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Foreign Policy of Pakistan

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14 Journal of Contemporary Studies, Vol. IV, No.

1, Summer 2015

FOREIGN POLICY OF PAKISTAN IN THE CHANGING


REGIONAL AND GLOBAL SETTINGS
Dr. Raja Muhammad Khan∗

Abstract
The evolution of International Relations, since the dawn of the 21st
century coupled with powerful forces such as globalization and
communication technology, has fundamentally changed the world
around us. These changes have brought a number of challenges and
opportunities for Pakistan. The main argument of this paper is that
Pakistan needs review of its national interest, goals, priorities and
ultimately an overall adjustment and readjustment of its foreign
policy in order to cope with the opportunities and challenges that
await us. Hence, this paper, by adopting a futuristic approach and
keeping the national interest of Pakistan at the centre of discussion,
analyzes the impact of a vast array of changes around our borders as
well as in the region. After discussing the changes, the paper then
raises a number of important questions and evaluates a number of
policy responses and alternatives that may be helpful in the
formulation of Pakistan’s foreign policy in the future.

Key words: National interest, globalization, diplomacy, national


security, China-Pakistan Economic Corridor, economic prosperity.

Introduction

F
oreign policy, solely guided by a country’s national interest, is used
as a tool by a particular country for dealing with the outside world in
various areas such as security, economy, trade, commerce, culture
and technology. As International Relations have been evolving since the
treaty of Westphalia, the conduct, methods and scope of foreign policy
have also been changing.
In the age of Globalization, more and more areas of global, regional
and bilateral interactions today fall within the ambit of foreign policy.
Terms like cultural diplomacy, citizen diplomacy, commercial diplomacy,
defence diplomacy, digital diplomacy, economic diplomacy and regional
diplomacy are presently considered part and parcel of foreign policy.


Dr. Raja Muhammad Khan is Head of Department of IR, FCS, NDU.
Foreign Policy of Pakistan 15

Moreover, in the present era countries rely on a number of


methods such as hard power, soft power and smart power in order to
achieve foreign policy goals. Ultimately, the purpose and function of a
country’s foreign policy is to skilfully use its collective strength in order to
achieve desired ends and prevent incoming threats.
In any discussion on foreign policy, it needs to be remembered that
all states — as realism suggests — are rational not emotional actors.
Against this backdrop, two more points need to be noted. Firstly, foreign
policy is the reflection of a country’s internal environment and secondly,
states’ foreign policy remains neither static nor rigid. As the famous realist
dictum asserts “states neither having permanent friends nor permanent
enemies” goes by, the success of foreign policy, therefore, depends on
rationality and in its close consonance with the grand strategy, security
policy and domestic policy of a country.
In practice, it means that foreign policy changes in nature, scope
and orientation from time to time as per the long-, mid- and short-term
requirements of a country’s objectives, national interest and the dictates of
domestic and international environment. It should also be noted that
states do not operate in vacuum, they operate as the members of a larger
community of states having international obligations.
In the contemporary era, globalization and the revolution, among
other types, of the information technology have affected foreign policy
thinking and the conduct of diplomacy in a fundamental way. Globalization
has also bound the fate of planet earth and the people living on it together.
Thus, factors such as the promotion of international peace, amity and
respect for international norms and international law also have
considerable importance in shaping the foreign behaviour of a state.

Guiding principles of Pakistan’s foreign policy


The foreign policy of Pakistan is guided by the vision and
principles set forth by the founding father of the country, Quaid-i-Azam
Mohammad Ali Jinnah, who said that:
Our foreign policy is one of friendliness and goodwill towards all the
nations of the world. We do not cherish aggressive designs against
any country or nation. We believe in the principle of honesty and fair
play in national and international dealings and are prepared to
make our utmost contribution to the promotion of peace and
prosperity among the nations of the world. Pakistan will never be
found lacking in extending its material and moral support to the
oppressed and suppressed peoples of the world, and in upholding the
principles of the United Nations Charter. 1

1 Ministry of Foreign Affairs Government of Pakistan, <http://www.mofa.gov.pk/


content.php?pageID=Foreign%20Policy>, accessed 5 November 2015.
16 Journal of Contemporary Studies, Vol. IV, No.1, Summer 2015

Article 40 of the Constitution of the Islamic Republic of Pakistan


also outlines a number of principles that shall guide Pakistan’s foreign
policy for all times to come. This article states that:
The State shall endeavour to preserve and strengthen fraternal
relations among Muslim countries based on Islamic unity,
support the common interests of the people of Asia, Africa and
Latin America, promote international peace and security, foster
goodwill and friendly relations among all nations and encourage
the settlement of international disputes by peaceful means.2
Thus, the Quaid’s vision and Article 40 of the Constitution outline
the guiding principles of Pakistan’s foreign policy.
An empirical analysis reveals that the principles of Pakistan’s
foreign policy, as envisioned by the founding father and mentioned in the
Article 40 of the Constitution, have generally remained constant.
Understandably, however, the goals of Pakistan’s foreign policy have
remained dynamic and flexible owing to the changing priorities of the
government, internal socio-political and economic dynamics, varying
diplomatic and military strategies adopted for the pursuance of national
interests, and the dynamic nature of international relations.
In a summarised form, the objectives of Pakistan’s foreign policy in
the contemporary era can be outlined as under:

1. The primary objective of Pakistan’s foreign policy is to


safeguard the national security, territorial integrity and
political sovereignty of the country.
2. To protect Pakistan’s economic interests abroad.
3. To project the image of Pakistan as a progressive, modern
and democratic Islamic country.
4. To promote peace, stability and friendly relations with
Afghanistan.
5. To find the resolution of all disputes with India including
the issue of Kashmir. Raise the Kashmir issue on
international forums.
6. To forge cordial and friendly relations with all neighbours,
Muslim countries and the larger international community.
7. To fulfil its responsibilities as a responsible member of the
international community.
8. To prevent and respond to threats and capitalize on
opportunities.
9. To safeguard the interests of Pakistani diaspora.

2 G. W. Choudhury, "New" Pakistan's Constitution, 1973, Middle East Journal, Vol. 28,
No. 1, Middle East Institute, (Winter, 1974), 10-18.
Foreign Policy of Pakistan 17

Foreign policy of Pakistan and


the quest for global peace
As evident from the vision of Quaid and Article 40 of the
Constitution, the quest for global peace remains a cornerstone of
Pakistan’s foreign policy. Pakistan has always been an important partner
of the global community when it comes to the promotion and
strengthening of global peace. Pakistan has played an important role of a
frontline state in ending the menace of terrorism and extremism which has
emerged as the most destructive threat to international peace in the
contemporary era.
The unfortunate terrorist incident of 9/11 was a critical threshold
in the foreign policy of Pakistan. In fact, “9/11 came as a thunderbolt”.3 As
former President Pervez Musharraf himself mentioned, the incident
brought with it unprecedented challenges for Pakistan, which demanded
to “absorb external pressure and mould domestic opinion.”4
No doubt, the role Pakistan is playing in fighting international
terrorism has come with a huge cost. Over the last 15 years, 55,000
Pakistani men, women, youth, children as well as army personnel have laid
down their lives5 in this fight. Pakistan has also suffered a huge economic
loss of over 100 billion US dollars6 in the war against terror. Despite the
huge losses of men and material, Pakistan has remained committed to
international peace and will continue to fulfil its responsibilities as a
peace-loving and responsible member of the international community.
As a responsible member of the United Nations Organization,
Pakistan has always stood by the UN’s aims of securing peace. In fact,
Pakistan’s role as one of the largest contributors to United Nations’
peacekeeping missions has been always cherished and appreciated. Ban
Ki-moon, the Secretary General of the United Nations, while referring to
Pakistan’s contributions to international peace, appreciated Pakistan’s role
in these words: “Gratitude as the United Nations Secretary-General and
gratitude as a global citizen for what Pakistan and her people have been
doing for international peace and security. More than 100 countries

3 Shamshad Ahmed, Post-9/11 Foreign Policy of Pakistan, Criterion Quarterly, Vol 1,


No 1, September 2013.
4 Shamshad Ahmed, Pakistan’s Foreign Policy Post 9/11, World Times, 1 March 2008,
<http://www.jworldtimes.com/Article/32008_PAKISTAN%E2%80%99S_FOREIGN
_POLICY_POST_9_11>, accessed 10 November 2015.
5 PTI, “Over 8,500 killed in Pakistan,” The Economic Times, 28 November 2015, see
<http://economictimes.indiatimes.com/news/international/world-news/over-
8500-killed-in-pakistan-due-to-terrorism-in-five-years-
govt/articleshow/49959679>.
6 Ibid.
18 Journal of Contemporary Studies, Vol. IV, No.1, Summer 2015

contribute troops and police for United Nations peacekeeping missions,


Pakistan is number one,”7
In addition to what is stated above, it should also be noted that
Pakistan has at times, reiterated its desire for cooperation, dialogue and
diplomacy in order to achieve a peaceful settlement of all disputes with
India including the core dispute of Kashmir.8 As Pakistan enjoys cordial
relations with China and Iran, the desire for peace in Afghanistan remains
as strong and important for Pakistan as it has ever been. Instability in
neighbouring Afghanistan has had tremendously negative fallout for
society, economy and politics in Pakistan.9
The Geneva Accord followed by the Peshawar Accord, then the
Islamabad Accord and most recently, the Murree talks, reflect Pakistan’s
strong desire for peace in Afghanistan. Apart from these, Pakistan has
always called for peaceful settlement of the Arab-Israeli conflict. Pakistan
tried to end the Iran-Iraq conflict through negotiations and diplomacy, and
recently Pakistan has taken a very clear stance on the conflict in Yemen as
well, where again Pakistan has urged talks and peaceful resolution of the
conflict without becoming a part of it.10

Pakistan at the doorstep


of a changing world
One of my favourite things about International Relations is its
dynamic nature. The world around us changes constantly which keeps
politics in a state of flux. Therefore, the most important job of a
policymaker in Pakistan’s foreign office should be to see, feel, understand
and respond to the changes that are taking place.
While all of the above mentioned points are true, understanding
the change itself happens to be the most important part of the puzzle.
Because change alters old beliefs, it creates new heroes and villains, it
keeps new and antithetical forces in motion and lastly change may convert
threats into opportunities and opportunities into threats.
So how is our world changing or has changed over the past
decade? The world has changed beyond our imagination. The root of this
change lies in technology, its belly in politics with the head in economics.

7 Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon (at lectern) speaks at the inauguration of the Centre
for International Peace and Stability in Islamabad, <http://www.un.org/apps/
news/story.asp?NewsID=45613#.VlM-dLcrLIU>.
8 “PM tells UN India ‘missed opportunity’ for peace”, Pakistan Today, September 27,
2014.
9 Rasul B. Rais, “War Without Winners: Afghanistan's Uncertain Transition after the
Cold War” (Karachi: Oxford University Press, 1994).
10 “Pakistan calls for peaceful settlement of ME conflict”, The Nation, 14 November
2015.
Foreign Policy of Pakistan 19

Today, we are living in a world that is totally different than the 20th
century. It is a completely technologized world today.
The power of technology in politics is present and visible
everywhere. From satellite television networks, social media, to mass
movements and then to Facebook and Twitter revolutions, these are the
innovations that have created new forces of such magnitude and strength
which have influenced the conduct of International Relations and foreign
policy.
Similarly, the world is changing economically. From the debris of
the Cold War and the socialism of Mao Tse Tung, has emerged a China,
whose economic rise has taken the world by surprise. A China guided by
the ideas of Deng Xiaoping has surpassed Japan and Germany
economically, stands at number two today, and is likely to surpass the
United States in the coming decade or so.
Coming towards Pakistan’s west and east where Afghanistan, India
and Iran stand different with the passage of time, India has made
significant economic progress in the past two decades. Choosing its way
between Socialism and Capitalism, the Indian economy stands 3rd as per
GDP (PPP) in the world and is likely to grow further. This is an important
development for Pakistan. Because India, like any other country in the
world, is translating its economic development into political, military and
diplomatic strength.
Iran also looks freer and more confident after the nuclear deal. So
Iran, too, must be looking for a strategy to translate its huge stock of
natural resources into economic and political strength. Again, Pakistan’s
policymakers should be cognizant of the fact that Iran’s role in the Middle
East and Afghanistan and its relations with India will strongly resonate in
Pakistan as well as across the wider region.
And finally, there is the strategic change that is taking place around
Pakistan. The Middle East stands out as the symbol of this herculean
change that has not only transformed the Middle East but has sent shocks
much beyond the region. Although one would have been expecting or
wishing for a different kind of change, yet no matter how it is, the change
is occurring. Most of the Middle East has fallen into chaos. Syria, Yemen,
Palestine and, Iraq are bleeding, while the soldiers of the (un)Islamic State
(IS) have let the hell loose upon the people. There was a time where one
could immediately think of the United States role in such a situation, but
again things are now different here too. The people know that is not going
to be the case anymore. The US has lost both its credibility and efficacy in
the Middle East and now Russia is emerging to fill the void. As it did in
Ukraine, Syria and might be thinking of reasserting itself over geopolitics
in Central Asia as well.
Coming towards Pakistan’s west, the land with which Pakistan
shares too much in terms of religion, society, culture, language and history;
there was a time when a Pakistani official could go to his home without
20 Journal of Contemporary Studies, Vol. IV, No.1, Summer 2015

being concerned with any threats to Pakistan’s security from the western
border. Yes, it was the Taliban’s era — when Kabul looked much different.
A time when Hamid Karzai and many of his ministers and officials were
residing in Pakistan and the commander of the faithful, Mullah Mohammad
Omar, was ruling Afghanistan from Kandahar.
It was a time when India, the United States and its NATO allies,
were not much concerned about Afghanistan. In those times India did not
maintain any diplomatic presence and so many consulates were right next
to Pakistan’s western border. Call it the best of times for Pakistan, because
back then none of us could have thought of IS, Fazlullah, others of their like
and the Baloch separatists sitting in Afghanistan, waging their war against
Pakistan from there.
It is also important to mention here that Iran does not remain an
outcast anymore, China is vying for power, and Russia is no more heir to
the antiques of the Cold War – it’s reasserting itself in a big way. The
Middle East is also becoming less and less famous for its oil, shopping
malls, skyscrapers and Burj al-Khalifas. Today it is more known for IS, Al-
Qaeda and for the number of conflicts going on in the region.
The world around Pakistan has changed much, in fact, is still
changing. With more players in the game, the environment around us is
much more complex, hostile and competitive. Therefore, it will be a hard
job for foreign policy makers in Pakistan to operate in such an
environment.

Connect, disconnect and reconnect


– Pakistan’s relations with India
In most of the writings on Pakistan’s relations with India, authors
have mostly discussed Pak-India relations in a chronological order
depicting the trajectory of relations with special emphasis on some highs
and lows. This article suggests that Pakistan and India’s relations can be
better understood when looked at in a cyclic manner that has its three
different phases of connect, disconnect and reconnect.
Pakistan’s relations with India have been moving in the manner of
a wheel that revolves around an axis without producing any forward
movement. Despite having fought two wars and a number of clashes on
the border, both countries have also been involved in different rounds of
dialogue. The truth, however, remains that diplomacy —although limited
to, or mainly focused on crisis management rather than trade, economy or
people-to-people contact — has been successful in bringing momentary
thaw in relations, but has proved unable to bring about a solution of the
core disputes between the two countries.
The demands of the present day are vastly different from those of
the 20th century. In future, Pakistan’s diplomacy will have to operate in a
totally different global and regional environment. Pakistan’s diplomacy is
Foreign Policy of Pakistan 21

set to deal with an India that has grown much economically and enjoying
considerable diplomatic clout in the world. In addition to these changes,
India is also poised to become member of the nuclear club, while at the
same time its relations with the United States are strengthening by the
day. Apart from these developments, India is also sitting right next to
Pakistan’s eastern border.
So, what are the options for Pakistan to deal with India? The
environment that surrounds Pakistan clearly dictates that Pakistan’s
foreign policy towards India will be guided by security – that should be
considered as the rule of the thumb. Henceforth, the general expectation
should be that Pakistan’s foreign policy towards India will remain directed
by the security concerns emanating from across its eastern and western
borders. This means, Pakistan will be taking a good care of its borders,
improving its conventional and deterrent capability against India, while at
the same time allowing diplomacy to try its luck on Kashmir, trade, crisis
management, and people-to-people contact.
Diplomacy, no doubt, plays a significant role in resolving long
standing disputes. The appeasement of India, however, should neither be
the choice nor option. Thus, Pakistan would not like another Ufa taking
place, where India dictated the rules of engagement. It is to be noted here
that by not reciprocating to the goodwill gestures of Pakistan, the
government of Prime Minister Narendra Modi seems to have decided to
walk on the traditional path of keeping Pakistan under diplomatic
pressure.11
The events of the past two years, therefore, lead us to the
conclusion that India will try to use pressure tactics in order to take
concessions from Pakistan on Kashmir and other issues. If history be the
guide, India’s current strategy is that normalization of relations with
Pakistan will depend on Islamabad’s acceptance of Indian regional
hegemony and its stance on Kashmir. Pakistan on the other hand, should
maintain its position by telling India that normalization of relations will
not be coming without discussing and resolving the core issues between
the two countries.
The next important question that concerns Pakistani policymakers
is that, will Pakistan be able to reduce the Indian influence in Afghanistan?
A tough guess! Although the answer to this question is quite difficult, yet
through a mix of logic, thinking, skill and imagination, Pakistan can
develop an approach that can bring about normalization of relations with
Afghanistan that should also aim at a reduced Indian influence as a crucial
component of this process.

11 Praveen Swami, “Why Narendra Modi is smoking the Pakistani peace pipe,” The
Indian Express, July 10, 2015, <http://indianexpress.com/article/opinion/web-
edits/why-narendra-modi-is-smoking-the-pakistani-peace-pipe/>, Accessed 5
November 2015.
22 Journal of Contemporary Studies, Vol. IV, No.1, Summer 2015

Pakistan’s immediate goal should be to minimize and, ultimately,


eliminate threats to its security on the eastern border, while India’s
influence in Afghanistan should be viewed in a relative rather than in an
absolute way. This means that India will remain influential in Afghanistan,
because over the last 15 years it has massively invested in creating a pro-
Indian lobby in the political and defence establishment of Afghanistan.
Pakistan’s foreign policy, therefore, by combining soft and smart power,
should play a skilful stroke of public and economic diplomacy to counter
Indian propaganda, increase trade and commercial activities with
Afghanistan and work on an outreach to all Afghans.
How will the future be different from the past this time? The
answer is very clear. India, as already stated, has grown economically and
strengthened diplomatically. With Narendra Modi occupying the office of
the Prime Minister of India, relations should not be expected to take a turn
towards normalcy any times soon. The government led by Narendra Modi
may add even more offensive elements to its foreign policy viz-a-viz
Pakistan which might include, massive arms buildup, conspiring against
China-Pakistan Economic Corridor, defaming Pakistan diplomatically,
violation of the ceasefire on the border with Pakistan, and a more potent
interference in FATA and Baluchistan.
India’s violations of the ceasefire along the Pakistan-India border
have risen sharply. Moreover, Pakistan’s internal problems as well as the
conflict in Baluchistan and Fata should give enough reason to India for
becoming more offensive. Thus, India, by benefitting from its economic
stability and diplomatic clout in the world and by capitalizing on the
diplomatic lag of Pakistan, will continue to create more problems for
Pakistan. So it should not be beyond the imagination of anyone in
Pakistan’s foreign office that India would like to bring Pakistan face to face
with a strategic fatigue or choke.
With the “Cold Start” in place and the doctrine of “Offensive
Defence” in operation, Ajit Doval, the national security adviser to Prime
Minister Modi, has publicly stated that India will exploit Pakistan’s internal
problems for its advantage.12
Another major issue that Pakistan foreign office needs to consider
is whether Islamabad is going to award India any of concessions on foreign
policy? As long as India continues with its “Offensive Defence” policy viz-à-
viz Pakistan, Islamabad must be cautious in yielding any such incentive to
New Delhi. Pakistan’s defence of Indian offence has started giving its own
fruit.
The internal dynamics of Pakistan are changing. What had kept
Pakistan and its society bleeding over the past 10 years or so, are taking its

12 Ajit Doval, who became national security adviser in 2014 to Prime Minister
Narendra Modi, in his speech in SASTRA college stated to exploit Pakistan’s
economic, political and social vulnerabilities.
Foreign Policy of Pakistan 23

final breaths. Thanks to operation Zarb-e-Azb, Pakistan has made


significant gains against extremism. Insurgency in Baluchistan has been
degraded and FATA is no more a rendezvous for local and international
militants — they have been taught a hard lesson. The mood at all levels
inside Pakistan is very clear. The people, government and the army of
Pakistan have decided to put an end to the menace of terrorism, fanaticism
and sectarianism. In a nutshell, it can be said that Pakistan is on the right
track that will finally lead it to come out of the baggage of the Afghan war.
Pakistan’s military and nation as a whole have proved its mettle
and resilience. This must be enough to make India understand that they
too will be dealing with a different Pakistan in the times to come. And if
economic turnaround is also made — the China-Pakistan Economic
Corridor be the case in point — then Pakistan will be even more stronger
and different.
So the change that Pakistan is currently going through is positive,
solid and will have long-lasting effects. China is now a global economic
powerhouse and its relations with Pakistan will further enhance in the
coming years. Sri Lanka can also be considered as wary of Indian
domination in the region and the sane heads in Washington and Kabul
realize that Pakistan’s role with regards to any settlement in Afghanistan
is vital and cannot be ignored. Moreover, Pakistan’s relations with Iran are
expected to improve further especially after Islamabad’s principled stance
on Yemen.
All of these developments, when looked at collectively, provide
Pakistan ample opportunities to play an active role and adopt a region-
centric approach to counter Indian designs.

The future of Pak-Afghan relations


Afghanistan provides a mix of challenges and opportunities for
Pakistan. As with India, Pakistan’s relations with Afghanistan have been
hostage to security. However, the biggest trouble with Pakistan’s foreign
policy towards Afghanistan is its deep socio-political and economic impact
on Pakistan. The past 35 years have proven the fact that any foreign policy
towards Afghanistan will have great social, economic and political fallout
on Pakistan be it the Afghan-Soviet war of 1979 to 1988, the era of Taliban
or 9/11.
Since the unfortunate event of 9/11, Afghanistan and the region
have gone through a rapid change. The Taliban, although ousted from
power, are not yet defeated. America and the West have, to a large extent,
given up their interest in Afghanistan; new players have taken positions in
the region. The only thing that one finds common when it comes to
Afghanistan, is the concern among Afghanistan’s neighbours regarding the
threat of terrorism, extremism and militancy reaching their borders. This
threat, therefore, raises the interest of all neighbouring states to get
24 Journal of Contemporary Studies, Vol. IV, No.1, Summer 2015

involved with Afghanistan. So dealing with Afghanistan means dealing


with a number of countries that include China, Russia, United States and
Iran.
Since the United States attack on Afghanistan in 2001, Pakistan has
been facing continued challenges on its western border. Unfortunately,
promises that the Americans made to Pakistan prior to the attack were not
kept. Resultantly, Pakistan could not develop a considerable support base
or a strategic space in Afghanistan’s current political establishment.
Secondly, Pakistan, due to its own economic downturn, could not
buttress its foreign policy goals in Afghanistan with economic tools.
Therefore, we could not invest much in Afghanistan as India or Iran did.
Thirdly, the mistrust between the two countries as well as with the
Americans and NATO remained a hurdle in developing friendly relations
with Afghanistan.
Pakistan should clearly and effectively communicate to
Afghanistan that Pakistan’s foremost objective — the sanctity of its
sovereignty, security and territorial integrity — can never be
compromised. Therefore, cooperation with Afghanistan will be
conditioned with the elimination of anti-Pakistan elements on Afghan soil
— be it the Baloch separatists, remnants of the TTP or other terrorist
outfits.
So how should Pakistan pursue its Afghan policy beyond 2015?
Stability in Afghanistan is in the utmost security, political, economic and
social interest of Pakistan. Policymakers in Washington and Kabul
understand that stability will not come to Afghanistan without Pakistan’s
help. Kabul and Islamabad also agree that terrorists, extremists, militants
and others of their likes cannot be and will not be allowed to hijack the
destiny of the two countries. The presence of militants on both sides of the
border necessitates mutual cooperation to deal with this menace. But in
reality this has proved to be an ardent task. Translating the goal of ending
militancy into practical action requires; coordination, trust, political will,
vision and flexibility which unfortunately do not exist currently.
During last few years, Pakistan has taken serious measures to
reach to all Afghans.13 This time Afghanistan must understand that
blaming Pakistan for everything that goes wrong in Afghanistan will
achieve no end. Therefore, the government in Kabul should look to their
own incompetence, discrepancies, governmental and institutional
problems rather than blaming Pakistan for every wrongdoing that takes
place in Afghanistan.
While all of the abovementioned points carry a considerable
weight, the most crucial point on Pakistan’s foreign policy agenda with
Afghanistan should be preventing India from using Afghanistan as a

13 Safdar Sial, “Pak-Afghan Relations: Emerging Trends and Future Prospects,” IPS, Jan-
Mar 2011.
Foreign Policy of Pakistan 25

launching pad for subversive activities against Pakistan’s national


interests.
While cooperation on security and political issues might be a
hardnut to crack, economics can be the beginning point. Certainly,
economics can play a vital role to bring the two countries closer to each
other. This suggests that economic diplomacy must take the lead as far as
relations with Afghanistan are concerned. Pakistan has the opportunity to
develop an economic depth in Afghanistan, because, Afghanistan is a land-
locked country. It is industrially and economically underdeveloped and
depends on Pakistan for transit and supply.
Moreover, it should not be surprising that 50,000 people cross the
Pak-Afghan border daily with a big majority of them being Afghans
crossing into Pakistan for treatment, business or meeting families.14
Therefore, one can say that Pakistan has every chance of developing a
huge constituency in Afghanistan.
The above discussion suggests that Pakistan’s economic diplomacy
should be clever and proactive enough to take advantage of the huge
economic opportunities that exist in Afghanistan. More economic
integration will have a trickle-down effect on politics and security as well.
Economic integration between Pakistan and Afghanistan will also help
both countries to reduce militancy in the bordering regions.

Pakistan’s relations with China


Pakistan and China have been enjoying close, amiable and ever-
growing diplomatic, economic, trade and security relations since the
independence of Pakistan. After partition of the sub-continent both China
and Pakistan have been working closely with each other in many areas of
mutual interests. As the time passed by, the relations of Pakistan and
China have gathered more strength and dynamism. Currently these
relations cover a wide spectrum of areas such as; diplomacy, culture,
science, technology, economy, military and people-to-people contact.15
Pakistan and China’s interest converges in many areas that makes
cooperation both possible and desirable. Pakistan’s geography attracts
huge interest from China. The China-Pakistan Economic Corridor is crucial
for China’s economic development because this project provides the
shortest transit route between Eastern China, the Persian Gulf and the
Middle East. It is not only about distance, CPEC is also of strategic
importance for China because it acts a malady for China’s “Malacca

14 Mohammad Sadiq, “Pakistan-Afghanistan: The Conjoined Twins”, (Kabul: Publication


Department of Embassy of Pakistan in Kabul, May 2010).
15 Bloomberg, “China submarine sale to Pakistan ups nuclear clash risk,” The Economic
Times, 18 April 2015, <http://economictimes.indiatimes.com/news/defence/china-
submarine-sale-to-pakistan-ups-nuclear-clash-risk/articleshow/46966867.cms>,
accessed 10 November 2015.
26 Journal of Contemporary Studies, Vol. IV, No.1, Summer 2015

Dilemma.” So the huge economic opportunities that CPEC gives to both


countries necessitate deep and growing relations between the two
neighbours.
In addition to these, the India factor will also be a crucial player in
Pak-China relations. Both Pakistan and China serve each other as a
counter-weight to Indian designs. So Pakistan’s relations with China have a
strategic, economic and political value for Pakistan and are expected to
become stronger as well as closer with the passage of time.

Pakistan’s relations with Iran


Despite some difficulties — common in international relations —
Pakistan’s relations with Iran have remained good and friendly. Both
countries have enjoyed a long period of good relations that are central to
the stability of the region. Presently, Iran is emerging as a powerful broker
in Middle Eastern politics. After the nuclear deal with the United States
and Western powers, Iran looks more confident about its regional role.
Pakistan and Iran have stakes in Afghanistan as well as in the wider
region. The nuclear deal between Iran and the world will give an
opportunity to Pakistan to benefit from trade and commerce with Tehran.
Iran also provides Pakistan an opportunity to fulfil its energy
requirements.16
Pakistan must bring dynamism in its foreign policy regarding Iran
and the gulf countries. Walking a fine line between Iran and the GCC will
be a major challenge for Pakistan’s future foreign policy.

Pakistan’s relations with the GCC countries


The Middle East is one of the most troubled regions today. It is
considered as an “arc of crisis” owing to the speedy changes that have
swept the region since the US invasion of Iraq, and later the Arab spring
that began in 2011. As Iran, the GCC and the wider Middle East comprises
of Islamic countries, the concept of Muslim brotherhood will naturally
resonate across the width and breadth of Pakistan. Our relations with the
GCC, Afghanistan and Iran involve societal, religious and cultural factors
that come under the broad umbrella of ideology.
No doubt ideology is an important part here, but it should not
supersede the vital interests of Pakistan such as religious and sectarian
harmony as well as social cohesion. Pakistan should know that the
ideology has not worked in its diplomacy as far as the Middle East is
concerned. Therefore, future foreign policy must revolve around our
national interest.17 One of the most outstanding challenges for Pakistan’s

16 Asif Ezdi, “The spin-off of the Iran nuclear deal,” The News, December 2, 2013.
17 Dr. Qaisar Rashid, “Challenges of Pakistan’s foreign policy”, Daily Times, 26
November 2015.
Foreign Policy of Pakistan 27

foreign policy viz-a-viz the gulf countries will be to wash away the impact
of Pakistan’s decision on Yemen. It will take some time to undo the effects
of Pakistan’s decision on Yemen, but again Yemen should serve as an
example for Pakistan so in the future it should not opt for indulging in any
regional conflict.

Pak-US relations in the changing regional context


Pakistan’s foreign relations with the United States are one of the
most important of the relations with the outside world. This relationship
might also be considered as more dynamic than any other. Geopolitics,
security and economy are the main factors driving Pakistan’s relations
with the United States. Albeit it is important to mention that defining
Pakistan’s national interest in relation with the United States has been
generating huge public sentiments at home.18
Pakistan and the United States have a long history of engagement
and estrangement. Despite 70 years-long history of relationship, United
States and Pakistan have not been able to develop solid, long-term and
strategic relations with each other. In other words, it is to say that
Pakistan’s relations with the United States have mostly remained driven
by ‘ecotegic’ (economic plus strategic) dependency not by a long-term
thinking.
Since the time of independence, Pakistan’s approach towards the
United States has been influenced by the Indian factor. Pakistan has looked
at its relations with the United States through the prism of security.19
Alongside security, economy has also been a major factor in shaping
foreign policy decisions in Pakistan viz-a-viz the United States.20
If history be the guide, in the coming years, Pakistan’s relations
with the United States may be expected to move ahead on an issue-to-
issue basis. It will be like a few steps, but will not be a long walk together.
As we move along the road to the future, three areas of interest are
expected to be dominating the future of Pakistan’s relations with the
United States. These include militancy, Afghanistan and nuclear weapons.
Although Pakistan has rendered valuable sacrifices in the war on
terrorism at times, it has been asked for a “do more” by the United States.
This shows that Pakistan’s diplomacy has not been much successful in
telling the United States their side of the story.21 Despite the element of

18 Dr Iram Khalid, “Pakistan Foreign Policy, Evolution, Development and Strategies,”


(Lahore: Peace Publication,, 1st Edition, 2013), 45-46.
19 Abdul Sattar, “Pakistan’s Foreign Policy 1947-2012: A Concise History,”
(Karachi:Oxford University Press, 2013), 239.
20 Hasan Askari Rizvi, “Pakistan and the Geostrategic Environment: A Study of Foreign
Policy,” (London: Macmillan Press, 1993).
21 Richard W Mansbach and Kirsten L. Rafferty, “Introduction to Global Politics”,
(Routledge, 200g), 381.
28 Journal of Contemporary Studies, Vol. IV, No.1, Summer 2015

distrust remaining high, instability in Afghanistan dictates closer


cooperation between the United States and Pakistan. However, this time
Pakistan must make sure that the US does not repeat the history. Pakistan
must have guarantee that any endgame or settlement in Afghanistan must
ensure the protection of Pakistan’s legitimate interests in Afghanistan.22
The challenges for Pakistan’s foreign policy in dealing with the
United States are huge. Therefore, Pakistan will have to play a clever,
pragmatic and proactive diplomacy in order to deal with the United States
that is friendlier with India and less friendly to Pakistan. It will have to
work out creative solutions to keep the United States engaged after the
issues of terrorism and Afghanistan are over.
One-sided economic dependency, as commonly seen in Pak-US
relations is a major cause that has inhibited continuity and depth in our
relations with the United States. In the future, therefore, Pakistan needs to
end its economic dependency on the United States. This dependency when
reduced or ended, will allow Pakistan to keep a good degree of strategic
autonomy in its foreign policy and build long-term relationship with the
United States.

The emerging contours of Pakistan’s


relations with Russia
The changing regional dynamics is bringing a change in Pakistan’s
relations with Russia. Although Pakistan has a long history of alignment
with the United States and the Western world, yet terrorism, militancy,
Afghanistan, and the changing dynamics of the region raise hope and
interest in a renewed cooperation between Pakistan and Russia. Pakistan
and Russia have had a considerable degree of economic cooperation and a
high level of diplomatic engagement during 1960s and 1970s.
Geographical proximity, regional security, Afghanistan, the US
drawdown, China, militancy, terrorism and defence cooperation can serve
as areas of mutual interest for both the countries. Pakistan and Russia can
work together on eradicating terrorism and extremism. There can be no
clear answer as to how much of a reset is likely to happen between Russia
and Pakistan. But the realities of the region are changing. New dynamics
are emerging that can form the basis for a strong relationship with Russia.

Conclusion
Foreign policy is thought as the facade of a country in the global
community; as systematic, dynamic, effective and successful foreign policy
elevates the stature of a country on the international stage. While a weak
and passive foreign policy causes failure and may lead up to negative

22 Dennis Kux, “The United States and Pakistan, 1947-2000: Disenchanted Allies,”
(Karachi: Oxford University Press, 2002).
Foreign Policy of Pakistan 29

consequences such as diplomatic isolation, economic downturn and


political chaos.
History, pragmatism, dynamism and rationality should act as a
guide for Pakistan’s foreign policy in the future. Our future foreign policy
should not be based on delusions and sentimentality. Instead, Pakistan’s
relations with every country should be based on national interest, mutual
respect, equality and reciprocity.
The protection of global peace and security must, as usual, be an
inherent goal of Pakistan’s foreign policy. As an important member of the
region, Pakistan must continue to work with regional countries for
ensuring peace and stability. The threats that our region and the world is
facing currently make peace a necessity not a choice or an option.
With India, Pakistan has tried to restore trust and confidence.
Unfortunately, such efforts were given a cold shouldered response by
India. Although Pakistan should desire peace with India, yet this should
not be a one-sided aspiration. Diplomacy should continue its work, but
Pakistan cannot afford another Ufa. Hence, if we are not receiving a
positive response from India, then it’s probably time for a pause until the
right time arrives.
Pakistan needs to come out of the diplomatic lag as far as Iran, GCC
and Afghanistan are concerned. Our relations with the GCC, Afghanistan
and Iran are not only important from a foreign policy perspective but also
from the social and economic point of view.
Peace and stability in Afghanistan is necessary for the peace and
stability in Pakistan. Therefore, Pakistan should facilitate talks between
the Afghan government and the Taliban. Indeed, Pakistan should play
active role in any effort that is meant to bring peace to Afghanistan.
Pakistan’s relations with China will keep on improving. The CPEC
will add immeasurable strength to the relationship. The only expectation
for the future of Pak-China relations is more engagement and more
cooperation on political, economic, trade, commercial, scientific, cultural
and strategic levels.
Iran and the GCC are important areas of Pakistan’s external
relations. Pakistan has huge economic interests in these countries. The
success of Pakistan’s foreign policy will depend on a balanced approach
towards Iran and Saudi Arabia. The stance that Pakistan took on Yemen
must guide our foreign policy in the future as well.
With the United States, relations will be conditioned by Pakistan’s
role in Afghanistan settlement. As a thumb rule, the depth of relations
between Pakistan and the United States will depend on the convergence of
our national interests.
Although a reset with Russia is very much on the cards, yet it will
take more time for the relations to take a complete take off. Pakistan’s
relations with Russia will depend on the level of interdependence that
exists between the two countries. Looking into the future, Pakistan’s
30 Journal of Contemporary Studies, Vol. IV, No.1, Summer 2015

relations with Russia should flourish, however, there should be no over


excitement and emotionalism in this regard.
Pakistan’s foreign policy, like that of any other country, will be
hugely affected by our internal environment. Our overall national interest,
foreign policy goals and the objectives of our national security and foreign
policy are linked to political stability, economic strength, good governance,
vibrant institutions and social cohesion. Thus, the best of our foreign
policies will not bring us any good unless and until we put our own house
in order by bringing law and order, eradicating corruption, improving
governance and economic management. Lastly, in order to create a
favourable domestic environment, we need to consolidate the effects of
operation Zarb-e-Azb and move harder against militancy, sectarianism,
fanaticism, and extremism.

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