Assyrian Tree of Life
Assyrian Tree of Life
Assyrian Tree of Life
Philosophy
Author(s): Simo Parpola
Source: Journal of Near Eastern Studies, Vol. 52, No. 3 (Jul., 1993), pp. 161-208
Published by: The University of Chicago Press
Stable URL: https://www.jstor.org/stable/545436
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THE ASSYRIAN TREE OF LIFE: TRACING THE ORIGINS OF JEWISH
MONOTHEISM AND GREEK PHILOSOPHY*
I. INTRODUCTION
A stylized tree with obvious religious significance already occurs as an art motif
in fourth-millennium Mesopotamia, and, by the second millennium B.C., it is found
everywhere within the orbit of the ancient Near Eastern oikumene, including Egypt,
Greece, and the Indus civilization.' The meaning of the motif is not clear,2 but its over-
all composition strikingly recalls the Tree of Life of later Christian, Jewish, Muslim,
and Buddhist art.3 The question of whether the concept of the Tree of Life actually ex-
isted in ancient Mesopotamia has been debated, however,4 and thus many scholars today
prefer the more neutral term "sacred tree" when referring to the Mesopotamian Tree.5
* The substance of this paper was presented at theL'Arbre stylisd, vol. 3, nos. 924-36); they appear to
XXXIX Rencontre Assyriologique Internationale inrepresent an import from the Levant connected with
Heidelberg, 8 July 1992. The present version hasthe Hyksos invasion and Egypt's expansion under
benefited from oral comments received later from Tuthmosis I, as also indicated by the Osiris myth
T. Abusch, Farouk al-Rawi, J. C. Greenfield, W. G. explicitly associating the Tree with the city of Byblos.
Lambert, J. Reade, M. Weinfeld, and D. Weisberg;
The earliest Greek examples (ibid., nos. 891-94), from
the responsibility for all the interpretations and errors
the fifteenth century, are even more pronouncedly
remains, however, entirely mine. I apologize for theBabylonian.
massive footnote apparatus, which was unavoidable 2 See n. 26 below.
in order to provide the necessary documentation and 3 For examples, see Roger Cook, The Tree of Life:
background information; those who find it disturbing Image for the Cosmos (London, 1978), passim (for
are advised to skip the notes and to read the text first.example, pl. 46, The Great Cross of the Lateran,
Most abbreviations are those of the Chicago Assyr- early Christian, with confronted animals; pl. 49,
ian Dictionary and R. Borger's Handbuch der Christ on the Tree of Life, by Pacino da Bonaguido,
Keilschriftliteratur (Berlin and New York, 1975). early fourteenth century; pl. 47, Tree of Life with
1 For a general survey of the distribution of the confronted centaurs, Saracen Mosaic at Palermo,
motif see the typological study of H. York, "Heiliger twelfth century; pl. 52, Menorah as Tree of Life, He-
Baum," in RIA, vol. 4, pp. 269-80, with the bibliogra- brew Bible, Perpignan, 1299; pl. 19, Tree of Life and
phy of earlier studies, ibid., pp. 280 ff.; see also Knowledge
C. flanked by two bulls, India, Vigayanagar
Kepinski, L'Arbre stylise en Asie occidentale au 2e period, 1336-1546). See also H. Schm6kel, "Ziegen
millinaire avant J.-C. (Paris, 1982). The Harappan am Lebensbaum," AfO 18 (1957-58): 373 ff.
forms of the Tree, attested in pottery, glyptic, and 4 See most recently A. Sjiberg, "Eve and the Cha-
script since 2400 B.C., display Proto-Elamite and meleon," in W. Boyd Barrick and John R. Spencer,
Akkadian influence. The earliest Egyptian examples eds., In the Shelter of Elyon: Essays on Ancient Pales-
date from the sixteenth century and reveal an affinity
tinian Life and Literature in Honor of G. W. Ahlstriim,
with contemporary Babylonian forms (see Kepinski, Journal for the Study of the Old Testament, Supple-
ment Series 31 (Sheffield, 1984), pp. 219 ff.
[JNES 52 no. 3 (1993)] 5 Cf. H. Danthine, Le Palmier-dattier et les arbres
@ 1993 by The University of Chicago. sacres dans l'iconographie de l'Asie occidentale an-
All rights reserved. cienne (Paris, 1937), p. 212; J. Reade, Assyrian
0022-2968/93/5203-0001$1.00 Sculpture (London, 1983), p. 27.
161
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162 JOURNAL OF NEAR EASTERN STUDIES
volute
inged disk
co e
pomegranate rown
runk
palmett ruit
-node
bucket
garland
base
0 0
o)Y.IIIIIo
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THE ASSYRIAN TREE OF LIFE 163
6 This form of the Tree is principally character- Its Remains, vol. 1 [London, 1966], fig. 58) and the
ized by the "garland" of cones, pomegranates, or pal- ivory handle of a fly wisk from the Northwest Palace
mettes surrounding its crown and/or trunk. Its formal at Nimrud (ibid., fig. 85).
development through the Middle Assyrian period can 1 For example, the seal of Minu-epus-ana-ili, the
be traced from dated seal impressions and datable chief of granaries (D. Collon, First Impressions [Lon-
seals; see the studies of Moortgat and Beran in ZA 47 don, 1988], fig. 345).
(1941), 48 (1944), and 52 (1957). The earliest exam- 12 Note, in addition to the wall paintings of Kar
ples which can be dated with certainty are a seal im- Tukulti-Ninurta (see n. 6 above), the glazed-brick
pression in a text (KAJ 144) dated in the eponymy of panel of Shalmaneser III from Nimrud restored by
Tukulti-Ninurta (1243 B.c.; for the impression, see Reade, "A Glazed-Brick Panel from Nimrud," Iraq
ZA 47, p. 77), two ivories from this king's palace at 25 (1963): 38-47 and pl. 9 (also Mallowan, Nimrud,
Assur (Kepinski, L'Arbre stylise, vol. 3, nos. 414 f.), vol. 2, fig. 373; color photograph in W. Orthmann,
and the wall paintings of Kar Tukulti-Ninurta (ibid., Der alte Orient, Propylaen Kunstgeschichte, vol. 18
nos. 448 f.; see W. Andrae, Farbige Keramik aus [Frankfurt, 1988], pl. 19).
Assur [Berlin, 1923], pls. 2 f.). An uninscribed seal 13 See J. Meuszyriski, Die Rekonstruktion der Re-
of unknown provenance (Collection de Clercq, liefdarstellungen und ihrer Anordnung im Nordwest-
342bis) containing a precursor of the Assyrian Tree palast von Kalhu (Nimrud), Baghdader Forschungen
is usually dated to the late fourteenth century on sty- 2 (Mainz am Rhein, 1981), and Irene J. Winter, "The
listic grounds (see Beran, ZA 52, p. 160, fig. 31); Program of the Throneroom of Ashurnasirpal II," in
note also the seal impression in KAJ 247 (ibid., fig. Prudence O. Harper and Holly Pittman, eds., Essays
30, from a fourteenth-century archive). on Near Eastern Art and Archaeology in Honor of
7 See, for example, Danthine, Palmier-dattier, Charles Kyrle Wilkinson (New York, 1983), pp. 15-
figs. 373 (Cyprus), 472 (Byblos), 487 (Nerab near 32. For the Tree of Sargon II's palace at Khorsabad,
Aleppo), 499 (Susa), 802 (Gezer), 927 (Naukratis), see P. E. Botta and E. Flandin, Monument de Ninive
930 (Egypt); F. Hangar, "Das urartiische Lebens- (Paris, 1849-50), vol. 1, pl. 80, and vol. 2, pls. 116,
baummotiv," Iranica Antiqua 6 (1966): pl. 22:1 119, 139, and 144.
(Adilcevaz, north of Lake Van). 14 The pre-Assyrian Tree already was a complex
8 See, for example, Danthine, Palmier-dattier, motif subject to considerable detail variation in its
figs. 807 (Neo-Babylonian), 188, 459, 466, 473, 496 component elements; by mixing the traditional ele-
(Achaemenid), 186 (Parthian), 302 (Sasanian). ments with Assyrian innovations, one could, in prin-
9 See A. H. Layard, Monuments of Nineveh ciple, produce an unlimited number of tree variants.
(London, 1849), pls. 5 and 6b (garment of Ashurna- Nevertheless, considering the predominantly sche-
sirpal II; see also J. V. Canby, "Decorated Garments matic nature of most Neo-Assyrian representations,
in Ashurnasirpal's Sculpture," Iraq 33 [1971]: 31 ff., the extent of attested variation is surprising. As ob-
pls. XVIII f.); E. Strommenger and M. Hirmer, The served by Reade, Iraq 27 (1965): 126 f., "so far as
Art of Mesopotamia (London, 1964), pls. 251 and can be ascertained, no two full-size trees [in the pal-
254; see also SAA 7 pl. 27 (garment of Assurbanipal). ace of Ashurnasirpal II] were identical"; the same
Note also the Assyrianizing trees in the garments of applies to the hundreds of examples on seals, disre-
Marduk-nadin-ahhe (1099-1082) and NabOi-mukin- garding obviously mass-produced items. Thus it does
apli (978-943), BBSt., pls. 54 and 74 (cf. Danthine, seem that there was a conscious effort to make every
Palmier-dattier, figs. 417, 462, and 511). representation of the Tree look different. See also
10 For example, the "Nimrud jewel" found in the n. 63 below.
grave of a princess (M. E. L. Mallowan, Nimrud and
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164 JOURNAL OF NEAR EASTERN STUDIES
(Amsterdam,
15 Apart from the surrounding network 1974),re-
already p. 371 ("unity in multiplicity;
ferred to in n. 6 (see further n. 20 concord; below),fertility-growth
these in- and resurrection"). The
clude the winged disk hovering above fringethe
wouldTree (see
thus have served to stress the underly-
n. 25) and significant changes in the ing unity of the of
inventory design
the enclosed by it. It may, how-
flanking figures (n. 24) and in the iconography ever, have had other connotations as well. This is
of the
winged disk and the trunk (n. 22). The suggested by the fact
systematic in-that the position of the cones
troduction of these features is clearly andnot
pomegranates
a matter in of
the fringe could be taken by
style but, rather, indicates a profound change
palmettes, in the
a universal symbol of regeneration, self-
symbolism of the Tree (see also n. renewal, and victory over death (see Baldock, Ele-
66 below).
16 In view of the great number of variants,
ments, it is
p. 105, and de Vries, Dictionary, pp. 356 f.).
impossible to give a universally valid, compact
Note that de-
both pomegranate and pinecone carry simi-
scription of the Tree; the one given here is
lar symbolic an ab-see above and, for the latter,
meanings;
straction combining the most typical de features of the
Vries, Dictionary, p. 367, s.v. pine ("immortality,
Neo-Assyrian representations of thelon Tree.
evity; victory").
17 In elaborate renderings, the trunk 2 The standard number of nodes is three per
is occasion-
ally divided by vertical striae into three parallel
trunk. They col- depicted as three superim-
are usually
umns. This tripartite trunk may correspond posed horizontal tobands
theholding together the three-
three-stemmed tree of some representations columned trunk(see (see
Ap- n. 17 above); they could be
pendix A). reduced to mere lines, and, in some variants, the en-
18 Occasionally the palmette crown can take the tire trunk could consist of three superimposed nodes
form of a flower, a disk, or a wheel; see Appendix A, only. In trees with an elaborate crown and base the
and cf. fig. 6 with n. 63 on the significance of these top and bottom nodes could be omitted as superflu-
variants. ous, while the middle node was more consistently
19 The base is usually represented as a mountain, retained. For the four-noded trunk occurring as a
rock, or stone block. It can also be omitted alto- variant of the standard three-noded trunk in the re-
gether, but its place is then taken by the lowermost liefs of Ashurnasirpal II, see n. 52 and pp. 188-89
joint of the trunk. On the symbolic meaning of the below; note that trees flanked by the king never have
base (material world, netherworld), see pp. 180, four 187 nodes and that the extra node may lack the cus-
with n. 98, 192-93, and 198 below. tomary volutes (see, for example, Paley, King of the
20 The number, direction, patterning, and rendi- World, p. 96, fig. 12b, second node from top).
tion of the lines can vary considerably. In the reliefs 23 In the sculptures of Ashurnasirpal II, these cir-
of Ashurnasirpal II, they resemble streams of water,cles are embedded in the loops of the volutes emerg-
while in the reliefs of Sargon II and contemporarying from the nodes and thus are clearly associated
seals they resemble interlacing cords in a net; else-with the latter in a triadic arrangement. There are
where, they recall rungs in a ladder (see n. 98). Innormally two circles per node, one on each side of
each case, they effectively reduce the tree to an inte-the tree (see J. Stearns, Reliefs from the Palace of
gral part of a larger whole. On the symbolism of theAshurnasirpal II, AfO Beiheft 15 [Graz, 1961], pls.
line network, see n. 55 below. 40, 69, 70, 73, 78, 81, and 84 [three nodes, six cir-
21 Hitherto commonly taken as fertility symbols cles]; pls. 11, 17, 18, 26, 31, 34, 75, and 80 [four
(cf. RIA, vol. 3, p. 626), but as Farouk al-Rawi in- nodes, eight circles]). In some representations, addi-
forms me (oral communication), in Iraq pinecones tional volute pairs appear in the empty spaces be-
and pomegranates are traditionally symbols of unity. tween the nodes (ibid., pls. 7, 9, 13, 28, 33, 57, 59,
In Christian symbolism, the pomegranate represents and 65, and see also fig. 2). These additional ele-
"multiplicity in unity as the Church, with the seeds ments must not be confused with the volutes emerg-
as its many members" and, secondarily, "regenera- ing from the nodes; note the different vertical
tion and resurrection" (J. Baldock, The Elements ofalignment of their loops in Stearns, Reliefs, pls. 13
Christian Symbolism [London, 1990], p. 108); see and 59. On the meaning of the circles and volutes,
also A. de Vries, Dictionary of Symbols and Imagery see n. 25 below.
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THE ASSYRIAN TREE OF LIFE 165
What did this Tree stand for, and why was it chosen as an imperial symb
considerable literature on this question, but despite the most painstaking an
iconographic evidence, on the whole, little has been explained.26 This is
the almost total lack of relevant textual evidence. The symbolism of the Tr
cussed in cuneiform sources, and the few references to sacred trees or p
potamian literature have proved too vague or obscure to be productive.27
early ibexes,
24 The flanking animals consist of goats, Christian iconography; see also de Vries, Dic-
gazelles, and stags, all associated withtionary,
sexualp.po-
235; Baldock, Elements p. 98; and n. 93
below.
tency and animal instincts, but also with regeneration
(the ibex specifically with Ea, the god ofItWisdom should be noted that the triad of gods and the
and Life). While extremely common in earliervolute on top of the disk are in complementary dis-
peri-
tribution: whenever the former appears, the latter is
ods, they are rare in Late Assyrian representations,
lacking.
where their place is largely taken by various Hence
kinds of the volute with its loops seems to
beoften
protective genies and/or the king, the latter an icon for the gods accompanying the central
por-
trayed in a mirror image on both sides figure. of theOn some seals, the place of the accompany-
Tree
(on private seals, the royal figure could ing be gods is taken by two juxtaposed circles; on oth-
replaced
by that of the private individual). The genies, ers, the whole trinity, including the central god, is
mostly
depicted in the act of sprinkling the king replaced by three juxtaposed circles (see Appendix
and/or
the Tree with holy water, largely consistB,of pp.mythi-
201-2 below). This strongly suggests that the
cal sages (apkallu) serving the god Ea (see triadic
F. A. arrangements
M. of circles, volutes, and nodes
Wiggermann, Mesopotamian Protective on Spirits
the trunk (see n. 23 above) also stand for trinities
[Groningen, 1992], especially pp. 65 ff.). of Neither
gods. the
mirror-imaged king nor the mythical sages 6Revealingly,
are at- apodictic statements about the
tested as flanking figures before the emergence meaningof of the
theTree are carefully avoided in recent
Lake Assyrian Tree, so they certainly represent studies, though
gen-there appears to be a general consen-
uine Assyrian innovations. sus among experts that it was related to fertility. Cf.
25 The association of disk and tree already Reade, occurs
Assyrian Sculpture, p. 27: "Its exact meaning
in Mitannian art, but the Assyrian representations escapes us, but it could be taken as representing in
differ significantly from their Mitannian counterparts some way the fertility of the earth, more especially
both regarding the position of the disk the and landits
of Ashur";
ico- similarly York, RIA, vol. 4,
nography; see W. G. Lambert, "Trees, p. 279; Paley,
Snakes andKing of the World, pp. 234 f.;
Gods in Ancient Syria and Anatolia," BSOAS H. W. F. 48 Saggs, The Might That Was Assyria (Lon-
(1985): 438 f. Iconographical innovationsdon, not1984),
found pp. 234 f.; Lambert, "Trees, Snakes and
in the Mitannian disk include streamersGods," hanging p. 438. Steams (Reliefs, p. 71) suggests that
from the disk, often extended to enclose the tree; a "the meaning of the tree was as changed as its form
feathered tail; a god riding in the disk; and a volute and that its precise intent.. . had become, like other
on its top, resembling those emerging from the mystic symbols of all ages, obscured under the accu-
nodes of the trunk (see Appendix B pp. 201-2 be- mulation of religious experience." M. Roaf, Cultural
low). The streamers may terminate in forked light- Atlas of Mesopotamia (Oxford, 1990), p. 226, tersely
ning bolts, circles, or palmettes. The god in the disk states "the significance of the motif is not clear."
regularly raises his right hand in benediction and Kepinski's voluminous study of second-millennium
may hold a bow in his left hand; in some representa- iconography of the Tree, L'Arbre stylise, does not
tions, he is accompanied by two smaller gods riding deal with the meaning of the motif.
on the wings of the disk. As pointed out by G. Con- 27 A case in point is G. Widengren's important
tenau, "Note d'iconographie religieuse assyrienne," study The King and the Tree of Life in Ancient Near
RA 37 (1940-41): 160, the blessing gesture recalls Eastern Religion (Uppsala, 1951). Widengren's con-
the symbolic representation of God the Father in clusions have not been accepted by Assyriologists
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166 JOURNAL OF NEAR EASTERN STUDIES
:1~::::-:-::
::
;::I::
6~1
~ii-ii--
_ ::: :i
:-i-i-i~
:i::-
:-:-.i-
i
::-:-::-
Piiii~iii-~
FIG. 3.-Slab B-23 of the throneroom of Ashurnasirpal II. Courtesy of the Trustees of the British Museum
e1-- ~1 -1---J-l--r~Rm~iD;---
: i z
it I
1~
FIG. 4.-The Ki
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THE ASSYRIAN TREE OF LIFE 167
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168 JOURNAL OF NEAR EASTERN STUDIES
36 Verbal
further references to the King as Tree justification of this claim is a regular
in Mesopota-
feature of
mian sources, see Widengren, The King andAssyrian
the royal inscriptions since the early
Tree
of Life, pp. 42 ff.; cf. also pp. 195 thirteenth century B.C.
ff. below. NoteSee, for example, RIM 1,
also the famous anthropomorphic p.tree 233 ("Tukulti-Ninurta,
from Assur king of the universe...
(A. Parrot, Nineveh and Babylon [London, 1961], whose name ASSur and the great gods faithfully
fig. 9). called, the one to whom they gave the four quarters
33 References to the king as the image (salmu) of to administer and the one to whom they entrusted
God abound in the Neo-Assyrian royal correspon- their dominion"); for further examples, see CAD, s.v.
dence; see, for example, "the father of the king my b~li~tu, p. 203.
lord was the very image of Bel, and the king my lord 37 Note that piety and blameless moral conduct
is likewise the very image of Bel," LAS 125:18 f.; are the most prominent qualities justifying the king's
"You, O king of the world, are an image of Marduk," rule in Assyrian royal inscriptions; see Seux, Epi-
RMA 170 = SAA 8 no. 333 r. 2. Note especially LAS thetes, pp. 20 f. Cf., for example, the continuation of
145: "The king, my lord, is the chosen of the great the inscription cited in the preceding footnote
gods; the shadow of the king, my lord, is beneficial ("Tukulti-Ninurta ... the attentive one, appointee of
to all . . . The king, my lord, is the perfect likeness the gods, the one who gladdens the heart of Aslur,
of the god." For the king as the image of ?amal, see the one whose conduct is pleasing to the gods of
LAS 143:17 ff. and the passages cited in the relevant heaven and earth").
commentary (LAS, vol. 2, p. 130). The concept is 38 That is to say, primarily the chief scribe (also
first attested in the Tukulti-Ninurta Epic (AfO 18, called "the king's scholar") and his "department." On
p. 50, late second millennium B.C.). this important state official, see O. Schroeder, "um-
34 "Perfect Man" (eflu gitmalu is well attested as manu = Chef der Staatskanzlei?," OLZ, 1920,
an Assyrian royal epithet; see Seux, Epithetes royales pp. 204-7; H. Tadmor in F. M. Fales, ed., Assyrian
akkadiens et sumeriens (Paris, 1967), p. 92 and also Royal Inscriptions: New Horizons (Rome, 1981), pp.
30 ff.; see also my article "The Forlorn Scholar," in
p. 231 (qarratdu gitmalu, "perfect hero"); note SAA 3
no. 25 ii 16 (sarru gitmalu, "perfect king"), and F. Rochberg-Halton, ed., Language, Literature, and
cf. LAS 144 r. 4 f.: "What the king said is as perfect History: Studies Presented to Erica Reiner (New
as the word of god," and ABL 1221 r. 12: "The word Haven, 1987), p. 257; S. J. Lieberman, "A Meso-
of the king is as [perfect] as that of the gods." The potamian Background for the So-called Aggadic
concept of "perfect king" goes back to the early sec- 'Measures' of Biblical Hermeneutics," HUCA 58
ond millennium (the time of Hammurabi); see Seux, (1987): 212 ff., and idem, in T. Abusch et al., eds.,
Epithetes, pp. 97 and 331; see also n. 138 below. Lingering Over Words: Studies in Honor of W. L.
35 The need of visual symbols to epitomize com- Moran (Atlanta, 1990), pp. 313 ff. While the duties
plex ideologies is too obvious for elaboration here; of the chief scribe are not specified in Assyrian
cf. the role of the cross as a symbol of Christianity or sources, it is extremely likely that they included the
that of the sickle and hammer as the symbol of com- drafting and production of royal inscriptions; note the
munism. A stylized rendition of the Tree of Life, the colophon of the Sargon's letter to A''ur (TCL 3), in-
Menorah, was the symbol of Judaism in the first cen- dicating that it was composed by the chief scribe
tury A.D. and still functions (on, for example, the ros- himself, and see the note on LAS 7 r. 10 in LAS, vol.
trum of the Knesset) as a state symbol in modern 2, p. 11. On the other hand, there is evidence that
Israel. On the Menorah, see L. Yarden, The Tree of other prominent scholars too were involved in the
Light: A Study of the Menorah, the Seven-branched composition of royal inscriptions and, more gener-
Lampstead (Uppsala, 1972). ally, in the formulation of the imperial policies; see
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THE ASSYRIAN TREE OF LIFE 169
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170 JOURNAL OF NEAR EASTERN STUDIES
PILLAR OF EOUILIBRIUM
KETER
3 2
Understanding Wisdom
BI
DAAT
SKnowledge
%
5 4
DIN HESED
Judgment Mercy
6
TIFERET
Beauty
8 7
HOD NEZAH
Glory Victory
9
YESOD
Foundation
10
MA LKHUT
Kingdom
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THE ASSYRIAN TREE OF LIFE 171
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172 JOURNAL OF NEAR EASTERN STUDIES
sented by a circle hovering over ofthethe opposites as male/female, positive/negative and dark/
Tree (see, for
light is here emphasized.
example, Ponce, Kabbalah, pp. 92, 101, and 102), re-
54 Halevi, Kabbalah, p. 7; cf. Ponce, Kabbalah,
calling the winged disk hovering over the Assyrian
pp. 144 and 148:
Tree (see n. 25 above) as well as the image of the
glorified Christ shown above the TheTree of Life
Zohar refers in pillar as the perfect pillar. It
to this middle
Christian art (see Cook, Tree of Life,
serves pls. 43, 46,
as a mediating and
factor between the pillars of the right
49). Cf. pp. 184 ff. below, and nn. and
93thef. left .... There is also some Kabbalistic specula-
51 The origin of these names, some tion . .of which
. that have
the center pillar is the Tree of Life, and the re-
alternatives, is obscure; cf. Abulafia's remarks in his maining pillars the Tree of Good and Evil .... When man
Imrey Shefer (ca. 1270), cited in Idel, Kabbalah, ate of the Tree of Knowledge of Good and Evil he did not
draw any sustenance from the Tree of Life, which mediates
p. 202:
between the opposites.
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THE ASSYRIAN TREE OF LIFE 173
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174 JOURNAL OF NEAR EASTERN STUDIES
from the Cairo Genizah, dated 955-56; the earliest University Program in Judaic Studies, Occasional
extant manuscript of the book itself is from the elev-Papers, no. 2 (Providence, 1992), pp. 30 f.
enth(?) century; see ibid., p. 782). 62 The literature of practical Kabbalah was intro-
60 Scholem, "Yezirah," pp. 785 f. Cf. idem, Ori- duced to Italy in 870 by a Babylonian scholar, Aaron
gins, p. 25: ben Samuel (alias Abu Aharon); see Scholem, Jiid-
ische Mystik, p. 44; see idem, "Kabbalah," p. 510; cf.
the various estimates of the date of its composi-
tion ... fluctuate between the second and the sixth centuries.
Ponc6, Kabbalah, p. 60. Several leading gaonic
scholars (for example, Saadiah, Sherira b. Hanina,
This slender work is also designated in the oldest manu-
and Hai) are known to have occupied themselves
scripts as a collection of "halakhoth on the Creation" and it
is not at all impossible that it is referred to by this name with
in Sefer Yezirah in the following century; see
the Talmud (BT Sanhedrin 65b, fourth century), Scholem, "Kabbalah," pp. 511 f.
63 The multiplicity of attested Tree variants is re-
and Dan, Three Types of Ancient Jewish Mysticism, lated to the Kabbalistic view of the Sefirotic pleroma
p. 21 (ca. fourth century). as a dynamic, constantly changing living organism,
61 The connections of Kabbalah with Jewish apoc- which could be contemplated upon but not properly
alyptic esotericism and mysticism of the post-exilic captured in words or writing; this idea is expressed
period have never been questioned, and its affinitieswith metaphors such as light reflected by moving
with Platonism, Gnosticism, Neoplatonism, and water (Idel, Kabbalah, p. 140), the movement of the
Sufism were noted long ago and stressed by many planets and stars (ibid., p. 248), or flames emerging
scholars; the crucial question of the evolution of Kab-
from a burning coal (ibid., p. 137). The different
balistic doctrines, specifically their dependance on variants illustrate the dynamics of the Tree by stress-
external influence(s), however, has remained a mattering different aspects of its interpretation, such as the
of controversy. While Kabbalists themselves havevarious interrelationships of the Sefirot (cf. Halevi,
consistently stressed the antiquity of their tradition
Way of Kabbalah, p. 142).
and vehemently denied the existence of any kind of 64As uncontestable examples of Jewish cultural
historical development in Kabbalah (see Scholem,borrowings from Mesopotamia during and after the
"Kabbalah," p. 493; Halevi, Way of Kabbalah, exile, note the Jewish calendar still based on the
pp. 16 ff.), modern scholarship has tended to see the Neo-Babylonian intercalation system (R. Parker and
emergence of historical Kabbalah as a gradual pro- W. Dubberstein, Babylonian Chronology 626 B.C.-
cess heavily influenced by Neoplatonic and especially A.D. 75 [Providence, 1956]); the incantation bowls
Gnostic thought. of Babylonian rabbis (J. Montgomery, Aramaic In-
Recent research has significantly altered this pic-cantation Texts from Nippur [Philadelphia, 1914]);
ture, however. It is now generally recognized that the medical passages in the Babylonian Talmud dis-
there is considerable Jewish influence on the emerg- cussed by M. Geller in his review of P. Herrero, La
ing Gnostic literature, not the other way around; and Therapeutique misopotamienne (Paris, 1984), in
that several doctrinal features of Kabbalah previouslyBiOr 43 (1986): 738-43; and the astrological omen
attributed to Gnosticism in fact belong to a genuine text recently published by J. C. Greenfield and M.
Jewish tradition reaching, through Hekhalot and Mer-Sokoloff, "Astrological and Related Omen Texts in
kavah mysticism, down to the first century A.D., if not
Jewish Palestinian Aramaic," JNES 48 (1989): 201-
earlier; see Idel, Kabbalah, pp. 30 ff. for details. For
14; the list could easily be made ten times longer. In
an unmistakable reference to the Tree of Life diagram this connection, it is good to remember that the mys-
in Hekhalot Rabbati (third century A.D.?), see Dan, tic form of Islam, Sufism, emerged in Babylonia im-
The Revelation of the Secret of the World: The Begin- mediately after the Muslim conquest.
ning of Jewish Mysticism in Late Antiquity, Brown
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THE ASSYRIAN TREE OF LIFE 175
i;i%
?i i .f
4 i- u~t ~
.Li?-( I.?..I.??~
~r~. ??;:~ ?s. i,..?/
Y r
~? i"'
~?
-; ????-
~Ch-
~.-?
~c,,,
~L=
-r0--~5~3~
?.? ; . ~ B ;ir.
?i?`- _^cr~ ;`;'~rrrFs-r
(C.
~7 'EIr'?
C trl PC.
~?-s~
?r-- .-"r;' .?L~L`~ F icc?
?- ?- '
?-F, ~L; tt-;
~3~
~L~;C---\z~
tr
~i:?~, I;
i'
:? r
\j;
.i
-,?
i )
~LI
I:I
a. The Tree as Sunflower, with b. Tree in the form of a c. The Inverted Tree.
the 72 names of God inscribed on Menorah. From Or Nerot ha- From Robert Fludd, Philos-
ophia Sacra (1627; Cook,
its petals. From Athanasius Kircher, Menorah (Venice, 1548; Halevi,
Oedipus Aegypticus (Rome, 1652; Kabbalah, p. 78). Tree of Life, pl. 38).
Ponc6, Kabbalah, p. 177).
'"ro
,to~n -r; ;r= IM.4 1U n ra
=46=3
d. e. f. Treeas
Tree
Beauty of Eternal
of Lifethe
M
All the central
Powers colu
(Ponc6, ibid., pp. 105 and 148).
p. 153).
balah, p. 104).
I
v :ir: ,.-r , "
All
7- V/
S7!
...--'a
"I. 6
i0
lus Ricius, Porta Lucis (Augs- Shekhinah, the Tree of Perfec- with En Sof hovering over
burg, 1516; Ponc6, Kabbalah, tion (Ponc6, ibid., p. 152). it (Ponc6, ibid., p. 152).
p. 110).
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176 JOURNAL OF NEAR EASTERN STUDIES
For the above reasons, I had for years considered the identity of the A
rotic Trees an attractive but probably unprovable hypothesis, until it fi
me that there is a way of proving or rejecting it. For if the Sefirotic T
adaptation of a Mesopotamian model, the adaptation process should b
is, it should be possible to reconstruct the original model without diffic
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THE ASSYRIAN TREE OF LIFE 177
lieved that they had discovered in the Kabbalah an Sumerian me/garza and Akkadian parsu, "divine
original divine revelation to mankind ... with the aid
power of function"!
of which it was possible not only to understand the 69 Cf. Ea's epithets "sage of the gods/universe, sage/
teachings of Pythagoras, Plato, and the Orphics . . king
. of wisdom, lord of wisdom/secrets, wise, surpass-
but also the secrets of the Catholic faith" (Scholem,ingly/exceedingly wise, omniscient, knower of inge-
Kabbalah, pp. 643 f.). Another conservative factor nious things"; for references, see H. Galter, Der Gott
Ea/Enki in der akkadischen Oberlieferung (Graz,
certainly was that the doctrines of Kabbalah, crystal-
lized in the tree diagram, represent a highly inte- 1983), pp. 34 ff. Wisdom is the theme of one-third of
grated system of thought which by its very nature all attested epithets of Ea; a further 25 percent define
works against radical changes in it. him as the creator god or the lord of Apsu and the wa-
68 See the diagram in Halevi, Kabbalah, p. 74, with
ters of life; the rest are general epithets stressing the
Sefirah I appearing as Metatron, 2 as Raziel, 3 asgreatness of the god.
Zaphkiel, 4 as Zadkiel, 5 as Samael, 6 as Michael, 7 as In a commentary recently edited by George (RA 85
Haniel, 8 as Raphael, and 9 as Gabriel. A Hebrew mag- [1992]: 152), Ea is referred to as "Great light of Apsu,"
ical-astrological text from Nisibis entitled "Wisdom an
of allusion consonant with the Kabbalistic notion of
the Chaldeans," published by M. Gaster, Proceedings Hokhmah as a hidden luminary directly in contact with
of the Society of Biblical Archaeology 22 (1900): En Sof, the Endless Light (cf. Halevi, Tree of Life,
329 ff., explicitly equates angels with planets: Raphael
p. 74, and Ponc6, Kabbalah, pp. 66 and 101). Con-
= Sun, Gabriel = Moon, Samael = Mars, Michael = versely, Kether is referred to in the Zohar (see Ponc6,
Mercury, Zadkiel = Jupiter, Anael = Venus, and Qaph- Kabbalah, p. 118) as "The Wisdom-Gushing Foun-
siel = Saturn. Transferring these equations to the dia-
tain" flowing into a large vessel in the earth called
gram just mentioned, one obtains a tree stated in terms
"Sea," an allusion consonant with the Mesopotamian
of planet(ary god)s, to be compared with Halevi, Treenotion of Apsu (cf. Galter, Enki/Ea, pp. 80 ff.). For the
of Life, p. 51 (tree composed of Greco-Roman gods andKabbalistic notion of Hokhma as "the father of all cre-
their planets). On a passage in Bahir merging the Sefi-
ated things" and the archetype of fatherhood, "father of
rot with angelic beings, see Scholem, Origins, p. 148.
fathers" (Ponc6, Kabbalah, pp. 119 ff.), cf. Ea's epi-
The Hekhalot texts contain long lists of angels with
thets "father of the (great) gods" and "creator of every-
names ending in el, "to which the title YHWH is added,
thing/all mankind/created things" (Galter, pp. 34 f. ).
7oBinah, "Understanding" or "Intelligence," also
making them a group of divine beings, a system of pler-
omatic powers" (Dan, "Revelation," p. 17); cf. idem, rendered Prudentia (Robert Fludd, Philosophia
Three Types, p. 17: Sacra [1626]), is defined as "intellect in its passive,
receptive and reflective capacity, deep pondering"
It should be emphasized that the term "angels" is an inaccu-
(Halevi, Kabbalah, p. 6), "reflective thinking, to
rate and confusing one in this context .... Medieval defini-
back up inspiration" (idem, Tree of Life, p. 38) and
tions gave this term the meaning of a created, subordinated
messenger of God, which cannot be an independent divine "profound intellect act[ing] as a counterbalance to
power. In the Hekhalot literature.., .the powers are called
Wisdom" (idem, Way of Kabbalah, p. 55). Compare
by names like 'Akhatriel Yah Adonai Zevaoth,' which cannot
this with references to the moon god Sin as "Anu of
be interpreted as other than an appellation of a divine power.
the sky whose counsel nobody perceives" (Perry,
According to a legend quoted by Halevi, Kabbalah, Sin, no. 2:9), "whose profound heart no god can
p. 13, "the Divine Name EL [was attached] to thefathom" (ibid., no. 1:37), "whose mind no god
functional name of each angelic being, so that it
knows" (ibid., no. 5:5), and note Sin's epithets "wise,
could never exert more of its power than God knower of secrets, sage of gods" (Tallqvist, G6tter-
wished. Thus each celestial being was confined to epitheta,
its p. 446) and mutadlu, "judicious, thought-
task, like the angel Shalgiel who only dealt with ful, circumspect, deliberate," attested in Perry, Sin,
snow." One could not hope for a better etiologyno. of 5:10, and personal names (CAD, s.v., p. 284).
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178 JOURNAL OF NEAR EASTERN STUDIES
s.v.) and
"Understanding, Intelligence" (Nahi, anquradu,
exact"hero" (CAD, s.v.); note that the
seman-
corresponding
tic equivalent of Binah), is explicitly Hebrew as
attested words
a (gever, "man," and
name of the moon god in Thamudic gibbor, "hero") are derived
inscriptions; see from the same root as
D. Nielsen, "Uber die nordarabischen
Gevurah,G6tter," Mit-
and that Akkadian qurdu, "heroism, valor;
mighty deeds" (CAD,
teilungen der Vorderasiatisch-Aegyptischen s.v.) is an exact semantic
Gesell-
schaft 21 (1917): 254 f. In Rav's equivalent
list of of ten creative
Hebrew gevurah, which in the Psalms
powers (see n. 49 above), Binah is (71:16, 106:2, 145:2,by
represented andits150:2) refers to the
synonym Tevunah. "mighty deeds (or acts, works)" of God.
Another frequent epithet, "maker In of
Rav's list of ten creative powers (see n. 49),
decision(s),"
refers to Sin as the Supreme Divine Arbiter;
Din is replaced by itsseesynonym Mishpat, "decision,
judgment,"
Tallqvist, G6tterepitheta, p. 447. This role while agrees
Gevurah there corresponds to
with the position of Binah on top
Nezah of the
(see n. 74). Pillar of
Judgment (see n. 53 above); cf. 73Ponc6,
Note simplyKabbalah,
Igtar's well-known identification
p. 144: "The Pillar of Judgmentwith
receives
Aphrodite anditsVenus
name and the epithet "lady/god-
from the center Sefirah, Gevurahdess. . of
. beauty
the two [other]
and love," which she shares with Nan-
Sefirot [above and below it] are integral
aya/Ta'metu components
(Tallqvist, Gitterepitheta, pp. 16 and 60;
of the middle value." Note that forinNanaya
Bahir, the
= Istar; angel
see ibid., p. 385). In the Etana myth
"presiding over all the holy forms(seeon the
pp. 195 ff. left
below), side
IStar isofportrayed as a beautiful
God" is identified with Gabriel, i.e.,
virgin;Moon
see J. V.(see
KinnierScho-
Wilson, The Legend of Etana
(Warminster,
lem, Origins, pp. 147 f., and n. 68 above). In 1985), p. 110:10; cf. W. G. Lambert
another
section of Bahir, Binah is explained
"The as "superior
Problem of the Lovejus-Lyrics," in H. Goedicke and
tice" (Scholem, Origins, p. 136). J. J. M. Roberts, eds,. Unity and Diversity (Baltimore,
Binah is "the Supernal Mother, within
1975), pp. 123, whose
18 ff.: "You are the mother, IStar of
womb all that was contained in Wisdom finally
Babylon, the beautiful one,be-
the queen of the Babylo-
comes differentiated [and out of nians.
whom] You arethe remain-
the mother, a palm of carnelian, the
beautiful one, who
ing sefiroth proceed" (Ponc6, Kabbalah, pp.is beautiful
122); to a superlative
degree."
compare this with Sin's epithets "birth-giving (dlidu)
The alternative name
father," "father of the great gods," "procreator of of this Sefirah, Rahamim
all"
(Tallqvist, Gitterepitheta, pp. 446); on the
(Compassion epithet
or Love), corresponds to Igtar's epithets
"lady(ibid.,
"fruit (enbu) giving birth to itself" of love, pp.
the loving
24), one,
see the one who loves all
also nn. 66 and 89. mankind," etc. (cf. above and Tallqvist, Gitterepi-
71 Cf. Marduk's epithets "merciful god/father/ theta, s.vv. bilet ru'dmi and rdnimtu). In her capacity
lord, merciful and forgiving, the merciful oneaswith the goddess of love, IStar had a special relationship
forgiving heart, merciful to mankind"; for attesta- to the Assyrian king, who is repeatedly portrayed as
tions, see Tallqvist, Gitterepitheta, p. 371, and herthe
baby (see my discussion in the introduction of As-
dictionaries s.vv. remena and tajjaru, and see alsoProphecies and cf. ibid., no. I iv 24, "I [I'tar]
syrian
Enuma eliK VI 137 and VII 27 ff. While "merciful" have loved you [the king] very much"; see also n. 84
occasionally occurs as an epithet of other gods, too,
below). This correlates nicely with the primary conno-
its prominence as an epithet of Marduk in first-tation of the word rahamim ("motherly feeling, com-
millennium texts, as well as the fact that it is fre- passion"). Note, finally, that in contrast to the other
quently applied to the king as the image of Marduk Sefirot, the Sefirah of Tiferet was pictured as female;
(see the discussion in LAS, vol. 2, p. 58), confirmssee n. 97 below, and cf. Ponc6, Kabbalah, pp. 127 f.
that it represented a central characteristic of this god. 74 Cf. Ninurta's epithets "the warrior, the mighty
The other name of the Sefirah, Gedullah (Great- son of Enlil, the victor who threshes the foe but
ness), corresponds to Marduk's ubiquitous epithet makes the righteous stand, who achieved victory for
blu raba, "great lord" (Tallqvist, Gitterepitheta, Enlil, whose strength is exalted, [possess]or of
p. 52). Note the co-occurence of both "great lord" might, killer of Anz^" in Lambert, "The Gula Hymn
and "merciful god" in the incipits of prayers to Mar-of Bullutsa-rabi," Or. n.s. 36 (1967): 116 ff., lines 9-
duk (W. Mayer, Untersuchungen zur Formensprache 13; for Ninurta as the Mesopotamian victory god par
der babylonischen " Gebetsbeschwdrungen" [Rome,excellence, see J. S. Cooper, The Return of Ninurta
1976], p. 397, nos. 18 and 23). to Nippur (Rome, 1978), pp. 2 ff., and B. Hrugka,
72 ?amag was the divine judge par excellence: the Der Mythenadler Anzu (Budapest, 1975), pp. 116 ff.
name Din exactly corresponds to ?amag's primaryIn the first millennium, Ninurta largely merged with
epithet bl dini, "lord of judgment," not attached to Nab0 (see F. Pomponio, Naba [Rome, 1978],
any other god (see Tallqvist, Gotterepitheta, p. 43; pp. 189 ff.); the latter figures as the vanquisher of
cf. ibid., pp. 456 ff.). The other common name of thisAnz^ in Cooper, Return of Ninurta, p. 147, and Liv-
Sefirah, Gevurah (Power of Might), corresponds toingstone, SAA 3 no. 38:12 (see also ibid., nos. 34:57
?amag's standard epithets etlu, "strong man" (CAD,f., 35:51 f., 39:24 ff. and r. 20, referring to Ninurta).
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THE ASSYRIAN TREE OF LIFE 179
PILLAR OF EOUIIBRIUM
ANU
Cro w
PILLAR OF JUDGMENT CrownPILLAR OF MERCY
3 2
SIN EA
Understanding Wisdom
I MUMMU \
Knowledge I
5 4
SAMAS MARDUK
Judgment ENLIL
Mercy
ISTAR
Beauty
8 7
ADAD NABC
GIRRU NINURTA
NUSKU NI ,. T
Glory Victory
9
NERGAL
?AKKAN
Foundation
Strength
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180 JOURNAL OF NEAR EASTERN STUDIES
(just as his son Ninurta was equated with Nabf),76 the topmost
responds to Anu, the god of Heaven.77
Foundation (Yesod) corresponds to Nergal, lord of the un
characteristic, strength, is in Akkadian homonymous wit
dunnu.78 For the identification of Daat with Mummu (Consciousness) and the number
zero, see notes 111 and 125 below.
The equation Ninurta = Nabfi is explicitly attested in(god), the heavenly father, the greatest one in heaven
CT 25 11:12 and KAR 142 i 22 f. In Rav's list of ten and earth, the one who contains the entire universe,
creative powers (n. 49), Ninurta is represented asthe Ge-father/progenitor of the (great) gods, creator of
vurah, "might," which in the Sefirotic scheme nor- everything" (Tallqvist, G6tterepitheta, p. 254) and to
mally occurs as an alternative name of Din. his role in the creation process (see n. 55 above). For
In modern Kabbalistic literature, Nezah is, besides Anu as the Monad, see nn. 89, 94, and 104 below.
"Victory," also rendered "Endurance, Duration, Per- 78 See CAD, s.v., and note that the word occurs in
manence, Eternity," and the like. Such renderings Neo-Assyrian royal inscriptions not only as a com-
agree with the meaning of the word in modernmon He- epithet of Nergal (in bel abdri u dunni, "lord of
brew but not with the active nature of the Pillar of power and strength") but also as a synonym of us'u,
Mercy (see n. 53 above) nor with the attributes"foundation,"
of and as designation of the netherworld
Nabfi and Ninurta. It should be noted that in rabbini- (dunni qaqqari, "bedrock, terra firma"); cf. SAA 3 no.
cal Hebrew the root nsh means only "to be victori- 39: 34 ff. and see n. 38 above. Note also that in Rav's
ous, win, prevail" (see Jastrow, Dict., pp. 927 f.) and list of ten creative powers (n. 49), Yesod (Foundation)
that the renderings "Endurance," etc., are not found is replaced by Kah (Strength).
in older Kabbalistic literature (see, for example, In Kabbalah, Yesod is associated with "that aspect
Robert Fludd, Philosophia Sacra [1626]: "Trium- of the soul which corresponds to animal life and de-
phus Victoria"; Athanasius Kircher, Oedipus Aegyp- sires; [it is] located in the third world, the material and
tiacus [Rome, 1652]: "Victory"). sensuous world, [and is] symbolic of both male and
75 See U. Seidl, "Gottersymbole und -attribute," female genitals" (Ponc6, Kabbalah, pp. 68 and 129).
RIA, vol. 3, p. 486. In Assyria the crown also occurs Nergal's association with animal life and sexual de-
as a symbol of ASlur by virtue of A''ur's equation sires is clear from passages such as Ebeling, Die akka-
with Anu and Enlil (see Reade, "Shikaft-i Gulgul: Its dische Gebetsserie "Handerhebung" (Berlin, 1953),
Date and Symbolism," Iranica Antiqua 12 [1977]: 38; p. 114:9 ("Enlil your father entrusted to you [Nergal]
K. Tallqvist, Der assyrische Gott, StOr 4/3 [Helsinki, mankind, all living creatures, the cattle of ?akkan, and
1932], p. 13; and n. 94 below); this aspect of A''ur is the herds of wild animals"), from his uncontrolled
referred to in Assyrian cultic texts as A''ur-Crown or sexual behavior in the myth of Nergal and Ereikigal
AS'ur-Enlil, while AS'ur himself is referred to as (S. Dalley, Myths from Mesopotamia [Oxford, 1989],
plain A''ur or A''ur-ASlur (see, for example, 3R 66 pp.i 171 ff.) and from his appellative "Gazelle" (CT 12
14, iv 20 and v 24 f.). 16:38, equated with the cattle god ?akkan in CT 29
46:13). For Nergal as Pluto, note his names Lugal-
76 See n. 74; on the usurpation of Enlil's position by
Marduk, see W. Sommerfeld, Der Aufstieg Marduks, hegal and Ud-hegal, "King of Opulence" and "Day of
AOAT 213 (Neukirchen-Vluyn, 1982), pp. 175 ff. Opulence"
As (Tallqvist, Gotterepitheta, pp. 353 and
stressed by Sommerfeld, Enlil's assimilation to Mar- 476), as well as the personal name Sub'i-mre^r-
duk was for political reasons never overt but was?akkan, "Bring-Riches-?akkan!" (CAD, s.v. mes'r).
realized covertly through Marduk's appellative Bel For Nergal as a beautiful, cunning Tempter (a role
("Lord"), which replaces Enlil (See SAA 3 no. 39:31; overlooked in E. von Weiher, Der babylonische Gott
cf. ibid. r. 12, where Bel = Marduk), and through theNergal, AOAT 11 [Neukirchen-Vluyn, 1971]), note
mystic number 50, attributed to both gods. his identification with the fox in Livingstone, SAA 3
77 Note also SAA 3 no. 11 r. 5 (Assurbanipal's cor-
no. 38:37 (cf. Fox Star = Erra, CT 33 1 i 17), his ap-
onation hymn), where Anu is associated with thepellatives and epithets "King of Tricks" (Lugal-
king's crown and Enlil with his throne. In Kabbalah, galamma), "cunning in tricks" (uzun nikilti), "of
Keter is referred to as the "Ancient of Ancients, thehandsome face" (s'a pani banaf), (Tallqvist, Gotterepi-
Primordial Point or Monad," the first expression of theta, pp. 352 and 393 ff.), and his ability to evade
God's primal will, which contains the plan of the en-recognition in Nergal and Ereikigal (Dalley, Myths
tire universe and the power of all opposites in unityfrom Mesopotamia, p. 174). It seems likely that epi-
(Ponc6, Kabbalah, p. 113); it is the Alpha and the thets such as "the power of earth" or "the strongest/
Omega, "all that was, is and will be, the place of first
most potent/powerful of gods" refer to Nergal specifi-
emanation and ultimate return" (Halevi, Kabbalah, cally as the personification of sexual potency and
p. 6). This corresponds to Anu's epithets "the first man's animal instincts.
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THE ASSYRIAN TREE OF LIFE 181
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182 JOURNAL OF NEAR EASTERN STUDIES
Once the gods had been placed in the diagram, which did not
hour, I filled in their mystic numbers using as a guide W. R6l
in the Reallexikon der Assyriologie (see fig. 9). For the most p
chanical operation;86 in some cases, however, I had to choos
ternative numbers."7 The numbers shown in figure 9 are t
divine names in the Middle and Neo-Assyrian standard orthogr
securely attested."8 I should point out that the number for An
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THE ASSYRIAN TREE OF LIFE 183
A;/
No.
MIS
:o~oX
2'?`
q A"i4 11 4
Z,4'
Ol' N''4
( >14144ii 444
/ k4> 1 #4 W
1'_-
>i>~> /4-
44 444i
FIG. 8.-The Ki
the British Museum.
1
"U
3 2
30 60
%
(0
20
AAMAS
50
MA"ouK
15
IATAR
10 40
14
MROAL
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184 JOURNAL OF NEAR EASTERN STUDIES
The Mightgod
sporadic examples of other numerically written That Was Assyria, p. 202) but is in fact a
names are known from later Babylonia. This saviorortho-
god comparable to Christ or Mithra; see Ex-
graphical innovation can be securely dated cursusto 2, the
pp. 204-5 below.
early thirteenth century and thus coincides 91 See nn.
with the74, 76, 78, 80, and 97. The pattern of
appearance of the Late Assyrian Tree (see equations
n. 6). and interrelationships found in the diagram
is already
89 See p. 188. The point is that the vertical wedge,discernible in the late second-millennium
in the absence of a symbol for zero in the god list
Meso-An = Anum (see Lambert, RIA, vol. 3, pp.
potamian number system, stood for both 275If.),
and which
60, surveys the whole pantheon as an ex-
tended royal is
just as our number 1 (depending on its context) family starting with the divine king,
a symbol for both 1 and 10; the valueAnu, "1" and then proceeding as follows: 2. Enlil,
is of
course the primary one in both cases. AsNinurta,
"One and Bdlet-ili; 3. Ea, Marduk, Nabfi; 4. Sin,
Sixty," Anu's number comprised the mystic numbers
?amal, Adad; 5. I'tar; 6. gods equated with Nabfi and
of all other gods; he was the Alpha and Ninurta
the Omega(Lugalmarda, Lugalbanda, Amurru, Tispak,
(cf. above, n. 77). This point is made quiteIn'u'inak,
explicitI'taran,
in Zababa, Ural, Ningirsu); 7. Nergal
the esoteric work I.NAM GI9.HUR, where Anu andis
other chthonic deities. As can be seen, the struc-
associ-
ated not only with the crescent ("Appearance ture of
onthe list perfectly agrees with that of the dia-
the
gram, bearing
first day: the crescent (is) Anu . . . . The first (rs'ta) in mind that, for political reasons, the
god, father of the gods, 1 (is) Anu"), but, family of Enlil
through a had to be presented as distinct from
gematric operation, also with the full that moon:of Marduk
"15 (see n. 76 above). In the diagram,
times 4 is 60 ['1']; 60 (is) Anu; he called the 'fruit' which was esoteric, this requirement did not apply.
[= full moon]" (see Livingstone, Mystical Works, From the reign of Tiglath-Pileser I on (1114-
pp. 23 and 30; for passages associating Anu with the 1076), the gods found in the diagram appear as a
first month and the first day, see B. Landsberger, Der group in Assyrian royal inscriptions, and by the reign
kultische Kalender der Babylonier und Assyrer of Ashurnasirpal II (883-859), the composition of
[1915; Leipzig, 1968], p. 105, and D. D. Luckenbill, the group has become more or less standardized (cf.
The Annals of Sennacherib, OIP 2 [Chicago, 1924], Grayson, ARI, vol. 2, ?? 8, 413, 486, 646; Tadmor,
p. 136). SAA Bulletin 3 [1989]: 26). Interestingly, transferring
90 In reducing the multitude of Mesopotamian the Ashurnasirpal group into the diagram in the order
gods to mere aspects of a few "great gods," and these in which the gods are enumerated, one obtains a
again to mere aspects or powers of a single universal complete outline of the Tree divided into the "Up-
God (see below), the diagram unfolds a sophisticated per" and "Lower Faces" (see n. 52), with I'tar in the
monotheistic system of thought sharply deviating heart of the diagram as the terminal point (see fig.
from the current simplistic notion of Mesopotamian 10a); the same result is obtained when Rav's list of
religion and philosophy. As in Kabbalah, the key to the ten creative powers are transferred to the diagram
the system is the Tree diagram, which functions as a (see fig. 10d). This seems more than a coincidence;
mandala defining the essentials of the system in the do we have in figure 10b the Assyrian "sign of the
simplest possible visual terms. Without this key, it cross" defining the body of the Divine anthropos (cf.
would be next to impossible to understand the system Ponc6, Kabbalah, p. 138)?
on the basis of the scattered, highly symbolic, and 92 On the special status of AS'ur within the pan-
often seemingly contradictory evidence of the Meso- theon, see also Lambert, "The God ASSur," Iraq 45
potamian religious texts. A case in point is the god (1983): 82-85, who points out, among other things,
Ninurta/Nabfi, who is still commonly regarded as that this important god "lacks the family connections
"the god of war or hunting" (cf., for example, Saggs, which are characteristic of all the major gods and
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THE ASSYRIAN TREE OF LIFE 185
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186 JOURNAL OF NEAR EASTERN STUDIES
??~??r??~Z
ANU
SIN EA
I t
ENLIL
NMA MARDUK
IBTAR
ADAD NINURTA
"NERGALN
a. Grayson, ARI 2, ?? 486 and 646 b. The same plotted on the body of
(reigns of Tukulti-Ninurta II and the Divine anthropos. After A. Parrot,
Ashurnasirpal II). Nineveh and Babylon (London, 1961),
fig. 9.
ANU
AGAN
ENLIL
TEVUNAH - HOKHMAH
SIN EA
DAAT
MISHPAT , HESED
RAHMIM
_AMA_ /M
IBTAR
ZEDEK
N BO
HHGEVURAH
AARAH KAH NUSKU NINURTA
0 ERGAL/
c. KAR 25 (see Excursus 2). In this list,
Adad exceptionally appears among gods d. Rav's list of creative powers (see
of the Upper Face to make possible the nn. 49 and 70 ff.).
clockwise round of the Lower Face.
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THE ASSYRIAN TREE OF LIFE 187
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188 JOURNAL OF NEAR EASTERN STUDIES
99 For Anu, Ea, Sin, ?amas, IEtar, Marduk, Nabji, light. This, of course, immediately recalls the eight-
Ninurta, and Nergal, see Tallqvist, Gitterepitheta, pp.pointed star attested as a symbol of I'tar since the late
251 ff. and see also n. 91 above. Adad, Girru, and second millennium B.C. (cf. Seidl, RIA, vol. 3,
Nusku are, because of their association with fire, ad- pp. 484 f.; Reade, "Shikaft-i Gulgul," pp. 37 f.). The
dressed as sons of Anu (see nn. 65 and 79 f.). Note choice of 15 as the mystic number of I'tar can actu-
that Marduk and I'tar are called "the brother" (talimu)ally be explained only with reference to the diagram;
and "sister" (talimtu) of ?amas, while IEtar is "the note that the emergence of this mystic number coin-
daughter" of both Anu and Sin and "the daughter-in- cides with the emergence of the Assyrian Tree (see
law" of Ea. This fits I'tar's position in the diagram n. 88 above).
perfectly and recalls a passage in the Assyrian proph- 102 See n. 53 above.
ecies (SAA 9 no. 3 ii 35), where I'tar invites her "di- 103 The significance of this grand total can be ap-
vine fathers and brothers" to join the covenant shepreciated
is when it is recalled that in the doctrinal sys-
concluding with the King. In this text, I'tar is unques-tem of Basilides (early second century), God is the
union of the 365 days of the year, 365 being the ge-
tionably identical with ASSur (cf. ibid. ii 27 with iii 14
f., and see Excursus 2, pp. 204-5 below. matric value of both His mystic name ABRASAX
100 For 30 as the median number, see the esoteric and its Greek appellation hagion onoma ("holy
name"); see Contenau, "Notes d'iconographie,"
passage "bai = share, bai = half: half (bta) of Sin (30)
is half of a half" (Livingstone, Mystical Works, p. 156, for many other examples of gematria (Greek:
p. 23:12 [I.NAM GI.HUR]). isopsephy) in early Christianity and Gnosticism. As
101 The position of Beauty in the middle of the noted by Contenau, the letters of Mithra (Greek
Tree makes it "the central focus [which] joins and Mithras) interpreted gematrically likewise yield the
reconciles the flow of various paths that come number 365. See also Ponc6, Kabbalah, pp. 170 f.,
through its junction station" (Halevi, Way of Kab- for 358 as the number of the Messiah (Hebrew m'yh
balah, p. 31); in Sefer Yezirah, the Sefirot are said to = 40 + 300 + 10 + 8).
be "knotted in unity in the middle," as if the writer A schematic year of 360 days divided into twelve
had the Assyrian Tree with its central node (see n. 22 months of 30 days each is encountered not only in
above) before his eyes. A diagram in Ponce, Kab- the Assyrian cultic calendar Inbu bel arhi (see n. 87
balah, p. 104, captioned "Beauty as the bearer of all above) but also in the late second-millennium astro-
powers," represents the Sefirotic Tree in the form of nomical text Mul Apin (see Excursus 1, pp. 203-4
an eight-pointed star, with Tiferet as its source of above); in the latter, it is correlated with a division of
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THE ASSYRIAN TREE OF LIFE 189
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190 JOURNAL OF NEAR EASTERN STUDIES
Being able to reconstruct this Tree, date it, and understand the
derlying it has tremendous implications to the history of religion
cannot be pursued within the limits of this paper.107 I will content
crete examples illustrating how the insights provided by the Tree
tionize our understanding of Mesopotamian religion and philos
In Eniima elis, the narrator, having related the birth of Anu, mysteriously
"And Anu generated Nudimmud (= Ea), his likeness." This can only be a r
matics
the first attestation of the spelling AN.?AR = A''ur and Philosophy in Late Antiquity [Oxford,
like-
1989], p. 27, II
wise occurs in an inscription of this very Kurigalzu and R. T. Wallis, Neoplatonism [London,
(see Seux, Epithltes, p. 311). 1972], pp. 13 ff. and 104 ff.). This claim, which is
Thus, already by the late fourteenth century, perfectlythe
consonant with what is known of the lives of
Tree with its pinecone "garland" certainly Pythagoras
connoted and Plato, and has been repeated several
the idea of "unity in multiplicity" and may times,
alsothough
have never "proven" (see Idel, Kabbalah, pp.
involved a numerical interpretation; note that 256 the
f., and n. 67 above), is put in a totally new light by
mys-
tic numbers of ?ama' (20), Sin (30), Ea (40),the evidence
and cited in this article.
Enlil
(50) occur in the Middle Babylonian lexicalAstext Eathe birth of Jewish monotheism in par-
regards
(Tablet II, 164-76), tentatively assigned "to the ticular, which has been taken as a "reaction" to syn-
middle of the Kassite period" by M. Civil, MSL 14, chretistic and polytheistic pressures from the outside
p. 169; cf. ibid. p. 156. The fact that the numbers of world threatening the national and religious identity of
Adad (10) and I'tar (15) are not included in Ea but ap- the Jews, the evidence presented in this article shows
pear only under Shalmaneser I and Tukulti-Ninurta I, that the truth is not that simple. During the seventh
however (see n. 88), strongly suggests that the final through fifth centuries B.C., the Jews did in fact face
(mathematical) form of the Tree diagram was per- the threat of national extinction, but that threat was
fected no earlier than about 1250 B.C. caused by Yehoiakim's and Zedekiah's adventurous
foreign policies leading to the destruction of the
While the Tree diagram and the elaborate doctrinal
system associated with it can thus be considered anJewish state and the cult of Jahweh, not by foreign
ideologies. Biblical passages such as Chron. 29:11,
Assyrian creation, the general symbolism of the Tree,
including its psychological dimension, is much older
enumerating the Sefirot constituting the "Lower Face"
and may well go back to the third millennium B.C., in
if the very order gedullah-gevurah-tiferet-nezah-hod
not earlier; see p. 1 above with nn. I and 14, and in David's blessing to Solomon, or Prov. 3:19, pre-
nn. 109, 139, and 149 below. senting the triad hokhmah-tevunah-daat as God's
107 As a point of departure, it should be understood power of creation (see nn. 49, 52, and 55 above), are
that the Assyrian religion was not only imposed onclear evidence that the backbone of Assyrian and Kab-
vassals (see SAA 2 no. 6:393 f. and p. xxx), but also balistic monotheism, the Tree diagram, was part and
actively propagated throughout the empire (cf. SAA 3 parcel of the Deuteronomistic religion as well. As
no. 1:3-10 and r. 9-12). Thus the religious ideas con-soon as it is realized that the Biblical image of God,
nected with the Tree were, with time, bound to spread epitomized in the diagram, is but a copy of an Assyr-
out and take root within the confines of the empire and ian model, there is nothing unique in Jewish monothe-
even abroad. This process is amply documented by ar- ism to differentiate it from its Assyrian predecessor
chaeological evidence (the most striking example be- (see also n. 97, on Biblical elohim = "God," and
ing the direct transfer of Assyrian religious symbolismnn. 68, 90, 93, and Excursus 3 below).
to Achaemenid imperial art [see n. 93 above]), and it The same applies to Christianity with its doctrines
is reflected in the sudden emergence of "new" reli-of the Trinity, God the Father, the Holy Ghost, Unity
gions and philosophies (Zoroastrism, Pythagoreanism, of the Father with the Son, etc., all of which are
Orphism, Platonism, Jewish monotheism) in Assyria's derived from Assyrian religion and philosophy (see
former dependencies after the collapse of the empire.nn. 3, 21, 25, 56, 67, 84, 90, 93, 96, 103, and Excur-
It is well known that leading Neoplatonists, such assus 2 below). The crucial significance of the Tree to
Plotinus and Porphyry (who as Orientals should have early Christianity is made evident by the reference to
known!), believed that the teachings of Pythagoras,it in Rev. 22, the last chapter of the Bible, mirroring
Plato, and the Orphics originated in the East (see, for the famous Tree passage in Gen. 2-3, at the very be-
example, D. O'Meara, Pythagoras Revived: Mathe- ginning of the Bible. This configuration makes the
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THE ASSYRIAN TREE OF LIFE 191
Tree, which is Christ, the key mistoprincipiis, chap. 125 (see Excursus
the theological struc- 3 below), re-
ture of early Christianity, its ferring
"Alphato Babylonian
andinformants,
Omega, explains
[its] Mummu
as ton noeton
first and [its] last, [its] beginning andkosmon, "cosmic
[its] end"reason (or conscious-
(Rev.
22:13). ness)." In En. el. I 48, mummu (without the divine de-
108 See n. 89 above. terminative) clearly has the meaning "mind, reason";
cf. milik temiya,of
109 The metaphysical propositions OIP 2, p. 109 vii 5,are
Tantra and note that
stated in very similar terms, there was no
but semantic
the distinction
sexual between "mind,"
allegory
is taken much further. Reality"reason,"
in or "consciousness"
its primordial in Akkadian (cf. AHw.
state
is presented as consisting of s.v.
two tEmu). For Mummu as an male
principles, equivalent of the Sefi-
and
rah Daat,
female [= Apsu and Tiamat], soseedeeply
n. 124 below, and note the definitions
joined in
bliss that they are unaware of
of Daat as "the cosmic
their consciousness" and and
differences "the door
into Timelessness..
beyond time. Slowly, consciousness [=.the edge of where Time does
Mummu]
awakens, and the pair become notaware
exist" in ofHalevi,
theirKabbalah, pp. 168 and 182. The
distinc-
tion [= Lahmu and Lahamu]. The female
interpretation of Mummu "objective"
as the equivalent of zero,
[= Kisar] separates from the implied
male by its position [=
"subject" in the Tree diagram (cf.
ASSur]
and begins the sacred dance n. 116), is also
which clear from its
"weaves" theinsertion
fab- between the
ric of the world (see P. Rawson,
male and Tantra: The Indian
female principles in En. el. I 3-4.
Cult of Ecstasy [London, 1973], pp.
111 That 18 f.).
Lahmu It isrepresent
and Lahamu clear the binary
oppositions
that this allegory is strongly implicit is made clear by Mesopotamian
in Enuima elis, icon-
too, but the phrasing of the ography,
text is where
kept theyintentionally
are represented as antithetically
(often upside-down)
vague to allow other interpretations as well, posed naked figures struggling
includ-
ing misinterpretations. with each other or separating heaven from earth; see
Lambert,
The idea of an inverted tree (see "Then. 98 Pair above)
Lahmu-Lahamu rep-in Cosmogony,"
resenting a manifestation of Or.
the n.s.cosmos
54 (1985): 189-202,
from especially
a single 197 ff. For
transcendent source, Brahman,the nudity of the figures,
is already see Gen. 3:7-11.
attested in
the earliest Indian scriptures, 112theAs the oppositeand
Vedas of ASSur
Upan- (Endless Light),
ishads (ca. 900-500 B.C.). This inverted tree is not Kisar must be understood as the finite physical uni-
derived from the Assyrian Tree; its visualization asverse (dominated by darkness). It corresponds to the
the fig tree (asvattha) links it with the Harappan sa-void created by En Sof for his manifestation; cf. Ha-
cred tree motif (see n. 1 above), suggesting that the levi, Kabbalah, p. 5, and Ponc6, Kabbalah, pp. 79 ff.
basic doctrines of the Tree had already spread to In- 113 Note that in this connection the text carefully
dia by the early third millennium B.C. via Proto-avoids using the word "created" or "made": literally
Elamite intermediaries. translated, the passage reads "An'ar reflected
110 Note the way in which the unity of Apsu, (umaS'il) Anu, his first-born." The idea of reflection
Mummu, and Tiamat is presented in the text: theiswa- further strengthened by the chiastic insertion of
ters of Apsu and Tiamat are said to mix with Anu each in the preceding line. For the emanation of
other, and Mummu (lacking the divine determinative, Keter as the "mirror" of En Sof's existence see Ha-
levi, Kabbalah, p. 5; on the identity of AS"ur and
in contrast to line 31 ff.) is not presented as a distinct
being but directly attached (almost as an attribute) Anu toand En Sof and Keter, see nn. 75 and 94 above.
Tiamat. For Mummu as the cosmic mind or con- 114 For the latter, see, for example, Wallis, Neo-
sciousness "zeroed" in the primordial state see platonism, pp. 47-72.
n. 109, and note that Damascius, Quaestiones de pri-
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192 JOURNAL OF NEAR EASTERN STUDIES
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THE ASSYRIAN TREE OF LIFE 193
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194 JOURNAL OF NEAR EASTERN STUDIES
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THE ASSYRIAN TREE OF LIFE 195
The Mesopotamian myth of Etana is well known for its central motif, a
to heaven on an eagle's back. It has thus been classified as an "adventure st
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196 JOURNAL OF NEAR EASTERN STUDIES
TABLET
"ISLE OF SAINTS"
OUTSIDE ORDINARY Sin X Understanding man's fate and
TIME AND SPACE the purpose of life
Altered states
Nab
Ninurta V Victory over the ego
Awakening of consciousness
II Sorrow over one's condition
Desire for change
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THE ASSYRIAN TREE OF LIFE 197
135 See J. V. Kinnier Wilson, The Legend of Etanatree in the Sumerian Gilgamesh epic, which is ex-
(Warminster, 1985), pp. 5 f.; J. Aro, "Anzu and plicitly called Anzf. Later, however, having suffered
Simurgh," Kramer Anniversary Volume: Studies and been rescued by Etana, it carries the latter to
in Honor of Samuel Noah Kramer, AOAT 25 heaven. The evil aspect of the bird corresponds to the
(Neukirchen-Vluyn, 1976), pp. 27 f. natural state of man's soul, which, despite its divine
136 See S. Langdon, The Legend of Etana andorigin,
the is contaminated with sin (see Enima elig VI
Eagle (Paris, 1932), pp. 3 f.; Aro, "Anzu and Si- 1-33 and Lambert and Millard, Atra-hasis, p. 59:
murgh," p. 26; Dalley, Myths, p. 189. In addition, 208 ff.; cf. Ponc6, Kabbalah, pp. 61 f. and 82 f.). The
one may compare the story of Abu Muhammad al- aspect of the bird corresponds to the soul of a
second
Kaslan in the Arabian Nights, the Greek myth of
"purified" man (see below).
Daidalos and Ikaros, and, above all, the Indian The "tree" itself is marked as sinful by its species
(the poplar), associated with Nergal; see CAD s.v.
mythical bird Garuda as spiritual vehicle of the yogis
(see below). sarbu, pp. 109 f., and note BEl-sarbe "Lord of the
137 The recurrence of this theme in the SumerianPoplar" = Nergal, CT 25 37:16. This accords with
myth of Gilgamesh, Enkidu, and the Netherworld Ebeling, Handerhebung, p. 114:9, which explicitly
(see n. 128) has, of course, been noted, but the mean-
states that mankind is "entrusted to Nergal," that is,
ing of the theme in either myth has not been dis- under the power of sin.
cussed at all. 140 Etana's voice of conscience is the "small, es-
138 Cf. nn. 34 and 58. pecially wise fledgling" of II 45 and 97. Note that the
139 In Christian symbolism, "The eagle holding a of bird's nest with the young (taken over from
theme
theof
serpent in its talons or beak represents the triumph Sumerian Lugalbanda epic; see Aro, "Anzu and
Christ over the 'dark forces' of the world (seeSimurgh,"
Ser- pp. 25 and 28) also plays a role in Kab-
pent)" (Baldock, Elements, p. 92). In Indian mysti-
balah, where it is explicitly associated with self-
cism, the bird Garuda likewise achieves its ascent to discipline and wisdom; see Ponc6, Kabbalah,
heaven in spite of the serpents coiling around its pp. 123 f., and Scholem, Origins, p. 134.
head, wings, and feet (see the illustration in Rawson, 141 Etana's barren wife is the feminine, spiritual
Tantra, pl. 67). half of his soul, corresponding to the Shekhinah (cf.
In the Etana myth, the eagle plays two roles. At Ponc6, Kabbalah, pp. 208 f.); the desired "son" is
first, it is "an evil eagle, the criminal AnzQ (var.: Etana's "fruit," the deeds by which he will be judged.
criminal and sinner), who wronged his comrade"; as For a similar allegory, see Matt. 21:19-25 (Jesus
such, it parallels the eagle inhabiting the huluppu cursing the fruitless fig tree).
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198 JOURNAL OF NEAR EASTERN STUDIES
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THE ASSYRIAN TREE OF LIFE 199
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200 JOURNAL OF NEAR EASTERN STUDIES
428 431 426 429 422 435 430 421 433 522 436
448 450 458 451 447 453 456 455 454 452 457
471
443 445 446 461 463 465 469 470 468 457
474
439 440 442 444 438 476 464 500 434 506 423
g 491 348 349 350 460 362 441 354 352 804
342-4 345 336 338 346 341 335 339 f. 337 347 355
351 372 106 105 815 h 814 166 165 371 479
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THE ASSYRIAN TREE OF LIFE 201
502 498 479 492 490 277 495 419 494 588* 493
504 488 824 820 163 164 122 505 333 334 819
142 170
40 54 64 787 153 151 149 195 104 797 375
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202 JOURNAL OF NEAR EASTERN STUDIES
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THE ASSYRIAN TREE OF LIFE 203
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204 JOURNAL OF NEAR EASTERN STUDIES
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THE ASSYRIAN TREE OF LIFE 205
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206 JOURNAL OF NEAR EASTERN STUDIES
It is true that no Assyrian text actually giving the above analysis is extant. But if
names of such gods as Marduk, Zarpanitu (Lieberman, "A Mesopotamian Backgr
pp. 179 f.), Zababa (Lambert, "A Late Babylonian Copy of an Expository Text,"
48 [1989]: 217), and even ?ulak (Hunger, Uruk, no. 47:4 f.) could be subjected to
tical exegesis, one can be sure that the name of the highest god of the pantheon con
tuted no exception. The exegesis of the Tetragrammaton (YHWH) plays a param
role in Kabbalah, and "the secret knowledge of the great name" was considered in ea
Kabbalah tantamount to the highest wisdom and even a key to the attainment of su
divine powers (see Ponc6, Kabbalah, pp. 174 ff.; Idel, Kabbalah, p. 236; Dan, T
Types, pp. 18 ff.). The highly esoteric nature of such knowledge accounts for th
lack of extant speculations concerning ASur's name.
For numerous examples of a similar exegesis of Mesopotamian temple name
tracting hidden significance from the names by playing with the readings of their
ponent logograms), see A. R. George, Babylonian Topographical Texts, Orient
Lovanensia Analecta 40 (Louvain, 1992), passim. The Mesopotamian scholars' h
neutical attitude to their (predominantly logographically spelled) canon has a st
parallel in the Kabbalistic attitude to the unvocalized text of the Bible, illustrated b
following statement in Rabbi Bahya ben Asher's thirteenth-century Commentary on
Pentateuch, quoted by Idel, Kabbalah, p. 214: "The Scroll of the Torah is [wri
without vowels, in order to enable man to interpret it however he wishes ... .W
is vocalized it has but one single significance; but without vowels man may interpre
[extrapolating from it] several [different] things, many, marvellous and sublime ....
relationship between vocalization and consonants is like that between, respec
soul, or form, and matter." Cf. also Idel, Kabbalah, p. 227, citing the Zohar:
Torah . . . is dressed in four, or perhaps even five, levels of meaning that must be p
trated by the perfect student of the Torah in order to reach its ultimate layer, the K
istic meaning."
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THE ASSYRIAN TREE OF LIFE 207
Ea (60)
Malkhut
Not only is this figure produced in the same way as the Kabbalistic one (this, too, be-
ing obtained by writing the letters YHWH from above to below), but the specific sym-
bolism of the Tetragrammaton works in it too: the topmost wedges (1 to 60) stand for
Anu and Ea, just as the tittle and the body of Y stand for Keter and Hokhmah (see nn.
70, 90, and 108); the group of three wedges (3) stands for Sin, just as H stands for Bi-
nah (see n. 88 above); and the lowermost wedge stands for the entire "Lower Face" (cf.
n. 52 above), just as W stands for the Sefirot 4 to 9. The Sefirah of Malkhut (the last let-
ter of the Tetragrammaton) has no counterpart in the scheme; see n. 85 above. If all this
is merely a coincidence; the coincidence certainly is a most striking one.
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208 JOURNAL OF NEAR EASTERN STUDIES
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