Guajira Between Cuba and Spain
Guajira Between Cuba and Spain
Guajira Between Cuba and Spain
between Spain and the New World. Around the turn of the century, a
parallel although distinct urban song-form, also called guajira, emerged in
Cuban music theater. In the 1930s, as this early theatrical guajira declined
in popularity, a thoroughly distinct and more durable form of guajira
emerged in Cuba, with other striking parallels in Spain.
Taken retrospectively, this set of genres, together with their historical
forerunners in Spain, constitutes a musical family of considerable vari-
ety and complexity. Fortunately for analytical purposes, the guajira com-
plex has not been neglected by scholars. The collaborative two-volume
work La música entre Cuba y España (1998, 1999) by Cuban scholars María
Teresa Linares and Victoria Eli, with Faustino Nuñez and María de los
Ángeles Alfonso Rodríguez, constitutes one important study, which cov-
ers certain aspects of the guajira complex. The evolution of the Cuban
punto is further explored in Linares’s El punto cubano (1999) and Natalio
Galán’s little-known but remarkable Cuba y sus sones (1983). For their
part, peninsular scholars Romualdo Molina and Miguel Espín have docu-
mented with great erudition the development of the guajira as a flamenco
cante, or song-type (1991). Meanwhile, the various Spanish and Cuban
contributors to Maximiano Trapero’s edited volumes on the décima (1994,
2001) shed much light on the evolution of the punto and, in particular, its
relation to Canary Island forms. Although the present author cannot
pretend to improve upon such writings, much may nevertheless remain
to be said on the subject of the guajira family. Some of these works (espe-
cially those of Linares, León, and Trapero) are collectors’ items, and
almost all are marked by a paucity of musical analyses and transcrip-
tions. More formidable a challenge is the way that the guajira complex
constitutes a musical entity of unwieldy dimensions and complications,
and yet one whose internal interrelationships do invite some sort of or-
ganizational scheme. It is such an over-arching perspective, with an
emphasis on formal continuities and discontinuities, that this essay hopes
to present. In the process I endeavor to suggest some broader perspec-
tives on the dynamics of musical continuity and change.
During the ritornellos, which are of indeterminate length, the guitarist typi-
cally strums a do-fa-sol (e.g., C-F-G) chordal ostinato (as shown in example
2) while the bandurria player performs single-note, often flashy improvisa-
tions. A horizontal hemiola (or sesquiáltera) pattern is evident in the ostinato
typically played on the clave sticks, suggesting alternating bars of 6/8 and
3/4, which could thus be counted 1-2-3-1-2-3-1-2-1-2-1-2.
ties with La Palma led to the transplanting of the punto cubano there, where
it survives, in diminished form, alongside other more distinctively local
décima-singing traditions (see, e.g., Trapero 1994).
While the origins of the punto cubano’s distinctive melodies, or tonadas,
have not been documented, other features have been plausibly traced, in
ways that may contribute to an appreciation of their historical trajectories
beyond the realm of the punto itself. Moorish roots have been postulated
for the practice of alternating solo vocal verses and instrumental interludes
(especially played on the ‘ud, ancestor of the laúd) (Siemens Hernández
1994). Other features, especially the Mixolydian modality, and the fre-
quent monophonic unison doubling of the voice on an accompanying
stringed instrument, can be seen as archaisms from the Renaissance or
even earlier. Particularly curious are the circuitous paths of features that
may have derived originally from the Afro-Latin Americas—perhaps
Mexico/New Spain, whether reaching Cuba directly thence, or via Spain
itself. Linares (1999, 26–32) points out the similarity between the chordal
ostinatos of the punto ritornello and those of the eighteenth-century penin-
sular salon fandango, whose ultimate origins in Afro-Latin music seem likely.
One might further note the parallels between the punto libre and the
flamenco-style fandango libre, with its strophes in free meter punctuated by
instrumental ostinatos often in ternary meter.
For its part, the 6/8–3/4 sesquiáltera/hemiola figure, which is particularly
abundant in Latin American genres like the punto, surfaces in various pen-
insular sources dating as far back as the mid-sixteenth century. During that
period it came to constitute a cliché in Spanish song, recurring in many
romances, villancicos, and Spanish-Italian frottolas (Binkley and Frenk 1995,
14). Melodies with rhythms nearly identical to that of the punto fijo pre-
sented in example 3 can also be found in this era.4 The sesquiáltera figure
also constituted a basic feature of the zarabanda (sarabande), which appears
to have emerged in the late 1500s in Mexico, possibly of Afro-Latin origin.
Scholars seem to disagree as to whether the sesquiáltera first emerged in
Spain or in the Americas.5 Whatever its origin, the pattern went on to
exhibit great popularity and fecundity in Latin America, while becoming
less prominent a feature of peninsular music after the seventeenth century.
In the latter 1700s a tune known as “punto de La Habana” or “punto
habanero” (Havana-style punto) came to be popular in Spain, documenting
that a punto cubano style had already coalesced and had even returned to the
metropole. Spanish composer Xavier Montsalvage (Galán 1983, 29) presented
the melody, although of uncertain historicity, as shown in example 4:6
—the use of the décima. Although many flamenco guajiras, especially in the
early period, include cuartetas (in abab form) and simple décimas not in espinela
form, the standard décima does come to be the most predominant verse form
in the guajira. Its use parallels a partial and ephemeral revival of the décima as
a literary genre in Spain in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries8;
—pervasiveness of the sesquiáltera, primarily as an accompanimental ostinato
but also, in some early recorded guajiras, as a melodic figure, as shown in
examples 7 and 9 below;
—a chordal ostinato consisting of alternating bars of dominant and tonic, in
the major (see examples 6, 7, and 8 below);
—frequent use of an essentially major-scale melodic ambitus, roughly outlin-
ing a descent from the fifth degree (sol) to that an octave lower, and typically
concluding on a descending phrase (see example 5);
—lyrics which frequently depict Cuba and campesino life (albeit generally in
an idealized form).
Both the similarities to and differences from the Cuban punto can be seen
in example 5, schematizing one décima of a 1909 recording, and represent-
ing the most common stock melody of what Molina and Espín (1991, 48–
49) call the “central guajira.” Note here the general ambitus of sol-to-sol (G
to G an octave lower), the descending final syllable, and the prevailingly
syllabic vocal style. Both vocal style and guitar accompaniment are ren-
dered in a highly rubato and irregular manner, as only imperfectly indi-
cated in the transcription (especially bar 20, which I have idiosyncratically
notated as 11/8).9
Example 6 shows the standard guitar ostinato for the flamenco guajira.
Cuban punto, can be found in and presumably derive from earlier pen-
insular music. One likely source, cited by Spanish musicologists (e.g.,
Molina and Espín 1991, 42–43), would comprise certain songs associated
with light tonadilla theater. While as mentioned above, the hemiola figure
became less common in Iberian music after the era of the zarabanda, it
does appear in a few vernacular theater songs, notably the “paño moruno”
melody and rhythmically similar zarandillo songs from tonadillas, such
as the “Tirana del Zarandillo,” excerpted as example 8 (from Pedrell
1958, 102–07):11
Both these décimas were recorded many times, becoming familiar stock
texts in a manner atypical of the more varied Cuban décimas. The reitera-
tion of these same few décimas reflected the absence of a strong tradition
of vernacular or literary décima composition in contemporary Spain,
unlike Cuba. The idealization of Cuban rural life becomes even more
eccentric in guajiras such as that rendered, with the most florid and refined
melismas, by La Niña de la Puebla around 1932, in which she sings
of being a (male) plantation owner with a hundred black workers and a
Mexican (!) slave.18
The song, “El arroyo que murmura” (The stream that murmurs), not only
became a familiar evergreen in the Cuban popular song repertoire, but
further served as the model for many (mostly less-inspired) guajiras to fol-
low, by other composers of Cuban zarzuela and teatro bufo music. These
included Moisés Simons, Gonzalo Roig, Eduardo Sánchez de Fuentes,
Ernesto Lecuona, and Anckermann himself.
Like the Spanish guajira, the Cuban salon and theater guajira presented
a naively exoticized and romanticized image of the Cuban countryside.
Décimas composed and sung by actual campesinos abounded in realistic por-
trayals of poverty, landlessness, exploitation by Yankee landlords, and other
decidedly non-idyllic aspects of rural life (see Ibarra 1985, chap. 5). How-
ever, the urban guajira largely avoided such topics, or if portraying pov-
erty, depicted it as somehow quaint. Hence the popularization of familiar
“June/moon” rhyme clichés, like “monte/sinsonte” (mountain/mocking-
bird), “bohío/río” (hut/river), and “montaña/caña” (mountain/cane).
The Cuban theater guajira, in its stylization of aspects of rural music,
can be seen as the product of a natural desire of urban composers to ex-
ploit and develop aspects of rural music, inspired both by nationalist and
strictly musical considerations. As Argeliers León (1972, 98–100) has ob-
served, it may also have been informed by the increased migration of white
campesinos to the coastal cities in the latter 1800s. However, as León, Robin
Moore (1997, 131–32), and others have insightfully discussed, such songs
also had a less innocent dimension. At a time when an Afrocubanist artis-
tic movement and lower-class Afro-Cuban music (especially the son) were
coming to permeate urban culture, the social phenomenon of urban
guajirismo could constitute for many Cubans an alternative form of na-
tional and cultural identity. As the nature of “Cubanness” was being con-
tested and formed, even many urban blacks and mulattos found in
guarijismo—including the stage guajira—a form of identity remote from the
obstreperous rumba and santería music, which seemed to some like em-
barrassing relics of the slavery era.
In creating his guajira, Anckermann, like his successors, preserved certain
iconic features of the punto and zapateo, including the sesquiáltera ostinato, the
use of décima form, the syllabic vocal style, and the invocations, however
idealized, of the Cuban countryside. The most prominent departure from the
punto, aside from the use of larger ensembles, was the use of a bipartite form
in which an initial section in minor segues to one in the direct major key
(often leading to a conclusion resembling a zapateo19). Example 10, showing
the first bars of “El arroyo que murmura,” illustrates some of these features.
Cuban musicologists are clearly correct in describing Anckermann’s
creation as a free stylization of elements of the punto and zapateo. Particu-
larly obvious is the similarity between Anckermann’s guajira and Sancti
Spiritus’s punto fijo styles such as example 3. Galán (1983, 49) also percep-
tively notes the sense in which the nineteenth-century Cuban contradanza
habanera, with its binary form, constituted another sort of model for the
theater guajira and other contemporary stage songs. At the same time, it is
quite likely that Anckermann may have been influenced by the Spanish
theatrical guajira. Both (together with the punto spirituano) shared a rigidly
formulaic melodic rhythm (six eighth-notes in 6/8 followed by a contrast-
ing bar in 3/4). Also striking is the way in which Chapí’s aforementioned
guajira of 1897, like Anckermann’s model of two years later, commences in
minor and modulates to the direct major.
It is highly probable that Anckermann was familiar with the peninsular
guajira. Zarzuela troupes constantly went back and forth between Cuba and
Andalusia during this era, which also saw an intensified migration of Span-
iards to Cuba (see León 1972, 99). Cuban nationalism notwithstanding,
Spanish music remained popular in Cuba throughout this period, and as
we have mentioned, many peninsular musicians visited or even resided in
the island, including El Mochuelo, who recorded a flamenco-style guajira
there in 1906. While we have mentioned the presence of such Spanish
musicians as a possible conduit for transplanting Cuban music to the
metropole, they would certainly have exerted an influence in the other
direction, especially since they were performers of flamenco—including the
flamenco guajira—, not Cuban music. In general, the relation between the
Spanish and Cuban theater guajiras merits further investigation.
The Cuban theater guajira, aside from its formal similarities to its Span-
ish namesake, followed a somewhat similar trajectory. The guajira in
Lecuona’s zarzuela “El Cafetal” (1929), with its orchestral accompaniment
and light-operatic vocal rendering, can be seen as a sort of Cuban counter-
part to Chapí ’s guajira in “La Revoltosa.”20 Also like the peninsular zarzuela
guajira, the Anckermann-style guajira declined dramatically in the 1940s,
to some extent along with light Cuban music-theater in general.21
versely, the flamenco guajira may contain features derived from Cuban-
derived melodic models, such as the eighteenth-century “Punto de La
Habana,” which are no longer found in Cuba. Similarly, the hemiola phras-
ing basic to Anckermann’s urban guajira, although perhaps ultimately of
Latin American (Mexican?) origin, may have derived more directly from
the Spanish zarzuela and flamenco guajira. Such continuities notwithstand-
ing, one must also note the senses in which certain developments, includ-
ing entire genres, derive not from collective, folk-style gestations, but from
the innovations of particular individuals, such as Anckermann and Pepe
Marchena.
As the guajira family shows, the musical exchanges between Cuba and
Spain seem to constitute neither a regular and constant circular flow, nor an
easily discernible sequence of one-way transmissions. Rather, the historical
record seems to suggest an irregular and often overlapping series of ebbs and
flows, whether circular or unidirectional, with eddies and backwaters, involv-
ing particular movements at particular times. These would include, for
example, the early migrations of Canary Islanders to Cuba in the 1690s27;
the subsequent migratory flow from the Canaries (especially La Palma) in the
nineteenth century, and its reversal in the mid-1900s; the presence of Span-
ish soldiers in Cuba during its wars of independence; and—of particular
importance—the travels of Spanish zarzuela and tonadilla troupes back and
forth between Cuba and Spain in the latter nineteenth century.
A related, and striking aspect of the interactions between Cuba and
Spain is the particular combination of, on the one hand, resilient and dis-
tinctive local traditions and developments, and on the other, transconti-
nental exchanges. In both Spain and Cuba, local traditions had particular
sorts of tenacity and importance. As Romualdo Molina told me, “Even in
my youth, in one barrio of Seville, people had a particular accent, a way of
telling jokes, of dancing, and of singing fandango, while in another barrio,
five hundred meters away, everything would be different” (personal inter-
view). Distinctions between musical traditions of different towns and re-
gions were (and in many respects remain) even more marked, especially
since until the late 1800s Spanish roads were primitive and infested with
robbers. Inland travel in contemporary Cuba was no better; at a time when
as many as two thousand ships might visit Havana yearly, overland con-
veyances between there and not-so-distant Cienfuegos occurred only once
weekly (Thomas 1971, 136, 149). Musical traditions—such as local varieties
of punto—were correspondingly diverse. Thus, while sea travel was not with-
out its vicissitudes, in many respects the Andalusian ports of Seville and
Cádiz were closer linked to Havana than to Madrid, while Havana itself
was in some ways nearer to those peninsular sister cities than to inland
Cuban towns like Camagüey.28
Such conditions fostered idiosyncratic forms of transnational and local inter-
actions. In many respects, the guajira complex evolved as a transcontinental
entity, easily straddling the Atlantic charca or pond, which was traversed by
zarzuela troupes, immigrants, soldiers, touring musicians, and eventually, pho-
nograph records. In other respects, the complex developed particular local
features. Hence, for example, the extent to which one could speak of a distinc-
tive Córdoba style of singing flamenco guajira (Molina and Espín 1992, 53), and
the way that the tradition of improvising spoken décimas, after a long hiatus in
the peninsula, seems to have curiously taken root, under Cuban influence,
in the Alpujarra hills of Spain (Checa 1994, 309).
The circulation involved not only the transmission of stylistic and struc-
tural features but also their affective resignification. Most obvious in this
category was the way that the guajira in Spain could either function simply
as an abstract musical genre, or as one somehow redolent of gypsies (hence,
the “guajiras gitanas”), or, most often, as a style evocative of an idyllic and
sensual Cuba (like the choral habaneras still sung in various parts of Spain).
In a series of exoticizations, Spain served as the “Orient” of Europe,
Andalusia as the Orient of greater Spain, and Cuba as the Orient of
Andalusia. Even in Cuba itself, the urban guajira—whether of Anckermann
or Portabales—functioned similarly, exoticizing and romanticizing campesino
life for the entertainment of urban audiences.
Among the many formal developments and transformations involved in
the trajectories of the guajira complex, one broad trend, mentioned above in
passing, merits further comment. Both in Spain and Cuba, guajira-related
musics can be seen to exhibit a binarization process by which ternary-me-
tered traditional folk forms transform into duple-metered ones when they
develop into mainstream commercial popular music genres. Thus, the 3/4-6/8
flamenco guajira, after enjoying several decades of vitality, gives way to the
4/4 colombiana and the pop rumba, and Anckermann’s similarly ternary guajira
is eclipsed by the quadratic guajira-son. Such processes extend to Spanish and
Cuban popular musics as a whole. Despite the legendary Spanish fondness
for triple meter, and the popularity of the 12/8 cantes like bulerías and soleares
in flamenco proper, the dominant popular music genres in Spain are over-
whelmingly duple-metered, whether the pop flamenco rumba and tango, the
pop ballad, or rock en español. Similarly, Cuban traditional genres in ternary
meter, from the zapateo to the punto, have either remained marginal or died
out altogether, drowned out in the popular music sphere by duple-metered
son, salsa, rumba, mambo, danzón, and rap. The same process, indeed, can be
seen in the Americas as a whole, wherein triple-metered or 6/8 traditional
forms, such as the vals, cueca, huapango, and bambuco, while perhaps surviving
in folkloric capacities, give way to duple-metered mainstream commercial
genres like samba, tango, porro, cumbia, ranchera, and rock. Cuban musicolo-
gist Pérez Fernández (1986) made an ambitious, if problematic, attempt
to survey aspects of this process, which clearly involves a certain sort of
Afro-Latin influence. However, this rather fundamental and vast musical de-
velopment warrants further attention.
Notes
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