among women.
For example, a proposal that the Party appoint field-organisers whose task would
be to encourage working-class women to participate in trade-unions and support
the socialist movement receives Zetkin's backing. The idea had already been
endorsed at the 1894 Congress, and Zetkin's comments actually represent an
insistence that the Party follow through on its commitment. If developed
u8 • Chapter Eight

systematically, consistently, and on a large scale, she argues, the network of field-
organisers would draw many working-class women into the socialist movement.

Family-obligations make it impossible for many women to come to meetings,

and Zetkin therefore underscores the critical role of printed material. She sug-gests
the Party produce a series of pamphlets 'that would bring women nearer to
socialism in their capacity as workers, wives and mothers'. She criticises the
Party's daily press for not taking a more political approach in articles designed to
speak to its female readership. And she proposes that the Party undertake the
systematic distribution of agitationalleaflets to women: 'Not the traditional leaflets
which cram the whole socialist programme onto one side of a sheet together with
all the erudition of the age - no, small leaflets that bring up a single practical
question with a single angle, from the standpoint of the class struggle'.
Furthermore, these leaflets must be attractively printed, on decent paper and in
large print. As good examples of agitational material for women, Zetkin cites
contemporary United States and British temperance-literature.s
Behind these comments lies more than a criticism of the Party's work among
women. Zetkin clearly makes a general indictment of the officialdom's bureau-
cratic and passive approach to socialist agitation and propaganda. Unlike the
reformists, she insists that the party take 'the standpoint of the class struggle: this is
the main thing'. When the Party reaches out to women, it must treat them as
political beings. In the short as well as the long run, the socialist revolution needs
women's creative participation at least as much as working-class women need full
liberation. Work among women 'is difficult, it is laborious, it demands great
devotion and great sacrifice, but this sacrifice will be rewarded and must be made.
For, just as the proletariat can achieve its emancipation only if it fights together
without distinction of nationality or distinction of occupation, so also it can achieve
its emancipation only if it holds together without distinction of sex'. Most
important, she concludes, 'the involvement of the great mass of proletarian women
in the emancipatory struggle- of the proletariat is one of the pre-conditions for the
victory of the socialist idea, for the construction of a socialist society'.

In sum, Zetkin's 18g6 speech made an important theoretical and political con-
tribution to the socialist movement's understanding ofthe problem of women's
subordination. Significantly, the speech rarely mentions love, sexuality, interper-
sonal relations, or human feelings, subjects that represented the core of the so-
called woman-question for most nineteenth-century socialists. Instead, Zetkin

5· For these recommendations, see Zetkin 1957b, p. wg; the details are omitted in the
translation by Draper and Lipow 1976.
 Toward Revolution • 119

focuses on the theoretical issues and practical tasks that confront the social-ist
movement. Only her comments on the working-class household sometimes depart
from this businesslike and unromantic stance, even idealising working women as
nurturant wives and mothers of the fighting --' male - proletariat. Similarly, her
sketch of the socialist future recalls Be bel's work in its depiction of the family as
an isolated entity as well as its emphasis on woman's indepen-dence. 'When the
family disappears as an economic unit and its place is taken by the family as a
moral unit, women will develop their individuality as comrades advancing on a par
with men with equal rights, an equal role in production and equal aspirations, while
at the same time they are able to fulfil their functions as wife and mother to the
highest degree'. From a theoretical standpoint, such remarks retreat from the
position put forth in the body of the speech. Politi-cally, they suggest an almost
ritual concession to the ambiguity of the socialist tradition, probably necessary to
guarantee the speech's acceptance by party-delegates.

The major portion of Zetkin's text attempted to build a theoretical founda-tion

for revolutionary strategy. More explicitly than any socialist thinker before her, she
assessed the particular theoretical character of the problem of women's
subordination in class-society. Her discussion of the specific forms taken by the so-
called woman-question in terms of different modes of production, and the various
classes within them, remains, despite its problems, important. Indeed, its
weaknesses, which can be traced to inadequacies shared by the socialist move-ment
as a whole, actually delineate a new set of theoretical tasks. To the extent that
Zetkin worked out her analysis within the framework of Marx's theory of social
reproduction, she generally avoided the theoretical quagmires - utopia-nism,
economic determinism, and the like - into which both Engels and Bebel had fallen.
In this sense, the thrust of Zetkin's remarks placed her in opposition to the reformist
tendency to revise Marxist theory, however undeveloped that theory had remained
on the issue of women's oppression.
Consistent with her vigorous oppositio9 to reformism spreading throughout the
socialist movement, Zetkin's strategic' ~rientation in the 18g6 speech pushed
well beyond two obstacles hindering socialist work among women. First, she
questioned the Second International's tendency to identify the woman-question
with the general social question, even if she did not adequately specify their actual
relationship. In this way, she attempted to force the socialist movement to confront
the practical problems flowing from its professed commitments. And second, she
insisted that women's active participation is central to the socialist revolution, and
therefore refused to postpone serious socialist work with women. In later years,
with the hindsight afforded by several more decades of experience, Zetkin reached
the conclusion that the Second International had actually been
120 • Chapter Eight

wholly incapable of providing a sound theoretical or organisational foundation for

such work. Beset with reformism and 'the most trivial philistine prejudices against
the emancipation of women', the socialist movement had taken 'no ini-tiative in
the theoretical clarification of the problems or practical carrying out of the work'.
In this atmosphere, Zetkin commented, 'the progress achieved was essentially the
work of women themselves'.6

The eruption ofWorld-War I in 1914 forced the tension within the socialist move-
ment between reformism and a more revolutionary outlook to breaking point. Most
parties in the Second International supported the war, taking whichever side their
national bourgeoisie happened to stand on. Working-class interna-tionalism
seemed to vanish into thin air, as a narrow patriotism swept through socialist
ranks. Meanwhile, individual left-wing socialists recognised they had lost the
battle against reformism, and began to re-group. They opposed the war, either
assuming an essentially pacifist stance or, more militantly, viewing it as an
opportunity for revolutionary action. As hostilities dragged on, popular discon-tent
replaced the initial patriotic euphoria, and important sectors of the popu-lation
turned to those who sought to end the war. In consequence, the pacifist and
revolutionary minorities in every socialist party grew stronger. Their anti-war
perspective seemed vindicated when the Bolshevik Party came to power in Russia
in 1917.
The Bolshevik Revolution transformed not only Russia but the international
socialist movement. For the first time, revolutionaries had fought for and won the
opportunity to begin the transition to a communist society, and the effort
commanded the attention of socialists everywhere. The seizure of state-power was
only the first step, and weighty problems confronted the new society. Exter-nally,
the forces of capitalism tried, in every possible way, including military
intervention, to undermine the revolution's success. And internally, the task of
building a socialist society quickly proved tremendously difficult. Every question
that had formerly concerned the international socialist movement now became a
matter of the utmost urgency, to be resolved in concrete detail, in both theory and
practice. Among these tasks loomed the problem of women's subordina-tion, made
all the more pressing because of several peculiarities of the Russian Revolution.
First, the majority of Russia's population consisted of peasants, half of whom lived
the particularly hard life of peasant-women - often working in the fields as well as
the household, and brutally oppressed by feudal traditions of male supremacy.
Second, women wage-earners constituted a relatively new and fast-growing group,
especially in the very small Russian industrial sector, where

6. Zetkin 1929, pp. 373, 375, 376. I would like to thank Charlotte Todes Stem of New
York City for bringing this article to my attention.
 Toward Revolution • 121

their numbers rose to include forty percent of the industrial workforce during the
war. Last, radical movements in Russia had traditionally attracted a large number
of women-activists, who often played leading roles, and the Bolshevik party was
no exception. Objectively, and from the start, the question of women represented a
critical issue for the future of socialism in Russia.
The history of women's situation in the Soviet Union has yet to be fully
analysed. Most accounts sketch a gloomy picture in which numerous obstacles
conspire to block full liberation for women: insufficient material resources, erro-
neous or opportunist political priorities, wholesale ideological backwardness, a low
level of theoretical attention. Although correct in its general outlines, the picture
remains blurred. In particular, despite a great deal of research, it fails to situate the
history of the question of women within an adequate understanding of the
development of the Russian Revolution, and of the international socialist and
communist movements.7 Moreover, the problem of the nature and source of the
theoretical framework underpinning Soviet work on the issue of women's
subordination has barely been addressed.
The rudiments of that theoretical framework were established by V. I. Lenin, the
leader of the Bolshevik Party and a prolific writer on questions of socialist theory
and practice. Lenin's comments on women make up only a tiny portion of his
work, and it is not clear to what extent they were taken up within the Bolshevik
Party or implemented in practice. Nonetheless, they are important for their insight
into the theoretical heart of the problem of women's oppression.
Like Zetkin, Lenin took a left-wing position in the struggle against reform-ism.
In the Russian context, however, this struggle acquired its own form, quite distinct
from the public battle fought within the massive and powerful German party.
Under the Tsars, Marxism remained an illegal movement in a backward country.
Neither a strong trade-union movement nor a socialist party affiliated with the
Second International could be built. The major theoretical task for Rus-sian
socialists at the end of the nineteenth century was to assimilate Marxist theory in
order to put it into practice in !feir own country, where conditions differed sharply
from the industrialising nations of Western Europe and North America. Opposition
to revisionism among Russian socialists therefore initially took the particular shape
of an effort to grasp and defend Marxism itself.
Two tendencies within Russian radicalism stood in the way of the develop-ing
Marxist movement. First, the Russian populists, or Narodniks, argued that the
peasantry constituted the backbone of the revolutionary process, that Russia would
be able to bypass the stage of industrial capitalism, and that the peasant-commune
provided the germ of a future communist society. Second, a group

7· Important recent studies on women in Russia include: Bobroff 1974; Clements 1982-3.
Glickman 1977; Hayden 1976; Heitlinger 1979; Lapidus 1977; Massell1972; Stites 1978.
122 • Chapter Eight

known as the 'legal Marxists', so named because they wrote in. a form capable of
passing Russian censorship, embraced Marxism largely because it recognised the
historically progressive character 1 of capitalism. In oppos1tion to the Narodnik.s,
the legal Marxists welcomed capitalism as a necessary first stage on the way to
socialism; as might be expected, many of them later lost their interest in revolu-
tion and became staunch bourgeois liberals.
A central theme in Lenin's earliest writings was the defence of Marxism against
attacks from the Narodniks, on the one hand, and distortions by the legal Marx-ists,
on the other. At the same time, he began to elaborate a Marxist analysis of the
development of capitalism in Russia and of the prospects for a socialist revo-lution.
When Russian Marxists founded the Social-Democratic Workers' Party, after the
tum of the century, bourgeois liberalism became yet another target of his polemics.
Lenin's first comments touching on the problem of women's oppression appear
in his 1894 critique of the Narodnik writer Nikolay Mikhailovsky, who had
caricatured Marxist theory. The issue of women's situation arises because
Mikhailovsky mocks Engels's discussion of "'the production of man himself", i.e.
procreation', in the preface to the Origin, castigating it as a peculiar form of
'economic materialism'. He suggests instead that 'not only legal, but also eco-nomic
relations themselves constitute a "superstructure" on sexual and family relations'.
In reply, Lenin ridicules Mikhailovsky's argument that 'procreation is not an
economic factor', and asks sarcastically, 'Where have you read in the works of
Marx or Engels that they necessarily spoke of economic materialism? When they
described their world outlook they called it simply materialism. Their basic idea ...
was that social relations are divided into material and ideological ...
Mr. Mikhailovsky surely does not think that procreation relations are ideological?'
The way Lenin defends Engels's statements in the preface, however questionable
their theoretical status may be, is significant. He puts the major emphasis on the
point that Marxism is not economic determinism. And he insists on the material
core embedded in all social relations, even those involving women, the· family,
and sexuality.8 This perspective, which relies far more on Marx than on later
socialist theorists, became the foundation of Lenin's approach to the problem of
women's subordination.
Capitalism developed in Russia on the basis of a savagely patriarchal feudal
culture. In The Development of Capitalism in Russia, published in 18gg, Lenin
examined the impact of capitalist social relations on peasant-life. Because of its
highly socialised labour-processes, capitalism 'absolutely refuses to tolerate
survivals of patriarchalism and personal dependence' over the long run. Lenin

8. Lenin 1960-1970a, pp. 148-52. For an analysis of the preface to Engels's Origin, see
Chapter 6.
 Toward Revolution • 123

argues that in this sense 'the drawing of women and juveniles into production is, at
bottom, progressive', despite the particularly oppressive conditions these sec-tors
often encounter under the rule of capital. In sum: 'By destroying the patriar-chal
isolation of these categories of the population who formerly never emerged from
the narrow circle of domestic, family relationships, by drawing them into direct
participation in social production, large-scale machine industry stimulates their
development and increases their independence, in other words, creates conditions
of life that are incomparably superior to the patriarchal immobility of pre-capitalist
relations'. Lenin points out that any attempts 'to ban the work of women and
juveniles in industry, or to maintain the patriarchal manner of life that ruled out
such work, would be reactionary and utopian'.9 With these remarks, Lenin has
simply used Marxist theory to develop an analysis of the significance in Russia of
women's and children's participation in social labour. Obvious though this approach
may seem, at the time it represented a rare return to the best of Marx and Engels.
In these early decades of the Russian socialist movement, Lenin also addressed
several specific problems having to do with the special oppression of women as
women. He condemned prostitution, locating it in social conditions and inciden-
tally taking swipes at liberal attempts to end it. He analysed the class-character of
the birth-control movement, contrasting the psychology of the petit-bourgeois
liberal to that of the class-conscious worker. At the same time he underscored the
need for socialists to support the abolition of all laws limiting availability of
abortion or contraception. 'Freedom for medical propaganda and the protection of
the elementary democratic rights of citizens, men and women, are one thing. The
social theory ofneomalthusianism is quite another'. Most important, Lenin
repeatedly denounced the peasantry's 'century-old traditions of patriarchal life', and
their particularly brutal implications for women.10
In subsequent years, Lenin began to pay special attention to the relationship
between sex-oppression and class-cleavages. While he had always supported
equality between women and men, in the traditional socialist manner, he now came
up against the more difficult probl~m of specifying the nature of that
equality. Initially, the problem appeared in the context of discussions on the so-
called national question. Among socialists, questions of the equality of nations and
the rights of national minorities became matters of heated debate in the

g. Lenin 1974, p. 552.

10. Lenin 1966, p. 30; Lenin 1974, p. 546. On abortion, see also Lenin 1966, pp. 28-g.
On the peasantry, see also Lenin 1966, pp. 33-5, 6o, and the section entitled 'Socialism' in
Lenin's article 'Karl Marx', Lenin 1g6o-7ob, pp. 71-4. On prostitution, see Lenin 1966, pp.
26, 31-2. The relatively high number of articles published in 1913 undoubtedly had to do
with the revival of a Russian socialist women's movement in 1912-4, and the first
celebration oflnternational Women's Day in Russia in 1913; see Stites 1978, pp. 253-8.
124 • Chapter Eight

early twentieth century, as nationalist feelings and political conflict intensified

around the world. At the root of these developments lay the emergence of impe-
rialism, with its chain of oppressed and oppressor-nations. Hence, it was impe-
rialism that forced Lenin to examine the nature of equality in bourgeois society,
and to delineate the role of the struggle for democratic rights in the context of a
revolutionary movement to overthrow capitalism.
The peculiar character of the question of democratic rights owes its existence,
according to Lenin, to the fact that in capitalist society, political phenomena have a
certain autonomy with respect to economic phenomena. Numerous eco-nomic evils
are part of capitalism as such, so that 'it is impossible to eliminate them
economically without eliminating capitalism itself'. By contrast, depar-tures from
democracy constitute political evils, and in principle can be resolved within the
framework of capitalist society. Lenin cites the example of divorce, an example
first used by Rosa Luxemburg in a discussion of the national question and the right
to uphold national autonomy. It is perfectly possible, if rare, argues Lenin, for a
capitalist state to enact laws granting the right to full freedom of divorce.
Nonetheless, 'in most cases the right of divorce will remain unrealizable under
capitalism, for the oppressed sex is subjugated economically. No matter how much
democracy there is under capitalism, the woman remains a "domestic slave", a
slave locked up in the bedroom, nursery, kitchen ... The right of divorce, as all
other democratic rights without exception, is conditional, restricted, for-mal,
narrow and extremely difficult of realization'. In sum, 'capitalism combines formal
equality with economic and, consequently, social inequality'.11
If equality is so difficult to realise in capitalist society, why should socialists
enter the fight to defend and extend democratic rights? Why devote energy to a
seemingly useless battle on bourgeois terrain? First, because each victory repre-
sents an advance in itself, however limited, in that it provides somewhat better
conditions of life for the entire population. And second, because the struggle for
democratic rights enhances the ability of all to identify their enemy. As Lenin put
it:
Marxists know that democracy does not abolish class oppression. It only makes
the class struggle more direct, wider, more open and pronounced, and that is what
we need. The fuller the freedom of divorce, the clearer will women see that the
source of their 'domestic slavery' is capitalism, not lack of rights. The more
democratic the system of government, the clearer will the workers see that the
root evil is capitalism, not lack of rights. The fuller national equality

n. Lenin 1966, pp. 42-4, 8o.

 Toward Revolution • 125

(and it is not complete without freedom of secession), the clearer will the
workers of the oppressed nations see that the cause of their oppression is
capitalism, not lack of rights, etc.I2
In this sense, the battle for democratic rights is a means for establishing and
maintaining the best framework within which to carry out the class-struggle.
Lenin's work on democratic rights went well beyond earlier socialist analy-ses
of the nature of equality. At the theoretical level, it offered serious insights into the
mystery of the relationship among sex-, class-, and national oppression in capitalist
societies. And practically, it constituted an important element in the development
of revolutionary strategy with respect to national minorities, oppressed nations, and
women. Here, 1\oyin dangers haunted the socialist move-ment. On the one hand,
some denied the critical significance of these special oppressions, and refused to
take them up seriously in practice, and often in theory as well. On the other, many
developed reformist positions that scarcely differed, at the practical level, from
bourgeois nationalism or liberal feminism. Armed with an understanding of the
character of democratic rights, a socialist movement had a better chance to
confront national and women's oppression without slipping into either error.

Once the bourgeois state has been overthrown in a socialist revolution, as

happened in Russia in 1917, full political equality comes immediately onto the
agenda. The new Soviet government began to enact legislation granting formal
equality to women in many areas. Yet precisely because formal equality remains
distinct from real social equality, even in the socialist transition, legislation could
not be enough. Indeed, observes Lenin, 'the more thoroughly we clear the ground of
the lumber of the old, bourgeois laws and institutions, the more we realize that we
have only cleared the ground to build on, but are not yet building'. In the case of
women, he identifies as the major barrier to further progress the material
phenomenon of unpaid labour within the family-household. Writing in 1919, for
instance, he points out that despite 'all the laws emancipating woman, she
continues to be a domestic slave, becat'iSe petty housework crushes, strangles,
stultifies and degrades her, chains her to the kitchen and the nursery, and she
wastes her labor on barbarously unproductive, petty, nerve-racking, stultifying and
crushing drudgery'P
From the start, Lenin always put more weight on the problem of women's
material oppression within the individual family-household than on their lack of
rights, their exclusion from equal social participation, or their dependence upon
men. Speaking of peasant- and proletarian women, and sometimes of

12. Lenin 1966, p. 43·

13. Lenin 1966, pp. 63-4.
126 • Chapter Eight

petit-bourgeois women as well, he repeatedly drew a picture of domestic slavery,

household-bondage, humiliating subjugation by the savage demands of kitchen
and nursery drudgery, and the like. 14 This emphasis was unique in the Marxist
literature, and probably originated in Lenin's focus on the peasantry, with its
traditions of patriarchal relations, as a critical element in the revolutionary strug-
gle. Whatever its source, Lenin's concern with the problem of domestic labour
enabled him to formulate the questions of women's oppression and of the condi-
tions for women's liberation with a clarity not previously achieved.
Lenin argues that the special oppression of women in capitalist society has a
double root. In the first place, like national minorities, women suffer as a group
from political inequality. And in the second, women are imprisoned in what Lenin
terms domestic slavery - that is, they perform, under oppressive con-ditions, the
unpaid labour in the household required to maintain and renew the producing
classes: 'The female half of the human race is doubly oppressed under capitalism.
The working woman and the peasant woman are oppressed by capital, but over
and above that, even in the most democratic of the bourgeois republics, they
remain, firstly, deprived of some rights because the law does not give them
equality with men; and secondly - and this is the main thing - they remain in
"household bondage", they continue to be "household slaves", for they are
overburdened with the drudgery of the most squalid and backbreaking and
stultifying toil in the kitchen and the individual family household'. In this pas-sage,
Lenin makes it evident that he considers the second factor - domestic slav-ery- to
be 'the main thing'.15
Just as the source of women's oppression as women is twofold, so the basic
conditions for their full liberation are also twofold. Obviously, the lack of equal
rights must be remedied, but this political obligation is only the first, and easiest,
step because 'even when women have full rights, they still remain downtrodden
because all housework is left to them'.16 Lenin recognises that developing the
material conditions for ending women's historic household-bondage constitutes a
far more difficult task. He mentions the need 'for women to participate in com-
mon productive labor' and in public life on a basis of equality, but he puts major
emphasis on efforts to transform petty housekeeping into a series of large-scale
socialised services: community-kitchens, public dining rooms, laundries, repair
shops, nurseries, kindergartens, and so forthP Finally, in addition to the politi-cal
and material conditions for women's liberation, Lenin points to the critical

14. Lenin 1966, pp. 25, 26, 43, 6o, 63-4.

15. Lenin 1966, pp. 83-4.
16. Lenin 1966, p. 6g; see also pp. 59-60, 63, 66-8, 8o-1, 84, 88, n6.
17. On women in social production, see Lenin 1966, p. 6g; see also pp. 64, 81. On socia-
lised services, see Lenin 1966, pp. 64, 69-70, 84, 115-16.
 Toward Revolution • 127

role of ideological struggle in remoulding 'the most deep-rooted, inveterate,

hidebound and rigid' mentalities inherited from the old order. 18
To implement its policies with respect to women, the new Soviet government
faced the task of developing appropriate methods of work on several fronts. It was
easy enough to pass legislation removing women's legal inequality, but to persuade
people to live with it was quite another matter. Lenin addressed this issue in a
speech to the hastily organised First All-Russia Congress of Working Women, held
in Moscow in November 1918, where his appearance caused a sensation and
seemed to offer tangible evidence of Bolshevik support for the undertaking of
special work among peasant- and proletarian women. Using the new marriage-law
as his example, Lenin stresses the importance of care-ful propaganda and
education, for 'by lending too sharp an edge to the strug-gle we may only arouse
popular resentment; such methods of struggle tend to perpetuate the division of the
people along religious lines, whereas our strength lies in unity'. Similarly, the
drawing of women into the labour-force and the ini-tiation of measures to begin to
socialise housework and child-care required the utmost sensitivity to existing
conditions. Here, Lenin argues that 'the emancipa-tion of working women is a
matter for the working women themselves', for it is they who will develop the new
institutions. At the same time, the Party had the obligation to provide guidance and
devote resources to their work, and in 1919 Lenin already found its commitment
wanting. 'Do we in practice pay sufficient attention to this question', he asks,
'which in theory every Communist considers indisputable? Of course not. Do we
take proper care of the shoots of communism which already exist in this sphere?
Again the answer is no ... We do not nurse these shoots of the new as we should'.l9

Women's participation in political life constituted an area of serious concern, for

'you cannot draw the masses into politics without drawing the women into politics
as well'. Here again, Lenin regarded the timid efforts of both the inter-national
socialist movement and his own Bolshevik party as insufficient. Two major
obstacles hampered the work. In ~f first place, many socialists feared that any
attempt to do special work among women inevitably smacked of bourgeois
feminism or revisionism, and therefore attacked all such activities. For this posi-
tion, Lenin had nothing but scorn. While arguing that within the Party itself, a
separate organisation of women would be factional, he insisted the realities of
women's situation meant that 'we must have our own groups to work among
[women], special methods of agitation, and special forms of organization'. Even
more serious was the lack of enthusiasm among socialists when it came to

18. Lenin 1966, p. 84.

19. Lenin 1966, pp. 6o, 70, 64. On the 1918 Congress, see the account in Stites 1978, pp.
329-31. For an overview of the obstacles faced by the Bolsheviks, see Clements 1982-3.
128 • Chapter Eight

providing practical support for the special work among women. In a conversa-tion
recorded by Zetkin, Lenin criticised the general passivity and· backwardness of
male comrades on this issue. 'They regard agitation ahd propaganda among women
and the task of rousing and revolutionizing them as of secondary impor-tance, as
the job of just the women Communists ... Unfortunately, we may still say of many
of our comrades, "scratch the Communist and a philistine appears'". Behind this
view lies contempt for women. 'In the final analysis, it is an under-estimation of
women and of their accomplishments'. As evidence of the serious-ness of the
problem, Lenin describes how party-men complacently watch their own wives take
on the burdens and worries of the household, never thinking to lend a hand. Lenin
concludes that special work must be done on these questions among men. 'Our
communist work among the masses of women, and our politi-cal work in general,
involves considerable educational work among the men. We must root out the old
slave-owner's point of view, both in the Party and among the masses'. According to
Zetkin's notes, Lenin went so far as to weight this task equally with that of forming
a staff and organisations to work among women.2o
Lenin's remarks about male chauvinism never acquired programmatic form, and
the campaign against male ideological backwardness remained at most a minor
theme in Bolshevik practice. Nonetheless, his observations on the prob-lem
represented an extremely rare acknowledgment of its seriousness. As for the
development of special work among women, numerous socialists, almost all of
them women, took it up as best they could.
On the issues of love and sexuality, Lenin, like Zetkin, said very little, and
nothing that was meant for official publication. In a correspondence with Inessa
Armand in 1915, he criticises her notion of free love for its lack of clarity. While
agreeing that love must be free from economic, social, and patriarchal restric-tions,
he cautions against a 'bourgeois interpretation' that wishes to free love from
interpersonal responsibility.21 Later, in the conversation recorded by Zetkin, Lenin
directs a lengthy tirade against those who give too much attention to 'sex and
marriage problems'. He criticises German socialist organisers who dwell on the
subject in discussions with women-workers. And he worries about attempts in the
Soviet Union to transform the nihilist tradition of sexual radicalism into a socialist
framework:
Many people call it 'revolutionary' and 'communist'. They sincerely believe
that this is so. I am an old man, and I do not like it. I may be a morose ascetic,
but quite often this so-called 'new sex life' of young people - and frequently

20. Lenin 1966, pp. 83, 114-15. It must be remembered that virtually no socialist in this
period seriously challenged the sex-division of domestic labour, not even Alexandra
Kollontai; see Heinen 1978.
21. Lenin 1966, pp. 36-41.
 Toward Revolution • 129

of the adults too - seems to me purely bourgeois and simply an extension of the
good old bourgeois brothel. All this has nothing in common with free love as we
Communists understand it.

For Lenin and much of the socialist tradition, it was individual sex-love in social-
ist society that was destined to transcend the hypocritical two-sided sexual life of
capitalist societies, abolishing repressive marriages on the one hand, and
prostitution on the other. Individual sex-love was the socialist answer to 'the decay,
putrescence, and filth of bourgeois marriage with its difficult dissolution, its
licence for the husband and bondage for the wife, and its disgustingly false sex
morality'. Anything else smacked of promiscuity, and 'promiscuity in sex-ual
matters is bourgeois. It is a sign of d~generation'.22 Lenin's formulations, as
remembered by Zetkin and published after his death, functioned mainly as a
rationale for sexual conservatism among socialists.
In the long run, the experience of the Russian Revolution raised at least as many
questions about the relation of women's liberation to socialist transfor-mation as it
answered. Zetkin might have observed that here, too, history had posed a specific
woman-question, distinct from those thrust forward by capital-ist relations of
production: the question of women in the era of the transition to communism.

Given the generally undeveloped state of socialist work on the problem of wom-
en's oppression, Zetkin's and Lenin's theoretical contributions failed to make a
lasting impression. With some exceptions, twentieth-century socialists and
communists have adopted positions very similar to those dominant within the
Second International. Yet the legacy is both incomplete and ambiguous.

22. Lenin 1966, pp. 101, 105-7. On nihilist sexual radicalism, and on the issue of sexual-
ity in the Russian socialist movement, see Stites 1978, pp. 8g-gg, 258-6g, 346-g1.
23.
Part Four
From the Woman-Question to Women's Liberation
Chapter Nine
A Dual Legacy

As the preceding chapters demonstrate, the nine-teenth-

and early-twentieth-century Marxist tradi-tion provides
only limited theoretical guidance on the twin problems
of women's oppression and women's liberation. Marked
by omissions and inconsistencies, the classical literature
fails to confront the issues in a systematic manner.
Much of it rests, furthermore, on an inadequate grasp of
Marx's theory of social devel-opment. Despite a general
commitment to Marxism, commentaries tend also to
vacillate among several dif-ferent critiques of bourgeois
society, notably, utopian socialism, crude materialism,
and liberal feminism. In short, no stable Marxist
theoretical framework has been established for the
consideration of the question of women by socialists.

Given the disorderly state of this theoretical work, it

is not surprising that certain patterns have gone unno-
ticed. As it turns out, two essentially contradictory
approaches to the problem of women's subordination
have always co-eXisted within the socialist tradition,
although the distinction has not been explicitly recog-
nised, nor the positions clearly differentiated from one
another. An unspoken debate between two alterna-tives
has therefore haunted efforts to address a variety of
major theoretical and practical questions concern-ing
women's oppression and liberation. The origins of this
hidden debate go back to the works of Marx and Engels
themselves, and it has taken concrete shape in the
ambiguous theory and practice of later socialist and
communist movements. The implicit controversy
134 • Chapter Nine

has recently re-appeared, transformed in significant ways, within the contempo-

rary women's movement.
Tangled within the socialist literature, then, lie two distinct views of women's
situation, corresponding to divergent theoretical positions. For convenience, the
two positions may be labelled according to their starting point for the analysis of
women's oppression. On the one hand is the 'dual-systems perspective': women's
oppression derives from their situation within an autonomous system of sex-
divisions oflabour and male supremacy. On the other is the 'social reproduction
perspective': women's oppression has its roots in women's differential location
within social reproduction as a whole.1 The following brief characterisation of the
two perspectives aims simply to suggest the theoretical underpinning and
analytical consequences of each position. The social-reproduction perspective is
explored in more depth in the next chapters.
In essence, the dual-systems perspective takes off from what appears to be
obvious: divisions of labour and authority according to sex, the oppression of
women, and the family. These phenomena are treated more or less as givens,
analytically separable, at least in part, from the social relations in which they are
embedded. The major analytical task is to examine the origin and develop-ment of
the empirical correlation between sex-divisions oflabour and the social oppression
of women. In general, it is women's involvement in the sex-division of labour, and
their direct relationship - of dependence and of struggle - to men, rather than their
insertion in overall social reproduction, that establishes their oppression. At the
same time, women's oppression and the sex-division of labour are seen to be tied to
the mode of production dominant in a given soci-ety, and to vary according to
class. These latter factors enter the investigation as important variables which are,
however, essentially external to the workings of women's oppression.

Class- and sex-oppression therefore appear to be autonomous phenomena from

the dual-systems perspective. Despite its assertions of an 'inextricable rela-
tionship' between sex and class, this perspective leaves the character of that rela-
tionship unspecified. Logically speaking, however, the dual-systems perspective
implies that women's oppression follows a course that is essentially independent
from that of class-oppression. And it suggests, furthermore, that some systematic
mechanism, peculiar to the sex-division of labour and distinct from the class-
struggle characterising a given mode of production, constitutes the main force

1. This terminology revises that used in Vogel1979, which opposed the 'family argu-ment'
to the 'social production argument'. The term dual-systems perspective is adopted from
Young 1980. I am grateful to Nancy Holmstrom for a discussion that clarified both the
terminology and the analysis in this chapter. For an interesting parallel, see the dis-cussion
of two positions on the so-called national question in Blaut 1982.
 A Dual Legacy • 135

behind women's oppression. In other words, according to the theory implicit in the
dual-systems perspective, two powerful motors drive the development of history:
the class-struggle and the sex-struggle.
While the dual-systems perspective begins with empirically given phenomena
whose correlations are interpreted by means of a chain of plausible inferences, the
social-reproduction perspective starts out from a theoretical position- namely, that
class-struggle over the conditions of production represents the central dynamic of
social development in societies characterised by exploitation. In these societ-ies,
surplus-labour is appropriated by a dominant class, and an essential con-dition for
production is the constant presence and renewal of a subordinated class of direct
producers committed to the labour-process. Ordinarily, generational replacement
provides most of the new workers needed to replenish this class, and women's
capacity to bear children therefore plays a critical role in class-society.
From the point of view of social reproduction, women's oppression in class-
societies is rooted in their differential position with respect to generational
replacement-processes. Families constitute the historically specific social form
through which generational replacement usually takes place. In class societies, 'one
cannot speak at all of the family "as such"', as Marx once put it, for families have
widely varying places within the social structure. 2 In propertied classes, families
usually act as the carrier and transmitter of property, although they may also have
other roles. Here, women's oppression flows from their role in the maintenance and
inheritance of property. In subordinate classes, families usually structure the site at
which direct producers are maintained and repro-duced; such families may also
participate directly in immediate production. Female oppression in these classes
derives from women's involvement in pro-cesses that renew direct producers, as
well as their involvement in production. While women's oppression in class-
societies is experienced at many levels, it rests, ultimately, on these material
foundations. The specific working out of this oppression is a subject for historical,
not theoretical, investigation.
Presented in crystallised form, the distixwtion between the dual systems- and the
social-reproduction perspectives is relatively clear. Of the two, the social-
reproduction perspective accords most closely with Marx's analysis of the work-
ings of the capitalist mode of production, particularly as elaborated in Capital. The
demarcation between the two perspectives has always been blurred, how-ever,
even while the presence of contradictory positions underlies much of the ambiguity
marking the theoretical work produced by the socialist movement. The dual-
systems perspective has generally prevailed over the social-reproduction

2. Marx and Engels 1975a, p. 180.

136 • Chapter Nine

perspective, despite periodic efforts to derive an analysis of the question of women

from Marx's work.
Engels's Origin, for example, relies heavily on the duai-systems perspective. In
the first place, the perspective is built into the very organisation of the book. By
assigning a separate chapter to the family, Engels implicitly suggests that the
category offamily- whose general shaping by the sex-division oflabour he takes as
a given - can be considered virtually autonomously. Moreover, he regards the sex-
division of labour as biologically based and historically inflexible, whereas all
other major phenomena in the Origin have a social foundation. In this way, Engels
awards a central role to the sex-division oflabour in the family, but places it in a
theoretical limbo. Similarly, women's oppression seems to spring from the
independent nature of the sex-division of labour itself. The remarks in the preface
concerning the twofold character of production make these dualities explicit. The
dual-systems perspective takes the general form, in the Origin, of an emphasis on
the sex-division of labour and on the family as critically impor-tant phenomena
which are not, however, firmly located with respect to overall social reproduction.

The Origin's characterisation of the single family as the 'economic unit of soci-
ety', with the additional implication that 'modern society is a mass composed of
these individual families as molecules', further illustrates its implicit dependence
on the dual-systems perspective. In such statements, Engels retains the separation
of family from social reproduction, but peculiarly assigns a dominant-constitutive
role to the former. The manner in which the family-unit functions within social
reproduction, other than, in the case of the ruling class, to hold property, is never
clearly defined. Along the same lines, Marx, as well as Engels, spoke sev-eral
times of the sex-division of labour in the family as a sort of representative
miniature of the social division of labour in society. 'The modern family contains
in germ not only slavery (servitus) but also serfdom, since from the beginning it is
related to agricultural services. It contains in miniature all the contradictions which
later extend throughout society and its state'. Engels also uses the image to
describe relations between the sexes. Within the family, [the husband] is the
bourgeois, and the wife represents the proletariat'. Since neither Marx nor Engels
ever specifies, in any precise manner, the nature of this 'representation' - that is, the
relationship between the family 'germ' and the social whole - these images function
as simplistic parallels. At best, they are dangerous metaphors; at worst, uncritical
borrowings from early bourgeois political philosophy. 3

3· On the family as the 'economic unit of society' see Engels 1972, pp. 138, 139, 223, 235,
236n. On the family as the 'cellular form of civilized society' see Engels 1972, pp. 121-2, 129,
131, 137; see also Marx and Engels 1975a, p. 46, and Marx 1973b, p. 484. For a similar analysis,
see Brown 1978, pp. 38-41.
 A Dual Legacy • 137

Finally, the Origin's discussion of the family as the site of a struggle between the
sexes accords with the dual-systems perspective. While Engels underscores the
simultaneous emergence of sex- and class-conflict, he never achieves a clear
picture of their connection. The two developments remain historically paral-lel
phenomena, whose theoretical relationship is best characterised as one of
autonomy. For the propertied family, women's oppression has its source in the
husband's need to preserve and transmit his private property. Obviously, the
absence of private property should be accompanied by an absence of sex-conflict.
In fact, as Engels is forced to acknowledge, women occupy a subordinate place in
propertyless households. Engels offers no theoretical basis for this historic
oppression, although the preface's concept of systematic 'production of human
beings themselves' hints obliquely at a distinct mechanism.
The Origin does not entirely neglect the social-reproduction perspective. It is
implicit when Engels states that participation in public production offers the path to
emancipation for the proletarian woman, when he insists that domestic work must
be converted into a public industry, or when he argues that the single family must
cease to be the economic unit of society. These assertions function as important
insights which need, however, to be supported theoretically. Why does participation
in public production offer a precondition for social equality? What does it mean to
say the family's aspect as an economic unit must be abol-ished? In what sense is
the family an economic unit? How are these issues linked to the requirement that
domestic work be converted into a public industry? Unfortunately, Engels never
manages to provide the explicit theoretical under-pinning necessary to answer these
questions properly. Marx had presented the outlines of a theory of the reproduction
of labour-power and the working class that could, in principle at least, have
constituted the starting point. But such a serious extension of Marx's work
represented an undertaking for which Engels lacked time and, perhaps, motivation.
With the publication of the Origin, Engels's contradictory blend of the dual systems-
and social-reproduction perspectives became, in effect, the unstable theoretical fS?
undation for all subsequent socialist investigation of the so-called woman-question.
The unrecognised gap between the two perspectives wide.ned as the strug-gle
between Marxism and revisionism intensified in the Second International. Whereas
Engels had managed to combine both perspectives, however awk-wardly, in a
single text, subsequent analyses tended more clearly to emphasise one at the
expense of the other. In general, the dual-systems perspective domi-nated within
the reformist wing of the socialist movement, while a rough ver-sion of the social-
reproduction perspective underlay the occasional efforts by opponents of
reformism to address the question of women.
138 • Chapter Nine

Behind the mass of data in August Be bel's Woman and Socialism, for instance is a
'
conceptual framework thoroughly in accord with the dual-systems perspective. The
book's position within the terms of the dual-systems perspective is estab-lished, first
of all, by Be bel's assumption that the category 'woman' represents an appropriate
theoretical starting point. Despite ritual assertions that the 'solution of the Woman
Question coincides completely with the solution of the Social Question', Be bel
treats the phenomenon of women's oppression as analytically separable from social
development as a whole. He argues, furthermore, that women's individual
dependence on men is the source of their oppression in class-society, but fails to
situate that dependence within overall social reproduc-tion. In short, Be bel's
Woman and Socialism puts the ·sex-division of labour and the relationship of
dependence between women and men, taken as empirically obvious and ahistorical
givens (at least until the advent of socialist society), at the heart of the problem
ofwomen's oppression.
Next to the theoretical and political confusion that permeates Woman and
Socialism, Engels's analysis in the Origin has considerable force and clarity. Rather
than zig-zagging erratically between the so-called woman- and social questions, he
concentrates on the social phenomena that produce woman's position in a given
society, and on the conditions that might lead to changes in that posi-tion. He does
his best, that is, to delineate the relationships among the factors involved in
women's oppression - the family, sex-divisions of labour, property relations, class-
society, and the state - at times hinting also at the more com-prehensive concept of
the reproduction of labour-power implicit in the social-reproduction perspective.
Although Engels's discussion in the Origin sorely lacks the powerful theoretical
and political insight that Marx might have brought to the subject, it moves well
beyond Bebel's effort in Woman and Socialism.
The Avelings' pamphlet The Woman Question confirms, even more clearly than
Bebel's Woman and Socialism, the dominance of the dual-systems perspective
within the socialist movement. Like Bebel, the authors assert that the basis of
women's oppression is economic dependence, but they fail to explain how, thus
effectively severing the problem of women's subordination from its loca-tion
within social development. The pamphlet's conceptualisation of woman's position
mainly in terms of love, sexuality, marriage, divorce, and dependence on men,
reinforces this theoretical demarcation between women, the family, and the sex-
division oflabour, on the one hand, and social reproduction, on the other. Finally,
the pamphlet's explicit formulation of sex- and class-oppression as parallel
phenomena, engendering parallel struggles whose relationship is never discussed,
reveals most sharply its reliance on the dual-systems perspective.
At the theoretical level, the growing strength of reformism in the Second
International undoubtedly found a reflection in the consolidation of the dual-
systems perspective as the unspoken basis for any socialist efforts to address the
 A Dual Legacy • 139

question of women. Against this position, the left wing of the socialist move-ment
presented an implicit, if all-too undeveloped, challenge, which accorded with the
general premises of the social-reproduction perspective. Thus, in their approach to
the issue of women's subordination, Zetkin and Lenin, both leaders in the struggle
against reformism, reject the universal categories of 'woman' or 'the family' as
theoretical starting points. Instead, each focuses on the specificity of women's
oppression in different classes in a given mode of production.
In her 18g6 speech to the Party Congress, for example, Zetkin insists that the
character of the so-called woman-question in capitalist societies is dependent on
class. She identifies three distinct woman-questions, all demanding resolu-tion, but
differentiated by the source of oppression, the nature of the demands for equality,
and the obstacles to achieVing the demands. Refusing to consider the woman-
question as a classless abstraction to be resolved in the future, she suggests a
comprehensive programme of organisational activity. At the practi-cal level,
Zetkin's opposition to reformism took the form of a commitment to developing
socialist work among women of all classes -work that would support reforms
without falling into reformism, and simultaneously keep the revolution- ary goal
firmly in view. In contrast to many of her contemporaries in the socialist
movement, she saw the fight for changes in the relations between women and men
as a task for the present, not for some indefinite socialist future.
With more theoretical precision than Zetkin, ifless originality and commitment,
Lenin places the issue of women's subordination in the context of the reproduc-tion
of labour-power in class-society. His repeated emphasis on the decisive role of
domestic labour reflects an understanding, heightened by the experience of the
Bolshevik Revolution, of the material foundation of women's oppression. His grasp
of the workings of capitalist social reproduction enables him to sketch the outlines
of a theoretically coherent relationship between sex- and class-oppres-sion, by
means of the concept of democratic rights. These positions constitute the
theoretical basis underlying Lenin's strategic clarity - never sufficiently
implemented by the Bolsheviks in practice - on the importance of special work
•I
among women, on the need for mass women's organisations bringing together
women of all classes, and on the problem of combating male ideological back-
wardness. Taken together, Zetkin's and Lenin's observations on women offer the
rudiments of a specific use of the social-reproduction perspective to analyse
women's oppression in capitalist society.
In the context of the modem women's movement in North America and West-em
Europe, specifically its socialist-feminist wing, the tension between the two
perspectives has taken a new form. Whereas the socialist movement of the late
nineteenth century sought mainly to differentiate its positions on the problem of
women's oppression from those of liberal feminism, contemporary socialist
feminism has developed as much in sympathetic response to the views of radical
140 • Chapter Nine

feminism as to the failures of both liberal feminism and the socialist tradition. It is
this advanced position, in part, that has enabled the socialist-feminist move-ment
to make its many significant contributions.
In certain ways, theoretical work produced from within the socialist-feminist
framework recreates the major characteristics of the dual-systems perspective. For
example, socialist-feminist theorists tend, no matter what their stated inten-tions, to
separate the question of divisions of labour and authority according to sex from
social reproduction.4 Furthermore, they remain generally unable to situate women's
oppression theoretically in terms of mode of production and class. And they offer a
one-sided emphasis on the family and issues of sexuality and personal dependence.
Last, socialist feminists have not provided theoretical underpinning for their
strategic emphasis on the integral role, in the struggle for socialism, of the
autonomous organisation of women from all sectors of society. In these ways,
socialist feminists often reproduce the weaknesses of the dual-systems perspective,
but their work also points the way toward a more adequate theoretical grasp of the
issue of women's oppression. In particular, they insist on the centrality of achieving
a materialist understanding of woman's situation within the family - as child-
bearer, child-rearer, and domestic labourer - as the key to the problem of the
persistence of women's oppression across differ-ent modes of production and
classes. It is here that socialist-feminist theorists have made especially important
contributions. Those who focus on the task in terms of Marx's theory of social
reproduction have renewed, furthermore, the elements of the social-reproduction
perspective, and have deepened it in ways never achieved either by Marx or by the
socialist tradition. In sum, the political seriousness of socialist-feminist
involvement in theoretical work, fuelled by the continuing militancy of women in
social movements around the world has both reproduced and transformed the
tension between the two perspectives. On the one hand, socialist feminism revives
the contradictory co-existence of the two theoretical perspectives, which originated
with Marx and Engels, only to disap-pear under the pressures of revisionism. On
the other, it moves well beyond limitations established in the earlier period.

Socialist-feminist theory unknowingly recapitulates, then, certain failures of the

classical-socialist tradition, while also laying the basis to correct them. Like much
of the socialist movement of the late nineteenth and early twentieth cen-turies, it
has, willy-nilly, adopted some positions that are essentially at odds with its
commitment to Marxism and social revolution. Unlike that movement, how-ever, it
has not closed itself off to a revolutionary perspective, and therefore has every
interest in transcending the contradiction.

4· More recently, for example, Young intelligently demolishes the dualism of much
of socialist-feminist theory, but then suggests an emphasis on 'gender division of labor
analvsis' that threatens to recreate the verv dualism she wishes to avoid. Youn!! 1081.
Chapter Ten
The Reproduction of Labour-Power

The argumenUn these pages has taken the form of a

critical reading of certain socialist texts pertaining to
women's oppression and women's liberation. It is time to
sum up the results.
Marx, Engels, and their immediate followers contrib-
uted more to understanding the oppression of women
than participants in the modem women's movement
usually recognise. At the same time, the socialist tra-
dition's approach to those issues presumed to make up
the so-called woman-question has been not only
incomplete but seriously flawed. In the absence of any
stable analytical framework, socialists have had to rely
for theoretical guidance on a potpourri of notions drawn
from various· sources. This hundred-year legacy of
ambiguity still hampers work on the question of women,
although recent developments suggest that the
conditions now exist for resolving it, both in theory and
in practice. Women today take an increasingly active
role in revolutionary change around the world, thereby
forcing socialist movements to acknowledge and
facilitate their participation. Against this background,
recent advances made by socialist-feminist theorists
have a critical importance. They reflect a new impetus
to develop an adequate theo-retical foundation for
socialist work on women. And they move beyond many
of the weaknesses inherited from the socialist tradition.

Thus, objectively speaking, the concerns of social-ists

within the modem women's movement and of
revolutionaries within the socialist movement have
142 • Chapter Ten

converged. The relationship of women's struggles to social transformation, a

question that is simultaneously practical and theoretical, once again appears as a
pressing matter on the revolutionary agenda.
In the theoretical sphere, the first requirement for further forW-ard motion is to
abandon the idea that the so-called woman-question represents an adequate
category of analysis. Despite its long history as a serious issue for socialists, the
term turns out to have no coherent meaning as a theoretical concept. The various
notions associated with it actually conceal, as socialist feminists have pointed out,
a theoretical problem of fundamental significance: the reproduction of labour-
power in the context of overall social reproduction. Socialist theorists have never
sufficiently confronted this problem, yet the rudiments of a usable approach lie
buried just below the surface of Marx's analysis of social reproduc-tion in Capital.

The discussion in this and the following chapter suggests a theoretical frame-
work that can situate the phenomenon of women's oppression in terms of social
reproduction. Given the weak tradition of theoretical work on the question of
women, some words of caution are in order. Theory is, of course, critical to the
development of specific analyses of women's situation. Explicitly or implicitly,
empirical phenomena must be organised in terms of a theoretical construct in order
to be grasped conceptually. At the same time, theory is, by its very nature, severely
limited. As a structure of concepts, a theoretical framework simply provides
guidance for the understanding of actual societies, past and present. However
indispensable this theoretical guidance may be, specific strategies, pro-grammes,
or tactics for change cannot be deduced directly from theory. Nor can the
phenomenon of variation in women's situation over time, and in different societies,
be addressed solely by means of theory. These are matters for concrete analysis and
historical investigation. By contrast, the argument in these chapters is largely
theoretical, and it is therefore necessarily abstract. No attempt is made to develop
detailed analyses of women's oppression in, for example, contempo-rary capitalist
society. Such studies, and the political conclusions and tasks they imply, will be
undertaken elsewhere.
The phenomenon of women's oppression is a highly individual and subjec-tive
experience, often dissected in elaborate descriptive terms, with emphasis on issues
of sexuality, inter-personal relations, and ideology. As Michele Barrett observes,
'the women's liberation movement has laid great stress on the expe-riential aspects
of oppression in marriage, in sexual relationships, and in the ideology of
femininity and male dominance. In the establishment of "sexual poli-tics" as a
central area of struggle it has succeeded in drawing back the veil on privatized
relationships. This politicization of personal life ... is a major achieve-ment of
feminist activity and one from which Marxism has learnt a great deal'.
 The Reproduction of Labour-Power • 143

Barrett argues that such analyses are not enough, however, for they have 'tended to
ignore the ways in which private oppression is related to broader questions of
relations of production and the class structure'. In the following pages, the focus is
on this latter question, in particular, on the economic, or material, aspect of
women's situation. However restricted the approach may seem from the point of
view of the desire for a full-blown exposition of women's oppression, it is
necessary to establish these material foundations. Once laid, they will form the
indispensable basis for further work. In sum, the starting point in these chap-ters is
a theoretical perspective on social reproduction, but the ultimate goal is to confront
the twin problems of women's oppression and the conditions for women's
liberation.l

To situate women's oppression in terms of social reproduction and the reproduc-

tion of labour-power, several concepts need to be specified, beginning with the
concept of labour-power itself. Marx defines labour-power as something latent in
all persons: 'By labor-power or capacity for labor is to be understood the aggregate
of those mental and physical capabilities existing in a human being, which he
exercises whenever he produces a use-value of any description'. A use-value is 'a
useful thing' something that 'by its properties satisfies human wants of some sort or
another'. Use-values, and the useful labor that may go into their production, exist in
every society, although the precise social form they take varies. 'So far ... as labor
is a creator of use-value, is useful labor, it is a necessary condition, independent of
all forms of society, for the existence of the human race'. Labourcpower, which is
simply the capacity for useful labour, is therefore also 'independent of every social
phase of [human] existence, or rather, is com-mon to every such phase'.2
Labour-power is a latent capacity borne by a human being. Its potentiality is
realised when labour-power is put to use - consumed - in a labour-process. Once
having entered the labour-process, the bearer of labour-power contributes labour,
for 'labor-power in use is labor its~lf'.3 Labour-power must, therefore, be
distinguished from the bodily and social existence of its bearer.
Labour-processes do not exist in isolation. They are inserted in determinate
modes of production. Furthermore, any production is, at one and the same time,
reproduction. 'A society can no more cease to produce than it can cease to
consume. When viewed, therefore, as a connected whole, and as flowing on with
incessant renewal, every social process of production is, at the same time,

1. Barrett 1980, p. 79· I would like to thank Ira Gerstein for his many perceptive com-
ments on the theoretical arguments in this and the following chapter.
2. Marx 1971a, pp. 164, 43, so, 179·
3· Marx 1971a, p. 173.
144 • Chapter Ten

a process of reproduction'. Social reproduction entails, finally, the reproduction of

the conditions of production. For example, in feudal society, 'the product of the
serf must ... suffice to reproduce his conditions of labor, in addition to his
subsistence'. This is 'a circumstance which remains the same under all modes of
production. For it is not the result of their specific form, but a natural requisite of
all continuous and reproductive labor in general, of any continuing produc-tion,
which is always simultaneously reproduction, i.e. including reproduction of its
own operating conditions'.4 Among other things, social reproduction requires that a
supply of labour-power always be available to set the labour-process in motion.

The bearers of labour-power are, however, mortal. Those who work suffer wear
and tear. Some are too young to participate in the labour-process, others too old.
Eventually, every individual dies. Some process that meets the ongoing personal
needs of the bearers oflabour-power as human individuals is therefore a condition
of social reproduction, as is some process that replaces workers who have died or
withdrawn from the active work force. These processes of main-tenance and
replacement are often imprecisely, if usefully, conflated under the term
reproduction of labour-power. 5
Despite the linguistic similarity of the terms production and reproduction, the
processes that make up the reproduction of labour-power and those that form part
of a society's production are not comparable from a theoretical point of view.
Reproduction of labour-power is a condition of production, for it reposits or
replaces the labour-power necessary for production. Reproduction of labour-power
is not, however, itself a form of production. That is, it does not necessarily involve
some determinate combination of raw materials and means of produc-tion in a
labour-process whose result is the product labour-power. While some have argued
that the reproduction oflabour-power is a production-process tak-ing place in
family-households, in fact such activities represent only one pos-sible mode of
renewing the bearers oflabour-power. Labour-camps or dormitory facilities can
also be used to maintain workers, and the work-force can be replen-

4· Marx 1971a, p. 531; Marx 1971b, p. 790.

5· The term reproduction of labour-power has also been used in a variety of other
ways. It is sometimes employed to designate processes associated with the development
of skills and the maintenance of ideological hegemony. For example, the educational
system in capitalist society plays an important part in social reproduction and has been
analysed in terms of its role in the so-called reproduction of labour-power. Still another
use of the term refers to the labour involved in the production and distribution of the
means of subsistence. Workers in restaurants and clothing factories in capitalist society
are said, for instance, to contribute to the reproduction of labour-power. While these
various uses of the term reproduction of labour-power are suggestive, they disregard
the special character of labour that is socially organised into an economy as opposed to
labour that is not. See also the comments in Hindess and Hirst 1975, Chapter 1.
 The Reproduction of Labour-Power • 145

ished through immigration or enslavement as well as by generational replace-ment

of existing workers.
To give preliminary theoretical shape to the problem of the reproduction of
labour-power, Marx introduced the concept of individual consumption (discussed
in Chapters). Individual consumption refers to the individual direct producer's
consumption of means of subsistence. Marx underscores the difference between
individual consumption and the productive consumption that takes place in the
social-labour process. 'Such productive consumption is distinguished from indi-
vidual consumption by this, that the latter uses up products, as means of subsis-
tence for the living individual; the former, as means whereby alone, labor, the
labour-power of the living individual, is enabled to act. The product, therefore, of
individual consumption, is the consumer himself; the result of productive con-
sumption, is a product distinct from the consumer'.6
As used here, the concept of individual consumption refers essentially to the
daily processes that restore the direct producer and enable him or her to return to
work. That is, it does not cover generational replacement of existing workers, nor
the maintenance of non-labouring individuals, such as the elderly and the sick.
Neither does it pertain to the recruitment of new workers into the labour-force by,
for example, enslavement or immigration. Individual consumption con-cerns solely
the maintenance of an individual direct producer already enmeshed in the
production-process; it permits the worker to engage, again and again, in the
immediate production-process.7
The concept of individual consumption refers, then, to the reproduction of
labour-power at the level of the immediate production~process. At the level of total
social reproduction it is not the individual direct producer but the totality of
labourers that is maintained and replaced. 8 It is evident that such renewal of the
labour-force can be accomplished in a variety of ways. In principle, at least, the
present set of labourers can be worked to death, and then replaced by an

6. Marx 1971a, p. 179. . •l

7· Marx was not at all consistent in his discussion of the concept of individual con-
sumption. At times he clearly restricts it to the daily maintenance of the individual
direct producer. Elsewhere, he slips into formulations that imply it covers the
maintenance and renewal of the worker 'and his family'. Socialist feminists have
pointed to these inconsistencies as evidence of the inadequacies of the Marxist
tradition. The difficulty lies not only with the remarks, but with the absence of any
sustained examination of wage-labour in the other volumes of Capital, which consider
social reproduction as a whole. Had Marx completed his original plan, which projected
a separate volume on wage-labour, some of the problems might have been rectified. On
the plans for Capital, see note 42 of Chapter 5·
8. For the question of theoretical levels, see Establet 1973, and Gerstein 1976. The
wording 'total social reproduction' is used here to refer to the theoretical level at which
Volume III of Capital operates, or, in Gerstein's terms, to 'the complex unity of produc-
tion and circulation'. Gerstein 1976, p. 265; see also pp. 253-6.
146 • Chapter Ten

entirely new set. In the more likely case, an existing labour-force is replenished
both generationaJly and by new labourers. Children of workers grow up and enter
the labour-force. Women who had not previously been involved begin to par-
ticipate in production. Immigrants or slaves from outside a society's boundaries
enter its labour-force. To the brief extent that Marx considered these questions in
general terms, he spoke of laws of population. 'Every special historic mode of
production has its own special laws of population, historically valid within its
limits alone. An abstract law of population exists for plants and animals only, and
only in so far as man has not interfered with them'. 9 Moreover, not all pres-ent
labourers will work in a subsequent production-period. Some will become sick,
disabled, or too old. Others may be excluded, as when protective legislation is
enacted to prohibit child-labour or women's night-work. In sum, at the level of
total social reproduction, the concept of the reproduction of labour-power does not
in the least imply the reproduction of a bounded unit of population.10
The discussion so far has not required that the gender of direct producers be
specified. From a theoretical perspective, it does not yet matter whether they are
women or men, so long as they are somehow available to make up the labour-
force. What raises the question of gender is, of course, the phenomenon of gen-
erational replacement of bearers of labour-power - that is, the replacement of
existing workers by new workers from the next generation. If generational
replacement is to happen, biological reproduction must intervene. And here, it
must be admitted, human beings do not reproduce themselves by parthenogen-esis.
Women and men are different.
The critical theoretical import of the biological distinction between women and
men with respect to child-bearing appears, then, at the level of total social
reproduction. While reproduction of labour-power at the level of total social
reproduction does not necessarily entail generational replacement, it is at this
theoretical level that the issue must be located.
Before proceeding further, a popular analytical misconception should be
acknowledged. People ordinarily experience the processes of generational
replacement in individualised kin-based contexts, and attempts to develop a theory
of the reproduction of labour-power often focus on the family-unit or household as
a starting point. Such a procedure, however understandable, repre-sents a serious
confusion with respect to theoretical levels. As commonly under-stood, the family
is a kin-based social structure in which take place processes

g. Marx 1971a, p. 592.

10. The distinction of theoretical levels makes it clear that the domestic-labour
debate discussed in Chapter 2 properly concerns the problem of individual consumption
at the level of the immediate production-process in the capitalist mode of production -
and not, as it seemed to some at the time, the reproduction of labour-power in general.
 The Reproduction of Labour-Power • 147

contributing to the worker's daily maintenance - his or her ongoing individual

consumption. Families also provide the context in which children are born and
grow up, and they frequently include individuals who are not currently partic-
ipating in the labour-force. In most societies, families therefore act as impor-tant
sites for both maintenance and generational replacement of existing and potential
workers.11 They are not, however, the only places where workers renew themselves
on a daily basis. For example, many workers in South Africa live in barracks near
their work, and are permitted to visit their families in outlying areas once a year.
Furthermore, children do not necessarily constitute a family's only contribution to
the replenishment of society's labour-power. Other family-members may at times
enter the work force, at harvest, for instance, or during economic crises. Finally,
families are not the only source of such replenishment; other possibilities, as
previously mentioned, include migration and enslavement offoreign populations.
These observations demonstrate that the identification of the family as the sole site
of maintenance of labour-power overstates its role at the level of immediate
production. Simultaneously it fetishises the family at the level of total social
reproduction, by representing generational replacement as the only source of
renewal of society's labour-force.
In any case, it is premature from a theoretical point of view to introduce a
specific social site of the reproduction oflabour-power, such as the family, into the
discussion at this stage. Two further observations should, however, be made
concerning the existence of a biological distinction between women and men in the
area of child-bearing. First, biological differences constitute the material
precondition for the social construction of gender-differences, as well as a direct
material factor in the differential position of the sexes in a societyP Second, sex-
differences cannot be considered apart from their existence within a definite social
system, and nothing more can be said, at this point, about their signifi-cance for the
process of the reproduction oflabour-power. The concepts pertain-ing to the
question of the reproduction of labour-power have been developed so far without
reference to a specific mode ,~f production. Hence, the discus-sion has necessarily
proceeded at an extreme level of abstraction - or, as Marx puts it, speaking of the
labour-process, 'independently of the particular form it assumes under given social
conditions'.13 Let us move, now, to a consideration of the reproduction of labour-
power in class-society.

n. For a sensible discussion of common-sense meanings of the term family, see Rapp
1978.
12. On the social construction of sex-differences, see: Barrett 1980, pp. 74-7; Beneria
1979; Brown 1978; Edholm, Harris and Young 1977; Molyneux 1977· For a fine critique of
this literature, see Sayers 1982. See also the works cited in note 22 of this chapter.
13. Marx 1971a, p. 173.
148 • Chapter Ten

The appropriation of surplus-labour, or exploitation, constitutes the foundation of

class-relations. In a class-society, the ruling class appropriates surplus-labour
performed by an exploited class of direct producers. MarX: sums up the essence of
class-society in an important passage:
The specific economic form, in which unpaid surplus-labor is pumped out of
direct producers, determines the relationship of rulers and ruled, as it grows
directly out of production itself and, in turn, reacts upon it as a determining
element. Upon this, however, is founded the entire formation of the economic
community which grows up out of ilie production relations themselves,
thereby simultaneously its specific political form. It is always the direct
relationship of the owners of the conditions of production to the direct
producers - a rela-tion always naturally corresponding to a definite stage in
the development of the meiliods of labor and thereby its social productivity -
which reveals the innermost secret, the hidden basis of ilie entire social
structure, and with it ilie political form of ilie relation of sovereignty and
dependence, in short, ilie corresponding specific form of ilie state. 14

In a class-society, the concept oflabour-power acquires a specific class-meaning.

Labour-power refers to the capacity of a member of the class of direct producers to
perform the surplus-labour appropriated by the ruling class. In other words, the
bearers of labour-power make up the exploited class. For a class-society, the
concept of the reproduction of labour-power pertains, strictly speaking, to the
maintenance and renewal of the class of bearers of labour-power subject to
exploitation. While a class-society must also develop some process of maintain-ing
and replacing the individuals who make up the ruling class, it cannot be considered
part of the reproduction of labour-power in society. By definition, labour-power in
a class-society is borne only by members of the class of direct producers. 15

Marx contrasts the surplus-labour performed by direct producers in a class-

society to their necessary labour, defining both kinds of labour in terms of the time
expended by a single producer during one working day. Necessary labour is that
portion of the day's work through which the producer achieves his own
reproduction. The remaining portion of the day's work is surplus-labour, appro-
priated by the exploiting class.16 In reality, a portion of the direct producer's

14. Marx 1971b, p. 791; see also Marx 1971a, p. 2og.

15. Socialist-feminist discussions of the reproduction of labour-power sometimes
stretch ilie term, implicitly if not explicitly, to include the renewal of individuals in the
ruling class. In so doing, they not only produce conceptual confusion, they do away
wiili the essential distinction between classes - that between exploiters and exploited.
16. Marx 1971a, pp. 208-g, 226-g.
 The Reproduction of Labour-Power • 149

labour may also be devoted to securing the reproduction of other members of the
exploited class. Where, for example, children, the elderly, or a wife do not
themselves enter into surplus-production as direct producers, a certain amount
oflabour-time must be expended for their maintenance. Marx was never explicit
about what is covered by the concepts of individual consumption and neces-sary
labour. As discussed above, the concept of individual consumption has been
restricted here to the direct producer's immediate maintenance. Necessary labour is
used, however, to cover all labour performed in the course of the main-tenance and
renewal of both direct producers and members of the subordinate class not
currently working as direct producers.
Necessary labour ordinarily includes several constituent processes. In the first
place, it provides a certain amount of means of subsistence for individual con-
sumption by direct producers. In a feudal society, for example, direct producers
may retain a portion of the total product. In a capitalist society, wages permit the
purchase of commodities in the market. In most cases, the raw means of sub-
sistence so acquired do not themselves ensure the maintenance of the labourer. A
certain amount of supplementary labour must be performed in order that the
necessaries can be consumed in appropriate form: firewood must be chopped,
meals cooked, garden-plots tended, clothes repaired, and so forth. In addition to
these labour-processes facilitating the individual consumption of direct pro-ducers,
two other sets of labour-processes can be identified. A portion of neces-sary labour
goes to provide means of subsistence to maintain members of the exploited classes
not currently working as direct producers - the elderly, the sick, a wife. And an
important series oflabour-processes associated with the gen-erational replacement
of labour-power may also take place - that is, the bearing and raising of the
children of the subordinate class. As discussed above, these various aspects of
necessary labour have a certain autonomy from a theoretical point of view.
Together they represent an indispensable condition for the repro-duction of labour-
power and therefore for overall social reproduction. It should be noted that the
concept of necessary labour pertains strictly to tasks associated with the
reproduction of labour-power in tbe exploited class. Individuals in the ruling class
also require daily maintenance and ordinarily replace themselves through
generational reproduction. Such activities do not qualify as necessary labour in
Marx's sense, however, for they do not concern the renewal of exploit-able labour-
power.
In a given class-society, the circumstances and outcome of the processes of
reproduction of labour-power are essentially indeterminate or contingent. To
maintain otherwise would be to fall into the functionalist argument that a system's
needs for labour-power must inevitably be fulfilled by the workings of that system.
The social relations through which necessary labour is carried
150 • Chapter Ten

out therefore cannot be postulated independently of specific .. historical cases. In

particular, the family, however defined, is not a timeless universal of human
society. As with any social structure, the form kin-based relationships take always
depends on social development, and is potentially a terrain of struggleP
Although analytically distinct, necessary labour and surplus-labour may lose
their specificity and separateness when experienced in the real life of concrete
labour-processes. Several examples suggest the range of possibilities. First, in a
feudal society in which serfs pay rent in kind, bringing the lord a share of the
product, necessary labour and surplus-labour interpenetrate as labour-processes. In
the case oflabour-rent, by contrast, in which serfs work the lord's fields inde-
pendently from their own plot, a clear spatial and temporal demarcation divides
surplus-labour from necessary labour. In capitalist societies, as we shall see in
Chapter n, a distinction appears between two components of necessary labour, one
carried out in conjunction with surplus-labour and the other taking place outside
the sphere of surplus-labour appropriation.
Last, consider the hypothetical example of a slave-system that imports labour-
ers from outside its boundaries, and forces them to work at a literally killing pace.
Under such conditions, generational replacement might become almost impos-
sible, and the amount of necessary labour could be reduced to nearly zero.
Of the three aspects of necessary labour - maintenance of direct producers,
maintenance of non-labouring members of the subordinate class, and genera-tional
replacement processes - only the last requires, in an absolute sense, that there be a
sex-division of labour of at least a minimal kind. If children are to be born, it is
women who will carry and deliver them. Women belonging to the subordinate
class have, therefore, a special role with respect to the generational replacement
oflabour-power. While they may also be direct producers, it is their differential role
in the reproduction of labour-power that lies at the root of their oppression in class-
society. This differential role can be situated in theoretical terms. The paragraphs
that follow, which elaborate the argument first made by Paddy Quick, offer such a
theoretical framework as a basis for the analysis of women's oppression.IB

17. O'Laughlin 1977, pp. 6-7; Rapp 1979, pp. 319, 321-2; Vogel1978. For discussions of
functionalism in socialist-feminist theory, see Barrett 1980, pp. 93-6, and Sayers 1982, p.
202.
18. Quick 1977. In addition to her consideration ofwomen's oppression in class-society,
Quick develops a contrast between class- and non-class- societies, arguing that 'it is only in
class society that the involvement of women in child-bearing results in the oppres-sion of
women' (p. 45). Along similar lines, she makes the radical suggestion that '"the family'' ... is
a term applicable only to class societies, in which production (and repro-duction) have a
meaning distinct from the organization of production in the interests of society as a whole
(i.e. communist societies, both primitive and advanced)' (p. 47).
 The Reproduction of Labour-Power • 151

The argument hinges on the relationship of child-bearing to the appropria-tion of

surplus-labour in class-society. Child-bearing threatens to diminish the contribution
a woman in the subordinate class can make as a direct producer and as a participant
in necessary labour. Pregnancy and lactation involve, at the minimum, several
months of somewhat reduced capacity to work. 19 Even when a woman continues to
participate in surplus-production, child-bearing therefore interferes to some extent
with the immediate appropriation of surplus-labour. Moreover, her labour is
ordinarily required for the maintenance oflabour-power, and pregnancy and
lactation may lessen a woman's capacity in this area as well. From the ruling class's
short-term point of view, then, childbearing potentially entails a costly decline in
the mother's capacity to work, while at the same time requiring that she be
maintained during 'the period of diminished contribution. In principle, some of the
necessary labour that provides for her during that time might otherwise have
formed part of the surplus-labour appropriated by the ruling class. That is,
necessary labour ordinarily has to increase somewhat to cover her maintenance
during the child-bearing period, implying a correspond-ing decrease in surplus-
labour. At the same time, child-bearing is of benefit to the ruling class, for it must
occur if the labour-force is to be replenished through generational replacement.
From the point of view of the dominant class, there is, therefore, a potential
contradiction between its immediate need to appropriate surplus-labour and its
long-term requirement for a class to perform it.
The argument outlined in the previous paragraph analyses the potential impli-
cations of an empirical phenomenon - women's capacity to bear children - for the
processes of surplus-labour appropriation. The discussion operates, it must be
emphasised, at the level of theory, and it reveals a contradiction. To resolve the
contradiction in an actual society, the dominant class prefers strategies that
minimise necessary labour over the long term while simultaneously ensuring the
reproduction oflabour-power. To what extent it actually succeeds in implement-ing
such strategies is, of course, a matter of class-struggle.

19. For discussions of the relationship between biology, sex-divisions of labour, and
women's oppression, see Barrett 1980, pp. 72-7, 195-9, and Sayers 1982. Mark Cousins
claims that the biological distinction of sex cannot be addressed by Marxism, for 'the
capitalist and the labourer are personifications [that are] abstract to and indifferent to
the problem of sexual difference'. Cousins 1978, p. 63. By contrast, Marx did not
disregard the role of biology in social reproduction. He insisted, for example, that the
mortality of direct producers necessitates their maintenance and replacement, thereby
making the problem of the reproduction of labour-power critical to the social
reproduction of class-society. In the case of capitalism, 'reproduction of labor-power
forms, in fact, an essential of the reproduction of capital itself'. Marx 1971a, pp. 575-6.
If the biological fact of mortality is central to Marxist analysis, why not the biological
fact of sexual dimorph-ism as well!
152 • Chapter Ten

As one element in the historical resolution of the contradiction, actual arrange-

ments for the reproduction of labour-power usually take advantage of relation-
ships between women and men that are based on sexuality and kinship. Other
adults, ordinarily the biological father and his kin-group, or male kin of the child-
bearing woman herself, historically have had the responsibility for making sure
that the woman is provided for during the period of diminished activity associ-ated
with child-bearing. Men of the subordinate class thereby acquire a special
historical role with respect to the generational replacement of labour-power: to
ensure that means of subsistence are provided to the child-bearing woman.
In principle, women's and men's differential roles in the reproduction of labour-
power are of finite duration. They come into play only during the woman's actual
child-bearing months. In reality, the roles take specific historical form in the variety
of social structures known as the family. From a theoretical point of view, families
in subordinate classes may be conceptualised as kin-based social units within
which men have greater responsibility for the provision of means of subsistence to
child-bearing women during the period of their reduced working contribution. As
institutionalised structures in actual class-societies, the families of a subordinate
class ordinarily become major social sites for the performance of the maintenance
as well as the generational-replacement aspects of necessary labour. Here, then, is
one source for the historical division of labour according to sex that assigns women
and men different roles with respect to necessary and surplus-labour. Generally,
women have greater responsibility for the ongoing tasks associated with necessary
labour, and especially for work connected with children. Men, correspondingly,
often have greater responsibility for the provi-sion of material means of
subsistence, a responsibility that is ordinarily accom-panied by their
disproportionately greater involvement in the performance of surplus-labour.

While women have historically had greater responsibility for the ongoing tasks
of necessary labour in class-societies, it is not accurate to say that there is some
universal domestic sphere separate from the world of public production. In class-
societies based on agriculture - feudalism, for example - the labour-processes of
necessary labour are frequently integrated with those of surplus-production.20 It is
the development of capitalism, as Chapter n shows, that creates a sharp
demarcation between the arena in which surplus-labour is per-formed and a sphere
that can properly be called domestic. To the extent that analysts assert the
universality of some invariant domestic sphere, they are in fact projecting onto
non-capitalist class-societies a distinction that is the product of capitalist relations
of production.

20. See, for example, Middleton 1979.

 The Reproduction of Labour-Power • 153

The exact form by which men obtain more means of subsistence than needed for
their own individual consumption varies from society to society, but the
arrangement is ordinarily legitimated by their domination of women and rein-
forced by institutionalised structures of female oppression. The ruling class, in
order to stabilise the reproduction oflabour-power as well as to keep the amount of
necessary labour at acceptable levels, encourages male supremacy within the
exploited class. Quick outlines the dynamic:
Any attempt by women to appropriate to themselves more than is
required for their subsistence is an indirect demand for part of the surplus
appropriated by the ruling class. Thus male authority over women is
supported and even enforced by the ruling class. On the oth~r hand, any
attempt by men to evade their 'responsibilities' for the support of women
is also resisted, within the confines of a system which relies on male
supremacy. Men's control of means of subsistence greater than needed for
their own reproduction on a day-to-day level is 'granted' to them only in
order to enable them to contribute to the reproduction of their class. 21
Such strategies work on behalf of the dominant class, whatever the immediate
advantages of male supremacy to men.
It is the provision by men of means of subsistence to women during the child-
bearing period, and not the sex-division oflabour in itself, that forms the mate-rial
basis for women's subordination in class-society. The fact that women and men are
differentially involved in the reproduction oflabour-power during preg-nancy and
lactation, and often for much longer, does not necessarily constitute a source of
oppression. Divisions of labour exist in all societies. Even in the most egalitarian
hunting and gathering society, a variety of tasks is accomplished every day,
requiring a division of labour. Differences among people arising out of bio-logical
and social development also characterise every society. Some individuals may be
mentally retarded or physically handicapped. Some may be heterosexual, others
homosexual. Some may marry, some may not. And, of course, some may
,,
be men, and others women, with the capacity to bear children. The social sig-
nificance of divisions of labour and of individual differences is constructed in the
context of the actual society in which they are embedded. In class-societies,
women's child-bearing capacity creates contradictions from the point of view of the
dominant class's need to appropriate surplus-labour. The oppression of women in
the exploited class develops in the process of the class-struggle over the resolution
of these contradictions.
Women in the ruling class may also be subordinated to the men of their class.
Where such subordination exists it rests, ultimately, on their special role with

21. Quick 1977. p. 47·

154 • Chapter Ten

respect to the generational replacement of individual members of the ruling class.

As the socialist tradition has argued, the issue, here, is property. If prop-erty comes
to be held by men and bequeathed to children, female oppression becomes a handy
way to ensure the paternity of those children. In a particular society, shared
experiences of and cultural responses to female oppression may produce a certain
degree of solidarity among women across class-lines. While this solidarity has a
basis in reality, and can be of serious political import, the situations of women in
the dominant and exploited classes are fundamentally distinct from a theoretical
perspective. Only women in the subordinate class participate in the maintenance
and replacement of the indispensable force that keeps a class-society going -
exploitable labour-power.
The existence of women's oppression in class-societies is, it must be empha-
sised, a historical phenomenon. It can be analysed, as here, with the guidance of a
theoretical framework, but it is not itself deducible theoretically. Confusion as to
the character of women's oppression has frequently generated an unproduc-tive
search for some ultimate theoretical cause or origin of women's oppression.
Origins exist, of course, but they are historical, not theoretical.2 2

The argument to this point may be recapitulated as follows. Human beings have the
capacity to produce more use-values than they need for their own imme-diate
subsistence. In a class-society, this potential is organised to the benefit of a ruling
class, which appropriates the surplus-labour of a subordinate class according to
some determinate set of social relations. For this class-society to survive, an
exploitable labour-force must always be available to perform surplus-labour.
Workers, however, do not live forever; they suffer 'wear and tear and death, [and]
must be continually replaced by, at the very least, an equal amount of fresh labor-
power'. Where replacement is through generational reproduction, the fact that
human beings fall into two distinct biological groups, women and men, comes into
play. Women's somewhat diminished capacity to work during the child-bearing
period potentially creates a contradiction for the ruling class. Out of the class-
struggle over resolving this contradiction, a wide variety of forms of reproduction
oflabour-power has developed in the course ofhistory. In virtu-ally all cases, they
entail men's greater responsibility for provision of material means of subsistence,
women's greater responsibility for the ongoing tasks of necessary labour, and
institutionalised forms of male domination over women. While exceptions exist,
and may indeed offer important insights on the question of reproduction of labour-
power in class-society, the historical legacy remains

22. For discussion of the historical origins of women's oppression, see Alexander 1976;
Beneda 1979; Caulfield 1981; Ciancanelli 1980; Deere and Leon de Leal1981; Godelier 1981;
Middleton 1979; Young 1981.
 The Reproduction of Labour-Power • 155

one that has been characterised, for better or worse, as patriarchal. In this sense,
Joan Kelly is right to point out that 'patriarchy ... is at home at home. The private
family is its proper domain' .23
In most class-societies, women of the exploited class participate to some extent
in surplus production as well as in necessary labour. 24 Their specific responsibili-
ties and subordination in the tasks of necessary labour may carry consequences for
the work they do in the area of surplus-production. For instance, individual
responsibility for child-care in capitalist society renders women exceptionally
vulnerable to the oppressive conditions of home-work. Conversely, involve-ment
in surplus-labour may affect the forms of women's necessary labour. On American
plantations, for example, most slave-women worked in the master's fields, while
the tasks of cooking and child-care were collectively carried out by older women
and very young children.25 At a particular juncture in the develop-ment of a given
class-society, the oppression of women in the exploited class is shaped not only by
women's relationship to the processes of maintenance and renewal oflabour-power,
but by the extent and character of their participation in surplus-labour.

The actual working out of a specific class-society's forms of reproduction of

labour-power is a matter for historical investigation - and, in the present, for
political intervention as well. Certain tendencies can be deduced, however, from the
theoretical framework just presented. In situations that minimise the importance of
generational replacement oflabour-power, sex-divisions oflabour and family-
institutions in the exploited class may be relatively weak. If a ruling class relies on
migrant-labour from outside the society's boundaries, for exam-ple, it might house
these workers in barracks, put women and men to work at similar jobs, encourage
contraception or sterilisation, and ignore the effects of heavy work on women in the
last months of pregnancy. Ordinarily, generational replacement provides the major
part of a society's need for the reproduction of labour-power. Here, a severe labour-
shortage caused by war, famine, or natural catastrophe would tend to exaggerate the
contradictory pressures on women
>I
workers. Depending on the historical situation, either the role of the family as the
site of generational reproduction, or the importance of women's participa-tion in
surplus-labour, or both, might be emphasised. During a period in which the ruling
class's need to maximise surplus-labour overwhelms long-range con-

23. Marx 1971a, 168; Kelly-Gadol1975-6, p. 821.

24. Similarly, men ordinarily participate, to some extent, in the immediate tasks of
necessary labour. It is important to recognise that personal maintenance tasks (washing
oneself, brushing one's teeth, and so on) constitute necessary labour, as does the work
involved in getting to the site of production (walking six miles to the mill, commuting to the
office by train, and so on).
25. Alexander 1976; Davis 1971.
156 • Chapter Ten

siderations, all individuals in the exploited class might be mobilised into surplus-
production, causing severe dislocation in its institutions of family-life and male
dominance. Such was the case in industrialising England during the nineteenth
century, and, such, it can be argued, is again the case in the advanced capitalist
countries today.
These tendencies will not proceed unopposed. Migrant-workers may fight
against their isolation from kin. Native-born workers may oppose the use of for-
eign labour. Women may refuse to stay home to bear and raise children. Men may
resist the participation of women in the labour-force. Workers may support
legislation banning child-labour. Women and men may organise to defend the
existing forms of their institutions of family life. In short, the processes of the
reproduction oflabour-power in class-society ordinarily constitute an important
terrain of battle.
Chapter Eleven
Beyond Domestic Labour

The preceding chapter established some basic con-cepts

pertaining to the reproduction of labour-power, and used
them to address the question of women's oppression in
class-society. We can now turn to the problem of
women's oppression in the context of capitalist social
reproduction. In capitalist societies, exploitation takes
place through the appropriation of surplus-value, and
surplus-labour appears in the form of wage-labour.
Labour-power acquires the particular form of a
commodity, bought and sold on the market. This
commodity possesses the peculiarly useful prop-erty, as
Marx discovered, of being a source of value. Although it
is exchanged in the market, it is not a com-modity like
any other, for it is not produced capitalis-tically. Instead,
some process of reproduction of the bearers of
exploitable labour-power continually brings labour-
power into being as a commodity. Such a pro-cess is a
condition of existence for capital. In Marx's words, the
worker 'constantly produces material, objective wealth,
blit in the form of capital, of an alien power that
dominates and exploits him; and the capi-talist as
constantly produces labor-power, but in the form of a
subjective source of wealth, separated from the objects
in and by which it can alone be realized; in short he
produces the laborer, but as a wage-laborer. This
incessant reproduction, this perpetuation of the laborer,
is the sine qua non of capitalist production'. Such
dramatic statements are true in a broad sense, but they
shed little light on the theoretical status of
158 • Chapter Eleven

the reproduction oflabour-power in capitalist society, and even less on the man-ner
in which it takes place.1
Capitalist reproduction demands that labour-power be available as a com-
modity for purchase in adequate quantity and quality and at an appropriate price.
However imperfectly, these needs shape the processes that maintain the existing
bearers of labour-power, while at the same time the labour-force as a whole is
continually reconstituted to accord with future needs. The manner in which the
sellers of labour-power live out their lives is, in principle, a matter of indifference
to the capitalist class. By contrast, it represents a central concern for the bearers of
labour-power. In this sense, the circumstances under which reproduction of labour-
power takes place, which include the determination of its price, are always an
outcome of class-struggle.
Several characteristics of the reproduction of labour-power and women's
oppression in capitalist society arise from the logic of capitalist accumulation itself.
Perhaps most consequential is the special form taken by necessary labour.
Necessary labour becomes divided into two components. One, which we can call
the social component of necessary labour, is indissolubly bound with surplus-
labour in the capitalist production-process. As Marx showed, the working day in
capitalist employment includes a certain amount of time during which the worker
produces value equivalent to the value of the commodities necessary for the
reproduction of his or her labour-power. This is, for Marx, the worker's necessary
labor, for which he or she is paid. For the rest of the working day, the worker
produces surplus-value for the capitalist, value for which he or she is not paid.
From the point of view of the worker, however, no distinction exists between
necessary and surplus labour-time, and the wage appears to cover both. In Marx's
words, 'the wage-form thus extinguishes every trace of the division of the working-
day into necessary labor and surplus labor, into paid and unpaid labor. All labor
appears as paid labor'.2
Marx did not identify a second component of necessary labour in capitalist
society, one that we can call the domestic component of necessary labour -

1. Marx 1971a, pp. 535-6; similar statements appear on pp. 533, 537, 538, and 542, as
well as in Marx 1973b, pp. 458, 676-7, 717n. Marx's famous comments that the labourer
'belongs to himself, and performs his necessary vital functions outside the process of
production', a performance 'the capitalist may safely leave ... to the laborer's instincts of self-
preservation and of propagation', implicitly recognise reproduction of labour-power as a
process that must remain external to capitalist commodity-production. His unfortunate
phrasing, quite rightly the object of feminist criticism, appears to exempt the process from
theoretical examination, however, and conceals the kernel of genuine theoretical insight.
Marx 1971a, pp. 536-7. Molyneux argues that 'domestic labour, as privatised individual
labour not subject to the law of value, lies outside the theory of the capitalist mode of
production', but she does not deny the importance of developing a Marxist analysis of domestic
labour in capitalist society: Molyneux 1977, p. 20.
2. Marx 1971a, p. 505.
 Beyond Domestic Labour • 159

or domestic labour. Domestic labour is the portion of necessary labour that is

performed outside the sphere of capitalist production. For the reproduction of
labour-power to take place, both the domestic and the social components of
necessary labour are required. That is, wages may enable a worker to purchase
commodities, but additional labour - domestic labour - must generally be per-
formed before they are consumed. In addition, many of the labour-processes
associated with the generational replacement of labour-power are carried out as
part of domestic labour. In capitalist societies, then, the relationship between
surplus- and necessary labour has two aspects. On the one hand, the demarca-tion
between surplus-labour and the social component of necessary labour is obscured
through the payment of wages in the capitalist labour-process. On the other hand,
the domestic component of necessary labour becomes dissociated from wage-
labour, the arena in which surplus-labour is performed.
As accumulation proceeds, the opposition between wage-labour and domes-tic
labour sharpens. Capitalism's drive to increase surplus-value by enhancing
productivity, especially through industrialisation, forces a severe spatial, tem-poral,
and institutional separation between domestic labour and the capitalist production-
process. Capitalists must organise production so that more and more of it is under
their direct control in workshops and factories, where wage-labour is performed for
specified amounts of time. Wage-labour comes to have a char-acter that is wholly
distinct from the labourer's life away from the job, including his or her involvement
in the domestic component of necessary labour. At the same time the wage
mediates both daily maintenance and generational-replace-ment processes,
supplemented or sometimes replaced by state-contributions. That is, the social
component of the worker's necessary labour facilitates the reproduction of labour-
power indirectly, by providing money that must then be exchanged to acquire
commodities. These two characteristics - the separation of wage-labour from
domestic labour and the payment of wages - are materialised in the development of
specialised sites and social units for the performance of domestic labour. Working-
class families loGated in private households represent the dominant form in most
capitalist societies, but domestic labour also takes place in labour-camps, barracks,
orphanages, hospitals, prisons, and other such institutions. 3

3· The units for the performance of the domestic component of necessary labour can be
analysed in terms of what has been called the double 'separation' of the direct pro-ducer, who
neither 'owns' nor 'possesses' the means and conditions of capitalist produc-tion. The
payment of wages and the isolated domestic-labour site embody this double separation.
Wage-labourers cannot appropriate, or own, surplus-value. Neither can they activate, or
possess, the concrete labour-process. In this sense, the payment of wages cor-responds to the
worker's lack of ownership of any property, save his or her own labour-power. Spatial,
temporal, and institutional separation of the site of domestic labour from that of wage-labour
reflects the worker's inability to set the instruments of social labour
160 • Chapter Eleven

In capitalist societies, the burden of the domestic component of necessary

labour rests disproportionately on women, while the provision of commodities
tends to be disproportionately the responsibility of men, ful:fillable through par-
ticipation in wage-labour. This differential positioning of women and men with
respect to surplus-labour and the two components of necessary labour, which is
generally accompanied by a system of male supremacy, originates as a histori-cal
legacy from oppressive divisions of labour in earlier class-societies. It is then
strengthened by the particular separation between domestic and wage-labour
generated by the capitalist mode of production. Domestic labour increasingly takes
place in specialised social units, whose isolation in space and time from wage-
labour is further emphasised by male supremacy. These conditions stamp domestic
labour with its specific character.
Experientially, the particular nature of domestic labour in industrial-capitalist
society gives rise, for both women and men, to intense feelings of opposition
between one's private life and some public-sphere. The highly institutionalised
demarcation of domestic labour from wage-labour in a context of male suprem-acy
forms the basis for a series of powerful ideological structures, which develop a
forceful life of their own. Isolation of the units of domestic labour appears to be a
natural separation of women from men as well. Confinement to a world that is
walled off from capitalist production seems to be woman's time-honoured natu-ral
setting. A series of correlated opposites embodies the seemingly universal division
of life into two spheres of experience: private and public, domestic and

in motion. In sum, the bearers of labour-power are in a state of non-ownership and non-
possession of the means and conditions of production. From this point of view, the
units for the performance of domestic labour constitute a special subset of social units
in capitalist society. They are concrete forms taken by the relation between the working
class's non-ownership and non-possession of the means and conditions of production.
Note Poulantzas's characterisation of the enterprise as 'the concrete form of the relation
between an economic ownership and a possession that both belong to capital'.
Poulantzas 1975, p. 123. See also Althusser and Balibar 1970, and Bettelheim 1975. Because
these social units materialise a definite relationship to the means and conditions of
production - namely, non-ownership and non-possession on the part of the bearers oflabour-
power-they cannot be viewed as private enclaves developing in relative isolation from the
processes of capitalist production. The form, composition, and internal structure of the
special set of social units acting as sites for domestic labour are, in fact, directly affected by
the course of capitalist accumulation.
In a limited sense, the social units in which the domestic component of necessary
labour takes place are the counterparts of capitalist enterprises. From this point of view,
Bettelheim's discussion of the 'displacement of the limits' of the enterprise with the rise
of monopoly-capitalism suggests a similar conceptualisation of the development of
family-households in capitalist society. The removal of certain functions from the pri-
vate household, for example, and the development of collective consumption, represent
analogous displacements of limits. It must be emphasised that to speak of the units of
domestic labour as counterparts to those of capitalist production implies no simple
parallelism.
 Beyond Domestic Labour • 161

social, family and work, women and men. Rooted in the economic workings of the
capitalist mode of production, and reinforced by a system of male suprem-acy, this
ideology of separate spheres has a force that is extremely difficult to transcend.
Where some categories of male workers command wages sufficient to maintain a
private household staffed by a non-working wife, the ideology takes a particularly
stubborn institutional form.
The drive for accumulation causes constant change in capitalist societies,
including changes in the quantity and character of the domestic component of
necessary labour. As Marx demonstrated, capitalist accumulation depends on the
growth of surplus-labour, appropriated in the form of absolute and relative surplus-
value.4 He discussed these two forms of augmented surplus-value in terms of a
particular society's established working day of ten hours in capital-ist production,
divided into five hours each of necessary and surplus-labour. If the hours of work
are extended to, say, twelve hours, the capitalists appropri-ate two hours' worth of
absolute surplus-value for each worker. If the amount of necessary labour falls to,
say, four hours, they appropriate an hour's worth of relative surplus-value for each
worker. While both processes contribute to capitalist accumulation, relative
surplus-value ordinarily plays a greater part, for the established working day of an
individual can only be extended so far. Marx analysed two major ways of
producing relative surplus-value that are available to the capitalists: introduction of
machinery, technological improvements, and the like, and reduction in the costs of
the means of subsistence. Together, he noted, they fuel capitalism's penetration into
all sectors of social life.
Capital's need to augment surplus-value implies a· contradiction between
domestic labour and wage-labour. As a component of necessary labour, domes-tic
labour potentially takes away from the commitment workers can make to
performing surplus-labour through participation in wage-work. Objectively, then, it
competes with capital's drive for accumulation. If one tends one's own garden plot,
chops one's own firewood, cooks one's own meals, and walks six miles to work, the
amount of time and en~rgy available for wage-labour is less than if one buys food in
a supermarket, lives in a centrally-heated apartment-building, eats in restaurants,
and takes public transportation to work. Similarly, if one supports another person,
for example a wife, in order that she take care of domestic labour, that person is
less available to participate in wage-labour, while at the same time one's own wage
must cover the costs of her means of consumption. To the extent that the domestic
labour of a capitalist society takes place within private households, the pressure of
capitalist accumulation results in a tendency to decrease the amount performed in
each household. That is, the

4· Marx 1971a, Chapters 12 and 16.

162 • Chapter Eleven

domestic component of necessary labour is severely reduced. At the same time,

more household members may enter the work force, increasing the total amount of
wage-labour performed by the household, a phenomenon akin to intensifica-tion
of a single worker's labour. In short, reduction of domestic labour poten-tially
creates both relative and absolute surplus-value.
A major way to reduce domestic labour is to socialise its tasks. Laundromats,
stores selling ready-made clothing, and fast-food chains, for instance, remove
domestic-labour tasks to the profit-making sector, where they also provide new
opportunities for capitalist entrepreneurs. Public education and health-care make
aspects of domestic labour the responsibility of the state, at the same time
distributing the costs of the reproduction oflabour-power more widely through
contributions and taxes. A society's total domestic labour can also be reduced by
employing institutionalised populations (prison-labour, army-labour), and by
importing migrant-labour from outside national boundaries. Over time, the ten-
dency to reduce domestic labour affects the units in which it is performed in
numerous ways, many of which have been documented by scholars in terms of
changes in the family and in the relationship between work and the family. The
history of the tendency's impact on sites of the reproduction of labour-power that
are not based on kin-relations (prisons, dormitories, migrant-labour camps) is less
well-studied.
The domestic component of necessary labour cannot be completely socialised in
capitalist society. The main barrier is economic, for the costs are extremely high in
such areas as child-rearing and household-maintenance. 5 Profitable chains of day-
care centres have yet to be developed, for example, and house-cleaning services
have not been able to reduce costs to a level that makes them available to working-
class households. Political and ideological barriers to the socialisation of domestic
labour also play a role. Socialisation of work formerly done in the home may be
experienced as an attack on established working-class lifestyles, as when the
introduction of public education encountered opposi-tion among some working-
class militants fearful of capitalist indoctrination. The recent expansion of nursing-
home care for the elderly has sometimes been opposed as part of a general decline
in so-called traditional family-values. Work-ing-class families in capitalist societies
have generally welcomed advances in the socialisation of domestic-labour,
however. In so doing they register their appre-ciation of the labour saved, as well
as of the potential qualitative enhancement of social experience. 6 A different type
of political barrier to the socialisation of domestic labour exists in the case of
migrant-workers housed in dormitories or

5· Blumenfeld and Mann 1980; Holmstrom 1981.

6. The liberating potential inherent in the socialisation of domestic labour was espe-
cially evident in the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries; see Hayden 1981.
 Beyond Domestic Labour • 163

labour-camps. Such arrangements reduce domestic labour and cheapen the cost of
renewal, but, as recent events in South Africa show, they also represent a political
threat to the ruling class by facilitating organisation. An ultimate barrier to the
socialisation of domestic labour is constituted by biology. While domestic labour
might conceivably be reduced to a minimum through the socialisation of most of its
tasks, the basic physiological process of child-bearing will continue to be the
province of women. 7
The tendency for domestic labour to be reduced in capitalist society remains, of
course, no more than a general trend. Actual arrangements develop out of and
depend on the history of a particular society, and are affected by class-conflict
within it. It is in this context that such pl,Ienomena as the family-wage, female
labour-force participation, discrimination against women in the labour-market,
protective legislation, and child-labour laws must be analysed. Generally speak-ing,
the specific amounts and kinds of domestic labour performed in a particular society
are an outcome of the struggle between contending classes at several levels.
Domestic labour has, in fact, a highly contradictory role within capitalist social
reproduction. On the one hand, it forms an essential condition for capi-talism. If
capitalist production is to take place, it must have labour-power, and if labour-
power is to be available, domestic labour must be performed. On the other hand,
domestic labour stands in the way of capitalism's drive for profit, for it also limits
the availability of labour-power. From the point of view of capital, domestic labour
is simultaneously indispensable and an obstacle to accumula-tion. Over the long
term, the capitalist class seeks to stabilise the reproduction of labour-power at a low
cost and with a minimum of domestic labour. At the same time, the working class,
either as a united force or fragmented into competing sectors, strives to win the best
conditions possible for its own renewal, which may include a particular level and
type of domestic labour.

Domestic labour takes as its raw material a certain quantity and quality of com-
modities bought with the wages workers obtain by selling labour-power on the
market. How are wages determined?
In Marx's view, the value of labour-power is determined by the amount of
socially necessary labour incorporated in the means of subsistence needed to
maintain and replace the labourer. That is, the value of labour-power equals the
value of the commodities the worker requires. Marx cautions, however, that

7· In their desire for equality and liberation, feminists have sometimes tried to abol-ish
the role of biology. For example, Firestone calls for 'the freeing of women from the tyranny
of their biology by any means available', including artificial reproduction outside the womb.
Firestone 1970, p. 206. See Sayers 1982 for discussion of the contradictory and anti-
materialist character of such positions.
164 • Chapter Eleven

into the determination of this value enters a 'historical and moral element'. Two
other factors also affect the determination of the value of labour-power: first, the
costs of developing labour-power with the appropriate skills; and second, 'its
natural diversity, the difference between the labor power of men and women, of
children and adults', a fact that 'makes a great difference in the cost of maintain-ing
the family of the laborer, and in the value of the labor power of the adult male'.
Throughout most of his argument, Marx makes the simplifying assump-tion that
the effect of these various factors can be excluded.8
Recent work on the value of labour-power, particularly that developed in the
context of socialist feminism, has pointed to ambiguities in Marx's formulation. Of
special interest, here, is the discussion centred on the role of non-working women
and other dependents supported by the worker's wage. The question of the
contribution, if any, made by domestic labour to the determination of the value of
labour-power has given rise to a prolonged controversy known as the domestic-
labour debate (reviewed in Chapter 2 ). The most satisfactory answer to this
question was first proposed by Ira Gerstein and developed in a more rigor-ous
fashion by Paul Smith. Both argue that domestic labour, as concrete, useful labour,
simply transfers the value of the commodities purchased with the wage to the
labour-power borne by the worker. The norm of the family-wage - a wage paid to a
single male worker sufficient to cover the consumption of his entire family -
represents, for Gerstein, a specific instance of how the 'historical and moral
element' affects the determination of the value oflabour-power. 9 That is, wage
norms not only include a certain quantity and quality of commodities, they also
imply a certain quantity and quality of domestic labour.
The wage of a worker corresponds, then, to the total value of the commodities
required for his or her maintenance and replacement in particular, historically-
established, conditions. These conditions may or may not include such non-
working dependents as wives, children, aged parents, and so forth. Existence of the
family-wage for some male workers has prompted discussion concerning the
proper interpretation of the 'historical and moral element' in this case. Some claim
that the family-wage represents a higher standard of living and therefore a victory
for the working class in its battle with capital. The family-wage has been available,
however, only to certain sectors within the working class; most working-class
households in capitalist societies cannot manage on one income. Other
commentators therefore argue that the family-wage functions as a con-

8. Marx 1971a, pp. 168, 486. For a more detailed exposition of Marx's discussion of the
value and price of labour-power, and of wages, see Chapter 5·
g. Gerstein 1978; Smith 1978. Smith does not address the question of the destination of
the value contained in the means of subsistence consumed by non-working house-hold-
members, and says nothing about the family-wage. The implication is that persons not
engaged in wage-labour somehow fall outside the capitalist mode of production.
 Beyond Domestic Labour • 165

cession made by capital to certain sectors of the working class in return for a
political stability based on male supremacy. In this view, the family-wage con-
stitutes not a victory but a privilege offered to a sub-group of male workers. This
controversy cannot be resolved in the abstract. The significance of the demand for,
and achievement of, the family-wage must be ascertained through concrete
analysis, not logical deduction. It should be clear, however, that the presence of
a non-working wife does not lower the value of male labour-power, and there-fore
is not of inevitable benefit to the capitalist class. Quite the contrary: to have a wife
not in the labour-force requires a male wage large enough to cover the
consumption of two adults. The capitalist class will evaluate such a wage-level
very carefully, weighing economic costs against political and ideological benefits
and pressures.10 ·

Socialists have sometimes endorsed the family-wage as part of a general strat-

egy to defend the working-class family, meaning a heterosexual nuclear unit with a
single male wage-earner. Defending the working class's right to the best conditions
for its own renewal in no way entails a particular fixed social form, however. In
some situations, the demand for a family-wage may actually distort the legitimate
fight for the best conditions possible for the reproduction of the working class as
bearers of labour-power. For example, where female-headed households make up a
large sector of the population, demand for a family-wage will most likely threaten
women's position in the labour-market and deepen divi-sions already existing
within the working class. In short, the specific content of socialist demands in the
area of the reproduction oflabour-power (as elsewhere) must flow from a concrete
analysis. As a first condition for developing such an analysis, socialists need to
discard rigid ideological notions about the working-class family as invariant, as the
sole social unit in which labour-power is main-tained and replaced, and as the
always-deserving recipient of a family-wage.

Viewed from the perspective of overall social reproduction, the reproduction

of labour-power is not, it must be recalleq, a bounded process of renewal of a
.'
fixed unit of population. Capitalist reproduction requires only that a more or less
adequate labour-force be available to set the production process in motion. In
principle, capitalists may work the present labour-force to death, so long as they
have some means ofrecruiting a new one. In practice, they generally adopt other
alternatives. Ordinarily, a society's active labour-force is made up of some

10. For the controversy over the interpretation of the family-wage, see Barrett and
Mcintosh 1980. For clear discussions of how a dependent wife not in the labour-force
raises (rather than lowers) the value oflabour-power, see Holmstrom 1981 or Molyneux
1979·
166 • Chapter Eleven

mix of established and new workers - the latter including children of established
workers, members of the industrial reserve-army, and immigrants.
At this level, the reproduction of labour-power becomes a question of the
reproduction of the working class as a whole. The term working class is some-
times interpreted as referring solely to wage-workers. In this usage, for instance,
only women-workers would be considered working-class women. Such categori-
sation abandons all those not in the labour-force - children, the elderly, and the
disabled, as well as non-working wives - to a theoretical limbo outside the class-
structure. Here, the working class will be viewed as consisting of a society's past,
present, and potential wage-labour force, together with all those whose
maintenance depends on the wage but who do not or cannot themselves enter
wage-labour. At any given moment, it comprises the active labour-force, the
industrial reserve-army, and that portion of the relative surplus-population not
incorporated in the industrial reserve-army. The history of capitalism demon strates
that this last category has, at times, included very few persons, aside from infants
and toddlers. Even those seriously handicapped from birth have some-times been
forced into the labour-market, and have, therefore, belonged, how-ever tenuously,
to the industrial reserve-army.
In order to place women theoretically in terms of the working class, some
analysts have assigned them as a group to the industrial reserve-army. Women,
they argue, form a reserve, which can easily be called upon during periods of
expansion and returned to the home when no longer needed. Women not only
participate in this cyclical movement, they represent an increasingly important
element of the contemporary floating, latent, and stagnant layers within the
industrial reserve-army. Most such discussions suggest, finally, that women's entry
into the ranks of the industrial reserve-army is rather recent, and leave unanswered
the question of their previous location within the working class. While this analysis
of women in terms of their position in the industrial reserve-army is suggestive, a
more adequate view would acknowledge that major sectors of the female
population have been present in the industrial reserve-army for decades, even if, in
Engels's words, 'it is only at times of exceptionally good trade that they realize [it]'.
Those working-class women not in the industrial reserve-army would form part of
the relative surplus-population.11
The question of women's position with respect to the industrial reserve-army is
not, in fact, a theoretical one, but a matter for concrete analysis. Which groups of
women in a given society move more actively between the industrial reserve-army
and wage-labour? How large are the numbers and how intense the par-

n. Engels 1972, p. g8. For a summary of the recent discussion about women and the
industrial reserve-army, see Simeral1978. See also: Anthias 1g8o; Barrett 1980, pp. 24-7,
158-62; Bruegel1979.
 Beyond Domestic Labour • 167

ticipation in the various sectors? Which groups of women remain locked in the
relative surplus-population outside the industrial reserve-army, and why? What are
the political and ideological obstacles to certain women's entry into wage-labour?
What are the determinants of any movement that can be observed? In a particular
capitalist society, for example, unmarried daughters living in their father's
households may work until marriage. Elsewhere, daughters from rural areas may
migrate to industrial concentrations, where they become the major support of
families left behind. Women in immigrant, but not in native house-holds, or black,
but not white mothers of school-age children, may enter wage-labour. Wives may
normally hold jobs until children are born, or after children enter school, or after
they leave home. In periods of intensifying labour-exploi-tation, mothers of pre-
school children may engage in wage-labour. As Veronica Beechey points out, 'the
question of who constitutes the preferred sources of the industrial reserve army in
any given historical situation must be concretely investigated. It cannot be derived
from the logic of capitalism, but is determined by the class struggle - by the
strategies employed by individual capitals, by trade union practices, and by state
policies which are themselves a product of class struggle'. 12 Beechey argues that
married women in Britain have been an impor-tant sector of the industrial reserve-
army since World-War II. To which it must be added that the general trend in the
advanced capitalist countries is toward equalisation of participation rates among
different categories of women, in the direction of increased commitment of all
women to wage-labour. In the United States, for example, labour-force participation
rates among different groups of women have been converging. As many white as
black wives are in the work-force, more mothers of very young children are now
working, and so forth.
Equalisation of female labour-force participation is a particular manifesta-tion of
the structural tendency in capitalist society toward free availability of all labour-
power. Like the tendency toward the reduction of domestic labour, this tendency
embodies the forward drive of capitalist accumulation. Marx dis-cussed it explicitly
in the context of his ana~is of competition among individual capitals. Capital moves
from sectors of reiatively low profit-rate into sectors of high profit-rate, thereby
contributing to the equalisation of the rate of profit in different branches of
production and among different individual capitals. The more mobile capital and
labour-power can be, the more easily and quickly can competition work its effects
in establishing an average rate of profit. In prin-ciple, then, capitalist accumulation
demands perfect mobility of labour-power and hence, in Marx's words, 'the
abolition of all laws preventing the laborers from transferring from one sphere of
production to another and from one local

12. Beechey Ig8o, P· sB.

168 • Chapter Eleven

center of production to another; indifference of the laborer to the nature of his

labor; the greatest possible reduction of labor in all spheres of production to simple
labor; the elimination of all vocational prejudices among laborers; and last but not
least, a subjugation of the laborer to the capitalist mode of produc-tion'. Where
barriers to mobility exist, the force of capitalist expansion attempts to push them
aside. If certain obstacles remain in place, they may in part reflect the contradictory
position of the capitalist class, caught within the conflicting pressures of its long-
term economic demand for perfect mobility, its short-term requirements for
different categories of workers, and its need to maintain politi-cal and ideological
hegemony over a divided working class. To the extent that women remain
segregated within and without the labour-force, such conflicting factors play an
important roleP
As those primarily responsible for domestic labour, women contribute heav-ily
to the maintenance and renewal of the relative surplus-population, as well as the
active labour-force. Traditionally, as Marx observes, 'society in its fractional parts
undertakes for Mr. Capitalist the business of keeping his virtual instru-ment
oflabor- its wear and tear- intact as reserve for later use'. 14 The working class pays
for most of the upkeep of the surplus-population, and working-class women do
most of the domestic tasks required. To the extent, however, that women enter
wage-labour, they become less able to take care of members of the household not
presently in the work force. In a particular situation, the advan-tages to capital of
increased female labour-force participation may outweigh the inroads into women's
capacity to perform domestic-labour. State-intervention of various kinds may then
become more important in the maintenance of the relative surplus-population. In
the United States today, for example, elderly and disabled persons increasingly
become the direct responsibility of governmental agencies.

To this point, the concept of the reproduction oflabour-power in capitalist soci-ety

has been developed as an economic phenomenon. Political and ideological issues
have entered the discussion mainly in the course of describing the way structural
tendencies located at the economic level take specific form in actual societies.
There is, however, an important political phenomenon that has its root in the
economic workings of the capitalist mode of production. The tendency toward
equality of all human beings, a fundamental political feature of bourgeois society,
has a basis in the articulation within the economic level of production

13. Marx 1971b, p. 196. Gaudemar has developed the concept of the tendency toward
perfect mobility oflabour-power. Not once, however, does he consider the barrier formed by
the existence of domestic labour and the family-household (Gaudemar 1976).
14. Marx 1973b, pp. 6og-1o.
 Beyond Domestic Labour • 169

and circulation. (This is not to say that equality of persons, even in formal terms, is
an inevitable accompaniment of capitalist relations of production. As it turns out,
numerous obstacles get in the way of the development of this tendency. The extent
to which the tendency toward equality of persons becomes a reality in a specific
society depends on its historical development, and in particular on the strength of
popular social movements in the subordinate classes.)
As Marx showed, the idea of equality takes different forms in different soci-
eties, only attaining a firm foundation with the capitalist mode of production.
'Equality and freedom presuppose relations of production as yet unrealized in the
ancient world and in the Middle Ages'.15 Two aspects of equality in capitalist
society are of interest for the analysis of women's oppression: first, the manner in
which the phenomenon of equality of persons is embedded in the economic
workings of the capitalist mode of production itself; and second, the transforma-
tions of this phenomenon with the evolution of capitalism.
The particular form taken by equality in capitalist society derives, ultimately,
from the special character of commodities. A commodity is a product of labour that
possesses both value and use-value. In the opening pages of Volume I of Capital,
Marx analyses the nature of commodities with great care, showing that value arises
in a process of equalisation of human labour. The exchange of com-modities puts
the great variety of concrete useful labour that produces them on an equal footing.
Through the exchange of these commodities, 'the private useful labor of each
producer ranks on an equality with that of all others'. Commodi-ties can be
exchanged because they each embody a certain amount of the same thing: human
labour in the abstract, that is, value. 'The equality of all sorts of human labor is
expressed objectively by their products all being equally values'. The existence of
value requires that differences among various types of labour be disregarded. 'The
equalization of the most different kinds oflabor can be the result only of an
abstraction from their inequalities, or of reducing them to their common
denominator, viz. expenditure of human labor-power or human labor in the
abstract'. In sum, equalisation of differences in human labour is a funda-mental
characteristic of the capitalist mode of production, providing the basis for the
formation of value.I6 Expansion of capitalism brings with it, furthermore, an
increasing equalisation oflabour. Accumulation demands that human labour more
and more take the form of undifferentiated abstract labour.
The very labour-power that, when put to use, releases labour, is itself a com-
modity, albeit a somewhat peculiar one. Like all commodities, labour-power has
both value and use-value. Its value, as we have seen, consists of the sum of the

15. Marx 1973b, p. 245. See also Engels 1947, pp. 124-9.
16. Marx 1971a, pp. 78, 76-7, 78. See also Marx 1971a, Chapter 1, Sections 2 and 4; Marx
1970a, Chapter 1; Rubin 1972, chapters 10-14.
170 • Chapter Eleven

values of the commodities required for the maintenance and replacement of its
human bearer, taking into account the particular 'historical and moral' circum-
stances. Its use-value, from the point of view of the capitalist, is its ability in
production to contribute more value than it has itself, thereby yielding surplus-
value. As a commodity, labour-power is bought and sold on the market. The
worker enters the market bearing his or her commodity - labour-power - and
looking for a buyer. Similarly, the capitalist comes to the market, carrying his
commodity - money - and seeking to purchase labour-power. Each is an owner,
desiring to sell a mass of abstract human-labour congealed in a commodity. As
commodity owners, they are equal traders who meet in the market to contract an
exchange - the wage-bargain. Their transaction follows the laws of commod-ity
exchange. To buy the worker's labour-power, the capitalist must offer a wage that
is equivalent to its value. Marx devoted considerable effort to showing that this
exchange of equivalents 'on the basis of equal rights' of buyer and seller goes hand
in hand with the exploitation characteristic of capitalist productionP In the sphere
of circulation, paradoxically, the requirements of the capitalist mode of production
itself decree that equality must reign.
In order for capitalists to buy labour-power, its bearers must be able to sell it.
That is, the bearers oflabour-power have to enter the market as independent trad-
ers, seeking an exchange of equivalents. In Marx's ironic words, wage-labourers
must be 'free in the double sense'. First, they have to be the free owners of their
labour-power, able to dispose of it as they wish. They cannot, for example, be
enmeshed in feudal restrictions, personally dependent and incapable of autono-
mous action. Second, they must be free of any other way to put their labour-power
to use for their own account. Those who have other sources of subsistence will not
easily submit to the capitalist's demands. It is precisely this double free-dom that
forces workers onto the market to sell their labour-power.l8
Equality of persons is situated in the sphere of circulation, where labour-power
is bought and sold. 'To be sure', Marx observes, 'the matter looks quite different if
we consider capitalist production in the uninterrupted flow of its renewal, and if, in
place of the individual capitalist and the individual worker, we view in their
totality, the capitalist class and the working class confronting each other. But in so
doing we should be applying standards entirely foreign to [the wage bargain]'.l 9
Class-relations are rooted in the process of capitalist production, not in the sphere
of circulation where the individual wage-bargain

17. Marx 1971a, p. 165. See also Marx 1971a, pp. 156-7, 164-6, 172, 188, 547-50. On
the laws of the exchange of commodities, see Marx 1971a, pp. 88-g6, 106-15.
18. Marx 1971a, pp. 164-7. This 'double freedom' embodies the double separation dis-
cussed in note 3 of this chapter.
19. Marx 1971a, p. 550. See also the citations in note 16 of this chapter.
 Beyond Domestic Labour • 171

is concluded. It is in the production-process that the labour-power bought on the

market is consumed and surplus-value produced. In the sphere of produc-tion, the
rules of exploitation and economic power, rather than political equality, govern
relations between capitalists and workers.
Powerful forces of class-oppression therefore lurk behind the tendency toward
equality of persons established in the sphere of circulation. The phenomenon of
individual freedom is not, however, an illusory projection of capitalist social rela-
tions. Rather, it is a real tendency, bound to class-exploitation by the very logic of
capitalist reproduction. Capitalism couples political freedom with economic
constraint in a tension that is characteristic of bourgeois society. It is this contra-
diction that Lenin analysed in terms of the concept of democratic rights.
Equality of persons is not, then, simply' an abstract political principle or a false
ideology. It is a complex phenomenon with material roots in capitalist relations of
production. As capitalism develops, more and more social processes come under
capital's domination, with accompanying tendencies toward increasing equalisation
of human labour and, potentially, increasing equality of persons. In reality, these
tendencies meet a variety of obstacles, and history shows that capitalism is, in fact,
compatible with a stratified labour-market as well as with highly undemocratic
political arrangements. Even in those societies with a rela-tively continuous history
of democracy, the phenomenon of equality of persons undergoes significant
transformation over time.
In the early stages of capitalist society, the phenomenon of equality of persons
emerged against a background of feudal restrictions on property and person. Early
capitalism extended an inspiring pledge of freedom from such restrictions to all
individuals, regardless of personal differences. Slave, serf, or free, proper-tied or
propertyless, man or woman - to each capitalism offered hope of equal-ity,
freedom, and liberation. While the pledge of equality was fulfilled for some, large
categories of the population ordinarily remained unfree, or at least excluded from
full civil and political equality. The Declaration of Independence declared, for
example, that it is 'self-evident' that all persons are 'created equal, that they
'l

are endowed by their Creator with certain unalienable Rights, that among these are
Life, Liberty, and the Pursuit of Happiness'. Nonetheless, the United States
Constitution excluded slaves, women, and the propertyless from equal status as
citizens. Much of the history of the last century reflects struggles to achieve the
basic freedom to dispose of one's person and property denied to these groups.20
Two hundred years after the beginnings of industrial capitalism, gross civil and
political inequalities have largely disappeared. Bourgeois society's promise

20. For good discussions of the nature of equality in the United States in the eight-eenth
and nineteenth centuries, see: Dawley 1976, pp. 1-10, 6o-S, 207-11; DuBois 1978, pp. 40-7;
Du Bois 1971, Chapters 1-2.
172 • Chapter Eleven

of equality remains in force, however, and campaigns to make it .even more of a

reality continue. Today, the kinds of personal differences that demand to be equ-
alised are far more subtle. In the United States, for example, blacks and women
pursue struggles started long ago, but now with a more finely drawn·interpreta-
tion of discrimination. In addition, every ethnic or racial group that has a distinct
history organises to eradicate its particular heritage of inequality. And numerous
other sectors that have been identified as collectively different - homosexuals, the
elderly, the disabled, ex-mental patients, even the obese - document their
discrimination and fight for their rights.
Demands for equality in the late twentieth century in part reflect the trend
toward the perfection of the conditions. for the free sale of labour-power. At the
same time, they embody the high degree of equalisation of human-labour that
occurs with the extension of the sphere of value in advanced capitalism. Sub-
jectively, they reveal an intensification of desire for the freedom promised by
capitalism but never consistently delivered. Indeed, even as people struggle for it,
the goal of equality within bourgeois society no longer seems so compelling, for it
is increasingly losing its connotations of personal freedom and human lib-eration.
In the closing decades of the twentieth century, capitalism's wonderful promises of
equality and individual fulfilment clash more openly than ever with its brutal
realities. An old question persists, now posed with new energy: Why sell one's
labour-power - whether on a basis of equality or not - at all? Promis-ing freedom
from exploitation itself, socialist movements throughout the world suggest an
answer.
Given the contradictory character of equality in capitalist society, struggles for
democratic rights potentially have serious revolutionary import. To fight for
equality means, in the first place, to demand and defend the best conditions
possible for people within capitalist society. By their very nature, however, these
conditions are severely limited. As Lenin puts it, 'capitalism combines formal
equality with economic and, consequently, social inequality'. 21 The tendency to
increasing equality has, therefore, a highly contradictory outcome. The more
democratic rights are extended to all persons, the more the oppressive economic
and social character of capitalism stands revealed. The struggle for equality
threatens the dominance of capitalist social relations on two fronts. It promises to
reduce divisions within and among oppressed classes, as well as between these
classes and other sectors, by placing all persons on a more equal footing. Simul-
taneously, it exposes the foundation of bourgeois society to be class-exploitation,
not individual equality. Far from a useless exercise in bourgeois reformism, the
battle for democratic rights can point beyond capitalism.

21. Lenin 1966, p. So.

 Beyond Domestic Labour • 173

Many groups of varying make-up and character are denied equal rights within
capitalist society. Some, like those comprised of persons of African or native-
American origin in the United States, have specific histories as oppressed peo-ples.
Their members' lack of equality derives from a history of oppression that
relentlessly passes from generation to generation, stamping each person's expe-
rience from cradle to grave. Other groups, like homosexuals, the disabled, or the
elderly, are made up of individuals with particular characteristics acquired more or
less accidentally, and not necessarily shared by kin. These characteris-tics, which
may or may not be permanent, form a basis for discrimination and denial of rights.
Women in capitalist societies are neither an oppressed people with a distinct
history nor a collection of individuals with certain characteristics. They are, rather,
the 51 percent of human beings who have the capacity to bear children, which if
done may replenish capital's supply of labour-power. Their lack of equality has, in
other words, a specific character that distinguishes it from the denial of democratic
rights to other groups. It is a specific character rooted in women's differential place
within capitalist social reproduction. Correspond-ingly, the obstacles to the
achievement of real social equality for women have their own character, separable
from those blocking equality for other groups.

The discussion in this chapter has established a theoretical framework for

analysing women's oppression in the context of capitalist social reproduction.
Women's special position in capitalist society has two defining aspects. In the first
place, as in all class-societies, women and men are differentially located with
respect to important material aspects of social reproduction. In the second place,
women, like many other groups in capitalist society, lack full democratic rights.

The differential location of women and men with respect to social repro-duction
varies according to class. Working-class women have disproportionate
responsibility for the domestic component of necessary labour, that is, for the
ongoing tasks involved in the maintenan'ie and replacement of labour-power.
Correspondingly, working-class men have disproportionate responsibility for the
social component of necessary labour, that is, for provision of the means of sub-
sistence that take the form of commodities, a responsibility they can only hope to
fulfil by entering into wage-labour. In the capitalist class, women may have
disproportionate responsibility for the processes involved in the generational
replacement of individual class-members, while men may be disproportionately
involved in maintaining the processes of capitalist accumulation. (The analysis of
just which women in contemporary capitalist society fall into the category of
working class is not attempted here. It properly forms part of the much debated and
still confused Marxist investigation into the contemporary class-structure.
174 • Chapter Eleven

Insofar as this problem remains unresolved, the movement for women's libe~a tion
lacks necessary theoretical guidance.)
While only certain women perform domestic labour in capitalist society _
namely, working-class women, whose efforts maintain and renew exploitable
labour-power - all women suffer from a lack of equality under capitalism, at least
in principle. Women's lack of equality constitutes a specific feature of women's
oppression in capitalist as opposed to other class-societies. Discrimina-tory
conventions that survive from earlier class-societies are supplemented and
strengthened by newly developed mechanisms of bourgeois political discrimi-
nation. Both the legal system and an array of informal social practices support the
oppression and inequality of women. At the same time, capitalism promises
equality to all persons, and where it fails to deliver in the case of women, the lack
is strongly felt. Like other groups denied equal rights, women struggle to achieve
them. In the past, the feminist movement focused on the gross inequalities in civil
society, especially those embedded in legal codes. In the advanced capitalist
countries today, the battle for equality continues, and reaches into areas never
dreamed of by nineteenth-century feminists. Women fight for equal rights in the so-
called private sphere, formerly regarded as largely outside the scope of legal and
social redress. For example, they focus on equality in the household, freedom of
sexual choice, and the right to bear or not bear children. In the area of paid work,
women push the issue of equality beyond demands for equal pay and equal
opportunity, by calling as well for equal compensation for work of comparable
worth. In essence, recent demands for equality often pose the question of the
meaning of formal equality in a society based on real inequity. Advanced capitalist
countries have become, furthermore, the first class-societies in which differences
between women and men sometimes appear to outweigh differences between
classes. In these countries, the expansion of the middle lay-ers of the class-structure
and the development of a homogenised consum-rist life-style combine with the still
powerful demarcation between 'women's sphere' of domestic labour and 'men's
sphere' of wage-labour to provide a context in which lack of equality with respect
to men may seem to be the most conse-quential social factor in many women's
lives. It is all too easy to overlook the fundamental distinction between the working
class and other sectors of soci-ety. Socialist feminists insist that Jacqueline
Kennedy Onassis is not, in any real sense, a sister, but other distinctions tend to
fade.
The specific character of women's oppression in capitalist societies is estab-
lished, in short, by women's particular dual position with respect to domestic
labour and equal rights. At the same time, women's special status constitutes an
obstacle to certain trends inherent in capitalist accumulation. Thus, barriers to
female labour-force participation and isolation in a private household inhibit the
 Beyond Domestic Labour • 175

tendencies toward reduction of domestic labour and free availability of labour-

power. Over time, most capitalist societies in fact experience a reduction of
women's isolation as well as an increase in female participation in wage-labour. To
the extent that the special status of women continues, it permits discrimi-nation
against them that may work in capital's favour. For example, wages for 'women's'
jobs remain notoriously low. At the political level, women's lack of rights comes
into increasing contradiction with the tendency to widen the scope of equality in
advanced capitalist countries. In the twentieth century, the barri-ers to equality for
women have been enormously reduced, revealing the underly-ing tension between
formal and substantive equality. For many women, as for most members of other
oppressed groups in capitalist society, bourgeois equality now shows itself as
sharply distinct from liberation in a just society.
Lack of equality as a group constitutes the basis for women's movements that
unite women from different classes and sectors. These movements will differ
according to their interpretation, explicit or implicit, of the meaning of equal-ity.
Some may, for example, view equality of women and men within bourgeois society
as an essentially satisfactory goal. Such movements would quite properly be called
bourgeois women's movements. The contradictions of late capitalism make it
likely, however, that women's movements will have at least some insight into the
difference between bourgeois equality and real social equality. This could form a
basis for the development of a women's movement oriented toward socialism. Over
the past twenty years, women's movements in the advanced cap-italist countries
have often shown such potential. Unfortunately, the Left has rarely been capable of
intervening constructively. Its weakness has resulted, in part, from the lack of an
adequate theory of women's oppression.
The position advanced, here - which analyses women's oppression in terms of
domestic-labour and equal rights - differs greatly from much socialist and socialist-
feminist analysis. Socialist-feminist writings often locate women's oppression in
capitalist society in their dual position as domestic workers and wage-labourers. In
a typical formulation,. ¥argaret Coulson, Branka Magas, and Hilary Wainwright
assert, for example, that 'the central feature of women's posi-tion under capitalism
is the fact that they are both domestic and wage labourers, that the two aspects of
their existence are by no means harmoniously related and that this dual and
contradictory role generates the specific dynamic of their oppression'. jean
Gardiner has elaborated the same distinction in terms of women's 'dual relationship
to the class structure', directly as wage-labourers, and indirectly as family-members
dependent on men and responsible for domes-tic labour. 22 This argument, which
often appears in contemporary-socialist as

22. Coulsen, Magas and Wainwright 1975, p. 65; Gardiner 1977, p. 159.
176 • Chapter Eleven

well as socialist-feminist work focuses solely on economic phenomena. It fails to

account for the oppression of women not in the working class, and cannot explain
the potential for building progressive women's organisations that cross class-
divisions, nor the possible obstacles to uniting women from distinct racial or
national groups into a single women's movement. Put another way, the claim that
women's oppression rests on their dual position with respect to domestic and wage-
labour is economistic. Despite the socialist-feminist movement's com-mitment to
the liberation of all women, to organisational autonomy, and to the importance of
subjective experience, it has paradoxically embraced a view of women's
oppression quite similar to the economism of much of the socialist tradition. By
contrast, the argument that women's oppression is rooted in their dual position with
respect to domestic labour and equal rights provides a frame-work for both
understanding women's position in wage-labour and analysing how a broad-based
women's liberation-movement may represent an essential component in the fight
for socialism.
Although many changes in the character of domestic labour and the status of
equal rights have taken place in the era of capitalist domination, women's
oppression remains a fixture of capitalist society. As it does in every class-society,
the ruling class manages, one way or another, to stabilise the reproduction of
labour-power with a historically established minimum of necessary labour. The
current constellation of domestic labour, women's rights, and female oppression
represents the outcome of specific struggles over the reproduction of labour-power.

So long as capitalism survives, domestic labour will be required for its repro-
duction, disproportionately performed by women and most likely accompanied by
a system of male supremacy.

It is now possible to situate, in theoretical terms, the working-class family in the

context of capitalist social reproduction. In essence, the working-class family is a
kin-based site for the reproduction oflabour-power. Like most units for domestic
labour in capitalist society, it is socially isolated from the realm of wage-labour.
Ordinarily, the site takes the form of a household, or a series of households linked
by networks of mutual obligation. For example, a working-class family may
include several generations of adults, with their children, living in adjacent rental
units. Or it may consist of two persons, with or without children, living in their
own home. In the case of migrant-labour, a single worker may partici-pate in two
households. One will be in his or her place of origin, and include dependent kin;
the other will be at work, and may take the form of dormitory quarters, lodgings,
and the like. In most capitalist societies, working-class family households have the
major responsibility for the processes that maintain and renew the bearers of
labour-power.
 Beyond Domestic Labour • 177

Performance of the domestic component of necessary labour constitutes the

material pivot of the working-class family-household. Given that this task has
historically been carried out primarily by women, in a context usually character-
ised by male supremacy, the working-class family becomes a highly institution-
alised repository of women's oppression. As domestic labourers in the private
household, women seem. to devote much of their time to performing unpaid
services for wage-earning men, a situation that can give rise to antagonistic rela-
tionships between the sexes. In addition, women's political and social inequality,
and their struggle to acquire rights, provide another potential source of conflict
between the sexes. In this atmosphere of chronic tension within private family
households, women's oppression may appear to be solely an oppression by men,
rooted in a transhistorically-antagonistic. sex-division oflabour and embodied in
the family. Nonetheless, it is responsibility for the domestic labour necessary to
capitalist social reproduction- and not the sex-division oflabour or the family per
se - that materially underpins the perpetuation of women's oppression and
inequality in capitalist society.
These comments provide, it must be emphasised, only a sketch of the mate-rial
foundation for the working-class family. Its actual form and character vary widely,
according to the specific historical development of a given capitalist society.
Ordinarily, working-class family-experience reflects the contradictory role in
capitalist social reproduction of domestic labour and the reproduction of labour-
power. On the one hand, family life in capitalist society is generally char-acterised
by male supremacy and women's oppression, producing tensions and conflict that
may further fragment an already divided working class. On the other hand, families
constitute important supportive institutions within working-class communities,
offering meaning and warmth to their members, and potentially providing a base
for opposition to attempts by the capitalist class to enforce or extend its economic,
political, or ideological domination. In other words, the family is neither wholly a
pillar of defence and solidarity for the working class, as some socialists would have
it, nor an iqstitution so tom by internal struggle and male domination that it must be
abolished, as some socialist feminists might argue. Instead, working-class families
generally embody elements of both sup-port and conflict, bound together in a
dynamic combination that is not nec-essarily fixed. Concrete investigation will
reveal whether the supportive or the conflictual aspects dominate in a particular
situation. In a successful strike, for example, solidarity within and among working-
class families may be a major fac-tor, although this defensive aspect of working-
class family-life may recede after the conclusion of the battle. Elsewhere, a strike
of male workers may be lost in part because organisers fail to involve dependent
wives and children in support, thereby heightening already existing tensions in the
family. Contention over the family-wage, or the sex-segregation of the
occupational structure, also has roots
178 • Chapter Eleven

in the contradictory experience of working-class family-life. Indeed, nineteenth-

and twentieth-century social history abounds with case-studies demonstrating the
key and contradictory role of the working-class family: a haven for its mem-bers
against the onslaughts of capitalist accumulation, yet simultaneously a con-
centrated locus of patriarchal relations.23
In the late twentieth century, the success of working-class and popular strug-gles
has become increasingly dependent on the mobilisation of women as well as men.
Male chauvinism and women's oppression in working-class families rep-resent,
therefore, a greater obstacle to the achievement of socialist goals than ever before.
A socialist movement that uncritically supports existing forms of working-class
family-life, or only perfunctorily addresses the problem of female subordination,
risks alienating more than half its activists and allies. Conversely, popular
movements that vigorously confront male chauvinism and oppose women's
oppression have the potential to lay the groundwork for a future society in which
the real social equality of women and men can be built.
So long as a society is dominated by the capitalist mode of production, an
opposition between surplus-labour and necessary labour, and between wage-labour
and domestic labour, will exist. While it is conceivable that the tendency and
struggle for equal rights might reduce sex-differences in the performance of the
domestic component of necessary labour to a minimum, that minimum would still
assign disproportionate responsibility to women in their capacity as child-bearers,
and potentially provide the material foundation for a system of male supremacy.
Extension of democracy, no matter how wide, can never abol-ish capitalist
exploitation, nor can it liberate women.
In a society not characterised by class-exploitation, the relationship between the
processes of surplus-production and reproduction of labour-power is quali-tatively
distinct from that characterising societies in which exploitation domi-nates. In the
former society, according to Marx, surplus-labour is identified by the nature of its
contribution to social reproduction, not by the fact that it is privately appropriated.
Surplus-labour produces that portion of the total social product that is surplus in
several senses. Some of it is reserved for replacing depleted means of production,
future expansion, insurance against catastrophe, administration-costs, and so on.
The surplus-product also provides for the col-lective satisfaction of such needs as
education and health-care. And it serves to maintain those individuals who for
reasons of age, infirmity, etc., are currently not participating in production. For
Marx, necessary labour in such a society seems to be simply that labour 'whose
product is directly consumed individually by the producers and their families'. The
labour that contributes to the reproduc-

23. Rayna Rapp summarises the literature on these variations in Rapp 1978-g.
 Beyond Domestic Labour • 179

tion of labour-power is not in antagonistic contradiction, furthermore, with the

production of a surplus.24 Anthropologists have examined this phenomenon in
early human society, arguing that "domestic", or "family" production in such a
society is public production'.25 For socialists, a classless, or 'communist' society, in
which all labour, whether necessary or surplus-labour, forms part of social
production, represents the ultimate goal of socialist revolution. To arrive at the goal
of communism, society must go through a long period of transition.
What becomes of domestic labour, the family, and the oppression of women in
the course of the socialist transition? The question can, of course, ~mly find
adequate answers in the reality of an actual society's experience. Some general
features of the transition period are, however, clear.
An opposition between two components of necessary labour - the one social, or
public, and the other domestic, or private - continues in force during the socialist
transition. Production cannot be organised all at once on a communist basis. Let us
keep the term domestic labour to designate the necessary labour involved in the
reproduction of labour-power performed outside the realm of public production.
Evidently, domestic labour plays an important role during the socialist transition.
At the same time, it begins a long process of transformation into an integral
component of social production in a communist society.
As in capitalist society, a tendency exists to reduce the amount of domestic
labour carried out in individual households. Rather than embodying the capi-talist
drive for accumulation, however, it represents the socialist tendency for all labour
to become part of social production in a communist society. While reduction of this
domestic labour contributes to the development of the pro-ductive forces, it does
not result from blind tendencies at the economic level. In principle, socialist
society lessens the burdens of domestic labour carried out in individual households
in a planned and conscious manner, corresponding to the needs of the people as a
whole.
A major political characteristic of the socialist transition is the transformation of
democracy. In capitalist society, democrijcy always remains severely limited. Only
male members of the propertied classes effectively possess the rights bour-geois
society promises to all persons. To achieve real social equality, socialist society
must eliminate the many restrictions that limit democracy to a small

24. Marx 1971b, p. 877. For the non-antagonistic relationship between surplus-produc-
tion and the reproduction of labour-power, see also Marx 1970b; Marx 1971a, pp. 82-3, 496,
and Marx 1971b, pp. 818-20, 847, 878. Although I follow Marx's usage, his retention of the
terms necessary and surplus-labour for analysis of non-exploitative systems may be more
confusing than helpful, as he himself suggests when he comments that 'a part of what is now
surplus labor, would then count as necessary labor; I mean the labor of forming a fund for
reserve and accumulation'. Marx 1971a, p. 496.
25. Caulfield 1981, p. 213. See also Leacock 1977.
180 • Chapter Eleven

minority. With respect to women, democracy for the majority in socialist soci-ety
entails, in the first place, equal rights. Here, it is immediately obVious that laws
alone are not sufficient. As an obstacle to effective equality for women, domestic
labour has a stubborn material presence that no legislation, by itself, can
overcome. A major index of socialist society is, then, the progressive reduc-tion of
the disproportionate burden placed on women by domestic labour. Two paths
towards this goal are available. First, domestic labour itself can be reduced through
the socialisation of its tasks. Second, the domestic labour that remains to be done
outside public production can be shared among women, men, and, in appropriate
proportion, children. Because domestic labour cannot be substan-tially reduced,
much less eliminated overnight socialist society must take both paths in order to
assure women real social equality.
Kin-based sites for the reproduction of labour-power - that is, families - have a
definite role in social reproduction during the socialist transition. In principle, they
differ on several important counts from working-class families in capitalist society.
To an increasing extent, all family-members take part in public production and
political life as equal individuals. At the same time, domestic labour within the
family-household is progressively reduced. What domestic labour remains is
shared on a more and more equitable basis.
Existing socialist societies have made important advances in the area of wom-
en's equal participation in public production and political life. On the whole they
have been unable, however, to confront the problems of domestic labour and
women's subordination in a systematic way. To some extent, efforts have been
made to socialise domestic labour, but the oppressive division of labour within the
family-household remains largely untouched. As a result, socialist feminists
sometimes argue that the drawing of women into public production in socialist
societies represents not liberation, but the imposition of a burdensome double shift.
Only since the 1970s has the question of sharing housework and child-care
responsibilities been considered in a few socialist countries. How ade-quate the
concrete steps taken in this area are is a question that requires serious
investigation.26
In the long run, the establishment of effective social equality between women
and men in socialist society meets an obstacle in the real differences between

z6. Cuba initiated discussion of sharing housework and child-care responsibilities around
1973, as did China, and the topic was considered in Albania as early as 1967. The Soviet
Union has not yet given official support to equalising domestic responsibilities. For
thoughtful studies on women in the socialist transition, see Croll1978; Croll1981-2;
Molyneux 1982; Stacey 1983, as well as the works on the Soviet Union cited in note 7 of
Chapter 8. In addition to documenting women's inequality in the household in socialist
countries, these studies survey the persistence of a sex-division of labour in the areas of
public production and political life that likewise disadvantages women. On Albania, see
Omvedt 1975, especially pp. zs-6.
 Beyond Domestic Labour • 181

them, particularly in the area of child-bearing. As a transformation of the con-

tradictions inherent in capitalist society, equality in socialist society has itself a
contradictory character. In Marx's words, 'equal right [in socialist society] is an
unequal right for unequal labor'. That is, differences between people mean that
equal remuneration for equal amounts of work in socialist society will most likely
result in an unequal outcome. 'One worker is married, another not; one has more
children than another and so on and so forth. Thus with an equal output, and hence
an equal share in the social consumption fund, one will in fact receive more than
another, one will be richer than another, and so on. To avoid all these defects, right,
instead of being equal, would have to be unequal'.27 Similarly, real social equality
for women will actually require unequal treatment at certain times: maternity-
leaves, lighter work during the later months of pregnancy, rest periods when
necessary for menstruating women, and so on. In this way, the material conditions
for women's full participation in all areas of social life - pro-duction, politics,
culture, personal relations, and so forth - can be developed.
Socialist society does not, it is clear, abolish the family in the sense of doing
away with individual social units in which domestic labour is performed. Nei-ther
does it eliminate the sex-division of labour. What it does do is undermine the
foundation for the oppression of women within the individual household and in
society. The extension of democracy, the drawing of women into public production,
and the progressive transformation of domestic labour during the socialist
transition open up the possibility for what Marx calls 'a higher form of the family
and ofrelations between the sexes'. The exact form such relations will take cannot
be predicted in advance. As Engels argues, 'what we can now conjecture about the
way in which sexual relations will be ordered after the impending overthrow of
capitalist production is mainly of a negative character, limited for the most part to
what will disappear'. It is up to future generations to determine how they wish to
live. 'When these people are in the world, they will care precious little what
anybody today thinks they ought to do; they will make their own practice and their
corresponding public opinion about the practice of
'I
each individual- and that will be the end of it'.28
Confronted with the terrible reality of women's oppression, nineteenth-cen-tury
utopian socialists called for the abolition of the family. Their drastic demand
continues to find advocates among socialists even today. In its place, however,
historical materialism poses the difficult question of simultaneously reducing and
redistributing domestic labour in the course of transforming it into an inte-gral
component of social production in communist society. Just as in the socialist
transition 'the state is not "abolished", it withers away', so too, domestic labour

27. Marx 197ob, pp. g-10.

28. Marx 1971a, p. 460; Engels 1972, p. 145.
182 • Chapter Eleven

must wither away.29 The proper management of domestic labour ~:~.nd women's
work during the transition to communism is therefore a critical problem for
socialist society, for only on this basis can the economic, political, and ideo-
logical conditions for women's true liberation be established and maintained. In
the process, the family in its particular historical form as a kin-based social unit
for the reproduction of exploitable labour-power in class-society will also
wither away - and with it both patriarchal family-relations and the oppression
of women.

29. Engels 1947, p. 333; see alsop. 338.

Appendix
Domestic Labour Revisited1

From the late 1.96os into the 1970s, socialist feminists

sought to analyse women's unpaid family-work within a
framework of Marxist political economy. 2 Such an
analysis would provide a foundation, they thought, for
understanding women's differential positioning as
mothers, family-members, and workers, and thereby for
a materialist analysis of women's subordination. At the
time, interest in the bearing of Marxist theory on
women's liberation seemed perfectly normal - and not
just to socialist feminists. Radical feminists also
adopted and transformed what they understood to be
Marxist concepts.3
From these efforts came a voluminous literature.
Women's liberationists studied Marxist texts, wrestled
with Marxist concepts, and produced a range of origi-
nal formulations combining, or at least intermingling,

1. This paper first appeared in Vogelzooo. It originated as a presentation at the July

1994 meetings of the Conference of Socialist Economists in Leeds, England. My thanks to
Filio Diamante for inviting me and to my co.panelists and audience for lively discus-sion. In
preparing this text for publication, I benefited from the very helpful comments of Christine
Di Stefano and a number of anonymous reviewers on both sides of the Atlantic. I owe a
special debt of gratitude to my colleague James Dickinson, whose detailed obser-vations and
probing questions were, as always, invaluable.
2. It is not possible to separate a socialist from a Marxist feminism as they were prac-
ticed in the 1970s; I therefore use the term socialist feminism inclusively. In this paper, I
generally follow contemporary American usages of terms. From the late 196os to the mid-
1970s, the term women's liberation was current, intended to demarcate the younger and
presumably more radical branches of the women's movement from the so-called bour-geois
feminism of the National Organization for Women. Within the women's liberation
movement, socialist feminists formed a distinctive tendency. By the late 1970s, the term
women's liberation was being replaced by the term feminism. That feminism was now a
broader term than it had been earlier perhaps reflected the declining importance of
distinguishing branches within the women's movement.
3· For example, Firestone 1970 and Millett 1970.
184 • Appendix

Marxism and feminism. Their enthusiasm for this work is hard today to recap-
ture.4 It turned out, moreover, to be relatively brief. By the end of the 1970s, inter-
est in domestic-labour theorising had dramatically declined. The shift away from
the so-called domestic-labour debate was especially pronounced in the United
States. In this paper I look again at the challenge of theorising the unwaged labour
of housework, child-bearing, and child-rearing. I argue that much of the early
domestic-labour literature followed an intellectual agenda that has not been well
understood, reviewing my own work in this light. I then consider the reception of
such endeavours by their audiences. Finally, I suggest that the early domestic-
labour theorists' unfinished project deserves further attention.

Theories and theorising

The notion that something called 'domestic labour' should be theorised emerged as
part of a critique launched by North American women's liberationists in the late
1g6os and soon picked up elsewhere, notably in Britain. Although central in
women's experience, the unpaid work and responsibilities of family-life were
rarely addressed in radical thought and socialist practice. Women's liberation-ists,
wanting to ground their own activism in more adequate theory, began to wonder
about the theoretical status of the housework and child-care performed in family-
households, usually by women. Over the next years, an enormous set of writings
known collectively as the domestic-labour debate examined this puzzle. 5

The domestic-labour literature identified family-households as sites of produc-

tion. Reconceptualised as domestic labour, housework and child-care could then be
analysed as labour-processes. From this beginning came a series of questions. If
domesticlabouris a labour-process, then whatis its product? People? Commodities?
Labour-power? Does the product have value? If so, how is that value determined?
How and by what or whom is the product consumed? What are the circumstances,
conditions, and constraints of domestic labour? What is domestic labour's rela-
tionship to the reproduction of labour-power? To overall social reproduction? To
capitalist accumulation? Could a mode of reproduction of people be posited,
comparable to but separate from the mode of production? Might answers to these
questions explain the origins ofwomen's oppression?

4· For descriptions of the excitement with which feminists confronted Marxist theory in
the 1g6os and 70s, see Echols 1g8g; Vogel1gg8; and the personal accounts in Duplessis and
Snitow (eds.) 1998.
5· For fine (and very short) overviews of the domestic-labour debate, see Himmelweit
1983a and 1983c. For a survey of the literature, see Vogel1g86. See also the essays in Sar-
gent (ed.) 1981, and in Hansen and Philipson 1990.
 Domestic Labour Revisited • 185

The burgeoning domestic-labour literature seemed initially to confirm, even

legitimate, socialist feminists' double commitment to women's liberation and
socialism. Before long, however, a range of problems surfaced. Concepts and
categories that had initially seemed self-evident lost their stability. For example,
the notion of reproduction of labour-power became surprisingly elastic, stretch-ing
from biological procreation to any kind of work that contributed to people's daily
maintenance - whether it be paid or unpaid, in private households, in the market, or
in the workplace. Likewise, the meaning of the category domestic labour
fluctuated. Did it refer simply to housework? Or did it include child-bearing and
child-care as well? Circular arguments were common. For example, domestic
labour was frequently identified with women's work and conversely, thereby
assuming the sexual division of l'abour women's liberationists wished to explain. In
addition, the debate's almost exclusive concern with unpaid house-hold-labour
discounted the importance of women's paid labour, whether as domestic servants
or wage-workers. And its focus on the economic seemed to overlook pressing
political, ideological, psychological, and sexual issues.
Women's liberationists also found the abstractness of the domestic-labour
literature frustrating. The debate developed in ways that were not only hard to
follow but also far from activist-concerns. Concepts appeared to interact among
themselves without connection to the empirical world. Not only was the discus-sion
abstract, it seemed ahistorical as well. Perhaps most damaging, much of the
domestic-labour literature adopted a functionalist explanatory framework. A social
system's need for domestic labour, for example, was taken to imply that that need
was invariably satisfied. Where in the debate, many wondered, was human agency?
Meanwhile, feminist agendas were bursting with other matters, both theoretical and
practical. By the early 1g8os, most socialist feminists had decided to move 'beyond
the domestic labor debate'. They left behind the ambigu-ity, conceptual fuzziness,
circularity, and loose ends of an unfinished project.6
The shift away from the effort to theorise domestic labour within a framework
of Marxist political economy seemed to ~!ike sense. Many women's liberation-ists
assumed theory to be directly pertinent to day-to-day activities and thought a given
theory had determinate political and strategic implications. Conversely, they
looked to empirical accounts of history and current circumstances as a way to
constitute the appropriate basis for theory. 7 Rejecting the abstractions of the early
domestic-labour literature, they sought a conceptual apparatus that could be used to
organise and interpret the data of women's lives.

6. Molyneux 1979.
7· See, for example, Brenner and Holmstrom 1983; Molyneux 1979; or, in its own way,
Nicholson 1986.
186 • Appendix

This approach reflected a particular epistemological orientation, one that put

theory into a kind of one-to-one relationship with the empirical. Theory was
assumed to be isomorphic with what was understood to be reality. As such, it could
produce empirical generalisations, statements of regularity, and models.
Explanation and prediction would then depend on extrapolation from these
presumably accurate representations. In this view, familiar from the social-
scientific literature, theory is a broad-ranging intellectual activity, grounded in the
empirical and capable of supplying descriptions, explanations, and predictions -
and thereby able as well to guide policy or strategy.
This is not the only way to think about theory, however. Much of the early
domestic-labour literature implicitly adopted a different perspective, rooted in
certain readings of Marxist theory current in the 1g6os and 70s. Associated most
famously with the French philosopher Louis Althusser, this alternative perspec-tive
accords theory an epistemological specificity and a limited scope. Theory, in this
view, is a powerful but highly abstract enterprise and sharply different from
history.8 As Althusser put it, speaking of Marx's Capital:
Despite appearances, Marx does not analyze any 'concrete society', not even
England, which he mentions constantly in Volume One, but the capitalist mode of
production and nothing else. This object is an abstract one: which means that it is
terribly real and that it never exists in the pure state, since it only exists in
capitalist societies. Simply speaking: in order to be able to analyse these concrete
capitalist societies (England, France, Russia, etc.), it is essential to know that they
are dominated by that terribly concrete real-ity, the capitalist mode of production,
which is 'invisible' (to the naked eye). 'Invisible', i.e. abstract. 9

From this perspective, theory is necessarily abstract as well as severely con-

strained in its implications. It can point to key elements and tendencies but it
cannot provide richly textured accounts of social life. Even less does it directly
explain events, suggest strategies, or e~aluate the prospects for political action.
These are matters for a qualitatively distinct kind of inquiry - one that examines
the specifics of particular historical conjunctures in existing social formations.
To put it another way, this alternative approach conceptualises theory as a sort
oflens. By itself, the lens tells us little about the specifics of a particular society at a
particular moment. It is only by using the lens that observers can evaluate such
specifics and strategise for the future. Compared to theorising - producing

8. See, among others, Althusser 1971a; Hindess and Hirst 197s; Willer and Willer 1973;
as well as Marx 1973d.
g. Althusser 1971a, p. 77·
 Domestic Labour Revisited • 187

the lens - these tasks of empirical investigation and political analysis constitute
intellectual work of a different and, I would argue, more challenging sort.

A different starting point

I tum now to my own work on domestic labour. My purpose in so doing is to offer
an example of women's liberationist theorising within the intention-ally abstract
framework just described. From this perspective, the domestic-labour debate was a
theoretical, rather than historical or sociological project. Its outcome would be
expected to take the form of sets of abstract concepts and identifications of possible
mechanis~p.s and tendencies. These could not, by themselves, really 'explain'
anything concrete - neither the rich, idiosyncratic, and constructed character of
experience nor the specific nature and direction of popular mobilisation or social
transformation. Even less could they suggest political strategies. Such questions
would be matters for empirical investigation and political analysis by the actors
involved.
The challenge, then, was to discover or create categories to theorise wom-en's
unpaid family-work as a material process. Women's liberationists, myself included,
examined the classic texts of Marx, Engels, Bebel, and others, discover-ing only a
precarious theoretical legacy at best. This finding led, in my case, to a lengthy
critical reading of Marx. In this reading I followed what I understood to be
Althusser's advice:
Do not look to Capital either for a book of 'concrete' history or for a book of
'empirical' political economy, in the sense in which historians and economists
understand these terms. Instead, find in it a book of theory analysing the capi-
talist mode ofproduction. History (concrete history) and economics (empirical
economics) have other objects.10

Using this approach to theory, I hoped to be able to contribute to the construc-tion

of a more satisfactory theoreticallens, 1with which to analyse women's sub-
ordination.
As my conceptual point of departure I considered two notions basic to Marx's
work: labour-power and the reproduction of labour-power. For Marx, labour-power
is a capacity borne by a human being and distinguishable from the bodily and
social existence of its bearer. Labour-power's potential is realised when its bearer
makes something useful - a use-value - which may or may not be exchanged. The
bearers of labour-power are, however, mortal and suffer wear and tear; every
individual eventually dies. Some process that meets the ongoing

10. Althusser 1971a, p. 78.

188 • Appendix

personal needs of the bearers of labour-power is therefore a condition of social

reproduction, as is some process that replaces them over time. These processes of
daily maintenance and long-run replacement are conflated in the term repro-
duction of labour-power.
In class-divided societies, dominant classes somehow harness labour-pow-er's
ability to produce use-values for their own benefit. For clarity, I therefore
restricted the concept of reproduction of labour-power to the processes that
maintain and replace labour-power capable of producing a surplus for an appro-
priating class.11 In the remainder of this section, I look very briefly at several
characteristics of the reproduction of such labour-power: the processes involved,
the role of biological procreation, and certain inherent contradictions. This pre-
pares the way for the next section's discussion of reproduction of labour-power in
capitalist societies.
Marx considered the reproduction of labour-power to be central to social
reproduction, but he never provided a thoroughgoing exposition of just what it
entailed. At times he focused on renewal of the individual labourer; elsewhere, he
underscored the importance of maintaining and replacing non-working members of
the working class. For clarity, again, I therefore distinguished three kinds of
processes that make up the reproduction oflabour-power in class-societies. First, a
variety of daily activities restore the energies of direct producers and enable them
to return to work. Second, similar activities maintain non-labouring mem-bers of
subordinate classes - those who are too young, old, or sick, or who them-selves are
involved in maintenance-activities or out of the workforce for other reasons. And
third, replacement-processes renew the labour-force by replacing members of the
subordinate classes who have died or no longer work.
With these three kinds of processes disentangled, the concept of reproduction of
labour-power can be freed from normative assumptions concerning biologi-cal
procreation in heterosexual family-contexts. Although the reproduction of labour-
power in actual societies has usually involved child-rearing within kin-based
settings called families, it can, in principle, be organised in other ways, at least for
a period of time. The present set oflabourers could be housed in dormi-tories,
maintained collectively, worked to death, and then replaced by new work-ers,
brought from outside. This harsh regime has actually been approximated many
times through history. Gold-mines in Roman Egypt, rubber-plantations in French
Indochina, and Nazi Arbeitslager all come to mind. More commonly, an existing
labour-force is replenished in two ways. First, by processes of what I

n. The concept of the reproduction of labour-power thus becomes pertinent, strictly

speaking, only to subordinate classes. This is not to say that dominant-class women do
not experience gender-subordination. Rather, their situation is associated with their
roles in the maintenance and replacement of property-owning classes and requires its
own analysis.
 Domestic Labour Revisited • 189

term 'generational replacement', whereby workers bear children who grow up to

become workers themselves. And second, by the entry of new workers into the
labour-force. For example, individuals who had not previously participated at all
may become involved in wage-labour, as when wives entered the Ameri-can
labour~market in the 1950s. People may enter the work-force sporadically, at harvest,
for instance, or during economic crises. Immigrants can cross national boundaries
to enter a society's labour-force. Persons may also be forcibly kid-napped,
transported far from home, and coerced into a new workforce, as was done for
New-World slave-plantations.
From the theoretical point of view, in other words, the reproduction oflabour-
power is not invariably associated ~th private kin-based households, as the
domestic-labour debate commonly assumed. In particular, it does not neces-sarily
entail any or all of the following: heterosexuality, biological procreation, family-
forms, or generational replacement. Nonetheless, most class-societies have
institutionalised daily-maintenance and generational-replacement processes in a
system of heterosexual family-forms. That such arrangements are empiri-cally so
common probably reflects their advantages - contested and constantly renegotiated
- over the alternatives.
Class-societies that rely on biological procreation for the reproduction of labour-
power encounter several contradictions. While pregnant and for a short time
thereafter, subordinate-class women experience at least a brief period of somewhat
reduced ability to work and/or to engage in the activities of daily maintenance.
During such periods of lower activity, the women must them-selves be maintained.
In this way, child-bearing can diminish the contribu-tion subordinate-class women
make as direct producers and as participants in maintenance activities.l2 From the
perspective of dominant classes, such child-bearing is therefore potentially costly,
for pregnant-women's labour and that which provides for them might otherwise
have formed part of surplus-labour. At the same time, subordinate-class child-
bearing replenishes the work-force and thereby benefits dominant classes. The~ is a
latent contradiction, then, between dominant classes' need to appropriate surplus-
labour and their requirements for labour-power to perform it.

Frorri the perspective of subordinate classes, other contradictions may emerge.

Arrangements for the reproduction of labour-power usually take advantage of
relationships between women and men based on sexuality and kinship. Other
individuals, frequently the biological father and his kin-group or the kin of the
child-bearing woman herself, have the responsibility for making sure women are

12. Paddy Quick (Quick 1977) argues that the core material basis for women's subor-
dination in class-societies is not the sexual division of labour or gender-difference per se,
but the need to maintain subordinate-class women during child-bearing.
10 • Appendix

rovided for during periods of diminished activity associated with childbearing.

Jthough in principle women's and men's differential roles need only last during
1ose child-bearing months, most societies assign them to the variety of social
tructures known as families, which become sites for the performance of daily-
laintenance as well as generational-replacement activities. The arrangements re
ordinarily legitimated by male domination backed up by institutionalised
tructures of female oppression.
How these various contradictions manifest themselves and are confronted
1 actual class-societies cannot be directly derived from their existence at this ery
general level. This discussion simply shows that subordinate-class women's hild-
bearing capacity positions them differently from men with respect to the mcesses
of surplus-appropriation and reproduction of labour-power. While b.ey may also
be workers, it is subordinate-class women's differential role in b.e maintenance
and replacement of labour-power that marks their particular ituation.I3

:apitalism and domestic labour

he previous section considered elements of the reproduction of labour-power 1
the case of societies divided by class. In this section I look at the reproduction
flabour-power in that distinctive kind of class-society known as capitalism. On
b.is topic Marx had a fair amount to say but, as the domestic-labour literature
howed, it was nonetheless not enough.14
In capitalist societies, according to Marx, labour-power takes the specific form ,f
a commodity, that is, a thing that has not only use-value but also exchange-alue.
Borne by persons, this commodity has certain peculiarities. Its use-value
~ its capacity, when put to work in a capitalist production-process, to be the ource
of more value than it itself is worth. Its exchange-value - what it costs to 1uy the
labour-power on the market - is 'the value of the means of subsistence tecessary
for the maintenance of the laborer', 15 an amount that is established Listorically
and socially in a given society at a particular moment.
To explore the relationship between labour-power's value and capital's inter-st in
surplus-appropriation, Marx used an abstraction: the working day of a sin-;le
working man, expressed in hours. (For Marx, the worker was always male, of

13. Likewise, dominant-class women have a special but quite different role in the
rraintenance and replacement of their class.
14. The following three paragraphs radically compress Marx's discussions of aspects of
he reproduction oflabour-power. Marx discussed the material at great length and with mple
empirical illustration.
15. Marx 1971a, p. 167.
 Domestic Labour Revisited • 191

course.) He defined 'necessary labor' as the portion of a day's labour that enables
the worker to purchase the means of subsistence. And he defined 'surplus labor' as
the remainder of the day's labour, which the capitalist appropriates. IS To put it
another way, the worker works part of the time for himself and the rest of the time
for the boss. The first, the worker's necessary labour, corresponds to his wages; the
second, his surplus-labour, constitutes surplus-value at the disposal of the boss.

For Marx, capitalist accumulation creates a constantly changing profit-driven

system. If capitalists must seek more and more profits, it is in their interest to seek
reductions of necessary labour. Marx discussed methods (other than cheating) they
can use to achieve such a reduction. On the one hand, they can lengthen working
hours or intensify the pace of work without changing the value of labour-power.
More hours or more intense work means the worker expends more labour-power
for the same wage. That is, his labour-power is cheapened. Marx called this kind of
reduction of necessary labour 'absolute surplus value'. On the other hand,
capitalists can reduce necessary labour by making the pro-duction-process more
productive. Greater productivity means the worker needs fewer working hours to
complete necessary labour and more surplus-value goes to the boss. Within limits,
a wage-increase could even be granted. Marx called this kind of reduction of
necessary labour 'relative surplus value'.
Marx's discussion of the relationship between necessary and surplus-labour
within the working day is wonderfully clear. At the same time, its focus on a single
individual labourer perforce excludes consideration of all the additional labour that
secures not only the workingman's maintenance and replacement but also that of
his kin and community and of the workforce overallP That these various processes
can be omitted from Marx's account, at least at this point, is an effect of capitalism's
particular social organisation. As in no other mode of production, daily-
maintenance and generational-replacement tasks are spatially, temporally, and
institutionally isolated from the sphere of production. In his con-cept of 'individual
consumption', Marx rec9gnised that capitalism gives life off the job a radically
distinct character from wage-labour. Individual consumption happens when 'the
laborer turns the money paid to him for his labor-power into means of
subsistence.'18 Marx's main interest, here, is to contrast the worker's individual
consumption of means of subsistence with his 'productive consump-tion' of means
of production while on the job. But he said little about the actual

16. Strictly speaking, a portion of the value created by tile worker's labour goes to
replace constant capital.
17. Elsewhere, Marx recognised tliat such labour was a condition for overall social
reproduction.
18. Marx 1971a, p. 536.
192 • Appendix

work involved in individual consumption. Here was a realm of economic activity·

essential to capitalist production yet missing from Marx's exposition.
The domestic-labour literature sought, in various ways, to make visible the
workings of the reproduction of labour-power in capitalist societies. From my
perspective, this meant reconceptualising necessary labour to incorporate the
processes of reproduction of labour-power. Necessary labour has, I argued, two
components. The first, discussed by Marx, is the necessary labour that produces
value equivalent to wages. This component, which I called the social component of
necessary labour, is indissolubly bound with surplus-labour in the capitalist
production-process. The second component of necessary labour, deeply veiled in
Marx's account, is the unwaged work that contributes to the daily and long-term
renewal of bearers of the commodity labour-power and of the working class as a
whole.19 I called this the domestic component of necessary labour, or domestic
labour.
Defined this way, domestic labour became a concept specific to capitalism and
without fixed gender assignment. This freed it from several common-sense
assumptions that haunted the domestic-labour debate, most especially the notion
that domestic labour is universal and that it is necessarily women's work.
The social and domestic components of necessary labour are not direcdy
comparable, for the latter does not have value. 20 This means that the highly vis-ible
and very valuable social component of necessary labour is accompanied by
a shadowy, unquantifiable, and (technically) valueless domestic-labour compo-
nent. Although only one component appears on the market and can be seen clearly,
the reproduction oflabour-power entails both. Wages may enable work-ers to
purchase commodities, but additional labour - domestic labour - must generally be
performed as well. Food-commodities are prepared and clothes maintained and
cleaned. Children are not only cared for but also taught the skills they need to
become competent working-class adults. Working-class individuals who are sick,
d~sabled, or enfeebled are attended to. These various tasks are at least pardy
undertaken by domestic labour.
In other words, I argued that necessary labour is a more complicated concep-
tual category than previously thought. It has two components, one with value and
the other without. Domestic labour, the previously missing second compo-

19. At this level of abstraction, I use the term working-class to indicate all those who are
propertyless in the sense of not owning the means of production. The majority of the
population in the United States today, as elsewhere, is in this sense working-class, making it
necessary in less abstract contexts to consider the stratification of households by occupation,
education, income, and so forth.
20. The question of whether or not domestic labour has value in the Marxist sense
triggered its own mini-debate within the women's liberationist literature. In my view, it does
not. For an exposition of why, see Smith 1978.
 Domestic Labour Revisited • 193

nent, is sharply different from the social component yet similarly indispensable to
capitalist social reproduction. It lacks value, but nonetheless plays a key role in the
process of surplus-value appropriation. Locked together in the performance of
necessary labour, social labour and its newfound mate, domestic labour, form an
odd couple never before encountered in Marxist theory.21
Capitalists' interest in reducing necessary labour may extend to its domestic as
well as its social component. If some people devote much of their energies to
domestic labour - hauling water from the well, cooking on a hearth, wash-ing
clothes by boiling them, teaching children the basics of reading, writing, and
arithmetic, and so forth - then they are less available for work in produc-tion. By
contrast, when domestic labour is reduced, additional labour-power is potentially
released into the labour-market. Reduction of domestic labour has
· been an ongoing process in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries. By the early
1goos, food-preparation was less time-consuming, laundry was in some ways less
onerous, and schools had taken over most of the task of teaching skills. More
recently, frozen food, microwaves, laundromats, and the increased availability of
day-care, nursery, kindergarten, and after-school programmes have decreased
22
domestic labour even further. Reduction of domestic labour through techno-
logical and non-technological means does not inevitably make households send
more of their members' labour-power onto the market. It does, however, create a
greater possibility that they might do so.
In short, capitalists as a class are caught between a number of conflicting
pressures, including: their long-term need for a labour-force, their short-term
demands for different categories of workers and consumers, their profit require-
ments, and their desire to maintain hegemony over a divided working class. In the
abstract of my theoretical construction, these contradictory pressures gener-ate
tendencies, of course, not preordained inevitabilities. Such tendencies do not
necessarily produce outcomes favourable to dominant classes, as functionalist
interpretations would have it. Rather, the processes of reproduction of labour-
power constitute an embattled terrain. In actual societies, capitalists adopt a vari-
ety of strategies, some of which involve manipulating domestic labour in ways

21. This discussion, which clarifies but does not alter my earlier argument (Vogel 1983),
now seems to me less persuasive. What is clear, however, is that whether domestic labour is
conceptualised as a component of necessary labour or not, the bottom line is that some way
to theorise it within Marxist political economy must be found.
22. Nona Glazer (Glazer1987) discusses 'work-transfer' as an important twentieth-cen-
tury counter-tendency to domestic-labour reduction. Work-transfer occurs when labour
formerly performed by clerks is transferred to self-service shoppers, thereby increasing
domestic labour. Martha Gimenez (Gimenez 1990) incorporates Glazer's work transfer into
her discussion of four distinct kinds of domestic labour. Significant though the vari-ous
mechanisms of work-transfer are, I would doubt that they contradict long-term ten-dencies
for households to decrease the total amount of domestic labour performed.
194 • Appendix

that can be analysed as creating absolute or relative surplus-value. At the same·

time, working people strive to win the best conditions for their own renewal, which
may include a particular level and type of domestic labour. Because. both capital
and labour are ordinarily fragmented into distinct sectors, the results are not
uniform across layers.
A contradictory tendential dynamic thus threads through historical struggles
over the conditions for the reproduction of the commodity labour-power. Partic-
ular outcomes have included the family-wage for certain groups, protective legis-
lation covering female and child industrial workers, sex- and race-segregation in
the labour-market, migrant-labour housed in barracks, and so forth.23
To this point I have discussed the reproduction of the commodity labour-power
as an economic phenomenon. 24 There is, however, a key political phe-nomenon
that also pertains, a tendency towards equality. Marx argued that this fundamental
political feature of capitalist societies has a basis in the articulation of production
and circulation.25 In production, a great range of concrete use-ful labour is rendered
equivalent as human labour in the abstract, or value. In circulation, commodities
can be exchanged on the market when they embody comparable amounts of that
value. Labour-power is, of course, also a commod-ity, bought and sold on the
market. Workers and capitalists thus meet in the marketplace as owners seeking to
exchange their commodities. For transactions to take place, capitalists must offer
wages that are equivalent to the value of workers' labour-power. Contrary to
notions of capitalism as a cheating system, this is an equal exchange. Equality in
the market goes hand in hand with exploi-tation in production.

Equality of persons is not, then, an abstract principle or false ideology but a

complex tendency with roots in the articulation of the spheres of production and
circulation. Lack of equality, I argue, represents a specific feature of women's (and
other groups') oppression in capitalist societies. Only subordinate-class

23. This analysis of domestic labour as a key component of the reproduction of labour-
power has an empirical counterpart in the way studies of the working class have changed
over the past three decades. Rather than focus just on workers and their unions, numerous
researchers look more broadly at working-class households and communi-ties as bearers,
maintainers, and replacers oflabour-power. See Sacks 1g8g; Glucksmann
1990.
24. I agree with Nancy Fraser (Fraser 1998) that most of what can loosely be termed
gender-relations is not in the economic sphere. My claim here is that there is none-theless
some piece that is economic, that it plays a role in the dynamics of capitalist accumulation,
and that its theorisation belongs to political economy. This important but limited economic
aspect of women's oppression in capitalism is surely one of the factors that marks its
specificity as opposed to, for example, racial or class-subordination.
25. Here, again, I radically compress a lengthier account in Marx.
 Domestic Labour Revisited • 195

women perform domestic labour, as discussed above, but all women suffer from
lack of equality in capitalist societies.
Efforts to expand equality's scope make radical challenges on at least two fronts.
First, they tend to reduce divisions within and among subordinate lay-ers and
sectors, by moving all persons towards a more equal footing. Second, they can
reveal the fundamentally exploitative character of capitalism, for the further rights
are extended, the more capitalism's economic and social charac-ter is exposed. Far
from exercises in fruitless reformism or supposedly divisive identity-politics,
struggles for equality can contribute to building strategic alli-ances and even point
beyond capitalism.
To sum up the theoretical scenario ~ offered, in all its abstractness: In the
capitalist mode of production, the logic of accumulation and the articulation
between the spheres of production and circulation doubly mark women's posi-tion.
On the one hand, subordinate-class women and men are differentially located with
respect to important economic aspects of social reproduction. On the other, all
women are denied equal rights. In actual societies, the dynamics of women's
subordination respond to this dual positioning, among other factors.

Audiences and paradigms

Efforts to theorise domestic labour addressed two distinct audiences in the 1970s:
feminists, especially socialist feminists, and the Left. Most feminists eventually
rejected the domestic-labour literature as a misguided effort to apply inappro-priate
Marxist categories. Most Marxists simply disregarded the debate, neither following
nor participating in it. Neither potential audience fully grasped the ways that
socialist feminists were suggesting, implicitly or explicitly, that Marxist theory had
to be revised.
One factor that ultimately limited the feminist audience was the domestic-labour
debate's approach to theory. As discussed earlier, many feminists had difficulty with
the epistemological perspective that underlay much of the domestic-labour
literature. Not only was it extremely abstract, it also considered the scope of theory
to be severely limited. In particular, questions of subjectivity and agency fell
outside theory of this sort. These questions belonged, rather, to the difficult and
messy realm of concrete historical investigation and analysis. Most feminists came
to reject this view of theory and sought instead to found theory on detailed
empirical description. A powerful but generally unacknowl-edged difference of
theoretical paradigm thus separated the two perspectives. As is far more apparent to
me now than it was years ago, the holders of one could not communicate
effectively with those partial to the other. Even the task of
196 • Appendix

reading each other's work, not to mention that of usefully critiquing it, encoun-
tered the obstacle of paradigm incompatibility.26
Through the 1970s, the Left was mostly hostile to the notion of developing a
feminist socialism, much less that of revising Marxist theory. In many camps,
feminism was considered inherently bourgeois as well as a threat to class-unity. US
Marxist theorists, mostly male, generally ignored the domestic-labour litera-ture.
In part, the problem here was again a paradigm-incompatibility, this time of
a different sort. From a traditional-Marxist perspective, the dynamics of capitalism
had ultimately to do with class-exploitation. Other issues - for example, gender-,
race-, or national oppression - might be important concerns for socialists, but they
lay outside what was understood to be the realm of Marxist theory.
The audiences for domestic-labour theorising dramatically contracted in the
1g8os. Playing a role in the downturn, certainly, were the increasingly conservative
political climate and the decline or destruction of many radical social movements.
Feminist intellectual work managed to flourish, but with far fewer links than earlier
to women's movement activism. Surviving on college- and university-campuses, it
encountered a range of disciplinary constraints and professional pressures. Younger
generations of feminist scholars had missed, moreover, the chance to participate in
a radical women's liberation movement rooted in the upheavals of the 1g6os. Not
surprisingly, confidence in the relevance of socialist thought to feminist theory
diminished.
The 1g8os and 'gos did not, to the surprise of some, witness the demise of
domestic-labour theorising. Rather, a certain level of interest has persisted. Where
there are relatively strong traditions of Marxist theory for one reason or another, as
in England and Canada, small communities of economists, sociologists, and
historians, male as well as female, continue to address questions descended from
those posed in the early domestic-labour literature.27
In these years in the United States, however, relatively fewer researchers have
been involved with the issues posed in the domestic-labour debate. Feminists who
continue to use the terminology often do so in a manner more metaphori-cal than
analytical. Domestic labour, for example, is still taken to mean some-

26. Thomas Kuhn (Kuhn 1962) describes the many ways theoretical paradigms
remain invisible while powerfully framing their users' thinking. With respect to the
theoretical framework under discussion, Althusser (Althusser 1993, pp. 185-6) also
comments on the phenomenon: 'From the outset we had insisted on drawing a structural
distinction between a combinatory (abstract) and a combination (concrete), which created
the major problem. But did anyone acknowledge it? No one took any notice of the
distinction ... No one was interested in [my approach to] theory. Only a few individuals
understood my reasons and objectives'.
27. For England, see the bibliography in Gardiner 1997, and the journal Capital &
Class. For Canada, see Hamilton and Barrett 1990, and the journal Studies in Political
Economy.
 Domestic Labour Revisited • 197

thing whose site and workers are obvious (the private household, women) and
whose content is self-evident (usually, housework, or housework and child-care).
Reproduction, a term with meanings within several distinct intellectual tradi-tions
that were at first the subject of much discussion, has also acquired a generic
meaning.28 Along with a new phrase, 'reproductive labour', it now often covers a
wide range of activities contributing to the renewal of people, including emo-tional
and intellectual as well as manual labour, and waged as well as unwaged work.
Reviewing the literature, Evelyn Nakano Glenn29 observes that:
The term social reproduction has come to be more broadly conceived ... to
refer to the creation and recreation of people as cultural and social, as well as
physical, beings. Thus it involves mental, emotional, and manual labor. This
labor can be organized in myriad ways - in and out of the household, as paid
or unpaid work, creating exchange value or only use value .... [For example,
food production] can be done by a family member as unwaged work in the
household, by a servant as waged work in the household, or by a short-order
cook in a fast-food restaurant as waged work that generates profit.

US Marxist theorists in the 1g8os and gos have continued to be mostly male and
generally inattentive to several decades of socialist-feminist scholarship and
commentary. Many take feminism to be an instance of a so-called identity-politics
that can only balkanise the Left. They worry as well about the unity of Marxist
theory. At the same time, they seem not to be aware of the range of cur-rent debates
and discussions that address these very problems. A handful have begun, however,
to enter the dialogue. Some cover ground already well travelled in the domestic-
labour debate, even reinventing analyses first proposed by femi-nists ih the 1970s.
Others interpret the issues surrounding female oppression as matters oflanguage,
psychology, or sexuality. In so doing, they construct women's subordination as
wholly external to the processes of surplus-appropriation and capitalist social
reproduction and therefore not the subject of Marxist political economy.
Early domestic-labour theorists sought '~o put women's lives at the heart of the
workings of capitalism. They were among the first to intuit the coming cri-sis of
Marxism and to begin exploring the limitations of Marxist theory. Their challenge
to feminist theory and to the tradition of Marxist political economy remains, in my
view, an unfinished project.

28. For 1970s considerations of the meanings of the concept of reproduction, see
Edholm, Harris, and Young 1977; and Beechey 1979. See also Himmelweit 1983b.
29. Glenn 1992.
.g8 • Appendix

Domestic labour in the twenty-first Century

fhe domestic-labour literature insisted that women's oppression is central to overall
social reproduction. Despite all its problems, this insight remains valid. Capital
still demands reliable sources of exploitable labour-power and appropri-!ltely
configured consumers of commodities - demands that are perennially the object of
struggle and not always met. With global restructuring, the processes through
which labour-power is maintained and replaced are undergoing radical
transformation and domestic labour remains key to these changes. The forms of
domestic labour proliferate, moving ever further from the male-breadwinner/
female-dependent nuclear-family norm. Most households contribute increasing
amounts of time to wage-labour, generally reducing the amount and quality of
domestic labour their members perform. Other households are caught in persis-tent
joblessness, intensifying marginality, and an impoverished level and kind of
domestic labour. Here, it could be argued, the reproduction of a sector oflabour-
power is in question.30 The processes of labour-power renewal also disperse
geographically, frequently moving across national boundaries. Migration becomes
more widespread, dividing families and producing new kinds of non-kin as well as
kin-based sites of domestic labour. Meanwhile, the expanded scope and avail-
ability of rights-based equality to traditionally marginalised groups, beneficial in
many ways, creates unanticipated hazards.31
At the tum of the twenty-first century, heavy burdens fall on women, along-side
undeniably empowering changes. These burdens include, among others, the double
day, absent husbands, isolation from kin, and single motherhood without adequate
social support. In short, women's experience still points to the ques-tion of
theorising domestic labour and its role in capitalist social reproduction.

30. Gimenez (Gimenez 1990, p. 37) suggests that such households 'simply
reproduce people; and [the labor power of] people ... without marketable skills, [has]
no value under capitalist conditions'. For a different interpretation, see Sassen 1998.
31. See, for example, Vogel1995·
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Index

abortion 123 Grundrisse and 62

absolute surplus-value 161, 191 on individual and productive
Albania 1Son26 consumption 66-S
Althusser, Louis xxxiiing6, 1S6, 1S7, 196n26 on proletarian family xxix
Ancient Society (Morgan) 7S-S6 on reserve-army of labour: 70-2
Annenkov, Pavel Vasilyevich 53 on social reproduction 142
Anti-Diihring (Engels) 77-S on wages 50
Armand, Inessa 12S onwomen 36
Aveling, Edward 107-9; 13S capitalism
Aveling, Eleanor Marx 107-9, 13S Capital on 1S6, 1S7
Baader, Ottilie 101 domestic labour under 159, 190-5
dual position of women within 174-6
Bachofen, johann Jakob S6 equality under 16S-69
Bakker, Isabella xxx:vii, xxx:viii exchange on labour-power under
Bannelji, Himani xxx:vii, xxxix-xl 169-71
barbarism So, S1, 92 family under 66
Barrett, Michele xxi-xxii, 142-3 forms of surplus-value in 161
Beauvoir, Simone de 14 human labour-power in XXIn-xxvi
Be bel, August 79, 100-9, 119, 13S individual consumption in 6S
Beechey, Veronica 2S, 167 reproduction Qflabour-power under
Benston, Margaret xix, xx, 17-19, 23-4 157-S
black feminism :xxxv-xxx:vi reserve-army of labour in 70-2
black women xi in Russia 122-23
Bolshevik Party (Russia) 120-21 child-bearing 146, 147, 150-2, 163, 1S9-90
Bolshevik Revolution 120 child-birth xxix, 46
bourgeoisie child-labour 4S-9
family among 51, 54 early Engels on 4S
liberal philosophy of 106 International Working Men's Association
marriage among SS ·~ on 74
middle bourgeoisie, women among legislation to limit xxx
113-15 Lenin on 123
Zetkinin 117 Marx on xxvii-xxviii, 62-3
bourgeois women's movements 175, 1S3n2 children 192
Zetkin on 114, 115, 117 early Engels on 46
Brenner, johanna xxxi-xxxii, xxx:vi Morgan on S2-3
Bridenthal, Renate 27 China 1Son26
Bridges, Amy 26 clans So-1
class
Camfield, David xxx:vii in dual-systems perspective 134
Capital (Marx) xxm, xxvm, 32 Engels on conflicts between sexes and
Althusser on 1S6, 1S7 on ss
division of labour 66 on Quick on 15omS
family 63-4 surplus-labour and 14S,
154
.ss struggle Dalla Costa on 19-21
appropriation of surplus-labour in 91 debate over xix-xx, 21-5, 164, 184
housewives in 23 done by women 168
industrial reserve army in 167 family-wage for 164-5
Lenin on 124 feminists on 195
Marx on 106 Lenin on 125-6
oppression of women in 153 literature on 185
patriarchy and 26 Marx on xxviii, 70
reproduction oflabour-power in 154, mature Engels on 93
158 socialisation of 162-3
Zetkin on 117, n8 during socialist transition 179-82
Hins, Patricia Hill xxxv theoriz~ng on 196-7
mbahee River Collective xxxv in twenty-first century 198
mmodities, labour-power as 157-8, wage-labour versus 161-2
169-70 Zetkin's ignoring of 115-16
mmunism Draft ofa Communist Confession ofFaith
domestic labour under 179 (Marx and Engels) 53-5
family in 52-6 dual-systems perspective xx-xxi, 28-g,
Lenin on women under 127-8 134-40
>mmunist League 53, 59 Du Bois, W.E.B. xxxv, xxxviii
e Communist Manifosto (Marx and Diihring, Eugen 77
Engels) 36, 53-56
on division oflabour 65 earthly family 45
on proletarian family xxix Economic and Philosophic Manuscripts
e Condition ofthe Working Class in (Marx)
England (Engels) 45-9, 63 on prostitution 46-47
nfession ofFaith (Draft of a Communist on relationship between men and women
Confession ofFaith; Marx and Engels) 43-4
53-5 Edholm, Felicity 28
nsumption 66-7,145-6, 149,191 education 144n5, 162
ntraception 123 Engels, Frederick
mlson, Margaret 175 Anti-Diihring by 77-8
msins, Mark 151n19 Capital, Vols II and III, edited by 62
tba 18on26 Condition ofthe Working Class in England
tlla Costa, Mariarosa xx, 19-22, 24 by 45-49
dual-systems perspective of 136-8
~claration of Independence 171 on family in communist society 55-6
mocracy 124-5, 179-80 on future of sexual relations 181
!e Development of Capitalism in Russia German Ideology by 51-2
(Lenin) 122-3 Lenin's defense of 122
alectic ofSex (Firestone) 25 on Morgan 85-6
vision oflabour 7 on oppression of women 57
Bebel on 104-5 Origin ofthe Family, Private Property and
Capital on 64, 66 the State by 32-34. 78-8o, 83, 85-96,
in dual-systems perspective 134 102-3, 108
in family 52 personal history of 43, 77
by gender 152-3 on prostitution 54
mature Engels on 86-7, 92-3, 136 radical feminists on 25
110rce 124 on reserve-army of labour 61
xon, Marlene 36 on wages 49-51
>mestic labour xxxiii, 176, 190, 196 on women 35-9
in capitalism 190-5 equality 168-74, 194-5
as component of necessary labour 'Ethnological Notebooks' (Marx) 79-80, 85
159-61,177 Evans, Richard 36
 Index • 211
The German Ideology (Marx and Engels)
family
Capital on 63-4 xxix,36n6,51-2, 94-6
child-bearing in 190 German Social Democratic Party (SPD) 99,
in communist society 53-6 101
dual-systems perspective on 137 Zetkin in 112-15, 117-18
early Engels .on 49 Gerstein, Ira 164
early Marx and Engels on 45-8, 51-3, Gill, Stephen xxxvii
94-5 Gimenez, Martha 193n22, 198n3o
generational reproduction of labour- Glazer, Nona 193n22
power in xxvi-xxxi Glenn, Evelyn Nakano 197
Marx and Engels on 35-9 Goldman, Emma xxxiin33
mature Engels on 78, 79, 86-93, 136 government
Mitchell on 14-16 Engels on origins of 91
Morgan on 80-4 Morgan on origins of So, 81
Morton on 18 Gramsci, Antonio xxxvii
Quick on 15om8 Grundrisse (Marx) 59-60, 62
reproduction within 27 Guettel, Charnie 37
as site for production of labour-power Harris, Olivia 28
xxiv-xxvi
Hartmann, Heidi xx, 25, 26
as social form of generational Hegel, W. G. F. 43
replacement 135 Hennessy, Rosemary xxxvi
during socialist transition 180-2 historical materialism 51
as unit of reproduction 146-7 holy family ix-x, 45
working-class 176-8 The Holy Family (Marx and Engels) 44-5,
family-wage 164-5, 194 47.78
feminism and feminists 1, 3, 174, 183n2 housewives, Dalla Costa on 19-20
Bebel on 105 housework 20, 24
on domestic labour 195-7 as domestic labour 184
Mitchell on x Lenin on 125-6
feminist socialism 196 in socialist societies 180
Ferguson, Susan xvi-xl, xxxvii wages for 21
feudal society 144, 149, 150, 152 See also domestic labour
Firestone, Shulamith 25, 26, 163n7
individual consumption 66-8, 145-6, 149,
First All-Russia Congress of Working
Women 127 191
First International (International Working industrial reserve-army See reserve-army of
Men's Association) 73-5, 77 labour
Fourier, Charles 36, 44, 44n2, 78, 105 International Working Men's Association "
Fraser, Nancy 19~24 (First International) 73-5, 77
free love 128-9 · intersectionality xxxv-xxxvi
French Workers' Party 75
Friedan, Betty 3 On the jewish Question (Marx) 43-4
functionalism 16, 185
Jones, Jacqueline xi
Gardiner, Jean 175
Katz, Cindi xxxvii
Gaudemar, Jean-Paul de 168m3
Kautsky, Karl 62, 78
gender
biology in differences between Kelley, Robin D. G. xxxviii-xxxix
xxviii-xxix, 147 Kelly, Joan 155
division oflabour by 65, 86-7, 152-3 Kennedy, John F. 3n2
Engels on conflicts between classes and Kollontai, Alexandra xxxiin33
88 Kugelmann, Ludwig 75
of producers 146 Kuhn, Thomas 196n26
• Index 1n generational reproduction of labour-
ur-force 157-8 power in family xxvii
;erman Ideology by 51-2

merational replacement of 188-9

mewal of 145-6
•omen in 2-3, 167
1ur-power xxm-xxvi, xxiv-xxvi
lass and 148
s commodity 157-8, 169-70, 190, 194
enerational reproduction of xxvi-xxxi
enin on reproduction of 139
larx on value of 163-4
larx's definition of 68-70, 187-8
roduced in domestic labour 22
~production of 142-7, 149-52, 154-5,
185, 188-9
l Marxists 122
;lation
) preserve family xxx
rotective 74, 94, 194
in, V. I. 121-9, 139, 171, 172
ralism 106
emburg, Rosa 124
ton, Meg xxxviii
:hinery 62-3, 66, 70

:as, Branka 175

e chauvinism 128
e supremacy 153, 160, 176
1 working-class household 88-9
thus, Thomas Robert 50-1, 61
Manifesto ofthe Communist Party (Marx nd
Engels) See Communist Manifesto
riage
:ebel on 103
1ature Engels on 88, 89
IJ:organ on 80-3

ee also family
x, Eleanor (Aveling) 107-9, 138

x,Karl
n absolute and relative surplus-value
161, 191-92
Jthusser on

Iebel versus 106

n biology in social reproduction 151n19
:apital by xxiii, xxviii
'n competition within capital
n domestic labour 190-1
lual-systems perspective and 135
n equality 169, 181
~thnological Notebooks' by 79-80, 85
1n family in communist society 54-6
1n General Council of International 77
 Mitchell, juliet x, 14-17, 25, 26, 37-8

Grundrisse by 59-60, 62
on holy family ix-x
in International Working Men's
Association 73, 74
on labour-power xxiv, 68-70, 143, i57,
188
on oppression of women 57
personal history of 43
on proletarian family xxix-xxx
on Proudhon 91
radical feminists on 25
on reproduction oflabour-power 145-6
on sexual division of labour 136
on surplus-labour 148-9, 178
on value of labour-power 163-4
on wages 23
on women 35-9
on women in International Working
Men's Association 75
See also Capital
Marxism and Marxists 2, 8
on domestic labour 195
on feminism 197
radical feminists on 25-6
sexism in 36-7
socialist feminists on 26
Marxist feminism xxii, 1, 6
distinguished from socialist-
feminism
xixm, 183n2
See also socialist-
feminism materialist
feminism xxxvi McNally,
David xvi-xl mediation
xxxix-xl
men
biological differences between
women and 146,147
commodity component of
necessary labour by 160, 173
in division of labour by gender
152 early Engels on relationship
between
women and 48-9
early Marx on relationship
between women and 43-4
Lenin on 128
in middle bourgeoisie 114
power over women within family
exercised by xxxii
as property owners 81
Meyer, Alfred 36n6
middle bourgeoisie 113-15
Mikhailovsky, Nikolay 122
Millett, Kate 25, 26
mining industry xxx
 Index • 213
production
Molyneux, Maxine xx, 158m
monogamy 87-8, go Benston on 17-18
Morgan, Lewis H. 78-87, 91, 95 Capital on 66-8
Morton, Peggy xx, 17-19, 24 in domestic-labour debate 22-4
Murdock, George 16 Engels on 94
Narodniks 121-2 housework as 21
Mitchell on 14-16
National Organization for Women (NOW) reproduction distinguished from 144
3, 4, 183n2 productive consumption 66-8, 145
necessary labour 149-50 proletariat
components of 158-g Engels on marriage among 88-g
domestic labour as component of family among xxix-xxx
xxxiii-xxxiv, 159-62, 177 woman-question among us
family as site for 152 women among n6
Marx on 178-g, 191, 192 See also working class
reductions in 193 'property
during socialist transition 179 Engels on 85, 91-2
bywomen 155 Morgan on origins of 81, 83, 84
neoliberalism xxi oppression of women and 154
New American Movement (NAM) 1n1 prostitution
The Origin ofthe Family, Private Property Lenin on 123
Marx and Engels on 46-7, 54-5
and the State (Engels) 88-g6 protective legislation 194
Bebel and 102-3, 108 Engels on 94
dual-systems perspective in 136-8 International Working Men's Association
Margin's theories in 78-So, 83, 85-8 on 74
socialist-feminism in 32-4 Proudhon, Pierre Joseph 91
social reproduction perspective in 137 punaluan family 82, 86
outer barriers 61 queer identities xxxix
patriarchy 155
Quick, Paddy 150, 150ni8, 153
Barrett on xxi-xxii race xxxviii-xxxix
Morgan on 82
socialist-feminism on 26-8 radical-feminism 2, 5, 25, 183
pauperism 71 reformism 14-15, 108-g, ng, 120
peasantry relative surplus-value 161, 191
Capital on family in 63-4 reproduction
Lenin on 126 biological 151ni9
Zetkin on n6-17 of labour-power 142-52, 154-5, 157-8,
population 1Ss, 1Ss-s9
Malthus on 50-1, 61 . ·~mature Marx on 60-2
Marx on laws of 146 socialist-feminism on 26-8
surplus 71, 72 varied meanings of 197
Poster, Mark 35-6 of working class, Capital on 67-8, 71-2
postmodernism xxii reserve-army of labour
poststructualism xxii Capital on 70-2
Poulantzas, Nicos 16on3 surplus population in 61
President's Commission on the Status of women in 166-7
Women 3n2 revisionism 108-g
Principles oJCommunism (Marx and Engels) Robinson, Lillian x
36n6,53-5 Rowbotham, Sheila 27
procreation 122 ruling class 148n15, 153-6, 176
• Index
;ia 121-3 Soviet Union 121, 125

~e also SovietUnion domestic labour in 18on26

;ian Revolution 120-1, 129 Lenin on women in 127-8
state, Morgan on origins of 81.
md International 75, 99, 135 structuralism xxxvii
easantry ignored by n6 surplus-labour 148-50
opularity ofBebel and Avelings in child-bearing and 151
107-9 in dual-systems perspective 135
ruggle between Marxism and Marx on 178-9, 191
revisionism in 137-39 necessary labour and 159
vorld War I divisions in 120 as wage-labour 157
etkin on 119-20 surplus-value
Second Sex (Beauvoir) 14 absolute and relative 161, 191
See gender exploitation through the appropriation
sm 36-7 of 157
tal identity xxxix in labour-power 68
tality xxxix produced in housework (domestic
ebel on 104-5 labour) 20-3
enin on 128-9 production of 158
iitchell on 14
tal politics 142 Theories ofSurplus Value (Marx) 62
ml Politics (Millett) 25 theories and theorising 185-7
ey, Rachel xxxviii on domestic labour 196-7
ery 94,150 Theses on Feuerbach (Marx) 45
rithin family 64-5 Thompson, E. P. xxxix
th, Barbara xxxv Thornton Dill, Bonnie xi
th, Paul 164
lal Democratic Party (SPD; Germany) use-values 22, 143, 154, 187
ee German Social Democratic Party utopian socialism
lal-Democratic Workers' Party (Russia) on abolition of family 181
~2
Bedel's 79, 105
alism early Marx and Engels on 55-7
:ebel on 104 in First International 73
.omestic labour during transition to Furrier's 78
179-82 on prostitution 46
~minist 196 Proudhon's 91
b.eory in 7
ramen's liberation movement and 5 voluntarism 15
alist-feminism ix, 1-2, 174
.istinguished from Marxist feminism wage-labour 157
xixm, 183n2 domestic labour and 159, 161-2
ill domestic labour xviii-xxiii Wage Labour and Capital (Marx) 56
ill dual position of women 175-6 wages 32, 158
lual-systems perspective in 140 early Engels on 49-51
ill patriarchy and reproduction 26-8 early Marx on 56
ill renewal of ruling class 148n15 family-wage 164-5
b.eory in 6-8 for housework 21
ill woman-question 31-9 mature Marx on 6o
lalist parties 100 as value of labour-power 23
lal question 100, 103 Wages, Price, and Profit' (lectures,
lal reproduction 197 Marx) 69
lal-reproduction perspective 134, 135, Wainwright, Hilary 175
37,140 Woman and Socialism (Bebel) 100-9, 138
eminism xxii, xxxvi-xxxviii, 135 Woman in the Past, Present and Future
(Bebel) 79, 100-103
 Index • 215
legislation to limit labour of xxx

Lenin on labour of 123

Lenin on oppression of 125-7
Marx and Engels on 33-9
woman-question Marx on labour of xxvii-xxviii, 62-3
Bebel on mature Engels on 86-91, 93-4
Capital in middle bourgeoisie 114-15
on Morgan on 82-3
Engels on 79 proletariat 116
Second International on 108-9 in working class 166-7
socialist-feminism on 31-9 women's liberation, Mitchell on history of
socialist parties on 100 theory of 14
Zetkin on 112-18, 139 women's liberation movement 1-6, 17, 174,
The Woman Question (Aveling and 196
Aveling) 107-9, 138 Barrett on 142
women 5 bourgeois women's movements and 175,
Bebel on 103-6 183n2
biological differences between men Mitchell on x
and 146,147 work force See labour-force
child-bearing by 150-2, 163, 189-90 working class
under communism, Lenin on 127-8 Capital on reproduction of 67-8, 71-2
in division of labour by gender 152 family in 176-78
domestic component of necessary labour women in 166-67
by 160-1, 173 See also proletariat
domestic labour by 168 work-transfer 193n22
dual position within capitalism of 174-6 World War I 120
early Engels on relationship between Young, Iris xx-xxi, 28
men and 48-9
Young, Kate 28
early Marx and Engels on oppression
of 44-8, 57 Young Hegalians 43, 44
early Marx on relationship between men Zetkin, Clara 101, 112-20, 139
and 43-4
Fourier on 78 on Lenin 1z8, 129
in German Social Democratic Party
112-13
International Working Men's
Association
on work of 74, 75
in labour-force 2-3
lack of equality for 174