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;V
VEDIC INDEX OF NAMES AND SUBJECTS
 WORKS BY THE SAME AUTHORS
I. By Prof. MACDONELL.
KATYAYANA'S SARVANUKRAMAiYl OF THE
tf/GVEDA. With Extracts from Shaigurusishya's Com-
mentary. (Anecdota Oxoniensia: Aryan Series.) Small 4to.,
pp. xxiv+ 224. Clarendon Press, Oxford. 1886.
A SANSKRIT-ENGLISH DICTIONARY being a :

Practical Handbook, with Transliteration, Accentuation,

and Etymological Analysis throughout. 4to., pp. xii + 384.
Longmans, Green & Co., London. 1892.
VEDIC MYTHOLOGY. Royal 8vo., pp. 189. Karl
J. Trubner, Strassburg. 1897.
A HISTORY OF SANSKRIT LITERATURE.
Large crown 8vo., pp. viii 4-472. Heinemann, London.
1900.
THE BRHAD-DEVATA. A Summary of the Deities
and Myths of the Rigveda. Critically edited in the original
Sanskrit and Translated into English. 2 vols., royal 8vo.,
pp. xxxvi+ 198 xvi + 334. Harvard University.
; 1904.
VEDIC GRAMMAR. Royal 8vo., pp. 456. Karl
J. Trubner, Strassburg. 1910.
A SANSKRIT GRAMMAR FOR BEGINNERS.
Second Edition, Revised and Enlarged. Crown 8vo., pp.
xvi+264. Longmans, Green & Co., London. 191 1.

II. By Dr. KEITH.

CATALOGUE OF SANSKRIT AND PRAKRIT
MANUSCRIPTS IN THE INDIAN INSTITUTE
LIBRARY. Clarendon Press, Oxford. 1903.

CATALOGUE OF SANSKRIT MANUSCRIPTS IN

THE BODLEIAN LIBRARY. Vol. II. (begun by Prof.
Winternitz). Clarendon Press, Oxford. 1905.
CATALOGUE OF SANSKRIT MANUSCRIPTS IN
THE BODLEIAN LIBRARY. Appendix to Vol. I. (Th.
Aufrecht's Catalogue). Clarendon Press, Oxford. 1909.
CATALOGUE OF PRAKRIT MANUSCRIPTS IN
THE BODLEIAN LIBRARY. Clarendon Press, Oxford.
1911.
SANKHAYANA ARANYAKA, with an Appendix on
the Mahavrata. Royal Asiatic Society (Oriental Translation
Fund, Vol. XVIII.). London. 1908.
AITAREYA ARANYAKA. Edited with Introduction,
Translation, Notes, Indexes, and Appendix containing the
portion hitherto unpublished of the Sankhayana Aranyaka. ^
Clarendon Press. 1909.
^ Mr A

.-pc*
INDIAN TEXTS SERIES

VEDIC INDEX
OF
NAMES AND SUBJECTS
BY

ARTHUR^ ANTHONY MACDONELL, M.A., Ph.D.

BODEN PROFESSOR OF SANSKRIT IN THE UNIVERSITY OF OXFORD;

FELLOW OF BALLIOL COLLEGE ;

FELLOW OF THE BRITISH ACADEMY
AND

ARTHUR BERRIEDALE KEITH, M.A., D.C.L.

Formerly scholar of balliol college and boden Sanskrit scholar ;

sometime acting deputy professor of sanskrit in the university of oxford

VOL. I

LONDON
JOHN MURRAY, ALBEMARLE STREET, W.
PUBLISHED FOR THE GOVERNMENT OF INDIA
igi2
 PREFACE

Inception and Progress of the Book. The origination of the

present work was due to Professor T. W. Rhys Davids at the
time when, several years ago, he was appointed general editor
of the Indian Text Series to be published under the auspices
of the Secretary of State for India. He then asked me to
contribute a work supplying the historical material, as repre-
sented by proper names, to be found in the earliest period of
Indian literature antecedent to the rise of Buddhism towards
the close of the sixth century B.C. Since the subject came
within the range of my special studies and moreover appeared
to be one of considerable importance, I agreed to the proposal.
But I did so with hesitation, because my leisure for a long time
tocome was already mortgaged by two works which involved
much labour and on which I was already engaged. I soon
came to the conclusion that till those works the Brhaddevata
and the Vedic Grammar were out of my hands, I could spare
no time for the third book, the mere preparation, to say nothing
of the publication, of which would thus have to be postponed
for several years. Another hindrance would be caused by the
tour of study and research in India which I contemplated making
at the earliest opportunity. With the prospect of these long
delays before me, I was tempted to throw up a task that seemed
to have been rashly undertaken. At the same time, I was re-
luctant either to abandon or to put off indefinitely what I had
once begun. It also seemed a pity to relinquish an enterprise

which, if properly carried out, promised to be very useful.

vi PREFACE
Under these circumstances, collaboration appeared the only
way out of the difficulty. I bethought myself of Mr. A. B.
Keith, who, as Boden Sanskrit scholar, had been my pupil for
four years, and who hadalready assisted me since 1899, not
only by reading the proofs of, but by suggesting improvements
in, my Historyof Sanskrit Literature and my Sanskrit Grammar
for Beginners, as well as my edition of the Brhaddevatd, then

commencing to be printed. I accordingly asked him if he had

the time and inclination to collaborate with me in the proposed
work by at once beginning to collect material for it. He con-
sented without hesitation, and the Secretary of State for India
readily sanctioned this modification of the arrangements already
made. There was no other man to whom I could have en-
trusted with such complete confidence the task of carrying out
this preliminarywork accurately and rapidly.
In 1909, about a year after my return from India, Mr. Keith
supplied me with a considerable part of his collectanea, while
my Vedic Grammar wasstill passing through the press. The
regular printing did not begin till early in 1910, about the time
when that work was published. The interval was taken up
with preparing a sufficient amount of 'copy' for the printer,
as well as with settling various questions of arrangement and

typography.
Mode of Collaboration. Our respective shares in the pro-
duction of the book are, generally stated, as follows Dr. Keith
:

has collected the material, while I have acted chiefly as an

editor, planning the scope of the work, arranging the distribu-
tion of text and notes, selecting the type to be used, cutting
out, adding to or modifying the matter, weighing the evidence
for different interpretations and conclusions, and deciding as to
which view, should be preferred.
in case of possible alternatives,

Having written up in its final form every article contained in

the book, I accept the responsibility for every statement and

opinion expressed in it. I do not think that Dr. Keith and I

have disagreed upon any material point. When we have differed

 PREFACE vii

on minor questions, he has deferred to my judgment, though

his view may have been right just as often as mine. Where
erroneous conclusions have been drawn, the reader will be
helped to correct them by the method I have pursued of
supplying from the original texts the evidence on which such
conclusions are based.
Scope of the Work. At the outset it was proposed, as I
have already stated, that the book should furnish the historical
material in Vedic literature as represented by proper names.
As soon, however, as I began to examine more carefully the
historical material thus available, I became convinced that
restriction to proper names would result in a harvest too
meagre to deserve being gathered in the form of a book. It

seemed essential to collect all the historical matter accessible

to us in the earliest literary documents of India, and thus to
furnish a conspectus of the most ancient phase of Aryan
civilization that can be realized by direct evidence. If properly
and thoroughly treated this matter would, I felt sure, yield a
book of genuine value, a comprehensive work on Vedic antiqui-
ties for it would include all the information that can be
;

extracted from Vedic literature on such topics as agriculture,

astronomy, burial, caste, clothing, crime, diseases, economic

conditions, food and drink, gambling, kingship, law and justice,
marriage, morality, occupations, polyandry and polygamy, the
position of women, usury, village communities, war, wedding
ceremonies, widow burning, witchcraft, and many others. The
proper names would embrace not only persons, tribes, and
peoples, but also mountains, rivers, and countries. The geo-
graphical distribution of the Vedic population would thus also
be presented.
From the historical data amplified in this way I proposed,
however, to exclude matter belonging to the domain of religion,
which it seemed better to relegate to a separate work. At the
same time itsoon became clear that certain aspects of religious
activity inseparably connected with the social and political life
viii PREFACE
of the age would have to be admitted, such as the functions of
the main priests and some festivals or ritual practices. Again,
certain names of perhaps purely mythological figures might
have to be mentioned. The evidence is occasionally insufficient
to show whether a name represents an actual historical person-

age demon or a mythical hero or priest may be meant. An

: a
undoubted demon may even have to be included, such as the
one that is supposed to cause eclipses, because he belongs to
the domain of primitive astronomy.

Chronological Limits. The period which the book was

intended to embrace had been decided at the outset as that
of the Vedas and Brahmanas. The upper limit here is the date
of the oldesthymns of the Rigveda. That date is uncertain, but
my conviction (set forth in my History of Sanskrit Literature,

pp. 11-12) that it is not much earlier than 1200 B.C. still remains

unshaken. It does not appear to me to be in the slightest degree

invalidated by Professor Hugo Winckler's discoveries at Bo-
ghaz-koi, in Asia Minor, in the year 1907. That scholar has
deciphered, in an inscription of about 1400 B.C. found there, the
names of certain deities as mi-it-ra t uru-w-na, in-da-ra, and na-
ga-at-ti-ia, which correspond to those of the important Vedic

gods Mitra, Varuna, Indra, and Nasatya. Three inferences may

be drawn from the occurrence of these names. They may have
been derived from Vedic India ;
in that case the Vedic religion
must have flourished in India considerably before
1400 B.C.,
even though the hymns that have come down to us may not
have been composed before that date. But that these names
should have travelled all the way from India to Asia Minor
is a hypothesis so highly improbable that it may be dismissed.

Secondly, the names may belong to the early Iranian period

after the Iranians had separated from the Indians, but before
their language had reached the phonetic stage of the Avesta.
This seems the most probable theory, both chronologically and
geographically. It implies only that the Indian branch had

separated from the Iranian, not that it had already entered

 PRE FA CE ix

India. Lastly, the names, being common to the Iranian and

Indian languages, might be assigned to the I ndo- Iranian period
when the two branches were still one people living in Iran.
This theory would allow two centuries for separation,
still

migration to India, and the commencement of Vedic literature

in the north-west of India.

The lower limit of the Vedic period is the epoch of the rise
and spread of Buddhism, or, roughly, 500 B.C. The Brahmana
literature to be exploited was assumed to be undoubtedly
anterior to that date. The boundary however, to
line would,
some extent have to be overstepped by drawing on the Sutras
for evidence where the Vedas and Brahmanas fail. But though
the Sutras are roughly contemporaneous with the first three
centuries of Buddhism, they are practically an epitome of the

practices of the Brahmana period, and are thus often of great

value in illustration or corroboration of the facts of that period.

They are also important as representing the Brahminical

evidence for those three centuries, especially as it is somewhat
uncertain how far even the earliest Buddhist literary sources
go back in an authentic form to the three centuries following the
death of Buddha. Names and practices not referred to before
the Sutras were, however, to be mentioned only incidentally
if at all the few cases to the contrary that actually occur are
:

not real exceptions, because they are derived from Vedic verses

quoted in Sutras, or from Brahmana parts of Sutras such as

Baudhayana.
Method Pursued. Such was the scope of the work on which
I finally decided before it was begun, and the plan has been

adhered to in its execution as regards the contents. The

manner which those contents were to be presented was
in

the next question to be settled and acted upon. Though both

Dr. Keith and myself are familiar with the literature of the
Vedic period from which the facts collected in these two
volumes are drawn, and the mutual check exercised by two
workers sifting the same material acts as a safeguard, it is
x PREFACE
nevertheless not always possible to exclude the risk of error
or unconscious bias in estimating evidence often obscure and
doubtful. have, therefore, throughout attached great im-
I

portance to stating not only the evidence of the texts them-

selves from a first-hand knowledge, but also to setting forth

fully the opinions of other authorities when the interpretation

is uncertain. The Sanskrit scholar will thus be enabled to
test without difficulty the correctness of the conclusions drawn
directly from the original sources, while others will be protected
from having to rely exclusively on what may possibly be one-
sided views. Articles have often been illustrated by adducing

parallels from the institutions of cognate Aryan nations, as that

on 'Caste' (treated under Varna, ii. 427-471). I have further
endeavoured to utilize, chiefly in the notes, knowledge gained
from a first-hand study of the archaeological remains and of
the modern conditions of India. Such knowledge, acquired

during my tour in 1907-08, I have found to be of great value

to me both as a student and as a teacher.
Arrangement. The matter contained in these volumes is

treated not in chapters, but in articles disposed in alphabetical

order. That order was practically necessary when proper
names only were to be included; when subjects were sub-
sequently added to the plan, it still remained the most con-
venient method of arrangement. As all articles appear under
Sanskrit words, the order which the latter follow is naturally
that of the Sanskrit alphabet. This arrangement need, how-
ever, occasion no inconvenience to those users of the book who
are unfamiliar with Sanskrit, because all the information they
want can be found by reference to the full English Index at the
end of Vol. ii. The Sanskrit Index, which contains, in addition
to the terms representing the subjects treated, all incidental
Sanskrit words occurring in the articles, is of course arranged
in the Sanskrit order. For the purpose of obviating any possible

inconvenience, the sequence of the Sanskrit alphabet is given

on the last page of this preface. With the same end in view I
 PREFACE xi

have given translations or explanations of all Sanskrit words

and expressions, because the latter, though generally clear to
Sanskrit scholars, would be unintelligible to others. Compound
Sanskrit words have been divided into their component parts by
the use of hyphens. In the case of obscure or irregularly formed
Sanskrit words, I have sometimes added etymological explana-
tions, which may be useful even to the Sanskrit scholar.
I have long had a rooted objection to crowding the letter-
press of a book with parentheses containing a string of references
or incidental explanations, because these distract the attention
of the reader and interfere with his grasping the argument

rapidly. have accordingly in the present work (as in several

I

previous ones) cleared the text of such obstructive matter,

relegating references and minor explanations, illustrations, or
discussions, to the notes. The sole exceptions are short
references consisting of figures only, and occurring in articles
* '

of two or three lines in length. Thus, in the article Kausarava

(i. 194), the figures (viii. 28) are added in parentheses at
the
end of the line. To have made a footnote out of these figures
alone would have been a pedantic and an absurd application
of the general principle.
The notes are placed in two columns, because this arrange-
ment enables the reader to find them more rapidly than any
other. They come at the end of, and immediately below, each
article. It is only when the article is a long one extending

beyond the first page that the notes do not all occupy this
position. Those referring to each page are then placed at the
foot of that page, and only those referring to the last page come
at the end of the article (cf, 9 e.g.,
1. Aksa).
The headlines are so arranged as to help the reader in finding
what he wants quickly, as well as to convey the maximum of
information. A glance at the inner corners at the top will
show the alphabetical range of the articles occurring in any
two pages, the one indicating the first word on the left page,
the other the last word on the right page. The rest of the
xii PREFACE
headline of each page supplies a summary of the contents oi
that page. I have never been able to find any rational ex-

planation why the title of the book held in one's hand should
be printed at the top of at least half, sometimes of all, the
pages it contains. How this practice can possibly assist the
reader is hard to understand.
Typographical Details. Every Sanskrit word used as the
title of an article is printed in thick type for the purpose of

catching the eye of the reader more readily. Every such word
mentioned in another article is on its first occurrence there
similarly printed. This is both a simpler and a clearer way of
referring to aword used in another place than the employ-
ment of parentheses and additional words or abbreviations, like
* ' '
see or c/.,' which tend to distract the attention of the reader
(see, e.g., Agastya). Both Sanskrit names (including titles of
books) and ordinary Sanskrit terms used as English words are
printed in Roman type, but then always with a capital (e.g.,

Purohita). type is employed for Sanskrit words quoted

Italic
as such, for expressions from other languages such as Latin or

French, for the titles of all except Sanskrit books (e.g., Olden-
berg, Buddha), and even books when a particular
of Sanskrit
edition is intended (thus Roth, Nirukta, but Yaska, Nirukta).

English words are italicized only when in long articles the

titles of subdivisions are given. All these uses of italics will
be found exemplified in the articles 2. Aksa and 3. Aksa.
As regards numerals, Roman figures are employed to indicate
the main divisions of a work, the subordinate parts being
Thus Rigveda, ii. 3, 5, means
' '

expressed by Arabic figures.

1
book 2, hymn 3, verse 5.' The volume, on the other hand,
is referred to by an Arabic numeral, the following figure
'

indicating the page. Thus *

Max Rgveda, 2, 135
Miiller,
means *
volume 2 of Max Muller's edition of the Rigveda,

page 135-'
have avoided abbreviating the titles of books or journals
I

even when they occur often, or are mentioned in the notes

 PREFACE

only. Contracted titles are as a rule intelligible to the general

reader only by reference to an explanatory list appearing at
the beginning or the end of a book. When a work is written
consecutively, such an abbreviation can be looked up on its
first occurrence, and as it is usually met with again at short

intervals its explanation will be remembered. But in a book

arranged occurrence of abridged titles
in dictionary form, the

becomes irksome to the reader because he meets them at any

part of the book he opens, and often many at the same time ;
he will probably therefore be continually consulting the ex-
planatory list. Hence I have only admitted the contractions
Rigveda and
1 '
Rv.' for Av.' for Atharvaveda, as these texts are

constantly referred to, often several times in the same article.

In some works, such as the Encyclopedia of Indo- Aryan Research,.
excessively contracted titles, frequently assuming the appear-
ance of algebraic symbols, become necessary owing to the great
mass of bibliographical references required. In the present
work such economy of space was in no way called for. If,
however, the book had been intended for the use of Sanskrit
scholars only, I should certainly have shortened many titles

here given in full, for there are numerous formulaic abbrevia-

tions that are familiar to all specialists.
Transliteration. The system here followed is that which
has been adopted by the Royal Asiatic Society of Great Britain
and Ireland, and is generally employed elsewhere also. The
chief difficulties caused to the non-scholar by this method of
reproducing Sanskrit words are due, on the one hand, to the
inadequacy of the Roman alphabet, which necessitates the use
of diacritical marks, and, on the other, to the conventional use
of two consonants in English, in certain cases, to represent a

single sound, as ch, sh, ph, and th. The letter s here is the
* '

equivalent of sh in shun ; s is somewhat thinner in pro-

nunciation, like the ss in

'
session
'

;
m resembles the n in the
French '
bon '

; and h the German ch in

*
ach.' The palatal c
is to be sounded like the initial ch in Churchill; ch has an
 xiv PREFACE

aspirate sound like that of the ch in the middle of the same

*
word ; ph and th are also aspirates, as in the English up-hill
*
and ant-hill respectively. The vowels must all be pro-
'

nounced as in Italian short when unmarked (except e and 0,

:

which are always long), long when they have a horizontal

'
stroke above thus i is sounded as in pin,' 1 like ee in seen.'
'
;

'
The vowel r may be pronounced like ri in risk.'

The Map. In order that the reader may be enabled to

visualize in a general way the territory known to and occupied
by the Vedic tribes, I have prefixed to the first volume a map
of Vedic India. Here the home of the Indo-Aryans of the

earliest period that of the Rigveda is the territory drained

by the Indus between the 35th and 28th

river system, lying

parallel of
northern latitude and between yo and 78 eastern

longitude, corresponding roughly to the North -West

and
Frontier Province and the Panjab of the present day. The
eastern limitwas probably the Yamuna, though the Ganges
was already known. In the subsequent Vedic period that
of the later Vedas and of the Brahmanas the Indo-Aryan
settlers gradually occupied the whole of the Ganges Valley
down to the delta of that river. But the home of the fully
developed culture of the Brahmanas lay in the territory ex-
tending in a south-easterly direction from longitude 74 to
85 between the confluence of the Sarasvati and Drsadvati
,

in the west and that of the Sadanira and Ganges on the east,
and embracing roughly the south-eastern portion of the Panjab
and the United Provinces of to-day. East of longitude 85
lay, to the north
and south of the Ganges, the imperfectly
Brahminized country corresponding to the modern Tirhut and

Bihar, where Buddhism arose at the end of the Vedic period.

I ought to warn readers against placing too much reliance
on the details of this map, because it is largely conjectural

owing to the lack of precise geographical statement in the

texts. The student, when using it, should always refer to the
evidence furnished by the articles under each name that appears
 PREFACE xv

on the map. The identification of many of the Vedic rivers

with those of modern India is certain ; but even here the exact
channels in which they flowed in ancient times is doubtful.
Thus the Indus, some of the Panjab rivers, and the old
Sarasvati have been shown by Raverty, in an article in the

Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal for 1892, to have changed

their courses considerably, even within historical times. It

must be remembered that all the rivers of Vedic India traversed

the alluvial plains of the north, and were, therefore, unlike the
rivers of theDeccan, which flow in rocky beds, liable to constant
fluctuations in Again, the Vedic tribes are
their channels.

nearly always mentioned so vaguely in the texts that they can

only be approximately located by the rivers with which they
are connected, or by the way in names are asso-
which their
ciated or grouped. Many such names had to be omitted

altogether in the map because of the total lack of evidence

for their localization. Some help may be obtained from the

geographical position in the post- Vedic period of tribes men-

tioned in Vedic literature. But this evidence is apt to be
doubtful, because the Vedic period was largely one of migra-
tion, and various tribes may then have occupied localities
much farther north or west than those in which they were
later permanently settled. The general evidence of the map,
however uncertain many of the details may be, leaves no room
for doubt as to the route by which the Aryans entered India,

or as to the direction of the successive stages of the migration

by which they eventually spread their civilization over the

whole of the peninsula.
Conclusion. The first volume was ready for issue more than
a year ago, but to publish it without the indexes, which would
necessarily have to appear at the end of the second volume,
seemed to me to be perfectly useless. I therefore preferred
to wait tillthe whole book could be brought out in a complete
form. As both Dr. Keith and myself have each read one proof
and nearly always two revises of every sheet before it went to
/

XVI PREFACE

press, all but trivial errors and misprints ought to have been
eliminated. I hope, however, that these two volumes will
prove be not only correct in form, but also valuable in
to

matter, after our joint efforts to bring together and present

their contents in a convenient and trustworthy manner.

A. A. MACDONELL.
Oxford,
July 18, 1912.

Order of the Sanskrit Alphabet.

a a i 1 u u r r 1 ; e ai o au ; k kh g gh, h ; c ch

j jh n ;
t th d dh n; t th d dh n ; p ph b bh m ; y r 1 v;

s s h.
 VEDIG INDEX OF NAMES AND
SUBJECTS.
-

Am6u. i. Name of a protege of the Asvins in the Rigveda. 1

2. Dhanamjayya, pupil of Amavasya Sandilyayana, according
to the Vamsa Brahmana. 2
1
viii. 5, 26. Cf. Ludwig, Transla- 129, suggests that he may be identical
tion of the Rigveda, 3, 160 Hopkins,
;
with Khela.
2
Journal of the American Oriental Society, Indische Studien, 4, 373.
17, 89 ; Sieg, Die Sagenstoffe des Rgveda,

Amhasas-pati. This is the name of the intercalary month in

the Vajasaneyi Samhita (vii. 30; xxii. 31). See Masa.

In several passages of the Rigveda 1 this word means,

Akra.
according to Geldner,
2 horse.' Roth 3 suggests that riding ' '

'
horse is the precise sense. Cf. Asva.
1 3 der Deutschen Morgen-
i-
143,7; 189.7; I"- *, 12; iv. 6, 3 Zeitschrift
x. 77, 2. landischen Gesellschaft, 48, 118. Cf. Max
2
Vedische Studien, i, 168, 169. Mttller, Sacred Books of the East, 32, 414.

'
i. axle,' is a part of a chariot often referred to in
Aksa,
the Rigveda 1 and later. It was apparently 2 fastened to the
'

body of the chariot (Kosa) by straps (aksd-nah, lit. tied to the

axle,' though this word is also 3 rendered 'horse'). The
4
heating of the axle and the danger of its breaking were known.
The part of the axle round which the nave of the wheel
revolved was called Ani, '

pin.'
1 3
i. 30, 14 ; 166, 9 ;
iii. 53, 17 ;
vi. Rv. x. 53, 7. Cf. Roth, St. Peters-
24, 3 ; x. 89, 4, etc. burg Dictionary, s.v.
2 4
Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 246. Rv. i. 164, 13.
VOL. I. I
2 DICE: THE MATERIAL THE NUMBER [Aksa

2. Aksa. This word occurs frequently, from the Rigveda

' '

onwards, both the singular and plural, meaning die and

in

Dicing, along with horse-racing, was one of the main

'
dice.'
amusements of the Vedic Indian but, despite the frequent ;

mention of the game in the literature, there is considerable

difficulty in obtaining any clear picture of the mode in which it

was played.
The Material. The dice appear normally to have been
(i)
made of Vibhidaka nuts. Such dice are alluded to in both the
1 2
Rigveda and the Atharvaveda, hence being called 'brown'
'3
(babhru), and born on a windy spot.' In the ritual game of
dice at the Agnyadheya and the Rajasuya ceremonies the
material of the dice is not specified, but it is possible that
4
occasionally gold imitations of Vibhidaka nuts were used.
There is no clear trace in the Vedic literature of the later use
of cowries as dice.5
(2) The Number. In the Rigveda 6
the dicer is described as
' '

of a great horde
leader (sendnir mahato ganasya), and in
another passage 7 the number is given as tri-paiicdsah, an expres-
8 9
sion which has been variously interpreted. Ludwig, Weber,
and Zimmer 10 render it as fifteen, which is grammatically
hardly possible. Roth 11 and Grassmann 12 render it as con- '

sisting of fifty-three.' Liiders 13 takes it as 'consisting of one

hundred and fifty,' but he points out that this may be merely a
vague expression for a large number. For a small number
Zimmer 14 cites a reference in the Rigveda
15
to one who fears
1
him who holds four
'

(caturas cid dadamdndt), but the sense of

that passage is dependent on the view taken of the method of
playing the game.
(3) The Method of Play. In several passages of the later
1
vii. 86, 6 ;
x. 34, 1.
2 8
Av. Paipp. xx. 4, 6. See his translation.
3
Rv. x. 34, 5 ;
Av. vii. 114, 7 ;
9
Uber das Rajasuya, 72.
Rv. x. 34, 1. 10
Altindisches Leben, 284.
4
Sayana on Taittiriya Samhita, i. 8, 11
Following Sayana on Rv. x. 34, 8
12 12
6, Satapatha Brahmana, v. 4, 4, 6.
; In his translation.
5
Sayana, loc. cit., and on Rv. i. 41, 9 ;
13
Das Wurfelspiel im alien Indien, 25.
Mahidhara on Vajasaneyi Samhita, 14
Op. cit., 283.
x. 28. 15
i- 41, 9.
*
x. 34, 12.
Aksa ] DICE: THE METHOD OF PLAY
Samhitas and Brahmanas lists are given of expressions con-
nected with dicing. The names are Krta, Treta, Dvapara,
16
Askanda, and Abhibhu in the Taittirlya Samhita. In the
17
Vajasaneyi Samhita, among the victims at the Purusamedha,
the kitava offered to the Aksaraja, the adinava-darsa to the
is

Krta, the hatpin to the Treta, the adhi-kalpin to the Dvapara,

the sabhd-sthdrm to the Askanda. The lists in the parallel
version of the Taittirlya Brahmana are kitava, sabhdvin, adinava-
darsa, bahih-sad, and sabha-sthdnu, 18 and Aksaraja, Krta, Treta,
Dvapara, and Kali. From the Satapatha Brahmana it appears
19

that another name of Kali was Abhibhu, and the parallel lists
in the Taittirlya and Vajasaneyi Samhitas suggest that Abhibhu
and Aksaraja are identical, though both appear in the late
Taittirlya Brahmana list. The names of some of these throws
go back even to the Rigveda and the Atharvaveda. Kali occurs
in the latter, 20 and Liiders 21 shows that in a considerable number
of passages in the former Krta means a throw (not a stake 22
' ' ' '

or what is won m ), and this sense is clearly found in the

'

Atharvaveda. 24 Moreover, that there were more throws (ayah)

than one is proved by a passage in the Rigveda, 25 when
the gods are compared to throws as giving or destroying
wealth.
The nature of the throws is obscure. The St. Petersburg
Dictionary conjectures that the names given above were applied
either to dice marked 4, 3, 2, or I, or to the sides of the dice so
marked, and the latter interpretation is supported by some late
commentators. 26 But there is no evidence for the former

interpretation, and, as regards the latter, the shape of the

27
Vibhldaka nuts, used as dice, forbids any side being properly
on the top. Light is thrown on the expressions by the descrip-
24
](>
iv. 3, 3, : 2. vii. 52. See Rv. x. 42, 9 (krtam
" XXX. 18.
xxx. vicinoti) ; 43 , 5 ;
x. 102, 2 v. 60, 1
; ;

18
iii. 4, 1, 16. These must be persons be. 97, 58 ;
i. 132, I ;
x. 34, 6 ;
i. IOO, 9 ;

conversant with dicing, but the exact viii. 19, 10.

25
sense of the names is unknown. x. 116, 9.
26
19
v. 4, 4, 6. Anandagiri on Chandogya Upani-
sad, iv. 1. 4; Nilakantha on Maha-
20
vii. 114, 1.
21 iv. 50, 24.
Op. cit., 43 et seq. bharata,
22 27 18.
St. Petersburg Dictionary, s.v. Liiders, op. cit.,
23
Grassmann's Dictionary, s.v.

I 2
 DICE : THE METHOD OF PLA Y [ Aksa
28
tion of a ritual game at the Agnyadheya and at the Rajasuya
ceremonies. The details
are not certain, 29 but it is clear that
the game consisted in securing even numbers of dice, usually a
number divisible by four, the Krta, the other three throws then
being the Treta, when three remained over after division by
four the Dvapara, when two was the remainder and the Kali,
; ;

when one remained. If five were the dividing number, then the
throw which showed no remainder was Kali, the Krta was that
when four was left, and so on. The dice had no numerals
marked on them, the only question being what was the total
number of the dice themselves.
There is no reason to doubt that the game as played in the

Rigveda was based on the same principle, though the details

must remain doubtful. The number of dice used was certainly
large,
30
and the reference to throwing fours, 31 and losing by one,
points to the use of the Krta as the winning throw. The
32
Atharvaveda, on the other hand, possibly knew of the Kali as
the winning throw. In one respect the ordinary game must
have differed from the ritual game. In the latter the players
merely pick out the number of dice required no doubt to avoid
ominous errors, such as must have happened if a real game had
been played. In the secular game the dice were thrown, 33
34
perhaps on the principle suggested by Luders: the one
throwing a certain number on the place of playing, and the other
then throwing a number to make up with those already thrown
a multiple of four or five. This theory, at any rate, accounts for
the later stress laid on the power of computation in a player,
as in the Nala.
No board appears to have been used, but a depression on which
28 29
Baudhayana Srauta Sutra, ii. 8 9 ; ;
See Caland, Zeitschrift der Deut-

Apastamba Srauta Sutra, v. 19, 4 20, ;

schen Morgenlandischen Gesellschaft, 62,
I, with Rudradatta's note, for the 123 et seq.
30
Agnyadheya. Apastamba, xviii. 18, 16 Rv. x. 34, 8.
31
et seq., describes the Rajasuya game, Rv. i. 41, 9. In x. 34, 2, the loss
and cf. Maitrayani Samhita, iv. 4, 6 ;
isascribed to aksasya ekaparasya, which
Taittiriya Brahmana, i. 7, 10, 5 ;
ata- confirms the explanation of Dvapara
patha Brahmana, v. 4, 4, 6
Katyayana
; given in Panini, ii. 1, 10.
For Krta 32
Srauta Sutra, xv. 7, 5 et seq. vii. 114, 1.
33 Av.
as four, see Satapatha Brahmana, Rv. x. 34, 1. 8. 9 ;
iv. 38, 3.
34
xiii. 3, 2, 1; Taittiriya Brahmana, i. 5, Op. cit. 56.
II, 1.
 Aksata ] DICE: THE METHOD OF PLAY
the dice were thrown (adhi-devana, devana 35 irina ), was made
36

in the ground. No dice box was used, but reference is made to

a case for keeping dice in (aksa-vapana 37 ). The throw was called
38
graha or earlier grclbha.
39
The stake is called vij. 40 Serious
losses could be made at dicing in the Rigveda a dicer laments :

the loss of property, including his wife.

all his
41
Liiders 42 finds
a different form of the game referred to in the Chandogya
43
Upanisad.
35
Adhidevana in A v. v. 31, 6 ;
vi. 70, play cf. Rv. v, 85, 8 ;
vii. 86, 6 ; 104
1 Maitrayani Samhita, i. 6, 11 iv. 4,
; ; 14 ; Av. vi. 118.

6, etc. ; devana in Rv. x. 43, 5. The 42

Op. cit., 61.
43
falling of the dice on the ground is iv.
6. According to Nila-
1, 4;
referred to in Av. vii. 114, 2. kantha on Harivamsa, ii. 61, 39, the
36 Rv.
x. 34, 1. stake was divided into ten parts, and
37 the Kali then took one, the Dvapara
Satapatha Brahmana, v. 3, 1, 11.
38
Av. iv. 38, 1 et seq. ; cf. vii. 114, 5. three, the Treta six, and the Krta all
39
Rv. viii. 81, 1 ix. 106, 3.
; ten. This explanation seems harsh.
40 Rv. i. 92, 10; ii. 12, 5; laksa in Cf. Roth, Gurupujakaumudi, 1-4 ;

ii. 12, 4, and often dhana.

So Liiders, Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 283-287 ;

op. cit., 10, n. 5; 62, n. 1. Roth and Liiders, Das

Wurfelspiel im alten Indien ;

Zimmer, op. cit., 286, render he makes

'
Caland, Zeitschrift der Deutschen Morgen-
the dice secretly disappear' (i. 92, landischen Gesellschaft, 62, 123 et seq.;

10). Keith, Journal of the Royal Asiatic

41
Rv. x. 34, 2. For cheating at Society, 1908, 823 et seq.

3. Aksa. In the Chandogya Upanisad (vii. 3, 1) this word

seems to denote the nut of the Vibhidaka (Terminalia bellerica).

In one passage of the Atharvaveda, 1

Aksata or Aksita.
dealing with the Jayanya, mention is made of a remedy for
sores designated both Aksita and Suksata, or, according to
the reading of the Kausika Sutra, Aksata and Suksata, while
2 '
Sayana has Aksita and Suksita. Bloomfield renders not
caused by cutting and caused by cutting.' Formerly 3 he
' '

4
suggested 'tumour' or 'boil.' Whitney thinks that two
5
varieties of Jayanya are meant. Ludwig reads with Sayana
'

aksita, which he renders by not firmly established '

in the
invalid. Zimmer 6
finds in it a disease Ksata.

1 4
vii. 76, 4. Translation of the Atharvaveda,
2
Hymns of the Atharvaveda, 17, 562. 442.
3 5
Journal of the American Oriental Translation of the Rigveda, 3, 500.
ex vii. et seq. 6
Society, 13, Altindisches Leben, 377.
 THE SAGE AG A STYA [ Akavapam

Aksa-vapana. See Aksa.

1
Aksu. The word occurs intwo passages of the Atharvaveda
and one of the Rigveda. 2 Roth 3 renders it by 'net,' while
4 5
Bohtlingk suggests axle of a car.' Geldner sees in it a stake
'

6 7
or pole used with a fishermen's net (Jala), the pole of a wagon,
and the pole of a house, whether vertical or horizontal, he leaves
9
uncertain (see Vamsa). 8 Bloomfield takes it as a covering
of wickerwork stretched across a beam and sloping down to
both sides like a thatched roof, and this best explains the
'

thousand-eyed (i.e., with countless holes) ascribed to

*

epithet
it. In the other Atharvaveda passage 10 he accepts the sense
net,' and doubts if the word in the Rigveda is not an adjective
1

(a-ksu) as it is taken by Sayana. See also Grha.

1 8
viii. 8, 18 (ahsujalabhyam) ; ix. 3, il ix. 3, 18.
2 8
i. 180, 5. Hymns of the Atharvaveda, 598.
10
3 St.Petersburg Dictionary, s.v, Av. viii. 8, 18.
4 Altindisches Leben, 153,
Dictionary, s.v. Cf. Zimmer,
5
Vedische Studien, 1, 136. 265 Whitney, Translation of the
;

6
Av. viii. 8, 18. Atharvaveda, 506, 526 Oldenberg, ;

7 Av. i. 180, 5. Rgveda-Noten, 1, 179.

This form of Agastya's name occurs once in the

Agasti.
1
Atharvaveda, where he appears as a favourite of Mitra and
Varuna.
1
iv. 9, 3. Cf. Sieg, Die Sagenstoffe des Rgveda, 127, n. 5.

Agfastya. This is the name of a sage, of mythical character,

who plays great part in the later literature. He was a Mana,
1
a
2
and therefore is called Manya and son of Mana, and only once
is there a reference 3 to the legend prevalent in later times that
he was a son of Mitra and Varuna.
His greatest feat was the reconciliation of Indra and the
Maruts after Indra had been annoyed at his proposing to give
the Maruts an offering to the exclusion of Indra. This feat is
the subject of three hymns of the Rigveda, 4 and is often referred

1
Rv. vii. 33, 10 (Agastya), 13 (Mana). 3
Rv. vii. 33, 13. Cf. Geldner,
2
Rv. i.
165, 15 = 166, 15 = 167, = n Vedische Studien, 2, 138 et seq.
4
168, 10 ; 165, 14 177, 5 184, 4 (Manya)
; ; ;
Rv. i. 165 ; 170 ; 171.
i. 189, 8 ; 117, 11 (Manasya sunu).
Agara ]
THE SAGE AG A STYA
5
to in the Brahmanas, though the exact details and significance
of the legend are variously treated by Oldenberg, 6 Sieg, 7 Hertel, 8
and von Schroeder. 9
He also appears in a strange dialogue with Lopamudra. in
the Rigveda, 10 which appears to show him as an ascetic who
finally yields to temptation. Von Schroeder 11 regards it as
a ritual drama of vegetation magic.
In another passage of the Rigveda 12 he appears as helping
in the Asvins' gift of a leg to Vispala. Sayana holds that he
was the Purohita of Khela, and Sieg 13 accepts this view, while
Pischel 14 thinks that Khela is a deity, Vivasvant.
Geldner 15 shows from the Rigveda 16 that Agastya, as brother
of Vasistha both being miraculous sons of Mitra and Varuna
introduces Vasistha to the Trtsus. There are two other
references to Agastya in the Rigveda, the one 17 including him
in a long list of persons, the other alluding to his sister's sons
18 19
(nadbhyah), apparently Bandhu, etc. In the Atharvaveda
he appears as connected with witchcraft, and in a long list of
20
sages. In the Maitrayani Samhita 21 cows, with a peculiar
mark on their ears (vistya-kamyah), are associated with him.
5 15
Taittiriya Samhita, vii. 5, 5, 2 ;
Vedische Studien, 2, 138, 143,
Taittirlya Brahmana, ii. 7, 11, 1 ;
16 Rv ; vii^}3, 10. 13. )fj)
17
Maitrayani Samhita, ii. 1, 8 Kathaka ;
viij 5, 26. Sieg, 129, suggests that
Samhita, x. 11 Pancavimsa Brahmana,
;
this refers to the Khela legend.
18
xxi. 1:4, 5 ;
Aitareya Brahmana, v. 16 ; x. 60, 6.
Kausitaki Brahmana, xxvi. 19 iv. 37, 1. for
9. ii. 32, 3 ; Perhaps
6
Zeitschrift der Deutschen Morgen- this reason the Rigveda Anukramani
landischen Gesellschaft, 39, 60 et seq. ascribes to him (Rv. i. 191) a magic
7
Die Sagenstoffe des Rgveda, 108-119. hymn.
8 Vienna Oriental Journal, 18, 152-154. 20 xviii. 3, 15.
9
Mysterium und Mimus im Rigveda,
21
iv. 2, 9.

91 et seq. Cf. Ludwig, Translation of the

10
i.Cf. Sieg, op.
179. cit., 120-126; Rigveda, 117; Sieg, Die Sagenstoffe
3,

Oldenberg, op. cit., 66-68. des Rgveda, 106-129 Macdonell, Brhad-

;

11
Op. cit., 156-172. devata, 2, 136 et seq. ; Oldenberg,
12
i.
117, 11 ; cf. i. 116, 15. Zeitschrift der Deutschen Morgenldndischen
13
Op. cit., 128. Gesellschaft, 42, 221 ; Rgveda-Noten, 1,
14
Vedische Studien, 1, 171 -173.

Agara. This rare word is found as 'house' in the Kausitaki

1
Upanisad.
1
ii. 15. Cf. agara,
'
chamber (?), '
the Atharvaveda, 407. Agara occurs
n Av. iv. 36, 3 ; Bloomfield, Hymns of also in Asvalayana Grhya Sutra, i. 7, 21.
 CREMATION AND BURIAL [ Agnidagdha
1
Agni-dagrdha. This epithet ('burnt with fire') applies to
the dead who were burned on the funeral pyre. This is one
of the two normal methods of disposing of the dead, the other
being burial (an-agnidagdhdh, not burnt with fire '). 2 The '

3
Atharvaveda adds two further modes of disposal to those
viz., casting out (paroptcih), and the exposure of the dead

(uddhitdh). The exact sense of these expressions is doubtful.

Zimmer 4 considers that the former is a parallel to the Iranian
practice of casting out the dead to be devoured by beasts, and
that the latter refers to the old who are exposed when helpless. 5
6
Whitney refers the latter expression to the exposure of the
dead body on a raised platform of some sort.
Burial was clearly not rare in the Rigvedic period : a whole
hymn describes the ritual attending it. The dead
7
man was
buried apparently in full attire, with his bow in his hand, and
probably at one time his wife was immolated to accompany
him, in accordance with a practice common among savage
tribes. But in the Vedic period both customs appear in a
modified form the son takes the bow from the hand of the
:

dead man, and the widow is led away from her dead husband
by his brother or other nearest kinsman. A stone is set
between the dead and the living to separate them. In the
8
Atharvaveda, but not in the Rigveda, a coffin (vrksa) is alluded
to. In both Samhitas 9 occur other allusions to the house '

of earth' (bhumi-grha). To remove the apparent discrepancy

between burning and by assuming that the references to
burial,
burned bones, as does Oldenberg, 10
burial are to the burial of the
is unnecessary and improbable, as burning and burial subsisted

side by side in Greece for many years.

Burning was, however, equally usual, and it grew steadily

in frequency, for in the Chandogya Upanisad 11 the adornment

1
Rv. x. 15, 14 ; Taittiriya Brah-
6 Translation of the Atharvaveda, 841.
mana, iii. 1, 1, 7 ; dagdhah, Av. xviii. 7 x. 18. The interpretation of v. 8 is
2, 34- a famous crux, see Patni.
2
Rv., loc. cit.; = nikhatah, Av. xviii. 8 xviii.
2, 25 ; 3, 70.
9
2,34. Rv. vii. 89, 1 ;
Av. v. 30, 14 ; xviii.
3
Loc. cit. 2, 52.
4 10
Altindisches Leben, 402. Religion des Veda, 571.
5 11
Rv. viii. 51, 2. viii. 8, 5.

\
Agnigala J CREMATION
of the body of the dead with curd (Amiksa), clothes, and
ornaments, in order to win the next world, is referred to as
something erroneous and wrong, and in the funeral Mantras of
the Vajasaneyi Samhita 12 only burning seems to be contemplated ;

the verses which refer to burial here really alluding to the burial
of the ashes in the burying-ground (smasdna). 18 The body was
wrapped in fat, 14 as
we learn from the funeral hymn in the
15
Rigveda, a goat being apparently burned with it, to act as
a guide on the way to the next world. According to the
Atharvaveda 16 a draft-ox was burned presumably for the dead
to ride with in the next world. It was expected that the dead
would revive with whole body and
all his limbs (sarva-taniih
his
17 18
sdhgak), although it is also said that the eye goes to the sun,
the breath to the wind, and so forth.
Before burial or burning, the corpse was washed, 19 a clog
(kudi) being tied to the foot to prevent the deceased returning
to earth. 20

12 18
xxxv. Cf. also Kausika Sutra, Rv. x. 16, 3.
80 et seq. ,
which treats the Atharvaveda 19
Av. v. 19, 14.
as intended for 20 Av. see Roth, Festgruss
hymns, xviii. 1-3, v. 19, 12 ;

burning only. an Bohtlingk, 98 ; Bloomfield, American

13
Av. v. 31, ; x 1, 18 ; Taittiriya Journal of Philology, 12, 416.
Samhita, v. 2, 8, 5; 4 ii,3- Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 401-
Cf.
14
Rv. x. 10,
16, 7. 407 ; Roth, Zeitschrift der Deutschen
15Rv. x. 16, 4. But aja may mean Morgenldndischen Gesellschaft, 8, 468 et
'the unborn part,' as Weber prefers seq. ; Siebenzig Lieder 150 et seq. ; Olden-
,

to take it, Proceedings of the Berlin berg, Religion des Veda, 570 et seq. ;

Academy, 1895, 847. Caland, Die altindischen Todten- und

16
xii. 2, 48. Bestattungsgebrduche ; von Schroeder,
17
Satapatha Brahmana, iv. 6, 1, 1 ;
Indiens Literatur und Cultur, 40-42 ;

xi. 1, 8, 6 xii. 8, 3, 31. Cf. Av. xi. 3, 32.

; Hillebrandt, Vedische Mythology, 3, 413-
This fact probably explains the use of 423 ; Rituallitteratnr, 87 et seq.; Mac-
iesah in Rv. x. 16, 5. The dead enjoy donell, Vedic Mythology, 165, 166 Pro- ;

sexual pleasures in the next world ;

ceedings of the Berlin Academy, 1895,
see Muir, Sanskrit Texts, 5, 307, n. 462. 815 et seq.

Ag*ni-bhu KaSyapa is mentioned in the Vamsa Brahmana1

as a pupil of Indrabhu Kasyapa.

1
Indische Studien, 4, 374.

AgTii-ala. This term, which designates part of the sacrificial

io CONSTELLATION AGHA [Agha
1
applied in the Atharvaveda to a part of an
2
apparatus, is

ordinary house, presumably the central hall where the fire-

place was.
1
Vajasaneyi Samhita, xix. 18. I
Cf. Bloomfield, Hymns of the Atharva-
2
ix. 3, 7. I veda, $g8; Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 154.

Ag\ha. In the wedding hymn of the Rigveda 1 it is said that

cows are slain in the Aghas, and the wedding takes place at the
Arjunis (dual). The Atharvaveda2 has the ordinary Magfhas
instead. impossible to resist the conclusion that the read-
It is

ing of the Rigveda was deliberately altered because of the con-

nection of the slaughter of kine with sin (agha) possibly, too,
with a further desire to emphasize the contrast with aghnya,
3
a name for 'cow.' Moreover, in the Taittirlya Brahmana
occurs the formula Svaha to the Maghas, Svaha to the
'

Anaghas.' See also Naksatra.

1
x. 85, 13. 804 ;
Jacobi, Festgruss an Roth, 69 ;

2 xiv.
1, 13. Winternitz, Das altindische Hochzeits-
3
iii. 1, 4, 8. rituell, 32 Whitney, Translation of the
;

Weber, Naxatra, 2, 364 Pro-

Cf. ; Atharvaveda, 742 Thibaut, Indian
;

ceedings of the Berlin Academy, 1894, Antiquary, 24, 95.

AgfhaSva. The name of a serpent in the Atharvaveda. 1

1 Altindisches Leben, 95.
x. 4, io. Cf. Zimmer,

A-grhnya. See Mamsa.

Anka. The Taittirlya Samhita 1 and Brahmana 2 refer to two

Ahkas and two Nyankas as parts of a chariot. The meaning
of these terms is quite obscure. The commentators refer them
to the sides or wheels. Zimmer compares the Greek avTvyss*
3

and thinks that the Arikau were the upper border of the body
of the chariot (koa, vandhura), and the Nyahkau the lower rims
5
for greater security. Oldenberg confesses that the exact sense
is impossible to make out, but considers that the terms at once
6
refer to parts of the chariot and to divinities, while Bohtlingk
takes the term as referring to divinities alone.
1 4
1. 7, 7, 2. Iliad, v. 728. Cf. Smith's Dic-
2
ii. 7, 8, 1. Cf. Paficavimsa Brah- tionary of Antiquities, I, 578.
mana, i. 7, 5.
6
Sacred Books of the East, 29, 364, on
3 Altindisches Paraskara Grhya Sutra, iii.
Leben, 251, 252. 14, 6.
6 s.v.
Dictionary,
Arigustha ] THE ANGASTHE ANGIRASES ii

Anga. The name occurs only once in the Atharvaveda 1 in

connection with the Gandharis, Mujavants, and Magadhas, as
2
distinct peoples. They appear also in the Gopatha Brahmana
in the compound name A nga-magadhdk. As in later times they
were settled on the Sone and Ganges, 3 their earlier seat was
presumably there also. See also Vanga.
1
V. 22, 14. Asiatic Society, 1908, 852, inclines to
2
ii. 9. regard them as a non-Aryan people
3
Cf Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 35; that came over-sea to Eastern India.
Bloomfield, Hymns of the Atharvaveda, There is nothing in the Vedic litera-
446, 449 ; Pargiter, Journal of the Royal ture to throw light on this hypothesis.

Ahg*a Vairocana. He is included in the list of anointed

1
kings in the Aitareya Brahmana. His Purohita was Udamaya,
an Atreya.
1
viii. 22. Cf. Oldenberg, Zeitschrift der Deutschen Morgenlcindischen Gesellschaft,
42, 214.

Ahgraravaksayana. A word of doubtful meaning found

1
in the Brhadaranyaka Upanisad. It is rendered 'tongs' by
Max Miiller and Bohtlingk in their translations. The St.
*
Petersburg Dictionary explains it as a vessel in which coals
are extinguished,' and Monier-Williams as an instrument for '

extinguishing coals.' The smaller St. Petersburg Dictionary

renders the word Cf. Ulmukava-
'
coal-shovel or tongs.'
ksayana.
1 iii. 9, 18.

Ahgiras. The Angirases appear in the 1

Rigveda as semi-
mythical beings, and no really historical character can be
2
assigned even to those passages which recognize a father of
the race, Angiras. Later, however, there were definite families
of Angirases, to whose ritual practices {ay ana, dviratra) references
are made. 3
3
1
Cf. Hillebrandt, Vedische Mythologie, Av. xviii. 4, 8, but this may be
ii. 156-169. mythical; Pancavimsa Brahmana, xx.
2
Rv. i. 45, 3; 139, 9 ;
iii. 31, 7, 11, 1 Taittiriya Samhita, vii. 1, 4, 1.
;

etc. ;
Chandogya Upanisad, i, 2, 10. Cf. Macdonell, Vedic Mythology, 142, 143.

Ahg'ustha. As a measure of size this word appears in the

Kathaka Upanisad (iv. 12 vi. 17). ;
 12 GOATSCORPION BOA-CONSTRICTOR [ Acyut

A-cyut. He acted as Pratihartr at the Sattra celebrated by

the Vibhindukiyas and described in the Jaiminiya Brahmana. 1
1
iii. 233. See Journal of the American Oriental Society, 18, 38.

Aja, Aja. This is the ordinary name for goat in the Rigveda 1
and the later literature. The goat is also called Basta, Chaga,
Chagfala. Goats and sheep (ajdvayah) are very frequently
mentioned together. 2 The female goat is spoken of as pro-
ducing two or three and goat's milk is well known. 4 kids,
3

The goat as representative of Pusan plays an important part

in the ritual of burial. 5 The occupation of a goatherd (ajapdla)
was a recognized one, being distinguished from that of a cow-
herd and of a shepherd. 6
1 3
Aja in Rv. x. 16, 4; i. 162, 2. 4 ; Taittiriya Samhita, vi. 5, 10, 1.
Av. 4 v.
ix. 5, 1 Vajasaneyi Samhita, xxi.
;
Taittiriya Samhita, iv. 1, 6, 1 ;

9, etc. aja in Rv. viii. 70, 15 Av. vi.

; ; 1, 7, 4. Cf. Hillebrandt, Vedische
71, 1 ; Vajasaneyi Samhita, xxiii., 56, Mythologie, 3, 364, n. 4.
6
etc. Rv. x. 16, 4, etc. Cf. p. 9.
2
Rv. x. 90, 10 ; Av. viii. 7, 25 ;
6
Vajasaneyi Samhita, xxx. 11 ; Tait-
Vajasaneyi Samhita, iii. 43, etc. tiriya Brahmana, iii. 4, 9, 1.

AJ a * The Ajas
one verse of the Rigveda 1 as
are named in

having been defeated by the Tptsus under Sudas. They are

there mentioned with the Yaksus and SigTUS, and Zimmer 2
conjectures that they formed part of a confederacy under
Bheda against Sudas. The name has been regarded as a sign
of totemism, 3 but this is very uncertain, and it is impossible to

say if they were or were not Aryans.

1
vii. 18, 19. 153 Keith, Journal of the Royal Asiatic
;

2
A Itindisches Leben, 127. Cf. Ludwig, Society, 1907,929 Aitareya Aranyaka, ;

Translation of the Rigveda, 3, 173. 200, 21 Risley, Peoples of India, 83

;

3
Cf. Macdonell, Vedic Mythology, et seq.

Ajakava. This name of a poisonous scorpion occurs once

in the Rigveda. 1
1 vii.
50, 1. Cf. Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 99.

Aja-g*ara ('goat-swallower ') occurs in the Atharvaveda1 and in

the list of animals at the AsSvamedha, 2 or horse sacrifice, as the
1
xi. 2, 25 xx. 129, 17- Maitrayani Samhita, iii.
; I
14, 19 ; Vaja-
2
Taittiriya Samhita, v. 5, 14, 1 ; | saneyi Samhita, xxiv. 38.
 Ajnatayaksjma ] NAMES
name Elsewhere 3 it is called Vahasa.
of the boa-constrictor.
It denotes a person at the snake feast in the Pancavimsa
Brahmana. 4
3 4
Taittiriya Samhita, v. 5, 13. 1 xxv. 15, in the form of Ajagava,
Vajasaneyi Samhita, xxiv. 34. with which cf. Ajakava.

Aja-midha. The Ajamldhas, or descendants of Ajamidha,

are referred to 1 2
in a hymn of the Rigveda. Ludwig and
3
Oldenberg deduce from the use of this patronymic that
Ajamidha was the seer of that hymn.
1 3
iv. 44, 6. Zeitschrift der Deutschen Morgenlan-
2
Translation of the Rigveda, 3, 123, dischen Gescllschaft, 42, 215.
135- '

Aja-grngi. This plant ('goat's horn'), equated by the com-

mentator with Visanin (the Odina pinnata), is celebrated as a
1
demon-destroyer in the Atharvaveda. Its other name is
Aratakl. 2 Weber 3 suggests that it is the Prosopis spicigera or
Mimosa suma.
1
iv. 37. Bloomfield, Hymns of the Atharvaveda,
2
iv. 37, 6. 408, 409 ; Zimmer, Altindisches Leben,
3 Indische Studien, 144. Cf. 68 ; Caland, Altindisches Zauberritual, 89.

Ajata-6atru. He is mentioned as a King of KasI (Kasya) in

the Brhadaranyaka 1 and Kausitaki 2 Upanisads, where he in-
structs the proud Brahmana Balaki as to the real nature of
the self. He is not to be identified with the Ajatasattu of the
3
Buddhist texts.
1
ii. i, 1. Hoernle, Osteology, 106; Keith, Zeit-
2
iv. 1. schvift der Deutschen Morgenldndischen
3
Cf. Weber, Indische Studien, 1, 213 ; Gesellschaft, 62, 138.

Ajnata-yaksma, the
'
unknown sickness,' is mentioned in
2 1 3
the Rigveda, Atharvaveda, and Kathaka Samhita. It is

referred to in connection with Rajayaksma. Grohmann 4 thinks

that the two are different forms of disease, hypertrophy and
atrophy, the purpose of the spell in the Rigveda being thus the
removal of all disease. From the Atharvaveda 5 he deduces its
6
identity with Balasa. Zimmer, however, points out that this
1
x. 161, i=Av. iii. 11, I,
6 Altindisches Leben, 377, 378.
2
vi. 127, 3. Cf. Bloomfield, Hymns of the Athar-
3
xiii. 16. vaveda, 342 ; Atharvaveda, 60 ; Jolly,
4
Indische Studien, 9, 400. Medicin (in Biihler's Encyclopaedia),
8
vi. 127, 3. 89.
14 GOAT-SKIN NAMES [ Ajina

conclusion is unjustified, leaving the disease unidentified, which

seems to accord with its name.

Ajina. This word denotes generally the skin of an animal

e.g., a gazelle,
1
as well as that of a goat (Aja). 2 The use
*
of skins as clothing is shown by the adjective clothed in skins
-

3
(ajina-vasin) in the Satapatha Brahmana, and the furrier's trade
is mentioned in the Vajasaneyi Samhita. 4 The Maruts also
wear deer-skins, 5 and the wild ascetics (muni) of a late Rigveda
6
hymn seem to be clad in skins (Mala).
1
Av. v. 21, 7. Brahmana, lit. 13, (ajina
a
Satapatha Brahmana, v. 2, i, 21. samdhaya).
8
24 Rv. i. 166, 10.
3 6 Altindisches
iii. 9, 1, 12. x. 136, 2. Cf. Zimmer,
4
xxx. 15 (ajina-samdha) ; Taittiriya Leben, 262.

Ajira. He was Subrahmanya priest at the snake festival

of the Pancavimsa Brahmana. 1
1
xxv. 15. See Weber, Indische Studien, 1, 35.

Ajigrarta Sauyavasa. This is the name given to the father

1
of Sunahgepa in the famous legend of the Aitareya Brahmana,
perhaps invented for the occasion, as Weber 2 suggests.
1 2
vn. 15 ; 17- Cf. Sankhayana Srauta Indische Studien, 1, 460; Roth, St.
Sutra, xv. 19. Petersburg Dictionary, s.v.

A-jyeyata. See Brahmana.

Anlcin Mauna. He is mentioned as an authority on ritual,

and contemporary with Jabala and Citra Gaugrayani or Gau6ra,
1
in the Kausitaki Brahmana.
1
xxiii. 5.

Anu. the designation in the Vajasaneyi Samhita 1 and

This is

the Brhadaranyaka Upanisad 2 of a cultivated grain, apparently

the Panicum miliaceum.
1 2 where see Dviveda's note.
xviii. 12. vi. 3, 13 (Kanva),

Atithi (' guest'). A hymn of the Atharvaveda 1 celebrates in

detail the merits of hospitality. The guest should be fed before
1
ix. 6.
Atidhanvan Saunaka ] HO SPITA LITYA TITHIG VA i5

the host eats, water should be offered to him, and so forth.

The 2
Upanisad also lays stress on hospitality, using
Taittirlya
'
the expression one whose deity is his guest (atithi-deva).
'
In
the Aitareya Aranyaka 3 it is said that only the good are deemed
worthy of receiving hospitality. The guest-offering forms a
4
regular part of the ritual, and cows were regularly slain in
honour of guests. 5
2 5
i. 11, 2. Cf, Bloomfield, American Journal of
3
i. 1, 1. Philology, 17,426; Hillebrandt, Ritual-
4
Satapatha Brahmana, vii. 3, 2, 1. litteratur, 79.

Atithi-gra. This name occurs frequently in the Rigveda,

apparently applying, in nearly all cases, to the same king,
otherwise called Divodasa. The identity of the two persons
has been denied by Bergaigne, 1 but is certainly proved by a
number of passages, when the two names occur together, 2 in
connection with the defeat of Sambara. In other passages 3
Atithigva is said to have assisted Indra in slaying Parnaya and
5
Karanja. Sometimes he is only vaguely referred to, while once he

is mentioned as an enemy of Turvasa and Yadu. Again 6 Atithigva

is coupled with Ayu and Kutsa as defeated by Turvayana.

A different Atithigva appears to be referred to in a Danastuti 7

(' Praise of Gifts '), where his son, Indrota, is mentioned.
Roth 8 distinguishes three Atithigvas the Atithigva Divodasa,
the enemy of Parnaya and Karanja, and the enemy of Turvayana.
But the various passages can be reconciled, especially if it is
admitted that Atithigva Divodasa was already an ancient hero
in the earliest hymns, and was becoming almost mythical.

1 6
Religion Vedique, 2, 342 et seq. Rv. i. 53, 10 ; ii. 14, 7 ; vi. 18, 13 ;

2
Rv. i. 51, 6 ; ii2, 14; 130, 7 viii. 53, 2.
7
iv. 26, 3 ;
vi. 47, 22. Rv. viii. 68, 16. 17.
3 Rv. 8
i. 53, 8 ;
x. 48, 8. St.
Petersburg Dictionary, s.v.
4
Rv. vi. 26, 3. Cf. Ludwig, Translation of the
5
Rv. There is no ground
vii. 19, 8. Rigveda, 3, 123 Bloomfield, American
;

for assuming the reference here to be Journal of Philology, 17, 426, who renders
to a later Atithigva. the name presenting cows to guests.'
'

Ati-dhanvan Saunaka. He is mentioned as a teacher in the

Chandogya Upanisad and the Vamsa Brahmana.

x 2

2
1. 9- 3-
Indische Studien, 4, 384.
 1 6 A TKA NA ME S [ Atrnada

This term (' not eating grass ') was applied,

A-trnada. ac-
1
cording to the Brhadaranyaka Upanisad, to a newborn calf.
1
i. 5, 2. Cf. Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 268.

This word occurs frequently in the Rigveda, but its

i. Atka.
1
sense Roth, Grassmann, Ludwig, Zimmer, and
is doubtful.
2
garment in several passages, when the
* '

others render it as
' *

expressions put on '

(vyci or prati munc) or put off' (munc) are
3
used of it, and when it is said to be woven (vyuta) or well-
' ' '

fitting (surabhi).* On the other hand, Pischel 5 denies that this

'

sense occurs, and otherwise explains the passages. He takes

6
the term to mean axe in four places.
' '

3
1
Altindisches Leben, 262. Rv. i. 122, 2.
4
2
i. 95, 7 1
" 35- J4 >
iv - l8 5 Rv. ;
x. 123, 7.
vi. 29, 3
5
v. 55. 6; 74, 5; vi. 29, 3 ;
viii. 41, 7; Vedische Studien, 2, 193-204.
6
ix. 101, 14; 107, 13; Samaveda, Rv. v. 55, 6 ; vi. 33, 3 ;
x. 49, 3 ; 99, 9.
ii. 1193. Cf. Oldenberg, Rgveda-Noten, 1, 94, n. 1.

2.In two passages of the Rigveda 1 this word is

Atka.
regarded as a proper name by Roth, Grassmann, and Ludwig.
But Zimmer 2 explains it in these passages as the armour of a *

8
warrior as a whole,' and Pischel thinks that in both cases an
'
'
axe is meant.
3
1
x. 49, 3 99, 9.
;
Vedische Studien, 2, 195.
2
Altindisches Leben, 262, 297.

According to the Taittirlya Brahmana

Aty-amhas Aruni.
(iii.
Plaksa
10, 9, 3-5), this teacher sent a pupil to question
Dayyampati as to the Savitra (a form of Agni). For this

impertinence his pupil was severely rebuked.

Aty-arati Janam-tapi^ though not a prince, was taught the

Rajasuya by Vasistha Satyahavya, and thereupon conquered
the earth. When Vasistha reminded him of his indebtedness,
and claimed a great reward, the warrior replied irascibly that
he intended to conquer the Uttara Kurus, and that Vasistha
would then become King of the Earth, Atyarati himself being
his general (send-pati). Vasistha replied that as no mortal man
could conquer the Uttara Kurus he was cheated of his reward.
 Atharvan] THE ATRIS 17

He consequently procured Atyarati's defeat and death at the

hands of Amitratapana Susmina Saibya. 1
1
Aitareya Brahmana, viii. 23. Cf. Weber, Indische Studien, 1, 214.

Atri. Neither Atri himself nor the Atris can claim any
historical reality, 1 beyond the fact that Mandala V. of the Rigveda
2
is attributed, no doubt correctly, to the family of the Atris.
The Atris as a family probably stood in close relations with the
Priyamedhas and Kanvas, 4 perhaps also with the Gotamas 5
3

and Kaksivatas. 6 The mention of both the Parusni and the

Yamuna in one hymn 7 of the fifth Mandala seems to justify the
presumption that the family was spread over a wide extent of
territory.
1
For Atri in the Rigveda, see Mac-
4
Cf. Rv. i.
118, 7; v. 41, 4;
donell, Vedic Mythology, 145. Cf. also
'

x. 150, 5.
5
Av. ii. 32, 3 ;
iv. 29, 3; Mantra Bran- Cf. Rv. i. 183, 5.
6
mana, ii. 7, 1 ; Taittiriya Aranyaka, Cf. Rv. x. 143, 1.
iv. 36, etc. 7 Rv. v.
; Brhadaranyaka Upanisad, 52, 9. 17. Cf. Ludwig,
ii. 2, 4. Translation of the Rigveda, 3, 128,
2
Cf Rv. v. 39, 5 ; 67, 5 ; Kausitaki 142 ; Bergaigne, Religion Vedique, 2,
Brahmana, xxiv. 3 ;
Aitareya Aranyaka, ; 469 ; Oldenberg, Zeitschrift der Deutsche ,1
ii. 2, 1. (

Morgenlandischen Gesellschaft, 42, 212-

3
Cf. Rv. i. 45, 3 ; 139, 9-; viii. 5, 1 215 Hillebrandt, Vedische Mythologie,
;

25; Aitareya Brahmana, viii. 22. 3, 310.

Athari. This word occurs only in the Rigveda, 1 and the

2
sense is doubtful. Roth, followed by most interpreters,
1
renders it
'

point of a lance, but Pischel 3 thinks that it means

'an elephant.'
1 3
iv. 6, 8. Vedische Studien, 1, 99.
2
St. Petersburg Dictionary, s.v.

Atharvan. The name in the singular denotes the head of a

semi-divine family of mythical priests, nothing his-
1
of whom
torical can be said. In the plural the family as a whole is
meant. In a few places an actual family seems to be referred
to. Thus, for instance, they are mentioned as recipients of
gifts in the Danastuti 2 (' Praise of Gifts '), of ASvattha's

1
See Macdonell, Vedic Mythology, Daiva is characteristically the pupil of
141. In the Vamsa of the Brhad- Mrtyu.
2 Rv.
aranyaka Upanisad, ii. 6, 3, Atharvan vi. 47, 24.

VOL. I.
i8 NAMES OF THE ATHARVAVEDA \ Atharvanalj.

generosity ;
their use of milk mingled with honey in the ritual
is referred to ;
3
and a cow that miscarries (ava-tokd) from accident
is dedicated to the Atharvans, according to the Taittirlya
Brahmana. 4
Rv. ix. 11. 2. vaveda, xxxv. et seq., who (p. xxxviii)
* 111.
4, 11, 1. Cf. Vajasaneyi Sam- takes avatoka as a woman, and the
hita, xxx. 15. Atharvans as the hymns Hillebrandt,;

Cf. Bloomfield, Hymns of the Athar- Vedische Mythologie, 2, 174 et seq.

This expression 1 is used with Angirasah, to

Atharvanah.
denote the Atharvaveda. The compound Atharvangirasah is
employed in the same sense.
1
Taittirlya Brahmana, iii. 12, 9, 1 ;
j
Satapatha Brahmana, xiii. 4, 3, 5
Paiicavimsa Brahmana, xvi. 10, 10 ; \
et seq.

Atharvangirasah. This is the collective name of the Athar-

vaveda in several passages 1 of the later Brahmanas. It occurs
once in the Atharvaveda itself, 2 while the term Atharvaveda
3
is not found before the Sutra period. The compound seems,
4
according to Bloomfield, to denote the two elements which
make up the Atharvaveda. The former part refers to the aus-
5
picious practices of the Veda (bhesajdni) the latter to its hostile ;

6 7
witchcraft, the ydtu or abhi-cdra. This theory is supported by
the names of the two mythic personages Ghora Angirasa and
Bhisaj Atharvana, as well as by the connection of Atharvanah
and Atharvanani with healing (bhesaja) in the Pancavim^a
Brahmana. 8 Moreover, the term bhesaja ('remedies') designates
in the Atharvaveda 9 that Veda itself, while in the Satapatha
Brahmana 10 ydtu conveys the same meaning. The
(' sorcery ')

evidence, however, being by no means convincing, it remains

probable that there existed no clear differentiation between the
two sages as responsible for the Atharvaveda as a whole.
1
Taittirlya Brahmana, iii. 12, 8, 2 ; Society, 11, 387 et seq. Hymns of the
Taittirlya Aranyaka, ii. 9 ;
10 ;
Sata- Atharvaveda, xviii. et seq.
5
patha Brahmana, xi. 5, 6, 7 Brhad- ; Av. xi. 6, 14.
6
aranyaka Upanisad, ii. 4, 10 iv. 1, 2 ; ; Satapatha Brahmana, x. 5, 2, 20.

5,11; Chandogya Upanisad, iii. 4, 1.2;

7 Kausika Sutra, 3, 19.
8 xii. 10 xvi. io, 10.
Taittirlya Upanisad, ii. 3, 1. 9, ;

2 x. 20. 9
7, x. 6, 14.
3 10
Sankhayana Srauta Sutra, xvi. 2, 9, x. 5, 2, 20.

etc. Cf. Hillebrandt, Vedische Mythologie,

4
Journal of the A merican Oriental 2, 177.
Adhiraja ] VERMIN-DICE-BOARD OVERLORD 19

A-drsta. '
The unseen '
is a term used in the Rigveda
1

2
and the Atharvaveda to designate a species of vermin. The
the slayer of the unseen (adrsta-han) , 3 ' '
sun is also described as
and as a counterpart a seen (drsta) is mentioned. 4 In one ' '

5
passage the epithets 'seen' and 'unseen' are applied to the
worm (Krmi), their use being no doubt due to the widespread
theory of diseases being due to worms, whether discernable by
examination or not. 6
1
Rv. i. 191, 4 = Av. vi. 52, 2.
5
Av. v. 23, 6. 7.
2 vi. 6
52, 3. Kuhn, Zeitschrift fiir vergleichende
9 = Av.
3
Rv. i. 191, vi. 52, Sprachforschung, 13, l^etseq.; Bloom-
Av. v. 23, 6. field, Hymns of the Atharvaveda, 313-
4
Av. ii. 31, 2 ; viii. 8, 15. 315; Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 98.

Adma-sad. This expression {lit. sitting at the meal '), found '

several times in the Rigveda, 1 is usually rendered guest at the

'

2
feast,' but Geldner adduces reasons to show that it means a '

fly,'
so called because of its settling on food.
1 2
i. 124, 4; vi. 3; vii. 83, 7;
30, I Vedische Studien, 2, 179, 180; but
viii. 44, 29 ; adma-sadvan, vi. 4, 4. |
cf. Oldenberg, Vedaforschung, 90.

Adri. Zimmer 1 deduces from the use of this word (' rock,'
'
stone
')
a passage of the Rigveda, 2 that sling-stones were
in
used in Vedic fighting. But the passage is mythical, referring
to Indra's aid, and cannot be used with any certainty as
evidence for human war. More probably it merely denotes
Indra's bolt. See also Aani.
1
Altindisches Leben, 301. Cf. Roth, St. Petersburg Dictionary, s.v.
2
i- 51, 3-

Adhi-devana. The place where the dice were thrown is thus

1 2
designated in the Atharvaveda and the Satapatha Brahmana,
3 4
according to Liiders. Roth, followed by Whitney, takes it to
mean '

gambling-board.' See Aksa.

3
1
v. 31, 6; vi. 70, 1. Das Wilrfelspiel im alten Indien, 11- 13.
2 4
v. 4, 4, 20. 22, 23. I St. Petersburg Dictionary, s.v.

Adhi-raja. The word occurs fairly often throughout the

1 ' '

early literature, denoting overlord among kings or princes.

1
Rv. x. 128, 9 Av. vi. 98, ;
1 ; ix. 10, Samhita, viii. 17 ; Taittiriya Brahmana,
24; Taittiriya Samhita, ii. 4, 14, 2; iii. 9 (adhirajan) Satapatha Brah-
1, 2, ;

Maitrayanl Samhita, iv. 12, 3 ;

Kathaka mana, v. 4, 2, 2 Nirukta, viii. 2. ;
20 SOMA PRESS UPPER GARMENT [ Adhiavana

In no passage is it clear that a real over-king is meant, as

the word raj an may mean king or merely prince, a person of

royal blood. On the whole it seems most probable that the

'
word connotes no more than '

king as opposed to prince.' \

Adhi-savana. The two Adhisavanas 1 are usually understood,

as byRoth and Zimmer, 3 to designate the two boards between
2

which the Soma was pressed. Hillebrandt, 4 however, shows

from the ritual that the boards were not placed one over the
other, but were placed one behind the other, the two serving
as a foundation upon which the Soma was pressed by a stone.
This theory seems to account best for the etymological sense
of the name '

over-press,' as well as for the use of the word as

an adjective (' used for pressing upon '). But according to the
5
procedure as witnessed by Haug in the Deccan, the shoots of
the plant are first placed on the skin, one of the boards being
then laid over them and pounded with a stone. The shoots
are then taken out and placed upon the board, the second
board being then laid over them.
1
Vajasaneyi Samhita, xviii. 21 ;
which the pressing takes place,'
Av. v. 20, 10 ; Satapatha Brahmana, etc.).
2
iii. 9, 4, 1 ; 5, 3, 22 {adhisavane St. Petersburg Dictionary, s.v.
3
phalahe); Aitareya Brahmana, vii. 32 Altindisches Leben, 277.
4
{adhisavaiiam carma, 'the skin upon Vedische Mythologie, 1, 148 et seq.
'
5
which the pressing takes place ; See Haug, Aitareya Brahmana, 2,
adhisavane phalahe, the boards on '

p. 488, n. 10.

Adhi-vasa. This word 1 denotes the 'upper garment' of

the Vedic Indian. Its exact nature is not described, but as
the king in the ritual set forth in the Satapatha Brahmana 2
puts on first an undergarment, then a garment, and finally an
upper garment, it presumably denotes some sort of cloak or
mantle.
1
Rv. i. 140, 9; 162, 16; x. 5, 4; 3, 5, 19 et seq.

Satapatha Brahmana, v. 3, 5, 22 (prati- Cf. Zimmer, Altindisches Leben,

muiic, put on ')
' '

4, 4, 3 {a-str,
; spread 268.
out '), etc.

Adhyanda. This is a plant mentioned with many others in

the Satapatha Brahmana (xiii. 8, 1, 16).
 Anas] DRAFT OX WAGON 21

Adhri-gn. This is the name of a man twice referred to in

the Rigveda 1 as a protege of the Asvins and of Indra respectively.
1
i. 112, 20 viii. 12, ;
2. Cf. Hopkins, Journal of the American Oriental Society , 17, 90.
- r/
ftt.x&.io fci&o fj , 1 1
1 it n

In one passage of the Rigveda 1 Hillebrandt 2

Adhvaryu.
thinks that the five Adhvaryus who are mentioned do not
designate actual priests, but refer to the five planets which
move about in the heavens like the Adhvaryu priests on the
sacrificial ground. See also Graha.
1 2
iii. 7, 7. Vedische Mythologie, 3, 423.

'
An-ag-ni-dagdha, not burnt with fire.' See Agni-dagrdha,
1
burnt with fire.'

Anad-vah (lit.
*
cart-drawer'). This is the common 1 name of
oxen as employed for drawing carts (Anas). Such oxen were
normally castrated, though not always. Female draft cattle
2

were also used (anaduhi), but rarely. 3 See also Go.

3
Rv. x. 59, 10; 85, 10; iii. 53, 18; Av. iv. 11 ; Satapatha Brahmana,
Av. iii. 11, 5 ;
iv. 11, 1, etc. ; Aitareya v. 3.4, II. 13.

Brahmana, i.
14 ;
Satapatha Brahmana, Cf. Weber, Indiscke Stitdien, 13,
ii. 1, 4, 17, etc. 151, n. ; Zimmer, Altindisches Leben,
2
Cf. Katyayana Srauta Sutra, xv. 1, 226.
5 (anadvan sanclah).

Anas. the term 1 used to designate the draft wagon,

This is

as opposed to the chariot (ratha) for war or sport, with which

2
it is sometimes expressly contrasted, though Indra is once said
3 '
to be seated in a wagon (anar-viS) instead of on a chariot.
'

Though Usas, Goddess of Dawn, sometimes rides on a chariot

4
{ratha), the wagon is her characteristic vehicle. Of its con-
struction we know little. The bridal wagon on which Surya,
the daughter of the Sun, was borne in the marriage hymn in the
6
Rigveda had a covering (Chadis). The axle-box (Kha) is also
1 2 Rv.
Rv. iv. 30, 10 ; x. 85, 10 ; 86, iii. 33, 9.
I

3
18, Satapatha Brahmana, i. 1,
etc. ;
Rv. i. 121, 7.
4 6
2, 5, etc. Chandogya Upanisad, vii.
; |
Rv. ii. 15, ;
iv. 30, 11 ; viii. 91,
15, 1; Kausitaki Upanisad, iii. 8, |
7 ;
x. 73, 6 ; 138,5-
5
etc. I Rv. x. 85, 10.
22 THE ANU TRIBE [Anas
7
mentioned. 6 In the Atharvaveda Vipatha appears to denote a
rough vehicle used for tracks. The wagon was usually
bad
8
drawn by oxen (Anadvah), as in wedding processions. The
9
wagon of Dawn is described as drawn by ruddy cows or bulls.
6 9
Rv. viii. 91, 7; Jaiminiya Upanisad Macdonell, Vedic Mythology, 47.
Brahmana, i. 3. Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 246
Cf.
7 xv. 2, 1. Geldner, Vedische Studien, 2, 4.
8 Rv. x. 85, 11.

Anas. See Dasyu.

Anitabha in the Rigveda

1
is taken by Max M tiller 2 to
denote some river.
2
1
v. 53, 9. Sacred Boohs of the East, 32, 323 ;
but cf. Rasa.

Ami, Anava. Grassmann and Roth 1 see in these words

designations of people foreign to the Aryans. But it is clear 2
that they denote a special people, the Anus, who are mentioned
with the Yadus, Turvasas, Druhyus, and Purus, 3 with the
4 5
Druhyus, and with the Turvasas, Yadus, and Druhyus. It
is also a fair conclusion from their mention in a passage of the
6
Rigveda The inference that
that they dwelt on the Parusni.
the Bhrgus were connected with this tribe is much more
7 8
doubtful, for it rests solely on the fact that in one place the
Bhrgus and Druhyus are mentioned together, and not Anus and
9
Druhyus. Anava is used as an epithet of Agni, but also in the
sense of Anu prince,' in one case in conjunction with Turvasa. 11
10
'

9
1
St. Petersburg Dictionary. Rv. viii. 74, 4. Cf. Rv. v. 31, 4,
2 where the Anus prepare the chariot of
Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 125.
3 the Asvins.
Rv. i. 108, 8.
4 10
Rv. vii. 18, 14. Rv. vii. 18, 13.
5 11
viii. io, 5. viii. 4, 1. Apparently as prince
6
Rv. viii. 74, 15, compared with also in vi. 62, 9. Cf. Kurunga.
vii. 18, 14. Cf. Ludwig, Translation of the
7
Oldenberg, Zeitschrift der Deutschen Rigveda, 3, 205 ; Hillebrandt, Vedische
Morgenldndischen Gesellschaft, 42, 221, n.i. Mythologie, 3, 153 Macdonell, Sanskrit
;

8 Rv. vii. 18, 4. Literature, 154.

Anu-ksattr. This word occurs in the list of victims at the

1
Purusamedha, and means, according to Mahldhara, 2 an '

attendant on the door-keeper,' and, according to Say ana, 'an

'

attendant on the charioteer (sdrathi). See also Ksattr.

1
Vajasaneyi Samhita, xxx. 1 1 73
a
On Vajasaneyi Samhita, loc. cit.
; ;
I

* On
Taittiriya Brahmana, hi. 4, 9, 1. Taittiriya Brahmana, loc. cit. |
 Ldhra ]
NAMES BRAHMIN PUPIL 23

Anu-cara. This is a general expression 1 for an attendant '

2
(the feminine being Anucarl), but it is not often used.
1
Vajasaneyi Sambita, xxx. 13 ;
Tait- 27 (apparently slave girls are meant,
tiriya Brahmana, iii. 4, 7, I. 400 being enumerated).
2
Satapatha Brahmana, xiii. 5, 4,

Anu-mati. See Masa.

Anu-radha. See Naksatra.

Anu-vaktr Satya Satya-klrta is mentioned as a teacher in

the Jaiminlya Brahmana Upanisad (i. 5, 4).

Anuvya-khyana is a species of writing referred to in the

1 '

Brhadaranyaka Upanisad. Sankara interprets it as explana-

tion of the Mantras.' As the term, in the plural, follows
2
Sutras, this interpretation is reasonable. Sieg, however,
equates the word with Anvakhyana,
'

supplementary narrative.'
1 2
ii. 4, 10 ; iv. 1, 2 ; 5, 11. Die Sagenstoffe des Rgveda, 34.

Anu-sasana in the plural denotes in the Satapatha Brahmana

(xi. 5, 6, 8) some form of literature ; according to Sayana, the
Vedangas.
Anu-ikha is the name of the Potr at the snake festival in the
1
Pancavimsa Brahmana.
1 xxv. 15. Indische Studien,
Cf. Weber, 1, 35.

Ante-vasin, 'dwelling near,' is the epithet of the Brahma-

carin who lives in the house of his teacher. The expression
does not occur before the late Brahmana period.
1
Secrecy is
2
often enjoined on others than Antevasins.
1
Satapatha Brahmana, v. 1, 5, 17; 10, 1 Taittirlya Upanisad, i. 3, 3 ;
;

Brhadaranyaka Upanisad, vi. 3, 7 11, 1. ;

2
Chandogya Upanisad, iii. n, 5 iv. Aitareya Aranyaka, iii. 2, 6 Sahkh-
; ;

ayana Aranyaka, viii. 1 1 .

Andhra is the name of a people, and is mentioned with the

Pundras, Sabaras, Pulindas, and Mutibas, as being the outcasts
resulting from the refusal of the fifty eldest sons of Visvamitra
1
to accept his adoption of Sunahsepa. It may fairly be deduced
1
Aitareya Brahmana, vii. 18; Sankh- thern '),
but the former is obviously
ayana Srauta Sutra, xv. 26, where correct. The Sankhayana omits fhe
instead of uddntyah (' beyond the Pulindas, and has Mucipas.
borders ') the reading is udaiicah (' nor-
24 CUCKOO SCROFULA [ Anyatafcplaka

from this statement that these people were recognized as non-

2
Aryan, as the Andhras certainly seem to have been.
2
Vincent Smith, Zeitschrift der Deut- and Godavari rivers ; cf. Rapson,
xvi.
schen Morgenldndischen Gesellschaft, 56, Catalogue of Indian Coins, xv., ;

657 et seq. , who places them originally I. ii.

Bhandarkar, Bombay Gazetteer,
in Eastern India between the Krsna 138.

Anyatah-plaksa ('with wave -leafed fig-trees on one side

only ')
of a lake in Kuruksetra according to the
is the name
Satapatha Brahmana,
1
where it occurs in the story of Puru-
ravas and Urval. Pischel 2 places it somewhere in Sirmor.
1 2
xi. 5, i, 4. Vedische Studien, 2, 217.

Anya-vapa ('sowing for others'). The cuckoo is so called 1

from its habit of depositing its eggs in the nests of other birds.
1
Vajasaneyi Samhita, xxiv. 37 ; Maitrayani Sarphita, iii. 14, 18.

Anva-khyana. From the literal translation ('after-story') the

1
meaning of supplementary narrative seems to follow. In two
' '

of its three occurrences in the Satapatha Brahmana this sense

is hardly felt, the expression being used to indicate a subse-
2
quent portion of the book itself. But in the third passage it
is distinguished from the Itihasa (' story ') proper, and there

must mean '

supplementary narrative.' Cf. Anuvyakhyana.

1 22 2
vi. 5, 2, ; 6, 4, 7 (the reference I xi. 1, 6, 9.

is to vi. 6, 4, 8). I
Cf. Sieg, Die Sagenstoffe des Rgveda, 34.

This word occurs several times in the Atharvaveda. 1

Apa-cit.
2
It is held by Roth, Zimmer, 3 and others to denote an insect
whose sting produced swellings, etc. (glau). But Bloomfield 4
shows that the disease, scrofulous swellings, is what is really
meant, as shown by the rendering (ganda-mald, inflammation
is
'

of the glands of the neck ') of Kesava and Sayana, and by the
parallelism of the later disease, apacl, the derivation being from
apa and ci, '.to pick off.'

1 4
vi. 25, 1 ; 83, 1 ; vii. 75, 1 ; 77, 1. American Journal of Philology, 11,
2
St. Petersburg Dictionary, s.v. 320 et seq.; Hymns
of the Atharvaveda,
3
Altindisches Leben, 97. So also 503, 504. Cf. Jolly, Medicin, 89 ;
Ludwig, Translation of the Rigveda, Whitney, Translation of the Athar-
, 342, 500. vaveda, 343.
 ipamarga ]
>LANT

Apa-Sraya. See UpaSraya.

Apa-skambha. The word occurs only in one passage of the

Atharvaveda, where the tip of it is mentioned as poisoned.
Roth 1 suggests that the fastening of the arrow-point to the
2
shaft is meant. Whitney inclines to this version, but suggests
3 4
corruption of text. Zimmer follows Roth. Ludwig renders
the word by 'barb.' Bloomfield 5 thinks it means 'tearing

(arrow),' a sense deduced from the etymology.

1 3
St. Petersburg Dictionary, s.v. Altindisches Leben, 300.
The passage is Av. iv. 6, 4. 4
Translation of the Rigveda, 3, 512.
2 5
Translation of the Atharvaveda, Hymns of the Atharvaveda, 375.
*53>

Apacyas. The kings of the Westerners are referred to ' '

in
the Aitareya Brahmana (viii. 14) in connection with those of
the Nicyas.

1
Apana. The word appears repeatedly in the Atharvaveda,
and later as one of the vital breaths (Prana), usually with
Prana, and often with one or more of the other three. Its
2
original sense appears to have been 'inspiration.' Its con-
nection with the lower part of the body (nabhi, 'navel'), which
is found already in the Aitareya Upanisad, 3 is not unnatural.
1
Av. ii. 28, 3 v. 30, 12, etc. Vaja-
; ; Journal of the American Oriental Society,
saneyi Samhita, xiii. 19 24, etc. ; 22, 249 et seq.
2 3
See Caland, Zeitschrift der Deut- Aitareya Upanisad, i. 4, etc.
schen Morgenldndischen Gesellschaft, lv. Cf. Deussen, Philosophy of the Upant-
261 ; 56, 556-558, correcting Ewing, shads, 263 et seq.

Apa-marga. A plant {A chyranthes aspera) used frequently in 1

witchcraft practices, and for medical purposes, especially against

2 ' '

Ksetriya. It is described in the Atharvaveda as revertive

(punah-sara), either, as Roth and Zimmer think, because of
3 4

5
its having reverted leaves (a view also accepted by
Whitney ),
1 2
Atharvaveda, iv. 17, 6 ; 18, 7 ;
iv. 17, 2.

2 3
19, 4 ; vii. 65, ;
Vajasaneyi Samhita, St. Petersburg Dictionary, s.v.
xxxv. 11 4
Brahmana, i. 7,
; Taittiriya Altindisches Leben, 67.
5
1,8; Satapatha Brahmana, v. 2, 4, 14 ; Translation of the Atharvaveda,
xiii. 8, 4, 4. 180.
26 BRAKE BARB CAKE [ Apalamba

or because, as Bloomfield 6 holds, it wards off a spell by

causing it to recoil on its user.

6
Hymns of the Atharvaveda, 394. Cf. I Oriental Society, 15, 160, 161; Weber,
Bloomfield, Journal of the American I Indische Studien, 18, 94.

Apa-lamba. By this word 1denoted a brake or drag, let

is

down (from lamb,

'
hang down ') to check the speed of a
wagon.
1
Satapatha Brahmana, iii. 3, 4, 13. I
Roth, St. Petersburg Dictionary, s.v. ;

Cf. Caland and Henry, L'Agnistoma, 50 ; | Eggeling, Sacred Books of the East, 26, 79.

1
This word occurs twice in
Apastha. the Atharvaveda,
denoting the barb of an arrow.
1
iv. 6, 5 ;
v. 18, 7 (satdpastha,
'
hun- Leben, 300; Bloomfield, Hymns of the
]

dred-barbed'). Cf. Zimmer, Altindisches \

Atharvaveda, 375.

Api-garvara. See Ahan.

1
Api. Ludwig finds an Api whose sons are described as
not performing sacrifice (a-yajna-sdc) and as breakers of the
law of Mitra-Varuna in the Rigveda. 2 Roth 3 and Grassmann
take the expression used (apyah putrah) as referring to the sons
of the waters.
1 2
Translation of the Rigveda, 3, 158, I vi. 67, 9.
3
159. St. Petersburg Dictionary, s.v., apya.

1
is the general word from the Rigveda
Apupa onwards for a
cake, which might be mixed with ghee (ghrtavant), 2 or be
made of rice (vrihi), s or of barley (yava). 4 In the Chandogya
5
Upanisad there is a difference of interpretation. Max Miiller
' 6 '
renders it as hive,' Bohtlingk as honeycomb,' Little as
'
cake.'
4
Satapatha Brahmana, iv. 2, 5, 19
2 5
Rv. x. 45, 9. iii. 1, 1.
3 6
Satapatha Brahmana, ii. 2, 3, 12. 13. Grammatical Index, s.v.

1
only twice in the Rigveda as an ancient
Apnavana appears
2
sage, coupled with the Bhrgus, to whose family Ludwig con :
jectures him to have belonged.

1 2
iv. 7, 1 ; viii.#l, 4. Translation of the Rigveda, 3, 128.
Abhipratarin Kaksaseni ] INTERNAL DISEASE 27

A-prati-ratha ('
he who has no match in fight ')
is the name
of an obviously invented ascribed by the
Rsi, to whom is
1
Aitareya Brahmana and Satapatha Brahmana 2 the composition
of a Rigveda hymn 3 celebrating Indra as the invincible warrior.
1 2 3
viii. 10. ix. 2, 3, 1. 5. x. 103.

Apva. A disease affecting the stomach, possibly dysentery, 1

as suggested by Zimmer, 2 on the ground that the disease is

invoked to confound the enemy. 3 Weber 4 considers that it is
diarrhoea induced by fear, as often in the Epic. 5 This view is
6 7
supported by Bloomfield, and was apparently that of Yaska.
1 Av. ix. 8, 9. 5
Indische Studien, 17, 184.
2
of the A tharvaveda, 327.
Altindisches Leben, 389. 6
Hymns
3 Rv. x. 103, i2 Av. = iii. 2, 5 = 7
Nirukta, ix. 33.
Samaveda, ii. i2ii=Vajasaneyi Sam- Cf. Whitney, Translation of the
hita, xvii. 44. Atharvaveda, 86, 87.
4
Indische Studien, 9, 482 ; 17, 184.

Apsas. This word usually refers to the body, meaning

'front part.' 1 In one passage of the Rigveda, 2 however, the
' '

adjective with a long front part (dirghdpsas) is applied to the

chariot (Ratha).
1 2
See Pischel, Vedische Studien, 1, I i. 122, 15. Cf. Roth, St. Peters-
308-313 ; 2, 245> 246. I
burg Dictionary, s.v.

Abhi-krosaka designates one of the victims in the Purusa-

medha, meaning, perhaps, 'herald.' The commentator Mahi-
'

dhara 1 renders it as
'
reviler (nindaka).
1
Vajasaneyi Samhita, xxx. 20. Cf Anukrosaka, Taittiriya Brahmana,
iii. 4, 15, 1.

Abhi-jit. See Naksatra.

Abhi-pitva. See Ahan.

Abhi-pratarin Kaksa-seni is mentioned in the Jaiminlya

2 1
Upanisad Brahmana, the Chandogya Upanisad, and the
3
Pancavimsa Brahmana, as engaged in discussions on philo-
sophy. The Jaiminlya Brahmana
4
further reports that his
sons divided the property amongst themselves while he was
yet alive. He was a Kuru and a prince.
1 21 4 American
i. 59, 1 ;
iii. 1, ; 2, 2. 13. iii. 156 (Journal of the
2 iv.
3, 5. Oriental Society, 26, 61).
3 x. xiv. 1, 12. 15.
5, 7 ;
28 ROYAL CONSECRATION [ AbhipraSnin

Abhi-praSnin. This term occurs after Pragnin, and followed

by PraSnavivaka in the list of victims for the Purusamedha
given in the Taittiriya Brahmana 1 and the Vajasaneyi Samhita. 2
The commentators, Sayana and Mahldhara, see in it merely a
reference to an inquisitive man. But there can be little doubt
that the term must have had a legal reference of some sort
perhaps indicating the defendant as opposed to plaintiff and
judge.
1 iii. xxx. io.
4, 6, i.

admixture '). This word 1 designates the milk used

Abhi-sri (*

to mingle with the Soma juice before it was offered.

1
Rv. ix. 79, 5; 86, 27. Cf. Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 227; Hillebrandt,
Vedische Mythologie, i. 211.

Abhi-savani. Zimmer 1 renders the expression in the

2
Atharvaveda as a pressing instrument, but it appears to be
3 *

merely an adjective, (waters) used in pressing.'

3
Whitney's Translation of Av.
1
Altindisches Leben, 277. Cf.
2 ix. ix. 6, 16.
6, 16. I

Abhi-seka ('besprinkling'). The Vedic king was conse-

crated after his election with an elaborate ritual, which is fully
described in the Taittiriya, 1 Pancavimsa,
2
and Satapatha,
3

4
Aitareya Brahmanas, and for which the Mantras are given in
the Samhitas. 6 The consecration took place by sprinkling with
water (abhisecaniya dpah). 6 Only kings could be consecrated,
the people not being worthy of it (anabhisecaniyah). 7 The
sprinkler (abhisektr) is mentioned in the list of victims at the
Purusamedha. 8
The Abhiseka an essential part of the
is

Rajasuya, or sacrifice of royal inauguration, being the second

of its component members.
1 7
i-
7. 5. Satapatha Brahmana, xiii. 4, 2, 17.
8
Vajasaneyi Samhita, xxx. 12 ;

Taittiriya Brahmana, iii. 4, 8, 1.

9
Cf. Hillebrandt, Rituallitteratur ,

143-147 Eggeling, Sacred Books of the

;

East, 41, xxvi Weber, tjber den

;

Rajasuya.
Abhyavartin Cayamana ] REINS NAMES 29

Abhisu is a common Vedic word 1 denoting the 'reins' or

bridle
'
of the chariot horses. The use of the plural is due to
'
the fact that two or four horses, possibly five (dasabhTsu ten-
2
bridled'), were yoked to the car.
1
Rv. i. 38, 12 ;
v. 44, 4; vi. 75, 6; patha Brahmana, v. 4, 3, 14 (where it

vni. 33, 11 ;
Av. vi. 137, 2 ;
vm. 8,22; = rastnayah, rems '

), etc.
2
Vajasaneyi Saiphita, xxxiv. 6 ; Sata- Rv. x. 94, 7.

Abhy-agni Aitasayana. This man was, according to the

1
Aitareya Brahmana, unfortunate enough to quarrel with his
father, Aitasa. The result was that he and his progeny were
called the worst of the Aurvas. In the version of the Kausitaki
Brahmana, 2 the Aitasayana Ajaneyas take the place of the
Abhyagnis and the BhrgfUS of the Aurvas, the latter being
probably a branch of the former family.
1 2
vi. 33. xxx. 5. Cf. Hillebrandt, Vedische Mythologie, 2, 173.

Abhya-vartin Cayamana appears in a Danastuti (' Praise of

Gifts ') in the Rigveda, 1 and as conqueror of the Vrcivants
under the leader Varasikha. It is probable, though not abso-
lutely certain, that he is identical with the Srnjaya Daivavata,
mentioned in the same hymn 2 as having the TurvaSas and
Vrcivants defeated for him by Indra. In this case he would
be prince (samrdj) of the Synjayas. Daivavata is mentioned
elsewhere 3 as a worshipper of Agni.
4
Abhyavartin is also referred to as a Parthava. Ludwig and
Hillebrandt 5 maintained that he is thus a Parthian, the latter
using the evidence of the two places mentioned in the descrip-
tion 6 of Daivavata' s victories,
Hariyuplya and Yavyavati, as
proofs for the
western position of Abhyavartin's people in
Arachosia, in Iran. But Zimmer 7 is probably right in holding
that the name Parthava merely means a descendant of Prthu,' '

and that its similarity to the Iranian Parthians is only on a par

with the numerous other points of identity between the Indian

and Iranian cultures.
1
vi. 27, 8. 5. n. 1. Cf. Grierson, Journal of the Royal
2
vi. 27, 7. Asiatic Society, 1908, 604 et seq.
3 6
iv. 15, 4. Rv. vi. 27, 5. 6.
4 7
Translation of the Rigveda, 3, 198 Altindisches Leben, 133 et seq., 433 ;

et seq. 2, 362.
Bergaigne, Religion Vedique,
5
Vedische Mythologie, 1, 105 ; 3, 268,
3o BROTHERLESS GIRLS SPADE OLD MAIDS [ AbhrataraljL

A-bhratarah (' brotherless ') The lot of girls without brothers

is referred to in the Rigveda 1 as unsatisfactory apparently
they became prostitutes. The Nirukta 2 expressly forbids

marriage with a brotherless maiden, probably because of the

risk of her being made a putrikd (' adoptive daughter ') by her
father that is, any son of hers being counted as belonging to
her father's, instead of to her husband's, family. See Ayogu.
1
i.
124, 7 ; iv. 5, 5. Cf. Av. Cf. Bloomfield, Hymns of the Athar-
i. 17, 1. vaveda, 259 ; Zimmer, Altindisches Leben,
2
iii. 5 (abhrdtrl). 328.

x
Abhri (' spade ') is a Vedic word of frequent occurrence.
Various possible materials and forms are enumerated in the
Satapatha Brahmana. It may be made of bamboo or of the wood
2

of Vikankata or Udumbara. It may be a span or a cubit in size.

It is hollow, and either one or both edges are sharp. From
this it would appear that the handle was made of some wood,
but the head of some metal.
1
Av. iv 7, 5. 6 (abhri-khdte is dug
'

Vajasaneyi Samhita, v. 22 ;
xi. 10 ;

out with a spade,' not 'prepared xxxvii. 1 Pancavimsa Brahmana,

;
xvi.
'

ground with Roth, St. Petersburg 6 ; Satapatha Brahmana, ii. 3, 2, 15,

Dictionary, s.v.) ;
x. 4, 14 ; hiranya- etc.
2
yibhir abhribhih,
'
with golden spades ') ; vi. 3, 1, 30 et seq.

Amatra was a vessel into which the Soma, after being

pressed, was poured, 1 and out of which the libation to the god
was made. 2
1
Rv. ii. 14, 1 ;
v. 51, 4 ;
vi. 42, 2, etc. Cf. Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 278;
2
Rv. x. 29, 7. Oldenberg, Rgveda Noten, 1, 61.

1
Amala. This plant is probably the Emblica officinalis, or
Myrobalan tree ;
also called Amalaka, or Amalaka. 2
1
Jaiminiya Upanisad Brahmana, sad, vii. 3, 1, is vamalake, which may
i.
38, 6. give a or a.
The reading in Chandogya Upani-

an epithet 1 denoting maidens 'who grow old at

Ama-jur is

home without finding husbands, or, as they are elsewhere

'

called, who sit with their father (pitr-sad). A well-known

' '

2
example of such was Ghosa.
1 2
Rv. ii.
17, 7; viii. 21, 15; I Rv. i. 117, 7. Cf. Zimmer, Altin-
x 37, 3. I
disches Leben, 305.
Ayas] IRON, BRONZE AND COPPER 31

Ama-vasya Sandilyayana is mentioned in the Vamsa

Brahmana as the teacher of Amsu Dhanamjayya.
1

1
Indische Studien, iv. 373.

Amitra - tapana Susmina Saibya is the name of him

who killed Atyarati Janamtapi, according to the Aitareya
Brahmana (viii. 23).

A-mula ('without Atharvaveda 1 of

root ') is the name in the
a plant (Methonica superba), which was used for poisoning
arrows. Bloomfield, 2 however, renders it as 'movable property.'
1
v. 31 4. Cf. Weber, Indische Studien,
|
Atharvaveda, 279, accepts 'rootless
18, 286 ; Whitney, Translation of the | (plant).'
2
Hymns of the Atharvaveda, 457.

Ambarisa
mentioned as a Varsagira in the Rigveda
is
1

along
with Rjraiva, Sahadeva, Suradhas, and Bhayamana.
1
i. 100. 17. Cf. Ludwig, Translation of the Rigveda, 3, 140.

Ambastha. See Ambasthya.

Aya. See Aksa.

Ayas. The
exact metal denoted by this word when used by
itself, as always in the Rigveda, is uncertain. As favouring the
1

' '
sense of bronze rather than that of iron may perhaps be
* '

cited with Zimmer 2 the fact that Agni is called ayo-damstra,

1
with teeth of Ayas,' 3 with reference to the colour of his flames,
and that the car-seat of Mitra and Varuna is called ayah-sthilna*
with pillars of Ayas at the setting of the sun. 5 Moreover,
'
*

6
in the Vajasaneyi Samhita, Ayas is enumerated in a list of six
metals :
Syama, Loha,
gold (hiranya), Ayas, (sisa), tin lead
(trapu). Here $yama (' swarthy ') and loha (' red ') must mean
iron and copper respectively ayas would therefore seem to
' ' ' '

mean 'bronze.' In many passages in the Atharvaveda 7 and

1
Rv. i. 57, 3 ; 163, 9 ;
 32 IRON, BRONZE AND COPPER [ Ayastlmna

other books, the Ayas is divided into two species the sydma
(' iron ') and the lohita
'
(' copper' or bronze '). In the Satapatha
Brahmana 8 is drawn between Ayas and lohayasa,
a distinction
which may either be a distinction between iron and copper as
understood by Eggeling, 9 or between copper and bronze as held
by Schrader.
10
In one passage of the Atharvaveda, 11 the sense of
12
iron seems certain. Possibly, too, the arrow of the Rigveda,
which had a tip of Ayas (yasyd ayo mukham), was pointed
with iron. Copper, however, is conceivable, and bronze quite
likely.
13
Iron fydma ayas or sydma alone.
is called See also
Karsnayasa. Copper is Lohayasa or Lohitayasa.
The smelting (dhmd to blow ') of the metal is frequently
'

referred to. The Satapatha Brahmana u states that if well '

'

smelted (bahu-dhmdtam) it is like gold, referring evidently to

bronze. A heater of Ayas is mentioned in the Vajasaneyi
15 16
Samhita, and bowls of Ayas are also spoken of.
8 v. 14
4, I, 2. vi. 1, 3, 5. Cf. vi. i, 1, 13 ;
v. 1,
9 Sacred Books of the East, 41, 90. 14 ;
xii. 7, 1, 7 ; 2, 10, etc.
10 15
Prehistoric Antiquities, 189. xxx. 14 ; Taittiriya Brahmana, iii. 4,
11
v. 28, 1. 10, 1.
16 Av. MaitrayanI Sam-
12 22
vi. 75, 15. viii. 10, ;

13 Av. ix. 5, 4. hita, iv. 2, 13.

Aya-sthuna. He was Grhapati (' householder,' the sacrificer

at sacrificial sessions) of those whose Adhvaryu was Saulva-
yana, and taught the latter the proper mode of using certain

spoons.
Satapatha Brahmana, xi. 4, 2, 17 et seq.

Ayasya Angirasa. This sage appears to be mentioned in

two passages of the Rigveda, 1 and the AnukramanI ascribes to
him several hymns of the Rigveda (ix. 44-46; x. 67; 68). In
the Brahmana tradition he was Udga.tr at the Rajasuya or
Royal Inauguration Sacrifice, at which Sunahsepa was to have
been slain, and his Udgitha (Samaveda chant) is referred to
elsewhere. 3 He is also referred to several times as a ritual

1 3
x. 67, 1 ; 108, 8. Perhaps x. 92, Jaiminlya Upanisad Brahmana,
15 also refers to him, but not i. 62, 7; ii. 7, 2. 6 ;
8. 3. Cf. Chandogya
x. 138, 4. Upanisad, i. 2, 12.
2
Aitareya Brahmana, vii. 16.
Aranya ] UNCULTIVATED LAND 33

4
authority. In the Vamsas, or Genealogies of the Brhadaran-
5
yaka Upanisad, he is named as the pupil of Abhuti Tvastra.

4
Pancavimsa Brahmana, xiv. 3, 22 ; Cf. Ludwig, Translation of the Rig-
xvi. 12, 4; xi. 8, 10; Brhadaranyaka veda, 3, 136 ; Hillebrandt, Vedische

Upanisad, i. 3, 8. 19. 24 ; Kausltaki Mythologies 2, 159 ; Weber, Indische

Brahmana, xxx. 6. Studien, 1, 255, n. ; Pischel, Vedische

5
ii. 6, 3 ; iv. 6, 3 (in both recensions). Studien, 3, 204.

Ayogu is a word of quite doubtful meaning, found in the list

of victims in the Vajasaneyi Samhita. 1 It may, like the late

dyogava, denote a member of a mixed caste (theoretically a

descendant of a Sudra by a Vaisya wife). 2 Weber 3 rendered it
4
'
as unchaste woman.' Zimmer thinks it denotes a brotherless
maiden who is exposed to the dangers of prostitution (cf.

dyogava).
1 ferred to dicing (ayas).
xxx. 5 ; Taithriya Brahmana, hi. 4, Risley, Peoples
1, 1. of India, 250, regards the Ayogavas
2 as a functional caste of
St. Petersburg Dictionary, s.v. carpenters
3
Indische Streifen, 1, 76, n. b. In the (cf. Manu, x. 48).
4
Zeitschvift der Deutschen Morgenldndischen Altindisches Leben, 328.

Gesellschaft, 18, 277, he thought it re-

Ara. See Ratha.

Aratu. plant
1
A
(Colosanthes Indica) from the wood of
which the axle of a chariot was sometimes made. 2
1
Av. xx. 131, 17. Cf. Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 62,
2
Rv. viii. 46, 27. 247.

Aranya. This term denotes the uncultivated land not

necessarily forest land beyond the village. It is contrasted
2
with home (amcl), 1 and with the plough land (krsi), being spoken
3
of as apart (tiras) from men. It is also contrasted with the
4
Grama, and the place where thieves live. 5 The character
it is

of the forest is described in a hymn of the Rigveda 6 to the

forest spirit (Aranyani). The dead are carried there for burial, 7
and hermits live there.
8
Forest fires were common. 9
1 6
Rv. vi. 24, 10. x. 146.
2 7
Av. ii. 4, 5. Brhadaranyaka Upanisad, v. 11.
3 8
Satapatha Brahmana, xiii. 6, 2, 20. Chandogya Upanisad, viii. 5, 3.
4 9
Av. xii. 1, 56; Rv. i. 163, 11 ;
Rv. i.
65, 4 ; 94, 10. 11 ; ii. 14, 2 ;

Vajasaneyi Samhita, 45 iii. ;

xx. 17. x. 92, 1 ; 142, 4 ;
Av. 50, etc.
vii.
5
Satapatha Brahmana, v. 2, 3, 5 ; Cf. Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 48,
xiii. 2, 4, 4. 142.
VOL. I. 3
 34 CUBIT OAR [ Aratni

This word, which primarily means elbow,' occurs

Aratni. '

frequently from the Rigveda 1 onwards as denoting a measure of

'

length (' ell or cubit '), the distance from the elbow to the tip
'

of the hand. The exact length nowhere appears from the early
texts.

1
Rv. viii. 80, 8; Av. xix. 57, 6; I
Brahmana, vi. 3, 1, 33, etc. For
Aitareya Brahmana, viii. 5 ; Satapatha |
Rv. viii. 80, 8, see also Aji.

*
not princes,' is a term used to describe persons
A-rajanah,
in two passages of the Satapatha Brahmana, 1 and in the
Aitareya Brahmana.
2
Weber 3 also finds them mentioned in the
4
Atharvaveda, and thinks that they Sutas (' charioteers ') and
Gramanis (' troop-leaders ') there referred to were called thus
because, while not themselves princes, they assisted in the con-
secration of princes.
1
111. 4, 1, 7. 8 ;
xin. 4, 2, 17. to a-rajanah (see Whitney's note on the
2
viii. 23. passage). Cf. Bloomfield, Hymns of the
3
Indische Studien, 17, 199. Atharvaveda, 333; Weber, Uber den
4
iii. 5, 7, where he emends rajanah Rajasuya, 22 et seq.

a plant mentioned once in the Atharvaveda, 1 and

Arataki is

apparently identical with the AjaSrhgi. Cf. also Aratu.

1 iv. 37, 6. Bloomfield, Hymns of the Atharvaveda,
Cf. Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 68; 408.

Arada Datreya Saunaka. He is mentioned in the Vamsa

Brahmana 1 as the pupil of Drti Aindrota Saunaka.
1
Indische Studien, 4, 384.

' '
Aritra denotes the oar by which boats were propelled.
1
The Rigveda and the Vajasaneyi Samhita 2 speak of a vessel
with a hundred oars, and a boat (nau) is said to be ' propelled
s
by oars' (aritra-para?ia). In two passages of the Rigveda 4 the
term, according to the St. Petersburg Dictionary, denotes a part
of a chariot. The rower of a boat is called aritr. 5 See Nau.
1 4
i. 116, 5. i. 46, 8 ; dasaritra, ii. 18, 1.
2 5 Rv.
xxi. 7. ii.
42, 1 ;
ix. 95, 2.
8 Rv. x. 101, 2. Cf. Satapatha Brah- Cf. Zimmer, A Itindisches Leben,
mana, iv. 2, 5, 10. 256.
Arundhatl ] MEDICINAL PLANT 35

Arim-dama Sana-sruta is mentioned as a Maharaja in the

Aitareya Brahmana, vii. 34.

is mentioned as one who served as Adhvaryu at

Arim-ejaya
the snake feast celebrated in the Pancavimsa Brahmana. 1
1
xxv. 15. See Weber, Indische Studien, 1. 35.

Aruna Ata was Achavaka at the snake feast in the Pancavimsa

Brahmana (xxv. 15).

Aruna Aupavei Gautama is the full style 1 of a teacher, who

is and Brahmanas, 3
repeatedly referred to in the later Samhitas
2

and whose son was the famous Uddalaka Aruni. He was a

4
pupil of Upavesa, and a contemporary of the prince Avapati,
by whom he was instructed. Cf. Aruna.
1 3
Taittiriya Samhita, vi. 1, 9, 2; Brhadaranyaka Upanisad, vi. 5, 3
4, 5, 1 ; Maitrayani Samhita, i.
4, 10 ; (in both recensions).
4
iii. 6, 4. 6 ; 7, 4 ; 8, 6 ; 10, 5 ;
Kathaka Satapatha Brahmana, x. 6, 1, 2.
Samhita, xxvi. 10. Cf. Geldner, Vedische Studien, 3, 146,
2
Taittiriya Brahmana, ii. 1, 5, 11 ;

Satapatha Brahmana, ii. 2, 2, 20;

xi. 4, 1,
4^3,2.^^ u A
Arundhatl is the name of a plant celebrated in several
i.
1
passages of the Atharvaveda as possessing healing properties in
case of wounds, as a febrifuge, and as inducing cows to give
milk. The plant was a climber which attached itself to trees
like the Plaksa, ASvattha, Nyagrodha, and Parna. 2 It was
of golden colour (hirariya-varna), and had a hairy stem {lomasa-
8
vaksana). It was also called Silaci, and the Laksa appears to
4
have been a product of it.

1
iv. 12, 1 ;
v. 5, 5. 9 ;
vi. 59, 1. 2 ;
der Deutschen Morgenldndischen Gesell-
viii. 7, 6; xix. 38, 1. schaft, 48, 574.
2 4
Av. v. 5, 5. Cf. Whitney's note on Av. iv. 12 ;

3
Av. v. 5, 7 ; Pischel, Vedische Bloomfield, Atharvaveda, 61.
Studien, 1, 174 ; Bloomfield, Zeitschrift

2. Arundhatl, as the name of a star, is often referred to in

the Sutra literature, but only once in a late Aranyaka. 1
1
Taittiriya Aranyaka, iii. 9, 2.

32
36 THE SEER ARCANANAS [ Arka

Arka, as the name of the tree Colotropis gigantea, is perhaps

found in one obscure passage of the Atharvaveda. 1
1 vi. 72, 1, where see Whitney's note. Cf. St. Petersburg Dictionary, s.v.

Argala. The word which

is usual later to denote the

wooden pin found in the Sankhayana Aranyaka

of a door is

(ii. 16) in the compound argalesike to denote the pin

and bar
of the door of a cow-pen. Cf. Isika.

Argala Kahodi is mentioned in the Kathaka Samhita (xxv. 7)

as a teacher. The name may, however, be Aryala, as suggested
in the St. Petersburg Dictionary, s.v., and as read by
v. Schroeder in his edition. The Kapisthala (xxxix. 5) has
Ayala. See below.

Areant is possibly, as Ludwig

1
thinks, the name of the author
2
of a hymn of the Rigveda ; but the word may be merely the
'

ordinary participle praising.'

1
Translation of the Rigveda, 3, 133.

In one passage of the Rigveda 1 the gods Mitra-

Arcananas.
Varuna are besought to protect Arcananas. He is also in-
voked with Syavasva and several other ancestors enumerated
in the Atharvaveda. 2 He appears as father of Syavasva in the
Paricavim^a Brahmana. 3 The later tradition makes him play a
4
part in the legend of his son's wedding, which Sieg endeavours
to show is known to the Rigveda.
1 4
v. 64, 7. Die Sagenstoffe des Rgveda, 50 et seq.
2
xviii. 3, 15. Cf. Ludwig, Translation of the Rigveda,
3
viii. 5, 9. 3, 127; Oldenberg, Rgveda-Noten, 1, 354.

Area. See Brahmana.

Arjuni is, in the Rigveda, the name of the Naksatra

1

2
(' lunar mansion '), elsewhere called Phalgunl. It occurs in
the marriage hymn, with Agha for Magna, and, like that word,
is apparently a deliberate modification.
1 2
x. 85, 13. Av. xiv. 1, 13. Cf. Satapatha Brahmana, ii. 1, 11, 2.
Aryamnab. Pantha ] 37

Arbuda is mentioned as Gravastut priest at the snake

festival described in the Paficavimsa Brahmana. 1 He is ob-
viously the same mythical figure as Arbuda Kadraveya, a seer
2
spoken of in the Aitareya and Kausitaki Brahmanas as a maker
3

of Mantras.
1 xxv. 15. 6
XXIX. I. Cf. Satapatha Brahmana,
xiii. 4, 3, 9.

Arya. This word is not common in the older literature, in

places where the quantity of the first vowel is fixed as short, except
1
in a mere adjectival sense. Geldner, indeed, contends that no
other sense is anywhere needed agree
;
but Roth 2 and Zimmer3
4
in thinking that in severalpassages of the Vajasaneyi Samhita
the word has the same sense as Arya, and this appears probable.
Whether it is necessary to ascribe this sense to the word in the
5
compound arya-patnl applied to the waters set free by Indra,
is more doubtful. The commentator, Mahidhara, 6 suggests
that the word means a VaiSya, not an Arya generally. This
view is supported by the explanation in the Satapatha Brahmana 7
of one of the passages of the Vajasaneyi Samhita. 8 But though
the use of Arya to denote a Vaisya became common later, it is
not clear that it was original.
1 5
Vedische Studien, 3, 96. Rv. vii. 6, 5 ; x. 43, 8.
2
St. Petersburg Dictionary, s.v.
6
On Vajasaneyi Samhita, xxiii.
3
Altindisches Leben, 214, 215. 30.
4 7 xiii.
xiv. 30 ; xx. 17 ; xxiii. 21 ; xxvi. 2. 2, 9, 8. Contrast Sankhayana
Cf. also Kathaka Samhita, xxxviii. 5 ; Srauta Sutra, xvi. 4, 4 et seq., where
Taittirlya Samhita, vii. 4, 19, 3. In Arya appears to be taken in the wider
Atharvaveda, xix. 32, 8, an analogous sense.
form occurs, as contrasted with brah- 8
xxiii. 30. Cf. Ludwig, Translation
mana, raj any a, and indra; but even of the Rigveda, 3, 212 Weber, Indische ;

there Whitney renders it as 'Aryan.' Studien, x. 6 ;

Oldenberg, Rgveda-
Cf. xix. 62, 1 Rv. viii.
; 94, 3; Pischel, Noten, 1, 126, 363.
Zeitschrift der Deutschen Morgenlandischen
Gesellschaft, 40, 125.

'
Aryamnah Pantha,Aryaman's Way,' an expression which
occurs in the Brahmanas, 1 denotes, according to Weber, 2 the '

3 '
milky way,' but, according to Hillebrandt, the ecliptic'
1 2
Taittiriya Brahmana, i. 7, 6, 6; Uber den Rajasuya, 48, 2.
Paucavimsa Brahmana, xxv. 12, 3 ;
3 Vedische Mythologie, 3, 79, 80.
Satapatha Brahmana, v. 3, 1, 2.
38 DISEASES BOTTLE-GOURD [ Aryala

Aryala. Those at whose snake feast the Grhapati was Aryala,

and the Hotr was Aruni are mentioned in the Paficavimsa
Brahmana (xxiii. i, 5). See also Argala.

Arvant. See ASva.

Arsas is the name of a disease mentioned in the Vajasaneyi

Samhita 1 with consumption and other ailments. It appears to
'

designate haemorrhoids,' as in the later medical literature.

1 xii. 98. I
398 ; Roth, St. Petersburg Dic-
Cf Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, I
tionary, s.v.

Alaja designates some kind of bird one of the victims in

1
che Asvamedha, or Horse Sacrifice.
1
Taittiriya Samhita, v. 4, n, 1; I Kathaka Samhita, xxi. 4; Vajasaneyi
5, 20, 1 ; Maitrayani Samhita, iii. 14, 18 ; | Samhita, xxiv. 34.

Alaji is the name of a disease in the Atharvaveda. 1 The later

alajldenotes an eye-disease a discharge at the junction of the

cornea and the sclerotica.
1
ix. 8, 20. Cf. Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 390; St. Petersburg Dictionary, s.v.

Alamma Parijanata is mentioned in the Paricavimsa Brah-

mana (xiii. 4, 11 ; 10, 8) as a sage.

Alasala. This word occurring only in one passage of the

Atharvaveda (vi. 16, 4) is said to denote a grain-creeper.

Alandu. This is the reading in the text of the Atharvaveda 1

of the name of a species of worm. Bloomfield 2 shows reason
to adopt the reading Algandu as the correct form of the word.
1 2
ii. 31, 2. Hymns of the Atharvaveda, 315.

Alabu. The bottle-gourd {Lagenaria vulgaris). Vessels

made of it are referred to in the Atharvaveda. 1
1 viii.
10, 29. 30; xx. 132, 1. 2. Cf. alapu in Maitrayani Samhita, iv. 2, 13.

1
Alayya is a word occurring in an obscure verse of the Rigveda,
and appearing to be a proper name. Hillebrandt, 2 however,
amends the text so as to remove the name. The St. Petersburg
Dictionary suggests that it refers to Indra. Pischel 3 holds that
1 ix. 67, 20. 3
Zeitschrift der Deutschen Morgen-
2
Zeitschrift der Deutschen Morgen- landischen Gesellschaft, 48, 701.
landischen Gesellschaft, 48, 418.
 Avata ]
A LIN A TRIBE A VARA PLANT WELL 39

it is the name of a person whose axe was stolen, and for whom
the hymn was written as a spell for the recovery of the axe.

Aliklava is a kind of carrion bird mentioned in the Athar-

1
vaveda.
1 xi. 2, 2 Altindisches Leben, 88.
; 9, 9. Cf. Zimmer,

Alina is the name of a people mentioned once only in the

1 2
Rigveda. Roth thought that the Alinas were allies possibly
3
a subdivision of the Trtsus. Ludwig more probably thinks
that they were defeated by Sudas, together with the Pakthas,
Bhalanas, Sivas, and Visanins, with whom they are mentioned,
at the Parusni and Zimmer 4 suggests that they lived to the;

north-east of Kafiristan.
1 3
vii. 18, 7. Translation of the Rigveda, 3,
2 Zur und
Litter atur Geschichte des 207.
Op. cit., 431. The land men-
Altindisches Leben, 4
Weda, 95 ; Zimmer, is

126. tioned by Hiouen Thsang.

Alikayu Vacas-patya is twice mentioned as an authority in

the Kausltaki Brahmana (xxvi. 5 ; xxviii. 4).

Alpa-gayu is a kind of insect mentioned in the Atharvaveda. 1

1 iv. 36, 9. vaveda, 408 "Whitney, Translation of
;

Cf. Bloomfield, Hymns of the Athar- the Atharvaveda, 210.

Avakaan aquatic plant (Blyxa octandra) frequently re-

is

ferred to in theAtharvaveda as well as in the later Samhitas 2

and Brahmanas. The Gandharvas are said to eat it. 4 Its later
3

name is saivala, and it is identical with the Sipala.

1 4
viii. 7,9 ; 37, 8-10. Av. iv. 37, 8.
2 5
Taittiriya Samhita, iv. 6, 1, 1 ; v. 4, With which it is glossed in AsVal-
2, 1 Vajasaneyi Samhita, xvii. 4
; 4, 3 ;
; ayana Grhya Sutra, ii. 8 ;
iv. 4. Cf.
xxv. 1 MaitrayanI Samhita, ii. 10, 1.
;
Bloomfield, Proceedings of the American
3
Satapatha Brahmana, vii. 5, 1, 11 ;
Oriental Society, October, 1890, xli.-xliii.;
vm -
3. 2, 5 ; ix. 1, 2, 20. 22 ; xiii. 8, American Journal of Philology, 11, 349 ;

3, 13. Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 71.

Avata, a word occurring several times in the Rigveda, 1 denotes

a well, artificially made (khan to dig ') in contrast with a '

spring
1
i- 55, 8; 85, 10. 11 ; 116, 9. 22; 62, 6; 72, 10. 12 ; x. 25, 4 ;
IOI >
130, 2; iv. 17, 16; 50, 3; viii. 49, 6; 5. 7. Cf. Nirukta, v. 26.
40 WELLS SHEEP [ Avatsara

(utsa), though the latter expression is also applied to an artificial

well. Such wells were covered by the makers, 2 and are described
as unfailing (a-ksita) and full of water. 3 The water was raised

by a wheel (cakra) of stone, to which was fastened a strap

(varatra), with a pail (kosa)* attached to it. When raised it was
5
poured {sine) into buckets (ahava) of wood. Sometimes those
wells appear to have been used for irrigation purposes, the water
6
being led off into broad channels (sdrrni susird).
2
Rv. i.
55, 8. I
ku-cakra in Rv. x. 102, 11, is another
3 Rv. x. 101, 6, etc.
j
name for the wheel, but cf. St. Peters-
4
Amsatra-kosam, Rv. x. 101, 7, is best j burg Dictionary, s.v .

thus rendered. For the stone wheel j

5
Rv. x. 101, 6. 7.
which was above 6
{aimacakra) (ucca- j
Rv. viii. 69, 12. Cf. Zimmer,
cakra), seeRv.x. 101, 7 ; viii. 72, 10. For |
Altindisches Leben, 156, 157; Geldner,
the varatra, see Rv. x. 101, 6. Perhaps j
Vedische Studien, 2, 14.

mentioned as a seer in the Rigveda, 1 as a priest

Avatsara is

in the Aitareya Brahmana, 2 and as Prasravana (or Prasravana),

son of Prasravana, in the Kausitaki Brahmana. 3 A hymn of
the Rigveda 4 is incorrectly ascribed to him in the Anukramani.
1
v. 44, 10. the Rigveda, 3, 138 ; Weber, Indische
2 Die
ii.
24. Studien, 1, 188 2, ; 315 ; Sieg,
8
xiii. 3. Sagenstoffe des Rgveda, 62 et seq.
4
ix. 58. Cf. Ludwig, Translation of

A-vadhyata. See Brahmana.

Avasa may mean

1
in the adjective an-avasa in the Rigveda
<
drag.'
1
vi. 66, 7. Cf. Max Miiller, Sacred Books of the East, 32, 372.

Ava-skava. A kind of worm, mentioned along with others

in the Atharvaveda. 1
1
ii. 31, 4. Cf. Whitney, ad loc. ; I
Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 90; Bloom-
Weber, Indische Studien, 13, 201; | field, Hymns of the Atharvaveda, 316.

Avata. See Vata.

' '
Avi. are repeatedly mentioned in the Rigveda, and
Sheep
later, often inconjunction with goats (aja). The wolf (vrka)
was their great enemy, 1 and they were tended by shepherds. 2
1
Av. v. 8, 4; Rv. viii. 34, 3 ; 66, 8. I
h; Satapatha Brahmana, iv. 1, 5, 2 ;

2
Avi-pala, Vajasaneyi Samhita, xxx. I
avipa, Taittiriya Brahmana, iii. 4, 9, 1.
ASmagandha ]
SHEEP 41

Sheep as well as kine were captured from the enemy. 3 The

Soma sieve was made of sheep's wool, and is repeatedly
4
referred to (avi, mesl, avya, avyaya). Considerable herds
5
mast have existed, as Rjrasva is said to have slain one
hundred rams, and in a Danastuti (' Praise of Gifts ') 6 a hundred
sheep are mentioned as a gift. The (mesa, vrmi ) ram was
7 8

9
sometimes castrated (petva). The main use of sheep was their
wool; hence the expression 'woolly' (tlrnavatl) 10 is employed to
designate a sheep. In the Vajasaneyi Samhita 11 the ram is
described as woolly,' and as the skin of beasts, quadruped and
' '

biped,' with reference to the use of its wool as clothing for men
and shelter for animals. Pusan is said 12 to weave raiment from
the wool of sheep. Normally the sheep stayed out at pasture ;

in an obscure passage of the Rigveda 13 reference appears to be

made to rams in stall. Gandhara 14 ewes were famous for their
wool. Pischel 15 considers that the Parusnl 16 was named from
l7 ' '
its richness in sheep, pants denoting the flocks of wool.
3 10
Rv. viii. 86, 2. Rv. viii. 67, 3. Cf. x. 75, 8; so
4
Rv. ix. iog, 16 ; 36, 4, etc. See ura, x. 95, 3.
11
Hillebrandt, Vedische Mythologie, 1, xm. 50.
12
203. Rv. x. 26, 6.
5 13
Rv. i. 116, 17. x. 106, 5.
6 14
Rv. viii. 67, 3. Rv. i. 126, 7.
7 15
Rv. i. 43, 6 ; 116, 16, etc. Vedische Studien, 2, 210.
8 16
Taittirlya Samhita, ii. 3, 7, 4, etc. Rv. iv. 22, 2 ;
v. 52, 9.
9 17
Rv. vii. 18, 17 ; Av. iv. 4, 8 ; Rv. ix. 15, 6; parvan, iv. 22, 2.
Taittirlya Samhita, v. 5, 22, 1 ; Vaja- Cf Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 229,
saneyi Samhita, xxix. 58 59. ; 230 ; Oldenberg, Rgveda-Noten, 1, 348.

2
Agani. Zimmer 1 cites this word from the Rigveda as
3
denoting a sling stone, and compares a similar use of AdrL
In either case, however, the weapons are mythical, being used
in descriptions of Indra's deeds. Schrader 4 also cites asan in this

sense, but no Vedic passage requires this sense.

1 3
Altindisches Leben, 301. I i.
51, 3.
2 4
vi. 6, 5. Cf. 1, 121, 9. Prehistoric Antiquities, 221.

Agma-gandha (' rock - smell ') is a plant mentioned in the

1
Satapatha Brahmana, probably identical with the late asva-
gandhd, 'horse-smell' (Physalis flexuosa).
1
xiii. 8, 1, 16, with Eggeling's note in the Sacred Books of the East, 44, 427.
 42 HORSE [
Ava
Asva is the commonest word for 'horse' in the Vedic
literature. The horse is also called 'the runner' 'the
),'the
(atya),
'
inner
swift' (arvant), 'the strong,' for pulling (vdjin), 'the runner'

(sapti), and '

(haya). The mare is termed asva,

the speeding
'

Horses of various colour were known,

atya, arvati, vadava, etc.
dun (harita, hari), ruddy (aruna, arusa, pisaiiga, rohita), dark
brown (syava), white (sveta), etc. A white horse with black
ears is mentioned in the Atharvaveda as of special value. 1
Horses were highly prized, 2 and were not rare, as Roth 3
thought, for as many as four hundred mares are mentioned in
one Danastuti (' Praise of Gifts '). 4 They were on occasion
ornamented with pearls and gold. 5
Mares were preferred for drawing chariots because of their
swiftness and sureness. 6 They were also used for drawing
carts, but were not ordinarily so employed.
7
No mention is
made of riding in battle, but for other purposes it was not
unknown. 8
Horses were often kept in stalls, 9 and fed there. 10 But they
were also allowed to go out to grass, 11 and were then hobbled. 12
13
They were watered to cool them after racing. Their attendants

1
Av. v. 17, 15. American Oriental Society, 13, 262 ;
Lud-
2
Rv. i. 83, 1 ; iv. 32, 17 ;
v. 4, 11 ; wig, Translation of the Rigveda, 3, 221.
viii. 78, 2, etc. Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 230, denies
3
Zeitschrift der Deutschen Morgen- the use; but see p. 295, where it is

landischen Gesellschaft, 35, 686. admitted for ordinary purposes.

4 9
Cf. the epithet of richness, filling
'
Rv. viii. 55, 3. Cf. v. 33, 8 ; vi. 47,

22-24; 63, 10; 47; viii. 6, 46, 22, and the stalls with horses' (asva-pastya), in
Hopkins, American Journal of Philology, Rv. ix. 86, 41, and see A v. vi. 77, 1 ;

15, 157. xix. 55, 1.

5 10
Rv. x. 68, 11. Av. loc. cit.
6 11
Pischel, Zeitschrift der Deutschen Zimmer, op. cit., 232, denies this,
Morgenldndischen Gesellschaft, 35, 712- but it is the natural sense of the
714 ; Vedische Studien, 1 10, 305. Cf , Vajasaneyi Samhita, xv. 41.
ratho vadhuman, Rv. i. 126, 3 12 The
vii. 18, ; expression for this is padbisa,
22, vajinivan, vii. 69, 1. Rv. i. 162, 14. 16 Brhadaranyaka ;

7
Satapatha Brahmana, v. 5, 4, 35. Upanisad, vi. 2, 13 Chandogya Upani-
;

8
The Asvins ride, Rv. v. 61, 1-3. sad, v. 1, 12 ; Sankhayana Aranyaka,
An aiva-sada is referred to in Vajasaneyi ix. 7. Cf. Pischel, Vedische Studien, 1,
Samhita, xxx. 13 Taittinya Brahmana,
; 234-236.
ia
iii.
4, 7, 1 ;
and riding is meant in Rv. Rv. ii. 13, 5 ; 34, 3 ; Maitrayani
i. 162, 17; 163, 9. Av. xi. 24, is
10, Samhita, i. 11, 6; Pischel, op. cit., 1,
doubtful. Cf. Hopkins, Journal of the I
189, 190.
A6vattha ]
MULE RELIGIOUS FIG-TREE 43

u 15 1Q
are frequently referred to (asva-pdla, asva-pa, asva-pati).
Stallions were frequently castrated (vadhri). 17
Besides reins (rasmayah), reference is made to halters
18 19
(asvdbhidhdnl), and whips (asvdjani). See also Ratha.
Horses from the Indus were of special value, 20 as also horses
from the Sarasvati.
14 19
Sankhayana Srauta Sutra, xvi. 4, 5. Rv. v. 62, 7 ;
vi. 75, 13 ; Vaja-
15
Vajasaneyi Samhita, xxx. 11 ;
Tait- saneyi Samhita, xxix. 50.
20
tiriya Brahmana, iii. 4, 9, 1. Brhadaranyaka Upanisad, vi. 2, 13;
16
Vajasaneyi Samhita, xvi. 24 ; Sankhayana Aranyaka, ix. 7 vdjinivatJ ;

Kathaka Samhita, xvii. 13. as epithet of Sindhu, Rv. x. 75, 8, of

17 Rv. viii.
46, 30. Sarasvati, i. 3, 10 ii. 41, 18 ; vi. 61, ;

18 Av.
iv. 36, 10; v. 14, 6; Aitareya 3. 4; vii. 96, 3; Pischel, op. cit., i. 10.

Brahmana, vi. 35 ; Satapatha Brah- Cf. Zimmer, op. cit., 230-232.

mana, vi. 3, 1, 26; xiii. 1, 2, 1.

Asva-tara, Asva-tari are respectively the masculine and

feminine name of mule.'
*
These animals are mentioned
They were known
1
frequently from the Atharvaveda onwards.
not to be fruitful, 2 and were probably considered inferior to
horses,
3
but a mule-car was quite common. 4
1
iv. 4, 8 ; viii. 8, 22 ; Aitareya v. 1, 2, 2 ; Satapatha Brahmana, vi. 4,

Brahmana, iii. 47 iv. 9 Satapatha

; ; 4. 7-
4
Brahmana, xii. 4, 1, 10, etc, ; Jaiminiya Aitareya Brahmana, iv. 9 ; Chan-
Upanisad Brahmana, i. 4, 4. dogya Upanisad, iv. 2, 1 (in both pas-
2
Taittiriya Samhita, vii. 1, 1, 2. 3. sages asvatari-ratha). Cf. Oertel, Trans-
Cf. Adbhuta Brahmana in Indische actions of the Connecticut Academy of Arts
Studien, 1, 40. and Sciences, 15, 175.
3
As were asses, Taittiriya Samhita,

i. Asva-ttha (' horse-stand ') is one of India's greatest trees,

the Ficus religiosa, later called pippala 1 (now Peepal). Vessels

made of the wood of the Asvattha are mentioned in the Rigveda, 2
and the tree itself is constantly referred to later. 3 Its hard
wood formed the upper of the two pieces of wood used for
4
kindling fire, the lower being of Sami. It planted its roots in
shoots of other trees, especially the Khadira, and destroyed
them 5 hence it is called the destroyer (yaibddha). Its berries
;
' '

1
The word pippala as a neuter occurs 3
Atharvaveda, iii. 6, 1 iv. 37, 4, etc. ;

once in the Rv. (i. 164, 20) designating

4
Av. vi. 11, 1 Satapatha Brahmana,
;

the berry of the xi. 5, 1, 13.

Peepal-tree.
2 5
i- 135,
8; x. 97, 5. Av. iii. 6.
44 NAMES OF PRINCES REED [ Asvattha

are referred to as sweet, and as eaten by birds. 6 The gods are

said to sit under it in the third heaven. 7 It and Nyagrodha
'
' 8
are styled the crested ones (sikha?idin) .
6 8
Rv. i. 164, 20. 22. Av. iv. 37, 4. Cf. Zimmer, Altin-
7
Av. v. 4, 3. Cf. Chandogya Upani- disches Leben, 57, 58.

sad, viii. 5, 3 Kausitaki Upanisad, i. 3.

;

2. Ava-ttha.
This prince is celebrated in a Danastuti 1 as
having given gifts to Payu. He is identified with Divodasa
2
by Griffith, but it is impossible to be certain of this identifica-
tion.
1
Rv. vi. 47, 24. that is merely the usual shortened
2
Hymns of the Rigveda, 1, 611. The spelling of the group tth.
name is spelt Asvatha in the text, but

Asva-davan. finds a prince of this name in a passage

Ludwig
1

2
of the Rigveda, where a gift of fifty horses is mentioned, but
the word appears to be an epithet of Indra (' bestower of
horses ').
1 2
Translation of the Rigveda, 3, 274. v. 18, 3.

ASva-pati (' lord of horses ') is a name of a prince of the

1
Kekayas, who instructed Pracinagala and other Brahmins.
1
Chandogya Upanisad, v. 11, 4 ; Satapatha Brahmana, x. 6, 1, 2.

ASva-medha (' offering a horse-sacrifice ') is a prince men-

tioned in a hymn of the Rigveda, 1 which contains a Danastuti

('
Praise of Gifts ') of Tryaruna, and to which three verses have
been added in praise of Asvamedha. See also ASvamedha.
1 v. 27, 4-6. Cf. Ludwig, Translation of the Rigveda, 3, 275.

ASva-yujau. See Naksatra.

ASvala, the Hotr priest of Janaka, King of Videha, appears

as an authority in the Brhadaranyaka Upanisad (iii. 1, 2. 10).

A&va-vara, Ava-vala (' hair of a horse's tail '). The former

form occurs in the Maitrayani Samhita, 1 the latter in the
1 iii. 7, 9-
Astakarni] NAMES OF MEN 45

Kathaka 2 and Kapisthala Samhitas 3 and Satapatha Brahmana, 4

denoting a species of reed (Saccharum spontaneum).
"
XXIV. 0. edition of the Maitrayani Samhita, i.,
3
xxxviii. 1. p. xv.
4
iii. 4, 1, 7. Cf. Von Schroeder's

Ava-sukti is the name of a seer to whom the Rigveda

AnukramanI ascribes two hymns of the Rigveda. 1 The Panca-
vimsa Brahmana 2 knows a Saman of Asvasukti.
1
viii. 14 ; 15. I
schrift der Deutschen Morgenlandischen
2
xix. 4, 10. Cf. Oldenberg, Zeit- \ Gesellschaft, 42, 230, n. 4.

Asvini. See Naksatra.

Asadha Kai3in is the name of a man referred to in a corrupt

and obscure passage of the Kathaka Samhita 1 as connected with
the defeat of the Pancalas by the Kuntis.
1 xxvi. 9 ; Kapisthala, xli. 7. See Weber, Indische Studien, 3, 471.

Asadha Uttara Paraiarya is mentioned as a teacher in a

Vamsa or Genealogy in the Jaiminlya Upanisad Brahmana
(iii. 41, 1).

Asadha. See Naksatra.

Asadhi Saus>omateya was a man who is stated in the

Satapatha Brahmana (vi. 2, 1, 37) to have died because the
heads for the sacrifice in connection with the laying of the
bricks of the fire-altar had been obtained in an improper
manner.

Astaka is mentioned in the Aitareya Brahmana l as one of the

sons of Visvamitra.
1 vii. Also in the Sankhayana Srauta Sutra, xv. 26.
17.

Astaka. See Masa.

Asta-karni is an expression which occurs in one passage of

the Rigveda, 1 and which Roth 2 was at first inclined to interpret

1 2
x. 62, 7. St. Petersburg Dictionary, s. v%
46 EAR-MARKED COW GOAD [ Atadamtra Vairupa
as a proper name. There can, however, be no doubt that
itmeans a cow, not a man, as suggested by Grassmann. The
exact reason why a cow should be so described is uncertain.
Roth 3 was later inclined to see in it the sense having pierced '

4
ears,' similar epithets being at a later period known to Panini
(bhinna-karna, chitrna karna) Grassmann's more obvious
- .

'

rendering, having the sign for (the number) 8 marked on the ear,'
is supported by the similar epithets, having the mark of a lute on
'

(karkari-karnyah), having the mark of a sickle on the ear'

' '
the ear
(ddtra-karnyah), having the mark of a stake on the ear (sthund-
' '

' '

kaniyah), having the ears bored (chidva-karnyah), and vistya-

karnyah, given in the MaitrayanI Samhita.
5
simple mean- The
ing,
'
with marked
ears,' is, however, supported by the same

passage of the MaitrayanI, where the verb aks occurs in the

'
sense to mark.' In the Atharvaveda the mark used is the
Mithuna, no doubt as a magical device to secure fertility.
The marking of ears was apparently a regular practice. It is
twice referred to in the Atharvaveda. 6 The mark is termed
laksman, and was made with a copper-knife The
7 8
(lohita).
9
MaitrayanI Samhita forbids the use of an arrow-shaft (tejana),
or of iron, but permits that of a stem of sugar-cane (iksu-kdnda)
or copper.
3 9 Loc.
Cf. Bohtlingk, Dictionary, s.v. cit.
4 vi.
3, 115- Cf. Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 234,
5
iv. 2, 9. 348 Delbriick, Gurupujakaumudi, 48,
;

6 vi. 2
141, 1. ;
xii. 4, 6. 49; Weber, Indische Studien, 13, 466;
Whitney, Translation of the Atharva-
7 Av. vi. 141, 2 ; MaitrayanI Samhita,
loc. cit. veda, 387.
8
Av., loc. cit.

Asta-damstra Vairupa. To him the Paficavimsa Brahmana

(viii. 9, 21) ascribes two Samans.

*
Astra is the plougher's goad,' the badge of agriculture.
1
It is mentioned several times in the Rigveda.

1 iv. 57, 4; vi. 53, 9; 58, 2; astra-vin Religionswissenschaft, 1, 63; Hille-

occurs in x. 102, 8. See also Kauslka brandt, Vedische Mythologie, 3, 364, n. 8.
Sutra, 80. Cf. Roscher, Archiv fur

Asamati Ratha-praustha. The story of the quarrel between

Asamati, the Iksvaku prince of the Rathaprostha family, and
 Asita] KING A SAMATI KNIFE RIVER ASIKNI 47

his priests, the Gaupayanas, is found only in the later

Brahmanas. 1 It appears to be based on a misreading of the
2
Rigveda, where asamdti is merely an adjective. The later
story is that the king was induced to abandon his family priests
by two Asuras, Kirata and Akuli, who by their magic com-
passed the death of Subandhu, one of the brother priests, and
that the others revived him by the use of the hymns (Rigveda,
x. 57-60).
2
1
Jaiminiya Brahmana, iii. 167 x. 60, 2. 5 ;
Av. vi. 79, 1 .
Cf. Bloom-
(Journal of the American Oriental Society, field, Hymns
of the Atharvaveda, 499;
18, 41 et seq.); Satyayanaka, cited in Max Miiller, Journal of the Royal Asiatic
Sayana on Rv. x. 57, 1 ; 60, 7 Brhad- ; Society, 1866, 426-465; Bohtlingk's
devata, vii. 83 et seq., with Macdonell's Dictionary, s.v. ; Hopkins, Transactions
notes ; Paricavimsa Brahmana, xiii. of the Connecticut Academy of Arts and
12,5. Sciences, 15, 48, n. 1.

Asi usually denotes the sacrificial knife, 1 but

occasionally
appears to mean a knife used in war.
2
Mention is made of
a sheath (vavri) 3 to which a belt (vala)* was attached. The
word asi-dhdrd 5 also denotes 'sheath.'
1 Rv. 3
i. 162, 20; x. 79, 6; 86, 18; Kathaka Samhita, xv. 4.
Av. ix. 3, x. 1, 20, etc. 4
9 ; Ibid. Maitrayani Samhita, ii. 6, 5.
;
2
Av.xi.9,i. The use of the sword
'
'
5
Jaiminiya Upanisad Brahmana,
increases in the Epic period.See Hop- iii. 139.
kins, Journal of the American Oriental
Society, 13, 284.

Asikni ('black') is the 1

name
Rigveda of the river in the
known later as Candra-bhaga, and to the Greeks as Akesines,
now the Chenab in the Punjab.
1
viii. 20, 25 ;
x. 75, 5 ; Nirukta, ix. 26. Cf. Zimmer, Altindisches Leken, 12.

i. Asita is a name of the

'
black snake,' referred to in the
1
later Samhitas.
1
Av. iii.
27, 1 ; v. 13, 5. 6 ; vi. 56, 2, Maitrayani Samhita, iii. 14, 18 perhaps ;

etc. ; Taittiriya Samhita, v. 5, 10, 1 :

Vajasaneyi Samhita, xxiv. 37.

2.
(a) A mythical sage of this name figures as a
Asita.
magician in the Atharvaveda in conjunction with Gaya 1 or
with Jamadagrii. 2 In the Satapatha Brahmana 3 he appears as
1
Av. i. 14, 4. Av. vi. 137, 1. xm. 4, 3, 11.

"->
48 MA GIC ARCHER DA Y [ Asita Varsjagans

Asita Dhanva, 4 and as Daivala or Devala in the Paiicavims;

Brahmana 5 and Kathaka Samhita. 6
6
4
Dhanvana in the Sankhayana xxii. 11. Cf. Ludwig, Translatior
Srauta Sutra, xvi. 2, 19. of the Rigveda, 3, 132.
6
xiv. 11, 18. 19, Cf. xv. 5, 27.

(b) Asita Varsa-gana is a pupil of Harita Kasyapa according

to the Vamsa or Genealogy in the Brhadaranyaka Upanisad. 1

(Kanva = vi.
1 vi- 5 1 3 4, 33, Madhyandina).

Asita-mrgathe designation in the Aitareya Brahmana 1

is

of a family of the Kayapas who were excluded from a sacrifice

by Janamejaya, but who took away the conduct of the offering
from the Bhutaviras, whom the king employed. In the

Jaiminiya Brahmana and the Sadvimsa Brahmana the Asita-

2 3

mrgas are called sons of the Kasyapas,' and one is mentioned

'

as Kusurubindu 4 Auddalaki.

Cf. Eggeling, Sacred Books

1 vii.
27. -1.4.
4 read as
of the East, 43, 345. Variously Asurbinda,
2
i. 75- Kusurbinda, Kusurubinda.

'
the science of the Asuras,' the term used in
Asura-vidya,
1
the Sankhayana and Asvalayana Srauta Sutras as the equiva-
2
lent of the term mdyd employed in the Satapatha Brahmana,
3
clearly means magic,' as it is rendered by Professor Eggeling.
'

1 x. 3
7. Sacred Books of the East, 44,
2 xiii.
4, 3, 11. Cf Sankhayana 368.
Srauta Sutra, x. 61, 2. 21.

Astr, 'shooter,' is a term frequently used in the Rigveda 1

and Atharvaveda 2
for the archer who fought from the chariot.
1 i.
8, 4 ; 64, 10 ;
ii. 42, 2, etc.
2
vi. 93, 1. 2 ; xi. 2, 7. Cf. Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 296.

Ahan,
'day.' Like other peoples, the Indians used night
as a general expression of time as well as day, but by no means
1
predominantly. Night is also termed the dark (krsna), as
1 Rv. iv. 16, 19 ;
viii. 26, 3 ; i. 70, 4. Cf. Av. x. 7, 42.
 Ahan ] DIVISIONS OF THE DAY 49

2 3
opposed to the light (arjuna), day. Aho-ratra is a regular
'
term for day and night combined. '

The day itself is variously divided. In the Atharvaveda 4

' '
a division into the rising sun (udyan siiryah), the coming '

together of the cows' (sam-gava), 'midday' (madhyam-dina),

'afternoon' (aparahna), and 'sunset' (astam-yan) is found.
In the Taittirlya Brahmana 5 the same series appears with
'early' (pratar) and 'evening' (sayahna) substituted for the
first and
members, while a shorter list gives pratar,
last
6
samgava, say am. In the MaitrayanI Samhita there is the
series dawn (usas), samgava, madhyamdina, and
' '

aparahna.
The morning is also, according to Zimmer, called api-sarvara, 7
as the time when the dark is just past. It is named svasara, 8
as the time when the cows are feeding, before the first milking
at the samgava, or when the birds are awakening. 9 It is also
called pra-pitva, 10 according to Zimmer. 11 But Geldner 12 points
out that that term refers to the late midday, which also is
called api-sarvara, as bordering on the coming night, being the
time when day is hastening to its close, as in a race. From
another point of view, evening is called abhi-pitva, 13 the time
when all come to rest. Or again, morning and evening are
denoted as the dawning of the sun (udita suryasya), or its
setting (ni-mruc). The midday is regularly madhyam ahndm, 14
15 16
madhye, or madhyamdina. Samgava is the forenoon, between
the early morning (pratar) and midday (madhyamdina).
The divisions of time less than the day are seldom precisely
given. In the Satapatha Brahmana, 17 however, a day and
2 12
Rv. vi. 9, i. Vedische Studien, 2, 155-179.
3
Rv. Av. 13 Rv.
x. 190, 2 ;
xiii. 3, 8, etc. ;
i.
126, 3 ; iv. 34, 5.

xxiii. 41, etc. 14 Rv.

Vajasaneyi Samhita, vii. 41, 4.
4 15
ix. 6, 45. Rv. viii. 27, 20.
5 6 16
i-
5, 3, 1 ; 4, 9, 2. iv. 2, 11. Cf. Rv. v. 76, 3 (samgave,
pratar
7
Rv. iii.
9, 7 ; cf. Oldenberg, Rgveda- ahno,madhyamdine) Taittirlya Brah- ;

Noten, 1, 230. mana, ii. 1, 1, 3 Jaiminiya Upanisad

;

8
Rv. ii. 34, 8 ;
ix. 94, 2. Brahmana, i. 12, 4 Aitareya Brah- ;

9
Rv - ii- 19, 2 ; 34, 5. mana, iii. 18, 14 Geldner, Vedische ;

10 Rv. vii. 41, 4; viii. 1, 29. Sieg, Studien, 3, 112, 113. Zimmer, op. cit.,
Die Sagenstoffe des Rgveda, 127 et seq., 362,places it too early before the
interprets paritakmyayam (Rv. i. 116, 15) cows are driven out.
17 xii. Brah-
similarly. 3, 2, 5. Cf. Taittirlya
11 Altindisches
Leben, 362. mana, iii. 10, 1, 1 et seq.

VOL. I.
5o DIVISIONS OF THE DAY [ Ahalya Maitreyl

night make up 30 muhurtas ; 1 muhurta=i$ ksipra ; 1 ksipra

=
15 etarhi ; etarhi=i$ idani ; 1 iddni = i^ breathings; 1 breath-
1

ing =1 spiration; 1 spiration

= i twinkling (nimesa), etc. In
the Sankhayana Aranyaka 18 the series is dhvamsayo, nimesah,
kdsthdh, kaldh, ksana, muhurtd, ahordtrdh. A thirtyfold division
of day as well as of night is seen in one passage of the
Rigveda by Zimmer, who compares the Babylonian sixty-
19

fold division of the day and night. But the expression used
20
thirty Yojanas too vague and obscure Bergaigne
is refers
it to the firmament to build any theory upon with safety.
The
longer divisions of time are regularly half
'
month '

(ardha-mdsa) month (rnasa),

,
' '
season (rtu), and
' ' '

year
'

(samvatsara), which often 21 occur in this sequence after

ahordtrdni (* days and nights ').
18 vii. 21
20. Cf. Sankhayana Srauta Taittiriya Samhita, vii. 1, 15 ;

Sutra, xiv. 78 et seq. Weber, Indische

; Maitrayani Samhita, iii. 12, 7 ; Vaja-
Streifen, i, 92-95. saneyi Samhita, xxii. 28 ; Sankhayana
19 Rv. i. 8.123, Aranyaka, vii. 20 Brhadaranyaka ;

20
Religion Vedique, 3, 283 et seq. Upanisad, iii.
8, 9, etc. Cf. Zimmer,
Cf. Roth, St. Petersburg Dictionary, Altindisches Leben, 361-363.
s.v. kratu.

Ahalya Maitreyl is practically a mythical name, the exist-

ence of the lady whose story is alluded to in several Brahmanas 1
' '

being derived from the epithet of Indra, lover of Ahalya

(ahalyayai jara).
1
Satapatha Brahmana, iii. 3, 4, 18 ; Jaiminiya Brahmana, ii. 79 ;
Sadvimsa
Brahmana, i. 1.

This word occurs frequently from the Rigveda 1

Ahi.
onwards to denote snake.' Reference is several times 2 made
*

to its casting its slough. Mention is also made of the serpent's

3 4
peculiar movement, which earns for it the designation of
1
the toothed rope
'

{datvati rajjuh). The poisonous character

1 vii.
104, 7, etc. The word sarpa, Upanisad, iv. 4, 10 ; Jaiminiya Brah-
which is usual in the Atharvaveda, mana, i. 9 ;
ii. 139 ;
Kathaka Upanisad,
occurs only once (x. 16, 6) in the Rv. ii. 6; 17.
2 Rv. 3
ix. 86, 44; Av. i. 27; Satapatha Aitareya Aranyaka, v. 1, 4.
4 Av. iv. 3, 2.
Brahmana, xi. 2, 6, 13; Brhadaranyaka
Akramana ] SNAKE 5i

5
of its bite is spoken as well as the torpidity of the reptile
of,
6
in winter, when it creeps into the earth. The cast skin is
used as an amulet against highwaymen. 7 Mention is made of
a mythical horse, Paidva, which the Asvins gave to Pedu as
a protection against snakes, 8 and which is invoked as a
9
destroyer of serpents. The ichneumon (nakula) is regarded
as their deadly enemy, and as immune against their poison
through the use of a healing plant, while men kill them with
10

11
sticks or strike off their heads. 12
Many snakes are mentioned
species of see Agliasva, :

Ajagrara, Kahkaparvan, Karikrata, Kalmasagrlva,

Asita,
Kasarnila, Kumbhinasa, Tirascaraji, Taimata, Darvi, Dao-
nasi, Puskarasada, Prdaku, Lohitahi, Sarkota, Svitra, Sarpa.
5 9
Rv. vii. 104, 7; Av. x. 4, 4 et seq. Av. x. 4, 6. 10.
10
6, 56. Av. vi. 139, 5; viii. 7, 23.
11
(i
Av. xii. 1, 46. Av. x. 4, 9.
7
Av. 12
i. 27. Av. vi. 67, 2. See Zimmer, Altin-
8
Rv. i. 117-119. disches Leben, 94, 95.

Ahma Asvatthya was a sage {muni) who achieved immor-

tality by knowledge of a certain rite {sdvitram)}
1
Taittiriya Brahmana, iii. io, 9, 10. able. The second may be compared
The form of the first name is remark- with Asvattha.

Akuli. This mythical priest plays, together with Kirata,

a part in the later tale of Asamati and the Gaupayanas.

Aktaksya is mentioned as a teacher who had peculiar views

on the fire ritual (agni-citi), which are rejected in the Satapatha
Brahmana. 1
1 vi. i, 2, 24. Cf. Levi, La Doctrine du Sacrifice, 140.

A-kramana. In the Jaiminiya Upanisad Brahmana 1 (i. 3)

this word is used with the specific sense of steps to climb *

trees.'

42
 52 RAT TALES [ Akhu

Akhu. The exact sense of this word is uncertain. Zimmer 1

renders it 'mole,' while Roth 2 prefers 'mouse' or 'rat.' It is

frequently mentioned in the later Samhitas, 3 and is known to

5
the Rigveda, 4 where, however, the regarded by Pischel word is
'
as having acquired the secondary sense of thief.' This is
denied by Hillebrandt. 6
1 Altindisches 28
Leben, 84, 85, followed saneyi Samhita, iii. 57 ;
xxiv. 26 ;
;

by Bloomfield, Hymns of the Athar- Av. vi. 50, 1.

4 ix.
vaveda, 142. 67, 30.
2 5
St. Petersburg
Dictionary, s.v., Vedische Studien, 2, 246 ; Zeitschrift
followed by Whitney, -Translation of der Deutschen Morgenldndischen Gesell-

the Atharvaveda, 317, 318. schaft, 48, 701.

3 v. 6
Taittiriya Samhita, 5, 14, 1 ; Zeitschrift, 48, 418 ; Vedainterpreta-
Maitrayani Samhita, iii. 14, 7 ; Vaja- tion, 7.

1
A-khyana. In the Aitareya Brahmana we hear of the
Saunahsepa Akhyana, 'the story of Sunahgepa,' which is told
by the Hotr priest at the Rajasuya (' royal inauguration '). The
series of stories 2 used at the Asvamedha ('horse sacrifice')
during the year while the sacrificial horse is allowed to wander
at its will is called the 'cyclic' (pari-plavam). The Aitareya
Brahmana 3 mentions also Akhyana-vids ('men versed in
tales '), who tell the Sauparna legend, elsewhere 4 known as a
5
Vyakhyana. Yaska, in the Nirukta, frequently uses the term,
sometimes in a
pregnant sense as denoting the doctrine of the
Aitihasikas or traditional interpreters of the Rigveda.6

1 vii. 4
18, 10. Cf. ^ankhayana Srauta Satapatha Brahmana, iii. 6, 2, 7.
5
Sutra, xv. 27. v. 21 ;
vii. 7.
2 6
Satapatha Brahmana, xiii. 4, 3, 2. xi. 19; 25.

15- Cf. Sieg, Die Sagenstojfe des Rgveda,,

3 iii.
25, 1. 16 et seq.

A-khyayika. This word occurs apparently but once in the

Vedic literature, in the late Taittiriya Aranyaka, 1 where its
significance is doubtful.
1 i. 6, 3. Cf. Sieg, Die Sagenstojfe des Rgveda, 20, n. 1.

Agastya appears as a teacher in the Aitareya (iii. i, i) and

Sarikhayana (vii. 2) Aranyakas.
.
Aji ] NAMES CYMBAL GOAD 53

Agrii-veSi Satri. A prince of this name appears to be

referred to in a Danastuti (' Praise of Gifts ') in the Rigveda. 1
1 v 34.
-
9- Cf. Ludwig, Translation of the Rigveda, 3, 155.

AgTli-vesya. Several teachers of this name are mentioned

in the Vamsas or Genealogies of the Brhadaranyaka Upanisad.
1
In the Madhyandina recension Agnivesya is a pupil of
Saitava. In the Kanva recension he
a pupil of Sandilya is
2
and Anabhimlata in one Vamsa, and of Garg'ya in the second
Vamsa. 3
1 21 iv. 5, 27. 2 3 iv.
ii. 5, ; ii. 6, 2. 6, 2.

'
A-ghati is a musical instrument, the cymbal,' used to
accompany dancing. It is known to the Rigveda 1 and
Atharvaveda. 2
1 2
x. 146, 2. iv. 37, 4 (agitata). Cf. Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 289.

Ahgirasa is a denoting a claim to be of the family of

title

Angiras, borne by many sages and teachers, like Krsna,

Ajigfarti, Cyavana, Ayasya, Samvarta, Sudhanvan, etc.

Aja-kein is the name of a family in which, according to

the Jaiminiya Upanisad Brahmana (i. 9, 3), Baka used violence
against Indra.

Ajani. This word is used to denote a 'goad' in the

Atharvaveda (iii. 25, 5).

Ajata-satrava. See Bhadrasena.

1
Aji is
constantly used in the Rigveda and the later
literature to express the sense of 'a race,' and only seldom
denotes 'a battle.' Horse-racing was one of the favourite
amusements of the Vedic Indian, 2 the other being dicing
1 v -
37. 7; vi. 24, 6, etc. I
Geldner, Vedische Studien, 1, 120; 2,
2
Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 291 ; |
1 et seq.
54 RACING [Aji
3 4
(Aksa). The racecourse, called Kastha or Aji itself, appears
from the Atharvaveda 5 to have been a quasi-circular one to
a mark (karsman 6 ) and back again. In the Rigveda the
course is described as broad (urvi), and the distance as
7
measured outPrizes (dhana) were (apdvrktd aratnayah).
8
offered (dhd), and eagerly competed for. Other words for
9 and 10
victory and the prize are kdra bhara; and to 'run a
race is described by the expressions djim aj, i, dhdv, sr. 11
'

The person who instituted a race is referred to as dji-srt, and 12,

Indra is called dji-krt 13 ('race-maker'), and dji-pati u ('lord

of the race').
The swift steeds (vdjin, atya) used for the races were often
washed and adorned. 15 According to Pischel 16 the name of
one swift mare is preserved viz., Vispala, 17 whose broken leg
was replaced by the Asvins in a race but the interpretation ;

is very doubtful. Geldner 18 has also found a comic picture of

a horse-chariot race in the Mudgala hymn in the Rigveda,
but Bloomfield 19 has shown that that interpretation is un-
sound. Pischel 20 also seeks to show that races were run in
21
honour cf gods, but the evidence for the theory is inadequate.

3 12
Rv. viii. 80, 8 ;
Av. ii. 14, 6. Satapatha Brahmana, v. 1, 5, 10.
4 Rv. iv. 24, 8 ;
Av. xiii. 2, 4. 28 ; xi. 1, 2, 13.
5 13
ii. 14, 6; xiii. 2 4. Rv. viii. 53, 6.
6 14
Rv. ix. 36, 1 ; 74, 8. Ibid., 14.
7 The sense is doubtful in Rv. viii.
15 Rv. ii. 34, 3 ix. 109, 10
; x. 68, 11. ;

8o, 8. Zimmer suggests that it may 16

Vedische Studien, 1, 171 -173. Cf.
mean the course is straight,' without
'

Sieg, Die Sagenstoffe des Rgveda, 127

twistings, for which idea cf. Geldner, et seq.
17
Vedische Studien, 2, 160, quoting the Rv. i. 116, 15. Pischel finds here
comparison of the courser's race with a race in honour of Vivasvant, but his
a bowstring (Rv. iii. 53, 24). It is also equation of Khela and Vivasvant is
rendered the barriers are removed.'
'
denied even by Sieg, who accepts his
8 Rv.
i. 81, 3; 116, 15; vi. 45, theory of Vispala.
18
1 et seq. ;
viii. 80, 8 ;
ix. 53, 2 ; 109, 10. Vedische Studien, 2, 1 et seq.
19
According to Geldner, Vedische Studien, Zeitschrift der Deutschen Morgen-
1, 120, n. 2, dhana is from dhan,
'
start.' landischen Gesellschaft, 48, 541 et seq.
Cf. Pischel, ibid., 171. Cf. dhanasa, Rv. Von Schroeder, Mysterium und Mimus im
i. 112, 7. 10; ii. 10, 6; viii. 3, 15, etc. Rigveda, 346 et seq., follows Geldner.
9
Rv. v. 29, 8 ;
ix. 14, 1. Cf. Winternitz, Vienna Oriental Journal,
10
Rv. v. 29, 8 ;
ix. 16, 5, etc. 23, 137-
11 20
Aitareya Brahmana, ii. 25 ;
iv. 27 ; Vedische Studien, 1, 172.
21
Satapatha Brahmana, ii. 4, 3, 4 ;
v. 1, Sieg, op. cit., 128.
1, 3 ; 4, 1 ;
vi. 1, 2, 12 ;
vii. 1, 2, 1, etc.
Adambara ] SALVE DRUM 55

A formal race, however, is a feature of the ritual of the Rajasuya

or royal consecration. 22
22
Taittiriya Samhita, i. 8, 15; Tait- x. 19 et seq. Satapatha Brahmana,
tiriya Brahmana, i. 7, 9 ;
Kathaka v. 4. 2; 3.
Samhita, xv. 8 ; Vajasaneyi Samhita, Cf. Oldenberg, Rgveda-Noten, 1, 43.

Ajigfarti. See Sunahepa, who bears this patronymic in the

Aitareya Brahmana.
1
He is called an Angirasa in the Kathaka
Samhita. 2
1 vii. 2
17. Cf. Sankhayana Srauta Sutra, xvi. 11, 2. xix. 11.

Ajya. See Ghrta.

Aiijana. A salve frequently referred to in the Atharvaveda,

1

2
w hich came from Mount Trikakubh in the Himalaya, and was
r

used to anoint the eyes. 3 The region of the Yamuna 4 is also

given as a possible place of origin, and the ointment is declared
as potent to remove jaundice, Yaksma, Jayanya, and other
diseases. 5 A female ointment-maker is mentioned in the list of
6
victims of the Purusamedha ('human sacrifice').
1 5
iv. 9 ; vi. 102, 3 ; ix. 6, 11 ; xix. 44. Av. xix. 44, 1 et seq.
2 6
Av. iv. 9, 9. 10 ;
xix. 44, 6. Vajasaneyi Samhita, xxx. 14 {ah-
3
Cf. Av. iv. 9, 1 (aksyam) ; Aitareya jarii-kari) ; Taittiriya Brahmana, iii.

Brahmana, i.
3. Hence the legend in 4, 10, 1.
the Taittiriya Samhita, vi. 1, 1, 5; Cf. Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 5, 69 ;

cf. i.
MaitrayanI Samhita,
2, 1, 2 ; Bloomfield, Hymns of the Atharvaveda
iii. 6, 3
Satapatha Brahmana, iii. 1,
; 381 et seq. ; American Journal of Philology,
3,15; Vajasaneyi Samhita, iv. 3. 17, 405, 406 Whitney, Translation of
;

4
Av. iv. 9, 10. the Atharvaveda, 159.

Atiki is the name of the wife of Usasti in the Chandogya

Upanisad (i. 10, 1).

Atnara. Patronymic of Para.

Adambara was a kind of '

drum.' A drummer
' '

{adambara-
ghata) is mentioned in the list of victims at the Purusa-medha
1
(' human sacrifice ') in the Vajasaneyi Samhita.
1 xxx. 19. Cf. Satapatha Brahmana, xiv. 4, 8, 1.
 56 A XLE-PINDOOR-FRA MES WA N [ Ani

Ani. This word, which is found in the Rigveda, 1 but rarely

2 3 4
later, appears to be best taken with Roth and Zimmer as
denoting the part of the axle of the chariot which is inserted
into the nave of the wheel. Sayana renders it as lynch-pin,
and this sense is accepted by Leumann, 5 being apparently also
found in the Nirukta. 6 In one place in the Rigveda 7 the
word appears by synecdoche to denote the whole chariot, but
the passage is, according to Geldner, 8 completely obscure.
1 5
i. 35, 6 ; v. 43, 8. Etymologisches Worterbuch, 30.
2
In a Mantra in the Aitareya Aran- 6 vi. 32.
7
yaka, ii. 7. See Keith's edition, pp. 266, i. 63, fil Cf. Pischel, Vedische
267, and Vani. Studien, 1, 96.
3 8
St. Petersburg Dictionary, s.v. Geldner, ibid. 141, n. 3.
4
Altindisches Leben, 247.

Andika (' bearing eggs ') is a term found in the Atharvaveda 1

denoting an edible plant, apparently with fruit or leaves of egg
shape (cinda), akin to the lotus.
1 iv. v. 17, 16. In the first Translation of the Atharvaveda, 207.
34, 5 ;

passage the Paippalada version has Cf. Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 70 ;

paimdarlka in its place Whitney, ; Weber, Indische Studien, 18, 138.

Ata. The framework of the door of a house appears to be

denoted by the plural of this word in the Rigveda 1 (though in
all passages there it is used only by synecdoche of the doors of

the sky), and in the Vajasaneyi Samhita. 2 Zimmer 3 compares

the Latin antae, to which the word etymologically corresponds. 4
1 3 Altindisches Leben, 154.
i. 56, 5; 113, 14; iii. 43, 6; ix. 5, 5
4
(ataih). Brugmann, Grundriss, 1, 209
2
xxix. 5 (ataih). Cf. atabhih in 214.
Durga on Nirukta, iv. 18.

Ati, an aquatic bird. The Apsarases in the legend of

Pururavas and Urvasi appear to him like Atis, probably swans. 1
The birds appear also in the list of animals in the Asvamedha
('horse sacrifice'),
2
where Mahidhara 3 renders them as the
1
Rv. x. 95, 9. Cf. Satapatha Brah- Maltrayani Samhita, iii. 14, 18 ; Vaja-
mana, xi. 5, 1, 4. saneyi Samhita, xxiv. 34.
a
Taittiriya Samhita, v. 5, 13, 1 ;
3
On Vajasaneyi Samhita, loc. cit.
Atharvana ]
NAMES 57

laterAdi (Turdus ginginianus), and Sayana 4 quotes a view,

according to which the Ati was the Casa, or blue jay (Coracias
indica).

4
On Taittiriya Samhita, loc. cit. Cf. Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 89.

Atithi-g-va. Patronymic of Indrota.

Atreya is the patronymic of a pupil of Manti in the

Brhadaranyaka Upanisad.
1
An Atreya appears as a Purohita
of Anga in the Aitareya Brahmana. 2 An Atreya was regularly
the priest in certain rites, 3 and an Atreyi occurs in an obscure
4
passage in the Satapatha Brahmana.
1 ii. 6, 3
58 MIRROR A PAYA RIVER [ AdarSa

A-darga, 'mirror,' is a term found only in the Upanisads 1

and Aranyakas. 2
1 2
Brhadaranyaka Upanisad, ii. i, 9; I
AitareyaAranyaka, iii. 2, 4; Sankh-
iii. g, 15 ;
Chandogya Upanisad, viii. 7,
j
ayana Aranyaka, viii. 7.

4; Kausitaki Upanisad, iv. 2 ; 11. I

Adara was a kind of plant which was prescribed as a

substitute for Soma. 1 It is identified in the Satapatha Brah-
man a 2 with Putika.
1
Satapatha Brahmana, iv. 5, 10, 4. I
hita, xxiv. 3 ; Katyayana Srauta Sutra,
2 xiv.
1, 2, 12. Cf. Kathaka Sam- xxv. 12, 19. I

Cf. Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 276.

Ananda-ja Candhanayana is mentioned as a pupil of Samba

in the Vamsa Brahmana. 1
1 Indischc Studien, 4, 372.

Anabhi-mlata is mentioned in a Vamsa, or Genealogy, in the

1
Brhadaranyaka Upanisad as a pupil of Anabhimlata.
1 2 (not in the
ii. 6, Madhyandina version).

Anava. See Aim.

Geldner 1 thinks that in its solitary occurrence in

Anuka.
the Rigveda 2 this word means an ornament. Roth 3 takes it
adverbially, and so do Ludwig and Oldenberg.
1 Vedische Studien, 3, 94. 2 3 s.v.
v. 33, 9. St. Petersburg Dictionary,

Apaya is the name of a river mentioned once only in the

1
Rigveda, when it occurs between the Drsadvati and the
2
Sarasvati. Ludwig was inclined to identify it with the
Apaga as a name for the Ganges, but Zimmer 3 correctly places
itnear the Sarasvati, either as the small tributary which flows
past Thanesar or the modern Indramati farther west, while
Pischel 4 assigns it to Kuruksetra, of which the Apaya is
mentioned as a famous river in the Mahabharata. 5
1 3
m. 23, 4. Altindisches Leben, 18.
2 4 Vedische Studien, 2, 218.
Translation of the Rigveda, 3, 200.
5
But cf. ibid., 4, 304. Mahabharata, iii. 83, 68.
Ambasthya ] MYROBALAN FRUIT CURDS 59

1
apparently the name of a plant in the Atharvaveda
Abayu is j

the mustard plant 2 may have been meant, but the sense is
3
quite uncertain.
1 3
vi. 16, i.
Whitney, Translation of the Athar-
2
Bloomfield, of the Atharva-
Hymns vaveda, 292 Zimmer, A Itindisches Leben,
;

veda, 465, following the indication of the 72.

use of the hymn in the Kausika Sutra.

Abhi-pratarina. Patronymic of Vrddhadyumna.

A bhuti Tvastra two Vamsas, or Genealogies, is mentioned in

1
of the Brhadaranyaka Upanisad as a pupil of Vigvarupa
Tvastra, both teachers being no doubt equally mythical.
1 ii. 6, 3 ; iv. 6, 3 (in both recensions).

Amalaka (neuter), a common word later, is found in the

Chandogya Upanisad (vii. 3, 1), denoting the Myrobalan fruit.

Cf.Amala.

Amiksa designates a mess of clotted curds. It is not known

to the Rigveda, but occurs in all the later Samhitas, 1 Brah-
2
manas, etc., and is associated with the Vaisya in the Taittiriya
3
Aranyaka.
1 Av. x. 9, 13 ; Taittiriya Samhita, ii. 8, 8 ; Jaiminiya Brahmana, ii. 438
ii. 5. 5. 4; m -
3- 9. 2 vi 2, 5, 3;
;
-
(Journal of the American Oriental Society,
Maitrayani Samhita, ii. 1, 9; Vaja- 19, 99, 101) ; Chandogya Upanisad,
saneyi Samhita, xix. 21 ; 23, etc. viii. 8, 5, etc.
2
Satapatha Brahmana, i. 8, 1, 7. 9;
3
Loc. cit. Cf. Manava Srauta Sutra,
iii. 3, 3, 2, etc. ; Taittiriya Aranyaka, ii. 2, 40.

Amba
denotes in the Taittiriya 1 and Kathaka 2 Samhitas a
grain, called Namba in the Satapatha Brahmana.
3

1 i.
8, 10, 1. xv. 5. v. 3. 3.

Ambasthya is mentioned in the Aitareya Brahmana (viii. 21)

as a king, whose priest for the Rajasuya, or royal inauguration,
was Narada. Presumably the name is local, meaning
'

King of
6o AYU WEAPONS [ Ayatana

the Ambasthas,' as interpreted in the St. Petersburg Dictionary.

Later the term Ambastha denotes a man of mingled Brahmana '

'
and Vaisya parentage by father and mother respectively.

A-yatana. The general sense of abode ' '

or
'
home appears
'

to be limited in one passage of the Chandogya Upanisad

' '

(vii. 24, 2) to the sense of holy place,' sanctuary,' which is

found in the epic.

Ayavasa is mentioned apparently as a king in a corrupt and

1
unintelligible verse of the Rigveda.
1 i. 122, 15. Cf. Ludwig, Translation of the Rigveda, 3, 206; Roth,
St. Petersburg Dictionary, s.v.

1
appears in the Rigveda with Kutsa and Atithigva as
Ayu
having been defeated, with Indra's aid, by Turvayana, who is
believed by Pischel 2 to have been King of the Pakthas. Possibly
he is elsewhere 3 referred to as victorious, by Indra's aid, over
VeSa. Elsewhere he is quite mythical. 4
1 i. 53, 10; ii. 14, 7; vi. 18,13
3
Rv. x. 49, 5 but the ;
word is
viii.53, 2; Bergaigne, Religion VMique possibly not a proper name.
4 Vedic Mythology, 100,
1, 60. Cf Macdonell,
2
Vedische Studien, 1, 71-75. 135. 140-

Ayuta. See Ghrta.

'
A-yudha, weapon,' in its widest sense covers the whole
of a Ksatriya's warlike equipment, which in the Aitareya
Brahmana1 is summed up as horse-chariot (asva-ratha), bow
and arrows {isu-dhanva), and corselet (kavaca). As the bow and
arrow (isu, dhanvan) were essential as the main weapons of
the Vedic fighter, they are probably meant when Ayudha is
used specifically of weapons, as often from the Rigveda 2
onwards. The battle hymn in the Rigveda 3 confirms this
view, as it presents to us the warrior armed with bow and
arrow on his chariot, and clad in armour (Varman), with a
guard (Hastagfhna) on the left arm to avoid the friction of the
bow-string. The corselet was not a single solid piece of metal,
4
but consisted of many pieces fitted together (syida); it may
1 3
vii. 19, 2. vi. 75.
2 4
i. 39, 2; 6i, 13; 92, 1; ii. 30, 9, Rv. i. 31, 15.
etc. ;
Av. vi. 133, 2, etc.
Aradhi ] WEAPONS BEE A WL 61

have been made either of metal plates or, as is more likely, of

some stiff material plated with metal. In addition the warrior
wore a helmet (Sipra). There is no trace of the use of a
shield, nor is there any clear record of the employment of
5
greaves or other guard for the feet. Skill in the use of weapons
6
is referred to in the Rigveda.

Itdoubtful whether sling stones (Adri, Asani) were in

is

ordinary use. The hook (ankusa) also is merely a divine

7

8
weapon, and the axe (svadhiti, vast, parasu) does not occur in
mortal combats. For the use of the spear see Rsti, Rambhini,
Sakti, Saru of the sword, Asi, Krti.
; Neither weapon can be
considered ordinary in warfare, nor was the club (Vajra) used.
For the modes of warfare see Samgrama.
5
Grassmann saw greaves in vaturina Av. vi. 83, 3. Cf. Muir, Sanskrit Texts,
pada in Rv. i. 133, 2, but this is most 5.87.
8
improbable. Rv. v. 32, 10 ix. 67, 30
;
x. 43, 9.
;

6 i. 92, 1. Cf. Geldner, Vedische Cf. Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 298-

Studien, 3, 183 ; Hopkins, Journal of the 301 ; Muir, Sanskrit Texts, 5, 469-472 ;

American Oriental Society, 13, 295. Hopkins, Journal of the American Oriental
7
Rv. viii. 17, 10 ; x. 44, 9 ; 134, 6 ; Society, 13, 281 et seq.

Ayograva. Marutta Avi-ksita, the Ayogava king, is men-

tioned as a sacrificer in the Satapatha Brahmana, 1 where also
a Gatha ('
stanza ') celebrating his sacrifice is cited. Cf. Ayogti.
1 xiii.
5, 4, 6. Cf. Sankbayana Srauta Sutra, xvi. 9, 14-16.

Arangfara is one of the names of the bee found in the

1
Rigveda. Other names are Sarah and Bhrng'a.
1 x.
106, 10. Cf. Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 97.

1
Ara, a word later known as an awl' or 'gimlet,' occurs in
'

the Rigveda 2 only to designate a weapon of Pusan, with whose

pastoral character its later use for piercing leather is con-
sistent. Cf. Vasi.
1 2
Hillebrandt, Vedische My thologie, 3, 365, n. 1. vi. 53, 8.

Aradhi. Patronymic of Saujata. Cf Arada.

62 ARJlKA COUNTRY [ Aruna AupaveSi

Aruna Aupa-vei. So the manuscripts let us read the former

word in the MaitrayanI Samhita, but this is doubtless an error
for Aruna.

Aruni is the patronymic normally referring to Uddalaka,

son of Aruna Aupavesi. Uddalaka is probably also meant by
Aruni Yasasvin, who occurs as a teacher of the Subrahmanya
1
(a kind of recitation) in the Jaiminiya Brahmana. Arunis are
referred to both in the Jaiminiya Upanisad Brahmana 2 and in
the Kathaka Samhita, 3 as well as in the Aitareya Aranyaka. 4
i 3
ii. 80. xiii. 12.
2 4
ii.
5, 1. Cf. Keith, Aitareya Aran- ii. 4. 1.

yaka, 204.

Aruneya. An epithet of vetaketu, indicating his descent

from Uddalaka Aruni and Aruna AupaveSL It is apparently
1
confined to the Satapatha Brahmana and Chandogya Upani-
2
sad, in which Svetaketu plays a great part.
1
x. 3, 4, 1; xi. 2, 7, 12; 5, 4, 18; 6, 2, 1 ; xii. 2, 1, 9; Brhadaranyaka
2
Upanisad, vi. 2, 1. v. 3, 1 ; vi. 1, 1.

_ A 5
Arksa. Patronymic of Srutarvan and of ASvamedha.

1 2 3
Arjika and Arjikiya (masc), Arjikiya (fern.). The two
masculine forms probably denote the people or land, while the
feminine word designates the river of the land. Hillebrandt 4
locates the country in or near Kasmir, as Arrian 5 mentions
Arsaces, brother of Abhisares, who presumably took his name
from his people, and Abhisara bordered on Kasmir. Pischel 6
accepts Arjika as designating a country, which he, however,
thinks cannot be identified. But neither Roth 7 nor Zimmer 8
recognizes the word as a proper name. On the other hand,
all authorities agree in regarding Arjikiya as the name of a
Singular Rv. viii.
1 5
:
7, 29 ;
ix. 113, 2. Anabasis, v. 29, 4.
Plural ix. 65, 23. 6
: Vedische Studien, 2, 209, 217.
2 Rv. 7
viii. 64, 11. St. Petersburg Dictionary.
3 8
Rv. x. 75, 5. Altindisches Leben, 12-14.
4 Vedische Mythologie, 1, 126-137.
Artava ] ARJIKIYA RIVER 63

river. Roth 9 does so one passage 10 only, elsewhere seeing

in
references to Soma vessels but it seems necessary to treat the
;

word alike in all passages containing it. Zimmer does not

locate the river, and Pischel denies the possibility of its
identification. Hillebrandt thinks it may have been the
Upper Indus, or the Vitasta (the Jhelum), or some other
stream. Grassmann follows Yaska 11 in identifying it with the
the Vipas (Beas), but this is rendered improbable by the
position of the name in the hymn in praise of rivers (nadi-

stuti).
12
Brunnhofer 13 identifies it with the Arghesan, a tributary
of the Arghanab.
9 13
Op. cit., s.v. susoma. Iran unci Turan, 52.
" Rv. Cf. Max Miiller, Sacred Boohs of the
x.75, 5.
11
Nirukta, ix. 26. East, 32, 398 ; 399.
12
Rv. x. 75.

Arjuneya. In the Rigveda this name occurs as the patro-

1

nymic of Kautsa.
1 iv. 26, 1 vii. 19, 2 viii. 1, 11.
i. 112, 23 ; ; ;

Artabhagi-putra is mentioned as a pupil of Saungi-putra

in a Vamsa or Genealogy in the Brhadaranyaka Upanisad. 1
Artabhaga is a patronymic of Jaratkarava in the same
2
Upanisad.
1 vi. 2 (also in the 2
5, Madhyandina version). iii. 2, 1. 13.

This expression denotes a portion of the year

Artava.
consisting of more seasons than one. But it does not bear the
exact sense of half-year,' as suggested by Zimmer. 1 This is
'

shown by the fact that it occurs regularly in the plural, not in

the dual. In the Atharvaveda it occurs between seasons and
2,
but also in the combinations, 'seasons, Artavas,
years {hay ana),
3 * 4
months, years'; half-months, months, Artavas, seasons';
1
Altindisches Leben, 374. 1
3
^ IO) IO
2 ^
"i- 10, 9. xi. 7, 20. Cf. xv. 6, 6; 17, 6.
 64 NOTCHED END OF BOW ARYAN [ Artni

seasons, Artavas, months, half-months, days and nights, day '; 6

'

and in the Vajasaneyi Samhita months, seasons, Artavas, the '

6
year,' or simply with the seasons. 7
5
xvi. 8, 18. vii. 2, 6, 1. 3. Kausitaki Upanisad, i.
3,
6
xxii. 28. cited in this sense in the St. Petersburg
7 Av. v. 28, 2. 13; x. 6, 18; 7, 5; Dictionary, is not so to be understood,
xi. 3, 17; 6, 17; Taittiriya Samhita, as the word there is merely adjectival.

Artni denotes the end of the

to which the bow-string bow
(jya) was attached. 1
was not normally kept The string
fastened to both ends of the bow, but when an arrow was to
be shot it was strung taut. 2 On the other hand, the legend
of the death of Visnu, told in the later Samhitas 3 and
4
Brahmanas, expressly contemplates his leaning on his strung
bow, which cleaves his head by the sudden springing apart
of the two ends when the bow-string is gnawed through.

1 4
Rv. vi. 75, 4; Av. i. 1, 3; Maitra- Pancavimsa Brahmana, vii. 5, 6 ;

yani Samhita, ii. 9, 2 ; Kathaka Sam- Satapatha Brahmana, xiv. 1, 1, 7 et

hita., xvii. 11 ; Vajasaneyi Samhita, seq.

xvi. 9, etc. Cf. Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 297,
a Rv. x. 166, 3. Cf. Av. vi. 42, 1. 298; Hopkins, Journal of the American
a Oriental Society, 13, 270.
Maitrayani Samhita, iv. 5, 9.

the normal designation in the Vedic literature from

Arya is

the Rigveda 1 onwards of an Aryan, a member of the three

upper classes, Brahmana, Ksatriya, or VaiSya, as the formal
2
division is given in the Satapatha Brahmana. The Arya
3
stands in opposition to the Dasa, but also to the Sudra.
Sometimes 4 the expression is restricted to the Vaisya caste,

* Rv. i. 51, 8 ; 130, 8 ; 156, 5, etc. Whitney's Translation of the Athar-

2
iv. 1,6 (Kanva recension). vaveda, 948, 1003, quotes his view with
3
Rv. i. 51, 8. 9; 103, 3; vi. 20, 10; approval but Whitney's version leaves
;

25, 2. 3, etc. (opposed to Dasa) Av. ; no doubt that he read and understood
iv. 20, 4. 8 Maitrayani Samhita, iv. 6,
;
the text as Arya, the Aryan, not the
6; Vajasaneyi Samhita, xiv. 30, etc. Vaisya. For Whitney's view, Av. iv. 20,
(opposed to Sudra). 4. 8 may be cited; and so Roth, St.
4
Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 205, 215, Petersburg Dictionary, s.v., takes the
finds this use understanding Arya as passages. In Taittiriya Samhita, iv. 3,
meant in Atharvaveda, xix. 32, 8, and 10, 8, Sudraryau must mean Sudra and
62, 1, as well as in passages where VaiSya but the Padapatha takes it as
;

Sudraryau is found. Lanman, in Arya, and so does Zimmer.

Arya ] ARYAN 65

the Brahmana and the Ksatriya receiving special designations ;

but this use is not common, and it is often uncertain also

whether Arya is not meant. The phrase Siidraryau 6 is espe-
cially ambiguous, but appears to have denoted originally the
Sudra and the Aryan, for in the Mahavrata ceremony the fight
between a Sudra and an Arya is represented in the Taittiriya
Brahmana as one between a Brahmana and a Sudra, though
the Sutra treats it as a fight between a Vaisya and a Sudra.
The word Arya (fern. Arya or Ari) also occurs frequently
used as an adjective to describe the Aryan classes (visah), 6 or
name (ndman), 7 or caste (varna), 8 or dwellings (dhdman) ;9 or
10
again reference is made to the Aryan supremacy (vrata) being
extended over the land. Aryan foes (vrtra) 11 are referred to
beside and there are many 12 references to war
Dasa foes,
of Aryan versus Aryan, as well as to war of Aryan against
Dasa. From this it can be fairly deduced that even by the
time of the Rigveda the Aryan communities had advanced
farbeyond the stage of simple conquest of the aborigines. In
the later Samhitas and Brahmanas the wars alluded to seem
mainly Aryan wars, no doubt in consequence of the fusion of
Arya and Dasa into one community.
Weber 13 considers that the five peoples known to the Rigveda
were the Aryans and the four peoples of the quarters (dis)
14
of the earth, but this is doubtful. Aryan speech (vac)
is specially referred to in the Aitareya and Sahkhayana
Aranyakas.
5
See Taittiriya Samhita, vii. 5, 9, 3,
with Katyayana Srauta Sutra, xiii. 3,

7. Kathaka Samhita, xxxiv. 5

8 ; ;

PaiicavmiSa Brahmana, v. 5, 17 Tait- ;

tiriya Brahmana, i. 2, 6, 7 La.tya.yana ;

Sutra, iv. 2, 5 Sahkhayana Srauta

;

Sutra, xvii. 6, 2 ; Anupada Sutra, vii. 10.

6
Rv.
66 NA MESG UE ST-HO USE [ Arya

Arya. See Malya.

1
Arsti-sena. Patronymic of Devapi.
1 Rv. 8 11
x. 98, 5. 6. ; Nirukta, ii. ; Brhaddevata, vii. 155.

Ala appears to mean 'weed' in the Atharvaveda, 1 and to

form part of three other words, 2 denoting, according to Sayana,
3
grass-creepers (sasya-valli) viz., Alasala, Silanjala., and Nila-
4
galasala. Whitney, however, does not think that the words
can be given any determinate sense.
1
Av. vi. 16, 3. But Whitney takes manuscripts of the KauSika Sutra
the word as a verb, comparing v. (vi. 16) have Silanjala.
,
But cf. Silaci.
4
22, 6. Translation of the Atharvaveda,
2
Av. vi. 16, 4. 292, 293. Cf. Bloomfield, Hymns of
3
Sayana reads Salanjala, and the the Atharvaveda, 466.

Alambayani-putra is mentioned in a Vamsa or Genealogy

of the Kanva recension of the Brhadaranyaka Upanisad
(vi. a pupil of Alambl-putra.
5, 2) as In the Madhyandina
recension (vi. 4, 32) the relation is reversed, for there he is
teacher of Alambi-putra and pupil of Jayanti-putra.

Alambl-putra is a pupil of Jayanti-putra according to a

Vamsa in the Kanva recension of the Brhadaranyaka Upanisad
(vi. 5, 2), but of Alambayani-putra according to the Madhy-
andina (vi. 4, 32).

Aligi is the name of a kind of serpent in the Atharvaveda

(v. 13, 7). Cf. Viligl.
1
A-vasatha ('dwelling'). precise sense of this term The
appears to be a place for the reception of guests, especially
Brahmanas and others on the occasion of feasts and sacrifices
(somewhat like the modern meaning of Dharma-sala as a rest-
house for pilgrims), a use derived from the more general sense
abode.' 2
'
of
1 Av. ix. 6, 5 (a hymn in praise of given in the Sutras e.g., Apastamba
entertaining Brahmanas) ; Taittiriya Srauta Sutra, v. 9, 3 ; Dharma Sutra,
Brahmana, i. 1, 10, 6; iii. 7, 4, 6; ii. 9, 25, 4.
2
Satapatha Brahmana, xii. 4, 4, 6 E.g., Aitareya Upanisad, iii. 12.
(where Eggeling renders the word as if Cf. Hillebrandt, Vedische Mythologie, 2,
'

meaning house merely) Chandogya

'

Upanisad, iv. 1, 1, etc. Details are

ASu ]
WOOL SOMA ADMIXTURE 67

*
Avika (' coming from the sheep,' avi) is a term for wool,'
which occurs first in the Brhadaranyaka Upanisad (ii. 3, 6).
Cf. Avi.

1
Avi-ksita. -Patronymic of Marutta, the Ayograva.
1
Aitareya Brahmana, viii. 21 ; Satapatha Brahmana, xiii. 5, 4, 6.

A-6arIka appears to denote a disease in a hymn of the

Atharvaveda 1 celebrating the powers of the Jarigida plant.
Zimmer 2 thinks that it merely denotes the pain in the limbs
3
accompanying fever. Whitney suggests taking the word as
merely an epithet.
1 xix. 34, 10. 953- / Bloomfield, Hymns of the
-
Altindisches Leben, 65, 391. Atharvaveda, 673.
8 of the
Translation Atharvaveda,

(' admixture ') denotes the mixing,

A-6ir and more especially
the milk mixed with the juice, of the Soma before it was
offered to the gods. In this sense it is not rare from the
1
Rigveda onwards. Not milk alone was employed for this
'

purpose. The
having three admixtures applied to
epithet
*

Soma 2 is explained by the other epithets, 'mixed with milk'

'

(gavdsir), mixed with curds (dadhy-dsir), and mixed with

' '

grain
'

(yavasir) all referring to Soma.

2
1 i.
134, 6; iii. 53, 14; viii. 2, 10. Rv. v. 27, 5 ; cf. viii. 2, 7. Cf.
11, etc. ;
Av. ii. 29, 1, etc. ; Nirukta, Hillebrandt, Vedische Mythologie, 1, 209
vi. 8; 32. et seq.

ASi-visa, occurring only the Aitareya Brahmana, 1 is

in
2
understood by Roth as designating a particular kind of snake,
and perhaps means having poison '

(visa) in its fangs

'

(dsi).

is a common word in the Epic and

2
St. Petersburg Dictionary, s.v. It later.

Asu, the swift,' is frequently used without A3va to denote

'

the chariot steed from the Rigveda 1 onwards.

Satapatha Brah-
1 Av. 10
ii. 16, 3 ; 31, 2 ; 38, 3, etc. ;
ii. Samhita, i. 8, ;

14, 6; iv. 27, 1; xiii. 2, 2; Taittiriya mana, v. 3, 3, 3, etc.

52
 68 STAGES OF LIFE [ Aumga
Aum-g a ,
in the Atharvaveda 1 seems to denote some sort of
qualified by the word
'
animal. It is young' (sisuka), and
Roth suggests that it may mean a bird ('swift-flying'), or
2

that the expression denotes 'a foal going to its dam' (asu-ga).
Sayana, however, reads the accompanying word as susuka,
which he assumes to denote an animal. Bloomfield 3 renders
the two words a swift (dsumga) foal (sisuka),' thus agreeing
'

with one of Roth's suggestions in sense, though not in the

explanation of Asumga.
1
vi. 14, 3. Cf. Whitney, Translation of the Athar-
2
St.Petersburg Dictionary, s.v. vaveda, 291.
3
Hymns of the Atharvaveda, 464.

A-rama (' resting-place does not occur in any Upanisad

')

which can be regarded as pre-Buddhistic. Its earliest use as

denoting the stages of a Hindu's life is found in the Svetasvatara
Upanisad.
1
In one passage 2 of the Chandogya Upanisad
reference is made only to the Brahmacarin and householder, to
whom, as a reward for study, the procreation of children, the
practice of Yoga, abstention from injury to living creatures,
and sacrifices, freedom from transmigration are promised. In
another place 3 three states are contemplated, but not as con-
secutive. The Brahmacarin may either become a householder
or become an anchorite, or remain in his teacher's house all his
4
life. Similarly, reference is made to the death of the anchorite
in the forest, or the sacrifice in the village. In contrast with all
three 5 is the man who stands fast in Brahman (Brahma-
samstha). In the Brhadaranyaka Upanisad 6 the knower of the
Atman is contrasted with those who (1) study, or (2) sacrifice
and give alms, or (3) are anchorites, and in another place 7 with
those who sacrificeand make benefactions, and those who
practice asceticism. This position of superiority to, and
distinction from, the Asramas became later a fourth 8 Asrama,
1 A tyasramin, Svetasvatara Upanisad, 11. 23, 1.
6
vi. 21 ; Maitrayani Upanisad, iv. 3, etc. iv. 2, 22. Cf. iii.
5.
2 viii. 7
5. iii. 8, 10.
3
h- 23, 1. B
ja.ba.la Upanisad, 4. Cf. Mundaka
4 v. 10. Upanisad, ii. 1, 7.

I
 Asvasukti ] PATRONYMIC NAMES 69

the Grhastha, or householder, who was in the second stage,

being required to pass not only into the stage of Vanaprastha,
but also that of the Sannyasin (Bhiksu, Parivrajaka). The
stage, that of the Brahmacarin, was still obligatory, but
first

was no longer allowed to remain a permanent one, as was

originally possible.
Cf. Deussen, Philosophy of the Upanishads, 60, 367 et seq.

A-gresa, A-slesa. See Naksatra.

Asva-g"hna. This name occurs in one passage of the Rig-

1
veda, in a very obscure hymn, where it appears to denote a

prince who had made offerings to Indra, and who may, as

2
Ludwig thinks, have been called Vitarana.
1 2
x. 61, 21. Translation of the Rigveda, 3, 165.

Asvatara ASvi, or ASvatarasvi. These two expressions are

used 1 as patronymics of Budila, denoting, according to Sayana, 2
that he was son of Asva, and descendant of Asvatara.
1 The first is found in Aitareya Brhadaranyaka Upanisad, iv. 15, 8
Brahmana, vi. 30 ;
the second in Sata- Chandogya Upanisad, v. 11, 1 ; 16, 1.
patha Brahmana, iv. 6, 1, 9 ;
x. 6, i, 1 ;
2
On Aitareya Brahmana, loc. cit.

1
ASva-tthya. Patronymic of Ahina.
1
Taittiriya Brahmana, iii. 10, 9, 10. Possibly to be read Asvathya.

Ava-medha is the patronymic of an unnamed prince, who

occurs in a Danastuti (' Praise of Gifts ') in the Rigveda (viii. 68,

15. 16).

Asva-vala. From this adjective (' made of horse-tail grass '),

applied to a strew (prastara) in the Satapatha Brahmana (iii. 4,
T 1 7> 6, 3, 10), follows the existence of the Asvavala
>
grass
[Saccharum spontaneum).

A6va-sukti is mentioned in Pancavimsa Brahmana (xix. 4, 2,

et seq.) as an author of Samans (Soma chants) along with
Gausukti.
7o DAY'S JOURNEY KING ASANGA [ ASvina
1
Asvina, or Avlna, designates, in the Atharvaveda and two
2
Brahmanas, the length of journey made in a day by a horseman
(asvin). The exact distance is not defined. In the Atharva it
appears to exceed five leagues, being mentioned immediately
after a distance of three or five Yojanas in the Aitareya ;

Brahmana the heavenly world is placed at a distance of a

thousand Asvinas.

1 vi. 131, 3. I cavimsa Brahmana in Indische Studien,

2
Aitareya Brahmana, ii.
17; Pan- J
1, 34.

Asadhi Sausromateya. According to the Satapatha Brah-

1
mana, he was ruined because the heads were put on at the
Agniciti in a certain manner, and not correctly.
1 vi.
2, i, 37. Eggeling has Asadhi, but as it is a patronymic of Asadha, the
form Asadhi seems correct.

Astra seems in the Kathaka Samhita (xxxvii. 1) to denot<

the ploughman's goad.

Astri. In the Rigveda 1 the word seems to denote a fire-

place. The evil bird is entreated not to settle there on the
hearth.
1 x. 165, 3. Cf. Schrader, Prehistoric Antiquities, 347.

Asangfa Playogi is a king who appears in a Danastuti

1
('Praise of Gifts') in the Rigveda as a generous patron.

Owing, however, to the addition of a curious phallic verse to

the hymn, and its early misunderstanding, 2 a legend was
invented that he lost his manhood and became a woman, but
by the intercession of Medhyatithi was transformed into a man,
much to the delight of his wife, SaSvati, whose existence is
every woman
'
based on a misunderstanding of the phrase '

3
(sasvati naff) in the added verse. Another misunderstanding

1 viii. i, 32. 33. words taken from the Nighantu, a

2 viii. See Hopkins, Religions
1,
34. curious jeu d' esprit. See the extract
of India, 150, n. 1 Brhaddevata, ii. 83
; ; from the Nitimaiijari given by Sieg,
vi. 41,with Macdonell's notes. Dya- Die Sagenstoffe des Rgveda, 40, 41.
3
dviveda gives the tale at length in Vedic viii. 1, 34.
Asandi ] SEAT
of the Danastuti 4 gives him a son Svanad-ratha, really a mere
epithet, and makes him a descendant of Yadu.
4 viii. i, 31. 32.
Cf. Ludwig, Trans- 17, 89; Griffith, Hymns of the Rigveda,
lation of the Rigveda, 3, 159 Hopkins, ; 2, 106, 107 ; Oldenberg, Rgveda-Noten,
Journal of the American Oriental Society, 1. 354-

A-sandi. This is a generic term for a seat of some sort,

1 2
occurring frequently in the later Samhitas and Brahmanas,
3
but not in the Rigveda. In the Atharvaveda the settle brought
for the Vratya is described at length. It had two feet, length-
wise and cross-pieces, forward and cross-cords, showing that it
was made of wood and also cording. It was also covered with
a cushion (Astarana) and a pillow (Upabarhana), had a seat
(Asada) and a support (Uparaya). Similar seats are described
in the Kausltaki Upanisad
4
and the Jaiminiya Brahmana. 5
The seat for the king at the royal consecration is described in
6
very similar terms in the Aitareya Brahmana, where the
height of the feet is placed at a span, and the lengthwise and
cross-pieces are each to be a cubit, while the interwoven part
(vivayana) is to be of Munja grass, and the seat of Udumbara
wood. In another passage of the Atharvaveda 7 Lanman
seems to take the seat meant as a long reclining chair.' There '

also a cushion (Upadhana) and coverlet (Upavasana) are

mentioned. The Satapatha Brahmana repeatedly describes
the Asandi in terms showing that it was an elaborate seat. In
one place 8 it is said to be made of Khadira wood, perforated
{vi-trnnd), and joined with straps (vardhra-yutd) like that of the
9
Bharatas. At the Sautramani rite (an Indra sacrifice) the
seat is of Udumbara wood, is knee-high, and of unlimited
width and depth, and is covered with plaited reed-work. The
1 Av. xiv. xv. 2 et
2, 65; 3, seq.;
72 CITY OF ASANDlVANT SEAT NAMES [ Asandivant

10
imperial seat is to be shoulder-high, of Udumbara wood, and

wound all over with cords of Balvaja grass (Eleusina indica).

Elsewhere 11 the seat is a span high, a cubit in width and
depth, of Udumbara wood, and covered with reed-grass cords,
and daubed with clay.
10 ** vi.
xiv. i, 3, 8 et seq. 7, 1, 12 et seq.

Cf. Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 155.

'

possessing the throne,' is the title of the royal

Asandi-vant,
city of Janamejaya Pariksita, in which the horse, for his famous
Asvamedha, was bound. The authorities both cite a Gatha for
the fact, but they differ as to the priest who celebrated the rite.
In the Satapatba Brahmana 1 he is stated to have been Indrota
Daivapa Saunaka, but in the Aitareya 2 Tura Kavaseya.
xiii. 5, 4, 2. I
Sutra, xvi. 9, 1. Panini, viii. 2, 12,
viii. 21. Cf. Sankhayana Srauta |
knows the name.

A-sada, occurs in the Atharvaveda 1 as a description

'
seat,'
of part of the settle (Asandl) of. the Vratya. It seems best to
2 3
regard it with Whitney as the seat proper; Aufrecht,
4 5 *
Zimmer, and Roth render it as the cushion for the seat,' but
that is sufficiently described by the word Astarana.
1 3
xv. 3, . Indische Studien, i, 131.
2 4
Translation of the Atharvaveda, Altindisches Leben, 155.
5
771. St. Petersburg Dictionary, s.v.

Asurayana mentioned as a pupil of Traivani in the first

is

two Vamsas 1 (lists of teachers) of the Brhadaranyaka Upanisad

in both recensions, but as a pupil of Asuri in the third Vamsa. 2
1 ii. iv. 6, 3.
6, 3 ;

2
vi. 5, 2. Cf. Weber, Indische Studien, 1, 434, n.

Asuri occurs in the (lists of teachers) of first two Vamsas 1

the Brhadaranyaka Upanisad as a pupil of Bharadvaja and
teacher of Aupaj andhani, but in the third 2 as a pupil of
Yajhavalkya and teacher of Asurayana. He appears as a
1 2
ii. 6, 3 ; iv. 6, 3. vi. 5, 2,
A-sthatr ] NAMES COVERLET CAR-FIGHTER 73

ritual authority in the first four books of the Satapatha Brah-

3
mana, and as an authority on dogmatic, specially noted for his
insistence on truth, in the last book. 4
3
i. 6, 3, 26; ii. 1, 4, 27; 3, 1, 9; et seq., whose suggestion of the identity
4, i, 2; 6, I, 25. 33; 3, 17; iv. 5, 8, of this teacher and the founder of the
14. Samkhya system is not, however, ac-
4
xiv. 1, 1, 33, and notes 1, 2. ceptable. See Garbe, Samkhya Philo-
Cf. Weber, Indische Studien, 1, 430 sophic 29, 30.

Asuri-vasin is a name of Praim-putra in a Vamsa (list of

teachers) of the Brhadaranyaka Upanisad (vi. 5, 2, in both
recensions).

A-secana designates a vessel to hold liquids, such as meat

juice (yusan)
1
or ghee. 2 Of its shape and make we know
nothing.
1 Rv. i. 162, 13.
2
Satapatha Brahmana, ii. 1,9, 5. Cf. Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 271.

A-starana denotes the coverlet of the settle (Asandl) of the

Vratya.
1
A tiger's skin serves as the coverlet of the king's
seat in the royal consecration (Rajasuya). 2 In the Kausltaki
3
Upanisad the word used is Upastarana.
1 Av. xv. 3, 7. i. 5. Cf. Zimmer, Altindisches Leben,
2
Aitareya Brahmana, viii. 5. 155-

Astra-budhna is the name of a man whom Indra is said in the

Rigveda to have assisted. It is not clear whether Venya, who
1

is mentioned in the same line, was his friend

2
or his enemy, 3
whom Indra saved or defeated for him.
1 a
x. 171, 3. So Ludwig, Translation of the
2
So Grassmann and Griffith in their Rigveda, 3, 167.
translations.

A-sthatP. The warrior in the chariot is once thus desig-

' 1
nated (as standing on the car ') in the Rigveda. Normally he
is named Rathin or Rathestha.
1 vi.
47, 26. Cf. Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 296.
74 FLUX OBSCENE VERSES SUGAR-CANE [ Asrava

A-srava (' discharge ') denotes a disease, thrice referred to in

the Atharvaveda, 1 the precise nature of which is uncertain.
The Scholiast 2 in one place interprets it as painful urination
(mutrdtisara), while Lanman 3 suggests diabetes. Bloomfield 4
takes it to be diarrhoea, and Zimmer 5 argues that as the remedy
is called wound healer (arus-srdna), the sense is
* ' '
the flux from
unhealed wounds.' Whitney renders it 'flux,' and questions
7 '
Bloomfield's rendering. Ludwig translates it vaguely by sick-
'
ness and cold.'
'

1 i. 2, 4 ;
ii.
3, 2 ;
vi. 44, 2. 13, cxiii; Hymns of the Atharvaveda,
2
On Av. i. 2, 4. Cf. on ii. 3, 2. 233. 234.
3 In 5
Whitney's Translation of the Altindisches Leben, 392.
6
Atharvaveda, 3. Op. cit., 3, 41.
4 7 Translation of the Rigveda,
American Journal of Philology, 7, 467 ; 3, 507,
Journal of the American Oriental Society, 509-

Ahanasya (' unchaste '). This word in the plural (' lascivious

verses') denotes a section (xx. 136) of the Kuntapa hymns oi

1
the Atharvaveda, which are of an obscene character.
1
Aitareya Brahmana, vi. 36; Kausitaki Brahmana, xxx. 7. Cf. Bloomfield,
Atharvaveda, 99.

A-hava denotes a pail or bucket, especially in conjunction

with a well (Avata). 1
1 Rv. i. 34, 8 ;
vi. 7, 2 ;
x. 101, 5 ; 112, 6 ; Nirukta, v. 26.

Ahneya. Patronymic of Sauca (Taittirlya Aranyaka, ii.

12).

I.

Iksu, the generic name for the sugar-cane, is first found in

the Atharvaveda
1
and the later Samhitas. 2 Whether it grew
wild, or was cultivated, does not appear from the references.
'
'
1 i. 34. 5- Kathaka Asvamedha, iii. 8, eyelash
2
Maitrayani Samhita, iii. 7, 9 ;
iv. 2, is meant. Cf. Zimmer, Altindisches
g(iksu-kanda). In Vajasaneyi Samhita, Leben, 72; Roth, St. Petersburg Dic-
xxv. 1 Taittirlya Samhita, vii. 3, 16, 1
; ; tionary, s.v.
Ita ] KING IKSVAKU
Iksvaku. In the Rigveda this name occurs but once, 1 and in
a doubtful context. It is clear, however, that it denotes a

prince later interpretations make Asamati, whose name is read

;

into the hymn, an Iksvaku prince.

2
In the Atharvaveda 3 also
the name is found in only one passage, where it is uncertain
whether a descendant of Iksvaku, or Iksvaku himself, is referred
to in either case he seems to be regarded as an ancient hero.
;

In the Pancavimsa Brahmana 4 mention is made of Tryaruna

Traidhatva Aiksvaka, who is identical with the Tryaruna
Traivrsna of the Brhaddevata, 5 and with Tryaruna Trasa-
6
dasyu in the Rigveda. The connection of Trasadasyu with
the Iksvakus is confirmed by the fact that Purukutsa was an
7
Aiksvaka, according to the Satapatha Brahmana. Thus the
Iksvaku line was originally a line of princes of the Piirus.
Zimmer 8 places them on the upper Indus, but they may well
9
have been somewhat further east. Later Iksvaku is connected
with Ayodhya.
1 x. 60, 4. 5
v. 14 et seq.
2 6
Cf. Jaiminiya Brahmana, iii. 167 ;
v. 27, 3. Cf. Sieg, Die Sagenstoffe
Satyayanaka in Max Miiller, Rigveda, des Rgveda, 68-75 ; Macdonell, Brhad-
4, 167; Journal of the
c-cvii, American devata, 2, 170 ; Oldenberg, Vedic Hymns,
Oriental Society, 18, 42 Brhaddevata, ; 366 et seq. ; Ludwig, Translation of the
vii. 85 et seq., with Macdonell's notes.
Rigveda, 3, 133, 138 ; 4, 324.
3 7
xiv. 39, 9. Cf. Bloomfield, Hymns xiii -
5. 4. 5-
8
of the Atharvaveda, 680; Whitney, Altindisches Leben, 104, 130.
Translation of the Atharvaveda, 961. 9 Vedische Studien,
Cf. Pischel, 2,
4
xiii. 3, 12. 1
218; Geldner, ibid., 3, 152.

i. This word occurs twice in the Atharvaveda. In

Ita.
1
the passage it seems to denote a bulrush of the sort that
first

dies in a year; in the second 2 it refers to the reed work of the

house.
1 vi. 14, 3. der Deutschen Gesell-
Cf. iv. 19, 1 Bloomfield,
; Morgenldndischen
Hymns of the Atharvaveda, 464. schaft, 35, 718.
2
ix. 3, 18. Cf. Pischel, Zeitschrift

2. Ita appears as a Esi and a protege of Indra in one hymn

of the Rigveda. 1 Roth, 2 however, thinks that the word is

really part of a verb (it) meaning to err, wander (cp. at), and
' '

1 x. 171, 1. 2 s.v.
St. Petersburg Dictionary,
76 LEGEND [ Itant Kavya

that the name is a mere misunderstanding. It is already

so regarded in the Anukramani, but not apparently in the
Brhaddevata. 3
3 viii.
73. Cf. Ludwig, Translation of the Rigveda, 3, 133.

Itant Kavya is the name of a sage, contemporary with

Ke3in Darbhya, in the Kausitaki Brahmana. 1 He is also
mentioned as Idhant in the Pancavimsa Brahmana. 2
1 vii. 2 xiv.
4. Cf. Weber, Indische Studien, i, 293 ; 2, 308. 9, 16.

Itihasa, as a kind of literature, is repeatedly mentioned

along with Purana in the later texts of the Vedic period.
The earliest reference to both occurs in the late fifteenth book
of the Atharvaveda. 1 Itihasa then appears in the Satapatha
Brahmana,
2
the Jaimimya, 3 Brhadaranyaka, 4 and Chandogya
5 In the latter it is expressly declared with Purana
Upanisads.
6
to make up Veda, while the Sarikhayana Srauta Sutra
the fifth

makes the Itihasa a Veda and the Purana a Veda. The

Itihasa-veda and the Purana-veda appear also in the Gopatha
7 8
Brahmana, while the Satapatha identifies the Itihasa as well
as the Purana with the Veda. In one passage Anvakhyana
and Itihasa are distinguished 9 as different classes of works, but
the exact point of distinction is obscure probably the former ;

was supplementary. The Taittiriya Aranyaka 10 mentions

Itihasas and Puranas in the plural.
There is nothing to show in the older literature what dis-
tinction there was, if any, between Itihasa and Purana and ;

the late literature, 11 which has been elaborately examined by

12 13
Sieg, yields no consistent result. Geldner has conjectured
that there existed a single work, the Itihasa-purana, a collection
1 xv. 6, 4 et seq.
w 11. 9.
2 and as com- 11
xiii. 4, 3, 12. 13, See Sayana's Introduction to the
pounded in xi. 5, 6, 8 ; 7, 9. Rigveda, p. 12 (ed. Max Muller), and
3 his commentary on Satapatha Brah-
i- 53-
4
ii.
4, 10 ;
iv. 1,2; v. 11. mana, xi. 5, 6, 8 Samkara on Brhad-
;

5
iii. 4, 1. 2 ;
vii. 1, 2. 4 ; 2, 1 ; 7, 1. aranyaka Upanisad, ii.
4, 10.
* 12
xvi. 2, 21. 27. Die Sagenstoffe des Rgveda, 31 et
7 i. 10. seq.
8 13
xiii. 4, 3, 12. 13. Vedische Studien, 1, 290. Cf. Sieg,
9
xi. 1, 6, 9. Cf. p. 24. op. cit., 33.
Itihasa ] LEGEND 77

of the old legends of all sorts, heroic, cosmogonic, genealogical ;

but though a work called Itihasa, and another called Purana,

were probably known to Patanjali, 14 the inaccuracy of Geldner's
view is proved by the fact that Yaska shows no sign of having
known any such work. To him the Itihasa may be a part of
the Mantra literature itself, 15 Aitihasikas being merely people
who interpret the Rigveda by seeing in it legends where others
see myths. 16 The fact, however, that the use of the compound
form is rare, and that Yaska regularly has Itihasa, 17 not
Itihasa-purana, is against the theory of there ever having been
one work.
18
The relation of Itihasa to Sieg Akhyana is also uncertain.
considers that the words Itihasa and Purana referred to the
great body of mythology, legendary history, and cosmogonic
legend available to the Vedic poets, and roughly classed as a
fifth Veda, though not definitely and finally fixed. Thus,
Anvakhyanas, Anuvyakhyanas, and Vyakhyanas could arise,
and separate Akhyanas could still exist outside the cycle,
while an Akhyana could also be a part of the Itihasa-purana.
He also suggests that the word Akhyana has special reference
to the form of the narrative. Oldenberg, 19 following Windisch, 20
and followed by Geldner, 21 Sieg, and others, has found in the
Akhyana form a mixture of prose and verse, alternating as
the narrative was concerned with the mere accessory parts of
the tale, or with the chief points, at which the poetic form
was naturally produced to correspond with the stress of the
emotion. This theory has been severely criticized by Hertel 22
and von Schroeder. 23 These scholars, in accordance with
older suggestions of Max Miiller 24 and Levi, 25 see in the

14
Varttika on Panini, iv. 2, 60 and
,
20 Verhandlungen der dreiunddreissigsten

Mahabhasya (ed. Kielhorn), 2, 284. Versammlung deutscher Philologen und

18
Nirukta, iv. 6. Schulmdnner in Gera (1879), 15 et seq.
16 21
Ibid., ii. 16; xii. 1. Vedische Studien, 1, 284 2, 1 et seq.
;

17 22
Ibid., ii.
10; 24; iv. 6; x. 26; Vienna Oriental Journal, 18, 59 et
xii. 10.
seq. 23, 273 et seq.
; Cf. Winternitz,
18
Op. cit., 31 et seq. ibid., 23, 102 et seq.
VJ
Mysterium und Mimus im Rigveda,
23
Zeitschrift der Deutschen Morgen-
landischen Gesellschaft, 37, 54 et seq. ; 3 et seq.
24
39, 52 et seq. Cf. also Gottingische Gelehrte Sacred Books of the East, 32, 183.
et seq. 25 Le Theatre indien, 303, 307.
Anzcigen, 1908, 67
78 NAMES [ Id-, Ida-, Idi

so-called of the Rigveda, in which Oldenberg

Akhyana hymns
finds actual specimens of the supposed literary genus, though
the prose has been lost, actual remains of ritual dramas.
Elsewhere 26 it has been suggested that the hymns in question
are merely literary dialogues.
26
Keith, Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, 1909, 200 et seq.

Id-, Ida-, Idu- Vatsara. See Samvatsara.

Indra-g"opa ('protected by Indra'), masc, is a designation

of the cochineal insect in the Brhadaranyaka Upanisad
(ii. 3, 6).

Indra-dyumna Bhallaveya Vaiyaghra-padya is mentioned

as a teacher who with others was unable to agree as to the
nature of Agni Vaisvanara, and who was instructed by
1
ASvapati Kaikeya. As Bhallaveya he is cited several times
in the Satapatha Brahmana 2 on ritual points.
7 Z
1 2
Satapatha Brahmana, x. 6, 1, i. 6, 1, 19; xiii. 5, 3, 4. Cf. ii.

1 et seq. ; Chandogya Upanisad, v. 11, 4.6.

1 et seq.

Indra-bhu Kagyapa is mentioned as a pupil of Mitrabhu

Kagyapa in the Vamsa Brahmana. 1
1 Indische Studien, 4, 374.

i. twice mentioned in the Rigveda 1 in a Danastuti

Indrota is

(' Praise of Liberality ') as a giver of gifts. In the second passage

he has the epithet Atithigva, which shows conclusively that he
was a son of Atithigva, as Ludwig 2 holds, and not of Rksa, as
Roth 3 states.
1 2
viii. 68, 10 et seq. Translation of the Rigveda, 3, 163.
3
St. Petersburg Dictionary, s.v.

2. Indrota Daivapa Saunaka is mentioned in the Sata-

1
patha Brahmana as the priest who officiated at the horse

1 xiii. 5, 3, 5 ; 4,1; Sankhayana Srauta Sutra, xvi. 7, 7 ; 8, 27.

Ibha ]
RETAINERS 79

sacrifice of Janamejaya, although this honour is attributed in

2
the Aitareya Brahmana to Tura Kavaseya. He also appears
3
in the Jaiminiya Upanisad Brahmana as a pupil of Sruta,
and is mentioned in the Vamsa Brahmana. 4 He cannot be
connected in any way with Devapi, who occurs in the
5
Rigveda.
2 viii. 5
21. x. 98. Cf. Oldenberg, Zeitschrift
3 iii. 1. der Deutschen Gesell-
40, Morgenlandischen
4
Indische Studien, 4, 384, 385. scha/t, 42, 240.

i. Ibha is a word of somewhat doubtful sense and inter-

pretation. found only in the Samhitas, 1 and especially in
It is
3 4
the Rigveda. 2 According to Roth and Ludwig the sense is
5
'retainer,' and Zimmer thinks that it includes not only
dependants and servants, but also the royal family and the

youthful cadets of the chief families. In the opinion of Pischel

and Geldner 6 it denotes elephant.' This view is supported '

7 8
by the authority of the commentators Sayana and Mahidhara;
9 ' '
the Nirukta, too, gives elephant as one of the senses of the
word. Megasthenes 10 and Nearchos 11 tell us that elephants
were a royal prerogative, and the derivative word Ibhya may
' '
thus be naturally explained as denoting merely rich (lit.,
1 12
possessor of elephants ').

1 9 vi. 12. also the sense

Taittiriya Samhita, i. 2, 14, 1 ;
It gives
Vajasaneyi Samhita, xiii. 9.
'

retainer,' and in Asoka's Edicts, No. 5,

2
i.
84, 17; iv. 4, 1; ix. 57, 3, and Biihler, Zeitschrift der Deutschen Morgen-
perhaps vi. 20, 8. landischen Gesellschaft, 37, 279, finds a
3
St. Petersburg Dictionary, s.v. VaiSya denoted by its Pali form.
4
Translation of the Rigveda, 3, 246, 10
A pud Strabo, 704.
11
247. Ibid., 705.
5 12
Altindisches Leben, 167. But it may equally well be ex-
'
6
plained as rich from the other sense
'
Vedische Studien, 1, xv, xvi.
7
On Taittiriya Samhita, loc. cit. of the primary word possessor of :
'

8
On Vajasaneyi Samhita, loc. cit. (many) retainers.'

2. one passage of the Rigveda 1 appears certainly to

Ibha in
be intended as an abbreviation of the proper name Smadibha.
1 vi.
20, 8. Cf. Pischel and Geldner, disches Leben, 167, treats it as 'retinue,'
Vedische Studien, 1, xvi Roth, St. Peters- ;
as does Ludwig, Translation of the
burg Dictionary, s.v. ; Oldenberg, Rigveda, 3, 246, 247.
Rgveda-Noten, 1, 380. Zimmer, Altin-
 8o RETAINERS HOLE IN THE GROUND [ Ibhya
1
Ibhya occurs once in the Rigveda in the plural, when a king
is said to devour his Ibhyas as the fire the forest and twice
fe\> 2
;

in Chandogya Upanisad, in one passage as the first

the
member of a compound, and in the other as either a proper
name or an adjective. Roth, 3 Ludwig, 4 and Zimmer 5 interpret
the word as retainers in the Rigveda, but in the Chandogya
' '

Upanisad Roth thinks it means 'rich.' Pischel and Geldner

accept the sense in all passages. Bohtlingk in his trans-
lation ol the Chandogya word
treats the as simply a proper
' '

(ibhya-grdma) and
'
name, Ibhya's village Ibhya.'
1 6
i- 65, 4. Vedische Studien, 1, xvi. Cf. Say ana
2
i. 10, 1. 2. on Rigveda, loc. cit., dhaninah, and
3
St. Petersburg Dictionary, s.v. Samkara on Chandogya Upanisad,
4
Translation of the Rigveda, loc. isvaro hastyaroho va; Weber,
cit.,

247. Indische Studien, 1, 476. Cf. also Little,

5
Altindisches Leben, 168. Grammatical Index, 35.

Irina (neut.) occurs not rarely in the later Samhitas 1 and

Brahmanas 2 in the sense of a cleft in the ground,' usually
natural (sva-krta). The same meaning is also, as Pischel 3
4
shows, to be ascribed to it in three passages of the Rigveda,
5
in one of which the hole is referred to as made by water ' '

6
(apd krtam). In another passage of the Rigveda the word
refers to the place on which the dice are thrown. Hence
Pischel 7 concludes that the dicing-board must have been
so called because it contained holes into which the dice had
8
to be thrown however, points out that
if possible. Liiders,
thisassumption is not necessary the dice (Aksa) were merely ;

thrown on a space dug out, which could be called Irina, as

being a hole in the ground, though not a natural one. This
view is supported by the commentary of Sayana, 9 as well as
10
by Durga in his note on the Nirukta.
1 Av. iv. 15,12 via. 4, 3.
Taittiriya Sarnhita,
;

ii. 5. 1. 3; iii- 4- 8 5i v 2, 4, 3
>
-
;
x. 34, 1. 9.

Kathaka Sarnhita, ix. 16. 7

Op. cit., 2, 225.
2 8
Das
Satapatha Brahmana, v. 2, 3, 2 ; Wiirfehpiel im alten Indien, 14.
vii. 2, 1, 8. 9
On Rv., loc. cit. (a-sphara).
3 Vedische Studien, 2, 222-225. 10
ix. 8 (dsphuraka-sthana).
4
i. 186, 9; viii. 4, 3; 87, 1. 4.
Isu ]
REED GRASS ARROW 81

Isa Syavasvi is mentioned in a Vamsa (' list of teachers ') of

the Jaiminiya Upanisad Brahmana (iv. 16, 1) as a pupil of

Agastya.

'
a stalk of reed grass,' occurs frequently from the
Isika,
Atharvaveda 1 onwards, often as an emblem of fragility. In
the Sankhayana Aranyaka 2 it seems to denote the pin fixed in
the bar of a pen to keep cattle in (argalestke, bolt and pin ').
'

A basket (surpa) of Isika. is referred to in the Satapatha

Brahmana. 3
2
1 Av. vii. 56, 4 ;
xii. 2, 54 ; Satapatha ii. 16 {v. I.
ike).
3 i.
Brahmana, iv. 3, 4, 16, etc. ; Jaiminiya 1, 4, 19.

Brahmana, i. 9; ii.
134; Chandogya Cf. Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 71 ;

Upanisad, v. 24, 3 ;
Kathaka Upanisad, Oertel, Journal of the American Oriental
ii. 6, 17, etc.; Nirukta, ix. 8. Society, 19, 122, n. 3.

Isu is 'arrow' from the Rigveda 1

the usual name for
onwards. Other names are Sarya, Sari, and Bana. In the
2
hymn of the Rigveda, which gives a catalogue of armour,
two kinds of arrows are distinctly referred to the one is :

poisoned (dldkta), and has a head of horn (riiru-sirsni) the ;

other is copper-, bronze-, or iron-headed (ayo-mukham). Poisoned

3
(digdhd) arrows are also referred to in the Atharvaveda. The
4
arrows were feathered. The parts of an arrow are enumerated
5
in the Atharvaveda as the shaft {salya), the feather-socket

(parna-dhi), the point (srhga), the neck of the point in which

the shaft is fixed (kulmala), and the Apaskambha and Apastha,
which are of more doubtful significance. In the Aitareya
Brahmana 6 the parts of an arrow are given as the point (anika),
the salya, tejana, and the feathers (parnani), where salya and
tejana must apparently mean the upper and lower parts of the
shaft, since it is reasonable to suppose that the arrow is
described as a whole consecutively. So in the Atharvaveda 7
the arrow of Kama is described as having feathers, a shaft
4
1 ii.
24, 8 ;
vin. 7, 4, etc. ;
Av. 1. 13, Rv. x. 18, 14; vi. 75, 11; Av.
4, etc. ; Vajasaneyi Samhita, xvi. 3, v. 25, 1.
5
etc.; Nirukta, ix. 18. iv. 6.
2
vi. 75. 15- 1.
25.
3 7
iv. 6, 7 ;
v. 18, 8. 15 ; 31, 4. Av. iii. 25, 2.
VOL. I.
82 ARROW QUIVER CAR-POLE [ Iu Trikanda
and a firm fastening (kulmala). 8 The arrow was shot
(salya),
from the ear, and so is described in the Rigveda 9 as having '

the ear for its place of birth.'

As a measure of length, the Isu was five spans, say three feet. 10
A regular profession of arrow-making existed (isu-krt, n isu-kara). 12
8 12
See also Maitrayani Samhita, iii. 8, Ibid., xxx. 7 ; Taittiriya Brahmana,
i. 2; Kathaka Samhita, xxv. 1. iii. 4, 3. I-
9 Rv. vi.
75, 3 ii. 24, 8 (kania- ; Cf. Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 300;
yoni). Weber, Indische Studien, 18, 29, 286 ;

10
Satapatha Brahmana, vi. 5, 2, 10. Hopkins, Journal of the American Oriental
11
Vajasaneyi Samhita, xvi. 46. Cf. Society, 13, 275 et seq. ; 25, 337.
Rv. i. 184, 3.

1
Isu Tri-kanda given in the Aitareya Brahmana
is the name
to some constellation, perhaps Orion's girdle. It is mentioned

with Mrga, Mrgavyadha, and Rohini.

1 iii. 33. Cf. Hillebrandt, Vedische Mythologie, 2, 205, n.

Isu-dhi (' arrow-holder ') is thename of the quiver which was

carried by every bowman. The word is common from the
1
Rigveda onwards. No trace is to be found in Vedic literature
of the later practice of carrying two quivers. 2 According to
3 4
Pischel, the curious expression isu-krt in the Rigveda means
quiver.
1
i- 33- 3; vi. 75, 5; x. 95, 3; Av.
3 Vedische Studien, i, 17. But see
ii. 33, 2 iv. 10, 6, etc.; Nirukta, ix. 13.
; Oldenberg, Rgveda-Noten, 1, 182.
2 4 i-
Hopkins, Journal of the American 184, 3.
Oriental Society, 13, 274. Each quiver Cf. Zimmer, Altindisches Leben,
held from ten to twenty arrows. 300.

Normally the chariot had

'
Isa denotes the pole of a chariot.'
one pole (ekesah), but sometimes two poles are referred to. 2 1

The word is often 3 compounded with Yuga, yoke,' into which '

Exactly how it
4
it was fastened (see Kha), and tied with ropes.
5
was attached to the chariot we do not know. See also Ratha.
3
1 Rv. x. 135, 3; iii. 53, 17; viii. 5, Av., loc. cit., etc.
4
29 ;
Av. viii. 8, 23. Rv. x. 60, 8. Cf. iii. 6, 6.
2
Satapatha Brah-
5 taken by
Cf. Av. ii. 8, 4 ;
Van'i in Rv. i. 119, 5 is

mana, i. 1, 2, 12 (isa-yugani, but in Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 249, to refer

iii. 9. 4. 3 dual) ; Katyayana Srauta to the front part of the chariot, but it
'

Sutra, vii. 9, 14, etc. seems simply to be voice. '

Ugradeva ] COOKING-POT POLICEMAN NAMES 83

u.
Uksan. See Go.

Uksanyayana is mentioned
in a Danastuti (* Praise of Gifts ')
1
in the Rigveda along with Harayana and Susaman. Ludwig 2
thinks that all three are identical. Roth 3 finds a reference to
Uksan himself in the verb uksanyati 4 and in the adjective
5
uksanyu.
1 3
Vlll. 25, 22. St. Petersburg Dictionary, s.v.
2 4
Translation of the Rigveda, 3, 162, Rv. viii. 26, 9.
5
276. Rv. viii. 23, 16.

Uksno-randhra Kavya is mentioned as a seer in the Pafica-

vimsa Brahmana (xiii. 9, 19).
1

1
Cf. Max Miiller, Sacred Books of the East, 32, 397.

Ukha is the regular word for a '.cooking pot,' usually

mentioned in connexion with from the Rigveda 1
sacrifice,
2
onwards. It was made of clay (mrn-mayl) See also Sthali. .

1 a
i.162, 13. 15; 53, 22; Av. iii. xii. 3, I

Vajasaneyi Samhita, xi. 59; Tait-

23; Taittiriya Samhita, v. 1, 6, 3, i

tiriya Sarnhita, iv. 1, 5, 4.

etc. Cf. Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 253,
271.

Ugra one passage of the Brhadaranyaka Upanisad 1 seems

in
to have a technical force, denoting man in authority,' or '

according to Max Miiller's rendering, 'policeman.' Roth 2

3
compares a passage in the Rigveda, where, however, the word
has simply the general sense of mighty man.' Bohtlingk, 4 in
'

his rendering of the Upanisad, treats the word as merely

adjectival.
1 3
iv -
3 37- 3 8 - vii -
38 6.
2 4
St. Petersburg Dictionary, s.v. P. 66 (with pratyenasah).

Ugra-deva is mentioned with Turvasa and Yadu in the

1
Rigveda apparently as a powerful protector. The name occurs
Pancavimsa Brahmana 2 and the Taittiriya Aranyaka, 3
also in the
where he is styled Rajani and called a leper (kildsa).
1 i.
36, 18 (Ugradeva). veda, 3, 147; Roth, St. Petersburg
Dictionary, s.v., who suggests that in
-
xiv. 3, 17 ;
xxiii. 16, 11.
:!
v. 4, 12. the Rv. passage the word should be
Cf. Ludwig, Translation of the Rig- taken adjectivally.
62
84 NAMES UTTARA KURUS AND MADRAS [ Ugrasena

Ugra-sena is mentioned in the Satapatha Brahmana (xiii. 5,

4, 3), and in a Gatha there cited as being, with Bhimasena and
&rutasena, a Pariksitiya and a brother of Janamejaya. The
brothers were cleansed by the horse sacrifice from sin.

Uccaih-sravas Kaupayeya appears in the Jaiminiya Upani-

sad Brahmana (iii. 29, 1-3) as a king of the Kurus and as
maternal uncle of Kesln. His connexion with the Kurus is
borne out by the fact that Upamasravas was son of Kuru-
6ravana, the names being strikingly similar.

Uc-chirsaka.This word, occurring in the description of the

couch (paryanka) in the Kausltaki Upanisad 1 (i. 5), apparently
denotes a cushion for the head. See also Asandi.
1
Cf. Weber, Indische Studien, 1, 403 ; Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 155.

Uttara Kuru. The Uttara Kurus, who

play a mythical part
in the Epic and a historical people in
later literature, are still
1
the Aitareya Brahmana, where they are located beyond the
2
Himalaya (parena Himavantam). In another passage, how-
ever, the country of the Uttara Kurus is stated by Vasitha
Satyahavya to be a land of the gods (deva-ksetra), but Janam-
tapi Atyarati was anxious to conquer it, so that it is still not
wholly mythical. It is reasonable to accept Zimmer's view
that the northern Kurus were settled in Kasmir, especially as
Kuruketra is the region where tribes advancing from Kasmir
might naturally be found. Cf. Udicyas.
1 Zimmer, Altindisches Leben,
viii. 14. 101, 102;
2 viii. the American Oriental
23. Hopkins, Journal of
Cf. Weber, Indische Studien, 1, 165; Society, 13, 75, n.

Uttara Madra is the name of a tribe mentioned with the

Uttara Kurus in the Aitareya Brahmana 1 as living beyond the
2 3
Himalaya. Zimmer points out that in the Vamsa Brahmana
Kamboja Aupamanyava is a pupil of Madrag-ara, and thence
1 viii. 2 3
14. Altindisches Leben, 102. Indische Studien, 4, 371,
Udala ] NAMES BUCKET 85

infers that Kambojas and Madras were not far distant in space.
This conclusion is perfectly reasonable in view of the probable
4
position of the Kambojas.
4
See map in Pargiter, Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, 1908, p. 332.

Cf. Weber, Indische Studien, i, 165.

Ut-tana Ahgirasa is mentioned in the Taittirlya Brahmana 1

as a quasi-mythical person who received all good things, and

yet was not harmed, as he was really a form of the earth,

2
according to Sayana's explanation. His name occurs also in
the Kathaka Samhita, 3 the Pancavimsa Brahmana,
4
and the
5
Taittirlya Aranyaka.
1 3
ii.
3, 2, 5. Cf. ii. 2, 5, 3. I ix. 9.
*
2
On Taittirlya Brahmana, ii. 3, I
4
i.8,n.
5
2, 5. iii. 10, 2. 3.

Udag-ayana. See Surya.

Ud-ahka Saulbayana. His views on Brahman, which he

identified with (prana), are mentioned in the
the vital airs

Brhadaranyaka Upanisad (iv. 1, 3). He would thus have been

a contemporary of Janaka of Videha. He is also mentioned in
the Taittirlya Samhita (vii. 5, 4, 2) as holding that the
Dasaratra ceremony was the prosperity or best part of the
Sattra (" sacrificial session ').

This word, occurring only metaphorically

Ud-aiicana. in the
1 2 ' '

Rigveda, means a pail or bucket in the Brahmanas.

' '

1 2
v. 44, 13 (dhiyam udahcanah, 'a very |
Aitareya Brahmana, vii. 32; Sata-
well of prayers'). | patha Brahmana, iv. 3, 5, 21.

Udamaya Atreya is mentioned in the Aitareya Brahmana

(viii. 22) as Purohita, or domestic priest, of Ahg*a Vairocana.

Udara Sandilya is mentioned as a teacher in the Chandogya

1
Upanisad, and as a pupil of Atidhanvan Saunaka in the
Vamsa Brahmana. 2
1 2
i. 9, 3. Indische Studien, 4, 384.

Udala, a Vaisvamitra, is mentioned in the Pancavimsa

Brahmana (xiv. 11, 33) as the seer of a Saman.
86 BOOTY VITAL BREATHS NORTHERNERS [ Udaja

Ud-aja is the word used in the Maitrayani Samhita 1 to denote

the share of the booty of war taken by the king after a victory
{samgramam jitva). This interpretation, which is that of
2 the older version,
Delbriick, is clearly correct, as against
3
march by von Schroeder and accepted by
'
out,' given
4
Bohtlingk. The Udaja thus corresponds precisely with the
Homeric <yipa<;. This sense also suits Niraja, the variant of
both the Kathaka 5 and the Kapisthala 6 Samhitas.
1 4
i. io, 16 ;
iv. 3, 1. Dictionary, s.

2 5
Festgruss an Bohtlingk, 25. xxviii. 3.
3 6
Maitrayani Samhita, 1, xv. xliv. 3.

Udana is usually the fifth of the vital breaths (Prana) when

five are enumerated. 1 Sometimes 2 it appears as the second,
coming after Prana, and followed by Vyana or Samana.
3
Again, it is found simply opposed to Prana, or it simply follows
Prana and Apana. 4 In the Satapatha Brahmana 5 it is treated
as the breath that consumes food, a notion traceable in
the later Upanisads, 6 while it is also regarded as the wind
that rises up by the throat, 7 and leads the spirit forth at
death. 8

1
E.g., Maitrayani Samhita, iii. 12, (with Vyana) ; Aitareya Brahmana, i. 7,

9 Kathaka Samhita, v. 4 10 Sata-

; ; ;
2 (with Samana).
3
patha Brahmana, ix. 2, 2, 5 xi. 8, 3, 6 ; Vajasaneyi Samhita, vi. 20; Sata-
(in the order Prana, Vyana, Apana, patha Brahmana, iv. 1, 2, 2 ix. 2, 4, 5, ;

Udana, Samana) Brhadaranyaka ;

etc.
4
Upanisad, i. 5, 3 iii. 4, 1 (Samana is ; Sahkhayana Aranyaka, viii. 8; xi. 1.
5
omitted) iii. 9, 26 Chandogya Upani-
; ;
xi. 2, 4, 5.
6 6.
sad, iii. 13, 5; v. 23, 1. 2; Aitareya Maitrayani Upanisad, ii.

7
Aranyaka, ii. 3, 3, etc. Amrtabindu Upanisad, 34.
2 8
Vajasaneyi Samhita, i. 20; vii. 27; j
Prasna Upanisad, iii. 7. Cf. Deus-
Satapatha Brahmana, ix. 4, 2, 10, etc. 1

sen, Philosophy of the Upanisads, 280.

Ud-Icyas. The Brahmanas of the northern parts are referred

1
to in the Satapatha Brahmana as engaging, with Svaidayana
Saunaka as their spokesman, in a dispute with the Kurupancala
Brahmana Uddalaka Aruni, and as vanquishing him. Their
relation to the Kurupancalas appears also from the fact that in

1 xi. 4, 1, 1. Cf. Gopatha Brahmana, i.

3, 6.
Uddalaka Aruni ] NORTHERNERS FIG-TREE 87

the same Brahmana 2 reference

is made to the speech of the

north being similar to that of the Kurupancalas. The speech

of the Northerners was also celebrated for purity hence ;

Brahmanas used the north for purposes of study,

to go to
3
according to the Kausitaki Brahmana, while in the Buddhist
texts the school of Taksasila. (in Gandhara) is famous as a
resort of students. 4 Possibly, too, Sanskrit was specially
5
developed in Kasmir, as suggested by Franke. See also Kupu.
- 4
iii. 2, 3, 15. Cf. Weber, Indische Rhys Davids, Buddhist India, 8, 28,
j

Studien, 1, 191 ; Levi, La Doctrine du j

203.
5
Sacrifice, 35. Cf. Pali und Sanskrit (1902), 88,
3
vii. 6. Cf. Weber, op. cit., 1, 153 ;
|
89.
2, 309.

This name of the Ficus glomerata does not occur

Udumbara.
1
in Rigveda, but is often found from the Atharvaveda
the
onwards. For ritual purposes of all kinds its wood was
constantly used. The sacrificial post (yupa) and the sacrificial 2,

3
ladle were made of it, and amulets of Udumbara are
mentioned. 4 Its wood, like that of other kinds of figtree
Asvattha, Nyagrodha, and Plaksa was considered suitable
5
for employment at the sacrifice. The sweetness of its fruit is
6
referred to in the Aitareya Brahmana, where it is put on the
same level as Madhu. It is there also spoken of as ripening
three times a year. 7 A forest of Udumbara trees is mentioned
in the Pancavimsa Brahmana. 8
1 xix. 31, 1; Taittiriya 5
Samhita, ii. Taittiriya Samhita, iii. 4, 8, 4.
6 vii.
1, 6, etc. ; Satapatha Brahmana, iii. 15.
7
i, 33; vii. 4, 1, 38, etc. v. 24.
2 8
Taittiriya Samhita, ii. 1, 1, 6. xvi. 6, 4.
3
Ibid., v. 4, 7, 3. Cf. Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 59.
4
Atharvaveda, xix. 31, 1.

Uddalaka Aruni. Uddalaka, son of Aruna, is one of the

most prominent teachers of the Vedic period. He was a Brah-
mana of the Kurupancalas, according to the Satapatha Brah-
mana. 1 This statement is confirmed by the fact that he was
teacher of Proti Kausurubindi of Kausambi, 2 and that his son

xi. 4, 1, 2. Cf. Gopatha Brahmana, i. 3, 6. xn. 2, 2, 13.

88 A FAMOUS VEDIC TEACHER [ Uddalaka Aruni

Svetaketu found disputing among the Pancalas. 3 He was a

is
4 5
pupil of Aruna, his father, as well as of Patancala Kapya, of
6
Madra, while he was the teacher of the famous Yajnavalkya
7
Vajasaneya and of Kausitaki, although the former is represented
elsewhere 8 as having silenced him. He overcame in argument
9
Pracinayogya Sauceya, and apparently also Bhadrasena Ajata-
10
satrava, though the text here seems to read the name as
Arani. He was a Gautama, 11 and is often alluded to as such.
As an authority on questions of ritual and philosophy, he is
repeatedly referred to by his patronymic name Aruni in the
12
Satapatha Brahmana, the Brhadaranyaka Upanisad, 13 the
14 16
Chandogya Upanisad, and occasionally in the Aitareya, the
16
Kausitaki, and the Sadvimsa 17 Brahmanas, as well as the
Kausitaki Upanisad. 18 In the Maitrayani Samhita he is not
19
mentioned, according to Geldner, but only his father Aruna ;

his name does not occur, according to Weber, 20 in the Pafica-

vimsa Brahmana, but in the Kathaka Samhita 21 he is, as
Aruni, known as a contemporary of Divodasa Bhaimaseni, and
in the Jaiminiya Upanisad Brahmana 22 he is mentioned as

serving Vasistha Caikitaneya. In the Taittiriya tradition he

seldom appears. There is an allusion in the Taittiriya Samhita 23
to Kusurubinda Auddalaki, and according to the Taittiriya
24
Brahmana, Naciketas was a son of Vajasravasa Gautama, who
3 vi. i, i
Brhadaranyaka Upanisad, ;

Chandogya Upanisad, v. 3, 1. In

* vi. 4,
Brhadaranyaka Upanisad, 33
(in both recensions).
5
Ibid., iii. 7, 1.
6
Ibid., vi. 3, 15 4, 33.
;

7
Sankhayana Aranyaka, xv.
8
Brhadaranyaka Upanisad, iii. 7, 31.
9
SatapathaBrahmana.xi. 5, 3, letseq.
10 v
5. 5. J 4-
-
Eggeling, Sacred Books
of the East, 41, 141, has Arani. There
is a chronological difficulty in taking
Aruni as meant, since Ajatasatrava
must presumably have been a descen-
dant of AjataSatru, a contemporary of
Janaka (see Kausitaki Upanisad, iv. 1),
who again was a patron of Yajnavalkya,
a pupil of Aruni. But this difficulty is
not fatal.
Upakosala Kamalayana ]
NAMES OTTER CAR-SEAT 89

is out to be Uddalaka by Sayana. 25 But the episode of

made
Naciketas, being somewhat unreal, cannot be regarded as of
historical value in proving relationship. Aruna is known to the
Taittiriya Samhita. A
son of Uddalaka was the famous real
26
Svetaketu, who expressly reported by Apastamba
is to have
been in his time an Avara or later authority, a statement of

importance for the date of Aruni.

25 On
Taittiriya Brahmana, loc. cit. Cf. Weber, Indische Studien, 1, 170,
Cf. Kathaka Upanisad, i. n. n. ; 2, 201, 202; Oldenberg, Buddha,
26 See Biihler, Sacred Books of the 396, n. ;
Eggeling, Sacred Books of the
East, 2, xxxviii Keith, Aitareya Aran-
; East, 12, xl., xli.

yaka, 39.

Uddalakayana is mentioned as a pupil of Jaba.la.yana in the

second Vamsa (list of teachers) contained in the Kanva recen-
sion of the Brhadaranyaka Upanisad (iv. 6, 2).

Udra is the name of an animal occurring only in the list of

sacrificial victims at the Asvamedha given in the Samhitas of
the Yajurveda. 1 According to Mahidhara 2 it was a crab; but
as the commentary on the Taittiriya Samhita 3 calls it a water-
cat, there can be no doubt that it was an otter.
1
Taittiriya Samhita, v. 5, 20, 1 ;
Cf. Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 95,
Maitrayani Samhita, iii. 14, 18 Vaja- ; 96 Schrader, Prehistoric Antiquities,
;

saneyi Samhita, xxiv. 37. 247. U drin occurs in the Baudhayana

2
On Vajasaneyi Samhita, loc. cit. Srauta Sutra, ii. 5.
3
Loc. cit.

Uddhi 1 denotes some part of a chariot, probably the seat,

2
3
but, according to Roth, the frame resting on the axle.
1 Av. viii. 8, 22 ; Satapatha Brah- Atharvaveda, 506 ; Eggeling, Sacred
mana, xii. 2, 2, 2; Aitareya Aranyaka, Books of the East, 44, 149.
3
ii. 3, 8. St. Petersburg Dictionary, s.v.
2
So Whitney's Translation of the

Upa-ketu is the name of a man mentioned in the Kathaka

Samhita (xiii. 1).

Upa-kosala Kamalayana is mentioned as a teacher and a

pupil of Satyakama Jabala in the Chandogya Upanisad
(iv. 10, 1 ; 14, 1).
9o INSECT DISEA SEA NT CUSHION [ Upakvasa

Upa-kvasa is the name in the Atharvaveda (vi. 50, 2) of a

noxious insect injurious to seed. Sayana, however, reads the
word as a plural adjective {a-pakvasah = a-dagdhdh) but the )

Paippalada recension supports the form upakvasah.

Cf. Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 237; 486 Whitney's Translation
; of the
Bloomfield, Hymns of the Atharvaveda, Atharvaveda, 318.

Upa-gu SauSravasa is mentioned in the Pancavimsa Brah-

mana (xiv. 6, 8) as Purohita of Kutsa Aurava, by whom he
was murdered because of his paying homage to Indra.

Cf. Hillebrandt, Vedische Mythologie, 3, 268 ; Hopkins, Transactions of the Con-

necticut Academy of Arts and Sciences, 15, 57.

1
Upa-cit occurs in the Vajasaneyi Samhita as the name of
a disease, which Roth 2 renders as
'

swelling,' and which

Bloomfield 3 identifies with Apacit.
x 3
xn. 97. Proceedings of the American Oriental
2
St. Petersburg Dictionary, s.v. Society, October, 1887, xviii.

Upa-jihvika, Upa-jika, Upa-dika are all forms of one word

denoting a species of ant.
1
To these ants is attributed in the
2
Atharvaveda the power of penetrating to water which possesses
curative properties. They were accordingly used in all sorts of
spells against poisoning. The belief in their healing qualities
was no doubt due to the well-known properties of the earth of
ant-heaps which contains their water.
1
Upajihvika is the form in Rv. viii.

102, 21 ;
upajika in Av. ii.
3, 4; vi. 100, Cf. Bloomfield, American Journal of
2 but upaclka in both passages in the
;
Philology, 7, 482et seq. Hymns of the
;

Paippalada recension upadika in the ; Atharvaveda, 511 Whitney's Transla-

;

Taittiriya Brahmana, i. 1, 3, 4 ;
Tait- tion of the Atharvaveda, 41, 354 ;

tiriya Aranyaka, v. 1, 4; 10, 9 ; Sata- Bergaigne and Henry, Manuel Vedique,

patha Brahmana, xiv. 1, 1, 8. 153.

' '

Upa-dhana denotes the cushionof a seat (Asandi) in the

Atharvaveda (xiv. 2, 65). It corresponds to the Upabarhana

of other texts.
Upanisad ] SPOKES SECRET DOCTRINE 9i

1
Upa-dhi occurs once each in the Rigveda and the Athar-
2
vaveda, indenoting part of the
conjunction with Pradhi,
wheel of a chariot. It is impossible to decide exactly what
3 4 5
part is meant. Roth, Zimmer and Bloomfield, agree in
thinking that the word denotes the spokes collectively.
6
Whitney, considering this improbable, prefers to see in it the
designation of a solid wheel, Pradhi being presumably the rim
and Upadhi the rest. Other possibilities 7 are that the Upadhi
is a rim beneath the
felly, or the felly itself as compared with
the tire (ordinarily Pavi).

1 5
n. 39, 4- Hymns of the Atharvaveda, 493.
2 6
vi. 70, 3. Translation of the Atharvaveda,
3
St. Petersburg Dictionary, s.v. 334-
4 7
Altindisches Leben, 248 (ignoring the Bloomfield, loc. cit.

Atharvaveda passage).

Upa-nisad in the Brahmanas 1 normally denotes the '

secret
'
sense some word or text, sometimes the secret
'

of
*
rule of the
mendicant. But in the Brhadaranyaka Upanisad 2 it is already

used designation of a class of writings, no

in the plural as the
doubt actually existing and similar to the Upanisads in the
nature of their subject-matter and its treatment. Similarly
the sections of the Taittiriya Upanisad end with the words
ity upanisad. The Aitareya Aranyaka 3 commences its third
part with the title The Upanisad of the Samhita/ and the '

titleoccurs also in the Sankhayana Aranyaka. 4 The exact

primary sense of the expression is doubtful. The natural
5
derivation, and usual ever since,
adopted by Max Miiller
makes the word mean firstly a session of pupils, hence secret
doctrine, and secondly the title of a work on secret doctrine.
6
Oldenberg, however, traces the use of the word to the earlier
1 *
Satapatha Brahmana, x. 3, 5, 12 ;
vn. 2. Cf. Taittiriya Upanisad,
4. 5. 1 ; 5, i 1 ;
xii. 2, 2, 23, etc. ;
i. 3. i-
5
Chandogya Upanisad, i. 1, 10; 13, 4; Sacred Books of the East, 1, xxxiii
viii. 8, 4. 5 ;
Brhadaranyaka Upanisad, et seq. Cf. St.
Petersburg Dictionary,
ii. 1, 20; iv. 2, 1 ;
v. 5, 3 ; Aitareya s.v.; Macdonell, Sanskrit Literature,
Aranyaka, iii. 1, 6; 2, 5; Kausitaki 204.
6
Upanisad, ii. 1, etc. Zeitschrift der Deutschen Morgen-
2
ii.
4, 10 ;
iv. 1, 2 ; 5, 11. landischen Gesellschaft, 50, 457 ; 54, 70 ;

3
iii. 1, 1. Die Literatur des alien Indien, 72.
92 PILLO W CHURN ING-STICK [ Upapati

sense of
'worship' (cf. upasana). Deussen 7 considers the
original sense to have been 'secret word,' next 'secret text,'
and then secret import,' but this order of meaning is im-
'

8
probable. Hopkins suggests that Upanisad denotes a sub-
sidiary treatise, but this sense does not account naturally for
the common use as secret meaning,' which is far more
'

frequent than any other.

8
Philosophy of the Upanisads, 16 et seq. Religions of India, 2ii

' '
Upa-pati, the gallant,' is mentioned with the Jara, lover,'
in the Vajasaneyi Samhita 1 as a victim in the human sacrifice

(purusamedha) .

1
xxx. 9; Taittiriya Brahmana, iii. 4, 4, 1.

' ' '

Upa-barhana denotes a pillow cushion,' especially of a or
seat (asandi), occurring in the Rigveda, 1 the Atharvaveda, 2 and
the Brahmanas. 3 The feminine Upabarhani is found in the
Rigveda with the same sense, but used metaphorically of the
earth.

1 x. 85, 7- Brah-
taki Upanisad, i. 5 ; Taittiriya
2
ix. 5, 28; 20; xv. 3, 7.
xii. 2, 19. mana, i. 1, 6, 10; 6, 8, 9; Kathaka
3
Aitareya Brahmana, viii. 12 Sata- ; Samhita, xxviii. 4, etc.

patha Brahmana, xiii. 8, 4, 10 Kausl- ;

used in the Brhadaranyaka Upanisad 1 to

Upa-manthanl is

In the Vajasaneyi Samhita 2 the

'
denote churning sticks.'
'churner' (upamanthitr) is included in the list of victims at the
human sacrifice {purusamedha), and the verb upa-manth is often
3
used of churning or mixing fluids.

1 3
vi. 3, 13. Taittiriya Brahmana, i. 6, 8, 4. 5 ;

2
xxx. 12; Taittiriya Brahmana, iii.
Satapatha Brahmana, ii. 6, 1, 6 ;
Chan-
4, 8, 1. dogya Upanisad, v. 2, 4.

1
Upa-manyu is, according to Ludwig, the name of a person
in the Rigveda, 2
but is more probably explained by Roth 3 as a
mere epithet.
1 Translation of the Rigveda, 1. 102. 9.
3, 113.
3 s.v
St. Petersburg Dictionary, .
Upara ] UPAMASRAVAS PILLAR PRESSING-STONE 93

1
Upama-sravas mentioned in a hymn of the Rigveda as
is

a son of KuruSravana, and grandson of Mgdh atithi. The M i

T/l A
exact force of the reference to is, however, him uncertain.
2 3
According to the Brhaddevata, followed by Ludwig, and by
4
Lanman, the poet in the hymn consoles Upamasravas for the
death of his grandfather, Medhatithi. Geldner, 5 on the other
hand, thinks that the poet, who was Kavasa Ailusa, was
ill-treatedby his patron's son, Upamasravas, and cast into
a ditch or well, where he uttered his complaint and appeal for
mercy. But of this there is no adequate evidence, and the
tradition of the Brhaddevata seems sound.
1 3
x. 33, 6. 7. Translation of the Rigveda, 3, 165.
2 4
vii. 35. 36, with Macdonell's Sanskrit Reader, 386, 389.
5
notes. Vedische Studien, 2, 150, n.

1
Upa-mit occurs twice and once in the
in the Rigveda,
2
Atharvaveda, as the designation of some part of a house. The
passages in the Rigveda leave little doubt that the word means
an upright pillar. As it is, in the Atharvaveda, coupled with
Parimit and Pratimit, the conclusion is natural that the latter
word denotes the beams supporting the Upamit, presumably by
leaning against it at an angle, while Parimit denotes the beams
connecting the Upamits horizontally. These interpretations,
however, can only be conjectural. See also Grha.
1 i, 59, 1 ;
iv. 5, 1. Bloomfield, Hymns of the Atharvaveda,
2 ix. 3. 1. 596 Whitney, Translation
;
of the

Cf. Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 153 Atharvaveda, 525.

1 '

Upara, which, according to Pischel, means '

stone in

general, is the technical name of the stone on which the Soma

plant was laid in order to be pounded for the extraction of the
juice by other stones (adri, gravan). The word is rare, occur-
2
ring only thrice in the Rigveda, and once in the Atharvaveda. 3

1 Vedische
Studien, 1, 109. This is the Cf. Hillebrandt, Vedische Mythologie,
sense of the form upala (Vajasaneyi 1, Whitney, Translation of the
154;
Samhita, xxv. 8, etc.). Atharvaveda, 317 Von Schroeder,
;

2
i-
79. 3; x. 94, 5; 175, 3. Mysterium und Mimus, 414.
3
vi. 49, 3.
 94 CORN-GRINDER PESTLE GRAIN [ Upalap:akinl
1
Upala-praksim occurs once Rigveda, where it desig-
in the
nates the occupation of a woman, as opposed to that of her
son, who is a poet (kdru), and to that of his father, who is a
physician Yaska 2 renders the word by maker of
(bhisaj).
'

'
3 4 5
groats (saktu-karikd), and Roth, Grassmann, Zimmer, as well
as others, connect with the operation of grinding corn.
it
6
Pischel, however, who
points out that corn was not ground
between two stones, but beaten on a stone with a pestle (drsad),
considers that Upala-praksim denotes a woman that assisted at
the crushing of Soma (cf. Upara). Von Schroeder, 7 who more
correctly points out that there is no objection to regarding
upala as the mortar in which the corn was placed and then
beaten with the pestle, renders the word literally as
'
one who
fills the (lower) stone (with corn).'

1 ix. 6
112, 3. Vedische Studien, 1, 308-310.
2 7
Nirukta, vi. 5. und Mimas, 412 et seq.
Mysterium
s
St. Petersburg Dictionary, s.v. Von Schroeder does not accept the
4
Ibid., s.v., 'fitting the upper (to the view that the mother of the singer is
lower) millstone.' alluded to but it seems impossible to
;

5
Altindisches Leben, 269. Cf. Hille- draw any other conclusion from the
brandt, Vedachrestomathie, s.v., who, language of the passage, and his own
taking pre in the sense of 'fill, 'explains ;

explanation of the word as refer-

the compound as filling the upper mill- '

ring to a corn-mother is very im-

stone,' an interpretation which as it probable ;
cf. Keith, Journal of the Royal
stands is unintelligible. Asiatic Society, 1909, 204.

UpalaBrahmanas 1 may denote the upper and smaller

in the
*
stone,' which was used as a pestle with the Drsad as the
mortar, whereas Upara in the Samhitas denotes rather the
mortar, and Drsad the pestle. But see Drad.
1
Satapatha Brahmana, i. 1, 1, 22; I
Cf. Von Schroeder, Mysterium und
ii. 1, 14, 17 ;
ii. 2, 2, 1, etc. I Mimus, 413, n. 3.

Upa-vaka occurs in the Vajasaneyi Samhita 1 and the Brah-

manas 2 as a description of a species of grain, the Wrightia
antidysenterica, known later as Indra-yava. The commentator
Mahidhara 3 simply glosses it with the more general term Yava.
1 2
xix. 22; 90; xxi. 30 (as 'heal- I
Satapatha Brahmana, xii. 7, 1, 3;
ing '). I 2, 9, etc.
Upastarana ]
NAME CUSHION COVERLET 95

According to the Vajasaneyi Samhita, it formed the essential

element of gruel (karambha), and Upavaka groats (saktavah) are
mentioned in the Satapatha Brahmana. 4
3 On Vajasaneyi Samhita, xix. 22. Cf. Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 240,
4
xii. 9, 1, 5. I 270.

Upa-vesi is mentioned as a pupil of Ku&ri in a Vamsa (list of

teachers) in the Brhadaranyaka Upanisad (vi. 5, 3, in both

recensions). See also Aupave&i.

Upa-6ri, Upa-sraya, are two readings of the same term. The

former is found in one recension of the Kausitaki Upanisad, 1
while the latter is probably the reading of the other recension
2
of the Upanisad, and certainly the reading in one passage of
3
the Atharvaveda, though the text has apasrayah, which is
4
accepted as possible by Roth. In both cases the term clearly
means something connected with a couch (Asandi in the
5
Atharvaveda, Paryanka in the Kausitaki Upanisad). Aufrecht,
6
Roth, and Max Miiller render it as 'coverlet' or 'cushion,'
7

8
but Whitney seems evidently right in holding that it must
mean a support or something similar.
' '

5
i-
5- Indische Studien, 1, 131.
2 6
See Keith, Sankhayana Aranyaka, S.v. apasraya.
7 Sacred Books af the East, 1 278
20, n. 3. ,
.

3 xv. 8 Translation of the Atharvaveda,

3, 8. Cf. Whitney's note in his
Translation. 777-
4
St.Petersburg Dictionary, s. v., and Cf. Weber, Indische Studien, 1, 402 ;

still followed by Bohtlingk, Dictionary, Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 155.

Upa-starana denotes in the description of the couch (Par-

'

yanka) in the Kausitaki Upanisad a coverlet,' and has this

1

2
sense, used metaphorically, in the Rigveda also. In the
3
Atharvaveda it seems to have the same meaning. Whitney, 4
' 5
however, renders it couch,' though he translates the parallel
word Astarana in another passage 6 by 'cushion.'
1 5
i. Ibid., 776.
5. I

2 6
ix. 69, 5. xv. 3, 7.
3 v. 19, 12. Cf.Weber, Indische Studien, 1, 403 ;

4
Translation of the Atharvaveda, | Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 155.
254-
96 ROYAL CLIENTS [ Upasti
1 2
Upa-Sti denotes both in the Rigveda and the Atharvaveda a
3
dependent,' just as later in the Epic the subordination of the
1

Vaisya to the two superior castes is expressed by the verb

upa-sthd, stand under,' '
support.' The word also appears, '

with the same sense, in the form of Sti, but only in the
4
Rigveda. The exact nature of the dependence connoted by
the term is quite uncertain. Zimmer 5 conjectures that the
'

dependentswere the members of defeated Aryan tribes who

'

became clients of the king, as among the Greeks, Romans, and

Germans, the term possibly including persons who had lost
their freedom through dicing. 6 The evidence of the Athar-
vaveda 7 shows that among the Upastis were included the
chariot-makers (ratha-kara), the smiths (taksan), and the
charioteers (siita), and troop-leaders (grdma-m), while the
' '

Rigveda passages negative the possibility of the subjects (sti)

being the whole people. It is therefore fair to assume that
they were the clients proper of the king, not servile, but
attached in a special relation to him as opposed to the ordinary
population. They may well have included among them not
only the classes suggested by Zimmer, but also higher elements,
such as refugees from other clans, as well as ambitious men
who sought advancement in the royal service. Indeed, the
Suta and the Gramani were, as such, officers of the king's house-
hold kingmakers, not themselves kings, as they are described
8
in the Atharvaveda. The use of the word in the Taittiriya
9
Samhita, the Taittiriya Brahmana, 10 and the Kathaka, 11 is
purely metaphorical, as well as in the one passage of the
Rigveda in which it occurs. In the Paippalada recension of
12
the Atharvaveda, Vaisya, Sudra, and Arya are referred to as
Upastis, perhaps in the general sense of subject.'

i x. 97, 23 (
= Vajasaneyi Samhita, a 111.
5- 7-
101 Av. vi. 15, 1). 9 vii.
xii. ; 2, 5, 4. Cf. vi. 5, 8, 2.
2 iii. 10 iii-
5, 6. 3. 5. 4-
3 the American 11 xxxi.
Hopkins, Journal of 9.
12 "i.
Oriental Society, 13, 92. 5- 7-
4 vii.
19, 11 x. 148, 4 ; ;
sti-pa, vii. 66, Cf. Ludwig, Translation of the Rig.
3; x 6 9. 4- :..
veda, 3, 246; Whitney, Translation of
5 Altindisches Leben, 184, 185. v the Atharvaveda, 92 Weber, Indische
;

6 Rv. x. 34. Studien, 17, 196 et seq.

7 Av. iii. 5, 6. 7.
1 i.
36, 10. 17; ii2, 15;
98 HORSE AND ASS SHEEP [ Ura

the ass, etc., from the goat, the sheep, and cattle. The
1
distinction occurs in a late hymn of the Rigveda, and is several
2 3
times alluded to in the later Samhitas and the Brahmanas.
4
In one passage of the Taittiriya Samhita man is classed with
the horse as ubhaya-dant. anyato-dant, having The opposite is
'

5
incisors in one jaw only,' a term regularly applied to cattle,
the eight incisors of which are, in fact, limited to the lower jaw.
6
The styled ubhaya-dant in the Atharvaveda.
ass is In one
7
passage of the Atharvaveda, however, the epithet is applied to
a ram but the sense here is that a marvel occurs, just as in
;

the Rigveda 8 a ram destroys a lioness. Bloomfield 9 suggests

in the Atharvaveda passage another reading which would mean
10
horse.' A parallel division of animals is that of the Taittiriya
1

and Vajasaneyi Samhitas 11

'
into
'
whole-hoofed (eka-sapha) and
' '

small (ksudra).
13
Zimmer 12 seeks to show from the Greek ajupooSovTa and the
Latin ambidens 14, that the Indo-European was familiar with
the division of the five sacrificial animals into the two classes
of horse on the one hand, and cattle, sheep, and
man and
goats on the other. But this supposition is not necessary.
1 7 v.
x. 90, 10. 19, 2.
2 8 viii.
Taittiriya Samhita, ii. 2, 6, 3 ; 18, 17.
6 9
v. 1, 2, ; Maitrayani Samhita, i. 8, 1. Hymns the
of Atharvaveda, 434.
3 10 iv.
Satapatha Brahmana, i. 6, 3, 30 3, 10, 2.
11 xiv.
(ubhayato-dant). 30.
4 12 Altindisches
ii. 2, 6, 3. Leben, 74-76.
5 13
Taittiriya Samhita, ii.i, 1, 5; v. 1, Aristotle, Hist. An., ii. 1, 8.
2. 6; 5, 1, 3. 14 Festus apud Paulum Diaconum.
6 v. Indische Studien, 10, 58.
31, 3. Cf. Weber,

name confined to the Rigveda. 1 It

'

Ura as a for
'

sheep is

is curious that in one of its two occurrences the wolf should be

referred to as terrifying sheep, and that the epithet of the wolf,
2
urd-mathi, killing sheep,' should occur once in the Rigveda,
*

both references being in one book of the Samhita, a fact

which suggests a dialectical origin of the word ura. See
also Avi.
2
vni. 34, 3- viii. 66, 8. Cf. Nirukta, v. 21
Urvara ] NAMES ARABLE LAND 99

Uru-kaksa occurs in only one passage of the Rigveda, 1

where the sense of the word is much disputed. The reading
of the text is uruh kakso na gdngyah, which may refer to a man,
2
Urukaksa, 'dwelling on the Ganges,' or to a man, son of
Gariga, or to a wood so called, 3 or may simply denote the
1
broad thicket on the Ganges.' 4
1 3 Uru-
vi. 45, 31. Ludwig's translation (der ivald
2 Grassmann
Petersburg Dic- ;
St. kaksa, or das weite dickicht).
4
tionary. Cf. Macdonell, Vedic Grammar, Weber, Episches im vedischen Ritual,
291. 28, n. 5 ; Oldenberg, Rgveda-Noten, 1,396.

Uru-ksaya. A
family of Uruksayas, singers and worshippers
of Agni, is referred to in one hymn of the Rigveda (x. 118, 8. 9).

Cf. Ludwig, Translation of the Rigveda, 3, 167.

Urunjira is given in the Nirukta (ix. 26) as one of the names

of the river Vipas (now Beas).

Urvara with Ksetra the

regular expression, from the
is
1 ' '

Rigveda onwards, denoting a piece of ploughland (apovpa).

Fertile (apnasvati) fields 2 are spoken of as well as waste fields
3
(drtand). Intensive cultivation by means of irrigation is
clearly referred to both in the Rigveda 4 and in the Atharva-
5
veda, while allusion is also made to the use of manure. 6 The
were carefully measured according to the Rigveda. 7
fields (ksetra)
This fact points clearly to individual ownership in land for the
plough, a conclusion supported by the reference of Apala, in
a hymn of the Rigveda, 8 to her father's field (urvara), which
is put on the same level as his head of hair as a personal
*

possession. Consistent with this are the epithets winning

' 9 * '
fields (urvard-sd, urvard-jit, ksetra-sd), while lord of fields
used of a god 10 is presumably a transfer of a human epithet
{itrvard-pati). Moreover, fields are spoken of in the same
1
i.
127, 6; iv. 41, 6; v. 33, 4 ;
6 Av. m -
i4> 3, 4; xix. 31, 3.
Av. 7
vi. 25, 4 30, 3 142, 3, etc.
;
x. ; ;
1. no, 5.
8 viii.
x. 6, 33 10, 8 ; xiv. 2, 14, etc.
; 91, 5.
2 Rv. 3 Ibid. 9 Rv. iv. 38, 1, and
i. 127, 6. vi. 20, 1 ;
ii. 21, 1 ;

4 vii.
49, 2. iv. 38, 1.
8 xix. 2, 2. 10 viii.
i. 6, 4 ; 21, 3. Cf. Ksetra.

72
 IOO OWNERSHIP IN LAND [ Urvara

connexion as children, 11 and the conquest of fields (ksetrdni

12
sam-ji) is often referred to in the Samhitas. Very probably, as
13
suggested by Pischel, the ploughland was bounded by grass
land (perhaps denoted by Khila, Khilya) which in all likelihood
would be joint property on the analogy of property elsewhere.
There is no trace in Vedic literature of communal property
14
in the sense of ownership by a community of any sort, nor is
there mention of communal cultivation. Individual property
in land seems also presumed later on. In the Chandogya
15
Upanisad the things given as examples of wealth include
fields and houses (ayatandni). The Greek evidence 16 also
points to individual ownership. The precise nature of the
ownership is of course not determined by the expression
individual ownership.' The legal relationship of the head
*

of a family and its members is nowhere explained, and can

only be conjectured (see Pitr). Very often a family may have
lived together with undivided shares in the land. The rules
about the inheritance of landed property do not occur before the
18
Sutras. 17
In the Satapatha Brahmana the giving of land as
a fee to priests is mentioned, but with reproof: land was no
doubt even then a very special kind of property, not lightly to
be given away or parted with. 19
11 Rv. iv. 41, 6, etc. land and its partition must have become
12 inevitable.
Taittiriya Samhita, iii. 2, 8, 5;
Kathaka Samhita, v. 2 18 xiii.
; Maitrayani 6, 2, 18 ; 7, 1, 13. 15.
19 It is
Samhita, iv. 12, 3. significant that in the famous
13 Vedische Studien, 2,
204-207. episode (Taittiriya Samhita, iii. 1,
9, 4)
14 Baden Manu's division of his property,
Cf. Powell, Indian Village of
Community (1899) ; Zimmer, Altin- from which Nabhanedistha was ex-
disches Lcben, 236; Mrs. Rhys Davids, cluded, this exclusion is made good by
Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, 1901, the son's obtaining cattle (paiavah). It
860. is clear that cattle, not land, was the
15 vii. real foundation of wealth, just as in
24, 2.
16
Cf. Diodorus, ii. 40; Arrian, I ndica, Ireland, Italy {cf. pecunia), Greece, etc.
n; Strabo, p. 703; Hopkins, Journal Cattle could be, and were, used indi-
of the American Oriental Society, 13, 87 vidually, but land was not open to a
et seq. Cf. ibid., 20, 22, 23. man's free disposal no doubt, at any
;

17 Gautama Dharma Sutra, xviii.

Cf. rate, theconsent of the family or the
5 et seq. Baudhayana Dharma Sutra, ii.
;
community might be required, but we
2, 3 Apastamba Dharma Sutra, ii. 6, 14.
;
are reduced to reliance on analogy in
Of course, the rules probably go back view of the silence of the texts. Cf.
to the earlier period, but how far it is Schrader, Prehistoric Antiquities, 289;
impossible to say. With the settlement Jolly, Recht und Sitte, 94-96 Rhys ;

of the country, however, inheritance of Davids, Buddhist India, 48 et seq.

 Ulukya JanaSruteya ] CUCUMBER GRA SSTEA CHERS 101

On the relation of the owners of land to the king and

others see Grama ; on its cultivation see Krsi.

1
Urvaru, f., Urvaruka, n., cucumber.' The former of these
'

words denotes the plant, the latter 2 the fruit, but both are very
rare. The passages all seem to refer to the fact that the stem
3
of the plant becomes loosened when the fruit is ripe. The
4
fruit is also called Urvaru in a Brahmana.

1
Sayana on Av. vi. 14, 2.
8
Av. vi. 14, 2.
2 Rv. vii. 59, i2 = Av. xiv. 1, 17 =
4
Pancavimsa Brahmana, ix.

Maitrayani Samhita, i. 10, 4 = Taittiriya 19.

Samhita, i. 8, 6, 2 = Vajasaneyi Sam- Cf. Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 242.
hita, iii. 60.

Ula is the name of some unknown wild animal, perhaps, as

1 '

Whitney suggests, the jackal.' It is mentioned in the

2 3
Atharvaveda and later Samhitas, but not definitely identified
by the commentators.
1 Translation of the Atharvaveda, ula) Maitrayani Samhita, iii. 13, 12
; ;

669. 14,2 Vajasaneyi Samhita, xxiv.31. Cf.

;

2
xii. 1, 49. ulala in Baudhayana Srauta Sutra, ii. 5.
3
Taittiriya Samhita, v. 5, 12, 1 (as Cf. Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 82.

Ula Varsni-vrddha is mentioned as a teacher in the Kausitaki

Brahmana (vii. 4).

1
Ulapa is the name of a species of grass referred to in the
2
Rigveda and the later Samhitas.
1
x. 142, 3. Samhita, xvi. 45, etc.) and upolupa
2
Av. vii. 66, 1. Adjectives derived (Maitrayani Samhita, i. 7, 2).
from the word are ulapya (Vajasaneyi

Ulukya Jana-sruteya is mentioned as a teacher in the

Jaiminiya Upanisad Brahmana (i. 6, 3).
102 O WLMORTA R FIRE BRA ND TONGS [ Uluka

from the Rigveda x

the ordinary word for
'
Uluka is
'
owl
2
onwards. The bird was noted for
its cry, and was deemed
3
the harbinger of ill-fortune (nairrta). Owls were offered at the
horse sacrifice to the forest trees, 4 no doubt because they
roosted there.
1 x. 4
165, 4. Vajasaneyi Samhita, xxiv. 23
2
Rv. loc. cit. Maitrayani Samhita, iii. 14, 4.
3 Av. vi. 19, 2 Taittiriya Samhita, v.
;

5, 18, 1 ;
Vajasaneyi Samhita, xxiv. 38.

'
Ulukhala is the regular expression for
'
mortar from the
1 2
Rigveda onwards, occurring frequently also in the compound
Ulukala-musala, mortar and pestle.' The exact construction
'

of the vessel is quite unknown till we reach the Sutra period.

1 i. 2
28, 6; Av. x. 9, 26; xi. 3, 3; Av. ix. 6, 15 ; Satapatha Brahmana,
xii. 3, 13 ; Taittiriya Samhita, v. 2, i. 1, 1, 22.
8, 7 ;
vii. 2, 1, 3 ; Satapatha Brahmana,
i. 1, 4, 6, etc.

Ulka regularly denotes a meteor from the Rigveda 1 onwards.

In the Brahmanas 2 it also signifies a 'firebrand.' The much
rarer form UlkusI 3 has both senses.
3
1 iv. 4, 2; x. 68, 4; Av. xix. 9, As 'meteor,' Av. v. 17, 4; Sata-
Sadvimsa Brahmana, vi. 8, etc. patha Brahmana, xi. 2, 7, 21 ;
'

as fire-
2
Satapatha Brahmana, v. 5, 4, 19. brand,' ibid., iii. 9, 2, 9.

Ulmuka is the common word in the Brahmanas 1 for 'fire-

2
brand,' from which a coal (angdra) could be taken.
1 2
Aitareya Brahmana, ii. 11 ;
Sata- Satapatha Brahmana, xii. 4, 3, 3 ;

patha Brahmana, i. 8, 2, 1 ii. ; 1, 4, Jaiminiya Brahmana, i. 61, 1 (Journal

28, etc. Jaiminiya Brahmana,
;
ii. 76 of the American Oriental Society, 23,
(Journal of the American Oriental Society, 342).
15. 2 39)-

Ulmukavaksayana is an expression that occurs several

1
times in the Satapatha Brahmana, signifying a means of
'

extinguishing (ava-ksayana) a firebrand,' or possibly more pre-

'

cisely tongs.' Compare Ahgaravaksayana.

1 iv. 6, 8, 7 ;
v. 2, 4, 15 ;
xi. 6, 3, 3 ; Jaiminiya Brahmana, ii. 76. Cf. Bohtlingk,
Dictionary, s.v.
Usinara ] USANAS KAVYATHE USINARA TRIBE 103

Usanas Kavya is an ancient seer, already a half-mythical

1
figure in the Rigveda, where he is often mentioned, especially
as associated with Kutsa and Indra. Later on 2 he becomes
the Purohita of the Asuras in their contests with the gods.
A variant of his name is Kavi Usanas. 3 He appears in the
Brahmanas as a teacher also. 4
1 Rv. iv. 26, 1.
i.
51, 10; 83, 5; I2i, 12; iv. 16, 2;
4
vi. 20, 11 ;
viii. 23, 17 ;
ix. 87, 3; 97, 7; Paiicavimsa Brahmana, xiv. 12, 5 ;

x. 40, 7; probably also 130, 9; v. 31, Jaiminiya Upanisad Brahmana, ii.

:

i. 7,
'

8 ; 34, 2 ;
viii. 7, 26 ;
x. 22, 6. Also in 2, 6.
Av. iv. 29, 6. Cf. Roth, St. Petersburg Dictionary,
2
Taittirlya Samhita, ii. 5, 8, 5; s.v. ; Geldner, Vedische Studien, 2, 167 et
Paiicavimsa Brahmana, vii. 5, 20; seq.; Berg&igne, Religion Vedique, 2, 339^
Sankhayana Srauta Sutra, xiv. 27, 1. | seq.; Macdonell, Vedic Mythology, p. 147.

Usana occurs in the Satapatha Brahmana (iii. 4, 3, 13 iv. 2, ;

5, 15) as the name of a plant from which Soma was prepared.

Uinara. In the Aitareya

the Kuru-Pancalas are Brahmana 1
'
mentioned as dwelling together in the Middle Country with '

the Vasas and the Usinaras. In the Kausitaki Upanisad 2 also

the Usinaras are associated with the Kuru-Pancalas and Vasas,
but in the Gopatha Brahmana 3 the Usinaras and Vasas are re-
4
garded as northerners. In the Rigveda the people is alluded to
in one passage by reference to their queen, Usinarani. Zimmer 5
thinks that the Usinaras earlier lived farther to the north-west,
but for this there is no clear evidence. His theory is based
merely on the fact that the Anukramani (Index) of the Rigveda
6
ascribes one hymn to Sibi Ausinara, and that the Sibis were
known to Alexander's followers as St/Sot, 7 living between the
Indus and the Akesines (Chenab). But this is in no way
8
conclusive, as the Sibis, at any rate in Epic times, occupied
the land to the north of Kuruksetra, and there is no reason
whatever to show that in the Vedic period the Usinaras were
'
farther west than the Middle Country.'
1 6
viii. 14. Rv. x. 179.
2 7
iv. 1. See Keith, Sankhayana 1
Diodorus, xvii. 19.
8
Aranyaka, 36. See Pargiter's map, Journal of the
3
ii. 9. Royal Asiatic Society, 1908, p. 322.
4
x. 59, 10. Cf. Weber, Indische Studien, 1, 213,419;
5
Altindisches Leben, 130. Hultzsch, Indian Antiquary, 34, 179.
 io4 CAMEL TURBAN [ Usa

Usa, 'salt ground,' occurs as a variant of Usa in the

Maitrayam Samhita (i. 6, 3).

Usasta Cakrayana is mentioned as a teacher in the Brhad-

aranyaka (iii. %
1) and Chandogya (i. 10, 1 11, 1) Upanisads, ;

the name in the latter work appearing as Usasti.

Both of these words, of which the former is

Usti, Ustra.
1
quite rare,must have the same sense. Roth 2 and Aufrecht 3
hold that in the Rigveda 4 and the Brahmanas 5 the sense is
* ' '

humped bull or buffalo,' but the former thinks that in the

6 '

Vajasaneyi Samhita the sense is doubtful, and camel may be

'

meant. Hopkins 7 is decidedly of opinion that the sense in

every case is camel.' The animal was used as a beast of
'

burden yoked in fours. 8

1 in Rv. Av. xx. 127, 2; 132, 13
Perhaps x. 106, 2 ;
Tait- 22. 31 ; ; Vaja-
tiriyaSamhita, v. 6, 21, 1 ; Kathaka saneyi Samhita, xiii. 50.
6
Samhita, xv. 2. Satapatha Brahmana, 1, 2, 3, 9,
2
St.Petersburg Dictionary, s.v. etc. ; Aitareya Brahmana, ii. 8.
3 6
Cited in Muir, Sanskrit Texts, 5, xxiv. 28. 39.
Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 7 the American Oriental
468. Cf. Journal of
224. Society, 17, 83.
4 8
i. 138, 2 ; viii. 5, 37 ; 6, 48 ; 46, Av. xx. 127, 2; Rv. viii. 6, 48.

Usnlsa denotes theworn by Vedic Indians, men '

turban
'

1
and women alike. The Vratya's turban is expressly referred
to in the Atharvaveda 2 and the Pancavimsa Brahmana. 3 A
turban was also worn at the Vajapeya 4 and the Rajasuya 5
ceremonies by the king as a token of his position.
1 *
Aitareya Brahmana, vi. 1 ; Sata- j
xv. 2, 1.
3 xvii.
patha Brahmana, iii. 3, 2, 3 ;
iv. 5, 1, 14. Cf. xvi. 6, 13.
4
2,7 (used at the sacrifice to wrap the Satapatha Brahmana, v. 3, 5, 23.
5
embryo in); xiv. 2, 1, 8 (Indrani's Maitrayani Samhita, iv. 4, 3.

Unlsa),etc.; Kathaka Samhita, xiii. 10.

Usyala occurs once in the description of the couch or the

1
bridal car in the Atharvaveda, where it seems to mean the four
2
'
frame-pieces.' The form is doubtful :
uspala is possible.
1
xiv. 1, 60. Cf. Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 155;
2
Whitney, Translation of the Athar- | Whitney, op. cit., 752.
vaveda, 385. I
Urnanabhi ] BULL AND COW WOOL 105

Usra, m. ; Usra, f. Usrika, m. Usriya, m. Usriya, f. All

; ; ;

' ' '

these words denote a bull or a cow,' occurring frequently in
the Rigveda, 1 and sometimes later, 2 but usually with some
reference to the morning light. In some passages the sense is

doubtful. See Go.

1
Usra, Rv. vi. 12, 4 usra, ;
i. 3,8; Usrau dhursahau, Vajasaneyi Sam-
2

viii. 75, 8 96, 8 ix. 58, ; ; 2, etc. ; hita, iv. 33usra, Av. xii. 3, 37; usriya,
;

usrika, i. 190, 5; usriya, v. 58, 6 (with Av. i. 12, 1 usriya, Av. ix. 4, 1
; ;

vrsabhah); ix. 74, 3; usriya, i. 153, 4; Vajasaneyi Samhita, xxxv. 2. 3. In

180, 3 ;
ii.
40, 2, etc. In ix. 70, 6, Av. v. 20, 1; 28, 3, it means 'cow-
usriya is applied to a calf; and in j
hide,' or perhaps in v. 28, 3, 'milk,
ix. 68, 1 ; 93, 2, usriya means *
milk.'

U.
Urjayant Aupamanyava is mentioned in the Vamsa Brah-
mana 1 as a pupil of Bhanumant Aupamanyava.
1 Indische Studien, 4, 372.

1
regarded by Ludwig in one passage of the
tjrjayanti is
2
Rigveda as the name of a fort, the stronghold of Narmara.
The verse is, however, quite unintelligible. 3
1 Translation of the Rigveda, 3, 152. Grassmann, the sun ; Roth, s.v. urjay,
2 ii.
13, 8. takes it adjectivally. Cf. Oldenberg,
3
Sayana makes Urjayanti a Pisaci ; Rgveda-Noten, 1, 199.

1
Urjavya, a word occurring only once in the Rigveda, is
taken by Ludwig 2 to be the name of a sacrificer. Roth, 3 how-
ever, regards the word as an adjective meaning rich in strength,'
*

and this is the more probable interpretation.

1 v. 41, 20. 2 Translation of the Rigveda, 3, 155.
3
St. Petersburg Dictionary, s.v.

1
Urna-nabhi, Urna-vabhi, Orna-vant are all names of the
spider in the later Samhitas and the Brahmanas in allusion to
the insect's spinning threads of wool, as it were.
1
Urna-nabhi ('having wool in its Samhita, viii. 1 ; Satapatha Brahmana,
navel '), Taittiriya Brahmana, i. 1, 2, xiv. 5, urna-vant ('possessing
1, 23;
5 ;
Brhadaranyaka Upanisad, ii. 1, 23 ; wool'), Kausitaki Brahmana, xix. 3 (in
urna-vabhi ('wool-spinner'), Kathaka a Mantra).
io6 SPIDER- IND USGA RNER [ Urna
1
Urna, wool,' is very frequently mentioned from the Rigveda
'

onwards. The Parusni country was famous for its wool, like2

Gandhara 3 for its sheep. The term for the separate tufts was
4 5
Soft as wool (urna-mradas) 6 is not a rare
' '

parvan or parus.
epithet. The sheep is called woolly' {urndvati).
7
'Woollen '

'
thread (urna-siitra) is repeatedly referred to in the later
Samhitas 8 and the Brahmanas. 9 The word urna was not
restricted to the sense of sheep's wool, 10 but might denote goat's
hair also. 11

1 iv. 2 v. 8
22, ; 52, 9 ;
Satapatha Maitrayani Samhita, iii. 11, 9;
Brahmana, xii. 5, 1, 13; 7, 2, 10, etc. ;
Kathaka Samhita, xxxviii. 3 Vaja-
;

urnayu, 'woolly,' Vajasaneyi Samhita, saneyi Samhita, xix. 80, etc. Cf.
xiii. 50 Pancavimsa Brahmana, xii.
; ur/ia-stukd, Aitareya Brahmana, i. 28 ;

11, 10. Kathaka Samhita, xxv. 3.

2 9
Rv., loc. cit. ; Pischel, Vedische Taittirlya Brahmana, ii. 6, 4 ;

Studien, 2, 210. But cf. Max Muller, Satapatha Brahmana, xii. 7, 2, 11,
Sacred Books of the East, 32, 315. etc.
3 Rv. 10
i. 126, 7. Cf. anaujakir urnah (' wool not
4 Rv. iv. 22, 10. coming from the edaka,' a species of
5 Rv. ix. 15, 6. sheep) in Satapatha Brahmana, ii.
5,
6 Rv. v. x.
4; 5, 18, 10; Vajasa- 2, 15-

neyi Samhita, ii. 2 ;

iv. 10 ;
xxi. 33, etc. 11
Cf. Hopkins, Journal of the A merican
7 Rv. viii. 56, 3. Oriental Society, 17, 83, n.

Orna-vati. In the of the Rigveda 1 which celebrates

hymn
2
the rivers Ludwig finds a reference to an affluent of the Indus
called Urnavati. This interpretation, however, seems certainly
3 4
wrong. Roth renders the word merely as woolly,' and Zimmer
'

rejects Ludwig's explanation on the ground that it throws the

structure of the hymn into confusion. Pischel 5 makes the
'
word an epithet of the Indus, rich in sheep.'
3 s.v.
x. 75, St. Petersburg Dictionary,
4
Translation of the Rigveda, 3, Altindisches Leben, 429.
5
200. Vedische Studien, 2, 210.

Urdara. This word occurs once in the Rigveda, 1 when

reference is made to filling Indra with Soma as one fills an
11. 14, 11.
Rkaka ] BEAR CONSTELLATION 107

Urdara with grain (Yava). Sayana renders it granary,' but '

Roth 2 and Zimmer 3 seem more correct in simply making it a

measure for holding grain, or '

garner.'
2 3
St. Petersburg Dictionary, s.v. AUindisches Leben, 238.

Ola is a variant of Ula.

x
Usa in the later Samhitas and Brahmanas 2 denotes salt

ground suited for cattle. Cf. Usa.

1 2
Taittiriya Samhita, v. 2, 3, 2, etc. 1
Aitareya Brahmana, iv. 27; Sata-
j patha Brahmana, v. 2, 1, 16, etc.

R.
i. found only once in the Rigveda, 1 and seldom
Rksa,
'
bear,' is
2
later, the animal having evidently been scarce in the regions
3
occupied by the Vedic Indians. Not more frequent is the use
of the word in the plural to denote the seven bears,' later *

4
called the 'seven Rsis,' the constellation of the 'Great Bear'

(ap/cros, ursa).
1 v -
56, 3- ii. i, 2,
4 Taittiriya Aranyaka, i. 11, 2.
;

a
Maitrayani Samhita, iii. 14, 17 ;
j
Cf. Hillebrandt, Vedische Mythologie, 3,
Vajasaneyi Samhita, xxiv. 36; Jai- !

422.
4
miniya Brahmana, i. 184. Cf. Zimmer, 1

Cf. Macdonell, Vedic Mythology,

AUindisches Leben, 81. p. 144 (D).
3
Rv.i.24, 10; Satapatha Brahmana,

2. Rksa is the name of a patron mentioned in one verse of a

1
Danastuti (' Praise of Gifts ')
in the Rigveda, his son being
referred to in the next verse as Arksa.
1 viii.
68, 15. Cf. Ludwig, Translation of the Rigveda, 3, 163.

Rksaka
a word occurring once in an obscure passage of the
is

Atharvaveda. 1 The sense is quite unknown. Weber 2 thinks

milky way,' but his view rests on no evidence.
'
it refers to the
3
Whitney despairs of the passage.
1 xviii. 2, 31. I
Catalogue, 2, 59, n. Proceedings of the
;

~
Festgruss an Roth, 138, n. 2 ;
Berlin |
Berlin Academy, 1895, 856.
3 Translation of the Atharvaveda, 840.
108 DEMON RIGVEDA NAMES [ RkIka
1
Rksika, a word found in the Atharvaveda, the Vajasaneyi
2
Samhita., and the Satapatha Brahmana 3 appears to denote a
demon. Harisvamin, however, in his commentary on the Sata-
patha Brahmana, connects the word with Rksa, as meaning
'
bear.'

1 3
xii. i, 49. xiii. 2, 4, 2. 4. Cf. Eggeling, Sacred
2 Books of
xxx. 8. J
the East, 44, 307.

Rg-veda, the formal name of the collection of Res, first

1
appears in the Brahmanas, and thereafter frequently in the
2
Aranyakas and Upanisads. 3
1 3
Aitareya Brahmana, i. 32, and |
Brhadaranyaka Upanisad, i.
5, 12 ;

implied in Taittirlya Brahmana, iii. 12, j

ii. 4, 10; iv. 1, 6; 5, 11; Chandogya
9, 1; Satapatha Brahmana, vi. 5, 4, 6; j
Upanisad, i.
3, 7; iii. 1, 2. 3; 15, 7;
8, 3 ;
xii. 3, 4, 9. I vii. 1, 2. 4 ; 2, 1 ; 7, 1.
2
Aitareya Aranyaka, iii. 2, 3. 5; j

Sankhayana Aranyaka, viii. 3.8.

1
RjiSvan is mentioned several times in the Rigveda, but
always a vague manner, as if very ancient.
in He assists
Indra in fights against demoniac figures like Pipru and the
2
dusky brood (krsna-garbhdh). According to Ludwig, he was
called Ausija's son, 3 but this is doubtful. He is twice 4 clearly
called Vaidathina, or descendant of Vidathin.

1 3
i- 5 1 * 5; 53. 8 ; 101, 1; vi. 20, 7; Rv. x. 99, 11. Cf. AuSija.
4
viii. 49, 10; x. 99, 11 ; 138, 3. Rv. iv. 16, 13 ;
v. 29, 11.
2
Translation of the Rigveda, 3, 143, Cf. Macdonell, Vedic Mythology,
149. p. 161 (C).

1
Rjunas is mentioned once only in the Rigveda along with
six other Soma sacrificers.

1 viii.
52, 2. Cf. Ludwig, Translation of the Rigveda, 3, 163.

1
appears in the Rigveda as one of the Varsagiras,
Rjrava
along with Ambarisa, Suradhas, Sahadeva, and Bhayamana,
and as apparently victorious in a race. Elsewhere 2 in the
1 2 i.
i. 100, 16. 17. 116, if; 117, j/. 17.-T
Rna ] DEBT 109

Rigveda he celebrated as having been blinded by his father

is

for slaying one hundred rams for a she-wolf, and as having

been restored to sight by the Asvins, a legend of quite obscure
meaning.
Cf. Macdonell, Vedic Mythology, p. 52.

1
Rna, 'debt,' is repeatedly mentioned from the Rigveda
onwards, having apparently been a normal condition among
the Vedic Indians. Reference is often made 2 to debts con-
tracted at dicing. To pay off a debt was called rnam sam-nl?
Allusion is made to debt contracted without intention of
4
payment.
The result of non-payment of a debt might be very serious :

the dicer might fall into slavery. 5 Debtors, like other male-
factors, such as bound by their
thieves, were frequently
creditors posts (dru-pada)? presumably as a means of
to

putting pressure on them or their friends to pay up the

debt.
The amount of interest payable is impossible to make out.
In one passage of the Rigveda and Atharvaveda 7 an eighth
(sapha) and a sixteenth (kala) are mentioned as paid, but it is
quite uncertain whether interest or an instalment of the
principal is meant. Presumably the interest would be paid
in kind.
How far a debt was a heritable interest or obligation does
not appear. The Kausika Sutra 8 regards three hymns of the
1 ii. 27, 4, etc., usually in a meta- allusion to binding to a post as a punish-

phorical sense. ment is clear. See, however, Bloom-

2 Rv. x. 34, 10; Av. vi. 119, 1. field, Hymns of the Atharvaveda, 528,
i7 = Av. vi. 46,
3 Rv. viii. 47, 3. n. Whitney, Translation of the
1 ;

4 Av. vi. 119, 1. Atharvaveda, 364, who interprets the

5 Rv. x. 34. Cf. Liiders, Das Wurfel- hymn as referring only to sin. Rv.
spiel im alten Indien, 61. i. 24, 13. 15; Av. vi. 63, 3 = 84, 4;
6 Rv. x.
34, 4, seems to refer rather 121, 1 et seq., are general; while Rv.
to the binding and taking away as a vii. 86, 5; Av. xix. 47, 9; 50, 1, refer
slave, though Pischel, Vedische Studien, to the binding of thieves in the
1, 228, explains it as the binding of a stocks. Cf. Taskara.
debtor for non-payment, interpreting 7 Rv. viii. 47, i7 = Av. vi. 46, 3.
the obscure verse i. 169, 7, in the same 8 xlvi. See Caland, Altindisches
36-40.
way. But Av. vi. 115, 2. 3, may refer Zauberritual, 154; Bloomfield, op. cit.,

to debt, and if this is the meaning the 528.

no PAYMENT OF DEBT KING RNAMCAYA [ Rnamcaya

Atharvaveda 9 as applicable to the occasion of the payment of

a debt after the creditor's decease. For the payment of a debt
10
by a relation of the debtor the evidence is still less clear.
Zimmer thinks that payments of debt were made in the
11

presence of witnesses who could

be appealed to in case of

dispute. This conclusion is, however, very uncertain, resting

12
solely on a vague verse in the Atharvaveda.
9 vi. 1 1
7-1 19. The name unpaid for 10
Cf. Rv. iv. 3, 13 (a brother's sin
debt is in Av. vi. apamityam
117, 1, or debt); Jolly, Recht und Sitte, 99, 100.
In the Taittiriya Samhita, 11 Altindisches This sug-
apratlttam. Leben, 181.
iii. 3, 8, 1, husldam apratlttam; in the gestion is ignored by Bloomfield, op. cit.,
Maitrayani Samhita, iv. 14, 17, and 375, and Whitney, op. cit., 304.
32, 3 = viii. 8, 21.
12 vi.
Taittiriya Aranyaka, ii. 3, 1, 8, husldam Cf. Sankh-
apratltam ;
in the Mantra Brahmana, ayana Aranyaka, xii. 14, and see Jnatr.
ii.
3, 20, apradattam. Cf. Zimmer, op. cit., 181, 182; 259.

Rnam-caya, a prince of the Rusamas, is celebrated in a

Danastuti (' Praise of Gifts') of the Rigveda (v. 30, 12. 14) for
his generosity to a poet named Babhru.

Cf. Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 129; Byhaddevata, ed. Macdonell, 2, 169, 174

'
Rtu, is a term repeatedly mentioned from the
season,'
1
Rigveda onwards. Three seasons of the year are often
alluded to, 2 but the names are not usually specified. In one
3
passage of the Rigveda spring (vasanta), summer (grisma), and
autumn (sarad) are given. The Rigveda knows also the rainy
season winter {hima, hemanta). A more
(prd-vrs) and the
usual 4 division (not found in the Rigveda) is into five seasons,

(=gharma), and in the ritual literature

1 i. 49, 3 ; 84, 18, etc.
2 Rv.
Cf. 164, 2 (tri-ndbhi), 48 (trlni
i.
(Apastamba Srauta Sutra, viii. 4, 2) in
nabhydni) ;
also perhaps the Rbhus as the threefold division into rta, gharma,
the genii of the three seasons and the and osadhi.
three dawns. Cf. Macdonell, Vedic 4 Av. viii. 2, 22; 9, 15; xiii. 1, 18;
Mythology, p. 133 ; Hillebrandt, Vedische Taittiriya Samhita, i. 6, 2, 3 ;
iv. 3, 3,

Mythologie, 2, 33 et seq. ; Satapatha Brah- I. 2; v. 1, 10, 3; 3, 1, 2; 4. 12, 2;

mana, xiv. 1, 1, 28, and the cdturmdsydni , 6. 10, 1 ; 7, 2, 4 ;
vii. 1, 18, 1. 2 ;

or four- monthly sacrifices performed at Maitrayani Samhita, i. 7, 3 iii. 4, 8 ; ;

the beginning of the seasons in the 13, 1 Kathaka Samhita, iv. 14 ix. 16
; ; ;

ritual (Weber, Naxatra, 2, 329 et seq.). Vajasaneyi Samhita, x. 10-14; Sata-

3 x.
90, 6. Hillebrandt, op. cit., 2, patha Brahmana, i.
3, 5, 11 ;
vi. 2, 2, 3,

35, finds in 4; ix. 91, 6, Rv. v. 14, etc. ;

Taittiriya Brahmana, iii. 10,4, 1 ;

reference to three seasons in the triad II, 10, 4, etc. Cf. Rv. i.
164, 13. See
gdvah (? spring), apah (rains), svar also Weber, op. cit., 2, 352.
Rtu ] DIVISION OF THE SEASONS in

vasanta, grisma, varsa, sarad, hemanta-sisira ; but occasionally

the five are otherwise divided, varsa-sarad being made one
season. 5 Sometimes six 6 seasons are reckoned, hemanta and
sisira being divided, so that the six seasons can be made
parallel to the twelve months of the year. A still more
7
artificial makes the seasons seven, possibly by
arrangement
reckoning the intercalary month as a season, as Weber and
Zimmer 8 hold, or more probably because of the predilection
number 9
for the seven, as Roth suggests. Occasionally the
10
word rtu is applied to the months.
last season, The
11
according to the Satapatha Brahmana, is hemanta.
The growth of the division of the seasons from three to five
12
is by Zimmer
rightly explained as indicating the advance of
the Vedic Indians towards the east. It is not Rigvedic, but

dominates the later Samhitas. Traces of an earlier division of

the year into winter and summer do not appear clearly in the
Rigveda, where the appropriate words hima and sama are
13
merely general appellations of the year, and where sarad is

commoner than either as a designation of the year, because it

denotes the harvest, a time of overwhelming importance to a
young agricultural people. The division of the year in one
14
passage of the Atharvaveda into two periods of six months
is merely formal, and in no way an indication of old
tradition.

5 8 Indische
Satapatha Brahmana, xiii. 6, i, Studien, 18, 44; Altindisches
10. II. Leben, 374.
j

6 Av. vi. 55, 2 9 St.

;
xii. i, 36 ; Taittirlya Petersburg Dictionary, s.v. rtu.

Samhita, v. 1, 5, 2 ; 7, 3 ;
2. 6, 1, etc. ; Cf. Hopkins, Religions of India, 18,

Maitrayani Samhita, i. 7, 3 iii. 11, 12 ; ;

|
33-
Kathaka Samhita, viii. 6; Vajasaneyi 10 Av. xv. 4; Samhita,
Taittiriya
Samhita, xxi. 23-28 Satapatha Brah- ;
iv. 4, ii, 1 ; Vajasaneyi Samhita,
mana, i. 7, 2, 21 ii. 4, 2, 24 xii. 8, 2,; ;
xiii. 25 ;
xiv. 6. 15. 26. 27; xv. 57,
34; Taittiriya Brahmana, ii. 6,19, etc. etc.
Rv. as interpreted 11
Cf. also i.
23, 15, i- 5- 3, 13-
12
by Roth, St. Petersburg Dictionary, Op. tit., 373.
13
s.v. indn. Hopkins, American Journal of Phil-
7 Av. Sata- 160 Weber, Indische
vi. 61, 2; viii. 9, 18; ology, 15, 159, ;

patha Brahmana, viii. 5, 1, 15 ;

ix. 1, Studien, 17, 232 ; Buhler, Zeitschrift der
2, 31; 2, 3, 45; 3, 1, 19; 5. 2, 8; Deutschen M orgenldndischen Gesellschaft,

perhaps Av. iv. 11, 9, and cf. Rv. 41, 28.

14 viii. 9, Zimmer,
i.
164, 1. 17. Cf. 372.
112 KING RTUPARNA SACRIFICIAL PRIEST [ Rtuparna

Rtu-parna appears in a Brahmana-like passage of the Baudh-

1
ayana Srauta Sutra as son of Bhangasvina and king of
2
Saphala. In the Apastamba Srauta Sutra are mentioned

Etuparna-Kayovadhi Bhangyasvinau.
1 XX. 12. Cf. Caland, Zeitschnft der Deutschen
2 xxi. 20,
Morgenldndischen Gesellschaft, 57, 745.

Rtv-ijthe regular term for sacrificial priest,' covering all

is

the different kinds of priests employed at the sacrifice. It

1
appears certain that all the priests were Brahmanas. The
number of priests officiating at a sacrifice with different functions
was almost certainly seven. The oldest list, occurring in one
2
passage of the Rigveda, enumerates their names as Hotr, Potr,
Nestr, Agnidh, Prasastr, Adhvaryu, Brahman, besides the
institutor of the sacrifice. The number of seven probably
' '

explains the phrase seven Hotrs occurring so frequently in

the Rigveda, and is most likely connected with that of the
mythical seven Rsis.' It may be compared with the eight of
'

Iran. The chief of the seven priests was the Hotr, who was
3

the singer of the hymns, and in the early times their composer
also. The Adhvaryu performed the practical work of the
sacrifice, and accompanied his performance with muttered
formulas of prayer and deprecation of evil. His chief assist-
ance was derived from the Agnidh, the two performing the
smaller sacrifices without other help in practical matters. The
Prasastr, Upavaktr, or Maitravaruna, as he was variously
called, appeared only in the greater sacrifices as giving in-
structions to the Hotr, and as entrusted with certain litanies.
The Potr, Nestr, and Brahman belonged to the ritual of the
Soma sacrifice, the latter being later styled Brahmanac-
chamsin to distinguish him from the priest who in the later

1 This is assumed the sacrifice into which, by partaking

throughout the
Vedic texts, and is accompanied by of it, the deity has entered in part.
2 ii.
the rule that no Ksatriya can eat of 1, 2. Cf. Oldenberg, Religion
the sacrificial offering (cf.Aitareya des Veda, 383.
3
Brahmana, vii. 26) : no doubt because Darmesteter, Le Zend-Avesta, 1,

only the Brahmanas were sufficiently lxx et seq.

holy to receive the divine essence of

Rtvij ] VARIOUS PRIESTS "3
ritual acted as supervisor. Other priests referred to in the
4
Rigveda are the singers of Samans or chants, the Udgatr
and his assistant the Prastotr, while the Pratihartr, another
assistant, though not mentioned, may quite well have been
known. Their functions undoubtedly represent a later stage
of the the development of the elaborate series of
ritual,
sacrificial calls on the one hand, and on the other the use
of long hymns addressed to the Soma plant. Other priests,
such as the Achavaka, 5 the Gravastut, the Unnetr, and the
Subrahmanya> were known later in the developed ritual of the
Brahmanas, making in all sixteen priests, who were technically
and artificially classed in four groups 6 Hotr, Maitravaruna, :

Achavaka, and Gravastut Udgatr, Prastotr, Pratihartr, and ;

Subrahmanya Adhvaryu, Pratistha.tr, Nestr, and Unnetr

; ;

Brahman, Brahmanacchamsin, Agnldhra, and Potr.

Apart from all these priests was the Purohita, who was
the spiritual adviser of the king in all his religious duties.
Geldner 7 holds that, as a rule, when the Purohita actually
took part in one of the great sacrifices he played the part of
the Brahman, in the sense of the priest who superintended the
whole conduct of the ritual. He sees evidence for this view in
a considerable number of passages of the Rigveda 8 and the
later literature, 9 where Purohita and Brahman were combined
10
or identified. Oldenberg, however, more correctly points out
4
Rv. viii. 81, 5. |
x. 4, 1, 19; Eggeling, Sacred Books of
5 for the
C/., Achavaka, Kausitaki the East, 43, 348, n. Keith, Aitareya ;

Brahmana, xxviii. 4 Aitareya Brah- ; j

Aranyaka, 37 ; Weber, Indische Studien,
mana, vi. 14, 8, etc. Bergaigne, ; 9. 375-
Recherches sur Vhistoire de la 7 Vedische Studien, 2, 143 et seq.
liturgie
8 Rv.
vedique, Oldenberg, Religion des
47 ;
i.
44, 10 ; 94, 6 ; viii. 27, 1, etc.

Veda, 397, n. 2. The other three occur

9
Brhaspati is Purohita of the gods,
in the Aitareya and other Brahmanas. Rv. ii. 24, 9 ; Taittiriya Brahmana,
See St. Petersburg Dictionary, s.v. ii. 7, 1, 2
Aitareya Brahmana, iii. 17,
;

6
Asvalayana Srauta Sutra, iv. 1, 4-6 ; 2 Satapatha Brahmana, v. 3, 1, 2
; ;

Sahkhayana Srauta Sutras, xiii. 14, but Brahman in Rv. x. 141, 3 Kausi- ;

1, etc. In the Rigveda Sutra the order taki Brahmana, vi. 13 ; Satapatha
of the four sets is Hotr, Brahman, Brahmana, i. 7, 4, 21. Vasistha is
Udgatr, and Adhvaryu. Sometimes a Purohita, Rv. x. 150, 5, of Sudas
seventeenth priest is mentioned, but Paijavana, Sankhayana Srauta Sutra,
he was not usually approved, though xvi. 11,4; but Brahman of the Sunah-
the Kausitakins maintained him as the sepa sacrifice, ibid., xv. 21.
10
Sadasya. See Satapatha Brahmana, Op. cit., 380 et seq.

VOL. I. 8
H4 STATUS OF THE PUROHITA [ Rtvij

that in the earlier period this was not the case the Purohita :

was then normally the Hotr, the singer of the most important
of the songs it was only later that the Brahman, who in the
;

capacity of overseer of the rite is not known to the Rigveda,

acquired the function of general supervision hitherto exercised
by the Purohita, who was ex officio skilled in the use of magic
and in guarding the king by spells which could also be applied
to guarding the sacrifice from evil demons. With this agrees
the fact that Agni, pre-eminently 11 the Purohita of men, is also
a Hotr, and that the two divine Hotrs of the Apr! hymns are
called 12 the divine Purohitas. On the other hand, the rule
is explicitly recognized in the Aitareya Brahmana 13 that a
Ksatriya should have a Brahman as a Purohita and in ;

the Taittiriya Samhita 14 the Vasistha family have a special

claim to the office of Brahman-Purohita, perhaps an indi-
cation that it was they who first as Purohitas exchanged the
function of Hotrs for that of Brahmans in the sacrificial
ritual.
The sacrifices were performed for an individual in the great
ls
majority of cases. The Sattra, or prolonged sacrificial session,
was, however, performed for the common benefit of the priests
taking part in it, though its advantageous results could only be
secured if all the members actually engaged were consecrated
(diksita). Sacrifices for a people as such were unknown. The
sacrifice for the king was, it is true, intended to bring about
the prosperity of his people also but it is characteristic that ;

the prayer 16 for welfare includes by name only the priest and
the king, referring to the people indirectly in connexion with
the prosperity of their cattle and agriculture.

11 I5
Agni as Hotr and Purohita occurs ,
Oldenberg, 371.
1B
inRv. i. 1, 1 iii. 3, 2 11,1; v. 11, 2.
; ; j
Vajasaneyi Samhita, xxii. 22
His Purohitaship is described in terms j
Taittiriya Samhita, vii. 5, 18 Maitra- ;

characteristic of the Hotr's functions :

yani Samhita, iii. 12, 6; Kathaka Sam-

in Rv. viii. 27, 1 ;
x. i, 6. Devapi is ,
hita, v. 5, 14, etc.
Purohita and Hotr, Rv. x. 98. Cf. Weber, Indische Studien, 10, 141
12 Rv.
x. 66, 13 in x. 70, 7, purohitav
;
et seq. 376 et seq. ; Hillebrandt, Rituul-
;

rtvija. 1 Utteratur, 97 Oldenberg, op. tit., 370-

;

13
vii. 26.
j
397; Ludwig, Translation of the Rig-
14
iii. 5, 2, 1, etc. veda, 3, 224.
Rsi ]
STA GB ULLSEER ii5

Rsya. This the correct 1 spelling of a word that occurs in

is

the Kigveda 2
and the later literature 3 meaning 'stag,' the
feminine being Rohit. 4 Apparently deer were caught in pits
5
(rsya-da). The procreative power of the stag {drsya vrsnya)
was celebrated. 6
4
appears in Av. iv. 4, 7, as Rsa Av.
1 It iv. 4, 7.
;

5
as Rsya in Maitrayani Samhita, iii. 14, Rv. x. 39, 8.
6
9. 18. Av. iv. 4, 5.
8 viii.
4, 10. Cf. Weber, Indische Studien, 18, 18 ;

Av. iv. 4l 5. 7; v. 14, 3 ;

i. 18, 4 Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 82; Whit-
(rsya-pad) Vajasaneyi Samhita, xxiv.
; ney, Translation of the Atharvaveda,
27. Aitareya Brahmana, iii. 33
37 ; ; 150. 151-
citation in Sankhayana Srauta Sutra,
viii. 25, 8, etc.

i. Rsabha is the common name of the 'bull' from the

2 1
Rigveda onwards. See also Go.
1
vi. 16, 47 28, 8 ;
x. 91, 14 Samhita, ii. 1, 3, 2, etc. ;
Vajasaneyi
etc. Samhita, xxi. 22, etc. ;
Pancavimsa
2 Av. iii. 6, 4 ; 23, 4, etc. ; Taittiriya Brahmana, xiii. 5, 18, etc.

Rabha, king of the Sviknas, appears in the Satapatha

2.

Brahmana 1 with the patronymic Yajnatura, as one of those

who performed an Asvamedha or horse sacrifice. He is also
mentioned there 2 as having probably been the source of a
saying of Gauriviti Saktya's.
1 xiii. 5, 4, 15. Cf. Sankhayana Srauta Sutra, xvi. 9, 8-10.
2
xii. 8, 3, 7.

3. Rsabha is mentioned in the Aitareya Brahmana (vii. 17)

as a son of Visvamitra.

'

seer,' is primarily a composer of hymns to the gods.

Rsi,
In the Rigveda 1 reference is often made to previous singers
and to contemporary poets. Old poems were inherited and
refurbished by members of the composer's family, 2 but the
great aim of the singers was to produce new and approved
3
hymns. It is not till the time of the Brahmanas that the
1
i. 1, 2 ; 45, 3 ;
viii. 43, 13, etc.
 u6 SEERS [ W
4
composition of hymns appears to have fallen into disuse,
though poetry was still produced, for example, in the form of
Gathas, which the priests were required to compose them-
5
selves and sing to the accompaniment of the lute at the
sacrifice. The Rsi was the most exalted of Brahmanas,6 and
7
his skill, which
compared with that of a carpenter,
is often
8
was regarded as heaven-sent. The Purohita, whether as Hotr
or as Brahman (see Rtvij), was a singer. 9 No doubt the Rsis
were normally 10 attached to the houses of the great, the petty
kings of Vedic times, or the nobles of the royal household.
Nor need it be doubted that occasionally 11 the princes them-
selves essayed poetry : a Rajanyarsi, the prototype of the later
Rajarsi or
*

royal seer,' who appears in the Pancavimsa

12 13
Brahmana, though he must be mythical as Oldenberg
14
points out, indicates that kings cultivated poetry just as later
15
they engaged in philosophic disputations. Normally, how-
ever, the poetical function is Brahminical, Visamitra and others
not being kings, but merely Brahmanas, in the Rigveda.
In the later literature the Rsis are the poets of the hymns
16
preserved in the Samhitas, a Rsi being regularly cited when
a Vedic Samhita is quoted. Moreover, the Rsis become the
representatives of a sacred past, and are regarded as holy sages,

4 in the tradition of the

Geldner, Vedische Studien, 2, 151. Brhaddevata,
5 etc.
Satapatha Brahmana, xiii. 4, 2, 8;
11
3. 5- Ibid., 154.
6 12
Rv. ix. 96, 6, etc. Cf. Satapatha xii. 12, 6, etc.

Brahmana, xii. 4, 4, 6, where pre- 13

Zeitschrift der Deutschen Morgen-
eminence is assigned to a Brahmana landischen Gesellschaft, 45, 235, n. 3.
14
descended from a Rsi. Later on it was deemed quite
7 Rv. i.
130, 6; v. 2, 11 29, 15; 73, ;
normal and natural. See the story of
10 ;x. 39, 14. So a poet is a Ka.ru Rathaviti Darbhya, or Dalbhya, him-
(if from kr, make,' but usually derived
'
self a royal seer, and Taranta and
from kr, commemorate '), and makes
'
Purumilha, seers and also kings, in
(kr, Rv. ii. 39, 8 viii. 62, 4) as well as
; Brhaddevata, v. 50 et seq.
15
creates (jan, Rv. vii. 15, 4; viii. 88, 4) Cf. Garbe, Philosophy of Ancient
hymns. India, 73 et seq. ; Deussen, Philosophy of
8 Rv. the Upanisads, 16 et seq.; Keith, Aitareya
i. 37, 4 ;
vii. 36, 1.9; viii. 32,
27 5 57. 6, etc. Ayany oka, 50.
9 16
Rv. i. 151, 7; Geldner, op. cit., 2, Aitareya Brahmana, ii. 25 viii. 26
; ;

153 Oldenberg, Religion des Veda, 380.

; Satapatha Brahmana, i. 7, 4, 4 ii. 2, ;

10
Geldner, op. cit., 2, 154, cites the 3, 6 5, 1, 4
;
vi. 1, 1, 1, etc.
; Nirukta,
;

Danastutis as characteristic of princes vii. 3, etc.

Bis ] SEERS GREAT BEAR 117

whose deeds are narrated as if they were the deeds of gods or

18
Asuras. 17 are typified by a particular group of seven,
They
19
mentioned four times in the Rigveda, several times in the
later 20
and enumerated in the Brhadaranyaka
Samhitas,
21
Upanisad Gotama, as
Bharadvaja, Visvamitra, Jamadagni,
Vasistha, Kasyapa, and Atri. In the Rigveda itself Kutsa, 22
Atri,
23 25
Rebha,
Agastya, the Kusikas, 26 Vasistha, 27 Vyasva, 28
24

and others appear as Rsis; and the Atharvaveda 29 contains a

long list, including Angiras, Agasti, Jamadagni, Atri, Kasyapa,
Vasistha, Bharadvaja, Gavisthira, Visvamitra, Kutsa, Kaksivant,
Kanva, Medhatithi, Trisoka, Usana. Kavya, Gotama, and
Mudgala.
Competition among the bards appears to have been known.
This is one of the sides of the riddle poetry (Brahmodya) that
forms a distinctive feature 30 of the Vedic ritual of the Asva-
medha, or horse sacrifice. In the Upanisad period such
competitions were quite frequent. The most famous was that
of Yajnavalkya, which was held at the court of Janaka of
31
Videha, as detailed in the Brhadaranyaka Upanisad, and
which was a source of annoyance to Ajatasatru of Kasl. 32
According to an analogous practice, a Brahmana, like Uddalaka
Aruni, would go about disputing with all he came across, and
33
compete with them for a prize of money.
17 29 iv.
Aitareya Brahmana, i. 17 ;
ii. 19 ; 29. Cf. xviii. 3, 15. 16.
30
Satapatha Brahmana, i. 6, 2, 7, etc. Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 345,
18
Cf. Indische Studien, 8, 167. 346; Bloomfield, Journal of the American
19
iv. 42, 8; x. 109, 4; 130, 7; Mac- Oriental Society, 15, 172 ; Religion des
donell, Vedic Mythology, p. 144. Veda, 216 et seq.
20 31
Vajasaneyi Samhita, xiv. 24 ;
Av. iii. 1, 1 et seq.
32
xi. 1, 1. 24 ;
xii. 1, 39, etc. Brhadaranyaka Upanisad, ii. 1, 1
21
ii. 2, 6. et seq. Kausitaki Upanisad, iv. 1
; et seq.
2- 33
i. 106, 6. Satapatha Brahmana, xi. 4, 1,
88
i-
117. 3- 1 et seq. ; Gopatha Brahmana, i. 3,
24
i. 117. 4. 8 et seq. ; Geldner, Vedische Studien, 2,
25
i.
179, 6. 185. 344-
26 iii.
53, 10. Cf. Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 340-
27
vii.
33, 13. 347 ; Muir, Sanskrit Texts, 3, 120 et
28
viii. 23, 16. seq.

Ris. The term '

Seven Rsis denotes the
' '
Great Bear
'

(see
1
1. Rksa) in one passage of the Rigveda, and occasionally
1
X. 82, 2.
u8 SPEAR NAMES [Brti
2
later. This
probably a secondary use, instead of the seven
is

Rksas, brought about by the frequent mention of the seven Rsis.

2
Av. vi. 40, 1 (where, however, 11. 1 2, 4 ;
xiii. 8, i, g ; Nirukta, x. 26,

Whitney, Translation of the Atharva- etc.

veda, 310, merely renders it as seven '

Cf. Hi\\ebra.ndt, Vedischc My thologie, 3,

seers,' and appears not to take it in a 422; Roth, St. Petersburg Dictionary,
technical sense) Satapatha Brahmana,
; s.v.; Macdonell, Vedic Mythology, p. 144.

Rsti is a term frequently employed in the Rigveda 1 to desig-

nate a weapon held in the hands of the Maruts, and doubtless
meant to indicate lightning. That it denotes a spear in mortal
warfare, as Zimmer2 thinks, is not shown by a single passage.
3

1 Rv. 3
Rv. i. 167, 3; vii. 55, 2; viii. 28, 5;
i.
37, 1; 64, 4. 8; 166, 4;
v. 52, 6; 54, 11; 57, 6; viii. 20, 11. x. 87, 7. 24 are all mythological or
Indra has a Rsti in Rv. i. 169, 3 (cf. contain similes.
Av. iv. 37, 8). Cf. Macdonell, Vedic Cf. Schrader, Prehistoric Antiquities^
Mythology, p. 79. 221.
2
Altindisches Leben, 301.

1
Rsti-sena is mentioned in the Nirukta as an explanation of
the patronymic Arstisena, but nothing else is known of him.
1 ii. 11. Cf. Sieg, Die Sagenstoffe des Rgveda, 130, 136.

Rsya-grnga appears as a teacher, pupil of Kasyapa, and as

bearing the patronymic Kasyapa in the Jaiminiya Upanisad
Brahmana 1 and in the Vamsa Brahmana. 2 The more correct
3
spelling of the name is Rsya-srriga.
1 a Vamsa, or
iii. 40, 1 (in list of (see Liiders, Die Sage von Rshyasriiga,
teachers). 1897 >
Von Schroeder, Mysterium und
it is not known to
2
Indische Studien, 4, 374, 385. Mimus, 292-301), but
3
The later legend connected with any Vedic text.
the name may contain old elements

1
Eka-dyu is mentioned as a poet in one hymn of the Rigveda.
1 viii. 80, 10. Cf. Ludwig, Translation of the Rigveda, 3, 112.

Eka-yavan Gam-dama is a man mentioned in the Pancavimsa

Brahmana x and the Taittiriya Brahmana. 2
1 xxi. 14, 20. Hopkins, Transactions of the Connecticut
3
ii.7, 11 (Kamdama).
1-
Academy of Arts and Sciences, 15, 69.
Cf. Weber, Indische Studien, i.
32
Edaka ] KINGL UNA R DA Y INSECT RA M 119

Eka-raj, sole ruler,' monarch,' seems to mean no more

' '

than king.' In the Rigveda 1 the term is used metaphorically

'

only. But it is found with the literal sense in the Aitareya

Brahmana, 2 as well as in the Atharvaveda. 3
1 6
viii. 37, 3. 111. 4, 1.
3 viii.
15. Cf. Weber, Rajasuya, 141

Ekayana denotes some object of study in the Chandogya

1
Upanisad. The St. Petersburg Dictionary renders it doctrine '

monotheism,' while Max Miiller prefers

' '

{ay ana) of unity (eka),

'ethics,' and Monier- Williams in his Dictionary 'worldly

wisdom.' 2
1
vn. 1, 2. 4 ; 2, 1 ; 7, 1. as niti-sastra, 'moral teaching.' Cf.
2
Max Miiller and Monier- Williams Weber, Indische Studien, 1, 267, 484 ;

thus follow Sankara's interpretation Little, Grammatical Index, 43.

Ekastaka. That Astaka

is the eighth day after the full

moon appears clearly from the Atharvaveda. 1 Ekastaka, or

sole Astaka.,' must denote not merely any Astaka, but some
1

particular one. Sayana, in his commentary on the Atharva-

2 in
veda, which a whole hymn celebrates the Ekastaka, fixes
the date meant by the term as the eighth day in the dark half
of the month of Magna (January February). The Ekastaka
3
is declared in the Taittiriya Samhita to be the time for the
consecration (dtksd) of those who are going to perform a year-
long sacrifice. See also Masa.
1
xv. 16, 2. Cf. Satapatha Brah- 11, 1; v. 7, 2, 2; Paiicavimsa Brah-
mana, vi. 2, 2, 23 ; 4, 2, 10. mana, v. 9, 4.
-
iii. 10. Cf. Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 365 ;

:J
vii. 4, S, 1. Cf. iii. 3, 8, 4 ; iv. 3, Weber, Naxatra, 2, 341, 342.

1
Ejatka is the name of an insect in the Atharvaveda.
1
v. 23, 7. Cf. Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 98; Whitney, Translation of the
Atharvaveda, 262.

*
Edaka appears to denote a
'
vicious ram '

in the Satapatha
2
and Jaiminiya Brahmanas.
1
xii. 4, 1, 4; cf. ii. 5, 2, 15. I Oriental Society , 23, 332). Cf. Eggeling j
2
i. 51, 4 (Journal of the American \
Sacred Books of the East, 44, 178.
 i2o DEER SUN-HORSE NAME [ Enl

1
Eni denotes the
female antelope ' '
in the later Samhitas,
perhaps as the feminine of Eta.
1
Av. v. 14, 11 ; Taittinya Samhita, I iii. 14, 17 ; Vajasaneyi Samhita, xxiv.
v -
5. 15, 1; Maitrayani Samhita, I
36; Cf. Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 82.

Eta
in the plural {etah) denotes the steeds of the Maruts,

being a swift species of deer, which are mentioned several

times in the Rigveda, 1 and the skins of which are also said to
be worn by the Maruts on their shoulders. 2 The epithet prthu-
3
budhna, once applied to them in the Rigveda, and variously-
4 k5
broad-chested,' and broad in
' '

interpreted as broad-hoofed,'
6
the hinder part,' seems to indicate that they were not gazelles. 7
1 i.
165, 2 ; 169, 6. 7 ;
v. 54, 5 ;
1
4
By Grassman and Zimmer.
5
x. 77, 2. Griffith, Hymns of the Rigveda,
2
Rv. i. 166, 10. Cf. Roth, St. Peters- 1. 235-
s.v. 6 Monier- Williams, Dictionary,
burg Dictionary, s.v.
3 i. 7
169, 6. Cf. Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 83.

1
1. Etasa is in several passages of the Rigveda, according to
Roth the 2
name of a protege whom Indra helped against the
sun-god Surya. But in all these passages Etasa seems merely
to designate the horse of the sun.

8
i.
6f, 15; iv. 30, 6; v. 29, 5.^/r>-jfl MacdoneW, Vedic Mythology, pp. 149,
'
2
St. Petersburg Dictionary, s.v. \ 150.

2. Etasa is in the Kausitaki Brahmana 1 the name of a sage

who is said to have cursed his children because they interrupted
him in the midst of a rite ; hence the Aitasayanas (descendants
of Etasa) are declared to be the worst of the Bhrgus. The
same story appears in the Aitareya Brahmana, 2 where, how-
ever, the sage's name is Aitasa, and the Aitasayanas are
described as the worst of the Aurvas.
1
xxx. 5.
2
vi. 33. Cf. Hillebrandt, Vedische Mythologie, 2, 173.

Edidhisuh-pati is a term occurring only in the Vajasaneyi

1
Samhita, where the commentator Mahidhara interprets it as
1
xxx. 9.
Aitareya ] CASTOR-OIL PLANT NAMES 121

'
meaning the husband of a younger sister married before the
elder sister.' Though probably correct, the form
this sense is
2
is doubtless, as Delbriick points out, corrupt. See Didhisupati.
2
Die indogermanischen Verwandschaftsnamen, 569, n. 1.

E ran da, the castor-oil plant (Ricinus communis), is first

mentioned in the Sankhayana Aranyaka (xii. 8).

1
Evavada is regarded by Ludwig in a very obscure passage
of the Rigveda 2 as the nameof a singer beside Ksatra, Manasa,
and Yajata. The commentator Sayana also interprets the
word as a proper name. 3
Roth, however, considers it to be an
'

adjective meaning truthful.'

1 Translation of 2
the Rigveda, 3, I v. 44, 10.
3
138. St. Petersburg Dictionary, s.v.

AI.
AikadaSaksa Manu-tantavya appears in the Aitareya Brah-
mana 1 as a king who observed the rule of sacrificing when the
sun had risen (udita-homin), and as a contemporary of Nagarin
Jana-sruteya.
1 Indischc Studien,
v. 30. Cf. Weber, 1, 223.

*
Aiksvaka, is the patronymic borne
descendant of Iksvaku,'
1
by Purukutsa Satapatha Brahmana. Another Aiksvaka
in the
is Varsni, a teacher mentioned in the Jaiminiya Upanisad

Brahmana. 2 A king Hariscandra Vaidhasa Aiksvaka is known

to the Aitareya Brahmana, 3 and Tryaruna is an Aiksvaka in
the Pancavimsa Brahmana. 4
1 3
xiii. 5, 4, 5. vii. 13, 16.
2 4 xiii.
i. 5, 4. 3, 12.

Aitareya, perhaps a patronymic from Itara, though the

commentator Sayana 1 regards the word as a metronymic from
1 Cited by Aufrecht, Aitareya Brahmana, 3.
122 NAMES LEGENDISTS [ AitaSa, Aitasayana

an epithet of Mahidasa in the Aitareya Aranyaka 2 and

Itara, is
3
the Chandogya Upanisad.

u. i, ; 3. 7- Asvalayana Srauta Sutra, i. 3, etc. ;

3
iii. 16, 7. Cf.Weber, Indische and a Mahaitareya in Asvalayana
Studien, 1, 389. The form Aitareyin Grhya Sutra, iii. 4, 4, etc.
occurs in the Anupada Sutra, viii. 1 ;

Aitasa, Aitasayana. See EtaSa, Etasayana. The Aitasa-

* 1
pralapa, or Discourse of Aitasa,' is a part of the Atharvaveda.

1 xx. 129-132. Cf. Brhaddevata, viii. 101, with Macdonell's note.

Aiti-hasika.This term was applied to the people who

explained the Vedic hymns by treating them as legendary
1
history (Itihasa), as Sieg shows by the passages of the
2
Nirukta, where their views are opposed to those of the
3
Nairuktas, who relied rather on etymology. Sieg also seems
4
right in finding them in the Naidanas of the Nirukta it is :

possible that their textbook was called the Nidana.

1 3
Die Sagenstoffe des Rgveda, 13 et seq. Op. cit., 29.
2 4
ii.16 xii. 1, etc.
;
vi. 9 ; vii. 6.

'
Aibhavata, descendant of Ibhavant,' is the patronymic of
1
PratidarSa.
1
Satapatha Brahmana, xii. 8, 2, 3.

Airavata, 'son of Iravant,' is the patronymic of Dhrtarastra,

1 2
as a snake demon, in the Atharvaveda and the Pancavimsa
Brahmana. 3
1 In the later literature Airavata is as naga means both '

serpent
'

and
the elephant of Indra perhaps con- :
elephant.'
nected with this Vedic snake demon, viii. 10, 29. xxv. 15, 3.

Ailusa, descendant of Ilusa,' is the patronymic of Kavasa.

Aisa-krta. See Sitibahu.

Otu] NAMES WOOF 23

Aisa-vlra. The Satapatha Brahmana once 1 refers to the

Aisa-viras as officiating at a sacrifice, with the implication that
they were bad sacrificers. Sayana regards the word as a
proper name (' descendants of Esavira '), denoting the members
of a despised family. But Roth may be right in explaining
the word both in the passage mentioned above and elsewhere
as meaning weak 2 or insignificant man.' 3
' ' '

xi. 2, 7, 32. 1, 16 Kausitaki Brahmana, i. 1, where,

;

2
In the St. Petersburg Dictionary, however, Lindner's edition reads saisa
s.v. viva iva. Cf. Weber, Indische Studien,
3 InBohtlingk's Dictionary, s.v. 1 ,
228 ; Eggeling, Sacred Books of the
(' one who wishes to be a man, but is East, 44, 45.
not'). Cf. Satapatha Brahmana, ix. 5,

*
Aisumata, descendant of Isumant,' is the patronymic of
Trata in the Vamsa Brahmana. 1
1 Indische Studien, 4, 372.

O.
Oganaa word occurring only once, as a plural, in the
is
1
Rigveda, where it appears to indicate persons hostile to the
seer of the hymn, and apparently opposed to the Aryan religion.
2
Ludwig regards the term as the proper name of a people, but
Pischel 3 thinks that it is merely an adjective meaning 'weak'
(ogana
= ava-gana), as in Pali.
"
1 2
x. 89, 15. Translation of the Rigveda, 5, 209.
3
Vedische Sttcdien, 2, 191, 192.

Otu in Vedic literature 1 denotes the 'woof in weaving, and

2 ' '

corresponds to Tantu, the warp,' the roots va, to weave,'

and tan, 3 to stretch,' from which these two terms are derived,
*

being used in parallel senses. In the process of weaving a

shuttle (Tasara) was used. The weaver is termed vdya, 4 and
' '

the '
loom '
veman. 5 A wooden peg (Mayukha) was used to
1 3 80
Rv. vi. 9, 2. 3 ; Av. xiv. 2, 51 ; Vajasaneyi Samhita, xix.

Taittiriya Samhita, vi. 1, 1,4, etc. Rv. x. 130, 2 ; Av. x. 7, 43, etc.
3 4
Rv. vi. 9, 2, etc. Rv. x. 26, 6, etc.
5 xix. 83.
Vajasaneyi Samhita,
124 MESS OF GRAIN PLAIT Odana

stretch the web on, while lead was employed as a weight to

6
extend it.

The work of weaving was probably the special care of

women. 7 A metaphor in the Atharvaveda 8 personifies Night
and Day as two sisters weaving the web of the year, the
nights serving as warp, the days as woof.
6
Vajasaneyi Samhita, xix. 80. Cf. Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 254,
7
Av. x. 7,42; xiv.2,51. C/.Rv.i.92,3. 255 ; Muir, Sanskrit Texts, 5, 465.
8
x. 7, 42 ; Taittiriya Brabmana,
". 5. 5. 3.

1
Odana is a common
denoting a mess, usually expression
of grain cooked with milk (ksira-pakam odanatri). 2 Special
' '

varieties are mentioned, such as the milk-mess (ksiraudana),*

curd-mess (dadhy-odana) 4 the bean-mess (mudgaudana), 5
' ' ' '

the ,

sesame-mess (tilaudana) 6 the 'water-mess' (udaudana), 7

' '
the ,

meat-mess (mamsaudana)* the ghee-mess (ghrtaudana), 9

' ' ' '

the
etc.

1 5
Rv. viii. 69, 14, etc. ;
Av. iv. 14, Sankhayana Aranyaka, xii. 8.
6 Ibid.
7, etc. ; Brhadaranyaka Upanisad,
2
Rv. viii. 77, 10. vi. 4, 15.
3 7
Satapatha Brahmana, ii. 5, 3, 4 ;
Ibid. ,
vi. 4, 15.

x *- 5, 7, 5 ; Brhadaranyaka Upanisad,
8
Ibid., vi. 4, 16; Satapatha Brah-
vi. 4 , 13. mana, xi. 5, 7, 5 ; Sankhayana Aran-
4
Brhadaranyaka Upanisad, vi. 4, yaka, xii. 8.
9
14. Sankhayana Aranyaka, xii. 8.

Opasa is a word of somewhat doubtful sense, occurring in

the Rigveda, 1 the Atharvaveda, 2 and occasionally later. 3 It
probably means a plait as used in dressing the hair, especially
' '

of women, 4 but apparently, in earlier times, 5 of men also.

The goddess Sinlvall called svaupasd, 6 an epithet of doubtful
is

sense, from which Zimmer 7 conjectures that the wearing of

1 6
x. 85, Cf. i. 173, 6 ;
viii. 14, 5 Taittiriya Samhita, iv. 1, 5, 3;
ix. 71, 1. Maitrayani Samhita, ii. 7, 5 Vaja- ;

saneyi Samhita, xi. 56. The reading

2 vi.
138, 1. 2 ; ix. 3, 8, where it is

applied metaphorically in describing is uncertain. Bloomfield (see below)

the roof of a house. assumes sv-opaxa to be the correct form
3 PancavimSa Brahmana, iv. 1, 1. a fair opaia ').
(' having
4 7
Av. vi. 138, 1. 2. Altindisches Leben, 264.
5
Rv. i. 173, 6; viii. 14, 5.
Osadhi ] PLANT 125

false plaits of hair in Vedic times. What

was not unknown
was the between the braids referred to in the
difference
8 9
having broad braids,' and visita-stuka,
'
epithets prthu-stuka,
having loosened braids,' and the Opasa cannot be made out
1

from the evidence available. Geldner 10 thinks that the original

11
sense was horn,' and that when the word applies to Indra
'

it means diadem.' '

8 11
Rv. x. 86, 8. Rv. viii. 14, 5.
9
Rv. i.
167, 5 (of Rodasi). Cf. Bloomfield, Hymns of the Athar-
10
Vedische Studien, 1, 131, quoting vaveda, 538, 539 Whitney, Translation
;

Pancavim^a Brahmana, xiii. 4, 3 ,

where of the Atharvaveda, 348.

dvy-opasah is used of cattle ;

but the
sense may be figurative.

Roughly speaking, the vegetable world is divided

Osadhi.
Vedic literature 1 between Osadhi or Virudh plants and
' '

in
Vana or Vrksa trees.' Osadhi is employed in opposition to
'

Virudh to denote plants as possessing a healing power or some

other quality useful to men, while Virudh is rather a generic
term for minor vegetable growths, but sometimes, 2 when occur-
ring beside Osadhi, signifies those plants which do not possess
medicinal properties.
A list of the minor parts of which a plant is made up is given
in the later Samhitas. 3 It comprises the root {milla), the

panicle (tfila), the stem (kdnda), the twig (valsa), the flower
(puspa), and the fruit (phala), while trees 4 have, in addition, a
corona (skandha), branches {sdkha), and leaves (parna). The
Atharvaveda 5 gives an elaborate, though not very intelligible,
division of plants into those which expand (pra-strnatth), are
bushy {stambinih), have only one sheath (eka-sungdh), are
creepers (pra-tanvatih), have many stalks (amsumatih), are

1 Rv. and 3
x. 97 passim. Osadhi- Ibid., vii. 3, 19, 1 ; Vajasaneyi
vanaspati is a frequent compound, from Samhita, xxii. 28.
the Satapatha Brahmana (vi. 1, 1, 12)
4
Taittiriya Samhita, vii. 3, 20, 1.

onwards. The medicinal properties of Cf. Rv. i. 32, 5 ; Av. x. 7, 38.

5
plants account for the epithet of with Whitney's notes.
'
viii. 7, 4,
manifold powers' (nanci-virya) applied Cf. Bloomfield, Hymns of the Atharva-
to them in Av. xii. 1,2. veda, 579 ;
Henry, Les livres VIII. et
2
Taittiriya Samhita, ii. 5, 3, 2. IX. de l' Atharvaveda, 58 et seq.
126 PLANT NAMES [ Auksagandhi

jointed (kandinzk), or have spreading branches (vi-sakhdh). In

the Rigveda 6 plants are termed fruitful (phalinih), blossom-
' '

'

ing (puspavatih) ,
and 'having flowers' (pra-sfivanh).
6 x -
97. 3- *5- Cf. Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 57.

AU.
Auksa-gfandhi (' having the smell of bull's grease ') appears
in theAtharvaveda 1 as the name of an Apsaras, beside other
names, of which Guggfulu and Naladi clearly indicate plants.
This name, therefore, presumably also denotes some sort of
fragrant plant. Auksa in the same Samhita 2 means 'bull's
' '

grease (from uksan, bull ').

1
iv. 37. 3 324 ;Whitney, Translation of the
2
ii.
36, 7. Atharvaveda, 211, 212, and on Auksa,
Cf. Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 69; ibid., 82, 83.
Bloomfield, Hymns of the Atharvaveda,

Augra-sainya, 'descendant of Ugrasena,' is the patronymic

of King YuddhamSrausti in the Aitareya Brahmana (viii. 21).

Audanya, 'descendant of Udanya or Odana,' is the patro-

1
nymic in the Satapatha Brahmana of Mundibha, who is
credited with inventing an expiation for the crime of slaying a
Brahmin. In the Taittiriya Brahmana 2 the name appears in
the form of Audanyava.

xiu. 3, 5, 4. Dictionary, s.v. Odana ; Eggeling,

iii. 9, 15, 3. Cf. St. Petersburg |
Sacred Books of the East, 44, 341, n. 1.

1
Audamaya is Weber's reading of the name of the Atreya.
who was Purohita of Ahga Vairocana, according to the
2
Aitareya Brahmana. Aufrecht, however, in his edition more
probably takes the correct form of the name to be Udamaya.
1
Jndische Studien, 1, 228.
2
viii. 22. Cf. St. Petersburg Dictionary, s.v. Udamaya.
Aupamanyava ] PATRONYMICS 127

Auda-vahi, 'descendant of Udavaha,' appears in the first

two Vamsas (lists of teachers) of the Brhadaranyaka Upanisad 1
as a teacher of Bharadvaja.
1 20 26 (in the
ii. 5, ; iv. 5, Madhyamdina recension).

'
Aud-umbarayana, descendant of Udumbara,' is the patro-
nymic of a grammarian in the Nirukta (i. 1).

'
Aud-dalaki, descendant of Uddalaka,' is the patronymic of
the teacher variously called Asurbinda 1 or Kusurubinda, 2 and
of Svetaketu. 3
1 3
Jaiminlya Brahmana, i. 75 {Journal Satapatha Brahmana, hi. 4, 3, 13 ;

of the American Oriental Society, 23, 327). iv. 2, 5, 15.He is perhaps also meant
Sadvimsa Brahmana, i. 16 Panca- ;
in Katha Upanisad, i. 11.
vimsa Brahmana, xxii. 15, 10.

'
Aud-bhari, descendant of Udbhara,' is the patronymic in
the Satapatha Brahmana (xi. 8, 4, 6) of Khandika, teacher of
Ke&n.

Aupa-jandhani, 'descendant of Upajandhana,' is the patro-

1
nymic of a teacher mentioned in the Brhadaranyaka Upanisad
2
as a pupil of Asuri, and also as a pupil of Sayakayana.
1 ii. 6, 3 ; iv. 6, 3 (in Vamsas).
2
iv. 5, 27 (in the Madhyamdina recension).

'
Aupa-tasvini, descendant of Upatasvina,' is the patronymic
of Rama in the Satapatha Brahmana (iv. 6, 1, 7).

Aupa-manyava, 'descendant of Upamanyu/ is the patro-

nymic of various persons: see Kamboja, Pracinaiala, Maha-
sala. The best known bearer of the name is the grammarian
who disagreed with the onomatopoetic theory of the derivation
of names, and who is mentioned by Yaska. 1 An Aupamanyavi-
2
putra occurs in the Baudhayana Srauta Sutra as a teacher.
1 2. 6. 11, etc. 2
i. 1 ;
ii. xxii. 1 et seq.
 128 PATRONYMICS [ Aupara

Aupara,
*
descendant of Upara,' is the patronymic of Danda
in the Taittiriya Samhita (vi. 2, 9, 4).

*
Aupa-vesl, descendant of Upavesa,' is the patronymic borne
1
by Aruna, father of Uddalaka.
1 See Kathaka Samhita, xxvi. 10, and Aruna.

'
Aupasvati-putra, son of a female descendant of Upa-
svant (?), is mentioned as a pupil of Papasaplputra in a Vamsa
'

1
(list of teachers) of the Brhadaranyaka Upanisad.
1 vi.
5, 1
(only in the Kanva recension).

Aupavi descendant of Upava ') Jana-Sruteya (' descendant

('
1
of Janasruti '), appears in the Satapatha Brahmana and the
2
Maitrayani Samhita as a sacrificer who used to offer the

Vajapeya sacrifice and ascend to the other world.

1 v.
1, 1, 5. 7.
2
i.
4, 5. Cf. Weber, Indische Studien, 1, 222, 223.

'
Aupoditi, descendant of Upodita,' is the patronymic applied
1
in the Taittiriya Samhita to Tumifija, and in the Baudhayana
Srauta Sutra 2 to Gaupalayana, son of Vyag-hrapad, Sthapati
(' general ')
of the Kurus. In the form of Aupoditeya, a metro-
nymic from Upodita, the name is found in the Satapatha
3
Brahmana, where the Kanva text calls him Tuminja Aupo-
diteya Vaiyaghrapadya.
1 Books of the East,
i. 7, 2, I. Cf. Eggeling, Sacred
2
xx. 25. 12, 271, n. 2.
3
i. Q, 3, 16.

*
Aurna-vabha, descendant of tJrnavabhi.' (1) This is the
name a pupil of Kaundinya mentioned in a Vams'a (list of
of-

(2) A teacher
1
teachers) of the Brhadaranyaka Upanisad.
Ji of this name is frequently referred to in the Nirukta. His
2
explanations in two passages agree with those of the Nairnktas
1 2
iv. 5, 26 (Madhyamdina recension). vii. 15 ;
xii. 19.
Aulundya ] PATRONYMICS 129

or etymological school of interpreters of the Rigveda. In other

3
passages he appears rather to belong to the school of the
Aitihasikas, who relied on traditional legends. He was thus
4
probably, as Sieg suggests, an eclectic.
4
vi. 13 ; xn. 1. Die Sagenstoffe des Rgveda, 13, n. 1.

descendant of Uru or Urva,' appears in the Rigveda 1

'
Aurva,
in close connexion with Bhrgu, being probably a Bhrgu
himself. As in one passage of the Aitareya Brahmana, 2 the
descendants of Aitasa are called the worst of the Aurvas, while
the parallel version of the Kausitaki Brahmana 3 calls them the
worst of the Bhrgus, the Aurvas must have been a branch of
the larger family of the Bhrgus. Aurva himself is said in the
4
Taittirlya Samhita. to have received offspring from Atri. In
the Pancavimsa Brahmana 5 two Aurvas are referred to as
authorities. See also Kutsa.
1 Vlll. 102, 4. of the Connecticut Academy of Arts and
2
vi. 33. Sciences, 15, 54,reads urvau.
3
xxx. 5. Cf. Hillebrandt, Vedische Mythologie,
4
vii. 1, 8, 1. 2, 173, n. 1.
5
xxi. 10, 6. Hopkins, Transactions

Aulana is a word occurring

in a single passage of the
1
Rigveda, where may possibly be a patronymic of Samtanu
it
* 2
as a descendant of Ula.' Ludwig, however, conjectures that
3 '
the reading should be Kaulana.' Sieg regards Aulana as
4
a later descendant of Samtanu, who utilized the story of
Devapi's rain-making as an introduction to his rain hymn.
1 '
x. 98, II. kula-jatah Samtanavah, a descendant
2
Translation of the Rigveda, 3, 166. of Samtanu, born in the family of the
3 '
Die Sagenstoffe des Rgveda, 141. Kurus.
4
Cf. Say ana on Rv. x. 98, 11 : Kuril-

'
Aulundya, descendant of Ulunda,' is the patronymic of
Supratita in the Vamsa Brahmana. 1
1 Indische Studien, 4, 372.

VOL.
13 PATRONYMICS METAL POT BIRD [ AuSija

Augija,
'
descendant of a patronymic clearly applied
Usij,' is
1 2
to Kaksivant in the Rigveda. It is also
applied to RjisVan,
but Ludwig 3 thinks that the correct reading of the passage in
l

question is ausijasyarjisva, Bjisvan, son of Ausija.' In one

verse 4 Ausija and Kaksivant are both mentioned, but in such a
way that two different persons must apparently be meant. In
other passages where the patronymic occurs alone, it is doubtful
who is meant, or whether a proper name at all is intended. 5
Kaksivant Ausija appears also in the Pancavimsa Brahmana 6
and elsewhere.
1 v. 41, vi. 4, 6. St.
i. 18, i. 5; Cf. Petersburg
2
x. 99, ii. Dictionary, s.v.
3 6
Translation of the Rigveda, 3, 143, xiv. 11, 16. See Hopkins, Transac-
149. tions of the Connecticut Academy of Arts
4
Rv. i. 112, 11. and Sciences, xv. 56, n. ,
and Kaksivant,
5
Rv. i. 119, 9; 122, 4; iv. 21, 6. 7; n. 15.

'
Austraksi, descendant of Ustraksa,' occurs as the patro
nymic of Sati in the Vamsa Brahmana. 1
1 Indische Studicn, 4, 372. Cf. Weber, Indian Literature, 75.

Kamsa, a word denoting a pot or

'
vessel of metal,' occurs in
the Atharvaveda and elsewhere. 1
1 Av. x. 10, 5 ; Aitareya Brahmana, vi. 3, x, etc. ; Nirukta, vii. 23 ; Sankha-
viii. 10 ; Brhadaranyaka Upanisad, yana Aranyaka, xii. 8.

Yajurveda Samhitas as the name of a

1
Kakara occurs in the
victim at the horse sacrifice (Asvamedha). It probably denotes
some sort of bird,' as rendered by the commentator Mahi-
'

dhara. 2
1
Maitrayani Samhita, iii. 14, 1 ;
2
On Vajasaneyi Samhita, loc. cit.

Vajasaneyi Samhita, xx. 24. Cf. Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 94.

1
Kakutha, a word occurring in the Maitrayani Samhita.,
presumably denotes some kind of animal. According to
2
Bohtlingk, it is identical with Kakkata.
1 2
iii. 14, 13. Dictionary, s.v.
Kaksivant ]
CRAB NAMES i3i

1
Kakuha, a word occurring several times in the Rigveda, is
understood by Roth 2 to designate part of a chariot, perhaps the
3 4
seat. Ludwig, again, regards it in one passage as the proper
name of a Yadava prince who took spoil from Tirindira, the
Paru, but this view is hardly probable. 5 It is, on the whole,
most likely that the pre-eminent,' word always means '
chief,'
*

6
being applied as an epithet to horses, chariots, princes, etc.
7
This is the only sense given by Grassmann, and later adopted
8
by Roth.
6
1 i.
46, 3; 181 5 i4,3; 11. 34. "I So certainly in Rv. viii. 45, 14;
iii. 54, 14 ;
v. 73, 7 ; 75, 4 ;
viii. 6, 48. ix. 67, 8
Taittiriya Samhita, iii.
; 3, 3,
2
St. Petersburg Dictionary, s.v. 1. 2, and often in the older form
3
Translation of the Rigveda, 2, 182 ; kakubha.
7 In his Lexicon, s.v.
3, 160, 161 ; 5, 142.
4 8
viii. 6, 48. In Bohtlingk's Dictionary, s.v.
5
Weber, Episches im vedischen Ritual,
36, 37-

1
Kakkata denotes the Yajurveda Samhitas,
'
crab
'
in the

being a Prakritized form of Karkata, which is common in the

3
later literature. 2 Roth, however, takes the word to mean a
bird, and compares Kakara. See also Kakutha.
1 2
Taittiriya Samhita, v. 5, 15, 1 Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 95.

{where Weber has katkata) Vajasaneyi

3
;
St. Petersburg Dictionary, s.v.

Samhita, xxiv. 32.

Kaksa is the name of two men mentioned as teachers in a *vfaX

Vamsa (list of teachers) of the Jaiminiya Upanisad Brahmana. '^/Hi
One is Kaksa Varakya, pupil of Prosthapada Varakya, 1 and
the other Kaksa Varaki 2 or Varakya, 3 pupil of Daksa Katya-
yani Atreya. See also Urukaksa.
in. 41, in. 41, 1. iv. 17, I.

Kaksivant is the name of a Rsi mentioned frequently in the

1
Rigveda, and occasionally elsewhere.
2
He appears to have
been a descendant of a female slave named Usij. 3 He must
have been a Pajra by family, as he bears the epithet Pajriya, 4
1 3
i. 18, 1 ; 51, 13 ; 112, 11 ; 116, 7 ; Rv. i. 18, 1 ; perhaps also i. 112,
117, 6; 126, 3; iv. 26, 1; viii. 9, 10; 11, but Ausija may there be a separate
ix. 74, 8 x. 25, 10 61, 16.
; ;
name (see Auiija). Cf. Pancavimsa
2
Av. iv. 29, 5, and passages noted Brahmana, xiv. 11, 16.
below. 4 Rv. i. 116, 7 ; 117, 6.

92
132 KAKSIVANT HERON [ Kanka

and his descendants are called Pajras. 5 In a hymn of the

6
Rigveda he celebrates the prince Svanaya Bhavya, who
dwelt on the Sindhu (Indus), as having bestowed magnificent
gifts on him and the list of Narasamsas (' Praises of Heroes ')
;

in the Saiikhayana Srauta Sutra 7 mentions one by Kaksivant

Ausija in honour of Svanaya Bhavayavya. In his old age he

obtained as a wife the maiden Vrcaya. 8 He appears to have
lived to be a hundred, 9 the typical length of life in the Vedas.
He seems always to be thought of as belonging to the past, and
in a hymn book of the Rigveda 10 he is mentioned
of the fourth
with the semi-mythical Kutsa and Kavi USanas. Later, also,
he is a teacher of bygone days. 11
In Vedic literature he is not connected with Dirghatamas
beyond being once mentioned along with him in a hymn of the
12
Rigveda. But in the Brhaddevata 13 he appears as a son of
Dirghatamas by a slave woman, Usij.
Weber 14
considers that Kaksivant was originally a Ksatriya,
not a Brahmana, quoting in favour of this view the fact that
he is mentioned beside kings like Para Atnara, Vitahavya
15
Srayasa, and Trasadasyu Paurukutsya. But that these are
all kings is an unnecessary assumption : these persons are
mentioned in the passages in question undoubtedly only as
famous men of old, to whom are ascribed mythical sacrificial
performances, and who thus gained numerous sons.
5 Rv. 13 iv. 11 et
i. 126, 4. seq.
6 14
i. 126. Episches im vedischen Ritual, 22-25.
7 xvi. 15 v.
4, 5. Taittiriya Samhita, 6, 5, 3 ;

8 Rv. i.
51, 13. Kathaka Samhita, xxii. 3 ;
Pancavimsa
9 Rv. Brahmana, xxv. 16, 3.
ix. 74, 8. Cf. xiv. 11, 16.
10 iv.
26, 1. Cf. Oldenberg, Zeitschrift der Deutschen
11 Av. iv.
29, 5 ;
xviii. 3, 15 ; Aitareya M orgenlandischen Gesellschaft, 42, 221,
Brahmana, i. 21, 6. 7 ;
Jaiminiya 236, n. 1 ; Ludwig, Translation of the
Upanisad Brahmana, ii. 6, 11. Rigveda, 3, 102 ; Geldner, Rigveda,
12 viii.
9, 10. Kommentar, 23, 24.

Kahka of a bird, usually taken to mean heron,' 1

name '
is the
but, at any rate in some passages, rather denoting some bird of
prey.
2
It first appears in the Yajurveda Samhitas. 3
1
Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 92. (kanka-cit, an altar piled in the form of a
'

2 heron
Roth, St.
Petersburg Dictionary Vajasaneyi Samhita, xxiv. 31
') ; ;

s.v, Cf. Sankhayana Aranyaka, xii. 13 Maitrayani Samhita, hi. 14, 12 Sama- ;

3
Taittiriya Samhita, v. 4, II, J veda, ii. 9, 3, 6, 1.
Kantakl-kari ] SCORPION-NA ME MA T 1 33

Kahkata isthe name of an animal mentioned once in the

1
Rigveda. According to Sayana it is a destructive beast;
'

perhaps, as Grassmann renders it, a scorpion.'

1 i. 191, 1. Cf. Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 98.

Kaiikatlya is the name of a family said in the Satapatha

Brahmana 1 to have learned from Sandilya the piling up of the
In the Apastamba Srauta Sutra 2
sacrificial fire (agni-tayana).
a Kankati Brahmana, no doubt the textbook of the school, is
referred to. It may have been identical with the Chagaleya

Brahmana, cited in the Baudhayana Srauta Sutra. 3

3
ix. 4, 4, T7. xxv. 5. Cf. Caland, Uber das rituelle

xiv. 20, 4. Sutra des Baudhayana, 40.

'

Kanka-parvan ?), a term occurring once in

(' heron-jointed
1
the Atharvaveda, is applied to a snake, meaning perhaps
scorpion.' As the Paippalada recension has a different reading
'

(ahga-parvanah) the passage may be corrupt.

,

1 vii. 56, Cf. Zimmer, Altindisches

1. of the Atharvaveda, 553 ; Bohtlingk,
Leben, 94 Whitney, Translation of the
; Dictionary, s v.

Atharvaveda, 426; Bloomfield, Hymns

Kata denotes a mat,' which was 'made of reeds' (vaitasa).

'

The maker of mats from reeds (bidala-kdrl) is mentioned in the

2
Vajasaneyi Samhita, and the process of splitting reeds for the
purpose is referred to in the Atharvaveda. 3

1 Samhita. v. 2. Bidala-kara is read in the

Taittiriya 3, 12, mentary.
Cf. Satapatha Brahmana, xiii. 3, Taittiriya Brahmana, iii.
4, 5, 1.
3
1. 3- vi. 138, 5.
2
xxx. 8, with Mahidhara's Com- Cf. Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 255.

'
Kantaki-kari, worker in thorns,' is one of the victims at
the human sacrifice (Purusamedha) in the Vajasaneyi Samhita. 1
No doubt the thorns were cut up and used to plait mats (Kata)
or to stuff cushions.

1
xxx. 8. The Taittiriya Brahmana, iii.4, 5, 1, has hantaka-kcira. Cf. Zimmer,
Altindisches Leben, 255.
134 AN ANCIENT RSISOMA VESSEL [ Kanva

Kanva
is the name of an ancient Rsi repeatedly referred to
1
in the Kigveda and later. His sons and descendants, 2 the
Kanvas, are also often mentioned, especially in the eighth
book of the Rigveda, the authorship of that book, as well as of
part of the first, being attributed to this family. A descendant
of Kanva is also denoted by the name in the singular, either
alone 3 or accompanied by a patronymic, as Kanva Narsada 4
and Kanva Srayasa, 5 besides in the plural the Kanvas Sausra-
vasas. 6 The Kanva family appears to have been connected with
the Atri family, 7 but not to have been of great importance. 8 In
one passage of the Atharvaveda 9 they seem to be definitely
regarded with hostility.
3
1 Rv. i.
36, 8. 10. 11. 17. 19 ; 39, 7. 9 ; E.g., Rv. i. 48, 4; viii. 34, 1, and
47,5; 112,5; 117. 18; 118,7; 139.9; probably elsewhere.
v. 41,4 viii. 5, 23. 25 7, ; ;
18 8, 20; ;
4
Rv. i. 117, 8; Av. iv. 19, 2; Lud-

49, 10; 50, 10; x. 71, 11 115, 5; 150, ; wig, Translation of the Rigveda, 3, 15
5
5 ;
Av. iv. 37, 1 ;
vii. 15, 1 ;
xviii. 3, 15 ; Taittiriya Samhita, v. 4, 7, 5
Vajasaneyi Samhita, 74 xvii. ;
Paiica- Kathaka Samhita, xxi. 8 ; Maitrayani
vimsa Brahmana, viii. 2, 2; ix. 2, 6; Samhita, iii. 3, 9.
Kausitaki Brahmana, xxviii. 8. Kanva- 6 Kathaka Samhita, xiii. 12. There
vat occurs in Rv. viii. 6, 11; 52, 8; is also Vatsa Kanva in Sankhayana
Av. ii. 32, 3; Kanva-mant in Rv. viii. 2, Srauta Sutra, xvi. 11, 20.
7
22. Oldenberg, Zeitschrift der Deutschen
2
As Kanvah (in the plural), Rv. i. 14, Morgenlandischen Gesellschaft, 42, 214.
8
2. 5; 37, 1. 14; 44, 8; 46, 9; 47, 2. Hillebrandt, Vedische Mythologie, 3,

4-10 ; 49, 4 ;
16 3, 16 4, 2. 3
viii. 2, ; ; ; 285. Cf. 1,207, 438.
5, 4; 6, 3. 18. 21. 31. 34. 47; 7, 32; 9 Av. ii. 25. Cf. Varttika on Panini
8, 3 ; 9. 14 ; 32, 1 ; 33. 3 ; 34. 4 ;
as iii. 1, 14; Bergaigne, Religion Vedique,
Kanvasya sunavah, Rv. i. 45, 5 ; as 2, 465; Hillebrandt, op. cit., 1, 207;
putrah, viii. 8, 4. 8 ;
as Kanvayanah, Oldenberg, Rgveda-Noten, 1, no.
viii. 55, 4. Kanva is found in viii. 1,8; Cf. Oldenberg, op. cit., 216 et seq. ;

2, 40 ; 4, 20 ; 7, 19 ; 9, 3. 9 ; 10, 2. Ludwig, op. cit., 3, 105.

'
Katha. The later use of this word 1 in the sense of a philo-
' 2
sophical discussion appears in the Chandogya Upanisad.
1 '
us begin a discussion regarding
Colebrooke, Miscellaneous Essays, 1, let

293- the Udgitha.'

2 hantodalthe katham vadama,
i. 8, 1 :

1
Kadru, a word occurring only once in the Rigveda, is
2
interpreted by Ludwig as the name of a priest, but it more
probably means a Soma vessel. 3
2 Translation of the Rigveda, 3, 162.
i
viii. 45, 26.
3 s.v.
St. Petersburg Dictionary,
Kaparda ] POISON MAIDEN WORM BRAID 135

Kanaknaka, a word occurring once in the Atharvaveda, 1

either denotes a poison or is an adjective qualifying kanda-visa,
a species of poison.
1 x. Translation of the
4, 22. Cf. Bloomfield, Hymns I Atharvaveda,
of the Atharvaveda, 604 ; Whitney, I
578.

Both these words, of which the former is

Kana, Kanya.
1 2
very is the normal term from the Rigveda
rare, while the latter
* '

onwards, denote maiden or young woman.' It is doubtful

*

whether Kanlnaka. (accented on the final syllable) has this

3 4
meaning, or only denotes the pupil of the eye, which is the
sense of kanlnaka or kanlnika (both accented on the ante-
penultimate) in the later Samhitas and the Brahmanas. See
also Stri.
1 Rv. neither of the Rv. passages is at all
x. 61, 5, etc.
2
i. 123, 10; 161, 5; hi. 23, 10, etc. ;
clear.
4
Av. i.
14, 2; xi. 5, 18; xii. I, 25, See Bloomfield, Hymns of the Athar-
etc. vaveda, 401 ; Keith, Aitareya Aranyaka,
3
Roth, St.
Petersburg Dictionary, 207. Other rare forms are kanyana,
s.v., cites in this sense Rv. iv. 32, Rv. viii. 35, 5 ; kanyala, Av. v. 5, 3 ;

23 ; x. 40, 9 Nirukta, iv. 15

;
but ; xiv. 2, 52.

1
Kapana, from its solitary occurrence in the Rigveda, appears
to mean a
'
worm
that destroys the leaves of trees,
'
and is so
2
interpreted in the Nirukta.
54.6. Leben, 97 ;
Max Muller, Sacred Books of
4. Cf. Zimmer, Altindisches the East, 32, 330.

' '
Kaparda, Kapapdin, wearing braids.' These words
braid,'
refer to the Vedic custom of wearing the hair in braids or

plaits. Thus a maiden is said to have her hair in four plaits

1
(catns-kaparda), and the goddess Siniva.li is described as wear-
'

2
ing fair braids (su-kaparda). Men also wore their hair in this
'

3 4
style, for both Rudra and Pusan are said to have done so,
5
while the Vasisthas were distinguished by wearing their hair
in a plait on the right (daksinatas-kaparda). The opposite was
to wear one's hair plain {pulasti). 6
' '
See also Opasa.
1 Rv. 5
Rv.
x. 114, 3. vii. 33, 1. Cf 83, 8.
2 6
Vajasaneyi Samhita, xi. 56. Vajasaneyi Samhita, xvi. 43.
3
Rv. i. 114, 1. 5; Vajasaneyi Sam- Cf. Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 264,
hita, xvi. 10. 29. 43. 48. 59. 265 Muir, Sanskrit Texts, v. 462 Max
; ;

4
Rv. vi. 55, 2 ; ix. 67. ix. Muller, Sacred Books of the East, 32, 424.
 136 MONKEY FRANCOLINE PARTRIDGE NAMES [ Kapi
' 1
Kapi,
I. monkey,' occurs only once in the Rigveda with
'
reference to Vrsa-kapi, the Man-ape,' in the dialogue of Indra
and Indrani in the presence of Vrsakapi. There the ape is
termed the tawny Qiarita). In the Atharvaveda 2 the monkey
' '

is mentioned several times as hairy, and an enemy of dogs.

That the ape was tamed appears from its position in the
Vrsakapi hymn, and from the mention, in the Taittiriya Sam-
3
hita, of a Mayu as belonging to the forest. See also Mayu,
Markata, and Purusa Hastin.
1 2 vi.
x. 86, 5. Cf. Oldenberg, Religion 111. 9, 4; iv. 32, 11; 49, 1.

des V.da, 174; Geldner, Vedische Studien, Cf. also Chandogya Upanisad, i. 6, 7
2, it. et seq. ;
von Schroeder, Mysterium (kapy-asa,
'
seat of an ape ').
3 Altin-
tind Mimus, 304 et seq. Schirmeisen, ;
iv. 2, 10, 1. Cf. Zimmer,
Die Arischen Gottergestalten, 218 et seq. ; disches Leben, 85, 86.

Tilak, Orion, 170-197.

2. Kapi is, according to the St. Petersburg Dictionary,

another name for Lusa Khargali in the Kathaka Samhita
(xxx. 2), but the name appears rather to be LuSakapi.

Kapihjala, the name of the

'
francoline partridge
'
or
*
hazel-
1
cock,' is found in all the Yajurveda Samhitas, and occasionally
2
later.

1
Taittiriya Samhita, ii. 5, 1, 1 ; v. 5, v. 5, 4, 4 ; xiii. 5, 1, 13; Jaiminiya
16, 1 Maitrayani Samhita, iii. 14, 1
; ; Brahmana, i.
154, 2 (Transactions of the
Kathaka Samhita, xii. 10 Vajasaneyi ;
Connecticut Academy of Arts and Sciences,
Samhita, xxiv. 20. 38. 15. 181).
2
Satapatha Brahmana, i. 6, 3, 3 ; Cf. Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 91.

1
Kapila appears in the Svetasvatara Upanisad as a teacher,
2 3
according to Weber and Garbe, who think that the expres-
sion kapila rsih there refers to the founder of the Sankhya
4
philosophy. But this is doubtful.

1 V. 2. and Deussen, in his trans-

East, 2, xli,
2
Indische Studien, 1, 24 et seq. ; 5, 412 ;
lation Upanishads, 304), do
(Sechzig
Indian Literature, 236. not take the word as a teacher's name.
3
Sankhya Philosophie, 27 et seq. ; The latter renders kapila rsih, by the
'

Translation of the Sahkhyatattvakau- .red sage,' as referring to Hiranya-

mudi, 531. garbha.
4
Max Muller, Sacred Books of the
Kambala NA MES PIGEON BLA NKET 137

Kapi-vana Bhauvayana is mentioned as a teacher in the

1
Yajurveda Samhitas and the Pancavimsa Brahmana.
2
A rite
called Kapivana's Dvyaha ('ceremony lasting two days') is
3
also referred to in the Katyayana Srauta Sutra.
1 Indische Studien,
Maitrayani Samhita, i. 4, 5 ; Cf. Weber, i, 24 ;

Kathaka Samhita, xxxii. 2. 3, Hopkins, Transactions of the

473;
2
xx. 13, 4. Connecticut Academy of Arts and Sciences,
9 Vedische
xxv. 2, 3. Cf. Asvalayana Srauta 15, 55, n. 2 ; Hillebrandt,
Sutra, x. 2. Mythologie, 2, 157.

Kapota is the name of a bird, probably the

'

pigeon
'

(its
sense in the later language), occurring from theRigveda
onwards. 1 It is associated in some passages 2 with the owl
(Uluka) as a messenger of Nirrti ('dissolution,' 'misfortune').
This aspect of the pigeon as a bird of evil omen is probably
based on an ancient belief which is also found beyond the
confines of India. 3
1 Rv. i. 30, 4 ; Av. xx. 135, 12 ;
3
Cf. Schrader, Prehistoric A ntiquities,
Maitrayani Samhita, iii. 14, 4 ; Vaja- 253.
saneyi Samhita, xxiv. 23. 38. Cf Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 89 ;

2
Rv. x. 165, 1-5 Av. vi. 29, ; 2. St. Petersburg Dictionary, s.v.

Kabandha Atharvana is mentioned in the Brhadaranyaka

1
Upanisad along with Sudhanvan ArigiFasa, as a teacher, but
is
semi-mythical. His son was Vicarin Kabandhi.
1 ah.
7, i. Cf. also Gopatha Brah- l
Mythologie, 2, 176, n. 4 ; Weber, Indian
mana, i.
2, 9. 18 ; Hillebrandt, Vedische \ Literature, 149.

1
Kama-dyu appears once in the Rigveda as the wife of
Vimada. She is probably identical with the
'
maiden
'

(yoscl)
of Purumitra, no doubt his daughter. She is elsewhere 2
referred to in connexion with Vimada, who appears to have
taken her for his bride against the will of her father.
x. 65, 12. Cf Zimmer, Altindisches Leben,
i. 117, 20 ;
x. 39, 7. 310.

Kambala denotes in the Atharvaveda 1 a 'woollen coverlet

'
or blanket.'
1 xiv. 2, 66. 67. Cf. Nirukta, ii. 2.
138 THE K AM BO J AS PORRIDGE [ Kamboja
1
Kamboja. Yaska, in the Nirukta, refers to the speech of
the Kambojas as differing from that of the other Aryas. The
Kambojas were later settled to the north-west of the Indus, and
are known as Kambujiya in the old Persian inscriptions. A
teacher, Kamboja Aupamanyava, pupil of Madragura, is
mentioned in the Vamsa Brahmana. 2 This points to a possible
connexion of the Madras, or more probably the Uttara Madras,
with the Kambojas, who probably had Iranian as well as Indian
affinities.

1 ii. 2. Gesellschaft, 7, 373. On the relation of

2
Indische Studien, 4, 372. Indian and Iranian, see also Jacobi,
Cf. Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 102; Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, 1909,
Weber, Indische Strei/en, 2, 493 ; 3, 384 ; 721 etseq. 1910, 457 etseq.
; Oldenberg, ;

Indische Studien, 10, 7 ; Episches im ibid., 1095 et seq, ; Keith, ibid., 1100 et
vedischen Ritual, 45 ;
Max Miiller, Zeit- seq. ',
Kennedy, ibid., 11 07 et seq. ;
and
schrift der Deutschen Morgenldndischen see Parsu.

Karanja, a word which in the Sutras and later denotes the

1
tree Pongamia glabra, occurs only twice in the Rigveda as
the name of a foe of Indra, but whether a demon or a man 2 is
intended remains uncertain.
1 i. 53, 8 ; x. 48, 8. 3, 149; Hillebrandt, Vedische Mythologie,
2
Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 63 ; 3, 292.
Ludwig, Translation of the Rigveda,

Karambha is the name, from the Rigveda onwards, 1 of a kind

of porridge made of grain (Yava), which was unhusked, parched
and kneaded. 2 It was the especial sacrificial portion of
slightly,
Pusan, no doubt in his capacity of an agricultural deity.
Karambha was also made of barley (Upavaka) 3 or of sesame
4
(Tirya).

1 3
Rv. i. 187, 16 ; iii. 52, 7 ;
vi. 56, 1 ; Vajasaneyi Samhita, xix. 22.
4
57, 2 ;
viii. 102, 2 ; Av. iv. 7, 2. 3 ; Av. iv. 7, 3, but see Bloomfield,
vi. 16, 1 ; Taittiriya Samhita, iii. 1, 10, Hymns of the Atharvaveda, 377; Whit-
2 ; vi. 5, 11, 4, etc. ney, Translation of the Atharvaveda,
2
Satapatha Brahmana, ii. 5, 2, 14 ;
155.
iv. 18. Cf. Schrader, Prehistoric
2, 4, Cf. Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 270.

Antiquities, 317 ; Eggeling, Sacred Books

of the East, 12, 395, n. 1.
Karkari ] SNAKE MANURE JUJUBE LUTE 139

Karikrata denotes, according to Zimmer, 1 a snake in the

Atharvaveda. 2
1 Altindisches Leben, 95
2
x. 4, 13. The Paippalada version has Kanikrada.

Karira, the name of a leafless shrub, Capparis aphylla, or its

fruit, first appears in the Taittiriya Samhita. 1

1 ii. 4, 9, 2 ;
Kathaka Samhita, xi. 11; xxxvi. 7; Satapatha Brahmana,
ii. 5, 2, 11.

Karisa denotes dry cow dung in the Satapatha Brahmana. 1

' '

The Atharvaveda 2 shows that the value of the natural manure

of animals in the fields was appreciated.
1 ii- 2
Av. iii. 14, 3. 4
1, 1 1 7- ; xix. 31, 3.

Cf. Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 236.

i. Karkandhu is the ordinary word for 'jujube,' the tree

(Zizyphus jujuba) and the fruit, from the Yajurveda Samhitas
onwards. 1 The berry is red (rohita). 2 Compare Kuvala and
Badara, which denote the fruit.

Kathaka Samhita, xii. 10 Maitra-

1
; 2. 9 1 9> x 5. etc. ; Jaiminiya Brah-
yani Samhita, iii. 11, 2; Vajasaneyi mana, ii. 156, 5.
2
Samhita, xix. 23. 91 xxi. 32 xxiv. 2 ; ; ; Vajasaneyi Samhita, xxiv. 2.

Satapatha Brahmana, v. 5, 4, 10 ; xii. 7, Cf. Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 242.

2. Karkandhu is only the name borne by a protege of the

Asvins in the Rigveda (i. 112, 6). Its identity with the word
for jujube indicates that the latter, though not otherwise
mentioned there, was known at the time of the Rigveda.

Karkari, a musical instrument, probably the Mute,' occurs

from the Rigveda onwards. 1 The Maitrayani Samhita 2
mentions cattle branded on the ears with a mark resembling
a lute (karkari-karnyah).
1 2
Rv. ii. 43, 3 ; Av. iv. 37, 4. Cf. I iv. 2, 9. Cf. Delbriick, Gurupuja-
xx. 132, 3. 8. I kaumudi, 48, 49.
Cf. Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 289.
140 EAR-ORNAMENT SMITH KarkI

KarkI may denote in one passage of the Atharvaveda 1 a

1
white cow,' according to the suggestion of Roth. 2
2
1 iv. 38, 6. 7. Cf. Bloomfi-eld, Hymns St. Petersburg Dictionary and
of the Atharvaveda, 414. Bohtlingk's Dictionary, s.v.

Karna-gobhana denotes anornament for the ear' in the '

1
Rigveda, apparently men. Some deity is called
for the use of

'gold-eared' in another passage of the Rigveda. 2 Hopkins 3

considers the use of ear-rings later than that of necklets and
wristlets.

1 3
viii. 78, 3. Journal of the American Oriental
2
i. 122, 14. See also i. 64, 10. Society, 17, 35.
Cf. Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 262

Karna-Sravas Angirasa is mentioned in the Pancavimsa

Brahmana (xiii. 11, 14) as a seer of Samans or chants, the
same tale being told of him as of Davasu.

'
Karmara, the times mentioned with
smith,' is several
1
approval in the Vedic Samhitas. In the Atharvaveda 2 smiths
appear with fishermen (dhivdnah) and chariot-builders (ratha-
kdrdh), all being classified as clever workers (manisinah) :

possibly a quasi-caste of smiths was already developing from

the guild organization that probably existed. 3
Little is known of the smith's methods of work and of his
tools. No
doubt he smelted (dhmd) the ore in the fire hence ;

he is called dhmatr, the 'smelter.' 4 Mention is also made of

1 Rv. x. 72, 2 ; Av. iii. 5, 6 ;
Kathaka take the reference to be to *
skilled
Samhita, Maitrayanl Samhita,
xvii. 13; chariot - makers '

{dhiva.no ratha-kdrdh)
ii- 9. 5; Vajasaneyi Samhita, xvi. 27; and '
clever smiths,' but this is perhaps
xxx. 7. Cf. karmara, Rv. ix. 112, 2; less likely. The commentator interprets
'

Taittiriya Brahmana, iii. 4, 3, 1. dhivdnah as '

fishermen (in the later
2
iii. 5, 6. The exact sense of the language dhivara means both a clever
'

passage is doubtful. Zimmer, Altin- man and'

a
fisherman ').
'

3
disches Leben,252 Bloomfield, Hymns
; Cf. Fick, Die sociale Gliederung, 182.
4
of Atharvaveda, 144; and Whitney,
the Rv. v. 9, 5.
Translation of the Atharvaveda, 92,
Kalasa ] FISHTRENCHSPARRO WJAR 141

his bellows of birds' feathers. 5 metal vessels (gharma He made

Q
ayasmaya) even
to be putthe Soma cup could on the fire:
7
occasionally be made of hammered metal (ayo-hata).
5
Rv. ix. 112, 2. Cf. Zimmer, op. cit., 252, 253 Weber, ;

6 Uber
Rv. v. 30, 15. Indische Studien, 17, 196 et seq. ;

7 den Rajasuya, 19
Rv. ix. 1, 2. et seq.

1
Karvara, a word found in one passage of the Atharvaveda,
seems to mean some kind of fish 2 caught by a fisherman
(paufijistha).

x. 4, 19. Whitney, Translation of the Atharva-

Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 96; veda, 578.

1
Karsu, a rare word found in the Satapatha Brahmana,
' ' '
denotes a furrow or trench.'
1 i. 8, 1, 3 ; xiii. 8, 3, 10. Cf. Schrader, Prehistoric Antiquities, 283.

Kalavinka, a name of the

'

sparrow,' is found in the

2
Yajurveda Samhitas, and occasionally later.
1

1 v 5> 4' 5 Jaiminiya Brahmana, ii. 154,

Taittinya Samhita, ii. 5, 1, 2; -
!

Maitrayani Samhita, iii. 14, 1 Kathaka ; 3 (Transactions of the Connecticut Academy

Samhita, xii. 10 Vajasaneyi Samhita,
; of Arts and Sciences, 15, 181). Cf.
xxiv. 20. 31. Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 91.
2
Satapatha Brahmana, i. 6, 3, 4 ;

from the Rigveda onwards, 1 a common word for

Kalasa is,

'pot' or 'jar,' probably either formed of a gourd or made of

clay (unburnt or baked), as we know that both kinds of pot
were in use. 2 The wooden Soma tub (drona-kalasa) is frequently
referred to in the ritual. See also Koa.
1
Rv. i. 1 17, 12
32,15; iv. 27, 5
;
iii. ; saneyi Samhita, i. 22 ; xi. 59. Cf.
32, 19, etc.; Av.
12, 7; ix. 1, 6;
iii. Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 253 ; Eggel-
4, 15; xviii. 4, 13, etc. In Rv. x. 32, 9, ing, Sacred Books of the East, 26, 257 ;

the word, according to the St. Peters- Oertel, Transactions of the Connecticut

burg Dictionary, is used as a proper Academy of Arts and Sciences, 15, 185,
name, but the passage is very doubtful. n. 3 ; Hillebrandt, Vedische Mythologie,
2
Av. iv. 17, 4 Taittiriya Samhita,
; 1, 183 et seq.

i. 1,8, 1; iv. 1, 5, 4; v. 1, 7, 2; Vaja-

142 FRA CTIONSNA KENA MES [ Kala

Kala denotes a fractional part,

'

normally one-sixteenth,' in
the Rigveda 1 and later. 2 It is often mentioned in connexion
'
with Sapha, one-eighth.'
*
viii. 47, 17. mana, iii. 3, 3, 1 ; xii. 8, 3, 13, etc. ;
2
Av. vi. 96, 3 ; xix. 57, 1 ; Taittiriya Nirukta, xi. 12. Cf. Hopkins, Journal
Samhita, vi. 1, io, 1 ; Maitrayani of the American Oriental Society, 16, 278 ;

Samhita, iii. 7, 7 ; Satapatha Brah- Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 259.

i. Kali. See Aksa.

2. Kali occurs in the Rigveda, twice in the singular 1 as the

name of a protege of the Asvins, and once in the plural. 2
The persons meant in the latter passage seem to be different
from the former one. The Kalis are once mentioned in the
Atharvaveda 3 beside the Gandharvas. 4
1
i. 112, 15; x. 39, 8. are fond of dice, and bestow luck at
2
viii. 66, 15. play. See Macdonell, Vedic Mythology,
3
x. 10, 13. P. 135-
4
These Kalis may be connected with Cf. Hopkins, Journal of the American
dicing, as in the Atharvaveda the Oriental Society, 17, 89 Ludwig, Trans-
;

Apsarases, the wives of the Gandharvas, lation of the Rigveda, 3, 163.

Kalpa in the Taittiiiya Aranyaka (ii. io) seems to denote

Kalpa Sutra.

Kalmasa-griva (' speckled-neck ') is the name of a snake in

the Atharvaveda. 1

1 iii. 5 (where the Paippalada

27, 1

Cf. Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 94,

recension has hdmam-) xii. 3, 59. ; 95.
Cf. Taittiriya Samhita, v. 5, 10, 2.

Kalyana is the name, in the Pancavimsa Brahmana, 1 of an

Aiigirasa who saw the Aurnayava Saman.
1 xii. 11, 10. Cf. Hopkins, Transactions of the Connecticut Academy of Arts and
Sciences, 15, 68, n. 2.
Kavaa ] CORSELET AN ANCIENT PUROHITA H3
Kavaca denotes a corselet or breastplate in the Atharva-
' ' ' '

veda 1 and later. 2 There is nothing to show whether it was

made of metal, but that it was so is quite possible (see
3
Varman). The Atharvaveda
' '
refers to a corselet-strap
(kavaca-pdsa), which may point to a linen corselet such as those
known to Herodotus. 4
1 Av. 3 xi.
xi. 10, 22 (kavacin). 10, 22.
2 4
Satapatha Brahmana, xiii. 2, 2, 7; Bloomfield, Hymns of the Atharva-
Aitareya Brahmana, vii. 19, 2 Nirukta, ; veda, 129,and Whitney, Translation of
v. 25 (kavaca) Satapatha Brahmana,
;
the Atharvaveda, 659, seem to recognize
xiii. 1, 6, 3 4, 1, 5
; Aitareya Brah- ;
coats of mail only.
mana, iii. 48 Vajasaneyi Samhita,
;

xvi. 45 {kavacin).

Kavasa is mentioned in a hymn of the Rigveda 1 as one of

those whom, Druhyu king, Indra overthrew
together with the
for the Trtsus. The Anukramam (Index) also attributes to
him the authorship of several hymns of the Rigveda, including
two (x. 32. Kurus>avana and his
33) that deal with a prince
descendant Upamas>avas. There seems no reason to doubt
this attribution, which is accepted by both Zimmer 2 and
Geldner. 8 The former holds that Kavasa was the Purohita of
the joint tribes named Vaikarna, in whom he sees the Kuru-
Krivi (Pancala) peoples, and that Kavasa in that capacity is
mentioned in the Rigveda as representative of those peoples.
He also suggests that the language of
Rigveda x. 33, 4 is best
explained by the reduced position in which the Kuru-Krivis
found themselves on their defeat by the Trtsus. Ludwig, 4 on
the other hand, thinks that Kavasa was the priest of the five
peoples. Geldner 5 holds that Kavasa was the Purohita of
Kurusravana, by whose son, Upamasravas, he was ill-treated,
and that he composed Rigveda x. 33 to deprecate the anger of
6
his royal master. Hopkins thinks that he was a king.
In the Brahmanas of the Rigveda 7 mention is made of
1 7
vii. 18, 12. Aitareya Brahmana, ii. 19 ; Kausr-
2
Altindisches Leben, 127. taki Brahmana, xii. 1. 3.
3
Vedische Studien, 2, 150. Cf. Weber, Indische Studien, 3, 459;
4
Translation of the Rigveda, 3, 139. Lanman, Sanskrit Reader, 386, 387 ;

5
Loc. cit. Pargiter, Journal of the Royal Asiatic
6
Journal of the American Oriental Society, 1910, 50.
Society, 15, 261, 263.
144 ANIMALS CUSHION NAMES TORTOISE [ Kasa

Kavasa Ailusa, who was a Brahmana born of a female slave,

and was reproached on this ground by the other Rsis. He is
possibly identical with the Kavasa of the Rigveda.

Kasa is the name of an unknown animal mentioned as a

victim at the horse sacrifice in the Yajurveda Samhitas. 1
1
Taittiriya Samhita, v. 5, 17, 1 ;
I
38. Cf. Maitrayani Samhita, iii. 14, 7.
18, 1; Vajasaneyi Samhita, xxiv. 26; | Cf. Zimmer, A Itindisches Leben, 84.

Kaslka isthe name of an animal mentioned once in the

1
Rigveda, and interpreted as weasel by the commentator ' '

Sayana. Fick 2 suggests that the meaning is 'pole -cat.'

Geldner 3 takes it as '
female ichneumon.'
1
i. 126, 5. Hopkins, Journal of the American Oriental
2
Bezzenberger, Beitrdge, 3, 165 ; Society, 17, 57.
3
Schrader, Prehistoric Antiquities, 247. Rigveda, Glossar, 44.
Cf. Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 84 ;

'
mat or cushion made, according to the
KaSipu denotes a
' ' '

1
Atharvaveda, by women from reeds (nada), which they crushed
for the purpose by means of stones. On the other hand, the
2
Satapatha Brahmana refers to a mat as made of gold.
1 vi. xm.
138, 5. 4, 3, I.

Kasu is the name of a prince mentioned in the Rigveda with

the patronymic Caidya, or descendant of Cedi, as a generous
patron of the singer, who praises the liberality of the Cedis.
Neither this king nor the Cedis appear again in Vedic
literature.
1 viii. 5, 37. Altindisches Leben, 129.
Cf. Zimmer,

Ka6o-ju occurs once in the Rigveda (i. 112, 14) either as a

proper name or as an epithet of Divodasa. The sense of the
word is quite uncertain.

Kayapa, a word denoting *

tortoise,' occurs in the Atharva-
2
veda 1 and often later.
1 iv. 20, 7. Cf. Weber, Indische Studien, 18, 86 ;

2
Maitrayani Samhita, iii. 14, 18 ; Bloomfield, American Journal of Phil-
Vajasaneyi Samhita, xxiv. 37 Sata- ;
ology, 17, 403.
patha Brahmana, vii. 5, 1, 5 Aitareya ;

Brahmana, ii. 6.
Kahoda KauItaki ] NAMES WORM SNAKE PROP 145

Kayapa name of a sage who is mentioned only once

is the
1 2
in the Rigveda, but is a common figure in the later Samhitas.

He is always of a mythical character, as belonging to the distant

3
past. According to the Aitareya Brahmana, he anointed King
Visvakarman Bhauvana, and in the Upanisads 4 he is mentioned
as a Rsi. The Kasyapas appear in connexion with Janam-
5
ejaya in the Aitareya Brahmana.
1 3 21
ix. 114, 2. viii. ; Satapatha Brahmana,
2 10
Samaveda, i. 1,2, 4, ; 4, 2, 3, 2 xiii. 7, 1, 15.
4
(but in these passages the St. Peters- Brhadaranyaka Upanisad, ii. 2. 6 ;

burg Dictionary, s.v., accepts the sense Jaiminiya Brahmana, iv. 3, 1 (in a
of a divine being, identical with Praja- quotation).
5
pati) ; Av. i.
14, 4 ;
ii. 33, 7; iv. 20, 7 ; vii. 27. Cf. Oldenberg, Zeitschrift
2 9> 3 1 37> Maitrayani Samhita,
1 '>
der Deutschen Morgenldndischen Gesell-
iv. 2, 9 ; Vajasaneyi Samhita, iii. 62. schaft, 42, 235, n. 1.

Kayapa Naidhruvi is mentioned as a teacher in the last

Vamsa (list of teachers) of the Satapatha Brahmana. 1
1
Brhadaranyaka Upanisad, vi. 4, 33 (Madhyamdina=vi. 5, 3, Kanva).

Kaskasa designates a kind of worm in the Atharvaveda. 1

1 v. Altindisches Leben, 98.
23, 7. Cf. Zimmer,

Kasarnila is the name of a kind of snake in the Atharvaveda. 1

It occurs also in the form Kasarnira, personified as the seer
Kasarnira Kadraveya in the Taittiriya Samhita. 2
1 x. where the
4, 5, Paippalada Leben, 98 ; Bloomfield, Hymns of the
recension has kvasarmila. Atharvaveda, 607.
2
i. 5, 4, 1. Cf. Zimmer, Altindisches

1
Ka-stambhi denotes Satapatha Brahmana a piece of in the
wood used as a prop for the end of a wagon-pole to rest on.
1 i. 1, 2, 9.
Cf. Caland and Henry, L'Agnistoma, 49; Eggeling, Sacred Books of
the East, 12, 14, n. 1.

Kahoda Kausltaki 1 or Kausitakeya 2 is mentioned in the

Satapatha Brahmana,
1
the Brhadaranyaka Upanisad, 2 and the
1
Sahkhayana Aranyaka, as a teacher, contemporary with Yajiia-
valkya. Cf. Kahodi.
1
Satapatha Brahmana, ii. 4, 3, 1 ; Sahkhayana Aranyaka, xv.
2
Brhadaranyaka Upanisad, iii. 5, 1.

VOL. I. 10
146 TREE-NAMES KATHA SCHOOL LUTE [ Kakambira
x
Kakambira is the name in the Rigveda of a useful tree of
some kind.
1 vi. 48, 17. Cf. Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 62.

Kaksa-seni is the patronymic (' son of Kaksasena ')

of
Abhipratarin in the Pancavimsa Brahmana (xiv. i, 12).

Kakslvata. See Nodhas.

Kathaka, the name of the recension of the Black Yajurveda

belonging to the school of the Kathas, is mentioned in the
Nirukta 1 of Yaska and in the Anupada Sutra. 2 The
Samhita which bears the name has been in part edited by
L. v. Schroeder. 3
* x. 4. hita, 1900, 1909 ; Zeitschrift der Deutschen
2
iii. 11 ; vii. n. Morgenldndischen Gesellschaft, 49, 145-
3
Two volumes have so far appeared, 171 Die Tubinger Katha-Handschriften,
;

the first containing i-xviii, the second Vienna, 1898 Zwei Handschriften der
;

xix-xxx. Cf. Indische Studien, i, 44; K.K. Hofbibliothek in Wien mit Frag-
3, 451 ;
von Schroeder, Kathaka Sam- mented des Kathaka, Vienna, 1896.

Kanthe-viddhi (' descendant of Kantheviddha ') is mentioned

as a teacher in the Vamsa Brahmana. 1
1 Indische Studien, 4, 382.

Kanda-vina, the name of a musical instrument, a kind of

lute made out of joints of reed, which is mentioned as used at
the Mahavrata ceremony in the Kathaka Samhita.. 1
1
xxxiv. 5 (Indische Studien, 3, 477). Katyayana Srauta Sutra, xiii. 3, 16
Cf. Latyayana Srauta Sutra, iv. 2, 6; Sankhayana Srauta Sutra, xvii. 3, 12.

Kandviya is mentioned as an Udgatr in the Jaiminfya

Upanisad Brahmana (iii. 10, 2).

Kanva. See Kanva among others, Devatithi, Medhatithi, :

Vatsa, were prominent members of the Kanva family.

Kanina ] NAMES 147

Kanvi-putra is mentioned as a pupil of Kapiputra in the

1
last Vamsa (list of teachers) of the Brhadaranyaka Upanisad.
1 vi. 5, 1 (Kanva recension).

Kanvayana (' descendant of Kanva ') and Kanvyayana

('descendant of Kanvya ') are patronymics occurring in the
1 2
Rigveda and the Sadvimsa Brahmana respectively.
1 viii. 55, 4.
2 Indische
Stuclien, 1, 38 ; Sayana on Rv. i. 51, 1 ; viii. 2, 40.

Katyayani. See Daksa.

Katyayani is the name of one of the two wives of Yajna-

1
valkya in the Brhadaranyaka Upanisad.
1 ii. 4, 1 ; iv. 5, 1. 2. A Katya I
Sutra, ii. 15 et seq. See Weber, Indian
appears in the Baudhayana Srauta | Literature, 138.

Katyayani-putra, son of Katyayani,' is mentioned in the

'

last Vamsa (list of teachers) of the Brhadaranyaka Upanisad 1

as a pupil of Gotamiputra and of KauSikiputra. A Jatu-
karnya Katyayaniputra is named as a teacher in the Sahkh-
2
ayana Aranyaka.
1
Kanva. 2 viii. 10.
vi. 5, 1, Cf. Weber, Indian Literature, 138.

Kanandha is mentioned in the Baudhayana Srauta Sutra

(xxi. 10) as son of VadhryaSva.

1
Kanlta is the patronymic ('son of Kanita') in the Rigveda
of Ppthusravas.
1 viii. 46, 21. 24. Cf. Sankhayana Srauta Sutra, xvi. 11, 23.

Kanina in the Atharvaveda 1 apparently denotes the '

son of
a maiden.' See Pati.
1 v. 5, 8. Cf. Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 334.

10 2
148 POISON NAMES Kandavisa

Kanda-visa in the Atharvaveda (x. 4, 22) denotes some kind

of poison. Cf. Kanaknaka.

1
Kapatava Su-nitha is mentioned in the Vamsa Brahmana
as a pupil of Sutemanas Sandilyayana.
1 Indische Studien, 4, 383.

Kapileya. The Kapileyas and the Babhravas are mentioned

in the Aitareya Brahmana 1 as descendants of Devarata Vaiva-
mitra, the adoptive name of SunahSepa.
1 Indische Studien, 1, 216, n., 433.
vii. 17. Cf. Weber,

Kapl-putra (' son of Kapi ') is mentioned in the last Vamsa

(list of teachers) of the Kanva recension of the Brhadaranyaka

Upanisad (vi. 5, 1) as a pupil of Atreylputra.

Kapeya (' descendant of Kapi '). The Kapeyas are men-

tioned as priests of Citraratha in the Kathaka Samhita 1 and
the Pancavimsa Brahmana. 2 See also Saunaka.
1 xiii. 12. and Sciences, 15, 52, 53 ;Hillebrandt,
2 xx.
12, 5.Cf. Hopkins, Transac- Vedische Mythologie, 2, 157.
tions of the Connecticut Academy of Arts

Kapya (' descendant of Kapi ')

is the patronymic of Sanaka
and Navaka, two obviously fictitious persons who served at
the Sattra ('
sacrificial session ') of the Vibhindukiyas in the
1
Jaiminiya Brahmana. It is also the patronymic of Pataiicala
in the Brhadaranyaka Upanisad. 2 See also Kai^orya.
1
iii. 233.
2 iii. 3, 1 ; 7, 1. Cf. Weber, Indian Literature, 126, 137.

Kabandhi (' descendant of Kabandha ') is the patronymic of

Vicarin in the Gopatha Brahmana (i. 2, 9. 18).

Kama-pri (' descendant of Kamapra ') is the patronymic of

Marutta in the Aitareya Brahmana (viii. 21). In the St.
Petersburg Dictionary it is suggested that the reading in this
*

passage should be kamapre, fulfilling desires,' as an epithet of

the sacrifice (yajne).
 Karaskara ] TOWN OF KAMPlLA NAMES 149

Kamalayana (' descendant of Kamala ') is the patronymic of

Upakosala in the Chandogya Upanisad (iv. 10, i).

In one passage of the Yajurveda Samhitas 1 the

Kampila.
epithet Kamplla-vasini is applied to a woman, perhaps the
king's Mahisi or chief wife, whose duty it was to sleep beside
the slaughtered animal at the horse sacrifice (Asvamedha).
The exact interpretation of the passage is very uncertain, but
both Weber 2 and Zimmer 3 agree in regarding Kampila as the
name of the town known as Kampilya in the later literature,
and the capital of Pancala in Madhyadesa.
1 3 Altindisches So also
Taittiriya Samhita, vii. 4, 19, 1 Leben, 36, 37.
Maitrayani Samhita, iii. 12, 20 Ludwig, Translation of the Rigveda,
Kathaka Samhita, Asvamedha, iv. 8 3, 204 von Schroeder, Maitrayani
;

Vajasaneyi Samhita, xxiii. 18 Tait- ; Samhita, I, xxi ;

Indiens Literatur und

tiriya Brahmana, iii. 9, 6 Satapatha ; Cultur, 164 ; Eggeling, Sacred Books of

Brahmana, xiii. 2, 8, 3. the East, 44, 321, 322.
2 Indische Indian
Studicn, 1, 184 ;

Literature, 114, 115.

Kamboja (' native of Kamboja ') Aupamanyava (' descendant

of Upamanyu ') is mentioned as a teacher in the Vamsa
Brahmana. 1
1
Weber, Indische Studien, 4, 372 ; Episches im vedischen Ritual, 45 ; Zimmer,
Altindisches Leben, 102.

Karapaeava is the name in the Pancavimsa Brahmana 1 of a

place on the Yamuna.
1 xxv. 10, 23. Cf. Asvalayana Srauta xxiv. 6, 10 ; Weber, Indische Studien,
Sutra, xii. 6 ; Sankhayana Srauta Sutra, 1, 34.
xiii. 29, 25 ; Katyayana Srauta Sutra,

is the name of a people mentioned in the Baudha-

Karaskara
yana Srauta Sutra 1
and the Apastamba 2 and Hiranyakesi 3
Sutras.

1 xx. 13 (14). Cf. Baudhayana of the East, 14, 148 Caland, Zeiischrift ;

Dharma Sutra, i. 2, 14. der Deutschen Morgenldndischcn Gescll-

2 xxii.
6, 18. schaft, 56, 553.
3 Boohs
xvii. 6. Cf. Buhler, Sacred
i 5 o POET [ Kari

Kari is the name of one of the victims of the human sacrifice

1
(Purusamedha) in the Vajasaneyi Samhita, and is there dedi-
cated to '
laughter.' The commentator Mahidhara 2 interprets
'

the word as
'
worker (kar ana-silo), but the St. Petersburg
Dictionary suggests that it means a '
jubilant' person (as
l
derived from the root kr, to praise *).

1 xxx. 6. 20 ; Taittirlya Brahmana, I

2 On Vajasaneyi Samhita, loc. cit.

iii. 4, 2, i. I

is the name of persons mentioned in the Jaiminiya

Kariradi
Upanisad Brahmana (ii. 4, 4) as holding a special view of the

Udgitha (Samaveda Chant).

Karu, 'poet,' is a word almost confined to the Rigveda. 1

There is evidence that the poet was regarded as a professional
2
man, just as much as the physician (Bhisaj). The poets, no
doubt, mainly lived at the courts of princes amid their re-
3
tainers, though they would probably also sing the praises of rich
merchants. There was probably no essential connexion between
the priest and the poet. Though the priest was often a poet,
yet poetry can hardly have been restricted to the priestly caste.
Indeed, at the horse sacrifice (Asvamedha) the Satapatha
Brahmana 4 expressly requires that one of the singers of pane-
gyrics should be a Rajanya, while the other was a Brahmana,
both singing verses of their own composition. The Anukra-
mani (Index) in several cases 5 attributes
hymns of the Rigveda
to princes; and even though this may often be merely the
6
same sort of procedure as has made Sudraka the author of
the Mrcchakatika, or Harsa of the Ratnavali, and has given
us royal teachers of the Brahman doctrine, 7 still the Indian
tradition evidently saw nothing odd in the idea of non-
Brahmanas as poets. Most of the non-sacred poetry has,
1 5
i. 14S, 2 165, 12; 177, 5 178, 3 ; ; ;
E.g., x. 92 is attributed to Saryata
ii. 43. 1 "I- 33. 8
I 39, 7 v. 33, 7 ; ; ; Manava.
6 See
vii. 27 ; 68, 9 ; 72, 4, etc. ; Maitrayani Pischel, Vedische Studien, 3, 202.
7
Samhita, i. 8, 7 ; Gopatha Brahmana, Episches im vedischen Ritual,
Weber,
i. 2, 21. 20, n. 4, sees in Av. xx. a recension
2 ix.
112, 3. of Ksatriya character. He also finds
3 vii. 1.
73, Ksatriyas in Visvamitra and Kaksivant,
* xiii.
1, 5. 1 : 4. 3. 5- but hardly with reason. Cf. Varna.
Karmarya ] FILTER IRON GO A LTREE 151

however, disappeared, for the epic is a product, as it stands,

of a later period. See also Rsi.

1
Karotara appears to denote in the Rigveda, and occasionally
2 '
sieve for purifying the liquor called Sura.
' ' '
later, a filter or
1 i. 116, 7. Kausitaki Brahmana, ii. 7. Cf. Zim-
2
Vajasaneyi Samhita, xix. 16. 82 ; mer, Altindisches Leben, 280.
Satapatha Brahmana, xii. 9, 1, 2;

Karoti is mentioned in the Satapatha Brahmana (ix. 5, 2, 15)

as a place, or perhaps a river, where Tura Kavaseya made a
fire-altar that is, as a seat of the fire-cult par excellence.

Karsakeyi-putra (' son of Karsakeyi ') is the name of a man

mentioned in the last Vamsa (list of teachers) of the Brhada-
ranyaka Upanisad. In the Kanva (vi. 5, 2) recension he is a
pupil of Pracmayogrlputra ; in the Madhyamdina (vi. 4, 33)
recension his teacher's name is Prainiputra Asurivasin.

1
Karsnayasa (' black metal '), a word found in the Upanisads,
must clearly mean iron.' See Ayas. i

1 Altin-
Chandogya Upanisad, iv. 17, 7 ; mana, iii. 17, 3. Cf. Zimmer,
vi. 1, 5; JaiminTya Upanisad Brah- disches Leben, 52.

Karsman, a word meaning furrow,' and found only

'

literally
1
in the Rigveda, is the designation of the goal in the chariot
race. The competitor probably turned round it and came back
to the starting-place. 2
1 ix. 36, 1
i. 116, 17 ; ; 74, 8.
2 Av. Altindisches Leben, 291, 292.
ii. 14, 6. Cf. Zimmer,

Karsmarya is the name of a tree (Gmelina arbor ea) which

1
is often alluded to in the Taittiriya Samhita., the Maitrayani
2
Samhita., and the Satapatha Brahmana. 3
v. 2, 7, 3. 4; vi. 2, 1, 5. vii. 4, 1, 37. Cf. Zimmer, Altindisches
iii. 2, 6 ; 7, 9. Leben, 62.
iii. 4, 1, 6; 17; iv. 3. 3, 6;
152 TIME STARS [ Kala

Kala, the generic expression for 'time,' first occurs in the

1
Rigveda, where, however, it is used only once, in the late
tenth book. It is known to the Atharvaveda, 2 where Kala has

already developed the sense of time as fate. The word is

3
frequent in the Brahmanas, superseding the earlier use of Rtu.
The more general division of time is into past (bhuta), ' '

' ' ' 4

present and future
(bhavat),
'

(bhavisyat). For other divisions

see Ahan, Masa, Samvatsara.

x. 42, 9. ii. 4, 2, 4 ;
iii. 8, 3, 36; vii. 2, 2, 21,
xix. 53.54- etc.
4
Satapatha Brahmana, i. 7, 3, 3 E.g., Sahkhayana Aranyaka, vii. 20.

Kalaka is the name of one of the victims at the horse

1
sacrifice (Asvamedha) in the Yajurveda Samhitas, variously
identified with a bird 2 or a chameleon. 3

1 3
Taittiriya Samhita, v. 5, 15, 1 ; Sayana on Taittiriya Samhita, loc.
Maitrayani Samhita, iii. 14, 16; Vaja- cit. Cf. Zimmer, Altindisches Leben,
saneyi Samhita, xxiv. 35. 99.
2 Mahidhara on Vajasaneyi Samhita,
loc. cit.

Kala-kaiija. In the Atharvaveda 1 mention is made of the

2 3
Kalakanjas as being in the sky. Both Roth and Zimmer
hold that some constellation is meant. But as the defeat of
the Kalakanjas one of Indra's exploits, 4 it is doubtful whether
is

any stress can be laid on that interpretation of the passage in

the Atharvaveda. Whitney 5 suggests that the three stars of
Orion are meant, Bloomfield 6 that the galaxy or the stars in
general are intended.
1 vi. 80, 2. Hymns of the A tharvaveda, 500
6
;

2 St.
Petersburg Dictionary, s.v. Journal of the American Oriental Society,
3 Altindisches
Leben, 353. 15, 163-169.
4 Kathaka Samhita, viii. 1. Cf. also Cf. Weber, Indische Studien, 1, 410,

Maitrayani Samhita, i. 6, 9 ; Taittiriya 414 et seq. ; 3, 465 Oertel, Journal

;

Brahmana, i. 1, 2, 4-6; Kausltaki of the American Oriental Society, 19,

Upanisad, iii. 1. 121.

6 Translation of the
Atharvaveda, 341.
Kasi, Kasya ] PA TRONYMICGRA SS PEOPLE OF KASI i
53

Kavaseya (' descendant of Kavasa ') is the constant patro-

nymic of Tura. The Kavaseyas are also mentioned as teachers
of philosophical points in the Rigveda Aranyakas. 1
1 6
Aitareya Aranyaka, iii. 2, ;
I
Cf. Weber, Indische Studien, 1 , 391, n. ;

Sankhayana Aranyaka, viii. 11. I

2, 418 ; Keith, Aitareya Aranyaka, 257.

Kavya (' descendant of Kavi ') is the constant 1 patronymic of

USanas. In the Pancavimsa Brahmana it is also applied to
Idhat 2 and Uksnorandhra. 3
1
Rv. 11 12 3 xiii.
i. 51, ; 83, 5; 121, 9, 19.
vi. 20, 11 ; viii. 23, 17 ;
Av. iv. 29, 6 Cf. Hopkins, Transactions of the Con-
Taittiriya Samhita, ii. 5, 8, 5, etc. necticut Academy of Arts and Sciences, 15,
2 xiv.
9, 16. 48, 49.

Kaa. Roth 1
finds this word, which denotes a species of

grass (Saccharum spontaneum) used for mats, etc., in one passage

of the Rigveda, 2 but the reading is uncertain. The word has
3
this sense in the Taittiriya Aranyaka.
1
St. Petersburg Dictionary, s.v. x. 100, 10. vi. 9, 1.

1
Kagi, Kagya. The name Kasi denotes (in the plural ) the
people of Kasi (Benares), and Kasya, the king of Kasi. The
2
Satapatha Brahmana tells of Dhrtarastra, king of Kasi, who
was defeated by Satanika Satrajita, with the result that the
Kasis, down to the time of the Brahmana, gave up the kindling
of the sacred fire. Satrajita was a Bharata. We hear also of
3
AjataSatru as a king of Kasi; and no doubt Bhadrasena
Ajatagatrava, a contemporary of Uddalaka, was also a king of
Kasi.
The Kasis and Videhas were closely connected, as was
natural in view of their geographical position. The compound
name Kasi-Videha occurs in the Kausitaki Upanisad; 4 in the
5
Brhadaranyaka Upanisad Gargi describes Ajatasatru as either
a Kasi or a Videha king. The Sankhayana Srauta Sutra 6
1 3
Satapatha Brahmana, xiii. 5, 4, Brhadaranyaka Upanisad, ii. 1,1
19. 21. The plural occurs also in iii. 8, 2
Kausitaki Upanisad, iv.
; 1.

the Paippalada recension of the Athar- 4

Kausitaki Upanisad, loc. cit.
5
vaveda, v. 22, 14. iii.
8, 2.
2 xiii. 6
5, 4, 19. xvi. 29, 5.
154 THE PEOPLE OF KASl [ KaSi, KaSya

mentions one Purohita as acting for the kings of Kaii, Kosala,

and Videha; and the Baudhayana Srauta Sutra 7 mentions Kasi
and Videha in close proximity. Weber, 8 indeed, throws out
the suggestion that the Kasis and the Videhas together con-
stitute the Usmaras, whose name is very rare in Vedic
literature.
As Kosala and Videha were in close connexion, Kasi and
Kosala are found combined in the compound name Kasi-
9
Kausalyas of the Gopatha Brahmana.
Though Kasi is a late word, it is quite possible that the town
is older, as the river Varanavati referred to in the Athar-

vaveda 10 may be connected with the later Varanasi (Benares).

while the Kasis, Kosalas, and Videhas
It is significant that
were united, any relations which the Kuru-Pancala peoples
may have had with them were hostile. It is a fair conclusion
that between these two great groups of peoples there did exist
some political conflict as well as probably a difference of culture
in some degree. The Satapatha Brahmana, 11 in the story of the
advance of Aryan Kosala and Videha, preserves
civilization over
a clear tradition of this time, and a piece of evidence that in
the Kuru-Pancala country lay the real centre of the Brahmana
culture (see also Kuru-Pancala). That the Kosala- Videhas
were originally settlers of older date than the Kuru-Pancalas
is reasonably obvious from their geographical position, but the

true Brahmana culture appears to have been brought to them

from the Kuru-Pancala country. It is very probable that the
East was less Aryan than the West, and that it was less
completely reduced under Brahmin spiritual supremacy, as the
movement of Buddhism was Eastern, and the Buddhist texts 12
reveal a position in which the Ksatriyas rank above Brahmanas.
With this agrees the fact that the later Vedic texts 13 display
7 xxi. Sacred Books of the East,
13. I
12, xlii et seq.,
8 Indische Studien,
Cf. Weber, 1, 212, 1

104, n. 1.
12 See Fick, Die sociale
2X3. Gliederung,
9 i- iv.
2, 9. chap.
10 iv. 13
7. 1. Cf. Zimmer, Altindisches Katyayana Srauta Sutra, xxii. 4,
Leben, 20 ; Bloomfield, Hymns of the 22 ; Latyayana Srauta Sutra, viii. 6,
Atharvavcda, 376. 28. See Weber, Indische Studien, 10,
11 i.
4, 1, 10 et seq. Cf. Weber, 99 ; Fick, op. cit. 140, n. 1
%
and cf.
;

Indische Studien, 1, 170 et seq. ; Eggeling, Magadha.

Katfia ] NAMES RACE-COURSE 155

towards the people of Magadha a marked antipathy, which

may be reasonably explained by that people's lack of orthodoxy,
and which may perhaps be traced as far back as the Vajasaneyi
Samhita. 14 It is, of course, possible that the Kosala-Videhas
and Kasis actually were merely offshoots of the tribes later
known as the Kuru-Pancalas, and that they by reason of
distance and less complete subjugation of the aborigines lost
their Brahminical culture. This hypothesis, however, appears
less likely,though might be supported by a literal inter-
it

pretation of the legend of the Aryan migration in the Satapatha

Brahmana. 15
14 xxx. 5. 22. See Magadha. Asiatic Society, 1908, 837, 1143; Keith,
15
Cf. Eggeling, loc. cit., 104, n. 1. ibid., 831, 1 138; Oldenberg, Buddha,
Cf. Grierson, Journal of the Royal 402 et seq.

Kasyapa ('descendant of Kasyapa') is a common patro-

1
nymic, and is applied specially to Rgyas>ng a,
,
Devataras
Syavasayana, Susa Vahneya.
1
Satapatha Brahmana, vii. 5, i, 5 ; Taittiriya Aranyaka, ii. 18 ;
x. 1, 8, etc.

Kasyapi-balakya-mathari-putra (' son of Kasyapi, Balakya,

and Mathari '). This curious name is given in the Brhadaranyaka
1
Upanisad to a teacher, pupil of Kautslputra.
1 vi. 4, 31 (Madhyamdina recension).

Kasayana is mentioned in the second Vamsa (list of teachers)

of the Brhadaranyaka Upanisad as a teacher, pupil of Saya-
kayana according to the Kanva (iv. 6, 2), of Saukarayana
according to the Madhyamdina recension (iv. 5, 27).

1
Kastha seems to have the sense in the Rigveda of course
' '

for a chariot race. It also means in the Rigveda 2 and later 3

1
goal,' either like the Karsman the turning place, or the final
goal (paramd kastha).
1 i- 37, 10 ; 65, 3 ;
iv. 5 8, 7 ;
vi. 46, 1 ; Aitareya Brahmana, iv. 7 ; Satapatha
vii- 93. 3 ;
viii. 80, 8 ; ix. 21, 7. Brahmana, xi. 5, 7, 2, etc.
2 x. be taken.
102, 9, is perhaps so to Cf. Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 291,
3 Av. Max
ii. 14, 6; Taittiriya Samhita, |
292; Miiller, Sacred Books of the
i ix.
6, 9, 3 ;
Vajasaneyi Samhita, 13 ; East, 32, 77.
i 56 COUGH TREE BIRD GAMBLER [ Kas
1
Kas, Kasa, Kasa, Kasika. All these four forms of the same
word denote cough,' which is mentioned in the Atharvaveda
'

as accompanying a headache, 2 as a symptom in fever (Takman),

and as an independent disease. 4

1 Kas Av. i. 12, 3 : v. 22, 10 ; ; v. 22, 10.

Kasa Av. v. 22, 1 1 (probably) Kasa
:
;
: vi. 105.
Av. vi. 105, 1 et seq. ;
Kasika : Av. v. 22, Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 385
Cf. ;

12 ; xi. 2, 22. Grohmann, Indische Studien, 9, 394 ;

2
Av. i. 12, 3. Jolly, Median, 89.

Kahodi (' descendant of Kahoda ') is the patronymic of

Argfala in the Kathaka Samhita (xxv. 5).

Kimsuka is the name of a tree (Butea frondosa) mentioned

in the wedding hymn of the Rigveda, 1 the bridal car being
described as adorned with its blossoms (su-kimsuka).
1
x. 85, 20. Cf. Zimmer, Altindisches is that the car is made of the wood of
Leben, 62. Sayana thinks the meaning the tree.

Kiki-dlvi denotes some kind of bird, perhaps the blue jay. 1

'

According to the commentator, it means 'partridge (tittiri) in

2
the Taittiriya Samhita.

1
Roth, St. Petersburg Dictionary, Cf. Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 92 ;

s.v. See Rv. x. 97, 13. Schrader, Prehistoric Antiquities, 251.

2 v. 6, 22, 1.

'
Kitava, the gambler,' is frequently referred to in the Rig-
veda and 1
later.
2
A father is represented as chastising his son
3
for gambling. The gambler seems at times to have fallen,
along with his family, into servitude, presumably by selling
himself to pay his debts. 4 Technical names 5 for different sorts
of gamblers given in the Yajurveda Samhitas are Adinava-darsa,

1 4 Rv. x.
ii. 29, 5; v. 85, 8; x. 34, 3. 7. 10. 34. Cf. perhaps the bhakta-
11. 13. dasa, 'slave for hire,' of the Manava
2 Av. vii.
50, 1 109, 3 Vajasaneyi ; ;
Dharma Sastra, viii. 415 ; Fick, Die
Samhita, xxx.8. 18. 22 Aitareya Brah- ;
sociale Gliedcrung, 197.
5
mana, ii. 19, etc. Taittiriya Samhita, iv. 3, 3, 1 et seq. ;

3
Rv. ii. 29, 5. Cf. Pitr. Vajasaneyi Samhita, xxx. 18.
Kirata ] APE WATER-PLANT MOUNTAINEERS 157

Kalpin, Adhi-kalpin, and Sabha-sthanu. None of these can be

6 7
safely explained, though the last has usually been taken as a
satirical name derived from the gambler's devotion to the dicing
place (Sabha),
'

pillar of the dicing hall.' The first literally

8
means seeing '
ill-luck,' and may refer to the quickness of the
dicer to note an error on the part of his antagonist, or to his
eagerness to see the defeat of his rival.
6
Cf Weber, Zeitschrift der Deutschen hita, xxx. 18 ; Sayana on Taittinya
Morgenldndischen Gesellschaft, 18, 282 ; Brahmana, iii. 4, 16, I.
8 Dic-
Zimmer, Altindisch.es Leben, 284. Cf. Roth, St. Petersburg
7 So Mahidhara on
Vajasaneyi Sam- tionary, s.v. ; Weber, loc. cit.

*
Kim-purusa, what sort of man,' appears in the Brah-
lit.
1
manas to designate the ape,' which is a mimic man. Possibly '

the same sense should be seen in the passage of the Vaja-

2 3
saneyi Samhita, where it occurs, and where Roth assumes it
to refer to a contemptible man. Max Muller 4 renders it

savage.
1 8 Sata- 3 St.
Aitareya Brahmana, ii. ; Petersburg Dictionary, s.v.
4 Ancient Sanskrit Literature, 420.
patha Brahmana, i. 2, 3, 9 ; vii. 5,
2, 32. Cf. Weber, Indische Studien, 9, 246;
2 xxx. Omina und Portenta, 356
16; Taittinya Brahmana, iii.
Eggeling, ;

4, 12, 1. Sacred Books of the East, 12, 51, n. 3.

Kiyambu is the name of one of the water-plants which are to

1
grow, according to a funeral hymn in the Rigveda, on the place
where the body of the dead was burned. The word seems to
2
mean having some
'
water,' possibly by popular etymology.
1 x. 16, i3 = Av. xviii. 3, 6. Cf. Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 62 ;

2
Cf. Sayana on Rv., loc. cit., and on Bloomfield, Proceedings of the American
Taittinya Aranyaka, vi. 4, 1, 2, where Oriental Society, October, 1890, xl.

Kyambu is the form.

i. Kirata is a name applied to a people living in the caves

of the mountains, as appears clearly from the dedication of the

1
Kirata to the caves (guhd) in the Vajasaneyi Samhita, and
2
from the reference in the Atharvaveda to a Kirata girl (kaira-
tika), who digs a remedy on the ridges of the mountains.
1 xxx. 16; Taittiriya Brahmana, iii. 4, 12, 1. x. 4, 14.
i
58 TWO PRIESTS WHITE LEPROSY [ Kirata

Later 3 the people called Kiratas were located in Eastern Nepal,

but the name seems to have been applied to any hill folk, no
doubt aborigines, though the Manava Dharma Sastra 4 regards
them as degraded Ksatriyas.
3 2
Lassen, Indische Alterthumskunde, i , Ludwig, Translation of the Rigveda, 3,
530, 534- 207 V. Smith, Journal of the Royal
;

4 x. Asiatic Society,
44. 1909, 258, n. 1 ; Levi,
Cf. Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 32 ;
Le Nepal, 2, 77.

2. In the story of Asamati there appear, as the two

Kirata.
priests are who
opposed to the Gaupayanas, Kirata and Akuli
according to the Pancavimsa Brahmana, 1 or Kilata and Akuli
according to the Satapatha Brahmana.
2
No doubt the name is
chosen, not as that of a historic person, but as a suitable
designation of a hostile priest for it is probably identical with ;

the name of the mountaineers described in the preceding article.

MlatakuU). Cf. also Satyayanaka Brah-

1 xiii. 12, 5 (where the text reads
kirata-kulyau). Bohtlingk, Dictionary, mana apud Sayana on Rv. x. 57, 1 ;

s.v., takes the word, with Sayana, as 60, Jaiminiya Brahmana, iii. 167 ;
1 ;

an adjective, kirata-kula, of the family '

Journal of the American Oriental Society,

of Kirata.' The reading in the Brhad- 18, 41 et seq. ; Hopkins, Transactions of
devata (vii. 86) is kiratdkuli. the Connecticut Academy of Arts and
2 i. 1, 4, 14 (where the text reads Sciences, 15, 48, n. 1.

Kilata is the form of the name 2. Kirata that appears in the

1
Satapatha, Satyayanaka, and Jaiminiya Brahmanas.
2
1 See note under the preceding article.

Kilasa is the name of a disease, '

white leprosy,' in the Athar-
vaveda and the Vajasaneyi Samhita, etc. 2 It resulted in the
1

appearance of grey (palita) and white (sukla, sveta) spots all

over the skin. Haug gave the same sense to alasa in the
3
Aitareya Brahmana, but this is doubtful. The fern. Kilasi is
taken by Max Miiller to mean a spotted deer in one passage ' '

of the Rigveda. 4
1 i> 23, 24. Medicin, 98 Hopkins, Transactions of
;

2 xxx. 21 Pancavimsa Brahmana, the Connecticut Academy of Arts and

;

xiv. 3, 17; xxiii. n, n ; Taittirlya Sciences, 15, 68.

3
Aranyaka, v. 4, 12. Cf. Zimmer, vi. 33, 5.
4
Altindisches Leben,
391 Bloomfield,; v. 53, 1.

Hymns of the Atharvaveda, 266; Jolly,

KlrSa] THE KIKATA TRIBE WORM PLOUGHMAN POET 159

KIkata. The name of this people occurs only in one passage

of the Rigveda, where they appear as hostile to the singer and
as under the leadership of Pramaganda. Yaska 2 declares that
8
Kikata was the name of a non- Aryan country, and later
KIkata is given as a synonym of Magadha. Hence Zimmer 4
concludes that the Kikatas were a non-Aryan people living in
the country later known as Magadha. Weber 5 holds that this
people were located in Magadha, but were Aryan, though at
variance with other Aryan tribes, perhaps because of heretical
tendencies, for Magadha was later a seat of Buddhism. But
the identification is uncertain, and is doubted by Oldenberg 6
and Hillebrandt. 7
1 in- 53. 14. 5 Indische Indian
Studien, 1, 186;
2
Nirukta, vi. 32. Literature, 79, n. *,
3 St. 6
Petersburg Dictionary, s.v. Buddha, 402, 403; Rgveda-Noten, 1,
4 Altindisches 118.
Leben, 31, Cf. 253.
7 Vedische Mythologie,
Geldner, Rigveda, Kommentar, 58. 1, 14-18.

Kita is the name of a species of worm mentioned in the

1 2
Atharvaveda, and frequently in the Upanisads.
1 ix. 4, 16. 2 vii. 1 Kausitaki
I
10, ; 2, 1 ; 7, ;

2
Brhadaranyaka Upanisad, vi. 1, 19 ; I

Upanisad, i. 2, etc.
2, 14 ; Chandogya Upanisad, vi. 9, 3 ; Cf. Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 98.

Kinasa, a name of the ploughman or cultivator of the soil, is

found in the Rigveda 1 and the later Samhitas. 2 See Krsi.

1 iv. 57, 8. Cf. Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 237 ;
2 Av. 10
iv. ii, ; vi. 30, 1 ; Vaja- Weber, Indische Studien, 18, 45 Hop- ;

saneyi Samhita, xxx. 11 ; Taittiriya kins, Journal of the American Oriental

Brahmana, ii. 4, 8, 7. Society, 17, 86, n.

1
KIri is in the Rigveda a regular designation of the 'poet.'
Cf, Rsi.
1 v. 12
i. 31. 13; ii. 12, 6; 52, |
Rigveda, Glossar, 46; Pischel, Vedische
{kirinah ; Max Miiller, Sacred Books of
j
Studien, 1, 223.
the East, 32, 317). But see Geldner, j

Klpa, the name of some kind of animal, or perhaps bird, is

mentioned in the list of victims for the horse sacrifice (Asva-
1
medha) in the Taittiriya Samhita.
1 v. 5, 20, i. Cf, Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 99 ; St. Petersburg Dictionary, s.v.
i6o SWEET DRINK POET COCK A TEACHER [ Kilala

'
Kilala, a word denoting a
sweet drink,' is found in all the
1
later Samhitas, but not in the Rigveda. As the Sura-kara,
list of victims in the human
*
maker of Sura,' is dedicated in the
2
sacrifice (Purusamedha) to Kilala, it must have been a drink
of somewhat the same nature as the Sura itself, possibly, as
Zimmer 3 suggests, a kind of rum.
1 Av. iv. ii, 10; 26, 6; 27, 5; Vajasaneyi Samhita, ii. 34 iii. 43 ;

vi. 69, 1 ; x. 6, 25 ; xii. 1, 59 ;

Tait- xx. 65 xxx. 11, etc.
;

Maitra- 2 xxx. 11
tiriya Brahmana, ii. 6, 12, 13 ; Vajasaneyi Samhita,
yani Samhita, ii. 7, 12; iii. 11, 3. 4 ; Taittiriya Brahmana. iii. 4, 9, 1.
3 Altindisches
Leben, 281.

Kigmfla denotes, according to Bohtlingk, 1 a certain disease

2
in the Paippalada recension of the Atharvaveda.

1 s.v.
Dictionary, xix. 8, 4.

Kista in two passages of the Rigveda 1 means 'poet,' like

Klri.
1 i. 127, 7 ;
vi. 67, 10. Cf. Yaska, Nirukta, iii. 15.

' 1 2
Kukkuta, cock,' occurs in the Yajurveda only.
1
Vajasaneyi Samhita, i. 16. Cf. I
a
It is common in the later

Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 91. | language.

Kutaru
according to the commentator Mahidhara,
is,
1

synonymous with Kukkuta, cock.' The word is found in the

'

2
Yajurveda Samhitas only.
1 On Vajasaneyi Samhita, xxiv. 23. 4. 20 ; iv. 1, 6 ; Vajasaneyi Samhita,
2
Taittiriya Samhita, v. 5, 17, 1 ; xxiv. 23, 39.

MaitrayanI Samhita, i. I, 6; iii. 14, Cf. Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 93.

Kunda-payin (' drinking from a jug ') is the name of a teacher

mentioned in the Pancavimsa Brahmana 1 and in the Sutras. 2
xxv. 4, 4. 6; Katyayana Srauta Sutra, xxiv. 4,
9
Asvalayana Srauta Sutra, xii. 4, I 21.
Kutsa ] PATRONYMIC ANIMAL ANCIENT HERO 161

Kunda-payya (' descendant of Kundapayin ') is a patronymic

connected with a man named Spngavrs in one passage of the
1
Rigveda.
1
viii. 17, 13. Cf. Ludwig, Transla- Journal of the A merican Oriental Society,
tion of the Rigveda, 3, 161 ; Hopkins, 17, 90.

Kundnjaci is the name of an animal of unknown character

occurring in the lists of victims at the horse sacrifice (Asva-
1
medha) in the Yajurveda Samhitas. The word also occurs in
one passage of the Rigveda, 2 in which a bird would seem to be
intended, though Sayana interprets it as meaning 'with
'
crooked flight {kutila-gatya). In his commentary on the
3
Taittiriya Samhita he takes the word to denote the house-
lizard (grha-godhikd).
1 a i.
Taittiriya Samhita, v. 5, 16, 1 ; 29, 6.
3
Maitrayanl Samhita, iii. 14, 18 ; Vaja- v. 5, 16, 1.

saneyi Samhita, xxiv. 37. Cf. Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 89.

Kutsa is the name of a hero frequently mentioned in the

Rigveda, which, however, gives practically no information
about him, for he was no doubt already a figure of the mythic
past. He is several times 1 called Arjuneya, 'descendant of
2
Arjuna,' and is usually associated with Indra in the exploit of
defeating the demon Susna and winning the sun. He is said 3
to have defeated Smadibha, Tugra, and the Vetasus, but, on the
other hand, he is several times 4 mentioned with Atithig'va and
Ayu as being vanquished by Indra, his defeat in one passage 5

being attributed to Turvayana. Elsewhere 6 he appears with

Atithigva as a friend of Indra's. In the later literature he is
seldom 7 mentioned except in connexion with the myth of his
8
binding Indra, which is found in the Brahmanas, and which is
9
based on an obscure verse in the Rigveda.
1 6
Rv. iv. 26, 1 ;
vii. 19, via. i, Rv. i. 51, 6; vi. 26, 3.
7
11. E.g., Av. iv. 29, 5; Paricavirnsa
2
Rv. i.
63, 3 ; 121, /g; 174, J}j Brahmana, xiv. 11, 26.
8
*75> 4 J iv. 30, 4 v. 29, vi. 20, 5 Pancavimsa Brahmana, ix. 2, 22
;
f\ ;
;

vii. 19, 2 ;
x. 99, 9. 9- to Satyayanaka in Sayana on Rv. x. 38,
3
Rv. x. 49, 4." 5 Jaiminiya Brahmana, i. 228; Oertel,
;

4
Rv.
53, 10 i. ; ii. 14, 7 ;
viii. 53, 2. Journal of the American Oriental Society,
Cf. iv. 26, 1/ 18,31.
5 Rv. 9
i. 53, 10. x. 38, 5-

VOL. I. II
1 62 NAMES KABUL RIVER [ Kutsa Aurava

The Kutsas, or descendants of Kutsa, are mentioned in one

hymn of the Rigveda. 10

10
vn. 25, 5. suggests that perhaps two Kutsas one
Cf. Ludwig, Translation of the Rig- a friend of Indra, and the other a foe
veda, 3, 113, 148; Oldenberg, Zeitschrift may be distinguished Geldner, ;

der Deutschen Morgenldndischen Gesell- Vedische Studien, 3, 171 ; Hopkins,

schaft, 42, 210, 211 ; Hillebrandt, Transactions of the Connecticut Academy of
Vedische Mythologie, 3, 284 et seq., who Arts and Sciences, 15, 57, n. 1.

Kutsa Aurava (' son of Uru ') is mentioned in the Paiica-

vimsa Brahmana 1 as having murdered his domestic priest
(purohita), Upagu Sausravasa, because the father of the latter
insisted on paying homage to Indra. This fact may be com-
pared with the hostility to Indra of Kutsa according to certain
2
passages of the Rigveda.
1
xiv. 6, 8. 3, 284 ; Hopkins, Transactions of the
2 See Kutsa. Connecticut Academy of Arts and Sciences,
Cf. Hillebrandt, Vedische Mythologie, 1 5> 57 5 Weber, Indische Studien, 10, 32.

Kunti. The Kuntis are referred to in an obscure and corrupt

passage of the Kathaka Samhita 1 as having defeated the

Pancalas.

1 xxvi. 9. See Weber, Indische Studien, 3, 471, and cf. perhaps Maitrayani
Samhita, iv. 2, 6.

Kubera Varakya is mentioned in a list of teachers in the

Jaiminiya Upanisad Brahmana (iii. 41, 1) as a pupil of

Jayanta Varakya.

Kubha is the name

mentioned twice in the Rigveda, 1of a river
and no doubt identical with the modern Kabul river, the
Greek Kco(prjv.
1 v 53. 9
-
>
x -
75> 6. Cf. Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 14; Ludwig, Translation
of the Rigveda, 3, 200.

Kubhra is the name of some animal in the Maitrayani

Samhita (ii. 5, 3).
Kumbhinasa ] LOTUS HAIR ORNAMENT SPEECH POT."* 163

Ku-muda is the name of a plant mentioned with other water

1
It is no doubt the
plants in one passage of the Atharvaveda.
white water-lily (Nymphcea esculenta), being the name of that
plant in post-Vedic Sanskrit also.
1
iv. 34, 5. Cf. Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 70.

Kumba is and Kurira as an ornament

mentioned with Opaa
of women's Geldner 2 thinks that,
hair in the Atharvaveda. 1
like those two words, it originally meant horn,' but this is
*

3
very doubtful. Indian tradition simply regards the term as
denoting a female adornment connected with the dressing of
the hair.
1 vi. 138, 3. Bloomfield, Hymns of the Atharvaveda,
2
Vedisch e Studien , 1 , 131. 538) 539 Whitney, Translation of the
;

3
Sayana on Av. vi. 138, 3. Atharvaveda, 348 Caland, tjber das;

Cf. Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 265; rituelle Sutra des Baudhayana, 59.

Kumbya or Kumvya is a word mentioned after Re, Yajus,

Saman, and Gatha in the Satapatha Brahmana 1 to denote

a form of speech. In the Aitareya Aranyaka 2 it appears as
one of the forms of measured speech together with Re and
Gatha. The precise meaning of the term is unknown. Weber 3
'

suggests the sense refrain.'

1 xi. 5, 7, 10. Cf. Keith, Aitareya Aranyaka, 221 ;

2 ii. 3. 6. Eggeling, Sacred Books of the East, 44,

3 Indische Studien, 10, in, n. 101.

Kumbha is a word of frequent occurrence in the Rigveda, 1

2 '
as well as later, and denotes a pot.' Usually no doubt made
3
of clay, it was easily broken. See also Ukha.
1 3
i. 116, 7 ; 117, 6 ; vii. 33, 13, etc. Rv. x. 89, 7.
2
Av. i. 6, 4 ; iii. 12, 7, etc. ; Vaja- Cf. Schrader, Prehistoric Antiquities,
saneyi Samhita, xix. 87, etc. 367.

Kumbhi-nasa (' pot-nosed ')

is the name of an animal
mentioned in the list of victims at the horse sacrifice (Asva-
medha) in the Taittiriya Samhita. 1 Possibly some sort of
snake is meant, as in the later literature.
1 v. 5, 14, 1. Cf. Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 95 ; St. Petersburg Dictionary, s.v.

II 2
 1 64 HEAD ORNAMENT [ Kuyavax

Kuya-vac (' evil-speaking ') appears in one passage of the

Rigveda
1
to denote a demon slain by Indra, probably as a

personification of the barbarian opponents of the Aryans. The

expression mrdhra-vdc (' speaking insultingly ')
is similarly used
of barbarians in the Rigveda. 2

i 2 v. 10 See Dasyu.
i. 174, 7. 29, ; 32, 8.

Kurira, like Opasa and Kumba, denotes some sort of female

head ornament in the description of the bride's adornment in
1
the wedding hymn of the Rigveda and in the Atharvaveda. 2
3
According to the Yajurveda Samhitas, the goddess Simvali is

described by the epithets su-kaparda, su-kunra, sv-opasd, as

wearing a beautiful head-dress.

4
According to Geldner, the word originally meant
'
horn ';

but this uncertain, as this sense

is is not required in any
5
passage in which the term occurs.

1 x. 85, 8. I
(
= Vaitana Sutra, xi. 22), cited by
2 vi. Geldner, is
138, 3.
I

quite vague.
3
Taittiriya Samhita, iv. 1, 5, 3 ;
I
Cf. Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 265 ;

Maitrayani Samhita, ii. 7, 5; Vaja- j

Bloomfield, Hymns of the Atharvaveda,
saneyi Samhita, xi. 56. 539 |
Whitney, ; Translation of the
4
Vedische Studien, 1, 131, 132. Atharvaveda, 348
I
Caland, Uber da$ ;

5
Gopatha Brahmana, i. 3, 211 rituelle Sutra des Baudhayana, 59.

Kurlrin ('having a Kurira') is a word occurring in an

1
ambiguous passage of the Atharvaveda, in which it may be
taken either as a noun meaning a crested animal,' perhaps as
'

Zimmer 2 suggests the 'peacock,' or as an epithet of the word

Aja, 'goat,' in which case it might mean 'horned.' But even
in the latter alternative a metaphorical application of the word
seems sufficient, just as in the Pancavimsa Brahmana 3 Opasa
is used of the horns of cattle, and thus renders unnecessary
4
the adoption of Geldner's view that the original meaning of
'
Kurira is horn.'

1 V.
31, 2. Cf. Bloomfield, Hymns of the Athar-
2 Altindisches Leben, 91. vaveda, 457, 539 Weber, Indische
;

3 xiii.
4, 3. Studien, 18, 285; Whitney, Translation
4 Vedische Studien, of the Atharvaveda, 279.
1, 130.
 Kuril ] THE KURU PEOPLE 165

Kuru. The Kurus appear as by far the most important

people in the Brahmana literature. There is clear evidence
that it country of the Kurus, or the allied Kuru-
was in the
1
Paiicalas, that the great Brahmanas were composed. The
Kurus are comparatively seldom mentioned alone, their name
being usually coupled with that of the Pancalas on account of
the intimate connexion of the two peoples. The Kuru-Pancalas
are often expressly referred to as a united nation. 2 In the land
of the Kuru-Pancalas speech is said to have its particular
3
home ; the mode of sacrifice among the Kuru-Pancalas is
4
proclaimed to be the best ; the Kuru-Pancala kings perform
the Rajasuya or royal sacrifice 5 their princes march forth on
;

raids in the dewy season, and return in the hot season. 6 Later
on the Kuru-Pancala Brahmins are famous in the Upanisads. 7
Weber 8 and Grierson 9 have sought to find traces in Vedic
literature of a breach between the two tribes, the latter scholar

seeing therein a confirmation of the theory that the Kurus

belonged to the later stream of immigrants into India, who
were specially Brahminical, as opposed to the Pancalas, who
were anti-Brahminical. In support of this view, Weber refers
to the story in the Kathaka Samhita. 10 of a dispute between
Vaka Dalbhya and Dhrtarastra Vaicitravlrya, the former
being held to be by origin a Pancala, while the latter is held
1
For the Pancavimsa Brahmana, sad, iv.
1 Gopatha Brahmana, 1. 2, 9
; ;

cf. Hopkins, Transactions of the Con- Kathaka Samhita, x. 6 Vajasaneyi ;

necticut Academy of Arts and Sciences, Samhita, xi. 3, 3 (Kanva recension).

15,
49, 50, with Weber, Indian Literature, 3
Satapatha Brahmana, iii. 2, 3,
67, 68 for the Aitareya Brahmana and
;
15.
the Sankhayana Brahmana, Weber, 4
8
Ibid., i. 7, 2, ; cf. Kuru-vajapeya in
loc. cit., 45 for the Aitareya and
;
Sankhayana Srauta Sutra, xv. 3, 15 ;

Sankhayana Aranyakas, Keith, Journal Latyayana Srauta Sutra, viii. 11, 18.
5
of the Royal Asiatic Society, 1908, 387; Satapatha Brahmana, v. 5, 2, 3. 5.
for the Satapatha Brahmana, Weber, 6
Taittiriya Brahmana, 1. 8, 4, 1. 2.
loc. cit., 132, Transactions of the Berlin 7
Jaiminiya Brahmana, ii. 78 Jaimi- ;

Academy,1895, 859. The Jaiminiya niya Upanisad Brahmana, iii. 30, 6 ;

Brahmana refers repeatedly to the iv. 6, 2; Brhadaranyaka Upanisad,

Kuru-Pancalas, whose name also occurs iii. 1, 1 ; 9, 20, etc.
in the late and confused Gopatha 8
Indische Studien, Indian
3, 470 ;

Brahmana. For the Taittiriya Brah- Literature, 114.

mana, see i. 8, 4, 1. 2, and for the
9
Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society,
Maitrayani Samhita, iv. 2, 6. 1908,602-607; 837-844.
2 10
Jaiminiya Upanisad Brahmana, iii. x. 6. Cf. Eggeling, Sacred Books
7, 6; 8, 7; iv. 7, 2 Kausitaki Upani-
;
of the East, 12, xli.
1 66 THE KURU-PANCALAS [ Kuru

to be a Kuru. But there is no trace of a quarrel between

Kurus and Pancalas in the passage in question, which merely
preserves the record of a dispute on a ritual matter between a
priest and a prince the same passage refers to the Naimisiya
:

sacrifice among the Kuru- Pancalas, and emphasizes the close

connexion of the two peoples. 11 Secondly, Weber conjectures
in the Vajasaneyi Samhita 12 that Subhadrika of Kampila was
the chief queen of the king of a tribe living in the neighbour-
hood of the clan, for whose king the horse sacrifice described
in theSamhita was performed. But the interpretation of this
13
passage by Weber is open to grave doubt and in the Kanva ;

14
recension of the Samhita a passage used at the Rajasuya
shows that the Kuru- Pancalas had actually one king. More-
over, there the evidence of the Satapatha Brahmana 15 that
is

the old name of the Pancalas was Krivi. This word looks very
like a variant of Kuru, and Zimmer
16
plausibly conjectures that
the Kurus and Krivis formed the Vaikarna 17 of the Rigveda,
especially as both peoples are found about the Sindhu and the
Asikni. 18
The Kurus alone are chiefly mentioned in connexion with
the locality which they occupied, Kuruksetra. are told, We
however, of a domestic priest (Purohita) in the service of both
19
the Kurus and the Srnjayas, who must therefore at one time
have been closely connected. 20 In the Chandogya Upanisad
21
reference is made to the Kurus being saved by a mare (asvd),
22
and to some disaster which befel them owing to a hailstorm.
In the Sutras, again, a ceremony (Vajapeya) of the Kurus is
mentioned. 23 There also a curse, which was pronounced on them
and led to their being driven from Kuruksetra, is alluded to. 24

11 13
See Keith, Journal of the Royal |
Keith, loc. cit., 835.
iy
Asiatic Society, 1908, 831-836 ; 1138- j
Satapatha Brahmana, ii.
4, 4, 5.
a0
1 142. Cf. Weber, Indian Literature, 123.
12
xxiii. 18. 2l iv. for asva Bohtlingk in
9:17,
13
Eggeling, Sacred Boohs of the East, j
his edition reads aksna, followed by
44, 322. Little, Grammatical Index, 1.
22 i. 10, 1.
ture, 114, note *.
2:1
Sahkhayana Srauta Sutra, xv. 3,
IB xiii. 5, 4, 7.
*3-
16 24
Altindisches Leben, 103. Ibid., xv. 16, 11. Cf. Weber,
17 vii. 18, 11. Indian Literature, 136.
j
Kuru ] THE KURUS AND ALLIED TRIBES 167

This possibly adumbrates the misfortunes of the Kauravas in

the epic tradition.
In the Rigveda the Kurus do not appear under that name as
a people. But mention is made of a prince, Kurusravana
(' Glory of the Kurus ^y
25
and of a Pakasthaman Kaurayana. 26
27
In the Atharvaveda there occurs as a king of the Kurus
Pariksit, whose son, Janamejaya, is mentioned in the Sata-
28
patha Brahmana as one of the great performers of the horse
sacrifice.
a probable conjecture of Oldenberg's 29 that the Kuru
It is

people, as known later, included some of the tribes referred to

by other names in the Rigveda. Kurusravana, shown by his
name to be connected with the Kurus,
is in the Rigveda called

Trasadasyu,' who is well known

'

Trasadasyava, descendant of
as a king of the Purus. Moreover, it is likely that the Trtsu-
Bharatas, who appear in the Rigveda as enemies of the Purus,
later coalesced with them to form the Kuru people. 30 Since the
Bharatas appear so prominently in the Brahmana texts as a
great people of the past, while the later literature ignores them
in its list of nations, it is difficult to avoid the conclusion that

they became merged in some other tribe. Moreover, there is

evidence that the Bharatas occupied the territory in which the
Kurus were later found. Two of them are spoken of in a hymn
of the Rigveda 31 as having kindled fire on the Drsadvati, the
Apaya, and the Sarasvati that is to say, in the sacred places
of the later Kuruksetra. Similarly, goddess Bharati
the
(* belonging to the Bharatas ') is constantly mentioned in the
32
AprI (' propitiatory ') hymns together with Sarasvati. Again,
according to the Satapatha Brahmana, one Bharata king was
victorious over the Kasis, 33 and another made offerings to
34
Ganga and Yamuna, while raids of the Bharatas against the
Satvants are mentioned in the Aitareya Brahmana. 35 Nor is it

25
Rv. 32
x. 33, 4 .
Cf. Scheftelowitz, Die Apokryphen
26 Rv. viii. 3, 21. dcs Rgveda, 145.
27 xx. 127, 7 33 xiii.
et seq. ; Khila, v. 10. 5, 4, 11.
28 xiii. 3*
5, 4. Ibid., 21.
29 35
Buddha, 403, 404. Aitareya Brahmana, ii. 25 (cf.
30 Olden-
Ibid., 406-409. Haug's edition, 2, 128, n. 3);
31 m. 23. berg, Buddha, 407, note *.
 i68 THE KURU-PANCALA COUNTRY [Kuru
without importance that the Bharatas appear as a variant for
the Kuru-Pancalas in a passage of the Vajasaneyi Samhita., 36
and that in the list of the great performers of the horse sacrifice
the names of one Kuru and two Bharata princes are given
without any mention of the people over which they ruled,
while in other cases that information is specifically given. 37
The territory of the Kuru-Pancalas is declared in the Aitareya
Brahmana to be the middle country (MadhyadeSa). 38 A group
of the Kuru people still remained further north the Uttara
Kurus beyond the Himalaya. It appears from a passage of
the Satapatha Brahmana that the speech of the Northerners
that presumably, the Northern Kurus and of the Kuru-
is,

Pancalas was similar, and regarded as specially pure. 39 There

seems doubt that the Brahminical culture was developed
little

in the country of the Kuru-Pancalas, and that it spread thence

east, south, and west. Traces of this are seen in the Vratya
Stomas (sacrifices for the admission of non - Brahminical
40
Aryans) of the Pancavimsa Brahmana, and in the fact that in
the Sahkhayana Aranyaka it is unusual for a Brahmin to dwell
in the territory of Magadha. 41 The repeated mention of Kuru-
Pancala Brahmins is another indication of their missionary
42
activity.
The geographical position of the Kuru-Paiicalas renders it
probable that they were later immigrants into India than the
Kosala-Videha or the KaSis, 43 who must have been pushed
36 xi. See note 14; Oldenberg 41
vii. 13
3, 3. Cf. Oldenberg, Buddha,
*
Buddha, 408, 409. 400, note ;
; Weber, Indian Literature,
37
Oldenberg, 409, note *. 112, n. 126.
38 viii. 42 See
14. Cf. Oldenberg, 392, 393. e.g. Satapatha Brahmana, xi.
39 iii. This is the sense and note 6.
2, 3, 15. 4, 1, 2,
which it appears to bear, as the Kuru- 43 This is recognized, e.g., by Olden-
Pancalas can hardly be reckoned as berg, Buddha, 9, 391, 398, 399; Lanman,
being northerly (Oldenberg, 395), and Sanskrit Reader, 297, etc. The narra-
theKausitaki Brahmana, vii. 6 (Indische tive of the Satapatha Brahmana, i. 4,
Studien, 2, 309) is independent evidence 1, 10 et seq. (Weber, Indische Studien,
for the speech of the north.
pure 1, rather implies that the Kosala-
170),
Cf. Eggeling, Sacred Books of the East, Videhas are offshoots of the Kuru-
12, xlii., n. ; Weber, Indian Literature, Pancalas, but Oldenberg and Mac-
45; Indische Studien, 1, 191. donell (Sanskrit Literature, 214 interpret
40 xvii. See also Av. xv. with
1, 1. this as referring to the spread of
Whitney's and Lanman's notes; Weber, Vedic tradition and culture, not of
Indische Studien, 1, 33 et seq. ; Indian nationality.
Literature, 67, 78, 80.
 Kuruketra ] THE SACRED LAND OF THE KURUS 169

into their more eastward by a new wave of Aryan

territories
settlers from the west. But there is no evidence in Vedic
literature to show
relation of time the immigration of
in what
the latter peoples stood to that of their neighbours on the west.
44
It has, however, been conjectured, mainly on the ground of
later linguistic phenomena, which have no cogency for the
Vedic period, that the Kurus were later immigrants, who,
coming by a new route, thrust themselves between the original
Aryan tribes which were already in occupation of the country
from east to west. Cf. also Krtvan. For other Kuru princes
see Kauravya.
44
C/.Grierson, Languages of India, 52 Yamuna. On the other hand, Hille-
Journal of the Royal A sialic Society,
et seq. ;
brandt, Vedische Mythologie, 1, 142, 143,
1908, 837 et seq. On the other hand, it is places the Kurus near the Arjikiya in
probably an error to assume that the Kasmlr, which puts them too far north.
Bharatas were originally situated far So also Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 103,
west of Kuruksetra, and that the main and Eggeling, Sacred Books of the East,
action of the Rigveda was confined to 12, xlii. It seems probable that the
the Panjab. When Vasistha celebrates Kurus were at a very early period
the crossing of the Vipas and Sutudri widely scattered to the north of the
(Rv. iii. 33), he probably came from Himalaya, in Kuruksetra, and about
the east, as Pischel, Vedische Studien, the Sindhu and Asikni.
2, 218, points out, and not from the Cf. Oldenberg, Buddha, 400 et seq. ;

west. Adopting the ordinary view, Macdonell, Sanskrit Literature, 152-157 ;

Hopkins, India, Old and New, 52, finds von Schroeder, Indiens Literatur unci
it
necessary to suggest that Yamuna is Cultur, 164 et seq. ; Weber, Indische
only another name in the Rv. for Studien, 1, 187 et seq. ;
Indian Literature,
the Parusni. But the necessity for 114, 135, 136; Rhys Davids, Buddhist
this suggestion, which is not in itself India, 27 Pargiter, Journal of the Royal
;

plausible, disappears when it is realized Asiatic Society, 1908, 333 et seq.; Hopkins,
that the Bharatas held a territory Journal of the American Oriental Society,
roughly corresponding to Kuruksetra, 13, 205, n.
and bounded on the east by the

Kuru-ksetra ('
land of the Kurus ') is always regarded in the
Brahmana texts 1 as a particularly sacred country. Within its
boundaries flowed the rivers DrsadvatI and Sarasvati, as well
2 3
as the Apaya. Here, too, was situated Saryanavant, which
1 Pancavimsa Brahmana, xxv. 10 ; Sankhayana Srauta Sutra, xv. 16, 11,
Satapatha Brahmana, iv. 1, 5, 13 ;
etc.
2
xi. 5, 1, 4 ;
xiv. 1, 1, 2 ; Aitareya Cf. Rv. iii. 23 ; Pischel, Vedische
Brahmana, vii. 30 ; Maitrayani Sam- Studien, 2, 218.
3
hita, ii. 1, 4; iv. 5, 9 Jaiminiya
; See Pischel, loc. cit., and cf. Arji-
Brahmana, iii. 126 {Journal of the kiya.
American Oriental Society, 11, cxlvi) ;
I JO NAMES OF PATRONS WORM [ Kurunga

appears to have been a lake, like that known to the Satapatha

Brahmana by the name of Anyatah-plaksa. 4 According to
5
Pischel, there was also in Kuruksetra a stream called Pastya,
which he sees in certain passages of the Rigveda. The boun-
daries of Kuruksetra are given in a passage of the Taittirlya
6
Aranyaka as being Khandava on the south, the Turghna on
the north, and the Parinah on the west. Roughly speaking, it
corresponded to the modern Sirhind.
4
Satapatha Brahmana, xi. 5, i,4- Boohs of the East, 32, 398, 399; Weber,
5
Pischel, loc. cit., 219. Indische Studien, 1, 78, 79 ; Macdonell,
6
v. These places cannot be
i, 1. Sanskrit Literature, 174. Eggeling, Sacred
further identified. See also Maru. Books of the East, 12, xli., seems to place
Cf. von Schroeder, Indiens Literatur Kuruksetra, as lying between the
und Cultur, 164, 165 ;
Max Miiller, Sacred Yamuna aud Ganga, too far east.

Kurunga is mentioned in the Rigveda 1 as a prince and a

patron. Ludwig 2 suggests that he was a king of the Anus,
but for this theory there seems no good ground. As the
Turvasas are mentioned in the same verse, he may possibly
have been one of their kings. The name suggests a connexion
with the Kurus, and it may be noted that in the Satapatha
Brahmana 3 the Turvasas are connected with the Pancalas
(Krivis).
1 See Oldenberg, Buddha,
viii. 4, 19; Nirukta, vi. 22. xi. 5, 4, 16.
2 Translation of the Rigveda, 3, 160. | 404

Kuru-sravana Trasadasyava is alluded to as dead in a hym

of the Rigveda, 1 which refers also to his son Upamasravas, an:
his father Mitratithi. In another hymn 2 he is mentioned as
still alive. His name connects him on the one hand with the
Kurus, and on the other with Trasadasyu and the Purus.
x 33.-
4- Cf. Brhaddevata, vii. 35, of the Rigveda, 3, 165 ; Geldner,
36. Vedische Studien, 2, 150, 184 ; Lanman,
x. 32, 9. Cf. Ludwig, Translation Sanskrit Reader, 386.

Kururu, apparently the name of a species of worm,

mentioned twice in the Atharvaveda. 1
1
ii. 31, 2 ;
ix. 2, 22. Cf. Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 98.
 } FA MILY POTTER A XE
Kurkura is an onomatopoetic name for the dog in the
Atharvaveda. 1 See also Svan.
1 vii. 95, 2. Cf. Zimraer, Altindisches Leben, 233.

Kula, Kula-pa. As an uncompounded word, Kula does not

occur before the period of the Brahmanas. 1 It denotes the
'
home or house of the family,' and by metonymy the family
'
*

itself, as connected with the home. The Kula-pa (lit. house

2
protector '), or chief of the family, is mentioned in the Rigveda
as inferior to and attendant on the Vrajapati in war, the latter

being perhaps the leader of the village contingent of the clan.

In the Atharvaveda 3 a girl is ironically called Kulapa, because
she is left without a husband in the world, and has only Yama
(the for a spouse.
god of death)
The
use of the term Kula points clearly to a system of
individual families, each no doubt consisting of several members
under the headship of the father or eldest brother, whose Kula
the dwelling is. As distinct from Gotra, Kula seems to mean
the family in the narrower sense of the members who still
live in one house, the undivided
family. Cf. Grha, Grama,
Jana, Vis.
1 3
Satapatha Brahmana, i. 1, 2, 22 ;
i. 14, 3. Cf. Whitney, Translation
ii.1,4, 4; 4, i, 14; xi. 5,3, 11 ; 8, 1,3; of the Atharvaveda, 15 ; Bloomfield,
xiii. 4, 2, Brhadaranyaka Upanisad,
17 ;
Hymns of the Atharvaveda, 252, correcting
i-
5 32 ; Chandogya Upanisad, iii., 13, Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 314.
6, etc. Cf. Zimmer, op. cit., 162.
2 x. 179, 2.

Kulala, the word denoting a 'potter,' occurs in the Sata-

rudriya, or litany to Rudra in the Yajurveda. 1
1
Vajasaneyi Samhita, xvi. 27. Cf. Maitrayani Samhita, and
kulala -
krta,
'
made by a potter,' Kaulala.

'

Kuliga, axe,' is mentioned in the Rigveda as used for the

1
making of chariots, and also in warfare, 2 while the Atharvaveda
refers to its employment in cutting down trees. 3

1 iii. 2, 1. 11. 12, 3.

2 i-
3*. 5- Cf. Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 252.
 172 NAMES OF ANIMALS ARROW-NECK BEANS [ Kulikaya

Kulikaya is the form in the Taittiriya Samhita of the name

1

of an animal, apparently a kind of fish, as explained by Mahi-

dhara in his commentary, which is called Kulipaya in the
2 3
Vajasaneyi Samhita, and Purikaya in the Atharvaveda,
variants probably due to the faulty tradition of an unfamiliar
name.
1
v. 5, 13, i. hita, iii.
14, 2. See Whitney, Transla-
2 xxiv. 21.
35. tion of the Atharvaveda, 624.
3
xi. 2, 25. The commentator reads j
Cf. Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 96.

Pulikaya, as in the Maitrayani Sam-

Kulika is the name of a bird mentioned in the list of victims

1
at the horse sacrifice in the Vajasaneyi Samhita. The Maitra-
2
yanI Samhita has Pulika instead.
1
xxiv. 24. Cf. Zimmer, Altindisches Leben,
2 hi.
14. 5- I
94-

Kulunga is the name of an animal, perhaps a gazelle, men-

tioned in the list of victims at the horse sacrifice in the Yajur-
veda. 1
1
Taittiriya Samhita, v. 5, 11, 1 Maitrayani Samhita,
;
iii. 14, 9. 13 (with the
variant Kulahga) ; Vajasaneyi Samhita, xxiv. 27. 32.
Cf. Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 83.

Kulmala seems, in the Atharvaveda, 1 the Maitrayani Samhita, 2

and the Satapatha Brahmana, 3 to denote the neck of an arrow
in which the shaft is fixed.
1 iv. 6, 2 3
5; v. 18, 15. iii. 8, 1. 2. iii. 4, 4, 14.

Kumala-barhis is mentioned in the Paiicavimsa Brahmana

(xv. 3, 21) as the seer of a Saman or Chant.

Kumara Harita is mentioned in the first Vamsa (list of

1
teachers) in the Brhadaranyaka Upanisad as a pupil of Galava.

(Madhyamdina = ii. 6, 3,
1 ii. 5, 22
Kanva).

Kulmasa, a word mentioned by the Chandogya Upanisad 1

in the plural, is interpreted by the commentator as 'bad
'
beans (kutsita mdsdh), a version adopted by Bohtlingk in his
 Kusika ]
WATERCOURSE JUJUBE SACRED GRASS 173

2 3 in accordance
Dictionary. Little renders it 'sour gruel'
with the Nirukta. 4
2 3
Cf. Bhagavata Purana, v. 9, 12, Grammatical Index, 52.
where it is glossed 'worm-eaten beans.' M.4.

2
Kulya in two passages of the Rigveda, 1 according to Muir,

possibly refers to artificial watercourses flowing into a reservoir

(hrada). See Avata.
1 2 Sanskrit
iii. 45, 3 ; x. 43, 7. Texts, 5, 465, 466.

Kuvaya. See Kvayi.

Kuvala is a name of the jujube fruit (Zizyphus jujuba)

1
occurring frequently in the Yajurveda Samhitas and Brah-
manas 2 in connexion with Karkandhu and Badara. See also
Kola.
1 2 v. 5, 4, 10
Maitrayani Samhita, iii. 11, 2; Satapatha Brahmana,
Vajasaneyi Samhita, xix. 22, 89 ;
xii. 7, 1, 2 ; 2, 9 ; 9, 1, 5, etc.
xxi. 29 Kathaka Samhita, xii. 10.
; Cf, Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 242.

'

Kusa, a word later denoting the sacred grass (Poa cyno-

'

suroides), is taken by the St. Petersburg Dictionary to mean

simply grass in the passages of the Satapatha Brahmana in

' '

which it occurs.
1
ii. 5, 2, 15 ; iii. 1, 2, 16 ;
v. 3, 2, 7, Brahmana, i. 5, 10, 1. 2. 7, apparently
etc. Kusa and Kusi occur in Maitra- denoting pins of wood or metal, used
yani Samhita, iv. 5, 7 ; Satapatha as a mark in a special mode of recita-
Brahmana, iii. 6, 2, 9 ; Taittiriya tion.

Ku-ara is mentioned with Sara and other grasses in one

1
hymn of the Rigveda as affording lurking places for serpents.
1 i. 191, 3. Cf. Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 72.

Kusika is the probably mythical forefather 1 of the Kusikas,

and especially the father of the most important member of
that family, ViSvamitra. 2 The Kusikas are repeatedly referred
1
Nirukta, ii. 25. Rv. iii. 33, 5.
174 THE KUSIKAS NAMES SEA-CROW [ Kusri Vajasravasa

to in the third Mandala of the Rigveda, 3 and figure in the

4
legend of Sunahsepa in the Aitareya Brahmana. They were
clearly a family of priests who attached themselves to the
service of the princes of the Bharatas. They were especially
devoted to the worship of Indra ;
hence he is styled Kausika
even in the Rigveda. 5
3
iii. 26, 1 29, 15 ; 30, 20 ; ; 33, 5 ; Macdonell, Vedic Mythology, pp. 62, 63.
42, 9; 50, 4; 53, 9. 10. Cf. Weber, Indische Studien, 1, 38 ;

4
vii. 18 ; Sankhayana Srauta Sutra, Muir, Sanskrit Texts, I 2 342 et seq. , ;

xv. 27. Ludwig, Translation of the Rigveda,

5
i. 10, 11, with Sayana's note. 3, 1 01, 121 ; Macdonell, Sanskrit Litera-
Cf. Mai tray ani Samhita, iv. 5, 7 ; ture, 155 ; Oldenberg, Zeitschrift der
Satapatha Brahmana, iii. 3, 4, Deutschen Morgenlandischen Gesellschaft,
19 ;
Taittirlya Aranyaka, i. 12, 4 ; 42, 209.

Kugri Vaja-ravasa appears as a teacher concerned with the

1
lore of the sacred fire in the Satapatha Brahmana, and in the
last Vamsa (list of teachers) of the Brhadaranyaka Upanisad 2
he is mentioned as a pupil of Vajas>avas. It is not clear
whether he is identical with the Kusri of the last Vamsa of the
3
Brhadaranyaka in the Kanva recension, and of the Vamsa in
the tenth book of the Satapatha, 4 who is mentioned as a pupil
of Yajfiavacas Rajastambayana.
1 x. 5, 5, 1. is accented Kusri, but in x. 5, 5, 1, as
2 vi.
4, 33 (Madhyamdina = vi. 5, 3, Kusri; no stress can, however, be laid
Kanva). I
on this. Cf. Weber, Indische Studien,
3
vi. 5, 4 (Kanva only). 1, 70; Eggeling, Sacred Books of the
4
x. 6, 5, 9. In the Vamsas the name East, 12, xxxiii.

Ku-sanda is mentioned with Sanda as a priest at the snake

festival described in the Pancavimsa Brahmana. 1
1 xxv. 15, 3. Cf. Weber, Indische Studien, 1, 34; Latyayana Srauta Sutra,
x. 20, 10.

1. Kusitaka denotes, according to the commentary on the

one passage of the Taittirlya Samhita 1 in which it is found,

the sea crow (samudra-kaka).
1 v.
5, 13, 1. Cf. Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 72.

2. Kusitaka Sama-ravasa is mentioned in the Pancavimsa

Brahmana 1 as the Grhapati, or householder at a sacrificial
session, of the Kausitakis.
1 xvii. 4. Cf. Weber, Indische Studien, 1, 34.
Kustfoa ] INSECT MEDICINAL PLANT FRACTION 175

Kusumbhaka seems in one passage of the Rigveda 1 to mean

2
a poisonous insect, Kusumbha in the Atharvaveda clearly
having the sense of a poison bag. Sayana renders it as
'
1
ichneumon (nakula) .

1 i. The sense of poison-

191, 16.
' 2 ii. 32, 6. Cf. Zimmer, Altindisches

possible in i. 191, 15, and is

'

bag is Leben, 99 ; Griffith, Hymns of the Rigveda,

accepted there by Bohtlingk in his x. 2 57-

Dictionary.

Kustha is the name of a plant {Costus speciosus or arabicus) 1

I.

which is prominent in the Atharvaveda. 2 It grew especially on

the mountains, along with the Soma, on the high peaks of the
Himalaya (Himavant) where the eagles nest, and was thence
3
brought east to men. Like Soma, it is said to have grown in
the third heaven under the famous Agvattha tree, where the
gods were wont to assemble, and thence it was brought in a
4
golden ship. As a remedy, it held the highest place among
herbs, being called by the auspicious names Nagha-mara and
Nagha-risa, and styled the offspring of Jivala and Jivala, the
5
'lively' ones. cured headache (sirsdmaya), diseases of the
It
6
eyes, bodily affliction, but especially fever hence called fever- *

and consumption (Yaksma). From

'

destroyer (takma-ndsana)
its general properties it was also named '

all-healing
'

(visva-
7
bhesaja). aromatic qualities were apparently known, as
Its it

classed with salve (An j ana) and nard (Nalada). 8

* ' '

is

7
1
Or Saussurea auriculata, Hillebrandt, xix. 39, 9.
8 vi.
Vedische Mythologie, 1, 65. 102, 3.
2 v. vi. 102 xix. 139. Grohmann, Indische Studien, 9,
4 ; ; Cf.
3 v. 4, 1. 2. 8 ;
xix. 39, 1. 420 et seq. Zimmer, Altindisches Leben,
;

4 v.
4, 3-6 ;
vi. 75, 1. 2 ;
xix. 39, 6-8. 63, 64 Bloomfield, Hymns of the Athar-
;

5
v. 4, 1 ;
xix. 39, 4. vaveda, 415, 680 Whitney, Translation
;

6 of the Atharvaveda, 227, 228.

v. 4, 10.

2. In one passage of the Maitrayani Samhita 1

Kustha.
there is a series of fractions, Kala, Kustha, Sapha, Pad, which
appear to denote one-sixteenth, one-twelfth, one-eighth, and
one-fourth respectively.

111. 7, 7. Cf. Bohtlinglj, Dictionary, s.v.

176 USURER A RITUAL AUTHORITY [ Kusldin
' '
Kusidin a designation of the usurer found in the Sata-
is
1
patha Brahmana and the Nirukta, 2 and often in the Sutras.
3
Jolly, referring doubtless to the expression kusida apratltta, 4 ' a
loan not yet repaid,' occurring in connexion with an-rna, free '

from debt,' appears to be right in taking Kusida to have the

sense of
'
loan
'
in the Taittiriya Samhita. The rate of interest
on loans is not specified before the Sutra period. 5 Cf. Rna.
1
xin. 4, 3, n. 4
111. 3, 8, 1. 2.
2 vi. 5
Gautama xii. et seq.
32. E.g., Sutra, 29
3 Recht und Sitte, 98, 99. Cf. Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 259.

Kusurubinda Auddalaki appears as an authority on ritual

matters in the Pancavimsa Brahmana, 1 the Taittiriya Samhita, 2
3
the Jaiminiya Brahmana, and the Sadvimsa Brahmana. 4 He
may have been the brother of Svetaketu, as suggested by
Weber. 6
1 xxii. 4
15, I. 10. See Weber, Indische Studien,
i. 16.
2 vii.
2, 2, 1. 1, 39. The name
is there read as Ku-
3 i.
75 {Journal of the American Oriental surubindu in the Sankhayana Srauta
;

Society, 23, 327), where the reading Sutra, xvi. 22, 14 it is Kusurabindu.
5
seems to be Asurbinda. Indische Studien, 5, 61, n.

Kuhu. See Masa.

Kucakra is a word occurring only once in an obscure verse

of the Rigveda, where Zimmer 2 suggests that it has the sense
1

of the wheel by which water is raised from a well. Much

more probable is the interpretation of Roth, 3 who understands
it to mean the female breast.
1 x. 102, II. St. s.v.
Petersburg Dictionary,
2 Altindisches
Leben, 157. Cf. Geldner,
Vedische Studien, 2, 14.

1 2
Kuta, a word found Rigveda, the Atharvaveda, and
in the

the Brahmanas,
3
is of doubtful signification. On the whole,
1 x. 102, 4. miniya Brahmana, i.
49, 9 ; 50, 2
2 viii.
8, 16. [Journal of the American Oriental Society,
3
Aitareya Brahmana, vi. 24 ;
Sata- 19, 114).

patha Brahmana, hi. 8, 1, 15; Jai-

Kurca TWIG PIT CART-POLE GRASS SEAT 177

the most probable sense passage

is hammer, 4 which suits every
'

adequately. The
Petersburg Dictionary renders
St. it horn,'
which is the sense accepted by Whitney 5 for the Atharvaveda
Geldner 6 thinks that
*

passage where it occurs. it means trap.'

4
So Bloomfield, Zeitschrift der 6 Vedische Studien, 1, 138; 2, 7. Cf.
Deutschen Morgenldndischen Gesellschaft ,
von Bradke, Zeitschrift der Deutschen
48, 546 Hymns of the Atharvaveda, 585.
; Morgenldndischen Gesellschaft, 46, 458 ;

5
Translation of the Atharvaveda, Kuhn's Zeitschrift, 34, 156; Weber,
505- Indische Studien, 9, 222.

Kudi, written also Kuti in the manuscripts, occurs in the

Atharvaveda 1 and the Kausika Sutra 2 denoting a twig identi-
fied by the scholiast with Badari, the jujube which was tied
to the bodies of the dead to efface their traces, presumably
in order to render the return of the spirit to the old home
difficult.

1 V. 19, 12. Translation

Bohtlingk, 98 Whitney,
;

2 Bloomfield's xliv. of the Atharvaveda, 254

edition, Cf. ; Macdonell,
Bloomfield, American Journal of Philology, Vedic Mythology, p. 165.
II> 355; I2 4 X 6 Roth, Festgruss an
;

occurs in the Rigveda 1 and later literature 2 denoting

Kupa
an artificial hollow in the earth, or pit. In some cases they
must have been deep, as Trita in the myth is said to have
3
fallen into one from which he could not escape unaided.

1 i.
105, 17. etc. The
adjective kupya, being in a
'

2 Av. v. 8 Brah- occurs frequently in the later

31, ; Satapatha hole,'
mana, iii. 5, 4, 1 ;
iv. 4,5,3; vi. 3, 3, Samhitas.
3
26, etc. ;
Jaiminiya Brahmana, i.
184, Macdonell, Vedic Mythology, p. 67.

Kubara in the Maitrayani Samhita (ii. 1,11) and Kuban

Satapatha Brahmana (iv. 6, 9, 11.
in the 12) and the Kausitaki
Brahmana (xxvii. 6) denote the pole of a cart.

Kurca found in the Taittiriya Samhita. 1 and later 2 de-

is

noting a bundle of grass used as a seat. In one passage of the

3
Satapatha Brahmana a golden Kurca is referred to.
1
yn. 5, 8, 5. Brhadaranyaka Upanisad, ii. 11,
2
Satapatha Brahmana, xi. 5, 3, 4. 7 Aitareya Aranyaka, v. 1, 4.
xm. 4, 3, 1.

VOL. I.
178 TORTOISE CHAMELEON COCK [ Kurma

Kurma, the 'tortoise,' is mentioned frequently in the later

Samhitas 1 and Brahmanas, 2 but nothing is said of its charac-
teristics. See also KaSyapa.
1 f aittiriya 2
Av. ix. 4, 16 ; Sam- Satapatha Brahmana, i. 6, 2, 3
hita, ii. 6, 3, 3 ; v. 2, 8, 4. 5 ; 7, vi. 1, 1, 12, etc.

13, 1 Maitrayani Samhita, iii. 15, 3;

; Cf. Zimmer, A Itindisches Leben, 95
Vajasaneyi Samhita, xxiv. 34, etc. Macdonell, Vedic Mythology, p. 153.

Kugamba Svayava Latavya is mentioned in the Pancavimsa

Brahmana 1 as a priest. His name apparently means 2 Kusamba, 3
of the Latavya clan, son of Svayu.
1 3
viii. 6, 8. Hopkins, Transactions of the Con-
2 The form Kusamba
is peculiar, as necticut Academy of Arts and Sciences, 15,
would be expected. 55, n. 2.

'
Krkalasa denotes the '
chameleon mentioned in the list of
sacrificial victims at the horse sacrifice in the Yajurveda 1 and
later. 2 The female chameleon, Krkalasi, is also referred to in
the Brahmanas. 3 See Godha and Sayandaka.
1 3
Samhita,
Taittiriya v. 5, 19, 1 ; Jaiminiya Brahmana, i. 221 (Journal
Maitrayani Samhita, iii. 14, 21 ;
Vaja- of the American Oriental Society, 18, 29) ;

saneyi Samhita, xxiv. 40. Satyayanaka in Sayana on Rv. viii. 91.

2
Brhadaranyaka Upanisad, i.
5, 22. Cf. Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 95.

1
Krka-vaku, the 'cock,' being named in the Atharvaveda
with sheep, goats, and other domesticated animals, was pre-
2
sumably tamed. In the
4ist of victims at the horse sacrifice
4
in the Yajurveda, 3 appears as dedicated to Savitr Yaska
it :

explains this by the fact that it declares the time of day

(kalanuvada). Mahidhara 5 explains the
The commentator
name by tamra-cuda, red-crested.' It is of course onomato- '

6
poetic (' calling kyka '). See also Kukkuta.

1 4
V. 31, 2. Cf. X. I36, 10. Nirukta, xii. 3.
2
however, Sayana on Taittiriya
Cf. ,
5
On Vajasaneyi Samhita, loc. cit.
Samhita, v. 5, 18, 1, who says that it is
6
Schrader, Prehistoric Antiquities,
'

a forest Kukkuta.
'
251 ; Weber, Indische Studien, 18,
3
Taittiriya Samhita, loc. cit. ; Maitra- 285.
yani Samhita, iii. 14, 15 ; Vajasaneyi Cf. Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 91.

Samhita, xxiv. 35.

Krmi ] DAGGER THE KRTVAN TRIBE WORM 179

Krta. See 2. Aksa and 2. Yuga.

1
Krti. From one
passage in the Rigveda, where the Maruts
2
are described as having Krtis, Zimmer concludes that the
word means a dagger used in war. But there is no evidence
that Krti was ever a human weapon. See Asi.
1
i. 168, 3.
2
A Itindisches Lcben, 301. Cf. Schrader, Prehistoric Antiquities, 221.

Krttikas. See Naksatra.

Krtvan. In one passage of the Rigveda 1 the word Krtvan in

the plural is mentioned with the Arjikas and the five peoples.
Pischel 2 thinks that it means a people, and
Sayana expressly
3
says that the Krtvans designate a country. The name in that
case would point to some connexion with the Kurus or Krivis.
4
Hillebrandt, however, thinks that the word is an adjective
which qualifies Arjikas and designates this people as magicians,
being applied to them by an opponent. In favour of this view,
he quotes Hiouen Thsang's statement 5 that the neighbouring
kings held the base Kasmirians in such scorn as to refuse all
alliance with them, and to give them the name of Ki-li-to, or

Krtyas. He suggests that the Arjikas settled in Kasmlr in

ancient times already had the same evil reputation as their
successors in later days.
5
IX. 65. 23. Cunningham, Ancient Geography of
2
Vedische Studien, 2, 209. India, 93.
3
Krtvdna iti desabhidhdnam. Cf. Roth, St. Petersburg Dic-
4
Vedische Mythologie, 1, 136, 137. tionary, s.v.

1
Krpa is mentioned in the Rigveda, along with Rusama and
Syavaka, as a protege of Indra.
1
viii. 3, 12 ; 4, 2. Cf. Ludwig, Translation of the Rigveda, 3, 162.

1
Krmi, worm.' In the later Samhitas, and especially in the
'

2
Atharvaveda, worms play a considerable part. They are
1
Taittiriya Samhita, v. 5, u, 1 ;
Satapatha Brahmana, v. 4, 1, 2; and
Maitrayani Samhita, iii. 14, Vaja- n ; cf.Rv. i. 191.
saneyi Samhita, xxiv. 30 Mantra Brah- ; u. 31. 32; v. 23.

mana, ii. 7; Taittiriya Aranyaka, iv. 36;

12-
180 WORM FUEL AN ANCIENT SAGE [ Krmuka

regarded as poisonous, and are spoken of as found in the

mountains, in forests, in waters, in plants, and in the human
body. In accordance with widespread primitive ideas, they
are considered to be the causes of disease in men and animals.
The Atharvaveda contains three hymns 2 as charms directed
against them. The first of these hymns is of a general character,
the second is meant to destroy worms in cattle, and the third is
intended to cure children of worms. When found in men,
3
worms are said to have their place in the head and ribs, and
4
to creep into the eyes, nose, and teeth. They are described as
dark brown, but white in the fore part of the body, with black
ears,and as having three heads. 5 They are given many specific
names Alandu, Ejatka, Kaskaa, Kita, Kururu, Nilang*u,
:

Yevasa, Vagrha, VrksasarpI, Saluna, Savarta, Sipavitnuka,

Stegra.
3
Av. ii. 31, 4. Sprachforschung, 13, 49 et seq.', 113
4
Av. v. 23, 3. et Bloomfield,
seq. ; Hymns of the
5
Av. v. 23, 4 et seq. Atharvaveda, 313 et seq. Weber, Indische
;

Cf. Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 98, \

Studien. 13, 199; Whitney, Translation
393 ; Kuhn, Zeitschrift fur vergleichende i
of the Atharvaveda, 73.

Krmuka is the name in the Kathaka Samhita 1 and the Sata-

patha Brahmana of a species of wood used
2
for fuel. 3

1 3
xix. 10. Ibid. (Kramuha as applied to
2
vi. 6, 2, 11. I samidh).

Kra is mentioned with Samvarta as a pious sacrificer to

Indra in one of the Valakhilya hymns of the Rigveda 1 and in
3
another 2 as a speaker of truth, while a third is traditionally
ascribed to his authorship. He seems also to be mentioned
with Sayu as a protege of the Asvins in another hymn of the
4
Rigveda, but here the word may merely denote the 'feeble
man.' 6
Kri ] PEARL PLOUGHING 181

KrSana, 'pearl.' In the Rigveda pearls are mentioned as

1
adorning the car of Savitr as well as being used for the adorn-
2
ment of a horse. Hence the horse is spoken of as the pearled '

one (krsanclvant). 3 The Atharvaveda 4 also refers to pearls, and

'

mentions that 'pearl shell (safikhah krsanah) won from the sea was '

used as an amulet. 5 The Nighantu 6 renders the word as gold.' '

x
Cf. Sama Mantra Brahmana,
6
1-35.4- i. 2.
2
x. 68, i. i, 6, 22.
3
i. 126, 4. Cf. krsanin, vii. 18, 23. Cf. Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 53,
x. I, 7. 54 ; Lanman
Whitney, Translation
in
iv. 10, 1. 3. of the Atharvaveda, 161.

1
Krganu appears in the Rigveda as a mythological personage.
2
In one verse, however, Roth 3 sees in this word the name of
a bowman, but there seems no reason to dissociate this passage
from the rest.
1 2
Macdonell, Vedic Mythology, pp. 74, j
i. 112, 21.
3
ii2, 137; Hillebrandt, Vedische Mytho- j
St. Petersburg Dictionary, s. v., 4.
logie, 1, 448.

Krsi,
'

ploughing.' The cultivation of the soil was no doubt

known to the Indians before they separated from the Iranians,
as is indicated by the identity of the expressions yavam krs and
sasya in the Rigveda with yao karesh and hahya in the Avesta,
referring to the ploughing in of the seed and to the grain
1
which resulted. But it is not without significance that the
2 3
expressions for ploughing occur mainly in the first and tenth
books of the Rigveda, and only rarely in the so-called family ' '

4
books (ii.-vii.). In the Atharvaveda Prthi Vainya is credited
with the origination of ploughing, 5 and even in the Rigveda
the Asvins are spoken of as concerned with the sowing of grain
6
by means of the plough. In the later Samhitas and the
7
Brahmanas ploughing is repeatedly referred to.
1 5 viii. 6
Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 235 ; 10, 24. i. 117, 21.
the American Oriental 7 Krsi is in Av. ii. 4, 5
Hopkins, Journal of found, e.g. , ;

Society, 17, 85. viii. 2, 24 x. 6, 12;

19 10, xii. 2,
; ; 27,
2 Forms of the root to plough,'
'

krs, etc.; Taittiriya Samhita, vii. 1, 11, 1,

occur in Rv. i. 23, 15 176, 2. ;
etc. MaitrayanI Samhita, i. 2, 2 iii. 6,
; ;

3 Rv. x.
34, 13 117, 7. In x. 146, 6,
; 8 ,
Vajasaneyi Samhita, iv. 10 ix. 22 ; ;

akrsivala, 'not agricultural,' occurs. xi v. 19. 21, etc. ; Satapatha Brahmana,

Cf. x. 101, 4. vii. 2, 2, 7; viii. 6, 2, 2 ; Taittiriya
* Krs also found in
is viii. 20, 19 ; 22, Brahmana, iii. 1, 2, 5, etc. In Av.
6; in the family books only in iv. 57, , vi. 116, 1, karsivana denotes a
4, and as vi-krs in iv. 57, 8.
'

plougher.' See also Karsman.

182 AGRICULTURE [ Kri
8
Even in the Rigveda there is clear proof of the importance
attached to agriculture. In the Pancavimsa Brahmana 9 the
Vratyas, Hindus without the pale of Brahminism, are de-
scribed as not cultivating the soil.
The plough land was called Urvara or Ksetra ; manure
(Sakan, Karia) was used, and irrigation was practised (Khani-
tra). The plough (Langala, Sira) was drawn by oxen, teams of
10
six, eight, or even twelve being employed. The operations of
agriculture are neatly summed up in the Satapatha Brahmana 11
' '
as ploughing, sowing, reaping, and threshing (krsantah,
vapantah, lunantah, mrnantah). The ripe grain was cut with
a sickle (Datra, Srni), bound into bundles 12 (Parsa), and beaten
out on the floor of the granary (Khala). 13 The grain was then
separated from the straw and refuse either by a sieve (Titau)
14
or a winnowing fan (Surpa). The winnower was called
15
Dhanyakrt, and the grain was measured in a vessel called
Urdara. 16
The Rigveda leaves us in doubt as to the kind of grain
grown, for Yava is a word of doubtful signification, and Dhana

is also vague. In the later Samhitas 17 things are different.

Rice (Vrlhi) appears, Yava means barley, with a species
styled Upavaka. Beans (Mudga, Masa), sesamum (Tila), and
other Khalva, Godhuma, Nivara, Priyangu,
grains (Anu,
Masura, Syamaka) are mentioned, while cucumbers (Urvaru,
Urvaruka) were known. It is uncertain whether fruit trees
18
(Vrksa) were cultivated, or merely grew wild but frequent ;

mention is made of the jujube (Karkandhu, Kuvala, Badara).

seasons for agriculture are briefly summed up in a
The
19
passage of the Taittiriya Samhita barley ripened in summer, :

being no doubt sown, as in modern India, in winter; rice

8
x. 34, 13; 117, 7. 15 Rv. x. 94, 13.
Cj. Hopkins,
India, Old and New, 208. 16 Rv. ii. 14, 11. See also Sthivi.
9 xvii. 1. 17 See Vajasaneyi Samhita, xviii. 12,
10 Av. vi. 1 Kathaka Samhita, for a list.
91, ;

xv. 2. Cf. Rv. viii. 6, 48 ;

x. 101, 4. 18 The pulling of ripe fruit is referred
11 to in Rv.
i- 6, 1, 3. iii.
pakva sakha,
45, 4. Cf.
12 viii.
78, 10; x. 101, 3; 131, 2. Rv. i. 8, 8 vrksa pakva, Rv. iv. 20, 5
; ;

13 Rv. x. 48, 7. Av. xx. 127, 4. But that does not

14 Rv. 2 Av. The
x. 71, ; xii. 3, 19.
prove arboriculture.
technical terms are tusair Av. 19 vii.
vi-vic, 2, 10, 2.
xi. 1, 12 ; palavan apa-vic, xii. 3, 19.
Krna
na ] AGRICULTURAL SEASONS PEOPLE ANTELOPE 183

ripened in autumn, being sown in the beginning of the rains ;

beans and sesamum, planted at the time of the summer rains,

ripened in the winter and the cool season. There were two
harvests (Sasya) a year according to the Taittiriya Samhita 20 ;

the winter crop was ripe by the month of Caitra (March-April)

21
according to the Kausitaki Brahmana.
The farmer had plenty of trouble of his own moles destroyed :

the seed, birds and various kinds of reptiles (Upakvasa, Jabhya,

Tarda, Patahga) injured the young shoots, excessive rain or
drought might damage the crops. The Atharvaveda contains
22
spells to prevent these evils.
20 v. 22 See Av. vi. 50. vii. 11.
1, 7, 3. I
142;
21 xix.
3. Cf. Keith, Sahkhayana Cf. Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 235-

Aranyaka, 8i, n. 1. I
243.

Krsti denotes
'

people
'
in general from the Rigveda 1 onwards.
Its common and regular use in this sense appears to show that
the Aryans, when they invaded
India, were already agricul-
turists, though the employment of the words referring to
ploughing mentioned under Krsi indicates that not all of the
people devoted themselves equally to that occupation. Indra
and Agni are par excellence the lords of men (Krsti). 2 Some-
times the wordis further defined by the addition of an adjective
3 4
meaning belonging to mankind,' 'of men' (manuslh, mdnavlh).
'

5
Special mention is frequently made of the 'five peoples'
(pafica krstayah). The exact sense of this expression is doubtful.
See Panca Janasah.
1 3
i. 52, 11 ; ioo, 10 ; 160, 5 ; 189, 3 ;
Rv. i. 59, 5 ;
vi. 18, 2.
4
iii. 49, 1 ;
iv. 21, 2, etc. ;
Av. xii. I, Av. iii. 24, 3.
5
3-4- Rv. ii. 2, 10 ; iii. 53, 16 ;
iv. 38, 10 ;

2
i.
177, 1 ; iv. 17, 5 ; vii. 526, ;
x. 60, 4 ; 119, 6 ; 178, 3 ;
Av. iii. 24, 2 ;

viii. 13, 9 (Indra) ;

i.
59, 5 ; vi. 18, 2 ;
xii. i, 42.

vii. 5, 5 (Agni). Cf. Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 141.

Krsna ('black') denotes a dark-coloured animal or bird.

i.

In some passages, 1 as the context shows, an antelope is certainly

1
Taittiriya Samhita, v. 2, 6, 5 ; v. 2, 5
4, Taittiriya Samhita, vi. 1,
;

vi. 1,3, 1 ; Satapatha Brahmana, i. 1, 3, 7.See also the Asvamedha passages,

4, 1 ;
iii. 2, 1, 28. So krsna-visana, Maitrayani Samhita, iii. 14, 17; Vaja-
'horn of the black antelope,' ibid., saneyi Samhita, xxiv. 36 (cf. ii. 1).
iii. 2, 1, 18. 28; 2, 20; iv. 4, 5, 2;
1 84 ANCIENT SAGES Krsna

meant. In a few others 2 a bird of prey seems indicated. See

also Krsnajina.
2
Rv. x. 94, 5 ; Av. xi. 2, 2 ; Sankhayana Aranyaka, xii. 27.

2. Krsna appears as the name of a seer in one hymn of the

1
Rigveda. Tradition assigns to him or to Visvaka, son of
Kisna (Kdrmi), the authorship of the following hymn. 2 The
word Krsniya may be a patronymic 3 formed from the same
name two other hymns of the Rigveda, 4 where the Asvins
in
are said to have restored Visnapu to Visvaka Krsniya. In that
case Krsna would seem to be the grandfather of Visnapu. This
Krsaa may be identical with Krsna Angirasa mentioned in the
Kausitaki Brahmana. 5
1
viii. 85, 3. 4. instead of Karsnya. Cf. Macdonell, Vedic
2 5
viii. 86. Grammar, 228a and 200. xxx. 9.
3
i. 116, 23 ; 117, 7. Cf. Ludwig, Translation of the Rig-
4
As a patronymic, it would be an veda, 3, 108 ; Macdonell, Vedic Myth-
isolated formation (cf. however Pajriya), ology, p. 52.

Krsna Devaki-putra is mentioned in the Chandogya

3.
1
Upanisad as a pupil of the mythical Ghora Angirasa.
2
Tradition, and several modern writers like Grierson, Garbe,
and von Schroeder, recognize in him the hero Krsna, who later
In their view he
is deified. is a Ksatriya teacher of morals, as
3
opposed to Brahminism. This is extremely doubtful. It

appears better either to regard the coincidence of name as

accidental, or to suppose that the reference is a piece of
Euhemerism. To identify this Krsna with the preceding,
as does the St. Petersburg Dictionary, seems to be quite
groundless.
iii. 17, 6. padia of Religions, article 'Bhakti';
2 Weber, Indian
Cf. Literature, Garbe, Bhagavadgita.
169. Cf. Weber, op. cit., 71 ; 148; Hopkins,
3 Von Schroeder, Vienna Oriental Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, 1905,
Journal, 19, 414, 415 ; Grierson, Encyclo- 386.

4. Krsna Harita is mentioned as a teacher in the Aitareya

Aranyaka.
1
The Sankhayana Aranyaka 2 has Krtsna in the

parallel passage.
iii. 2, 6. 1
Cf. Weber, Indische Studien, 1, 391, n.
Indian Literature, 50.
Kekaya ] TEACHERS WEIGHT DEERSKIN IRON 185

Kpna-datta Lauhitya ('

mentioned
descendant of Lohita ') is

in aVamsa (list of teachers) of the Jaiminlya Upanisad Brah-

mana (iii. 42, 1) as a pupil of Syamasujayanta Lauhitya.

Krsna-dhrti Satyaki (' descendant of Satyaka ') is mentioned

in a Vamsa (list of teachers) of the Jaiminlya Upanisad Brah-
mana (iii. 42, 1) as a pupil of SatyaSravas.

Krsna-rata Lauhitya ('descendant of Lohita') is mentioned : Tci" 4 !*- <*"*-

in a Vamsa (list of teachers) of the Jaiminlya Upanisad Brah- ^ cJ i_im^

mana (iii. 42, 1) as a pupil of Syamajaj ayanta Lauhitya. *
T^yvlkT

Krsnala denotes the berry of the A brus precatorius, used as a

weight according to the later authorities, one Masa (' bean ')
1
being equated to four Krsnalas. In the sense of a weight it
occurs in the Taittiriya and other Samhitas, 3 and later. 4
2

1
Manu, viii. 134. Anupada Sutra, ix. 6. In the later
2 is also called raktika or
ii.
3, 2, 1 et seq. language it

3
Maitrayanl Samhita, ii. 2, 2 ; guhja (being a smooth red berry with a
Kathaka Samhita, xi. 4 {hiranya black spot at one end).
krsiiala). Cf. Weber's edition of the Jyotisa, 82
*
Taittiriya Brahmana, i. 3, 6, 7; et seq. ; Indische Stnifen, 1, 102, 103.

Krsnajina the skin (ajina) of the black antelope (Krsna.)

is

It is repeatedly referred to in the later Samhitas and Brah-

manas 1 with regard to its ritual use.
1 Av. ix. 6, 17; Taittiriya Samhita, I
Brahmana, i. 1, 1, 22; 4, 1; 9, 2, 35,
ii. 4, 9, 2; v. 4, 4, 4; Satapatha |
etc.

Krsnayasa (' black metal'), 'iron,' is referred to in the Chan-

dogya Upanisad (vi. 1, 6). See also Ayas and Karnayasa.

Krsara, a term denoting a mess of rice and sesamum, often

1
mentioned in the Sutras, occurs in the Sadvimsa Brahmana.
1 v. 2. Cf. Weber, Omina und Portenta, 315 et seq.

Kekaya is the name of a tribe which in later days, and

probably also in Vedic times, was settled in the north-west,
186 METEOR FISHERMAN HAIR TRIBES [ Ketu

between the Sindhu (Indus) and Vitasta. 1 In the Vedic texts

the Kekayas are mentioned indirectly only in the name of their
2
prince ASvapati Kaikeya.
1 2
Pargiter, Journal of the Royal Asiatic I
Satapatha Brahmana, x. 6, i, 2

Society, 1908, 317, 332. |

et seq. ; Chandogya Upanisad, v. 11, 4.

Cf. Weber, Indian Literature, 120 ;

Indische Studien, 1, 126.

i. Ketu is a term which Weber 1 understands in the sense of

'
'
meteor
'

or
'
comet in the late Adbhuta Brahmana.
1
Indische Studien, 1,41. The arunah I
Dictionary, are not so treated by
ketavah (Av. xi. 10, 1. 2. 7), referred Bohtlingk in his Dictionary.
to in this sense in the St. Petersburg

2. Ketu Vajya ('

descendant of Vaja ') is mentioned as a
1
teacher in the Vamsa Brahmana.
1
Indische Studien, 4, 372.

'
Kevarta, Kaivarta are two variant forms denoting fisher-
2
man '

Vajasaneyi Samhita and Taittiriya Brahmana

in the 1

lists of victims at the Purusamedha, or human sacrifice.

1 2
xxx. 16, with Mahidhara's note. iii. 4, 12, 1, with Sayana's note.

'
hair of the head,' is repeatedly mentioned in the later
Kesa,
Samhitas and Brahmanas. 1 The hair was a matter of great
care to the Vedic Indian, and several hymns of the Atharva-
veda 2 are directed to securing its plentiful growth. Cutting
or shaving (vap) the hair is often referred to. 3 For a man to
wear long hair was considered effeminate. 4 As to modes of
dressing the hair see Opasa and Kaparda ; as to the beard see
Smasru.
Satapatha Brah-
1 Av. 3 Av. viii.
v. 19, 3 ; vi. 136, 3, etc. ; Vaja- 2, 17 ;

saneyi Samhita, xix. 22 ;

xx. 5 ;
xxv. 3 ; mana, v. 5, 3, 1, etc. Cf. Oldenberg,
Satapatha Brahmana, ii. 5, 2, 48, etc. Religion des Veda, 425 et seq.
2 4
vi. 136. 137. Cf. Zimmer, Altin- Satapatha Brahmana, v. 1, 2,
disches Leben, 68 ; Bloomfield, Hymns of 14. But cf. Vincent Smith, Indian
the Atharvaveda, 536, 537. Antiquary, 34, 203.

1. Ke6in is the name of a people occurring in the Satapatha

1
Brahmana, where their king is mentioned as learning from
Khandika the atonement for a bad omen at the sacrifice.
1 xi. 8, 4, 6. Cf. Panini, vi. 4, 165; Eggeling, Sacred Books of the East, 44,
131. 134-
Ke&n Satyakami ] AN ANCIENT SAGE A TEACHER 187

2
2. Kesin Darbhya or Dalbhya (' descendant of Darbha ') is a
1

somewhat enigmatic figure. According to the Satapatha Brah-

mana 3 and the Jaiminlya Upanisad Brahmana 4 he was a king,
sister's son of Uccaih6ravas, according to the latter authority.
His people were the Pancalas, of whom the Kesins must there-
fore have been a branch, and who are said to have been threefold

(tryanika).
5
A story is told of his having a ritual dispute with
Sandika in the MaitrayanI Samhita 6 this appears in another ;

form in the Satapatha Brahmana. 3 He was a contemporary

of a fellow sage, KeSin Satyakami, according to the Maitra-
7 8 9
yanI and Taittirlya Samhitas. The Pancavimsa Brahmana
attributes to him a Saman or chant, and the Kausitaki Brah-
mana 10 tells how he was taught by a golden bird.
In view of the fact that the early literature always refers to
Darbhya as a sage, it seems doubtful whether the commentator
is right in thinking that the Satapatha refers to a king and

a people, when a sage alone may well be meant, while the

Jaiminlya Upanisad Brahmana is of no great authority. The
latter work may have assumed that the reference in the Kathaka
Samhita 11 to the Kesin people signifies kingship, but this is
hardly necessary.

1 This is the form of the name in Upanisad Brahmana, loc. cit. \ Baudh-
the Jaiminlya Upanisad Brahmana, ayana Srauta Sutra, xx. 25.
6
the MaitrayanI Samhita, the Taittirlya i.
4, 12 (von Schroeder gives no
Samhita, and the Kausitaki Brah- variant reading ; but * and kh are con-
mana also later in the Brhaddevata.
; stantly confused in manuscripts).
2
This is the form in the Kathaka 7
i. 6, 5.
Samhita and the Pancavimsa Brah- 8
ii. 6, 2, 3.
mana. It also appears later in the 9
xiii. 10, 8.
Rigveda Anukramanl. 10 vii. 4. n xxx. 2.
3
xi. 8, 4, 1 et seq., as explained by Cf. Weber, Indische Studien, i, 193,
Sayana. 209 ; 2, Hopkins, Transactions of
308 ;

4 iii.
29, 1 et seq. the Connecticut Academy of Arts and
5
Kathaka Samhita, xxx. 2 (Weber, Sciences, 15, 58, 59; Sieg, Die Sagenstoffe
Indische Studien, 3, 471) ; Jaiminlya des Rgveda, 62, n. 2.

3. KeSin Satya-kami (<

descendant of Satyakama ') is men-
tioned as a teacher and contemporary of KeSin Darbhya in
the Taittirlya (ii. 6, 2, 3) and MaitrayanI (i. 6, 5) Samhitas.
1 88 NAMES [ Kesaraprabandha

Kesara-prabandha. In the list of the crimes of the Vaita-

havyas narrated in the Atharvaveda 1 is the cooking of the last
she-goat (caramdjam) of Kesaraprabandha, who may presum-
2
ably be deemed to have been a woman, having braided hair.'
'

4
Ludwig, followed by Whitney, appears to amend the passage
3

*
(carama-jdm) as meaning the last-born calf of Kesarapra-
bandha, a cow. But this interpretation does not suit the name
so well.

Translation of the Rigveda, 2, 447.

2
Bloomfield, Hymns of the Athar- Translation of the Atharvaveda,
vaveda, 432, 433. I

252

Kaikeya,
'
king of the Kekayas,' is an epithet of Agvapati. 1
1
Satapatha Brahmana, x. 6, 1, 2 ; Chandogya Upanisad, v. 11, 4.

Kairata is the name of a snake in the Atharvaveda 1

possibly,
but not probably, the modern Karait.
1
v. 13, 5. Cf. Whitney, Translation of the Atharvaveda, 243.

Kairatika, a maiden of the Kirata people,' is mentioned in

'

the Atharvaveda (x. 4, 14) as digging up roots for medicinal use.

patronymic of Sutvan
'
Kairigi, descendant of Kirisa,' is the
in the Aitareya Brahmana (viii. 28).

Kaivarta. See Kevarta.

1
KaiSini. The Kaisinyah prajah,'offspring or people of
Resin,' are mentioned in an obscure passage of the Satapatha
Brahmana 2 either as still existing at the date of the Brahmana 3
or as extinct.
1
So Sayana. 3
Cf. Eggeling, Sacred Books of the
2
xi. 8, 4, 6. East, 44, 134.
I

Cf. Weber, Indische Studien, 1, 208.

Kaisorya, 'descendant of Kaisori,' is the patronymic of

Kapya in the first two Vamsas (lists of teachers) in the Brhad-
1
aranyaka Upanisad.
l ii. 5, 22; iv. 5, 28 (Madhyamdina = ii. 6, 3 ;
iv. 6, 3 Kanva).
 CUCKOO JUJUBE BUCKET BODY OF CAR
1
Koka, a word occurring in the Rigveda and the Atharva-
I.
2
veda, seems to denote the cuckoo.'
'
In all the three passages
in which it is found, Sayana explains it as the Cakravaka.
Roth 3 renders it in the Atharvaveda passages as a certain
destructive parasitic animal. Cf. Anyavapa.
1
vii. 104, 22 (koka-yatu, a ghost in vaveda, 454 ; Whitney, Translation of
the shape of a cuckoo). the Atharvaveda, 262; Geldner, Rig-
2
v. 23, 4 viii. 6, 2. ; veda, Glossar, 49; Zimmer, Altindisches
3
St. Petersburg Dictionary, s.v., 6. Leben, 92.
Cf. Bloomfield, Hymns of the A thar-

2. Koka is mentioned in the Satapatha Brahmana (xiii. 5,

4, 17) as a son of the Pancala king, Satrasaha.

Kokila, a very frequent word in the Epic and later, denoting

the cuckoo, is only inferred for the Vedic period from its being
the name of a Rajaputra in the Kathaka Anukramanl. 1
1
Weber, Indische Studien, 3, 460.

Koneya, Kauneya. See Raj ana.

Kola, another form of Kuvala, the Zizyphus jujuba, is

mentioned in the Chandogya Upanisad (vii. 3, 1).

1. Koa
name in the Rigveda 1 for the bucket used in
is the * '

drawing water by means of a rope from a well (Avata). In the

2
ritual it denotes a large vessel to hold Soma, as opposed to
Kalasa.
1 i.
130, 2 ; iii. 32, 15 ; iv. 17, 6. Cf. Cf. Hillebrandt, Vedische Mythologie, 1,

Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 156. 183 et seq.

2
Rv. ix. 75, 3 Av. xviii. 4, 30, ; etc.

2. Koa
denotes the body of a chariot. 1 Presumably it was
fastened to the axles, but it was probably not very secure, as
the body of Pusan's chariot is said not to fall. 2 The ropes 3
used to fasten the Kosa are perhaps referred to in the word
aksa-nah. 4 By synecdoche this word also denotes the whole
5
chariot. See also Vandhura, Ratha.
1
Rv. i. 87, 2 ; x. 85, 7, etc. 4
See under 1. Aksa.
2
Rv. vi. 54, 3.
5
Rv. viii. 20, 8 22, ; 9.
3
Gavah, Rv. viii. 48. K. Cf. Zimmer, op. cit., 246.
190 NAMES THE KOSALA PEOPLE [ KoSa

3. Koga. The exact sense of this word in Koa-karI, the

designation of a female victim at the Purusamedha, or human
1 *
sacrifice, is uncertain. It may be sheath.'
1
Vajasaneyi Samhita, xxx. 14 ;
Taittirlya Brahmana, iii. 4, 10, 1.

Kosa. The Kosas appear as a priestly family in the Sata-

patha Brahmana, where one of them, SuSravas, is mentioned
2
by name.
1
x. 5, 5. 8. x. 5, 5, 1.

Kosala is the name of a people not occurring in the earliest

Vedic literature. In the story of the spread of Aryan culture
told in the Satapatha Brahmana, 1 the Kosala- Videhas, as the

offspring of Videgha Mathava, appear as falling later than the

Kuru-Pancalas under the influence of Brahminism. The same
passage gives the Sadanira as the boundary of the two peoples
Kosala and Videha. Elsewhere 2 the Kausalya, or Kosala
king, Para Atnara Hairanyanabha, is described as having
performed the great Asvamedha, or horse sacrifice. Connexion
with Kasi and Videha appears also from a passage of the
3 4
Sankhayana Srauta Sutra. Weber points out that Asvalayana,
who was very probably a descendant of Avala, the Hotr priest
of Videha, called a Kosala in the Prasna Upanisad. 5 The
is

later distinction of North and South Kosala is unknown to

both Vedic and Buddhist literature. 6
Kosala lay to the north-east of the Ganges, and corresponded
roughly to the modern Oudh.
1
i.
4, 1, 1 et seq. vi. 1.
2 6
Satapatha Brahmana, xiii. 5, 4, 4. Oldenberg, Buddha, 393, n.
Cf. Hiranya-nabha, a Rajaputra, in Cf. von Schroeder, Indiens Literatur
PraSna Upanisad, iii. 2, and Sankha- und Cultur, 167 Eggeling, Sacred Books
;

yana Srauta Sutra, xvi. 9, 13, as a of the East, 12, xlii ; Weber, bidian
Kausalya, while ibid., 11, Para is styled Literature, 39, 132 et seq. ; Macdonell,
Vaideha. Sanskrit Literature, 213 -
215 ; Rhys
3
xvi. 29, 5. Davids, Buddhist India, 25.
4
Indische Studien, 1, 182, 441.

1
Kaukusta is mentioned in the Satapatha Brahmana as a
giver of a Daksina, or gift to the priests officiating at a sacrifice.
The Kanva recension reads the name Kaiikthasta. 2
1 2
iv. 6, I, 13.
Eggeling, Sacred Books of the East, 26, 426, n. 1.

Cf. Weber, Indian Literature, 134.

Kautsa ] PATRONYMICS ifi

Kauneya. See Raj ana.

Kauntha-ravya is mentioned as a teacher in the Aitareya 1

and Sankhayana Aranyakas. 2
1 2
iii. 2, 2. vii. 14 ;
viii. 2.

Cf. Keith, Aitareya Aranyaka, 249.

Kaundini. See Parasarikaundimputra.

Kaundinya is mentioned as a pupil of Sandilya in the first

two Vamsas (lists of teachers) in the Brhadaranyaka Upanisad. 1
See also Vidarbhikaundinya, and the following.
1
ii. 5, 20; iv. 5, 26 (Madhyamdina = ii. 6, 1 ; iv. 6, 1, Kanva).

Kaundinyayana is mentioned in the first Vamsa (list of

teachers) of the Madhyamdina recension of the Brhadaranyaka
1
Upanisad as a pupil of Kaundinya, pupil of Kaundinya and
2
Agnivesya; in the second as a pupil of the two Kaundinyas,
pupils of Aurnavabha, pupil of Kaundinya, pupil of Kaundinya,
pupil of Kaundinya and Agnivesya. Neither Vamsa is of much
3
value.
1 3
ii. 5, 20. I
Eggeling, Sacred Books of the East,
2 I2 xxxiv.
iv. 5, 26.

Kautasta, a word occurring once in the dual, is apparently

a patronymic of Arimejaya and Janamejaya, two Adhvaryu
priests at the snake sacrifice described in the Pancavimsa
Brahmana. 1
1 xxv. 15, 3. Cf. Weber, Indische Studien, 1, 35.

Kautsa ('
descendant of Kutsa ')
is mentioned in the Sata-

patha Brahmana as a pupil of Mahitthi. A Kautsa is also

1

2
attacked in the Nirukta as denying the value of the Vedas, and
there is a strong ritual tradition of hostility to the Kautsas. 3
1 x. 20,
x. 6, 5, 9 Brhadaranyaka Upani-
; 12; Hillebrandt, Vedische Myth-
sad, vi. 5, 4 (Kanva recension only). ologie, 3, 285. Cf. Weber, Iniinn
2
i. 15- Literattire, 77, i4.
E.g., Apastamba Srauta Sutra,
 192 PATRONYMICS [ Kautsiputra

Kautsl-putra (' son of a female descendant of Kutsa ') is

mentioned as a pupil of Baudhiputra in the last Vamsa
(list of teachers) of the Brhadaranyaka Upanisad in the

Madhyamdina recension (vi. 4, 31).

Kaupayeya is the patronymic of Uccaihsravas.

Kaumbhya (' descendant of Kumbhya ') is the patronymic

of Babhru.

Kaurama. See Kaurava.

Kaurayana is apparently a patronymic of Pakasthaman in

1 2
the Rigveda. Hopkins suggests that Kaurayana may be
meant.
1
viii. 3, 21. Cf. Nirukta, v. 25.
2
Journal of the American Oriental Society, 17, 90, n. 2.

Kaurava is the reading of the text of the Khilas 1 and of

some manuscripts of the Sankhayana Srauta Sutra 2 for the
Kaurama of the Atharvaveda, 3 who appears in a Danastuti
(' Praise
of Gifts ') as a generous donor among the Rugamas.
3
1
v. 8, 1 (Scheftelowitz, Die Apo- xx. 127, 1.

kryphen des Rgveda, 155). Cf. Bloomfield, Hymns of the Athar-

2
xii. 14, 1. vaveda, 689.

Kauravya
(' belonging
to the Kurus '). A man of the Kuru
people, described
is in the Atharvaveda as enjoying prosperity
with his wife under the rule of King Pariksit. 1 Mention is also
made of the Kauravya king Balhika Pratipiya in the Satapatha
2
Brahmana, and in the later legend Arstisena and Devapi are
3
alleged to have been Kauravyas.
1
xx. 127, 8 Khila, v. 10, 2
;
Sankh- ; xii. 9. 3, 3-

ayana Srauta Sutra, xii. 17, 2. Cf. a Nirukta, ii. 10.

Mantra in the Vaitana Sutra, xxxiv. 9.

Kauravyayani-putra (' son of a female descendant of Kuru ')

IS mentioned as a teacher in the Brhadaranyaka Upanisad
(v. 1, 1).
Kausambeya ] NAMES 193

'
Kauru-paiieala, belonging to the Kuru-Pancalas,' is an
epithet of Aruni in the Satapatha Brahmana (xi. 4, 1, 2), and
a practice of those tribes is designated by this word in the
same work (i. 7, 2, 8)*

Kaulakavati are two persons mentioned in the Maitrayani

Samhita (ii. 1, 3) as having given advice, in the capacity of

priests, to Rathaprota Darbhya.

Kaulala is a word denoting a hereditary potter (' son of a

kulala or potter ') according to the commentator Mahidhara
on the Vajasaneyi Samhita. 1 The other Samhitas 2 have
Kulala.
1
xxx. 7. I Kathaka Samhita, xvii. 13, and cf.
2
Maitrayani Samhita, ii. 9, 5 ; |
Vajasaneyi Samhita, xvi. 27.

Kaulitapa mentioned in the Rigveda 1 as a Dasa. Appar-

is

ently the name is an epithet of Sambara, meaning

'
son of
Kulitara': this points to Sambara having been a terrestrial foe,
and not a mere demon. 2
1
iv. 30, 14. I
3, 273 Macdonell,
; Vedic Mythology,
2
Cf. Hillebrandt, Vedische Mythologie, |
pp. 64, 161.

Kaulika, like Kulika, is the name of some sort of bird in the

list of victims at the Asvamedha, or horse sacrifice, in the
1
Yajurveda.
1
Vajasaneyi Samhita, xxiv. 24 ; Maitrayani Samhita, iii. 14, 5.

Kausambeya is the patronymic (' descendant of Kusamba ')

1
of a teacher Proti in the Satapatha Brahmana according to
the St. Petersburg Dictionary a view supported by the fact :

that Kusamba actually occurs as the name of a man in the

PancavimsSa Brahmana. 2 is, however, possible that the
It

native of the town Kausambi as understood

'

word means a '

3
by Harisvamin in his commentary on the Satapatha Brahmana.
3
Eggeling, Sacred Books of
1
xii. 2,2, 13 ; Gopatha Brahmana, i. the East,

2, 24. 44, 153, n. 5. Cf. Weber, Indischc

2
viii. 6, 8. The name is also found Studien, 1, 193 ;
Rhys Davids, Buddhist
later (in the Epic) in the form of India, 3, 36 ; Oldenberg, Buddha, 397.
Kusamba.
VOL. I. 13
194 PATRONYMICS
Kaugika is an epithet of Indra as connected with the *

Kusikas,' and also of Visvamitra as 'son of Kusika.'

1
A
teacher named Kausika is mentioned as a pupil of Kaundinya
in the first two Vamsas (lists of teachers) of the Brhadaranyaka
2
Upanisad.
1
In a late Khila, Scheftelowitz, Die ii. 6, 1 r. 6, i (Kanva recension).
Apokryphen des Rgveda, 104.

Kausikayani (' descendant of Kausika ') is mentioned as a

teacher and a pupil of Ghrtakausika in the first two Vamsas
1
(lists of teachers) of the Brhadaranyaka Upanisad.

1 ii. 5, 21 ; iv. 5, 27 (Madhyamdina = ii. 6, 3 ;

iv. 6, 3, Kanva).

Kau&ki-putra ('son of a female descendant of Kusika') is

mentioned in a Vamsa (list of teachers) in the Kanva recension
of the Brhadaranyaka Upanisad (vi. 5, 1) as a pupil of Alam-
biputra and Vaiyagrhrapadiputra.

Kaureya (' descendant of Kusri ')

is the patronymic of
Somadaksa in the Kathaka Samhita (xx. 8 ;
xxi. 9).

Kausarava (' descendant of Kusa.ru ') is the patronymic of

Maitreya in the Aitareya Brahmana (viii. 28).

Kausitaki (' descendant of Kusitaka ') the patronymic of a

is

teacher, or series of teachers, to whom the doctrines set forth

in the Kausitaki Brahmana 1 and in the Sankhayana Aranyaka, 2
and the Srauta and Grhya Sutras, 3 are referred. He is rarely
mentioned elsewhere. 4 The doctrine of Kausitaki is called the
Kausltaka. 5 The pupils of Kausitaki are known as the Kausl-
6 7
takis in the Nidana Sutra, and in the Pancavimsa Brahmana
1 4
ii. 9 ; vii. 4. 10 ;
viii. 8 ;
xi. 5. 7 ; Satapatha Brahmana, ii. 4, 3, 1
xiv. 3. 4 ;
xv. 2 ; xvi. 9 ; xviii. 5 ; Chandogya Upanisad, i. 5, 2.
5
xxii. 1. 2; xxiii. 1. "4; xxiv. 8. 9; Kausitaki Brahmana, iii. 1 xix. ;

xxv. 8. 10. 14. 15, etc. Sankhayana Srauta Sutra, iv. 2, 1

2
ii. 17 ;
xv. 1 ; Kausitaki Upanisad, xi. 14, 2/8 Anupada Sutra, ii. 7 vii. 1
; ;

'
ii. 1. 7. viii. 5, etc?
6 Vf>
3
Sankhayana Srauta Sutra, iv. 15, vi. 12.
7
11 ;
vii. 21,6; ix. 20, 33 ; xi. 11, 3. 6, etc. xvii. 4, 3.
Kratujit Janaki ] PATRONYMICS 195

they with Kusltaka are stated to have been cursed by LuSakapi.

Elsewhere 8 they are called Kausitakins. If the Sahkhayana
9
Aranyaka can be trusted, there were among them at least two
leading teachers, Kahoda and Sarvajit, the former of whom is
mentioned elsewhere. 10
8
Apastamba Srauta Sutra, x. 1, 10; Brhadaranyaka Upanisad, iii. 4, 1 ;

Asvalayana Grhya Sutra, i. 23. Asvalayana Grhya Sutra, iii. 4.

9
Cf. Keith, Sahkhayana Aranyaka, Cf. Weber, Indische Studien, 1, 259 ;

14, 24, 71. 2,289 et seq. ; Indian Literature, 44 etseq. ;

10
Satapatha Brahmana, ii. 4, 3, 1 ; Lindner, Kausltaki Brahmana, ix.

<
Kausya, descendant of Kosa,' is the patronymic of Susravas.

Kausalya, prince of Kosala,' is the designation of Para Atnara

'

1
in the Satapatha Brahmana, and of Hiranyanabha in the
2
Sahkhayana Srauta Sutra. Asvalayana is styled Kausalya, as
1

belonging to the Kosala country,' in the Prasna Upanisad, 3

and the Kasi-Kausalyah, or the Kasis and people of Kosala,' '

4
are mentioned in the Gopatha Brahmana.
1 3 1.
xiii. 5, 4, 4. i.

2 4
xvi. 9, 13. Cf. xvi. 29, 5. i. 2, 9 (spelt Kausalyah).

Kausita appears in the MaitrayanI Samhita (ii. 1, 11) in

connexion with the demon Kusitayin as the name of a lake.
The Kathaka Samhita (x. 5) has Kausida instead.
'

Kausurubindi, descendant of Kusurubinda,' is the patro-

nymic of Proti Kausambeya Satapatha Brahmana in the
(xii. 2, 2, 13). In the Gopatha Brahmana (i. 4, 24) the form is
Kausuravindu.
'

Kauhada, descendant of Kohacla,' is the patronymic of a

teacher, Mitravinda, mentioned in the Vamsa Brahmana, 1as
well as of Sravanadatta.
1
Weber, Indische Studien, 4, 372, 382 et seq. A school of Kauhadiyas is known
in the Gobhila Grhya Sutra, iii. 4, 34.

Kratu-jit Janaki (' descendant of Janaka ') is mentioned in

the Yajurveda 1 as the priest of Raj ana Kauneya. See also
Kratuvid.
1
Taittiriya Samhita, ii. 3, 8, 1 ;
Kathaka Samhita, xi. 1. Cf. Weber,
Indische Studien, 3, 474.

I3~2
196 NAMESALE [ Kratuvid Janaki

Kratu-vid Janaki (' descendant of Janaka ') is mentioned in

the Aitareya Brahmana (vii. 34) as having learned a certain
doctrine regarding Soma from Agni.

Kraya,
'
sale,' is a word which does not actually occur in the
Rigveda, though the verb kri, from which this noun is derived,
is found there. 1
Both noun and verb are common
in the later
Samhitas. 2 Sale appears to have regularly consisted in barter
3
in the Rigveda ten cows are regarded as a possible price for
:

an (image of) Indra to be used as a fetish, while elsewhere not

a hundred, nor a thousand, nor a myriad are considered as an
4
adequate price (sulka) for the purchase of Indra. The Athar-
5
vaveda mentions, as possible objects of commerce, garments
(dursa), coverlets (pavasta),
and goatskins (ajina). The haggling
6
of the market was already familiar in the days of the Rigveda,
and a characteristic hymn of the Atharvaveda 7 is directed to
procuring success in trade. The price was called Vasna, and
' '

8
the merchant Vanij. his greed being well known.
'
'

There is little evidence of a standard of value in currency

having been adopted. When no specific mention is made of

9
the standard, the unit was probably the cow. In a consider-
10
able number of passages of the Satapatha Brahmana and
11
elsewhere, however, the expression hiranyam sata-mdnam
suggests that there must have been some standard other than

1
iv. 24, 10. the Atharvaveda, 352 ; Whitney, Trans-
lation of the Atharvaveda, in, 112.
Kraya: Taittiriya Samhita, iii. 1,
2

2, i;vi. i, 3, 3; Vajasaneyi Samhita,

8 Rv. and see Pani.
i. 33, 3,
9
viii. 55 xix. 13 Satapatha Brahmana,
;
; Cf. Harisvamin on Satapatha Brah-
iii. 3, 2, 10, etc. krl : Av. iii. 15, 2 ;
;
mana, xiii. 4, 2, 1, where he renders
Taittiriya Samhita, vi. 1, 10, 3 ;
vii. 1, sahasrdrha as equal to 'worth a thousand
6, 2, etc.; apa-kri : Av. viii. 7, 11; cows,' in which Eggeling follows him ;

pari-hrl
: Av. iv. 7, 6, etc. ; vi-kri :
Samksiptasara on Katyayana Srauta
Vajasaneyi Samhita, iii. 49, etc. Sutra, xxii. 10, 33.
3
10 xiii. 1,1,4;
iv. 24, 10. xii. 7, 2, 13 9, 1, 4
;
;

4 Rv. viii. 1, 5. 2, 3, 2; 4, 1, 13; xiv. 3, 1, 32. Cf.

5 iv. 7, 6. v. 5. 5. 16; xiii. 4 , 1, 6.
11
6 iv. 24, 9. See Oldenberg, Rgveda- Pancavimsa Brahmana, xviii. 3, 2,
hioten, 1, 419, 4
2 correcting Sieg, Die .
where a long series of compounds of
des Rgveda, 91, and Geldner's numerals with -mana occurs Kathaka ;
Sagenstoffe
Kommentar on iv. 24. Samhita, viii. 5 ;
xiv. 8 ;
xxii. 8. .

7 iii.
15. See Bloomfield, Hymns of
Krimi UNIT OF VALUE RAW FLESH 197

cows, though it might in all these passages be rendered as

'

gold worth a hundred cows.' But the use of the Krsnala as a

measure of weight 12 suggests that the meaning is gold weighing '

a hundred Krsnalas,' and this seems the more probable explana-

tion. This unit seems not to be known in the Rigveda, where
the meaning of the term Mana, which occurs once, is mysterious,
and where necklets (Niska) seem to have been one of the more
portable forms of wealth, like jewellery in modern India, and
may perhaps have served as a means of exchange.
12
Kathaka Samhita, xi. 4 Tait-
Cf. ; passed away by the time of the Jatakas,
tiriyaBrahmana, i. 3, 6, 7 Anupada ;
an illustration of the modern character
Sutra, ix. 6 Weber, Indische Streifen,
;
of the society they represent. See Mrs.
I. 99-103. Rhys Davids, Journal of the Royal Asiatic

Cf. Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 255- Society, 1901, 874 et seq.

260. Barter had for the most part

1
Kravana, a word occurring only once in the Rigveda, is
understood by Ludwig as the name of the Hotr priest or the
2

sacrificer. Roth considered it an adjective without at first 3

4 '

assigning a sense, but afterwards as meaning timid.' Sayana

5
interprets it as 'worshipping.' Oldenberg considers the meaning
'
uncertain, suggesting as possible the slayer of the victim.'
1 4
v. 44, 9. Bohtlingk's Dictionary, s.v.
2 5
Translation of the Rigveda, 3, 138. Rgveda-Noten, 1, 342.
3
St. Petersburg Dictionary, s.v.

'
Kravya, raw flesh,' is never mentioned in Vedic literature
as eaten by men. Demons alone are spoken of as consuming it, 1

eating raw flesh,' as

'

apart from Agni being called kravydd,

consumer of the bodies of the dead. 2 The man who in the
Rigveda is compelled by starvation to eat dog's flesh, never-
3
theless cooks it.

1 3
Rv. 104, 2 ; x. 87, 2. 19
vii. 162, 2 ; ;
iv. 18, 13.
Av. 28, 2
iii. iv. 36, 3
;
v. 29 10, etc. ; Cf. Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 270,
2
Rv. x. 16, 9. 10. See Macdonell, 271.
Vedic Mythology, pp. 97, 165.

Kratu-jateya is a patronymic of Rama Kratujateya Vaiya-

ghrapadya in the Jaiminiya Upanisad Brahmana (iii. 40, 2 ;

iv. 16, 1).

Krimi. See Xrmi.

198 THE KRIVI TRIBE CURLEW [ Krii

asserted in the Satapatha Brahmana 1 to have beei

Krivi is

the older name of the Pancalas. This statement is supportec

by the name of the king there mentioned, Kraivya Pancalj
The Krivis appear in the Rigveda 2 as settled on the Sindhl
and the AsiknI. It is a plausible conjecture of Zimmer's 3 that
with the Kurus they made up the Vaikarna people. 4 The
importance of the Pancalas, and the insignificance of the
Krivis, may be explained in part by the fact that the later
Kuru-Pancala alliance included the Bharatas. It is also
5
probable, as Oldenberg suggests, from the Satapatha Brah-
6
mana, that the Turvaas were included in the Pancalas, and
as the latter name Or, if
indicates, probably other tribes also.
7
Hopkins' view is accepted that Turvasa was king of the
Yadus, the latter may in part have been allied with the Krivis
to form the Pancalas.
1
xm. 5. 4. 7-
7
Journal of the American Oriental
2
viii. 20,
24 22, 12. ; Elsewhere Society, 258 et seq. This view is
15,
Krivi is doubtful in sense. In several hardly convincing, while the disappear-
passages (i. 30, 1 ;
viii. 87, 1 ;
ix. 9, 6, ance of the TurvaSas is easily to be
and perhaps i. 166, 6, where krivir-datl accounted for by their being merged,
is an epithet of lightning) Oldenberg, along with the Krivis, in the Pancalas.
Rgveda-Noten, i. 166, 341, understands The name of Krivi is lost in the Epic
the word to mean horse.' Elsewhere '
as completely as that of Turvasa
(ii. 17, 6 22, 2 viii. 51, 8) he takes it
; ; (Pargiter, Journal of the Royal Asiatic
to be a proper name, while in v. 44, 4, Society, 1910, 48, notes 4,5).
he is doubtful. In the passages last Cf. Macdonell, Sanskrit Literature,
cited this view may very well be 155, 157; Grierson, Journal of the Royal
correct. Asiatic Society, 1908, 602-607 Keith, I

3
Altindisches Leben, 103. ibid.,831 et seq. ; Ludwig, Translation
4
Cf. Kavaa. of the Rigveda, 3, 152, 153 Eggeling,
;

6
Buddha, 404. Sacred Books of the East, 12, xli.; Max
6
xiii. 5, 4, 16. Miiller, Sacred Books of the East, 32, 407.

Krita Vaita-hotra (' descendant of Vltahotra ') is mentioned

in the Maitrayani Samhita (iv. 2, 6) in connexion with the
Kurus.

2 1 3
1. Krufic, Krufica, Kraunca, are variant forms denoting
curlew' or 'snipe.' To it is attributed in the Yajurveda 1
'
the
1 2
Maitrayani Samhita, iii. 11, 6; Vajasaneyi Samhita, xxiv. 22. 31
Kathaka Samhita, xxxviii. 1 ; Vaja- (in xxv. 6 the sense is quite uncertain) ;

saneyi Samhita, xix. 73 et seq. ; Tait- Maitrayani Samhita, iii. 14, 3.

3
tiriya Brahmana, ii, 6, 2, 1-3. Taittiriya Samhita, v. 5, 12, 1.
KroSa ] NAMES KRUMU RIVER MEASURE OF DISTANCE 199

the faculty, later assigned to the Hamsa, of extracting milk

from water when the two fluids are mixed. 4
4
Lanman, Journal of the American Cf. Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 91,
Oriental Society, 19, 151-158; Macdonell, 92.
Sanskrit Literature, 150.

Kruric Ahgirasa is in the Pancavimsa Brahmana 1 the

2.

name of the seer of a Saman or Chant called the Kraufica. It

isdoubtless invented to explain the name of the Chant on the
ordinary principle that Samans are called after their authors,
though this rule has many exceptions. 2
1
xin. 9, 11 ; 11, 20. 15, 68. Cf. Hillebrandt, Vedische Mytho-
2
Hopkins, Transactions of the Con- logie, 2, 160.
necticut Academy of Arts and Sciences,

Krumu is the name

mentioned twice in the
of a stream
Rigveda book
once1
and once in the last, in the
in the fifth

Nadl-stuti, or 'praise of rivers.'

2
There can be little doubt
that this river is identical with the modern Kurum, a western
3
tributary of the Indus.
v. 53. 9- Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 14 ;
Lud-
x. 75, 6. wig, Translation of the Rigveda, 3,
Roth, Nirukta, Erlduterungen, 43 200.

Krumuka as the name of

'
wood '

appears to be a variant
form of Krmuka.
1
Taittiriya Samhita, v. 1, 9, 3 ;
Taittiriya Brahmana, i. 4, 7, 3.

1
Kraivya. Paneala, the king of the Krivis, is mentioned in
the Satapatha Brahmana 2 as having performed the Asvamedha,
3
or horse sacrifice, on the Parivakra. Eggeling, however,
takes the word as a proper name,
l

Kraivya, the Paneala king.'

-
1
So the St. Petersburg Dictionary, xm. 5, 4, 7.
3
s.v. ; Weber, Indian Literature, 125, n. ;
Sacred Books of the East, 44, 397
Oldenberg, Buddha, 409, n. (but cf. p. 398, top).

'
Krosa, as a measure of distance (lit. a shout,' as expressing
the range of the voice), is found in the Pancavimsa Brahmana. 1
1
xvi. 13, 12. Cf. Weber, Indische miles. The word still survives in the
Studien, 8, 432 et seq. In the later vernacular form of Kos as the most
literature it is
equivalent to about two popular measure of distance in India.
200 J A CKA LMO UNTA INNA MESBIRD [ Krosfr

Krostr
'howler'), the 'jackal,' is mentioned in the
(lit.
1
Rigveda by nature cowardly compared with the wild boar
as
2
(Varaha). In the Atharvaveda it is spoken of as devouring
corpses. The word also occurs in the Vajasaneyi Samhita, 3
where the commentator glosses it with Srgala, another name of
the jackal. See also Lopaia.
1 3
X. 28, I. xxiv. 32.
2
xi. 2, 2. Cf. Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 84.

i. Kraufica. See Kruiic.

2. Kraufica, as the name of a mountain, occurs only in the

latest Vedic literature. 1
1
Taittiriya Aranyaka, i. 31, 2. See Weber, Indian Literature, 93 ;
Indische
Studien, 1, 78.

' '

Kraunciki-putra, son of a female descendant of Kraufica,

is mentioned as a pupil of Vaittabhatiputra 1 in the last Vamsa
(list of teachers) in the Brhadaranyaka Upanisad. 2
1 2
Vaidabhrti-putra in the Madhyam- vi. 5, 2 (Kanva).
dina recension, vi. 4, 32.

'descendant of Krostuka,' is mentioned as a

Kraustuki,
grammarian the Nirukta, 1 the Brhaddevata, 2 and the
in
3
Chandas, but as an astrologer in a Parisista of the Athar-
vaveda. 4

Atharvaveda, 2, 438 et seq., where in

2
iv. 137. Cf. Indische Studien, 1, 105. Parisista lxviii (Svapnadhyayah), i. 2 ;

3
5- ii. 8, the name appears as Krostuki.
4
Weber, Berlin Catalogue of San- Cf. Weber, Jyotisa, 12 ;
Indian Litera-
skritMSS., 1, 94. See Boiling and ture, 61.
von Negelein, The Parifistas of the

1
Kvayi is the name of some
species of bird in the Yajurveda,
occurring in the list of victims at the Asvamedha, or horse
sacrifice. The form in the Maitrayani Samhita
2
is Kuvaya.
1 2
Taittiriya Samhita, v. 5, 17, 1 iii. 14, 18.
Vajasaneyi Samhita, xxiv. 29. Cf. Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, gg.
Kattr ] JUJUBE FRUIT ROYAL RETAINER 20 1

a substance, perhaps 1 identical with Kuvala, the

Kvala is

fruit of the jujube, used to coagulate milk according to the

2
Taittirlya Samhita.
1
St. Petersburg Dictionary, s.v.
2 " 5, 3. 5- Cf. Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 227.

Ksata is regarded by Zimmer 1

as denoting a special disease
(a sort of Phthisis pulmonalis) in the Atharvaveda, 2 but the
word is probably only an adjective.
3

1 3
Altindisches Leben, 377. Hymns of the Atharva-
Bloomfield,
2
vii. 76, 4 (where the reading is veda,509 Whitney, Translation of the
;

doubtful, the text having aksita. See Atharvaveda, 442.

Aksata).

Ksattr is a word of frequent occurrence in the later Samhitas

and Brahmanas, denoting a member of the royal entourage,
but the sense is somewhat uncertain. In the Rigveda 1 it is
* '
used of a god as the distributor of good things to his
worshippers the same sense seems to be found in the Athar-
;

vaveda 2 and elsewhere. 3 In one passage of the Vajasaneyi

Samhita 4 the interpretation 'doorkeeper' is given by the com-
mentator Mahldhara, a sense which seems possible in other
5
passages, while Sayana ascribes to it in one passage of the
Satapatha Brahmana the more dignified meaning of antah-
6

a chamberlain.' In other passages, 7 again, the

'

puradhyaksa,
Later the Ksattr was
' '
sense of charioteer is not unlikely.
8
regarded as a man of mixed caste.
1 vi. nas mantr'i duto va on xx.
13, 2. ; 1, 16, prafi-
2
iii. 24, 7 ; v. 17, 4. haro duto va. Eggeling, Sacred Books
3
Satapatha Brahmana, xiii. 5, 4, 6 ; of the East, 41, 61, etc., renders it
'

Sahkhayana Srauta Sutra, chamberlain.

'
xvi. 9, 16.
4 7
xxx. 13. Cf. Taittiriya Brahmana, Vajasaneyi Samhita, xvi. 26 ;

i-
7, 3, 5- Taittiriya Brahmana, iii. 4, 7, 1, with
5
Taittiriya Samhita, iv. 5, 4, 2 ;
the scholiast's note, and ibid.,anuksattr,
Maitrayani Samhita, ii. 9, 4; Katnaka
'
rendered as sarather anucara, the at-
'

Samhita, xvii. 13 Chandogya Upani- ;

tendant of the charioteer Sahkha- ;

sad, iv. 1, 5 Paiicavimsa Brahmana,

; yana Srauta Sutra, xvi. 1, 20, with the
xix. 1, 4. scholiast's note.
6 8 2
v. 3, on xiii. 4, 2, 5
1, 7. Cf. Muir, Sanskrit Texts, i , 481.

(ayavyayddhyaksa), and Harisvamin on Cf. Weber, Indische Studien, 2, 36 ;

xiii. 5,4,6 (kosadhyaksa). The scholiast 17, 290 ;

St. Petersburg Dictionary,
on the Katyayana Srauta Sutra, xv.3, 9, s.v.
202 RULING POWER MILITARY CLASS [ Kat:.
' ' '
I. Ksatra, in the general sense of dominion,' rule,' power,'
as exercised by gods and men, occurs frequently from the
1
Rigveda onwards. The word is also found in the concrete
'
2
sense of
'
and later 3 but in no case
rulers in the Rigveda ;

4
does it in the Rigveda certainly mean what it regularly denotes
in the later Samhitas, 5 the ruling class as opposed to the priests

(Brahman), the subject people (Vi, Vaisya), and the servile

class (Sudra). See also Ksatriya. A Ksatra-pati is several
times mentioned 6 as an equivalent of king.' '

1 4
i.
24, 11; 136, 1. 3; iv. 17, 1; See Roth, St. Petersburg Die
v. 62, 6, etc.; Av. iii. 5, 2 ;
v. 18, 4, tionary, s.v.,and Varna.
etc. So ksatra-sri, Rv. i. 25, 5 ; vi. 26,
5
Av. ii. 15, 4 ix. 7, 9
;
xii. 5, 8 ; ;

8 ;
bringers of lordship.
ksatra-bhrt,
' '

xv. 10, 5, etc. ; Taittiriya Samhita, i. 6,

Taittiriya Samhita, ii. 4, 7, 2 Tait- ; 1, 2 ii. 2, 11, 2, etc.
; Vajasaneyi ;

tiriya Brahmana, ii. 4, 6, 12 7, 6, 3 ;

;
Samhita, v. 27 xiv. 24 xviii. 38, etc.
; ;

Vajasaneyi Samhita, xxvii. 7, etc. See other citations under Varna.

2 6
Singular: i. 157, 2 viii. 35, 17. ; Taittiriya Samhita, i. 8, 14, 2;
3
Plural: Av. iv. 22, 2; Vajasaneyi Vajasaneyi Samhita, x. 17 Taittiriya ;

Samhita., x. 17 ; Taittiriya Brahmana, Brahmana, i. 7, 8, 5 Satapatha Brah- ;

ii.
7. 6, 3- mana, v. 4, 2, 2.

2. Ksatra seems to be the name of a man mentioned with

others, including Manasa, Yajata, and Avatsara, in one quite
obscure passage of the Rigveda. 1
1
v. 44, 10. Cf. Ludwig, Translation of the Rigveda, 3, 138.

the science of the ruling class,' is mentioned

'
Ksatra-vidya,
1
in the Chandogya Upanisad. Sankara glosses the term with
dhanur-veda,
'
the science of the bow,' which is the most
2
probable sense.
1
vii. 1, 2. 4 ; 2, 1 ; 7, 1.
2
Hopkins, Journal of the American Oriental Society, 13, 104.

Ksatriya. As the origin of caste, the relation of the castes,

intermarriage, and cognate matters may most conveniently be
discussed under Varna, this article will be confined to deter-
mining, as far as possible, the real character of the class called
Ksatriyas, or collectively Ksatra.
The evidence of the Jatakas 1 points to the word Khattiya
1
See Fick, Die sociale Gliederung im Buddha, 1, 95 et seq. ; Buddhist India,
nordostlichen Indien zu Buddhas Zeit, 59 52 et seq.

et seq. ; Rhys Davids, Dialogues of the

Katriya ] THE MILITARY CLASS 203

denoting the members of the old Aryan nobility who had led
the tribes to conquest, as well as those families of the aborigines
who had managed to maintain their princely status in spite
of the conquest. In the epic 2 also the term Ksatriya seems to
include these persons, but it has probably a wider signification
than Khattiya, and would cover all the royal military vassals
and feudal chiefs, expressing, in fact, pretty much the same
as the bar ones of early English history. Neither in the
3
Jatakas nor in the epic 4 is the term co-extensive with all

warriors army; the many besides the Ksatriyas, who

contains
are the leaders or officers, rather than the rank and file.
In the later Samhitas 5 and the Brahmanas 6 the Ksatriya
stands as a definite member of the social body, distinct from
the priest, the subject people, and the slaves, Brahmana,
Vaigya, and Sudra. It is significant that Rajanya is a variant
to Ksatriya, and an earlier one. Hence it is reasonable to
suppose that the Ksatriya and Rajanya are both of similar
origin, being princely or connected with royalty. Moreover,
the early use of Ksatriya in the Rigveda 7 is exclusively con-
nected with royal authority or divine authority.
It is impossible to say exactly what persons would be in-
cluded in the term Ksatriya. That it covered the royal house
and the various branches of the royal family may be regarded
as certain. It, no doubt, also included the nobles and their
families this would explain the occasional opposition of
:

8
Rajanya and Ksatriya, as in the Aitareya Brahmana, where
a Rajanya asks a Ksatriya for a place for sacrifice (deva-yajana).
Thus, when strictly applied, Ksatriya would have a wider
denotation than As a rule, however, the two
Rajanya.
expressions are identical, and both are used as evidence in
what follows. That Ksatriya ever included the mere fighting

2
Hopkins, Journal of the American Satapatha Brahmana, i. 3, 2, 15 ;
iv. 1,

Oriental Society, 13, 73 et seq. See Varna.

4, 5. 6, etc.
3 7 iv. vii. 64, 2
Fick, op. cit., 52, n. 2. 12, 3 ; 42, 1 ; v. 69, 1 ; ;

4
Hopkins, op. cit., 184 et seq., 190. viii. 25, 8 ; 56, 1 ;
x. 109, 3. Cf. Vaja-
5 Tait-
Av. vi. 76, 3. 4; xii. 5, 5. 44. 46, saneyi Samhita, iv. 19; x. 4;
etc. Vajasaneyi Samhita, xxx. 5, etc.
;
tirlya Brahmana, ii. 4, 7, 7.
Cf. Pancavimsa Brahmana,
See Varna and Rajanya. 8 vii. 20.

6
Aitareya Brahmana, vii. 24, etc. ;
xxiv. 18, 2 Kathaka Samhita, xx. 1.
;
 204 RELATION OF KSATRIYAS TO OTHER CLASSES [ Ksatriya

man has not been proved: in the Rigveda 9 and later 10 others
than Ksatriyas regularly fought but possibly if the nobles had ;

retinues as the kings had, Ksatriya would embrace those

retainers who had
military functions. The term did not apply
to all members of the royal entourage for example, the ;

Gramani was usually a Vaisya.

The connexion of the Ksatriyas with the Brahmins was very
close. The prosperity of the two is repeatedly asserted 11 to
be indissolubly associated, especially in the relation of king
(Raj an) and domestic priest (Purohita). Sometimes there was
feud between Ksatriya and Brahmin. 12 His management of the
then gave the Brahmin power to ruin the Ksatriya by
sacrifice
13
embroiling him with the people or with other Ksatriyas. 14
Towards the common people, on the other hand, the Ksa-
15
triya stood in a relation of well-nigh unquestioned superiority.
There are, however, references to occasional feuds between

9 In
the following passages there is Brahmana, i. 2, 1, 7 ;
iii. 5, 2, 11 ; 6, 1,
reference to the people (vis ) fighting :
17 ; vi. 6, 3, 14. The superiority of
i.69, 3; 126, 5 (cf., however, Pischel, the Rajanya to all other castes is
Vedische Studien, 2, 121) ;
iv. 24, 4 ;
asserted in Taittiriya Samhita, ii. 5,
vi. 26, 1 ;
vii. 79, 2; viii. 18, 18 ; 96, 15 ; 10, 1, etc. The superiority of the
probably also vii. 33, 6, where the Brahmin to the Ksatriya is sometimes
Trtsunam vis ah means the subjects of '
asserted e.g., in the Atharvaveda
the Trtsu princes,' as Geldner, Vedische hymns, 19 Maitrayani Samhita,
v. 18. ;

Studien, 2, 136, thinks. In vi. 41, 5, on iv. 3, 8

Vajasaneyi Samhita, xxi. 21
; ;

the other hand, the people and wars Satapatha Brahmana, xiii. 1, 9, 1 ;

(prtandsu) are contrasted, the normal 3, 7, 8. So the Rajasuya sacrifice of

rule of the common folk being peace. the king is inferior to the highest
10
In Av. the people are ix. 7, 9, sacrifice (the Vajapeya) of the priest
clearly designated as balam, or 'force,' (ibid., v. 1, 1, 12), and though the
a regular term later for an armed force. Brahmin goes after the king, he is yet
The later law books (e.g. , Gautama, stronger than he (v. 4, 2, 7, and v. 4,
vii. 6 ; allow even
Vasistha, ii. 22) 4, 15). Cf. Hopkins, op. cit., 76.
Brahmins to maintain themselves by 12
Kathaka Samhita, xxviii. 5 ; Av.
the occupation of Ksatriyas in case of v. 18. 19.
need. For the Epic, cf. Hopkins, op. cit., 13
E.g., Taittiriya Samhita, ii. 2, 11,

94, 95 ; 184 et seq. 2 ;Maitrayani Samhita, i. 6, 5 ii. i, 9 ; ;

11
Samhita, v.
Taittiriya 1, 10, 3 ;
iii. 3, 10; Kathaka Samhita, xxix. 8, etc.
14
Maitrayani Samhita, ii. 2, 3 ;
iii. 1, 9 ; Maitrayani Samhita, iii. 3, 10. etc.
15
2, 3; iv. 3, 9; Kathaka Samhita, Kathaka Samhita, xvi. 4 ;
xxi. 10 ;

xxix. 10 ; Vajasaneyi Samhita, v. 27 ; xxii. 9 ; xxix. 9. 10 ; Aitareya Brah-

vii. 21 ;
xviii. 14 ; xix. 5 ; xxxviii. 14, mana, ii. 33 ; Satapatha Brahmana,
etc. PancavimSa Brahmana, xi. 11,9;
;
xi. 2, 7, 15. 16, etc. Maitrayani Sam-
;

Aitareya Brahmana, vii. 22 Satapatha ; hita, iv. 4, 9. 10; 6, 8, etc.

Xatriya OCCUPATIONS OF THE KSATRIYA 205

the people and the nobles, 16 in which no doubt the inferior

numbers of the latter were compensated by their superior arms
and prowess. In the Aitareya Brahmana 17 the Vaisya is
described as tributary to another (anyasya bali-krt), to be
devoured by another (anyasyddya), and to be oppressed at will
(yathdkama-jyeya). Probably these epithets apply most strictly
to the relation of the king and his people, but the passage
shows that the people were greatly at the mercy of the nobles.
No doubt the king granted to them the right, which may have
been hereditary, to be supported by the common people,
whose feudal superiors they thus became. In return for these
privileges the Ksatriyas had probably duties of protection to
perform, as well as some judicial functions, to judge from an
obscure passage of the Kathaka Samhita. 18
The main duty of the Ksatriya in the small states 19 of the
Vedic period was readiness for war. The bow is thus his
20
special attribute, just as the goad is that of the agriculturist;
for the bow is the main weapon of the Veda. Whether the
Ksatriyas paid much attention to mental occupations is
uncertain. In the latest stratum of the Brahmana literature
there are references to learned princes like Janaka of Videha,
who is said to have become a Brahmin (brahma), apparently in

the sense that he had the full knowledge which a Brahmin

21
possessed. Other learned Ksatriyas of this period were

16
Cf. note 13 Taittiriya Samhita,
; prosperity of the Ksatriya (called, as
v. 4, 6, 7 ; Maitrayani Samhita, iv. 6, 7. usual in the older texts, Rajanya), at
17
vii. 29. Cf. Raj an. the Asvamedha, the Rajanya is to be
18
xxvii. 4 (tasmdd rajanyenadhyaksena an archer and a good chariot-fighter ;

vaisyam ghnanti, so with a Raj any a as

'

Taittiriya Samhita, vii. 5, 18, 1 ;

a supervisor [?] they smite a Vaisya'). Maitrayani Samhita, iii. 12 6 Kathaka , ;

It is not clear whether han here means Samhita, Asvamedha, v. 14 Vajasaneyi ;

'

Samhita, xxii. 2. So Indra is the god

'
'kill or beat.'
19
See Hopkins, Transactions of the of the Ksatriyas, Maitrayani Samhita,
Connecticut Academy of Arts and Sciences, ii. 3, 1 ; iv. 5, 8, etc.
x 5. 21
30. n. 2. Satapatha Brahmana, xi. 6, 2, 1.
20
Av. xviii. 2, 60 ;
Kathaka Samhita, Cf. Kausltaki Upanisad, iv. 1. See
xviii. 9 ;
xxxvii. 1 ;
Satapatha Brah- Max Miiller, Ancient Sanskrit Literature,
2
mana, v. 3, 5, 30 Taittiriya Aranyaka,
; 421 etMuir, Sanskrit Texts, i
seq. ; ,

vi. 1, 3. In the Aitareya Brahmana, 426 seq.et

Similarly at the Diksa a
vii. 19, the list is longer chariot, Ksatriya becomes temporarily a Brah-
breastplate (Kavaca), bow and arrow min, Aitareya Brahmana, vii. 23.
(isu-dhanvan) and in the prayer for the Cf. Satapatha Brahmana, iii. 4, 1, 3.
206 LEARNED KSATRIYAS [ Katrij
22 23
Pravahana Jaivali, Asvapati Kaikeya, and AjataSatru.
25 26
Garbe, Grierson, and others believe they are justified ii
holding the view that the Ksatriyas developed a specie
philosophy of their own as opposed to Brahminism, which
appears later as Bhakti, or Faith. On the other hand, there
27
is clear evidence that the opinion of Ksatriyas on such topics
were held in little respect, and it must be remembered that to
attribute wisdom to a king was a delicate and effective piece
of flattery. There are earlier references to royal sages (raj an-
if much stress can be laid on
28
yarsi), but it is very doubtful
29
them, and none can be laid on the later tradition of Sayana.
30
Again, the Nirukta gives a tradition relating how Devapi,
a king's son, became the Purohita of his younger brother
Samtanu but it is very doubtful if the story can really be
;

traced with Sieg 31 in the Rigveda 32 itself. In any case, the

stories refer only to a few selected Ksatriyas of high rank,
while there is no evidence that the average Ksatriya was
concerned with intellectual pursuits. Nor is there any
reference engaging in agriculture or in trade
to Ksatriyas
or commerce. be assumed that the duties of
It may
administration and war were adequate to absorb his atten-
tion. On the other hand, we do hear of a Rajanya
22 Professor Eggeling
Brhadaranyaka Upanisad, vi. i, i ; 883, 1140-1142.
Chandogya Upanisad, i. 8, i ; v. 3, i ;
concurs in the view that the Ksatriya
Muir, op. cit., 433-435 ; 515 ; Weber, share in the religious movement was
Indische Studien, 10, 117; Max Muller, not substantially real.
28
Sacred Books of the East, 1 , lxxv. E.g., in Pancavimsa Brahmana,
23
Satapatha Brahmana, x. 6, i, xii. 12, 6 but see on this Oldenberg,
;

2 et seq. Zeitschrift der DeutscJien Morgenldndischen

24
Brhadaranyaka Upanisad, ii. 1, 1 ; Gesellschaft, 42, 235, n., and Varna.
29 2
Kausitaki Upanisad, iv. 1, Cited in Muir, op. cit., i , 265 et
25
Beitrdgezur indischen Kulturgeschichte, seq.
30
1 et seq. Cf. Deussen, Philosophy of ii. 10.
31 Die Sagenstoffe des Rgveda, 91 et
the Upani shads, 17 et seq. ; Winterniz,
Geschichte der indischen Litter atur, 1, 199. seq. See Devapi.
26 Article Bhakti in Encyclopedia of
' '
32 x. 98. The case of Visvamitra
Religion and Ethics ; Journal of the Royal may also be cited but his royal rank,
;

Asiatic Society, 1908, 843. which is by the mention of

attested
27
Satapatha Brahmana, viii. 1, 4, 10. him as a Rajaputra in the Aitareya
Cf. Oldenber g, Buddha, 73, n. 1 Keith, ; Brahmana, vii. 17, is at most merely a
Aitareya Ar any aha, 50, 257 Journal ;
matter of descent, and is of very doubt-
of the Royal Asiatic Society, 1908, 868, ful authenticity. See under Varna.
Ksatriya ] KSATRIYA S' RELATION TO THE KING 207

as a lute player and singer at the Asvamedha or horse

33
sacrifice.
Of the training and education of a Ksatriya we have no
record; presumably, as in fact if not in theory later on, he was
mainly instructed in the art of war, the science of the bow, and
the rudimentary administrative functions which would devolve
on him. At this early state of the development of the nobility
which appears to be represented in the Rigveda, it was probably
not unusual or impossible for a Vaisya to become a Ksatriya ;

at least, this assumption best explains the phrase 34 claiming

'

'

falsely a Ksatriya's rank (ksatriyam mithuya dhdrayantam).

The king and the Ksatriyas must have stood in a particularly
close relation. The former being the Ksatriya par excellence,
it is to him rather than to the ordinary Ksatriya that we must
35
refer passages like that in the Satapatha Brahmana, where it
is said that the Ksatriya, with the consent of the clansmen,

gives a settlement to a man clearly a parallel to the rule found

:

among many peoples that the chief, but only with the consent of
the people, can make a grant of unoccupied land. In the same
Brahmana 36 it is said that a Ksatriya consecrates a Ksatriya, a
commentator explains, to the practice of
clear reference, as the
the old king consecrating the prince (kumdra) who is to succeed
him and again, 37 the Ksatriya and the Purohita are regarded
;

as alone complete in contrast with other people, the parallel

with the Purohita here suggesting that the Ksatriya par excellence
is meant. On the other hand, the king is sometimes con-
trasted with the Rajanya. 38
The Sutra literature contains elaborate rules 39 for the educa-

33 38
Satapatha Brahmana, xiii. 4, 3, 5. ;

Satapatha Brahmana, xiii. 4, 2,

This mention is proof of the existence
j
17, and see Rajanya.
of a class of Ksatriya bards (as opposed 39 See
references in Buhler, Sacred
from whose pro-
to priestly reciters),
|
Books of the East, 14, 395, 396.
ductions the Epic naturally grew up. Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 212
Cf.
j

Cf. Hopkins, Journal of the American j

et Ludwig, Translation of the
seq.;
Oriental Society, 15, 258. Rigveda, 3, 231 et seq. ; von Schroeder,
34
vii. 104, 13. Cf, for a similarly !
Indiens Literatur und Cultur, 151 etseq.;
false claim to be a Brahmin, x. 71, 8. |
Weber, Indische Studien, 10, 4 et seq.
33
vii. 1, 1, 8. (where practically every passage on the
88
xii. 8, 3, 19 ; Eggeling, Sacred Books subject is cited or referred to) Hopkins, ;

of the East, 44, 254, n. 1. Journal of the American Oriental Society,

37
Cf. Eggeling, ibid., 41, 259. | 13, 98 et seq. (for the Epic parallels).
 208 KING WOUND DWELLING FALCON MILK [ Ksapavan

tion and occupations of Ksatriyas, but their contents cannot

always be traced in the Brahmana literature, and their value is

questionable.

1 ' 2
protector of the earth,' is an epithet of a king,
Ksa-pavan,
3
or denotes a king in the Rigveda. The word is significant, as
showing the function of the king as the protector of the tribal

territory.
1 The word occurs only in the z
111. 55. 17.
3
nominative singular as ksapavan, which i. 70, 5 ;
vii. 10, 5 ;
viii. 71,
would be the regular form from a stem :. 29, 1.
ksapavant ; but it is probably an irregu- Cf. ksiti-pa, 'guardian of earth,
larity for ksapava. Cf. Olden berg, king,' in later Sanskrit.
Rgveda-Noten, i, 72.

1
Ksiti is in the Rigveda a regular word for 'dwelling,' and in
2 '

particular the ksitir dhruvd, the secure dwelling,' is mentioned

in a context that shows it to be equivalent to the Vrjana or
Grama regarded as a stronghold. From this sense is developed
3
that of the peoples occupying the settlements, and in particular
the five peoples (for whom see Pafica Janasah).
4

1 3
i. 65, 3; iii. 13, 4; v. 37, 4, Rv. iii. 38, 1 ; iv. 24, 4 ; 38, 5 ; v. 1,
etc. 10, etc.
2 4
i-
73, '4 {of. 2) vii. 88, 7. ;
See i. 7, 9; 176, 3; v. 35, 2; vi. 46, 7;
Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 142. vh. 75. 4 : 79, I.

'

Ksipta, a wound '

(caused by shooting), or bruise (caused

'

by throwing), is mentioned in the Atharvaveda, 1 together with

a remedy for it, the Pippali.
1 Altindisches Leben, 389.
vi. 109, 1. 3. Cf. Zimmer,

Ksipra-syena,
'
swift falcon,' is the name of a bird in the

Maitrayani Samhita (iii. 14, 11) and the Satapatha Brahmana

x. 5, 2, 10).

Ksira,
'
milk,' also called Go or Payas, played a large part in
the economy of the Vedic Indians. 1 It was taken warm {pakva
1 The word ksira does not occur in Journal of the American Oriental Society,
Rv. ii.-vii. It is found in i. 109, 3 ; 17, 64, 73 et seq. See also Av. ii. 26, 4 ;

viii. 2, 9; ix. 67, 32; x. 87, v. 19, 5 x. 9, 12, etc. Taittirlya

164, 7; ; ;

16 (
= Av. viii. 3, 15). See Hopkins, Samhita, iii. 4, 8, 7, etc
Kura ] MILK HYMN-WRITERS RAZOR 209

asit came from the cow, or was used with grain to make a 2

'mess cooked with milk' (kslra-pdkam odanam). 3 It was also

used for mixing with Soma (Abhiri, Agir). From it butter
(Ghrta) was made. Milk was also curdled, the Putika and
Kvala plants, among others, being used for the purpose. 4 The
curdled milk (Dadhi) was undoubtedly used for food and a ;

kind of cheese perhaps referred to in one passage of the

is

Rigveda.
5
Goat's milk (aja-ksira) is also mentioned. 6
2 5
vi. 48, 18.
i. 62, 9 ; 180, 3 ;
iii. 30, 4.
3 6
Rv. viii. 77, 10 ;
Av. xiii. 2, 20. Satapatha Brahmana, xiv. 1, 2, 13 ;

'

Cf. kfira-sri, milk-mixed,' Taittiriya see Aja.

Samhita, iv. 4, 9, 1 ; Vajasaneyi Sam- Cf. Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 63,
hita, viii. 57, etc. 226, 226, 268.
4
Taittiriya Samhita, ii. 5, 3, 5.

'
Ksiraudana, rice cooked with milk,' is mentioned frequently
in the Satapatha Brahmana (ii. 5, 3, 4 ;
xi. 5, 7, 5, etc.).

Ksudra-suktas, makers of short hymns,' is the name given

'

1
in the Aitareya Aranyaka to the authors of certain hymns of
the Rigveda. Cf. Mahasukta.

Keith, Aitareya Aranyaka, 212, and Macdonell, Brhaddevata,

1 ii. 2.
2, Cf.
notes on iii. 116.

Ksumpa is a word occurring only in one passage of the

1
Rigveda, where it seems to mean a 'bush.' The Nirukta 2
'
identifies it with the Ahichatraka, a mushroom.'
1 2
i. 84, 8. v. 16. Cf. Benfey, Samaveda, Glossar, 53.

Ksura occurs three times in the Rigveda. The word appears

'-1
in one passage, 2 possibly
'
to have the general sense of blade
3
also in another, where it is said that the hare swallowed a

1
Hopkins, Journal of the American says in his note on this passage, Sacred
Oriental Society, 17, 61, 69. Cf. 13, 292 Books of the East, 32, 235, n.
4).
3
(as knife in the Epic).
* '

x. 28, 9, where Sayana renders it

2
166, 10
i. (pavisti hsurah on the as meaning 'having claws.' The later
fellies of the Maruts' car ; possibly tradition ascribes the swallowing to a
'razors' may be meant, as Max Miiller goat.
VOL. I. 14
2IO RAZOR FIELD [ Ketra
' '

Ksura, and where the sense blade is adequate. In the third

4
passage there seems to be a reference to the sharpening of a
razor on a grindstone 5 (bhurijos, the dual denoting precisely, as
Pischel 6 points out, the two sides of the apparatus, between
which the stone revolved like the modern grindstone). But
7 8
Muir, following another view of Roth, adopts the sense the
'

edge of scissors,' which, however, hardly suits the other

9
passage, one in the Atharvaveda, where a Ksura is described
10
as moving about on the bhurijos, as the tongue on the lip. The
* ' 11
meaning razor is perfectly clear in the Atharvaveda, where
12
shaving by means of it is mentioned in many other passages ;

either sense adequate. A ksuro bhrjvdn occurs in the Yajur-

is

veda: 13 it seems to denote, as Bloomfield 14 suggests, a razor

with a strop (in the shape of a small grinding apparatus).
Ksura-dhara 15 denotes *
the edge of a razor,' like ksurasya
10 17
dhdra. In the Upanisads a razor-case (Ksura-dhana) is
mentioned. See also Sma&FU.

4 16 (sam nah sisihi bhurijor etc.

viii. 4, mana, iii. 6, 2, 9, ; MaitrayanI
iva hsuram, sharpen us like a razor on Samhita, i. 10,14 Kathaka Samhita,
;

a grindstone or stropping apparatus '). xxxvi. 8 ; Nirukta, v. 5.

5 18
Roth, St. Petersburg Dictionary, Taittiriya Samhita, iv. 3, 12, 3.
s.v. Cf. MaitrayanI Samhita, ii. 8, 7 Vaja- ;

saneyi Samhita, xv. 4 Satapatha Brah-

e Vedische Studien, i, 243. ;

7 Sanskrit Texts, 5, 466. mana, viii. 5, 2, 4.

s.v. 14 American
St. Petersburg Dictionary, Journal of Philology, 17,
bhurij. 418.
9 xx. 127, 4. 15
Jaiminiya Upanisad Brahmana,
10 Athar-
Bloomfield, Hymns of the iii. 13, 9.
vaveda, 197, translates bhurijos by 'on
16
Bi-hadaranyaka Upanisad, iii. 3, 2.
a strop.
'
17 Kausitaki Upanisad, iv. 20.
11
vi. 68, 1. 3 ; viii. 2, 7.
Cf. Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 266;
12 Vedische Studien,
Satapatha Brahmana, ii. 6, 4, 5 ;
Pischel, 1, 239-243;
iii. 1, 2, 7 ksura-pavi, Av. xii. 5, 20.
; Schrader, Prehistoric Antiquities, 38
55; Taittiriya Samhita, ii. 1, 5, 7; et seq.

5, 5, 6 ;
v. 6, 6, 1 ; Satapatha Brah-

Ksetra,
'
field.' The use of this word in the Rigveda points
fields
1 measured
clearly to the existence of separate carefully
2 in some passages the meaning is less definite,
off, though
2
1 x.
33, 6. Cf. hi. 31, 15; v. 62, 7.
i. no, 5.
Ketriya ]
FIELD DISEASE 211

indicating cultivated land generally.

3
In the Atharvaveda 4 and
later the sense of a separate field is clearly marked, though the
more general use is also found. 6 The deity Ksetrasya Pati, 6
'
Lord of the Field,' should probably be understood as the god
presiding over each field, just as Vastos Pati presides over each
7
dwelling. It is a fair conclusion from the evidence that the

system of separate holdings already existed in early Vedic

times. 8 See also Urvara, Khilya.
3
ioo, 18 13; Av. Mis-
'
i. ; ix. 85, 4; 91, 6; Ksetra- \
ii. 8, 5; ksetrasya patni,
jesa, i. 33, 15, 'acquisition of land'; tress of the Field,' 12, 1 ; ksetrmidm
hsetra-sa, iv. 38, 1, 'gaining land'; patih, 'Lord of Fields,' Vajasaneyi
'
ksetram conquering cultivated
-
jay a, Sainhita, xvi. 18.
7
land,' Maitrayani Samhita, ii. 2, 11. Macdonell, Vedic Mythology, p. 138.
The wider sense of place also occurs, ' '

Cf. Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 236;

v. 2, 3; 45, 9; vi. 47, 20, etc., and Satapatha Brahmana, vii. 1, 1, 8, where
often later. the Ksatriya, with the consent of the
4
iv. 18, 5; v. 31, 4; x. 1, 18; xi. 1, people, gives a settlement to a man :

22 ; Taittiriya Samhita, ii. 2, 1, 2 ; that is, presumably assigns to him a

Chandogya Upanisad, vii. 24, 2, etc. definite Ksetra for his own, probably
5
Av. ii. 29, 3 ;
xiv. 2, 7 ; Satapatha measured out as recorded in Rv.
Brahmana, i.
4, 1, 15. 16, etc. i. no, 5.

6
Rv. iv. 37, 1. 2 ;
vii. 35, 10; x. 66,

Ksetriya is a disease which is mentioned several times in the

Atharvaveda, and against which three hymns are specially
1
directed. It is also mentioned in the Kathaka Samhita. 2 and

the Taittiriya Brahmana. 3 The commentators on the Athar-

vaveda agree in taking it to be a hereditary disease. The word
4
may mean
* '

organic,' or possibly produced in the field,' as a

theory of its origin. Wha t disease is really intended is quite
uncertain. Weber 5 considered that the aim of the Atharvan
hymns was away injury threatening the fields, but this
to drive
6
isimprobable. Bloomfield suggests 'scrofula' or 'syphilis.'
The remedies mentioned throw no light on the symptoms.
1 6
ii. 8. 10 ;
iii. 7. Cf. ii. 14, 5; Atharvaveda, 60.
> xv.
iv. 18, 7. 1. Cf. Bloomfield, Hymns of the AtJur-
3
ii. 5, 6, 1-3, where the form is vaveda, 286 et seq. ; Whitney, Transla-
Ksetri, explained as a demon causing tion of the Atharvaveda, 48, 49 ;

illness, merely an incorrect version of Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 391,. 392 ;

Av. iii. 10. Speijer, De ceremonia apud Indos qua

4
St. Petersburg Dictionary, s.v. jatakarma vocatur, 76-83 Panini, ; v. 2,
5
Indische Studien, 5, 145 13, 150 ; 92, with the Kasika Vrtti.
et seq. :
17, 208 Naxatra, 2, 292.;

14 2
212 RETAINERS GARMENT BIRD [ Kemadhrtvan Paundarika

Ksema-dhrtvan Paundarika (* descendant of Pundarlka ') is

mentioned in the Pancavimsa Brahmana 1 as having sacrificed
on the bank of the river Sudaman.
1 xxii.
18, 7. Cf. Weber, Indische Studien, 1, 32. Later, the name is

Ksema-dhanvan, HarivamSa, 824, etc.

Ksaimi, 'descendant of Ksema,' is the patronymic of Suda-

ksina in the Jaiminiya Upanisad Brahmana (iii. 6, 3 7, 1, etc.; ;

8,' 6).

Ksoni. This word, when used in the plural, denotes,

1
according to the St. Petersburg Dictionary and Ludwig, in
several passages of the Rigveda, 2 the free retainers of the king.
Geldner 3 at one time thought it referred to the wives of the

king, pointing to polygamy ; but later 4 he concluded that it

means certain divine wives.

1 3
Translation of the Rigveda, 3, 247. Bezzenberger, Beitrdge, II, 327.
2 4
Vedische Studien,
57, 4; 173, 7; viii. 3, 10; 13, 17;
i. 1, 279, 283.
x. 95, 19. In ii. 34, 13; x. 22, 9, the
sense is doubtful.

Ksauma, a linen garment,' is mentioned in the Maitrayani

Samhita (iii. 6, 7, etc.) and in the Sutras.

Ksvinka is mentioned once in the Rigveda 1 as a bird of prey.

The word also occurs in the list of victims at the Asvamedha,
or horse sacrifice, in the Taittiriya Samhita, 2 where the com-
' '

mentary absurdly explains it as a red-mouthed female ape

(mkta-tnukhT vdnari).
1 x. 2 v. 5, 15, I.
87, 7.
Cf. Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 93.
 Khadira ] NA VE RHINOCEROS ACACIA 213

Kha
denotes in the Rigveda 1 and later 2 the hole in the nave
of the wheel in which the axle is inserted. There was a
difference, it seems, in the size of the hole in the wheel of
a cart (Anas) and of a chariot (Ratha). 3 See also 1. Yuga.
1 Rv. viii. 2 v. 12, 1
77, 3 91, 7 x. 156, ; ; 3, Brhadaranyaka Upanisad,
where only the Kha is referred to. (Madhyamdina ;
v. 10, 1 Kanva).
3
Cf. the adjective su-kha, having a good Jaiminiya Upanisad Brahmana, 1,
'

' '
axle -
hole,
'

running easily ; later, 3, 6 ; Geldner, Vedische Studien, 2, 333.

'

agreeable.' Cf. Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 247.

Khahg-a. See Khadgra.

1
Khadga is the reading in the Maitrayani Samhita of the
name of an animal which, in the text of the Vajasaneyi

variously appears as Khanga and Khadga. The

2
Samhita,
rhinoceros seems clearly to be meant. 3 In the Sankhayana
Srauta Sutra 4 a rhinoceros hide is mentioned as the covering of
a chariot.
in. 14, 21. Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 86.
xxiv. 40. xiv. 33, 26 {khadga-kavaca asvaratha).

Khandika Audbhari (' descendant of Udbhara ') is mentioned

Satapatha Brahmana as a teacher of Kesin, and in the
1
in the
2
Maitrayani Samhita as having been defeated by Kesin as a
sacrificer.A Khandika appears in the Baudhayana Srauta
Sutra 3 as an enemy of Kesin.
1 3 Sutra des
xi. 8, 4, 1. Caland, Uber das rituelle
2 where Sandika
i.
4, 12, is the read- Baudhayana, 20.
ing of the MSS.

mentioned frequently from the Rigveda 1 onwards 2

Khadira is

as a tree with hard wood 3 the Acacia catechu. The Asvattha

4
is referred to as engrafting itself upon it in the Atharvaveda,
1 m. 53, 19. Aitareya Brahmana, ii. 1 ; Satapatha
2 Av. iii. 6, 1 ;
v. 5, 5 ;
viii. 8, 3 ; Brahmana, i. 3, 3, 20; iii. 6, 2, 12,
x. 6, 6 ;
Maitrayani Samhita, iii. 9, 3, etc.
etc. So khadira,
'
made of Khadira- 3
Av. x. 6, 6.
4
wood,' Taittiriya Samhita, iii. 5, 7, 1 ; iii. 6, 1. Cf. viii. 8, 3.
214 FIRE-FLY SPADE CHANNELS-ASS [ Khadyota

and from the climbing plant Arundhati is said to have sprung. 5

it

The sruva or sacrificial ladle is spoken of as having been made

6
from no doubt because of its hardness. It is in the same
it,

passage also said to have sprung from the sap (rasa) of the
Gayatri. There is no clear reference to Catechu having been
7
prepared from its core, as it was later. The core (sara) was
used for making amulets. 8
5 8
Av. v. 5, 5. Sankhayana Aranyaka, xii. 8.
6
Taittiriya Samhita, iii. 5, 7, 1. Cf. Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 58,
7 It is called bahu - sara,
'
of great 58.
strength,' in the Satapatha Brahmana,
xiii. 4, 4, 9.

Kha-dyota (' sky-illuminator'), 'the firefly,' is mentioned in

the Chandogya Upanisad (vi. 7, 3. 5).

' ' '

Khanitra, a shovel or
'

spade for digging, is mentioned in

1 2
the Rigveda and later.

2
1
i. 179, 6 (possibly metaphorical :
Latyayana Srauta Sutra, viii. 2, 4,

see Oldenberg, Rgveda-Noten, 1, 172; etc.

the passage is obscure).

'

produced by digging,' as an epithet of dpah,

Khanitrima,
waters,' clearly refers to artificial water channels used for
'

1
irrigation, as practised in the times of the Rigveda and the
Atharvaveda. 2
1 vii. Altindisches Leben, 236;
49, 2. Cf. Zimmer,
2 i. 6, 4 ;
xix. 2, 2. Muir, Sanskrit Texts, 5, 466.

1
Aranyaka, where
*
Khara, ass,' is mentioned in the Aitareya
a team of asses is alluded to. Probably the passages in the
2
Satapatha Brahmana, where the word is used to denote an
earth mound on which the sacrificial vessels were placed, pre-
suppose the sense of
'

ass,' the mound being shaped in this

3
form.
1 St.
iii. 2, 4.
Cf. Petersburg Dictionary,
2 v.
1, 2, 15; xiv. 1, 2, 17; 2, 2, 30.
Khandava ] OWL THRESHING-FLOOR PULSE GRAIN 215

' '

Khargala is an owl or other nocturnal bird mentioned in

one passage of the Rigveda. 1
1 vii. 104, 17. Cf. Kausika Sutra, 107; Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 93.

Kharjura is the name of a tree (Phoenix silvestris) which is

mentioned in the Yajurveda. 1

1
Taittiriya Samhita, ii. 4, 9, 2 ; Kathaka Samhita, xi. 10; xxxvi. 7.
Cf. Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 63.

Khala, the threshing-floor,' is mentioned in the Rigveda 1

*

and the Atharvaveda. 2 See Krsi.

1 x.
being on a threshing-floor,' Maitrayani
4
48, 7 ; Nirukta, iii. 10.
2 xi. on a
3, 9; khala-ja, 'produced Samhita, ii. 9, 6.
threshing-floor,' viii. 6, 15; khalya, Cf. Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 238.

Khala-kula is a word occurring in the Brhadaranyaka

1
Upanisad, where Sayana glosses it by Kulattha, a kind of
pulse (Dolichos uniflorus).
1
vi. 3, 22 (Madhyamdina = vi. 3, 13 Kanva). Cf. Weber, Indische Studien,
1. 355-

Khalva some
sort of grain or leguminous plant, perhaps, as
is

Weber 1 thinks, the Phaselus radiatus. It is mentioned with

other grains of all sorts in the Vajasaneyi Samhita., 2 and as
3
being crushed with the Drsad in the Atharvaveda. It occurs
4
also in the Brhadaranyaka Upanisad, where Sahkara glosses
it with nispdva.
1 Indische Studien, 1, 355. 4 vi.
3, 22 (Madhyamdina = vi. 3,
2 xviii. where Mahidhara glosses
12, 13 Kanva).
'
it by canaka, chick-pea.' Cf. Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 241.
3
ii. 31, 1 ;
v. 23, 8.

Khandava
mentioned in the Taittiriya Aranyaka 1 as one
is

of the boundaries of Kuruksetra. There seems no reason to

doubt its identity with the famous Khandava forest of the
Maha.bha.rata. The name occurs also in the Pancaviipsa
2 3
Brahmana and the Satyayanaka.
1 v. 1, 1. 3 Max Muller, Rgveda,
2
iv, ci.
2 xxv. 3, 6. I
Cf. Weber, Indische Studien, 1, 78.
2l6 RINGS UNCULTIVATED LAND [ Khadi

Khadi occurs frequently in the Rigveda denoting either

2
anklets 1 or armlets, or sometimes rings on the hands. 3
Max Muller 4 considers that the word means quoits, the later
Cakra. 6 The rings were sometimes of gold. 6
4
1 and perhaps 53, 4.
v. 54, ii, Sacred Books of the East, 32, 120,
2 what Khadis on the
This is 230.
5
shoulders must mean.i. 166, 9 vii. 56, 13. ; Cf. vrsa-khadi, Rv. i.
64, 10.
3 6
with rings Sankhayana Srauta
'
i. 168, 3 ; khadi-hasta, Hiranya-khadi,
on the hands,' 5, 58, 2. So Roth takes Sutra, iii. 5, 12 ; viii. 23, 6.

Khadin in vi. 16, 40 St. Petersburg ;

Cf. Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 262 ;

Dictionary, s.v. Khadin occurs also in Muir, Sanskrit Texts, 5, 149.

ii. 34, 2; x. 38, 1.

Khan designates a measure of Soma in one passage of the

1
Rigveda.
1 Altindisches Leben, 280.
iv. 32, 17. Cf. Zimmer,

'

Khapgali, descendant of Khargala or Khrgala,' is the

1
metronymic or patronymic of Lusakapi.
1 Kathaka Samhita, xxx. 2 j
Pancavimsa Brahmana, xvii. 4, 3.

2 1
i. Khilya
Khila, appear to have the same meaning.
3
According to Roth, these terms denote the waste land lying
between cultivated fields but he admits that this sense does ;

not suit the passage of the Rigveda 4 in which it is said that

the god places the worshipper on an unbroken Khilya (abhinne
khilye), and he accordingly conjectures the reading akhilya-
bhinne, 'land unbroken by barren strips.' Pischel 5 thinks that
the meaning intended is broad lands, which were used for the
pasturing of the cattle of the community, and were not broken
6
up by cultivated Oldenberg, however, points out that
fields.

the sense is rather the land which lay between cultivated fields,
but which need not be deemed to have been unfertile, as
Roth thought. This agrees with the fact that in Vedic
times separate fields were already known see Ksetra. :

5
1 Av. vii. 115, 4; Satapatha Brah- Vedische Studien, 2, 205.
6
mana, viii. 3, 4, 1. Rgveda-Noten, 1, 385, 386.
2 Rv. vi.
28, 2 ;
x. 142, 3. Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 236;
Cf.
3 St. So
Petersburg Dictionary, s.v. Ludwig, Translation of the Rigveda,
Whitney on A v., loc. cit. 3, 499 ; Keith, Journal of the Royal Asiatic
* vi. 28, 2.
Society, 1910, 228.
Ganga ] SUPPLEMENTARY HYMNS GANGES 217

2. Khila as a designation of certain hymns appended to the

received text of the Rigveda occurs only in the Sutra period. 1

The term is a metaphorical application of the preceding word,
*
a space not filled up,' 'a supplement.'
1 See Scheftelowitz, Die Apokryphen des Rgveda, 16 et seq.

Khrgala, the Paippalada recension of the Atharvaveda1

or, as
has it, Khugila, is an obscure expression found in two passages
2 1
only once in the Rigveda, and once in the Atharvaveda.
'
In the former the meaning crutch seems required '
in the ;

latter Sayana glosses it by

'
armour '

(tanu-trdna) , but the sense

is quite uncertain.
1 iii. 9.3. vaveda, 340 ; Whitney, Translation of
1 u.
39, 4- the Atharvaveda, q8.
Cf. Bloomfield, Hymns of the Athar-

Khela occurs
one passage of the Rigveda, 1 where Pischel 2
in
considers that a god, Vivasvant, is meant, and that races were
run in his honour, explaining thus the phrase djd khelasya, as
Roth 3 thinks that a man is meant,
4
in the race of Khela.'
4
and Sieg, following Sayana, sees in him a king whose Purohita
was Agastya. See also Amsu.
1 4
i.
116, 15. Die Sagenstoffe des Rgveda, 127, 128.
2
Vedische Studien, 1, 171- 173. Ludwig, Translation of the Rig-
Cf.
3 St.
Petersburg Dictionary, s.v. veda, 4, 28.

G.
Ganga, the modern Ganges, is mentioned directly in the
* 1
Rigveda only once, in the Nadl-stuti or
Praise of Rivers.'
But it is also referred to in the derivative form gdngyah as an
3
epithet of Urukaksa. The name of this river does not occur
1 x. 75, 5. i meant, and not a proper name
2
vi. 45, 31. (cf. Wackernagel, Altindische Grammatik,
3 The reference to the Ganga re- 2, 288). See also Weber, Proceed-
mains, even if with Oldenberg (Rgveda- ings of the Berlin Academy, 1898, 563,
Noten, 1, 396) we assume that a thicket n. 1.
218 ELEPHANT ASTROLOGER GANDHARVA [ Gaja

4
in the otherSamhitas, but appears in the Satapatha Brahmana,
where victories of Bharata Dauhsanti on both Ganga. and
Yamuna are the Taittirlya Aranyaka 5
referred to, and in

especial honour is assigned to those who dwell between the

Ganga. and the Yamuna, this being, no doubt, the region in
which that text originated. The identification of the Ganga
with the Apaya. 6 made by Ludwig 7 must be rejected see :

Apaya.
4 xiii.
5, 4, ii. The victory on the
6 Rv.
Ganga represents the farthest extent iii. 23, 4.
of Bharata or Kuru rule. Cf. Aitareya 7 Translation of the Rigveda, 3,

Brahmana, 23, and a verse in the

viii. 200.
Vaitana Sutra, xxxiv. 9, where the Cf. Zimmer, Altindisches Leben,
Sarasvati is also referred to. 4.5-

Gaja, the common name of the elephant in Epic 1 and later

2
Sanskrit, is only found in the late Adbhuta Brahmana. See
Hastin.

1 the American 2 Indische

Hopkins, Journal of Studien, 1, 39.
Oriental Society, 13, 265, 269.

'
Ganaka, an astrologer,' occurs in the list of victims at the
1
Purusamedha, or human sacrifice, in the Yajurveda. See
also NaksatradarSa.

1
Vajasaneyi Samhita, xxx. 20; Taittirlya Brahmana, iii. 4, 15, 1. Cf. Weber,
Indische Streifen, 1, 78.

Gandharvayana Baleya (' descendant of Bali ') Agriivegya is

mentioned as a Pancala in the Baudhayana Srauta Sutra (xx. 25).

Gandhara is a later form of the name of the people called

Gandhari in the Rigveda and Atharvaveda. In the Chandogya
1
Upanisad the Gandharas are referred to as being distant from
the writer. See also Gandhara.

1 vi. See Oldenberg, Buddha, Sacred Books of the East, 15, 106, thought
14, 1. 2.
399, n. ; Weber, Indische Studien, 1, the passage meant that the Gandharas
219, n. On the other hand, Max Muller, were near the writer.
taya Plata ]
THE GANDHARIS CAR-POLE HOUSE 219

Gandhari is the name of a people in the north-west of India.

In the Rigveda 1 the good wool of the sheep of the Gandharis
is referred to. The Gandharis are also mentioned with the
2
Mujavants, Arig*as, and Magradhas in the Atharvaveda.
3
Gandharis or Gandharis are also spoken of in the Srauta
4

Sutras. 5 Zimmer 6 considers that they were settled in Vedic

times on the south bank of the Kubha up to its mouth in the
Indus, and for some distance down the east side of the Indus
itself. They later formed a portion of the Persian empire,
and detachments of Gandarians accompanied Xerxes in his
7
expedition against Greece.
1 4
i. 126, 7. Baudhayana Srauta Sutra, xxi. 13.
2 v. The
22, 14. latter two tribes 5
See Caland, Zeitschrift der Deutschen
are apparently the Eastern limit of Morgenldndischen Gesellschaft, 56, 553.
the poet's knowledge, the two former 6
Altindisches Leben, 30, 31.
the Northern. 7
Keith, Aitareya Aranyaka, 23.
3
Hiranyakesi Srauta Sutra, xvii. 6; Cf. Ludwig, Translation of the Rig-
Apastamba Srauta Sutra, xxii. 6, 18. veda, 3, 206.

Gabhasti denotes, according to Roth, 1 the pole of a chariot

in the epithet syuma- gabhasti, having reins as a pole,' used of
'

the car of the gods in the Rigveda, 2 and independently in the

plural in the Taittirlya Brahmana.
3
The meaning is, however,
doubtful. 4 Roth 5 himself suggests that symna- gabhasti may
refer to a sort of double reins.

1 4
St. Petersburg Dictionary, s.v. See Oldenberg, Rgveda- Noten, 1,
2 vii. 71, 3.
i. 122, 5 ;
55-
3 6
ii- 7- 13, 4- Op. cit., s.v.

Gaya, house,' is a common word in the Rigveda, and

' 1
i.

sometimes occurs later. 2 As its sense includes the inmates as

'
well as their belongings, it is equivalent to household.'
2 Av.
1. 74, 2; v. 10, 3; 44, 7; vi. 2, vi. 3, 3 ; 84, 1 ; Vajasaneyi
etc. Samhita, xxvii. 3.

2. Gaya Plata (' son of Plati ') is referred to in the Rigveda, 1

two hymns of which he clearly claims to have composed, and
which are attributed to him in the Sarvanukramanl and the
1 x.
63, 17 ; 64, 17 (as son of Plati).
 220 POISON A SAGE CAR-SEAT [ Gara
2
Aitareya Brahmana. In the Atharvaveda 3 he appears with
Asita and Kayapa as a half-mythical magician. 4
2 V. 2. 4 American Journal
Bloomfield, of
3 i. Khila after
14, 4. Cf. also the Philology, 17, 403.
Rv. v. 5i, 15 ;
Indische Studien, 3, Cf. Ludwig, Translation of the Rig-
214. veda, 3, 133 Weber, Indische Studien,
;

3, 460.

i. Gara, poison,' is referred to in the Atharvaveda 1 in the

compound gara-gtrna, 'poisoned.' In the Satapatha Brah-
mana 2 it means simply a ' fluid.'
1
v. 18, 13. Cf. gara alone, Panca- 10; gara-gir, 'poisoned,' Pancavimsa
vimsa Brahmana, xix. 4, 2 (see Indische Brahmana, xvii. 1, 9; xix. 4, 2. 10.
2 xi.
Studien, 1, 33) ; Taittiriya Aranyaka, i. 9, 5', 8, 6.

2. Gara Pancavimsa Brahmana 1 as the

is mentioned in the
author of a Saman or Chant, and as a friend of Indra.
1
ix. 2, 16. Cf. Hopkins, Transactions of the Connecticut Academy of Arts and
Sciences, 15, 52.

Garga is the name of a sage who is not mentioned in any of

the Samhitas, 1 but his descendants, the Gargclh Pravareyah,
are referred to in the Kathaka Samhita. 2 Garga himself does
not occur till the Sutra period. 3
1 The authorship of Rv. vi. 47 is 3
Garga - triratra, Garga- tryaha, a
attributed to Garga Bharadvaja in the three-night or three-day feast of Garga.
Anukramani. See AsValayana Srauta Sutra, x. 2 ;

2 xiii. 12.
Cf. Weber, Indische Studien, Sa.nkha.yana Srauta Sutra, xvi. 22, 2 ;

3.374 Ka.tya.yana Srauta Sutra, xxiii. 2, 8.

Gargfara, apparently the designation of a musical instrument,

is mentioned once in the Rigveda. 1
1
viii. 69, 9. Cf. Hillebrandt, Vedische Mythologie, 1, 144, n. 1 ; Zimmer, Altin-
disches Leben, 289.

Garta in the Rigveda x primarily denotes the seat of the chariot

on which the archer sat. It seems to have been of considerable
1
vi. 20, 9. Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, I Oriental Society, 13, 238, 239; Geldner,
246, 247. Zimmer wrongly takes this Vedische Studien, 3, 48, and cf. garta-sad,
passage to refer to standing in the car. sitting on the car seat,' in Rv. ii. ^,
'

See Hopkins, Journal of the American J

11.
Gardabhimukha ASS A TEACHER 221

size,being described as brhant,

2 '
large.' The word then comes
to denote the chariot itself, either really or metaphorically. 4
3

2 v. 62, 8; 68, 5. mounting the seat. The passage is

3
So probably in v. 62, 5 garta-ruh, ; obscure; see Geldner, Rigveda, Kbm-
' '

mounting the chariot, in Rv. i. 124, 7 ; mentar, 22.

4
Nirukta, iii. 5, may refer merely to vii. 64, 4 (of the hymn).

Gardabha, 'the mentioned in the Rigveda 1 as inferior

ass,' is
to the horse. In the Taittirlya Samhita he again appears as
inferior to the horse, 2 but at the same time as the best bearer
3
of burdens
(bhdra-bhdritama) among animals. The same
4 '

authority styles the ass dvi-retas, having double seed,' in

allusion to his breeding with the mare as well as the she-ass.
The smallness of the young of the ass, and his capacity for
eating, are both referred to. 6 The disagreeable cry of the
animal is mentioned in the Atharvaveda, 6 and in allusion to
' '
this the applied opprobriously to a singer in the
term ass is

Rigveda. A hundred asses are spoken of as a gift to a singer

7

in a Valakhilya hymn. 8 The mule (asvatara) is the offspring of

an ass and a mare, the latter, like the ass, being called dvi-
9
receiving double seed,' for similar reasons. The male
'
retas,
ass is often also termed Rasabha. The female ass, Gardabhi,
10
is mentioned in the Atharvaveda and the Brhadaranyaka
11
Upanisad.
1
iii. 53, 23. A car drawn by asses 7
1. 29, 5.
isreferred to in the Aitareya Brah- 8
viii. 56, 3.
9
mana, iv. 9 see also Khara. ; Taittiriya Samhita, vii. 1, 1, 2. 3 ;

2
v. i, 2, 1. 2. Pancavimsa Brahmana, vi. 1, 6 ;

3
v. 1, 5, 5. Jaiminiya Brahmana, i. 57, 4.
4 10
v - 1 > 5> 51 vn - 1 > 1. 2; Jaiminiya x. 1, 4.
11
Brahmana, 57, 4 (Oertel, Transactions
i. For other references to the
i.
4, 8.
of the Connecticut Academy of Arts and Gardabha, see Av. v. 31, 3 Aita-
ass as ;

Sciences, 15, 177-180) : of the Rasabha, reya Brahmana, iii. 34 Satapatha ;

Satapatha Brahmana, vi. 3, 1, 23. Brahmana, iv. 5, 1, 9; xii. 7, 1, 5.

5
Taittiriya Samhita, v. 1, 5, 5. Cf. Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 232,
6
viii. 6, 10. 233-

Gardabhi-mukha is mentioned as a teacher in the Vamsa

Brahmana. 1
1
Indische Studien, 4, 384.
222 TEACHERS WILD BOAR OX [ Gardabhivipii

Gardabhi-vipita, or Gardabhi-vibhlta, is the name of a

teacher who was a Bharadvaja and a contemporary of Janaka,
mentioned in the Brhadaranyaka Upanisad.
(Madhyamdina = iv.
1
iv. i, ii 1, 5 Kanva).

Garmut is the name of a kind of wild bean mentioned in the

Taittirlya The Kathaka Samhita 2 has the form

Samhita. 1
Ganmut, which is probably a false reading. The adjective
garmuta, made from the Garmut bean,' is found in the
'

3
Maitrayani Samhita.
*
11. 4, 4, 1. 2. Cf. St. Petersburg Dictionary, s.v. ;
2
x. 11. Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 71.
ii. 2, 4.

1
Galunta is a word occurring only once in the Atharvaveda,
* 2 3
apparently in the sense of swelling,' but Whitney translates
l
it by neck.'
1 3
vi. 83, 3. Translation of the Atharvaveda,
2 the
Bloomfield, Proceedings of 343-
American Oriental Society, October, 1887,
xvi ; Hymns of the Atharvaveda, 505.

Galunasa Arksakayana ('descendant of Eksaka') is mentioned

as a teacher in the Jaiminlya Upanisad Brahmana (i. 38, 4).

Gavaya, the name of a species of ox (Bos gavaens) occurs

1 2
frequently from the Rigveda onwards. It is mentioned with

Gaura and Mahisa in the Vajasaneyi Samhita, 3 where also a

4
wild Gavaya is spoken of.

1 3
iv. 2i, 8. xxiv. 28.
2 10 4
Maitrayani Samhita, iii. 14, ; 49 Taittirlya Samhita, iv. 2,
xiii. ;

Kathaka Samhita, xvi. 17 ; Vaja- 10, 3 Maitrayani Samhita, ii. 7, 17

; ;

saneyi Samhita, xxiv. 28 ; Aitareya Kathaka Samhita, xvi. 17.

Brahmana, ii. 8 ;
iii. 34 ; Satapatha Cf. Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 83,
Brahmana, i. 2, 3, 9 ; Sankhayana 84.
Srauta Sutra, xvi. 3, 14, etc.

GavaSir, mixed with milk,'

'
is a frequent epithet of Soma in

the Rigveda. 1
1
i. 137, 1 ; 187, 9; ii. 41, 3; iii. 32, 2 ; 42, 1. 7 ;
viii. 52, 10; 101, 10. Cf.
Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 279.
Gavyuti ] CATTLE RAIDS GRASS GRAZING LAND 223

*
Gav-isti (lit. desire of cows ')
in several passages of the
1 ' ' '

Rigveda denotes conflict or battle,' evidently with reference

2
to cattle raids. Gavya. is similarly used.
1 v. vi.
i- 91, 23; iii. 47, 4; 63, 5 ; 31, 3; 47, 20; 59, 7; viii. 24, 2; ix.

76, 2. So Av. iv. 24, 5.

Rv. vii. 18, 7.

Gavi-sthira Atreya (' descendant of Atri ') is mentioned as a

1 2
Rsi, or seer, in the Rigveda and the Atharvaveda.
1
v. 1, 12 ; x. 150, 5. Cf. Ludwig, Translation of the Rig-
2
iv. 29, 5. See also Asvalayana veda, 3, 126.
Srauta Sutra, xii. 14, 1.

1 2
Gavldhuka, Gavedhuka, is the name of a species of grass
(Coix barbata). It is also referred to in the adjectival forms
3
gavldhuka and gavedhuka} It was boiled with rice 5 (gavldhuka-
6
yavdgil) or barley (gavedhuka-saktavah) in preparing gruel.
1
Taittirlya Samhita, v. 4, 3, 2. Maitrayani Samhita, ii. 6, 5 iv. 3, 8 ;

2
Satapatha Brahmana, v. 2, 4, 13 Vajasaneyi Samhita, xv. 5.
3, 1, 10; xiv. 1, 2, 19. Satapatha Brahmana, v. 2, 4, 11.
3
Taittirlya Samhita, i. 8, 7, 1 ; 13;
13 3. 1, 10; 3,
3, x,
; j, 7.
5
9, 2; Taittirlya Brahmana, i. 7, 3, 6 ; Taittirlya Samhita, v. 4, 3, 2.
6
Satapatha Brahmana, ix. 1, 1, 8.

Gavya. See Gavyuti.

Gavya. See Gavisti.

in the 1 2
Gavyuti means, according to Roth, grassRigveda
land for the pasturing of cattle, in which sense Gavya is also
3
found. Thence it derives the sense of a measure of distance
found in the Paflcavimsa Brahmana. 4 Geldner, on the other
6
hand, takes the original meaning to be road,' real or meta-
7 8 9
phorical, thence a measure of distance, and finally land.'
'

1 5
i.
25, 16; iii. 62, 16; v. 66, 3; Vedische Studien, 2, 290, 291.
6 Rv.
vii. 77, 4, etc. i. 25, 16.
2 7
St.
Petersburg Dictionary, s.v. Rv. vi. 47, 20 ;
x. 14, 2.
3 8
Aitareya Brahmana, iv. 28 St. ;
Rv. viii. 60, 20, and n. 4.
9
Petersburg Dictionary, s.v. 3b. Rv. iii. 62, 16 ;
vii. 62, 5 ; 65, 4
4
Paiicavimsa Brahmana, xvi. 13, 12. viii. 5, 6.
224 NAMES SONG [ G-angya

'
Gangya, being on the Ganges,' is the epithet of Urukaksa 1
or of a thicket 2 in the Rigveda. 3

1 2
Roth, St. Petersburg Dictionary, Oldenberg, Rgveda-Noten, 1, 398.
s.v. Wackernagel, Altindische Gram-
Cf. vi. 45. 3i.

matik, 2, 288 ; Weber, Episches im vedischen Cf. Weber, Indische Studien, 2, 291,
Ritual, 28.

'
Gangyayani, descendant of Gangya,' occurs as the patrc
1
nymic of Citra in the Kausltaki Upanisad.
1
i. 1. There is a v.l. Ga.rgya.yani. Cf. Weber, Indische Studien, 1, 395.

Gatu. See Gatha.

1
Gatha Rigveda usually means only 'song,' 'verse,'
in the
like Gatu. In one passage, 3 however, it already has a more
2

special sense, as it is classed with Narasamsi and Raibhi, a

collocation repeatedly found later. 4 The commentators identify
the three terms with certain verses of the Atharvaveda, 5 but
6
Oldenberg has shown that this identification is incorrect for
the Rigveda. Gathas are often mentioned elsewhere, 7 and are
referred to as metrical in the Aitareya Aranyaka, 8 where the
Rc, Kumbya, and Gatha are classed as forms of verse. The
9
Aitareya Brahmana distinguishes between Rc and Gatha as
divine and human respectively. According to the usage of the
1 viii. 32, 1 ; 71, 14 ; 98, 9 ; ix. 99, 4 ; NarasamsI = Av. xx, 127, 1-3 ; Raibhi
gatha, i. 167, 6; ix. 11, 4; gdtha-pati,
= Av. xx. 127, 4-6; while ibid., 7-10,
lord of song,' i. 43, 4 ; gdtha-nl, lead-
'
are known as Pariksityah (scil., rcah).
6
ing a song,' i. 190, 1 ; viii. 92, 2 rju- ;
Zeitschrift der Deutschen Morgen-
'

gatha, 'singing correctly, v. 44, 5; landischen Gesellschaft, 42, 238. Bloom-

gathin, 'singer,' Cf. Hopkins,
i.
7, 1. field, Hymns of the
Atharvaveda, 689
Journal of the American Oriental Society, et seq., seems to accept the identification
17. 65. even for the Rigveda.
2 6 7
151, 2 ; ii. 20, 5 ; iii. 4, 4
i. ;
iv. 4, ; Av. x. 10, 20 xv. 6, 4 (distinct ;

v. 87, 8 ; x. 20, 4 ; 122, 2. from Narasamsi) Satapatha Brah- ;

3
x. 85, 6. mana, iii.
2, 4, 16 ; xi. 5, 7, 10 ; xiii. 1,
4
Taittiriya Samhita, vii. 5, 11, 2; 5, 6 ; 4, 2, 8 ; 5, 4, 2 ;
Taittiriya Aran-
Kathaka Samhita, Asvamedha, v. 2 ; yaka, ii. 10 (distinct from Narasamsi) ;

Aitareya Brahmana, vi. 32 Kausltaki ;

Chandogya Upanisad, iv. 17, 9, etc.

Brahmana, xxx. 5 ; Satapatha Brah- 8 ii. 3, 6, with Keith's note ;

Sata-
mana, xi. 5, 6, 8, where Raibhi does patha Brahmana, xi. 5, 7, 10.
9
not occur ; Gopatha Brahmana, ii. 6, vii. 18. The story of Sunahsepa
12. isdescribed as sata-gdtham, told in a '

5
Viz. Gatha. = Av. xx. 127, 12
,
et sea. ; hundred Gathas.'

Ii
Gathina ]
NON-VEDIC SONG NAMES 225

Brahmanas and the liturgical literature, as stated by the St.

Petersburg Dictionary, the Gathas are, though religious in

content, distinguished from Re, Yajus, and Saman as non-
Vedic that is, are not Mantras. This view is consistent with
the the phrase Yajna-gfatha, meaning a verse
fact that
summarizing a sacrificial usage, is not rare. The Satapatha
Brahmana 10 preserves several Gathas, which generally accord
with this description as epitomizing the sacrifices of famous
11
kings, and the Maitrayani Samhita states that a Gatha. is
12
sung at a wedding. Sometimes Gatha is qualified as
Narasamsl, where it must be a eulogy of a generous donor.

10
xiii. 5, 4, etc., and see xiii. 4, 2, 8, Gatha as the wider term which covers,
where the Gathas are plainly Danas- but is not coextensive with, Narasamsl.
tutis, or 'praises of gifts,' just as the Cf. Sayana's example of a Gatha in
Narasamsi verses are declared to be in his commentary on Aitareya Aranyaka,
the Brhaddevata, iii. 154. ii.3, 6 pratah pratar anrtam, te vadanti,
:

11
they every morning tell an untruth,'
'
iii. 7, 3.
12 which is clearly not a Narasamsi.
Taittinya Brahmana, i. 3, 2, 6.
So Eggeling, Sacred Books of the East, Cf. Bloomfield, Hymns of the Athar-
44, 98, takes Satapatha Brahmana, xi. 5, vaveda, 689 et seq. ; Weber, Episches im
6, 8, where Say ana hesitates between Vedischen Ritual, 4 et seq. Max Miiller,
;

identifying the two and distinguishing Ancient Sanskrit Literature, 493.

them. It seems reasonable to regard

Gathin is mentioned as the son of KuSika and father of

Visvamitra in the Sarvanukramani. It is difficult to say
whether this tradition is correct it derives some support from
;

the Aitareya Brahmana (vii. 18), where reference is made to

the divine lore {daiva veda) of the Gathins, which is said to be
shared by Sunahsepa as a result of his adoption by Visvamitra.
See Gathina.

Gathina. The sons of Visvamitra are described in the

Aitareya Brahmana 1 as Gathinas, or descendants of Gathin,
2
who, according to tradition, was their grandfather and ;

Visvamitra himself is styled Gathina in the Sarvanukramani.

2 i 2,
1
vii. 18. Cf. Asvalayana Srauta Cf. Muir, Sanskrit Texts, 348
Sutra, vii. 18 Weber, Episches im
;
et seq. ; Pargiter, Journal of the Royal
Vedischen Ritual, 16, n. 3. Asiatic Society, 1910, 32 et seq.

VOL. I.
15
226 NAMES [ Gamdama

Gam-dama is the form in the Paficavimsa Brahmana 1 of the

name of Ekayavan, which in the Taittirlya Brahmana 2 is read
as Kamdama.
1 xxi. 14, 20. I tions of the Connecticut Academy of Arts
2 ii. 7, ii, 2. Cf. Hopkins, Transac> \
and, Sciences, 15, 69.

Gandhara,
'
a king of Gandhara named Nagnajit, is '

mentioned in the Aitareya Brahmana. 1 In the Satapatha

Brahmana 2 he or some descendant figures as Svarjit Nagriajita
or Nagnajit, and as giving an opinion on the ritual, which is
rejected with the observation that the author was merely a
princely person {rdjanya-bandhu).
1 vii.
34, in the list of teachers who handed down the knowledge of the
substitute for Soma.
2 viii.
1, 4, 10.

Gargi Vacaknavi is referred to in the Brhadaranyaka

1
Upanisad as a female contemporary and rival of Yajnavalkya.
1 iii. Indische Studien, 10, 118.
6, 1 ; 8, 1. Cf Weber,

Gargi-putra, 'son of Gargi,' occurs as the name of three

teachers in the last Vama (list of teachers) in the Madhyamdina
recension of the Brhadaranyaka Upanisad (vi. 4, 30). The
earliest of these three was the pupil of Badeyiputra and the
teacher of the second Gargiputra. The latter was the teacher
of Paragarlkaundiniputra, the teacher of the third Gargiputra.

Gargrya, descendant of Garga,' is the patronymic of Balaki

'

Upanisads. Two
2
in the Brhadaranyaka 1 and the Kausltaki

Gargyas are mentioned in the second Vam^a (list of teachers)

3
in the Brhadaranyaka Upanisad one of them is the pupil of :

Gargya, who again is the pupil of Gautama. Others occur

6
in the Taittirlya Aranyaka 4 and in the Nirukta, as well as later
in the ritual Sutras. Thus the family was evidently long
connected with the development of liturgy and grammar.
1 4
ii. 1, 1. i- 7, 3-
3 iv. 1. 6 12 iii.
i. 3. ; 13.
3 iv.
6, 2 (Kanva).
Girikit Auccamanyava ] NAMES MOUNTAIN 227

Gargyayana, descendant of Gargya,' is mentioned as a

'

pupil of Uddalakayana in the second Vamsa (list of teachers)

in the Brhadaranyaka Upanisad (iv. 6, 2 Kanva).

*
Gargyayani, descendant of Gargya,' is a variant reading for
Garigyayani as the patronymic of Citra in the Kausitaki
Upanisad (i. 1).

Galava is mentioned as a pupil of Vidarbhlkaundinya in the

first two Vamsas (lists of teachers) in the Brhadaranyaka
Upanisad. It is possibly the same man that is referred to
1

regarding a point of ritual in the Aitareya Aranyaka.

2
A
3
grammarian of this name is mentioned in the Nirukta.

1 ii. 5, 22 ; iv. 5, 28 (Madhyamdina = 3 iv.

3. Cf. Panini, vi. 3, 61 ; vii. 1,

iv. 6, 74 99 viii. 4,
ii. 6, 3 ; 3 Kanva). ; 3. ; 67.
2 v.
3, 3-

'

Giri,
'
mountain or '
height,' is a word that occurs repeatedly
in the Rigveda. 1 Thus reference is made to the trees on the
' 2
hills, hence called ' tree-haired (vrksa-kesdh), and to the
streams proceeding from the hills to the sea (samudra)? The
term is frequently coupled with the adjectival parvata. 4 The
5
Rigveda mentions the waters from the hills, and the Athar-
6
vaveda refers to the snowy mountains. Actual names of
mountains, as Mujavant, Trikakud, Himavant, are very rare.
References to Krauiica, Mahameru, and Mainaga, are confined
to the Taittirlya Aranyaka, while Navaprabhramgana can no
7
longer be considered a proper name.
1
i. 56, 3 ; 61, 14 ; 63, 1 ;
iv. 20, 6 ;
see Oldenberg, Rgveda-Noten, 1, 411 ;

vi. 24, 8, etc. viii. 32, 4 ; etc

x. 68, 1,
2 6
Rv. v. 41, 11. xii. 1, 11. See Himavant.
J
Rv. vii. 95, 2. 7 Av. xix. 37, 8, with Whitney's note
4
Rv. i.
56, 4 ; viii. 64, 5 ;
Av. in his Translation Macdonell, Journal
;

iv. 7, 8; vi. 12, 3; 17, 3; ix. 1, 18, !

of the Royal Asiatic Society, 1909,1107.

etc. i

Cf. Zimmer, Allindisches Leben, 47.

5
Rv. vi. 66, 11, on which passage, !

Giri-ksit Aucca-manyava, 'descendant of Uccamanyu,' is

mentioned in the Paiicavimsa Brahmana (x. 5, 7) as a con-
temporary of Abhipratarin Kakaseni.
152
228 NAMES BDELLIUM [ Girija Babhravya
'
Giri-ja descendant of Babhru,' is mentioned in
Babhravya,
the Aitareya Brahmana (vii. i) as having been taught by
Srauta the method of dividing the sacrificial animal (pasor
vibhakti).

'
bdellium,' is referred to in one passage of th<
Gugfgfulu,
1
Atharvaveda as produced by the Sindhu 2 and by the sea. The
latter source presumably alludes, as Zimmer 3 assumes, to sea-
borne trade, bdellium being the gum of a tree, not a product of
the sea. however, possible that in this passage some
It is,

other substance may be meant. The word in this form also

occurs elsewhere in the Atharvaveda 4 and later 5 it is often 6 ;

mentioned in the older form of GulgTilu, between which and

Guggulu the manuscripts constantly vary.
1
xix. 38, 2. Maitrayani Samhita, iii. 8, 5 Panca- ;

'
2
Or '
from streams (saindhava), as vimsa Brahmana, xxiv. 13 ; Satapatha
Roth, St. Petersburg Dictionary, s.v. Brahmana, iii.
5, 2, 16.
guggulu, suggests. Cf. Bloomfield, Hymns of the Athar-
3
A Itindisches Leben, 28. vaveda, 675 ;Lassen, Indische Alterthums-
4
i2,
ii- 36, 7. kunde, 339 Whitney, Translation
;

5
Aitareya Brahmana, i. 28. of the Atharvaveda, 957, 958.
6
Taittirlya Samhita, vi. 2, 8, 6 ;

Gurigu. The descendants of Guhgu are referred to as

1
Gungus in a hymn of the Rigveda, apparently as friends of
Atithigrva. Possibly a people may be meant.
1 x.
48, 8. Cf. Ludwig, Translation of the Rigveda, 3, 165.

Gupta is the name in the Jaiminlya Upanisad Brahmana

(iii. 42)
of VaipaScita Dardhajayanti Gupta Lauhitya. All
the three other names being patronymics show that he was
descended from the families of Vipascit, Drdhajayanta, and
Lohita.

Gulgulu. See Gug-gulu.

Gptsa-mada is the name of a seer to whom the Sarvanu-

kramani attributes the authorship of the second Mandala of the
Rigveda. This tradition is supported by the Aitareya Brah-

ii
Grha] VULTURE COW HOUSE 229

mana 1 and the Aitareya Aranyaka. 2 The Kausltaki Brahmana 3

speaks of him as a Bhargava, descendant of Bhygu,' with a
'

'
variant Babhrava, descendant of Babhru,' but the later
tradition keeps to the former patronymic. 4 The Grtsamadas
are often mentioned in the second Mandala of the Rigveda, 5
and are also called Sunahotras, 6 but never
Gartsamadas or
Saunahotras, and Grtsamada himself never occurs there. 7
V. 2, 4. 7
Oldenberg, Zeitschrift der Deutschen
2 ii.
2, 1. Morgenlandischen Gesellschaft, 42, 200,
3 xxii.
4. Cf. Gartsamadi, xxviii. 2. 201.
4
Muir, Sanskrit Texts, i 2 226 et seq. ,
Cf Ludwig, Translation of the Rig-
5 ii.
4, 9; 19, 8; 39, 8; 41, 18. veda, 3, 118; Hillebrandt, Vedische
6 ii.
18, 6; 41, 14. 17. Mythologie, 3, 287.

Grdhra, 'the vulture,' often mentioned from the Rigveda 1

is
2
downwards. The swiftness of its flight 3 and its fondness for
4
devouring carrion are especially noticed. More generally the
word is used to designate any bird of prey, the eagle (Syena)
5
being classed as the chief of the Grdhras.
1 3
1. 118, 4; 11. 39, I j vii. 104, 22; Rv. ii.
39, 1.
MaitrayanI Sam-
x. 123, 8. 4 Av. xi. 10, 8. 24 ;

2
Av. vii. 95, 1 ;
xi. 2, 2 ; 9, 9 ; 10. hita, loc. cit.
5
8. 24 ;
Taittiriya Samhita, iv. 4, 7, 1 ; Rv. ix. 96, 6.
v. 5, 20, 1 MaitrayanI Samhita,
;
Cf. Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 88 ;

iv. 9, 19 ; Taittiriya Aranyaka, iv. 29 ; Hillebrandt, Vedische Mythologie, 1,

Adbhuta Brahmana in Indische Studien, 225.
1, 40 ; etc.

'
a young cow,' which has only calved once, occurs in
Grsti,
the Rigveda 1 and the Atharvaveda, 2 as well as in the later
Sutra literature. 3
3
Kausika Sutra, 19. 24, etc.
11.
13, 3 5 viii. 9, 24 ; xix. 24, 5.

used in the singular, 1 or oftener in the plural, 2 to

Grha is

denote the house of the Vedic Indian. Dama or Dam has

' '

1
Rv. iii. 53, 6 ;
iv. 49, 6; viii. 10, I, iii. 10, 11 ;
vi. 137, 1 ; Aitareya Brah-
etc. ; Av. vii. 83, 1 ; x. 6, 4 ; Aitareya mana, ii. 31 ;
viii. 26 Vajasaneyi
;

Brahmana, viii. 21. Samhita, ii. 32 iv. ; 33 xviii. 44

; ;

2
Rv. ii. 42, 3 ; v. 76, 4 ; x. 18, 12 ; Satapatha Brahmana, i. 1, 2, 22 ; 6, 1,
85, 26 ; 142, 4 ; 165, 2 ; Av. i. 27, 4 ; 19, etc.
230 HOUSE [ Grha

the same sense, while Pastya and Harmya denote more

especially the home with
surroundings, the family settle-
its

ment. The house held not only the family, which might be of
considerable but also the cattle 3 and the sheep 4 at night.
size,
It was composed of several rooms, as the use of the plural
5
indicates, and it could be securely shut up. The door (Dvar,
Dvara) is often referred to, and from it the house is called
Durona. In every house the fire was kept burning. 6
Very little is known of the structure of the house. Presum-
7
ably stone was not used, and houses were, as in Megasthenes'
8 9
time, built of wood. The hymns of the Atharvaveda give
some information about the construction of a house, but the
most of the expressions used
details are extremely obscure, for
do not recur in any context in which their sense is clear.
10
According to Zimmer, four pillars (Upamit) were set up on a
good site, and against them beams were leant at an angle as
props (Pratimit). Theupright pillars were connected by cross
beams (Parimit) resting upon them. The roof was formed of
11
ribs of bamboo cane a ridge called Visuvant, and a
(vamsa),
net (Aksu), which may mean a thatched covering 12 over the
bamboo ribs. The walls were filled up with grass in bundles
{palada), and the whole structure was held together with ties of

3
Rv. vii. 56, 16 ;
Av. i.
3, 4 ;
ix. 3,
1

Whitney, Translation of the Athar-

13. vaveda, 525 et seq.

Op. cit., 153. No certainty can

4 10
Rv. x. 106, 5 Av. iii. 3. ;

5
Rv. vii. 85, 6. attach to the rendering of the words.
6 11
It seems likely that, as the ribs
Rv. i. 69, 2. Cf. the Garhapatya
Agni, Av. v. 31, 5 vi. 120, I 121, 2
; ;
were of bamboo and were probably
viii. io 2 ; ix. 6, 30; xii. 2, 34; xviii. 4, 8 fixed in the ridge, the roof was wagon-

Vajasaneyi Samhita, iii. 39; xix. 18 headed, like the huts of the Todas at the
Aitareya Brahmana, vii. 6. 12; Kausi- present day (see illustrations in Rivers,
taki Brahmana, ii. 1 ; Satapatha The Todas, pp. 25, 27, 28, 51), and the
Brahmana, iii. 6, 1, 28 ;
vii. 1, 1, rock-cut Chaityas, or Assembly Halls, of
6, etc. the Buddhists in Western India, in some
7
Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 153. of the earliest of which the wooden
Muir's view, Sanskrit Texts, 5, 461, that ribs of the arched roof are still pre-
clay was used can only apply to the served. See Fergusson, History of
2
minor finishing of the walls of a house. Indian Architecture , 2, 135, cf. 126.
8 12
Arrian, Indica, x. 2. Av. ix. 3, 8, where Bloomfield,
9
iii. 12 ix. 3.
;
See Bloomfield, op. cit., 598, thinks of a wickerwork
Hymns of the Atharvaveda, 343 et seq. ;
roof ; Geldner, Vedische Studien, 1, 136,
Weber, Indische Studien, 17, 234 et seq. ;
of a pole with countless holes.
 HO USEHOLDERFA MILYt
various sorts (nahana, pranaha, samdamsa, parisvanjalya). 13 In
connexion with the house, mention is made of four terms which,
though primarily sacrificial in meaning, seem to designate parts
of the building: Havirdhana, 'oblation-holder'; Agnisala, 14 fire-
'

'
place '; Patninam Sadana, wives' room '; and Sadas, sitting
'

15
room.' Slings or hanging vessels (Sikya) are also mentioned.
Reedwork (ita) is spoken of, no doubt as part of the finishing
of the walls of the house. 16 The sides are called Paksa. The
door with its framework was named Ata.
13
Av. ix. 3, 4. 5. apartments, and the Sadas with the
14
Zimmer
conjecturally identifies subsidiary buildings.
the Agnisala with the central room, 15 Av. See Whitney,
ix. 3, 6. op. cit.,
the Havirdhana with a place for keep- 526; Bloomfield, op. cit., 597.
16
ing the grain, etc. (e.g., Av. iii. 3, 4), Av. ix. 3, 17.
the Patninam Sadana with the women's Cf. Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 148-156.

1
Grha-pa or Grha-pati 2 is the regular name, from the
Rigveda onwards, of the householder as master of the house.
3
Similarly the mistress is called Grha-patni. For the powers
and position of the Grhapati see Pitr.
1
Vajasaneyi Samhita, xxx. 11. 60, 4 ;
vi. 48, 8 ; Vajasaneyi Samhita,
2
Rv. vi. 53, 2 Av. xiv. 1, 51 ; ;
ii. 27 ; iii. 39 ; ix. 39 ; xxiv. 24, etc.
3 Av.
xix. 31, 13 Satapatha Brahmana, iv. 6,
; Rv. x. 85, 26; iii. 24, 6. Cf.
8, 5; viii. 6, 1, ii, and repeatedly as an Garhapatya, Rv. i.
15, 12; vi. 15, 19;
epithet of Agni, Rv. i. 12, 6 36, 5 ; ; x. 85, 27. 36.

Grhya denotes the members of the house or family in the

Satapatha Brahmana.
1
ii. 5, 2, 14 ; 3, 16 ; 6, 2, 4; iii. 4, 1, 6 ;
xii. 4, 1, 4. Cf. grhah, i. 7, 4, 12.

'

Gairi-ksita, descendant of Giriksit,' is the patronymic of

1
Tpasadasyu in the Rigveda, and of the Yaskas in the Kathaka
Samhita. 2
v 2
-
33. Ludwig, Translation of xiii. 12; Weber, Indische Studien, 3,
the Rigveda, 3, 155, 174. 474, 475-

1. Go {a)> 'ox' or 'cow.' 1

These were among the chief
sources of wealth to the Vedic Indian, and are repeatedly
1
i. 83, 1 ; 135, 8 ; ii. 23, 18, etc. ; dhenavah, Rv. i. 173, 1 ;
vi. 45, 28 ;

gava uksanah, i. 168, 2 ; Av. iii. IX, 8 ; x. 95, 6; Vajasaneyi Samhita, xxi. 19,
Vajasaneyi Samhita, xxi. 20 ; gavo etc.
232 MILKING-TIME [ Go

referred to from the Rigveda onwards. 2 The milk (Ksira) was

either drunk fresh or made into butter (Ghrta) or curds (Dadhi),
or was mixed with Soma or used for cooking with grain
(Kslraudana). The cows were milked thrice a day, early
(pratar-doha), in the forenoon (Samgava), and in the evening
(sayam-doha)? Thrice a day they were driven out to graze,
according to the Taittiriya (prdtah, samgave, say am). Brahmana 4
3
The milking was productive, the last two scanty. According
first
5
to the Aitareya Brahmana, among the Bharatas the herds in
the evening are in the Gostha, at midday in the Samgavini.
This passage Sayana expands by saying that the herds go home
to the Sala, or house for animals, at night so far as they consist
of animals giving milk, while the others stayed out in the
Gostha, or open pasturage but both were together in the ;

cattle-shed during the heat of the day. The time before

the Samgava, when the cows were grazing freely on the
pastureland, was called Svasara.
6
When the cows were out
feeding they were separated from the calves, which were, how-
7
ever, allowed to join them at the Samgava, and sometimes in
the evening. 8
While grazing the cattle were under the care of a herdsman
9
(Gopa, Gopala) armed with a goad, but they were liable to all sorts
of dangers, such as being lost, falling into pits, breaking limbs, 10

2 The five sacrificial animals are is often referred to e.g., Rv. i.

25, 16 ;

man, goat, sheep, ox, horse, Sankh- x. 97, 8.

7
ayana Srauta Sutra, ix. 23, 4 Sata- ;
Rv. ii. 2, 2 ;
viii. 88, 1 ;
Taittiriya
patha Brahmana, ii. 4, 3, 13 iii. 1, 2, ; Brahmana, ii. 1, 1, 3; Sahkara on
I3 )
i v -
5> 5, Io ;
x^v -
*i x ) 32 -
Chandogya Upanisad, ii. 9, 4; Jaiminiya
3
Taittiriya Samhita, vii. 5, 3, 1. Upanisad Brahmana, i. 12,4; Narayana
4
i.
4, 9, 2. The exact sense of this on ASvalayana Srauta Sutra, iii. 12, 2.
8
notice obscure. Strictly speaking, the
is Gobhila Grhya Sutra, iii. 8, 7 ;

cows were driven out from the cattle- Rv. ii. 2, 2. See Geldner, Vedische
shed in the morning, spent the heat Studien, 2, 111-114.
9
of the day in the Samgavini, were then Pavlravan, Rv. x. 60, 3, is probably
driven out during the evening to graze, so meant. The usual name was A?lra,
and finally came or were driven home, the significant mark of a Vaisya. Cf.
as is often mentioned : Rv. i. 66, 5 ; Rv. vii. 33, 6.
10
149, 4 ; Vajasaneyi Samhita, xv. 41. Rv. i. 120, 8 vi. 54, 5-7. Also;

5
iii. 18, 14. Pusan was the special deity expected to
6
Rv. ii. 2, 2 ; 34, 8 ;
v. 62, 2 ; guard cattle, and hence is called anasta-
viii. 88, 1 ;
ix. 94, 2. The going of the pasu,
'

losing nokine.' See Rv. x. 17,2,

cows to their pasture in the morning and Macdonell, Vedic Mythology, p. 36.
Go] CATTLE AS WEALTH BEEF 233

and being stolen. The marking of the ears of cattle was

11
repeatedly adopted, no doubt, to indicate ownership.
Large herds of cattle were well-known, as is shown by the
12
even when
'

Danastutis, or praises of gifts,' in the Rigveda,

allowances are made for the exaggeration of priestly gratitude.
The importance attached to the possession of cattle is shown 13
by the numerous passages in which the gods are asked to prosper
14
them, and by the repeated prayers for wealth in kine. Hence,
too, forays for cattle (Gavisti) were well known the Bharata ;

* '
host is called the horde desiring cows (gavyan gramah) in the
15
Rigveda and a verbal root gup, 1Q to protect,' was evolved as
-,
'

early as the Rigveda from the denominative go-paya,

*
to guard
cows.' The Vedic poets 17 do not hesitate to compare their
songs with the lowing of cows, or to liken the choir of the
18
singing Apsarases to cows.
The cattle of the Vedic period were of many colours: red
19
(rohita), light dappled {prsni), even black (krsna).
(sukra),
Zimmer 20 sees a reference to cows with blazes on the face in one
21
passage of the Rigveda, but this is uncertain.
Oxen were regularly used for ploughing or for drawing
wagons (anadvah), in which case they were, it seems, usually
castrated. 22 Cows were not properly used for drawing carts,
23
though they at times did so. The flesh of both cows and
bulls was sometimes eaten (Mamsa). Cattle were certainly the
11
Rv. vi. 28, 3 Maitrayani Samhita, ;
17 Rv. vii. 32, 22 ; viii. 95, 1 ; 106, 1 ;

and cf. Astakarni and Svadhiti.

iv. 2, 9, ix. 12, 2, etc.
32 18
Rv. viii. 5, 37, etc. Cf. Panca- Rv. x. 95, 6. It is, however, un-
vimsa Brahmana, xvii. 14, 2 Aitareya ;
certain whether the names of Apsarases
Brahmana, viii. 21. 23 ;
Satapatha are meant in this passage. Cf. Ludwig,
Brahmana, xiii. 5, 4, 8 et seq. Translation of the Rigveda, 5, 517.
13 19
Rv. i.
43, 2 ; 162, 22 ; v. 4, 11 ;
Rv. i. 62, 9. Various other colours
ix. 9, 9, etc.; Av. i. 31, 4; ii. 26, 4; !
are mentioned in the lists of animals
v. 29, 2 ;
vi. 68, 3 ; viii. 7, 11 ;
x. 1, 17. at the Asvamedha, or human sacrifice,
29; xi. 2, 9. 21, etc. ;
Taittiriya Sam- in the Yajurveda, but apparently as
hita, iii. 2, 3, 1 ;
v. 5, 5, 1 ;
vi. 5, 10, 1 ; exceptional.
20 Altindisches Leben, 226.
Vajasaneyi Samhita, iii. 59.
14
Rv. i. 83, 1 iv. 32, 17 ; ; v. 4, 11 ;
21
i. 87, 1. It is also rendered as
viii. 89, 2, etc.
'
the heavens with stars.'
IB 22
33, ii- Av. iii. 9, 2 ;
vi. 138, 2 ; Taittiriya
16
Rv. vii. 103, 9; Av. 7, 8; x. 9, Samhita, i. 8. 9, 1 ; Weber, Indische
xix. 27, 9. 10. Cf. Macdonell, Vedic Studien, 13, 151, n. See Mahanirafta.
23
Grammar, p. 358, n. 13. Satapatha Brahmana, v. 2, 4, 13.
234 PRODUCTS OF THE COW COW-KILLER [ Go

objects of individual ownership, and they formed one of the

standards of exchange and valuation (see Kraya).

(b) The term Go is often applied to express the products of

the cow. It frequently means the milk, 1 but rarely the flesh 2 of
the animal. In many passages it designates leather used as the
material of various objects, as a bowstring, 3 or a sling, 4 or
5 6
thongs to fasten part of the chariot, or reins, or the lash
7
of a whip. See also Carman, with which Go is sometimes
8
synonymous.
1 Rv. io 5
i.
33, ; 151, 8; 181, 8; Rv. vi. 47, 26 ;
viii. 59, 5.
6 Rv.
ii. 30, 7; iv. 27, 5; ix. 46, 4; 71, 5. vi. 46, 14.
2 Rv. x. 7
16, 7 (in the funeral ritual). Rv. vi. 53, 9.
3 Rv. 8
vi. 75, 11; x. 27, 22; Av. Rv. x. 94, 9.
i- 2, 3. Cf. Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 22J
4 Rv. i. 121, 9.

(c) Gavah means the stars of heaven in two passages of the

1 2
Rigveda, according to Roth.
1 2
i.
154, 6; vii. 36, 1. St. Petersburg Dictionary, s.v. 5.

2. Go Angirasa (' descendant of Angiras ') is the reputed

author of a Saman or Chant in the Pancavimsa Brahmana. 1
There 2
is little doubt that he is mythical.
1 xvi.
7, 7. Cf. Latyayana Srauta 160 ; Hopkins, Transactions of the Con-
Sutra, vi. 11, 3. necticut Academy of Arts and Sciences,
2
Hillebrandt, Vedische Mythologie, 2, 15, 68.

*
Go-ghata, a cow-killer,' is enumerated in the list of victims
1
at the Purusamedha, or human sacrifice, in the Yajurveda.
See Mamsa.
1
Vajasaneyi Sainhita, xxx. 18; Taittiriya Brahmana, iii. 4, 16, 1.

1
Gotama is the Rigveda, but
mentioned several times in
never in such a way as to denote personal authorship of any
2
hymn. It seems clear that he was closely connected with the

1 2
Rv. i. 62, 13 ; 78, 2 ; 84, 5 ; 85, 11 Oldenberg, Zeitschrift der Deutsche*
iv. 4, 11. Morgenldndischen Gesellschaft, 42, 215.
Gotra ] GOTAMA FAMILY 235

Gotamas frequently refer to Angiras. 3 That

Arigirases, for the
he bore the patronymic Rahugana is rendered probable by one
4
hymn of the Rigveda, and is assumed in the Satapatha Brah-
5
mana, where he appears as the Purohita, or domestic priest, of
Mathava Videgrha, and as a bearer of Vedic civilization. He
6
is also mentioned in the same Brahmana as a contemporary of
Janaka of Videha, and Yajnavalkya, and as the author of X
a Stoma. 7 He occurs, moreover, in two passages of the
Atharvaveda. 8
The Gotamas are mentioned in several passages of the
9
Rigveda, Vamadeva and Nodhas being specified as sons of
Gotama. They include the Vaj asravases. See also Gautama.
3 8 iv.
Cf. Rv. i. 62, 1; 71, 2; 74, 5; 29, 6 ;
xviii. 3, 16. See also
75- 2 78 3 : J iv.. 2, 5 ; 16, 8, etc.. Sadvimsa Brahmana in Indische Studien,
4 Rv. i.
78, 5. Cf. Oldenberg, loc. 1, 38; Brhadaranyaka Upanisad, ii. 2, 6.
9
tit., 236, n. 1. i. 60, 5; 6i, 16; 63, 9; 77, 5 ;

5 10 et xi. 20. iv.

i.
4, i, seq. ; 4, 3, 78, 1; 88, 4; 92, 7; 32, 9. 12;
The former passage is wrongly cited viii. 88, 4. Cf. Asvalayana Srauta
by Sayana on R v. i. 81, 3. See Weber, Sutra, xii. 10.

Indische Studien, 2, 9, n. Cf. Ludwig, Translation of the Rig-

6 xi.
4, 3, 20. veda, 3, no, 123 Weber, Indische ;

7 xiii.
5, 1, 1 ;
Asvalayana Srauta Studien, 1, 170, 180; Geldner, Vedische
Sutra, ix. 5, 6 ; 10, 8, etc. Studien, 3, 151, 152.

'
Gotami-putra,son of Gotami,' is mentioned as a pupil of
Bharadvajl-putra Kanva recension of the Brhadaranyaka in the

Upanisad (vi. 5, 1). See also Gautami-putra.

Gotra occurs several times in the Rigveda

1
in the account of
the mythic exploits of Indra. Roth 2 interprets the word as
3
herd is meant. The latter
' ' '

cowstall,' while Geldner thinks

sense seems to explain best the employment which the term
'
shows in the later literature as denoting the family or clan,' ' '

and which is found in the Chandogya Upanisad. 4

In the Grhya Sutras 5 stress is laid on the prohibition of
1 i-
5i,3; ii- 17,1; 23, 18; iii. 39,4; Sutra, iv. 4, etc. ;
Kausitaki Brahmana,
43, 7 ;
viii. 74, 5 ;
x. 48, 2 ; 103, 7. xxv. 15.
2 5
St. Petersburg Dictionary, s.v. Gobhila Grhya Sutra, iii. 4, 4 ;

3
Vedische Studien, 2, 275, 276, where Apastamba Dharma Sutra, ii. 5, n,
he divides the passages according as 15. 16, in Max Miiller, Ancient Sanskrit
real or mythical herds are meant. Literature, 387. For sapinda, see Gau-
4
iv. 4, 1. So Sahkhayana Srauta tama Dharma Sutra, xiv. 13 Vasistha ;

Sutra, i.
4, 16, etc. ;
Asvalayana Grhya Dharma Sutra, iv. 17-19.
 236 PROHIBITED DEGREES IN MARRIAGE [ Godana

marriage within a Gotra, or with a Sapinda of the mother of

the bridegroom that is to say, roughly, with agnates and
6
cognates. Senart has emphasized this fact as a basis of caste,
on the ground that marriage within a curia, phratria, or caste
(Varna) was Indo-European, as was marriage outside the circle
of agnates and cognates. But there is no evidence at all 7 to
prove that this practice was Indo-European, while in India the
8
Satapatha expressly recognizes marriage within the third or
fourth degree on either side. According to Sayana, the Kanvas
accepted marriage in the third degree, the Saurastras only in
the fourth, while the scholiast on the Vajrasuci 9 adds to the
Kanvas the Andhras and the Daksinatyas, and remarks that
the Vajasaneyins forbade marriage with the daughter of the
mother's brother. All apparently allowed marriage with the
daughter of a paternal uncle, which later was quite excluded.
Change of Gotra was quite possible, as in the case of Sunah-
Sepa and Grtsamada, who, once an Angirasa, became a
10
Bhargava.
6 9
Les Castes dans I'Inde, 210 ct seq. See Weber, Indische Siudicn, 10,
Cf. De la Vallee Poussin, Le Vedisme, 73-76.
10
15. Hillebrandt, Vedische Mythologie, 2,
7
Keith, Journal of the Royal Asiatic j
157; Festgruss an Roth, 108.
Society, 1909, 471, 472. Cf. Jolly, Recht und Sitte, 61 et seq. ;

8 i.
8, 3, 6.
'

Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 323.

Go-dana appears to mean the whiskers in the Satapatha

' '

1
Brahmana, where the person, being consecrated, first shaves
'
off the right and then the left whisker.' Later on the Godana-
vidhi, or ceremony of shaving the head, is a regular part of the
initiation of a youth on the attainment of manhood and on
2
marriage but though the ceremony is recognized in the
;

4
Atharvaveda, the name does not occur there.
3

1 iii.
1, 2, 5. 6. veda, 56, 57, correcting Weber, Indische
2
ASvalayana Grhya Sutra, i. 19 ;
Studien, 13, 173, and Zimmer, Altin-

Sankhayana Grhya Sutra, i. 28, etc. disches Leben, 322, 323. Cf. Bloomfield,
3
vi. 68. See KauSika Sutra, liii. 17- Hymns of the Atharvaveda, 306, 574, 665.
20. But Av. ii. 13 is not to be classed 4
The meaning whisker id a secon-
' '

here as in the KauSika it refers to the

; dary one, derived, doubtless, from the
gift of a cow (go-dana), accompanying
'

giving of a new garment to a child,

'

and the removal of its first wrap. See the ceremony of shaving the whiskers
Whitney, Translation of the Atharva- I
or hair.
Gopati ] BO IVSTRINGLIZA RD WHEA TLORD 237

Godha. (a) The sense of '

bowstring
'
seems certain in one
1 2
passage of the Rigveda, and possible in another. Roth 3
also adopts this meaning in the only passage of the Atharva-
veda 4 where the word occurs.
1 X. 28, IO. II. 3 St.
Petersburg Dictionary, s.v. 1.
2 viii. 4 iv.
69, 9. See Hopkins, Journal 3, 6.

of the American Oriental Society, 17, 53.

In one passage of the Rigveda 1 the sense of 'musical

(b)
instrument' is recognized by Roth and by Hillebrandt 2 for
this word.
1 2
viii. 69, 9. Vedische Mythologie, 1, 144, n. 1.

Elsewhere 1 an animal seems to be meant, perhaps the

(c)

and Weber 3 think; perhaps a large

4 2
crocodile,' as Ludwig
' 4
lizard,' as Roth and Zimmer assume. An animal is probably
also meant in the Atharvaveda. 5
1 2 Translation of the Rigveda,
Taittiriya Samhita, v. 5, 15, 1 ; 3, 499.
3 Indische Bloom-
Vajasaneyi Samhita, xxiv. 35 Pafica- ; Studien, 18, 15, 16.
vimsa Brahmana, ix. 2, 14 Baudha- ; field, Hymns of the Atharvaveda, 368,
yana Srauta Sutra, ii. 5 Jaiminiya ; renders the word vaguely by dragon.' '

4 Altindisches
Brahmana, i. 221 Satyayanaka ;
in Leben, 95.
5 iv.
Sayana on Rv. viii. 91 Journal of ;
the 3, 6, where Whitney offers no
American Oriental Society, 18, 29. rendering at all.

*
wheat,' is frequently referred to in the plural in
Go-dhuma,
the Yajurveda Samhitas 1 and Brahmanas, 2 and is expressly
' *3 ' ' '

distinguished from rice (Vrihi) or barley (Yava). Groats

4
{saktavah) made of this grain are also mentioned. The word
occurs in the singular in the Satapatha Brahmana. 5
1 3
Maitrayani Samhita, i. 2, 8 ; Vaja- Taittiriya Brahmana, i. 3, 7, 2.
4
saneyi Samhita, xviii. 12; xix. 22. 89; Satapatha Brahmana, xii. 9, 1, 5.

xxi. 29, etc. 5 v.

2, 1, 6.
2
Satapatha Brahmana, xii. 7, 1, 2 2, ; Cf. Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 241.
9 Brhadaranyaka Upanisad, vi. 3, 22
;

(Madhyamdina = vi. 3, 13 Kanva), etc.

Go-pati,
'
lord of cows,' is freely used in the Rigveda 1 to
denote any lord or master, a natural usage considering that
cattle formed the main species of wealth.

1 i. 101. 4 ;
iv. 24, 1 ; vi. 45, 21 ;
vii. 18, 4, etc. Av. iii. 14, 6, etc.
238 NAMES COW-HERD RIVER GOMATI [ Gopavana

Gopa-vana is the name of a poet of the race of Atri in the

1
Rigveda. See Gaupavana.
1
viii. 74, ii. Cf. Weber, Indische Studien, i, 215; Ludwig, Translation of
the Rigveda, 3, 107.

Go-pa and Go-pala,

'

protector of cows,' occur in the

1
Rigveda and later, but the former usually metaphorical in is

sense, applying to any protector, while the latter has the literal
'
force of cow-herd.'

1
Gopd: Rv. i. 164, 21; ii. 23, 6; compound. Gopitha, in the sense of
iii. 10, 2; v. 12, 4, etc.
Gopala: Vaja- ; 'protection,' occurs in Rv. v. 65, 6;
saneyi Samhita, xxx. 11; Satapatha x. 35, 14, etc. Goptr, 'protector,' first
Brahmana, iv. 1, 5, 4. Gopa, in the occurs in Av. x. 10, 5,and is thereafter
sense of guardian, occurs in the
*
common.
PancavimSa Brahmana, xxiv. 18, in a

Go-bala (' ox-strength ') Varsna (' descendant of Vrsni ') is

mentioned as a teacher in the Taittiriya Samhita (iii. 11, 9, 3)

and the Jaiminiya Upanisad Brahmana (i. 6, 1).

'

possessing cows,' is mentioned as a river in the

Go-mati,
I
'
Nadi-stuti, or Praise of Rivers,' in the tenth Mandala of the
1
Rigveda. In that hymn a river flowing into the Indus must
be meant, and its identification 2 with the Gomal, a western
tributary of the Indus, cannot be doubted. In one other passage
3
of the Rigveda the accentuation of Gomati shows that a river is
meant. It is possible that in a third passage* the reading
should be changed to gomatir from gomatir. Geldner 5 suggests
that in the two last passages the Gumti, or rather its four
upper arms (hence the use of the plural) is meant this accords :

well with the later use the general of the name and with
probability of the river here intended being in Kuruksetra, as
6
the centre of Vedic civilization.
1 5
x. 75, 6. Vedische Studien, 3, 152, n. 2.
2 6 218
Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 14 ; Pischel, Vedische Studien, 2, ;

Ludwig, Translation of the Rigveda, Hopkins, Journal of the American Oriental

3, 200. Society, 19, 19 et seq. Macdonell,;

3 viii. 24. 30. Sanskrit Literature, 174 Keith, Journal

;

4 See Oldenberg, Rgveda-

v. 61, 19. of the Royal Asiatic Society, 1908, 1141.
Noten, 1, 355.356-
Gosrati Vaiyaghrapadya ] GA YA LH UNTSMA NNA MES 239

Go-mayu,
'

lowing like a cow,' does not occur as the name of

the 'jackal
'
till the late Adbhuta Brahmana. 1
1 Indische Studien, 1, 40.

Go-mrgfa, a species of ox, now called Gayal (Bos gavaeus), is

mentioned in the list of victims at the Asvamedha, or horse
1 2
sacrifice, in the Yajurveda Samhitas and Brahmanas. In the
3
Taittiriya Samhita it is declared to be neither a wild nor a
tame animal this presumably means that it was semi-
;

domesticated, or perhaps that it was both tamed and found

wild. With the name of this animal may be compared the
Mrga Mahisa, which is clearly mentioned as wild in the
4
Rigveda. See also Gayava.
1 3
Maitrayani Samhita, iii. 14, 11; ii. 1, 10, 2.
4
Vajasaneyi Samhita, xxiv. 1. 30. ix. 92, 6.
2
Satapatha Brahmana, xiii. 3, 4, 3 ; Cf. Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 83,
5, 2, 10 ; Taittiriya Brahmana, iii. 8, 84 ; Eggeling, Sacred Books of the East,
20, 5. 44, 338, n. 1.

Golattika is the name of some unknown animal in the list of

victims at the Asvamedha, or horse sacrifice, in the Yajurveda. 1
1
Taittiriya Samhita, v. 5, 16, 1 ; I
saneyi Samhita, xxiv. 37. Cf. Zimmer,
Maitrayani Samhita, iii. 14, 18; Vaja- |
Altindisches Leben, 99.

'
Go-vikartana (' cow- butcher ') designates the
'
huntsman in
1
the Satapatha Brahmana (v. 3, 1, io). See Gogfhata.
1
Cf. Taittiriya Brahmana, iii. 4, 16, 1; Vajasaneyi Samhita, xxx. 18;
Weber, Indische Streifen, 1, 82. *

Go-vyaca. See Vyaea.

Goarya is the name of a protege" of the Asvins in the

Rigveda (viii. 8, 20 ; 49, 1 ; 50, 10).

Go-6ru Jabala is mentioned as a sage in the Jaiminiya

Upanisad Brahmana (iii. 7, 7).

Go-Sruti Vaiyagrhra-padya (' descendant of Vyaghrapad ') is

mentioned as a pupil of Satyakama in the Chandogya Upanisad
(v. 2, 3). In the Sankhayana Aranyaka (ix. 7) the name appears
as Gosruta.
 240 BIRD NAMES GRAZING GROUND [ Gosadl

Go-sadI (* sitting on a cow ') is the name of a bird in the list

of victims at the Asvamedha, or horse sacrifice, in the

1
Yajurveda.
1
Maitrayani Samhita, iii.
14, 5 ; Vajasaneyi Samhita, xxiv. 24. Cf. Zimmer,
Altindisches Leben, 94.

Go-suktin is mentioned in the Sarvanukramani as the author

of Rigveda viii. 14 and 15, and a Saman or Chant of his seems
to be referred to in the Pancavimsa Brahmana (xix. 4, 9), under
the title of Gausukta. But see Gausukti.

Go-stha, standing-place for cows,' denotes not so much a

'

* '
'cowstall as the grazing ground of cows,' as Geldner 1 shows
from a passage of the Aitareya Brahmana 2 and from a note of
Mahidhara on the Vajasaneyi Samhita. 3 This sense suits
4
adequately all the passages of the Rigveda where it occurs,
and it greatly improves the interpretation of a hymn of the
5 6
Atharvaveda, besides being acceptable elsewhere. See also Go.
1
tory, and Bloomfield's
'
Vedische Studien, 3, 112, 113. stable is no
2
iii. 18, 14. better.
3 iii. 21. B
Av. ii. 26, 2
Vajasaneyi Samhita,
;

4 21
i. 191, 4; vi. 28, 1 ;
viii. 43, 17. iii. ; v. Satapatha Brahmana,
17 ;

8 iii. where Whitney's

14, 1. 5. 6, xi. 8, 3, 2, etc. Kathaka Samhita,
;

'
'
rendering stall is very unsatisfac- vii. 7; Maitrayani Samhita, iv. 2, 11.

Gautama, 'descendant of Gotama,' is a common patro-

1 2 3
nymic, being applied to Aruna, Uddalaka Aruni, KuSri,
4
Sati, Haridrumata. 5
Several Gautamas are mentioned in the Vamsas (lists of
teachers) in the Brhadaranyaka Upanisad as pupils of Agfni-
6 7
veSya, of Saitava and Praclnayogrya, of Saitava, of Bharad-
s

1
Satapatha Brahmana, x. 6, 1, 4. 4
Vamsa Brahmana in Indische Studien,
2 Brhad-
Ibid., xi. 4, 1, 3; 5, 1, 2; 4. 373.
5
aranyaka Upanisad, vi. 1, 7; Chan- Chandogya Upanisad, iv. 4, 3.
6
dogya Upanisad, v. 3, 6 et seq. Kausitaki ii. 6, 1
; Brhadaranyaka Upanisad,
Upanisad, i. 1 Jaiminlya Upanisad ; (Kanva).
7
Brahmana, i. 42, 1. Ibid., ii. 6, 2.
3 8
Satapatha Brahmana, x. 5, 5, 1. Ibid., iv. 6, 2.
Gaura ] PA TRONYMICSOX 241

9
vaja, of Gautama,
10
and of Vatsya. 11 A Gautama is also
referred to elsewhere.
9
Ibid., ii. 6, 2 (Kanva = ii. 5, 22 ii. 5, 20. 22 ;
iv. 5, 26 Madhyamdina).
iv. 5, 27 Madhyamdina). The Madhyamdina, ii. 5, 20 iv. 5, 26,
;

10
Ibid., ii. 6, 3; iv. 6, 3 (Kanva = knows a Gautama, pupil of Vaijavapa-
ii. 5, 22 ;
iv. 5, 28 Madhyamdina). yana and Vaisthapureya.
11
Ibid., ii. 6, 3; iv. 6, 3 (Kanva=

Gautami-putra (' son of a female descendant of Gotama ')

is mentioned in the Kanva recension of the Brhadaranyaka
Upanisad as a pupil of Bharadvajlputra.
(vi. 5, In the
2)
Madhyamdina (vi. 4, 31) a Gautamiputra is a pupil of Atreyi-
putra, pupil of a Gautamiputra, pupil of Vatsiputra. See also
Gotamiputra.

Gaupa-vana {' descendant of Gopavana ') is mentioned as a

pupil of Pautimasya in the first two Vamsas (lists of teachers)
in the Kanva recension of the Brhadaranyaka Upanisad (ii. 6,
1 ; iv. 6, 1).

Gaupayana ('descendant of Gopa'). The Gaupayanas

appear in the legend of Asamati, Kirata, and Akuli, which is
1
first met with in the Brahmanas.

1 PaiicavimSa Brahmana, 2
xiii. 12, 5 ; (Max Miiller's edition, 4 ,c et seq.) ;

Jaiminiya Brahmana, iii. 167 (Journal Brhaddevata, vii. 83 et seq., with Mac-
of the American Oriental Society, 18, 41) ; donell's notes.
Satyayanaka in Sayan a on Rv. x. 57

Gaupalayana (' descendant of Gopala ') is the patronymic of

1
Sucivrksa in the Maitrayani Samhita. It is also the patro-

nymic of Aupoditi, Sthapati of the Kurus, in the Baudhayana

Srauta Sutra, 2 and, as Gaupaleya, of Upoditi or Aupoditi in the
Pancavimsa Brahmana. 3
1 ^
iii. 10, 4 (p. 135, line 9). Cf. Aita- xx. 25.
3
reya Brahmana,
48, iii. 9, where xii. 13, 11. where the edition has
Aufrecht reads Gaupalayana .
Upoditi.

Gaura, a species of ox (Bos gaurus), is frequently mentioned

with the Gavaya from the Rigveda 1 onwards. 2 As the Vaja-
3
saneyi Samhita expressly mentions wild (dranya) Gauras, they
1 8
i. 16, 5 ;
iv. 21, ; 58, 2 ;
v. 78, 2 ; Vajasaneyi Samhita, xxiv. 28 ; Aitareya
vii. 69, 6; 98, 1, etc. Brahmana, iii.
34, etc.
2 3 xiii.
Maitrayani Samhita, iii. 14, 10; 48.
VOL. I. 16
 542 A SEER TEA CHERS [ Gauriviti gaktya

must usually have been tame. The female, Gauri, is also often
referred to. 4 The compound term Gaura-mrga (* the Gaura
wild beast ')
is sometimes met with. 5
* 5
Rv. i. 84, 10; iv. 12, 6; ix. 12, Vajasaneyi Samhita, xxiv. 32 ;

3 ;
and in the obscure verse i. 164, Aitareya Brahmana, ii. 8.
Cf. Zimmer, A Itindisches Leben, 83, 224

Gauri- viti aktya (< descendant of Sakti

') or Gauriviti, as
the name is also spelt, 1 the Ksi, or Seer, of a hymn of the
is
3
frequently mentioned in the Brahmanas.
2
Rigveda, and is
4
According to the Jaiminiya Brahmana, he was Prastotr at the
Sattra, or sacrificial session, celebrated by the Vibhinduklyas
and mentioned in that Brahmana.
1 4 American
Satapatha Brahmana, xii. 8, 3, 7; iij 233 (Journal of the
Pancavimsa Brahmana, xi. 5; xii. 13; Oriental Society\ 18, 38).
xxv. 7. Cf. Ludwig, Translation of the Rig-
2
v. 29, 11. veda, 3, 126 Oldenberg, Zeitschrift der
;

3 2 Deutschen Morgenldndischen Gesellschaft,

Aitareya Brahmana, iii. 19 ;
viii. ;

and see n. 1 .
42, 215.

Gaura (' descendant of Gusri ') is the name of a teacher

a9e See
*t*rf*t**f "mentioned in the Kausitaki Brahmana (xvi. 9; xxiii. 5).
t\ ^ 5
.i.
; GauSla.

GauSrayani (' descendant of Gausra ') is the patronymic of a

teacher, Citra, in the Kausitaki Brahmana (xxiii. 5).

GauSla, a variant ol GauSra, is the name of a teacher repre-

sented as in disagreement with Budila ASvatara Agvi in the
1
Aitareya Brahmana.
1 vi. 30. Cf. Gopatha Brahmana, ii. 6, 9 (GoSla).

is the name of a pupil of Isa Syavasvi according

Gau-sukti
1
to the Jaiminiya Upanisad Brahmana in a Vamsa (list of
2
teachers). It is also the name, in the Pancavimsa Brahmana,

1 iv. 16, 1. of the Connecticut Academy of Arts and

2 xix. St.
4, 9. Cf. Petersburg Sciences, 15, 30.

Dictionary, s.v. ; Hopkins, Transactions

Grata ] PLANETS 243

of a teacher who appears to have been needlessly invented to

explain the Gausukta Saman (chant), which is really the Saman
of Gosuktin.

Graha (' seizing ') is a term applied to the sun in the Sata-
1
patha Brahmana, most probably not in the later sense of
2
planet,' but to denote a power exercising magical influence.
1

The sense of planet seems first to occur in the later literature,

' '

as in the MaitrayanI Upanisad. 3 The question whether the

planets were known to the Vedic Indians is involved in
4
obscurity. Oldenberg recognizes them in the Adityas, whose
number is, he believes, seven sun, moon, and the five planets. :

But this view, though it cannot be said to be impossible or even

unlikely, is not susceptible of proof, and has been rejected by
5 6 7 8
Hillebrandt, Pischel, von Schroeder, Macdonell, and Bloom-
field,
9
among Hillebrandt 10 sees the planets in the five
others.
11
Adhvaryus mentioned in the Rigveda, but this is a mere con-
jecture. The five bulls (uksanah) in another passage of the
12
Rigveda have received a similar interpretation with equal
13 14
uncertainty, and Durga, in his commentary on the Nirukta,
even explains the term bhumija, earth-born,' which is only men- '

tioned by Yaska, as meaning the planet Mars. 15 Thibaut, 16

who is generally sceptical as to the mention of planets in the
Veda, thinks that Brhaspati there refers to Jupiter but this is ;

17
extremely improbable, though in the Taittiriya Samhita
Brhaspati is made the regent of Tisya. A reference to the
1 9
iv. 6, 5, i. Religion of the Veda, 133 et seq.
2 10
St.
Petersburg Dictionary, s.v. ;
Vedische Mythologie, 3, 423.
11
Eggeling, Sacred Books of the East, 26, iii. 7, 7.
12 with
432, n. 2. i. 105, 10. Cf. also i. 105, 16,
3 vi. 16. See Weber, Indian Litera- Oldenberg 's note.
13 American
ture, 98, n. Hopkins, Journal of the
4
Religion des Veda, 185 et seq. ; Zeit- Oriental Society, 24, 36.
1*
schrift der Deutschen Morgenldndischen i.
14.
15 See Weber, Jyotisa,
Gesellschaft, 50, 56 et seq. 10, n. 2.
5 16
Vedische Mythologie, 3, 102 et seq. Astronomie, Astrologie, und Mathe-
6
Gbttingische Gelehrte Anzeigen, 1895, matik, 6.
17 iv. Macdonell, Vedic
447- 4 10, 1. Cf.
7 Vienna Oriental Journal, 9, 109. Mythology, pp. J02-104.
8 Vedic Mythology, p. 44.

l6 2
 244 THROW OF DICE VILLAGE [ Grabha

planets is much more probable in the seven suns (sapta surydh)

of the late Taittiriya Aranyaka. 18 On the other hand, Ludwig's
with the sun, the moon, and the
efforts to find the five planets

twenty- seven Naksatras (lunar mansions) in the Rigveda, as

corresponding to the number thirty-four used in connexion with
19
light (jyotis) and the ribs of the sacrificial horse, 20 is far-
fetched. See also Sukra, Manthin, Vena.
i. 7. See on them Weber. Omina veda, 3, 183 et seq. ; Zimmer, Altin-
und Portenta, 339 Indische Studien, 2, ; disches Leben, 354 et seq. ;
Max Miiller,
2
238 9, 363 10, 240, 271
; Jyotisa, 10
; ; ; Rgveda, iv. ,
xxx. et seq. ;
Whitney,
Ramayana, 28, n. 2. Oriental and Linguistic Essays, 2, 412, n.
19 x. 20
55, 3. i.
162, 18. Journal of the American Oriental Society
Cf. Ludwig, Translation of the Rig- 1 6, lxxxviii.

' '

Grabha (lit. grasping ') designates the

'
throw of dice in the
1
Rigveda. See also Glaha.
1
viii. 81, 1 ; ix. 106, 3. Cf. Liiders, Das Wurfelspiel im alien Indien, 49, 50.

Grama. The
primitive sense of this word, which occurs
1
frequently from the Rigveda onwards, appears to have been
'
village.' The Vedic Indians must have dwelt in villages which
were scattered over the country, some close together, 2 some far
3
apart, and were connected by roads. The village is regularly
contrasted with the forest (aranya), and its animals and plants
4
with those that lived or grew wild in the woods. The villages
contained cattle, horses, and other domestic animals, as well as
6
men. 5 Grain was also stored in them. In the evening the
7
cattle regularly returned thither from the forest. The villages
were probably open, though perhaps a fort (Pur) might on
1 i.
44, 10; 114, 1 ii. 12, 7 (perhaps ;
xiii. 1 ; Vajasaneyi Samhita, ix. 32 ;

to be taken as in n. 10); x. 146, 1; Pancavimsa Brahmana, xvi. 1, 9 ;

Sata-
149, 4, etc. ;
Av. iv. 36, 7.8; v. 17, patha Brahmana, iii. 8. 4, 16, etc.

4 ; 40, 2, etc. Vajasaneyi Samhita,

vi. ;
Plants: Taittiriya Samhita, v. 2, 5, 5 ;

hi. 45 ; xx. 17, etc. vii. 3, 4, 1, etc.

2 5
Satapatha Brahmana, xiii. 2, 4, 2 ;
Av. iv. 22, 2 ;
viii. 7, 11, etc.
6
Aitareya Brahmana, hi. 44. Brhadaranyaka Upanisad, vi. 3, 13
3
Chandogya Upanisad, viii. 6, 2. (Kanva = 22, Madhyamdina).
7 Rv. x.
4
Animals Rv. x. 90, 8 Av. ii. 34, 4
: ; ; 149, 4 Maitrayani Samhita, ;

iii. 10, 6; 31, 3; Taittiriya Samhita, iv. 1, 1.

vii. 2, 2, 1 Kathaka Samhita, vii. 7;

;
Grama ] VILLAGE 245

occasion Presumably they consisted of

be built inside. 8
detached houses with enclosures, but no details are to be found
in Vedic literature. Large villages (mahdgrdmdh) were known. 9
The relation of the villagers is difficult to ascertain with
precision. In several passages 10 the word occurs with what
appears to be the derivative sense of body of men.'
'
This
sense presumably started from the use of the word to denote
the 'village folk,' as when Saryata Manava is said in the
Satapatha Brahmana 11 to have wandered about with his
'

village' (gramena) ; but, as Zimmer 12 observes, this restricted

sense nowhere appears clearly in the Rigveda, 13 where indeed
the folk (jana) 14 of the Bharatas is in one passage 15 called
' '

horde seeking cows (gavyan gramah). Zimmer 16 tends to

' '
the
regard the Grama as a clan, and as standing midway between
the family and the tribe (Vis). The Grama may, however,
17
perhaps be regarded more correctly as an aggregate of several
families, not necessarily forming a clan, but only part of a clan
(Vis), as is often the case at the present day. 18
Vedic literature tells us very little about the social economy
of the village. There is nothing to show that the community
as such held land. What little evidence there is indicates that
individual tenure of land was known (see Urvara, Ksetra), but
though not in law, presumably meant tenure by a
this, in effect

family rather than by an individual person. The expression

As nowadays. Hopkins, Religions of India, 27, who

8
See Zimmer, Altin-
disches Leben, 144, citing Hiigel, Kashmir, points out that Zimmer is inaccurate
2, 45- in identifying the tribe with Vis. It is
9
Jaiminiya Upanisad Brahmana, the clan, a division below that of the
iii. 13, 4. tribe (Jana).
10
Rv. i. 100, 10 ;
iii. $$, 11 ;
x. 27, 1 ;
17 A villagemight contain a whole
127, 5; Av. iv. 7, 5 ;
v. 20, 3 (where, clan, but probably it contained at most
'

however, villages is quite probable)

'

;
a section of a clan. By family is meant
Satapatha Brahmana, iv. 1, 5, 2 vi. 7, ;
a Hindu joint family but the extent
;

4, 9; xii. 4, 1, 3. Cf, n. 1. to which such families existed, and the

11
iv. 1, 5, 2. 7. number of persons included, cannot
12
Altindisches Leben, 161. even be conjectured from the avail-
13
See passages cited in n. 10. able evidence. Cf. Schrader, Prehistoric
14
Rv. iii. 53, 12. Antiquities, 393; Leist, Altarisches Jus
15
Rv. iii. 33, 11. Gentium, 34.
16
Cf. Baden Powell, Village
18
Op. cit., 159, 160, where, however, Com-
his language is not very clear. Cf. munities in India, 85 et seq.
246 VILLAGE [ Grama
'
*
desirous of a village (grama-kdma) which occurs frequently in ,

the later Samhitas, 19 points, however, to the practice of the king's

granting to his favourites his royal prerogatives over villages so
matters were concerned. Later 20 the idea developed
far as fiscal
that the king was owner of all the land, and parallel with that
idea the view that the holders of such grants were landlords.
But of either idea there is no vestige in Vedic literature beyond
theword grama-kdma, which much more probably refers to the
grant of regalia than to the grant of land, as Teutonic parallels
show. 21 Such grants probably tended to depress the position
of the actual cultivators, and to turn them into tenants, but

they can hardly have had this effect to any appreciable extent
in early times.
The village does not appear to have been a unit for legal
22
purposes in early days, and it can hardly be said to have been
a political unit. The village no doubt, as later, included in its
members various menials, besides the cultivating owners, and
also the Brahmanas and Ksatriyas who might hold interest
in by royal grant or usage without actually cultivating land,
it

such as chariot-makers (Ratha-kara), carpenters (Takan),

smiths (Karmara), and others, but they did not presumably, in
23
any sense, form part of the brotherhood. All alike were

politically subject to the king, and bound to render him food or

service or other tribute, unless he had transferred his rights to

19
Samhita, ii. 1, 1, 2
Taittirlya ; |
Powell, Village Communities in India,
3, 2 ; 3, 9, 2
Maitrayani Samhita,
; I
83 ; Rhys Davids, Buddhist India,
ii. 1,9; 2, 3 iv. 2, 7, etc.
; Hopkins, ;
I

48. It may be mentioned that we have

Transactions of the Connecticut Academy |
no Vedic evidence as to the non-sale
of Arts and Sciences, 15, 32, thinks that of land by the members of a family,
grama here means herd (of cattle). except the indications mentioned under
' '

20
Cf. Baden Powell, Indian Village ;
Urvara. The later evidence is over-
Community, 207 et seq. Whether or not
'
i

whelming for grama, meaning village.'

the idea is already found in Manu, Cf. Chandogya Upanisad, iv. 2, 4 ;

ix. 34, is disputed and uncertain. See |

Sankhayana Grhya Sutra, i. 14 KauSika ;

Raj an. The germ of it lies in a differ- Sutra, 94.

ent sphere the right of the Katriya, - Die Geivalt,
Cf. Foy, konigliche
with the consent of the clan, to appor- 20, n. ; Jolly, Recht und 93
Sitte, ;

tion land (Satapatha Brahmana, vii. Hopkins, Journal of the American Oriental
1, 1, 8). I
Society, 13, 78, 128.
21
Cf. Pollock and Maitland, History " Cf. Baden Powell, Indian Village

of English Law, 2, 237 et seq. ; Baden Community, 17, 18.

Grama ] VILLAGE 47

others of the royal family or household, as was no doubt often

the case, either in whole or part. The king's share in a village
is referred to as early as the Atharvaveda. 24
At the head of the village was the Grama-ni, or '
leader of
the village,' who is referred to in the Rigveda, 25 and often in
the later Samhitas and in the Brahmanas. 26 The exact
27
meaning of the the GramanI
title is not certain. By Zimmer
is regarded as having had military functions only, and he is
certainly often connected with the Senani, or leader of an '

army.' But there is no reason so to restrict the sense pre- :

sumably the GramanI was the head of the village both for civil
purposes and for military operations. He is ranked in the
28
^atapatha Brahmana as inferior to the Suta, or charioteer,'
*

with whom, however, he is associated 29 as one of the Ratnins,

jewels of the royal establishment. The post was especially
' '
the
valuable to a Vaisya, who, if he attained it, was at the summit
of prosperity (gatasrT). 30 The Gramani's connexion with the

royal person seems to point to his having been a nominee of

the king rather than a popularly elected officer. But the post
may have been sometimes hereditary, and sometimes nomi-
nated or elective : there is no decisive evidence available.
The use of the singular presents difficulties possibly the :

GramanI of the village or city where the royal residence was

situated was specially honoured and influential. 31
24 81
iv. 22, 2. Cf. n. 20. Presumably, there must have been
81 x. 62, 11 ; 107, 5. many Gramams in a kingdom, but the
28 Av. iii. xix. 31, 12 texts seem to contemplate only one as
5, 7 ; ;
Taittiriya
Samhita, MaitrayanI Sam-
ii. 5, 4, 4 ;
in the royal entourage. Cf. also Eggel-
hita, i. 6, 5 (grama- ijlthya, the rank of ing, Sacred Books of
'
the East, 41, 60, n. ;

GramanI' cf. Taittiriya Samhita, vii. 4,

:
Hopkins, Journal of the American Oriental
5, 2); Kathaka Samhita, viii. 4; x. 3; Society, 13, 96; Rhys Davids, op. cit.,
Vajasaneyi Samhita, xv. 15; xxx. 20; 48, thinks that he was elected by the
Taittiriya Brahmana, i. 1, 4, 8 ; 7, 3, 4 ; village council or a hereditary officer,
ii. 7, 18, 4 ;
Satapatha Brahmana, iii. 4, because the appointment is only claimed
1, 7; v. 4, 4, 8; viii. 6, 2, 1 (grama- for the king in late authorities like
mthya) ; Bihadaranyaka Upanisad, iv. 3, Manu, vii. 115. But there is not even
37. 38, etc. so much authority for election or
27 Altindisches Lcbcn, 171. heredity, and we say
really cannot
v. 4, 4, 18. how far the power of the early princes
29
ISatapatha Brahmana, v. 3, 1, 5. extended it probably varied very
:

w Samhita, ii. 5, 4, 4
Taittiriya ; much. Cf. Eajan and Citraratha.
MaitrayanI Samhita, i. 6, 5. Cf. Weber,
Indische Studicn, 10, 20, n. 2.
248 JUDGE DISEASES DICE PRIEST [ Gramyavadin

Gramyavadin apparently means a 'village judge' in the

1 '

Yajurveda. His Sabha, court,' is mentioned in the MaitrayanI

Samhita.
1
Taittinya Samhita, ii. 3, 1,3; Kathaka Samhita, xi. 4 ;
MaitrayanI Samhita,
ii. 2, 1.

Graha, the seizer,' is the name of a disease in the Satapatha

Brahmana. 1 In the Atharvaveda 2 it perhaps means paralysis' *

3
of the thigh.
1 iii.
5, 3, 25 ; 6, 1, 25. retaining the reading of the text uru-
2
xi. 9, 12. grahaih, renders the compound as an
3
If the reading of the commentary adjective,
'

wide-gripping.' Cf. Bloom-

uru-grahaih be adopted ; but Whitney, field, Hymns of the Atharvaveda, 635.
Translation of the Atharvaveda, 653,

1
Grahi, 'the seizer,' appears in the Rigveda and the Athar-
2
vaveda as a female demon of disease. Her son is sleep
3
(svapna) .
1 1.
161, 1.
3
xvi. 5, 1 ; or perhaps '
dream '
is
2
ii. 9, 1 ; 10, 6. 8 ;
vi. 112, 1 ; 113, 1 ;
meant.
viii. 2, 12; 3, 18; xvi. 7, 1; 8, 1; Cf. Weber, Indische Studien, 13,
xix. 45, 5. 154-

Grisma. See Rtu.

1 '
Graivya. in the Atharvaveda, appears to denote tumours on
'

the neck (grivdfi),

1
vi. 25, 2; vii. 76, 2. Cf. Bloomfield, Proceedings of the American Oriental
Society, October, 1887, xix. ; Hymns of the Atharvaveda, 472.
'
Glaha denotes the throw '
at dice, like Grabha, of which it

is a later form, occurring in the Atharvaveda. 1

1 iv. 28, 1 et seq. Cf. Liiders, Das Wilrfelspiel im alten Indien, 49.

descendant of Maitri ') is mentioned in the

Glava Maitreya ('
1
Chandogya Upanisad, where he is said to be the same as 1

Vaka Dalbhya. He appears as Pratistotr at the snake festival

of Pancavimsa Brahmana, 2 and
the is referred to in the
Sadvimsa Brahmana. 3
1 i. 12, 1. 3. Cf. Gopatha Brah- 1.4.
mana, i. 1, 31. Cf. Weber, Indische Studien, 1, 35, 38.
2 xxv.
15, 3.
Ghrnlvant ] BOILS MILK-POT FODDER 249

Glau occurs in the Aitareya Brah-

in the Atharvaveda 1 and
2
mana as the name of some symptom of a disease, probably,
3
as Bloomfield thinks,
*
boils.' In the one passage of the
4
Vajasaneyi Samhita, where it is found the sense is obscure,
5
some part of the sacrificial victim being perhaps meant.
Cf. Galunta.
4
1 vi.
83, 3. xxv. 8 ; Maitrayaiii Samhita,
2 i. iii.
25. 15, 7-
3 5
Proceedings of the American Oriental St. Petersburg Dictionary, s.v. ;

Society, October, 1887, xv. Hymns of ; Ludwig, Translation of the Rigveda,

'

the Atharvaveda, 17, 503 Whitney, ; 3, 500, takes glau as owl.'

Translation of the Atharvaveda, 343.

GH.
denotes in the Rigveda 1 and later 2 the pot used for
Gharma
heating milk, especially for the offering to the Asvins. It hence
often 3 denotes the hot milk itself, or some other hot drink.

iii. 53, 14; v. 30, 15; 43, 7; 76, 1, viii. 9, 4, etc. ; Av. iv. 1, 2 ; Vajasaneyi
etc. Samhita, xxxviii. 6, etc.
2
Av. 6 Vajasaneyi Samhita,
vii. 73, ; Cf. Nirukta, vi. 32 xi. 42 Zimmer, ; ;

viii. 61 ;
Aitareya Brahmana, i. 18. 22, Altindisches Leben, 271; St. Petersburg
etc. Dictionary, s.v.
3
Rv. i.
119, 2; 180, 4; vii. 70, 2 ; i

2
Ghasa means fodder' in the Atharvaveda 1 and later. In
*

3
the Rigveda Ghasi is used of the fodder of the horse victim
at the Asvamedha.

1
Av. iv. 38, 7 ;
viii. 7, 8 ; xi. 5, 18, Taittiriya Samhita, vi. 5, 9, 3 ;
Tait-
etc. tirlya Brahmana, i. 6, 3, 10, etc.
2 3
Vajasaneyi Samhita, xi. 75 ; xxi. 43 ; i. 162, 14.

Ghrnlvant is the name of some animal in the list of victims

1
at the Asvamedha, or horse sacrifice, in the Vajasaneyi Samhita.
In the parallel passage of the MaitrayanI Samhita 2 Ghrnavant
is the
reading. Elsewhere the word is adjectival. 3
3
xxiv. 39. Rv. x. 176, 3.
iii. 14, 20. Cf. Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 99.
250 MELTED BUTTER TEACHERS [ Ghrta

Ghrta, the modern Ghee or 'clarified butter,' is repeatedly

mentioned in the Rigveda 1 and later 2 both as in ordinary use
and as a customary form of sacrifice. According to a citation
3
in Sayana's commentary on the Aitareya Brahmana, the dis-
tinction between Ghrta and Sarpis consisted in the latter being
butter fully melted, while the former was butter melted and
hardened (gham-bhuta), but this distinction cannot be pressed.
Because the butter was thrown into the fire, Agni is styled
'butter-faced' (ghrta-pratika), 4 'butter-backed' (ghrta-prstha) 5 ,

and ' propitiated with butter (ghrta-prasatta) 6 and fond of '

,
'

'
7
butter ). Water was used to purify the butter the
(ghrta-pri :

waters were therefore called butter-cleansing {ghrta-pu). 8 In ' '

the Aitareya Brahmana 9 it is said that Ajya, Ghrta, Ayuta, and

Navanlta pertain to gods, men, Pitrs, and embryos respectively.
1 4
i.
134, 6; ii. 10, 4; iv. io, ; 53, Rv. i.
143, 7; iii. 1, 18; v. 11,
5. 7. 9; v. 12, 1, etc. x. 2i, 7, etc.
2 5 Rv. i.
Vajasaneyi Samhita, ii. 22, etc. ;
164, 1 ;
v. 4, 3 ; 37, 1 ;
vii.

Av. iii. 13, 5, etc. Satapatha Brah- ; 4, etc.

6
mana, i. 8, 1, 7 (with Dadhi, Mastu, Rv. v. 15, 1.
7
Amiksa) ; ix. 2, 1, 1 (Dadhi, Madhu, Av. xii. i, 20 ;
xviii. 4, 41.

Ghjrta), etc.
3
i.
3 (p. 240, edition Aufrecht). Cf. Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 22;

Ghrta-kauika is mentioned in the first two Vamsas (lists of

teachers) of the Madhyamdina recension of the Brhadaranyaka
1
Upanisad as a pupil of ParaSaryayana.
1
ii.
5, 21 ; iv. 5, 27. Cf. Weber, Indische Studien, 4, 384.

Ghora Angirasa is the name of a mythical teacher in the

Kausitaki Brahmana 1 and the Chandogya Upanisad, 2 where he
is teacher of the strange Krsna Devaklputra. That the name
is certainly a mere figment is shown by the fact that this
'
'
dread descendant of the Ahgirases has a counterpart in
3
Bhisaj Atharvana, 'the healing descendant of the Atharvans,'
while in the Rigveda Sutras4 the Atharvdno vedah is connected
1 4
xxx. 6. Cf. Asvalayana Srauta ASvala^ana Srauta Sutra, x. 7 ;

2
Siitra, xii. 10. Sahkhayana Srauta Sutra, xvi. ;

2
iii. 17, 6. Journal of the American Oriental Society,
3
Weber, Indische Studien, 3, 459. 17, 181.
Caka ] GHOSA PRIEST 251

with bhesajam and the Afigiraso vedah with ghoram. He is

accordingly a personification of the dark side of the practice
of the Atharvaveda. 5 He is also mentioned in the Asvamedha
section of the Kathaka Samhita. 6
5
Bloomfield, Hymns of the Atharva- 190; Hillebrandt, Vedische Mythologie,2,
veda, xx, xxi, xxxviii ; Atharvaveda, 8, 160, n. 4.
23 ;
Macdonell, Sanskrit Literature, 189,

Ghosa. See Ghosa.

Ghosavant. See Svara.

Ghosa is mentioned as a protegee of the Asvins in two

1
passages of the Rigveda, probably as the recipient of a husband,
who is perhaps referred to in another passage 2 as Arjuna,
though this is not likely. Sayana finds a reference there to
a skin disease, which is considered in the later tradition of the
Brhaddevata 3 to have been the cause of her remaining unwed,
but this view is not tenable. According to Sayana, her son,
4
Suhastya, is alluded to in an obscure verse of the Rigveda ;

5
Oldenberg, however, here sees a reference to Ghosa herself,
while Pischel 6 thinks that the form (ghose) is not a noun at all,
but verbal.
1 i.
117, 7; x. 40, 5. Cf. x. 39, 3. 6. a son, Hiranyahasta, by the Asvins
2 See Oldenberg, Rgveda-
i. 122, 5. (Rv. i. 117, 24).

6 Vedische Studien,
Noten, 1, 123. 1,4; 2, 92.
3 vii.
41-48, with Macdonell's notes. Cf. Ludwig, Translation of the Rig-
4 fiber Methode bei Inter-
i. 120, 5. veda, 3, 143 ;

5
Op. Suhastya is apparently
cit. ,119.
pretation des Rigveda, 43 ; Muir, Sanskrit
invented from x. 41, 3, probably assisted Texts, 5, 247 ; Macdonell, Vedic Mythology,
by the fact that Vadhrimati was given P. 52.

c.
Caka is mentioned with Pisahga as one of the two Unnetr
priests at the snake festival in the Pancavimsa Brahmana. 1
1
xxv. 15, 3. Cf. Weber, Indische Studien, 1, 35, who reads Cakka ; 10, 142,
n. 3, 144
252 WHEEL BRAHMANY DUCK [ Cakra
' '

Cakra, the wheel of a chariot or wagon, is repeatedly

mentioned from the Rigveda 1 onwards, often in a metaphorical
sense. The wheel was fixed on the axle (Aksa) when the
chariot was required for use this required considerable
;

strength, as is shown by a reference in the Rigveda. 2 The

wheel consisted normally of spokes (Ara), and a nave (Nabhi), 3
in the
opening (Kha) of which the end of the axle (Ani) was
inserted. An indication of the importance attached to the
strength of the wheel is the celebration of the car of the god
Ptisan as having a wheel that suffers no damage. 4 The usual
number of wheels was two, 5 but in seven passages of the Rigveda6
a chariot is
'

three-wheeled,' in a few others

called '
seven-
7
wheeled,' while in one of the Atharvaveda 8 it is styled '

eight-
wheeled.' Zimmer 9
argues that these epithets do not refer to
real chariots, pointing out that in all the
passages where
l
tri-cakra, three- wheeled,' occurs there is a mythical reference.
On the other hand, Weber 10 thinks that there might have been
chariots with three wheels, one being in the centre between the
two occupants. This is not very conclusive at any rate, the ;

seven-wheeled and the eight-wheeled chariots can hardly be

regarded as indicating the existence of real vehicles with that
number of wheels.
In the Satapatha Brahmana 11 the potter's wheel (kauldla-
cakra) is referred to.
1 i.
130, 9; 155, 6; 164, 2. 11. 14; I

by the Rbhus, who are three in

J 74> 5 ;
iv- i> 3. etc. number).
2 7 Rv. i.
Av. xi. 7, 4 ;
xix. 53, 1. 2, etc. 164, 3. 12 ; ii. 40, 3.
3 Rv. viii. 41, 6. 8 xi.
4, 22.
4 Rv. vi. 54, 3. 9 Altindisches
Leben, viii., ix.
6 Rv.
'

10
viii. 5, 29; Chandogya Upani- Proceedings of the Berlin Academy,
sad, iv. 16, 5 ;
Kausitaki Upanisad, i. 4. 1898, 564, quoting Virchow, Zeitschrift
6 i. 118, 2; 157, 3; 183, 1; viii. 58, 3; fur Ethnologie, 5, 200.
x. 1 of the ASvins' ** xi.
41, ; 85, 14 (all j
8, 1, 1.

chariot); iv. 36, 1 (of a chariot made Cf. Zimmer, op. cit., 247.

Cakra-vaka is the name, apparently derived from the nature

of its cry, of a species of gander (Anas casarca), the modern
1
Chakwa, as it is called in Hindi, or Brahmany duck in English.
2
mentioned
It is in the Rigveda and in the list of victims at the

1 2
Griffith, Hymns of the Rigveda, 1, 309, n. 4. ii. 39, 3.
Candala, Candala ] EVIL EYE CANDALA CASTE 253

3
Asvamedha, or horse sacrifice, in the Yajurveda, while in the
Atharvaveda 4 it already appears as the type of conjugal fidelity,
its characteristic in the classical literature.
3 4
xiv. 2, 64.
Maitrayani Samhita, iii. 14, 3. 13
Vajasaneyi Samhita, xxiv. 22. 32 Cf. Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 89.
xxv. 8.

Caksus,
'

eye.' The
{ghorain caksus) was well
'
evil eye
'

known which contains spells to counteract

in the Atharvaveda,
1
its influence. As remedies against it are mentioned salve from
Mount Trikakubh 2 and the Jangfida plant. 3 In the wedding
ceremony the wife is entreated not to have the evil eye (aghora-
4
caksus). The structure of the eye, and its division into white
(sukla), dark {krsna), and the pupil (kamnaka) are repeatedly
referred to in the later Brahmanas. 5 The disease Alaji appears
to have been an affection of the eyes.

1
ii. 7 xix. 45, are so
; employed in the man {purusa) in the eye is repeatedly
the ritual. mentioned :
Chandogya Upanisad, i.
7,
2 Av. iv. 9, 6. 5; iv. 15, 1; Brhadaranyaka Upanisad,
3 Av. xix. 35, 3. iv. 2; v. 2.
ii- 3 5; 2, 5, 4, etc.;
4 Paraskara Grhya Sutra, i. 4 Sankh- ; Jaiminlya Upanisad Brahmana, i. 27, 2,
ayana Grhya Sutra, i. 16. The Brhadaranyaka Upanisad, ii. 2, 3,
5
Satapatha Brahmana, xii. 8, 2, adds the water (apah) in the eye, the
26 Jaiminlya Brahmana, i. 254. 324
; ; upper and the lower lids (vartanl), and
Jaiminlya Upanisad Brahmana, i. 26, 1 ; seven red lines (lohinyo rajayah).
34, 1 Brhadaranyaka Upanisad, ii. 2, 2
; ;
Cf. Weber, Indische Studien, 13, 149.

Aitareya Aranyaka, ii. 1, 5, etc. So

2
Candala, are the variant forms of the name of a
1
Candala,
3
despised caste, which in origin was probably a tribal body, but
which in the Brahminical theory was the offspring of Sudra
4
fathers and Brahmin mothers. The references to the caste in
the Yajurveda Samhitas and in the Upanisads show clearly
that it was a degraded one, but they yield no particulars.

1 3 Die sociale
Chandogya Upanisad, v. 10, 7 ; I Fick, Gliederung, 204
24, 4 Asvalayana Grhya Sutra, iv. 9
; ;
et seq.
4
Sankhayana Grhya Sutra, ii. 12; vi. i, Apparently accepted for the Vedic
etc. period by Zimmer, Altindisches Leben,
2
Vajasaneyi Samhita, xxx. 21 ;
Tait- -21J.

tiriya Brahmana, iii. 4, 17, 1 ;

Brhad- Cf. von Schroeder, Indiens Literatur
aranyaka Upanisad, iv. /, 22. und Cultur, 433.
 Q UA DR UPED MOON GOLD [ Catupad

quadruped,' is a regular name for animals from

'
Catus-pad,
1
the Rigveda onwards, being frequently contrasted with Dvipad,
2
Catus-pada, as an adjective applying to pasavah,
1

biped.'
* 3
animals,' is also found.

2
1
Rv. i. 49, 3 ; 94, 5 ; 119, 1 ; iii. 62, Rv. x. 117, 8 ; Av. vi. 107, 1, etc.
3
14, etc. ;
Av. iv. 11, 5; x. 8, 21 ; Vaja- Aitareya Brahmana, ii.18 ;
vi. 2

saneyi Samhita, viii. 30 ; ix. 31 ;

xiv. 8. Satapatha Brahmana, iii. 7, 3, 2 ; vi. 8

25, etc. ; Aitareya Brahmana, vi. 2 ; 2, 17, etc.

viii. 20, etc.

Candra-mas, 2 are the names of the moon,' the

1 '
i. Candra,
latter occurring from the Rigveda onwards, but the former

being first used in this sense by the Atharvaveda. Very little is

said about the moon in Vedic literature, except as identified
with Soma, 3 both alike being described as waxing and waning.
Reference is, however, made to the regular changes of the
moon, and to its alternation with the sun, 6 to which it, as Soma,
is declared in the Rigveda to be married. 6 Mention is also
made of its disappearance at the time of new moon, 7 and of its
8
birth from the light of the sun. In the Atharvaveda 9 reference
is made to demons eclipsing the moon (grahds candramasah).
For the phases of the moon, and the month as a measure of
time, see Masa. For the moon and its mansions, see Naksatra.
1 Av. ii.
15, 2 22, 1 iii. 31, 6, etc. ; ; ;
iv. 6, 7, 12 ;
xi. 1, 6, 19 ; xiv. 4, 2, 13 ;

Vajasaneyi Samhita, xxii. 28 xxxix. 2 ; ; Aitareya Brahmana, viii. 28, 8 ;

perhaps
Satapatha Brahmana, vi. 2, 2, 16, etc. Rv. x. 138, 4.
2 Rv. 8 Rv.
i. 105, 1 ;
viii. 82, 8 ; x. 64, 3 ;
ix. 71, 9; 76, 4; 86, 32;
85, 19 ; Av. xi, 6, 7 ; Vajasaneyi Sam- Samaveda, ii.
9, 2, 12, 1 ; Hillebrandt,
hita, i. 28; xxiii. 10. 59, etc. Vedische Mythologie, 1, 463 et seq. Cf.
3
See Macdonell, Vedic Mythology, Surya.
pp. 112, 113. The identification is 9 xix.
9, 10. Av. vi. 128 is also
clearly found in the later parts of the regarded by the KauSika Sutra, c. 3,
Rigveda. as referring to an eclipse of the moon.
4
Rv. x. 55, 5. Cf. Av. x. 8, 32. See Bloomfield, Hymns of the Athar-
5
Rv. x. 68, 10. Cf. i. 62, 8; 72, 10. vaveda, 533.
6 x. 85, 18. 19.
Cf. Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 349,
7
Satapatha Brahmana, i.
6, 4, 18; 350, 352-

2. Candra appears to denote 'gold' in a certain number of

1
passages from the Rigveda onwards.
1 Rv. Av. Brah-
ii. 2, 4; iii. 31, 5; xii. 2, Brahmana, vi. 6; Satapatha
53; Samhita,
Jaittiriya i. 2, 7, 1; mana, iii. 3, 3, 4, etc. Cf. the
Kathaka Samhita, ii. 6 Vajasaneyi
; adjective candrin in Vajasaneyi Sam-
Samhita, iv. 26; xix. 93; Pailcavimsa |
hita, xx. 37; xxxi. 31.
Camu ] SACRIFICIAL AND DRINKING VESSELS 255

1
Capya is found in the Vajasaneyi Samhita and the Sata-
2
patha Brahmana as the name of a sacrificial vessel.
1 xix. 88 xii. 7, 2,
; Maitrayani Samhita, iii. I
13; 9, 1, 3.

2, 9 ;
Kathaka Samhita, xxxviii. 3.

Camasa denotes a 'drinking vessel,' usually as employed for

holding Soma
It is frequently mentioned from
at the sacrifice.
the Rigveda onwards. 1 It was made of wood (vrksa), 2 and is
hence called dru. 3 According to the Satapatha Brahmana, 4 it
was made of Udumbara wood.
1 3
Rv. i. 20, 6; no, 3; viii. 82, 7; Rv. i. 161, 1.

x. 16, Av. vii. 4

8; 68, 8; 96, 9, etc.; 73, vii. 2, 11, 2.

3; xviii. 3, 54; Vajasaneyi Samhita, Cf. Zimmer, A Itindisches Leben, 280 ;

xxiii. 13, etc. ;Nirukta, xi. 2 xii. 38. ; Hillebrandt, Vedische Mythologie, 1, 167,
2
Rv. x. 68, 8. 168.

Camu is a term of somewhat doubtful sense occurring

repeatedly in the Rigveda, and connected with the preparation
ofSoma. Zimmer 1 considers that in the dual it denotes the
two boards between which, in his opinion, the Soma was
2
crushed Adhisavana). Roth, however, appears to be right
(cf.
in taking the normal sense to designate a vessel into which the
Soma was poured from the press, and Hillebrandt 3 shows
4
clearly that when it occurs in the plural it always has this
sense, corresponding to the Graha-patras of the later ritual,
and that sometimes it is so used in the singular 5 or dual 6 also.
In some cases, 7 however, he recognizes its use as denoting the
mortar in which the Soma was pressed may be right here, : he
as this of preparation was probably Indo-Iranian. 8
mode
In a derivative sense Camu appears in the Satapatha Brah-
mana 9 to denote a trough, either of solid stone or consisting of
7
Singular: Rv.
1
Altindisches Leben, 277, 278. v. 51, 4; viii. 4, 4;
2 St. s. v. ix. x. Dual:
Petersburg Dictionary, Cf. 76, 10; 46, 3; 24, 1.

Grassmann, Rigveda, 1, 15. i. 28, 9; iv. 18, 3; vi. 57, 2; ix. 36, 1.
3 Vedische Mythologie, 8
1, 164-175. Hillebrandt, op. cit., 1, 158-164.
4
Rv. 9
iii. 48, 5 ;
viii. 2, 8 82, 7. 8
; ;
Eggeling, Sacred Books
xiii. 8, 2, 1 ;

ix. 20, 6; 62, 16; 63, 2; 92, 2; 93, 3; of the East, 44, 430, n. 1. In Sankh-
97, 21. 37. 46; 99, 6. 8. ayana Srauta Sutra, xiv. 22, 19, the
5 sense is doubtful.
Rv. ix. 107, 18 ;
x. 91, 15.
6 Rv. ix. 69, 5 ; 71, 1 ; 72, 5 ; 86, 47 ;
Cf Macdonell, Vedic Mythology, pp.
96, 20. 21 ; 97 2. 48 ; 103, 4 ; 107, 10 ; 105 et seq.

108, i-
 256 YAJURVEDA SCHOOL POT [ Caraka

bricks, used by the Eastern people to protect the body of the

dead from contact with the earth, like modern stone-lined
graves or vaults.

Caraka primarily denotes a wandering student,' a sense *

1
actually found in the Brhadaranyaka Upanisad. More
it denotes the members of a school of the Black
especially
Yajurveda, the practices of which are several times referred to
with disapproval in the Satapatha Brahmana. 2 In the Vaja-
3
saneyi Samhita the Caraka teacher (Carakacarya) is enumerated
among the sacrificial victims at the Purusamedha, or human
sacrifice. His dedication there to ill-doing is a clear hint of a
ritual feud.

1 in. renders improbable von Schroeder's

3, i.
2 iii.24 (where the reference
8, 2, is view, Indiens Literatur und Caltur, 188,
to Taittiriya Samhita vi. 3, 9, 6 10, ; 2, that Caraka included all the Black
or some parallel passage) ; iv. 1, 2, 19 ; Yajurveda schools.
2 3. I5 4< *
1
IO y i- 2 2 * IO ! > Cf. Weber, Indische Studien, 2, 287,
viii. 1, 3, 7 ; 7, 1, 14. 24. n. 2 3, 256, 257, 454 ; Indian Literature,
;

3
xxx. 18; Taittiriya Brahmana, iii. 4, 87; Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 212.
16. 1. Its occurrence in the latter text

Caraka-brahmana is the name of a work from which Sayana

1
quotes in his commentary on the Rigveda.
1
viii. 66, 10; Macdonell, Vedic Mythology, p. 41.

Caracara (' running about '), a term found classed with

1
Sarisrpa in the Yajurveda Samhitas, must apparently denote
some kind of animal.
1
Taittiriya Samhita, i. 8, 13, 3 ; Kathaka Samhita, xv. 3 ; Maitrayani
Samhita, iii. 12, 10 ;
Vajasaneyi Samhita, xxii. 29.

' ' '

Caru designates a kettle or pot from the Rigveda '

It had a lid (apidhana) and hooks (anka) by which

1
onwards.
2 3
it could be hung over a fire. It was made of iron or bronze

1 Rv. i. 7, 6 ;
vii. 104, 2 ;
ix. 52, 3 ; I
1,2; Kathaka Samhita, v. 6 xxxii. 6 ; ;

x. 86, 18 ; 167, 4 ;
Av. iv. 7, 4 ;
ix. 5, 6 ; Maitrayani Samhita, i. 4, 4. 9, etc.
2 Rv. i. Av. xviii. 4, 53.
xi. 1, 16 ; 3, 18 ;
xviii. 4, 16 et seq., etc. 162, 13 ;

3
with five open- Satapatha Brahmana,
'
It is called panca-bila, xiii. 3, 4, 5.

ings,' in the Taittiriya Samhita,

i. 6, Cf. Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 271.

I
Car?ani ] HIDE PEOPLE 257

4
(ayasmaya). The word is also secondarily used to denote the
contents of the pot, the mess of grain which was cooked in it.

4 Indische Studitn,
Taittiriya Samhita, i. 8, 10, 1 ;
I
3, 1, etc. Cf. Weber,
Aitareya Brahmana, i. 1 ; Satapatha 9, 216.
Brahmana, i. 7, 4, 7 ; ii. 5, 3, 4 ;
iii. 2, |

Carman, denoting hide

' '
in general, is a common expression
from the Rigveda onwards. 1 The oxhide was turned to many-
uses, such as the manufacture of bowstrings, slings, and reins
(see Go). It was especially often employed to place above the

boards 2 on which the Soma was pressed with the stones. 3 It

was possibly also used for making skin bags. 4 Carmanya
denotes leather-work generally in the Aitareya Brahmana. 6
The art of tanning hides (mid) was known as early as the
6 7 '

Rigveda, where also the word for tanner (carmamna) occurs.

'

8
Details of the process are lacking, but the Satapatha Brahmana
refers to stretching out a hide with pegs (sankubhih) and the ,

9
Rigveda mentions the wetting of the hide.
1 5
Rv. i. 85, 5; no, 8; 161, 7; v. 32. Cf. paricarmanya, Sankha-
iii. 60, 2 ;
iv. 13, 4, etc. ; Av. v. 8, 13 ; yana Aranyaka, ii. 1.
6
x. 9, 2 ;
xi. 1, 9, etc. ; Taittinya Sam- viii. 55, 3 (a late hymn).
hita, iii. 1, 7, 1 ;
vi. 1, 9, 2, etc. The 7
viii. 5, 38 ;
Vajasaneyi Samhita,
stem carma, neuter (loc, carme), is found xxx. 15 Taittiriya Brahmana, iii. 4,
;

in the Taittiriya Brahmana, ii. 7, 2, 2. 13, 1. For the form, cf. Macdonell,
2 Vedic
Hillebrandt, Vedische Mythologie, i, Grammar, p. 38, n. 1 p. 249, ;

148-150; 181-183. n. 4.
3 8 ii.
Rv. x. 94, 9 116, ; 4. 1, I, 9.
4 9
Rv. x. 106, 10, is so taken by i- 85. 5-
Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 228, who Cf. Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 228,

compares Odyssey, x. 19. 253-

1
Carani, used in the plural, denotes in the Rigveda
'
men '

* 2
in general or people,' conceived either as active beings or as
cultivators 3 in opposition to nomads. The expression 'king of
4
men '

(raja carsanlnam) is frequently found. The people ' '

are

8
1 Rv. i. 86, 5 ; 184, 4 ;
iii. 43, 2 ;
If derived from krs,
'

plough
'

or
iv. 7, 4; v. 23, 1 ;
vi. 2, 2 ; x. 180, 3, till.'
4
etc. Rv. iii. 10, 1 ;
v. 39, 4 ; vi. 30, 5 ;
2 from move,' which
'
If derived car, viii. 70, 1 ;
x. 139, 1, etc.

is probable.
VOL. I.
17
258 TOP OF SACRIFICIAL POST NAMES [ Caala

also mentioned in connexion with war. 6 In the Atharvaveda 6

'
animals
'

(pasu) and *
men '

(carsani) are spoken of together.

7
For the five carsanayah, see Panca Janasah.
6
Rv. i. 55, i ; 109, 6 ; iv. 31, 4 ;
For the derivation, see Macdonell,
37, 8 ;
vi. 31, 1, etc. Vedic Grammar, 185, and especially 122,
6
xiii. 1, 38. ia (from car, move ') Monier Williams,
*
;

7
Rv. v. 86, 2 ; vii. 15, 2 ; ix. ioi, 9. Dictionary, s.v. (from hrs,
'

plough ').

Casala, the mortar-shaped top-piece of the sacrificial post

1
(Yupa), is mentioned from the Rigveda onwards. In one
passage of the Satapatha Brahmana 2 it is directed to be made
of wheaten dough (gaudhuma).
1 2
Rv. i. 162, 6 ; Taittiriya Samhita, vi. v. 2, 1, 6.

3, 4, 2. 7 ;
Kathaka Samhita, xxvi. 4, Cf. Eggeling, Sacred Boohs of the East,
etc. ; Maitrayani Samhita, i. 11, 8, etc. 26, 168, n. 1 41, 31, n. 1.
;

is the name of a man, variously styled Revottaras

Cakra
1 2
Sthapati Patava Cakra and Revottaras Patava Cakra Sthapati,
who is mentioned in the Satapatha Brahmana only. He is
there said to have been expelled by the Srnjayas, but to have
restored to them their prince Dustaritu despite the opposition
of the Kauravya king Balhika Pratipiya. 2 He must have been
a sage rather than a warrior, as the first passage of the Satapatha
Brahmana 1 shows him in the capacity of a teacher only. Cf.
Sthapati.
1
Satapatha Brahmana, xii. 8, 1, 17. 207 10, 85, n. i Indian Literature, 123
; ; ;

2
Ibid. , xii. 9, 3, 1 et seq. Eggeling, Sacred Boohs of the East, 44, 269
Cf. Weber, Indische Studien, 1, 205- et seq., whose version is followed above.

*
Cakraya$a, descendant of Cakra,' is the patronymic of
Usasta or Usasti. 1
1
Brhadaranyaka Upanisad, iii. 5, 1 ; Chandogya Upanisad, i. 10, 1 ; 11, 1.

Candala. See Candala.

1
Caksusa, a word occurring once only in the Atharvaveda, is,
according to the St. Petersburg Dictionary, a patronymic (of
2
Suyaman, a personification). Whitney treats it as probably
a simple adjective (' of sight ').
1 2
xvi. 7, 7. Translation of the Atharvaveda, 800.
Caturmasya ] SEASONAL SACRIFICES 259

Catur-masya, 'four-monthly,' denotes the festival of the

Vedic ritual held at the beginning of the three seasons of four
months each, into which the Vedic year was artificially divided. 1
It is clear that the sacrifices commenced with the beginning
of each season, 2 and it is certain that the first of them, the
3
Vaisvadeva, coincided with the Phalguni full moon, the second,
the Varuna-praghasas, with the Asadhi full moon, 4 and the
6
third, the Saka-medha, with the Karttiki full moon. There
were, however, two alternative datings the festivals could also :

be held in the Caitri, the Sravani, and Agrahayani (Margasirsi)

6
full moons, or in the Vaisakhi, BhadrapadI, and Pausi full
7
moons. Neither of the later datings is found in a Brahmana
text, but each may well have been known early, since the
8
Taittiriya Samhita and the Pancavimsa Brahmana 9 both
recognize the full moon in the month Caitra as an alternative
to the full moon in the month Phalguna, for the beginning of
the year.
Jacobi considers that the commencement of the year with the
full moon in the asterism Phalguni, which is supported by other
10
evidence, indicates that the year at one time began with the winter
solsticewith the moon in Phalguni, corresponding to the summer
solstice when the sun was in Phalguni. These astronomical
11
conditions, he believes, existed in the time of the Rigveda,
and prevailed in the fourth millennium B.C. The alternative
1
Taittiriya Samhita, i. 6, io, t, ;
moon days in the months Caitra
Brahmana, i. 4,9,5; ii. 2,
Taittiriya (March-April), Sravana (July-August),
2,2; Satapatha Brahmana, i. 6, 3, 36 ;
and Margasirsa (November-December)
ii. 5, 2, 48; 6, 4, 1 v. 2, 3, 10; xiii.
; 2, respectively.
7 Deva's
5, 2 ;
Kausitaki Brahmana, v. 1, etc. Paddhati on Katyayana
2
Satapatha Brahmana, i. 6, 3, 36 Srauta Sutra, pp. 430, 450, 497. These
xiv. 1, 1, 28) Kausitaki Brahmana, are the full-moon days in the months
(cf. ;

v. 1. Vaisakha (April
-
May), Bhadrapada
3 In the month Phalguna, or Feb- (August- September), and Pausa (De-
ruary-March. cember-January) respectively.
8
4
In the month Asadha, or June- vii. 4, 8, 1. 2.
9
v. 9, 8. 11.
July.
10
5 That is, in the month Karttika, Indian Antiquary, 23, 156 et seq. ;

when the moon is in the asterism Zeitschrift der Deutschen Morgenldndischen

Krttika :
Satapatha Brahmana, ii. 6, 3, Gesellschaft, 49, 223 et seq. 50, 72-81. ;

11
13 Kausitaki Brahmana, v. 1, etc.
;
vii. 103, 9 ; x. 85, 13. Cf. Festgruss
6
Sankhayana Srauta Sutra, hi. 13, 1 ;
an Rudolf von Roth, 68 et seq.

14, 1. 2; 15, 1. These are the full-

17 2
2 6o BEGINNING OF THE YEAR NAMES [ Candhanayai

dates would then indicate periods when the winter solstice

coincided with the Caitri or the Vaisakhl full moon. But
12 13
Oldenberg and Thibaut seem clearly right in holding that
14
the coincidence of Phalguni with the beginning of spring,
which is certain, is fatal to this view, and that there is no
regarding this date as consistent with the date of
difficulty in
the winter solstice in the new moon of Magna, which is given
15
by the Kausitaki Brahmana, and which forms the basis of
16
the calculations of the Jyotisa. The full moon in Phalguna
would be placed about one month and a half after the winter
solstice, or, say, in the first week of February, which date,

according to Thibaut, may reasonably be deemed to mark the

beginning of a new season in India about 800 B.C. At the
same time it must be remembered that the date was necessarily
artificial, inasmuch as the year was divided into three seasons,
each of four months, and the Indian year does not in fact
consist of three equal seasons. The variations of the other

datings would then not be unnatural if any school wished to

defer its
spring the Vaisvadeva, to the time when
festival,

spring had really manifested itself. See also Samvatsara.

12 der Deutschen ii. 1; vii. 2, 4, 26; xi. 2, 7, 32;

Zeitschrift Morgen- 1, 3,

landischen Gesellschaft, 48, 630 et seq. ;

xii. 8, 2, 34; xiii. 5, 4, 28; Taittiriya
49. 475- 476; 50. 453-457- Samhita, ii. i, 2, 5; Kathaka Samhita,
18 Indian Antiquary, 24, 86 et seq. xiii. 1. 7, etc. See Weber, Naxatra,
14 See Taittiriya Brahmana, i. i, 2, 2, 352.
15 xix. 3.
6. 8; Satapatha Brahmana, xiii. 4, 1,
16
2-4. So the Phalguni full moon is Thibaut, Astronomie, Astrologie, und
called 'the mouth of the seasons Mathematik, 17, ii
(rtunam mukham) e.g., Paficavimsa Cf. Weber, Naxatra, 2, 329 et seq. ;

Brahmana, xxi. 15, 2; Kathaka Sam- Whitney Journal of the A merican Oriental
,

lxxxvii. Keith,
hita, viii. 1 ; Maitrayani Samhita, i. 6, Society, 16, lxxxvi., ;

9 ;
and the first season is always spring :
Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, 1909,
Satapatha Brahmana, i. 5, 3, 8-14 ; 1101-1104.

Candhanayana is the patronymic of Anandaja in the Vamsa

1
Brahmana.
1 Indische Studien, 4, 372, 383.

Cayamana is the patronymic in the Rigveda (vi. 27, 5. 8) of

Abhyavartin.
Citraratha ] BIRDS NAMES 261

* '

Casa, the blue woodpecker (Coracias indica), is mentioned

in the Rigveda, 1 as well as in the list of victims at the Asva-
2
medha, or horse sacrifice, in the Yajurveda.
1 x. 97, 13.
2
Maitrayani Samhita, iii. 14, 4; 15, 9 ; Vajasaneyi Samhita, xxiv. 23; xxv. 7.
Cf. Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 92.

Ciceika is a bird mentioned with the equally unknown

Vpsarava in one hymn of the Rigveda. 1 It may perhaps be
compared with the Citaka mentioned by Darila in his commen-
2
tary on the Kausika Sutra.
1 X. I46, 2. Cf. Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 90
2 xxvi.
20; Bloomfield, Hymns of the Griffith, Hymns of the Rigveda, 2, 589.
Atharvaveda, 266.

Citra is the name

of several persons, (a) The Rigveda con-
1

tains a Danastuti (' Praise of Gifts ') of a prince Citra. The

2
later legend attributes this panegyric to Sobhari, and describes
Citra as king of the rats.
1 viii. 21, 18.
2
Brhaddevata, vii. 58 et seq,, with Macdonell's notes.

(b) Citra Gangyayani or Gargyayani is mentioned in the

Kausitaki Upanisad 1 as a contemporary of Aruni and Svetaketu.
1
i. 1. Cf. Weber, Indische Studien, 1, 395; Keith, Sahkhayana Aranyaka,
16, n. 1.

(c) Citra Gausrayani is mentioned as a teacher in the Kausi-

taki Brahmana. 1
1 xxiii. 5. Cf. Weber, loc. cii.

Citra-ratha ('having a brilliant car') is the name of two

persons.

(a) It designates an Aryan prince, who, with Arna, was

defeated by Indra for the Turvasa-Yadus on the Sarayu
(per-
haps the modern Sarju in Oudh), according to the (iv. Rigveda
30, 18). The locality would accord with the close connexion
of Turvasa and Krivi or Paneala.
262 NAMES MEDICINAL WOOD [ Citra

(b) Citraratha is also the name of a king for whom the

Kapeyas performed a special kind of sacrifice (dvirdtra) ,
with
the result, according to the Pancavimsa Brahmana, 1 that in the
Caitrarathi family only one member was a Ksatra-pati, the rest
dependents. Apparently this must mean that the Caitrarathis
were distinguished from other families of princes by the fact
that the chief of the clan received a markedly higher position
than in most cases, in which probably the heads of the family
were rather an oligarchy than a monarch and his dependents.
See Raj an.
1 xx. 12, 5. Cf. Hopkins, Transactions I
Sciences, 15, 52, 53; Weber, Indische
of the Connecticut Academy of Arts and I Studien, 1, 32; Indian Literature 68, n.
,

Citra. See Naksatra.

Cilvati is the name of an unknown animal in the Gopatha

Brahmana (i. 2, 7).

Cipudru designates some substance mentioned in a hymn of

the Atharvaveda 1 as of use in healing. The commentator
Sayana reads Cipadru, and explains the word as a kind of tree.
This interpretation is supported by the fact that the Kausika
Sutra 2 refers to the employment of splinters of Palasa wood in
the ritual application of this hymn. 3 4
Whitney suggests that
the form of the word should be Cipudu.
1
Cf. Bloomfield, Hymns of the Athar-
vaveda, 350-352; Atharvaveda, 62;
Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 386. The
text ofRoth and Whitney reads by
error Slpudru.

is the name of an enemy of Dabhiti, for whom he,

Cumuri
1
along with his friend Dhuni, is mentioned in the Rigveda as
2
having been defeated by Indra. Elsewhere the two are spoken
of, along with Sambara, Pipru, and Susna, as having been
crushed by Indra, who destroyed their castles. It is impossible
to say whether real men or demons are meant, but in favour of
1 vi. x. 113, 9. In
20, 13 ; vi. 26, 6,
Cumuri alone is mentioned, and Dasas
or Dasyus generally are stated to have
Caikitaneya ] NAMES THE CEDI PEOPLE 263

a man being denoted by Cumuri is the form of the name, which

seems not to be Aryan. 3

Wackernagel, A Itindische Grammatik, Vedic

3 Macdonell, Mythology,
3, 275 ;

1, xxii. p. 162.
Cf. Hillebrandt, Vedische Mythologie,

descendant of Bhagavitta') is mentioned in

Cuda Bhagavitti ('

the Brhadaranyaka Upanisad 1 as a pupil of Madhuka Paingya.

1 vi. 3, 9 (Kanva = vi. 3, 17. 18 Madhyamdina). The text of the Kanva has,
as usual, Cula.

Curna appears to denote an aromatic powder in the phrase

curna-hasta, used of the Apsarases in the Kausltaki Upanisad (i. 4).

Cedi is of a people who, with their king Kau, the

the name
Caidya, are mentioned only in a Danastuti (' Praise of Gifts'),
1
occurring at the end of one hymn of the Rigveda, where their
generosity is celebrated as unsurpassed. They occur later in
the Epic with the Matsyas, and lived in Bandela Khanda
2
(Bundelkhand). In Vedic times they were probably situated
in much the same locality.
1 vm. the Royal
5, 37-39. 129 ; Pargiter, Journal of
2 2 Asiatic Society,
Lassen, Indische Alterthumskunde, i , 1908, 332; Oldenberg,
688, n. 3 ; Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, Buddha, 402.

Celaka Sandilyayana ('descendant of Sandilya ')

is mentioned
as a teacher in the Satapatha Brahmana (x. 4, 5, 3).

Caikitaneya ('descendant of Cekitana') is mentioned as a

teacher in the Jaiminlya Upanisad Brahmana. 1 The Caikita-
2
neyas are also referred to there in connexion with the Saman
which they worshipped. Brahmadatta Caikitaneya is brought
into connexion with the Saman in the Brhadaranyaka Upanisad, 3
and Vasistha Caikitaneya is known to the Sadvimsa 4 and
Vamsa Brahmanas.5 The word is a patronymic, formed from
i- 37. 7; n. 5. 2.
5
i. 42, 1. Indische Studien, 4, 373, 384.
i. 3. 24.
264 NAMES THIEF [ Caikitayana

6
Caikitana, according to Sankara, but more probably from
7
Cekitana, a name found in the Epic.
6
On Brhadaranyaka Upanisad, I
7 St. Petersburg Dictionary, s.v.

loc. cit.

1 2
Caikitayana, 'descendant of Cikitayana or Cekita,' is the
3
patronymic of Dalbhya in the Chandogya Upanisad.
1 2
Sankara on Chandogya Upanisad, I St. Petersburg Dictionary, s.v.
3
i. 8, 1. i. 8, 1.

Caitra is the patronymic of Yajiiasena in the Kathaka

Samhita (xxi. 4).

Caitra-rathi. See Citraratha and Satyadhivaka.

Caitriyayana is the patronymic or metronymic of the teacher

Yajiiasena in the Taittiriya Samhita (v. 3, 8, 1).

Caidya. See Cedi.

'
Cailaki, descendant of Celaka,' is the patronymic of Jlvala
in the ^atapatha Brahmana (ii. 3, 1, 34).

Cora, 'thief,' is only found in the Taittiriya Aranyaka, a late

work, in its last book (x. 65). The Vedic terms are Taskara
Tayu, Stena, and Paripanthin.

Cyavatana Marutasva (' descendant of Marutasva ') is

apparently the name of a prince in a Danastuti (' Praise of

Gifts '), in the Rigveda. 1 Two distinct persons may, however,
be meant.
1 v 33-
9- Cf- Ludwig, Translation of the Rigveda, 3. 155.

1 2
Cyavana, Cyavana, are variant forms of the name of an
ancient Rsi, or seer. The Rigveda 3 represents him as an old
decrepit man, to whom the Asvins restored youth and strength,
making him acceptable to his wife, and a husband of maidens.
1
This form is found even in the 2
The Rv. has this form through-
Nirukta (iv. 19), regularly in all out.
the Vedic texts other than the Rigveda, 3
i.
116, 10 ; 117, 13 ; 118, 6 ;
v. 74, 5 ;

and in the Epic. vii. 68, 6; 71, 5 ; x. 39, 4.

 Chadis ] AN ANCIENT SEER GOAT 265

The legend is given in another form in the Satapatha Brah-

4
mana, where Cyavana is described as wedding Sukanya,
the daughter of Saryata. He is there called a Bhrgu or
Ahgirasa, and is represented as having been rejuvenated by
immersion in a pond the first occurrence of a motive, later
very common in Oriental literature. Another legend about
Cyavana is apparently alluded to in an obscure hymn of the
5
Rigveda, where he seems to be opposed to the Paktha prince
Turvayana, an Indra worshipper, while Cyavana seems to
have been specially connected with the Asvins. This explana-
6
tion of the hymn, suggested by Pischel, is corroborated by the
7
Jaiminiya Brahmana, which relates that Vidanvant, another
son of Bhrgu, supported Cyavana against Indra, who was
angry with him for sacrificing to the Asvins it is also note- ;

8
worthy that the AsVins appear in the Satapatha Brahmana as
obtaining a share in the sacrifice on the suggestion of Sukanya.
But a reconciliation of Indra and Cyavana must have taken
9
place, because the Aitareya Brahmana relates the inauguration
of Saryata by Cyavana with the great Indra consecration
(aindrena mahabhisekena). In the Pancavimsa Brahmana 10
Cyavana is mentioned as a seer of Samans or Chants.
4 v
iv. 1, 5, 1 et seq. xni. 5, 12 xix. 3, 6; xiv. 6, 10;
6
x. 61, 1-3. xi. 8, 11.
6 Vedische Studien, 1,71-77 accepted
; Cf. Muir, Sanskrit Texts, 5, 243,
by Griffith, Hymns of the Rigveda, 2, 250-254 ; Ludwig, Translation of the
465- Rigveda, 3, 156 ; Macdonell, Vedic
7
iii. 121-128 ;
Journal of the American Mythology, pp. 51, 52; Hopkins, Journal
Oriental Society, 11, cxlvi ; 26, 43 et seq. of the American Oriental Society, 26, 43
8
iv. 1, 5, 13 et seq. et seq. ;
Transactions of the Connecticut
9
viii. 21, 4; Pischel, op. cit., 1, 75. Academy of Arts and Sciences, 15, 56, 57.

CH.
Chaga is the name of the *
goat
'
in the Taittiriya Samhita
(v. 6, 22, 1). Cf. Aja and Chaga.

Chadis is used once in the Rigveda, 1 and not rarely later, 2 to

denote the covering of a wagon or the thatch of a house, or
1
x. 85, 10 (of Surya's bridal car). Aitareya Brahmana, i. 29; Satapatha
2
Taittiriya Samhita, vi. 2, 9, 4 Brahmana, iii. 5, 3, 9, etc.
io 5- 7 ; Vajasaneyi Samhita, v. 28
 266 CONSTELLATION VEDIC HYMN [ Chandas

something analogous to these. Weber thinks that in one

3

4
passage of the Atharvaveda the word designates a constella-
6
tion, and Whitney, who does not decide whether that interpre-
tation is necessary, suggests that the constellation 7, 77, tt ,

Aquarii may be meant, since the next verse mentions Vicrtau,

which is the constellation \ and v Scorpionis, and is not far
from Aquarius. See also Chardis.

3
Indische Studien, 17, 208. Cf. Bloomfield, Hymns of the Atharva-
4
iii. 7. 3- veda, 336.
5
Translation of the Atharvaveda, 95.

i. Chandas in the Rigveda usually denotes a

'
song of
'

praise hymn.' or ' l

The original sense of the word, as derived
from the verb chand, 'to please,' was probably 'attractive
2
spell,' 'magic hymn,' which prevailed on the gods. In a very
late hymn of the Rigveda, 3 as well as in one of the Atharvaveda, 4
the word is mentioned in the plural (chandamsi), beside Be
(rcah), Saman (samani), and Yajus, and seems to retain its

original meaning, not improbably with reference to the magical

subject-matter of the Atharvaveda. From denoting a (metrical)
hymn comes to mean 'metre' in a very late verse of the
it
5
Rigveda, in which the Gayatri, the Tristubh, and all (sarva)
'

the metres (chandamsi) are mentioned. In the later Samhitas

three 6 or seven 7 metres are enumerated, and in the Satapatha
Brahmana 8 eight. By the time of the Rigveda Pratisakhya (J

the metres were subjected to a detailed examination, though

much earlier references are found to the number of syllables in
the several metres. 10 Later the word definitely denotes a Vedic
text generally, as in the Satapatha Brahmana. 11
1 Rv. 7
x. 85, 8 (an obscure verse) ;
Av. viii. 9, 17. 19, etc.

114, 5; Av. iv.

34, i; v. 26, 5;
8
viii. 3, 3, 6, etc.
vi. 124, 1 xi. 7, 8, etc.
;
9 xvi. 1 et seq. Cf. Max Muller,
2
Cf. Roth in St. Petersburg Dic- Sacred Books of the East, 32, xcv. et

tionary, 8.V. seq.

3 Rv. 10
x. 90, 9. Kathaka Samhita, xiv. 4 ; Jaitti-
4 Av. xi. 7, 24.
rlya Samhita, vi. 1, 2, 7.
6 x. 11 xi. So Gobhila Grhya
14, 16. 5, 7, 3.
6 Av. xviii.
1, 17; Vajasaneyi Sam- Sutra, iii. 3, 4. 15, etc.
hita, i.
27, etc.
Chaga ] ROOF CHANTER-DWELLING GOAT 267

2. one passage of the Atharvaveda 1 in the

Chandas occurs in

adjectival compound brhac-chandas, which is used of a house,

and must mean 'having a large roof.' Bloomfield 2 accepts the
3
reading as correct, but Whitney considers emendation to
Chadis necessary.
1 3
iii. 12, 3. Translation of the Atharvaveda,
2
Hymns of the Atharvaveda, 345 105.
Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 150.

Chando-ga, metre-singing,' is the term applied to reciters of

the Samans, no doubt because these chants were sung according
to their order in the Chandaarcika of the Samaveda. It is
1
only found in the Satapatha Brahmana, and often in the
2
Sutras.
1 X. 5, 2, IO. Cf. Oldenberg, Gottingische Gelehrte
2
Baudhayana Srauta Sutra, ii. 2 ;
Anzeigen, 1908, 720.
xxii. 4 Sankhayana Srauta
; Sutra,
x. 8, 33 ; xiii. 1, etc.

Chardis occurs often in the Rigveda, 1 and occasionally later, 2

denoting a secure dwelling-place. The word appears to be
incorrectly written, because the metre shows that the first
3
syllable always short. Roth accordingly suggested that
is

Chadis should be read instead. But Chadis means roof,' while '

Chardis never has that sense. Bartholomae 4 is therefore prob-

ably right in suggesting some other form, such as Chadis.
1 4 Wacker-
i.
48, 15; 114, 5; vi. 15, 3; 46, 9. Studien, 1, 47; 2, 58. Cf.
12, etc. nagel, Altindische Grammatik, 1, xii.
2
Taittiriya Samhita, iv. 2, 9, 2 ;
n. 2 Oldenberg, Zeitschrift der Deu-
;

3,6, 1
; Vajasaneyi Samhita, xiii. 19 ;
tschen Morgenldndischen Gesellschaft, 55,
xiv. 12. 312.
3
St. Petersburg Dictionary, s.v. \

Oldenberg, Prolegomena, 477.

2
in the Rigveda, 1
'
Chaga, goat,' is found and not rarely later.
See Aja and Chaga.
1 i- 162, 3. 41 ; Satapatha Brahmana, iii. 3, 3, 4 ;

2
Vajasaneyi Samhita, xix.89; xxi. 40. v. 1, 3, 14 Maitrayani Samhita, iii. 11, 2.
;
 268 DOMESTIC ANIMALS HEALING PLANT BAT [ Jagat

J.
'
Jagat, moving,' is applied sometimes in the Atharvaveda,
and later to the domestic animals in particular, as opposed to
wild animals (svapad)} Occasionally the cow is mentioned
separately, when the word jagat covers the rest of the domesti-
cated animals. 2
1 Av. viii. 5, ii, etc.
usually sufficient but cf. jagafi in
;

2 Av. i.
31, 4; x. 1,
29; xix. 47, 10; i. 157. 5; vi. 72, 4.
Vajasaneyi Samhita, iii. 59. In the Cf. Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 150, n.
Rv. the sense of animal in general is

Jarigida is the name of a healing plant mentioned in the

1
hymns of the Atharvaveda. It was used as an amulet against
the diseases, or symptoms of disease, Takman, Balasa,
ASarika, ViSarlka, Prstyamaya, 2 fevers and rheumatic pains,
Viskandha and Samskandha, 3 Jambha, and so on. But it is

also regarded as a specific against all diseases, and as the best

of healing powers. 4 It is said to be produced from the juices
5
(rasa) of ploughing (krsi), but this need only mean that it grew
in cultivated land, not that it was itself cultivated. What plant
the name designates is quite uncertain, for it disappears in the
later literature. Caland 6 takes it in the Kau^ika Sutra to be

the Terminalia arjuneya.

1 11.
4 ; xix. 34. 35. Cf. Bloomfield, Hymns of the Athar-
2 Av. xix. 34, 10. vaveda, 433 Whitney, Translation of
;

3
Av. ii. 4, 1 ;
xix. 34, 1. 5. the Atharvaveda, 42 Weber, Indische
;

4
Av. xix. 34, 9. 7. Studien, 13, 141; Grohmann, ibid., 9,
5
Av. ii. 4, 5. 417; Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 65,
6
Altindisches Zauberritual, 15, render- 66, 390.
ing KauSika Sutra, viii. 15.

1
Jatu, the 'bat,' occurs in the Atharvaveda, and is mentioned
as one of the victims at the Asvamedha, or horse sacrifice, in
the Yajurveda. 2
1
ix. 2, 22.
2
Maitrayani Samhita, iii. 14, 6; Vajasaneyi Samhita, xxiv. 25. 26.
Cf. Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 86.
Jana PEOPLE 269

Jana, besides meaning man as an individual, with a * '

* '

tendency to the collective sense, commonly denotes a people

' ' '
or tribe in the Rigveda and later. Thus, the five tribes '

(Panea Janah or Janasah) are frequently referred to, and in

one hymn of the Rigveda 1 the people of Yadu (yadva jana) ' '

and the Yadus (yddvah) are synonymous. Again, the king

' 2
(raj an) is described as protector {gopd) of the people (janasya),'
and there are other references to king and Jana. 3
The people
of the Bharatas (bhdrata jana) is also mentioned 4 there is no ;

5
ground to assume with Hopkins that Jana in this case means
a clan or horde (Grama), as distinguished from a people.
It is difficult to say exactly how a people was divided.
Zimmer 6 argues from a passage in the Rigveda 7 that a people
was divided into cantons (ViS), cantons into joint families or
clans, or village communities (Grama, Vrjana), and these again
into single families. He thinks that the four divisions are
reflected in the passage in question by Jana, Vis, Janman, and
Putralj, or sons, and argues that each village community was
originally founded on relationship. But it is very doubtful
whether this precise division of the people can be pressed. The
division of the Jana into several Vis may be regarded as

probable, for it is supported by the evidence of another passage

of the Rigveda, 8 which mentions the Vis as a unit of the fighting
men, and thus shows that, as in Homeric times and in ancient
Germany, relationship was deemed a good principle of military
arrangement. But the subdivision of the Vis into several
Gramas is very doubtful. Zimmer 9 admits that neither Grama 10

1
viii. 6, 7 ".
46. 48. 26, 3.
2 Rv. iii. 43, 5. So Soma is called 8 x. Viiah may have the same
84, 4.
gopati janasya,
'

protector of the people,' sense in several other passages iv. 24,

Rv. ix. 35, 5. 4; v. 61, 1; vi. 26, 1; vii. 79, 2;
3 Rv. v. 58, 4. viii. 12, but need not necessarily
29 it
4 Rv.iii. 53, 12. See also Bharata. bear this sense. But in x. 91, 2, there
Cf. also x. 174, 5
= Av. i. 29, 6. is a clear contrast between Vis and
5
Religions of India, 26, 27. It is true Jana.
that the Bharatas are called a gavyan 9
Op. cit., 161. He also relies on
gramah, a horde eager for booty,' in
'
Ry - v where the Maruts are
-
53. I][ >

Rv. iii. 33, n; but Grama has there divided into sardha, vrata, and gana;
merely a general application . See n 10
. . but these words are vague.
6 Altindisches 10 Rv. iii.
Leben, 159, 160. 33. 11. See n. 5.
270 DIVISIONS OF THE PEOPLE [ Jana

nor Vrjana 11 has the special sense of a subdivision of the Vis

when used for war, for both words only denote generally an
armed host. He finds other designations of the village host in
Vra 12 and in Vraja, 13 but it is sufficient to say that the former
14
passage is of extremely doubtful import, and that the latter
has no reference to war at all. It is therefore impossible to state
in what exact relation the Grama in Vedic times stood to the
Vis or to the family (Kula or Gotra). The confusion is increased
by the vagueness of the sense of both Grama and Vis. If the
latter be regarded as a local division, then no doubt the Grama
must have been a part of a district ; but if a Vis was a unit of

relationship, then a Grama may have contained families of

different Vises, or may have sometimes coincided with a
Vis', or have contained only a part of a Vis. But in any
case the original state of affairs must have been greatly
modified by the rise of the system of caste, and the substitu-
tion of a hierarchical for a political point of view. The
elements of the people were represented by the family either
as an individual family inhabiting one home (Kula), and con-

sisting often, no doubt, of a joint family of brothers, or as a

patriarchal family of sons who still lived with their father and
by the clan, the later Gotra, which included all those who
claimed a common ancestor. The Gotra may be regarded as
roughly corresponding to the Latin gens and the Greek yevos,
and possibly the Vis may be the equivalent of the curia and
(j>prjTprj,
and the Jana of the tribus and <\>vkov or (j)v\rj. L6 These
three divisions may also be seen in the Vis, Zantu, and Daqyu
of the Iranian world, where the use of Vis suggests that in the
Indian Vis a relationship based on blood rather than locality is
meant and perhaps even in the vicus, pagus, and civitas of the
old German polity described in the Germania 10 of Tacitus.
The family in some form appears as the third element of the
17
Jana in a passage of the Rigveda, where the house (grha) is
11 Rv. vii. 32,
27 x. 42, 10.
; equations, for which cf. Schrader,
12 Rv. 126, 5 {yisya iva vrah).
i. Prehistoric Antiquities, 393 et seq. The
13 Rv.x. 179, 2 =
Av. vii. 72, 2. exact parallelism cannot in any case
14 be pressed.
Cf. Pischel, Vedische Studien, 2, 121,
319.
17 x.
91, 2, where janam janam and
15
Cf. Iliad, 2, 362. viiam viiam occur, and where a con-
16
Chap. vii. Zimmer gives other trast must be meant.
Janaka J PEOPLE AND FAMILY KING JANAKA 271

contrasted with the Jana and the Vis. Possibly, too, another
18
passage contrasts the adhvara, or family sacrifice, with that of
the Jana or Vis, rather than, as Zimmer 19 thinks, the village
with the two larger units. But it is significant of the particu-
larism of the Vedic Indians that while the king maintained a
fire which might be regarded as the sacred fire of the tribe,

there is no sure trace 20 of any intermediate cult between that of

the king and that of the individual householder. The real
elements in the state are the Gotra and the Jana, just as
ultimately the gens and tribus, the yevos and (j>v\ov are alone f

important. be that Vis sometimes represents in the

It may
older texts what later was known as the Gotra. See Vi.
This appears clearly when the constitution of society in the
Brahmana The tribe or people still exists,
period is considered.
and is
presupposed, but the division into Vis disappears. The
real division is now the separate castes (Varna), but the
numerous sections into which each of them is divided appear to
be based in part on the ancient Gotra.
is RV . vii. 82, 1. 158 von Schroeder, Indiens Literatur
;

19 Altindisches und Cultur, 32, 33 Jolly, Zeitschrift

Leben, 435. ;

20 der Deutschen
Hillebrandt, Vedische Mythologie, 2, Morgenldndischen Gesell-
126. scha/t, 50, 512 et seq.

Cf. Macdonell, Sanskrit Literature,

2. Jana Sarkaraksya (' descendant of Sarkaraksa ') is

mentioned as a teacher in the (x. 6, 1, 1. Satapatha Brahmana

et seq.) and the Chandogya Upanisad (v. II, 1 15, 1). He was ;

a contemporary of Asvapati Kaikeya, and of Aruna AupaveSi

and his son Uddalaka Aruni.

Janaka, king of Videha, plays a considerable part in the

1 2
Satapatha Brahmana and the Brhadaranyaka Upanisad,
3
as well as in the Jaiminiya Brahmana and the Kausltaki
Upanisad.
4
He was a contemporary of Yajiiavalkya Vaja-
1 xi. 3
3, i, 2 ; 4, 3, 20 ; 6, 2, 1 i. 19, 2 (Journal of the American
et seq. Oriental Society, 23, 329); ii. 76 (ibid.,
2 iii. 1 v.
i, 1 ; iv. 1, 1 ; 2, ; 4, 7 ;
15, 238).
14.8.
 272 KING JANAKA OF VIDE HA [ Janaka
5
saneya, of Svetaketu Aruneya, and of other sages.
6
He had
become famous for his generosity and his interest in the dis-
cussion of the nature of Brahman, as ultimate basis of reality,
in the life-time of Ajatasatru of Kasi. 7 It is significant that

he maintained a close intercourse with the Brahmins of the

Kuru-Pancalas, such as Yajnavalkya and Svetaketu for this ;

indicates that the home

of the philosophy of the Upanisads
was in the Kuru-Pancala country rather than in the east.
There is a statement in the Satapatha Brahmana 8 that he
became a Brahmin (brahmd). This does not, however, signify
a change of caste, but merely that in knowledge he became
a Brahmin (see Ksatriya). Janaka is occasionally mentioned
in later texts in the Taittirlya
: Brahmana 9 he has already
become quite mythical; in the ^ankhayana rauta Sutra 10
a sapta-rdtra or seven nights' rite is ascribed to him.
It is natural to attempt to date Janaka by his being a con-

temporary of Ajatasatru, and by identifying the latter with the

11
Ajatasattu of the Pali texts this would make the end of the :

12
sixth century B.C. the approximate date of Janaka. But it is
very doubtful whether this identification can be supported :

Ajatasatru was king of Kaii, whereas Ajatasattu was king of

Magadha, and his only connexion with Kasi was through his
13
marriage with the daughter of Pasenadi of Kosala. More-
over, the acceptance of this chronology would be difficult to
reconcile with the history of the development of thought for ;

it would make the rise of Buddhism contemporaneous with the

Upanisads, whereas it is reasonably certain that the older

14
Upanisads preceded Buddhism. Nor do the Vedic texts know
anything of Bimbisara or Pasenadi, or any of the other princes
famed in Buddhist records.
6
Satapatha Brahmana, xi. 3, 1, 2;
n Vincent Smith, Early History of
4, 3, 20 Brhadaranyaka Upanisad, loc.
; India, 26 et seq.
12
tit. ; Jaiminiya Brahmana, loc. cit. Hoernle, Osteology, 106.
6 13
Satapatha Brahmana, xi. 6, 2, 1 Rhys Davids, Buddhist India, 3 et

et seq. seq.
7 Kausitaki Upanisad, loc. cit. ;
14
See e.g., von Schroeder, Indiens

Brhadaranyaka Upanisad, ii.

1, 1. Literatur and Cultury 243 ; Macdonell,
8 xi. Sanskrit Literature, Deussen,
6, 2, 10. 224 ;

9
iii. 10, 9, 9. Philosophy of the Upanisads, 23 et seq. ;

10
xvi. 26, 7. Keith, Aitareya Aranyaka, 25, 29.
Janamejaya ]
PEOPLE KING JANAMEJAYA 273

of
The Janaka of Videha and the father
identification 15 of
Sita is less open to objection, but it cannot be proved, and is

somewhat doubtful. In the Sutras Janaka appears as an

ancient king who knew of a time when wifely honour was less
16
respected than later.
15
Cf. Weber, Indian Literature, 135 ; 187-189 Weber, IndischeStudien, 1, 175,
;

Von Schroeder, op. cit., 189 ;

Mac- 231 Oldenberg, Buddha, 31, n., who
;

donell, op. cit., 214. properly emphasizes the difficulty of

16
Jolly, Recht und Sitte, 48. attaching much importance to the
Cf. Muir, Sanskrit Texts, 5, 426 et seq. ;
names of the leaders of the thought of
Max Muller, Ancient Sanskrit Literature, the Upanisads.
421 et seq. ; Von Schroeder, op. cit.,

1
Janata, a word frequently found in the later Samhitas and
2
the Brahmanas, denotes the people as a community (cf.
Sabha) or as a religious unit.
1
Taittiriya Samhita, ii. 2, 1,4; 6, 4 ;
ii. 3, 1, 3 ; Aitareya Brahmana, i. 7. 9 ;

3, 4, 2 ;
Kathaka Samhita, ix. 17 ;
Av. iii. 31 ;
v. 9, etc.
v. 18, 12, etc. Cf. Weber, Indische Studien, 13,
2
Taittiriya Brahmana, i. 4, 6, 1 ; 153, n.

'
Jana-pada in the Brahmanas denotes both the people,' as
opposed to the king,
1
and the 'land' or realm.' 2 The *

are also denoted by the adjectival jdnapada. 3

' '

subjects
1
Aitareya Brahmana, viii. 14 (plural); Brhadaranyaka Upanisad, ii. 1, 20;
Satapatha Brahmana, xiii. 4, 2, 17. Chandogya Upanisad, v. 1 1, 5 ;
viii. 1, 5.
2 3
Taittiriya Brahmana, ii. 3, 9, 9 ; Satapatha Brahmana, xiv. 5, 1, 20.

i. Janam-ejaya
('man-impelling') is the name of a king,
a Pariksita, 1 famous towards the end of the Brahmana period.
He is mentioned in the Satapatha Brahmana 2 as owning
horses which when wearied were refreshed with sweet drinks,
and as a performer of the Asvamedha, or horse sacrifice. 3 His
4
capital, according to a Gatha quoted in the Satapatha and
5
the Aitareya Brahmanas, was Asandivant. His brothers
Ugrasena, Bhimasena, and Srutasena are mentioned as having
1 2
Satapatha Brahmana, xiii. 5, 4, *i. 5, 5. 13-
*
1 et seq. Aitareya Brahmana, vii. 34
;
;
xiii. 5, 4, 1-3.
4
viii. 11. 21 Sankhayana Srauta Sutra,
; xiii. 5, 4, 2.

:xvi. 8, 27, etc. 5

viii. 21.

VOL. I. 18
274 NAMES WIFE [ Janamejaya

by the horse sacrifice purified themselves from sin. The priest

who performed the sacrifice for him was Indrota Daivapi
Saunaka. 6 On the other hand the Aitareya Brahmana, 7 which
also mentions his Asvamedha, names Tura Kavaseya as his
priest. It also contains an obscure tale stating that at one
sacrifice of his he did not employ the Kasyapas, but the

Bhutaviras, being, however, induced by the Asitamrgfas to

have recourse to the Kasyapas again. 8 He was a Kuru prince;
see Pariksit. The Gopatha Brahmana 9 tells an absurd tale
about him, evidently as of an ancient hero.
6 9
Satapatha Brahmana, xiii. 5, 4, 1 ;
i
i. 2, 5.

Sankhayana Srauta Sutra, loc. cit. Cf. Weber, Indian Literature, 123-
7 viii.
21. Cf. iv. 27 ; vii.
34. j
125 134-136 ; Oldenberg, Zeitschrift der
;

8 vii. Deutschen Morgenldndischen Gesellschaft,

27. Cf. Weber, Indische Studien, \

2
1, 204 Muir, Sanskrit Texts, i
; 438, ,
j
37, 65 et seq. 42, 239 Pargiter, Journal
; ;

n. 229; Eggeling, Sacred Boohs of the j of the Royal Asiatic Society, 1910, 28
East, 43, 345, n. I
et seq.

2. Janam-ejaya is in the Pancavimsa Brahmana 1 the name

of a priest who officiated at the snake sacrifice.
1
xxv. 15, 3. Cf. Weber, Indische Studien, 1, 35.

Jana-Sruta (' famed among men ') Kandviya is the name of

a pupil of Hrtsvaiaya, mentioned in a Vamsa (list of teachers)
in the Jaiminiya Upanisad Brahmana (iii. 40, 2), and of

Varakya, a pupil of Jayanta, referred to in the same Brah-

mana (iii. 41, 1 ;
iv. 17, 1). Cf. Janaruti.

Jani, Jam.
These words appear to denote 'wife,' usually
applying to her in relation to her husband (Pati). The more
general sense of woman is doubtful for when Usas
'
is called
'

1 2
'

may be meant, and the other passage cited

'
a fair
Jam, wife
3
for this sense by Delbriick, which refers to the begetting of

children, seems to demand the sense of

'
wives.' Since the
words usually appear in the plural, 4 it is possible they may
1 Rv. iv. 52, I. 26, 3 ;32 Vajasaneyi Samhita,
ix. 86, ;

2
v. 61, 3- xii. 35 xx. 40. 43, etc. Cf. Rv. x. 43, 1.
;

3 Die indogermanischen Verwandschafts- In x. no, 5, the phrase is patibhyo na

nanten, 413. janayah, where both plurals may be
4
i. 85, 1 ; iv. 5, 5 ; 19, 5 ;
vii. 18, 2 ; generic.
Jabala ] PARENTS MAN RELATIONS BRIDESMAN 275

'
refer not to wives proper, but to Hetairai. This is, how-
'

5
ever, rendered unlikely because the Rigveda uses the phrase
patyur janitvarn, denoting 'wifehood to a husband,' as well
6
as the expression janayo na patnih, Mike wives (who are)
7
mistresses,' besides containing passages in which the word has
reference to marriage. 8 The singular occurs in the dialogue of
Yama and Yarn!. 9
patnl was 'wife,' as being 'mistress'
5
x. 18, 8. Cf. janitvana in viii. 2,

42. of the house (feminine of pati, 'lord,'

6 '
husband
i. 62, 10; 186, 7. ').
7 The distinction of sense was prob- 8 v.
61, 3. So in x. 40, 10, the word

ably this :
jani meant '

wife,' as bearing seems certainly to refer to marriage.

children (from jan,
'

beget '),
while

Janitr 1 and Janitri 2 are frequent words, in the Rigveda and

' ' ' '

later, for father and mother regarded as the begetter '

'
and the bearer respectively '
of the child. See Pitr, Matr.
2
1
Rv. i. 129, 11 ; 164, 33 ;
iii. I, 10; Rv. iii. 48, 2; 54, 14; Av. vi. no,
54, 9, etc.; Av. iv. 1, 7; Vajasaneyi 13 ; ix. 5, 30, etc.
Samhita, xix. 87, etc.

'

Jantu, besides the general sense of man,' has also in a few

1
passages the more restricted sense of 'follower' or 'subject.'
2
The '
followers of Svaitreya may be compared with the
'

' 3
subjects (visah) of Tp^askanda.'
2 3
1
Rv. 1. 94, 5 ;
x. 140, 4. Rv. v. 19, 3. Rv. i. 172, 3.

Janman
appears to have the sense of relations in two
' '

1
passages of the Rigveda, being used collectively in the second
of them.
1 iii. 15, 2; ii. 26, 3 (where janena, I
Cf. Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 160, and
visa, janmana, putraih, is the series). |
see Jana and Vis\

Janya has in the Rigveda (iv. 38, 6) and the Atharvaveda

'

(xi. 8, 1) the special sense of bridesman.'

Jabala is the name of the mother of an illegitimate son,

Satyakama, in the Chandogya Upanisad (iv. 4, 1. 2. 4).
1 82
276 INSECT AN ANCIENT SAGE DISEASE [ Jabhya
' 1
snapper,' denotes in the Atharvaveda an insect
Jabhya,
destructive to grain.

1
vi. 50, 2. Cf. Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 237.

one of the somewhat mythical sages of the

Jamad-agui is

Rigveda, where he is frequently mentioned. In some passages 1

his name occurs in such a way as to indicate that he is the
author of the hymn; once 2 he is thus associated with Visva-
mitra. In other passages 3 he is merely referred to, and the
Jamadagnisare mentioned once.
4
In the Atharvaveda, 5 as well
6
as the Yajurveda Samhitas and the Brahmanas, 7 he is quite a

frequent figure. Here he appears as a friend of Visvamitra 8

and a rival of Vasistha. 9 He owed his prosperity to his catu-
'

ratra, or with which his family were also

'

four-night ritual,
10 11
very successful. In the Atharvaveda Jamadagni is connected
with Atri and Kanva, as well as Asita and Vitahavya. He was
12
Adhvaryu priest at the proposed sacrifice of Sunahsepa.
1 Rv. iii. 62, 18 ; viii. 101, 8 ;
ix. 62, Brahmana, xiii. 2, 2, 14; Taittiriya
24 5 65, 25. Aranyaka, i. 9, 7 Brhadaranyaka
;

2
Rv. x. 167, 4. Upanisad, ii.
2, 4 ; Jaiminiya Upanisad
3
Rv. vii. 96, 3 ;
ix. 97, 51. Brahmana, iii. 3, 11 ;
iv. 3, 1, etc.
4 8
Rv. iii. 53, 15. 16. Taittiriya Samhita, iii. 1, 7, 3 ;

5
ii. 32, 3 (cf. Taittiriya Aranyaka, v. 4, 11, 3; Pancavhpsa Brahmana,
iv. 36 ;
Mantra Brahmana, ii. 7, 1) ;
xiii. 5, 15.
9
iv. 29, 3 ;
v. 28, 7 ;
vi. 137, 1 ; xviii. 3, Taittiriya Samhita, loc. cit.
10
15. 16. Pancavimsa Brahmana, xxi. 10,
6
Taittiriya Samhita, ii. 2, 12, 4 ;
5-7.
11
iii- I. 7. 3; 3. 5. 2; v. 2, 10, 5; 4, 11, 3; ii. 32, 3; vi. 137, 1.
12
Maitrayani Samhita, ii. 7, 19 iv. 2, 9 ; ; Aitareya Brahmana, vii. 16.

Kathaka Samhita, xvi. 19 xx. 9 Vaja- ; ; Hopkins, Transactions of the Con-

Cf.
saneyi Samhita, iii. 62 xiii. 56. ;
necticut Academy of Arts and Sciences, 15,
7 Pancavimsa Brahmana, ix. 4, 14 ; 53, 54 ; Bloomfield, Hymns of the A thar-
xiii. 5, 15 ;
xxi. 10, 5-7 xxii. 7, 2
; ; vaveda, 319 ; Weber, Indische Studien,
Aitareya Brahmana, vii. 16 Satapatha
; 10, 95-

Jambha occurs twice in the Atharvaveda as the name of a

disease or a In one passage 1 it is said to be
demon of disease.
2
cured by the Jahgida plant; in the other it is described as
3
samhanuh, bringing the jaws together.' Weber argued from
'

3
1 ii. 4, 2. viii. i, 16. Indische Studien, 13, 142.
 Jarabodha ]
NAMES OF TEACHERS 277

the Kausika Sutra 4 that it was a child's ailment, especially

Bloomfield 5 considers it to mean
' '
teething.' convulsions,'
while Caland 6 thinks it denotes tetanus.' Whitney 7 decides
'

' ' '

for lockjaw or convulsions.'
4 7
Translation
xxxii. 1. of the Atharvaveda,
5
Hymns of the Atharvaveda, 283. 42.
6
Zeitschrift der Deutschen Morgen- Cf. Zimmer, Altindischss Leben, 392.
landischen Gesellschaft, 53, 224 ; Altin-
disches Zauberritual, 103.

Jambhaka, as the name of a demon, presumably identical

with the demon causing Jambha, is mentioned in the Vaja-
1 2
saneyi Samhita and the Sahkhayana Aranyaka.
1 xxx. 16.
2 xii.
25. Cf. Keith, Sahkhayana Aranyaka, 67, n. 7.

Jayaka Lauhitya (' descendant of Lohita ') is mentioned in a

Vamsa (list of teachers) of the Jaiminlya Upanisad Brahmana

(iii. 42, 1) as a pupil of Yasasvin Jayanta Lauhitya.

Jayanta is the name of several teachers in the Jaiminlya

Upanisad Brahmana :

(a) Jayanta Parasarya ('descendant of Paraara') is mentioned

as a pupil of VipaSeit in a Vamsa (list of teachers). 1
Jayanta Varakya (' descendant of Varaka ') appears in the
(b)
same Vamsa 1 as a pupil of Kubera Varakya. His grandfather
is also mentioned there as a
pupil of Kamsa Varakya.
(c) A Jayanta Varakya, pupil of Suyajna Sandilya, perhaps
identical with the preceding, is found in another Vamsa. 2
3
(d) Jayanta is a name of YaSasvin Lauhitya.
See also Daksa Jayanta Lauhitya.
1
in. 41, 1. SanskritGrammar, xzogd, and Mac-
2
iv. 17, 1. donell, Grammar, igia), but the
Vedic
3
iii.
42, 1. Not only is the forma- Upanisad in which it occurs is also a
tion of the name a late one {cf. Whitney, late one.

Jara-bodha, a word occurring only once in the Rigveda, 1 is

of doubtful meaning. It is held by Ludwig 2 to be the name of

1 2
i. 27, 10. Translation of the Rigveda, 3, 103.
278 EMBRYONIC MEMBRANE SINGER [ Jarayu

a seer. Roth 3 regards it as a mere adjective meaning attending '

to the invocation,' which is perhaps the most probable inter-

4
pretation. Oldenburg, however, thinks that the word is a
'

proper name, the literal sense being alert in old age.'

3 St. the
Petersburg Dictionary, s.v. rsi bodha-pratlbodhau of Av. v. 30,
Cf. Nirukta, x. 8. 10.
4
Rgveda-Noten, i, 23. He compares

Jarayu found once in the Atharvaveda 1 in the sense of

is
' 2
a serpent's skin.' Usually it denotes the outer covering
(chorion) of the embryo, as opposed to the ulva, the inner
covering (amnion).
Living things are occasionally classified according to their
mode of origin. In the Chandogya Upanisad 3 they are divided
* ' *
into (a) anda-ja, egg-born ; (6) jiva-ja, born alive,' or born
from the womb ; (c) udbhij-ja,
'
propagated by sprouts.' In the
4
Aitareya the division is
Aranyaka (a) anda-ja ; fourfold :

6
(b) jarayu-ja (found in the Atharvaveda, and
Jaru-ja, that is,
6
needlessly read here by Bohtlingk ) ; (c) udbhij-ja; and (d)
'

sveda-ja, sweat-born,' explained as 'insects.'

1 4
i-
27, 1. ii. 6.
2 Rv. 5
v. 78, 8; Av. i. n, 4; vi. 49, 1 ;
i. 12, 1.
6
ix. 4,
4 Taittiriya Samhita,
; vi. 5, 6, 3 ; See jaru in Jaiminiya Brahmana,
Vajasaneyi Samhita, x. 8 ; xix. 76 ;
ii. 430, 6.
Aitareya Brahmana, i. 3 ; atapatha Cf. Deussen, Philosophy of the Upani-
Brahmana, hi. 2, 1, 11, etc ;
Chan- shads, 196, 292 ; Keith, Aitareya Aran-
dogya Upanisad, iii. 19, 2, etc. yaka, 235.
3
vi. 3, 1.

1. Jaritr the regular term in the Rigveda, 1 and occasion-

is
2
ally later, for a singer of hymns of praise or worshipper.

1 2 Av.
i. 2, 2; 165, 14; ii. 33, 11; iii. 60, I v. 11, 8; xx. 135, 1, etc.

7, etc.

According to Sieg, mention is made in one

1
2. Jaritr.

hymn 2
of the Rigveda of Jaritr, one of the Sarhgas. That
hymn he seeks to bring into connexion with the epic 3 tradition
1 2 x.
Die Sagenstoffe des Rgveda, 44 et seq. 142.
3
Mahabharata, i. 222, 1 et seq.
Jalaabh.eaja ]
NAMES SESAMUM 279

of the Rsi Mandapala, who wedded Jarita, a female Sarriga

bird apparently a hen sparrow (cataka) and had four sons.
These being abandoned by him and exposed to the danger of
being consumed by a forest fire, prayed to Agni with the hymn
Rigveda x. 142. This interpretation is very doubtful, though
4
Sayana appears to have adopted it.
4 On Rv. x.
142, 7. 8.

1
Jarutha, mentioned in three passages of the Rigveda,
appears to denote a demon defeated by Agni. 2 Ludwig, how-
3
ever, followed by Griffith, sees in him a foe slain in a battle in
which Vasistha, the traditional author of the seventh Mandala
of the Rigveda, was Purohita, or domestic priest.
1 vii.
1, 7; 9, 6; x. 80, 3.
2 vi. 17.
Roth, St. Petersburg Dictionary, s.v. ; Nirukta,
3
Hymns of the Rigveda, 2, n, n.

Jartila,
'
wild sesamum,' is mentioned in the Taittirlya
Samhita (v. 4, 3, 2) as an unsuitable sacrificial offering. In
the Satapatha Brahmana (ix. I, 1, 3) sesamum seeds are
regarded as combining the qualities of cultivation (viz.,
edibility) with those of wild growth (because they are produced
on unploughed land).

'
Jarvara was Grhapati or householder '
at the snake festival
described in the Pancavimsa Brahmana. 1
1
xxv. 15, 3. Cf. Weber, Indische Studien, 1, 35.

Jala Jatukarnya ('descendant of Jatukarna'), is mentioned in

the Sahkhayana Srauta Sutra (xvi. 29, 6) as having obtained
the position of Purohita, or domestic priest, of the three peoples
or kings of Kaii, Videha, and Kosala.

Jalasa-bhesaja, whose remedy is Jalasa,' is an epithet of

'

Rudra in the Rigveda 1 and the Atharvaveda. 2 The word

1
i. 43, 4 ;
viii. 29, 5. 3, and jalasa as an adjective is found in
|
2
ii. 27, 6. It also occurs in the |
Rv. ii. ^^, 7 ;
viii. 35, 6.
Nilarudra Upanisad (a very late work),
 28o REMEDY DOLPHIN POLECA T [ Jasa

3
Jalasa occurs in a hymn of the Atharvaveda, where it denotes
a remedy, perhaps, for a tumour or boil. 4 The commentator
on this passage and the Kausika Sutra 5 regard Jalasa as
6
meaning
'
urine,' which seems a probable
interpretation. But
7 meant
Geldner thinks that rain-water, conceived as urine, is ;

and the Naighantuka 8 identifies jalasa and udaka '

water.'

3 7
vl 57. Vedische Studien, 3, 139, n. 2.
4 8
Bloomfield, American Journal of i. 12.

Philology, 11, 321 et seq. ; Hymns of the Cf. Whitney, Translation of the
Atharvaveda, 489. Atharvaveda, Macdonell,
323, 324 ;

5
xxxi. 11. Vedic Mythology, pp. 76, 77 Hopkins, ;

Proceedings of the A merican Oriental Society,

6
Bloomfield, American Journal of
Philology, 12, 425 et seq. 1894, cl.

Jasa is the name of some aquatic animal or fish in the

Atharvaveda 1 and the Taittiriya Samhita. 2 The commentary
on the latter text explains it by makara, probably meaning
3
'

dolphin.' The word also occurs in the Gopatha Brahmana.

Cf. Jhasa.
1 xi. There are various read-
2, 25. Cf. Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 96;
ings :
jhasa, jakha, jagha. Whitney, Translation of the Atharva-
3
v. 5, 13, 1. veda, 624.
3
" 2, 5.

Jahaka, the polecat,' is mentioned as a victim at the

'

1 2
Asvamedha, or horse sacrifice, in the Yajurveda. Sayana
thinks it means a jackal living in holes (vila-vdsl krosta).
1
Taittiriya Samhita, v. 5, 18, 1 ; I
saneyi Samhita, xxiv. 36. Cf. Zimmer,
Maitrayani Samhita, iii. 14, 17; Vaja- I
Altindisches Leben, 86.
2
On Taittiriya Samhita, loc. cit.

Jahnu occurs only

in the plural in the legend of Sunahgepa,
who said to have obtained, as Devarata, both the lordship
is

of the Jahnus and the divine lore of the Gathins.

1
A Jahnava,
or descendant of Jahnu, was, according to the Pancavimsa
1
Aitareya Brahmana, vii. 18 {Jah- ing is different and the sense altered :

nunam cadhipatye daive vede ca Gaihinam) ;

Jahnunam cddhitasthire daive vede ca

AsValayana Srauta
Sutra, xii. 14 ;
Gathinah. The two ca?s cannot be
Sankhayana Srauta Sutra, xv. 27 (p. 195, justified, and the text must be in-
i. 21, ed. Hillebrandt, where the read- correct).
Jati ] KING JAHNU GOLD FAMILY 281

2
Brahmana, Visvamitra, who is said, by means of a certain
' '
catd-rdtra or four-night ritual, to have secured the kingdom
for the Jahnus in their conflict with the Vrcivants. He is

here described as a king. Again, in the Aitareya Brahmana, 3

Visvamitra is addressed as a raja-putra, prince,' and Bharata- *

rsabha, 'bull of the Bharatas.' It is therefore clear that the

Brahmanas, though not the Samhitas, saw in him at once a
priest and a prince by origin, though there is no trace whatever
of their seeing in him a prince who won Brahmanhood as in
the version of the later texts. 4
A Jahnavi is mentioned twice
Rigveda, being either in the 5

the wife of Jahnu, or, as Sayana thinks, the race of Jahnu.

The family must clearly once have been a great one, later
merged in the Bharatas.
9 xxi. 12. 3
Cf. Hopkins, Transactions vii. 17, 6. 7.
4 2
of the Connecticut Academy of Arts and Muir, Sanskrit Texts, i, 337 et seq.

Sciences, 15, 54, who correctly explains

5
i. 116, 19; iii. 58, 6. Cf. Ludwig,
the passage which Sayana misunder- Translation of the Rigveda, 3, 153.
stands.

Jata Sakayanya (' descendant of Saka ') is ^mentioned as a

ritual authority and contemporary of Sarikha in the Kathaka
Samhita (xxii. 7).

possessing native beauty,'

Jata-rupa, is the name of '

gold
'

in the later Brahmanas 1 and the Sutras. 2

1
Aitareya Brahmana, viii. 13 (jata- Latyayana Srauta Sutra, i. 6, 24. Cf.
-
rupa may a, 'composed of gold'); viii.1, 3 Kausika Sutra,;
x. 16;

Bi-hadaranyaka Upanisad, vi. 4, 25 ; xiii. 3, etc. ;

Sankhayana Srauta Sutra,
Naighantuka, i. 2. iii. 19, 9.
2
Rajata-jatarupe, 'silver and gold,'

1
Jati, which in the Pali texts is the word denoting '

caste,'
does not occur at all in the early Vedic literature ;
when it is
2
found, as in the Ka.tya.yana Srauta Sutra, it has only the
'
sense of family (for which cf. Kula, Gotra, and Vis). For
'

the influence of the family system on the growth of caste, see

Varna. To assume that it was the basis of caste, as does

1
Fick, Die sociale Gliederung, 22, n. 4. xv. 4, 14. So jatiya, xx. 2, 11, etc.
282 PATRONYMICS [ Jatukarnya
3
Senart, is difficult in face of the late appearance of words for

family and of stress on family. 4

3
Les Castes dans VInde (1896). schrift der Deutschen Morgenldndischen
4
Fick, op. cit., 3; Oldenberg, Zeit- Gesellschaft, 51, 267 et seq.

'
Jatu-karnya, descendant of Jatukarna,' is the patronymic
of several persons.
(a) A pupil of Asurayana and Yaska bears this name in
a Vamsa
(list of teachers) of the Brhadaranyaka Upanisad in
the Kanva recension. 1 In the Madhyamdina 2 he is a pupil
of Bharadvaja.

(b) A son of Katyayani,' bears this name

Katyayani-putra,
'

in the 3
Sankhayana Aranyaka.
(c) A Jatukarnya is mentioned in the Kausitaki Brahmana 4
as a contemporary of AHkayu Vacaspatya and other sages.
(d) Jatukarnya is in the Sutras 5 frequently a
patronymic of
teachers identity cannot whose
be determined. The same
person or different persons may here be meant.
1
ii. 6, 3 ;
iv. 6, 3. ayana Srauta Sutra, i. 2, 17; iii. 16,
2
ii. 5, 21 ; iv. 5, 27. 14 ; 20, 19 ; xvi. 29, 6 (Jala) ; Katyayana
3
viii. 10. Srauta Sutra, iv. 1, 27 ;
xx. 3, 17 ;

4
xxvi. 5 (Jatukarnya^ in Lindner's xxv. 7, 34, etc.
index, 159, is a misprint). Cf. Weber, Indian Literature, 138-
5
Aitareya Aranyaka, v. 3, 3 ; Sankh- I40.

Jatu-sthira occurs in one verse of the Rigveda 1 where

2
Sayana and Ludwig interpret the word as a proper name.
4
Roth 3 renders it as an adjective meaning 'naturally powerful.'
1 4
n. 13, 11. Urkraftig. Grassmann, Worterhuh,
2 word as power- '
Translation of the Rigveda, 3, 152. similarly explains the
3 ful by nature or birth
'

St. Petersburg Dictionary, s.v. (with (jatu).

a wrong reference, ii. 23, it).

descendant of Jana,' is the patronymic of Vrsa in the

Jana,
'

Pancavimsa Brahmana 1 and apparently in the Satyayanaka. 2

1 xiii. 3, 12. notes ; Sieg, Die Sagenstoffe des Rgvcda,
2
In Sayana on Rv. v. 5. Cf. Brhad- 64 et seq.

devata, v. 14 et seq., with Macdonell's

Jabala ] PATRONYMICS AND METRONYMICS 283

Janaka, 'descendant of Janaka,' is the patronymic of

Kratuvid in some MSS. of the Aitareya Brahmana. 1 In the
2
Taittiriya Samhita the name appears instead as Kratujit
Janaki. Janaka is also, according to some manuscripts of the
3
Brhadaranyaka Upanisad, the patronymic of Ayasthuna, but
is here no doubt a misreading of Janaki.

2 3
1 vii. 34. ii. 3, 8, 1 ; Kathaka Samhita, xi. 1. vi. 3, to (Kanva).

'
Janaki, descendant of Janaka,' is the patronymic of
1
Kratujit in the Taittiriya Samhita, of Kratuvid in the Aitareya
3
Brahmana, 2 and of Ayasthuna in the Brhadaranyaka Upanisad,
where he is mentioned as a pupil of Cuda Bhagavitti, and as
teacher of Satyakama Jabala.
2 vii.
1 ii. 3, 8, 1 ;
Kathaka Samhita, xi. 1. 34.
3
vi. 3, 10 (Kanva = vi. 3, 18. 19, Madhyamdina).

'
Janam-tapi, descendant of Janamtapa,' is the patronymic
of Atyarati in the Aitareya Brahmana (viii. 23).

Jana-pada. See Janapada.

Jana-sruti, descendant of Janasruta,' is the patronymic ot

Pautrayana in the Chandogya Upanisad (iv. 1,1; 2, 1).

' ' '

Jana-sruteya, descendant of Janasruti or of Janasruta/
1
is the patronymic or metronymic of several persons Upavi
2 3 4 5
or Aupavi, Ulukya, Nagrarin, and Sayaka.
1 3
Aitareya Brahmana, i. 25, 115. Jaiminiya Upanisad Brahmana,
2
Satapatha Brahmana, v. 1, 1, 5. 7 i. 6, 3.
4 5
Maitrayani Samhita, i. 4, 5. Ibid., iii. 40, 2. Ibid.

Jabala, descendant of Jabala,' is the metronymic of Maha-

'

J&xla
1
and Satyakama. 2 Jabala is also mentioned as a teacher
in the Jaiminiya Upanisad Brahmana, 3 which refers to the
1
Satapatha Brahmana, x. 3, 3, 1 ;
1
dogya Upanisad, iv. 4, i,etc; Aitareya
6, 1, 1. I
Brahmana, viii. 7.
2 3
Ibid., xiii. 5, 3, 1 ; Brhadaranyaka iii. 9, 9.
|

Upanisad, iv. 1, 14; vi. 3, 19; Chan- j

 284 NAMESSON-IN-LAW BLOOD RELATION [Jabalayana
4
Jabalas as well. The Jabala Grhapatis are spoken of in the
Kausltaki Brahmana. 5
4 iii. xxm.
7, 2. 5.

Cf. Weber, Indische Studien, 1, 395.

'
Jabalayana, descendant of Jabala,' is the patronymic of a
teacher, a pupil of Madhyamdinayana, who is mentioned in
the second Vamsa (list of teachers) of the Kanva recension of
the Brhadaranyaka Upanisad (iv. 6, 2).

'

JamadagTiiya is the patronymic of two descendants of

' 1
Jamadagni in the Taittiriya Samhita. It appears from the
2
Pancavimsa Brahmana that the Aurvas are meant, and that
Jamadagni's descendants were ever prosperous.
1 vii.
1, g, 1. Hopkins, Transactions of the Connecticut
2
xxi. 10, 6. Academy of Arts and Sciences, 15, 54.
Cf. Weber, Indische Studien, 12, 251, n.

a rare word denoting son-in-law in the Rigveda, 1

Jamatp ' '
is

where also occurs the word Vijamatr, denoting an unsatis- '

factory son-in-law,' as one who does not pay a sufficient price,

or one who, having other defects, must purchase a bride.

Friendly relations between son-in-law and father-in-law are

referred to in the Rigveda. 2
1 2
viii. 2, 20. Vayu is called the x. 28, 1. Cf. Bloomfield, Journal
jamatr of Tvastr in viii. 26, 21. 22. of the American Oriental Society, 15,
Cf. Delbriick, Die indogermanischen Ver- 255-
wandtschaftsnamen, 517 ; Pischel, Vedische
Studien, 2, 78, 79.

Jami, a word which appears originally to have meant

1 ' '
related in blood,' is not rarely used as an epithet of sister
'

(Svasr), and sometimes even denotes sister itself, the '

1
emphasis being on the blood-relationship. So it appears in
a passage of the Atharvaveda, 2 where ' '

brotherless sisters
1
Cf, Delbriick, Die indogermanischen 'sister,' Rv. i. 65, 7; x. 10, 10, etc.
Verwandtschaftsnamen, 463, 464. As rela- '
with svasa, i. 123, 5; 185, 5; iii. I, 11
tion,' it occurs, e.g., Rv. i. 31, 10; ix. 65, 1 ; 89, 4, etc.
11 etc. as 2
75, 3. 4 ; 100, ; 124, 6, ; i- 17, I-
Jaya] FAMILY FEUDS HOLLOW OF THE KNEE WIFE 285

(abhratara iva jamayah) are referred to. The word is similarly

used in the dispute occurring in the Aitareya Brahmana 3 as to
the precedence of Raka, or of the wives of the gods, in a certain
rite. One party is there described as holding that the sister
should be preferred (j amy at vai purva-peyam) apparently at a
ceremonial family meal to the wife, presumably as being of
one blood with the husband, while the wife is not (being anyo-
of another womb '). 4 In the neuter 5 the word means
'

darya,
which also occurs in the Rigveda. 6
1

relationship,' like jami-tva,

"
in. 37- 'making relationship,' Av. iv. 19, 1.
4
Delbriick, loc. cit. Cf. Aitareya Brahmana, loc. cit.
5
Rv. x. 6
iii. 54, 9 ; 10, 4 ; jami-krt, i.
105, 9 ; 166, 13 ; x, 55, 4 '.
64, 13.

' ' '

Jami-gamsa, the imprecation by a sister or relation,' is

mentioned in the Atharvaveda, 1 showing that family disputes
were not rare. This is also indicated by the word Bhratrvya,
which, while properly meaning 'father's brother's son,' regularly
'
denotes simply enemy.'
1
ii. 10, 1 (
= Taittiriya Brahmana, ii. 5, 6, 3), and personified in ix. 4, 15.

Cf.jamyah sapathah, Av. ii. 7, 2 ; Bloomfield, Hymns of the Atharvaveda, 362.

' 1
Jambila, hollow of the knee,' occurs once in the MaitrayanI
2
Samhita. The word also occurs in the form of Jambila in the
Kathaka Samhita 3 and the Vajasaneyi Samhita. 4 Mahldhara,
in his commentary on the latter text, interprets the word as

knee-pan,' which he says is so named because of its resemblance

'

to the citron, jambira.

Cf. Mac-
1 for janu-bila.
Perhaps 111. 15. 3-
donell, Vedic Grammar, p. 11, n. 4. v. 13, 1. xxv. 3.

'

Jayanti-putra, son of Jayanti,' is mentioned in the last

Vamsa (list of teachers) in the Brhadaranyaka Upanisad 1 as a

pupil of Mandukayaniputra.
vi. 5, 2 (Kanva = vi.
1
4, 32 Madhyamdina).

'

regularly denotes wife,' and, as opposed to Patni, wife

Jaya
as an object of marital affection, the source of the continuance
286 DISEASE LOVER [ Jayanya, Jayenya

of the race. 1 So it is used of the wife of the gambler, and of

the wife of the Brahmana in the Rigveda 2 it is also frequently ;

3
combined with both there and in the later
Pati, 'husband,'
4
literature. Patnl, on the other hand, is used to denote the
wife as partner in the sacrifice f when no share in it is assigned
6
to her, she is called Jaya. The distinction is, of course,
merely relative ;
hence one text 7 calls Manu's wife Jaya,
another 8 Patni. Later on Jaya is superseded by Dara.
1
Delbruck, Die indogermanischen Ver- |
vii. 13, 10 ; Satapatha Brahmana,
ivandtschaftsnamen, 411, 412. Cf. Rv. iv. 6, 7, 9. Cf. MaitrayanI Samhita,
i. 105, 2 124, 7 iii. 53, 4
; ; ;
iv. 3, 2 ;
i. 6, 12.
5
18, 3 ;
ix. 82, 4 ;
x. 10, 7 ; 17, 1 ; 71, 4, Satapatha Brahmana, i. 9, 2, 14.
6
etc. ; Av. iii. 30, 2 ; vi. 60, 1, etc. i-
i,4. 13-
2 7
x. 34, 2. 3. 13, and x. 109. Ibid., i. 1,4, 16.
3 8
Rv. iv. 3, 2 ;
x. 149, 4. MaitrayanI Samhita, iv. 8, 1.
4
Aitareya Brahmana, iii. 23, 1. Cf.

1 2
Jayanya, Jayenya, are variant forms of the name of a
disease mentioned in the Atharvaveda and the Taittiriya Sam-
hita. In one passage of the former text 3 it is mentioned with
jaundice (harimd) and pains in the limbs (anga-bhedo visalpakah).^
Zimmer 4 thinks these are its symptoms, and identifies it with a
kind of Yaksma, or disease of the lungs. Bloomfield 5 prefers
to identify it with syphilis, in accordance with certain indica-
tions in the ritual of the Kausika Sutra. 6 Roth conjectures
1 7
gout,' but Whitney leaves the nature of the disease doubtful.
1
Av. vii. 76, 3-5 ;
xix. 44, 2. 320 et seq. ; Hymns of the Atharvaveda,
2
ii- 3. 5. 2 ; 5. 6, 5. 559-56I.
3 6
xix. 44, 2. xxxii. 11. Cf. also thecommentary
4
Altindisches Leben, 377, following on Av. vii. 76, and Taittiriya Samhita,
Wise, Hindu System of Medicine, 321, loc. cit.
7
describing Aksata. Translation of the Atharvaveda, 442 .

5
American fournal of Philology, 11, Cf. Henry ,Le livre vii de I' A tharvaveda, 98.

1
Jara, Mover,' has no sinister sense in the early texts
generally, where the word applies to any lover. But it seems
2
probable that the Jara at the Purusamedha, or human sacrifice,
1
Rv.
i. 66, 8; 117, 18; 134, 3; 1. Cf. Zimmer, Altindisches Leben,
152, 4; ix. 32, 5, etc. The word is 308.
often used mythologically, as, e.g., jara 2 Tait-
Vajasaneyi Samhita, xxx. 9 ;

usasam, 'lover of the dawns,' vii. 9, tiriya Brahmana, iii. 4, 4, 1.

Jahua J NAMES NET HEAD OF FAMILY 287

must be regarded as an illegitimate lover; this sense also

3
appears in the Brhadaranyaka Upanisad, and Indra is styled
the lover of Ahalya, wife of Gautama. 4

3
vi. 4, n. 4
Macdonell, Vedic Mythology, p. 65.

Jarat-karava (' descendant of Jaratkaru ') Artabhag-a (' de-

scendant of Rtabhaga') is the name of a teacher mentioned

in theSankhayana Aranyaka (vii. 20) and the Brhadaranyaka

Upanisad (iii. 2, 1, in both recensions).

Jaru. See Jarayu.

Jala occurs in the Atharvaveda 1 and the Sutras 2 in the sense

of net.' Jalaka is used in the Brhadaranyaka Upanisad 3 of a
'

reticulated membrane resembling a woven covering.

1 viii. 2
8, 5. 8 (as used against foes); I
Katyayana Srauta Sutra, vii. 4, 7,
3
x. 1, 30. I
etc. iv. 2, 3.

Jalasa. See Jalasa, which is read by Sayana in the Athar-

1
vaveda (vi. 57, 2) for Jalasa.
1
Cf. Bloomfield, American Journal 0/ Philology, 11, 320.

Jaskamada is the name of an unknown animal in the Athar-

1
vaveda.
1 xi.
g, 9. Cf. Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 88.

1
Jas-pati occurs once in the Rigveda in the sense of the
4
head of the family.' The abstract formed from this word,
Jas-patya, apparently denoting 'lordship of children,' is also
found there. 2
1 a
Rv.
i.
185, 8. v. 28, 3 ;
x. 85, 23.

Jahusa is the name in the Rigveda

1
of a protege of the
Asvins.

1
i. n6, X ;
vii- 71 , 5- Cf. Ludwig, Translation of the Rigveda, 3, 159.
288 NAMES PLANT OFFICIAL [ Jahnava

Jahnava, descendant of Jahnu,' is the patronymic of ViSva-

'

mitpa in the Pancavimsa Brahmana. 1 This fact is of some

2
importance as disproving Aufrecht's theory that the Jahnus
were the clan of Ajigarta, the father of Sunahepa.
1 xxi. 12.
Cf. Weber, Indische Studien, necticut Academy of Arts and
I
Sciences, 15,
1, 32 ; Hopkins, Transactions of the Con- 54. |

2
Aitareya Brahmana, 424.

Jitvan Sailini is the name of a teacher in the Brhadaranyaka

Upanisad,
1
a contemporary of Janaka and Yajnavalkya. He
held that speech (vac) was Brahman.

1 iv. 1, 2 (Kanva = iv. 1, 5 Madhyamdina, which has Sailina as the patronymic).

Jihvavant Badhyogfa is the name, in the last Vamsa (list of

1
teachers) of the Brhadaranyaka Upanisad, of a teacher, pupil
of Asita Varsag-ana.

1 vi. 5, 3 (Kanva = vi. 4, 33 Madhyamdina).

' 1
seizing alive,' is, according to Roth, the term,
Jiva-grbh,
2
for a police official in the Rigveda. But although this sense
is rendered possible by the mention of MadhyamaSI, perhaps
'
arbitrator,' in the same passage, 3 it is neither necessary nor
4
probable.
1 St s.v. 3 Rv. x. 97, 12.
Petersburg Dictionary,
4
Siebenzig Lieder, 174. Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 180.
2 x.
97, 11.

Jiva-ja. See Jarayu.

Jivant appears to denote a certain plant in one passage of

the Atharvaveda, 1 where the edition of Roth and Whitney has
the unjustified emendation Jivala. 2

1
xix. 39, 3. Cf. Whitney, Transla- Jivala, an epithet of a plant in Av.
tion of the Atharvaveda, 960. vi -
59. 3; viii. 2, 6; 7, 6 ;
xix. 39, 3.
2
"With this conjectural form, cf.
 Jaitrayana Sahojit ] NAMES LADLE FIREBRAND 289

Jivala Cailaki, '

descendant of Celaka,' is mentioned in the
^
1
Satapatha Brahmana as reproving Taksan.

1 ii-
3. ii 3!-35- Cf. Levi, La Doctrine die Sacrifice, 140.

Juhu name in the Rigveda and later for the

is the regular
tongue-shaped ladle in which butter was offered to the gods.
1 Rv. Av.
viii. 44, 5; x. 21, 3 ;
xviii. 4, 5. 6, etc.

1
by Zimmer as one of the
'
Jurni, firebrand,' is regarded
weapons of the Vedic Indians. But since it is only mentioned
in the Rigveda 2 as a weapon used by demons, its employment
in normal war cannot be safely assumed.

1 2
Altindisches Leben, 301. i. 129, 8. Cf. Nirukta, vi. 4.

Jurni is one of the names given to serpents in a hymn of the

Atharvaveda (ii. 24, 5), perhaps from their habit of casting
their slough. See Ahi.

Jetr. See Srni.

1
Jaitrayana Saho-jit apparently in the Kathaka Samhita
is

name of a prince who celebrated the Rajasuya, or royal

'
the
2
consecration.' Von Schroeder quotes in support of Jaitra-
yana as a proper name the derivative Jaitrayani, descendant
'

of Jaitra,' formed according to the Gana karnadi, which is

3
referred to by Panini ;
but it should be noted that in the
parallel passage of the Kapisthala Samhita 4 the reading is

different, and no proper personal name appears, the subject

being Indra, the god. This reading seems much more probable,
for the verse should be general, and suit every king performing
the rite.

3
xviii. 5. iv. 2, 80.
2 4
Zeitschrift der Deutschen Morgen- xxviii. 5, cited by von Schroeder
landischen Gesellschaft, 49, 168. Kathaka, i, p. 269.
VOL. I.
19
290 NAMES WITNESS [ Jaimini

Jaimini does not appear But a till the Sutra period. 1

Jaiminiya Samhita of the Samaveda is extant, and has been
2
edited and discussed by Caland and a Jaiminiya Brahmana, ;

of which a special section is the Jaiminiya Upanisad Brah-

3
mana, is known and has formed the subject of several articles
by Oertel. 4

1 3 Edited
AsValayana Grhya Sutra, iii. 4 ;
I
by Oertel, Journal of the
Sankhayana Grhya Sutra, iv. 10 ; vi. 6,
I
American Oriental Society, 16, 79-260.
etc. He appears also as a pupil of
4
Journal of the American Oriental

Vyasa, Samavidhana Brahmana, ad fin.; Society, 18, 15 et seq. ; 19,97; 23, 325 ;

Weber, Indische Studien, 4, 377. Cf. his 26, 176, 306; 28, 81 ;
Actes du onzieme
Indian Literature, 56. Congres International des Orientalistes,
2 As
part ii. of Hillebrandt's Indische 1 , 225 ;
Transactions of the Connecticut
Forschungen, Breslau, 1907. See Olden- Academy of Arts and Sciences, 15, 155
berg, Gottingische Gelehrte Anzeigen. 1908, et seq.

712 et seq.

'

Jaivantayana, descendant of Jivanta,' is mentioned in the

1
Brhadaranyaka Upanisad as a teacher, with Saunaka and
Raibhya, of Rauhinayana.
1
iv. 5, 26 (Madhyamdina). The name is recognised by Panini, iv. 1, 103.

'
Jaivala or Jaivali, descendant of Jlvala,' is the patronymic
of Pravahana in the Brhadaranyaka 1 and Chandogya Upani-
3
sads. 2 Jaivali, the king, in the Jaiminiya Upanisad Brahmana
is the same person.
1
(Kanva = vi. 1, 1 Madhyam-
vi. 2, 1 1. 2. 8 ;
v. 3, 1.

dina), where the form is Jaivala. i. 38, 4-

two passages of the Atharvaveda 1 and one

Jfiatr occurs in
of the Sankhayana Aranyaka 2 with a somewhat obscure sense.
Zimmer 3 conjectures not unnaturally that the word is a
technical from law, meaning 'witness.'
term taken The
reference is, perhaps, to a custom of carrying on transactions
of business before witnesses as practised in other primitive
societies.
4
Roth 5 suggests that the word has the sense of
1 vi. 4
32, 3 ;
viii. 8, 21. In Manu, viii. 57, the word is a
2 xii.
14. Cf. Keith, Sankhayana various reading for sahsin, 'witness.'
Aranyaka, 66, n. 4. Cf. Jolly, Recht und Sitte, 140.
3 Altindisches Leben, 181. 5
s.v.
St. Petersburg Dictionary,
Jya ]
RELATION-BOWSTRING 291

'surety.' But Bloomfield 6 and Whitney 7 ignore these inter-

pretations.
6 7 Translation of the Atharvaveda, 306.
Hymns of the Atharvaveda, 475.

a word which originally seems to have meant

Jfiati (masc),
in the Rigveda 2 and later a relation,'
1 1 3 '

acquaintance,' denotes
apparently one who was connected by blood on the father's
side, though the passages do not necessarily require the
limitation. But this sense follows naturally enough from the
4
patriarchal basis of Vedic society.
1
Being in all probability derived his Translation renders the word by
acquaintances, which seems too vague
' '
'

iromjna, know,' not iromjan, beget,'

'

first sight seem more likely

as would at and feeble) ; Taittiriya Brahmana, i. 6,
on account of the sense. Cf. the 5, 2Satapatha Brahmana, i. 6, 4, 3
;

St. Petersburg Dictionary, s.v. (j'natibhyam, va sakhibhyam va, [where

'
2 vii. seems to refer to the '
relations are contrasted with friends ' '

55, 5,
members of the joint family sleeping or 'companions'); ii. 2, 2, 20; 5, 2,
in the paternal house; x. 66, 14; 85, 20; xi. 3, 3, 7, etc.
4
28 (the kinsmen of the bride are For the transition from the etymo-
meant); 117, 9 (perhaps 'brother and logical meaning, cf. yvurds, yvurrj,
sister are meant by jnafi here, but
'
which in Homer designate
'
brother
'

'
*
kinsfolk will do
'

cf. Muir, Sanskrit ;

and '
sister ;
St. Petersburg Dic-
Texts, 5, 432). tionary, s.v.
3
Av. xii. 5, 44 (where Whitney in

Jya is the regular word for 'bowstring' in the Rigveda 1

and later. 2 The making of bowstrings was a special craft, as
'
is shown by the occurrence of the Jya-kara, or maker of bow-
strings,' among the victims at the Purusamedha, or human
sacrifice, the Yajurveda. 3 The bowstring consisted of a
in
4
thong of ox-hide. It was not usually kept taut, 5 but was

specially tightened when the bow was to be used.

6
The sound
of the bowstring (jyd-ghosa) is referred to in the Atharvaveda. 7

Cf. Artnl.
1 vi. 75, 3 ; x. 51, 6, etc.
iv. 27, 3 ; (maurvi) Hopkins, Journal of
; the
2 Av. American Oriental Society, 13, 271.
i. 1, 3; v. 13, 6; vi. 42, 1;
6 Av.
Vajasaneyi Samhita, xvi. 9; xxix. 51, vi. 42, 1.

etc. 6 Rv. x. 166, 3.

3 7 v.
Vajasaneyi Samhita, xxx. 7 ; Tait- 21, 9.
tiriya Brahmana, iii. 4, 3, 1. Cf. Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 298
4 Av. In the
Rv. vi. 75, 3; i. r, 3. 299.
Epic the bowstring is made of hemp
19 2
292 BOWSTRING BOW CONSTELLATION [ Jyaka
'

Jyaka means bowstring,' with a contemptuous sense, in the

Rigveda, and
1
in the simple sense in the Atharvaveda. 2

133, 1, where anyakesam j'yakah

1 x. is unmistakably contemptuous. Cf.
Macdonell, Vedic Grammar, p. 137.
2 i. 2, 2.

'

Jya-paSa means
'

bowstring in the Atharvaveda (xi. 10, 22),

Jya-hroda occurs in the description of the arms of the

1
Vratya in the Paficavim6a Brahmana, and is also mentioned
2
in the Sutras. The sense is somewhat obscure, for one Sutra
describes it as a 'bow not meant for use' (ayogyam dhanus), 3
while the other speaks of it as a 'bow without an arrow'
(dhanuska anisu).* Some sort of a bow, therefore, seems to be
meant.
1 3
xvii. 1, 14 (spelt -hnoda in text, Katyayana, loc. cit.
4
-hnoda in comm.). Latyayana, loc. cit.

Katyayana Srauta Sutra, xxii. 4, Cf. Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 38;

11 -hroda)
(spelt Latyayana Srauta
; Honkins, Transactions of the Connecticut
Siitra, viii. 6, 8 (spelt -hnoda : the editor Academy of Arts and Sciences, 15, 32 ;

notes that the Drahyayana Sutra has Weber, Indische Studien, 1, 33, 52.
the same reading).

'

Jyestha, ordinarily meaning greatest,' has further the

x
in the Rigveda. 2
' '

specific sense of eldest brother It also

means the eldest among sons, which is another side of the

3
same sense.

1 With changed accent, jyestha. Cf.

3
Av. 35 Aitareya Brahmana,
xii. 2, ;

Macdonell, Vedic Grammar, p. 83, 14. vii. 17 ; Satapatha Brahmana, xi. 5,

2 iv- x IX 2 and
33 5 i
- -
3, 8, cf. Jyaisthineya.

Jyestha-g-hni, slaying the eldest,' is the name of a Naksatra,

*

1
or lunar mansion, usually called Jyestha, in the Atharvaveda
and the Taittiriya Brahmana. 2 It is Antares or Cor Scipionis.
1 vi.
no, 2. Cf. vi. ii2, I.
2
i. 5, 2, 8. Cf. Whitney, Translation of the Atharvaveda, 361.

Jyestha. See Naksatra.

Jha?a ] ASTRONOMY LARGE FISH 293

Jyaisthineya denotes, in combination with Jyestha, the

* '

eldest,' a son of the father's first wife (jyestha), in the Brah-

1
Taittiriya Brahmana, ii. 1, 8, 1 (opposed to kanistha and kanisthineya) ;

Pancavimsa Brahmana, ii. 1, 2; xx. 5, 2.

*
Jyotisa, astronomy.' It is important to note that no refer-
ence to any work on astronomy occurs in the Samhitas or
Brahmanas. The text which claims to represent the astro-
nomical science of the Veda has been edited by Weber, 1 and
has frequently been discussed since. 2 Its date is unknown, but
is undoubtedly late, as is shown alike by the contents and form

of the work.

1 2
Ueber den Vedakahnder namens I See references in Thibaut, Astron-
Jyotisam (1862). I omie, Astrologie und Mathematik, 20, 29.

Jvalayana, descendant of Jvala,' is the name of a man, a

'

pupil of Gausukti, mentioned in the Jaimimya Upanisad

Brahmana (iv. 16, 1), in a list of teachers.

JH.
Jhasa is mentioned in the story of Manu told in the Sata-
1 ' '

patha Brahmana, where it means a great fish (mahd-matsya)

2
according to the commentator. Eggeling suggests that a
3
horned fish is meant, because in the Taittiriya Samhita the
Ida, or personified libation, is represented as a cow, and this
may have brought in the idea of a horned fish in the later form
of an old legend. But cf. Jasa.
2
1
i. 8, 1, 4. Sacred Books of the East, 12, 217, n. 3 ; 26, xxxi.
3
i. 7, 1 ; ii. 6, 7.
294 PA TRONYMICFE VER [ Takavana

T.
Takavana appears to be a patronymic from Taku, 1 and to be
the name of a seer in the Rigveda, 2 presumably a descendant of
Taku Kaksivant, for his name occurs in a group of hymns
3
composed by the Kaksivatas.
1 3
Bhrgavana, from Bhrgu Roth,
Cf. ; Oldenberg, Zeitschrift der Deutschen
St. Petersburg Dictionary, s.v. Taku, Morgenldndischen Gesellschaft, 42, 221.
as an adjective (?), occurs in Rigveda, Cf. Pischel, Vedische Studien, 2, 92 ;

ix. 97, 52. Ludwig, fiber Methode bei Interpretation

2
i. 120, 6. des Rgveda, 47.

Takman is a disease repeatedly mentioned in the Athar-

vaveda, but later not known under this name. It is the subject
of five hymns 1 of the Atharvaveda, and is often mentioned else-
where. 2 Weber 3 first identified it with fever,' and Grohmann 4 '

5
showed that all the symptoms pointed to that ailment Refer-
ence is made to the alternate hot and shivering fits of the
6
patient, to the yellow colour of the jaundice which accompanies
the fever, 7 and to its peculiar periodicity. The words used to
describe its varieties are anye-dyuh, 8 ubhaya-dyuh, 9 trtlyaka, 10
vi-trtiya,
11
and sadam-di, 12 the exact sense of most of which
terms is somewhat uncertain. It is agreed 13 that the first
epithet designates the fever known as quotidianus, which recurs
each day at the same hour, though the word is curious (lit.

1
i. 25 ; v. 22 ; vi. 20 ;
vii. 116 ; medicine, Wise, Hindu System of
xix. 39 {cf. v. 4). Medicine, 219 et seq. ; Jolly, Medicin,
2 Darila and Kesava, the com-
Av. iv. 9, 8 ; v. 4, 1. 9 ; 30, 16 ; 70-72.
ix. 8, 6 ;
xi. 2, 22. 26, etc. mentators on the Kaugika Sutra, every-
3
Roth, Zur
Indische Studien, 4, 119 ; where equate takman and jvara.
und Geschichte des 6
Litteratur Weda, 39, Av. i. 25, 2-4; v. 22, 2. 7. 10;
had, from the use of Kustha as a vi. 20, 3 ;
vii. 116, 1.
7 Av.
remedy, regarded it as denoting i. 25, 2 v. 22, 2
; ;
vi. 20, 3.
8
'leprosy,' and was followed by Pictet, Av. i. 25, 4; vii. 116, 2.
9
Kuhn's Zeitschrift, 5, 337. Muir, Sanskrit Ibid.
'
10
Texts, 4, 280, thought
'
consumption Av. i
25, 4 v. 22, 13 ;
xix. 39,
was meant. 10.
4 11
Indische Studien, 9, 381 et seq. Av. v. 22, 13.
5 12
See also Bloomfield, Hymns of the Av. v. 22, 13 ; xix. 39, 10.
13
Atharvaveda, 451 et seq. ; Zimmer, Altin- Grohmann, op.cit., 387; Zimmer,

disches Leben, 379-385, and compare the op. cit., 382 ; Bloomfield, op. cit.,
para (a non-Vedic word) of the classical 274.
Takman ] VARIETIES OF FEVER 295

'on the other next, day'). The ubhaya-dyuh ('on both

i.e.,

days ') variety appears to mean a disease recurring for two suc-
cessive days, the third being free this corresponds to the rhythmus
;

14
quartamis complicatus. But Sayana considers that it means a
'
fever recurring on the third day, the tertian.' The trtiyaka,
15 16
however, must be the 'tertian' fever, though Zimmer suggests
that it may mean a fever which is fatal at the third paroxysm.
Grohmann 17 regards the vi-trtiyaka as equivalent to the tertiana
duplicata, a common form in southern countries, in which the
fever occurs daily, but with a correspondence in point of time
or severity of attack on alternate days. Bloomfield 18 suggests
that it is identical with the ubhaya-dyuh variety. The sadam-di 19
type appears to be the kind later known as samtata-jvara
(' continuous fever '), in which there are attacks of several days'

duration, with an interval followed by a fresh period of attack.

Fever occurred at different seasons, in the autumn (sdrada), in
the hot weather (graisma), in the rains (vdrsika), 20 but was
especially prevalent in the first, as is indicated by the epithet
* 21
visva-sdrada, occurring every autumn.'
The disease is said to arise when Agni enters the waters. 22
From this Weber 23 deduced that it was considered to be the
result of a chill supervening on heat, or the influence of heat on
marshy land. Grohmann 24 preferred to see in this connexion
of the origin of the disease with Agni's entering the waters **
an allusion to the fact that fever arises in the rainy season, the
time when Agni, as lightning, descends to earth with the rain.
26
Zimmer, who accepts this view, further refers to the prevalence

14 ' '

Grohmann, 388 ; Zimmer, 382 ; always cutting (cf. Sayana on Av.

'

Bloomfield, 274. It may conceivably xix. 39, 10), or always fastening upon
'

be the form styled Caturthaka Vipar- (Roth, St. Petersburg Dictionary, s.v.),
yaya (Wise, op. cit., 232), in which the belonging to every day = sadam-
' '
or

paroxysm occurs every fourth day, dina (Zimmer, 383, n. Bloomfield, ;

and lasts for two days. 452)-

20
Sayana on Av. i. 25, 4 Bloom- Av.
15 V. 22, 13.
;

21
field, 451. It is the jvara trtiyaka of Av. ix. 8, 6 ; xix. 34, 10.
22
Susruta (2, 404, 7). Av. 1. 25, 1.
23
383, quoting Hiigel, Kash-
16 Indische Studien, 4, 119.
Op. cit.,
24
mir, 1, 133. Ibid., 9, 493.
17 25
Op. cit., 388. Macdonell, Vedic Mythology, p. 92.
18 2G
Op. cit., 451. Of* cit., 384.
19
Of doubtful derivation : either
296 SOURCES AND SYMPTOMS OF FEVER [ Takvan

of fever in the Terai, and interprets vanya, an epithet of fever

found in the Atharvaveda, 27 as meaning sprung from the '

forest,' pointing out that fever is mentioned as prevalent among

the Mujavants and Mahavrsas, two mountain tribes of the
western Himalaya. 28 There is no trace of fever having been
observed to be caused by the bite of the anopheles mosquito,
which breeds in stagnant water this theory has without reason
:

been held to be known to classical Indian medicine. 29

Among the symptoms of Takman, or among complications
accompanying it, are mentioned 'itch' (Paman), 'headache'
so
(sirsa-soka), 'cough' (Kasika), and 'consumption,' or perhaps
some form of itch (Balasa).
It isperhaps significant that the Takman does not appear
until the Atharvaveda. It is quite possible that the Vedic

Aryans, when first settled in India, did not know the disease,
which would take some generations to become endemic and
recognized as dangerous. What remedies they used against it
is quite uncertain, for the Atharvaveda mentions only spells

and the Kustha, which can hardly have been an effective

remedy, though still used in later times. Fever must, even in
the Atharvan period, have claimed many victims, or it would
not be mentioned so prominently.
27 30 Av.
Av. vi. 20, 4. xix. 39, io.
28
Av. v. 22, 5. For the present position of the disease
29
Jolly, Journal of the Royal Asiatic in India,cf. the Report of the Simla

Society, 1906, 222. Conference of 1909.

1 2 '
Takvan, Takvarl, seem in the Rigveda to denote a swift-
3
flying bird.' Sayana explains Takvan as a swift steed.
1
Rv. i. 66, 2. Cf. i. 134, 5, and Tsarin.
2
Ibid., i.
151, 5; x. 91, 2. But in both places the word may be adjectival.
3
On Rv. i. 66, 2.

Taksaka VaiSaleya ('descendant of Visala') is a mythical

1
figure, mentioned as the son of Viraj in the Atharvaveda,
and as Brahmanacchamsin priest at the snake sacrifice in the
Pancavimsa Brahmana. 2
^J- vii. 10, 29.
2
xxv. 15, 3. Cf. Weber, Indische Studien, 1, 35.
Tandula ] CA RPENTER- GRA IN 297

1
Taksan, 'carpenter,' is mentioned in the Rigveda and
1.

often later. 2 He was employed to do all sorts of work in

wood, such as the making of chariots (Ratha) and wagons
(Anas). Carved work of a finer type seems also to have fallen
to his lot. 3 The axe (kulisa, 4 parasu 6) is mentioned as one of
his tools, and perhaps the Bhurij, a word which is, however,
uncertain in sense. In one passage of the Rigveda 6 reference
seems to be made to the pains of the carpenter in bending
over his work. That the carpenters were a low caste, or
formed a separate class of the people, is certainly not true of
Vedic times. 7
4
1 ix. 112, 1. Rv. iii. 2, 1.
2 5
Kathaka Samhita,
Av. x. 6, 3 ;
Kathaka Samhita, xii. 10.
6
xii. 10 ;
xviii. Maitrayani Samhita,
13 ; Rv. i. 105, 18. Cf. Roth, Nirukta,
" 5 9. I
Vajasaneyi Samhita, xvi. 27 ; Erlauterungen, 67; Oldenberg, Rgveda-
xxx. 6; Taittirlya Brahmana, iii. 4, Noten, 1, 100.
7 Die
2, 1 ; Satapatha Brahmana, i. 1, 3, 12 ; Fick, sociale Gliederung, 210,
iii. 6, 4, 4, etc. n. 1.
3
Rv. x. 86, 5; Av. xix. 49, 8. Cf. Cf. Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 245,
Rv. i. 161, 9 ; iii. 60, 2. 253.

Taksan is mentioned in the Satapatha Brahmana 1 as a

2.

teacher whose view of a certain formula was not accepted by

JIvala Cailaki.
1 " 3 !> 3 I_ 35 Cf. Levi, La Doctrine du Sacrifice, 140.

3. Taksan. See Brbu.

'
Tandula, grain,' especially
'
rice grain,' is mentioned very
1 2
often in the Atharvaveda and later, but not in the Rigveda.
This accords with the fact that rice cultivation seems hardly
known in the Rigveda. 3 Husked (karna) and unhusked (akarna)
rice is referred to in the Taittirlya Samhita. 4
A x. 20 18
9, 26; ; xi. 1, 18; ; xii. 3, 18. Upanisad, iii. 14, 3 ; apamarga-tandula,
'
29. 30. grain of the Achyranthes aspera,' v. 2,
2
Maitrayani Samhita, ii. 6, 6; 4, 15, etc.
Kathaka Samhita, x. 1, etc. Aitareya ;
3
Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 239.
Brahmana, i. 1 Satapatha Brahmana, ; See Vrihi.
4
i. 1, 4. 3; ii. 5. 3. 4 5 v. 2, 3, 2; vi. 6, i. 8, 9, 3. See Pischel, Vedische
1, 8, etc.; syamaka- tandula, 'millet Studien, 1, 190.
grain,' ibid., x. 6, 3, 2 ; Chandogya
298 FA THER DESCEND A NTS CORD WA RP [ Tata

1
Tata, 'dada,' is the pet name for 'father' in the Rigveda
2 Tata and
and later. Cf. Pitr.

1 viii.
91, 6; ix. 112, 3. mana, v. 14 ; vii. 15 ; Aitareya Aran-
2
Av. v. 24, 16 ; Taittiriya Samhita, yaka, i. 3, 3.
iii. 2, 5, 5; Taittiriya Brahmana, i. 6, Cf. Delbruck, Die indogermanischen
9, 7 ;
in the vocative as a form of Verwandtschaftsnamen, 449.
address, Av. viii. 4, 77 ; Aitareya Brah-

Tatamaha, '
grandfather,' is found in the Atharvaveda. 1
1 v. 24, 17 ; viii. 4, 76. It seems I be an analogical formation following
to mean literally 'great father,' and to | pitamaha; Delbruck, op. cit., 473, 474.

' 1
Tanaya, n., denotes offspring,' 'descendants' in the Rigveda,
where also it is often used adjectivally with Toka. 2 There seems
no ground for the view 3 that toka means 'sons,' 'children,'
'
and tanaya grandchildren.'
1 8 xii. 6.
i. 96, 4; 183, 3; 184, 5; ii. 23, 19; Nirukta, x. 7 ;

vii. 1, 21, etc.; tokam ca tanayam ca, Cf. St. Petersburg Dictionary, s.v.

i. 92, 13; ix. 74, 5. Cf. vi. 25, 4; Tan, tana, and tanas, have the same
31, 1 ; 66, 8 ;
and i. 31, 12, as explained sense as Tanaya. See Rv. vi. 46, 12 ;

by Pischel, Vedische Studien, 3, 193. vii. 104, 10 viii. 68, 12, etc.
49. 13 ; ;

2
Rv. i. 64, 14; 114, 6; 147, 1; (tan) ;
viii. 25, 2 (tana) v. 70, 4 ;

189, 2 ; ii. 30, 5, etc. Aitareya Brah- ;

(tanas).
mana, ii. 7.

Tanti occurs in one passage of the Rigveda, 1 where Roth 2

renders the plural of the word by 'files' of calves. But it
seems rather to have the sense which it has in the later
'
literature, of cords,' here used to fasten the calves.
1 2
vi. 24, 4. St. Petersburg Dictionary, s.v.

Tantu appears properly to mean thread,' and in particular '

' '
the warp of a piece of weaving, as opposed to Otu, the woof.'
Both senses are found in the Atharvaveda. 1 In the Satapatha
Brahmana 2 the 'warp' is called anuchdda, the 'woof parydsa,
3
the tantavah being the 'threads.' In the Taittiriya Samhita,

Eggeling, Sacred Books

1 2
xiv. 2, 51 (opposed to otu) xv. 3, 6 ;
iii. 1, 2, 18 ;

(the prahcah and tiryancah threads or of the East, 26, 8, 9.

3
cords of the throne of the Vratya vi. 1, 1,4.
[Asandi]).
Taraku ] WEB- A TEACHER HYMNA 299

on the other hand, the 'warp' is pracina-tana, the 'woof otu.

The threads or cords of the throne (Paryanka) are referred to

in the Kausitaki 4
Upanisad.
In the Rigveda the word is used only metaphorically, and
this is its most frequent use even in the Brahmanas. 5 See
also Vana.
4
i. 5; Keith, Sahkhayana Avanyaka, is applied to the filaments of plants in
20, n. 2. Rv. x. 134, 5 ;
to the spider's web in
5 St.
Petersburg Dictionary, s.v. It Brhadaranyaka Upanisad, ii. 1, 23.

Tantra means, like Tantu, the warp of a piece of weaving, ' '

or more generally the web itself. It is found in the Rigveda 1

' '

and later. 2
1 x.
71, 9. x. 5 ; Satapatha Brahmana, xiv. 2, 2,
2
Av. x. 7, 42 ; Brahmana,
Taittirlya 22.
" 5 5 3 ; Pancavimsa Brahmana, Cf. Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 254.

Tapas, Tapasya. See Masa.

Tapo-nitya ('constant in penance') Pauru-sisti ('descendant

of Purusista') is the name of a teacher in the Taittirlya Upanisad
(i. g, 1) who believed in the value
of penance (tapas).

is the name of an animal only mentioned in the

Tayadara
' '

adjectival form tayadara along with Parasvant, wild ass (?)

1
in the Atharvaveda.

1 vi.
72, 2. Cf. Whitney, Translation of the Atharvaveda, 335.

'
Taraksu, the hyaena,' is mentioned in the list of victims at
the Asvamedha, or horse sacrifice, in the Yajurveda. 1

1
Taittiriya Samhita, v. 5, 19, I, karah); Maitrayani Samhita, iii. 14, 21
where Sayana explains the animal to Vajasaneyi Samhita, xxiv. 40.
be a kind of tiger with an ass's
'
Cf. Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 81.
'

appearance (vydghra-viseso gardabha-

3oo ANCIENT PATRONS TREE SPINDLE [ Taranta

Taranta appears, along with Purumidha, as a patron of

1
SyavaSva in the Rigveda. In the Pancavimsa Brahmana 2
3
and other Brahmanas he, together with Purumidha, is de-
scribed as receiving gifts from Dhvasra 4 and Purusanti; but
since the receipt of gifts was forbidden to Ksatriyas, they for
the nonce became Rsis, and composed a passage in honour
of the donors. 4 He, like Purumidha, was a Vaidadasvi, or
son of Vidadasva. 5
1 v. 61, 10. Die Sagenstoffe des Rgveda, 50 et seq. ;

2
xiii. 7, 12. 62, 63 Oldenberg, Zeitschrift der
;

3
J aiminly a Brahmana, iii. 139; Saty- Deutschen Morgenldndischen Gesellschaft,
ayanaka apud Sayana on Rv. ix. 58, 3 42, 232, n. 1 ; Rgveda-Noten, 1, 353,
= Samaveda, ii. 410. 354, where he points out that the
i
Rv. ix. 58, 3. Brahmana tradition, and that of the
5
Cf. Rv. v. 61 10; notes 2 and 3.
,
Brhaddevata (v. 50-81, with Macdonell's
This merely a misunderstanding of
is notes), are not to be accepted as real
the Rv. Cf. Oertel, Journal of the explanations of the Rigveda.
American Oriental Society, 18, 39; Sieg,

' '

Taru, the usual term for tree in classical Sanskrit, never

occurs in Vedic literature, except perhaps in one passage of
the Rigveda, 1 where Sayana finds it, and where it can be so
translated. But the form (tarubhih) is probably to be inter-
2
preted otherwise.
1 v. 44, 5. a parallel, and so Oldenberg, Rgveda-
2
Roth, St. Petersburg Dictionary, Noten, i, 341.
s.v., cites tarobhih in Rv. ii. 39, 3, as

Taruksa is the name of a man in the Rigveda

1
who is

mentioned along with Balbutha, the Dasa, in a Dana-stuti, or

*
Praise of Gifts.'

1 viii.
46, 32. Cf. Weber, Indische Studien, 1, 391 ; Zimmer, Altindisches
Leben, 117.

Tarku, 'spindle,' is known only in Vedic literature from the

mention of it in Yaska's Nirukta (ii.1) as an example of the

transposition of letters, the word being derived, according to

'

him, from the root kart, to spin.'

Talpa ] A TREE BED 301

1
hymn of the Atharvaveda enumerat-
'
Tarda, borer,' occurs in a
2
ing insects that injure grain. Whitney suggests that a kind of
mouse or rat may be meant. Roth 3 thought a bird was denoted.
1 3
vi. 50, 1. 2. St. Petersburg Dictionary, s.v.
2 Translation of the Atharvaveda, Cf. Bloomfield, Hymns of the Atharva-
318. veda, 485.

Tardman Atharvaveda 1 applies to the hole in the yoke

in the

(Yug*a). In the Satapatha Brahmana 2 it designates a hole in a

skin.
1
xiv. 1, 40.
2
iii. 2, 1, 2 ; Eggeling, Sacred Books of the East, 26, 26, n. 1.

Tarya is, according to Sayana, the name of a man in one

passage of the Rigveda.
1
But the verse is hopelessly obscure. 2
1
v, 44, 12. Cf. Ludwig, Translation of the Rigveda, 3, 158, 159.
2
Oldenberg, Rgveda-Noten, 1, 342.

1 2
Talasa is the name of a tree in the Atharvaveda. Whitney
suggests that it may be the same as talisa (Flacourtia cata-

phractd).

1 vi. 15, 3. 2 Translation of the Atharvaveda, 291.

Cf. Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 62.

' '
the regular term for ' bed
'

Talpa is or couch from the

Rigveda and the Atharvaveda 1
onwards. 2
One made of Udum-
bara wood is mentioned in the Taittirlya Brahmana. 3 The
is already mentioned
violation of the bed of a Guru, or teacher,
4 '
in theChandogya Upanisad, while the adjective talpya, born
in the nuptial couch,' denotes 'legitimate' in the Satapatha
Brahmana. 5
1 3
Rv. vii. 55, 8; Av. v. 17, 12 i. 2, 6, 5.
4
xiv. 2, 31. 41. v. 10, 9.
2 5
Altin-
Taittirlya Samhita, vi. 2, 6, 4 ; xiii. 1, 6, 2. Cf. Zimmer,
Brahmana, ii. 2,5,3; Panca-
Taittirlya disches Leben, 154.
vimsa Brahmana, xxiii. 4, 2 xxv. 1, 10. ;
302 MUSICIAN CARPENTER SHUTTLE ROBBER [ Talava

Talava in the list of victims at the Purusamedha, or human

the Yajurveda, 1 denotes a
'

sacrifice, in
'
musician of some kind.
1 20; Taittiriya Brahmana,
Vajasaneyi Samhita, xxx. iii. 4, 15, 1. Cf.
Weber, Indische Streifen, 1, 83, n. 15.

1
TatP is found in the Rigveda in the sense of 'carpenter,'
'
like Taksan, which is from the same root taks, to fashion.'
1
i. 61, 4; 105, 18; 130, 4; iii. 38, 1; vii. 32, 20; x. 93, 12; 119, 5. Cf.
Nirukta, v. 21.

1
Tasara denotes the weaver's 'shuttle' in the Rigveda and
2
the Yajurveda Samhitas.

Taittiriya Brah-
1 x. 130, 2. Samhita, xxxviii. 3 ;

Vajasaneyi Samhita, xix. 83 ; Mai-

2
mana, ii. 6, 4, 2.
trayani Samhita, iii. II, 9; Kathaka Cf. Zimmer, A Uindisches Leben, 254.

Taskara occurs in the Rigveda * and frequently later, 2 denoting

'thief or 'robber.' It appears to be practically synonymous
with Stena, in connexion with which it is often mentioned. 3
The Stena and the Taskara are contrasted in the Vajasaneyi
Samhita 4 with the Malimlu, who is a burglar or house-breaker,
while they are highwaymen, or, as the Rigveda 5 puts it, men
'

'

who haunt the woods and risk their lives (tanu-tyajd vanar-gu).
In another passage of the Rigveda, 6 however, the dog is told to
bark at the Taskara or the Stena, which clearly points to an
attempt at house-breaking. The thief goes about at night,
7
and
knows the paths 8 on which he attacks his victim. In one
9
passage of the Rigveda the use of cords is mentioned, but
whether to bind the thieves when captured, or to bind the
1 1.
191, 5 ; vi. 27, 3 ; vii. 55, 3 ;
men '; the others vane, in the forest ').*

viii. 29, 6. Cf. for the Malimlu, Taittiriya Samhita,

2
Av. iv. 3, 2; xix. 47, 7; 50, 5; vi. 3, 2, 6; Atharvaveda, xix. 49, 10.
5
Vajasaneyi Samhita, xi. 77. 78 xii. 62 ; ; x. 4, 6.
xvi. 21, etc 6
Nirukta, iii. 14.
; vii. 55, 3.
3
Rv. vii. 55, 3 Av. xix. 47, 7
; ;
7 Rv. i. 191, 5.
8
50, 5 ; Vajasaneyi Samhita, xi. 79 ; Rv. viii. 29, 6.
xvi. 21, etc. 9
x. 4) 6.
4
79 (the Malimlu
'
xi. is janesu, among
Tayu ]
THIEVES AND ROBBERS 303

victim, is not clear. 10 The Atharvaveda u refers to the Stena

and the Taskara as cattle and horse thieves. 12
Tayu was another name for thief, perhaps of a less
distinguished and more domestic character than the highway-
13
man, for though he is referred to as a cattle-thief, he is also
alluded to as a stealer of clothes (yastra-mathi) u and as a
debtor. 15 In one passage the Tayus are said to disappear at
the coming of dawn (which is elsewhere called ydvayad-dvesas,
'
1

driving away hostile beings,' and rta-pa, guardian of order '),

16
like the stars of heaven (naksatra).
In the Satarudriya litany of the Vajasaneyi Samhita 17 Rudra
is called lord of assailers (a-vyddhin), thieves (stena), robbers
(taskara), pickpockets (stdyu), stealers (musnant), and cutters
(vi-krnta) ; and designations of sharpers (grtsa) and bands
18
(gana, vrdta), apparently of robbers, are mentioned. It is
19
therefore not surprising that the Rigveda should contain
many prayers for safety at home or on the way, or that
20
the Atharvaveda should night devote several hymns to

chiefly for protection against the evil doings of thieves and

robbers.
Pischel 21 suggests that in one passage of the Rigveda 22
Vasistha is represented as a burglar, but he admits that, since
Vasistha was attacking the house of his father Varuna, he was
only seeking to obtain what he may have regarded as his own.
But the interpretation of the hymn is not certain. 23
24
Sayana's explanation of one passage of the Rigveda, as

10 18
Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 178, n. xvi. 25.
11 19
xix. 50, 5. Cf. Rv. x. 97, 10 (stena). i. 129, 9; ii. 23, 16; vi. 24, 10;
12
Whitney, Translation of the Athar- 41.5; 5i. 15; x. 63, 16.
20
vaveda, 984. Av. xix. 47-50.
13 21
Rv. i. 65, 1 ; vii. 86, 5. Vedische Studien, 2, 55, 56. Con-
14
Rv. iv. 38, 5. trast 1, 106.
15
Rv. vi. 12, 5. No doubt this theft 22
Rv. vii. 55.
23
isthe result of despair at being in debt, Aufrecht, Indische Studien, 4,
Cf.
which might lead to loss of liberty (Rna). 337 et seq. Lanman, Sanskrit Reader,
;

16
Rv. i.
50, 2. Cf. Macdonell, Vedic 370; Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 308;
Mythology, p. 47. Brhaddevata, vii. 11 et seq., with Mac-
17 xvi.20. 21.
C/. Taittiriy a Samhita, donell's notes.
24
iv. 5, 4, 1 ; Kathaka Samhita, xvii. 13 ; vi. 54, 1.

Maitrayan! Samhita, ii. 9, 4.

 3<H PUNISHMENT OF THIEVES ANTIDOTE [ Tastuva

referring to professional cattle-trackers, like the Khojis of the

25
Panjab, seems quite probable.
The punishment of thieves appears primarily to have been
left to the action of the robbed. The practice of binding them
26 But
in stocks seems clearly referred to. later, at any rate
and in all probability earlier also, as in other countries a more
severe penalty could be exacted, and death inflicted by the
king.
27
There is no hint in Vedic literature of the mode of
conviction ;
a fire ordeal is not known to the Atharvaveda, 28
29
and the ordeal known to the Chandogya Upanisad is not said
to be used in the case of theft. doubt the stolen property No
was recovered by the person robbed if he could obtain it.
Nothing is known as to what happened if the property had
passed from the actual thief into the possession of another
person.
25
Zimmer, op. cit., 182, 183, citing n. 10. The German and Slavonic
Elliot, Memoirs, 1, 276; Jolly, Recht parallels cited by Zimmer, 182, n. }

und Sitte, 123. support his view. See also for a similar
26
Cf. Rv. i. 24, 13. 15; vii. 86, 5; punishment in case of debt, Rna.
Av. vi. 63, 3 = 84, 4; 115, 2. 3; 121;
27 Gautama Dharma Sutra, xii. 43-
xix. 47, 9 ; 50, 1, all of which passages 45 ; Apastamba Dharma Sutra, i. 9,
are cited by Zimmer, 181, 182, to prove 25 4- 5; JMy P> it" I2 4
28 was so interpreted by
this practice. But it must be noted that Av. ii. 12
Rv. vii. 86, 5, alone is not at all con- Schlagintweit, Die Gottesurtheile der
clusive evidence, though Av. xix. 47, 9 ; Inder, 9 et seq. (1866) Weber, Indische ;

50, 1 (drupade ahan), probably mean the Studien, 13, 164 et seq. Ludwig, Trans- ;

same Whitney, Translation of

thing. lation of the Rigveda, 3, 445 Zimmer, ;

the Atharvaveda, 976, 983, renders the 183 et seq. ;

but see Bloomfield, American
passages as referring to casting a thief Journal of Philology, 11, 330 et seq. ;

into a snare, and Pischel, Vedische Hymns of the A tharvaveda, 294 296
-
;

btudien, 1, 106, makes Rv. vii. 86, 5, Whitney, Translation of the Atharva-
refer to the cattle-thief {pasu-trp) taking veda, 54 ; Grill, Hundert Lieder, 2 47, 85 ;

away the rope from the calf he means Jolly, op. cit., 146.
29
to steal. For Rv. x. 4, 6, see above, vi. 16 ; Jolly, loc. cit.

Tastuva, or Tasruva, as the Paippalada recension has it, is

the name of a remedy against snake poison, and is mentioned
along with Tabuva in the Atharvaveda.
1

1 v. 13, 10. 11. Cf. Bloomfield, ney, Translation of the Atharvaveda,

Hymns of the Atharvaveda, 428; Whit- 244.
Tandya ] PLANT NAMES OF TEACHERS 305

Tajad-bhang'a (' easily broken ') is apparently the name of

a tree or plant in the Atharvaveda. 1 The Kausika Sutra 2
treats it as a compound word, and its commentator makes it

out to be the castor-oil plant (eranda). Whitney, 3 however,

treats the expression as two separate words, and thinks that
the passage means 'may they be broken suddenly (tdjat) like
hemp (bhafiga):
1
viii. 8, 3 (a battle hymn). J
35 Lanman in Whitney, Translation
;
2
xvi 14. Cf. Bloomfield's edition, of the Atharvaveda, 502 Zimmer, ;

xliv ; Hymns of the Atharvaveda, 583, Altindisches Leben, 72.

3
584; Caland, Altindisches Zauberritual, I
Op. cit., 504.

Tanda seems to be the name of a sage to whose school

belonged the Tanda Brahmana mentioned in the Latyayana
Srauta Sutra. 1
1 Indische Studien,
vii. 10, 17. Cf. Weber, 1, 49.

Tanda-vinda, or Tanda-vindava, is the name of a teacher

mentioned in the Sankhayana Aranyaka. 1
1 viii. 10. The manuscripts differ as to the form of the name.

Tandi occurs as the name of a pupil of Badarayana in the

Vamsa (list of teachers) at the end of the Samavidhana
Brahmana. 1
1 See Konow's Translation, 80, n. 2.

1
is the name of a teacher in the Satapatha Brahmana,
Tandya
quoted on a point bearing on the Agniciti, or piling of
the sacred fire. He is also mentioned in the Vamsa Brahmana. 2
The Tandya Mahabrahmana or Pancavimsa Brahmana 3 of the
Samaveda represents the school of the Tandins.
1 vi. 1, 2, 25. Cf. Levi, La Doctrine Series, See Weber, Indian
1869-74.
du Sacrifice, 140. Literature, 66 133 Macdonell,
etseq., 74, ;

2
Weber, Indische Studien, 4, 373, Sanskrit Literature, 203, 210 Hopkins, ;

384. Transactions of the Connecticut Academy

3
Edited in the Bibliotheca Indica of Arts and Sciences, 15, 23 et seq.

VOL. I. 20
306 SON FROG HEIR NA ME [ Tata
'
Tata, apparently dada's boy,' an affectionate term of address
1
by a father (cf. Tata) to a son, is found in the Brahmanas,
occurring in the vocative only. But in the sense of father,'
'

through confusion with Tata, it occurs also as early as the

2
Aitareya Aranyaka.
1
Aitareya Brahmana, vii. 14, 4 ;
Grammatical Index, 75, takes Tata to
Brhadaranyaka Upanisad, vi. 1, 6 ;
mean *
father
'

primarily, but this seems

Chandogya Upanisad, iv. 4, 2. unlikely.
2 where Tata and Tata are Die
i. 3. 3, Cf. DelbrUck, indogermanischcn
given as variant forms of the address Verwandtschaftsnamen, 449, 454.
of the child to the father. Little,

Taduri is mentioned in a verse of the Atharvaveda 1 together

with the female frog (Manduki). Some similar animal must
be meant, 2 but Roth, 3 with the commentator Durga on the
4
Nirukta, regards the word as an adjective describing the frog.
1 iv. 15, 14. where he suggests taduri, from the
2 with the sense of
Whitney, Translation of the Athar- root tad, 'beat,'
vaveda, 175. 'splashing.'
3 St. 4
Petersburg Dictionary, s.v., ix. 7.

Tanva in an obscure passage of the Rigveda 1 seems to

i.

mean a legitimate son,' who is said not to leave the heritage

'

(riktha) of his father to his sister (jdmi). The exact meaning

2
is probably unascertainable, but the passage may convey a
statement of what was no doubt the fact, that the daughter
had no share in the paternal inheritance; her brother had to
provide for her during her life if she remained unmarried, but
she had no independent portion. 3 (See Daya.)
1 hi. 31, 2. 3 Recht und for
Cf. Jolly, Sitte, 87,
2
Cf. Griffith, Hymns of the Rigveda, 1, the modern law of the Panjab.
348 Oldenberg, Rgveda Noten,
; 1, 240 ;

Geldner, Vedische Studien, 3, 34.

2. Tanva appears to be a patronymic,

*
descendant of Tanva,'
1 2
in a verse of the Rigveda. Ludwig thinks that it is the
patronymic of Du^ima, who is mentioned in the preceding

verse, but this is uncertain.

1 x. 2
Translation of the Rigveda, 166.
93, 15. 3,
Tarakya ] ASCETIC ANTIDOTE THIEF STAR NAME 307

'
1. Tapasa, ascetic,' is not found in Vedic literature till the
1
Upanisads.
1
Brhadaranyaka Upanisad, iv. 3, 22. Cf. Fick, Die sociale Gliederung, 40.

2. Tapasa is a name of Datta who was Hotr priest at the

snake festival described in the Pancavimsa Brahmana (xxv. 15).

Tabuva is the name in the Atharvaveda 1 of a remedy against

snake poison. The Paippalada recension has Tavuca instead.
Weber 2 thinks that the original form was Tathuva, from the
root sthd, 'stand,' and that it meant 'stopping'; but this is
3
hardly probable.

39, 26. Cf. Whitney, Translation of

2 the
Proceedings of the Berlin Academy, Atharvaveda, 244 Bloomfield, ;

1896, 681. Hymns of the Atharvaveda, 428.

3
Barth, Revue de I'Histoire des Religions ,

Tayadara, 'belonging to the Tayadara' (Av. vi. 72, 2).

' 1
Tayu, thief,' is mentioned several times in the Rigveda.
See Taskara.
1 see
50, 2 v. 15, 5 'cattle Vedische
i. 1 iv. 38, -
; 65, ; 5 ; ; I
thief,' Pischel,
52, 12; vi. 12, 5; vii. 86, 5 (pasu-trp, | Studien, 1, 106).

Taraka found several times in the Atharvaveda 1 denoting

is

a star. The masculine form Taraka occurs in the Taittirlya

Brahmana. 2
1 ii. 2
8, 1 ; iii. 7, 4 ;
vi. 121, 3 ; xix. 49, 8. i. 5, 2, 5.

Taruksya is the name of a teacher in the Aitareya and

1

2
Sankhayana Aranyakas. In the former passage Tarksya is
a variant reading, and in the latter Tarksya is read, but this
isprobably only due to confusion with Tarksya, the reputed
3
author of a Rigvedic hymn.
1 iii. 1, 6.
Keith's note ; Sankhayana Srauta Sutra
2 vii. xi. 28; xii.
19. 14, 11, 12; Asvalayana
3
Aitareya Aranyaka, i. 5, 2, with Srauta Sutra, ix. 1.

20 2
 3o8 STEED G A RMENTTREE [ Tarkya
mentioned in the Rigveda 1 as a divine steed,
Tarksya is
2
apparently the sun conceived as a horse. But Foy, 3 judging
by the name, apparently a patronymic of Trksi, who is known
from the Rigveda 4 onwards as a descendant of Trasadasyu,
thinks that a real steed, the property of Trksi, is meant but ;

5
this is not very probable. See also Taruksya.

i i. 89, 6; x. 178. an epithet of his (Rv. i. 89, 6

originally ;

2 as a person, and in the

Macdonell, Vedic Mythology, p. 149. x. 178, 1),
3 Kuhn's Zeitschrift, ix, 366, 367. Satapatha Brahmana, xiii. 4, 3, 13, he
4
viii. 22, 7. appears as Vaipasyata (Vaipascita in
5
In Khila, ii. 4, 1, Tarksya is repre- Asvalayana Srauta Sutra, x. 7), king
sented as a bird (vayasa), also a symbol of the birds (cf. Eggeling, Sacred Books
of the sun. In the Vajasaneyi Samhita, of the East, 44, 369).
xv. 18, he is mentioned with Aristanemi,

1 2
Tarpya denotes, in the Atharvaveda and later, a garment
made of some material, the nature of which is uncertain. The
commentators on the Katyayana Srauta Sutra and the Sata-
3
patha Brahmana suggest that a linen garment, or one thrice
soaked in ghee, or one made of the trpa or of the triparna plant,
is meant it is doubtful whether the sense was known even to
:

the author of the Brahmana Goldstiicker's 4 rendering

himself.
silken garment,' which Eggeling 5 is inclined
'
of the word is

to accept. 6

1 3
xviii. 4, 31. v. 3, 5, 20.
Katyayana, loc. cit.
Cf. ;

2
Taittiriya Samhita, ii. 4, XI, 6; Sayana on Av., cit. loc.
Whitney, ;

TaittiriyaBrahmana, i. 3, 7, 1 ; 7, 6, 4 ; Translation of the Atharvaveda, 879.

4
Pancavimsa Brahmana, xxi. 1 Sata- ;
Dictionary, s.v. abhisecaniya.
5
patha Brahmana, v. 3, 5, 20 Katyayana ; Sacred Books of the East, 41, 85,
Srauta Sutra, xv. 5, 7 et seq. Sahkb- ; n. 1.

ayana Srauta Sutra, xvi. 12, 19.

Tapstagha, a species of tree, is mentioned in the Kausika

1
Sutra, while the adjective formed from it, tdrstaght, derived
'

from the Tarstagha tree,' is found in the Atharvaveda. 2

Weber 3 thinks that the sarsafta, or mustard plant, is meant.
1 3
xxv. 23. Indische Studien, 18, 280.
2
v. Whitney's note
29, 15. Cf. in Cf. Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 62.
his Translation of the Atharvaveda.
Tirasca ] SIEVE PARTRIDGE LUNAR DAY PRIEST 309

Titau 1 found once in the Rigveda 2 denoting a sieve,' or

'
is

winnowing fan,' which was used for purifying corn

*

perhaps
(saktu) .
1
On the peculiar form of this word, * x.
71, 2.
cf. Macdonell, Vedic Grammar, 20, 3. Cf. Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 238.

Tittira, Tittiri, is the name of the partridge in the later

Samhitas 1 and the Brahmanas, 2 being presumably an onomato-
poetic formation. The bird is described as having variegated
plumage (bahu-rupa). It is usually associated with the Kapin-
jala and Kalavinka.
1
Taittiriya Samhita, ii. 5, 1, 2 ;
v. 5, 4, 6 ; Jaiminiya Brahmana,
v. 5, 16, Maitrayani Samhita, ii. 4, 1
1 ; ;
ii. 154, 6 (Oertel, Transactions of the
Kathaka Samhita, xii. 10 Vajasaneyi ; Connecticut Academy of Arts and Sciences,
Samhita, xxiv. 30. 36. The form Tittira 15. 181).
occurs in the Maitrayani Samhita, Cf. Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 91 ;

iii. 14, 1. Schrader, Prehistoric Antiquities, 251.

a
Satapatha Brahmana, i. 6, 3, 5 ;

name of a lunar day, the thirtieth part of a lunar

Tithi, as the
month of rather over twenty-seven days, is only found in the
1
later Sutras, being completely unknown to the Brahmanas, in
which the only day is the natural one. 2 See Masa.
1 2
Gobhila Grhya Sutra, i. 1, 13 ;
ii. 8, Thibaut, Astronomie, Astrologie und
12. 20 ; Sankhayana Grhya Sutra, i. 25 ; Mathematik, 7, 8.
v. 2, etc.

Timirgha Daupe-gruta (' descendant of Duresruta ') is men-

tioned as Agnldh (' fire-kindling ') priest at the snake sacrifice
described in the Pancavimsa Brahmana. 1
1 xxv. 15. Indische Studien,
Cf. Weber, 1, 35.

Tirasca read in some manuscripts of the Atharvaveda 1 in

is
*
the description of the Vratya's throne (Asandi), meaning the
cross-pieces.' But the reading should be tirascye, which is
adjectival, and is used in the same sense.

1 xv. 3, 5. Cf. Whitney, Translation of the Atharvaveda, 776; Keith, Sankh-

ayana Aranyaka, 19, n. 3,
3io SNAKE A SEER CROSS-BEAM A PATRON [ TiraScaraji

1 2 3
Tipa^ca-raji, Tira^ci-raji, Tirascma-raji, are variant forms
of a name for ' snake (lit., striped across '), found in the later
' '

Samhitas.
1 v. 3 21
Taittiriya Samhita, 5, 10, 2; Maitrayani Samhita, ii.
13, ;

Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 94, 95, Sankhayana Aranyaka, xii. 27.

reports this form from the Av., but Cf. Bloomfield, Hymns of the Athar-
the text and Roth (St. Petersburg Dic- vaveda, 488, 553 ; Keith, Sankhayana
tionary, s.v.) read tirasci-raji there. Aranyaka, 68, n. 2 ; Weber, Indische
2
Av. iii. 27, 2 vi. 56, 2 vii. 56,
; ;
1 ; Studien, 17, 295-297.
x. 4, 13; xii. 3, 56.

Tira^Ci
according to the Anukramani, the author of a
is,
1
Rigvedic hymn in which he appeals to Indra to hear his call.
The Paficavimsa Brahmana 2 adopts this view of the name,
and mentions a TirascI Ahgirasa. But Roth 3 thinks that the
word is not a proper name at all.
1 vm. 95, 4. Ludwig, Translation of the Rigveda,
2 xii.
6, 12. 5, 187 Hopkins, Journal of the American
;

3
Zeitschrift der Deutschen Morgen- Oriental Society, 17, 90 ; Macdonell,
landischen Gesellschaft, 48, 115. Cf. Vedic Grammar, p. 273.

Tiracina-vama, 'cross-beam,' is used to denote a bee-

in the Chandogya Upanisad. 1 See also Vamsa.
'
hive
1 iii.
1, 1. Cf. Little, Grammatical Index, 75.

'
Tirindira is mentioned in a Danastuti, or Praise of Gifts,'
1
in the Rigveda as having, along with Paru, bestowed gifts
on the In the Sankhayana Srauta Sutra 2 this state-
singer.
ment is represented by a tale that the Kanva Vatsa obtained
a gift from Tirindira Parasavya, Tirindira and Parsu being
in this version thus treated as one and the same man.
3
Ludwig sees in the Rigvedic passage a proof that the Yadus
had gained a victory over Tirindira, and gave a part of the
booty to the singers; but there is no proof whatever of the
correctness of this interpretation, which Zimmer 4 shows to be
most unlikely. Yadu princes must be meant by Tirindira and
1 3
viii. 6, 46-48. Translation of the Rigveda, 3, 160,
2 xvi. 11. 20.
161 ; 5, 142.
4 Altindisches Leben, 136, 137.
Tiryanc Arigirasa ] DIADEM SESAMUM A SEER 3ii

Parsu, though Weber 6 thinks that the singers were Yadus, not
the princes. The latter he holds to have been Iranian (cf.
Tcpi/3a^o<;, and see Parsu), and he thinks that in this there is
evidence of continual close relations between India and Iran.
This is perfectly possible, but the evidence for it is rather
slight.
5 Indische
Studien, 4, 356, n. Indian ; Mythologie, 1, 94 et seq., argues in favour
Literature, 3, 4 ; Episches im vedischen of an early connexion of Iranians and
Ritual, 37, 38. Indians in Arachosia, where he places
6
For the recent controversy as to part of the action of the Rigveda.
Iranian names found at Boghaz-kioi, Hopkins, Journal of the American Oriental
cf. Jacobi, Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, 17, 16, 277, holds that traces of
Society, 1909, 721 et seq. ; Oldenberg, Iranian connexion are signs of late
1095-1100; Keith, ibid., 1100-1106;
ibid., date; Arnold, ibid., 18, 205 et seq. t

Sayce, ibid., 1106, 1107; Kennedy, opposes this view.

ibid., 1107-1119. Hillebrandt, Vedische

found in the Atharvaveda 2 in the adjectival

TiFita 1 is

derivative tiritin used of a demon, and presumably meaning

'
adorned with a tiara.'
1 2 viii.
Meaning, according to later native Cf. Zimmer, Altindisches
6, 7.

Whitney, Translation of
'

lexicographers,
'
head-dress or '
dia- Leben, 265 ;

dem.' the Atharvaveda, 495-

1
Tirya occurs in the Atharvaveda as an epithet of Karambha,
It is probably equivalent to tilya, made of sesamum,'
1 '

gruel.'
as rendered by Roth 2 and Whitney, 3 but tiriya is read by
Roth 4 in the Raja-nighantu as a kind of rice.
1 iv. 7, 3-
'
the poison which comes in a horizontal
2 St. s.v. direction' Grill, Hundert
Petersburg Dictionary, {cf. tiryanc).
3 Translation of the Atharvaveda, Lieder,
2
121, amends to atiriya, 'over-

155- flowing.'
4 See
Whitney, loc. cit., with Lan- Cf. Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 270;
man's additional note. Bloomfield, Ludwig, Translation of the Rigveda,
Hymns of the Atharvaveda, 377, construes 3, 201.
the adjective with visum, and renders

Tiryaiic Angirasa is mentioned as a seer of Samans, 01

1
Chants, in the Pancavimsa Brahmana. The name is doubtless
feigned.
1
xii. 6, 12. Cf. Hillebrandt, Vedische Mythologie, 2, 160.
312 SESAMUM A TREE A STAR A BOW [ Tila

Tila denotes in the Atharvaveda 1 and later 2 the sesamum

plant, and particularly its grains, from which a rich oil (Taila)
was extracted. It is often 3 mentioned in connexion with Masa,
4
'kidney bean.' The Taittirlya Samhita attributes the bean
and the sesamum to the winter Qiemanta) and the cool (sisira)
seasons. The stalk of the
plant (tila-pinji, til-pinja ) sesamum 5 6

was used for fuel, and the seed was boiled in the form of
7
porridge (tilaudana ) for food.

1 vi. 2 xviii. 6
ii. 8, 3 ; 140, ; 3, 69 ; 22; Chandogya Upanisad, v. 10,
4.32. etc.
2 4 Loc. cit.
Taittirlya Samhita, vii. 2, 10, 2 ;

5 Av.
Maitrayanl Samhita, iv. 3, 2 Vaja- ;
ii. 8, 3.
6 Av.
saneyi Samhita, xviii. 12 Satapatha ;
xii. 2, 54.
7
Brahmana, ix. 1, 1, 3, etc. Brhadaranyaka Upanisad, vi. 4
3 Av. vi. 140, 2 16
Vajasaneyi Samhita,
; ; Sahkhayana Aranyaka, xii. 8.
loc. cit.\ Brhadaranyaka Upanisad, vi. 3, Cf. Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 240.

Satapatha Brahmana as a tree

1
Tilvaka is mentioned in the

(Symplocos racemosa), near which it is inauspicious to construct

a grave. The adjectival derivative tailvaka, made of the wood
*

of the Tilvaka,' is found in the Maitrayanl Samhita, 2 and is

employed to describe the yupa, or sacrificial post, in the
Sadvimsa Brahmana. 3
1 xiii. 8, 1, 16. 111.
3 iii. 8.
1, 9.

Tisya occurs twice in the Rigveda, apparently as the name

1

of a star, 2 though Sayana takes it to mean the sun. It is

doubtless identical with the Avestan Tistrya. Later it is the

name of a lunar mansion see Naksatra. :

1 v. 54, 13 ;
x. 64, 8 (with Krsanu as Altindisches Leben, 355; Max Miiller,
an archer). Sacred Books of the East, 32, 331 ; Keith,
2
Weber, Naxatra, 2, 290 ; Zimmer, Sankhayana A raiiyaka, 77, n. 1 .

Tisr-dhanva, a bow with three (arrows),' is mentioned as

1
a gift to the priest at the sacrifice in the Taittirlya Samhita
and in the Brahmanas. 2
1 i. 8, 19, 1. ii. 7, 9, 2 ; Satapatha Brahmana, xi. 1,

2
Taittirlya Brahmana, 3. 4 5, 10 ;
xiv. 1, 1, 7.
Tuminja Aupoditi ] NA MES CHILDREN 313

1
Tugra appears in the Rigveda as the name of the father of
Bhujyu, a protege of the Asvins, who is accordingly called
2
Tugrya or Taugrya.
3
A different Tugra seems to be referred
to in other passages of the Rigveda 4 as an enemy of Indra.

1
i. 116, 3 ; 117, 14 ;
vi. 62, 6. Oldenberg, Zeitschrift der Deutscheu
2 Rv. viii. 3, 23 ; 74, 14. Morgenldndischen Gesellschaft, 55, 328,
3
Rv. i.
117, 15; 118, 6; 182, 5. 6; 329 Ludwig, Translation of the Rig-
;

viii. 5, 22 ; x. 39, 4. veda, 3, 157.

4 vi. 8
20, ; 26, 4 ; x. 49, 4. Cf.

1
Tugrya occurs Rigveda as a patronymic of Bhujyu, in the
2
but also in a passage in which no reference to Bhujyu appears
to be meant, and in which it may mean a man of the house '

of Tugra.' A similar sense seems to occur in the locative

3
plural feminine in the Rigveda, where (supplying viksu) the
meaning must be among the Tugrians.' This explanation
'

5
may also apply to the epithet of Indra 4 or Soma, tugryd-vrdh,
'

rejoicing among the Tugrians.'

1
Who is also called Tugrasya sunu, 4
viii. 45, 29 ; 99, 7.
Rv. 5
vi. 62, 6. Cf the use of Pajriya viii. 1, 15, where, however, Roth,
and perhaps Krsniya in the patronymic St. Petersburg Dictionary, s.v., sug-
sense without Vrddhi. gests an alteration to make it refer to
2
viii. 32, 20. Indra.
3
i- 33> x 5- Cf. Griffith, Hymns of Cf. Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 128.
the Rigveda, 1, 47.

1
Tuc in the Rigveda occasionally occurs denoting 'children.'
Tuj occurs rather more often in the same sense. 2 Cf. Tanaya
and Toka.
viii. 18, 18 ; 27, 14 ; vi. 48, 9.
iii. 45, 4 ;
iv. 1, 3 ; v. 41, 9 ; viii. 4, 15.

1
Tuji is the name in the Rigveda of a protege of Indra, who
2
in another hymn appears to be called Tutuji.
1 vi.
26, 4 ;
x. 49, 4. Zeitschrift der Deutschen Morgenldndischen
2 vi.
20, 8. Cf. Ludwig, Translation Gesellschaft, 55, 328.
of the Rigveda, 3, 156 ; Oldenberg,

Tuminja Aupoditi is mentioned in the Taittirlya Samhita

7, 2, 1) as a Hotr priest at a Sattra, or sacrificial session,'
*

(i.

and as having been engaged in a discussion with S^Tsravas.

Si
314 NAMES FOUR-YEAR-OLD OX [ Tura Kavaeya

Tura Kavaseya is mentioned in the Vamsa (list of teachers)

at theend of the tenth book of the Satapatha Brahmana 1 as
the source of the doctrine set forth in that book, and as
separated, in the succession of teachers, from Sandilya by
2
Yajiiavacas and Kugri. In the same Brahmana he is quoted
by Sandilya as having erected a fire-altar on the Karoti. In
the Aitareya Brahmana 8 he appears as a Purohita, or domestic '

priest,' of Janamejaya Pariksita, whom he consecrated king.

In the Brhadaranyaka Upanisad 4 and a Khila 5 he appears as
an ancient sage. Oldenberg, 6 no doubt rightly, assigns him
to the end of the Vedic period. He is probably
7
identical with
Tura, the deva-muni, 'saint of the gods,' who is mentioned in
the Pancavimsa Brahmana. 8

1 7
x. 6, 5, 9 . So the St. Petersburg Dictionary,
2 ix.
5, 2, 15. s.v.
3 iv. 8 xxv. 14, See Hopkins, Transac-
27 vii. 34 ; viii. 21.
; 5.
4
vi. 5, 4 (Kanva, not in Madhyam- tions of the Connecticut Academy of Arts
dina). and Sciences, 15, 68.
5 i. 6 Scheftelowitz, Die Apokryphen
9, ;
Cf. Weber, IndischeStudien, 1, 203, n. ;

des Rgveda, 65, 190. Indian Literature, 120, 131 ; Eggeling,

6
Zeitschrift der Dentschen Morgen- Sacred Books of the East, 43, xviii.

landischen Gesellschaft, 42, 239.

Tura-gravas is the name of a seer mentioned in the Panca-

vimsa Brahmana 1 as having pleased Indra by two Samans
(Chants) of his composition. Indra in return appears to have
given him the oblation of the Paravatas on the Yamuna.
1 ix. 4, 10. Cf. Hopkins, Transactions I
Sciences, 15, 53 ;
Max Muller, Sacred

of the Connecticut Academy of Arts and \

Boohs of the East, 32, 316.

Turya-vah, masc. Turyauhi, fern., a four-year-old ox or

'
;

1
cow,' is mentioned in the later Samhitas.

1
Samhita, iv. 2 Samhita, xiv. 10
Taittiriya 3, 3, ;
1
17 ; Vajasaneyi ;

Maitrayanl Samhita, iii. 11, 11; 13, |

xviii. 26, etc.

Turva occurs only once in the Rigveda (x. 62, 10), doubtless
as a name of the TurvaSa people or king.
TurvaSa ] KING TURVASA 3i5

TurvaSa occurs frequently in the Rigveda as the name of

a man or of a people, usually in connexion with Yadu. The
two words usually occur in the singular without any connecting
2
particle, Turvasa Yadu or Yadu Turvasa. In a plural form
the name Turvasa occurs once with the Yadus, 3 and once
alone 4 in a hymn in which the singular has already been used.
In one passage 5 the dual Turvasd-Yadu actually occurs, and
in another 6 Yadus Turva$ ca, Yadu and Turva.' In other '

7
passages Turvasa appears alone, while in one 8 Turvasa and
Yadva occur.
Fromthese facts Hopkins 9 deduces the erroneousness of the
10
ordinary view, according to which Turvasa is the name of
a tribe, the singular denoting the king, and regards Turvasa
as the name of the Yadu king. But the evidence for this is
not conclusive. Without laying any stress on the argument
based on the theory 11 that the 'five peoples' of the Rigveda
are the Anus, Druhyus, Turvasas, Yadus, and Purus, it is

perfectly reasonable to hold that the Turvasas and Yadus were

two distinct though closely allied tribes. Such they evidently
were to the seers of the hymns which mention in the dual the
Turvasd-Yadu and speak of Yadus Turvas ca. This explanation
also suits best the use of the plural of Turvasa in two Rigvedic

hymns.
In the Rigveda the chief exploit of Turvasa was his partici-
pation in the war against Sudas, by whom he was defeated.
12

13
Hopkins suggests that he may have been named Turvasa
because of his fleet (tura) escape from the battle. His escape
1 18 6
i. 36, ; 54, ; 174, 9 ;
vi. 20, Zeitschrift der Deutschen Morgenlandischen
1 viii.
12; 45, ; 4l 7; 7, 18; 9, 14; Gesellschaft, 42, 220, n. 1.
x. 49, 8. In vii. 18, 6, Turvasa 7 i. vi. viii. 4, 1.
45, 27 ;
4, 77 ; 27, 7. Cf.
8 vii.
isjoined with Yaksu, apparently a con- 19, 8.
temptuous variant of Yadu (Hopkins, 9
Op. cit., 258 et seq.
10
Journal of the American Oriental Society, Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 122,
15, 261). Cf. Trtsu. 124 Oldenberg, Buddha, 404 ; Ludwig,
;

2 v.
31, 8. op. cit., 153 Macdonell, Vedic Mythology,
;

3 i.
108, 8. p. 64; Sanskrit Literature, 153 et seq.,
4 viii. Anava
4, 18 ; singular with in etc.
11
viii. 4, 1. Zimmer, 122, 124 ; Macdonell,
5 iv.
30, 17. 153. 154-
6 x. 12 vii.
62, 10. Cf. Ludwig, Translation 18, 6.
of the 166 13
Rigveda, 3, ; Oldenberg, Op. cit., 264.
3i6 THE TURVA$A PEOPLE [ Turvasa

may have been assisted by Indra, for in some passages 14 Indra's

aid to Turvasa (and) Yadu is referred to ; it is also significant
that the Anu, and apparently the Druhyu, kings are mentioned
as having been drowned in the defeat, but not the Turvasa
and Yadu kings, and that Turvasa appears in the eighth book
of the Rigveda as a worshipper of Indra with the Anu prince,
the successor, presumably, of the one who was drowned. 15
16
Griffith, however, proposes to refer these passages to a defeat
17
by Turvasa and Yadu of Arna and Citraratha on the Sarayu ;

but the evidence for this quite inadequate. is

Two
passages of the Rigveda
18
seem to refer to an attack by
Turvasa and Yadu on Divodasa, the father of Sudas. It is
reasonable to suppose that this was an attack of the two
peoples on Divodasa, for there is some improbability of the
references being to the Turvasa, who was concerned in the
attack on Sudas, the son.
Zimmer 19 considers that the Turvasas were also called Vrci-
20
vants. This view is based on a
in which reference hymn
is made on the Yavyavati and
to the defeat of the Vrclvants
Hariyupiya in aid of Daivarata, and of Turvasa in aid of
21
Sriijaya, the latter being elsewhere clearly the son of Deva-
rata. But as this evidence for the identification of the Turvasas
with the Vrclvants is not clear, it seems sufficient 22 to assume
that they were allies.
23
Later, in the Satapatha Brahmana, the Turvasas appear
as allies of the Pancalas, Taurvasa horses, thirty-three in
number, and armed men, to the number of 6,000, being
mentioned. 24 But otherwise the name disappears this lends :

14 Rv. 21
i.
174, 9; iv. 30, 17; v. 31, 8; iv. 15, 4-
viii. 4, 7. 22 n.
Oldenberg, Buddha, 404, Cf.
15
Hopkins, 265. Hillebrandt, Vedische Mythologie, 1, 105.
16 23 xiii.
Hymns of the Rigveda, 1, 433, n. 5, 4, 16.
!7 The hymn is a late one, and the 24 The sense is obscure. The St.
connexion of verse 18, where Arna and Petersburg Dictionary takes it appar-
Citraratha are mentioned, is obscure. ently as 6,033 horses (of armed warriors);
Cf. Hopkins, 259. Eggeling, Sacred Books of the East, 44,
18 vi.
45, 1 ; ix. 61, 2 (where Divo- 400, prefers to understand it as 33 horses
dasa is mentioned) vii. ; 19, 8 (where and 6,000 men; Oldenberg, loc. cit.,

he appears as Atithigva). takes as 6,033 warriors. Harisvamin's

it

19
Op. cit., 124. Commentary, cited by Eggeling, is
20 vi. obscure.
27, 5-7.
Tula ] KING TURVITI SCALES 3i7

25
probability to Oldenberg's conjecture that the Turvasas
26
became merged in the Paiicala people. Hopkins considers
that in the Satapatha passage the horses were merely named
from the family of Turvasa but this view is less likely, since ;

itignores the difficulty involved in the reference to the men.

It is impossible to be certain regarding the home of the
Turvasas at the time of their conflict with Sudas. They
27
apparently crossed the Parusni, but from which side is dis-
28 29
puted. The view of Pischel and Geldner, that they advanced
from the west towards the east, where the Bharatas were (see
Kufu), is the more probable.
25
Buddha, 404. Rv. viii. 20, 24, turvasa is read with
26 for turvatha, they are connected
Op. cit., 258, n. Cf Weber, Indische Ludwig
Studien, 1, 220. with the Sindhu.
27 Rv. vii. 18. Cf. Oldenberg, Religion des Veda, 167 ;

28 Vedische
Studien, 2,218. Cf Zimmer, Muir, Sanskrit Texts, 5, 286 Bergaigne, ;

Altindisches Leben, 126. Religion Vedique, 2, 354 et seq.

29 Vedische If in
Studien, 3, 152.

mentioned several times in the Rigveda, both in

Turviti is

association with Vayya 1 and alone. 2 In three passages 3

4
reference is made to Indra aiding him over a flood. Ludwig
has conjectured that he was king of the Turvasas and Yadus.
But there is no sufficient evidence for this view, though
presumably he was of the Turvasa tribe.

1 i.
54, 6; ii. 13, 12; iv. 19, 6, 4, 254. Cf. Turvasa, and Bergaigne,
2 Rv. 36, 18 ; 61, 11
i. 112, 23. ; Religion Vedique, 2, 358 Oldenberg,
;

3 Sacred Books of the East, 42, 36.

i. 61, 11 ; ii. 13, 12 iv. 19, 6.;

4 Translation of the Rigveda, 3, 147 ;

the Vajasaneyi Samhita. 1

'
Tula, scales,' is mentioned in
2
The Satapatha Brahmana also speaks of the balance in con-
nexion with the weighing of a man's good and evil deeds in
the next and in this world. This differs very considerably
from the later balance 3 ordeal, in which a man was weighed
twice, and was pronounced guilty or innocent according as, on
the second occasion, he was more or less heavy than on the
3
xxx. 17. XL 2, 7, 33. Jolly, Recht und Sitte, 145.
318 HUSK FLUTE NORTH KURU K SETR A TORRENT [ Tua
first. It is not possible to read the later practice into the
4
earlier.

4
Weber, Indische Streifen, i, 21 ;
I balance ordeal. Cf. Eggeling, Sacred
2 . 33. quotes Schlagintweit as giving I
Books of the East, 44, 45, n. 4.
this passage as an example of the j

1 2
Tusa, in the Atharvaveda and later, regularly denotes the
'
3
'
husk of grain, often used for a fire.
1
ix. 6, 16 3
;
xi. I, 12. 29 ; 3, 5 ;
xii. 3, Tusa-pakva, Taittirlya Samhita, v. 2 ,

19. 4, 2
Maitrayani Samhita,
; iii. 2, 4 ;

2
Taittirlya Brahmana, i. 6, 5, 5 ; Satapatha Brahmana, vii. 2, 1, 7.

Aitareya Brahmana, ii. 7, 9, etc.

Tunava denotes in the later Samhitas 1 and the Brahmanas 2

a musical instrument of wood, probably the 'flute.' A 'flute-
'
blower is enumerated among the victims of the Purusamedha,
3
or 'human sacrifice.'

1
Taittirlya Samhita, vi. 1, 4, 1 ; Taittirlya Brahmana, iii. 4, 13, 1 ; 15, 1 ;

Maitrayani Samhita, iii. 6, 8 Kathaka ; Nirukta, xiii. 9.

3
Samhita, xxiii. 4 xxxiv. 5 (Indische ; Vajasaneyi Samhita, xxx. 19. 20 ;

Studien, 3, 477). Taittirlya Brahmana, loc. cit.

2
Pancavimsa Brahmana, vi. 5, 13 ; Cf. Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 289.

Tutuji. See Tuji.

*
Tupara, hornless,' is a frequent description of animals
intended for the sacrifice, especially of the goat, in the
Atharvaveda and later. 1
1
Av. xi. 9, 22; Taittirlya Samhita, 1 xxiv. 1. 15; xxix. 59, etc.; Satapatha
ii. 1, 1, 4, etc. ; Vajasaneyi Samhita, |
Brahmana, v, 1, 3, 7, etc.

Turghna is mentioned in the Taittirlya Aranyaka (v. 1) as

the northern part of Kuruksetra. 1 Its exact position, however,
cannot be ascertained.
1
Cf. Weber, Indische Studien, 1, 78.

TurnaSa, in the Rigvjeda, 1 seems to denote a mountain

'

torrent.'
1
viii. 32, 4. Cf. Nirukta, v. 16.
Trna ] NAMES OF PRINCES TRIMMING GRASS 319

is the name of a prince mentioned in the

Turvayana Rigveda.
He appears by name in two passages, and is clearly alluded
1

to in a third, 2 as an enemy of Atithigva, Ayu, and Kutsa.

With this accords the fact that the Pakthas were opposed in
the battle of the ten kings to the Trtsus, 3 and that Turvayana
is shown by another passage of the Rigveda 4 to have been
a prince of the Pakthas. He is there represented as having
been a protege of Indra, who aided him against Cyavana and
his guardians, the Maruts. It is not probable that he is
5
identical with SuSravas.

1 3 vii.
i. 53, 10 ; vi. 18, 13. 18.
2 4
14, 7 (as a comparison of the
ii. x. 61, 1 et seq. ; Pischel, Vedische
two preceding passages shows) per- ; Studien, 1, 71-77.
5
haps also viii. 53, 2. In i. 174, 3, Mentioned in i.
53, 9. 10. Cf.
Turvayana seems also to be a proper Griffith, Hymns of the Rigveda, 1,

name, though Roth, St. Petersburg 75. n.

Dictionary, s.v., here regards the word
as an adjective.

Tusa is found in the later Samhitas and the Brahmanas 1

' ' ' '

denoting the fringe or trimming of a garment.

1
Taittiriya Samhita, i. 8, 1, 1 ii.
4, ; 1, 8 ; Pancavimsa Brahmana, xvii. 1,

9, 1; vi. 1, 1, 3; Kathaka Samhita, etc.

xxiii. 1 ; Taittiriya Brahmana, i. 6, Cf. Zimmer, A Itindisches Leben, 262.

Rigveda, the name of a prince who was

1
Trksi is, in the
a Trasadasyava, descendant of Trasadasyu.' He also appears
'

with the Druhyu and the Puru peoples in another hymn. 2 It

has been conjectured, but it is not probable, that the steed
3
Tarksya (as
'

belonging to Trksi ') was his.

1
viii. 22, 7. brandt, Vedische Mythologie, 1, 113,
I

2
vi. 46, 8. It is not certain that the notes 3, 4), but it is
probable.
j

two persons are identical {cf. Hille- Macdonell, Vedic Mythology, p. 149.

1
Trna, grass,' is often mentioned in the Rigveda and later. 2
'

3
It was used as straw to roof in a house or hut.

1
i. 161, 1 ; 162, 8. 11 ;
x. 102, 10, Aitareya Brahmana, iii. 22 ;
viii. 24,
elc. etc.
3 Av.
Av. ii. 30, 1 ; vi. 54, 1, etc. ; iii. 12, 5 ; ix. 3, 4. 7,
320 CATERPILLAR TERTIAN FEVER [ Trnajalayuka

Trna-jalayuka, 'caterpillar,' is mentioned in the Brhad-

aranyaka Upanisad (iv. 2, 4).

1
Trna-skanda occurs once in the Rigveda as the name of
a prince, his subjects {visah) being referred to. 2 The word
3
may originally have meant '

grasshopper.'
1
i-
17 2 . 3.
2 Altindisches Leben, 159, takes visah as 'cantons,' but see
Zimmer, Vii
3 St. s.v.
Petersburg Dictionary,

Trtiyaka, 'the tertian (fever),' is mentioned in the Athar-

vaveda (i. 25, 4; v. 22, 13; xix. 39, 10). See Takman.

1
Trtsu occurs Rigveda, once in the singular and several
in the
2
times in the plural, as a proper name. The Trtsus were
clearly helpers of Sudas in the great battle against the ten
kings, Simyu, the TurvaSa, the Druhyu, Kavasa, the Puru,
the Anu, Bheda, Sambara, the two Vaikarnas, and perhaps
the Yadu, who led with them as allies 3 the Matsyas, Pakthas,
Bhalanas, Alinas, Visanins, Sivas, Ajas, Sigrus, and perhaps
Yaksus. 4 The defeat of the ten kings is celebrated in one
1 vii. 4 This is uncertain the text of the
18, 13. ;

2 vii. 6 has Yaksu, and

18, 7. 15. 19 ; 33, 5. ; 83, 4. 6. 8. Rigveda, vii. 18, 6,
3
They regarded as enemies of
were the same word recurs in verse 19. On
the kings by Roth, Zur Litter atur und the other hand, the word Yadu would
Weda, 95, and by Zimmer,
Geschichte des naturally be expected in verse 6, as Tur-
op. cit., The latter, however,
126. vaa is mentioned. Zimmer, A Itindisches
altered his view (see pp. 430, 431, Leben, 122, says that Yadu occurs in
which Hopkins, op. cit., 260, has over- vii. 18, but on p. 126 he cites Yaksu
looked), and there is no doubt that in both places, evidently by oversight.
the later opinion is correct. Cf. also Hopkins, Journal of the American Oriental
Ludwig, Translation of the Rigveda, Society, 15, 261, n., considers that Tur-
3, 173; Hopkins, 260, 261. Of these vaa, the Yaksu, is a sarcastic expres-
tribes the Pakthas, Alinas, Bhalanas, sion, instead of Turvasa, the Yadu,
Visanins, and Sivas, were probably making Turvasa, whom he regards as
settled in the north-west, to the west king of Yadus, ridiculous as a
the
of the Indus, and around the Kabul member of an insignificant people, and
River. The Anus, Purus, TurvaSas, alluding to him also as a sacrificial
Yadus, and Druhyus, were probably victim (as it were, yastavya, to be
'

'

tribes of the Panjab the Ajas, Sigrus, ; offered :

cf. purodas,
'
cake of sacrifice,'
and Yaksus, tribes of the east, under a pun on purogas, leader').
in verse 6, as
'

Bheda Sambara may also have been

;
Whether Yaksu is used contemptuously
a native of the east Simyu and Kavasa
; for Yadu or not, it seems hard not to
are doubtful and the Vaikarnau prob-
;
believe that the Yadus are referred
ably belonged to the north-west. to.
Trtsu ] RELATION OF TRTSUS AND BHARATAS 321

hymn of the Rigveda, 5 and is evidently alluded to in two

6
others. The great battle took place on the Parusni, but there
was also a fight on the Yamuna with Bheda, the Ajas, Sigrus,
and Yaksus. As the Yamuna and the Parusni represent
opposite ends of the territory of the Trtsus (for we cannot
with Hopkins 7 safely identify the streams), it is difficult to see
exactlyhow the ten kings could be confederated, but it should
be noted that the references to the ten kings occur in the two
6 5
later hymns, and not in the
describing the battle itself;
hymn
besides, absolute numerical accuracy cannot be insisted upon.
It is difficult exactly to determine the character of the

Trtsus, especially in their relation to the Bharatas, who under

Visvamitra's guidance are represented as prospering and as
advancing to the Vipa and Sutudri. 8 Roth ingeniously
brought this into connexion with the defeat of his enemies
by Sudas, which is celebrated in the seventh book of the
Rigveda a book attributed to the Vasistha family and thought
that there was a reference in one verse 9 to the defeat of the
Bharatas by Sudas. But it seems certain that the verse is
mistranslated, and that the Bharatas are really represented as
victors with Sudas. 10 Ludwig
11
accordingly identifies the
Trtsus and the Bharatas. Oldenberg, 12 after accepting this
view at first, 13 later expressed the opinion that the Trtsus were
the priests of the Bharata people, and therefore identical with
the Vasisthas. This view is supported by the fact that in one
14
passage the Trtsus are clearly described as wearing their
hair in the peculiar manner affected by the Vasisthas, 15 and
would in that passage thus seem to represent the Vasisthas.
5 vii. 18. the American Oriental
Journal of Society,
6 vii.
33 and 83. 16, 41.
7
India, Old and New, 52. No such 10
Oldenberg, Buddha, 406 ; Weber,
conjecture was made by him in the Episches im vedischen Ritual, 34.
11 Translation of the
Journal of the American Oriental Society, Rigveda, 3, 175.
12
15, 259 et seq. Zeitschrift der Deutschen Morgen-
8 Rv. iii. Icindischen Gesellschaft, 42, 207. Ber-
33 53, 9-12.
;
Cf.
9 vii. See Roth,
33, 6. op. cit., 90, gaigne, Religion Vddique, 2, 362.
2 13
121 ;Muir, Sanskrit Texts, i 320 , ; Buddha, 405, 406,
14 Rv. vii. 33, 1 {ivityanco dakshiatas-
Macdonell, Sanskrit Literature, 154, 155;
von Schroeder, Indiens Literatur und kapardah).
15 Rv.
Cultur, 35, 36 Hillebrandt, Vedische
;
vii. 83, 8 (sjityanco . . .

Mythologie, 1, no, 111 Bloomfield,

;
kapardinah) .

VOL. I. 21
322 THE TRTSUS ABSORBED BY THE KURUS [ Trtsu

But Geldner 18 has suggested with great probability that Trtsu,

who is once mentioned in the singular, 17 means the Trtsu
king that is, Sudas. 18This explanation alone justifies the
19
description of the Bharatas as Trtsunam visah, 20 'subjects of
the Trtsus,'meaning the Trtsu Gotra or family, for the people
could not be said to be subjects of a body of priests. The
Vasisthas might be called Trtsus because of their close con-
nexion with the royal house of that people. The reverse
process is also quite possible, but is rendered improbable by
the fact that the Pratrdah are referred to as receiving Vasistha. 21
This name of the Trtsu dynasty is probably older than its
connexion with Vasistha in the time of Sudas, a conclusion
supported by the name of Pratardana, who is mentioned later
as a descendant of Divodasa, 22 an ancestor of Sudas. The
Trtsu dynasty could therefore hardly have been referred to as
Vasisthas. For the further history of the dynasty and its
relation with Vasistha and Visvamitra, see Sudas.
If the Trtsus and their subjects, the Bharatas, were in the

Rigvedic period at war with the tribes on either side of the

23
territory between the Parusni and the Yamuna, it is clear
that later on they coalesced with the Purus and probably
others of those tribes to form the Kuril people. Already in
the Rigveda 24 the Trtsus are allied with the Srnjayas, and in
the Satapatha Brahmana 25 one Purohita serves both Kurus
and Srnjayas.
16 Vedische Studien, 2, 136; Rgveda- Mythologie, 1, 111, render it 'cantons,'
Glossar, 74. but see Vii.
17 Rv. vii. 18, 13. 21 Rv. Geldner
vii. ^t T 4- (op. cit.,
18
Cf. Rv. vii. 18, 24. The parallelism J 38, ingeniously suggests that
139)
of verses 13 and 24 is quite beyond Vasistha, being miraculously born,
question. Moreover, the praise of needed a Gotra, and so became a Trtsu.
Sudas and of the Bharatas is found 22 Pratardana is mentioned in the

coupled in Rv. iii. 53, 9. 12. 24, and in Kausitaki Brahmana, xxvi. 5, as Daivo-
Rv. vi. 16, 4. 5, Divodasa is coupled dasi, descendant of Divodasa.'
'

with the Bharatas in such a way as to 23 et seq.,

Cf. Oldenberg, Buddha, 406
suggest irresistibly that Divodasa was and see Kuru.
24 See Rv. vi.
a Bharata. 47, where Divodasa
19 Rv. vii. 33, 6. and Sarnjaya are both praised. In
20 That this is the sense of viiah is vi. 27, 5, the TurvaSas are opposed to

almost certain. See Geldner, Vedische the Srnjayas, and in vii. 18, 6; 19, 8,
Studien, loc. tit. Zimmer, Altindisches the Trtsus are opposed to the TurvaSas.
and Hillebrandt, Vedische 25
Leben, 159, ii. 4. 4. 5-
Tejana] TRTSUS A PRIEST A RIVER BAMBOO 323

Hillebrandt 26 considers that the Trtsus cannot be identified

with the Bharatas, but that Sudas and the Bharatas represent
an invading body, which, however, became allied with the
Trtsus and the Vasistha priests. He also thinks that the
Rigveda reveals a time when Divodasa, the grandfather or
ancestor of Sudas, was living in Arachosia, on the Sarasvati,
and warring against the Panis, whom he identifies with the
27
Parnians. conjectureBut cannot be regarded as
this
28
probable. In the Sarasvati it is not necessary to see any
other river than the later Sarasvati, in the middle country,
which flowed within the boundaries of the Trtsus : it is also

significant that there are references 29 to contests between

Turva^a Yadu and Atithigva or Divodasa. Thus there is no
reason to doubt that Divodasa and the Bharatas were in the
middle country, and not in Iran.
26 Vediscke the Oxus, but Hillebrandt identifies
Mythologie, 1, 98 et seq. it
27 also Grierson, with the Haraqaiti.
Cf. Journal of the
29 Rv.
Royal Asiatic Society, 1908, 837 et ix. 61, 2. Cf. vi. 45, 1 ;

seq. Zimmer, op. cit., 124.

28 Rv. vi.
61, 3. Brunnhofer, Iran Cf. Max Miiller, Sacred Books of the
und Turan, 127, identifies this river with East, 32, 424.

mentioned in the Maitrayani 1 and Kathaka Samhitas 2

Trsta is

as being along with Varutri the priest of the Asuras.

1 iv.
8, 1. The reading is uncer- xlvi. 4, has Tvasta - varutri (von
tain ; it may be Trstha-varutri. See Schroeder's edition of the Kathaka, 2,
von Schroeder's edition, p. 106, n. 181, n).
2 xxx. 2
1, where again the reading is Cf. Muir, Sanskrit Texts, i 190, 191 , ;

uncertain. The Kapisthala Samhita, Levi, La Doctrine du Sacrifice, 119.

Trstama is mentioned as a stream in the Nadi-stuti, or

1
'praise of rivers,' in the Rigveda. There seems to be no
means of identifying it.
1 Altindisches Leben, 14.
x. 75, 6. Cf. Zimmer,

1
Tejana denotes in the Rigveda a rod or staff of reed used
for measuring a field. In the Atharvaveda the sense of
found twice, 2 the bamboo being specified in the
'
'
bamboo is

1 i. no, 5, I
Cf. taijana as an adjective in Kathaka
4; xx. 136, 3( = Khila,
2 v. 22, 3). xxi. 10.
i. 2, |
Samhita,
21 2
 324 REEDS BOLT TAITTIRIYA SCHOOL SNAKE [ Tejani
' '
second passage as of the spring (vdsantika) more particularly ;

itdenotes the shaft of an arrow, 3 a sense often found in later

Vedic texts. 4
3 Av. vi. arrow
49, i (Whitney, Translation ; in Maitrayani Samhita, iii. 8, 1,
of the Atharvaveda, 317) isu eka-tejand, ; kulmala takes the place of tejana ; cf.
'
an arrow with one shaft,' vi. 57, 1. ibid., 2). The Taittiriya Samhita, vi. 3,
4 has
Aitareya Brahmana, i. 25; hi. 26; 3, 1, anika, salya, and tejana.
Kathaka Samhita, xxv. 1 (with sriiga Cf. Isu.
and salya as the three parts of an

Tejani denotes in the later Samhitas and Brahmanas a bundle

1
of reeds, and in some cases such a bundle twisted into a rope, 2
for the two ends of the Tejani are mentioned.

1 2
Satapatha Brahmana, xiii. 8, 3, 12 ; Kathaka Samhita, xxii. 13 Aitareya
;

perhaps Kathaka Samhita, xxiii. 9. Brahmana, i. 11, as rendered by Sayana.

1
Tejas is regarded by Schrader as having in the Rigveda
2

the specific sense of axe.' But in all the passages the sense
'

'
'
of the bolt of the god is adequate.

1 Prehistoric Antiquities, 221. 2

Cf. vi. 3, 5 ; 8, 5 ; 15, 19.

Taittiriya is the name of one of the divisions of the Black

Yajurveda, which is, however, not found thus described until
1
the Sutra period. The school is represented by a Samhita, 2
4
a Brahmana, and an Aranyaka, besides an Upanisad, 6 which
3

forms a part of the Aranyaka.

1 3 Edited in the Bibliotheca Indica,
Anupada Sutra, ii. 6; vii. 7. 10,
etc. See Weber Indian Literature, 87 1855
-
1870, and in the Anandasrama
et seq. Macdonell, Sanskrit Literature,
; Series, 1898.
4
175 von Schroeder, Maitrayani
et seq. ;
Edited in the Bibliotheca Indica, 1864-
Samhita, 1, x et seq. 1872, and in the Anandasrama Series,
2 Edited
by Weber, Indische Studien, 1898.
and in the Bibliotheca Indica, 5 Edited by Roer, 1850, and in the
xi, xii,

1854-1899. Anandasrama Series, 1889.

Taimata is twice mentioned as a species of snake in the

Atharvaveda. 1

13, 6
1 v.
18, 4. Cf. Whitney,
; Bloomfield, Hymns of the Atharvaveda,
Translation of the Atharvaveda, 243 ; 425; Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 95.
 Toda ] SESAMUM OIL CHILDREN SHOOTS GOAD 325

Taila,
'
sesamum mentioned in the Atharvaveda, 1
oil,' is
2
where reference is made to keeping such oil in jars. In the
3
Sankhayana Aranyaka, reference is made to anointing with
sesamum oil.

1 2
7, 2 (all the manuscripts have
i. xx. 136, 16.
which must be wrong the Paip- 3
taula, ;
xi. 4.

palada MS. has tula see Whitney, :

Cf. Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 240,
Translation of the Atharvaveda, 7). 241.

Toka denotes '

children
'
or '
descendants
'

generally in the
1 2 3
Rigveda and later. The word is often joined with Tanaya.

1
i. 43, 2 ; ii. 2, n ; 9, 2 ;
vii. 62, 6 ;
3
Rv. i. 31, 12 ; 64, 14 114, 6; ;

viii. 5, 20 ; 67, 11, etc. 147, 1; ii. 33, 14; v. 53, 13; vi. 1, 12,
2
Av. i. 13, 2 ; 28, 3 ;
v. 19, 2 ;
etc. ;
Aitareya Brahmana, ii. 7.
Kathaka Samhita, xxxvi. 7 (Indische
Studien, 3, 466) ; Satapatha Brahmana,
vii. 5, 2, 39, etc.

1
Tokman, neut., denotes in the Rigveda and later 2 the green
shoots of any kind of grain. In the Aitareya Brahmana 3
reference is made to the shoots of rice (vrihi), large rice (maha-
vrihi), panic seed (priyangu), and barley (yava).
1 3
x. 62, 8. viii. 16. Cf. for its use at the
2
Vajasaneyi Samhita, xix. 13. 81 ; SautramanI, Hillebrandt, Rituallitte-
xxi. 30. 42 Kathaka Samhita, xii. 11
; ; ratur, 160.
Maitrayani Samhita, hi. 11, 9; Tait-
tiriyaBrahmana, ii. 6, 4 ; Aitareya
Brahmana, viii. 5, etc.

Tottra, a 'goad' for driving cattle, is mentioned in the

Satapatha Brahmana (xii. 4, 1, 10).

Toda appears once to denote a goad ' '

in the Rigveda, 1 but
more often 2 it is an agent noun meaning 'impeller.' Geldner 3
4
considers that in one passage the sense is 'wielder of the rod
'
of punishment (later danda-dhara) that is,
'

prince.'
1
iv. 16, 11 ; Mantra in Kausika 3 Vedische Studien, 3, 74-
Sutra, 107. 4 Rv. i. 150, 1.
2
Rv. vi. 6, 6; 12, 1. 3, are probably
so to be understood.
326 PATRONYMICS PLANT TIN [ Taugrya

Taugrya, 'descendant of Tugra,' is the patronymic of

1
Bhujyu in the Rigveda. u^X-y
1
i. 117, \f\ 118, 6; 182, 5. 6; viii. 5, 22; x. 39, 4.

Taudi in one passage of the Atharvaveda 1 appears to denote

a plant.

1
x. 4, 24. Cf. St. Petersburg Dic- a fanciful name, the piercer,' since it
'

'

tionary, Whitney, Translation of

s.v. is associated with ghrtaci, dripping
the Atharvaveda, 578, leaves the word with ghee,' which is clearly such a
untranslated. Bloomfield, Hymns of word.
the Atharvaveda, 608, suggests that it is

TaurvaSa. See TurvaSa.

Taula, the reading of the text of the Atharvaveda (i. 7, 2),

and a form which is otherwise unknown and cannot be satis-

factorily explained, must doubtless be meant for Taila.

1
Tauvilika, occurring once in a hymn of the Atharvaveda,
is a word of quite uncertain sense. Roth 2 thinks it means
some kind of beast; Zimmer 3 and Whitney 4 regard it as a
sort of plant Sayana explains it as a disease-causing demon,
;

while Bloomfield 5 leaves the sense doubtful.

1 4 Translation of the
vi. 16, 3. Atharvaveda,
2 St. s.v.
Petersburg Dictionary, 292.
3 Altindisches 5
Leben, 72. Hymns of the Atharvaveda, 30, 466.

2
Trapu denotes 'tin' in the Atharvaveda 1 and later. Its
3
quality of being easily smelted, which Roth thinks is indicated
by the name (as derived from the root trap, 'be ashamed'), is
clearly alluded to in the Atharvaveda passage.
1
xi. 3, 8. iii. 17, 3 ; Chandogya Upanisad,
2 Kathaka Samhita, xviii. 10 Maitra- iv. In Taittiriya Samhita, iv.
; 17, 7.

yani Samhita, ii. XX, 5 Vajasaneyi ; 7, 5, 1, the form is trapus.

3 St.
Samhita, xviii. 13 (all in enumerations Petersburg Dictionary, s.v.

of metals) ; Brahmana, iii. 12,

Taittiriya Cf. Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 53.

6, 5 ; Jaiminiya Upanisad Brahmana,

Trasadasyu ] TRASADASYU, KING OF THE PORUS 327

1
Trasa-dasyu, son of Purukutsa, is mentioned in the Rigveda
as king of the Purus. 2 He was born to Purukutsa by his wife,
Pupukutsani, at a time of great distress 3 this, according to ;

Sayana, refers to Purukutsa's captivity possibly his death is :

4
really meant. Trasadasyu was also a descendant of Giriksit,
and Purukutsa was a descendant of Durgaha. The genealogy,
therefore, appears to be Durgaha, Giriksit, Purukutsa, Trasa- :

5
dasyu. Trasadasyu was the ancestor of Tpksi, and, according
to Ludwig, 6 had a son Hiranin.
Trasadasyu's chronological
position is determined by the fact that his father, Purukutsa,
was a contemporary of Sudas, either as an opponent 7 or as
a friend. 8 That Purukutsa was an enemy of Sudas is more
probable, latter's predecessor, Divodasa, was
because the
9
apparently enmity with the Purus, and in the battle of the
at
ten kings Purus were ranged against Sudas and the Trtsus.
Trasadasyu himself seems to have been an energetic king.
His people, the Purus, were settled on the Sarasvati, 10 which
was, no doubt, the stream in the middle country, that locality
according well with the later union of the Purus with the
Kuru people, who inhabited that country. This union is
exemplified in the person of Kuruspavana, who is called
Trasadasyava, descendant of Trasadasyu,' in the Rigveda, 11
'

whose father was Mitratithi, and whose son was Upamasravas.

The relation of Mitratithi to Trksi does not appear.
Another descendant of Trasadasyu was Tryaruna Traivrsna,
who is simply called Trasadasyu in a hymn of the Rigveda. 12
1 Rv. v. viii.
33, 8; vii. 19, 3; 19, G/sellschaft, 42, 204, 205, 219; Rgveda-
|

36; iv. 42, 8 et seq. Noten, 1, 63 ; Geldner, Vedische Studien,

2
Rv. iv. 38, 1 et seq.; vii. 19, 3. /i, 153 ;
Hillebrandt, Vedische Mythologie,
He is merely alluded to in i. 63, 7;/ 1, 112, n. 1. Foy, Kuhn's Zeitschrift,
112, 4 ; viii. 8, 21 ; 36, 7 ; 37, 7 ; 49, 10. 34, 242, denies that the word in this
3 Rv. iv. 42, 8 et seq. passage is a proper name at all.
* Rv. v. 8
33, 8. Qf. Hillebrandt, loc. tit.
5 Rv. viii.
22, 7. He was a Piiru I
9 Rv. i. 130, 7; Ludwig, 3, 114; but
king. See vi. 46, 8. |
see Hillebrandt, 1, 113, 114.
6 Translation of the 10 Rv.
Rigveda, 3, 155, I
vii. 95, 96; Ludwig, 3, 175;
with reference to Rv. v. 33, 7 et seq. i

Hillebrandt, 1, 115.
7 So Ludwig, 3, 174, who alters u x. ^, Lanman, Sanskrit
Cf.
!

4.
Sudasam to Sudase, in support of this Reader, 386 et seq. ; Geldner, Vedische
view, in Rv. i. 63, 7. Cf. Oldenberg, Studien, 2, 150, 184.
Zeitschrift der Deutschen Morqenldndischen Vi
v. 27,
328 NAMES A PLANT [ Trata Aiumata

He was not only a

'
descendant of Trivrsan,' but, according
13
to the Paficavimsa Brahmana, he was also Traidhatva,
'
descendant of Tridhatu.' The order of these two predecessors
of Tryaruna cannot be determined in any way from Vedic
14
literature. According to the later tradition, a prince named
Tridhanvan preceded Tryaruna in the succession. Vedic tradi-
tion further fails to show in what precise relation Trasadasyu
stood to Trivrsan or Tryaruna.
15
Trasdasyu Paurukutsa appears in several Brahmanas as a
famous sacrificer of ancient times, together with Para Atnara,
Vitahavya Srayasa, and Kakslvant Auslja, who in the
16
Jaiminiya Upanisad Brahmana are called 'ancient great

kings' (purve maharajdh).

13 xiii.
3, 12. The Tandaka, cited 15 Pancavimsa
Brahmana, xxv. 16 ;

by Sayana (Sieg, Die Sagenstoffe dcs Kathaka Samhita, xxii. 3 (Indische

Rgveda, 67). has Trasadasyu, like the Rv. Studien, 3, 473) ; Taittinya Samhita,
14
HarivamSa, 714 et seq., where the v. 6, 5, 3.
name (716) is also misread as Tridhar- 16 ii. 6, 11.
raan. Traidhatva cannot reasonably Cf. Oldenberg, Zcitschrift der Deutschen
be taken as representing a patronymic Morgenlandischen Gesellschap, 42, 217
from Tridhanvan, as Sieg, op. cit., 74- et seq. Hillebrandt, Vedische Mythologie,
;

76, seems to do. Trivrsan has entirely 1, IIX-IX6; 2, 165, n. 4 Weber, Indische
;

disappeared from the Epic tradition ; Studien, 10, 25 ; Lanman, Sanskrit Reader,
there is thus no way of assigning a 386.
relative priority to either Trivrsan or
Tridhanvan.

Trata Aisumata (' descendant of Isumant ') is mentioned in

the Vamsa Brahmana 1 as a pupil of Nig-ada Parnavalki.
1 i. 3. Cf. Weber, Indische Studien, 4, 372.

1
Trayamana denotes in the Atharvaveda a plant of an
unknown species. The word is possibly only an epithet,
'

retaining its participial sense of preserving,' though this

interpretation is not favoured by the accent. 2

1 viii.
2, 6.
2
Trdyamand. Cf. Whitney, Translation of the Atharvaveda, 477.

Trasadasyava, 'descendant of Trasadasyu,' is the patro-

2
1
nymic in the Rigveda of Trksi and of KuruSravana. The
via. 22, 7. x. 33, 4'
Tripura ]
A MOUNTAIN SOMA VESSELS STRONGHOLD 329

word also applied to Agni as

is
'

protector of, or worshipped by,

3 '

Trasadasyu and his line.

3
viii. 19, 32 ; Macdonell, Vedic Mythology, p. 96.

Tri-kakud 1 or Tri-kakubh, 2 '

having three peaks,' occurs in

the Atharvaveda and later as the name of a mountain in the
Himalaya, the modern Trikota. From it came the salve
3
(Aiijana), which tradition made out to be derived from
Vrtra's eye. 4
1 Av. 4
iv. 9, 8 ; Satapatha Brahmana, Satapatha Brahmana, loc. cit. ;

iii. 1, 3, 12. Maitrayani and Kathaka Samhitas,

2
Maitrayani Samhita, iii. 6, 3 ;
loc. cit.

Kathaka Samhita, xxiii. 1 Vajasaneyi ;

Cf.Ludwig, Translation of the Rig-
Samhita, xv. 4 Pancavimsa Brahmana,
; veda, 198 Zimmer, Altindisches Leben,
3, ;

xxii. 14. 5, 29, 30 Hillebrandt, Vedische Myth-

;

3 Hence called Traikakuda, Av. iv. 9, ologie, 3, 239,n. 4 Bloomfield, ; Hymns

9. 10 ;
xix. 44, 6, etc. of the Atharvaveda, 381.

Tri-kadruka, a term used in the plural only, appears to

denote three vessels of some kind for holding Soma.
1
i. 32, 3 ; ii. 11, 17 ; 15, 1 ; 22, 1 ;
x. 14, 16.

Tri-kharva is thename of a school of priests mentioned in

the Pancavimsa Brahmana (ii. 8, 3) as practising a special rite
with success.

1
Trita is clearly a god in Vedic literature, but Yaska in one
2
passage of the Nirukta already explains the name as that of
a Rsi or seer.
1 2
Macdonell, Vedic Mythology, pp. 67-69. iv. 6.

Tri-pura, a threefold stronghold,' is alluded to in the

1
Brahmanas as a secure protection. But as the passages are
mythical no stress can be laid on them as evidence for the
existence of forts with three concentric walls.
1
Satapatha Brahmana, vi. 3, 3, 25 ;
See also Taittiriya Samhita, vi. 2, 3 ;

Aitareya Brahmana, ii. 11; Kausltaki Kathaka Samhita, xxiv. 10, etc., and
Brahmana in Indische Studien, 310. Levi, La Doctrine du Sacrifice, 46, n 1.
33 FIG-TREES THREE AGES CATTLE [ Triplaka

Tri-plaksa, masc. plur., the three fig-trees,' is the name of

'

the place where the Drsadvati disappeared, near the Yamuna,

1
according to the Pancavimsa Brahmana.
1 xxv. 13, 4. Cf. Sankhayana Srauta l
Sutra, x. 19,9; KatyayanaSrauta Sutra,
Sutra, xiii. 29, 33 ; Latyayana Srauta |
xxiv. 6, 39.

Triy-avi. See Tryavi.

1
Tri-yug'a, neut., is an expression occurring in the Rigveda
* '

where it is said that the plants (osadhi) were born three ages
before the gods (devebhyas triyugam pur a). The commentator
on the Nirukta 2 thinks that the ages here meant are the Yugas
of the later Indian chronology, the sense of the passage being
that the plants were born in the first Yuga. The author of
the Satapatha Brahmana 3 understands three seasons spring,
the rains, andautumn to be meant in the verse, taking the
'
two words triyugam pur a separately as formerly, in the three
seasons.' The vague sense three ages is quite adequate ' '
:

' '
the use of three in such cases is a favourite feature in
folklore. Cf. Yuga.
1
x. 97, 1 = Taittiriya Samhita, iv. 3 vii.
2, 4, 26.

2, 6, 1, and Vajasaneyi Samhita; xii. 75. Cf. Eggeling, Sacred Books of the East,
2 ix. 28.
41, 34-

three years old,' 1 is an expression applied to

*
Tri-vatsa,
cattle in the later Samhitas and the Brahmanas. 2

1 As regards the form and meaning mana, xvi. 13 xviii. 9 xxi. 14, etc.
; ;

of this compound, cf. Tryavi. Cf. Latyayana Srauta Sutra, viii. 3,

2
Vajasaneyi Samhita, xiv. 10 ; 9 et seq., where one explanation of the
xviii. 26 xxviii. 27 Pancavimsa Brah-
; ;
word is tri-varsa.

Tri-vrt,
'
threefold,' is the designation of an amulet in the
Atharvaveda (v. 28, 2. 4).

Tri-veda Krsna-rata Lauhitya (' descendant of Lohita ') is

the name of a teacher, a pupil of Syamajayanta Lauhitya,
according to a VamsSa (list of teachers) in the Jaiminiya
Upanisad Brahmana (iii. 42, 1).
Traipada] A SAGE A SEER A DASA DISTANCE 33*

Tri-gariku is in Vedic literature the name of a sage men-

tioned as a teacher in the Taittiriya Upanisad. 1 There is no
trace of the later legend by which he becomes the victim of
Vasistha's curse and the object of Visvamitra's solicitude,
2
being eventually fixed in the sky as a constellation. The
confusion of the chronology in the tales of Trisanku is a good
example of the worthlessness of the supposed epic tradition.
1 i. 2
10, 1. See Muir, Sanskrit Texts, i , 362, 375 et seq.

Tri-goka is the name of an ancient mythical seer who is

mentioned both in the 1

Rigveda and the Atharvaveda.
2 A
Saman, or chant, named after him is referred to in the
Pancavimsa Brahmana. 3
IX.
1
112, 1/; viii. 45, 30.
i. In x. 29, 2, Cf. Ludwig, Translation of the Rig-
the word seems merely to be an adjec- veda, 3, 107, 162 Hopkins, Transac-
;

meaning with
' '

tive, triple splendour. tions of the Connecticut Academy of Arts

2
iv. 29, 6. and Sciences, 15, 33.

Trai-kakuda. See Trikakud.

Traitana appears in the Rigveda 1 as a Dasa, an enemy of

Dirg*hatamas, who seems to have engaged him in single
combat and defeated him. The St. Petersburg Dictionary
suggests that he is rather a supernatural being allied to Trita
2
{cf. the Avestan Thrita and Thraetaona).

1 i- des
158, 5. veda, 3, 151 ; Oldenberg, Religion
2
Macdonell, Vedic Mythology, p. 68. Veda, 144.
Cf. Ludwig, Translation of the Rig-

Trai-dhatva (' descendant of Tridhatu,') is the patronymic

of Tryaruna in the Pancavimsa Brahmana (xiii. 3, 12).

Trai-pada, neut., occurs as a measure of distance, three-

'

'

quarters of a Yojana, in the Pancavimsa Brahmana, where

half a Yojana is termed Gavyuti and a quarter Kro^a. 1
1 xvi.
13. Cf. Sankhayana Srauta Sutra, xiv. 41, 12.
 332 PATRONYMICS KING TRYA RUNA [ Traivani

Traivani is mentioned as a pupil of Aupacandhani or Aupa-

jandhani in thefirst two Vamsas (lists of teachers) in the
1 2
Brhadaranyaka Upanisad. In the Madhyamdina recension
his name occurs twice in the second Vamsa, in both cases as
a pupil of Aupajandhani.
1 ii.
6, 3 (Kanva=ii. 5, 21 Madhyam- iv. 5. 27.
dina) ; iv. 6, 3 (
= iv. 5, 27).

'
Trai-vrsna, descendant of Trivrsan,' is the patronymic of
Trayaruna in the Rigveda (v. 27, 1).

Try-aruna Tpai-vrsna Trasadasyu is the name of a prince

whose generosity to a singer is celebrated in a hymn of the
Rigveda.
1
In the Pancavimsa Brahmana 2 he appears as
Tryaruna Traidhatva Aiksvaka, and is the hero of the
following story. He was out in his chariot with his Purohita,
or domestic priest, Vpa Jana, and by excessive speed in driving
killed a Brahmin boy. This sin was atoned for by the Puro-
hita's using his Varsa Saman (chant). The Satyayana Brah-
3
mana, cited by Sayana, elaborates the tale. As Vrsa had
held the reins, king and priest accused each other of the murder.
The Iksvakus being consulted threw the responsibility for the
crime on Vrsa, who thereupon revived the boy by the Varsa
Saman. In consequence of this unfairness of theirs being
Ksatriyas they were partial to a Ksatriya Agni's glow ceased
to burn in their houses. In response to their appeal to restore
it, Vrsa came to them, saw the Pisaci (demoness), who, in the

form of Trasadasyu's wife, had stolen the glow, and succeeded

in restoring it to Agni. This version with some variations
occurs also in the Brhaddevata, 4 which connects the story with
5 6
a hymn of the Rigveda. Sieg's attempt to show that the
hymn really refers to this tale is not at all successful. 7
1 4 v. with Macdonell's notes.
v. 27, 1-3. 14 et seq.,
2 xiii.
3, 12. Cf. the Tandaka recen- 5 v. 2.
6
sion, cited in Sayana, on Rv. v. 2, Die Sagenstoffe des Rgveda, 64-76.
where Trasadasyu is given as the king's Cf. Geldner, Festgruss an Roth, 192.
name. 7 See
Oldenberg, Sacred Books of the
3 On Rv., loc. cit. See also the East, 46, 366 et seq. Rgveda-Noten, 1,
;

Jaiminlya Brahmana version

in Oertel, 312 ; Hillebrandt, Gottingische Gelehrtc
Journal of the American Oriental Society, Anzeigen, 1903, 240^5^.
18, 20.
 Tvac ] CALF SOMA ADMIXTURE HIDE 333

Trasadasyu must here mean descendant of

It is clear that *

Trasadasyu,' and not King Trasadasyu himself. The difference

of the patronymics, Traivrsna and Traidhatva,
by which he is
referred to can best be explained by assuming that there were
two kings, Trivrsan and Tridhatu (or possibly Tridhanvan),
from whom Tryaruna was descended. 8 The connexion with the
Iksvakus is important (see Iksvaku).
8 See Sieg, op. cit., 74-76, and Trasadasyu.

Try-avi designates a calf eighteen months old 1 in the

2 3
Rigveda and later Samhitas.
1
The
etymological meaning is ap-
2
iii. 55> 14-
'
3
'
parently having three sheep (periods) Kathaka Samhita, xvii. 2 xviii. 12, ;

'
that is, having periods of thrice six etc. (in the form triyavi) Vajasaneyi
;

months,' just as the adjective pancavi Samhita, xiv. 10 ;

xviii. 26, etc.
means '

having five periods of six

months,' or thirty months old.'
'

*
Try-aiir, with three admixtures,' is an epithet of Soma in
the Rigveda. 1 According to Sayana this means mixed with,
curds (Dadhi), meal (Saktu), and milk (Payas). More accurately
itwould seem 2 to denote the milk (gavasir), the barley (yavdsir),
and the curds (dadhyasir), which were used to mix with the
Soma.
1 v. 2
27, 5. Cf. perhaps viii. 2, 7 Hillebrandt, Vedische Mythologie, 1,
Indrasya somdh sutdsah,
*
(traya three 209 ; Oldenberg, Sacred Books of the
kinds of Soma pressed for Indra '). East, 46, 422.

1
Tvac, 'skin,' 'hide,' {a) denotes specially in the Rigveda
the hide used in the process of extracting the Soma juice from
the plant. The Soma was pounded with stones (adri) upon the
skin laid on the pressing boards (adhisavane phalake), 2 which,
however, are not mentioned in the Rigveda. Or if a pestle and
mortar were used, the skin was still placed underneath them
to catch the drops of juice, not above, as Pischel 3 thought.
'
1 2
* 79. 3; iii- 21, 5; ix. 65, 25 ;
I
Hillebrandt, Vedische Mythologie, 1,
66, 29; 70, 7; 79, 4; 101, 11, 16, etc. 181-183, and I Adhisavana.
3 Vedische
Studien, 1, no.
334 BLA CKSKINSCA RPENTERHA NDLE [ Tvasfc

(b) Tvac also denotes the rind of the Soma plant that
remains after the juice has been extracted. 4
*

(c) Metaphorically the term krpia tvac, the black skins,' is

6
applied to the aboriginal enemies of the invading Aryans.
5
* Rv. ix. 86, 44; Taittiriya Brah- Rv. i. 130, 8, and
probably ix. 41, 1,
mana,. iii. 7, 13, 1 ; Hillebrandt, op. cit., for which, however, cf. Hillebrandt,
52. op. cit., 51, n. 2, and see Dasa.

TvastP Atharvaveda 1 to denote a

is employed once in the

carpenter,' with a deliberate play on the name of the god

'

Tvastr. He is there mentioned as using an axe (svadhiti) to

' '
fashion (from wood) a well-made form (rupam sukrtam). See
Tastr.
1
xii. 3, 33. Cf. Whitney, Translation of the Atharvaveda, 688 ; Bloomfield,
Hymns of the Atharvaveda, 651.

'
Tvastra, descendant of Tvastr,' is the patronymic, in the
1
Brhadaranyaka Upanisad, of the mythical teacher Abhuti.

6, 3 (Kanva = ii. 5, 22 Madhyamdina)

1
ii. ;
iv. 6, 3 (= iv. 5, 28).

TsaPU. (a) This word seems to denote some sort of crawling

animal in one passage of the Rigveda. 1
1 Altindisches Leben, 99.
vii. 50, 1. Cf. Zimmer,

In the later literature the word means a handle,' as of

(6)
*

1
a beaker (Camasa). In this sense also it seems to occur in the
(Lahgala) in the Atharvaveda and
2
description of the plough
3
the later Samhitas.
1
Pancavimsa Brahmana, xxv. 4. which Vasistha renders as provided '

with a handle for the drinker of Soma

'

Cf. Latyayana Srauta Sutra, x. 12, 12,

etc. (i.e., somapi tsaru)

- .
Weber, Indische
2 where the ordinary text
iii. 17, 3, Studien, 17, 255, suggests soma-sa-tsaru,
has soma-satsaru (so the Pada text), and *
with (sa-) strap (uman, a conjectural
the Paippalada recension has soma- word) and handle' (tsaru). Whitney,
pitsalam. Translation of the Atharvaveda, 116,
Taittiriya Samhita, iv. 2, 5, 6, has prefers to read throughout sumati-tsaru,
'''

sumati-tsaru ; Maitrayani Samhita, ii. 7, 1

with well-smoothed handle,' from the
12 ;
Kathaka Samhita, xvi. 12 ; Vaja- root seen in matl-kr, etc. Cf. Zimmer,
saneyi Samhita, xii. 71 ;
Vasistha Altindisches Leben, 236; Biihler, Sacred
Dharma Sutra, ii. 34, have somapitsaru, Books of the East, 14, 13.
Daksinataskaparda ] HUNTER GADFLY TUSK NAMES 335

Tsarin denotes, in one passage of the Rigveda, 1 a hunter ' '

engaged in the chase of the takva (an unknown beast), according

to Ludwig and Max Miiller. 2 But this explanation is quite
conjectural.
1 2
i-
134, 5- Sacred Books of the East, 32, 448.

D.
DamSa (lit.,
'
biter '),
'
gad-fly,' is mentioned in the Chandogya
Upanisad (vi. 9, 3; 10, 2).

Damstra, denoting a prominent tooth, 'tusk,' or 'fang' of

an animal, occurs often from the Rigveda onwards. 1
1
Rv. ii. 13, 4 ;
x. 87, 3 ; Av. iv. 36, 2 ;
x. 5, 43 ; xvi. 7, 3, etc.

Daksa Katyayani Atreya (' descendant of Atri ') is mentioned

in theVamsas (lists of teachers) of the Jaiminiya Upanisad
Brahmana (iii. 41, 1 iv. 17, 1) as a pupil of Sahkha Babhravya.
;

Daksa Jayanta Lauhitya (' descendant of Lohita ') is men-

tioned in a Vamsa (list of teachers) of the Jaiminiya Upanisad
Brahmana (iii. 42, 1) as a pupil of Krsnarata Lauhitya.

Daksa Parvati ('descendant of Parvata') is mentioned in

the Satapatha Brahmana 1 as having performed a certain rite
which his descendants, the Daksayanas, still maintained, thus
enjoying royal dignity down to the time of the Brahmana itself.
He appears in the Kausitaki Brahmana 2 also.

1 ii.
4, 4, 6. 4, 358 ; Eggeling, Sacred Books of the
2 iv.
4. East, 12, 374^ sea. Levi, La Doctrine
;

Cf. Weber, Indische Sttidien, 1, 223 ;

du Sacrifice, 138.

Daksinatas-kaparda an epithet of the Vasisthas in the

is

Rigveda (vii. 33, 1) referring to their mode of wearing the hair

'

in a braid on the right side.' See Kaparda.

336 SACRIFICIAL FEE SOUTH COUNTRY [ Dak?ina
1
in the Rigveda and later 2 as the
Daksina appears repeatedly
designation of the gift presented to priests at the sacrifice,

apparently because a cow a prolific (daksina) one was the

3
usual 'fee' on such an occasion. 4 The later Dana-stutis, or
1
Praises of Gifts,' in the Rigveda immensely exaggerate these
donations, and the exaggeration grows in the Brahmanas. It

is important to notice that these enumerations of gifts in the

main include nothing but articles of personal property, such as

kine, horses, buffaloes, or camels (ustra), ornaments, and so
5
forth, but not land. Reference is, however, made in the
6
Satapatha Brahmana Daksina, but with dis- to land as a

approval, probably because the land came to be regarded as

7
inalienable without the consent of the clansmen.
i A whole hymn, Rv. x. 107, is 12-15; viii. 1, 32. 33; 3, 21 et seq.;
devoted to its Cf. i. 168, 7 vi. 4, 19-21 5, 37-39 6, 46-48 ; 55 ; 56
praise. ; ; ; ;

27, 8; viii. 24, 29; 39, 5;

x. 62, 1, etc. vii. 18, 21-24, and the full list in
2 Av. iv.
11, 4; v. 7, 11; xi. 7, 9; Ludwig, Translation of the Rigveda,
8, 22; 52; xviii. 4,
xiii. 1, 8, etc.; 3, 273-277. Cf. Weber, Indische Studien,
Taittirlya Samhita, i. 7, 3,
1 ; 8, 1,1; 10, 49 et seq. Clothes (vasas) and gold
are mentioned as a Daksina in Av. ix. 5,
Vajasaneyi Samhita, iv. 19. 23 ; xix. 30 ;

TaittirlyaBrahmana, i. 7, 3, 3 et seq. ; 14. The four Daksinas, according to

the Satapatha Brahmana, iv. 3, 4, 7,
Satapatha Brahmana, i. 9, 3, 1 et stq.

The verses (gatha naraiamsi, either as are gold, a cow, clothes, and a horse.
a single expression or as two separate This is practically exhaustive if the

terms) used to win these Daksinas were trappings of the horse and ornaments
notoriously false. See Kathaka Sam- are included.
6
hita, xiv. 5 ; Taittirlya Brahmana, i.
3,
xiii. 13, with which compare
7, 1,

2, 6. 7 ; Nirukta, 7 i. ; xi. 2. where the Brahmin's land

xiii. 6, 2, 18,

3 The transition of meaning is similar is excluded and see xiii. 7, 1, 15, where
;

in the use of the English word '

fee
'
: the gift of land is disapproved.
'
7
money,' payment for service Satapatha Brahmana, vii.
' ' ' '

cattle, 1, 1, 4.

(see Murray's English Dictionary, Cf. above, pp. 100, n. 19, 246 ; below,
Cf. also Go-dana, n. 4.
'
s.v. fee '). PP. 35i, 352.
4
Cf. the rule
that when nothing is Cf. Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 169-

specified a cow
is the Daksina, Katy- 171 Jolly, Recht und Sitte, 104, 105
;

ayana Srauta Sutra, xv. 2, 13 ; Laty- Weber, Indische Streifen, 1, 96-98

Bloomfield, Religion of the Veda,
ayana Srauta Sutra, viii. 1, 2. 69-74
e.g., Rv. i. 126, 1-4; 100, 121.
5 So, v. 30, Atharvaveda, 76 et seq.,

(lit., 'the road to the south'), 'the

Daksina-patha south

country,' found, probably as a

isdesignation of the Deccan,
1
as early as the Baudhayana Dharma Sutra, coupled with
1 i. 1, 2, 13. Cf. Oldenberg, Buddha, 394, n., and Baudhayana Grhya Sutra,
v. 13.
Danda ] SIDE HORSE YOKE HORSE STAFF 337

Surastra. A daksind pada, with south-

similar expression is
'

ward 2
foot,' in the Rigveda, referring to the place where the exile
on being expelled. This no doubt simply means
(pard-vrj) goes
1 '
the south
beyond the limits of the recognized Aryan world,
which even as late as the Kausltaki Upanisad 3 appears as
bounded by the Vindhyas on the south.
2 x. 3
61, 8. ii. 13. Davids, Buddhist India, 30 ;
Keith,
Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 185;
Cf. Sankhayana Araiiyaka, 28, n. 1 ; Aitareya
Weber, Indische Studien, 1, 408 Rhys ;
Aranyaka, 200.

Daksina-prasti denotes 'the side horse on the right.' It

1
appears from two passages of the Satapatha Brahmana that
there were at times four horses yoked to the chariot, the right
and the left yoke horse (daksina-yugya,savyd-yugya) in the middle,
flanked by one on each side, the two latter of course not being
fastened to the yoke at all, but presumably by traces alongside
of the yoke horses. See Ratha.
1 11 (this passage
v. 1, 4, 9; ix. 4, 2, appears to speak of three horses only,
but cf. v. 4, 3, 17). Cf. also Pancavimsa Brahmana, xvi. 13, 12.

Daksinayana. See Surya.

'
Daksina-yugya, the yoke horse on the right,' is mentioned
in the Satapatha Brahmana (v. 1, 4, 6; 4, 3, 8; ix. 4, 2, n).
See Ratha.

Danda, 'staff.' (a) This word is often mentioned in the

ordinary sense for example, when used for driving cattle 1

;

(go-ajanasah), or as a weapon. 2 A staff was given to a man

on consecration for driving away demons, according to the
3
Satapatha Brahmana. The staff also played a part in the
initiation (upanayana) of a youth on attaining manhood. 4 In
a modified sense the word is used to denote the handle of a
ladle or similar implement. 5
1 5
Rv. vii. 33, 6. Aitareya Brahmana, vii. 5 ; Sata-
2Av. v. 5,4. Cf. Aitareya Brahmana, j patha Brahmana, vii. 4, Of a
1, 36.
ii. 35 Satapatha Brahmana, i. 5,4, 6, etc.
; i musical instrument, Sankhayana Aran-
3 iii. 2, 1, 32.
.

'
yaka, viii. 9 Srauta Sutra, xvii. 3, 1 et
;

4
Asvalayana Grhya Sutra, i. 19 22 ; ;
seq.

Sankhayana Grhya Sutra, ii. 1 6. 1 1 etc. . ,

i

VOL. I. 22
338 NAMES REED SOUR MILK [ Danda Aupara

(b) The symbol of temporal power, implying

'staff' as the

punishment, applied by the king (rdja-presito dandah).

is
1
The
king, in modern phraseology, was the source of criminal law ;

and he clearly retained this branch of law in his own hands

even in later times. 2 the non-guilty The punishment of
(a-dandya) given as one of the characteristics of the non-
is

Brahminical Vratyas in the Pancavimsa Brahmana. 3 See

also Dharma.
1 Paraskara Grliya Sutra, iii. 15. Foy, Die konigliche Gewalt, 21 et

Cf. Satapatha Brahmana, v. 4, 4, 7, seq.

where the king, being himself exempt ' 3 xvii. Indische Studien,
1,9; Weber,
'

from punishment (a-dandya), inflicts 1. 33-

judicial punishment (danda-vadha).

Danda Aupara (' descendant of Upara ') is mentioned in the

Taittiriya Samhita (vi. 2, 9, 4) and the Maitrayani Samhita

(iii. 8, 7) as having performed a certain rite.

Dandana occurs in the Atharvaveda 1 among other names of

' '
'
reed or cane.'
1 xii.
2, 54. Cf. Whitney, Translation of the Atharvaveda, 682.

Datta Tapasa was Hotr priest at the snake festival described

1
in the Pancavimsa Brahmana.
1 xxv. 15, 3. Cf. Weber, Indische Studien, 1, 35.

1
Dadhi, 'sour milk,' repeatedly mentioned in the Rigveda
is
3
and later. The 2
Satapatha Brahmana mentions in order
Ghrta ('clarified butter'), Dadhi, Mastu, which Eggeling 4
'
renders whey,' and Amiksa, curds.' Dadhi often has the
'

5
meaning of curds also. It was used for mixing with Soma.
' '

1 viii. 4
2, 9 ;
ix. 87, 1, etc. Sacred Books of the East, 12, 218.
2 5
Av. iii. 12, 7 ;
iv. 34, 6 ; Taittiriya Dadhyaiir, 'mixed with sour milk,'
Samhita, ii. 5, 3, 4, etc. ;
Pancavimsa is an epithet of Soma in Rv. i. 5, 5 ;

Brahmana, xviii. 5, 12, etc. I37i 2 ; v. 51, 7 ;

vii. 32, 4. Cf. Hille-
3 i. 8, 1, 7. Cf. Jaiminiya Brahmana, brandt, Vedische Mythologie, 1, 219 et seq.

ii. 348. Cf. Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 227.

Dadhyaiic Atharvana is a purely mythical sage. In the

1
Rigveda he is clearly a divinity of some kind, but in the later
1 i. Vedic Mythology, pp. 141, 142; Hille-
80, 16; 84, 13. 14; 116, 12; I

117, 22 ; 119, 9, etc. See Macdonell, | brandt, Vedische Mythologie, 1, 176.

Dabhiti ] A MYTHICAL TEACHER TOOTH A SAGE 339

Samhitas 2 and the Brahmanas 3 he is metamorphosed into a

teacher. In the Pancavimsa Brahmana 4 he is by oversight
called an Angirasa.
2 * xii.
Taittiriya Samhita, v. i r 4, 4 ; 6, 8, 6. So also Gopatha Brah-
6, 3 ;
Kathaka Samhita, xix. 4. mana, i.
5, ax.
3
Satapatha Brahmana, iv. 1, 5, 18 ; Cf. Bloomfield, Hymns of the Athar-
vi. 4, 2, 3 ;
xiv. 1, 1, 18. 20. 25 ; 4, 13 ; vaveda, xxxv Atharvaveda, 23, 116, 118
; ,

Brhadaranyaka Upanisad, ii. 5, 22 ;

St. Petersburg Dictionary, s.v.
iv. 5, 28, etc.

Dadhy-agir. See Dadhi and Soma.

Dant, Danta, 'tooth,' is frequently mentioned from the

1
Rigveda onwards. Cleansing (dhclv) the teeth was an ordinary
act, especially in preparation for a sacrifice, and accompanied
bathing, shaving of the hair and beard (kesa-smasru) and the ,

cutting of the nails.

2
A hymn of the Atharvaveda 3 celebrates
the appearance of the first two teeth of a child, though its
exact interpretation is doubtful. 4 In the Aitareya Brahmana 5
there is a reference to a child's first teeth falling out. The
word seems in the Rigveda 6 once to denote an elephant's tusk.
Whether dentistry was practised is doubtful. The occurrence
7
in the AitareyaAranyaka of Hiranya-dant, 'gold-toothed,' as
the name of a man, is perhaps significant, especially as it is
certain that the stopping of teeth with gold was known at
Rome as early as the legislation of the Twelve Tables. 8
1 Rv. vii. 55, 2 ;
x. 68, 6 ;
Av. v. 23, veda, 71 Whitney, Translation of the
;

3 ; 29, 4 ;
vi. 56, 3, etc. The more Atharvaveda, 386.
5 vii.
usual form is Danta, Rv. iv. 6, 8 ; 14 Sahkhayana Srauta Sutra,
;

vi. 75, 11 ;
Av. iv. 3, 6, etc. xv. 18.
2 6 iv.
Maitrayani Samhita, iii. 6, 2 (not 6, 8 ; Pischel, Vedische Studien,
exactly paralleled in Taittiriya Samhita, i, 99 ; Oldenberg, Sacred Boohs of the
vi. 1, 1, 2 et seq.). East, 46, 341, 342.
3 7 ii-
vi. 140. I, 5-
8
4
Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 321 ; Keith, Aitareya Aranyaka, 206. See
Weber, Indische Studien, 5, 224 ; Grill, Wordsworth, Fragments and Specimens
Hundert Lieder, 2 176Bloomfield, Hymns ; of Early Latin, 537.
of the Atharvaveda, 540, 541 Atharva- ;

Dabhiti appears several times in the Rigveda as a hero or

Indra overcomes on his behalf Cumuri and Dhuni
l
sage. ;

1 x. 113, vii. 19, 4.

9; ii. 15, 9;
22 2
 34Q HOUSE MASTER OF THE HOUSE A GRASS [ Dama
2 3
he pressed Soma
Indra, who rewarded him. For him for
4
30,000 Dasas were sent to sleep, and for him the Dasyus were
bound without cords. 5 Dabhiti also appears, with Turviti, as
a protege of the Asvins. 6 There seems no reason to deny that
he was a real person. 7
* vi. 7 des Veda,
20, 13. Oldenberg, Religion 155,
3 vi.
26, 6. 157, 158.
4 iv. Vedic
30, 21. Cf. Macdonell, Mythology,
5 11. 13. 9- p. 162.
1. 112, 23.

Dama, *
house,' is a word that occurs several times in the
1 2
Rigveda. denotes, according to Roth, the place in which
It

a man wields uncontrolled power (from the root dam, control ').
'

1 8 this seems very doubtful in view of the

i.
1, ; 61, 9 ; 75, 5 ; 143, 4 ; ii.
I, 2,
etc. ; Vajasaneyi Samhita, viii. 24. apparent connexion of 56/mos and Sfyiw,
2
St. Petersburg Dictionary, s.v. But build,' in Greek.
'

'*
Dam-pati denotes the master of the house in the Rigveda, 2
'

but is more often used in the dual to designate the master

'

and the mistress,' 3 an expression that may legitimately be

deemed to show the high status of women at the time of the
Rigveda. See Stri.
1 For the 2
form, cf. Macdonell, Vedic i. 127, 8; ii. 39, 2; v. 22, 4; viii. 69,
Grammar, p. 37, n. 9. Pischel, Vedische 16; 84, 7.
3
Studien, 2, 307 et seq., argues in favour Rv. v. 3, 2; viii. 31, 5 ;
x. 10, 5 ;

of the spelling dampati (adopted by 68, 2 ; 85, 32 ; 95, 12, etc. ;

Av. vi. 123,
Geldner in his Rgveda, Glossar). Cf. 3 ;
xii. 3, 14 xiv. 2, 9, etc.
;

patir dan, Rv. i. 149, 2 Oldenberg, ;

Cf. Delbriick, Die indogermanischen
Sacred Boohs of the East, 46, 176, 177. Verwandtschaftsnamen, 418, 420.

Darbha is the name of a grass in the Rigveda 1 and later. 2

In the Atharvaveda it is used for the calming of anger (manyu-
3
samana), and as an amulet for protection against the scattering
of one's hair or the striking of one's breast. 4 It is also said to
be ' '
5
rich in roots {bhuri-rnula), to possess a thousand leaves
(sahasra-parna) and a hundred stalks (sata-kanda).e
1 3
i. 191, 3 (with Sara and Kusara, Av. vi. 43.
varieties of grass). * xix.
32, 2. Cf. xix. 30.
2 Av. vi. viii. 7, 20 5 Av. vi.
43, 2 x. 4, 13 ; ; ; 43, 2.
6 Av.
xi. 6, 15; xix. 28, 1, etc. ; Taittiriya xix. 32, 1.

Samhita, i. 5, 1, 4, etc. Cf. Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 70.

 DaSagva ] LADLE WOODPECKER NEW MOON DAY 341

Darvi, or Darvi, properly denotes a ladle,' in which sense it

'

is found in the Rigveda 1 and later. 2 But the word also means
a serpent's hood' in the Atharvaveda, 3 though
'
Zimmer regards
it as the name of a
serpent.
1 v. 6, x. 105, 10. 4 Altindisches where he
9 ; Leben, 95,
2 Av. takes Karikrata also as the name of a
iii. 10, 7 ;
iv. 14, 7 ; ix. 6, 17, etc.
3 x. See Whitney, Translation snake.
1, 13.

of the Atharvaveda, 577; Bloomfield,

Hymns of the Atharvaveda, 153.

'

woodpecker,' is mentioned as a victim at the

Darvida, the
1
Asvamedha, or horse sacrifice, in the Yajurveda. Cf. Darva-
gfhata.
1 '

Taittiriya Samhita, v. 5, 13, 1 ; piercer (ddru-vidha) as the literal sense.

Maitrayani Samhita, iii. 14, 15; Vaja- On the etymology, cf. F. W. Thomas's
saneyi Samhita, xxiv. 3. Cf. Zimmer, article, 'The D-Suffix,' p. 121, in
Altindisches Leben, 93. The St. Peters- Transactions of the Cambridge Philological
burg Dictionary, s.v., suggests
'
wood- Society, 5, part ii.

1
Darsa
appearance ') denotes the new moon day, usually in
('
2
opposition to the day of full moon (purna-masa). Most
frequently the word occurs in the compound
3
darsa-purna-
masau, new and full moon,' the days of special ritual impor-
*

tance. 4 The order of the first two words here is worthy of

note, for it distinctly suggests, though it does not conclusively
prove, that the month was reckoned from new moon to new
moon, not from full moon to full moon. See Masa.
1 Av. vii. 81, 3. 4; Taittiriya Brah- Brahmana, i. 1 ; Satapatha Brahmana,
mana, i.
2, 1, 14; Satapatha Brahmana, i. 3, 5, 11, etc.
4
xi. 2, 2, 1. Hillebrandt, Das altindische Neu-
2 und Vollmondsopfer, Jena, 1880 Ritual-
Taittiriya Samhita, iii. 4, 4, 1, etc. ;

3 1
Ibid., i. 6, 7, ; 9, 3 ; ii. 5, 6, 1; litteratur, 111-114 ; Oldenberg, Religion

Taittiriya Brahmana, ii. 2, 2, 1 ; Aitareya des Veda, 439.

DaSa-gva appears in one hymn of the Rigveda 1 as the name

of a person who was assisted by Indra. The other references
in that work, 2 however, clearly show the mythical character
of the Dasagvas, and of any individual among them.
1
viii. 12, 2. v. 29, 12 x. 62, 6, and alone in ii. 34
;

2 are mentioned with the See Macdonell, Vedic Mythology,

They 12.

Navagvas in i. 62, 4 ; iii. 39, 5 ;

iv. 51, 4 ; p. 144 (C).
342 THE RIGVEDAA HERO THE NUMBER TEN [ Dasatayi
1
Dasatayi in the Nirukta frequently denotes the text of the
Rigveda as divided into ten Mandalas.
1 20 xi.
vii. 8. ; 16; xii. 40.

1
Da6a-dyu appears twice in the Rigveda as the name of a
hero, but nothing can be made out regarding him or his
relation to Vetasu, who is mentioned in one passage along
with him.
1 i. 33, 14; vi. 26, 4. Cf. Oldenberg, Zeitschrift der Deutschen Morgenlandischen
Gesellschaft, 55, 328.

'

Dasan, ten,' forms the basis of the numerical system of the

Vedic Indians, as it does of the Aryan people generally. But
1
it is characteristic of India that there should be found at a
very early period long series of names for very high numerals,
whereas the Aryan knowledge did not go beyond 1,000. In
the Vajasaneyi Samhita 2 the list is 1 10; 100; 1,000; 10,000 ;

(ayuta); 100,000 (niyu ta) ; 1,000,000 (prayuta); 10,000,000 (arbuda);

100,000,000 (nyarbuda) ; 1,000,000,000 (samudra); 10,000,000,000
(madhya); 100,000,000,000 (anta) 1,000,000,000,000 (pardrdha). ;

In the Kathaka Samhita 3 the list is the same, but niyuta and
prayuta exchange places, and after nyarbuda a new figure
(badva) intervenes, thus increasing samudra to 10,000,000,000,
and so on. The Taittiriya Samhita has in two places 4 exactly
the same list as the Vajasaneyi Samhita. The Maitrayani
Samhita 6 has the list ayuta, prayuta, then ayuta again, arbuda,
nyarbuda, samudra, madhya, anta, pardrdha. The Pancavimsa
Brahmana 6 has the Vajasaneyi list up to nyarbuda inclusive,
then follow nikharvaka, badva, aksita, and apparently go
=
1,000,000,000,000. The Jaiminiya Upanisad Brahmana 7 list

1
Thibaut, Astronomie, Astrologie und
5
Mathematik, 70. ii. 8, 14.
2 xvii. 2 6
et seq.
Cf. xxii. 34 ; Sata- xvii. 14, 2.
7
patha Brahmana, ix. i, 2, 16. i. Cf. Aitareya Aranyaka,
10, 28. 29.
3
xxxix. 6. In xvii. 10 the number v. 3,Hopkins, Transactions of the
2 ;

badva disappears, and the list corre- Connecticut Academy of Arts and Sciences,

sponds with that of the Vajasaneyi 15. 30, n. 2 ; Keith, Aitareya Aranyaka,
Samhita, except for the fact that niyuta 293. 294-
and prayuta change places.
Da&m ] ARITHMETICAL PROGRESSION FRACTIONS 343

replaces nikharvaka by nikharva, badva by padma, and ends

with aksitir vyomantah. The Sarikhayana Srauta Sutra 8 con-
tinues the series after nyarbuda with nikharvada, satnudra,
salila, antya, ananta (
= 10 billions).
But beyond ayuta 9 none of these numbers has any vitality.
10
Badva, indeed, occurs in the Aitareya Brahmana, but it
11
cannot there have any precise numerical sense and later oh j

the names of these high numerals are very much confused.

An arithmetical progression of some interest is found in the
Pancavimsa Brahmana, 12 where occurs a list of sacrificial gifts
in which each successive figure doubles the amount of the
'
preceding one. It begins with dvadasa-manam hiranyam, gold
'
to the value of 12 (the unit being uncertain, but probably the
Krsnala 18 ), followed by 'to the value of 24, 48, 96, 192, 384,
768, 1,536, 3072,' then dve astdvimsati-sata-mdne, which must
mean 2 x 128 x 24 (the last unit being not a single mdna, but
a number of 24 mdnas) = 6,144, then 12,288, 24,576, 49,152,
98,304, 196,608, large numbers may be
393,216. With these
compared the minute theoretical subdivision of time found
14
in the ^atapatha Brahmana, where a day is divided into
15 muhurtas 1 muhurta =15 ksipras, 1 ksipra =15 etarhis,
I etarhi=i5 iddnis, 1 iddni = 15 prdnas. The Sahkhayana Srauta
Sutra 15 has a decimal division of the day into 15 muhurtas
1 muhurta =10 nimesas, 1 nimesa = 10 dhvamsis.

Few fractions are mentioned in Vedic literature. Ardha,

T
pdda, sapha, and hold denote J, J, J, T g respectively, but only
12
xv. ii, 7. xviii. 3, Cf. Latyayana Srauta
9
Cf. Rv. iii. 6, 15 ; viii. 1, 5 ; 2, 41 ; Sutra, viii. 10, 1 et seq. Katyayana
;

21, 18 ; 34, 15 ; 46, 22 ; Av. viii. 2, 21 ;

Srauta Sutra, xxii. 9, 1-6.

8,7; x. 8, 24 ;
Pancavimsa Brahmana, u Cf. Katyayana Srauta Sutra, xxii. 9,
xix. 13, 6 ;
xxi. 18, 3, etc. Zimmer, 1 ; Weber, op. cit.. 102, 103.
14
Altindisches Leben, 348, considers that xii. 3, 2, 1 etseq. Cf. also Taittiriya
it has not any definite sense in the Brahmana, iii. 10, 1, 1, where a series
Rigveda ;
this cannot be either proved of names of the divisions of the muhurta
or disproved. The Rv. has the phrase isgiven, apparently as alternatives, not
sata sahasrani several times (iv. 32, as successive stages (idanim, tadanlm,
18 ; viii. = 100,000 and
32, 18, etc.) ; etarhi, ksipram, ajiram, aiuh (? asu), nime-
ayuta may have been already
easily sah, phanah, dravan, atidravan, tvaran,
specialized, though it may also have tvaramcmah, aiuh, asiyan, javah). See
retained a vague sense. Weber, op. cit., 92-94.
10 15
vii. 21. 23. xiv. 75 et seq. Cf. Sankhayana
11
Weber, Indische Streifen, 1, 96. Aranyaka, vii. 20.
 344 HEREDITARY RULE TENTH DECADE [ DaSapurusamrajya
16
the first two are common. Trtiya denotes the third part.
In the Rigveda 17 Indra and Visnu are said to have divided
1,000 by 3, though how they did so is uncertain. Tri-pad
denotes three-fourths.' 18
*

There is no clear evidence that the Indians of the Vedic

period had any knowledge of numerical figures, though it is
19
perfectly possible.
16
of cattle, then the mention of
'

Taittiriya Samhita, ii. 5, 1, 4; ears

v. 2, 6, 2 Taittiriya Brahmana, i. 1,
; numerical signs would be certain. Cf.
6, 1 ; 7, 1, 2; Satapatha Brahmana, Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 234, 235,
iii. 8, 4, 4, etc. 348. But this is doubtful. See Mac-
17 vi. 69, 8 = Av. vii. 44, 1 = Tait- donell, Vedic Grammar, p. 309, n. 10.
tiriya Samhita, iii. 2, 11, 2; Aitareya Cf. Macdonell, Vedic Grammar, p. 308 ;

Brahmana, vi. 15 ;
Satapatha Brah- Weber, Indische Streifen, 1, 90-103 ;

mana, iii. 3, 1, 13. Schrader, Prehistoric Antiquities, 349 ;

18
Rv. x. 90, 4. Kaegi, Rigveda, n. 65 Hopkins, Journal
;

19
If asta-karnl means in Rv. x. 62, 7, of the American Oriental Society, 16, 275
having the figure 8 marked on the
'
et seq.

1
Dasa-purusam-rajya, occurring Satapatha grahmana, in the
2
doubtless means sovereignty inherited through ten ancestors,' *

a striking case of hereditary rule. Weber 3 once rendered the

4
word *

kingdom of Dasapuru,' comparing the Dasapura

as the
Kalidasa's Meghaduta5 and the Dasarna of the
'
of middle
country.'
1 xn. 9, 3, 1. 3. 3 Indische
Studien, 1, 209. But see 10,
2
Asvalayana Srauta Sutra, ix. 3
Cf. ; 75, n. 1.
4 This would be samrajya, which is
Sahkhayana Srauta Sutra, xv. 14, 18.
So tri-purusa, 'three generations,' always spelt with m, not m; cf. Mac-
Aitareya Brahmana, viii. 7. The donell, Vedic Grammar, 75, 3.
St. Petersburg Dictionary, and 5
s.v., i. 48.
Eggeling, Sacred Books of the East,
44, 269, have the correct rendering.

x '
Dasa-masya, ten months old,' describes in the Rigveda
2
and later the embryo immediately before birth. See Masa.
- v. 78, 7. 8. to birth in the tenth month, as Rv.
3 Av. There are 6 x. 184, 3, etc.
23, 2.
i. 11, ; iii.

several references in Vedic literature

Cf. Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 366; Weber, Naxatra, 2, 313, n. 1

1
Dasami denotes in the Atharvaveda and the Pancavimsa
Brahmana 2 the period of life between 90 and 100 years
in. 4. 7. xxu. 14.
DaSa ] LONGEVITY A TREE NAMES FRINGE 345

which the Rigveda 3 dasama yuga, the tenth stage

calls the
'

of life.' Longevity seems not to have been rare among the

'

Vedic Indians, for the desire to live a hundred autumns '

4
(saradah satam) is constantly expressed. Dirghatamas is said
to have lived ioo years, 5 and Mahidasa Aitareya is credited
with n6. 6 Onesikritos 7 reported that they sometimes lived
130 years, a statement with which corresponds the wish
8
expressed in the Jataka for a life of 120 years. Probably the
number was always rather imaginary than real, but the com-
9
parative brevity of modern life in India may be accounted for
by the cumulative effect of fever, which is hardly known to the
Rigveda. See Takman.
3 i.
158, 6. Jaiminiya Upanisad Brahmana, iv.
4 Rv. x. 18, 10, and 11
i. 89, 9 ;
passim. Keith, Aitareya Aranyaka, 17.
;

See Lanman, Sanskrit Reader, 384 ;

7 In
Strabo, p. 701.
Bloomfield, Atharvaveda, 62, 63. 8 Ed. Fausboll, ii. 16.
5 9
Sankhayana Aranyaka, ii. 17. Indian Empire, 1, 513 et seq.
6
Chandogya Upanisad, iii. 16, 7 ;

1
Dasa-vrksa is the name
of a tree, according to Roth, in
the Atharvaveda. 2 But Whitney 3 treats the word as a mere
*
adjective meaning of ten trees.'

1 3
St. Petersburg Dictionary, s.v. Translation of the Atharvaveda,
2 ii. 9, 1, 5o.

DaSa-vraja is the name of a protege of the Asvins in the

Rigveda (viii. 8, 20; 49, r; 50, 9).

DaSa-sipra is the name of a sacrificer mentioned in the

1
Rigveda.
1 viii. 52, 2. C/. Ludwig, Translation of the Rigveda, 3, 163.

Dasa denotes the fringe or border of a garment (vdsah)

' ' ' '

in the Satapatha Brahmana. 1 The word also occurs in the

2
compound dasa-pavitra, which means a filtering cloth with
'

a fringe.'
1 iii. and often in the Sutras.
3, 2, 9, I
patha Brahmana, iv. 2, 2, 11. Cf. iv. 1,
2
Aitareya Brahmana, vii. 32; Sata- j 1, 28.
346 NAMES SNAKE [ Dasoni

Dasoni appears in one passage of the Rigveda 1 apparently

as a favourite of Indra and as opposed to the Panis, who fell
in hundreds for his benefit. The view of Ludwig 2 that he is
here the priest of the Panis is very improbable. Elsewhere
his name is simply mentioned. 3 See also DaSonya.
1
vi. 20, 4. 8. Cf. Hillebrandt, Vedische Mythologie,
2
Translation of the Rigveda, 3, 156 ; 1, 92, n. 1 ; Oldenberg, Zeitschrift der
5, 107. Deutschen Morgenlandischen Gesellschaft,
3
x. 96, 12, where, however, the word 55, 328.
may be merely an epithet of Soma.

DaSonya name of a sacrificer mentioned in the Rigveda 1

is the
along with Daasipra and others. Whether he is identical
with Dasoni cannot be decided.
1 viii. 52, 2. Cf. Ludwig, Translation of the Rigveda, 3, 163.

Dasonasi is the name of a kind of snake in the Atharvaveda.

1

The reading of the Paippalada recension is Nasonasi.

1 x. 4, 17. Cf. Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 95; Whitney, Translation of the
Atharvaveda, 577.

Dasyave vrka, wolf to the Dasyu,' is the name of a man

'

mentioned four times in the Rigveda. 1 In one hymn 2 he is

called a Rsi, but in two others 3 he is clearly a prince victorious
over the Dasyus, and a generous patron of the singer. It is
4
hardly necessary to assume different persons, for the term Rsi
is not altogether inconsistent with royalty. He was son of
Putakratu 5 and Putakrata, 6 his wife.
1 viii. 2. 5 viii. Pautahrata. viii.
51, 2; 55, 1 ; 56, 1. 56, 2, Cf. 68,
2 viii.
51.
3 viii. 6 viii.
55. 56. 56, 4.
4
Especially as the name occurs only Cf. Ludwig, Translation of the Rig-
in the small collection of Kanva hymns veda, 3, 139, 164; 5, 552.
forming the Valakhilya group in the
eighth Mandala.

Dasyave saha
1
according to Roth, the name of a
is, man
2
or a clan in the Rigveda. But he admits that the words may
1 2
St. Petersburg Dictionary, s.v. i. 36, 18.
Dasyu ] ABORIGINAL FOES 347

be an epithet of Agni. This is the interpretation given to them

3
by Oldenberg.
3 Sacred Books of the East, 46, 33.

Dasyu, a word of somewhat doubtful origin, is in many

1
passages of the
clearly applied to superhuman Rigveda
enemies. On the other hand, there are several passages in
which human foes, probably the aborigines, are thus designated.
This may be regarded as certain in those passages where the
Dasyu is opposed to the Aryan, who defeats him with the aid
of the gods. 2 The great difference between the Dasyus and
the Aryans was their religion the former are styled
'
not :

' ' '

sacrificing,' devoid of rites,' addicted to strange vows,' god-

3
hating,' and so forth. As compared with the Dasa, they are
less distinctively apeople no clans (visah) of the Dasyus are :

mentioned, and while Indra's dasyu-hatya,. slaughter of the

'

Dasyus,' is often spoken of, there is no corresponding use of

dclsa-hatya.That the Dasyus were real people is, however,
shown by the epitdet anas applied to them in one passage of the
5
Rigveda. The sense of this word is not absolutely certain the :

Pada text and Sayana both take it to mean without face (an-as), 6 ' '

but the other rendering, ' ' 7

noseless (a-nas), is quite possible,
1
i.
34, 7; 100, 18; ii. 13, 9, etc. 11 ; 77, 3 ;
x. 47, 4 (all of Indra) ;

See Macdonell, Vedic Mythology, pp. 157, vi. 16, 15 viii. 39, ;
8 (of Agni), etc.
5 Rv. v. 10.
158. 29,
2 Rv. 6
This sense allows of two inter-
i.
51, 8; 103, 3; 117, 21;
ii. 11, 18. 19; iii. 34, 9; vi. 18, 3; pretations: 'misfeatured,' which seems
vii. 5, 6 ;
x. 49, 3. Probably also in that of Roth, St. Petersburg Dic-
v. 70, 3 ;
x. 83, 6, people are meant. tionary, s.v., and Grassmann, Worter-
3 The Dasyu is called a-karman, '
rite- buch ; or speechless (that is, unable
' '

less,' x. 22, 8; a-devayu, 'indifferent to to speak the language of the Aryans),

the gods,' viii. 70, 11 a-brahman, ; which is that of Bollensen, Zeitschrift
'without devotion,' iv. 16, 9; a-yajvan, der Deutschen Morgenlandischen Gesell-
'not sacrificing,' viii. 70, 11; a-yajyu, schaft, 41, 496.
7 This view is
id.,vii. 6, 3; a-vrata, 'lawless,' i. 51, supported by Mega-
8; 175. 3; vi J 4 3; - ix. 41, 2; anya- sthenes' report as to natives who were
'
'

vrata, following strange ordinances, cLo-To/xoi see Strabo, p. 711 ; Pliny,

:

viii. 11; deva-piyu, 'reviling the

70, Nat. Hist., vii. 2, 18, cited by Zimmer,
gods,' Av. xii. 1, 37. It is impossible A Itindisches Leben, 430. See also Ludwig,
in all cases to be certain that people Translation of the Rigveda, 2, 109 ;

are meant. 5, 95 ; Hillebrandt, Vedische Mythologie,

4 Rv. i. 51, 5. 6; 103, 4; x. 95, 7; 3, 277 ;Knauer, Kuhn's Zeitschrift, 29,
99. 7; io 5, " Cf. dasyM> tan,
'
Dasyu- 52 ; Wackernagel, Altindische Gram-
slaying,' i. 100, 12 ; vi. 45, 24; viii. 76. matih, 2, 293 (accent).
 34$ ORIGINAL MEANING OF DASYU [ Das:

and would accord well with the flat-nosed aborigines of th<

Dravidian 8 type, whose language still persists among the Brahuis,
who are found in the north-west. This interpretation would
'

receive some support from Vrtra's being called broken-nosed '

9
if this were a correct explanation of the obscure word rujdnds.

The other epithet of the Dasyus is mrdhra-vac, which

occurs with anas, 10 and which has been rendered 11 'of stam-
mering, or unintelligible speech.' This version is by no
means certain, and since the epithet is elsewhere 12 applied
to Aryans, its correct meaning is more probably of hostile '

speech.'
Dasyu corresponds with the Iranian danhu, daqyu, which
denotes a
'

province.' Zimmer 13 thinks that the original

enemy,' whence the Iranians developed the
'

meaning was
sense of 'hostile country,' 'conquered country,' 'province,'
'
while the Indians, retaining the signification of enemy,' ex-
tended it to include demon foes. Roth 14 considers that the
meaning of human enemy is a transfer from the strife of gods

8 The suggestion in the Indian Empire, in vii. 6, 3 ; and of hostile persons in

i, 390, that the modern Brahui type is i.
174, 2 v. 32, 8
;
x. 23. 5. Roth, ;

the true Dravidian, while the modern Erlduterungen zum Nirukta, 97, thinks
Dravidian is the result of fusion with the sense is of insulting speech,' and
'

Munda-speaking tribes, would render Zimmer, op. cit., 114, 115, strongly
this theoryimprobable. But it seems supports this view. But Hillebrandt,
more probable that the Brahuis in op. cit., 1, 89, 90, 114, prefers to see in
speech preserve the tradition of Dra- it 'speaking an enemy's speech,' and
vidian settlements in North India. thinks that the Purus were dialectically
9 from the Bharatas a view
See Bloomfield, American fournal of different

Philology, 17, 415 (who takes rujanah of which can be supported from the Sata-
Rv. i. 32, 8, as = rujana-nah) ;
Olden- patha Brahmana, iii. 2, I, 23. 24,
berg, Rgveda- Noten, 1, 31, 32 (who where the Asuras say he 'lavo ( = he 'rayo,
suggests as possible the analysis of the ho, enemies,' in Sanskrit). See Muir,
'

word as ruja-anah). But cf. Lanman, op. cit.,2 2

114; Davidson, Zeitschrift
,

Sanskrit Reader, 361, who suggests the der Deutschen Morgenldndischen Gesell-
emendation rujanah as nominative 23 (the Mahabhasya version)
schaft, 37, ;

singular of the simple participle Eggeling, Sacred Books of the East, 26,
'
broken '

; Macdonell, Vedic Grammar, 31, n. 3. The word could thus apply

p. 59, n. 1. to the Dasyus also, as the strange
10 Rv. v.
29, 10. speech of the enemy could be either
11 2
Cf. Muir, Sanskrit Texts, 2 , 393 Aryan or aboriginal.
et seq.
13
Op. cit., no et seq. So MacdonelJ,
12 The expression is used of the Vedic Mythology, p. 158.
of the Panis 14
Aryan Purus in vii. 18, 13 ;
St. Petersburg Dictionary, s.v.
Datyauha ] A RACE OF PRINCES GALLINULE 349

and demons. Lassen 15 attempted to connect the contrast

daqyu : dasyu with that of daeva : deva, and to see in it a result
of the religious differences which, according to Haug's theory,
had separated the Iranians and the Indians. The word may
have originally meant ravaged land 16 as a result of invasion
' '

hence 'enemies' country,' then 'hostile people,' who as human

foes were more usually called by the cognate name of Dasa.
Individual Dasyus are Cumuri, Sambara, Susna, etc.
In the Aitareya Brahmana 17 the word has, as later,
18
the
sense of uncivilized peoples generally.
15 2 ' '

Indische Alterthumskunde, i , 633 lay waste but, according to Roth,

;

et seq. This theory is now generally dis- '

suffer want,' waste away.' '

credited. Cf. Justi, Gottingische Gelehrte

17
vii. 18, where the descendants of

Anzeigen, 1866, 1446 et seq. ; Geldner, Visvamitra are called dasyunam bhuy-
Vedische Studien, 1, 142; Oldenberg, isthah; Sankhayana Srauta Sutra,
Religion des Veda, 162 et seq. ; Macdonell, xv. 26, 7.
18
Vedic Mythology, p. 156. Manu, v. 131 ;
x. 32. 45 ; Zimmer,
16
Both this word and Dasa appear op. cit., 118.
to be derived from the root das, which, Cf. Hillebrandt, op. cit. , 3, 276 et seq. ;

according to Whitney, Roots, means Zimmer, op. cit., 101 et seq.

Daksayana, descendant of Daksa.' The Daksayanas are

'

mentioned in the Atharvaveda and the Yajurveda Samhitas 1

as having given gold to Satanika. In the Satapatha Brahmana 2
the word is actually used to denote 'gold.' The Daksayanas
3
appear there as a race of princes who, because of performing
a certain rite, prospered down to the time of the Brahmana
itself.

1 Av. i.
35, 1. 2; Vajasaneyi Sam- 3 ii. 4, 4, 6. Cf. Aitareya Brahmana,
hita, xxxiv. 51. 52 ; Katha, cited by iii. 40.
von Schroeder, Tiibinger Katha-Hand- Weber, Indische Studien, i, 224
Cf. ;

schriften, 36 ; Khila, iv. 7, 7. 8. 4, 358 Ludwig, Translation of the

;

2 vi.
7,4,2: daksayana-hasta, 'golden- Rigveda, 3, 195 ; Whitney, Translation
handed.' Eggeling, Sacred Books of the of the Atharvaveda, 35 Levi, La ;

East, 41, 283, n. 2, seems unnecessarily Doctrine dn Sacrifice, 138.

doubtful as to this.

'
Datyauha, a gallinule,' is mentioned in the list of victims
at the Asvamedha, or horse sacrifice, in the Yajurveda. 1 The
1
Taittinya Samhita, v. 5, 17, 1 ; vii. 3. 1, derives the word from ditya-vah.
Maitrayani Samhita, iii. 14, 6 Vaja- ;
Cf. Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 91.
saneyi Samhita, xxiv. 25. 39. Panini,
35 SICKLE PA TRONYMICGIFT [ Datra

word is clearly a variant of datyuha, which occurs in the epics

and law books.

Datra denoting a 'sickle,' is mentioned in the

('cutter'),
1
Rigveda. Cows
with sickle-shaped marks on their ears
'

2
(ddtra-karnyafy) are referred to in the Maitrayani Samhita.
Otherwise the expression is only found later, occurring in the
Sutra and epic literature. 3 See also Srni.
1 viii. 3 the American
78, 10; Nirukta, ii. 1. Hopkins, Journal of
2 iv. Oriental Society, 17, 86.
2, 9. I

Cf. Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 238.

Datreya is the patronymic of Arada Saunaka in the Vamsa

Brahmana. 1 Possibly Darteya, 'descendant of Drti,' should
be read, 2 but the word may have the same derivation as the
latter form with metathesis.

1 Indische Studien, 4, 373. 2

Cf. St. Petersburg Dictionary, s.v.

'
Dadhica, descendant of Dadhyanc,' is the patronymic of
Cyavana in the Pancavimsa Brahmana (xiv. 6).

'

gift,' is a word of frequent occurrence in

'
1. Dana, giving,'
the Rigveda, especially in the Dana-stutis 1 ('Praises of Gifts')
of generous patrons (see Daksina). One of the characteristics
of the Brahmana
is his right to receive gifts, which it is

obligatory on the other castes to present. 2 The gift of a

3
daughter (kanyayd ddnam) was a form of marriage (see Vivaha),
' '
because in it the girl was given away by her father or
brother.
1 The term seems first to occur in 2
Satapatha Brahmana, xi. 5, 7, 1

the Brhaddevata, vi. 45. 92, and in Weber, Indische Studien, 10, 47-61.
similar works. 3
Nirukta, iii. 4.

2. Dana seems in several passages of the

(' distribution ')
l

2
Rigveda to be a designation of the sacrificial feast to which
1 From da,
'
divide.' I
60, 8 99, 4, etc.
; Cf., however, Pischel
2 100.
i-
55) 71 48. 4 ; 180, 5 ;
viii. 46, 26; I Vedische Studien, 1,
Daya ] SACRIFICIAL FEAST ROPE INHERITANCE 351

3
the god is invited (cf. Sak, Sclltt)). In one passage Sayana
'
thinks that it denotes the mada-jalani, drops of water falling
from the temples of a rutting elephant,' 4 but this is doubtful.
In another passage 5 Roth thinks that meant.
'

pasture land' is

3 Rv. viii. 33, 8 Ludwig, Transla- ;

derived from da, 'divide,' meaning
'
tion of the Rigveda, 5, 157. originally secretion.'

sense, so common in
4 Dana in this 5 ii- 13, 7-
the post-Vedic language, is probably

1
3. Dana
three passages of the Rigveda held by Roth
is in

to designate a chariot horse.

1 v.
27, 5 vii. 18, 23
; viii. 46, 24. ; adequate version, 'horses' being under-
But in all these cases gifts seems an ' '
stood.

1
Daman, a 'rope' or 'girdle,' is often mentioned in the
Rigveda and later.
2
Reference is made to the rope of the
3
sacrificial horse, as well as to the practice of tying calves with
4 '
band of horse hair
'

ropes. The word occurs in the sense of a

in the Satapatha Brahmana. 5

1
bond,' from da, 'bind.' 3
'

Originally Rv. i. 162, 8.

2 Rv. Av. *
i. 56, 3, etc. ;
vi. 63, 1 ; Rv. ii. 28, 7.
103,, 2 ;
vii. 103, 1. 2 ; Taittiriya Sam- 5 v.
3, 1, 10. Cf. Eggeling, Sacred
hita, ii. 4, 13, 1, etc. Books of the East, 41, 62, n. 2.

occurs in the Rigveda 1 only in the sense of 'reward'

Daya
of exertion (srania), but later it means 'inheritance' that is,
a father's property which is to be divided among his sons
either during his lifetime or after his death. The passages all
negative the idea that the property of the family was legally
family property it is clear that it was the property of the head
:

of the house, usually the father, and that the other members
of the family only had moral claims upon it which the father
could ignore, though he might be coerced by his sons if they
were physically stronger.
Thus Manu
said in the Taittiriya Samhita. 2 to have divided
is

his property among his sons. He omitted Nabhanedistha,

2
1 x. 114, 10. Texts, i , 191-194 ; Levi, La Doctrine du
2 iii. 1, 9, 4 et seq. Cf. Muir, Sanskrit Sacrifice, 67, 68.
 352 DIVISION OF PATERNAL INHERITANCE [ Daya

whom he afterwards taught how to appease the Angirases, and

to procure cows. This is a significant indication that the
property he divided was movable property, rather than land
3
(Urvara). In the Aitareya Brahmana the division is said to
have been made during Manu's lifetime by his sons, who left
only their aged father to Nabhanedistha. According to the
4
Jaiminiya Brahmana, again, four sons divided the inheritance
while their old father, Abhipratarin, was still alive. It is,
of course, possible to regard Daya as denoting the heritable
property of the family, but the developed patria potestas of the
father, which was early very marked, as shown by the legend
of SunahSepa, is inconsistent with the view that the sons

were legally owners with their father, unless and until they
5
actually insisted on a division of the property. Probably
there is no evidence of any decisive character land was not
divided at first, but no doubt its disposal began to follow the
analogy of cattle and other movable property as soon as the
available supply of arable land became limited.
As for the method of division, it is clear from the Taittiriya
Samhita 6 that the elder son was usually preferred ; perhaps

3 v. but, ibid., 80, is inclined to believe in

14.
4 iii.
156 (Journal of the American the joint ownership of a family. He
Oriental Society, 26, 61, 62). admits that this is inconsistent with the
5 The same question has been raised strict rule of patria potestas, which still

as to the origin of English or Teutonic exists in Bengal ;

Baden Powell, Village
property in land generally. Against Communities in India, 133 et seq., doubts
any idea even of family ownership in the existence in early India of such a
a strict sense of the word, see Fustel patria potestas But the facts seem clearly
.

de Coulanges, Recherches sur quelques to show that there was such a power,
Problemes d'Histoire, 322 et seq. Ashley,
;
and that the father owned the property.
in Fustel de Coulanges, Origin of Pro- His sons, as they grew up, came to
perty in Land, xvi xxi ;
Pollock and claim the property, and he might have
Maitland, History of English Law, 2, 237 to divide it ;
hence the idea naturally
et seq. The older view, which accepted developed that every child on birth had
family and communal ownership, repre- a legal share in the property. No doubt
sented in different forms by Maine ( Vil- also from the first the right to part with
lage Communities in the East and West), land was one which grown-up sons and
Stubbs, Green, and others, is defended the rest of the community could object
in a new form by Vinogradoff, Villanage to, once the village had acquired a fixed
in England. See also Keith, Journal existence. This would account ade-
of African Society, 6, 201 et seq.
the quately for the later system. Cf. also
Jolly, Recht und Sitte, 93-96, does not pp. 100, n. 19; 336, n. 7, andRajanya.
accept the communal ownership of land,
6
ii. 5, 2, 7-
 Darteya ] WIFE WOOD PATRONYMICS 353

this was always the case after death. During the father's life-
time another might be preferred, as appears from a passage
of the Pancavimsa Brahmana. 7 Women were excluded from

partition or inheritance, according to the Satapatha Brahmana8

and the Nirukta. 9
They were, no doubt, supported by their
brothers ; but if they had none they might be reduced
to prosti-
tution. 10 Detailed rules of inheritance appear in the Sutras. 11
The heir is called Dayada, 12 'receiver (d-da) of inheritance.'
xvi. 4, 4. patha Brahmana, i. 7, 2, 22 iii. 2, 1, 18. ;

8
iv. 4, 2, 13. For the Sutra rules, see Jolly, Recht
'
iii. 4. und Sitte, 80 et seq.
30 12
Cf. Stri. Satapatha Brahmana, xii. 4, 3, 9;
11
Inheritance is also alluded to in Nirukta, iii. 4 ; metaphorically, Av.
the Aitarey a Brahmana, vii. 17; Sahkh- j
v. 18,6. 14.
ayana Srauta Sutra, xv. 27, 3 Sata- ;
!

Dara, 'wife,' is found in the Sutras (usually as a plural

masculine), and once (as a singular) in the Brhadaranyaka
1
Upanisad.
Verwandtschaftsnamen, 415, 416, who
1 a varia
vi. 4, 12 (where dvarena is

lectio ; see St. Petersburg Dictionary, ignores the Brhadaranyaka passage.

s.v.). Cf. Delbruck, Die indogermanischen

frequently mentioned in the Rigveda and

Daru, 'wood,' is
1 2
later, denoting amongst other things the pole of a chariot,
3 4
logs as fuel, the wooden parts of a car, possibly wooden
5
stocks, and so forth.
1 Rv. Av. 3 Rv.
vi. 3, 4 ;
x. 145, 4, etc. ; viii. 102, 20.
4
x. 4, 3 ; Taittiriya Samhita, ii. 5, 8, 3, Satapatha Brahmana, vi. 6, 2, 14.
etc. 5 Av. vi. 121, 2. But this is doubtful.
2 Rv. x. 102, 8. Cf. Tayu and Drupada.

'
Dardha-jayanti, descendant of Drdhajayanta,' is the patro-
nymic of Vaipascita Gupta Lauhitya and of Vaipascita
Drdhajayanta Lauhitya in the Jaiminiya Upanisad Brahmana
(iii. 42, 1).

Darteya,
'
descendant of Drti.' The Darteyas are mentioned
as authorities on sacrificial matters in the Kathaka Samhita. 1
and the Pancavimsa Brahmana. 2
1 xxxi. 2 (Indische Studien, 3, 473). 2 xxv. 3, 6.

VOL. I.
23
354 WOODPECKER PA TRONYMICS [ Darbhya

Darbhya,
'
descendant of Darbha,' is mentioned in a verse

of the Rigveda. him with SyavaSva, but the

1
Roth 2 identifies

Brhaddevata 3
with Rathaviti. The same patronymic is
4
frequently connected with Kein, and is also applied to
5
Rathaprota. See also Dalbhya.
1
v. 6 1, 17. MaitrayanI Samhita, i. 4, 12 6, 5 ; ;

2 St. s.v. Kausitaki Brahmana, vii. 4. Cf. Sieg,

Petersburg Dictionary,
3 v.
50. 77. Die Sagenstoffe des Rgveda, 62, n. 2.
4 5
Taittiriya Samhita, ii. 6, 2, 3 ; MaitrayanI Samhita, ii. 1, 3.

Darv-ag'hata, the woodpecker,' is included in the list of

'

'
sacrificial victims at the Asvamedha, or horse sacrifice,' in the
1
Yajurveda.
1
Taittiriya Samhita, v. 5, 15, 1 ; I
saneyi Samhita, xxiv. 35. Cf. Zimmer,
14, 16 Vaja- Altindisches Leben y 92.
MaitrayanI Samhita, iii. ; |

Darv-ahara, a gatherer of wood,' is included in the list oi

victims at the Purusamedha, or '

human sacrifice,' in the
1
Yajurveda.
1
Vajasaneyi Samhita, xxx. 12 ; Taittiriya Brahmana, iii. 4, 8, 1.

*
Dalbhi, descendant of Dalbha,' is the patronymic of Vaka
in the Kathaka Samhita (x. 6).

Dalbhya,
'
descendant of Dalbha,' is a variant of Darbhya.
patronymic of (a) Kein in the Pancavimsa Brahmana
l
It is the ;

2
(b) Caikitayana in the Chandogya Upanisad and the JaiminTya
3
Upanisad Brahmana; (c) Vaka in the Chandogya Upanisad
4

5
and the Kathaka Samhita.
1 3
Cf. the Itihasa, reported
xiii. 10, 8. i. 38, 1 ; 56. 3-
4
by Sadgurusisya (Sarvanukramani, i. 2, 13 ; 12, 1. 3.

ed. Macdonell, 118). The St. Peters- 5 xxx. 2, where Dalbhya

is read v

burg Dictionary quotes the Kausitaki not Dalbhi, as stated in the St. Peters
Brahmana, vii. 4, for Dalbhya (but burg Dictionary, s.v. The Kapisthala
also for Darbhya, which is the reading Samhita, has Darbliasya. Dalbb
xlvi. 5, i

of Lindner's edition). is found, however, in Kathaka Samhita ,

2 x. 6.
i. 8, 1.
Da&irajna ] FOREST FIRE BATTLE OF TEN KINGS 355

Dava, 'forest mentioned in the Atharvaveda 1 and

fire,' is

the Satapatha Brahmana. 2 In the latter work such fires are

referred to as occurring in spring. According to Sieg, 3 a hymn
of the Rigveda 4 describes a forest fire. Watchers were
employed to guard against surprise from such conflagrations
5
(ddva-pa).
1 * x.
vii. 45, 2. 142. Sieg's interpretation of this
2 xi. not at
2, 7, 32. hymn is all probable.
3 Die 5
Sagenstofe des Rgveda, 44 et Vajasaneyi Samhita, xxx. 16 ; Tait-
seq. tirlya Brahmana, iii. 4, 11, 1.

Dava-su Angirasa, a seer of Samans, or chants, is mentioned

in the Pancavimsa Brahmana. 1
1
xxv. 5, 12. 14. Cf. Hillebrandt, Vedische Mythologie, 2, 160.

Da6a, 'fisherman,' is mentioned in the list of victims at the

Purusamedha, or
'
human sacrifice,' in the Yajurveda. 1 Cf.
Dhaivara.
1 Tait- as equivalent to dasa, ' '

Vajasaneyi Samhita, xxx. 16 ; servant. Cf.

tiriya Brahmana, iii. 4, 12, 1.Weber, Manu, x. 34; St. Petersburg Dictionary,
Indische Streifen, 1, 81, renders the word s.v. DaSa, 2. 3.
it
by Fischerknecht, perhaps regarding

'

belonging to the (Rigveda text) divided into ten

Dagataya,
'
(books),' an epithet of Adhyaya,
is section,' in the Nidana
Sutra. 1 The feminine form of the word is also found in the
3
Kausitaki Brahmana 2 and later.

1 ii. 11 (Indische Studien, 1, 45). xvii. 30; Sahkhayana Srauta Sutra,

2 viii.
7.
xii. 2, 16. 22, etc.Baudhayana Srauta
;

3
Rgveda Pratisakhya, xvi. 54 Sutra, xxvi. 13; xxvii. 4, etc.

1
Dasa-rajna is the name in the Rigveda and the Athar-
2
vaveda of Sudas' famous 'battle with the ten kings.' It is
somewhat difficult to make out exactly who the kings were
(see TurvaSa), but the number is probably a round one, and
3
cannot be pressed. The actual battle hymn does not contain
1 2 3 vii.
vii. 33, 2. 5 ; 83. 8. x. 128, 12. 18.

232
 356 ABORIGINES [ Daiarmj

the word, and the passages in which it is found may reasonably

be considered late. 4
* for the late date of Arnold, Vedic Metre, 309
Cf. vii. 33, 265, n. 1 ; ;

Bergaigne, Lliistoire de la Samhita, 38, Geldner, Vedische Studien, 2, 130, opposes

72 Oldenberg, Prolegomena, 198, 200,
;
this view, but not convincingly.

Daarma 1
appears in the Kathaka Samhita as a teacher and
a contemporary of Aruni.
1 vii. 6.
Cf. Weber, Indische Studien, 3, 472.

Dasa, like Dasyu, sometimes denotes enemies of a demoniac

1 2
character in the Rigveda, but in many passages the word
refers to human foes of the Aryans. The Dasas are described
z 4
as having forts (purah), and their clans (visah) are mentioned.
'
It is possible that the forts, which are called
'
autumnal
6
(sdradih), may be mythical, but it is not essential, for the
epithet may allude to their being resorted to in the autumn
season. The Dasa colour (Varna) 6 is probably an allusion to
the black skin of the aborigines, which is also directly men-

tioned.
7 The aborigines (as Dasyus) are called anas, nose-
'

less' (?),
8
and tnrdhra-vdc, of hostile speech,' 9 and are probably
'

'
meant by the phallus-worshippers (sisna-devah, whose deity
10
is a phallus ') of the Rigveda. It is significant that constant
'
1
Cf. Macdonell, Vedic Mythology,
1
white-hued (svitnya) friends who, in

P- 157-
i. 100, 18, aid in the conquest of the
2
Cf Rv. v. 34, 6 ;
vi. 22, 10 ; 33, 3 ; Dasyu and Simyu are doubtless Aryans.
60, 6; vii. 83, 1; x. 38, 3; 69, 6; In the Vajasaneyi Samhita, xxiv. 30,
83, 1; Av. v. 11, 3. the day and night (ahordtre) are
3 ii. 20, 8 (called dyas'ih, 'made of paralleled with the Sudraryau that is,
iron 103, 3
')
iii. 12, 6 ; iv. 32, 10.
; i. ; probably with the Aryan and Sudra
They are called sdradih, 'autumnal,' (the compound is not to be taken as
in i. 131, 4 174, 2 vi. 20, 10. Cf. also
; ; giving the words in the correct order ;

dehyah,
'
ramparts,' in vi. 47, 2. cf.Macdonell, Vedic Grammar, 268).
4 ii. 11,4; iv. 28, 4 vi. 25, 2. ;
See also Muir, Sanskrit Texts, I 9 140 ;

5
Cf. Macdonell, Vedic Mythology, Weber, Indische Studien, 10, 10, n.
7 krsnd '
black skin,'
p. 60. tvac, i. 130, 8 ;

6 ii. 4
12, ankhayana Srauta Sutra,
;
ix. 41, 1.
8
viii. 25, 6. Cf. Rv. i. 101, 1 130, 8; ; Cf. Dasyu, notes 6, 7.
21 9 v. 10. See Dasyu
ii. 20, 7 ;
iv. 16, 13 ;
vi. 47, ;
vii. 5, 3. 29, ; Geldner,
The Arya colour is mentioned in iii. 34, Rigveda, Glossar, 138.
10
9, and the Dasa is contrasted with the vn. 21, 5 x. 99, ; 3. Cf. Mac-
Varna (of the singers) in i. 104, 2. The donell, op. cit., p. 155.
 Dasa ] SLAVES ORIGINAL SENSE OF DASA 357

reference is made to the differences in religion between Arya

and Dasa or Dasyu. 11
Since the Dasas were in many cases reduced to slavery, the
'
word Dasa has the sense of slave in several passages of the '

12
Rigveda. Dasi, the feminine, always has this sense from
the Atharvaveda 13 onwards. Aboriginal women were, no doubt,
the usual slaves, for on their husbands being slain in battle
they would naturally have been taken as servants. They would
sometimes also become concubines thus Kavasa was taunted ;

with being the son of a female slave {dasyah putrah) in the

14
Aitareya Brahmana.
15 16
Ludwig considers that in some passages Dasa is applied,
'
in the sense of enemy,' to Aryan foes, but this is uncertain.
Zimmer 17 and Meyer 18 think that Dasa 19 originally meant
into the name of
'
1
enemy in general, later developing in Iran
the Dahae 20
of the Caspian steppes, and in India into a desig-
nation of the aborigines. On the other hand, Hillebrandt 21
22
argues that, as the Dasas and the Panis are mentioned together,
they must be deemed to be closely related tribes, identifying

11 15
Rv. i. 33, 4. 5 ;
iv. 16, 9 ; v. 7, 10 ; Translation of the Rigveda, 3, 209.
16
42, 9 ;
vi. 14, 3 ;
viii. 70, 10 ; x. 22, See i. 158, 5 ; ii. 13, 8 ; iv. 30,
7. 8, etc. 14. 15 ; vi. 20, 10 ;
vii. 99, 5 ; x. 49,
12
vii. 86, 7 ; viii. 56, 3 ; x. 62, 10. 6. 7. None of these passages need
Roth, St.
Petersburg Dictionary, s.v., 2, certainly be so taken.
suggests that in viii. 46, 32, the word
17
Altindisches Leben, et seq. no
18
dasan, slaves,' should be read in place
'
Geschichte des Altertums, 1, 515.
of ddse qualifying Balbutha. 19 from das in the sense
y Zimmer, If derived
A Itindisches Leben, 117, quotes the passage of '

lay waste
'

(Whitney, Roots), the

admixture of Aryan and
to indicate the original meaning would have been
Dasa blood. See also Av. iv. 9, 8 ;
'devastator,' 'ravager.'
Chandogya Upanisad, vii. 24, 2. It is 20 The Dahae may have been closely
uncertain whether dasa-pravarga, as an allied in race and language with the
epithet of rayi, 'wealth,' in Rv. i. 92, 8, Iranians, but this is not very clearly
means consisting of troops of slaves.'
'

proved. Cf. E. Kuhn in Kuhn's Zeit-

Geldner, Rigveda, Glossar, 82, so takes schrift, 28, 214 Hillebrandt, Vedische
;

the expression in i. 158, 5. Mythologie, 1, 95. The possibility or

13
Av. v. 22, 6 xii. 3, 13 4, 9 ; ; ;
probability of mixture with Mongolian
Chandogya Upanisad, v. 13, 2 Brhad- ; blood is always present. So Zimmer,
aranyaka Upanisad, vi. 1, 10 (Madhyam- op. cit., 112, calls the Daoi or Daai of
dina=2, 7 Kanva). Zimmer, 107, sees Herodotus, i. 126, a Turanian tribe.
this sense in vadhu in Rv. viii. 19, 36. 21
Op. cit., 1, 94.
See also Vadhumant. 22
Rv. v. 34, 6. 7 ;
vii. 6, 3 (Dasyu
M 19 Kausitaki Brahmana, xii. 3. and Pani together) Av.
ii. ; ; v. n, 6.
358 ORIGINAL HOME OF THE DASAS [ Dasavesa

the Panis with the Parnians and the Dasas of the Rigveda
with the Dahae. This view, of course, necessitates a transfer
of the scenes of the Rigveda, where Dasas are prominent, and
' '

especially those in which Divodasa the heavenly Dasa plays

23
an important part, to the far west. Hillebrandt justifies this
by regarding the scene of the sixth book of the Rigveda as
quite different from that of the seventh and third, in which
Sudas, the Bharatas, Vasistha, and Visvamitra appear. The
Sarasvati of the sixth book he locates in Arachosia, that of the
seventh in the Middle Country.' It is, however, extremely
doubtful whether this theory can be upheld. That Divodasa
should have been a Dasa, and yet have fought against other
Dasas, is not in itself likely, especially when his son Sudas
appears as a protagonist of Aryan civilization. It also seems
unreasonable to seek in Arachosia for the river Sarasvati,
which it is natural to locate in the Middle Country.' '

The wealth of the Dasas was no doubt considerable, 24 but in

civilization there is no reason to suppose that they were ever
25
equal to the invaders. Leading Dasas were Illbiga, Cumuri
and Dhuni, Pipru, Varcin, Sambara. For names of aboriginal
tribes, see Kirata, Kikata, Candala, Parnaka, Simyu.

23
Op. cit., i, 96 et seq. He argues
25
Cf. Rv. ii. 12, 11; iv. 30, 14;
thatDasa occurs only four times in vi. 26, 5, whence it appears that the
Mandala vii., but eight times in vi., Dasas were often dwellers in moun-
and that similarly Sambara, the Dasa, tains, a natural refuge for beaten
is mentioned six times in vi., but tribes.
only
twice in vii. But Divodasa much more Cf. Hillebrandt, Vedische Mythologie,

probably means, as Oldenberg in- 3, 269-275, 368 Ludwig, Translation

;

terprets the name,

'
the servant of i of the Rigveda, 3, 207-213 Zimmer, ;

heaven.' See his Religion des Veda, 155, Altindisches Leben, 101-118; Weber,
j

n. 1 ;
Bergaigne, Religion Vedique, 2, \
Indische Studien, 18, 35 (who derives
209; below, p. 363, n. 11. j
dasa from da, 'bind'), 254; Muir,
24
Cf. Rv. i.
176, 4 ;
iv. 30, 13 ;
I Sanskrit Texts, 2, 359 et seq. Geldner,
;

'

viii. 40, 6; x. 69, 5 ; Av. vii. 90, 2. Vedische Studien, 3, 96.

1
Dasa-vesa, occurring only once in the Rigveda, probably
designates a Dasa named VeSa. Sayana's interpretation of the
word as destruction of foes can hardly be correct.
' '

1 ii. 13, 8. Cf. Ludwig, Translation of the Rigveda, 3, 209.

 >idhiupati ] TWO-YEAR-OLD BULL ARROW WOOER 359

Dasya occurs once in the Brhadaranyaka Upanisad (iv. 2,

Madhyamdina = 23 Kanva) in the sense of slavery.'

Ditya-vah, m.
'
; Dityauhi, f., a two-year-old bull or cow,'
mentioned in the later Samhitas and the Brahmanas. 1
1
Taittiriya Samhita, iv. 3, 3, 1 ; xviii. 26 ; xxviii. 25 ; PancavimSa Brah-
6, 15, 1; Vajasaneyi Samhita, xiv. 10; mana, xxi. i, etc.

1
Didyu, Didyut, both denote in the Rigveda
' '
missile,' arrow,'
hether divine or human.
1
Didyu : i.
71, 5 ; iv. 41, 4 ; vii. 56, 9 ; Rv. i. 66, 7 v. 86, 3 vii. 25,
; ; 1, etc. ;

85, 2, etc. ; Av. i. 2, 3 ;

Vajasaneyi certainly divine in ii. 13, 7.
Samhita, ii. 20 ; x. 17, etc. Didyut :

Didhisu in the Rigveda denotes a 'wooer.' It is applied 1

to the relative, probably brother-in-law, 2 who takes the place
of the husband at the funeral rite, and who, as in the Hebraic
levirate, is to beget a child by the brother's wife if there is
no son. 3 Hillebrandt 4 and Lanman 5 consider that the word
originally meant only 'wooer,' and applied to the king who,
after the chief queen had lain beside the dead victim in the
Purusamedha or human '
sacrifice,' claimed her again but this ;

6
view is
hardly plausible. The term is also applied to the god
Pusan 7 as the wooer of his mother, apparently Surya. 8
1 x. 18, = Av. xviii. 3, 2 (where
18 *
Zeitschrift der Deutschen Morgen-
didhisos merely a bad reading) =
is landischen Gesellschaft, 40, 708 et seq.
5 Sanskrit
Taittiriya Aranyaka, vi. 1 3 ,
.
Reader, 385.
2 6 See
Asvalayana Srauta Sutra, iv. 2, 18, Translation
Whitney, of the
where are mentioned the brother-in-law Atharvaveda, 848, 849 ; Keith, Journal
(devr), a representative of the husband of the Royal Asiatic Society, 1907, 946.
(there is nothing to show whether he
7 vi. 55, 5-

is identical with the preceding or not), 8 21

Cf. Pischel, Vedische Studien, 1, ;

a pupil, or an aged servant (jarad-ddsa). Macdonell, Vedic Mythology, p. 35.

3
Cf. Rv. x. 40, 2 Kaegi, Der Rigveda, ; Cf. Geldner, Rigveda, Kotnmentar, 154.
n. 51.

1
Didhisu-pati occurs in the Kathaka and Kapisthala Sam-
2 3 4
hitas, as well as in the Apastamba, Gautama, and Vasistha
1 2 xlvii.
xxxi. 7, quoted in Delbriick, Die 7, quoted ibid., 579, 580.
J 11.
indogermanischen Verwandtschaftsnamen , 5, 12, 22.
4
579- XV. 16.
 360 HUSBAND OF A WIDOW SKY [ Div

Dharma Sutras, 5 in lists of people who have committed sin

(enas). The traditional rendering 6 is 'husband of a woman
married a second time Manu 7 seems to apply the term to the ';

brother-in-law who is 'married' to his sister-in-law after his

brother's death for the purpose of begetting a child, if he
8
displays conjugal affection to her (anurajyate kamatah). This
sense would be possible, since Didhisu denotes a wooer,' and
'

wooer when able to control

' '
a widow could be regarded as a
her own choice of a spouse. But another tradition 9 holds that
Didhisu means the elder sister whose younger sister has
married before her. This view is supported "by a passage in the
10
Vasistha Dharma Sutra, and by the use of the word agre-
11
didhisu-pati which must mean the husband of a younger '

sister married before the elder.' In this case also Didhisu

would mean wooer,' the elder sister being so called because,
'

if her parents do not arrange a marriage for her, she is,

12
according to Visnu, to make her own choice of a husband
(kurydt svayamvaram). See also Edidhisuhpati and Daidhi-
savya.
5 i. 18 xx. 7 et seq. 11 '
one who woos
;
Cf. agre-didhisu, (a
6 St. s.v. before (her elder sister
Petersburg Dictionary, younger sister)
didhisu, 3. is married),' in Apastamba, loc. cit. ;

7 iii. 173. Gautama, xv. 16; Vasistha, i. 18;

8
Cf. Leist, Altarischcs Jus Gentium, Kathaka, loc. cit. ; agre-dadhus, Maitra-
106. yani Samhita, iv. j, 9 agre-dadhisu,
;

9
Laugaksi, quoted by Kulluka on Kapisthala, loc. cit. ; agra-didhisu, Tait-
Manu, iii. 160 ; Commentary on Apa- tiriya Brahmana, iii. 2, 8, 11.
stamba, loc. cit. 12 Visnu Dharma Sutra, xxiv. 40.
10 xx. et seq.
7 Cf. Delbriick, op. cit., 579-586.

Div, 'sky.' The world as a whole is regarded as divided

into the three domains of 'earth,' 'air' or 'atmosphere,' and
1
'heaven' or 'sky' (div), or alternatively into 'heaven and
earth' (dyavd-prthivi) 2 , which two are then considered as com-
prising the universe, the atmosphere being included in the sky.
Lightning, wind, and rain belong to the atmosphere, solar and
1 Rv. ii. 40 ; viii. 6, 15 ; 10, 6 90, vn. 4, 2; viii. 1, 3. In the Aitareya
6, etc. Aranyaka, iii. 1, 2, and the Sankhayana
2 Rv. 2
i. 143, ;
159, 1 ; 160, 1 ; Aranyaka, vii. 3, it is said that when
iv. 14, 2, etc. ;
Brhadaranyaka Upani- heavy and constant rain falls people
say, Heaven and earth have united.'
'
sad, iii. 8, 3. 9 ;
Chandogya Upanisad,
Div ] THREEFOLD DIVISION OF HEAVEN 361

3
similar phenomena to the sky. In some passages the vault
(ndka) of the sky is added after the usual triad, and before the
celestial light (svar, jyotis).
The threefold division of the universe is reflected in a three-
fold division of the three elements and sky. Thus earth, air,
4 5 6
a highest (uttama, uttara, pdrya ), a middle, and a lowest
heaven are specified. 4 In the Atharvaveda 7 the three heavens
' '
are distinguished as (udanvati), as pilumati (of rich in water
uncertain meaning), and as the pradyaus, where the Fathers sit.
Heaven is frequently called vyoman as well as rocana 8 (properly
'

the ' luminous space of heaven), and the dividing firmament

which separates the visible upper world from the highest
' '
heaven is called, besides ndka, vault,' sdnu, summit,' vistap,
9
surface,' and prstha, 'ridge,' and even ridge of the vault,' or
* *

10
1
summit of the vault.'
Similarly three atmospheres (rajas), or oftener two, are
alluded to, 11 but the division here is merely artificial. In one
12
passage six rajdmsi, 'regions,' are referred to, the heavens
and the earths no doubt being meant. The usual name for the
atmosphere is antariksa.
The
three earths are equally artificial, the origin of the triad
13
being probably the use of prthivi in the plural to denote the
three divisions of the universe (just as pitarau, 'two fathers,'
14
denotes '
father and mother '). The earth is called ksani, ksd,
'

gmd, or designated by the epithets mahl, the great,' prthivi or

urvl, 'the broad,' uttdnd, 'the extended,' and is regularly con-
trasted as idam,
'
this world here,' with the upper sphere. 15

3 Av. iv. 14, 3 = Vajasaneyi Samhita, sphere, uttama, ix. 22, 5 ;

param a,
xvii. 67. iii. 30, 2 ; trtlya, ix. 74, 6 ; x. 45, 3 ;

4 Rv. v. 60, 6. 123, 8. The lower ' '

(upara) or
'
terres-
5 '
Rv. iv. 26, 6. trial (parthiva) is contrasted with the
6
Rv. vi. 40, 5. In Rv. v. 4, 3, it is
1

heavenly
'

(divya) space. See i. 62, 5 ;

called trtlya. iv. 53. 3-

7 xviii. 12 Rv.
2, 48. i.
164, 6.
Cf. vii. 87, 5.
8 13 Rv.
Trlni or tri rocana, Rv. i. 102, 8 ;
i. 188, 9. 10 vii. 104, 11. ;

v. 69, 1, etc. 14
149, 4 ; Cf. Delbriick, Altindische Syntax,
9
Rv. i. 125, 5. Cf. iii. 2, 12. p. 98 ; Macdonell, Sanskrit Grammar,
10
Rv. viii. 103, 2. Cf. also ix. 86, i8 3 c (p. 158).
15
Rv. i. 22, 17; 154, 1, 3; and
27.
11
Rv.
53, 5; v. 69, 1.
iv. Cf. also regularly in the later Samhitas and the
'

the references to the highest atmo-

'
Brahmanas.
362 COSMOLOGY [ Div

The shape of the earth is compared with a wheel in the

16 ' '

Rigveda, and is expressly called circular (pari-mandala) in

the Satapatha Brahmana.
17
When earth is conjoined with
heaven, the two are conceived as great bowls (camva) turned
towards each other. 18 In the Aitareya Aranyaka 19 the two are
regarded as halves of an egg. The distance of heaven from
the earth is given by the Atharvaveda 20 as a thousand days'
journey for the sun-bird, by the Aitareya Brahmana
21
as a
thousand days' journey for a horse, while the Pancavimsa
Brahmana 22 whimsically estimates the distance as equivalent
to a thousand cows standing one on the top of the other.
23
According Zimmer, the Vedic poets conceived the
to

atmosphere to be above the earth in its upper division only,

but below it in its lower stratum. The evidence, 24 however, for
the latter assumption is quite insufficient. 25 The theory of
the Aitareya Brahmana 26 is that the sun merely reverses its
bright side at night, turning its light on the stars and the moon
while it retraverses its course to the east and it has been ;

shown 25 probably the doctrine of the Rigveda also.

that this is
27

See also Surya and Candramas. For the Vedic knowledge

of the planets, see Graha.
There is no geographical division of the earth in Vedic
literature. The Jaiminlya Upanisad Brahmana 28 states that
the centre of the earth a span north of the Plaksa Praspavana,
is

and that the centre of the sky is the constellation of the seven
Esis, the Great Bear. For the quarters, see Dig.
16 x.
89, On the other hand,
4.
26iii. 44, 4. Speyer's interpretation
the earth regarded as catur-bhrsti,
is of this passage, Journal of the Royal
'four-cornered,' in Rv. x. 58, 3. Asiatic Society, 1906, 723-727, is antici-
17
Macdonell, Vedic Mythology, p. 9. pated and supplemented by Macdonell,
18 Rv. iii. 55, 20. loc. cit.
19 27
iii. 1, 2; Sankhayana Aranyaka, 115. 5; * 37. 3
vii. 3. 28 iv.
26, 12. Cf. Pancavimsa Brah-
20 x.
8, i8 =
xiii. 2, 38; 3, 14. mana, xxv. 10, 16 ; Hopkins, Transac-
21 ii.
17. Cf. ASvina. tions of the Connecticut Academy of Arts
22 xvi.
8, 6; in xxi. 1, 9, with the and Sciences, 15, 31, n. 2. Cf. Bergaigne,
alternatives of 1,000 days of the journey Religion Vedique, 1, 1-3 Wallis, Cos-;

of a horse, or of the sun, or 1,000 mology of the Rigveda, 1 1 1- 1 17 Zimmer, ;

leagues. op. cit., 357-359; Macdonell, op. cit.,

23 Altindisches
Leben, 357, 358. pp. 8-1 1 Thibaut, Astronomie, Astrologie
;

24 Rv. v. und Mathematik,

81, 4 vi. 9, 1 ; vii. 80, 1.
; 5, 6; Weber, Indische
25
Macdonell, Vedic Mythology, p. 10. Studien, 9, 358-364.
Divodasa Atitbigva ] KING DIVODASA 363

Divodasa Atithigva is one of the leading princes of the

early Vedic age. He was a son of Vadhryasva, 1 and father,
or more probably grandfather, of Sudas, the famous king of the
Trtsu family, among the Bharatas. Probably Pijavana was
the son and Sudas the grandson. Divodasa was naturally a
2
Bharata, and, like Sudas, was an opponent of the TurvaSas
and Yadus. 3 His great enemy was Sambara, the Dasa, who
was apparently chief of a mountain people, 4 and whom he
6
repeatedly defeated. He was also, it seems, like his father
6
Vadhryasva, an energetic supporter of the fire ritual, for Agni
is once called by his name in the Rigveda. 7 On the other hand,
he was defeated, with Ayu and Kutsa, by Indra's aid. In
several passages he seems closely connected with the singer
8
family, the Bharadvajas.
9
From one
passage, where Divodasa is said to have fought
10
against the Panis, the Paravatas, and Brsaya, Hillebrandt
has inferred that he was engaged in conflicts with the tribes
of Arachosia, and interpreting the name as the heavenly '

11
Dasa' conjectures that he was himself a Dasa. This con-
clusion is not probable, for the Sarasvati on which the battle
in question took place, and which can hardly be the Haraqaiti
of Arachosia, would naturally designate the later Sarasvati,
while the Paravatas are mentioned in the Pancavimsa Brah-
12
mana, as in the east, about the Yamuna. Bergaigne's
1 7
Rv. vi. 61, 1. Daivodasa, worshipped by Divo-
*

2 Rv. vi. 16, 4. 5. 19. For Sudas as dasa '

viii. 103, 2.
:
Cf. vi. 16, 5. 19;
his descendant, see vii. 18, 25, with 31, 1. For the defeat by Indra, cf. Rv.
verse 23, where Paijavana is an epithet i. 53, 10; ii. 14, 7; vi. 18, 13; viii. 64,
of Sudas. 2 ; Bergaigne, Religion Vedique, 2, 337,
3 As Atithigva, Rv. vii. 19, 8 ;
as 344-
8 Rv.
Divodasa, ix. 61, 2. Cf. 13. 14; 116, 18;
i. 112,
4 Rv. i. Panca-
130, 7; ii. 12, 11; vi. 26, vi. 16, 5 ;47, 22 et seq.
31, 4 ; ;

5 ;
vii. 18, 20. Cf. Macdonell, Vedic vimsa Brahmana, xv. 3, 7 Hillebrandt, ;

Mythology, p. 161. op. cit., 1, 104.

5 See Rv. i. 112, 14; 116, 18; 119, 9 vi. 61, 1 et seq.

6 iv. 26, 10
4 ; 130, 7-10 ; ii. 19, ; 3 ; 30, 97 et seq.
Op. cit., 1,

vi. 21. 11 This See

20; 26, 3. 5; 43, 1; 47, 22; very improbable. is

ix. 61, 2. Bergaigne, op. cit., 2, 209; Oldenberg,

6 Rv. x.
69, 1 et seq. Cf. Ludwig, Religion des Veda, 155 Zeitschrift der ;

Translation of the Rigveda, 3, 176 ; Deutschen Morgenlandischen Gesellschaft,

Hillebrandt, Vedische Mythologie, 1, 96, 49,175; 51. 272.
n. 2. 12 ix. See Paravata.
4, 11.
 364 ORDEALS [ Divodasa Bhaimaseni

13
opinion that Divodasa and Atithigva were different people
cannot be supported in view of the complete parallelism in the
acts of the two persons. 14 See also Pratardana.
The people of Divodasa are referred to in a hymn of the
16
Rigveda.
13 et seq. Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 126;
Op. cit., 2, 342 Cf.
14 with
Compare, e.g. , vii. 19, 8, Oldenberg, Buddha, 406 Ludwig, op. cit.,
;

ix. 61 2 (opposed to Turvasa and Yadu);

, 3, 114, 176; Grierson, Journal of the
i. 51, 6; vi. 26, 3, with ii. 19, 6; Royal Asiatic Society, 1908, 604, 837;
vi. 31, 4 (defeat of Sambara) and see ; Keith, ibid., 831 et seq. 1138 et seq.
;

Hillebrandt, op. cit., 3, 268 Oldenberg, ; Roth, St. Petersburg Dictionary, s.v.,
Zeitschrift der Deutschen Morgenldndischen distinguishes two Divodasas, one being
Gesellschaft, 42, 210 et seq. ; Macdonell, the ancestor or father of Sudas, the
op. cit., p. 161. other the enemy of Sambara. Divodasa
15 i. 10 is not mentioned in Mandalas, iii, v,
130, (one of the series attri-
buted to Parucchepa) .
viii, x.

Divo-dasa Bhaima-seni (' descendant of Bhlmasena ') is

mentioned in the Kathaka Samhita 1 as a contemporary of
Aruni.
1
vii. 1, 8. Cf. Weber, Indische Studien, 3, 472.

'

Divya, ordeal,' is a term not found until the later literature,

but several references to the practice of ordeals have been seen
x
in Vedic literature. The fire ordeal seen in the Atharvaveda
2 3 4 5
by Schlagintweit, Weber, Ludwig, Zimmer, and others, has
been disproved by Grill, 6 Bloomfield, 7 and Whitney. 8 But such
an ordeal appears in the Pancavimsa Brahmana, 9 and an ordeal
with a glowing axe 10 occurs in the Chandogya Upanisad as
11
applied in an accusation of theft. Geldner suggests that this
12
usage is referred to even in the Rigveda, but this is most
13 14 15
improbable. Ludwig and Griffith discover in another

1 ii. 12. 8 Translation of the Atharvaveda,

2 Die Gottesuriheile der Indier, 13 et seq. 54-
3 Indische 9 xiv.
Studien, 13, 768. 6, 6.
* Translation of the Rigveda, 10 vi. 16.
3, 445. Chandogya Upanisad,
5 Altindisches 11 Vedische Studien, 2, 159.
Leben, 184.
6 Hundert 2 12
Lieder, 45, 87. iii. 53, 22.
7 13
Journalof the American Oriental Oldenberg, Rgveda-Noten, 1, 254.
American Journal of 14
Society, 13, ccxxi ;
Op. cit., 4, 44.
15 210.
Philology, 11, 334, 335 Hymns of the ; Hymns of the Rigveda, 1,

Atharvaveda, 294.
Dii] THE STAR SIRIUS CARDINAL POINTS 365

16
passage of the Rigveda references to Dirghatamas' having
been subjected to the fire and water ordeals, but this view
cannot be supported. According to Weber, 17 the balance ' '

18
ordeal is referred to in the Satapatha Brahmana, but see Tula.
16 i. 158, 4 et seq.
schrift der Deutschen Morgenldndischen
17 Indische Streifen, 21
1, ; 2, 363. Gesellschaft, 44, 347, 348 ; Stenzler,
is xi.
2, 7, 33. ibid., 9, 669 et seq.

Cf. Jolly, Recht und Sitte, 145 ; Zeit-

'
Divya Svan, thedivine dog,' in one passage of the Athar-
1
vaveda appears to denote Canis major or Sirius. But Bloom-
2
field thinks that the two divine dogs referred to in the
4
Maitrayani Samhita and the Taittirlya Brahmana are the sun
3

and moon, and that the sun is meant in the Atharvaveda.

1 vi. 80, I. 4 i.
1, 2, 4-6.
2
Journal of the American Oriental Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 353
Cf. ;

Society, 15, 163 Hymns of the Athar-

; Whitney, Translation of the Atharva
vaveda, 500, 501. veda, 341.
3
i. 6, 9.

Dis,
*
word very frequently used in the Rigveda
direction,' is a
1
and to denote a quarter of the sky.
later As a general rule,
2
four quarters are mentioned east, south, west, north. But
' '
the number of the directions is sometimes increased up to
ten by the addition to these four of various others. The five
3
points include the zenith (urdhvd) the six, the zenith and ;

4
the nadir (urdhvd and avact) ; the seven, the zenith, the
ground on which one stands (dhruva), and the air (antariksa)
between these two (vyadhva) 6 the eight include the inter- ;

mediate quarters (S.E., S.W., N.E., N.W.) 6 the nine add to ;

these the zenith 7 the ten, zenith and nadir. 8 The number
;

1 Rv. i. 124, 3; 183, 5; iii. 30, 12; Satapatha Brahmana, vii. 4, 1, 20 ;

Av. iii. 31, 4 ;

xi. 2, 12, etc. 8
ix. 5, 2, Taittirlya Aranyaka, i. 7.
;

2 Rv. 6
vii. 72, 5; x. 36, 14; 42, 11; f
Taittiriya Samhita, vii, 1, 15 ;

Av. xv. 2, 1 et seq., etc. Satapatha Brahmana, i. 8, 1, 40, etc.

3 7
Taittirlya Samhita, vii. 1, 15 ; Sankhayana Srauta Sutra, xvi.
Maitrayani Samhita, ii. 8, 9. 28, 2.
4 8 Rv.
Maitrayani Samhita, iii. 12, 8; i. 164, 14; viii. 101, 13; Sata-
Vajasaneyi Samhita, xxii. 24 Brhad- ; patha Brahmana, vi. 2, 2, 34 ; viii. 4,

aranyaka Upanisad, iv. 2, 4. 2, 13, etc.

5 Rv. ix. Av. iv. 1
114, 3 ; 40, ;
366 LEGENDS OF THE SEER DIRGHATAMAS [ Dirghatamas

sometimes made up by the ground beneath the observer's

five is
feet (dhruva), 9
and the number six by that point (dhruva) and
the zenith (urdhva) 10 the lofty (brhatl) u sometimes taking ' '

' '
the place of the vertical (urdhva).

9 Av. 11
viii. g, 15; xiii. 3, 6; xv. 14, Vajasaneyi Samhita, xiv. 13 ;

1-5 Vajasaneyi Samhita, ix. 32 ;

; Kathaka Samhita, xvii. 8.
Satapatha Brahmana, ix. 4, 3, to, and Cf. Zimmer, AUindisches Leben, 359 ;

cf. Dhruva. Weber, Proceedings of the Berlin Academy,

10 Av. iii. iv. 14, 8 Indische Studien,
27, 1 xii. 3, ; ; 1895, 846; 17, 293,
55 ; xv. 4, 1 et seq. ; xviii. 3, 34 ;
294 ; 18, 153 ; St. Petersburg Dic-
Aitareya Brahmana, viii. 14, etc. Cf. tionary, s.v.
Rv. x, 14, 16.

Dirgfha-tamas (' long darkness ') Mamateya (' son of Mamata ')
Aucathya (' son of Ucatha ') is mentioned as a singer in one
hymn referred to in several passages 2
of the Rigveda, 1 and is

by his metronymic, Mamateya, alone. He is said, both in the

1 3
Rigveda and in the Sarikhayana Aranyaka, to have attained
the tenth decade of life. In the Aitareya Brahmana 4 he
5
appears as the priest of Bharata. The Brhaddevata contains
a preposterous legend made up of fragments of the Rigveda, 6
according to which Dirghatamas was born blind, but recovered
his sight in old age he was thrown into a river by his servants,
;

one of whom, Traitana, attacked him, but killed himself

instead. Carried down by the stream, he was cast up in the
Ahga country, where he married Usij, a slave girl, and begot
Kaksivant. The two legends here combined are not even con-
sistent, for the second ignores Dirghatamas' recovery of sight.
To attach any historical importance to them, as does Pargiter, 7
would seem to be unwise.
1 i. 158, 1. 6. traditionally attributed to Dirghatamas.
2 iv. In But see Oldenberg, Zeitschrift der
i. 147, 3; 152, 6; 4, 13.
viii. 9, 10, Dirghatamas is mentioned Deutschen Morgenldndischen Gesellschaft,
with Kaksivant, but not as a relative. 42, 221.
3 ii. 7
17; Keith, Sahkhay ana Ar any aha, Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society,
14. 1910, 44.
4 viii.
23. Cf. Ludwig, Translation of the Rig
6 iv.
11-15; 21-25, with Macdonell's veda, 3, 164, 165 ; Muir, Sanskrit Texts,
notes. i2, 226, 232, 247, 268, 279.
6 From i. 140-164, which hymns are
Dirgharanya] NAMES LONGEVITY FOREST TRACTS 367

Dirgha-nitha appears to be the proper name of a sacrificer

in one hymn of the Rigveda. 1
1
viii. 50, 10. Cf. Roth, St. Peters- stands the word as an adjective, mean-
Ludwig under-
'

burg Dictionary, s.v. ing of long duration.'

DiFgha-gravas (' far-famed ') is the name of a royal seer who,

1
according to the Pancavimsa Brahmana, having been banished
'
from his kingdom, and suffering from actual hunger, saw a '

certain Saman
and thus obtained food. In one passage
(chant),
3 2
of the Rigveda an Ausija, a merchant {vanij), is mentioned as
dirgha-sravas, which may be a proper name, as Sayana holds,
4
or an adjective, as it is understood by Roth.
* xv. to St. Dic-
3, 25. ing Roth, Petersburg
2 i. 112, 11. tionary, s.v.
3 A metronymic, descendant of *
4 St.
Petersburg Dictionary, s.v.

Usij,' according to Sayana but an ; Cf. Ludwig, Translation of the Rig-

adjective, meaning desirous,' accord- veda, 3, 114.

1
Dirghapsas, used in the Rigveda as an epithet of a chariot,
2 '

means, according to Roth, having a long front part.'

1 Vedische
i. 122, 15. Cf. Pischel, Studien, 1,
2 St. s.v.
Petersburg Dictionary, 312.

Dirghayutva, 'longevity,' is a constant object of the prayers

1
of the Vedic Indians, and length of life is never deprecated in
the Samhitas and Brahmanas, while the Atharvaveda 2 is full
of spells intended to prolong existence {ayusyani).
1 Rv. x. 62, 2 ;
Av. i. 22, 2, etc. ; all his days.' The ideal of life is 100
Vafasaneyi Samhita, xviii. 6 Sata- ; years. See Weber, Indische Studien, 17,
patha Brahmana, i. 9, 1, 13, etc. So 193 Festgruss an Roth, 137
; ; Lanman,
the adjective dlrghayus, Rv. iv. 15, 9. Sanskrit Reader, 384.
2
10 x. 85, 39
; Vajasaneyi Samhita,
;
ii. 13 28 29 vii. 32, and many
; ; ;

xii. 100, etc. The Brahmanas regularly other hymns. See Bloomfield, Hymns
express the reward for ritual actions of the Atharvaveda, 49 et seq. Atharva- ;

by the phrase sarvam ayur eti, he lives

'

veda, 63-65.

Dirgharanya, 'wide tract of forest,' in the Aitareya 1 and

2
Satapatha Brahmanas refers to the extensive jungles which

1
iii. vi. 23. 2
44 ; xiii. 3, 7, 10.
 3 68 DICE CO WDR UMDOOR [Div

must clearly then have covered Northern India. In one of the

3
Aitareya passages said that in the east the villages are it is

close together and frequent, while in the west there are forests.

1 2
Div (fern.) in the Rigveda and the Atharvaveda denotes
the
'

game of dice.' See Aksa.

x. 27, 17. vii. 50. 9 ; 109, 5.

*
Dugfha, yielding milk,' denotes 'cow' in a few passages in
1
the Samhitas.

1
Rv. viii. 50, 3 ; x. 67, 1 ; Vajasaneyi Samhita, xxviii. 16. 39, etc.

Dundubhi, apparently an onomatopoetic word, means drum,'

'

as used in both war and peace. It is often mentioned from

the Rigveda
1
onwards. 2
special sort of drum was the earth A '

drum,' made by digging a hole in the ground and covering it

with a hide. This was employed in the Mahavrata, a rite
performed at the winter solstice, for the purpose of driving
away influences hostile to the return of the sun. 3 A drum-
'

beater' is included in the list of sacrificial victims at the

4
Purusamedha or 'human sacrifice.'

1 i. 28, 5; vi. 47, 29. 31. v. 1, 5, with Keith's notes ; Hillebrandt,

2
Av. v. 20, 1 et seq. ; 21, 7; 31, 7; Vedische Mythologie, 1, 148, n. 2; Fried-
vi. 38, 4 ;
xii. 1, 41 ; Taittiriya Brah- laender, Sankhayana Aranyaka, 29, 45.
4
mana, i. Satapatha Brahmana,
3, 6, 2 ; Taittiriya Brahmana, iii. 4, 13, 1
v. 1, 5, 6; dundubhya, 'connected with (not in the Vajasaneyi Samhita). Cf.
the drum,' Vajasaneyi Samhita, xvi. Brhadaranyaka Upanisad, ii. 4, 6.

35- Cf. Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 289;

3
Kathaka Samhita, xxxiv. 5 (Indische and for the epic drum in battle,
Studien, 3, 477) Sankhayana Srauta ; Hopkins, Journal of the American Oriental
Sutra, xvii. 14, 11 ; Aitareya Aranyaka, Society, 13, 318.

Dur is used several times in the Rigveda 1 to denote 'door,'

both literally and metaphorically.
1 i. 68, 10 ; 113, 4 ; 121, 4 ; 188, 5 ; ii. 2, 7, etc.
Durgaha] HOME FORT KING DURGAHA 369

Dupona used in the Rigveda, 1 and sometimes later, 2 to

is
*
denote home,' both literally and metaphorically. See Grha.
1 2
iii. 1, 18; 25, 5; iv. 13, 1; v. 76, 1 Av. vii. 17, 3 ; Vajasaneyi Samhita,
4, etc. I
xxxiii. 72, etc.

Dur-ga, 'hard to approach,' occurs in the Rigveda as a

'
neuter substantive only, sometimes in the sense of fort,'
1
'stronghold.' Cf. Pup.
1 v. 34, 7 ;
vii. 25, 2.

Dup-g"aha is mentioned in a hymn of the Rigveda, 1 where

his grandsons are lauded for their generosity, though Sayana
renders the word adjectivally. 2 In another passage of the
3
Rigveda, however, Sayana sees in the epithet Daurgaha a
description of Pupukutsa as Durgaha's son, who was either
captured by the enemy or slain, and whose wife, Pupukutsani,
then obtained a son, Tpasadasyu, to restore the line he also ;

4
quotes a story, not found in the Brhaddevata, to support this
interpretation. On the other hand, the Satapatha Brahmana 6
seems to take Daurgaha as meaning a horse. Sieg 6 thinks
that the same sense should be adopted in the Rigveda passage,
which he interprets as referring to the sacrifice of a horse,
Daurgaha, by King Purukutsa to gain a son he also sees in ;

7 8
Dadhikravan, with Pischel and Ludwig, a real horse, the
charger of Trasadasyu. The Satapatha Brahmana's inter-
pretation of Daurgaha is, however, doubtful, and cannot be
regarded as receiving support from the case of Dadhikravan,
who was probably a divinity, and not a real horse at all. 9
1 6 Die Sagenstoffe des Rgveda, 96-102.
viii. 65, 12.
2 '
in distress
'
7
Vedische Studien,
Plunged (duhkham i, 124.
8 Translation of the Rigveda, 4, 79.
gahamana).
3
iv. 42, 8. Cf. Oldenberg, Religion des Veda, 71.
4 9
As Roth, St. Petersburg Dictionary, Macdonell, Vedic Mythology, pp. 148,
s.v., says it is. 149.
5
xiii. 5, 4, 5. According to the Cf. Ludwig, op. cit., 3, 163, 174;
Naighantuka (i. 14), Daurgaha is a Oldenberg, Rgveda-Noten, 1, 301, 302.
'
'

synonym of horse.

VOL. I. 24
37o DEMON DWELLING BOAR LEPROSY [ Durnanu
'
Dur-naman, of evil name,' is the designation in the Rigveda1
and the Atharvaveda 2 of a demon causing disease, or the
disease itself. The Nirukta 8 explains the words as meaning
a 'worm,' an interpretation which accords with the wide-
4
spread belief in disease-causing worms. Later Durnaman
5
denotes 'haemorrhoids.'
1 X. 6
vi. 12.
l62, 2.
2 4
ii. 25, 2 ; viii. 6, 1 et seq. ;
xvi. 6, 7 ; Bloomfield, Atharvaveda, 61 Hymns ;

xix. 36, 1 et seq. So also the feminine of the Atharvaveda, 314 et seq., 351.
8
Durnamni, iv. 17, 5 ;
xix. 36, 6. Susruta, x, 177, 10, etc.

Dur-mukha, 'ugly-faced,' is the name, in the Aitareya

1
Brahmana, of a Pancala, that is, Pancala king, who conquered
the world, and whose priest was Brhaduktha.
1 viii. 23. The reading may be a-raja,
'
not a king,' but this is not necessary.

'

Durya, belonging to the door or house,' appears in several

1
passages of the Samhitas as a plural substantive denoting the
door-posts,' or more generally dwelling.'
1 '

1 Masculine plural, Rv. i. 91, 19; 1

Vajasaneyi Samhita, i. 11; feminine
x. 40, 12 Taittirlya Samhita, i. 6, 3, 1
; ;
| plural, Rv. iv. 1, 9. 18 ; 2, 12 ; vii. 1,114

1
Duryona occurs a few times in the Rigveda in the sense
'
of house.'
1 v. 29, 10
i. 174, 7 ; ;
32, 8.

Dur-varaha probably denotes a wild boar.' It is mentioned '

in the Satapatha Brahmana 1 and the Jaiminiya Upanisad

Brahmana. 2
xii. 4, 1, 4. i. 51, 4 (Journal of the American Oriental Society, 23, 332).

Dula. See Naksatra (Krttikas).

Dug-carman, 'afflicted with a skin disease,' occurs in the

Taittirlya Samhita 1 and Brahmana. 2 The disease meant is
3
probably leprosy, the usual name of which is Kilasa.
1 " 1. 4. 3; 5. 1. 7- xxin. 16, 11 Taittirlya Aranyaka,,
2
i. 7, 8, 3. v. 4, 12.
8
PancavimSa Brahmana, xiv. 3, 17 ;
Duta] NAMES DA UGHTER MESSENGER 37 1

Duh-gasu is possibly a proper name in the Rigveda, 1 and

would then denote an enemy of KuruSravana. Ludwig 2 thinks
that he was a Pargu or Persian, but this is most improbable,
and the word may simply be an adjective meaning malignant.' '

1 x. 2 Translation of the Rigveda,

33, 1. 3, 165.

1
Duh-gima mentioned
Rigveda as a generous donor,
is in the
2
his patronymic perhaps being Tanva.

x. 93, 14. Cf. Ludwig, Translation of the Rig-

x. 93. 15- veda, 3, 166.

Dus-taritu,
'
hard to defeat,' is the name of a king of the
Srnjayas, who was deposed from a principality that had
existed for ten generations, but was re-instated by Cakra

Sthapati in spite of the resistance of Balhika Pratipiya,

1
according to the Satapatha Brahmana.
1 xii.
9, 3, 1 et seq. Cf. Weber, Indische Studien, 1, 205 207.

Duh-santa. See Dauhsanti.

* '
Duhitr is daughter from the
the regular designation of
Rigveda onwards. 1
The word appears to be derived from
duh, milk,' in the sense of one who nourishes a child, rather
'

than as the milker of the primitive family or the suckling. 2

' '

See also Stri, Pati, Pitr, Bhratr.

1 2
Rv. viii. 101, 15; x. 17, 1; 40, 5; Delbriick, Die indogermanischen Ver-
61, 5. 7; Av. ii. 14, 2; vi. 100, 3; wandtschaftsnamen, 454.
vii. 12, 1; x. 1, 25; Satapatha Brah-
mana, i. 7, 4, 1 ; 8, 1, 8, etc.

' *

messenger' or envoy,' is found several times in the

Duta,
2 1
Rigveda and later, used metaphorically. The Suta seems to
have performed the duties later assigned to the Duta.
1 iii.
3, 2 ; vi. 4 ; vn. 3, 3 ;
x. 14, form Duti is found in Rv. x. 108, 2. 3,
in the story of Sarama's mission to the
2 Av. *
occurs in
'
viii. 8, 10, etc. ; Satapatha Panis. Dutya, mission,
Brahmana, iii. 5, 1, 6 ; Kausitaki Rv. i. 12, 4; 161, 1 ; iv. 7, 8 ; 8, 4,
Upanisad, ii. 1, etc. The feminine etc.

242
 372 A GRASS GARMENT RHEUM LEATHER BAG [ Durva

Durva, a species of grass (Panicum dactylon), is mentioned

frequently from the Rigveda
1
onwards. 2 It grew in damp

ground.
3
A simile occurring in the Rigveda 4 seems to indicate
that the ears lay horizontal with the stem. Cf. Pakadurva.
i x.
16, 13; 134.5; 142, 8. patha Brahmana, iv. 5, 10, 5 ; vii. 4, 2,
2 2
Taittirlya Samhita, iv. 2, 9, ;
10. 12, etc.
3
v. 2, 8, 3 Vajasaneyi Samhita, xiii. 20
; ;
Rv. x. 16, 13 ; 142, 8.
4
Aitareya Brahmana, viii. 5. 8 Sata- ; x. 134, 5.

Cf. Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 70.

Dur6a, denoting some kind of garment, is mentioned twice

in the Atharvaveda. 1 Weber 2 thinks that it was worn by the
aborigines.
1 iv. viii. 6, 11. 2 Indische
7, 6; Studien, 18, 29.

Duslka, rheum of the eyes,'

*
is mentioned as a disease h
the Atharvaveda 1 and later. 2
1 xxv.
xvi. 6, 8. I
saneyi Samhita, 9 ; Satapatha
2 Kathaka Samhita, xxxiv. 12 ; Vaja- | Brahmana, iii. 1, 3, 10.

Drdha-cyut Agfasti (' descendant of Agastya ') is mentionec

in the Jaiminiya Brahmana 1 as having been Udga.tr priest at
the Sattra (' sacrificial session ') of the Vibhinduklyas.
1 iii. of the patronymic is Agastya) as the
233 {Journal of the American
Oriental Society, 18, 38). He is given author of Rv. ix. 25. Cf. Indische
in the Anukramani (where the form Studien, 3, 219.

Drdha-jayanta. See VipaScit and VaipaScita.

*
1. Drti, a leather bag to hold fluids,' frequently mentionec is
2
in the Rigveda and
1
later. In one passage 3 it is called dhmata,
'

inflated,' the man

with dropsy being compared withafflicted
such a bag. Milk (Ksira) and intoxicating liquor (Sura) are
mentioned as kept in bags. 4
1 i.
191, 10; iv. 51, 1. 3 ; v. 83, 3, 4 ;
Pancavimsa Brahmana, v. 10, 2,
vi. 48, 18 ; 103, 2 viii. 5, 19 ; ; 9, etc.
3 Rv.
18. vii. 89, 2. Cf. Hopkins, Journal
2 Sam-
Av. vii. 18, 1 ; Taittirlya of the American Oriental Society, 20, 30.
4 Pancavimsa Brahmana, xiv. n,
hita, i. 8, 19, 1 ; Vajasaneyi Samhita,
xxvi. 18. 19; Taittirlya Brahmana, i. 8, 26 ;
xvi. 13, 13.
Drad ] NA MES MILLSTONE 373

2. Drti Aindrota (' descendant of Indrota ') is mentioned in

the Pancavimsa Brahmana 1 as a contemporary of Abhipratarin

Kaksaseni and as a pupil of Indrota Daivapa in a Vamsa (list
of teachers) in the Jaiminiya Upanisad Brahmana. 2 Possibly
the same Drti is meant in the compound Drti-Vatavantau,
which found in the Pancavimsa Brahmana. 3 The former is
is

here said to have continued, after the Mahavrata was over, the
sacrificial session in which both had been engaged, with the
result that his descendants prospered more than the Vatavatas.

1 xiv.
i, i2. 15. xii. 3; Sankhayana Srauta Sutra,
2 iii.
40, 2. xiii. 23, 1 Latyayana Srauta Sutra,
;

3 xxv. So a Sattra of a
3, 6. year's x. 10, 7.
duration is later called Drti-vatavator Cf. Hopkins, Transactions of the Con-
ay ana, Katyayana Srauta Sutra, xxiv. 4, necticut Academy of Arts and Sciences, 15,
16 ; 6, 25 Asvalayana Srauta Sutra,
;
52, 53-

Dppta-balaki Gargya (' descendant of Gargra ') is the name of

a teacher who is mentioned in the Brhadaranyaka Upanisad
(ii. 1, 1) as a contemporary of Ajatagatru of Kaii.

2
Drbhika is the name of a man 1 or a demon, who, according
3
to the Rigveda, was slain by Indra.
1 2
Ludwig, Translation of the Rig- Grassmann, Worterbuch, s.v. ; Roth,
veda, 3, 152, 207, who compares the St. Petersburg Dictionary, s.v. ;

Derbikes Macdonell, Vedic Mythology,

; Geldner, Rigveda, Glossar, 85.
3
p. 162. ii. 14, 3.

Dr&ina Bharg-ava (' descendant of Bhrgu ') is mentioned as

a seer in the Kathaka Samhita. 1
1 xvi. 8. Cf. Weber, Indische Studien, 3, 459.

Drsad appears 1 2
Rigveda and Atharvaveda to denote
in the
3
not a millstone, but merely a stone used to pound grain, which
was placed on another stone as a support. When used later 4
1 vii. 4
104, 22 ; via. 72, 4. Taittirlya Samhita, i. 6, 8, 3 ; 9, 3 ;

2
31, 1
ii.v. 23, 8. ;
Satapatha Brahmana, i. X, 1,22; ii. 6
3
Roth, St. Petersburg Dictionary, 1, 9, etc.
s.v. ; Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 269.
374 THE RIVER DRSADVATI NAMES [ Drsadvati

inconnexion with Upala, the lower and the upper millstone, or

mortar and pestle may be meant but this is not certain. ;

5
Eggeling renders them as the large and small millstones. See
also Upara and Upala.
5 Sacred Boohs of the 11 from '
mortar and
East, 12, I
guished pestle,'
(drsad upale, which are here distin-
-
|
ulukhala-musale).
Cf. Pischel, Vedische Studien, 1, 108, 109.

Drsadvati, stony,' is the name of a river which flows into

'

the Sarasvati after running for a time parallel to it. It is

mentioned in the Rigveda, 1 along with the Sarasvati and the
Apaya, as the scene of action of the Bharata princes. In the
Pancavimsa Brahmana 2 and later 3 the Drsadvati and the
Sarasvati are the scene of special sacrifices. In Manu 4 these
two rivers form the western boundary of the Middle Country.
1
m. 23, 4 .
Cf. Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 18;
2
xxv. 10. 13. Weber, Indische Studien, 1, 34 ;
Indian
3
Katyayana Srauta Sutra, xxiv. 6, 6. Literature, 67, 102 ; Macdonell, Vedic
38 ; Latyayana Srauta Sutra, x. 19, 4. Mythology, p. 87.
* ii. 17.

Drsta. See Adrsta.

Devaka Manyamana ('

descendant of Manyamana ') appears
1
in theRigveda as an opponent of the Trtsus, and as connected
with Sambara. Possibly, however, as Grassmann suggests,
the words should be understood as denoting Sambara, who '

2
deemed himself a god,' devaka being used contemptuously.
2 dasam
vii. 18, 20 (devakam cin manya- Cf. Rv. ii. 11, 2 (amartyam cid

manyamanam).
Cf. Ludwig, Translation of the Rigveda, 3, 173.

Devakl-putra, son of Devaki,' is the metronymic of Krsna

*

2
in the Chandogya Upanisad. 1 According to the Epic, a
Devaka was father of Devaki, Kysna's mother the St. Peters- ;

burg Dictionary suggests that he was the king of the Gandh-

'

3
arvas', also referred to in the Epic.
1 2 3
iii. 17, 6. Mahabharata, i. 4480 ;
v. 80, etc. Ibid., i. 2704.
Devabhaga ] NAMES DICEBOARD LUNAR MANSIONS 375

'
Deva-jana-vidya, knowledge of divine beings,' is one of the
sciences enumerated in the Satapatha Brahmana 1 and the
2
Chandogya Upanisad.
1
xiii. 4, 3, 10. Cf, x. 5, 2, 20. vn. 1, 2. 4; 2, 1 ; 7, 1,

Deva-taras Syavasayana KaSyapa ('descendant of Kasyapa')

is mentioned in the Jaiminiya Upanisad Brahmana 1 as a pupil
of RgyaSrhg-a. In the Vamsa Brahmana, 2 as Savasayana, he is
a pupil of his father Savas, who again was a pupil of Kasyapa.
1 iii. 2
40, 2. Indische Studien, 4, 373.

1
Devatya occurs in the text of the Atharvaveda, where it
2
must, if the reading is correct, denote some animal. But the
reading should no doubt be rohim-devatyas,
'
having the red one
as deity.' 3

1 3
i- 22, 3. Whitney, Translation of the Athar-
2
Roth, St. Petersburg Dictionary, vaveda, 23.

Devana is mentioned once in the Rigveda 1 in connexion with

dicing. The word must designate the place on which the dice
are thrown (elsewhere called Adhidevana), and it is so explained
2
by Durga in his commentary on the Nirukta.
1 x. Das im alten
43, 5. Cf. Liiders, Wiirfelspiel
Indien, 14.

asterism of the gods,' is the name applied

'
Deva-naksatra,
1
in theTaittinya Brahmana to the first fourteen lunar mansions,
which are said to be south, while the others are called Yama-
'
naksatra, asterisms of Yama,' and are said to be north. See
Naksatra.
1
i. 5, 2, 6. 7. Cf. Weber, Naxatra, 2, 309, 310.

Deva-bhagra Srautarsa is mentioned in the Satapatha

Brahmana 1 as the Purohita, or 'domestic priest,' of both the
1
ii. 4, 4, 5. This passage is mis- I
Weber, Indische Studien, 2, 9, n. ;

quoted by Sayana on Rv. i. 81, 3. See I Geldner, Vedische Studien, 3, 152.

376 NAMES [ Devamalimluc

Sriijayas and the Kurus. In the Aitareya Brahmana 2 he is

said to have taught Girija Babhravya the science of the
dissection of the sacrificial animal (pa&or vibhakti). In the
Taittiriya Brahmana 3 he is an authority on the Savitra Agni.
2 3
vii. i. iii. 10, 9, 11.

'
Deva-malimluc, robber of the gods,' is the epithet of
Rahasya, who
1
is said in the Pancavimsa Brahmana 2 to have
slain the pious Vaikhanasas atMunimarana (* saint's death ').
He was apparently an Asura, but may have been a real person.
1 Or Rahasyu. 1
of the Connecticut Academy of Arts and
2
xiv. 4, 7. Cf. Hopkins, Transactions \
Sciences, 15, 51, 52.

Deva-muni, 'divine saint,' is the epithet of Tura in the

Pancavimsa Brahmana (xxv. 14, 5). The name is given in the
AnukramanI to the author of a hymn of the Rigveda (x. 146).

Deva-rajan apparently denotes a king of Brahminical descent

in the phrase Samans of Devarajans in the Pancavimsa
' '

Brahmana (xviii. 10, 5). Cf. Rajanyarsi and Varna.

Deva-rata (' god-given ') VaiSvamitra (' descendant of ViSva-

mitra ') is the name given to Sunahsepa after his adoption by
Visvamitra in the Aitareya Brahmana. 1
1 vii.
17. Cf. Sankhayana Srauta Sutra, xv. 27.

Devala is mentioned as a Esi in the Kathaka Samhita

(xxii. 11). See also Daivala.

Devavant is mentioned in a Danastuti (' Praise of Gifts ') in

the Rigveda 1 as the ancestor of Sudas, apparently his grand-
father; or if Pijavana be accepted as Sudas' father, and
Divodasa as his grandfather, then his great-great-grandfather,
and father of Vadhryagva. The succession in the latter case
would then be Devavant, Vadhryasva, Divodasa, Pijavana,
Sudas.
1
vii. 18, 22. Cf. Ludwig, Translation of the Rigveda, 3, 171 ; Geldner,
Vedische Studien, 2, 138.
Devapi Artiena J NAMES OF PRINCES AND SEERS 377

Deva-vata (' desired of the gods ') is the name of a Bharata

prince in the Rigveda, where he is mentioned as sacrificing on
1

the Drsadvati, Sarasvati, and Apaya.

1 iii.
23, 2. Cf. Oldenberg, Buddha, 409 ; Pischel, Vedische Studien, 2, 218.

'
Deva-vidya, knowledge of the gods,' is one of the sciences
enumerated in the Chandogya Upanisad (vii. 1, 2,4; 2, 1 ; 7, 1).

Deva-sravas is the name of a Bharata prince who with

Devayata appears as a sacrificer on the Drsadvati, Sarasvati,
and Apaya in the Rigveda. 1
1 iii. 23, 2. 3. In the Anukramani he is called a son of Yama, and has a
hymn, x. 17, ascribed to him.

Devatithi Kanva { descendant of Kanva is mentioned in ')

the Pancavimsa Brahmana 1 as the seer of a Saman (chant) by

which he turned pumpkins into cows for himself and his son
when they were starving in the desert, whither they had been
driven by rivals. He is also the reputed author of a hymn
of the Rigveda. 2
1
ix. 2, 19.
j
necticut Academy of Arts and Sciences, 15,
8
viii. 4. 61.
Cf. Hopkins, Transactions of the Con- \

Devapi Arstisena (' descendant of Rstisena') is mentioned

1
in a hymn of the Rigveda and in the Nirukta. 2 According to
the latter source there were two brothers, Devapi and Santanu,
princes of the Kurus. The elder was Devapi, but Santanu got
himself anointed king, whereupon no rain fell for twelve years.
The drought being attributed by the Brahmins to his having
superseded his elder brother, Santanu offered the kingdom to
Devapi. The latter, however, refused, but acting as Purohita,
or domestic priest, for his brother, obtained rain. The Brhad-
devata 3 tells much the same tale, but adds that the reason for
Devapi's exclusion from the throne was the fact that he suffered
from a skin disease. The Epic and later legends further
1 8 vii.
x. 98. 148 et seq., with MacdonelPs
2 ii.
10. I notes.
378 LEGEND OF DEVAPI BROTHER-IN-LAW [ Dei

develop the story, presenting two somewhat discrepant accounts

4
According to the one version, the ground of Devapi's being
passed over was leprosy, while in the other his devoting
himself to asceticism in his youth was the cause of his brother's
taking his place. The Epic, 5 moreover, treats him as a son of
Pratlpa, and names as his brothers Bahlika 6 and Arstisena, 7
who is a new figure developed from the patronymic of Devapi.
8
Possibly Sieg right in holding that two stories, those of
is

Devapi, Pratlpa's son, and of Devapi, Kstisena's son, have been

confused; but in any case it is impossible to extract history
from them. 9
The Rigvedic hymn certainly appears to represent Devapi
as sacrificing for Santanu, who seems to be called Aulana. 10
But there is no trace in it of the brotherhood of the two men,
nor is there anything to show that Devapi was not a Brahmin,
11
but a Ksatriya. Sieg, who interprets the hymn by the
Nirukta, thinks that he was a Ksatriya, but on this occasioi
was enabled by the favour of Brhaspati to officiate as priest,
and that the hymn shows clear recognition of the unusual
character of his action ; but this view seems very improbable.
4 7
Mahabharata, v. yyfretseq. (=149, |
Ibid., cited in n. 5.
seq.), where Santanu
et is (as also in 8 Die Sagenstoffe des Rgveda, 136.
15 |

the Agni, eclxxvii. 34, the Brahma, 9 As does Pargiter, Journal of th

xiii.114, 118, and the Visnu Puranas) Royal Asiatic Society, 1910, 52, 53.
the form of the name Matsya Purana, ;
10 RV . x. 98, 11.
11
1. 39 et seq., in which, as well as in the Op. cit., 129-142.
2
Bhagavata, ix. 22, 12. 13, and the Cf. Muir, Sanskrit Texts, i ,
272
Vayu Purana, xcix. 234, 237, the form et seq. ; Weber, Indische Studien, 1, 203
is Santanu.
Ludwig, Translation of the Rigveda, 3,
5
Mahabharata, i.
3751 (
= 94, 62); 192^ seq.; Macdonell, Brhaddevatd, 1,
ix. 2285 (
= 40, 1) ; Vayu Purana, xxix; Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 131,
37. 230, etc. 132.
6
Mahabharata, cited in n. 4; Hari-
vamsa, 18 19.

Devr is a rare word denoting the wife's brother-in-law '

(that is, the husband's brother). He is included with the

sisters of the husband among those over whom the wife of the
husband his elder brother rules j
1
at the same time the wife
to be devoted to him, 2 3
is and friendly to him. After the death
1 Rv. 2
x. 85, 46. Cf. Pati. Rv. x. 85, 44.
Av. xiv. 2, 18. Cf. xiv. 1, 39.
Daidhiavya ] LAND DIKE SON OF YOUNGER SISTER 379

of the husband the Devr could perform the duty of begetting

a son for him. 4 No word occurs for the wife's brother
corresponding to Devr.
4
Rv. x. 40, 2. Cf. x. 18, 8 Kaegi, ;
the Atharvaveda, 948. Cf. Delbriick,
Der Rigveda, n. 51 Lanman, Sanskrit ; Die indogermanischen Verwandtschafts-
Reader, 385 Whitney, Translation of
; namen, 516.

Dea, word that does not come into use till the
'

land,' is a
time of the Upanisads and Sutras, 1 excepting one occurrence
in the latest period of the Brahmana 2 literature, and one in
a much-discussed passage of the Vajasaneyi Samhita, 3 where
the Sarasvati is mentioned as having live tributaries. This
passage militates against the view that Sarasvati was a name
of the Indus, because the use of Desa here seems to indicate 4
that the seer of the verse placed the Sarasvati in the Madhya-
*
desa or Middle Country,' to which all the geographical data
of the Yajurvedas point. 5
1 Where its use becomes common: I
3
xxxiv. 11.
4
Brhadaranyaka Upanisad, iv. 1, 16 ; Cf. Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, io,
2, 3 Sankhayana Srauta Sutra, iv. 14,
;
who thinks that theword crept into
6 Katyayana Srauta Sutra, xv. 4, 17,
;
the text, where the Sarasvati originally
etc. So the adjective des'iya, belong- '
meant the Indus, with the five tribu-
ing to a land,' Katyayana, xxii. 4, 22; taries of the Panjab.
5
Latyayana Srauta Sutra, viii. 6, 28. Macdonell, Sanskrit Literature,
2
Aitareya Brahmana, viii. 10 (a late 174.
passage) .

Dehi in two passages of the Rigveda 1 refers to defences

thrown up against an enemy, apparently earthworks or dikes.
Cf. Pup.
1 vi.
47, 2; vii. 6, 5. Cf. Schrader, Prehistoric Antiquities, 344; Zimmer,
Altindisches Leben, 143.

Daidhisavya is mentioned in a Mantra of the Taittiriya

Samhita. 1 Apparently the word (as derived from Didhisu)
denotes the son of a younger sister married before the elder
sister,
2
rather than the son of a woman twice married, the
explanation of the St. Petersburg Dictionary.
2
1
iii. 2, 4, 4 ;
Katyayana Srauta Sutra, I American Journal of Philology, 17,
ii. 1, 22 ;
Kausika Sutra, 3, 5 ; 137, 37. | 431, n.
380 PATRONYMICS SCIENCE OF PORTENTS [ Daiyampati

Daiyampati, 'descendant of Dayampata,' is the name of a

teacher of the east, who was instructed by Safldilyayana,
according to the Satapatha Brahmana (ix. 5, 1, 4), in the lore
of the construction of the fire-altar. The same patronymic is
given, in the form of Dayyampati, to Plaksa, the contemporary
of Atyamhas in the Taittirfya Brahmana (iii. 10, 9, 3-5).

Daiva (masc.) appears in the list of sciences in the

1.
1
Chandogya Upanisad, where Sankara explains it as utpdta-
jfldna, apparently the 'knowledge of portents.' The St. Peters-
burg Dictionary suggests that the word is here used adjectivally,
and this view is followed by Little 2 and by Bohtlingk in his
translation. 3
1 vii. 3
i, 2. 4 2, 1 7, 1.
; ; Though he does not render it.

2
Grammatical Index, 83. I
(Daiva Nidhi).

2. Daiva is the patronymic of the mythical Atharvan in the

first two Vamsas (lists of teachers) of the Brhadaranyaka
1
Upanisad.
1 ii. iv. 5, 28 (Madhyamdina)
5, 22; .

'
Daivala, descendant of Devala,' is the patronymic of Asita
in the Pancavimsa Brahmana (xiv. 11, 18).

Daiva- vata, '

descendant of Devavata,' is the patronymic of
Spfijaya, probably the Srnjaya king, in the Rigveda. He is
mentioned 1 as a devotee of the fire cult, and as victorious over
the TupvaSa king and the Vrcivants. 2 to Zimmer, a According
his name was Abhyavartin Cayamana Parthava (' descendant
of Prthu but Hillebrandt 4 recognizes this as doubtful, though
'),

he none the less places the Srnjayas to the west of the Indus
with Divodasa. What is more
important is to note that the
name suggests connexion with the Bharata Devavata, and as
Kurus and Srnjayas were closely connected 5 this is not
immaterial.
1
Rv. iv. 15, 4 6
Satapatha Brahmana, ii. 4, 4, 5.
.

2
Rv. vi. 27, 7.
3
Oldenberg, Buddha, 402, 405
Cf. ;

Altindisches Leben, 133, 134.

4
Ludwig, Translation of the Rigveda,
Vedische Mythologie, 1,
105, 106. 3, 153.
DaureSravas ] PATRONYMICS EVENING MILKING 38i

'
Daivapa, descendant of Devapi,' is the patronymic of
Indrota in the Satapatha Brahmana 1 and the Jaiminiya
2
Upanisad Brahmana. No connexion can be traced with the
3
Devapi of the Rigveda.
1 xm. Gesell-
5, 4, I. der Deutschen Morgenldndischen
2 iii.
40, 1. schaft, 42, 240.
3
x. 98. See Oldenberg, Zeitschrift

Daivavrdha, 'descendant of Devavrdha,' is the patronymic

of Babhru in the Aitareya Brahmana (vii. 34).

'
Daivo-dasi, descendant of Divodasa,' is the patronymic of
Pratardana in the Kausltaki Brahmana 1 and the Kausitaki
2
Upanisad. It is impossible to ascertain whether the famous
Divodasa is meant.
1 2
xxvi. 5. iii. 1. Cf. Weber, Indische Studien, i, 214.

1
Dosa, 'evening,' is frequently referred to from the Rigveda
2 '
onwards, usually as contrasted with usas, dawn.' In the
3
Chandogya Upanisad the word is contrasted with pratar,
1

early.' See also Ahan.

1 i. Av. vi. 1, 1 iv. 17.
34. 3 ;179. 1; ii. 8, 3; iv. 2, ; Nirukta,
v -
5> 6 ; 32, 11 ; vi. 5, 2, etc. vi. 13, 1.

Doha, 'milking,' is a common word in the Atharvaveda 1 and

2
later. Reference is made in the Sutras 3 to the sdyam-doha,
' '
evening milking,' and the pratar-doha, morning milking.'
Dohana has the same sense. 4 See also Go.
1 3
iv. 11, 4. 9. 12; v. 17, 17; viii. 9, Katyayana Srauta Sutra, iv. 2, 38,
15 (where five milkings are referred to etc.
*
metaphorically). In Rv. x. 42, 2, the Rv. viii. 12, 32 ; Satapatha Brah-
literalsense is found. mana, ix. 2, 3, 30 ; Katyayana Srauta
2
Vajasaneyi Samhita, viii. 62 ; Tait- Sutra, iv. 2, 37, etc.

tiriya Brahmana, i. i, 10, 2 ;

ii. 2, 9, 9,
etc.

'
Daure-sravas, descendant of Duresravas,' is the patronymic
of the priest Prthusravas, who officiated at the snake sacrifice
described in the Paficavimsa Brahmana (xxv. 15, 3).
382 PATRONYMICS DICING A PRINCE [ DaureSruta

Daure-gruta, 'descendant of Duresruta,' is the patronymic

of the priest Timirgha, who officiated at the snake sacrifice
described in the Pancavimsa Brahmana (xxv. 15, 3).

Daur-g-aha. See Durgraha.

Dauh-santi (' descendant of Duhsanta ') is the patronymic of

Bharata in the Aitareya (viii. 23) and Satapatha (xiii. 5, 4, 11)
Brahmanas.

Dyutana Maruta (' descendant of the Maruts ') is the name

1
of a divine being invoked in the Vajasaneyi Samhita and
2
the Taittiriya Samhita, and also mentioned in the Kathaka
Samhita. 3 In the Satapatha 4 Brahmana the name is explained
to mean Vayu, while in the Pancavimsa Brahmana 6 he seems
to be regarded as the author of a Saman (chant). He is

treated as a Rsi by the AnukramanI, which credits him with

the authorship of a hymn of the Rigveda (viii. 96).
5
v. 27. xvii. 1, 7. Cf. vi. 4, 2.
v- 5, Cf. Hillebrandt, Vedische Mythologie,
8 xv. 7. Indische Studien, 3, 220.
3, 311 ;

4
iii. 6, 1, 16.

1 ' '

Dyumna, according to Pischel, denotes raft in one

2
passage of the Rigveda.
1 2 viii.
Zeitschrift der Deutschen Morgen- I
19, 14.
Idndischen Gesellscha/t, 35, 720 et seq.

Dyuta,
'

dicing,' is mentioned in the Atharvaveda 1 and the

Sutras. 2
See Aka.
1 xii. 3, 46. I
Latyayana Srauta Sutra, iv. io, 23,
2
Katyayana Srauta Sutra, xv. 6, 2 ; |
etc.

Dyotana is, of a prince in

according to Sayana, the name
the Rigveda. 1 probably correct, though the word may
This is

also 2 be interpreted as denoting 'glorification'; but it is not

clear what relation existed between Dyotana and the other

persons mentioned in the same passage, Vetasu, DaSoni,

Tutuji, and Tugra.
1 vi. 20, 8.
Cf. Oldenberg, Zeitschrift der Deutschen
2 As by Griffith, Hymns of the Rigveda, Morgenldndischen Gesellschaft, 55, 328.
1, 380.
Dm ] DROP CLOAK WOODEN VESSEL 383

Drapsa is a common word from the Rigveda onwards 1 for

' ' 2 ' '
a according to Sayana, a
drop : thick drop as opposed to
stoka, a small drop.' Hence there frequently occurs the ex-
'

3
pression dadhi-drapsaS drop of curds.' In the Rigveda4 the word
normally denotes the thick drops of Soma or the Soma itself.
In two passages 5 Roth 6 sees the sense of 'banner,' which is
7 8
adopted by Oldenberg. Geldner, on the other hand, con-
' '
siders that dust is meant, but this interpretation is not very

probable. Max M tiller 9 renders the word rain-drop in one * '

of the passages.
1 Rv. a 'drop' of
i.
94, 11 (perhaps 106, 8; x. 11, 4; 17, 11. 12. Cf. Tait-
fire) ;
v. 63, 4 ('rain-drop') ;
vii. 33, tiriya Samhita, iii. 3, 9, 1.
11 (
= retas) ; Satapatha Brahmana, vi. 1,
5
iv. 13, 2, and drapsin in i. 64, 2.
6
2, 6; drapsin ('thick-flowing'), xi. 4, St. Petersburg Dictionary, s.v.

i 15. satvan ; Bohtlingk, Dictionary, s.v.

*
Taittiriya Samhita, 1, p. 70, 7. drapsa, drapsin.
the epithet uru-drapsa, 7 Sacred Books of the East, 46, 357
Cf. Taittiriya ;

Samhita, iii. 3, 10, 2 ; Sayana, on Rgveda-Noten, 1, 64, 65.

Av. xviii. 4, 18, takes drapsa to mean 8 Vedische Studien, 3, 57, 58 ; Rigveda,
'
1
drops of curd so Agnisvamin on ; Glossar, 88.
9 Sacred Boohs of the East, 32, 104.
Latyayana Srauta Sutra, iii. 2, 4.
3
Satapatha Brahmana, ix. 2, 3, Cf. Macdonell, Vedic Mythology, p. 80,

40. with reference to Rv. i. 64, 2.

ix. 78, 4 10 ; 2; 97. 56 Cf. Macdonell, op. cit., pp. 105, 113.

1
Drapi occurs several times in the Rigveda in the sense of
2 '

Sayana, however, renders the word by

1 *
mantle or cloak.'
coat of mail 3 (kavaca). This seems needless, but none of the
* '

passages are very decisive one way or the other.

1 i. 25, 13 ; 116, 10 ;
iv. 53, 2 ix. 86, 3
Cf. Max Muller, Ancient Sanskrit
14 9 Av. iii. 13, 1.
; 100, ; Literature, 536; Pischel, Vedische Studien,
2
Roth, St. Petersburg Dictionary 2, 201 202.
11

s.v. Muir, Sanskrit Texts, 5, 472

;

Schrader, Prehistoric Antiquities, 333.

Dru denotes a vessel made of wood, 1 and in particular the

vessel used at the Soma 2 3
sacrifice, perhaps, as Hillebrandt sug-
gests, to catch the Soma juice when running through the sieve.
In the Taittiriya Brahmana 4 the word simply means *
wood.'
1 Rv. 2 ix.
i. 161, 1; v. 86, 3 ;
viii. 66, 1, 2 ; 65, 6; 98, 2.
11 ; in x. 101, 10, the mortar seems 3 Vedische
My
thologie, 1, 191, 192.
meant. In v. 86, 3, Bohtlingk takes 4 i. So often in compounds,
it 3, 9, 1.
'
to denote a wooden handle. '
e.g., Rv. ii. 7, 6; vi. 12, 4, etc.
 384 CLUB POST TREE WOOD-CUTTER [ Drughana

Dru-grhana is found in the Mudgala hymn of the Rigveda 1

and in the Atharvaveda. 2 The sense is uncertain. Yaska 3
ghana made
of wood,' probably, as Roth 4 takes
'
renders it as a
meaning
it, a 'club of wood.' Geldner 6 thinks that it was a
wooden bull used by Mudgala as a substitute for a second bull
when he wanted to join in a race. But
this interpretation of
6 7
the legend isvery improbable. Whitney translates the word
' '
as tree-smiter in the Atharvaveda, quoting Say ana, who
*

explains it as a cutting instrument,' so called because trees are

struck with it.

1
x. 102, 9. Deutschen Morgenldndischen Gesellschaft,
I

2 vii.
28, 1. ( 46, 462 ; Bloomfield, ibid., 48, 456 ;
3
Nirukta, ix. 23. Franke, Vienna Oriental Journal, 8,
4
St. Petersburg Dictionary, s.v. \

342.
5 7
Vedische Studien, 2, 3, 4. Translation of the Atharvaveda,
6
von
'

Cf. Bradke, Zeitschri/t der 407.

'
Dru-pada, a wooden pillar
'
or '
post,' is several times
1 2
referred to in the Rigveda and Sunahsepa was bound
later.
to three posts for sacrifice. 3 Thieves, there is some evidence to
4
show, were tied to posts as a penalty for stealing.
1 iv. 32, 23. 4 Av. xix. 47,
i.
24, 13 ; 9 50, 1. Cf. vi. 63, 3
;

2 Av. 3 115, 2; xix. 47, 9

vi. 63, ;
= 84, 4. See Zimmer, A Itindisches Leben,
Vajasaneyi Samhita, xx. 20. 181, 182, and Taskara, n. 26.
3 Rv. i. 24, 13.

Druma, 'tree,' is not found until the later period in the

Sadvimsa Brahmana (v. 11) and the Nirukta (iv. 19; v. 26; ix. 23).

Druvaya, 'wooden,' is used in the Atharvaveda 1 as an

epithet of the drum.
Cf. xi. 1, 12, where it is
1 v. in part read dhruvaye, and the Paip-
20, 2.
an epithet of upasvasa, 'blower,' pos- palada has druye.
'

sibly
'
bellows ;
but the manuscripts

wood-cutter,' seems to be meant by the word

'
Dru-han,
druhantara in the Rigveda, 1 where it is usually taken as druham-
' '

tara, fiend-overpowering.' But as an epithet of parasu, axe,'

the other sense (' mighty wood-cutter ') 2 is more probable. 8
1 of the comparative. See Oldenberg,
i. 127, 2.
2 But if this explanation is correct, Sacred Books of the East, 46, 132.
3
the word should have the accentuation Cf. Oldenberg, Rgveda-Noten, 1, 130.
Dvapara ] THE DRUHYUS TROUGH-- BUCKETS YEAR 385

Druhyu name of a people mentioned several times in

is the
the Rigveda. In one passage 1 it occurs, in the plural, with the
Yadus, Turvasas, Anus, and Purus, suggesting that these are
the famous five peoples of the Rigveda. 2 Again, the Druhyu
king shared in the defeat of his allies by Sudas, and appears to
have perished in the waters. 3 In a second passage Druhyu,
4
Anu, Turvasa, and Yadu are all mentioned in the singular,
while in another Puru and Druhyu occur. 5 From the tribal
grouping it is probable that the Druhyus were a north-western
6
people, and the later tradition of the Epic connects Gandhara
and Druhyu. 7
6
Roth, Zur Litteratur und Geschichte
1
i. 108, 8.
2
Cf. Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 122, des Weda, 131-133.
125; Hopkins, Journal of the American 7
Pargiter, Journal of the Royal A siatic
Oriental Society, 15, 258 et seq. Society, 1910, 49.
3
vii. 18. Cf. Ludwig, Translation of the Rig-
vin. 10, 5. veda, 3, 205 Macdonell, Vedic Myth-
;

6
vi. 46, 8. ology, p. 140.

1
Drona denotes in the Rigveda a
*
wooden trough,' and more
specifically it designates in the plural vessels used for holding
Soma. 2 The great wooden reservoir for Soma is called a
Drona-kalasa. 3 The altar was sometimes made in the form of
3l Drona. 4
1 vi.
2, 8; 37, 2; 44, 20; ix. 93, 1; \
Vajasaneyi Samhita, xviii. 21 xix. 27; ;

Nirukta, v. 26. j
Aitareya Brahmana, vii. 17. 32. Sata-
2 ix.
3, 1; 15. 7i 28, 4; 30, 4; 67, patha Brahmana, i. 6, 3, 17, etc.
*
14, etc. Cf. Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, Maitrayani Samhita, iii. 4, 7 ;

280. Kathaka Samhita, xxi. 4; Satapatha

3
Taittiriya Samhita, iii. 2, 1, 2; Brahmana, vi. 7, 2,8.

Dronahavaused as an epithet of Avata, 'well,' in the

is
1 '

Rigveda, apparently in the sense of having wooden buckets

'

with reference to the drawing up of water.

1
x. 1 01, 7. Cf. Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 157.

' 1
Dvada^a, consisting of twelve,' is used of the year in the
Rigveda (vii. 103, 9). See Naksatra.
1
Cf. Oldenberg, Zeitschrift der Deutschen Morgenlcindischen Gesellschaft, 48, 645 etseq.

Dvapara. See Aksa and Yuga.

VOL. I. 25
386 DOOR JANITOR A SEER ARYANS-BIPED [ Dvar
1 2
Dvar is frequently used from the Rigveda onwards to
door of a house. The later form, Dvara, has the
* '
denote the
'
3 The *
called Dvara-
same sense. Cf. Grha. door-fastener is
4
pidhana in the Satapatha Brahmana.
1 i. 13. 6.
iv 3, 5, 9 ; 6, 7, 9
- xi. 4, 4, 2, etc. ;

2 Av. viii. 3, 22 ;
xiv. 1, 63 ; Vaja- Av. x. 8, 43, has nava-dvara, having '

saneyi Samhita, xxx. 10; Satapatha nine openings,' of the body.

2 xiv. 3, 1, 4 xi. '
door-
Brahmana, xi. 1, 1, ; 13, 1, 1, 1. Cf. dvara-bahu,
etc. posts,' in Latyayana Srauta Sutra,
3
Satapatha Brahmana, i. 6, 1, 19 ; i- 3. 1 ;
" 3, 9-

*
Dvara-pa,door-keeper,' is only found in a metaphorical
sense in the Aitareya Brahmana (i. 30), where Visnu is called
'
the doorkeeper of the gods, and in the Chandogya Upanisad
*

(iii. 13, 6).

Dvi-gat Bharg-ava (' descendant of Bhrgu ') is mentioned in

the Pancavimsa Brahmana (xiv. 9) as the seer of a Saman or
Chant, by means of which he twice went to the heavenly world.

twice-born,' as an epithet of the

'

Dvi-ja, Aryans generally,

or of the Brahmins
found in Vedic in particular, is not litera-

ture except in a quite obscure verse of the Atharvaveda. 1

1
xix. 71, 1. Cf. Whitney, Transla- janman nor dvi-jati occurs early, and
tion of the Atharvaveda, 1008 Zimmer, ;
the idea is not in this form an early
Altindisches Leben, 204. Neither dvi- one.

* *
Dvi-pad,
two-footed,' biped,' denotes man, as opposed to
1 2
quadrupeds, from the Rigveda onwards.
1 i. 49, 3 ;
iii. 62, 14 ;
viii. 27, 12 ; Samhita, viii. 30 ;
ix. 31 ; xiii. 17
x. 97, 20 ; 117, 8. xiv. 8, etc.
2
Av. ii. 34, 1 ;
x. i, 24; Vajasaneyi

Dvi-bandhu is in an obscure hymn of the Rigveda, 1 according

to Roth 2 and Grassmann, 3 the name of a man, while Ludwig 4
'
renders it as a simple adjective meaning of double kinship.'
1 x. 61, 17. 3 and Translation of
I
Worterbuch.s.v.,
2
St. Petersburg Dictionary. the Rigveda, 2, 475. |

4 Translation of the
Rigveda, 2, 643, and 5, 526.
DvyopaSa ] BATTLE ASS AND MARE ISLAND PANTHER 387

Dvi-raja (neut.), 'conflict between two kings,' or 'battle,' is

mentioned in the Atharvaveda (v. 20, 9). Cf. Daiarajna.

*
Dvi-retas, having double seed,' is an epithet of both the
ass 1 and the mare. 2

1
Aitareya Brahmana, iv. 9; Satapatha Brahmana, vi. 3, 1, 23. Cf. Gardabha.
2
Pancavimsa Brahmana, vi. 1, 4.

later. 2
' 1
Dvipa, island,' is mentioned But in the Rigveda and
there no reason to imagine that the islands referred to were
is

other than sandbanks in the great rivers, Indus or Ganges. 3

Vedic literature knows nothing of the system of geography
according to which the earth consists of four, seven, or thirteen
Dvlpas grouped round Mount Meru.
1 i. 169, 3. I
patha Brahmana, xii. 2, 1, 3 ; Latya-
2 Kathaka Samhita, xiii. 2; Sata- I
yana Srauta Sutra, i. 6, 10.
3
Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 256.

1 ' '

Dvipin, panther' or leopard,' is mentioned in the Athar-

vaveda 2 and the Maitrayani Samhita. 3
1 3
Lit., 'insulated' i.e., 'spotted.' h. 1, 9.
2
iv. 8,
7 ;
vi. 38, 2 ;
xix. 49, 4, in Cf. Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 80.

every case associated with the tiger.

Dvaita-vana, 'descendant of Dvitavana,' is the patronymic

of Dhvasan, the king of the Matsyas, whose Asvamedha, or
\ horse sacrifice,' is mentioned in the Satapatha Brahmana
(xiii. 5, 4, 9).

Dvy-opaSa. See OpaSa.

252
 388 PRIZE TREASURY ASTERISM SANDBANK [ Dhana

DH.
Dhana, found in the Rigveda, 1 probably the
'
prize,' is often
' '

prize in racing rather than the booty in battle. It also

denotes 2 the 'stake' at dicing. In some passages it possibly

means the contest itself. 3 More generally it denotes wealth
' ' ' '

or gift.' 4 But it sometimes expresses booty,' 5 probably from

'

'
the notion of wealth rather than of prize/
{

1 Rv. i. 81, 3 ; vi. 45, 2 ;

viii. 80, 8 ;
viii. 5, 26; 8, 21 ; 49, 9 ; 50, 9 ;
x. 48,

ix. 53, 2 ; 109, 10. Cf. Geldner, Ve- 5, etc.

4
dische Studien, 1, 120; Pischel, ibid., 1, Rv. i. 42, 6; x. 18, 2; 84, 7; Av.
171. i. 15, 3; ii- 7, 4; iii- 15. 2; v. 19,
2 10 Av. iv. 38, 3.
Rv. x. 34, ;
vi. 81, 1 ; vii. 81, 4; viii. 5, 16, etc.
8 Rv. 5 Rv.
i. 31, 6; v. 35, 7; vii. 38, 8; i. 74, 3 ; 157, 2, etc.

Dhana-dham, a 'treasure house,' is mentioned in the Taittirr

Aranyaka (x. 67).

Dhanistha (' very rich '), used in the plural, is the later name
of the lunar mansion (Naksatpa) Sravitha.
1 26.
Santikalpa, 13 ; Sankhayana Gyhya Sutra, i.

Dhanu
(fern.), 'sandbank,' occurs several times in the Rif
1
veda, but only metaphorically of the clouds in the atmosphere
Dhanu is found in the Atharvaveda, 2 where it seems to denot
a sandbag used to prevent bleeding. 3 Cf. Dhanvan.
1 1.
33. 4 ; 144. 5 ;
via. 3, 19 ;
x. 4, 3 ; Whitney, Translation of the Athai
27, 17. veda, 18 Bloomfield, ; Hymns of tl
2
i. 17. 4- Atharvaveda, 259, 260.
3
Weber, Indische Studien, 4, 411 ;

Dhanus, the 'bow,' frequently mentioned in the Rigveda

]

and later, 2 was the chief weapon of the Vedic Indian. 3 The
last act of the funeral rite included the removal of the bow from

1 viii. 72, 4 ; 77, 11 ; ix. 99, 1 ; x. 18, Brahmana, vii. 14; Satapatha Brah-
9 ; 125. 6 -
mana, i. 5, 4, 6 v. 3, 1, 11, etc. ;

2 Av. 6 6 8 3
iv. 4. ; 6, ;
v. 18, ; vii. 50, Rv. vi. 75, 2. Practically no other
9; Vajasaneyi Samhita, xvi. 10; Paftca- weapon plays any substantial part in
vimsa Brahmana, vii. 5, 6; Aitareya Vedic warfare.
 Dhanvan ] BOW DESERT 389

the right hand of the dead man. 4 The weapon was composed
of a stout staff bent into a curved shape (vakra), 5 and of a bow-
6
string (Jya) made of a strip of cowhide which joined the ends.
The bow, when the string was fastened, were called
tips of the
Artni. Relaxed when not in actual use, the bow was specially
7
strung up when needed for shooting. The stages of the
8
process are given in detail in the Vajasaneyi Samhita the :

stringing (a-tan) of the bow, the placing (prati-dhd) of the

arrow, the bending (a-yani) of the bow, and the shooting (as).
The arrow was discharged from the ear, 9 and is hence called
10 10
karna-yoni,
*

having the ear as its point of origin.' The

making of bows was a regular profession (dhanus-kdra, 11
12
dhanus-krt). For the arrow see Isu, and for the handguard
Hastag-hna.
4 Rv. x. 18, 9. method is to draw to the breast e.g.,
5 Av. iv. 6, 4. Iliad, iv. 123.
6 Rv. Av. i. 2, 3. 10
vi. 75, 11 ; Rv. ii. 24, 8.
7 Rv. x. 166, Av. vi. 42, 1. 11
xxx. 12
3 ; 7. xvi. 46.
8 xvi. 22.
Cf. Zimmer, Altindisches Lebcn, 298,
9 Rv. vi. So also in the
75, 2 et seq. 299; Hopkins, op. cit., 13, 270 et seq.
Epic, Hopkins, Journal of the American The Epic bow is about 5J feet, and the
Oriental Society, 13, 271. The Homeric arrow 3 feet in length.

' 1
i. Dhanvan, bow,' is found frequently in the Rigveda and
2
later. It also occurs in the compounds isu-dhanva, bow and '

3 4 5
arrow,' ajya-dhanva, 'having clarified butter for its bow,'
adhijya-dhanva,
'
bow with string fixed,' etc. Cf. Dhanus.
1 3
.
24, 8; 33, 10; vi. 59, 7
ii.
75, 2 ; Aitareya Brahmana, vii. 19 ; isu-
viii. 20, 2 ; ix. 69, 1 Nirukta, ix. 17. ;
dhanvin Taittiriya Samhita, v. 1, 2.
}

2 4
Av. i. 3, 9 iv. 4, 7; xi. 9, 1, etc.
;
Aitareya Brahmana, i. 25.
5
Vajasaneyi Samhita, xvi. 9, etc. Satapatha Brahmana, ix. 1, 1, 6.

'
Dhanvan, desert,' is repeatedly mentioned in the Rigveda 1
2.

and later. 2 Death from thirst in the desert was not rare, 3 and
l ii. 2
38, 7; iii.
45, 1 ;
iv. 17, 2; Av. v. 13, 1 ; vi. 100, 1 ; vii. 41, i,
1 9>7; 33, 7'> v
53. 6; 83, 10, etc. - etc.
In i. 116, 4, the strand of the ocean 3
Aitareya Brahmana, ii. 19.
(Samudra) is mentioned.
39<> REED CALF LAW AND CUSTOM [ Dhamani

the value of a spring in the desert was fully appreciated. 4

The great desert east of the Sindhu (Indus) and the
Sutudri (Sutlej) is possibly referred to in one hymn of the
5
Rigveda.
4 Rv. x. 4, i. Cf. vi. 34, 4, etc. ; Cf. Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 47,
Av. i. 6, 4 ;
xix. 2, 2.
5
x. 86, 20.

* ' '

Dhamani, appears to denote pipe in a passage of

reed,'
1
the Rigveda and in a citation appearing in the Nirukta. 2 In
the Atharvaveda 3 it denotes, perhaps, 'artery' or 'vein,' or
more generally '
intestinal channel,' being coupled in some
4
passages with Hira.
1 2 *
ii. 11, 8. vi. 24. i.
17, 3 ; vii. 35, 2.
3
i. 17, 23 ;
ii. 33, 6 ;
vi. 90, 2 ; Cf. Bloomfield, Hymns of the Athar-
vii. 35, 2. Cf. Chandogya Upanisad, vaveda, 259, 546.
iii. 19, 2.

Dharuna in one passage of the Vajasaneyi Samhita (viii. 51)

denotes a sucking calf.'

Dharma, 1 Dharman, 2 are the regular words, the latter in the

1 2 ' '
Rigveda, and both later, for law or custom.' But there is
'

very little evidence in the early literature as to the administra-

tion of justice or the code of law followed. On the other hand,

the Dharma Sutras 3 contain full particulars.

(1) Criminal Law. The crimes recognized Vedic litera- in

ture vary greatly in importance, while there no distinction is

adopted in principle between real crimes and what now are

regarded as fanciful bodily defects or infringements of merely
1 i.22, 18; 164, 43. 50; iii. 3, 1; hita, iii. 5, 2, 2 ; Vajasaneyi Samhita,
17, 1; 6o, 6; v. 26, 6; 63, 7; 72, 2, xv. 6 ;
xx. 9; xxx. 6, etc.
Av. 3
etc. ;
xiv. 1,51; Vajasaneyi Sam- See Jolly, Recht und Sitte; Foy,
hita, x. 29, etc. Cf. Geldner, Rigveda, Die konigliche Gewalt nach den altindischen

Glossar, 90. Rechtsbiichern ; Biihler, Sacred Books of

2 Dharma found in Av.
is xi. 7, 17 ; the East, 2 and 14.
xii. 5, 7 ; xviii. 3, 1 ; Taittiriya Sam-
Dharma, Dharman ] CRIMINAL LAW 39 1

conventional practices. 4 The crimes enumerated include the

5 6
slaying of an embryo (bhruna), the slaying of a man {vira), and
the slaying of a Brahmin, 7 a much more serious crime.
8
Treachery is mentioned in the Pancavimsa Brahmana as being
9
punishable by death, as it was punished later. But there is no
trace of an organized criminal justice vested either in the
king or in the people. There still seems to have prevailed the
system of wergeld (Vaira), which indicates that criminal justice
remained in the hands of those who were wronged. In the
10
Sutras, on the other hand, the king's peace is recognized as
infringed by crimes, a penalty being paid to him, or, according
to the Brahminical textbooks, to the Brahmins. It may there-

4 the in Pancavimsa Brahmana, xiii. 3, 12,

Compare list Maitrayani
Samhita, iv. 1, 9 ;
Kathaka Samhita, where the death of a boy by careless
xxxi. 7 ; Kapisthala Samhita, xlvii. 7 ;
driving is mentioned, and the king is
and Taittiriya Brahmana, iii.
2, 8, 11 reproached for it by his Purohita*
(see Delbriick, Die indogermanischen Ver- They dispute the guilt, and,
as to
wandtschaftsnamen, 579 et seq.), where according to one version (see Sieg, Die
bodily defects (bad nails and discoloured Sagenstoffe des Rgveda, 66, 67), the
teeth), marrying a younger daughter Iksvakus decide that the action was
when her elder sister was unmarried, sinful, and required expiation.
are coupled with murder, though not 7 2
Taittiriya Samhita, ii. 5, 1, ;

equated with it. See also Chandogya v. 3, 12, 1 ; vi. 5, 10, 2 ; Kathaka
Upanisad, v. 11, 5, where Asvapati's Samhita, xxxi. 7 (where the Kapisthala
list of sinners includes a drinker of has brahma-jya, oppressor of a Brah-
'

intoxicating liquor, a thief, and one min'); Taittiriya Brahmana, iii. 2, 8,

who does not maintain a sacrificial fire. 12. The Taittiriya Aranyaka, x. 38,
5 declares that the slaying of a Brahmin
Taittiriya Samhita, vi. 5, 10, 2;
Kathaka Samhita, xxvii. 9 ;
xxxi. 7 ; alone is truly murder, and the Sata-
Kapisthala Samhita, xli. 7 Maitrayani ; patha Brahmana, xiii. 3, 1, 1 et seq.,
Samhita, iv. 1,9; Taittiriya Brahmana, states that the sin of murdering a
iii. 2, 8, 12; Taittiriya Aranyaka, Brahmin can be expiated only by the
ii. 7, 8 ; 8, 3 ; Brhadaranyaka Upanisad, performance of an Asvamedha, or 'horse
iv. 1, 22 ; Nirukta, vi. 27; Kausltaki sacrifice
'
the ne phis ultra of human
Upanisad, iii. 1. Cf. Av. vi. 112. 3; generosity to Brahmins. See also
113, 2 ; Weber, Indische Studien, 9, 481 ; Nirukta, vi. 27. The later tradition
10, 66 Bloomfield, Hymns of the
;
also interprets bhruna as Brahmin (see
Atharvaveda, 522; American Journal of Sankara, cited in Weber, Indische
Philology, 17, 430. Studien, 1, 410, n. ; Keith, Sahkhayana
6
Kathaka, xxxi. 7 ; Kapisthala, he. Aranyaka, 30, n. 5 Konow, Sama- ;

cit. ; Maitrayani, loc. cit. ; Taittiriya vidhana Brahmana, 46, n. 1, and cf.
Brahmana, loc. cit. ; Vajasaneyi Sam- Vasistha Dharma Sutra, xx. 23) .

and For cases 8 xiv.

hita, xxx. 5, cf. Vaira. 6, 8, the story of Kutsa.
of 9
justifiable homicide, see, e.g., Jolly, op. cit., 127.
Vasistha Dharma
Sutra, iii. 15-18. 10 See references in
Buhler, Sacred
Cf. also the story of Vr^a Jana in Books of the East, 14, 345.
392 CRIMINAL PROCEDURE [ Dharma, Dharman

fore reasonably be conjectured that the royal power of jurisdic-

tion steadily increased ; the references in the Satapatha
Brahmana to the king as wielding punishment (Danda) confirm
this supposition. Whether, as the analogy of other systems
suggests, the king was assisted in his judicial duties, as he
undoubtedly was later, by assessors, presumably of the Brahmin
caste,cannot be made out clearly. 11
The procedure adopted in deciding cases is quite uncertain.
In the Chandogya Upanisad 12 the ordeal of the red-hot axe is
mentioned as applied in an accusation of theft. It must

apparently be understood to have been inflicted by the direction

of the king. But no other judicial ordeal is known to Vedic
literature (see Divya). The punishment of theft was in some
cases at least death, probably when the thief was taken red-
13 14
handed; binding to posts was the penalty,
in other cases

presumably accompanied by the return of the stolen goods. In

the Chandogya Upanisad 15 the list of sins given as apparently
equal in wickedness is stealing gold, drinking spirits, defiling a
Guru's bed, and the murder of a Brahmin.
(2) Civil Law. There is little recorded as to civil law in
Vedic literature. The
relations of the family and the question
of family property are dealt with under Urvara, Ksetra, Pati ;
succession and partition of property are treated under Daya.
As regards the land as transferable
transfer of chattels for
inter vivos is hardly yet recognized, save exceptionally as a
sacrificial fee (Daksina), and then disapproved 16 the recognized
modes are gift (Dana) and barter or sale (Kraya), which includes
exchange. Original acquisition of land was no doubt brought
11 16 v. Another
Compare the story of the death 10, 9. list is given in
of the child killed by Tryaruna, and Taittiriya Aranyaka, x. 65, which in-
the decision of the Iksvakus referred cludes slaying a Brahmin, defiling a
to in n. 6 above, and the notice in Guru's bed, stealing a cow, drinking
Kathaka Samhita, xxvii. 4, that a Sura, and killing an embryo, along with
Raj any a is adhyaksa, when a Sudra is irregularities in offering a Sraddha,

punished (han). 'water offering to the dead.' Cf. also

13 vi. 16.
Cf. Weber, Indian Litera- Nirukta, vi. 27, for a list of seven.
ture, 72, 73. Many more appear in the Samavidhana
Gautama Dharma Sutra, xii. 43
13
; Brahmana, but that work cannot claim
Apastamba Dharma Sutra, i. 9, 25, 4. to be a Brahmana proper.
14 See Av. and 16
xix. 47, 9 ; 50, 1, Satapatha Brahmana, xiii. 7, i,

Taskara. 13.
Dharma, Dharman ] CIVIL LAW 393

about by occupation and apportionment among the tribesmen, 17

while chattels were acquired by taking possession of them,
provided that they were found on one's own land or on
unoccupied land, and did not belong to any other person
originally. The Sutras 18
contain rules for the disposal of lost
property, which tend to give it to the king, with the deduction
of a percentage for the finder, unless the latter is a Brahmin,
who keeps it all. As for contract, save in regard to money-
lending (for which see Rna), practically nothing is to be gathered
from Vedic literature, doubtless because of the primitive
conditions prevailing in that early period. Much of the labour,
which would in a more developed society have been done by
workers for hire, would be performed by slaves (cf. Dasa,
Sudra), while the technical workers of the village of whom
19
long lists are given in the Vajasaneyi Samhita and the
20
Taittiriya Brahmana may have been recompensed not by
any sum based on each piece of work done, but by fixed allow-
21
ances, much as the village servants are in modern times. But
thismust remain a matter of conjecture, and it is uncertain
what exact status the carpenter or smith held in the village.

Similarly is impossible to trace in the early literature any

it

legal theory or practice as to torts, but rules as to penalties for

22
insults appear in the Sutras.

Very recorded as to procedure. The list 23 of victims

little is
'
at the Purusamedha, or horse sacrifice,' includes a prasnin,
an abhi-prasnin, and a prasna-vivdka, in whom it is not un-
reasonable to see the plaintiff, the defendant, and the arbitrator
or judge : the terms may refer to what is probably an early

17
Cf Caesar, Bcllum Gallicum, iv. i ;
18 Gautama Dharma Sutra, x. 36
vi. 22 ; Tacitus, Germania, 26, for et seq.
1 9 xxx.
Germany ; Mommsen, Romisches Staats-
recht, 3, 1, 21, for the Roman hortus ;
20 iii. 4. See Zimmer, Altindisches
and the Greek tcXr/pos, Lang, Homer and Leben, 426 et seq. ; Weber, Indische
the Epic, 236-241 ; Ridgeway, Journal Streifen, 1, 75 et seq.
21 Communities, 127,
of Hellenic Studies,6, 319 et seq. ; Cf. Maine, Village
Grote, History of Greece, 2, 36, 37. See 175 Baden Powell, op.
; cit., 124 et seq. ;

also Pollock and Maitland, History of Grote, History of Greece, 2, 36, n. 2.

Baden 22 126-128.
English Laiv, 2, 337 et seq. ; Cf. Jolly, op. cit.,
23
Powell, Village Communities in India, Vajasaneyi Samhita, xxx. 10; Tait-
6 et seq. 131. ; tiriya Brahmana, iii. 4, 6, 1.
394 LEGAL PROCEDURE [ Dharma, Dharman

form of judicial procedure, a voluntary arbitration. The same

idea may be conveyed by the word madhyama-si, lying in the *

24
midst,' which occurs in the Rigveda, and which Roth, 25
26
followed by Zimmer, understood to mean an arbitrator or
judge, the expression being derived from the judge acting with
other judicial persons, 27 and being surrounded by the assembly
of the people. But this interpretation is uncertain Whitney 28 ;

thinks that the word merely alludes to a chief round whom

hismen encamp. The king is later the chief civil judge, and
may presumably have been so earlier, no doubt in conjunction
with the elders of the tribe, but for this we are reduced to
29
conjecture.
The use of witnesses as evidence is uncertain (see Jfiatr),
and the ordeal is not recorded as deciding any civil matter
except the dispute between Vatsa and his rival as to the true
Brahminical descent of the former, which was settled by his
30
walking unharmed through the flame of a fire. But it is
probable on analogy that the ordeal may have been used for
the purpose of deciding disputes. Whether the oath was
so used cannot be certainly shown. It appears, however, that
a Brahmin was preferred in legal matters to a non-Brahmin. 31
There are very few references to police officials: no doubt
the king employed some of his dependents to execute sentences
and arrest offenders (see Ugra, Jivagrbh).
(3) Morality. It is convenient to notice under this head
24 x.
97, i2 = Av. iv. 9, 4 = Vajasaneyi 28 See n. 25.
Samhita, xii. 86. Madhyamailvan, in
29
Cf. the later Parisad, Gautama
the Jaiminiya Brahmana, ii. 408, is of Dharma Sutra, xxviii. 48. 49; Baudha-
quite doubtful sense. yana Dharma Sutra, i. i, 7-16; Vasistha
25 This fact Dharma Sutra, xi. 5-7, 20
Siebenzig Lieder, 174. Jolly, ;

renders doubtful Lanman's

view op. cit., 132 et seq. The parallels from
(Whitney, Translation of the Athar- other Aryan peoples suggest the use of
vaveda, 159) that the St. Petersburg assessors, as in the Anglo-Saxon courts
Dictionary, in giving intercessor as the of the shire and hundred. Cf. Sohm,
interpretation, did not mean '

mediator,' A ltdeutsches Reichs- tmd Gerichtsverfassung,

'
but '

adversary. 6 et seq.
26 Aliindisches 30 PaiicavimSa Brahmana, xiv. 6, 6.
Leben, 180.
27 31
in
As, apparently, early Germany. Taittiriya Samhita, ii. 5, n, 9.
See Caesar, Bellum Gallicum, vi. 23 ;
which seems to refer either to giving
Tacitus, Germania, 11. 12; Coulanges, evidence for or passing judgment on a
Recherches stir quelques problemes d'histoire, case when both a Brahmin and a non-
361 et seq. Brahmin are engaged.
Dharma, Dharman ] MORALITY 395

several points bearing on the moral condition of the people :

(a) the exposure of children (6) the exposure of the aged ; ;

(c) prostitution adultery (e) incest.

; (d) ;

32
(a) The exposure of girl infants is asserted by Zimmer on
33
the strength of a passage in the Kathaka Samhita, but it
seems clear that the passage has been misunderstood, 34 and
that it refers merely to laying the child aside, not exposing it,
while a boy was lifted up. It is, however, true that the birth

of a girl was not at all popular, not an unnatural sentiment in

an early society, and paralleled among other Aryan peoples. 35
36
(b) of the aged is also inferred by Zimmer
The exposure
37
from a passage of the Rigveda, and from the mention of
38
persons exposed (ud-hitah) in the Atharvaveda. The latter
passage may well refer merely to the bodies being exposed
after death to the elements (as is done by the Parsis). The
former passage merely refers to the individual case of some
person who may have been
cast out, and proves absolutely

nothing as to a habitual or recognized custom, nor can such a

custom be inferred from, e.g., the legend of Cyavana.
(c) That prostitution existed in Rigvedic times is certain,
but its extent Brotherless girls were frequently
is disputed.
reduced to becoming prostitutes; 39 the putting away of an
40
illegitimate child is referred to in the Rigveda; besides the

32 Altindisches 36
Leben, 319, 320. Cf. Op. cit., 327, 328. Strabo, pp. 513 ,

alsoWeber, Indische Studien, 5, 54, 260 ; 517, 520, reports the practice as pre-
Kaegi, Der Rigveda, n. 49; Schrader, vailing in Iran, Bactria, and the
Prehistoric Antiquities, 389, 390 Ludwig,
; Massagetae it prevailed among the
;

Translation of the Rigveda. 6, 142 ; Norsemen, Weinhold, Altnordisches

Pischel, Vedische Studien, 2, 48. Leben, 473, and conceivably among the
33 xxvii.
9. Cf. Taittiriya Samhita, early Romans (depontani senes, Cicero,
vi. 5, 10, 3 ; Sankhayana Srauta Sutra, Pro Roscio, 100 but this and other
;

xv. 17, 12 ;
Nirukta iii. 4. cases may bereally instances of the
34 ritual casting into water of the worn-
Bohtlingk, Zeitschrift der Deutschen
Morgenldndischen Gesellschaft, 44, 494- out vegetation spirit for the purpose of
496. The
traditional rendering of the reviving it). See Kaegi, op. cit., n. 50 ;

passages is not that it refers to ex- Schrader, op. cit., 379, n.

37 vm.
posure, but to getting rid of a daughter 51, 2.
on her marriage. 38 xviii. See Anagnidagdha.
2, 34.
35 39 Rv. i.
Av. viii. 6, 25 ; Aitareya Brah- 124, 7 ;
iv. 5, 5;
Av. i. 17, 1 ;

mana, vii. 15 ;
Max Muller, Ancient and cf. Ayogu.
Sanskrit Literature, 409 ; Zimmer, op. cit.,
40 ii. 29, 1. Cf. Max Muller, op. cit.*

320 ; Schrader, op. cit., 390. 26.

 ?96 PROSTITUTION AND ADULTERY [ Dharma, Dharman

terms pumscali 41 and mahdnagm, 42 which undoubtedly mean

43
'
harlot,' there are other clear references to prostitution ; and
44
expressions like kumarl-pntra, 'son of a maiden,' and the
'son of an unmarried girl (agru), spoken of in the Rigveda 45
'

as exposed and attacked by animals, point in the same

direction. The Vajasaneyi Samhita 46 seems to recognize
prostitution as a profession. Pischel 47 sees many references
to Hetairai in the Rigveda, which as Geldner 48 insists reflects in
itsimagery the court life of Indian princes. But the correct-
ness of the view of these two scholars on this point is not b]
any means certain. 49

(d) Adultery was generally regarded among Aryan peoples

as a serious offence against the husband of the woman affected.
We accordingly find in the legal literature of India traces oi
the rule that an adulterer can be slain with impunity if takei
in the act. 60 Weber,
61
however, has adduced some materia
indicating an indifference to these matters in Vedic times, and
62 53
Ludwig has adopted the same view. But, as Delbriick has
clearly shown, the evidence is not convincing the cited pre- ;

64
scriptions forbidding connexion with another man's wife
during a certain rite do not imply that such connexion would
otherwise be allowed the ritual : of the Varuna-praghasas,
when a names her lover or lovers, seems originally to have
wife
been a solemn means of banishing the evil brought on a family
56
by a wife's fall; Yajhavalkya's famous saying that no one
41 Av. xv. 2, etc. in the
atltvarl, vijarjara, Vajasaneyi
42 Av. xiv. i, 36; xx. 136, 5 et seq. ; Samhita, xxx. 15.
47 Vedische Studien, xxv
Aitareya Brahmana, i. 27. Cf. nagnd 1, ; 196, 275,
in Av. v. 7, 8. 299, 309, etc. ; 2, 120.
43 Rv. 48
i.
167, 4 (Wilson, Translation Ibid., 2, 154.
of the Rigveda, 2, xvii), can hardly be 49 Geschichte dcr in-
Cf. Winternitz,
so interpreted see Zimmer, op. cit.,
;
dischen Litteratur, 1 ,
60
Jolly, op. cit. 48. ; ,

332, n. M
Max tiller, Sacred Books of 50
Leist, Altarisches Jus Gentium, 276
the East, 32, 277, interprets it as a et seq., 309.
reference to polyandry, but this is still 51 Indische 10 83 et seq.
Studien, ,

more doubtful ;
but see Rv. viii. 17, 7.
52
op. cit., 5, 573.
44 53 Di e Verwandt-
Vajasaneyi Samhita, xxx. 6 ;
Tait- indogermanischen
tiriya Brahmana, iii. 4, 2, 1. schaftsnamen, 545 et seq.
45 iv. 54 Samhita, v.
19, 9; 30, 16. 19; ii. 13, 12; Taittiriya 6, 8, 3 ;

15, 17; Zimmer, op. cit., 334, 335. Maitrayani Samhita, iii. 4, 7.
46 meant by the 55 11
Apparently this is Maitrayani Samhita, i. 10, ;

epithets atiskadvarl (apaskadvarl in the Satapatha Brahmana, ii. 5, 2, 20.

56
Taittinya Brahmana, iii. 4, 11, 1), Satapatha Brahmana, i.
3, 1, 21.
Dhava ]
INCEST 397

' '
cares whether a wife is unchaste (parah-pumsd) or not is a
57
mere mistranslation, the expression parah-pumsa really mean-
ing removed from the male persons.' And the uncertainty
'

asserted in some passages 58 as to origin from a Esi is not a

sign of doubtful descent, but is due to the fact that Rsihood
was a difficult matter to ascertain. None the less woman's
position was lowered by the prevalence of polygamy, and such
stories as that of Ahalya and Indra 59 are not compatible with
a very high standard of morality. A similar conclusion is
60
pointed to by references in the Yajurveda to relations between
the Arya man and the Sudra woman, and by a spell given in
the Brhadaranyaka Upanisad 61 to expiate relations with the
wife of a Srotriya (Brahmin theologian).
{e) Incest was recognized in the marriage of brother and
sister asappears from the legend of Yama and Yarn! in the
02
Rigveda, which clearly shows that such a marriage was not
approved by the feeling of the Vedic age. There is also another
63
hymn in which reference to such intercourse appears to be
made. Mention is further made in the Rigveda 64 to the
wedlock of Prajapati and his daughter, which is, however,
65
interpreted mythologically in the Brahmanas, an interpre-
tation which may be correct. That incest, however, actually
did take place is clear from the Atharvaveda 66 but even though j

the mythological interpretation of the passage were not justi-

fied, no conclusion could be drawn from the hymn as to the
normal occurrence of such relations.
57 So Bohtlingk, Dictionary, s.v. ;
01 vi.
4, 11.
w x. 10.
63 x.
Delbriick, op. cit., 548. 162, 5.
58 Mai 64 x.
tray ani Samhita, i. 4, 11 ; 61, 5-7.
65
Gopatha Brahmana, cited in Ludwig, Aitareya Brahmana, iii. 33 ;
Sata-
loc. cit. patha Brahmana, i. 7, 4, 1 ; Muir,
59
Cf. Macdonell, Vedic Mythology, Sanskrit Texts, 4, 46, 47 ;
Max Muller,
p. 65. op. cit., 529, 530.
60 66 viii.
Taittiriya Samhita, vii. 4, 19, 2. 3 ; 6, 7.

Vajasaneyi Samhita, xxiii. 30. 31.

I. Dhava is the name of a tree (Grislea tormentosa) mentioned,

together with the Plaksa, Asvattha, and Khadira, in the
Atharvaveda. 1
v. 5, 5 ; xx. 137, 11. Cf. Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 62.
39? MA NFA NGRA IN [ DhaT

1
2.
'
man,' is not found before the Nirukta.
Dhava, The
word clearly owes its existence merely to vidhavd, widow,'
*

wrongly interpreted as vi-dhava, without a husband.'

1 iii. 15. Cf. Naighantuka, ii.
3.

1
Dhavitra, occurring in the Satapatha Brahmana and the
2 ' '

Taittiriya Aranyaka, denotes a fan of hide or leather for

blowing the sacrificial fire.

xiv. 2 v.
i, 3, 30; 3, i, 4, 33-

Dhanam-jayya, 'descendant of Dhanam -jaya,' is the

patronymic of Amsu in the Vamsa Brahmana. 1

1
Indische Studien, 4, 373. Under this ii. 1, 2; 9, 10, etc. (misread Dhanam-
patronymic he is frequently named by japya in many manuscripts). Cf.
Latyayana Srauta Sutra, i. 1, 25 ; Weber, Indian Literature, 76, 77, 82.

Dhana, always used in the plural, and frequently referred to

1 2
Rigveda and later, means grains of corn.' They were
'
in the
sometimes parched (bhrjj), 3 and were regularly mixed with
Soma. 4
1 4
i. 16, 2; iii. 35, 3; 52,5; vi. 29, 4, Rv. iii. 43, 4 ; 52, 1 ; viii. 91, 2 ;

etc. Taittiriya Samhita, iii. i, 10, 2 ;

Sata-
2
Av. xviii. 3, 69; 4, 32. 34; Vaja- patha Brahmana, iv. 4, 3, 9.

saneyi Samhita, xix. 21. 22; Taittiriya Cf. Schrader, Prehistoric Antiquities,
Brahmana, i.
5, 11, 2, etc. 283.
3
Rv. iv. 24, 7.

Dhanya from the preceding word, 1

(neut.), a derivative
denotes 'grain' in general. It is found in the Rigveda 2 and
3 4
later. According to the Brhadaranyaka Upanisad, there are
ten cultivated (grdmydni) kinds of grain rice and barley (vrihi- :

y avdh), sesamum and beans (tila-masdh), Panicum Miliaceum

and Italicum (anu-priyangavah), maize (godhumdh), lentils
(masurah), Khalvah and Dolichos uniflorus (khala-kulah) The .

Primarily as an adjective,
1 '
con- Kausitaki Brahmana, xi. 8 ;
Sadvimsa
sisting of grain.' Brahmana, v. 5, etc.
2 4
vi. 13, 4. vi. 3, 22 (Madhyamdina=i3 Kanva).
3 Av. vi. 50, 1
iii. 24, 2. 4 ; v. 29, 7 ; ;
Dhisana ] DWELLING EDGE OF WEAPON-BOWL 399

5 '

{dhanyada) in the Aitareya and

'
horse is called corn- eating

Satapatha Brahmanas, and men are mentioned as purifying

6 '

corn (dhanyd-krt) in the Rigveda. 8

'

5 7 '
viii. 21. Lit., preparing corn.'
6
xni. 5, 4, 2. x. 94, 13.

Dhanva is the patronymic of Asita in the Satapatha Brah-

mana. 1 In the Sankhayana Srauta Sutra 2 the form of the

name is Dhanvana.

Asvalayana Srauta Sutra,

1
xiii. 4, 3, 11 ;
x. 7. xvi. 2, 20.

Dhaman denotes in the Rigveda 1 and later 2 'dwelling' and

3
'house,' or sometimes its inmates. The word is also 4 found
in the sense of ordinance,' law,' expressing much the same
' '

5
as Dharman, especially in conjunction with Eta, 'eternal
7
order.' Hillebrandt 6 sees in one passage the sense of
Naksatra.
10 4
1. 144. i in. 55, Rv. iv. 55, 2 ; vi. 21, 3 ; vii. 63, 3 ;

vii. 61, 4 ; 87, 2 ; x. 13, 1, etc. viii. 41, 10; x. 48, 11.
2 5
Rv.
Av. iv. 25, 7 ;
vii. 68, 1 ;
xii. 1, 52 ;
i.
123, 9 ; iv. 7, 7 ;
vii. 36, 5 ;

Vajasaneyi Samhita, iv. 34 Taittiriya ;

x. 124, 3.
6
Aranyaka, ii. 7, 2. Vedische Mythologie, 1, 446.
3 Rv. viii. 7 Rv.
101, 6 ix. 63, I4 x. 82, 3 ; ; ;
ix. 66, 2.

Av. ii. 14, 6. Many of the examples Cf. Geldner, Rigveda, Glossar, 92,
given in the St. Petersburg Dictionary, 93-
s.v., C, are doubtful.

a weapon, 1 as of
'
Dhara denotes the '

edge of an axe
2 3
(svadhiti) y or of a razor (ksura). See also Asi.
2
1
Rv. vi. 3, 5 ; 47, 10. Cf. viii. 73, 9 ; Kausika Sutra, 44.
3
Taittiriya Aranyaka, iv. 38, 1, for Brhadaranyaka Upanisad, iii. 3, 2.

metaphorical applications.

1
Dhisana, according to the St. Petersburg Dictionary, denotes
' ' '
an implement used in preparing the Soma, bowl or vat,'
and by metonymy also the Soma draught itself. 2 The dual, by
1 Rv. 2
i. 96, 1 ; 102, 1 ; 109, 3. 4 ; Rv. i. 102, 7 ; iii. 32, 14 ; 49, 4 ;

iii.49, 1 ;
iv. 34, 1 ; 36, 8 ;
viii. 61, 9 ;
vi. 19, 2 ;
vii. 90, 3 ; viii. 15, 7 ; x. 96,
ix. 59, 2 ;
x. 17, 12 ; 30, 6 ; Vajasaneyi 10, etc.
Samhita, i. 19 ;
vi. 26. 35, etc.
 4oo PLANKS OF SOMA PRESS PRAYER [ Dhl
3 '
a metaphor, also expresses the two worlds,' heaven and earth.
5
Hillebrandt, however, thinks that the word properly means
6 7
earth, in the dual heaven and earth, in the plural the triad,
8
atmosphere, and heaven, while in some passages
1

earth,
Dhisana denotes the Vedi, the excavated ground used as an
altar. Thisit seems clear that is not, however, certain, while
10 11
the Vajasaneyi Samhitas understand the and Taittiriya
Dhisanas (dual) to be the planks over which the pressing of
the took place (adhisavana-phalake) 12 Pischel 13 sees in
Soma .

Dhisana a goddess of wealth akin to Aditi and the earth.

3 8 Rv.
Like Camu. iv. 36, 8 ; v. 69, 2 ;
ix. 59, 2.
4 y
Rv. i. 160, i ;
vi. 3, 3 ; 50, 3 ; 70, 3; Rv. i. 109, 3. 4 ; iii. 2, 1 ;
49, 4 (or
x. 44, 8; in the plural, 'the three perhaps 'earth ') ;
iv. 34, 1 ;
v. 41, 8 ;

69, 2. In other passages,

'

worlds, Rv. v. vi. 11, 3 ; x. 17, 12.

10
Rv. i. 22, 10; iii. 56, 6; v. 41, 8; vii. 26.
J1
vi. 11, 3; x. 35, 7, the sense of 'a iii. 1, 10, 1.
'
12
genius of prosperity was assigned to Mahldhara on Vajasaneyi Sam-
Dhisana by Roth. hita, vii. 26; Sayana on Taittiriya
5
Vedische My thologie t 1, 1 75-181. Samhita, loc. cil.
6 13
Rv. i. 22, 10; 96, I ; 102, 1 ; iii. 31, Vedische Studien, 2, 82-87. Cf-
13 ; 56, 6 ;
vi. 19, 2 ;
vii. 90, 3 ; Macdonell, Vedic
124 Mythology, p. ;

viii. 15, 7 ;
x. 30, 6 ; 35, 7 ; 96, 10. Oldenberg, Sacred Boohs of the East,
7
See n. 3 ; also Rv. viii. 61, 2 nivid ; 46, 120122.
in Sankhayana Srauta Sutra, viii. 19, 4.

1
Dhl, 'thought,' is used several times in the Rigveda to
denote the prayer or hymn of praise of the singer. One
' ' ' '

2
poet speaks of himself as 'weaving' such a prayer, while
hymn,' which
'
another refers to his ancient ancestral he
3
refurbishes presumably for use.

1 i. 3, 5; 135, 5: ^L 6; 185, 8;
2
Rv. ii. 28, 5.
3
ii. 3, 8 (where it is connected with Rv. iii. 39, 2.

Sarasvati) ; 40, 5, etc. Cf. Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 338.

Dhiti has in several passages of the Rigveda 1 practically the

'
same sense as Dhl, prayer,' or hymn of praise.'
1 i. no, 1 ; iii. 12, 7 ; 52, 6 ;
v. 25, 3 ; 53, n ; vi. 15, 9, etc. ;
Nirukta, ii. 24.

Dhira Sata-parneya ('descendant of Sataparna') is men-

tioned in the Satapatha Brahmana (x. 3, 3, 1) as a pupil of
MahaSala.
Dhur ] FISHERMAN ABORIGINAL CHIEF YOKE 401

Dhivan occurs in the Atharvaveda, where it may either be 1

taken with Roth, 2 Bloomfield, 3 and Whitney 4 as an epithet of

'chariot-builders' (ratha-kavah) meaning 'clever,' or be con- ,

strued with the scholiast as denoting 'fishermen' (dhwara).

The Paippalada recension has taksanah, *

carpenters.'
1 iii. 4
5. 6. Translation of the Atharvaveda, 114.
2
St. Petersburg Dictionary, s.v. Weber, Indische Studien, 17, 194
Cf.
3
Hymns of the Atharvaveda, 114. et seq. ;Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 252.

Dhunksa is the name of some sort of bird in the list of

victims at the Asvamedha, or horse sacrifice,' in the Yajurveda
Samhitas. 1 See also Dhuriksna and Dhvaftksa.
1
Maitrayani Samhita, iii. 14, 12 ; Vajasaneyi Samhita, xxiv. 31. Cf. Zimmer,
Altindisches Leben, 93.

Dhuniname of a foe of Indra, normally mentioned

is the
along with Cumuri in the Rigveda.
1
He and Cumuri seem to
2
have been opposed to Dabhiti. His name is probably that
of an aboriginal chief. 3

11.
15, 9 ;
vi. 11 20, 13 ;
vn. 19, 4. 1, xxii ; Macdonell, Vedic Mythology,
2
Rv. x. 113, 9. p. 162. Cf. Oldenberg, Religion des
2
Wackernagel, A Itindische Gvammatih, Veda, 157, 158.

later 2 denotes, according to the

1
Dhur in the Rigveda and
St. Petersburg Dictionary, that part of the yoke which is
placed on the shoulders of the animals drawing the chariot or
l
cart, whence they are called dhur-sdh, yoke-bearing,' in the
Vajasaneyi Samhita. In one passage of the Rigveda 4 the 3

sense is uncertain Roth 5 takes it to mean the pin at either :

end of the axle (Aksa) which goes through the nave of the
6
wheel, and would thus be equivalent to Ani, and Oldenberg
1 4
i. 84, 16 ; 100, 16 ; 134, 3 ; 164, 19 ;
v. 43, 8.
5
ii. 18, 7 ; iii. 35, 2 ; v. 55, 6 ;
vii. 34, 4, St. Petersburg Dictionary, s.v., 2.
etc. 6 -
Rgveda Noten, 1, 339 ; Griffith,
3 18 ; Aitareya Brahmana
Av. v. 17, Hymns of the Rigveda, 1, 508. The aksa-
vi. 18; Satapatha Brahmana, i. 1, 2 dhurau axe mentioned in the Apastamba
10 ; 4, 4, 13, etc. Aitareya Aranyaka
; Srauta Sutra, xi. 6, 5 Katyayana ;

i.
5, 2 (the Dhur the end), etc.
is Srauta Sutra, viii. 3, 22. Cf. Caland
3
iv. 33. Cf. Usra. and Henry, L'Agnistoma, 81.
VOL. I. 26
4o2 A BIRD DEATH CAMEL CHARIOTEER [ Dhuiiknl

seems to adopt the same view. Monier Williams 7 seems t(

'

think that load is meant, but this is not probable. It is

'

8
possible that Dhur has the sense of 'pole,' and then mon
generally still the pole and the axle together regarded as th(
drawing part of the chariot : this might explain the use in th(
doubtful passage of the Rigveda.
7 This modi-
Dictionary, s.v.
;
Aitareya Aranyaka (n. 2).
8
Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 246. fication of meaning seems be due to
to
j

Later, the word means the end of the the fact that the yoke is at the end of
'

pole,' a sense already found in the |

the pole. See also Dhursad.

Dhunksna is the form in the Taittiriya Samhita 1 of th(

name of the bird elsewhere found as Dhunksa. It is glossed
*
as white crow' (sveta-kdki).

1 v Altindisches Leben, 93, gives the form as Dhunksna,

-
5. I 9> ! Zimmer,
perhaps in error. Cf. also Dhvanksa.

*
Dhuma-ketu, smoke-bannered,' is an epithet of Mytyu,
'death,' in the Atharvaveda.
1
Zimmer 2 thinks that a comet
3
is meant, but Whitney considers this extremely improbable.
Lanman 4 plausibly suggests that the smoke of the funeral pile
is referred to.

1 xix. 9, 10. I
3 Translation of the Atharvaveda, 91
2 Altindisches 4 Ibid.
Leben, 358. |

Dhumra in the Taittiriya Samhita (i. 8, 21, 1) denotes

' '

camel according to Bohtlingk's Dictionary.

Dhur-sad means, according to Roth, 1 standing under the '

yoke' and so 'burden-bearing,' and thus metaphorically

' 2
promoting,' in the passages of the Rigveda where it occurs.
3
More probable, however, is the view that it means 'sitting on
'
the pole,' that is, charioteer,' with reference to the fact that
1 3
St.
Petersburg Dictionary, s.v. Cf. Hopkins, Journal of the American
2
ii. 2, 1; 34,4(buU/.Pischel,
i.143,7; Oriental Society, 13, 237 et seq. Keith,. ;

Vedische Studien, i, 301). In x. 132, 7, ]

Aitareya Aranyaka, 195.
Roth renders resting on the yoke.' '
Dhrti] A SNAKE DEMON KING DHRTARASTRA TONGS 403

to get near his horses the charioteer might well go forward

and sit on the pole or even on the yoke. 4
4
Cf. Mahabharata, viii. 617 :
dhurydn dhuryagaldn siitdn.

i. Dhrta-rastra
having his kingdom firmly established ') is
('

the name demon with the patronymic Airavata,

of a snake
1
descendant of Iravant,' in the Atharvaveda 1 and the Panca-
vimsa Brahmana. 2
1 viii.
10, 29. I
Brahmana, iv. 26, 15 ; Weber, Indische
2 xxv. 15, 3. Cf. Jaiminiya Upanisad | Studien, 17, 257.

Dhrtarastra Vaicitra-vlrya (' descendant of Vicitra-

2.
1
vlrya') is mentioned in a passage of the Kathaka Samhita,
which is, unhappily, far from intelligible. But there is no
ground for supposing that he was a Kuru-Pancala king he ;

seems rather to have lived at some distance from the Kuru-

Pancalas. There is no good reason to deny his identity 2 with
the Dhrtarastra of the Satapatha Brahmana, 3 king of Kaii, who
was defeated, when he attempted to offer a horse sacrifice, by
Satrajita 3atamka. The fact that the latter was a Bharata
also points to Dhrtarastra's not having been a Kuru-Paiicala at
all. In the Kathaka Samhita he appears as having a dispute
with Vaka Dalbhi but even assuming that the latter was
;

a Pancala, there is nothing to hint that the former was a Kuru

or that this dispute is a sign of an early hostility of Kuru and
Pancala. 4 that in the Epic Santanu and Vicitravlrya
It is true

and Dhrtarastra himself are all connected, but this connexion

seems to be due, as so often in the Epic, to a confused derange-
ment of great figures of the past.
1 3
x. 6. Cf. Weber, Indische Studien, xin. 5, 4, 22.
4
3, 469 et seq. Keith, Journal of the Royal Asiatic
2 As does Weber, Indian Literature, 831 et seq. This argument
Society, 1908,

90, 114, 125 ; Episches im vedischen Ritual, is independent of the identification of

7, 8. Roth, St. Petersburg Dictionary, the two Dhrtarastras, but is confirmed
s.v., treats them as identical. by it.

1
Dhrsti, found in the dual in the Taittiriya Aranyaka, the
2 3 '

Satapatha Brahmana, and the Sutras, seems to denote fire-

tongs.'
1 3
v. 9, 8. I
Katyayana Srauta Sutra, xxvi. 2,
2 xiv.
3, 1, 22. I
10, etc.

26 2
 404 MILCH COW FISHERMAN [ Dhena

Dhena denotes milch cow,' 1 or in the plural, draughts of

a g '

milk.' 2
In two passages 3 Roth 4 takes the word to mean mare,' '

' '
6
and in another the chariot. Benfey, on the team of Vayu's
'
7 '
other hand, renders lips one passage, with Sayana and it in
with Durga's commentary on the Nirukta. 8 Geldner 9 assigns
10 11 12 13
to the word the senses of '
lips,'
'

speech,'
'
cow,'
'
beloved,'
and streams.' 14
'

1 Rv. iii. Vedic 9 Vedische Studien, - 166

34, 3 (Macdonell, 3, 35 43 ; ;

Mythology, p. 61) ; v. 62, 2. Cf. Geldner, Rigveda, Glossar, 95.

10
Vedische Studien, 3, 114. Rv. i. ioi, 10; iii. X, 9.
2
Rv. iii. 1, 9; iv. 58, 6, etc. 11
Rv. iv. 58, 6; i. 55, 4; 141, 1 ;

3
i. 101, 10 ;
v. 30, 9. viii. 32, 22; x. 104, 3. 10.
4 St. 12
Rv. and Vayu's cow of
Petersburg Dictionary, s.v. v. 62, 2,
5
Rv. i. 2, 3. plenty, i. 2, 3.
6 Orient und Occident, 3, 130. 13
Rv. v. 30, 9.
7 14
Rv. i. 101, 10. Rv. vii. 21, 3 iii. 34, 3. ;

8
vi. 17. Cf. Zimmer, Altindisches Cf. Max Mviller, Sacred Books of the
Leben, 249. East, 32, 441, 442.

Dhenu 1 2
Rigveda and later means milch cow,' which
in the
*

is often mentioned with special reference to the production of

3 4
milk, and is contrasted with the
' '
bull (vrsabha, pumaonsf
6
anadvdh). In the plural 7 the word denotes *
draughts of milk.'
The means merely female.' 8
*
derivative, dhenukd,
1
i. 32, 9 (saha-vatsd,
'
with her calf ') ;
the later '
cow of plenty' of the Epic) ;

134, 4; ii.
2, 2; 34, 8; vi. 135, 8, Satapatha Brahmana, xii. 8, 2, 2.
4 Rv. x. 5
etc. 5, 7. Av. xi. i, 34.
2 6
Av. v. 17, 18 ; vii. 104, 1 ;
Taittiriya Vajasaneyi Samhita, xviii. 27 ;

Samhita, ii. 6, 2, 3 Maitrayani Sam-

; Satapatha Brahmana, iii. 1, 2, 21.
7
hita, iv. 4, 8 ; Vajasaneyi Samhita, Rv. iv. 22, 6; viii. 2, 6; 4, 8
xviii. 27; Satapatha Brahmana, ii. 2, ix. 61, 21 ; 72, 1, etc.
8 PancavimSa Brah-
1, 21, etc. Av. iii. 23, 4 ;

3
Rv. vii. 33, 22 ; viii. 14, 3 ; Av. mana, xxv. 10, 23 ; AsValayana Srauta
iv. 34, 8 (Mma-dugha, '

milking desires,' Sutra, xii. 6, etc.

Dhenu-stari in the Kathaka (xiii. 6) and Maitrayani Samhita

(ii. 5, 4) denotes a cow which has ceased to give milk.

1
Dhaivara means a fisherman,' as a member of a caste, in
*

the list of victims at the Purusamedha, or human sacrifice," in '

2
the Yajurveda. Cf. Dhivara.
1
This seems to be shown by the 2 Tait-
Vajasaneyi Samhita, xxx. 16 ;

patronymic form, 'descendant of a tiriya Brahmana, iii. 4, 15, 1.

'
dhivara.
Dhruva ] SMELTER GALES POLE STAR 405

Dhmatr occurs twice in one passage of the

(lit.
'
blower ')
1
in the two forms, dhmata, nom. smelter,' and
'
Rigveda
dhmatarl, which, according to the Padapatha, stands for
2 '
dhmatari, a locative probably meaning in the smelting furnace.'
3 4 5
Geldner, Bartholomae, and Oldenburg regard the latter form
as a locative infinitive, 'in the smelting.' Ludwig 6 and Neisser 7
think dhmatarl is a nom. sing. masc. used in the same sense as
dhmata. Smelting is also clearly referred to, 8 and the smelter
isdescribed as using the wings of birds (parna sakunanam) to
fan the flame. 9 That the art was widely applied is shown by
the fact that reference is made to arrows with points of Ayas, 10
to kettles which were fashioned of the same metal and could be
placed upon a fire,
11
and to Soma cups of beaten Ayas. 12
1 v. 9, 5. 8 Rv. iv. In the Satapatha
2, 17.
2
Macdonell, Journal of the Royal Brahmana, vi. 1, 3, 5, Ayas is smelted
Asiatic Society, 1893, 446. from the ore {aiman), and gold from
3 Vedische the Ayas.
Studien, 1, 146, n. 1.
4 9 Rv.
Indogermanische Forschungen, 1, 496, ix. 112, 2.
n. 10
2. Cf. Isu.
5 Sacred Boohs of the East, 46, 388. 11 Rv. v. 30, 15.
6 im Veda, 9 Translation of
Jnfinitiv ;
12 RV . ix. 1, 2.

the Rigveda, 4, 334. Cf. Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 252 ;

7
Bezzenberger's Beitrdge, 20, 40. Schrader, Prehistoric Antiquities, 159.

1 2 '

Dhraji in the Rigveda and later denotes the sweep of the

wind, referring no doubt to the violent gales which often blow
in India devastating the forests, and which figure in the
3
descriptions of the Maruts, or storm gods.
1 i. 164, 44 ; x. 97, 13 ; 136, 2. I
3
Cf. Max Muller, Sacred Books of the
2 Av. Macdonell,
iii. 1, 5; Maitrayani Samhita, East, xxxii, xxiii et seq.;
i. 2, 17 ;
iv. 9, 5 ; Taittiriya Aranyaka, Vedic Mythology, p. 79.
in, 19, etc.

1
Dhruva in the Sutras denotes the pole star,being mentioned
in connexion with the marriage ritual, in which the star is

pointed out to the bride as an emblem of constancy. In the

1
Asvalayana Grhya Sutra, i. 7, 22 ; many, do not include any reference to

Sankhayana Grhya Sutra, i. 17, 2 et seq. ;

the Dhruva; but it is not possible to

Latyayana Srauta Sutra, iii. 3, 6, etc. say definitely whether the practice is

It be noted that the marriage

is to really an old one or not.
Mantras, of which we have a great
406 POLE STAR CARDINAL POINT BANNER [ Dhruva
2
Maitrayani Upanisad, a late work, the movement of the
Dhruva (dhruvasya pracalanam) is mentioned, but this can hardly

be interpreted as referring to an actual observed motion of the

nominal pole star, 3 but rather to an extraordinary event, such
as a destruction of the world, as Cowell understood the
4 5
expression. Jacobi sees in the motion of the Dhruva the

possibility of fixing a date,on the ground that the only star

which could have been deemed a pole star, as immovable,' was '

one (a Draconis) of the third millenium B.C. But this attempt

to extract chronology from the name of the star is of very
doubtful validity.6
2
See Max Miiller, Sacred Books of 5
Indian Antiquary, 23,157; Zeitschrift,
the East, 15, 289 ; Weber, Indische loc.tit., 50, 69 et seq. Journal of the
;

Studien, 2, 396. Royal Asiatic Society, 1909, 721 et seq. ;

3
As understood by Weber, Indian 1910, 461 et seq.
6
Literature, 98, n. 103 Biihler, Indian ; Whitney, Journal of the American
Antiquary, 23, 245, n. 21 Jacobi, Zeit- ; Oriental Society, 16, xc Keith, Journal
;

schrift der Deutschen orgenldndischen M of the Royal Asiatic Society, 1909, 1102
Gesellschaft, 49, 228, n. 2. 1910, 465 et seq.
4 In his edition of the Upanisad,
p. 244.

' '
Dhruva, fixed,' as an epithet of Dig, cardinal point,' denotes
the ground under one's feet.

1 Av. xv. 6,
iii. 27, 5 ;
xii. 3, 59 ; I ; dea) ; Brhadaranyaka Upanisad, iii. 9,

AitareyaBrahmana, viii. 14 (cf. Madhya- 25, etc.

1 ' '

Dhvaja occurs twice in the Rigveda in the sense of banner

used in battle. It is characteristic of Vedic fighting that in
both passages reference is made to arrows being discharged and

falling on the banners.

1 vii.
85, 2; x. 103, 11. In Epic Mahabharata, vii. 3332, etc. The army
warfare banners are of vast importance was called dhvajinl, 'bannered host,'
e.g., Ramayana, ii. 67, 26 they were ; ibid., i. 2875, etc.
attached to a pole on the chariot,

Dhvanya is apparently the name of a patron, son of Laks-

mana, in a hymn of the Rigveda. 1
1 v. 33, 10. Cf. Ludwig, Translation of the Rigveda, 3, 155.
Dhvasra ] A MATSYA KING PATRONS 407

Dhvasan Dvaita-vana (' descendant of Dvitavana ') is the

name in the Satapatha Brahmana 1 of the king of the Matsyas
who celebrated an Asvamedha, or 'horse sacrifice,' near the
Sarasvati.
1 xiii. 5, 4, 9. Cf. Weber, Indische Studien, 1, 211 ; Episches im vedischen
Ritual, 6.

1
Dhvasan ti
is in one passage of the Rigveda mentioned
together with Purusanti as having been aided by the Asvins.
There can be no doubt that this is the longer form of the name
Dhvasra, which is found with Purusanti both in the Rigveda 2
and in the Paficavimsa Brahmana. 3
1
i. 112, 23. I
Cf. Sieg, Die Sagenstoffe des Rgveda,
2
ix. 58. 3 = Sv. ii. 409. J
62, 63 ; Benfey, Samaveda, 105, 126,
3
xiii. (where the dual of
7, 12 who is inclined to think that Dhvasanti
Dhvasra appears as a feminine Dhvasre). |
and Purusanti are names of women.

Dhvasra is named with Purusanti in the Paficavimsa Brah-

mana 1 as giving gifts to Taranta and Purumidha. These two,
2
being kings, could not properly accept gifts which Brahmanas
alone could accept, but by becoming authors of a verse of the
3
Rigveda they qualified themselves to accept them. The verse
mentions the names in the dual as Dhvasrayoh, Purusantyoh,
'from the two, Dhvasra and Purusanti.' 4 In the Paficavimsa
Brahmana 6 the names occur in the dual as Dhvasre Purusanti,
a reading which is confirmed by the Nidana Sutra. 6 The
former is necessarily a feminine form, though Sayana, in his
comment on the passage, explains it as really an irregular
7
masculine. According to Roth, the feminine is a corruption
based on the dual form in the verse of the Rigveda mentioned
8
above; but the names may be those of women, as Benfey 9
5
Jaiminiya Brah-
1 xiii. 12. Loc. cit.
7, Cf. 1

6 ix.
mana, 139 iii. ; Satyayanaka, apud |
9.
7
Sayana, on Rv. ix. 58, 3. St. Petersburg Dictionary, s.v.
2
Manava Dharma Sastra, x. 75-77. dhvasra.
3
ix. 58, 3.
8 The first would in that case be
4
Both words are in the dual, as if Dhvasra.
they were members of a Dvandva com-
9
Samaveda, 105, 126, under Dhvasanti
pound. Cf. Macdonell, Vedic Grammar, and Purusanti.
261.
4o8 CRO W WINDICHNE UMON [ Dhvanksa

inclines to believe. Weber 10 suggests that the two were

11
demons, but this is, as Sieg shows, quite unnecessary.
Dhvasra is no doubt identical with Dhvasanti.
10 im vedischen
Episches Ritual, 27, Rigveda passage is quite uncertain,
n. 1. and that the two, Taranta and Puru-
11
Die Sagenstoffe des Rgveda, 62, 63. milha, as they appear in Rv. v. 61,
Cf. Ludwig, Translation of the Rig- are rather donors than receivers (see,
veda, 3, 139 Oertel, Journal of the
; however, verse 9, Purum'ilhaya vipraya).
American Oriental Society, 18, 39 Max ;
See also Oldenberg, Zeitschrift der
Muller, Sacred Books of the East, 32, Deutschen Morgenldndischen Gesellschaft,
360, points out that the sense of the 42, 232 ; Rgveda-Noten, 1, 354.

' 1
Dhvanksa, crow,' is mentioned twice in the Atharvaveda,
and in the Sutras. 2 Possibly the same bird is meant by the
words Dhufiksa and Dhunksna.
1 2
xi. 9, 9 ; xii. 4, 8. Katyayana Srauta Sutra xxv. 6, 9.

Cf. Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 88.

1
Dhvanta is the name of some wind in the Yajurveda Samhitas
and later. 2
1 2
Taittirlya Samhita, i. 7, 7, 2 ;
I
Taittiriya Brahmana, ii. 7, 16, 1 ;

Vajasaneyi Samhita, xxxix. 7. | Taittiriya Aranyaka, iv. 24, 1 25, 1. ;

N.
1
Nakula, 'ichneumon,' is mentioned in the Atharvaveda as
being able to cut a snake in two and then join it up again.
2
Its knowledge of a remedy against snake poison is also
mentioned. The animal figures in the list of sacrificial victims
'
at the Asvamedha, or horse sacrifice,' in the Yajurveda
Samhitas. 3
1 vi. 139, 5. In the Taittiriya Samhita, vii. 3, 18, 1 ;

2 Av. -
viii. 7- 23. Rgveda PratiSakhya, xvii. 9, nakula
3
Taittiriya Samhita, v. 5, 12, 1 ;
denotes a colour no doubt that of the
2i, 1 ; Vajasaneyi Samhita, xxiv. 26. ichneumon.
2 ;
Maitrayani Samhita, iii. 14, 7.
Naksatra ] NIGHT STARS 409

1
Nakta, 'night,' is found frequently in the Rigveda, and
2
sometimes later, usually in the adverbial form naktam, 'by
night.'
1 2 viii. 2
i. 13, 7; 73. 7; 96, 5; vii. 2, 6; Chandogya Upanisad, 4, ;

x. 70, 6 ; adverbially, i. 24, 10 ; 90, 7 ; adverbially, Av. vi. 128, 4 Satapatha ;

v 76, 3 ; vii. 15, 15 ; 104, 17 ; viii. 96, 1. Brahmana, ii. 1, 4, 2 ; xiii. i, 5, 5, etc.

Naksatra is a word of obscure origin and derivation. The

Indian interpreters already show a great divergence of opinion
as to its primary meaning. The Satapatha Brahmana 1 re-
solves it into na-ksatra (' no power '), explaining it by a legend.
The Nirukta 2 refers it to the root naks, 'obtain,' following the

Taittiriya Brahmana. 3 Aufrecht 4 and Weber 5 derived it from

6
guardian of night,' and more recently the derivation
'
nakta-tra,
from nak-ksatra, having rule over night,' seems to be gaining '

acceptance. The generic meaning of the word therefore seems

'
to be star.'
The Naksatras as Stars in the Rigveda and Later. The sense
' '
of star appears to be adequate for all or nearly all the passages
in which Naksatra occurs in the Rigveda. 7 The same sense
occurs in the later Samhitas also the sun and the Naksatras are :

mentioned together, 8 or the sun, the moon, and the Naksatras, 9

11
or the moon and the Naksatras, 10 or the Naksatras alone;
'
1 ii.
1, 2, 18. 19. Cf. a citation in mentioned,
'
would do but, as
stars ;

Nirukta, iii. 20. this hymn refers to two of the later

2 Loc. and St.
'
lunar mansions may well
'

tit., cf. Petersburg Naksatras,

Dictionary, s.v, be meant.
3 8 Av. vi.
i. 5, 2, 5. 10, 3 ; Vajasaneyi Samhita,
4 Pancavimsa Brahmana,
Kuhn's Zeitschrift, 8, 71, 72. So xxiii. 43 ;
x. 1, 1 ;

Eggeling, Sacred Books of the East, 12, Taittiriya Aranyaka, iv. 10, 12.
9 Av. vi. xv. 6, 2 Taittiriya
288, n. 2. 128, 3 ; ;

Vajasaneyi Sam-
5
Naxatra, 2, 268. Samhita, i. 8, 13, 3 ;

6
Macdonell, Vedic Grammar, p. 74, hita, xxii. 29, etc.
line 8. 10 Av. v. 24, 10 vi. 86, 2
; ; Taittiriya
7 See Kathaka Samhita,
i. 50, 2 ; vii. 86, 1 ;
x. 68, 11 ; Samhita, iii. 4, 5, 1 ;

in, 7 ; used of the sun itself, vi. 67, 6 xxxv. 15 xxx vii. 12 ; ;Vajasaneyi Sam-
(as masculine); vii. 81, 2; x. 88, 13. hita, xxx. 21 ; xxxix. 2, etc.
The sun is allied with them, iii. 54, 19. 11
Taittiriya Samhita, i. 2, 2, 2 ii 6, ;

equalling the multitude Vajasaneyi Samhita, xxx. 21

'
Naksatra- savas, 2, 6, etc ;

of the stars,' is used as an epithet in etc. ;

Kathaka Samhita, Asvamedha,
x. 21, 10. Even in x. 85, 2, where v. 5, and very often elsewhere.
Soma, on the lap of the Naksatras, is
4io LUNAR MANSIONS IN THE RIG VEDA [ Nakatra

but there is no necessity to attribute to the word the sense of

' '
lunar mansion in these passages.
On the other hand, the names of at least three of the
Naksatras in the later sense occur in the Rigveda. Tisya, 12
however, does not seem to be mentioned as a lunar mansion.
13
With Agfhas (plur.) and Arjuni (dual) the case is different:
itseems probable that they are the later lunar mansions called
Maghas (plur.) and Phalguni (dual). The names appear to
have been deliberately changed in the Rigveda, and it must be
remembered that the hymn in which they occur, the wedding
hymn of Surya, has no claim to great age. 14 Ludwig 15 and
Zimmer 16 have seen other references to the Naksatras as
17
27 in the Rigveda, but these seem most improbable. Nor
do the adjectives revati (' rich ') and punarvasil (' bringing
wealth again ') in another hymn w appear to refer to the
Naksatras.
The Naksatras as Lunar Mansions. In several passages of the
later Samhitas the connexion of the moon and the Naksatras
19
is conceived of as a
marriage union. Thus in the Kathaka
20
and Taittiriya Samhitas it is expressly stated that Soma was
wedded to the mansions, but dwelt only with Rohini; the
others being angry, he had ultimately to undertake to live with
them all equally. Weber 21 hence deduced that the Naksatras
were regarded as of equal extent, but this is to press the texts
unduly, except in the sense of approximate equality. The
number of the mansions is not stated as 27 in the story told in
the two Samhitas the Taittiriya has 33, and the Kathaka no
:

12 Rv. 20
v. 59, 13 ; x. 64, 8 ; Weber, ii- 3, 5, 1-3- Cf. also iii. 4, 7, 1 ;

2, 290. Kathaka Samhita, xviii. 14 Vajasaneyi

;

13 x.
85, 13; Weber, 364-367, and Samhita, xviii.
40 ; Satapatha Brah-
see references under Agha and Arjuni. mana, 1,9; Sadvimsa Brahmana,
ix. 4,
14 The dwelling of the moon in
Cf. Arnold, Vedic Metre, 322. iii. 12.
15 Translation of the Rigveda, a Naksatra is
3, mentioned, Satapatha
184 et seq. Brahmana, x. 5, 4, 17 ; Nirukta, v. 21 ;

16 Altindisches a Mantra
Leben, 354. Cf. Tilak, in Kausika Sutra, 135 ;

Orion, 158. Taittiriya Aranyaka, i. 11, 6; v. 12,

17 i. 162, 18 (the 34 ribs of the horse I, etc.
= moon, sun, 5 planets, 27 Naksatras) ;
21
Op. cit., 277. Cf. the later system
x. 55, 3 (34 ^ghts). of the Siddhantas, Whitney, Oriental
18 x.
19, I. and Linguistic Studies, 2, 372, and see
19 xi.
3 (Indische Studien, 3, 467). Tilak, Orion, 33 et seq.
Naksatra ] NUMBER OF THE LUNAR MANSIONS 411

number ; but 27 appears as their number in the list which is

found in the Taittiriya Samhita 22 and elsewhere. 23 The
number 28 is much less well attested in one passage of the :

24
Taittiriya Brahmana Abhijit is practically marked as a new
comer, though in a later book, 25 in the Maitrayani Samhita, 26
and in the Atharvaveda list, 27 it has found acceptance. It is
is the earlier number, and that Abhijit
perfectly possible that 28
dropped out because it was faint, or too far north, or because
27 was a more mystic (3x3x3) number it is significant that :

the Chinese Sieou and the Arabic Manazil are 28 in number. 28

29
Weber, however, believes that 27 is the older number in
India.
The meaning of the number is easily explained when it is
remembered that a periodic month occupies something between
27 and 28 days, more nearly the former number. Such a month
30 31
is in fact recognized in the
Latyayana and Nidana Sutras
as consisting of 27 days, 12 months making a year of 324 days,
a Naksatra year, or with an intercalary month, a year of
32
351 days. The Nidana Sutra makes an attempt to introduce
the Naksatra reckoning into the civil or solar (sdvana) year
of 360 days, for it holds that the sun spends 13J days in
each Naksatra (13^x27 = 360). But the month of 27 or
28 days plays no part in the chronological calculations of the
Veda. 33
The Names of the Naksatras. In addition to the two men-
tioned in the Rigveda, the earlier Atharvaveda 34 gives the

" iv. 4, 10, 1-3. M 11. 13, 20.

23 Kathaka Samhita, xxxix. 13, but 27 xix.
7, 1 ; 8, 1 = Naksatrakalpa,
Maitrayani Samhita, ii.
13, 20, has 28 ; 10. 26. So in Sankhayana Grhya
Taittiriya Brahmana, i. 5, 1, 1-5, in Sutra, i. 26.
lists of Naksatras. See also Vajasaneyi 28
Whitney,
op. cit., 409-411 Journal ;

Samhita, ix. 7 ;
Satapatha Brahmana, of the American Oriental Society, 8, 390.
Paiicavimsa Brahmana, 29
x. 5, 4, 5 ; Op. cit., 2, 280; Indische Studien,
xxiii. Kausitaki Brahmana, v. 1 ;
23 ; 9, 446; 10, 223, 224, 226, 227.
30 iv.
Sankhayana Aranyaka, ii. 16 Tait- ; 8, 1 et seq.
31 v. 11. 12. See 281-
tiriya Samhita, vii. i, 2, 2; Jyotisa, Weber, 2,
18. 20 (verse 34 has 28, but it is inter- 288.

polated) ; Sankhayana Srauta Sutra,

32
Thibaut, A stronomie, Astrologie und
xiv. 78, etc. Maihematik, 7.
24 33 See Masa.
i. 5, 2, 3. Cf. Weber, 1, 360, n.
25 34 books i-xvi.
iii. 1, 2, 6. I.e.,
412 NAMES OF THE LUNAR MANSIONS [ Naksati

36
names of Jyesthaghni 35
(the later Jyestha) and Vicrtau, which
are mentioned as in close connexion, and of Revatls (plural
and Kyttikas. 37 With reference to possible times for the
ceremony of the Agnyadhana, or Maying of the sacred fires/
the Kathaka Samhita, 38 the Maitrayani Samhita, 39 and the
40
Taittiriya Brahmana mention the Naksatras called Krttikas,
Rohini, Phalgunyas, Hasta ; the latter Brahmana adds Punar-
41
vasu, and in an additional remark excludes Purve Phalguni
in favour of Uttare Phalguni. The Satapatha Brahmana 42
adds Mrgaslrsa and Citra as possibilities. On the other hand,
Punarvasu is recommended by all authorities 43 as suitable for
the Punaradheya, relaying of the sacred fires,' which takes
'

place if the first fire has failed to effect the aim of its existence,
the prosperity of the sacrificer. 44 The Kathaka Samhita, 4

however, allows Anuradhas also.

*
In the ceremony of the Agnicayana, or piling of the fire-
altar,' the bricks are assumed to be equal in number to the
Naksatras. The bricks number 756, and they are equated t<
27 Naksatras multiplied by 27 secondary Naksatras, reckoned
as 720 (instead of 729), with the addition of 36 days, the length
of an intercalary month. Nothing can be usefully derived
from this piece of priestly nonsense. 46 But in connexion with
47
this ceremony the Yajurveda Samhitas enumerate the 27

35 vi. This 41
no, 2. constellation, i. 1, 2, 8.

the slayer of the oldest,' was ap- 42 ii. 1.

1, 2,
43
parently of evil omen. Cf. Taittiriya Samhita, i. 5, 1, 4 ;
Taittiriya
Brahmana, Whitney, Trans-
i. 5, 2, 8. Maitrayani Samhita, i. 7, 2 Kathaka ;

lation of the Atharvaveda, 361, equates Samhita, viii. 15 Satapatha Brah- ;

it with Antares or Cor Scorpionis, with mana, ii. 1, 2, 10 Kausitaki Brahmana,

;

or without <r, r Scorpionis (Jyaisthaghni i- 3-

is a misreading in the edition of Whitney 44
Hillebrandt, Rituallitteratur, 109.
and Roth). 45 viii. Samhita,
15 ; Maitrayani
36 vi. no, 2. It is also mentioned i. 7, 2.
46
in ii. 8, i ; iii. 7, 4; vi. 121, 3. It is Satapatha Brahmana, x. 5, 4, 5.
identified by the commentators with See Weber, 2, 298, with whom Eggel-
Mula, the root,' the two stars, X and
'

ing, Sacred Books of the East, 43, 383,

v Scorpionis, which form the sting of n. 1, concurs. For a wild speculation,
the Scorpion's tail ; Whitney, op. cit.,48. see Shamasastry, Gavam ayana, 122
37 ix. et seq.
7, 3.
38 viii. 47
1. Taittiriya Samhita, iv. 4, 10, 1-3;
39 i.
6, 9. Maitrayani Samhita, ii. 13, 20 ;
Kathaka
40 i. 1, 2, 1-6. Samhita, xxxix. 13.
tfaksatra ] YAJURVEDA LISTS OF THE ASTERISMS 413

48
Naksatras, and these lists may be given in extenso as
follows :

Taittirlya Samhita.
4 i4 BRAHMAN A AND ATHARVAVEDA LISTS [ Naksatra

and the moon is inserted after number 14, and the new
full

moon number 28, as an attempt to bring the Naksatra

after

(lunar) month into accordance with the Savana (solar) month

of 30 days. The names in this second list are as in the
Samhitas with the following exceptions. The seven stars of
the Krttikas are named as Amba, Dula, Nitatnl, Abhrayanti,
Meghayanti, Varsayanti, Cupunika, names found also in the
51 52
Taittiriya and Kathaka Samhitas. Beside Mrgasirsa, Invakas
are also mentioned. 53 Then come Ardra, Punarvasu, Tisya,
Asresas, Maghas (beside which Anaghas, Agadas, and Arun-
dhatis are also mentioned), Phalgunyas (but elsewhere in the
54
dual, Phalgunyau), Phalgunyas, Hasta, Citra, Nistya, Visakhe,
Anuradhas, Jyestha, Mula, Asadhas, Asadhas, Abhijit, Srona,
Sravisthas, Satabhisaj, Prosthapadas, Prosthapadas, Revati,
55
Asvayujau, Bharanyas, but also Apabharanis. Abhijit, which
occurs also in an earlier part of the Brahmana, 56 is perhaps
interpolated. But Weber's 57 argument that Abhijit is out of
place in this because Brahmana is here mentioned as the
list

28th Naksatra, loses some force from the fact (of course unknown
to him) that the list in the MaitrayanI Samhita 58 contains
28 Naksatras, including Abhijit, and adds Brahmana at the end
as another.
In another passage 59 the Taittiriya Brahmana divides th
Naksatras into two sets, the Deva Naksatras and the Yama
Naksatras, being 1-14 and 15-27 (with the omission of Abhijit)
respectively. This division corresponds with one in the third
book of the Brahmana 60 where the days of the light half of
the month and those of the dark half are equated with the
Naksatras. The Brahmana treats the former series as south,
the latter as north; but this has no relation to facts, an
can only be regarded as a ritual absurdity.
The late nineteenth book of the Atharvaveda contains a
61
list of the Naksatras, including Abhijit. The names her
51 iv. 52 xj. 60 Brahmana,
4, 5, 1. 4. iii. 1, 2. Cf. Kausitaki
3 iii. 54 iii- iv. 12, with
1, 4, 3- I, 4, 9. Vinayaka's note.
55 Hi.
i, 5, i 4 .
56 i,
5> 2, 3.
61 xix.
7, 1 et seq. The number is
57
Op. cit., 305, 306. given as 28 in xix. 7, 1 (as emended)
58 and Lanman's
ii. 13, 20. 8, 2. Cf. introductory-
59 note to the former in Whitney's
i. 5, 2, 7. Cf. Tilak, Orion, 41 hymn
et seq. Translation, 906, 907.
Nakatra ] POSITION OF THE LUNAR MANSIONS 415

given are :
Krttikas, Rohini, Mrgasiras, Ardra, Punarvasu,
62
Pusya, Aslesas, Maghas, Purva Phalgunyau (sic), Hasta,
63 64
Citra, Svati (masc.), Visakhe, Anuradha, Jyestha, Mula,
Purva Asadhas, 65 Uttara Asadhas, Abhijit, Sravana, Sravisthas,
Satabhisaj, Dvaya Prosthapada, RevatI, Asvayujau, Bharanyas.
The Position of the Naksatras. There is nothing definite in
Vedic literature regarding the position of most of the Naksatras,
but the later astronomy precisely locates all of them, and its
statements agree on the whole satisfactorily with what is said
in the earlier texts, though Weber 66 was inclined to doubt this.
The determinations adopted below are due to Whitney 67 in his
notes on the Surya Siddhanta.
Krttikas are unquestionably rj Tauri, etc., the Pleiades.
1.

The names of the seven stars forming this constellation, and

given above from Yajurveda texts, 68 include three abhrayantl,
' l
forming clouds '; tneghayanti, making cloudy '; varsayantl,
to the rainy Pleiades. The
* '

causing rain which clearly refer

word krttika possibly means web,' from the root krt, spin.'
' *

ruddy,' is the name of the conspicuously reddish

'
2. Rohini,
star, a Tauri or Aldebaran, and denotes the group of the
a 8 y 8 Tauri. Its identification seems absolutely
Hyades,
assured by the legend of Prajapati in the Aitareya Brahmana. 69
He is there represented as pursuing his daughter with incestuous
intention, and as having been shot with an arrow (Isu Trikanda,
*
1
the belt of Orion ') by the huntsman (Mrg-avyadha,
'

*
Sirius '). Prajapati is clearly Orion (Mrgasiras being the
name of the little group of stars in Orion's head).

3. Mrgaslrsa or MrgaSiras, also called Invaka or Invaga,

The reading Purva, Phalgunyau
62 Asadha and Uttara Asadha Whitney ;

must be wrong perhaps Dvaye (cf.

;
reads Purva. and Uttara Asadhas. The
verse 5) or Purve should be read. See manuscripts have Purva and Uttare,
Lanman in Whitney, Translation of which cannot stand.
the Atharvaveda, 908. The Uttare 66
Op. cit., 2, 367 et seq.
67 Oriental and Linguistic Essays,
Phalgunyau are omitted. 2,
63 Svati should, no
doubt, be read ; 350 ft seq.

but for the Svati {sic) of all the manu- 68

Taittiriya Samhita, iv. 4, 5, 1 ;

scripts (Samhita and Pada), cf. the Kathaka Samhita, xl. 4 ; Taittiriya
navasrakti of the Aitareya Aranyaka, Brahmana, iii. 1, 4, 1.

ii. 3, 6, with Keith's note.

69 iii. 33. Cf. Satapatha Brahmana,
64 See Lanman in Whitney, 908. ii. 1, 2, 8 ; Tilak, Orion, 98 et seq.
65
Lanman, ibid., 909, reads Purva
4i6 POSITION OF THE LUNAR MANSIONS [ Nakatra
1 2
seems to be the faint stars X, (/j, 4> Ononis. They are called
'
Andhaka, blind,' Santikalpa in the
the Atharvaveda, of
70
probably because of their dimness.
is the name of the brilliant star, a Orionis.
'

4. Ardra, moist,'
But the names by which it is styled, in the plural as Ardras in
71
the Sahkhayana Grhya Sutra and the Naksatrakalpa, 72 and
73
in the dual as Bahu, in the Taittiriya Brahmana, point to a
constellation of two or more stars, and it
may be noted 74 that
the corresponding Chinese Sieou includes the seven brilliant
stars composing the shoulders, the belt, and the knees of
Orion.
'
Punarvasu, the two that give wealth again,' denotes the
5.
two stars, a and /3 Geminorum, on the heads of Castor and
Pollux. The name is no doubt connected with the beneficent
character of the Asvins, who correspond to the Dioscuri.
75

6. Tisya or Pusya includes the somewhat faint group in the

body of the Crab, 7, B, and Cancri. The singular is rather

curious, as primarily one star would seem to have been meant,
and none of the group is at all prominent. 76
ASresas or ASlesas, which in some texts 77 is certainly to
7.
be read Asresas or Aslesas, denotes S, e, 77, p, <r, and perhaps
also f, Hydrge. The word means embracer,' a name which '

admirably fits the constellation.

'
8. Maghas, the bounties,' are the Sickle, or a, 77, 7, , /x,
e

Leonis. The
variants Anagfha, the sinless one,' etc., clearly
'

refer to the auspicious influence of the constellation.

78
9. 10.
Phalguni, Phalgrunyau, Phalg-u, Phalg-unis, Phal-
gunyas, is really a double constellation, divided into Purve,
1
former,' and Uttare, 'latter.' The former is & and 6 Leonis,
the latter ft and 93 Leonis. According to Weber, the word
79 '
denotes, like Arjuni, the variant of the Rigveda, a bright-
'

coloured constellation.
76
Whitney, op. cit., 401. Cf. Tilak, Whitney, op. cit., 403, n. 1
102 77
et seq. Asresas, ankhayana Grhya Sutra,
7i 26. i. 26
i. ;
Santikalpa ; Naksatrakalpa ;

10. Aslesas, Santikalpa, 2 ; Naksatrakalpa,

73 i. 5. I. 4. 48.
7* 78 Kausitaki Brahmana,
op. cit., 352, 401, n. 1.
Whitney, v. 1.
75
Oldenberg, Religion des Veda, 212 ; 85. 13.
Macdonell, Vedic Mythology, p. 53.
Naksatra ] LIST OF THE ASTERISMS 417

11. Hasta, 'hand,' is made up of the five conspicuous stars

(8, 7, e, a, /3) Corvus, a number which the word itself

in
80 '

suggests. According to Geldner, the five bulls of the

Rigveda are this constellation.

bright,' is the beautiful star, a Virginis.

'
12. Citra, It is
mentioned in a legend of Indra in the Taittirlya Brahmana, 81
'
and in that of the two divine dogs (divyau svdnau) in the Sata-
'

82
patha Brahmana.
13. Svati or Nistya is later clearly the brilliant star Arcturus
or a Bootis, its place in the north being assured by the notice
in the Santikalpa, 83 where it is said to be ever traversing the '

northern way
'

(nityam uttara-margagam). The Taittirlya

84
Brahmana, however, constructs an asterismal Prajapati,
giving him Citra {a Virginis) for head, Hasta (Corvus) for
hand, the Visakhe (a and /9 Librae) for thighs, and the
Anuradhas (/?, 8, and ir Scorpionis) for standing place, with
Nistya for heart. But Arcturus, being 30 out, spoils this
figure, while, on the other hand, the Arabic and Chinese
systems have respectively, instead of Arcturus, 1, *, and X
Virginis and k Virginis, which would well fit into the Prajapati
85
figure. But in spite of the force of this argument of Weber's,
86
Whitney is not certain that Nistya here must mean a star in
Virgo, pointing out that the name Nistya, outcast,' suggests
'

the separation of this Naksatra from the others in question.

14. Visakhe is the couple of stars a and fi Libras. This
mansion is later called Radha according to the Amarakosa, and
87
it is curious that in the Atharvaveda the expression rddho
*
Visakhe, the Visakhe are prosperity,' should occur. But
probably Radha is merely an invention due to the name of the
'
next Naksatra, Anuradha, wrongly conceived as meaning that
which is after or follows Radha.' 88
15. Anuradhas or Anuradha, '
propitious,' is /?, S, and ir

(perhaps also p) Scorpionis.

80 Vedische Rv. 86
Studien, 3, 177 ;
i. 105, Op. cit., 409.
87 xix.
10. Cf. below, p. 427, n. 156. 7.
81
Taittirlya Brahmana, i.
1,2, 4-6.
88 Lanman in Whitney's Translation
82 83 of the Atharvaveda, 908.
ii. 1, 2, 13-17. 3. Cf. Thibaut,
84 i. 5, 2. Cf. Tilak, Orion, 204. Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal,
5
Op. cit., 2, 307, 308. 63, 156.
VOL. I. 27
4i8 LIST OF THE ASTERISMS [ Nakatra
'
16. RohinI, Jyesthagrhni,
ruddy slaying the eldest '; or
';

Jyestha,
'
eldest,' is the name of the constellation a, a, and r

Scorpionis, of which the central star, or, is the brilliant reddisl

Antares (or Cor Scorpionis).
17. Viertau, the two releasers '; Mula,
'
root '; or Mula-
*

'
barhani, uprooting,' denote primarily X and v at the extremity
of the tail of the Scorpion, but including also the nine 01
eleven stars from e to v.

18. 19. Asadhas (' unconquered '), distinguished as Purvas,

former,' and Uttaras, latter,' are really two constellations, oi
' '

which the former is composed of y, 8, e, and tj Sagittarii, or oi

8 and e only, and the latter of 0, a, t, and f Sagittarii, or of two,
a and f, only. It is probable that originally only four stars
forming a square were meant as included in the whole con-
89
stellation viz., a and f, with 8 and e.
20. Abhijit is the brilliant star a Lyrse with its two com-

panions and f. Its location in 6o north latitude is completely

discordant with the position of the corresponding Arabian am
Chinese asterisms. This fact is considered by Oldenberg 90 t(
support the view that it was a later addition to the system its ;

91
occurrence, however, as early as the Maitrayani Samhita,
92
which he does not note, somewhat invalidates that view. Ii
the Taittirlya Brahmana 93 Abhijit is said to be *
over Asadhas,
under &rona,' which Weber 94 held to refer to
position its ii

space, inferring thence that its Vedic position corresponded t(

that of the Arab Manazil and the Chinese Sieou viz., a

Capricorni. But Whitney 95 argues effectively that the words
1 ' ' '
over and under really refer to the place of Abhijit in the
' ' '

list,
'
after Asadhas and before Srona.
'

Sravana, ear,' denotes the bright stai

21. Srona, 'lame,' or
a Aquilae with & below and 7 above it. Weber 96 very need-

89 Samhita and in the Kathaka

Cf. Thibaut, Journal of the Asiatic Taittirlya
Society of Bengal, 63, 156. Samhita lists.
90 Nachrichten der 93 i-
konigl. Gesellschaft 5, 2, 3.
der Wissenschaften zu Gbttingen, 1909, 9i
Op.
cit., 1, 320, 321; 2, 307
55i 552. Indische Studien, 10, 224 et seq.
91 95
ii. 13, 20.
Journal of the American Orientc
92 It is at the same time be noted
to Society, 8, 393.
98
that Abhijit is wanting both in the Op. cit. ,2, 382; but see Whitney, 40^
Naksatra ] THE NAKSATRA S AND THE MONTHS 419

name Sravana suggested two ears and the

lessly thinks that the
head between. It is quite out of correspondence with the
Manazil and the Sieou, and is clearly an Indian invention. 07
22. Sravisthas, most famous,' or later Dhanisthas," 'most
'

wealthy,' is the diamond-shaped group, a, /3, S, and 7, in the

Dolphin, perhaps also ? in the same constellation. Like the
preceding Naksatra, it is out of harmony with the Manazil and
Sieou.
'
Satabhisa," having a hundred physicians,'
23. Satabhisaj or
seems to be A, Aquarii with the others around it vaguely
conceived as numbering a hundred.
24. 25. Prostha-padas (fern, plur.), 'feet of a stool,' or later
100
Bhadra-padas, 'auspicious feet,' a double asterism forming
a square, the former (pHrva) consisting of a and ft Pegasi, the
latter (uttara) of 7 Pegasi and a Andromedae.

wealthy,' denotes a large number of stars

'
26.
Revati,
(later 32), of which f Piscium, close upon the ecliptic where
it was crossed by the equator of about 570 A.D., is given as the
southernmost.
ASva-yujau, the two horse-harnessers,' denotes the stars
'

27.
101
ft and f Arietis. Asvinyau and AsvinI 102 are later names.
'
28. Apabharanls, Bharanis, or Bharanyas, the bearers,' is
the name of the small triangle in the northern part of the Ram
known as Musca or 35, 39, and 41 Arietis.
The Naksatras and In the Brahmanas the
the Months.
Naksatra names are regularly used to denote dates. This is
done in two ways. The name, if not already a feminine, may
be turned into a feminine and compounded with purna-nidsa,
'
the full moon,' as in Tisyd-purnamasa,
'
the full moon in the
103
Naksatra Tisya.' Much more
often, however, it is turned
'
into a derivative adjective, used with paurnamasi, the full
97 100 etc.
Oldenberg, loc. at. Santikalpa, 5,
101
98
Jaankhayana Grhya Sutra, i. 26 Sankhayana Grhya Sutra, i. 26 ;

antikalpa, 13; Dhanistha, ibid., 5. Naksatrakalpa, 9. 30.

102
99 So probably in Maitrayani Sam- 1

Naksatrakalpa, 4. 45 ; Santi-
hita, ii. 13, 20, where see von j
kalpa, 5. 11.

Schroeder's critical note. The Santi- I

103
Taittirlya Samhita, ii. 2, 10, 1.

kalpa, 5, and Naksatrakalpa, 2, have j

Cf. vii. 4, 8, 1. 2; PaiicavimSa Brah-
Satabhisa, and the latter, 1, has Sata- I
mana, v. 9, 1.

bhisa (masculine).

27 2
 20 THE NAKSATRAS AND CHRONOLOGY [ Nakatra

moon with amavdsyd, 'the new moon (night),' as in

(night),' or
Phalguni paurnamdsi, 'the full-moon night in the Naksatra
104
Phalguni'; or, as is usual in the Sutras, the Naksatra adjec-
tive alone is used to denote the full-moon night. The month
105
itself is called by a name derived from that of a Naksatra,
but only Phalguna, 106 Caitra, 107 Vaisakha, 108 Taisya, 109 Magna 110
occur in the Brahmanas, the complete list later being Phalguna,
Caitra, Vaisakha, Jyaistha, Asadha, Sravana, Prausthapada,
Asvayuja, Karttika, Margasirsa, Taisya, Magna. Strictly
speaking, these should be lunar months, but the use of a lunar
year was clearly very restricted we have seen that as early as :

the Taittiriya Brahmana there was a tendency to equate lunar

months with the twelve months of thirty days which made up
the solar year (see Masa).
The Naksatras and Chronology. (i) An endeavour has been
made to ascertain from the names of the months the period at
which the systematic employment of those names was intro-
duced. William Jones 111 refers to this possibility, and
Sir

Bentley, by the gratuitous assumption that Sravana always

marked the summer solstice, concluded that the names of the
months did not date before b.c. 1181. Weber 112 considered
that there was a possibility of fixing a date by this means, but
113
Whitney has convincingly shown that it is an impossible
114
feat, and Thibaut concurs in this view. Twelve became
fixed as the number of the months because of the desire,
evident in the Brahmanas, somehow or other to harmonize
lunar with solar time but the selection of twelve Naksatras
;

out of twenty-seven as connected with the night of full moon

can have no chronological significance, because full moon at
104 109
Satapatha Brahmana, u.
ii. 6,
o. 3. Kausitaki Brahmana, xix. 2. 3.
11 et seq. ;
vi. 2, 2, 18; xiii. 4, 1, 4 ;
110 Ibid.
; Satapatha Brahmana.
Kausitaki Brahmana, i. 3 ;
iv. 4; v. I. xiii.
8, i, 4. For the later list, see
See also Caland, Uber das rituelle Sutra Weber, Naxatva, 2, 327, 328.
des Baudhayana, 36, 37, and Masa. 111 Asiatic Researches, 2,
296.
105 an masa ' 12
primarily adjective, with Op. cit., 2, 347, 348 ; Indischt
to be supplied Phalguna, '(the
e.g., Studien, 9, 455 ; 10, 230, 231.
11 3
month) connected with the Naksatra Journal of the American Oriental
Phalguni.' Society, 6, 413 8, 85 et seq.
;

106 Paiicavimsa
Brahmana, v. 9, 8. 114
Astronomie, Astrologie und Mathc-
107 Kausitaki
Brahmana, xix. 3. matik, 16.
108
Satapatha Brahmana, xi. 1, 1, 7.
 Nakgatra ] THE NAKSATRAS AND CHRONOLOGY 421

no period occurred in those twelve only, but has at all periods

occurred in every one of the twenty-seven at regularly re-
current intervals.
(2) All the of the Naksatras begin with Krttikas.
lists It is

only fair to suppose that there was some special reason for this
fact. Now the later list of the Naksatras begins with Asvini,
and it was unquestionably rearranged because at the time of its

adoption the vernal equinox coincided with the star f Piscium

on the border of Revati and Asvini, 115 say in the course of the
sixth century a.d. Weber 116 has therefore accepted the view
that the Krttikas were chosen for a similar reason, and the
date at which that Naksatra coincided with the vernal equinox
has been estimated at some period in the third millennium B.C. 117
A very grave objection to this view is its assumption that the
sun, and not the moon, was then regarded as connected with
the Naksatras; and both Thibaut 118 and Oldenberg 119 have
pronounced decidedly against the idea of connecting the
120
equinox with the Krttikas. Jacobi has contended that in
the Rigveda 121 the commencement of the rains and the summer
solstice mark the beginning of the new year and the end of the
old, and that further the new year began with the summer
solstice in Phalgunl. 121 He has also referred to the distinction
of the two sets of Deva Yama Naksatras in the Taittiriyaand
Brahmana 122as supporting his view of the connexion of the
sun and the Naksatras. But this view is far from satisfactory :

the Rigveda passages cannot yield the sense required except

123 ' '

by translating the word dvddasa as the twelfth (month)

'
instead of consisting of twelve parts,' that is, 'year,' the accepted
115 Keith, Journal of the Royal
Cf. Colebrooke, Essays, 2, 264 ; 1909, 564 ;

Weber, Indische Studie?i, 10, 234. A siatic 1909, 1 1 03

Society ,
.

116 i 20
Festgruss an Roth, 68 et seq.=
- Indische
Naxatra, 2, 362 364 ;

Studien, 10, 234 ;

Indian Literature, 2, Indian Antiquary, 23, 154 et seq. Zeit- ;

n. 2, etc. schrift der Deutschen Morgenldndischen

117 See Weber, loc. cit. ; Buhler, Gesellschaft, 49, 218 et seq. 50, 8^ ; ;

Indian Antiquary, 23, 245, n. 20 ;

Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, 1910,
Tilak, Orion, 40 et seq. 463.
1 18 Indian i 21 ' '

Antiquary, 24, 96. vii. 103 (the frog hymn) ; x. 85

lis '

Zeitschrift der Deutschen Morgen- (the 'marriage hymn).

landischen Gesellschaft, 48, 631 122
49, 473 ; ; i. 5, 2, 8.

50, 451, 452 Nachrichten der hbnigl.

;
123 Rv v ii 10 ^ g f #

Gesellschaft der Wissenschaften zu Gottingen,

I
422 THE NAKSATRAS AND CHRONOLOGY [ Naksjatra

interpretation ;
and the division of the Naksatras is not at all

satisfactorily explainedby a supposed connexion with the sun. It

may further be mentioned that even if the Naksatra of Krttikas
be deemed to have been chosen because of its coincidence with
the vernal equinox, both Whitney 124 and Thibaut 125 are pre-
pared to regard it as no more than a careless variant of the date
given by the Jyotisa, which puts the winter solstice in Magna.
(3) The winter solstice in Magna is assured by a Brahmana
text, for the Kausitaki Brahmana 120 expressly places it in the
new moon of Magna (mdghasydmdvdsydydm). It is not very
127
important whether we take this with the commentators as
the new moon in the middle of a month commencing with the
day after full moon in Taisa, or, which is much more likely, as
the new moon beginning the month and preceding full moon in
Magna. The datum gives a certain possibility of fixing an epoch
in the following way. If the end of Revati marked the vernal

equinox at one period, then the precession of the equinoxes would

enable us to calculate at what point of time the vernal equinox
was in a position corresponding to the winter solstice in Magna,
when the solstitial colure cut the ecliptic at the beginning of
Sravisthas. This would be, on the strict theory, in the third
quarter of Bharani, 6| asterisms removed from Sravisthas, and
the difference between that and the beginning of Asvini =

124 Oriental and Linguistic Essays, 2, though the text is corrupt). The passage

383. is apparently not in Caland's manu-

125 Indian Antiquary, 24, 97. Cf. scripts, or he would have mentioned
Keith, of the Royal Asiatic it in his paper, Ubcr das rituelle Sutra
Journal
Society, 1910, 464, n. 4. des Baudhayana, 36, 37. Its date and
126 xix. This was first noticed by value are therefore not quite certain.
3.

Weber, Naxatra, 2, 345 et seq., who 127

Vinayaka on Kausitaki Brah-
pointed out its relation to the datum mana, loc. cit. Anartiya on Sankh-
;

of the Jyotisa. The same date as that ayana Srauta Sutra, xiii. 19, 1 Weber,
;

of the Jyotisa is found in a passage of Naxatra, 2, 345. The assumption of

'

the Baudhayana Srauta Sutra cited by the scholiasts seems to be due to the
Shamasastry, Gavam Ayana, T37 (mdghe fact that to their minds a month must
mase dhanisthdbhir uttarenaiti bhdnumdn, ;
end with a new moon (amdnta) or with
ardhaslesasya sidvanasya daksinenopani- full moon {purnimdnta). But there is
in the month of Magha the to say that in Vedic times
'
vartate, no reason
sun goes north with the asterism the month may not have commenced
Dhanisthas, in the month of Sravana with the new moon the Kausitaki
;

he returns south in the middle of the passage would thus be quite satisfac-
'
asterism A3!esa ; the sense is clear, torily explained.
Nakatra ] THE NAKSATRAS AND CHRONOLOGY 423

=
if asterisms 23 J (27 asterisms being
= 360). Taking the .

starting-point at 499 assured period of Varaha Mihira,

A.D., the
128
Jones arrived at the date B.C. 1181 for the vernal equinox
corresponding to the winter solstice in Magna that is, on the
basis of i = 72 years as the precession. Pratt 129 arrived at
precisely the same date, taking the same rate of precession and
adopting as his basis the ascertained position in the Siddhantas
of the junction star 130 of Magna, a Leonis or Regulus. Davis 131
and Colebrooke 132 arrived at a different date, B.C. 1391, by
taking as the basis of their calculation the junction star of Citra,
which happens to be of uncertain position, varying as much as
3 in the different textbooks. But though the twelfth century
has received a certain currency as the epoch of the observation
in the Jyotisa, 133 it is of very doubtful value. As Whitney
points out, it is impossible to say that the earlier asterisms
coincided in position with the later asterisms of 13J extent
each. They were not chosen as equal divisions, but as groups
of stars which stood in conjunction with the moon ;
and the
result of subsequently making them strictly equal divisions
was to throw the principal stars of the later groups altogether
out of their asterisms. 134Nor can we say that the star Piscium
early formed the eastern boundary of Revati it may possibly ;

not even have been in that asterism at all, for it is far remote
from the Chinese and Arabic asterisms corresponding to Revati.
Added to all this, and to the uncertainty of the starting-point
135
582 A.D., 560 a.d., or
491 a.d. being variants is the fact that

the place of the equinox is not a matter accurately determin-

able by mere observation, and that the Hindu astronomers of
the Vedic period cannot be deemed to have been very accurate
observers, since they made no precise determination of the

i 28 Asiatic Researches, 133

2, 393. E.g., Lassen, Indische Alterthums-
2
129
Journal of the Asiatic Society of hunde, i 606, 607, 976, and cf. Thibaut,
,

Bengal, 31, 49. Astronomie, Astrologie und Mathematik,

130
Cf. Whitney, Oriental and Linguistic 17, 18 Tilak, Orion, 38, 39.
;

134
Essays, 2, 373. Whitney, op. cit., 2, 375.
131 Asiatic Researches, 2, 268; 135
5, 288. Cf. Whitney, op. cit., 377, 379;
1 32
Essays, I, 109, no. See Sir T. Weber, op. cit., 2, 363, 364, where he
Colebrooke, Journal of the Royal A siatic prefers a.d. 582.
Society, 1, 335 et seq. Whitney, op. cit.,
;

2, 381, 382.
424 THE NAKSATRAS AND CHRONOLOGY [ Naksatra

number of days of the year, which even in the Jyotisa they do

not determine more precisely than as 366 days, and even
the Surya Siddhanta 136 does not know the precession of the
equinoxes. It is therefore only fair to allow a thousand years
for possible errors, 137
and the only probable conclusion to be
drawn from the datum of the Kausitaki Brahmana is that it
was recording an observation which must have been made some
centuries B.C., in itself a result quite in harmony with the
138
probable date of the Brahmana literature, say B.C. 800-600.
(4) Another chronological argument has been derived from
the fact that there is a considerable amount of evidence for
Phalguna having been regarded as the beginning of the year,
since the full moon in Phalguni is often described as the
'
mouth (mukham) of the year.' 139 Jacobi 140 considers that this
136 See Whitney's note on Surya brandt, Rituallitteratur, 31, who are in-
Siddhanta, iii. 12 ; op. cit., 2, 369, n. 1 ;
clined to accept an early date, fourth
374, n. 1. Cf. Tilak, Orion, 18. or fifth century B.C., for the Apastamba
13 7 from which a still earlier date
Whitney, 384, followed by Thibaut, Sutras,
Indian Antiquary, Astronomie,
24, 98 ; for the Brahmanas must be conceded.
Astrologie und Mathematik, 18. See also But Eggeling is more probably correct
Weber, Indische Studien, io, 236 Indian ; when he assigns the Apastamba Sutras
Literature, 2, n. 2 Whitney, Journal of
; to the third century, B.C. See Sacred
the Royal Asiatic Society, 1, 313 et seq. ; Books of the East, 12, xl, and it seems
in Colebrooke's Essays, i 2 120 et seq. , ; unwise unduly to press back the date
Max Muller, in his edition of the Rig- of Vedic literature. It is noteworthy
2
veda, iv xxx et seq., was also inclined
, that in the Epic the solstice is still in
to regard the date as very uncertain ;
Magha (Mahabharata, xiii. 168, 6. 28).
only in his popular works (Chips, 1, Reference is, however, made (ibid., i. 71,
113, etc.) did he accept 1181 B.C., or 34) to the Naksatras commencing with
rather 1 186 B.C., as recalculated by Main Sravana. and the first month is Marga-
from Pratt's calculation. Shamasastry's slrsa (see Hopkins, Journal of the
defence, Gavam Ayana, 122 et seq., of American Oriental Society, 24, 21 et seq.).
the Jyotisa shows a misunderstanding Cf. also Tilak, Orion, 37, 216.
the criticisms made. See Keith, 139 2
Taittiriya Samhita, vii. 4, 8, 1. ;

ournal of the Royal Asiatic Society, 1910, Pancavimsa Brahmana, v. 9, 9. Cf.

66, n. 5. Kausitaki Brahmana, iv. 4 v. 1 Tait- ; ;

138
Macdonell, Sanskrit Literature,
Cf. tiriya Brahmana, i. 1, 2, 8 Satapatha ;

12, 202 Keith, Aitareya Aranyaka, 20

; Brahmana, vi. 2, 2, 18 Asvalayana ;

et seq. It has been put earlier see : Srauta Sutra, v. 3. 16. According to
Thibaut, Astronomie, etc., 18; Biihler, the Taittiriya and the Kausitaki Brah-
Zeitschrift der Deutschen M orgenldndischen manas, the beginning falls at the middle
Gesellschaft, 55, 544, and cf. Biihler, of the joint asterism.
Sacred Books of the East, 2, xl et seq. ;
140 Indian
Antiquary, 23, 156 et seq. ;

Indian Antiquary, 23, 247 von Schroeder, ;

Zeitschrift der Deutschen M
orgenldndischen
Indiens Literatur und Cultur, 45 et seq. Gesellschaft, 49, 223 et seq.; 50, 72-81.
See also Jolly, Recht und Sitte, 3 Hille- ; See Tilak, Orion, 53 et seq. ; 198 et seq.
Nakatra ] THE NAKSATRAS AND CHRONOLOGY 425

was due was reckoned from the winter

to the fact that the year
solstice,which would coincide with the month of Phalguna
about B.C. 4000. Oldenberg 141 and Thibaut, 142 on the other
'

hand, maintain that the choice of Phalguna as the mouth of

'

the year was due to its being the first month of spring. This
view is favoured by the fact that there is distinct evidence 143
of the correspondence of Phalguna and the beginning of spring :

as we have seen above in the Kausitaki Brahmana, the new

moon in Magna is placed at the winter solstice, which puts
144

the full moon of Phalguni at a month and a half after the

winter solstice, or in the first week of February, a date not in
itself improbable for about B.C. 800, and corresponding with

the February 7 of the veris initium in the Roman Calendar.

This fact accords with the only natural division of the year
into three periods of four months, as the rainy season lasts from

June 7-10 to October 7-10, and it is certain that the second set
of four months dates from the beginning of the rains (see
145
Caturmasya). Tilak, on the other hand, holds that the
winter solstice coincided with Maghi full moon at the time of the
Taittiriya Samhita (b.c. 2350), and had coincided with Phalguni
and Caitri in early periods viz., B.C. 4000-2500, and B.C. 6000-
4000.
146
(5) The
passages of the Taittiriya Samhita and the Panca-
147
vimsa Brahmana, which treat the full moon in Phalguna as
the beginning of the year, give as an alternative the full moon
in Caitra. Probably the latter month was chosen so as to
secure that the initial day should fall well within the season of
148
spring, and was not, as Jacobi believes, a relic of a period
141 der Deutschen 2. So the Phalguna full moon
Zeitschrift Morgen- 1, 4.
landischen Gesellschaft, 48, 630 et seq. ;
is month of the seasons
called the * '

49, 475. 476 50, 453-457- Cf. Whitney,

; (rtundm mukham) in Kathaka Samhita,
Journal of the American Oriental Society, viii. 1 ;
Maitrayani Samhita, i. 6, 9.
144 xix. 2.
16, lxxxvii. 3.
142 Indian Antiquary, 24, 86 et seq. 145 et seq.
Orion, 53 et seq. ; 198
143 See Weber, Naxatra, 2, 329 et seq. 146 vii. 1.
, 4, 8,
and cf. Satapatha Brahmana, i. 6, 3,
147 v.
9. See Weber, op. cit., 2, 341-
36 Kausitaki Brahmana, v. 1 a Sruti
; ;
344; Thibaut, Indian Antiquary, 24, 85
passage in the commentary on Katya- et seq. for a full discussion of the points
,

yana Srauta Sutra, i. 2, 13 Baudha- ; raised by Tilak, Orion, 43 et seq.

yana Dharma Sutra, ii. 2, 4, 23, and 148
Thibaut, Indian Antiquary, 24, 93.
especially Satapatha Brahmana, xiii. 4, On the other side, Tilak, 198 et seq.
426 THE NAKSATRAS AND CHRONOLOGY [ Nakatra

when the winter solstice corresponded with Caitra. Another

alternative is the Ekastaka, interpreted by the commentators as

the eighth day after the full moon in Maghas, a time which
might, as being the last quarter of the waning half of the old
year, well be considered as representing the end of the year.
A fourth alternative is the fourth day before full moon ; the full
moon meant must be that of Caitra, as Alekhana quoted by
Apastamba held, not of Magna, as Asmarathya, Laugaksi and
the Mlmamsists believed, and as Tilak believes. 149
(6) Others, again, according to the Grhya ritual, began the

year with the month Margasirsa, as is shown by its other name

150
Agrahayana (' belonging to the commencement of the year ').
151
Jacobi and Tilak think that this one denoted the autumn
equinox in Mrgasiras, corresponding to the winter solstice in
162
Phalguni. But, as Thibaut shows clearly, it was selected as
the beginning of a year that was taken to commence with
autumn, just as some took the spring to commence with Caitra
instead of Phalguna. 153
154
(7) Jacobi has also argued, with the support of Biihler,
from the terms given for the beginning of Vedic study in the
Grhya Sutras, on the principle that study commenced with the
rains (as in the Buddhist vassa) which mark the summer
solstice. He concludes that if Bhadrapada appears as the
date of commencing study in some texts, it was fixed thus
because at one time Prosthapadas (the early name of Bhadra-
padas) coincided with the summer solstice, this having been the
case when the winter solstice was in Phalguna. But Whitney 165
has pointed out that this argument is utterly illegitimate we ;

cannot say that there was any necessary connexion between the
rains and learning a month like Sravana might be preferred

149 he equates
Thibaut, op. cit., 94 ; Tilak, 51 v.-vii.); (221 et seq.) Agra-
et seq. Cf. also Katyayana Srauta yana and Orion (!).
152
Sutra, xiii. 1. 8-10; Weber, 2, 343, Op. cit., 94, 95.
n. 2, 344. 153 A
corresponding Karttika year is
iso not early, Thibaut, op. cit., 96. Cf.
Thibaut, op. cit., 94, 95. Cf.
Weber, 332-334.
2, Weber, op. cit., 2, 334.
151 Tilak's view is in Orion, 154 Indian Antiquary, 23, 242 et seq.
given
based mainly on Amara's 155
62 et seq. It is journal of the American Oriental

(i. 2, 23) agra-hayani as a synonym of Society, 16, lxxxiv et seq.

MrgaSiras, and on certain myths (chaps.
Nak?atra ] ORIGIN OF THE NAKSATRAS 427

connexion with the word Sravana,

'
because of its
'
ear and
in view of the precession of the equinoxes, we must assume that

Bhadrapada was kept because of its traditional coincidence

with the beginning of the rains after it had ceased actually so
to coincide. 150
The Origin of the Naksatras. As we have seen, there is no
evidence showing the process by which the Naksatras may
156 Mention should here be made of
century a.d., the equatorial point being
the following points: (1) Jacobi's argu- placed between Citra. and Svati, which
ment from the word Dhruva, the name in the early period were both very
of the star pointed out to the bride in much north of the equator (see Caland,
the marriage ritual. The word does Uber das Sutra des Baudhdyana,
rituclle

not occur in the literature anterior to 37-39) - The same passage

of the Sata-
the Grhya Sutras, and it must remain patha Brahmana, ii. 1, 2, 2, in the
an undecided question whether the Madhyamdina recension, states that
practice was or was not old. Jacobi the number of the Krttikas is greater
urges that Dhruva, means 'fixed,' and than that of the stars in any of the
that it must originally have referred to other Naksatras, which consist of one,
a real fixed pole star, and he thinks two, three, or four stars, or which,
that such a star could only be found according to the Kanva recension (see
in the third millennium b.c. Whitney Eggeling, Sacred Books of the East, 12,
and Oldenberg definitely reject this 282, n. 2), have four stars. It is not
view on the ground that too much possible to put much faith in this asser-
must not be made out of a piece of tion, for Hasta later has five stars, and
and that the marriage ritual
folk-lore, itsname (with reference to the fingers)
requirements would be satisfied by any suggests five (cf. Weber, Naxatra, 2,
star of some magnitude which was 368, 381), and that number is possibly
approximately polar. This conclusion referred to in the Rigveda (i. 105, 10).
seems convincing. Keith, Journal
Cf. See Geldner, Vedische Studien, 3, 177.
of the Royal Asiatic Society, 1909, 1102 ;
(3) Attempts have been made to regard
1910, 465 ; contra, Jacobi, ibid., 1909, the names of the Naksatras as signifi-
726 et seq. 1910, 464.
;
(2) The Sata- cant of their position in the list. Thus
patha Brahmana, ii. 1, 2, 3, asserts Bentley, Historical thought
Vieiv, 2,
that the Krttikas do not move from Visakha, was so called because the
the eastern quarter, which the others equinoctial colure divided the equator
do and stress has been laid (by Jacobi,
;
about 1426 b.c this is refuted by
;

Journal of Royal Asiatic Society, 1910,

the Tilak, Orion, 57
Jyesthaghniet seq.

463, 464) upon this assertion as giving has been interpreted as slaying the
'

i.e., as marking the new year

'

a date of the third millennium b.c. for eldest

the Satapatha observation. But this by putting an end to the old year.
notice isquite inadequate to support Tilak, 90, suggests that Mula was so
any such result, and its lack of trust- called because its acronycal rising
worthiness as a chronological guide is marked the beginning of the year when
increased by the fact that the Baudha- the vernal equinox was near Mrgasiras.
yana Srauta Sutra, xviii 5, has a similar More probable is Whitney's view, Suvya
notice, coupled with another notice, Siddhdnta, 194, thatit was the most

which, according to Barth, would only southern, and so, as it were, the basis
be true somewhere in or after the sixth of the asterisms.
 428 ORIGIN OF THE NAKSATRAS [ Nakatra

have originated in India. They are mentioned only as stars in

the earlier parts of the Rigveda, then the names of three of
them are found in the latest parts of that Samhita, and finally
in the later Atharvaveda and in the Yajurveda Samhitas the
full list appears. It may also be noted that the Vedic Indians
show (see Graha) a remarkably small knowledge of the other
astronomical phenomena ; the discovery of a series of 27 lunar
mansions by them would therefore be rather surprising. On
the other hand, the nature of such an operation is not ver
complicated it consists merely in selecting a star or a stai
;

group with wmich the moon is in conjunction. It is thus

impossible a priori to deny that the Vedic Indians could have
invented for themselves a lunar Zodiac. 157
But the question is complicated by the fact that there exist
two similar sets of 28 stars or star groups in Arabia and in
China, the Manazil and the Sieou. The use of the Manazil in
Arabia is consistent and effective the calendar is regulated by
;

them, and the position of the asterisms corresponds best with

the positions required for a lunar Zodiac. The Indians might
therefore have borrowed the system from Arabia, but that is a
mere possibility, because the evidence for the existence of the
Manazil long posterior to that for the existence of the
is

Naksatras, while again the Mazzaroth or Mazzaloth of the Old

Testament 158 may really be the lunar mansions. 159 That the
Arabian system is borrowed from India, as Burgess 160 held, is,
on the other hand, not at all probable.
Biot, the eminent Chinese scholar, in a series of papers
161
published by him between. 1839 an d 1861, attempted to prove

157 Max Muller, Rigveda, 4*, xliv et seq. ;

but Weber himself disclaimed
et seq., maintains the Indian origin of the it (see Indische Studien, 9, 425, 426; 10,
system. Thibaut, Astronomic, Astrologie 246, 247). On the other hand, Sedillot,
und Mathematik, 14, 15, admits it to be Matcriaux pour servir a I'histoire corn-
possible, as does Whitney, Oriental and paree des Sciences M '

athematiques par les

Linguistic Essays, 2,
418. Grecs et les Orientaux (Paris, 1845-1849),
158 2 favoured influence from Arabia on
Kings xxiii. 5 Job xxxviii. 32.
;

159
Weber, Naxatra, 1, 317, 318 ;
India.
Whitney, op, cit., 359. 161 Summed up in his two works,
160 the American Oriental Recherches sur I'ancienne astronomic
Journal of
Society, 8, 309-334. This was Weber's Chinoise, and Etudes sur I' astronomic
view also, according to Whitney, 413 Indienne et I'astronomie Chinoise.
 Nakatra ] ORIGIN OF THE NAKSATRAS 429

the derivation of the Naksatra from the Chinese Sieou. The

he did not regard as being in origin lunar mansions at all.
latter
He thought that they were equatorial stars used, as in modern
astronomy, as a standard to which planets or other stars
observed in the neighbourhood can be referred they were, as ;

regards twenty-four of them, selected about B.C. 2357 on

account of their proximity to the equator, and of their having
the same right ascension as certain circumpolar stars which had
attracted the attention of Chinese observers. Four more were
added 1100 in order to mark the equinoxes and solstices
in B.C.
of the period. He held that the list of stars commenced with
Mao (=Krttikas), which was at the vernal equinox in B.C. 2357.
162
Weber, in an elaborate essay of i860, disputed this theory,
and endeavoured to show that the Chinese literary evidence for
the Sieou was late, dating not even from before the third
163
century B.C. The last point does not appear to be correct,
but his objections against the basis of Biot's theory were rein-
forced by Whitney, 164 who insisted that Biot's supposition of
the Sieou's not having been ultimately derived from a system of
lunar mansions, was untenable. This is admitted by the latest
defender of the hypothesis of borrowing from China, Leopold
de Saussure, 165 but his arguments in favour of a Chinese origin
,

for the Indian lunar mansions have been refuted by Oldenberg, 160
who has also pointed out 167 that the series does not begin with
Mao ( = Krttikas).
There remains only the possibility that a common source for
all the three sets Naksatra, Manazil, and Sieou may be
found in Babylonia. Hommel 168 has endeavoured to show
that recent research has established in Babylonia the existence
of a lunar zodiac of twenty-four members headed by the

162 Indische Studien, 9, et seq.

Naxatra,1, 284 et seq. (i860). 424 ; 10, 213
163 See Chavannes, cited by Olden- et seq. ; Whitney, Journal of the American
berg, Nachrichten der konigl. Gesellschaft Oriental Society, 8, 384 et seq.

der 165 121

Wissenschaften zic Gottingen, 1909, T'oung Pao, 1909, et seq. ;

255 et seq.
566, 567.
164 166
Journal of the American Oriental Nachrichten, 1909, 544-572.
lfi 7
Society, 8, 1 et seq.; Oriental and Lin- Ibid., 548, n. 9.
For his !68 der Deutschen Morgen-
guisticEssays, 2, 385 et seq. Zeitschrift
controversy with Weber, see Weber, landischen Gesellschaft, 45, 592 et seq.
43 ORIGIN OF THE NAKSATRAS [ Nakatra

Pleiades (
= Krttikas) ; but Thibaut's researches 169 are not
favourable to this claim. On the other hand, Weber,
170

171 172 173

Whitney, Zimmer, and Oldenberg all incline to the
view that in Babylonia to be found the origin of the system,
is

and this must for the present be regarded as the most probable

view, for there are other traces of Babylonian influence in

Vedic literature, such as the legend of the flood, perhaps the
174
Adityas, and possibly the word Mana.

169
Journal of the Asiatic Society of schaft, 50, 43 et seq. His view is not
Bengal, 63, 144-163. Cf. Astronomic, accepted by Macdonell, Vedic Mythology,
etc., 15 ; Oldenberg, op. cit., 572. p. 44 Bloomfield, Religion of the Veda,
;

170 Indische Still more doubtful is Zimmer's

Naxatra, 1, 316 et seq. ; 133.
Studien, 10, 246, and elsewhere. Weber, view (Altindisches Leben, 363, 364) of the
Naksatra, 2, 362, 400, laid great stress division of day and night into thirty
on the fact that the Jyotisa, 8, referred parts,which he sees in Rv. i. 123, 8,
to the difference of the longest and and which he thinks is based on the
shortest day as being six muhurtas, Babylonian division of the same period
which makes the longest day fourteen of time into sixtieths. Cf. also V. Smith,
hours twenty - four minutes and he ; Indian Antiquary, 34, 230, who argues,
compared the Babylonian day of four- but inconclusively, that the use of iron
teen hours twenty-five minutes, and a was introduced from Babylonia.
Chinese day of fourteen hours twenty- The facts about the Naksatras are
four minutes. But Whitney, Oriental (with the exception of the data from the
and Linguistic Essays, 2, 417, 418, shows Maitrayani Samhita and the Baudha-
that no stress can be laid on this argu- yana Srauta Sutra) collected in Weber's
ment, since the correspondence is only second essay, Die vedischen Nachrichten

approximate, and the latitudes of the von den Naxatra, 1861. The first essay,
Babylonian and Chinese observations i860, deals with the problem of origins.
are approximately the same. See also his discussions in Indische
171 See et
op. cit., 2, 418-420. Studien, 9, 424 et seq. ; 10, 213 seq.
172 Altindisches where
Leben, 356, 357, Whitney's work lies partly in his
he quite confident of the Semitic
is scientific determination (in many places
origin of the Naksatras. correcting Colebrooke's discoveries) of
1 73
Op. cit., 572'. the later Naxatras in his edition and
174 For the version of the Siirya Siddhanta (Journal
flood, see Zimmer, op. cit.,
101, 357, who is opposed to Weber's of the American Oriental Society, 6), and
view (Indische Studien, 1, 160; Indische partly in his discussions of the question
Streifen, 1, 11) that the story preserves of origin (Journal of the American Oriental
an old Aryan tradition, and a reminis- Society, 8), Oriental and Linguistic Essays,
cence of the home of the Indians 2, 341-421 (with a stellar chart), and
beyond the Himalaya [cf. Muir, Sanskrit of the question of date as against
i2, 2
Texts, 190; 2 323, n. 96; Lassen, ,
Jacobi and Tilak's Orion (Journal of
Indische Alterthwnskunde i2 638, and , , theAmerican Oriental Society, 16, lxxxii
cf. Oldenberg, Religion dcs Veda, 276, The views of Max Muller are
et seq.).

n. 3). For the Adityas, see Oldenberg, found in his Rigveda, 4 2 xxxiv et seq.,

Religion des Veda, 185 et seq. Zeitschrift ;

The modern discussion of the dates
der Deutschen Morgenldndischen Gesell- inferable from the Naksatra was in-
Nakha ] A STROLOGERA STRONOMERNA IL 43 1

augurated by Jacobi (1893) in the Society, 1909, 1090 et seq. Thibaut has
Festgruss an Roth, 68-74 (translated in also rejected Jacobi's views in an article
the Indian Antiquary, 23). See also his in the Indian Antiquary, 24, 85 et seq.
articles in the Nachnchten der konigl. See also his Astronomic, Astrologie und
Gesellschaft der Wissenschaften zu Got- Mathematik, 17-19. The recent litera-
tingen, 1894, no et seq. ; Zeitschrift der ture on the origin of the Naksatras
Detitschen Morgenldndischen Gesellschaft, consists of articles by Thibaut, Journa
49, 218 50, 70 et seq. ; Journal
et seq. ; of the Asiatic Society of Bengal, 63, 144
of the Royal Asiatic Society, 1909, 721- et seq. Saussure, T'oung Pao, 1909,
;

727. Independently Tilak, in his Orion, 121 et seq. ; 255 et seq. ; Oldenberg,
developed similar views but most of ;
Nachrichten der konigl. Gesellschaft der
his special points are disposed of by Wissenschaften zu Gbttingen, 1909. 544
Whitney in his review cited above. et seq. The Naksatras in the Epic are
Oldenberg has discussed and refuted dealt with by Hopkins, Journal of the

Jacobi's arguments in the Zeitschrift, American Oriental Society, 24, 29-36.

48, 629 et seq. ;
49, 470 et seq. 50, 450
; Ludwig's views are given in his Trans-
et seq. ; Journal of the Royal Asiatic lation of the Rigveda, 3, 183 et seq.

'
Naksatra-dar6a (' gazer at the lunar mansions '), an astro-

loger,' is mentioned in the of victims at the Purusamedha,

list

or
'
human sacrifice,' in the Yajurveda. 1 A notice in the
2
Satapatha Brahmana indicates that that work regarded the
practice of choosing a particular Naksatra under which to set
up the sacrificial fires as an idle one, because it decides in
favour of choosing the sun as one's Naksatra.
1 Tait- in Eggeling, Sacred Books of the East,
Vajasaneyi Samhita, xxx. 10 ;

tiriya Brahmana, iii. 4, 4, 1. xii, 288, n. 3.

cf. the Kanva
2 ii. 1, 2, 19, and text

'
Naksatra- vidya, the science of the lunar mansions,'
*

astronomy,' is mentioned with other sciences in the Chandogya

Upanisad (vii. 1, 2. 4 ; 2, 1 ; 7, 1).

Nakha denotes either the of

*
nail
'
of a man, 1 or the *
claw
'

3
a wild beast, such as a tiger. The trimming (nikrntana) of 2

the nails was a regular part of the toilet of the Vedic Indian,
especially on occasions of special sanctity, when it accompanied
the cleansing of the teeth. 4
1 3
Rv. i. 162, 9 x. 163, 5; Av. ii. 33, Chandogya Upanisad, vi. 1, 6.
4
6, etc. Taittiriya Samhita, ii. 5, 1, 7
2 Rv. iv.
3, 3. Cf. x. 28, 10, of the Maitrayani Samhita, iii. 6, 2, etc.

eagle's talon. Satapatha Brahmana, ii. 1, 3, 4.

 432 MO UNTA IN TO WNNA MES [ Naga

Na-gra (' not moving '), mountain,' is a word occurring only

'

in a late book of the Atharvaveda (xix. 8, i), and then in the

Sutras.

Nagfara is in early Vedic literature found only in the deriva-

tive adjective, used as a proper name, Nagarin, but it appears
in the sense of 'town' in the Taittiriya Aranyaka (i. 1 1, 18 ;

31, 4), and frequently in the later language.

Nagrarin Jana-sruteya (' descendant of Janasruti ') is men-

tioned as a priest in the Aitareya Brahmana (v. 30), and as
Nagarin Janasruteya Kandviya in the Jaimimya Upanisad
Brahmana (iii. 40, 2).

Nagna-jit, King of Gandhara, is mentioned in the Aitareya

Brahmana 1 as having been consecrated by Parvata and
Narada. The same king is mentioned with his son Svarjit
2
in theSatapatha Brahmana, where a remark attributed to one
of them on a ritual topic is treated with contempt.

1
vii. 34. I
Literature, 132, 134 ; Muir, Sanskrit
viii. 1, 4, 10. Cf. Weber, Indian \ Texts, i2, 515.

Nag-na, See Dharma.

Nag-ha-mara and Nag*ha-risa. See 1. Kustha.

Na-ciketas occurs in the well-known legend of the Taitti-

riya Brahmana
1
(where he is a Gotama, the son of Vaja-
2
gravasa), and in the Katha Upanisad. His historical reality
is extremely doubtful in the Upanisad he is called son of
:

Aruni Auddalaki or Vajasravasa, an impossible attribution, and

one due only to a desire to give Naciketas a connexion with
the famous Aruni.
1 iii.
11, 8. Literature, 157 ; Macdonell, Vedic Myth-
2
i. 1, etc. Cf. Geldner, Vedische ology, p. 168.
Studien, 3, 154, n. 1 ; Weber, Indian
Nada ] REED A SOUTHERN KING 433

1
Nada, 'reed,' is mentioned in the Rigveda as growing in
i.

lakes,and in the Atharvaveda 2 is described as varsika, pro- *

duced in the rains.' Reeds were used, after being split, for
3
making mats, a work carried out by women. They are
4
frequently mentioned elsewhere. See also Nada.
1 viii. i, 33. Kathaka Samhita, xxv. 7; Satapatha
2 iv.
19, 1. Brahmana, i. 1, 4, 19 Taittiriya ;

3 Av. vi.
138, 5. Aranyaka, vi. 7, 10.
4 Av.
vi. 137, 2 ; xii. 2, 1. 19. 50. 54 ; Cf. Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 71.

1
2. Nada Naisadha Satapatha Brahmana,
is mentioned in the
where he seems to be a human king who is compared with 2

Yama, the god of death, because of his conquests. Being

there identified with the southern sacrificial fire, he was pre-
sumably a king of the south, just as Yama is connected with
the south.
1 n. 2, 2, 1. 2. the East, 12, 338, notes 4 and 5. The
2
Weber, Indische Studien, 1, 225-227, printed text has Naisidha by error.
followed by Eggeling, Sacred Books of

'
Nadvala, a reedbed,' is mentioned in the Vajasaneyi
Samhita (xxx. 16) and the Taittiriya Brahmana (iii. 4, 12, 1).

Nada found in several passages of the Rigveda, 1 but its

is
2
sense is still obscure. It is identified by Pischel with Nada,
3
being explained by him in one passage as a reed boat, which
4
is split, and over which the waters go; in another as a reed

whip, of which the sharp points (karna) are used to urge horses
on and in others 5 again as figuratively designating the penis.
;

Roth 6 takes the sense to be bull (either literally or meta- ' '

sharp,' with karnaih as Pischel does

1 '
i. 179, 4 ii. 34, 3 viii. 69, 2 ;
32, 8 ; ; ;

x. 11, 2 105, 4.
; Cf Nirukta, v. 2. in Vedische Studien, 1, 190). He sees
'
2 der Deutschen Morgen-
'
reed also in x. 11, but 'horse
'

in
Zeitschrift 2,
landischen Gesellschaft, 35, 717 ei seq. ;
x. 105, 4.
5 i.
Vedische Studien, 1, 183 et seq. 179, 4 ; viii. 69, 2.
6 St.
3 i. Here Caland and Henry,
32, 8. Petersburg Dictionary, s.v. The
'

L'Agnistoma, 312, n., would read nalam. seems imperative in

*
sense of bull
See also Wackernagel, A Uindische Gram- viii. 89, 2 it is admissible in i. 179, 4,
;

'

matik, 1, 173. where ' bull may denote a man, and

4 ii-
34> 3 5 followed by Max Miiller, in x. 11, 2, and possibly in i. 32, 8,
' '
Sacred Books of the East, 32, 301 (who, but reed there seems far more likely.
however, does not construe asubliih,
VOL. I. 28
434 RIVER MOTHER HUSBAND'S SISTER [ NadI

phorically) in all passages. Once at least 7 the neigher (from * '

the root nad, 'sound') seems to be meant with reference to

Indra's horse. In the phrase nadasya karnaih 8 the sense is,
' '

perhaps, through the ears of the (side) horse (that is, by their
being ready to hear the word of command) of their chariot,
' '
the Maruts hasten on with their swift steeds (turayanta
asubhih).
7 x.
105, 4, and in x. n, 2. The Cf. Oldenberg, Rgveda-Noten, i, 3A
' '

latterpassage suggests that river 178, 215.

may, after all, be the sense there.

1 2
NadI, 'stream,' is mentioned in the Rigveda and later.
3
Reference is made to shallows (gddha) in the river's bed, to
the opposite bank (para), 4 and to the bathing of horses in
streams. 5 Rivers are also mentioned in close connexion with
mountains. 6 The title Nadi-pati, 'lord of rivers,'
7
is once
' ' '
used to express ocean or sea-water.'

1 i. 4
158, 5 ; ii. 35, 3 ;
iii. 33, 4 ; v. 46, Satapatha Brahmana, xi. 1, 6, 6.
6 Rv. viii. 2, 2.
6, etc.
2 Av. xiv. 1, 43. 6 Rv. v. 55, 7; x. 64, 8.
iii. 13, 1 ;

3 Rv. 7
vii. 60, 7. Satapatha Brahmana, v. 3, 4, 10.

Nana
is a familiar name for mother, parallel with Tata, foi

father, with which it is found in a verse of the Rigveda

describing the occupations of the parents of the poet.
1 and see Upala-praksini.
ix. 112, 3. Cf. Nirukta, vi. 6,

Nanandr a word occurring only once in the Rigveda,

is ]

where it denotes, according to Sayana, the husband's sister, '

over whom the wife is to rule. This interpretation is confirmed

by the fact that the same position is ascribed to the husband's
sister no doubt while unmarried and living in her brother's
2
care by the Aitareya Brahmana.
1 x. its occurrence in the later
85, 46. though
2 has been
iii. 22. literature is very rare (it

Cf. Delbruck, Die indogermanischen noted in the Uttararamacarita). See

Verwandtschaftsnamen, 516. The native the St. Petersburg Dictionary, s.v.

lexicographers recognize the word,

Nabhaka ] GRANDSON A SEER 435

Napat in Vedic literature apparently has both the wider

sense of descendant,' 1 and the narrower one of ' grandson in
' '

the Samhitas. 2 In the Brahmanas the word seems hardly to

* '
have the sense of descendant at all, while it denotes not
3
only 'grandson,' but also 'great-grandson' in the sequence
1 ' 4
sons, grandsons, great-grandsons (putran, pautrdn, naptfn).
'Grandson' is also expressed by Pautra ('son's son') in the
5 '
Atharvaveda and later, while the sense of '

great-grandson is
6
accurately conveyed as early as the Rigveda by Pra-napat,
used beside Napat, 'grandson.' Napti, the feminine, is practi-
7
cally limited to the Samhitas, and denotes daughter.' The '

use in the Veda throws no light on the original use of the

word. 8
'
1 '
son in a 4
It is equivalent to Aitareya Brahmana, vii. 10, 3 ;

number of mythological epithets such Apastamba Srauta Sutra, x. n, 5.

5 Av.
napat, son of waters.'
'
as apam ix. 5, 30; xi. 7, 16; Aitarey
2 Rv. x. io, i, clearly 'son '; vi. 20, Brahmana, vii. 10, 3 ; Taittiriya Brah-
1 1, may be
'

grandson.
'

Most passages, mana, ii. 1, 8, 3.

vi. 50, 15 ;
vii. 18, 22 ;
viii. 65, 12 ;
6 Rv. viii. 17, 13, with napat.
xxi. 61 7 Rv. 1 iii.
102, 7 Vajasaneyi Samhita,
; ; iii. 31, (Nirukta, 4) ;

Kathaka Samhita, xxii. 2, require '

de- viii. 2, 42. Cf. i.
50, 9 ;
ix. 9, 1 ; 14, 5 ;

scendant.' 69, 3 ;
Av. i. 28, 4 ;
ii. 14, 1 ; vii. 82, 6.
3 As in Aitareya Brahmana, iii. 48 : 8 Delbriick, Die indogermanischen Ver-
putva-naptarah, 'sons and grandsons.' wandtschaftsnamen, 403-405 ; Lanmann,
Cf. Nirukta, viii. 5. Festgruss an Bohtlingk, 77.

Naptri, as feminine of Napat, is found in the Samaveda,

Aranya (v. 13).

Nabha(s), Nabhasya. See Masa.

Nabhaka is the name of a Ksi who is referred to in the

2
1
and the Aitareya Brahmana. The Anukramani
Rigveda
(Index) attributes
to Nabhaka the composition of several hymns
of the Rigveda (viii. 39"4 2 )-

1 viii. 40, 4. 5. Cf. Ludwig, Translation of the Rig-

2 vi.
24. veda, 3, 107.
282
436 NAVE A KING MAN [ Nabh3
' '

Nabhya, the nave of the wheel, is mentioned in th<

Atharvaveda 1 and later. 2 See also Nabhi.
1 vi. xii. 1, 12. taki Brahmana, ix.
70, 3 ; 4 ; Brhadaranys
2 Sata-
Aitareya Brahmana, iv. 15 ; Upanisad, i. 3, 23, etc.

patha Brahmana, iii. 5, 3, 20 ; Kausl-

Nam! Sapya is the name of a man in the Rigveda.

1
Weber 2
thinks that he is mentioned as a priest, but the passages suit
a king better, and in the Paficavimsa Brahmana 3 he appears
as NamI Sapya, Vaideho raja,
'
King of Videha.' In one
4
passage he is represented as engaged in the contest against
Namuci.
1 vi. 20, 6 ; x. 48, 9. Simply Nami ology, p. 161 ; Hopkins, Transactions 0)
in i.
53, 7. the Connecticut Academy of Arts and
2 Indische
Studien, 1, 231, 232. Sciences, 15, 49. Sapya may be read
3 xxv. 10,
17. Sayya, but Sayana recognizes the p ;

4 Rv. i. 53, 7. Oldenberg, Zeitschrift der Deutschen

Cf. Ludwig, Translation of the Rig- Morgenlandischen Gesellschaft, 55, 328.
veda, 3, 149 Macdonell, Vedic Myth-
;

1
general name for man in the Rigveda
'

Nara, Nr.
*
The
2 3
and later is Nr, while Nara is found occasionally in the later
Samhitas and the Brahmanas. 4
1
i. 25, 5; 167, 20; 178, 3; ii.
34, 6; am, understood as nara-m ; but its origin
iii. 16, 4, etc. goes back to the Indo-Iranian period.
2 Av. xiv. See Brugmann, Grundriss, 2, 106. Cf.
ii. 9, 2; ix. 1, 3 ; 2, 9;
Aitareya Brahmana, iii. 34 ;
vi. 27. 32, Macdonell, Vedic Grammar, 318, a 5.
4
etc. Taittiriya Samhita, vii. 1, 12, 1
3 This form of the word, common in Satapatha Brahmana, ix. 3, I, 3
the post- Vedic language, is secondary, Nirukta, v. i, etc.

having originated from cases like nar-

1
Naraci occurs once in the Atharvaveda, perhaps meaning
a poisonous plant.
1 Indische Studien, 18, 286.
v. 31, 4. Cf. Weber,

(' manly ') is in two passages

Narya of the Rigveda (i. 54, 6 ;
112, 9) understood by the commentator Sayana as the proper
name of a man. See also Narya.
 Navanlta ] NA RDTHE NA VA G VA SB UTTER 437

' '

Nalada, nard (Nardastachys Jatamansi) is a plant mentioned

in the Atharvaveda, 1 in the Aitareya 2 and the Sankhayana 3

Aranyakas (where it is mentioned as used for a garland), as well as

in the Sutras. In the Atharvaveda 4 the feminine form of the word,

Naladi, occurs as the name of an Apsaras, or celestial nymph.

1 VI. 102, 3. Cf. Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 68,
2 iii. 2, 4. 69 Grohmann, Indische Studien, 9, 420
; ;

3 xi.
4. Caland, Altindisches Zattberritual, 177,
4 iv- n. 4.
37, 3-

Navaka is mentioned as having wished for a wife at the

1
Sattra of the Vibhindukiyas in the Jaiminlya Brahmana.
1 ii.
233 (Journal of the American Oriental Society, 18, 38).

1
Nava-gra occurs in several passages of the Rigveda as a
2
man, an Angiras in the highest degree {A ngirastama), appar-
ently being the type of the Navagvas,
3
who appear as a mystic
race of olden times, coupled with, and conceived probably as
related to, the Angirases. They are often associated with the
4
Dasag-vas.
1 4
iv. 51, 4 ;
ix. 108, 4 ; x. 62, 6. Rv. i. 62, 4 ; iv. 51, 4 ;
v. 29, 12 ;

2 x. x. 62, 6, etc.
62, 6.
3 Rv. 12
i. 62, 4 ; iii. 39, 5 ;
v. 29, ; Cf. Ludwig, Translation of the Rig-
45, 7. 11; vi. 22, 2; x. 14, 6; 6i, 10; veda, 3, 165; Macdonell, Vedic Myth-
108, 8 ; Av. xiv. 1, 56 xviii. 3, 20, ; ology, pp. 144 (B), 170.
etc.

is mentioned
'
Nava-nita, fresh butter,' frequently in the
later Samhitas 1 and the Brahmanas. 2 According to the
3
Aitareya Brahmana this is the kind of butter which is fitted
for anointing an embryo (garbha), while the gods receive

Ajya, men fragrant ghee (Ghrta), and the fathers Ayuta.

Elsewhere 4 it is contrasted with Ghrta and Sarpis.
1
Taittirlya Samhita. ii. 3, 10, 1 ;
v. 3, 2, 6 ;
Jaiminiya Upanisad Brah-
vi. 1, 1, 5; Kathaka Samhita, xi. 7; mana, iii. 5, 3.
3
Maitrayani Samhita, ii. 3, 4, etc. 'i. 3.
2 4
Satapatha Brahmana, iii. 1, 3, 7. 8 ; Taittirlya Samhita, ii. 3, 10, 1, etc
43 8 GRANDSON NEIGHBOUR [ Navavastva

Nava-vastva appears in three passages of the Rigveda. In

one 1 he seems to be a protege of Agni; in another 2 as perhaps
a son of USanas and favourite of Indra, but in the last he
seems to be defeated, or even slain, by Indra. 3 But he may be
a mythic figure altogether. Cf. also Brhadratha.
1
i. 36, 18. 129 Ludwig, Translation of the Rig-
;

2
vi. 20, 11. veda, 3, 147 ijber die nenesten Arbeit en
;

3
x. 49, 6.
auf dem Gebiete der Rgvedaforschung, 160 ;

Cf. Bergaigne, Religion Vedique, 2, Perry, Journal of the American Oriental

223 ; Griffith, Hymns of the Rigveda, i, Society, 11, 202 Macdonell, Vedic;

581 ; Pischel, Vedische Studien, 2, 128, Mythology, p. 158.

Nah
has been taken by Roth 1 and Grassmann 2 to be the
stem, meaning 'bond,' of the dative form nadbhyas, which
occurs once in the Rigveda, 3 and which Sieg 4 thinks means
'
sister's sons.' But the sense of this dative is probably rather
'to the grandsons.' 5

1 4
St. Petersburg Dictionary, s.v. Die Sagenstoffe des Rgveda, 129.
2 5
Worterbuch, s.v. Macdonell, Vedic Grammar, p. 56,
3
x. 60, 6. 3*.

Nahus occurs several times in the Rigveda, but the exact

1
sense is not certain. Ludwig sees in the Nahus a tribe on
the Sindhu (Indus) 2 or Sarasvati, 3 rich in horses, 4 allied with
the Bharatas and Simyus, 5 connected with Kaksivant and the
6 7
Varsagiras, and having as kings MagarSara and Ayavasa.
8
Roth, on the other hand, sees in Nahus the general sense of

neighbour as opposed to a member of one's own people (Vi6)

' '
;

this interpretation supported by the occurrence of the phrase

is

nahuso nahustara, 9 closer than a neighbour.' Nahusa has the

'

same sense as Nahus in two passages of the Rigveda, 10 but in

1 Translation of the Rigveda, 3, 206. 7 Rv. i. also naiiitso
122, 15. Cf.
2 Rv. 8
Rv. i. 31, 11; vi. 22, 10; 46, 7; visah, vii. 6, 5 ;
x. 49, ; 99, 7,
x. 80, 6. etc.
3
Rv. 8 St. s.v.
vii. 95, 2. Cf. ix. 88, 2 ; 91, 2, Petersburg Dictionary,
4 9 Rv.
Rv. viii. 6, 24. x. 49, 8. Cf. also viii. 8, 3.
5
Rv. 10
i. 100, 18; vii. 18, 5. i. 31, 11 ;
v. 12, 6.
6
Rv. i. 100, 16. 17.
Naka J FIRMAMENT A TEACHER 439

one it seems to be intended for the proper name of a man. 11

originally a man like Manu.
12
Possibly Nahus was
11 Rv. viii. 46, 27. passage in which it applies to all men.
12
Oldenberg, Sacred Books of the East, Geldner, Rgveda, Glossar, 92, regards
46, 28 Bergaigne, Religion Vedique, 2,
; Nahus as a tribe, Nahusa as a king.
324. But Nahus, if it was originally Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 128, leaves
the name of a mythic forefather, cannot the question open. Cf. Muir, Sanskrit
have been that of a forefather recog- Texts, i 2, 165, n. 7; 179 et seq.; 307
nized by all the tribes, for there is no et seq.

1 2
i. Naka denotes the *
firmament
'
in the Rigveda and later.
' ' 3 ' '
It is often used with the epithet highest (uttama) or third
(trtlya)* referring to the threefold division of heaven, parallel
to the threefold division of earth, atmosphere, and sky (Div).
The Naka is said to be on the third ridge (prstha), above the
luminous space (rocana) of the sky. 5 Elsewhere 6 the series
earth, atmosphere, sky, and the firmament {naka), heaven
(svar), the celestial light (Jyotis), occurs. The word naka
7
is explained in the Brahmanas as derived from na, 'not,'
and oka, 'pain,' because those who go there are free from
sorrow.
1 6 Av.
i. 60, 10; 125, 5; iii. 2, 12; iv. 13, iv. 14, 3 ; Vajasaneyi Samhita,
5 ; vii. 86, 1 ; 99, 2 ; viii. 103, 2 ;
xvii. 67. In Rv. x. 121, 5, the earth
ix. 73, 4, etc. and sky (dyauh), and heaven (svar), and
2 Av. vii. xviii. 2, the firmament (naka), are all mentioned.
i8, 1 ; 47 ; xiii. 1,7;
7
Vajasaneyi Samhita, xv. 10 Panca- ;
Pancavimsa Brahmana, x. 1, 18 ;

vimsa Brahmana, xviii. 7, 10 Sata- ; Satapatha Brahmana, viii. 4, 1, 24;

patha Brahmana, viii. 5, 3, 4, etc. Nirukta, ii. 14 ;
and cf. Chandogya
3 Av. iv.
14, 6 ;
xi. 1, 4 ; Vajasaneyi Upanisad, ii. 10, 5.
Samhita, ix. 10 ;
xii. 63. Cf. Macdonell, Vedic Mythology, p. 9 ;

4 Av. vi.
122, 4 ;
ix. 5, 1. 4 ; xviii. 4, 3. Max Miiller, Sacred Books of the East,
5
Vajasaneyi Samhita, xv. 50. 32, 50, 56, 57-

2. Naka is the name of a teacher in the Jaiminiya Upanisad

Brahmana. 1 Presumably he is identical with Naka Maudgalya
(' descendant of Mudgala '), who is mentioned in the Satapatha
2
Brahmana, the Byhadaranyaka Upanisad, 3 and the Taittiriya
4
Upanisad.
m. 13, 5. vi. 4, 4.
xii. 5, 2, I. i. 9. 1.
44o CROCODILE ELEPHA NTNA MES [ Nakra

Nakra is the name of an aquatic animal included among the

victims at the Asvamedha, or horse sacrifice,' in the Yajurveda
Samhitas. 1 Perhaps the animal meant is the crocodile, which
later is called Nakra. 2
1
Taittiriya Samhita, v. 5, 13, 1 ; lowing one version given by Mahi-
Maitrayani Samhita, iii. 14, 2 ; Vaja- dhara on Vajasaneyi Samhita, loc. cit. \

saneyi Samhita, xxiv. 35. Hillebrandt, Vedische Mythologie, 3, 21,

2
Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 96, fol- n. 4.

1
Nag*a appears once in the Satapatha Brahmana in the form
' ' '

niahdndga, where great snake or great elephant may be

meant. In the Brhadaranyaka Upanisad, 2 and in a citation
found in the Aitareya Brahmana 3 the sense of 'elephant' is
clearly intended. In the Sutras 4 the mythic Naga already
occurs.

1 xi. 4
2, 7, 12. AsValayana Grhya Sutra, iii. 4, 1.
2 Mac-
i. 3- 24. Cf. Winternitz, Sarpabali, 43 ;

3 viii. 22.
donell, Vedic Mythology, p. 153.

'
Nagrna-jita, descendant of Nagnajit,' is the patronymic of
Svarjit in the Satapatha Brahmana (viii. 1, 4, 10).

Naciketa, 'connected with Naciketas,' is the title of a

narrative (updkhydna) in the Kathaka Upanisad. 1 The word
2
is also applied as an epithet to a
special fire in that Upanisad
and in the Taittiriya 3
Upanisad.
in. 16. Studien, 3, 386. The native lexicog-
i. 18; ii. 10. raphers give Nachiketa and Naciketu
i. 22, 11 ; 26, 3. Cf. Weber, Indische as synonyms of fire generally.

1
Nada-pit occurs in the Satapatha Brahmana as the birth-
place of Bharata. The word may, however, be read as
2
Nada-piti, the name of Bharata's mother, but this is less
probable.
1
xin. 5, 4, 13. Cf. Leumann, Zeitschri/t der Deutschcn
2
Weber, Episches im vedischen Ritual, Morgenldndischen Gesellscha/t, 48, 81.
6, n. 3.
Napita ] VEIN-FLUTE PROTECTION BARBER 441

1. Nadi denotes a '

vein
'
or
*

artery
'
in the human body in
the Atharvaveda 1 and later,
2
a natural extension of the literal
'
sense of reed.'
1
vi. 138, 4 ; x. 7, 15. 16. aranyaka Upanisad, ii. 1, 21 iv. ; 2,
2
Kathaka Samhita, xii. 10 Sata- ; 3, etc. Chandogya Upanisad, viii. 6,
;
1 ;

patha Brahmana, x. 4, 5, 2; Brhad- Kausitaki Upanisad, iv. 19.

Nadi means a musical instrument, a 'reed flute,' in the

2.

Rigveda
1
as well as the Kathaka Samhita, 2 where in one
3
passage it is mentioned along with the Tunava.
x. 135. 7- Cf. Hopkins, Journal of American
xxiii. 4 ; xxxiv. 5. Oriental Society, 13, 329.
xxxiv. 5.

Yajurveda Samhitas seems to mean the box

1
3. Nadi in the
of the chariot wheel.
1 Kathaka Samhita, xxxvii. 12.
Taittiriya Samhita, iii. 4, 8, 3 ;

1
Nadika occurs once Atharvaveda, where the sense in the
seems clearly to be 'wind-pipe,' with a reference also to the
shaft of an arrow made of reed.
1 '

1
v. 18, 8. Cf. Weber, Indische of the Atharvaveda, 251 ; Bloomfield,
Siudien, 18, 229 ; Whitney, Translation Hymns of the Atharvaveda, 432.

NathaVedic literature 1 appears only as a neuter meaning

in
2
protection,' and is of rare occurrence.
1
Generally, too, very
little appears in Vedic literature of practices such as those

which produced Anglo-Saxon society or the Roman patronatus.

1 Av. iv. 20, 9; ix. 2, 17; xviii. 1, protection,' as the name of a Saman,
13 Taittiriya Brahmana, i. 6, 4, 1.
;
or chant.
2 In
Also in Av. xiii. 2, 37, natha-hama, the post- Vedic literature, on the
'seeking help'; xi. 1, 15, natha-vid, other hand, the word is a masculine,
'
Paficavimsa Brahmana, and very com-
'

finding help ; meaning 'protector,' is

xiv. 11, 23, ndtha-vindu, 'procuring mon.

1
Satapatha Brahmana
*
Napita, barber,' is mentioned in the
2 3
and later. But the older word is Vaptr, a derivative of
1
iii. i, 2, 2. I
13 ; ASvalayana Grhya Sutra, i. 17,
'
2
Katyayana Srauta Sutra, vii. 2, 8. I etc.
3
Rv. x. 142, 4.
442 A SEER A FAMOUS SON OF MAN U [ Nabhaka

vap,
'
shave,' with forms of which verb shaving is referred to
4
as early as the Rigveda. The dead were shaved before
5
burial.
4
x. 142, 4. Cf. i.
65, 4 ;
Av. vi. 68 ; Cf. Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 266;
v 2, 17, etc. Max Muller, Sacred Boohs of the East,
5
Av. v. 19, 4. 32, 265.

Nabhaka,
'
descendant of Nabhaka,' is the name of a Rsi,
or seer, in the Rigveda. 1 The Anukramani (Index) ascribes
three or four hymns of the Rigveda 2 to him. According to
3
Ludwig, the man was an Angirasa, not a Kanva.
4

1 3 Translation of the Rigveda,

viii. 41, 2 ; Nirukta, x. 5. 3, 107.
2 viii. and doubtfully * viii.
39-41, 42. 40, 12.

Nabha-nedistha (' nearest in descent ') Manava (' descendant

of Manu ') is famous in the later Samhitas and the Brahmanas 1
for the way in which he was treated when his father Manu
divided his his sons, or they divided it
property among :

Nabhanedistha was out, but was solaced by obtaining,

left

through his father's advice, cows from the Ahgirases, a feat

which is regarded in the Sankhayana Srauta Sutra 2 as on a
level with the exploits of other seers who celebrated their
patrons in hymns, and as giving rise to the hymn, Rigveda x. 62.
Nabhanedistha's hymn is repeatedly mentioned in the Brah-
3
manas, but beyond its authorship nothing is recorded of him.
In the Samhita 4 itself he seems to be spoken of as a poet in
one passage, which is, however, of quite uncertain meaning.
Nabhanedistha is etymologically connected in all probability
with Nabanazdista in the Avesta, which refers to the Fravasi
of the paoiryo-tkaesha and the Fravasi of the Nabanazdista.
Lassen 5 saw in the legend a reminiscence of an Indo-Iranian
split;but Roth 6 showed conclusively that this was impossible,
and that Nabhanedistha meant simply nearest in birth,' and '

1 Panca-
Taittiriya Samhita, iii. 1. 9. 4-6; Aitareya Brahmana, vi. 30. 31 ;

Aitareya Brahmana, v. 14. Cf. Muir, vimSa Brahmana, xx. 9, 4.

Sanskrit Texts, i2 191 et seq. 4
x. 61, 18.
2 5 and
xvi. 11. 28-30. Jndische Alterthumshunde, i, 520,
3
Kausitaki Brahmana, xxviii. 4, Addenda, p. lxxvii.
merely refers to him as connected with 6
Zeitschrift der Deutschen Morgen-
the Angirases. See also ibid., xxx. 4; landischen Gesellschaft, 6, 243 et seq.
Naman ] NA VELNA VENAME 443

Weber 7 admits that the connexion of the words is not one of

borrowing on either side, but that in the Avesta it has kept its
'

original sense of nearest relation/ while in the Rigveda it has

become a proper name.
7
Episches im vedischen Ritual, 40-50. Cf. also Daya.

Nabhi develops from the literal sense of 'navel' the

i.
1 2 * *
figurative meaning of relationship,' or, concretely, relation.'
1 2
*
105, 9; 164, 33; ii. 3, 9; 40, 4, Rv. i. 163, 12 ;
vi. 47, 28 Vaja-
;

etc. ; Av. xii.

1, 40 Vajasaneyi Sam- ;
saneyi Samhita, xiii. 42. 44. 50, etc.
hita, x. 8 ; xi. 12 ; xx. 1, etc.

'
2. Nabhi,
*
nave of a chariot wheel, is mentioned in the
1 2
Rigveda and later. See also Ratha, and cf. Nabhya.
1
v. 43, 8 ; vi. 39, 4 ; viii. 41, 6. Upanisad, ii. 5, 11 ; Chandogya Upani-
2
Av. iii. 30, 6 x. 8, 34; xi. 7, 4 ; ; sad, vii. 15, 1 ; Aitareya Aranyaka,
Kathaka Samhita, xi. 4; Brhadaranyaka iii. 2, 4 ;
Kausitaki Upanisad, iii. 8.

1
name,' is found in the Rigveda, and often in
'
Nama-dheya,
2
the later language. See Naman.
1 x.
71, I. Upanisad, ii. 3,11; vi. 4, 25 Chandogya ;

2 Av. vii. 109, 6; Taittiriya Samhita, Upanisad, vi. 1, 4 Aitareya Upanisad, ;

ii. 4, 9, 3 ;
iii. 3, 4, 1 ;
Satapatha v. 2, etc.

Brahmana, xiii. 1, 6, 1 ; Brhadaranyaka

name,' is a common word from the Rigveda

'
Naman,
onwards. The Grhya Sutras 1 give elaborate rules for the
formation of the names of children, but more important is
the distinction between the secret (guhya) and the ordinary
name, though the rules as to the secret name are not at all
consistent. The secret name is already recognized in the
2 3
Rigveda, and is referred to in the Brahmanas, one secret
name, that of Arjuna for Indra, being given in the Satapatha
Brahmana. 4 It is to be noted that the rule as to giving the
1 3
Weber, Naxatra, 2, 316 et seq. ;
Satapatha Brahmana, vi. 1, 3, 9
Hillebrandt, Rituallitteratur, 46, 47 ; (thename is given to a child at birth) ;

Jolly, Recht und Sitte, 152. Brhadaranyaka Upanisad, vi. 4, 25.

2
Cf. x. 55, 2 ; 71, 1, as explained in 11. 1, 2, 11 ;
v. 4, 3, 7 Weber, 2,

Aitareya Aranyaka, i.
3, 3. 3i7, n. 3.
 444 SECOND AND THIRD NAMES [ Namba

designation of a Naksatra (lunar asterism) as the secret name

or otherwise is not illustrated by a single recorded name of a
teacher in the Brahmanas. 5
The Satapatha Brahmana 6 several times mentions the
adoption of a second name with a view to securing success,
and also refers to the adoption of another name for purposes
of distinction. 7
In actual practice two names are usually found in the
Brahmanas, the second being a patronymic or a metronymic,
as in Kaksivant Au&ja 8 (if the story of the slave woman Usij
as his mother is correct), or Brhaduktha Vamneya, 9 son of '

Vamni,' though the relationship may, of course, be not direct

10
parentage, but more remote descent. Three names are less
common for example, KuSamba Svayava Latavya, 11 'son of
Svayu, of the Latavya (son of Latu) family,' or Devataras
12
Syavasayana Kasyapa, where the patronymic and the Gotra
name are both found. In other cases the names probably
have a local reference e.g., Kaugambeya and Gangya. Fre-
quently the patronymic onlyis given, as Bhargava, Maudgalya,

etc.,or two patronymics are used. The simple name is often

used for the patronymic e.g., Trasadasyu. 13 In a few cases
the name formed from the husband's name, 14 as
of the wife is

Uginarani, Purukutsani, Mudgalanl.

5
Weber, 2, 318, 319. See Asadha, Society, 1910, 14 ; Hopkins, Transactions
Rauhina, Rauhinayana. of the Connecticut Academy of Arts and
6 iii.
6, 2, 24 ; v. 3, 3, 14 ;
ix. 4, 3, 3, Sciences, 15, 55, n. 2.
which directs that the name should be 11
Pancavimsa Brahmana, viii. 6, 8.
derived from a feast performed by the 12
Jaiminiya Upanisad Brahmana,
person in question. See also Katbaka iii. 40, 2.
13
Samhita, xxvi. 4; Taittiriya Brahmana, Satapatha Brahmana, vi. 1, 2, 13 ;

ii.
7, 17. Hopkins, Religions of India, 201, n. 2.
7 14
Satapatha Brahmana, ii. 4, 4, 4. Cf. Macdonell, Vedic Grammar,
Cf. vi. 1, 3, 9. P- 135.
8
Pancavimsa Brahmana, xiv. 11, 17. Cf. Weber, op. cit., 2, 316-320;
9
Ibid., xiv. 9, 38. Hopkins, loc. cit.
10
Pargiter, Journal of the Royal Asiatic

Namba is the name of a kind of grain mentioned in the

Satapatha Brahmana.
1
Amba is the form of the word in the
Taittiriya Samhita 2 and the Kathaka Samhita. 3
v. 3, 3. 8. 5, 10, 1. xv. 15.
 NaraSamsI ] THE SEER NARADA LAUDATORY VERSES 445

1
Naya in two passages of the Rigveda is, according to the
St. Petersburg Dictionary, probably a proper name. Sayana
takes the word to mean leader,' while Pischel 2 considers it *

a gerund with passive sense.

1
vi. 24, 10; 46, 11. I
explanations, see Oldenberg, Rgveda-
2 Vedische Studien, i, 41. For other | Noten, 1, 123, 370.

Narada is the name of a mythical seer mentioned several

times in the Atharvaveda. 1 In the Aitareya Brahmana he
2
appears in conjunction with Parvata as priest of Hartecandra.
as teaching Somaka Sahadevya, 3 and as anointing Ambasthya
and Yudhamsrausti. 4 In the Maitrayani Samhita 5 he is
mentioned as a teacher, and in the Samavidhana Brahmana6
as a pupil of Brhaspati. In the Chandogya Upanisad 7 he is

coupled with Sanatkumara.

1 xii. 4, 16. 24. 41. 5
v. 19, g ;
i. 5, 8.
2 6
Cf. Sankhayana Srauta or of
'
vii. 13. iii. 9 (the Vamsa, list
'

Sutra, xv. 17. teachers, at the end) .

3 7 vii.
vii. 34. 1, 1.
4
viii. 21. Cf. Weber, Indische Studien, 1, 204, n.

'
Naraiamsl (verse) celebrating men,' is mentioned
(scil. Kc),
as early as the Rigveda, 1 and is distinguished from Gatha in
a number of passages in the later literature. 2 The Kathaka
3
Samhita, while distinguishing the two, asserts that both are
false (anrtam). It is hardly probable that the two were abso-

lutely distinct, for the Taittiriya Brahmana 4 has the phrase

*a Gatha. celebrating men' (ndmsamsT) What such verses .

5
were may be seen from the Sankhayana Srauta Sutra, which
enumerates the Ndrdsamsdni at the Purusamedha, or
'
human
1 x. 85, 6. See Eggeling, Sacred Books of the East,
2 Av. xv. 6, 4 ; Taittiriya Samhita, 44, 98, n. 5.
3
vii. 5, 11, 2 Aitareya Brahmana,
;
xiv. 5 ; Weber, Indische Streifen, 1,
vi. 32 ;
Kausitaki Brahmana, xxx. 5 ; 98.
4
Kathaka Samhita, v. 5, 2 ; Taittiriya i- 3, 2, 6.
5
Aranyaka, ii. 10, etc. ; Weber, Indische xvi. 11, 1 et seq. ; Weber, Episches
Studien, 5, 78. The passage, Satapatha im vedischen Ritual, 10 et seq.

Brahmana, xi. 5, 6, 8, is uncertain.

446 ATHARYAN TRIPLET WOMAN [ Nari

sacrifice.' They may legitimately be reckoned as a source of

the epic. 6
The term Narasamsi some passages 7 to a is restricted in
8
particular group the of
Atharvaveda, but three verses of
9
Oldenberg must be right in holding that the restricted sense
10
is not to be read into the Rigveda. Not even in the Taittiriya
Samhita 11 the technical sense certain, and the Brhaddevata 12
is

gives the word a general application.

6
Hopkins, Journal of the American \ the reference may be to the Atharva-
Oriental Society, 15, 264, n. Bloomfield, veda verses, but this is not at all
A tharvaveda, 100 {cf. Hymns of the A thar- likely.
vaveda, 688, 689), lays stress rather on !
8
xx. 127, 1-3 = Sankhayana Srauta
their character as mere eulogies of Sutra, xii.
14, 1-3. Cf. Scheftelowitz,
donors, and that, no doubt, was one Die Apokryphen des Rgveda, 155.
of their sides but the other elements 9
;
Zeitschrift der Deutschen Morgen-
may have been more prominent in landischen Gesellschaft, 42, 238.
than the tradition 10 x.
reality priestly j
85, 6.
shows. 11 vii.
5, 11, 2.
7 12 hi-
Aitareya Brahmana, vi. 32; Kausi- j
154.
taki Brahmana, xxx. 5. Possibly, in I

Cf. Weber, Epischcs im Vedischen

the other passages mentioned in note 2,
'

Ritual, 4 et seq.

woman,' occurs in the Rigveda and later. 2 The

' 1
Nari,
word seems in the Rigveda 3 to have a distinct reference to a
woman as a wife, because it occurs in several passages with
distinct reference to matrimonial relations, 3 and in the later
Vedic not common, it sometimes 4 has
literature, where it is
5
that sense. Delbruck, however, thinks that it does not indi-
cate marital relations, but merely the woman as the sexual
complement of the man.
1 vii. 8 8 'not with noble
20, 5 55, ; ; viii. 77, ; supatnih, widowed,
x. 18, 7 ; 86, 10. 11. husbands'), etc.
2
Av. xiv.2, 13; Vajasaneyi Samhita, 4
Gautama Dharma Sutra, ix. 28.
5 Die indogermanischen Verwandtschafts-
xxiii. 36 Aitareya Brahmana, iii. 34.
;

3 i-
73> 3 (pati-justa, dear to her '

namen, 417, 439.

husband ') ;
vii. 20. 5 ; x. 18, 7 [avidhavah

1
Narmara occurs once in a corrupt verse of the Rigveda.
2
Ludwig regards the word as the proper name of the prince
3
of a fort, Urjayanti, but Roth as that of a demon.
1 2 Translation of the Rigveda,
ii. 13, 8. 3, 152.
3 St. s.v.
Petersburg Dictionary,
Navaprabhram&ma ] PATRONYMICS DELUGE MOUNTAIN 447

Narmini is found in the Rigveda1 as an epithet of Pup, fort ' '

:

2
it must apparently either be a proper name of the fort, or
3
mean belonging to Narmin or Narmina,' some prince.
'

'
1 1. 149. 3- sist of two words na, not or like,'
' '

2 and arminl, whatever that may mean.

Ludwig, Translation of the Rig-
veda, 3, 204. See Oldenberg, Rgveda-N oten, 1, 148 ;
3 St. Petersburg Dictionary, Sacred Boohs of the East, 46, 177.
Roth,
s.v. Possibly the expression may con-

'
Narya, descendant of Narya,' is the name of a generous
donor in the Rigveda. 1
1 viii.
24, 29. Cf. Ludwig, Translation of the Rigveda, 3, 161, 162.

'
Narsada, descendant of Nysad,' is the patronymic of Kanva
1
(i.e., a descendant of Kanva) in the Atharvaveda, and in one
2
passage of the Rigveda, where probably the same man is
referred to in another passage 3 as a protege of the Asvins, and

perhaps as the husband of Rusati. But in a third passage of

the Rigveda 4 the name seems applied to a demon, though this
is not certain.
1 iv.
19, 2. Cf. Ludwig, Translation of the Rig-
2 x.
31, II. veda, 3, 108, 150 Bloomfield,
;
Hymns
3 i. 8.
117, of the Atharvaveda, 397.
* x.
61, 13.

Nava-prabhramana, the sliding down of the ship,' is read

'

1
in Whitney and Roth's text of the Atharvaveda, and has been
2 3
connected by Weber and others with Manor Avasarpana, the
name in the Satapatha Brahmana 4 of the northern mountain
on which Manu's ship settled on the subsidence of the deluge.
But both Bloomfield 5 and Whitney 6 point out that this inter-
pretation is highly improbable, and this view is accepted by
1
xix. 39, 8, where the reading nava- Rigveda, 3, 198; Eggeling, Sacred Books
prabhrdmiana is a conjectural emenda- of the East, 12, 218, n. ; Zimmer, Altin-
tion, the manuscripts of the Samhita disches Leben, 30.
4
text all having two accents, nayapra- i. 8, 1, 6.
bhrdmsana (one of them reading navaly). 5
Hymns of the Atharvaveda, 679.
2 6
Indische Streifen, x, II. Translation of the Atharvaveda,
3 Translation of the
Cf. Ludwig, 961.
448 SHIP BOA TMA NSTREA MNA MES [ Nava

Macdonell. 7 The expression is analyzed as na ava-prabhramSana

by the Pada text and the commentator alike, and is never found
elsewhere with reference to the descent of a boat or ship. 8

7
Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, i as the first member of a compound in
1907, 1 107, where his acceptance of the form of while pra-bhrams,
nava,
Weber's interpretation in his Sanskrit '
fall down,' is never used of the
Literature, 144, is withdrawn. gliding down of a boat, and would be
The word nau, ship, never occurs | inappropriately applied in that sense.

Nava, 'ship,' occurs once in the Rigveda (i. 97, 8). See
Nau.

Navaja ('ship-propeller'), a 'boatman,' is mentioned in the

Satapatha Brahmana (ii. 3, 3, 5).

Navya is found several times in the Rigveda 1 and the later

literature 2 in the sense of a navigable stream.'
1 i.
33, 11 ; 80, 8; 121, 13. I xxiii. 6; Satapatha Brahmana, x. 5, 4,
2 Av. Kathaka Samhita,
viii. 5, 9 ; I
14, etc.

Nahusa, like Nahus, means, according to the St. Petersburg

1
Dictionary, in some passages of the Rigveda 'neighbouring'
2
as an adjective, and once as a substantive 'neighbour.' If,

on the other hand, Nahus is taken as a proper name, then

Nahusa no doubt denotes belonging to the Nahus people,' '

'

and, as a substantive, King of the Nahus.'

1 i. ioo, 16; v. 73, 3 ;
vi. 22, 10; viii. 6, 24. vm. 95, 2.

Nikothaka Bhaya-jatya ('descendant of Bhayajata') is

mentioned in the Vamsa Brahmana 1 as a pupil of Pratithi.

1
Indische Studien, 4, 373. Cf. Max Miiller, Ancient Sanskrit Literature, 444.

Nigada Parna-valki ('descendant of Parnavalka') is men-

tioned in the Vamsa Brahmana 1 as a pupil of Girisarman.
*
Indische Studien, 4, 372. Cf. Max Miiller, Ancient Sanskrit Literature, 443.
Nidana ] A PLANT A STAR SUMMER A SUTRA 449

Ni-gfut occurs in two passages of the Rigveda, where Sayana

1

takes it to mean 'enemy,' a possible interpretation. 2

Ludwig
suggests that non-Aryan foes are meant.
1 ix - 2
97, 53, 54 I x. 128, 6. Translation of the Rigveda, 3, 164.

NigTistha is a term of unknown meaning applied in the

Sankhayana Srauta Sutra (xvi. 29, 6) to the peoples of Kasi,
Videha, and Kosala.

1. Ni-tatni,
'
Atharvaveda 1
striking downwards,' occurs in the
as the name of an unknown plant which was used as a means
of restoring the hair.
1
vi. 136 ; probably 137 also refers 61 ; Hymns of the Atharvaveda, 536, 537 ;

to this plant. Kausitaki Sutra,

Cf. Whitney, Translation of the Atharva-
xxxi. 28, with Caland's note in his veda, 383.
translation ; Bloorafield, Atharvaveda,

2. Ni-tatni is the name of one of the seven Kpttikas in the

Taittiriya Brahmana (iii. 1, 4, 1). See Nakatra.

Ni-tana Maruta is the name of a man in the Kathaka

Samhita (xxv. 10).

Ni-dagfha (' burning down '), summer,' is the name of one

of the seasons in the Satapatha Brahmana (xiii. 8, 1, 4). See
Naidagha.

Ni-dana is the name of a Sutra, which is referred to in the

Brhaddevata 1 apparently as containing a quotation from the
Bhallavi Brahmana. The quotation cannot be verified in
the existing text of the Sutra. 2

1 v. 23, with Macdonell's note. Cf. Weber, Jndische Studien, 1, 44;

2
Sieg, Die Sagenstoffe des Rgveda, Max Miiller, Ancient Sanskrit Literature,
65. in, etc.

VOL. I.
29
45o NET TREASURE CISTERN VALLEY SUNSET [ Nidha
1 2
Ni-dha, 'net,' is mentioned in the Rigveda and later.

1 ix. 2
83, 4; x. 73, 11 ; Nirukta, iv. 2. Aitareya Brahmana, iii. 19.

Ni-dhi means primarily (place of) deposit,' store,' 1 and then [

'

'treasure' generally. 2 In the Chandogya Upanisad 3 Nidhi

denotes some sort of science.
1
Rv. i. 183, 4; v. 43, 8 ;
vii. 67, 7; nidhih as one expression. See Daiva.
69, 3, etc. Sayana takes each as a separate entity,
2 6 and renders Nidhi as mahakaladinidhi-
Rv. ii. 24, ;
viii. 29, 6 ;
x. 68, 6 ;

Av. x. 7, 23, etc. sastram, presumably meaning some sort

3 vii.
1, 2. 4 ; 2, 1 ; 7, 1. The of chronology.
St. Petersburg Dictionary, s.v., and Cf. for Nidhi as 'treasure,' Jolly,
Bohtlingk in his edition, take daivo Recht und Sitte, 103, 104.

Ni-nahya denotes Satapatha Brahmana (iii. 9, 2, 8) in the

'
a water jar,' so called, according to the commentator, because
1 2
it was buried in the ground. Eggeling explains it as 'a
vessel or cistern dug into the ground for keeping water cool.'

As meaning etymologically
1 '
to be I
2 Sacred Books of the East, 26, 223,
fastened or fixed down.' |
n. 4.

Ninditaiva ('possessing contemptible steeds') is the name of

a patron in the Rigveda. 1 The name may suggest connexion
with Iran, but such a reference is not at all necessary. 2
Sayana ingeniously turns the name probably a nickname
into a compliment by rendering it
'
one who puts to shame the
horses of his rivals.'

1
viii. 1, 30. I Oriental Society, 17, 90. Cf. Ludwig,
2
Hopkins, Journal of the American |
Translation of the Rigveda, 3, 159.

Ni-pada in the Rigveda (v. 83, 7) denotes 'low ground,"

' ' '

valley,' as opposed to hill (udvat). Cf. Nivat.

' 1
Ni-mruc, repeatedly mentioned in the Rigveda
sunset,' is

and later 2 as a division of time.

1 2 Kathaka Samhita,
i. 151, 5; 161, 10; viii. 27, 19; hita, i. 5, 10, ;

x. 151, 5- xxxvii. 10 ; Taittiriya Aranyaka, ii. 5

2 Av. xiii.
3, 21 ; Taittinya Sam- 2, etc.
Nivat ] ETYMOLOGY RESIN VALLEY 45i

1
Nir-asta, 'castrated,' is found in some of the later Samhitas
2
as applied to oxen, and in the Satapatha Brahmana to horses.
1
Taittiriya Samhita, i. 8, 9, 1 ; 17, 1 ;
Kathaka Samhita, xv. 4. 9.
2 xiii.
4, 2, 5.

Nir-ala occurs once in the Atharvaveda, 1 where Sayana

2
regards it as the name of a disease. Bloomfield, with the
Padapatha, explains it as two words, understanding nir as an
'
elliptical imperative, (go) out,' with the vocative dla, a kind
3
of weed. Whitney at first took dla to be a verbal form, but
finally came to the conclusion that the expression is one word,
nivala, of unknown sense.
1 3
vi. 16, 3. Translation of the Atharvaveda,
2
Hymns of the Atharvaveda, 466. 292.

'
of a word or passage, is found in the
'

Nirukta, explanation
Chandogya Upanisad (viii. 3, 3), but does not appear as the
name of a work before the later Upanisads. It is, however,
probable that Yaska's Nirukta is not later than the rise of
Buddhism. Cf. Nirvacana.

Cf. Weber, Indische Studien, 1, 13, Literature, 269, 270; Keith, Aitareya
17 ; 3, 260 et seq. ;
Indian Literature, 25, Aranyaka, 24, 25 Roth, Nirukta, xv.
;

26, 41, 42, etc. ; Macdonell, Sanskrit et seq.

' '

Nir-yasa denotes the exudation of trees. In the Taittiriya

Samhita (ii. 1, 5, 4) it is tabooed as food because of its red
colour.

1
Nir-vacana in the Taittiriya Aranyaka and the Nirukta 2
means '

explanation,' especially etymological. Cf. Nirukta.

1 as an
i. 6, 3. I
serving explanation,' ibid.,
2 1 a - '
not
ii. .
Cf. nirvacanam, |
vii. 24.

* ' x 2
Ni-vat denotes valley in the Rigveda and later.

2
1 i. 161, 11 ; iii. 2, 10; vii. 50, 4 ;
1 Av. vi. 22, 3; Taittiriya Samhita,
x. 127, 2 ; 142, 4. I iii. 2, 4, 4, etc.

2g 2
452 CO WIN VOCA TION [ Nivanyavatsa

Nivanya- vatsa and Nivanya in the Satapatha Brahmana

1

denotes a 'cow with a calf to which she has to be won over,'

that is, with a calf substituted for one of her own which has died.
2
Nivanya is a contracted form of the compound term. Similar
3 4 5
expressions are abhivdnya-vatsd, abhivdnyd, vdnyd, and api-
6
vdnya-vatsd.
1 xii. 5
5, i, 4. Ibid., ii. 6, 16, 2.
2 6 KauSika Sutra, lxxxii. 22.
ii. 6, i, 6.
3
Aitareya Brahmana, vii. 2. Cf. Lanman in Whitney's Translation
4 of the Atharvaveda, 880.
Taittiriya Brahmana, i. 6, 8, 4.

Ni-vid denotes a brief invocation of the deity that is invited

in a liturgy in honour of the god. The Brahmanas 1 repeatedly
mention Nivids as inserted in the Sastras (recitations), and the
Khilas of the Rigveda 2 preserve among them a set of Nivids.
But it is doubtful 3 whether the habit of using such brief
formulas the Nivid is usually not more than a Pada or
quarter-verse in length is known to the Rigveda, though it
has been seen even there, 4 and the word Nivid is several times
found in that Samhita, 5 but hardly in the technical sense of
the Brahmanas. In the later Samhitas 6 the technical sense is

common.
* Brahmana, et Gelehrte Anzeigen,
Aitareya ii. 33. 34 ; seq. ; Gdttingische
iii. 10. 11 ; vi. 33. 35 ;
Kausitaki Brah- 1907, 232, 233.
4
mana, xiv. 1 ; Satapatha Brahmana, i. 86, 4 ; Bezzenberger's Beitrdge,
iii. g, 3, 28 ;
xiii. 5, 1. 9, etc. ; Aitareya 9, 192. So Oldenberg, Sacred Books of
Aranyaka, i. 5, 2 ;ankhayana Aran- the East, 46, 119, 122, takes Rv. i. 96,
yaka, i. 3, etc. 2, to refer to the Nivids in the technical
2 See Scheftelowitz, Die Apokryphen sense, but not to the Nivids as pre-
des Rgveda, 137-143. served.
3 The 5
antiquity of the Nivids was i- 89, 3; 96, 2; 175, 6; ii. 36, 6;
asserted by Haug, Aitareya Brahmana, iv. 18, 7 ;
vi. 67, 10.
6
1, 26 et seq., and often since, e.g., by
Av. v. 26, 4 ; xi. 7, 19 ; Vajasaneyi
Tilak, Orion, 206 ; Scheftelowitz, op. cit. , Samhita, xix. 25, etc.

3. It is shown to be most improbable Cf. Hillebrandt, Rituallitteratur, 102 ;

by Weber, Indische Studien, 9, 265, 355, Oldenberg, Religion des Veda, 387, n. 2 ;

2
and Oldenberg, Zeitschrift der Deutschen Muir, Sanskrit Texts, i 241. ,

Morgenldndischen Gesellschaft, 42, 242

Nivid- dhana, 'containing a Nivid,' is found several times as

an epithet of a hymn or verse in the Brahmanas. 1
Aitareya Brahmana, iii. 17 Kausi-
1 12
; I
patha Brahmana, xiii. 5, i, ; Aitareya
taki Brahmana, xxi. 6; xxiv. 4; ata- | Aranyaka, i. 2, 2 ; 5, 3.
Niada ] DWELLING QUIVER NON-ARYAN TRIBES 453

1
Ni-ve6ana, dwelling/ occurs in the Rigveda and the Sutras.
'

In the latter 2 the word is sometimes contrasted with Grha as

the resting-place of animals.

iv. 19, 2 iv. 6, etc.

9 ; vii. 19, 5. Asvalayana Grhya Sutra,

Ni-sahgrathi or Nisanga-dhi 2 is found in the Yajurveda

1

Samhitas. If the second form of the word is correct, the sense

may be 'sheath of a sword' (nisanga), as it is taken by the

St. Petersburg Dictionary, but probably the first form is the
correct one, the word then having the same meaning as
Nisahgin.
1 Kathaka Samhita, xvii. 11 ; Maitrayani Samhita, ii. 9, 2.
2
Vajasaneyi Samhita, xvi. 10.

Ni-sahgin is found three times in the Rigveda, 1 where,

2
owing to its following in one passage the words sudhanvdna
having good bows and arrows,' the sense of
'

isumanto,
' '

nisanginafy as having quivers seems quite certain. In the

3
Vajasaneyi Samhita. it is taken by the commentator Mahidhara
to mean having a sword,' a sense which is quite possible both
'

there and in the other passages 4 where it occurs. But the

word far more probably means ' having a quiver,' for the bow
was the Vedic weapon, not the sword (Asi).
1 v. 57, 2 x. 103, 3.
iii. 30, 15 ; Samhita, ii. 9, 3 ; Taittiriya Samhita,
2 v. y 5. 3> '

57, 2. i - 1 Satapatha Brahmana,

xvi. 20. Cf. Katyayana Srauta xiii. 4, 2, 5.

Sutra, xx. a, II, with the commentator. Cf. Hopkins, Journal of the American
4
Samaveda, ii. 1199 ;
Kathaka Sam- Oriental Society, 13, 274.
hita, xvii. 12; xxxvii. 11; Maitrayani

Ni-sada found in the later Samhitas and the Brahmanas. 1

is

The word seems to denote not so much a particular tribe, but

to be the general term for the non-Aryan tribes who were not
under Aryan control, as the Sudras were, for Aupamanyava 2
took the five peoples (panca janah) to be the four castes (catvaro
1
Taittiriya Samhita, iv. 5, 4, 2 ; xvi. 27 Aitareya Brahmana, viii. 11
;

Kathaka Samhita, xvii. 13 Maitrayani

; PancavimSa Brahmana, xvi. 6, 8, etc.
2 In Yaska, Nirukta, 8.
Samhita, ii. 9, 5 ; Vajasaneyi Samhita, iii.
454 ABORIGINAL TRIBES NECKLET [
Nika

varnah) and the Nisadas, and the commentator Mahidhara

3
explains the word where it occurs in the Vajasaneyi Samhita
as meaning a Bhilla, or Bhil. A village of Nisadas is men-
tioned in the Latyayana Srauta Sutra, 4 and a Nisada Sthapati,
a leader of some kind, is referred to in the Katyayana Srauta
Sutra 5 and in a Brahmana cited by the scholiast on that
passage. Weber 6 thinks that the Nisadas were the settled
aborigines (from ni% 'down,' and sad, 'settle'), a view sup-
7
ported by the fact that the ritual of the Visvajit sacrifice
requires a temporary residence with Nisadas for the Nisadas ;

who would permit an Aryan to reside temporarily amongst

them must have been partially amenable to Aryan influence.
But the name might easily be applied to the whole body of
aborigines outside the Aryan organization. Von Schroeder 8
thinks that the Nisadas were most probably identical with the
Nysseans, who, according to the Greek account, sent an
embassy to Alexander when he was in the territory of the
Asvakas, but this identification is doubtful.
3 xvi. In the later system (Manu, x. 8)
27. Cf. xxx. 8. 119.
* viii. the Nisada is the offspring of a Brah-
2, 8.
5 i.
1, 12; Weber, Indische Studien, mana and of a Sudra woman, while the
io, 13. Brhatsamh'ta of Varahamihira (xiv. 10)
6 Indische
Studien, 9, 340. Cf. 10, 13, recognizes a kingdom (rastra) of Nisadas
16. in the south-east of Madhyadesa. In the
7 See Kausitaki Brahmana, xxv. 15 Pali texts (Fick, Die sociale Gliederung,
;

Latyayana, loc. cit. PaficavimSa Brah-

; 12, 160, 206 et seq.) they are wild
mana, loc. cit. hunters and fishers. Cf. also Muir,
8 Indiens Literatur und Cultur, 366. 2
Sanskrit Texts, i , 301, 303, 366, n. 164,
Cf. Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 39, 403, 481.

Niska is frequently found in the Rigveda 1 and later 2 denoting

a gold ornament worn on the neck, as is shown by the two
3 4
epithets niska-kantha and niska-griva, having a gold ornament
'

on the neck.' A Niska of silver is mentioned in the Pancavimsa

Brahmana. 5 As early as the Rigveda 6 traces are seen of the
1 3 viii. 22.
ii. 33, 10; viii. 47, 15, etc. Aitareya Brahmana,
2 Av. 4
Rv. v. 19, 3 Av. v.
v. 14, 3 ;
vii. 99, 1 xx. 131, 8
; ; ; 17, 14.

Chandogya Upanisad, 1. 2;iv. 2,

5
xvii. 1, 14, as worn by the Vratyz
v. 13, 2 ; Jaiminlya Upanisad Brah- Cf. Av. xv. 3.
6
mana, i. 36, 7. 8 Satapatha Brahmana,
;
i. 126, 2.
xiii. 4, 1, 7. 11, etc.
Nicya ] A CONSTELLATION WESTERN TRIBES 455

use of Niskas as a sort of currency, for a singer celebrates the

receipt of a hundred Niskas and a hundred steeds he could :

hardly require the Niskas merely for purposes of personal

adornment. Later the use of Niskas as currency is quite clear. 7
Cf. also Krsnala.
7
Av. xx. 127, 3 ; Latyayana Srauta Cf. Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 51,
Sutra, In the Satapatha
ix. 9, 20, etc. 259, 263 ; Geldner, op. cit., 1, 268, n. 2 ;

Brahmana, xi. 4, 1, 1. 8; Gopatha Zeitschrift der Deutschen Morgenlandischen

'

Brahmana, i. 3, 6 the sense of coin ;

'

Gesellschaft, 40, 127.

is seen by
Eggeling, Sacred Books of
the East, 44, 50, 51, and by Geldner,
Vedische Studien, 2, 185.

Niskiriya is the name of a school of priests who are men-

tioned in the Pancavimsa Brahmana 1 as holding a Sattra, or
'
sacrificial session.'

1 xii. 5, 14. Cf. Hopkins, Transactions of the Connecticut Academy of Arts and
Sciences, 15, 58.

later 2
1
Nitya means in the Rigveda and an outsider or
stranger. Hence the constellation usually known as Svati
3
(seeNaksatra) is named Nistya in the Taittirlya Brahmana,
because it occupies a position markedly away from the ecliptic.
1 vi. x. 133, 5. 3
75, 19 ; vin. i, 13 ; 1. 5, 2, 2. 3; 111. 1, 1, 13.
2 Av. iii. 3, 6 ;
Vajasaneyi, v. 23 Cf. Max Muller, Sacred Books of the
Satapatha Brahmana, i.
6, 4, 17, etc. East, 32, 215.

1 2
Nihaka Rigveda and the Taittirlya Samhita appears
in the
to denote some phenomenon of a storm, perhaps the whirl-
'

wind.'
1 2
x. 97, 13. vii. 5, 11, 1 (following nl hara).

NIksana. See Neksana.

Nicya (' living below ') is a designation of certain nations

of
the west. The Nicyas are mentioned in the Aitareya Brahmana
(viii. 14) as distinguished from the people of Madhyade^a, and

no doubt mean the inhabitants of the Indus and Panjab

regions.
456 HYMN GIRDLE WORM [ Nitha

Nitha ('leading'), neut., means musical 'mode' and then

'

hymn of praise.' 1
The feminine form Nitha occurs once in
the Rigveda 2 meaning 'artifice.'
1 Rv. 16 12
iv. 3, ; vii. 26, 2 ;
x. 92, 3 ; i. 100, ; 179, 3 ; x. 69, 7 ;
sahasra-

Aitareya Brahmana, ii. 38. Cf. nlthdvid nltha, iii. 60, 7 ;

ix. 85, 4 ; 96, 18 (used
of singers {jaritr) in Rv. iii. 12, 5. of the poet's art, padavlh kavmdm).
2 i. 2
104, 5. Cf. the epithet sata-nitha, Cf. Muir, Sanskrit Texts, i , 241.

Ninaha, a word occurring once in the Atharvaveda (xix. 57,4),

seems to denote a 'girdle' or something similar, as derived
from the verb nah, 'fasten.'

Nipatithi occurs in the Rigveda as the name of a man to

1

whom a hymn 2 is ascribed by the Anukramani (Index). A

Saman, or Chant, of his is mentioned in the Pancavimsa
Brahmana. 3
1
viii. 49, 9, where he appears as of the Rigveda, 3, 140 ; Hopkins,
engaged in battle; viii. 51, i, where Journal of the American Oriental Society,
he seems to be a sacrifices Either a 17, 90.
3
king or a seer may be meant. xiv. 10, 4.
1 viii.
34. Cf. Ludwig, Translation

of a species of worm in the Yajurveda

'

Nflangfu is the name '

Samhitas 1 in the list of victims at the Asvamedha, or 'horse

sacrifice.'

1
Taittirlya Samhita, v. 5, 11, 1; 1
nlldhgu) ; Vajasaneyi Samhita, xxiv. 30.
MaitrayanI Samhita, iii. 14, 11 (v.l. \ Cf. Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 98.

black-headed,' is the name of an unknown

'
Nila-girsni,
animal in the
of victims at the Asvamedha, or 'horse
list
1
sacrifice,' in the Taittirlya Samhita.

1 v 5 J 5i *
Cf. Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 99.

Nilagfalasala, or, as the Paippalada version reads, Nflakala-

sala, is the name, according to the commentator, of a grain-
1
creeper in the Atharvaveda.
1 vi. 16, 4. Cf. Whitney, Transla- I
Bloomfield, Hymns of the Atharvaveda,
tion of the Atharvaveda, 292, 293 ; | 466.
Nrtu ] WILD RICE UNDERGARMENT MIST DANCER 457

1
Nivara, 'wild rice,' is mentioned in the Yajurveda Samhitas
and the Brahmanas. 2

1
Kathaka Samhita, xii. 4; Maitra- 3, 3, 5 ; Taittiriya Brahmana, i. 3, 6, 7,
|

yanl Samhita, iii. 4, 10 Vajasaneyi ;

etc.

Samhita, xviii. 12. Cf. Zimmer, Altindisches Leben,

2
atapatha Brahmana, v. 1, 4, 14; 240.

Nivi is the name

undergarment,' probably a simple of the
'

apron of cloth, worn by both men and women, but especially

1 2
by the latter. It is mentioned in the Atharvaveda and later.
1 16 10
viii. 2, ; xiv. 2, 50. Cf. nlvi- Vajasaneyi Samhita, iv. ; Satapatha
bharya,
'
to be borne in the apron,' Brahmana, i. 3, 3, 6 iii. 2, 1, 15, etc. ;

viii. 6, 20. Cf. Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 262 ;

2
Taittiriya Samhita, vi. 1, 1, 3; Schrader, Prehistoric Antiquities, 331.

1
Nihara,
'
mist,' occurs in the Rigveda and later.
5

1
x. 82, 7. 2 ; xviii. 3, 60 ; Taittiriya Aranyaka,
2
Taittiriya Samhita, vii. 5, 11, 1 ; i. 10, 7 ; vi. 4, 1 ; Chandogya Upanisad,
Kathaka Samhita, xxviii. 4; Vajasaneyi iii. 19, 2, etc.
Samhita, xxii. 26; xxv. 9; Av. vi. 113,

Nr. See Nara.

Nrti in one passage of the Atharvaveda 1 seems to mean a

bag of skin. But though the Paippalada recension has the
same text, it is clear that we must read Drti with Roth 2 and
3 4
Whitney. Ludwig renders the word
'
dancer,' which makes
no sense in the context.
1 the Athar-
vi. 18, 3. 235; Bloomfield, Hymns of
2 St.
Petersburg Dictionary, s.v. vaveda, 468.
3 Translation of the Atharvaveda, 4 Translation of the Rigveda, 3, 514.
294. Cf. Weber, Indische Studien, 5,

1
Nrtu occurs once Rigveda denoting a female dancer.' in the *

2
In another passage Nrti is found coupled with hdsa, laughter,' '

in the description of the funeral ritual but though it is clear ;

'
that a joyful celebration is meant (like the Irish '
wake or the
1 i. 92, 4 (where Usas, Goddess of Dawn, is compared to a dancer).
2 x.
18, 3. Cf. 29, 2.
458 KING A SEER SPIT [Nrpati

old-fashioned feasting in Scotland after a funeral), it is difficult

to be certain that actual dancing is here meant. Dancing is,

however, often referred to in the Rigveda 3 and later. Nrtta-

'
glta, dance and song,' are mentioned in the Jaiminiya
Brahmana 4 as found in the sixth world. See also Sailusa.
3 4
i. 10, i ; 92, 4, etc. See Weber, i. 42 {Journal of the American Oriental
Indian Literature, 196 et seq. Society, 15, 235).

* 1 2
Nr-pati, lord of men,' in the Rigveda and later denotes
a 'king' or a man of the ruling class (Ksatriya).
1 2
11. I, 1. 7 ; iv. 20, 1 vii. 69, 1 Av. v. 18, 1. 15; Taittiriya Aran-
x. 44, 2. 3. yaka, vi. 3, 3 ; x. 77, etc.

Nr-medha, Nr-medhas, 2 is the name of a protege of Agni

1

in the Rigveda, 3 where he also appears with Sumedhas in a

hymn that Griffith 4 with justice declares to be unintelligible.

In the Taittiriya Samhita 1 he is an unsuccessful rival of
Parucchepa, and in the Pancavimsa Brahmana 2 he is an
Angirasa and a seer of Samans (Chants).
1 4
Rv. x. 80, 3 ; 132, 7 ; Taittiriya x. 132 ; Griffith, Hymns of the

Samhita, ii. 5, 8, 3. Rigveda, 2, 578, n.

2 Pancavimsa Brahmana, 21
viii. 8, Cf. Hillebrandt, Vedische Mythologies,
et seq. 160 Hopkins, TransactionsoftheConnecti-
;

x. 80, 3. cut Academy of Arts and Sciences,!^ 61.

Nr-sad,
'

sitting among men,' is the name of the father of

Kanva in the Rigveda (x. 31, 11). Cf. Narada.

'

Nekana 1
occurs once in the Atharvaveda, where a spit
'

2
seems to be meant. In the Rigveda Niksana occurs, and
must have the same sense; Oldenberg 3 inclines to think that
this word refers to the 'inspection' of food, to see if it is
'

ready (as from ni-tks, look into ').

Cf. KauSika Sutra, ii. n
1 ix. 2
6, 17. ; i. 162, 13.
3
lxxxvii. Whitney, Translation of
12 ; Rgveda-Noten, 155-
the Atharvaveda, 540.
Naidagha ] FELLY-A PRIEST A PLACE SUMMER 459

Nemi denotes in the Rigveda

1
and later 2 the 'felly' of a
3
chariot wheel. It was required to be of good wood (su-dru),
and was bent 4
into shape. Cf Ratha.
3
"5.3; v. 13,6; Rv. vii. 32, 20.
4
vii. 32, 20 ; viii. 46, 23 ; 75, 5, etc. Rv. viii. 75, 5.
2
Satapatha Brahmana, i. 4, 2, 15 ; Cf. Zimmer, Altindisches Leben,
Brhadaranyaka Upanisad, ii.
5, 15, etc. 248.

NestP, the name of one of the chief priests at the Soma

1 2
sacrifice, occurs in the Rigveda and later. See Rtvij.
1 i. 15, 3 ; ii. 5, 5, etc. iii. 8, 2, 1, etc. ;
Pancavimsa Brah-
2
Taittiriya Samhita, i. 8, 18, 1 ; mana, xxv. 15, etc.
vi. 5, 8, 5. 6 ;
Aitareya Brahmana, Cf. Hillebrandt, Vedische Mythologie,
vi. 3, 10, etc.; Satapatha Brahmana, j
1, 250, 261, 527.

Naica-gakhafound in one passage of the Rigveda, 1 where

is
2 '
Sayana renders it as of low origin,' but elsewhere he explains
it as the name of a place. The former sense is accepted by
Grassmann and Ludwig in their versions, and by Zimmer, 3
4
but Hillebrandt points out that the reference is rather to the
'
low-branched
'

Soma plant. Cf Kikata and Pramag-anda.

1 vii. 4 Vedische Mythologie,
53, 4. 1, 14-18; 2, 241-
2 See St. where he opposes Bohtlingk's view
Petersburg Dictionary, s.v. 245,
3 Altindisches
Leben, 31. that it is a
proper name.

Naicu-dara occurs Pancavimsa Brahmana, 1 meaning in the

composed of the wood of the Nicudara.' What tree is meant

'

by the latter name is unknown.

1 xxi. 4, 13. vi. 4.
Cf. Anupada Sutra,

Naitandhava is mentioned as a place on the Sarasvati in

the Pancavimsa Brahmana 1 and the Sutras. 2
1 xxv. 13, 1. I
Sankhayana Srauta Sutra, xiii. 29, 31 ;

2
Latyayana Srauta Sutra, x. 19, 13 ; | Katyayana Srauta Sutra, xxiv. 6, 23.

Nai-dagha is the name of the summer season in the

' '
later
Samhitas and Brahmanas. 1 Cf Rtu and Nidagha.
1 Av. ix. 5, 31 ; Taittiriya Brahmana, the summer,' Pancavimsa Brahmana,
i. 8, 4, 2 Satapatha Brahmana, i. 4,
;
xxiii. 16, 8, etc.

1, 16, etc.; naiddghiya, 'belonging to

460 VEDIC INTERPRETERSETYMOLOGISTS [ Naidana,

Nai-dana is a term applied in the Nirukta 1 to a class of

Vedic interpreters. Roth 2 takes the Naidanas to be 'etymo-
logists,' but Sieg 3 thinks they are the same as the Aitihasikas
or 'legendarists.' 4
1 3
vi. 9 ; vii. 12. Die Sagenstoffe des Rgveda, 29.
2
Petersburg Dictionary, s. v. But
St. 4 The word seems to mean one
'

"
cf. Nirukta, Erlauterungen, 220, 221 ; concerned with the original form
Muir, Sanskrit Texts, 2 2 176. ,
(niddna).

'
Nai-dhruvi, descendant of Nidhruva,' is the patronymic of
1
KaSyapa in the Brhadaranyaka Upanisad.
1 vi. 4, 33 (Madhyandina = vi. 5, 3 Kanva).

NaimiSi is the epithet of Sitibahu Aisakrta in the Jaiminiya

Brahmana. 1 It is probably to be taken as an indication that
Sitibahu came from the Naimisa forest.
1
! 3 6 3 (Journal of the American Oriental Society, 26, 192).

1 2
NaimiSIya, Naimisiya denotes the dwellers in the Naimisa
forest. They are mentioned in the Kathaka Samhita 2 and the
2
Brahmanas, being clearly of special sanctity. Hence in the
Epic the Mahabharata is said to have been recited to the Rsis
3
dwelling in the Naimisa forest.
1 Pancavimsa Brahmana, xxv. 6, 4 ;
j
13 ;
Naimisya, Kathaka Samhita, x. 6
Jaiminiya Brahmana, i. 363 (Journal of j
(1 ndische Studien, 3, 469). The cerebral s

the American Oriental Society, 26, 192). seems to be universal later.

2 3
Kausitaki Brahmana, xxvi. 5 ; j
Weber, Indian Literature, 34, 45, 54,
xxviii. 4; Chandogya Upanisad, i. 2, I
68, 70, 185.

Nair-ukta 1 man who knows the

in the Nirukta 2 denotes a
true etymology of words, and explains their meaning accord-
ingly. Yaska's Nirukta is the classic work of this school, and
forms a commentary on an earlier Nirukta, the so-called
Naighantuka, a glossary consisting of five collections of Vedic
words.
1 '
One concerned with etymological Cf. Weber, Indian Literature, 26, 85 ;

explanation
'

(nir-ukta). Indische Studien, 2, 39, n. ; Sieg, Die

2 12 10
i. ;
vi. 11 ;
xi. 19. 29. 31 ;
xii. ; Sagenstoffe des Rgveda, 10-13 ; Muir,
xiii. 9. Sanskrit Texts, 2 2 , 165 et seq
Nau ] A POET BOAT 461

Nai-sada, a
*
man of Nisada,' is mentioned in the Kausltaki
Brahmana (xxv. 15) and the Vajasaneyi Samhita (xxx. 8).

Naisidha the reading in the Satapatha Brahmana (ii. 3,

is

2, 1. 2) of the epithet of Nada, a king of the south. The later

form of the name is Naisadha the St. Petersburg Dictionary ;

suggests that its original form was Naihsidha.

is the name of a poet who is mentioned in the

Nodhas
Rigveda, and to whom certain of its hymns are ascribed. 2
1

In the Pancavimsa Brahmana 3 he is called Kaksivata, a

'descendant of Kakslvant.' Ludwig 4 regards him as con-
temporary with the defeat of Purukutsa. He was a Gotama.
5

1 4
i. 61, 14; 62, 13 ; 64, 1, and 124, 4, Translation of the Rigveda, 3, no.
according to Nirukta, iv. 16. Rv. i. 62, 13 Max Muller, Sacred
5
;

2 18 Rv. Books of the East, 32, 125. For the

Aitareya Brahmana, vi. ;

i. 58-64 are ascribed to him in the controversy as to the meaning of Rv.

Anukramani (Index). i. 124, 4, see Oldenberg, Rgveda-Noten,
3
vii. 10, 10 xxi. 9, 12. ; Cf. Aitareya 1, 137. Cf. Hopkins, Transactions of
Brahmana, iv. 27 ;
viii. 12. 17 ; Av. the Connecticut Academy of Arts and
xv. 2, 4 ; 4, 4. Sciences, 15, 33.

Nau
the regular word in the Rigveda 1 and later 2 for a
is
' '
boat or ship.' In the great majority of cases the ship was
merely a boat for crossing rivers, though no doubt a large boat
was needed for crossing many of the broad rivers of the Panjab
Yamuna and Gangpa.
as well as the Often no doubt the Nau
was a mere dug-out canoe (ddru). 3 against the It is certainly
4
theory of the existence in Vedic times of an extensive sea
trade that there no mention of any of the parts of a ship, such
is

as masts and
except the oar (Aritra). Yet there are some
sails,
allusions indicating a trade more extensive than that implied

by boats used for crossing rivers. The Atharvaveda compares

5

the ruin of a kingdom where Brahmins are oppressed to the

1 3
i. 131, 2; h. 39, 4; viii. 42, 3; Rv. x. 155, 3.
4
83, 3. etc. Wilson, Rigveda, 1, xli.
2 Av. ii. 5
36, 5 ; v. 19, 8 ; Taittiriya v. 19, 8. Cf. Hopkins, American
Samhita, v. 3, 10, 1 ; Vajasaneyi Sam- Journal of Philology, 19, 139. So per-
hita, x. 19 ; Aitareya Brahmana, iv. 13 ; haps the passage, Rv. i. 32, 8, nadam
vi. 6. 21 ; Satapatha Brahmana, i. 8, na bhinnam, refers to a ship. See
1,4; iv. 2, 5, 10, etc. Nada.
462 OCEAN NAVIGATION FIG TREE [ Nyagrodha

sinking of a ship which is leaking {bhinnd) though the language ;

here employed can be made to fit the theory that the ship was
only a canoe, it cannot naturally be so interpreted. Moreover,
6
there is mention made in the Rigveda of men who go to the
ocean (Samudra) eager for gain (sanisyavah). It is not altogether
satisfactory to restrict such references with Zimmer to the
7

broad stream of the Indus after the union of that river with
the tributaries of the Panjab. In the Rigveda 8 too it is said
that the Asvins rescued Bhujyu in the ocean with a ship of
a hundred oars (satdritra). It is not easy to refuse to recognize
here the existence of larger vessels with many oars used for
9
sea voyages. The Baudhayana Dharma Sutra, at any rate,

clearly refers to maritime navigation. See also Samudra.

6 "
Rv. i. 56, 2 iv. 55, 6.
; 1. 2, 4 11. 2, ; 2. But it is not of
7 Altindisches Leben, 22, 23. very early date.
8 i. 116, 3 et seq. Cf. Zimmer, op. cit. 255-257.

growing downwards,' is the name of the

'

Nyagf-rodha,
Ficus indica, a tree remarkable for sending down from its
branches fibres which take root and form new stems. Though
the tree is not mentioned by name in the Rigveda, it appears
1 2 in
to have been known, as Pischel has shown from a hymn
which its characteristics may be recognized. It is frequently
mentioned in the Atharvaveda 3 and the later literature. 4 The
sacrificial bowls (Camasa) were made of its wood. 6 It was
doubtless of the greatest importance, as in modern times, to
the Vedic village. The sister tree, the Agvattha (Ficus religiosa),
already occurs in the Rigveda.
1 Vedische Studim, 1, 113, 114. Satapatha Brahmana, v. 3, 5, 13 ;

2 i. where stupa seems to

24, 7, xiii. 2, 7, 3 Chandogya Upanisad,
;

denote the crest or crown of the tree vi. 12, 1, etc.

above the main trunk. 5
Taittiriya Samhita, vii. 4, 12, 1
3
iv. 37, 4 J
v. 5, 5. Vajasaneyi Samhita, xxiii. 13.
4
Aitareya Brahmana, vii. 30. 31 ; Cf. Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 58.

Ny-anka in the dual denotes in the Taittiriya Samhita 1 and

Brahmana 2 some part of the chariot, parallel with Anka. The
Paficavimsa Brahmana 3 has Nyahku, the dual of Nyahku.
1 3
i. 7, 7, 2. i. 7, 5 ; Latyayana Srauta Sutra,
1 i. 3. 5. 4 ;
" 7. 8, 1. I ii. 8, 9.
Paktha ]
ORNAMENT CAKE A PEOPLE 463

Nyahku is the name of an animal in the list of victims at the

1
Asvamedha, or
'
horse sacrifice,' in the Yajurveda Samhitas.
gazelle is meant, but the com-
* '
Itseems clear that a kind a
1
mentary on the Taittiriya Samhita suggests 'bear' (rksa) as
a variant rendering.
1
Taittiriya Samhita, v. 5, 17, 1 ; metre nyahhu-sdrinl, with a gazelle's'

Maitrayani Samhita, iii. 14, 9 ; Vaja- gait,'is already mentioned in the

saneyi Samhita, xxiv. 27. 32. Cf. Rgveda Pratisakhya, xvi. 31 ; Chandas,
Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 83. The 5 Nidana Sutra, i. 2.
;

Ny-astika seems Atharvaveda 1 to denote a plant of

in the
some kind, identified by the scholiast with the Sankhapuspika
(Andropogon aciculatus).
1
vi. 139, 1. Cf. Whitney, Transla- field, Hymns of the Atharvaveda, 539,
tion of the Atharvaveda, 385 Bloom- ; 540-

Ny-ocani is found in the marriage hymn of the Rigveda

(x. 85, 6), where some kind of ornament worn by women seems
to be meant. The commentator Sayana interprets it as
1
female slave.'

p.
'
Pakti denotes a cooked object, probably a kind of cake,' in
1
the Samhitas. One who cooks food is called Paktr. 2
1
Rv. iv. 24, 5. 7 ; 25, 6. 7 ; vi. 29, xii. 3, 17 ; Satapatha Brahmana, iii. 3,
4 ; Vajasaneyi Samhita, xxi. 59, etc. 4, 17; x. 4, 2, 19.
*
Av. x. 9, 7. 11. 25 xi. 1, 17 ; ;

Paktha is the name of a people in the Rigveda, 1 where

they
2
appear as one of the tribes that opposed the Trtsu-Bharatas in
the DaSarajiia, or battle of the ten kings.' Zimmer 3 compares
1 vii. 18. 7. is certainly incorrect.
Cf. Hopkins,
Roth, Zur Litteratur und Geschichte
2
Journal of the American Oriental Society,
des Weda, 95, thought that the Pakthas 15. 260.
were allies of the Trtsus, but this view 3
Altindisches Leben, 430, 431.
464 A NORTHERN TRIBE COOKED FOOD SIDE POST [ Pi

them with the tribe of TLatcrves and their country HatcTVLKr),

mentioned as in the north-west of India by Herodotus, 4 and
with the modern Pakhthun in Eastern Afghanistan, holding
that they were a northern tribe; this is probable, since the
'
Bharatas seem to have occupied the Madhyadesa, or Middle
Land.' In three passages of the Rigveda 5 a Paktha is referred
to as a protege" of the Asvins. The second connects him wifti
Trasadasyu, whose tribe, the Purus, were aided by the Pakthas
in their unsuccessful onslaught on Sudas. In the third passage
he seems specified as Turvayana, and appears as an opponent
of Cyavana. 6 Probably, therefore, Paktha in all cases denotes
the king of the Paktha people.
8
4
vii. 65 (UdKTves) ;
iii. 102 and iv. 44 viii. 22, 10 ; 49, 10 ;
x. 61, 1.
6
(IICLKTVIKT)) . Pischel, Vedische Studien, 1, 71-77.

'
Pakva,
'
cooked,' used substantively as meaning
is cooked
cooked milk.' 2 The word is also used of
'
1 *
food' or
*
baked
3
bricks.

2
1 Rv. vi. 63, g ; Av. vi. 119, 2 ; Rv. i. 62, 9 ; 180, 3 ; ii. 40, 2 ;

x". 3, 55 ; Satapatha Brahmana, i. 5, iii. 30, 14 ; vi. 44, 24, etc.

1, 26 ;
ii. 6, 1, 7, etc.
3
Satapatha Brahmana, vi. 1, 2, 22 ; vii. 2

Paksa the Atharvaveda, 1 applied to some part of

is, in
' 2
house, either the side posts,' according to Roth, Zimmer,
2

5
and Grill, 4 or 'sides,' as understood by Whitney and Bloom-
6 7
field. The
description of the roof (Chadis) in the Atharvaveda
as catus-paksa, four-sided,' tells in favour of the'
second
explanation. In the Taittiriya Brahmana 8 Paksa is used oi
the sides of a chariot. For Paksa as the half of a month, see
'

Masa.
6
1 ix. 3, 4. Hymns 0/ the Atharvaveda, 597.
2 St. s.v. 7 in-
Petersburg Dictionary, 7. 3-
3 Altindisches Leben, 8
153. i. 5. 12, 5.
* Hundert Lieder2 188. , Cf. Weber, Indische Studien, 17,
5 Translation of the Atharvaveda,
526.
Pacana ] HALF BIRD SERIES COOKED FOOD 465

Paksas is found in the Atharvaveda 1 and the Kausitaki

2
Brahmana meaning sides 3 of a chariot.
* '
In the Kathaka the
4
Samhita and the Taittiriya Brahmana 5 it is used of the sides
of a hut or chamber (Sala). In the Vajasaneyi Samhita 6 it
means the wing of a door. In the Kausitaki Brahmana 7 the
' '

'half of an army is so named, and in the Pancavimsa Brah-

mana 8 it means the 'half of a month, or 'fortnight.' Cf.
Paksa.
1
vm. 8, 22. 4 xxx. 5.
2 vii. 5
7. i- 2, 3, 1.
3 6 xxix.
Whitney, Translation of the Athar- 5.
vaveda, 506 Bloomfield, 7 ii.
;
Hymns of the 9.
Atharvaveda, 117. 8 xxiii.
6, 6.

1
Paksin in the Rigveda and later 2 denotes a 'winged'
creature, more particularly a
'
bird.'

1
i. 48, 5 ; 182, 5 ;
x. 127, 5, etc.
Aitareya Brahmana, iv. 23 ;
Brhad-
2
Av. iv. 34, 4 ; xi. 5, 21 ; xii. 1,
51 ;
aranyaka Upanisad, ii. 5, 18, etc.
xiii. 2, 33 ; Kathaka Samhita, xxxiv. 8 ;

Paftkti, originally a 'set of five,' denotes as_ early as the

1 2
Rigveda a series generally. In the Taittiriya Aranyaka the
' '

word is used of the series of a man's ancestors whom he purifies

by certain conduct.

1 2 x.
x. 117, 8, as taken by the St. Petersburg Dictionary. 38, 39.

1
Pacata, like Pakti, denotes 'cooked food' in the Rigveda
2
and later.

1 i. 61, 7 ;
x. 116, 8. I xxiii. 13 ;
Kausitaki Brahmana, viii. 21,
2
Vajasaneyi Samhita, xxi. 60 ;
|
etc.

Pacana in the 1
Rigveda and the Satapatha Brahmana 2
' '

denotes a vessel for cooking food.

1
i. 162, 6. vi. 5. 43. 3. 4 X1V - z> 2 >
2i.

VOL. I. 30
466 NAMES THE FIVE PEOPLES [ Pajra

Pajpa is the name of the family from which Kaksivant

1
sprang (Pajriya). It is mentioned several times in the Rigveda.
2 3
According to Pischel, the epithet prksa-yama applied to them
means 'carrying out brilliant sacrificial performances,' which
won for them Srutaratha's generosity. In two passages 4
Roth 5 sees a Pajra called Saman. This is uncertain, but in
6
any case a Pajra seems clearly alluded to. Elsewhere it is
very doubtful whether the word is a proper name at all. In
the Satyayana 7 the Pajras are declared to be Angirases.
1 * Rv.
i.117, 10 ; 122, 7. 8 126, 4. 5. ; viii. 4, 17 ; 6, 47.
2 Vedische Studien, 1, 97, 98. 5 St.
Petersburg Dictionary, s.v. pajra.
3 Rv. i. where Roth 6 Rv. i. 190, 5, where the referenc
127, 8, (St.
Petersburg Dictionary, s.v.) thinks this is clearly hostile and contemptuous.
7 Cited by Sayana on Rv.
compound is probably a proper name. i. 51, 4.

1 2
Pajra occurs once in the Rigveda, where Ludwig sees ii

the word the name

of the wife of the sacrificer, Pajra, while
Roth 3 takes it to be an epithet ('stout') of the Soma plant.
The sense is thus uncertain.
1 ix. 82, 14. 3 St. s.v.
Petersburg Dictionary,
2 Translation of the Rigveda, no.
3, pajra.

1
Pajriya 'descendant of Pajra,' is the patronymic of
2
Kaksivant in the Rigveda.
2
Cf. Tugrya, n. 1. i. 116, 7; 117, 6; 120, 5.

Panca-janah, the 'five peoples,' are mentioned under various

names in Vedic literature. 1 Who are meant by the five is very
uncertain. The Aitareya Brahmana 2 explains the five to be
gods, men, Gandharvas and Apsarases, snakes, and the Fathers.
1 Av. Rv.
Aitareya Brahmana, iii. 31 ;
iv. 27 ; iii. 24, 3 ; ksitayah, i. 7, 9
Taittirlya Samhita, i. 6, 1, 2 ; Kathaka 176, 3 ; v. 35, 2 ; vi. 46, 7 ; vii. 75, 4
Samhita, v. 6 xxxii. 6 Brhadaranyaka
; ; 79, 1 Rv. v. 86, 2 vii. 15, 2
; carsanyah, ;

Upanisad, iv. 2, 9 {panca-janah as a ix. See Ludwig, Translation of

101, 9.
compound). See also panca manusah, the Rigveda, 3, 204. Every book of
Rv. viii. 9, 2 manavah, Av. iii. 21, 5
; ; the Rigveda has a mention of the five
24, 3 xii. 1, 15
; janah, Rv. iii. 37, 9
; ; peoples one such in ii. and iv. two
:
;

59, 8 ; vi. 14, 4 ; viii. 32, 22 ; ix. 65, in i., v., vi., vii., viii. ;
three in iii. and
2 3 > 9 2 31 x 45) 6 ; krstayah, ii. 2, 10 ;
- ix. ;
four in x.
2
iii. 53. 16; iv. 38, 10; x. 60, 4; 119, 6; iii. 31.
Pancajanak ]
THE FIVE PEOPLES 467

3
Aupamanyava held the four castes (Varna) and the
that
Nisadas made up the and Sayana 4 is of the same opinion.
five,
Yaska 5 thinks that the five are the Gandharvas, fathers, gods,
Asuras, and Raksases. No one of these explanations can be
6
regarded as probable. Roth and Geldner 7 think that all the
peoples of the earth are meant just as there are four quarters :

(Dig), there are peoples at the four quarters (N. E. S. W.), with
the Aryan folk in the middle. Zimmer 8 opposes this view on
the ground that the inclusion of all peoples in one expression is
not in harmony with the distinction so often made between
9
Aryan and Dasa
*
that neither janasah,
; men,' nor mdmisdh,
10
'people,' could be used of non-Aryans; that the Soma is
referred to as being among the five tribes n that the five tribes ;

are mentioned as on the SarasvatI, 12 and that Indra is panca-

janya,
13 *

belonging to the five peoples.' He concludes that

Aryans alone are meant, and in particular the five tribes of the

Anus, Druhyus, Yadus, TurvaSas, and Purus, who are all

mentioned together in one or perhaps two hymns of the
Rigveda, and four of whom occur in another hymn.
14 15
But he
admits that the expression might easily be used more generally
16
later. Hopkins has combated Zimmer's view, but his own
opinion rests mainly on his theory that there was no people
named Turvasa, but only a king of the Yadus called Turvasa,
and that theory is not very probable.
3 In Yaska, Nirukta, iii. 8. Indrah,where the address must be to
* On Rv. i. 7, 9, etc. Aryan men.
10
5
Nirukta, loc. cit. Cf Rv. viii. 9, 2, and i. 52, 9,
6 St. Petersburg Dictionary, s. v. krsti; with viii. 70, 11 ; x. 28, 8.
28. For his 11 Rv. ix. 65, 23.
Nirtikta, Erlduterungen,
can be cited 12 Rv.
view, Av. iii. panca
24, 3, : vi. 61, 12 (panca jata). Cf
pradiio manavih panca krstayah,
'
the x. 53. 4-
13
five directions, the five races of v.
32, 11. Agni is of the five
men.' tribes,'Rv. ix. 66, 20. Atri also is so
7
Siebenzig Lieder, 18. See, however, described, Rv. i. 117, 3.
14 Rv. i.
Rgveda, Glossar, 103, where he recog- 108, 8. In vii. 18, cited by
nizes the use of the phrase to denote Zimmer, 122, the five tribes do net
five tribes, as well as all mankind. occur eo nomine, for Yaksu replaces
8 Altindisches Leben, 119- 123. His Yadu. But it is probable that Yadu is
view accepted by Macdonell, Sanskrit
is meant by Yaksu.
15 Rv. viii.
Literature, 153 Muir, Sanskrit Texts,
; 10, 5.
16
i2, 179. is doubtful. Journal of the American Oriental

Cf. its use in Rv. ii. 12, sa janasa Society, 15, 260.

302
468 FIFTEENTH DA YPA NJA BPA NCALA S [ Pancada^I

In the Satapatha Brahmana 17 and the Aitareya Brahmana 18

the five peoples are opposed to the Bharatas, and in the former
work 19 seven peoples are alluded to.
" xin. 5, 4, 14. peoples are identical with the Pancalas,
18 viii. and the seven mentioned in Satapatha
23.
19 It is a with the
conjecture of Weber's, Brahmana, xiii. 5, 4, 23,
Indische Studien, 1, 202, that the five Kuru-Pancalas.

'
Pahca-da&i, the fifteenth day of the month,' is already
mentioned in the Taittiriya Brahmana (i. 5, 10, 5).

*
Panca-nada, having five streams,' is not found until the
epic period as the name
of the Panjab, which has no desig-
nation in the earlier literature. The importance of the Panjab
as the home 1 of the Rigveda has been greatly diminished by
recent research, Hopkins, 2 Pischel, 3 and Geldner 4 having on
different grounds shown reason for believing that the Rigveda,
at least in great part, was composed farther east, in the

MadhyadeSa, which admittedly was the home of the later Vedic

culture. Hillebrandt 5 considers that the Rigveda belongs in
part to the Panjab, or rather to Arachosia, and in part to the
Middle- Country. See also Kuru, Trtsu.

Zimmer, A Itindisches Leben,

1 3 Vedische Studien, 2, 218.
See, e.g. , \

4
32 et seq. Ibid., 3, 152.
2 5
Journal of the American Oriental Vedische Mythologie, 1, 98 et seq.

Society, 19, 19 - 28. Cf. Macdonell, But see Divodasa. Cf. also Weber,
Sanskrit Literature, 145, 441. 1 Indische Studien, 1, 189.

Pancavim^a Brahmana. See Tandya.

Pancala is the later name 1 of the people called Krivi in the

Rigveda. The Pancalas

are rarely referred to except in con-
nexion with the Kurus, and the kings of the Kuru-Pancalas
2
are mentioned in the Aitareya Brahmana. In the Kathaka
3
Samhita the Pancalas appear as the people of KeSin Dalbhya.
1 vin. 14.
Satapatha Brahmana, xiii. 5, 4, 7.
3 xxx. 2 {Indische Studien, 3, 471).
Pancaudana ] pa ncAlas cooked rice 469

In the Upanisads and later 4 the Brahmins of the Pancalas

figure as taking part in philosophical and philological dis-
cussions. The Samhitopanisad Brahmana 5 makes mention of
the Pracy a- Pancalas.
The Pancalas, no doubt, included other tribes besides the
Krivis. The name seems to refer to five tribes, and it has
been suggested 6 that the Pancalas represent the five tribes of
the Rigveda, but the suggestion is not very probable. There
is no trace in Vedic literature of the
Epic division of the
Pancalas into northern (uttara) and southern (daksina). The
7
Satapatha Brahmana mentions their town Paricakra; other
towns to which allusion seems to be made were Kampila and
Kausambl. 8 Of their kings and chiefs, as distinguished from
kings of the Kuru-Pancalas, we hear of Kraivya, Durmukha,
Pravahana Jaivali, and Sona.
4 6
202
Brhadaranyaka Upanisad, vi. 1, 1 Weber, Indische Studien, 1, ;

(Madhyamdina = vi. 2, 1 Kanva) ; Geldner, Vedische Studien, 3, 108, n. r.

Chandogya Upanisad, v. 3, 1 Rgveda ; Cf. Weber, op. cit., 1, 191 et seq.;
PratiSakhya, ii. 12, 44 Nidana Sutra, ;
Indian Literature, 10, 90, 114, 115, 125,
i. 6 ;Sankhayana Srauta Sutra, xii. 13, 135. 136.
7
6, etc. xiii. 5, 4, 7.
5 2. 8 See KauSambeya.
Cf. Indische Studien, 4, 375, n. ;

8, 92, n. 1.

Paiicala-eanda is the name of a teacher in the Aitareya

and the Sankhayana 2 Aranyakas.
1 iii. Indische Studien,
1, 6. Cf. Weber, 1, 391
2 vii. 18. Indian Literature, 50, 315, 326.

Pancavi occurs several times in the Vajasaneyi Samhita in

1

' '
the sense of aged five lamb-periods (of six months), that is,
2
1
thirty months old.'

1 xviii. 26 xxi. 14 xxiv. 12 xxviii. 26. 2

; ; ;
Cf. Tryavi.

Pancaudana is Atharvaveda 1 meaning

an adjective in the
*

prepared with five rice-messes.' The cooking of five rice

dishes is referred to in the same Samhita. 2
1 iv. ix. 5, 8 et seq.
14, 7 ;
5> 37-
47o BOOK SECTION NAMES FOOT-FETTER [Patala

Patala as early as the Aitareya Brahmana 1 denotes '

section
'

of a work, a sense occurring in the Sutras 2 and later.

1 21. 22.
AsValayana Srauta
i. I
20; xiii. 21, 2;
2
Sankhayana Srauta Sutra, xi. 9, | Sutra, iv. 6. 7.

Patharvan appears to be the name of a man in the Rigveda. 1

2
According to Ludwig, however, the word is Patharu, and is
the name of a fort which was saved by a rain-storm from
being set on fire.
1 i. 112,
17, with Sayana's note. 1
Cf. Griffith, Hymns of the Rigveda, 1,
2 Translation of the Rigveda, 3, 204. | 147, 148.

Padgrbhi, seizing by the foot,' is the name in the Rigveda 2

1 '

3
of either a man or a demon. See also PadbiSa.
1 But it may mean
'
seizing with a
1 x.
49, 5.
cord.' Vedic Grammar, 3
Cf. Macdonell, Ludwig, Translation of the Ri|
p. 34 (top) ; Pischel, Vedische Studien, veda, 3, 165.
I, 236.

' '

Pad-biSa, the foot-fetter of a horse in five passages, two

1
in the Rigveda, and one each in the Brhadaranyaka Upanisad, 2
3
the Chandogya Upanisad, and the Sankhayana Aranyaka. 4
5 6
Elsewhere uses are metaphorical.
According to Roth, the
its

literal sense is 'foot-fastening' {pad being =pad, 'foot,' and

bisa, written visa in the Vajasaneyi Samhita, being connected

with the Latin vincire, 'bind'). Pischel 7 objects that the
'
sense of foot-fastening' involves the absurdity, in the Upanisad
passages, of a fine horse from the Sindhu (Indus) being spoken
of as tearing up the peg to which it is fastened. He suggests
' 8
instead the meaning of hobble,' which must be right.
1
i.
162, 14. 16 = Taittirlya Samhita, 6
St. Petersburg Dictionary, s.v.
2 7 Vedische Studien,
iv. 6, 9, 1 .
;
Vajasaneyi Samhita, 1, 233-236.
xxv. 38. 39. 8 He explains the first part of the
2 vi. 2, 13 (Madhyamdina). word as derived from pas, 'tie.' Cf.
3 v. 1, 12. Macdonell, Vedic Grammar, p. 34 (top).
4
ix. 7 ; Keith, Sankhayana Ar any aha, But the form pad may be due to a
57- n. 3- false analogy, and the sense of '
foot-
'
5 '

Rv. x. 97, 16 ;
Av. viii. 1, 4 ;
xii. 5, fastener may express hobble '

quite
15 ;
xvi. 8, 27 Taittiriya Brahmana,
; satisfactorily it is not confined to a
;

i. 6, 10, 3 ;
Mantra Brahmana, i. 3, 10. rope tied to a peg in the ground.
Pani] BARGAINING THE PANIS 47i

Pana, with Pratipana, is found in a hymn of the Atharva-

veda 1 denoting the process of bargaining and selling. The
root pan, from which the word is derived, is employed in the
later Samhitas and the Brahmanas, 2 while Panana in the
3
Satapatha Brahmana denotes 'trafficking.' Cf. Vanij.
1 iii. 6 (in the Paippalada
15, 4.
3
iii. 3, 2, 19. The root does not
recension Whitney, Translation of
; occur in the Rigveda, but its etymology
the Atharvaveda, 112). is vouched for by the Greek iripvrifu.
2
Vajasaneyi Samhita, viii. 55; Sata- Cf. Hillebrandt, Vedische Mythologie, 1,
patha Brahmana, iii. 3, 3, 1 et seq. ; 84, n. 3.
Aitareya Brahmana, i. 27. Cf. Tait-
tiriya Samhita, vi. 1, 10, 1.

Pani Rigveda appears to denote a person who is

in the

rich, but who

does not give offerings to the gods, or bestow
Daksinas on the priests, and who is therefore an object of
intense dislike to the composers of the Samhita. 1 Hence the
gods are asked to attack the Panis, who are also referred to
as being defeated with slaughter. 2 The Pani is opposed to the
3 4
pious sacrificer as a niggard, and spoken of as a wolf, the
is
5
symbol of enmity. In some passages the Panis definitely
appear as mythological figures, demons who withhold the cows
or waters of heaven, and to whom Sarama. goes on a mission
from Indra. 6 Among the Panis Brbu was apparently important.
In one passage of the Rigveda 7 they are described as Beka-
na^as, or 'usurers' (?). In another 8 they are called Dasyus,
'
and styled mrdhra-vdc, probably of hostile speech,' and grathin,
a word of uncertain meaning. Hillebrandt 9 thinks that the
latter epithet refers to the continuous flow of a speech which

5
1 Rv. i. 33, 3 ; 83, 2 ; 151, 9; 180, 7 Rv. i. 32, 11 ;
ii. 24, 6; iv. 58, 4;
iv. 28, 7; v. 34, 5-7; 61, 8; vi. 13, 3 vi. 44, 22 ;
vii. 9, 2 ; x. 67, 6 ; 92, 3 ;

53, 3 ;
viii.64, 2 ; 97, 2 x. 60, 6 ;
Av. iv. 23, 5 ; xix. 46, 2 ; Satapatha
Av. v. 11, 7; xx. 128, 4; Vajasaneyi Brahmana, xiii. 8, 2, 3. It is im-

Samhita, xxxv. 1. possible definitely to decide in which

2 Rv.
1, 83, 4; 184, 2; iii. 58, 2; v. passages the mythical sense is meant.
34, 7; 61, 8; vi. 13, 3; 20, 4; 33, 2; Cf. Macdonell, Vedic Mythology, p. 157.
6
viii. 64, 11. Rv. x. 108.
3 7
Rv. i. 124, 10 ; iv. 51, 3 ; viii. 45, Rv. viii. 66, 10.
8
14 (where the sense is doubtful). Cf. Rv. vii. 6, 3.
9
i. 93.4; v. 61, 1. Vedische Mythologie, 1, 89.
4 Rv. vi. 51, 14.
472
r
H0 WERE THE PANIS f
isnot understood, and that mrdhra-vdc means speaking an '

enemy's speech,' though not necessarily with reference to

non-Aryans.
10
In two passages 11 the Panis appear as Dasas,
and in one 12 a Pani is mentioned in connexion with wer-
geld (Vaira), being apparently regarded as equal to a man
merely in the price put on his life, but in other respects as
inferior.
be certain exactly who a Pani was. Roth 13
It is difficult to
thinks that the word is derived from pan, barter,' and that '

the Pani is properly the man who will give nothing without
return, hence the niggard, who neither worships the gods nor
rewards their priests. This view is accepted by Zimmer 14 and
15
by Ludwig. The latter scholar thinks the apparent references
to rights with Panis are to be explained by their having been
aboriginal traders who went in caravans as in Arabia and
Northern Africa prepared to fight, if need be, to protect their
goods against attacks which the Aryans would naturally deem
quite justified. He supports this explanation by the references
to the Panis as Dasyus and Dasas. It is, however, hardly
necessary to do more than regard the Panis generally as
non-worshippers of the gods favoured by the singers the term ;

is wide enough to cover either the aborigines or hostile Aryan

16
tribes, as well as demons. Hillebrandt, however, thinks that
a real tribe is meant, the Parnians of Strabo, and that they
were associated with the Dahae (Dasa). Moreover, he finds
them associated in one passage 17 with the Paravatas, whom

10
See Satapatha Brahmana, iii. 2, Sieg, Die Sagenstoffe des Rgveda, 58, 59
2
i, 23; Muir, Sanskrit Texts, 2 , 114; Oldenberg, Rgveda-Noten, 1, 364.
Mor- 13 St.
Davidson, Zeitschrift der Deutschen Petersburg Dictionary, s.v.

genldndischen Gesellschaft, 37, 23 ; Eggel- Cf. Yaska, Nirukta, ii. 17 ; vi. 26.
ing, Sacred Books of the East y 26, 31, 14 Altindisches Leben,
257. Cf. Mac-
n. 3. donell, loc. cit. ; Geldner, Rgveda,
11
Rv. v. 34, 5-7 ; Av. v. 11, 6. Glossar, 103.
12
Rv. v. 61, 8. Cf. Roth,
Zeitschrift
15 Translation of the Rigveda, 3,213-
der Deutschen Morgenldndischen Gesell- 215. Cf. Bergaigne, Religion Vedique,
schaft, 41, 673 ;
Max Miiller, Sacred 2, 3*9-
Books of the East, 32, 361, who thinks 16 Vedische Mythologie, 1, 83 et seq. ;

that the Pani is compared unfavourably 3, 268; Gbttingische Gelehrte Anzeigen,

with a generous woman, but this is 1894, 648.
n. 17 Rv.
unlikely ; Hillebrandt, 1, 92, 3 ; vi. 61, 1-3.
Pataiicala Kapya ]
SCHOLAR WINGED INSECT A SEER 473

18
he identifies with the UapovrjTai of Ptolemy, and with Brsaya,
whom he connects with Bapo-awrys of Arrian 19 he also con- ;

siders that the frequent 20 mention of the Panis as opponents

of Divodasa shows that the latter was on the Arachosian
Haraqaiti (Sarasvati) fighting against the Parnians and Dahae,
as well as other Iranian tribes. But the identification of Pani
and the Parnians which
is needless, especially as the root pan,
is found also in the Greek shows a satisfactory deri- irepvrjfit,

vation, while the transfer of Divodasa to the Haraqaiti is

improbable. See also Divodasa and Bekanata.
18 vi. twice in v. and ix. thrice in iv. and
20, 3. ;

19 iii. vii. six times in viii. nine times in

8, 4. ; ;
i. ;

20 The Panis occur twelve times in and four times in x., besides the refer-
Mandala vi. ; once each in ii. and viii. ; ences in the Sarama hymn, x. 108.

'

Pandita, a learned man,' is not found until the Upanisad

1
period.
1
Brhadaranyaka Upanisad, iii. 4, 1 ;
|
vi. 14, 2 ; Mundaka Upanisad, i. 2, 8,
vi. 4, 16. 17 ; Chandogya Upanisad, |
etc.

' ' '

Patariga, flying,' denotes a

i. winged insect in the Athar-
1
vaveda and the Upanisads. 2
1 vi.
50, I. vi. g, 3 ; 10, 2 ;
vii. 2, 1 ; 7, 1 ; 8, 1 ;

2 vi. 1, Adbhuta Brahmana, vi. 5 (Indischt

Brhadaranyaka Upanisad, 19 10, i;
(Madhyamdina = vi. 2, 14 Kanva) ; Studien, 1, 40).
2,14 ( = 1, 14) Chandogya Upanisad, ;

2. Patang-a Prajapatya (' descendant of Prajapati ') is

credited by the Anukramani (Index) with the authorship of a
1
hymn of the Rigveda in which Patanga means the 'sun-bird.'
He is also mentioned in the Jaiminiya Upanisad Brahmana.
2

1 8
x. 177, 1. I xxv. ; Sankhayana Srauta Sutra,
2 iii. 30, 1. Cf. Kausitaki Brahmana, |
xi. 14, 28.

Pataiicala Kapya is the name of a sage mentioned twice in

the Brhadaranyaka 1 2
Upanisad. According to Weber, his
1 "I-
3. 1 ; 7, 1.
2 Indische Indian Literature, 126, 137, 223, 236, 237.
Studien, 1, 434, 435 ;
474 BIRD BANNER HUSBAND-WIFE [ Patatrin

name reminiscent of Kapila and Patanjali of the Sankhya-

is

Yoga system, but this suggestion may be regarded as quite

3
improbable. 3
Cf. Garbe, Sahkhya Philosophic, 25, 26.

Patatrin denotes a '

flying creature
'

generally in the Aitareya

bird in the Atharvaveda. 2
1
Upanisad, or more particularly a
' '

1 "i. 2 viii.
3. 3- 7, 24; x. io, 14; xiv. 2, 44.

Pataka, banner,'
'
is not found until the Adbhuta Brahmana. 1
Its Vedic equivalent is Dhvaja.
1
Indische Studien, 1, 39, 41 (here erroneously mentioned as pataka, masculine).

Pati, Patni. Under these words denoting primarily, as the

evidence collected in the St. Petersburg Dictionary shows,
* '
lord and '

lady,' and so '

husband and wife,' it is convenient *

to consider the marital relations of the Vedic community.

Child Marriage. Marriage in the early Vedic texts appears
essentially as a union of two persons of full development. This
is shown by the numerous references
1
to unmarried girls who
grow old in the house of their fathers (ama-jur), and who adorn
themselves in desire of marriage, as well as to the paraphernalia
of spells Atharvavedic tradition 2 to
and potions used in the

compel the love of man or woman respectively, while even the

3
Rigveda itself seems to present us with a spell by which a
1
Cf. Rv. i. 117, 7; ii. 17, 7; x. 39, 3;
ix. 32, 5 56, 3 x. 34, 5
;
and to ; ;

3 40, 5.
; Ghosa is the chief example jealousy and love philtres for the pur-
of this condition. The Atharvaveda pose of recalling wandering affections
(i. 14) also refers to such a case (see e.g., Av. vi. 18; 42; 43; 94; 139;
Bloomfield, Hymns of the Atharvaveda, vii. 45. The gifts of the lover are
253). The ornaments of maidens, espe- referred to in Rv. i. 117, 18. Some of

cially at seasons of festival, are referred these passages may, of course, refer to
to in Rv. i. 123, 11; vii. 2, 5; Av. Hetairai. but not all.
3
ii. 36, 1 ; xiv. 2, 59 et seq. vii. 55, 5. 8. Cf. Rv. i. 134, 3 ;

2
Cf. Av. iii. 18 (= Rv. x. 145) ; Aufrecht, Indische Studien, 4, 337 et seq.
vi.89 102 130 131 vii. 36 37 38.
; ; ; ; ; ;
A different view of the passage is taken
Similarly there are many references to by Pischel, Vedische Studien, 2, 57 et seq.

the love of the youth for the maiden, The Atharvaveda (iv. 5) shows that the
and his seeking her e.g., Rv. i. 115, 2 ;
;
view of Aufrecht was that early adopted
Av. ii. 30; iii. 25; vi. 8; 9; 82; to I
in India,
their mutual affection e.g., Rv. i. 167, I
Pati, Patni ] CHILD MARRIAGE 475

lover seeks to send all the household to sleep when he visits his
beloved. Child wives first occur regularly in the Sutra period,

though it is still uncertain to what extent the rule of marriage

before puberty there obtained. 4 The marriage ritual also quite

clearly presumes that the marriage is a real and not a nominal

one an essential feature is the taking of the bride to her
:

husband's home, and the ensuing cohabitation. 5

Limitations on Marriage. It is difficult to say with certainty
within what limits marriage was allowed. The dialogue of
Yama and Yam! in the Rigveda 6 seems clearly to point to a
prohibition of the marriage of brother and sister. It can

hardly be said, as Weber 7

thinks, to point to a practice that
was once in use and later became antiquated. In the Gobhila
8 9
Grhya Sutra and the Dharma Sutras are found prohibitions
against marriage in the Gotra (' family ') or v/ithin six degrees
on the mother's or father's side, but in the Satapatha Brah-
mana 10 marriage is allowed in the third or fourth generation,

the former being allowed, according to Harisvamin, 11 by the

Kanvas, and the second by the Saurastras, while the Daksi-
natyas allowed marriage with the daughter of the mother's
brother or the son of the father's sister, but presumably not
with the daughter of the mother's sister or the son of the
father's brother. The prohibition marriage within the
of
12
Gotra cannot then have existed, though naturally marriages
4 the early prevalence of such
Cf. Jolly, Recht und Sitte, 59 Hop- ; against
kins, Journal of the American Oriental marriages.
8
Society, 13, 340 et seq. ; 23, 356 ; Risley, iii- 4, 5-
Apastamba Dharma Sutra,
9
People of India, 179 et seq. There is a ii. 5,

possible reference to a child-wife in 15, 16, etc. Manava Dharma Sastra,

Cf.
the Chandogya Upanisad, i. 10, 1. iii. 5 ;
Yajnavalkya Dharma Sastra,
For the Sutra evidence, see Bhandarkar, i- 52, 53-
10
Zeitschrift der Deutschen Morgenldndischen i. 8, 3, 6.

Geseilschaft, 47, 143-156; Jolly, ibid.,

11
On Satapatha Brahmana, loc. cit.
11
46, 413-426 ; 47, 610-615. Cf. Weber, Indische Studien, 10, 75,
6
Rv. x. 85, especially verse 29 et seq. 76 ;
Max Miiller, Ancient Sanskrit Litera-
6 x. 10. ture, 387 ; Schrader, Prehistoric Antiqui-
7
Proceedings of the Berlin Academy, ties, 392 ; Geiger, Ostiranische Kultur,
1895, 822. Cf. also Indische Studien, 5, 246 Zeitschrift der Deutschen Morgen-
;

427 ; 10, 76, n. ; Pischel, Hermes, 18, landischen Geseilschaft, 43, 308-312 Jolly, ;

465-468 ;
Max Miiller, Science of Lan- Recht und Sitte, 62, 63 ; Hopkins, Journal
guage, 2, 507 ; Herodotus, iii. 19. Craw- of the American Oriental Society, 13, 345
ley's Mystic Rose gives strong reasons ct seq.
476 LIMITATIONS ON MARRIAGE [ Pati, Patni

outside the Gotra were frequent. 13 Similarity of caste was also

not an essential to marriage, as hypergamy was permitted even
14
by the Dharma Sutras, so that a Brahmana could marry
wives of any lower caste, a Ksatriya wives of the two lowest
castes as well as of hisown caste, a Vaisya a Sudra. as well as
a Vaisya, although the Sudra marriages were later disapproved
in toto. Instances of such intermarriage are common in the
Epic, and are viewed as normal in the Brhaddevata.. 15
It was considered proper that the younger brothers and
sisters should not anticipate their elders by marrying before
them. The later Samhitas and Brahmanas 16 present a series
of names expressive of such anticipation, censuring as sinful
those who bear them. These terms are the pari-vividdna, 17 or
perhaps agre-dadhus, the man who, though a younger brother,
18

marries before his elder brother, the latter being then called the
parivitta; the agre-didhisu, 20 the man who weds a younger
19

daughter while her elder sister is still unmarried and the ;

Didhisu-pati,
21
who is the husband of the latter. The passages
do not explicitly say that the exact order of birth must always
be followed, but the mention of the terms shows that the order
was often broken.
Widow Remarriage. The remarriage of a widow was
13
Cf. Oldenberg, Zeitschrift der pari-vividana follows, it seems very
Deutschen Morgenldndischen Gesellschaft, doubtful ; the
reading is probably
5i. 279. wrong, especially in view of the Kathaka
14 Gautama Dharma 16 and Kapisthala parallels, which have
Sutra, iv. ;

Baudhayana Dharma Sutra, i. 16, 2-5 ; agre-didhisau and agre-dadhisau.

Vasistha Dharma Sutra, i. 24 ; 25 ;
19
See passages cited in note 17; also
Paraskara Grhya Sutra, i. 4, etc. ;
Av. vi. Taittiriya Brahmana,
112, 3;
Risley, People of India, 156 et seq. iii. 2, 8, Apastamba Srauta Sutra,
11.

Cf. Varna. ix. 12, n, and Dharma Sutra, ii. 5,

15
See Hopkins, cited in note 12 ; 12, 22, add parivinna to parivitta, but
Brhaddevata, v. 79 and Varna. ;
probably the two words should be
16
See Delbriick, Die indogermanischen identical in sense.
V erwandtschaftsnamen, 578 20 Kathaka Samhita has
et seq. (see note 17)
17
Maitrayani Samhita, iv. i, 9, and agre-didhisu ; Kapisthala, agre-dadhisu ;

Kathaka and Kapisthala Samhitas, Taittiriya Brahmana, iii. 2, 8, II,

cited by Delbriick, 579, 580; Vajasaneyi agra-didhisu. The Dharma Sutras adopt
Samhita, xxx. 9. In Apastamba Dharma agre-didhisu.
21 Kathaka Samhita has
Sutra, ii. 5, 12, 22, the expression is didhisu-pati ;
paryahita. Kapisthala, dadhisu-pati ; and so the
18
Maitrayani Samhita, iv. 1, 9, ac- Dharma Sutras. Vajasaneyi Samhita,
cording to Delbriick, 581. But, as xxx. 9, has the corrupt edidhisuh-pati.
Pati, Patni ] REMARRIAGE OF WIDOWS 477

apparently permitted. This seems originally to have taken the

form of the marriage of the widow to the brother or other
nearest kinsman of the dead man in order to produce children.
At any rate, the ceremony is apparently alluded to in a funeral

hymn of the Rigveda 22 for the alternative explanation, which

;

sees in the verse a reference to the ritual of the Purusamedha

23
('human although accepted by Hillebrandt
sacrifice'), and
24
Delbruck, is not at all probable, while the ordinary view is
25
supported by the Sutra evidence. Moreover, another passage
of the Rigveda 26 clearly refers to the marriage of the widow
and the husband's brother (devr), which constitutes what the
Indians later knew as Niyoga. 27 This custom was probably
not followed except in cases where no son was already born.
This custom was hardly remarriage in the strict sense, since
the brother might so far as appears be already married
himself. In the Atharvaveda, 28 a verse refers to a charm which
would secure the reunion, in the next world, of a wife and her
29
second husband. Though, as Delbruck thinks, this very
possibly refers to a case in which the first husband was still
30
alive, but was impotent or had lost caste (patita)? 1 still it is
certain Sutras 32 began to recognize
that the later Dharma
ordinary remarriage in case of the death of the first husband.

22 x. Sanskrit Texts, 5, 459 von Schroeder,

18, 8. ;

23
Zeitschrift der Deutschen Morgen- Indiens Literatur und Cultur, 429. The
landischen Gesellschaft, 40, 708. custom died out in later times, it
2* Die indogermanischen Verwandtschafts- seems.
28 ix.
namen, 553. Cf. also Lanman, Sanskrit 5, 27. 28.
for the other view, see 29 Die Verwandt-
Reader, 385 ; indogermanischen
Whitney, Translation of the Atharva- schaftsnamen, 553-555. Cf. Jolly, Recht
veda, 848 Roth, Siebenzig Lieder,
;
und Sitte, 59 ; Hopkins, Journal of the
151, n. ; Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, American Oriental Society, 13, 371, n.
30 This is
329. certainly the case in Av.
25
Asvalayana Grhya Sutra, iv. 2, v. 17, 8, which, however, merely exalts
18. Cf. Lanman in Whitney, op. cit., the sanctity of the Brahmana, and does
849. not necessarily imply remarriage at all .

Baudhayana Dharma
26 X. 31
40, 2. E.g., Sutra,
27 Yaska, Nirukta, iii. 15, with ii. 2, 3, 27.
Cf.
32
Roth's note ; Geldner, Rgveda, Kom- Vasistha Dharma Sutra, xvii. 19.
mentar, 160 ; Weber, Indische Studien, 20. 72-74 ; Baudhayana Dharma Sutra,
v, 343, n. Hopkins, Journal of the
;
iv. i, 16 ; Manava Dharma Sastra,
American Oriental Society, 13, 355, n., ix. 175. Cf. also Muir, Sanskrit Texts,
367 Jolly, Recht und Sitte, 71 Muir,
; ; i2, 281 ; 5, 306.
478 POLYGAMY [ Pati, Patnl

Pischel 33 finds some evidence in theRigveda to the effect 34

that a woman could remarry if her husband disappeared and

could not be found or heard of.

.Polygamy. A Vedic Indian could have more than one wife.

This is proved clearly by many passages in the Rigveda; 35
36
Manu, according to the Maitrayani Samhita, had ten wives ;

37
and the Satapatha Brahmana explains polygamy by a
characteristic legend. Moreover, the king regularly has four
wives attributed to him, the Mahisi, 38 the Parivrkti, 39 the
40
Vavata, and the Palagall. 41 The Mahisi appears to be the
chief wife, being the first, one married according to the Sata-
42
patha Brahmana. The Parivrkti, the neglected,' is explained '

43 44
by Weber and Pischel as one that has had no son. The
Vavata is 'the favourite,' while the Palagall is, according to
Weber, the daughter of the last of the court officials. The
names are curious, and not very intelligible, but the evidence
points to the wife first wedded alone being a wife in the fullest
sense. This view is supported by the fact emphasized by

33 39
Vedische Studien, i, 27. Pari-vrktd occurs in Rv. x. 102, 11 ;

34 Av.
vi.49,8. C/.Mahabharata,iii. 70,26. vii. 113, 2; xx. 128, 10. 11; Sata-
35
Rv. i. 62, 11 71, 1 104, 3 ; ; ; patha Brahmana, xiii. 2, 6, 6 4, 1, 8 ; ;

105, 8; 112, 19; 186, 7; vi. 53, '4 ; 5,2,7; parivrkti in Taittiriya Samhita,
vii. 18, 2; 26, 3; x. 43, 1; 101, 11. i. 8, 9, 1 ; Taittiriya Brahmana, i. 7,

Cf. Av. iii. 4 Taittiriya Samhita, vi. 5,

; 3, 4; iii. 9, 4, 4; Kathaka Samhita,
1, 4, etc. See Muir, Sanskrit Texts, 5, x. 10; xv. 4; Satapatha Brahmana,
455 et seq. ; Schrader, Prehistoric Antiqui- v. 3, 1, 13-
von 40
ties,387 ;
Jolly, Recht und Sitte, 64 ; Aitareya Brahmana, iii. 22 ;
Tait-
Schroeder, Indiens Literatur und Cultur, tiriya Brahmana, i. 7, 3, 3; iii. 9, 4, 4;
430, 431 Delbruck, Die indogermanischen
;
Av. xx. 128, 10. 11; Satapatha Brah-
Verwandtschaftsnamen, 539, 540 ; Hop- mana, xiii. 2, 6, 5 ; 4, 1,8; 5, 2, 6.

kins, Journal of the American Oriental Cf. Weber, Indische Studien, 5, 308, n. ;

Society, 13, 353 ; Bloomfield, Zeitschrift Bloomfield, Zeitschrift der Deutschen

der Deutschen Morgenldndischen Gesell- Morgenldndischen Gesellschaft, 48, 553,
schaft, 48, 561. 554-
36 41
i. 5. 8. Taittiriya Brahmana, i. 7, 3, 3
Satapatha Brah-
37 ix. 1, 4, 6. et seq. iii.
; 9, 4, 5 ;

38
Taittiriya Brahmana, iii. 9, 4, 4 ; mana, xiii. 4, 1,8; Sankhayana Srauta
Satapatha Brahmana, v. 3, 1, 4 ; vi. 5, Sutra, xvi. 4, 4.
42 vi.
3, 1 ;
vii. 5, 1, 1 ;
xiii. 2, 6, 4 ; 4, 1, 8 ; 5, 3, 1.
43
5, 2, 2. 5. 9 Pancavimsa Brahmana,
;
Indische Studien, 10, 6.
44
xix. 1, 4. Cf. Rv. v. 2, 2; 37, 3; Vedische Studien, 2, 199. Cf. Geldner,
Av. ii. 36, 3 ; Taittiriya Samhita, i. 8, ibid., 2, 38.

9, 1 ; Weber, Indische Studien, 5, 220.

Pati, Patnl ] POLYANDRY 479

45
Delbriick, that in the sacrifice the Patni is usually mentioned
in the singular, apparent exceptions being due to some mytho-
logical reason. 46 Zimmer 47
is of opinion that polygamy is

dying out in the Rigvedic period, monogamy being developed

from pologamy; Weber, 48 however, thinks that polygamy is
secondary, a view that is supported by more recent anthro-
49
pology.
Polyandry. On the other hand, polyandry is not Vedic. 50
There no passage containing any clear reference to such
is

a custom. The most that can be said is that in the Rigveda 51

and the Atharvaveda 52 verses are occasionally found in which
husbands are mentioned in relation to a single wife. It is
be certain of the correct explanation of each separate
difficult to
instance of this mode of expression; but even if Weber's 53
view, that the plural is here used majestatis causa, is not
54
accepted, Delbriick's explanation by mythology is probably
55
right. In other passages the plural is simply generic.
Marital
Relations. Despite polygamy, however, there is
56
ample evidence that the marriage tie was not, as Weber has
suggested, lightly regarded as far as the fidelity of the wife
was concerned. There
however, little trace of the husband's
is,

being expected to be faithful as a matter of morality. Several

45 American Oriental
Indogermanische Verwandtschafts- Society, 13, 354 et seq. ;

namen, 539. Cf. Zimmer, Altindisches von Schroeder, Indiens Literatur und
Leben, 325. Yajnavalkya had, however, Cultur, 431, n. 2 ;
Zeitschrift der Deutschen
two apparently equal wives (Brhad- Morgenldndischen Gesellschaft 44, 340- ,

aranyaka Upanisad, iii. 1, and cf. Tait- 342 Delbriick, Die indogermanischen
;

tirlya Brahmana, i. 3, 10, 3). Verwandtschaftsnamen, 54 1-545.

48 51 x.
E.g., Taittiriya Samhita, ii. 5, 6, 4; 85, 37. 38.
52 Av. xiv.
Maitrayani Samhita, iii. 3, 1. 1, 44. 52. 61 ; 2, 14. 27.
47 Altindisches Leben, 323. 53 Indische So Zimmer,
Studien, 5, 191 .

48 Indische Studien, 5, 222. Weber's Altindisches Leben, 326, who, however,

theory that sapatna cannot be derived suggests that the plural is generic.
54
from sapatnl is, however, quite un- Op. cit.,543.
55
tenable. Satapatha Brahmana, ii. 6, 2, 14.
49
Westermaarck, Origin and Cf. the plural svasurah,
'

See, e.g., fathers-in-law,'

Development of Marriage ; Crawley, Mystic in Kathaka Samhita, xii. 12. The
Rose. Niyoga has, of course, nothing to do
50 Indisches Wien, with polyandry.
Mayr, Erbrecht,
56
1873, contends in favour of its exist- Indische Studien, 10, 83. Cf. Lud-
ence. But see Weber, Indische Studien, wig, Translation of the Rigveda, 5, 573,
5, 191, 207; 10, 83, 84; Jolly, Recht and cf. Dharma.
und Sitte, 48 ; Hopkins, Journal of the
480 MARITAL RELATIONS [ Pati, Patni

57
passages, indeed, forbid, with reference to ritual abstinence,
intercourse with the stri of another. This may imply that
adultery on the husband's part was otherwise regarded as
venial. But as the word stri includes all the 'womenfolk,'
daughters and slaves, as well as wife, the conclusion can hardly
be drawn that intercourse with another man's ' '

wife was
58
normally regarded with indifference. The curious ritual of
the Varunapraghasas, 59 in which the wife of the sacrificer is
60
questioned as to her lovers, is shown by Delbrtick to be a

part of a rite meant to expiate unchastity on the part of a wife,

not as a normal question for a sacrificer to put to his own wife.
61
Again, Yajnavalkya's doctrine in the Satapatha Brahmana,
which seems to assert that no one cares if a wife is unchaste
(parah-pumsa) or not, really means that no one cares if the wife
is away from the men who are sacrificing, as the wives of
the gods are apart from them during the particular rite in
also 62
question. Monogamy is evidently approved, so that
some higher idea of morality was in course of formation. On
the other hand, no Vedic text gives us the rule well known to
other Indo-Germanic 63 peoples that the adulterer taken in the
act can be killed with impunity, though the later legal literature
has traces of this rule. 64 There is also abundant evidence that
the standard of ordinary sexual morality was not high.
Hetairai. In the Rigveda 65 there are many references to
illegitimate love and to the abandonment of the offspring of

57
Taittiriya Samhita, v. 6, 8, 3 ;
the theory of doubt as to the parentage
Mai tray aril Samhita, iii. 4, 7. of theVedic Indians.
68 62
Cf. above, p. 396. Rv. i.
124, 7; iv. 3, 2; x. 71, 4,
59 11 etc.
Maitrayani Samhita, i. 10, ;

e3
Satapatha Brahmana, ii. 5, 2, 20; Leist, Altarisches Jus Gentium, 276
Taittiriya Brahmana, i. 6, 5, 2. et seq. Cf. Schrader, Prehistoric Antiqui-
10
Op. /., 550. ties, 388, 389 Hopkins, Journal of the
;

61 American Oriental Society, 13, 366, 367.

i. 3, 1, Cf. Eggeling, Sacred
21.
64
Books of the East, 12, 76, n. 2; Boht- Cf. above, p. 396.
65
lingk, Dictionary, s.v. parahpumsa (cf. Rv. i. 134, 3 iii. 53, 8 viii. 17, 7.
; ;

above, p. 397). Delbriick, op. cit., 551, Mahanagn'i, Av. xiv. 1, 36; xx. 136, 5;
shows also that neither the Diksa Aitareya Brahmana, i. 27, denotes a
(' consecration ') nor the Pravara (' in- courtesan. Cf. Av. v. 7, 8. So also
to Agni, as described pumscali, Av. xv. 2 Vajasaneyi Sam-
'
vitation by the ;

names of the mythical ancestors of hita, xxx. 22 ; pumscalu, Taittiriya

the invoker) gives any countenance to Brahmana, iii. 4, 15, 1.
 Pati, Patnl ] COURTESANS 48 j

such unions, 66 especially in the case of a protege of Indra,

often mentioned as the pardvrkta or pardvrj. 67 The 'son of
a maiden '

(kumdn-putra) is already spoken of in the Vajasaneyi

Samhita. 68 Such a person appears with a metronymic in the
Upanisad period: 69 this custom may be the origin of metro-
nymics such as those which make up a great part of the lists
of teachers (Vamsas) of the Brhadaranyaka Upanisad. 70 The
71
Vajasaneyi Samhita refers to illicit unions of Sudra and Arya,
both male and female, besides giving in its list of victims at
the Purusamedha, or 'human sacrifice,' several whose desig-
nations apparently mean ' courtesan (atTtvari) 72 and ' procuress '

while the dyeing woman (rajayitrl)

73 '
of abortion '

(atiskadvarl),
'

is dedicated to sensuality. 74 Pischel and Geldner also see

many references to Hetairai in other passages of the Rigveda, 75
especially where mention is made of Usas, the goddess of
Dawn, who in their view is the characteristic Hetaira. At any
' '
rate, there is little doubt that the dancer (nrtu) referred to in
one passage of the Rigveda 76 was a Hetaira. When women
'
are referred to as going to the Samana, or place of meeting,'
Hetairai are probably also meant. 77 Grave cases of immorality
are alluded to in the Rigveda. 78 The love of father and
79
daughter, as shown in the myth of Prajapati, is evidently

censured, but the actual existence of this form of incest is

80
recognized in the Atharvaveda. Girls who had lost their

06
Rv. ii. 29, 1 (raha-silh,
'
one who '* xxx. 15.
bears in secret.' Cf. Max MUller, 73
xxx. 15 ; Taittiriya Brahmana,
Ancient Sanskrit Literature, 26; Zimmer, iii. 4, 11, 1, has apaskadvarl.
7 * xxx.
Altindisches Leben, 333, 334). 12 ; Taittiriya Brahmana,
67
Rv. ii. 13, 12; 15, 7; iv. 19, 9; iii.
4, 7, I.
30, 16 ; Zimmer, op. cit. , 335. The 75
Cf. Vedische Studien, 1, xxv, 196,
child, when exposed, was in danger 2 75> 2 99 39I 2 I2 t
I 54i x 79 etc.;
of being consumed by ants {vamrl). Jolly, Recht und Sitte, 48.
76
Cf. below, p. 493. 1. 92, 4.
68 xxx. 6. 77 Rv. iv. 58, 8 vi. 75, x. 168, 2.
; 4 ;

69
Cf. Jabala Satyakama. Perhaps also vra in i. 124, 8 126, 5.
70 iv. 116. But the 78 x. and sister
Cf. Panini, 1, 162, 5 (brother :

custom may be due simply to poly- cf. above, p. 397).

79 Rv. Paficavimsa Brah-
gamy (Keith, Aitareya Aranyaka, p. 244, x. 61, 5-7;

n. 2). mana, viii. 2, Aitareya Brahmana,

10 ;

71 xxiii.
30. 31 ;
Taittiriya Samhita, iii. 33 ; atapatha Brahmana, i. 7,
80 viii.
vii. 4, 19, 2. 3. 4, 1. 6, 7.

VOL. I. 31
 482 FORMS OF MARRIAGE [ Pati, Patnl

81
natural protectors father or brother were apt to be reduced
to live by immorality.
Forms of Marriage. The state of society revealed in the
Vedic age seems to point to considerable freedom on the part
of both man and woman in selecting a wife or a husband.
At any rate, it is not clear that either the father or the mother
controlled the marriage of son or daughter of mature age, 82
though no doubt the parents or parent often arranged a suit-
able match. 83 The marriage was frequently arranged through
an intermediary, the 'wooer' (vara), 84 presumably after those
concerned had in effect come to an agreement. The sale of
a daughter was not unknown, 85 but a certain amount of dis-
credit would seem to have attached to it, 86 and sons-in-law in
such cases were sometimes stingy. On the other hand, dowries
were not infrequently given, especially no doubt when damsels
offered from bodily defects. 87 Occasionally marriages by
Rv. i. 124, 7. Cf. Putrika. Schrader, Prehistoric Antiquities, 381
82
Cf. Delbruck, op. cit., 574. Zimmer, Pischel, Vedische Studien, 2, 78 et seq.
Altindisches Leben, 309, asserts that the Hillebrandt, Vedische Mythologie, 3,
consent of parent or brother was needed, 86, n. ; Jolly, Recht und Sitte, 52.
but no clear evidence of this can be 86
Rv. i. 109, 2, refers to the gods
adduced. The later custom is not con- Indra and Agni as more generous than
clusive, since it is bound up with the a vijamatr, 'son-in-law,' or a syala,
usage of child marriage, which deprived
'
brother-in-law. The force of vi in
'

both son and daughter of any free choice. the former word must be unfavourable,
Cf. ibid., 315; Kaegi, Der Rigveda, 15. and the sense, as indicated by Pischel,
is, no doubt, that a son-in-law who was
83 This is so natural as not to need
express evidence. Cf., e.g., the marriage not in other respects altogether suitable
proposals of Syavasva Atreya, as de- might have to buy his bride at a heavy
tailed in the Brhaddevata, v. 49 et seq. ; cost. The vijamatr is, in fact, the
Sieg, Die Sagenstoffe des Rgveda, 51 etseq. agrtro jamata, the 'ignoble son-in-law,'
84 Rv. of Rv. viii. 2, 20.
x. 78, 4 ; 85, 15. 23. Zimmer, Cf. Yaska, Nirukta,
a universal
op. cit., 310, exalts this into vi. 9 ; Hloombeld, Journal of the American
practice, and compares the use of Oriental Society, 15, 255.
'
87
aryaman, friend,' as bride-wooer.' In Rv.
'

Cf. vi. 28, 5 ; x. 27, 12 ; Av.

SyavasVa's case, his father acted for v. 17, Possibly in Rv. i. 109, 2,
12.
him. there is a reference to a generous
85
Cf. Maitrayani Samhita, i. 10, 11 ;
brother giving his sister a dowry in
Taittiriya Samhita, ii. 3, 4, 1 ; Tait- order to get her a husband. Cf. Hop-
tiriya Brahmana, i.
1, a, 4 ; Kathaka kins, Journal of the American Oriental
Samhita, xxxvi. 5. See also Manava Society, 13, 345 Muir, Sanskrit Texts,
;

Dharma Sastra, iii.

204 ; 53 ; viii. 5, 459; Kaegi, Der Rigveda, n. 352;
ix. 98 Megasthenes in McCrindle's
; Zimmer, op. cit., 310, n. It is doubtful
translation, p. 70 Weber, Indische
; whether anudeyl in Rv. x. 85, 6, means
'

dowry or not. See Whitney, Trans-

4

Studien, 5, 407 Hopkins, Journal of the

;

American Oriental Society, 13, 345 et seq. ; lation of the Atharvaveda, 741.
Pati, Patnl ]
WEDDING CEREMONY 483

capture may have taken place, but only as knightly feats, as

when Vimada carried off Pupumitra's daughter against her
father's wish, but very possibly with her own consent. 88 The
later law-books and the Epic describe in much detail various
forms of marriage, but they all seem reducible to three types :

(a) that which is based on mutual consent, the prdjdpatya

(' connected with Prajapati ') ; that in which a price is paid

(6)

for the bride, the dsura (' Asura-like'), arsa ('connected with
the Rsis'), brdhma ('relating to Brahman'), or daiva ('divine');
(c) those which consist in stealing the bride, the ksdtra

('
warrior-like demon-like ') mode, of all of
') or the raksasa ('

which traces are found Vedic literature. 89 For instance,

in
the gift of a maiden for services rendered or other object is
exemplified in the story of Cyavana in the Jaiminiya Brah-
90 91
mana, and in that of SyavaSva in the Brhaddevata.
Wedding Ceremony. In normal marriages the bridal was
celebrated by an elaborate ceremony which bears in essentials
and details the strongest resemblance to the form observed by
other Indo-Germanic as well as non-Indo-Germanic peoples, 92
and which was destined to secure the stability and fruitfulness
The ceremony commenced at the bride's house, 93
of the union.
towhich the bridegroom with his friends and relations repaired,
and in which he met the friends and relations of the bride. 94
A cow or cows were slain for the entertainment of the guests. 95
The bridegroom having caused the bride to mount a stone,
formally grasped her hand, and led her round the household

88 Rv.
Cf. i. 112, 19; 116, I; 117, elaborately traced in the Gr-hya Sutras,
20 x. 65, 12. Sayana's view is set out by Weber and
; 39, 7 ; Haas, Indische
that Kamadytt.was daughter of Puru- Studien, 5, 177-41 1. See also Leist,
mitra seems certain, though Zimmer, Altarisches Jus Gentium, 144 et seq. ; von
loc. tit., is doubtful. Schroeder, Die Hochzeitsgebrauche der
89
Hopkins, Journal oj the American Esten, Berlin, 1888 ;
Schrader, Prehistoric
Oriental Society, 13, 361, 362 ; Jolly, Antiquities, 384 et seq. ; Hopkins, op. cit.,
Recht und Sitte, 50 et seq.Pischel,
; 13. 355 et seq.-, Winternitz, Das altin-
Vedische Studien, 1, 29; Schrader, Pre- dische Hochzeitsrituell,
Whitney, 1892 ;

historic Antiquities, 383. Translation of the Atharvaveda, 739

90 iii. 122. et seq. ; Lanman, Sanskrit Reader, 389
91 v. et seq. et seq.
49
92 The older ritual is described with 93 x.
17, 1.
9 * Rv. iv.
considerable detail in Rv. x. 85 and 58, 9 ; Av. vi. 60 ;
xiv. 2, 59.
9
Av. xiv. 1 and 2. The later ritual, as Rv. x. 85, 13.

312
 44 WIFE'S PROPERTY [ Pati, Patni

96
fire. This act constituted the marriage, the husband hence
being called he who takes by the hand (hasta-grabha)? The
' '
1

98
festivities being over, the bridegroom took the bride to his
home on a car in a marriage procession, 99 all to the accom-
paniment of suitable stanzas. Then followed cohabitation. 100
Wife's Property and Status. We have very little information
as to the legal relations of wife and husband after marriage.
It may be assumed that the husband appropriated the wife's

dowry, if any, as well as her earnings, if any even in the :

101
Epic the rise of the recognition of women's property as
their own (stri-dhana) is only slow. That the husband was
absolute master of a wife as of a slave is not probable, though
he doubtless exercised the same power of correction as was
expressly allowed in the eighteenth century by English law.
102
The poetical ideal of the family was decidedly high, and we
have no reason to doubt that it was often actually fulfilled.
Moreover, the wife on her marriage was at once given an
honoured position in the house she is emphatically mistress :

in her husband's home, exercising authority over her father-

103
in-law, her husband's brothers, and her unmarried sisters.
No doubt the case contemplated is one in which the eldest son
96 Rv.
x. 85, 36. 38 Av. xiv. 1,
Cf. ; mana, iv, 4, 2, 13. Cf. Maitrayani
47. 48. Before the bride mounted the Samhita, iv. 6, Taittiriya Samhita,
4 ;

stone, the groom repeated, according vi. 5, 8, 2 ; Nirukta, iii. 4. Cf. for the
to the Grhya Sutras (Asvalayana, i. 7, Epic, Hopkins, Journal of the American
3 ;
Sankhayana,
i.
13, 4 Paraskara, i. 6, ;
Oriental Society, 1 3, 368. For compulsory
the words, I am he, thou art
3, etc.),
'
obedience of the wife, cf Brhadaranyaka
she I the Saman, thou the Re I the
; ;
Upanisad, vi. 4, 7. In the same Upani-
heaven, thou the earth here will we ;
sad Yajnavalkya, on retiring from the
'

unite ourselves and produce offspring, ordinary life, divides his goods between
for which see A v. xiv. 2, 71 Kathaka ; his two wives.
102 r v v jii
Samhita, xxxv. 18 Aitareya Brahmana, ; 21, 5-9 ; x. 34, 11 85,
;

viii.27 Brhadaranyaka Upanisad,

; 18. 19. 42 et seq. ;
Av. iii. 30 ;
xiv. 2,
vi. 4, 19 (Madhyamdina). 32.
7 x. Av. 103
18, 8. Cf. xiv. 1, 51. Rv. x. 85, 46. Cf. as regards the
98 Av. xiv. 2, 59 et seq.
bridegroom's sisters, Aitareya Brah-
99 Rv. x. 85, 7. 8. 10. 24. 25. 26. 27. mana, iii. 37. In Av. xiv. 2, 26, the
42 et seq. ; Av. xiv. 1, 60. daughter - in - law is to be ' wealful
'

100
See for the purification of the (iambhuh) to her father-in-law, and
bride's garment, Rv. x. 85, 28-30. 35.
'

pleasant (syona) to her mother-in-law,

'

101
They own neither themselves which is correct on either theory of her
'

nor an inheritance (ndtmanas caneiate position as a daughter or a mistress.

na ddyasya), says the Satapatha Brah-
 Pati, Patni ] WIFE'S STATUS 485

of a family has become its head owing to the decrepitude 104 of

the parents, his wife then taking the place of the mistress
of the joint family while the brothers and sisters are still
unmarried. It is not inconsistent with the great stress else-
where 105 laid on the respect due to a father-in-law, who then
is
probably regarded as still in full possession of his faculties,
and controls the house while his son continues to live with
him. The respect would no doubt equally apply if the son
had set up a separate family of his own. 106
Moreover, the wife was a regular participator in the offerings
of the husband. In this connexion the term Patni regularly
107
applies to her in the Brahmanas, where Jaya designates her
in her conjugal capacity, not in that of sharer in the sacrifice.
In this respect her position gradually deteriorated thus the :

108
Satapatha Brahmana describes a certain ceremony in which
the wife (jaya) alone offered the oblation in former times, while
later a priest might do so instead. The same Brahmana
shows other traces of a lowering in the position of women,
probably due to the growing sense of the importance of cere-
monial priority. 109 So in the MaitrayanI Samhita 110 women
generally are classed with dice and drink as three chief evils,
and woman is declared to be 'untruth,' 111 and connected with
Nirrti,
'

calamity.'
112
A woman
too, according to the Taittirlya
113
Samhita, is inferior even to a bad man, and a sarcastic
114
reference is made in the Kathaka Samhita to her power of

104
Cf. Rv. i. 70, 5, where an old respect evident in Av. viii. 6, 24, which
father's goods are divided by his sons, implies fear, would have developed.
107
and Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 327. Satapatha Brahmana, i. 9, 2, 14 ;

Cf also the possible case of a father Panini, iv. 1, 33 ; Delbriick, op. cit.,

who recovers after giving over all his 5!o. 512.

108 For the older
goods to his son, Kausitaki Upanisad, i. 1,4, 13. practice,
iv. 15. cf. Rv. i.122, 2 ; iii. 53, 4-6; viii. 31, 5
105 Av. viii.
6, 24 ; MaitrayanI Sam- et seq. ;
x. 86, 10, etc.

Kathaka Samhita, xii. 12 i9 i. 3, i. 9. 12. 13.

hita, ii. 4, 2; E.g., Cf. Levi,
(Indische Studien, 5, 260) ; Taittirlya La doctrine du sacrifice, 157, 158.
12 Aitareya Brah-
"0 iii.
Brahmana, ii. 4, 6, ; 6, 3.
111
mana, iii. 22 ; Delbriick, Die indoger- i. 10, 11.
112 Jbid.
manischen Verwandtschaftsnamen, 514, 515.
106 No doubt it 113 vi.
might also apply 5, 8, 2. Cf. Satapatha Brah-
even if the father-in-law were decrepit ; mana, i. 3, 1, 9.
114 xxxi. 1.
but it is hardly likely that, in these Cf. Aitareya Brahmana,
circumstances, the strong sense of iii. 22.
 486 WIFE'S STATUS [ Pati, Patnl

getting things from her husband by cajolery at night. On the

other hand must be set the encomia on woman a woman is :

half her husband, 115 and completes him; 116 and in the Rigveda 117
attacks on women mingle with the general assumption of their
good qualities. None the less, the Brahmanas clearly indicate
a gradual decline in their position, which is evident from the
rule that requires the wife to eat after her husband. 118 Scolds
were also known: the Aitareya Brahmana 119 praises the wife
*
who does not answer back (aprativddirii). Women bore no '

part in political
life men go to the assembly, not women, the
:

120
Maitrayani Samhita expressly says. On the other hand,
with the advance of education, women shared in the intel-
lectual interests of the day, as 121
is exemplified by Yajnavalkya's
two wives, of whom one was interested in his philosophical
discussions, the other not. Other women are also referred to
in the Upanisads as teachers, but whether
they were married
is not certain. 122

But the main object of a woman's marriage was the pro-

duction of children, this being repeatedly asserted in the
123
Rigveda and later. The
was natural desire for offspring, as
in a society which mainly counted relationship through the
father, took the form of a wish for a son to perform the
necessary funeral rites for the father, and to continue his line.
It was no doubt possible to adopt a son, but in the Rigveda 124

this custom is plainly viewed as unsatisfactory. The practice

115
Satapatha Brahmana, v. 2, 1, 10. mana, ii. 3, 22; Bloomfield,
Journal of
116 the American Oriental Society, 19, 14,
Brhadaranyaka Upanisad, i. 4,
17. n. 2.
117 In 120 iv.
viii. 33, 17, Indra is credited 7, 4. Cf. Av. vii. 38, 4.
with a poor opinion of woman's intelli- 121
Brhadaranyaka Upanisad, iii. 4, 1;

gence, and Pururavas in x. 95, 15, iv. 5, 1.

frankly calls them hyenas. They are 132

Cf. the epithet gandharva-grhltd,
defended in v. 61, 6-8, but only against Aitareya Brahmana, v. 29 Kausitaki ;

mean men (Pani). Cf. Kaegi, Der Brahmana, ii. 9 Brhadaranyaka Upani-
;

Rigveda, n. 351. sad, iii. 3, 1 ; 7, 1 ; and see AsValayana

118
Satapatha Brahmana, i. 9, 2, 12 ;
Grhya Sutra, iii. 4, 4 Sankhayana
;

x. 5, 2, 9. Dharma
Cf. Vasistha Sutra, Grhya Sutra, iv. 10.

xii. 13 ; Baudhayana Dharma Sutra, 123 Rv. i. 91, 20; 92, 13; iii. 1, 23;
i. 1, 2, 2; Weber, Indische Studien, 5, x. 85, 25. 41. 42. 45 ; Av. iii. 23, 2 ;

330, n. Yi-O^ins, Journal of the American

; v. 25, nvi. 11, 2, etc.
;

Oriental Society, 13, 365, n. 12 * vii. 2.

4, 7. 8. Cf. Nirukta, iii.

"9 iii. 24, 7. Cf. Gopatha Brah-

Pati, Patni ] CHILD LIFE 487

125
is
recognized, as we have seen above of Niyoga, in the
appointment of a brother to beget children with the wife of
a dead man, or perhaps of a man who is childless. Sonless- \

'
ness (aviratd) is placed on the same level as lack of property
126
(atnati), and Agni is besought to protect from it. The birth
of a daughter was certainly not specially welcome the Athar- :

vaveda 127 in one hymn distinctly invokes the birth of a son,

and deprecates that of a daughter, while the Aitareya Brah-
mana 128 contains an old verse which says that a daughter is
a misery (krpanatn), while a son is a light in the highest heaven
(jyotirha putrah parame vyoman). But there is no proof that
the Vedic Indians practised the exposure of female children.
This conclusion, deduced from certain passages in the later
Samhitas 129 by Zimmer 130 and Delbruck, 131 has been disproved
by Bohtlingk.
Child Life. No doubt the care of a child was left to
the mother, but we learn little from the earlier litera-
ture 132 of the life of the young. The length of the period
of pregnancy is frequently placed at ten (doubtless lunar)
months. 133 On birth the child was first fed with milk or ghee,
and then given the breast. 134 On the eighth day after birth
125 x .
18, 8 ; 40, 2. 44, 494-496, and cf. Pischel, Vedische
i 26 Rv. iii. 16, 5. Studien, 2, 48, who compares iv. 18, 5.
127 vi. 132 The
11, 3. Cf. viii. 6, 25. later literature is full of
128 vii.
15. Cf. Max Muller, Ancient details of the ceremonies before and
Sanskrit Literature, 409. after birth (see Delbruck, op. cit., 573
129
Taittiriya Samhita, vi. 5, io, 3 ; et Weber, Naxatra, 2, 314, n.,
seq.).

Mailrayani Samhita, iv. 6, 4 7, 9 ; ; gives the Vedic embryology twins were ;

Kathaka Samhita, xxvii. 9; Nirukta, iii. disliked, Aitareya Brahmana, vii. 9, etc.
133
4; Sankhayana Srauta Sutra, xv. 17, Rv. v. 78, 9 ;
x. 184, 3 ;
Av. i. 11,
12. 6 ;
iii. 23, 2
Aitareya Brahmana, ;

130
Altindisches Leben, 319. Cf. Weber, vii. 13, 9 Satapatha Brahmana, iv. 5,
;

Naxatra, 2, 314, n., who cites

Panca- 2, 4 Chandogya Upanisad, v. 9, 1
; ;

vimsa Brahmana, xi. 8, 8, as evidence Weber, Naxatra, 2, 314, n. There are

of the exposure of two boys, but the in the Av. many spells concerned with
sense is doubtful. birth (i. 11, etc.), and miscarriages are
131 Verwandt- mentioned
Die
indogermanischen (avatoka, avasu, Vajasaneyi
schaftsnamen, 575. See also Weber, Samhita, xxx. 15 Av. viii. 6, 9, etc.). ;

1 34
Indische Studien, 5, 54, 210 ; Ludwig, Brhadaranyaka Upanisad, i. 3, 4
Translation of the Rigveda, 6, 142 ;
(Madhyamdina = i. 5, 2 Kanva). Cf.
Kaegi, Der Rigveda, n. 49 Schrader, ; also vi. 4, 24 et seq. ;
Satapatha Brah-
Prehistoric Antiquities, 389, 390. Boht- mana, ii. 5, 1, 6. After being weaned
lingk's view is given in Zeitschrift der the child is ati-stana (Kausitaki Brah-
Deutschen Morgenldndischen Gesellschaft, mana, xiii. 2).
 488 SATI [ Pati, Patnl

the infant was washed. 136 The cutting of the teeth was also
a solemn occasion, 136 and is the subject of a hymn in the
Atharvaveda. Reference is also made to children's learning
to speak, which the Taittiriya Samhita 137 ascribes to the end
of the first year of life. The Aitareya Aranyaka 138 asserts that
the words Tata and Tata, onomatopoetic words like dada,' 139
*

are the first words of a child's speech, giving therein perhaps

an unfair prominence to the father. The Atharvaveda 140
further contains at least one hymn for the ceremony of the
first shaving of the young man's beard. The giving of a name
was also an occasion of importance, a second one being often
added. 141
Sati. On the death of her husband, in some cases the
widow burned herself or was burned by his relations. 142 This
is clearly implied in the reference to this ancient custom in

the Atharvaveda. 143 On the other hand, the Rigveda does not
contemplate the custom anywhere, but on the contrary con-
siders the widow as married apparently to the brother of the
dead man. 144 The custom of Suttee would therefore appear
during the Vedic age to have been in abeyance, at least as
a general rule. At all times the practice seems to have been
mainly usual among families of the warrior class, to judge
from the other Indo-Germanic parallels. 145 In other classes
135
PaficavimSa Brahmana, xiv. 7, 2 Sitte, 67-69 Weber, Proceedings of the
;

(on Samaveda, ii. 525 Rv. ix. 96, 17). = Berlin Academy, 1896, 254 et seq. Roth, ;

The first ten days were the dangerous Zeitschrift der Deutschen Morgenldndischen
period (Aitareya Brahmana, vii. 14 ; Gesellschaft, 8, 468 ; Wilson, Journal of
Paficavimsa Brahmana, xxii. 14, 3). the Royal A siatic Society, 16, 202 Zimmer,
;

136
Av. vi. 140. Altindisches Leben, 329; Geldner, Rig-
137 vi.
1, 6, 7. Cf. atapatha Brah- veda, Kommentar, 154.
143
mana, vii. 4, 2, 38; xi. 1, 6, 3-5. Av. xviii. 3, 1.
13 144
i. 3. 3- x. 18, 7. 8.
189 145 v. the
Cf. Delbriick, op. cit., 449, 596. Cf. Herodotos, 5 (of
140
vi. 68. Cf. ii. 13, according to Thracians) ; iv.71 (of the Scythians) ;

KauSika Sutra, 53. 54, and cf. Satapatha Procopius, De Bello Gothico, ii. 14 (of
Brahmana, xi. 4, 1, 6. theHeruli). So in Germany Brynhild
141
Aitareya Aranyaka, i. 3, 3,
Cf. and Nanna are instances {cf. Weinhold,
with Keith's note ; Satapatha Brah- Altnordisches Leben, 476 et seq.). The
mana, vi. 1, 3, 9, and Naman. universality of the custom must not be
142
Cf. Schrader, Prehistoric Antiqui- exaggerated, as Zimmer, 331, is inclined
ties, 391 ;
von Schroeder, Indiens Litera- to do. To burn all the wives of a king
tur tend Cultur, 41 Jolly, Recht und
; would, in primitive ages, have been a
Pathikrt ] FOOT-SOLDIER PA TH-MA KER 489

the survival of wives was more necessary, and the remarriage of

widows, whether prohibited or allowed in the texts, is proof
that there were widows who could be remarried. 146
wasteful action ; even the chief wife x - 8 5. 43)- A- Vedic citation in the
would often have had to be spared on scholiast on Panini, hi. 2, 8, Varttika, 2,
one ground or another. The Rigveda says that a Brahmin woman who drinks
already reveals a state of society in Sura, an intoxicating liquor, does not
which the actual burning of the wife go to the world of her husband after
was avoided by a semblance of it in death.
the funeral ritual of perhaps the gartdruh of Rv.
146
Macdonell, (cf. Cf.
Sanskrit Literature, 126). The reward i.
124, 7, as explained by Yaska,
of a good wife was to go to the world Nirukta, iii. 5 ; Geldner, Rigveda, Kom-
of her husband (pati-loka) after death mentar, 22.
{cf. Av. xiv. 1, 64; xviii. 3, 1; Rv.

Patti is used in the Atharvaveda (vii. 62, 1) to designate the

'foot soldier' in war as opposed to the Rathin, 'charioteer,'
the latter defeating (ji) the former. One of the epithets of
Rudra in the Satarudriya liturgy of the Vajasaneyi Samhita
'

(xvi. 19) is 'lord of footmen (pattlnam pati).

Patni. See Pati. A part of the house is the Patriinam

Sadana, mentioned in the Atharvaveda, 1 presumably the
women's quarters. The phrase is borrowed from the Patm-
sala,
*
hut for the wife,' of the Brahmana 2 ritual.

ix. 3, 7. 3, 1 Aitareya Brahmana,

;
v. 22 (-said)
2 Kausltaki Brahmana, xix.
Vajasaneyi Samhita, xix. 18 ; Sata- j
6, etc.

patha Brahmana, iv. 6, 9, 8 ; x. 2,

Pathin Saubhara (' descendant of Sobhari ') is mentioned in

the first two Vamsas (lists of teachers) in the Brhadaranyaka
1
Upanisad as the pupil of Ayasya Arigirasa.
1 ii.
5, 22 (Madhyamdina = ii. 6, 3 Kanva); iv. 5, 28 (Madhyamdina = iv. 6,
3 Kanva).

'
Pathi-krt, not a rare epithet in the Rigveda 1
path-maker,' is
2
and later, showing clearly the importance naturally attached
in primitive times to the finding of roads. The frequency
1 ii. 23, 6 ;
vi. 21, 12 ; ix. 106, 5 x. 14, 15 ; in, 3, etc.
2 Av. xviii. 2, 53 ; 3, 25, etc.
49Q Q UA RTER WORD MILK [ Pad
3
with which the epithet is applied to Agni suggests that there
is here an allusion to fire burning the primaeval forest and
rendering advance possible. The god Pusan is pathi-krt, as
4
guarding the flocks. The Rsis, 5 or seers, as 'path-makers,'
may be compared with the Roman Pontifices.
3
Taittiriya Samhita, ii. 2, 1, 1 ; 'lord'; but the sense must be more
Satapatha Brahmana, xi. i, 5, 5 xii. ; pregnant than that.
5 Rv. x.
4, 4, 1 Kausitaki Brahmana, iv. 3,
;
14, 15, where the expression
etc. refers to their finding the way to the
*
Sankhayana Srauta Sutra, iii. 9;
4, heavenly world but it is probably a
;

xvi. 1, 17. The Sutra, xvi. 1, 18, ex- transfer of an epithet of terrestrial
plains pathi-krt merely as adhipati, application.

Pad in the Atharvaveda (xix. 6, 2) and the Satapatha

Brahmana (xi. 3, 2, 3) denotes a *
quarter.' This sense is
derived from the primary meaning of '
foot,' which as applied
to quadrupeds would represent one-fourth.' '
C/. Pada.

Pada in the sense of quarter of a stanza is found as early

' '

as the Rigveda 1
and often later. 2 In the Brahmanas it also
' ' 3
denotes a word as opposed to a '
letter (Varna).
1 i-
164, 24. 45.
3 Kausitaki Brahmana, xxvi. 5, where
3 Av. the sequence is half-stanza (ardharca),
ix. io, 19 ; Vajasaneyi Samhita,
xix. 25 ; Aitareya Brahmana, i. 6. 10. quarter-stanza (pada), word ipada), and
17, etc. ; Kausitaki Brahmana, xxii. letter (varna). Cf. Satapatha Brah-
1.5- mana, x. 2, 6, 13 ; xi. 5, 6, 9, etc.

found once in the Rigveda, 1 where, according to the

Padi is

St. Petersburg Dictionary, the word probably designates some

kind of animal. Yaska 2 explains it as equivalent to ganlu,
*
a moving creature,' but Durga 3 as meaning bird.' The '

4
passage may refer to catching the Padi in a net (? muksljd).

1
i. 125, 2. I
3 In his commentary on Nirukta,
3 v. 18. loc. tit.
Nirukta, |

4
Oldenberg, Rgveda-Noten, 1, 129; Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 244.

1
Payas denotes the milk of the cow in the Rigveda and
' '

' '

later. 2 More generally it has also the sense of sap or fluid ' '

1 i. 3 Av. iv. 11,

164, 28; ii. 14, 10; iv. 3, 9; I
4; xii. 1,10; Vajasaneyi
v. 85, 2 ; x. 30, 13 ; 63, 3, etc. |
Samhita, iv. 3. Cf. Go and Kaira.
Paramajya ] CURDS AN ANCIENT KING 491

3
found in plants, and giving them
life and strength. In other
passages water
it of 4
denotes the
heaven. A vow to live for ' '

a time on milk alone occurs in the Satapatha Brahmana. 5

3 Av. iii. 5, 1 ; x. 1, 12; xiii. 1, 9; 5
Payo-vrata,
'
one who undergoes a
Vajasaneyi Samhita, xvii. 1 ; xviii. 36, vow (to subsist) on (nothing but) milk,'
etc. So of Soma, Rv. ix. 97, 14. ix. 5, 1, 1 et seq. ; Kausitaki Brahmana,
4 Rv. i. 64. 5 ; 166, 3 ;
iii. 33, 1. 4; viii. 9. The Diksita subsists on it

iv. 57, 8, etc. alone.

Payasya in the later Samhitas and Brahmanas 1 denotes

curds, said to consist of a mixture of sour milk and hot or cold
fresh milk. 2
1 2
Taittirlya Samhita, ii. 3, 13, 2 ; See Eggeling, Sacred Books of the

Taittiriya Brahmana, i. 5, 11, 2 ; East, 12, 381, n. 2.

Aitareya Brahmana, ii. 22. 24 Sata- ;

patha Brahmana, ii. 4, 4, 10. 21 5, 1, ;

12 ; 2, 9, etc.

Para Atnara (' descendant of Atnara ') appears in the later

Samhitas 1 and the Brahmanas 2 as one of the ancient great
kings who won sons by performing a particular sacrifice. In
the Satapatha Brahmana 3 he is styled Hairanyanabha, 'de-
scendant of Hiranyanabha,' and in the Sankhayana Srauta
Sutra 4 he is called Para Ahlara Vaideha, a fact testifying to

the close connexion of Kosala and Videha. A Yajna-gutha,

there 5 cited
'
or sacrificial verse,' mentions Hiranyanabha
Kausalya in connexion with Para.
1 a
Taittiriya Samhita, v. 6, 5, 3 ; xm. 5, 4, 4.
Kathaka 4 xvi.
Samhita, xxii. 3 (Indische 9, 11.
5
Studien, 3, 473). Ibid., 13. Cf. Weber, Indische
2
Pancavimsa Brahmana, xxv. 16, 3 ; Studien, 7 Episches im vedischen
10, ;

Jaiminiya Upanisad Brahmana, ii. 6, Ritual, 7; Hillebrandt, Vedische Myth-

11. ologie, 2, 165, n. 4.

1
Parama-jya, 'of supreme power,' is understood by Ludwig
in one passage of the Rigveda as the proper name of a great
2

man among the Yadus. But it is doubtful whether the word

3
is more than an epithet.
1 Translation of the Rigveda, 3 the American
3, 159. I
Hopkins, Journal of
2 viii. Oriental Society, 17, 39.
1, 30. I
 492 AXE WILD ASS EXILE [ ParaSu

2
ParaSu in the Rigveda and later denotes the axe of the
1

woodcutter. form we know nothing. A red-hot axe

Of its

was used in a form of ordeal (Divya) applied in accusations of

3
theft. See also ParSu.
1 10
i. 127, 3 ; vii. 104, 21 ;
x. 28, 8 ; Brahmana, 6, 4, iii. Aitareya ;

53. 9. etc. Brahmana, 35 Kausitaki Brahmana,

ii. ;

8
Av. iii. 19, 4 ;
vii. 28, 1 ;
xi. 9, 1 ;
x. 1 ;
Kausitaki Upanisad, ii. 11, etc.
Kathaka Samhita, xii. 10 ;
Satapatha
3
Chandogya Upanisad, vi. 16, 1.

Paragvan. See Parasvant.

Parasvant denotes a large wild animal which Roth 1 con-

jectures to be the wild ass. It is mentioned in the Vrsakapi
2
hymn of the Rigveda, twice in the Atharvaveda, 3 and in the
list of victims at the Asvamedha (' horse sacrifice') in the
4
Yajurveda Samhitas, in of which passages the sense of
all
1 '
wild ass is
satisfactory. More doubtful is the meaning of the
word parasva(n) in the Kausitaki Upanisad,
6 where the com-
*
mentary explains it as serpent.' It is, of course, quite possible
that the word has nothing to do with parasvant. Biihler 6
'
suggests connexion with the Pali paldsdda, rhinoceros.'
1 6
St. Petersburg Dictionary, s.v. Zeitschrift der Deutschen Morgen-
2 x.
86, 18. Icindischen 48, 63 Keith,
Gesellschaft, ;

3 vi. 72, 2; xx. 131, 22. Sahkhayana Aranyaka, 17, n. 1 Aitareya ;

4
Maitrayani Samhita, iii. 14, 10; Aranyaka, 377, n. 1.
Vajasaneyi Samhita, xxiv. 8 ; Taittirlya Cf Ludwig, Translation of the Rig-
Samhita, v. 5, 21, 1, where the com- veda, 2, 633 Zimmer, A Itindisches Leben,
;

mentator takes it to be the wild 86, 87; Whitney, Translation of the

buffalo. Atharvaveda, 335 Geldner, Rigveda, ;

Glossar, 105.

Para-vrj a term found in four passages of the Rigveda, 1

is

in all of which it refers to a person in a forlorn condition,

while one 2 of them also speaks of him as going south. Sayana's3
view that the word is a proper name is most unlikely, while
Grassmann's4 explanation of it as
*
cripple' is still less probable.

1
i. 112, 8; ii. 13, 12; 15, 7; x. 61, 8. I
3 On i.
112, 8, etc., cf. Macdonell,
2 x.
61, 8. I
Vedic Mythology, 152.
4
Translation of the Rigveda, 1, 23, and cf. Worterbuch, s.v.
 Parikit ] PARASARAKING PARIKSIT 49

Roth's 5 interpretation of it as 'exile seems clearly right in the

'

e
passage which refers to the Paravrj as going south. Zimmer
accepts Roth's view for this passage, but in the others sees
a reference to the child of a maiden exposed by her and in
danger of being eaten by insects (vamri). This view is sup-
ported by the fact that pardvrkta seems to have the same
7 8
sense, and is accepted by Oldenberg.
5 8
St. Petersburg Dictionary, s.v. Rgveda-Noten, 1, 200. Cf. above,
6
Altindisches Leben, 185, 334, 335. p. 481, n. 67.
7
Rv. iv. 30, 19. Cf. iv. 30, 16 ; Cf. Muir, Sanskrit Texts, 5, 248 ;

19,9. Schrader, Prehistoric Antiquities, 402.

ParaSara is mentioned with Satayatu and Vasistha in the

1
Rigvedic hymn celebrating Sudas' victory over the ten kings.
2
According to the Nirukta he was a son of Vasistha, but the
Epic version makes him a son of 3akti and grandson of Vasistha.
Geldner 3 thinks that he mentioned in the Rigveda along with
is

Satayatu, perhaps and his grandfather Vasistha, as

his uncle,
the three sages who approached Indra and won his favour for
Sudas. He is erroneously credited with the authorship of
certain hymns of the Rigveda 4 by the Anukramani (Index).
1 vii.
18, 21. veda, 3, no, in ; Weber, Indische
2 vi.
30. Studien, 9, 324. as aThe Parasaras
3 Vedische Studien, school appear in the Kathaka Anu-
2, 132.
4
i. 65-73. kramani (Indische Studien, 3, 460).
Cf. Ludwig, Translation of the Rig-

Pari-ksit appears in the Atharvaveda 1 as a king in whose

realm, that of the Kurus, prosperity and peace abound. The
verses in which he is celebrated are later 2 called Pariksityah,
and the Brahmanas explain that Agni is pari-ksit because he
3 4
dwells among men. Hence Roth and Bloomfield regard
Pariksit in the Atharvaveda not as a human king at all. This
5
may be correct, but it is not certain. Both Zimmer and
1
xx. 127, 7-10. See also Scheftelo- Brahmana, ii. 6, 12; Sankhayana Srauta
witz, Die Apokryphen des Veda, 156, Sutra, xii. 17.
3
157, and the verses in the Vaitana St. Petersburg Dictionary, s.v.

Sutra, xxxiv. 9. The Vedic spelling is *

Hymns
of the Atharvaveda, 690, 691.
Pariksit, not Pariksit. but see Atharvaveda, 101, n. 9.
2 6 Altindisches
Aitareya Brahmana, vi. 32, to; Leben, 131.
Kausitaki Brahmana, xxx. 5 Gopatha ;
494 BOLT A TOWN ATTENDANT THONG [ Parigha

6
Oldenberg recognize Pariksit as a real king, a view supported
by the fact that in the later Vedic literature King Janamejaya
bears the patronymic Pariksita. If this be so, Pariksit

belonged to the later period, since the Atharvan passage in

which his name occurs is certainly late, and none of the other
Samhitas know Pariksit at all. The Epic 7 makes him grandfather
of Pratisravas and great-grandfather of Pratipa, and Zimmer, 5

probably with justice, compares the Pratisutvana and Pratipa

found in another late Atharvan passage. 8 But Devapi and
Santanu cannot be brought into connexion with Pratipa. 9
6 der of Rstisena, and not connected directly
Zeitschrift Deutschen Morgen-
liindischen Gesellschap, 42, 237; Buddha, with Santanu. Yaska, Nirukta, ii. 10,
396. identifies them as brothers and Kurus;
7 See Zimmer, loc. cit. but the former part of the identification
8 xx. no doubt, wrong.
T29. is,
9 a Brahmin, son
Devapi is really

Pari-giia denotes an iron bolt or bar in the Chandogya

Upanisad (ii. 24, 6. 10. 15) as often later.

Pari-cakra is according to one reading the name of a

Pancala town mentioned in the Satapatha Brahmana 1 and
identified by Weber 2 with the later Ekacakra, which was near
3
Kampila. There is a various reading Parivakra. 4
1 4
xin. 5, 4, 7. Accepted by the scholiast an(
2 Indische
Studien, 1, 192. Eggeling, Sacred Books of the East, 44,
3
Mahabharata, i. 6094. 397-

Pari-cara found in the Satapatha Brahmana 1 in the sense

is

of 'attendant.' In the Kausltaki Brahmana 2 pari-carana has

the same sense metaphorically, the other two Vedas (Sama
and Yajur) being said to be subsidiary to the Rigveda.
1 v 3 vii. 8, 1.
i -
5. 9- Cf. pari-caritr, Chandogya Upanisad,
2
vi. 11 ; Max Muller, Ancient Sanskrit Literature, 457.

Pari-carmanya denotes a thong of leather in the Kausltaki

Brahmana (vi. 12) and the Sarikhayana Aranyaka (ii. 1).
1
Pari-takmya in a number of
passages of the Rigveda
' '
denotes night according to the St. Petersburg Dictionary.
1 6
i. 116, 15 ;
iv. 41, ; 43, 3 ; v. 30, 13 ; 31, 11 ; vi. 24, 9 ;
vii. 69, 4.
Parimoa ] NIGHT GARMENT ROBBER THEFT 495

2 3
Sieg thinks that in one place at least the word signifies the
decisive point of the race, something like the sense of Prapitva.
But this is very doubtful.
2
Die Sagenstoffe des Rgveda, 128. Cf. Geldner, Vedische Studien, 2, 36; Rigveda,
Glossar y 106.
3 i. 116, 15.

Pari-da in a few passages of the Satapatha Brahmana 1 has

'
the sense of giving oneself up to the mercy or protection of
another.'
1 ii. 4, 1, 11 ;
ix. 2, 1, 17 ; 4, 2, 17 ; 4) 5 ; 5, 1, 53.

*
Pari-dhana denotes garment,' probably 'under garment,' in
the Atharvaveda (viii. 2, 16) and the Brhadaranyaka Upani-
sad (vi. 1, 10). A garment of saffron is mentioned in the
Sankhayana Aranyaka (xi. 4).

1
Pari-pad seems in the Rigveda to denote a pitfall used to
capture lions.
1
x. 28, 10 ; metaphorically, viii. 24, 24.

' ' '

Pari-panthin, besetting the path,' denotes robber in the

1 2
Rigveda and later. Cf Taskara, Tayu, Stena.
1 i.
42, 3; 103, 6; x. 85, 32.
2
Av. i. 27, 1 ; iii. 15, 1 ; xii. 1, 32 ; Vajasaneyi Samhita, iv. 34, etc.

Pari-pavana signifies in the Nirukta (iv. 9. 10) an instrument

for winnowing grain.

Pari-mit occurs once in the Atharvaveda 1 in the description

' '

of a house, meaning perhaps the crossbeams connecting the

2
vertical posts. Cf. Grha.
1 Translation of the
ix. 3. 1. 158 ;
Whitney,
2
Bloomfield, Hymns of the Atharva- Atharvaveda, 525.
veda, 596; Zimmer, Altindisches Leben,

Pari-mosa in the Taittiriya Samhita 1 signifies

*
theft,' and
2
parimosin in the Satapatha Brahmana 'thief.'

1
" vi XI > 5 2 xi - 6 JI
5> 5. x 5
- J> . 3 ; xiii. 2, 4, 2, etc.
 496 YEAR RICE UNMARRIED ELDER BROTHER [ Parirathya

Pari-rathya occurs once in the Atharvaveda 1 meaning either

'road' 2 or a part of the chariot, perhaps as Ludwig 3 and
4
Whitney render it, the 'rim.'
1 3
viii. 8, 22. Translation of the Rigveda, 3,
2 Atharva-
Bloomfield, Hymns of the 528.
4
veda, 587, following Nilakantha's ex- Translation of the Atharvaveda,
planation of parirathya, Mahabharata, 506.
viii. 1487.

Pari-vakra is the reading accepted in the Satapatha Brahmana

(xiii. 5, 4, 7) by the scholiast instead of the variant Paricakra,
which is supported by the Epic Ekacakra.

Pari-vatsara denotes in the Rigveda 1 and later 2 a full year.' '

It is often mentioned with other names of year (see Samvatsara) ,

and in the later five year cycle counts as the second year.
1 x. 62, 2. vatsarlna, as an adjective, 'relating to
2
Taittiriya Brahmana i. 5, 5, 6; a full year,' Rv. vii. 103, 8; Av.
Mahabharata, i. 3202, etc. So fari- iii. 10, 3.

Pari-vapa in the later Samhitas 1 and Brahmanas 2 denotes

'
fried grains of rice.'
1 2
Taittiriya Samhita, iii. i, 10, 1 ; Aitareya Brahmana, ii. 24; Tait-
vi. 5, 11, 4; vii. 2, 10, Kathaka
4; tiriya Brahmana, i. 5, 11, 2, etc.

Samhita, xxxiv. 11 ; Vajasaneyi Sam-

hita, xix. 21. 22.

Pari-vitta denotes an
'
elder brother who is not married
when his younger brother is.' The term occurs in the list of
1
sinful persons in the Yajurveda Samhitas as well as in the
2 3
Atharvaveda, where Ludwig needlessly proposes to read
parivettd, the 'younger brother who marries before his eldesl
brother.' The name for the younger brother in the older texts
is Parivividana. 4
1 Kathaka Samhita,
xxxi. 7 Kapis- ; Maitrayani, and Vajasaneyi Samhitas,
thala Samhita, xlvii. 7 Maitrayani ; loc. cit.

Samhita, iv. 1,9; Taittiriya Brahmana, Cf. Delbriick, Die indogermanische

iii. 2, 8, 11 Vajasaneyi Samhita,
; Verwandtschaftsnamen, 580 et seq. ;
Bloom-
xxx. 9. field, American Journal of Philology, 17,
2 vi.
112, 3. 430 et seq. Hymns of the Atharvaveda,
;

3 of the
Translation Rigveda, 3, 522 et seq. Zimmer, Altindisches Leben,
;

470. 315 Whitney, Translation of the

;

4
So in the Kathaka, Kapisthala, Atharvaveda, 362.
Parisyanda] WAITER MENDICANT COUNCIL FOOTMAN 497

Pari-vrkta, Pari-vrkti, Pari-vrtti, are variant forms of the

name of the rejected one among the royal wives. See Pati.

Papi-vetr Atharvaveda 1 and later 2 denotes an

in the
attendant,' more especially one who serves up food, a waiter/
' '

The feminine form Parivestri signifies a female attendant or '

handmaid.' 3
*

1 ix.
6, 51. Brahmana, xiii. 5, 4, 6 ; iii. 8, 2, 3 ;

2 vi. 2, 13, 3, etc.

Samhita,
Taittiriya vi. 3, 1, 3 ;
3
Maitrayani Samhita, i. 2, 16 ; Vaja- Satapatha Brahmana, xi. 2, 7, 4 ;

saneyi Samhita, vi. 13 ; xxx. 12. 13 ; Kausitaki Upanisad, ii. 1 Keith, ;

Taittiriya Brahmana, iii. a, 8, 1 ; Sahkhayana Aranyaha, 21, n. 2.

Aitareya Brahmana, viii. 21 ; Satapatha

*
Pari-vrajaka (lit., wandering about ') denotes in the Nirukta
(i. 14; ii. 8) a 'mendicant monk.'

denotes in the Upanisads 1 an

'
Pari-sad (lit., sitting around ')

'assemblage' of advisers in questions of philosophy, and the

Gobhila Grhya Sutra 2 refers to a teacher with his Parisad or
'
council.' In the later literature the word denotes a body of
advisers on religious topics, but also the assessors of a judge,
or the council of ministers of a prince. 3 But in none of these
senses is the word found in the early literature, though the
institutions indicated by it must have existed at least in

embryo.
1 3
Brhadaranyaka Upanisad, vi. 1, 1 Cf. Jolly, Recht und Sitte, 136, 137 ;

(Madhyamdina = vi. 2, 1 Kanva) daivl ; Foy, Die honigliche Gewalt, 16-19; 33-
parisad, Jaiminiya Upanisad Brahmana, 37 66 Biihler, Zeitschri/t der Deutschen
; ;

ii. 11, 13. 14. Morgenldndischen Gesellschaft, 48, 55, 56 ;

2 iii. 2, 40. Hillebrandt, Vedische Mythologie, 2, 124.

Pari-skanda (lit., 'leaping around') occurs in the Vratya

hymn of the Atharvaveda (xv. 2, 1 et seq.) denoting, in the dual,
the two footmen running beside a chariot.

'

flowing around ') in two passages

Pari-syanda (with water
of the Satapatha Brahmana (ix. 2, 1, 19 ; xiv. 3, 1, 14) denotes
a sandbank or island in a river.
vol. 1.
32
498 ISLAND INTOXICANT TONGS A SEER [ Parisaraka

Pari-saraka is the name of a place, an island formed by the

Sarasvati 'flowing around' it, according to a story in the
Aitareya Brahmana (ii. 19).

Pari-srut is the name of a drink which is mentioned first in

the Atharvaveda, 1 and which was distinct from both Sura and
3
Soma, 2 but was intoxicating. According to Mahidhara, the
liquor was made from flowers (Puspa). Zimmer 4 thinks that
it was the familydrink, and this is supported by the fact that
in the Atharvaveda it twice occurs as a household beverage. 5
Hillebrandt 6 is of opinion that it was very much the same as
Sura.
1 iii. 6
12, 7 xx. 127, 9. Cf. Hopkins,
; See also Vajasaneyi Samhita,
Journal of the American Oriental Society, xix. 15 ; xx. 59 ; xxi. 29 Maitrayani
;

17, 68. Samhita, iii. 11, 2. Its nature is more

2
^atapatha Brahmana, v. 1, 2, 14. elaborately explained in the Katyayana
Cf. v. 5, 4, 10 ;
xi. 5, 5, 13 ;
xii. 7, 1, 7 ;
Srauta Sutra, xiv. 1, 14 xv. 10, 11 ; ;

8, 2, 15; 9, 1, 1. Weber, Indische Studien, 10, 349, 350.

3 On Vajasaneyi Samhita, ii. 34.
6 Vedische Mythologies 1, 24, 8.
4 Altindisches
Leben, 281, 282.

' '
i.Pari-$ah appears to denote a box or something similar
in the Atharvaveda (xix. 48, 1).

Papi-nah is the name of a place in Kupuksetpa mentioned

2.

in the Pancavim^a Brahmana, 1 the Taittiriya Aranyaka, 2 and

the Sutras. 3
1
xxv. 13, I. Katyayana Srauta Sutra, xxiv. 6, 34;
2 V.
I, I. 6ahkhayana Srauta Sutra, xiii. 29, 2
3
Latyayana Srauta Sutra, x. 19, 1 ;
W
PaPi-asa is the name of an instrument of the nature of
1
tongs, used to lift the sacrificial kettle off the fire.

1
atapatha Brahmana, xiv. 1, 3, 1 ; 2, 1, 16; 2, 54; 3, 1, 20, etc.

Papuc-chepa is the name of a Rsi to whom the Anukramani

1
(Index) attributes a series of hymns in the Rigveda, and whose
1 Rv. i. 127-139.
Paruni ] REED THE RIVER PARUSNl 499

authorship is the Aitareya

asserted in and the Kausitaki 3 2

4
Brahmanas, as well as in the Nirukta. In the Taittirlya
Samhita 5 he appears as a rival of Nrmedhas.
2 6
v. 12. 13 (where hymns Rv. i. 128, 5, 8, 3.
129, 130, 133, 135, 137, 139, are at- Cf. Ludwig, Translation of the Rig-
tributed to him). veda, 3, 116. Parucchepa's claim to
3 xxiii.
4. 5. authorship is very doubtful.
4 x.
42.

Parusa seems to mean reed * '

in the Atharvaveda (viii. 8, 4)
and 'arrow' in the Sankhayana rauta Sutra (xiv. 22, 20).

Parusni is the name of a river which is mentioned in the

1
Nadi-stuti ('Praise of Rivers'), and song of Sudas' in the
2
victory over the ten kings, which seems to have been made
3
decisive by the drowning the fugitives.
rise of the river In
these passages and one of the eighth book of the Rigveda, 4
where it is called a 'great stream' (tnahenadi), the name is
certainly that of the river later called Ravi (Iravati), as recog-
6
nized by Yaska. 6 Pischel sees a reference to it in two other
7
passages of the Rigveda, where 'wool' (urna) is connected
with the word parusni, and the allusion to the river is accepted
8 9
by Max Miiller and Oldenberg, though they are not fully
agreed as to the exact sense of the passages in question.
Pischel suggests that the name is derived from the 'flocks'
(parus) of wool, not from the bends
of the river, as understood
6
by the Nirukta, or from its reeds, as Roth 10 suggests.
1
x. 75, 5. and were overwhelmed in the river.
2
vii. 18, 8. 9. Hopkins, India, Old and New, 52 et seq. ,

3 It is
impossible to decide precisely may be right in rejecting in toto the
what part the river played in the battle. theory of the attempted diversion of
It is usually held that the enemies of the waters, though in the Journal
of the
Sudas tried to divert the stream, but American Oriental Society, 15, 261 et scq.,
failed, and were drowned in its current. he accepted the traditional view.
4
So Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 11 ;
viii. 74, 15.
5
Macdonell, Sanskrit Literature, 154 ; Nirukta, ix. 26.
6
Geldner, Rigveda, Kommentar, 103, holds Vedische Studien, 2, 208-210.
7 iv.
that Sudas was caught between two 22, 2 v. 52, 9. ;

8
opposing armies, and had to escape Sacred Books of the East, 32, 315,
over the Parusni, that his enemies 323.
9
tried to divert it to render him more Rgveda-Noten, 1, 348.
10
accessible to their attack, but failed, St. Petersburg Dictionary, 5.1;. 4a.

322
 500 LIMB-WING-PARNA TREE [ Parus

The mention of the Parusnl and the Yamuna in the hymn

celebrating the victory of Sudas has given rise to the conjectures
11
of Hopkins, that the Yamuna in that hymn is merely another
name for the Parusni, and of Geldner, 12 that the Parusni there
is merely a tributary of the Yamuna (Jumna). But neither
interpretation is either essential or even probable. The hymn
is a condensed one, and may well be taken as celebrating two
great victories of Sudas. There is a doubtful reference to the
Parusnl in the Atharvaveda. 13
11
Op. cit., 52. of the Atharvaveda, 462 "Whitney, ;

12 Translation of the Atharvaveda, 289.

Rgveda, Glossar, 106.
13 vi. 12, 3. Cf. Bloomfield, Hymns

Parus means first

'
of the body, 1 and
a limb
'
or
*
member '

2
is then applied metaphorically to the divisions of the sacrifice
3
or of the year (c/. Parvan).

1 2 Rv.
Rv. i. 162, 18 ; x. 97, 12 ; 100, 5 ;
I x. 53, 1 ; Taittiriya Brahmana,
Av. i. 12, 3 ;
iv. 12, 2. 3, etc. | i. 6, 9, 1.
3
Taittiriya Samhita, ii. 5, 6, 1.

Parna denotes the 'wing' of a bird in the Rigveda 1 and

1.
2 '
It also means the feather of an arrow in a late passage
'
later.
3 4
of the Rigveda, and more often later and the leaf of a tree '
;

5
from the Rigveda onwards.
4 Kathaka Samhita.
1 i. 116, 15; 182, 7; 183, 1; iv. 27, Av. v. 25, 1 ;

4, etc.
xxv. 1 ; Aitareya Brahmana, i. 25
2 Av. x. 1,
29; Satapatha Brahmana, iii. 26, etc.
5
i- 6, 3, 5, etc.
Rv. x. 68, 10 ;
Av. viii. 7, 12
3 Sanskrit
x. 18, 14. Cf. Lanman, Taittiriya Samhita, ii. 5, 1, 7 ; Vajc
Reader, 386. saneyi Samhita, xvi. 46, etc.

2. Parna denotes the tree Butea frondosa, later usually callec

1
PalaSa. occurs in the Rigveda in connexion with the
It

Asvattha, and with that tree as well as the Nyagrodha in the

2 3
Atharvaveda, which mentions both amulets and the cover ol
4
sacrificial dishes as made from its wood. Its use for the

x. 97, 5- iii. 5, 4. 8.
v. 5, 5. xviii. 4, 53.
Parnaya ] HILLMAN FEATHERED END OF ARROW 501

making of sacrificial the ladle (juhu), 5 or

implements like
6
sacrificial posts, or the small ladle called sruva t 7 is mentioned.
The Taittiriya Samhita 8 ascribes its origin to the loss of a
feather by the Gayatri when winning the Soma. The tree is
also often mentioned elsewhere. 9 Reference too is sometimes
made to its bark (parna-valka) . 10
5
Taittiriya Samhita, iii. 5, 7, 2. 33 1. 332 Whitney, Translation of the
;

Cf. Maitrayanl Samhita, iv. 1, 1. Atharvaveda, 91.

6
Pancavima Brahmana, 9 10
xxi. 4, 13. Satapatha Brahmana, iii. 3, 4, ;

7
Kathaka Samhita, xv. 2. Cf. viii. 2 ; vi. 5, 1, 1; xi. 1, 4, 2 ; 7, 28; Panca-
Taittiriya Brahmana, i. 1, 3, 11 ; 7, 1, 9; vimsa Brahmana, ix. 5, 4.
10
8,7. Taittiriya Samhita, ii. 5, 3, 5 ;

8 and
Taittiriya Samhita, loc. cit., Taittiriya Brahmana, iii. 7, 4, 2. 18,
cf. Kuhn, Die Herabkunft des Feuers und etc.
des G'dttertranks, 148,192 Bloomfield, ; Cf. Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 59;

Journal of the A merican Oriental Society, Weber, Indische Studien, 17, 194, 195.
16, 20. 24; Hymns of the Atharvaveda,

Parnaka is the name of a man included in the list of victims

at the Purusamedha (' human sacrifice ') in the Vajasaneyi
Samhita 1 and the Taittiriya Brahmana. 2 According to Mahi-
dhara, a Bhilla is meant i.e., presumably a wild hillman, for
3

he glosses Nisada in the same way. 4 Sayana 5 explains the

word as meaning one who catches fish by putting over the
'

water a parna with poison,' but this is apparently a mere

6
etymological guess. Weber's rendering of the term as refer-
' '

ring to a savage wearing feathers is ingenious, but uncertain.

1 xxx. 16. 5
On Taittiriya Brahmana, loc. cit.
2 6
iii. 4. 12, Zeitschrift der Deutschen Morgen-
3
On Vajasaneyi Samhita, loc. cit. landischen Gesellschaft, 18, 281.
4
On Vajasaneyi Samhita, xvi. 27. Cf. Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 119.

Parna-dhi in the Atharvaveda 1 denotes the part of the shaft

in which the feather of the arrow is fastened.

1 iv. 6, 5. Cf. Zimmer, Altindisches A tharvaveda, 375 ; Whitney, Translation

Leben, 300 ; Bloomfield, Hymns of the of the Atharvaveda, 154.

Pari^aya is the name in two passages of the Rigveda either

1

2 3
of a hero, as Ludwig thinks, or of a demon overcome by Indra.
1 i. 2
53,8; x. Translation of the Rigveda, 3, 149.
48,/ 3
*fc St. Petersburg Dictionary, s.v.
502 THRONE WOOF MO UNTA IN [ Paryanka

Pary-ahka is the name of the seat of the Brahman in the

Kausitaki Upanisad. 1 It seems to correspond to what is else-
2
where called Asandi ; as used in the Upanisad, it can, how-
ever, hardly mean a long seat for reclining on, but rather a
throne. 3

M.5. 401 ; Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 155 ;

8
Av. xv. 3, 3. Cf. xiv. 2, 65 ;
Lanman Whitney, Translation of
in

Aitareya Brahmana, viii. 5. 6. 12. the Atharvaveda, 765, 776.

3
Cf. Weber, Indische Studien, 1, 397,

Pary-asa is used in the Satapatha Brahmana (iii. 1, 2, 18) to

denote the woof of cloth, the warp being called anuchada.

1. Parvata in the Rigveda

1
and the Atharvaveda 2 is con-
joined with giri in the sense of hill or mountain.' From
' ' *

the Rigveda 3 onwards 4 it is common in this sense as connected

with the waters of rivers which flow in the hills. 6 The legend
of the mountains
having wings is already found in the
Samhitas. 6 In the Kausitaki Upanisad 7 are mentioned the
southern (daksina) and the northern (uttara) mountains, evidently
in allusion to the Himalaya and the Vindhya ranges. The
plants (osadhi) and aromatic products (afijana) of the mountains
are referred to in the Atharvaveda, 8 and their mineral treasures
in the Rigveda. 9
1 i. 37. 7 ; v. 56, 4. 31, 10; x. 35, 2; 36, 1, etc.; Pischel,
2 Av. Vedische Studien, i. 80
iv. 6, 8; vi. 12, 3; 17, 3; ix. 1, 2, 66. ;

18 xii. 1, 11. 6 Kathaka Samhita, xxxvi. 9 Mai-

; ;

3 and Rv.
i- 39. 5; 52. 2; 155, 1; 191, 9; trayani Samhita, i. 10, 13 ;

ii. 12, 2. 3 ; 17, 5, etc. iv 54- 5. as explained by Pischel,

4
Av. i.
14, 1; iii. 21, 10; iv. 9, 8; Vedische Studien, 174.
1,
7
viii. 7, 17; Taittiriya Samhita, iii. 4, ii. 13 ; Weber, Indische Studien,
1,

5, 1 ; Vajasaneyi Samhita, xvii. 1 ; 407 ; Keith, Sankhayana Ay any oka, 28,

xviii. 13, etc. n. 1.
5 8 xix. 9 x.
Rv. vii. 34, 23 ; 35, 8 ; viii. 18, 16 ; 44, 6; 45, 7. 69, 6.

2. Parvata in one passage of the Rigveda 1 denotes, according

2
to Ludwig, a sacrificer whose generosity is praised. But it is

probable that the god Parvata, the spirit of the mountain, is

meant. 3
1 2 Translation of the Rigveda,
vii. 87, 8. 3, 159.
3 'St. s.v.
Petersburg Dictionary,
Parsu ] A SEER JOINT HOLLOW RIB SICKLE 503

3. Parvata
is mentioned several times in the
Aitareya Brah-
mana 1 along with Narada. The Anukramani (Index) attri-
butes to him the authorship of several hymns of the Rigveda. 2
1 vii. viii. 21 2 viii.
13, 34 ;
Sankhayana 12 ; ix. 104 ; 105.
Srauta Sutra, xv. 17, 4.

Parvan denotes the knots of the reed or the joints of a plant, 1

and more generally a part or limb of the body. 2 It also
designates a period of time, probably with reference to the
breaks in the month at new and full moon. 3 In one passage 4
Geldner 6 thinks the word indicates a song section of the
Samaveda.
1 Av. xii. 3,
31 Taittiriya Samhita, ;
Katyayana Srauta Sutra, v. 2, 13 ;

i. 1, 2, 1Satapatha Brahmana, vi. 3,

; xxii. 7, 1. 16. 17; xxiv. 4, 30; Sankh-
1, 31, and cf. Rv. x. 68, 9. ayana Srauta Sutra, xiv. 5,6; 10, 4. 18 ;

2 Rv. i. and
61, 12 iv. 19, 9 viii. 48, 5 ; ; ;
AsValayana Srauta Sutra, ix. 2, 3 ;

x. 89, 8; Av. i. 11, 1; 12, 2 ii. 9, 1; ; more often the periods of the change
vi. 14, 1 ;
xi. 8, 12 ;
xii. 5, Aitareya
71 ; of moon: Katyayana Srauta Sutra,
Brahmana, iii. 31 ;
Satapatha Brah- xxiv. 6, 4. 25. 30 Sankhayana Srauta
;

mana, i. 6, 3, 35 et seq. ;
iii. 4, 4, 2 ; Sutra, iii. 2,1; 3,1; Latyayana Srauta
vi. 1, 2, 31 ;
x. 4, 5, 2, etc. Sutra, viii. 8, 46, etc.
8 Rv. 4
i.
Vajasaneyi Samhita,
94, 4 ; vii. 103, 5.
5
xiii. 43 Satapatha Brahmana, i. 6, 3,
; Rgveda, Glossar, 107.
35 ;
vi. 2, 2, 34, etc. Cf. M&sa. In Cf. Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 364,
the Sutras the days of the four-monthly who quotes Tacitus, Germania, 11.
festivals (caturmasya) are so called :

ParSana,
'

hollow,' is mentioned several times in the Rigveda

(vii. 104, 5; viii. 7, 34; 45, 41).

2
1. ParSu denotes 'rib' in the Atharvaveda 1 and later. Cf.
Sarira.
1 ix. 6 20 10 1
7, ; x. 9, ;
xi. 3, 12. Brahmana, viii. 6, 2, ; x. 6, 4, :

2
Taittiriya Samhita, vii. 5, 25, 1 ;
xii. 3, 1, 6; Sadvimsa Brahmana, i. 3,
Kathaka Samhita, xxxi. 1 ; Satapatha etc

some passages x
'
2. Parsu seems in to denote a sickle,' being
apparently a variant of ParaSu.
1 Av. xii. 3, 31 (Kauslka Sutra, i. 24. the Atharvaveda, 407, 408; Brhad-
25; viii. 11; lxi.
perhaps 38. 39); aranyaka Upanisad, vi. 4, 26 (where
1 = parsu is metrically needed), etc.
vii. 28, Taittiriya Samhita, iii. 2, Cf.
4, 1. See Whitney, Translation of Bohtlingk, Dictionary, s.v.
 504 THE PARSU TRIBE [ Paru

3. Pargu in the Nirukta 1 is explained in one passage of the

2
Rigveda as meaning the sides of a cistern (kupa). 3 But the
* '
sense of ribs is quite adequate there.
1 iv. 6. 3
Oldenberg, Rgveda-Noten t 1, 100 ;

2 i. 105, 8 ; x. 33, 2. Geldner, Rigveda, Glossar, 107.

4. Paru occurs in one passage in a Danastuti (' praise of

1
gifts ') in the Rigveda as the name of a man. It is not certain
that heis identical with Tirindira, but the
Sankhayana Srauta
Sutra 2
mentions Tirindira Parasavya as the patron of Vatsa
Kanva. In another passage occurring in the Vrsakapi hymn, 3
Parsu Manavi occurs, apparently as a woman, daughter of
Manu, but who is meant it is quite impossible to say. Excepting
these two, there are no other occurrences in which the word has
with any probability the value of a proper name in the Rigveda.
4
Ludwig, however, sees in several other places an allusion to
the Parsus. Thus in one passage of the Rigveda 5 he finds a
reference to the defeat of KuruSravana by the Parsus; in
another 6 he finds a reference to the Prthus and Parsus i.e., the
Parthians and the Persians. He also sees the Parthians in
Parthava, a name found in one hymn.
7
The same view is
taken by Weber, 8 who holds that historical connexions with the
1 viii. 2 xvi. 7 vi.
6, 46. 11, 20. 27, 8.
3 8 Indische
x. 86, 23. Apparently Varttika 2, Studien, 4, 379 ;
Indian
on Panini, iv. 1, 177, where Parsu is Literature, 4 ; Episches im vedischen
explained as a feminine, Princess of Ritual, 36 et seq. He confines his view
the Parsus, refers to this passage. On to the equation of Parsu in Rigveda,
the sense, cf. Geldner, Vedische Studien, viii. 6, 46, and the Persians. Hille-
2, 42 ;
Rigveda, Glossar, 107 ; and Tait- brandt, who is inclined to see relations
tiriya Brahmana, iii. 2, 2, 2, where the with Iran in early times (see Pani,
expression occurs, but where the sense Paravata, Srnjaya), does not in this
is very dubious. connexion quote ParSu at all, and,
4
Translation of the Rigveda, 3, 196 though he mentions Parthava, does not
et seq.
regard it as probably referring to a
5 x. The sense here no Parthian (Vedische Mythologie, 1, 105).
33, 2. is,

doubt, 'ribs.' See Geldner, op. cit., 2, Brunnhofer, in his various works (Iran
184, n. 3 Bergaigne, Religion Vtdique,
; und Turan, 1889 vom Pontus bis zum
;

2, 362, n. Indus, 1890, etc.), finds constant refer-

6 vii. ences in the Veda to events in Iran,
83, 1, prthu-parlavah, which
means but his theories must be regarded as
' '

really either with large ribs

i.e.,'strong,' as Roth, with Sayana, definitely unscientific. See also Hop-
inclines to take it or with broad axes,' kins, Journal of the American Oriental
'

according to Zimmer. Society, 15, 264, n.

Palava ] SHEA VESTHATCHSTRA W CHAFF 5o5

Persians are referred to. But Zimmer 9 points out that this
conclusion not justified; the Parous were known to Panini 10
is

as a warrior tribe; the Para^avas were a tribe in south-west

MadhyadeSa; and the Periplus 11 knows a tribe of Parthoi in
north India. At most the only conclusion to be drawn is that
the Indians and Iranians were early connected, as was of
course the case. Actual historical contact cannot be asserted
with any degree of probability.
9
Altindisches Leben, 134 et seq. ; 433. and Parsu are dialectical forms of the
he refutes conclusively
Ibid., 434, 435, same word.
Ludwig's extraordinary view that Prthu 10 v.
3, 117.
" c. 38.

Parsa occurs in the

Rigveda, denoting in the plural
1 '
sheaves
'

strewn over the threshing floor. Cf. Khala.

1 x. in the Satapatha
48, 7; Nirukta, iii. 10. Cf. Brahmana, xiii. 4,2, 5,
Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 238. Per- means 'having a bundle (of arrows).'
haps parsin, in the compound isu-parsin

Palada occurs twiceone hymn of the Atharvaveda 1 in the

in

description of a house. It seems to mean bundles of straw or

reeds used to thatch the house and render the sides wind and
weather proof.
1 ix.
3, 5, 17. Cf. Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 153 ; Bloomfield, Hymns of the
Atharvaveda, 194, 195.

Palasti. See Palita.

Palalafound with Anu-palala in the Atharvaveda (viii. 6, 2)

is

as the of a demon. The meaning of the word is straw,'

name '

in which sense it occurs in the Kausika Sutra (lxxx. 27), while the
feminine form, Palali, is found in the Atharvaveda itself (ii. 8, 3)
as the straw of barley (Yava).

Palava is found in the Atharvaveda 1 and the Jaiminiya

2 '
Upanisad Brahmana in the sense of chaff.'

1
xii. 3, 19, where some manuscripts read palava.
506 LEAF GREY HAIR LYE [ PalaSa

1
PalaSa, like Parna, denotes 'leaf in the Brahmanas. It
2
also designates the tree Butea frondosa, of which Parna is the

early name.
1 Kausitaki Brahmana, x. 2 ata- 2 Sata-
;
Aitareya Brahmana, ii. 1 ;

patha Brahmana, i. 5, 4, 5 ;
v. 2, 1, patha Brahmana, i. 3, 3, 19 ;
ii. 6, 2, 8,
17 etc. ; Chandogya Upanisad, iv. etc.

14,3. Cf. Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 59.

1
Palita, 'grey-haired,' occurs frequently from the Rigveda
onwards. 2 It is the distinctive sign of old age. Those who,
3
like certain descendants of Jamadagni, do not grow old, are
said not tobecome grey-haired, while Bharadvaja is described
as having in his old age become thin and grey-haired. 4 The
5
Satapatha Brahmana in one passage observes that grey hairs
appear on the head, and elsewhere 6 alludes to the hair on
first

the arms having become grey.

1 1. x 44, 4; 164, 1; iii. 55,9; x. 4,5, Academy of Arts and Sciences, 15, 54, and
etc. Rv. iii. 53, 16, where palasti seems to
2
Vajasaneyi Samhita, xxx. 15, etc. mean palita.
3 4
Taittiriya Samhita, vii. 1, 9, 1 ; Aitareya Brahmana, iii. 49.
Paiicavimsa Brahmana, 8
xxi. 10, 6.
Cf. xi. 4, 1,6. 14.
Transactions of the Connecticut 6
Hopkins, iii. 8, 2, 25.

1
Palpulana is found in the Atharvaveda and the Taittiriya
Samhita 2 apparently meaning, properly, 'lye,' or water impreg-
nated with some biting substance for washing clothes. In the
Atharvan passage urine seems to be meant. 3 The verb palpu-
laya, 'to wash with alkaline water,' occurs in the Taittiriya
Samhita 2 and the Taittiriya Brahmana; 4 and the Sutras refer
to hides {carman) 5 and garments 6 so washed. Cf. also Vasah-
palpull.
1 xii. 4, 9. Kauslka Sutra, xi. 16. *
Cf. 1. 3. 5. 2. 3.
2 5
ii- 5. 5. 6. KauSika Sutra, 67.
3 6
Whitney, Translation of the Athar- Sankhayana Srauta Sutra, iii. 8,
vaveda, 695. Cf. Bloomfield, Hymns of 12. Cf. Baudhayana Dharma Sutra,
the Atharvaveda, 74, 175. i. 6, 13, 15 ; Bohtlingk, Dictionary, s.v.

Palli-grupta Lauhitya (' descendant of Lohita ') is mentioned

in a Vamsa (' list of teachers ') in the Jaiminiya Upanisad
Brahmana (iii. 42, 1) as a pupil of Syamajayanta Lauhitya.
Pavi ] SIEVE SOMA TIRE OF A WHEEL 507

The name is
obviously a late one, for Palli is not found in the
early literature, and the name of the Lauhitya family is other-
wise known in post-Vedic works only.

Pavana ('purifier') in the Atharvaveda 1 denotes an instrument

' '
for purifying grain from husks, etc. either a sieve or a ;

2
'winnowing basket' may be meant. In the Sutras it is

mentioned as used for cleaning the bones of the dead after

cremation.

2 xviii. 3, 11. 2
iv. 34, ;
Cf. Nirukta, I
Asvalayana Grhya Sutra, iv. 5, 7.
vi. g.

Pavamana is a term very frequently applied in the Rigveda

to the Soma 'purifying itself by running through the sieve.

1 '

appears in a few passages in the sense of wind (as a.

'
Later it

purifier).

1
Taittiriya Samhita, vii. 5, 20, 1 ; Vajasaneyi Samhita, vi. 17 ; Aitareya
Brahmana, i.
7.

Pavasta in one passage of the Atharvaveda 1 apparently

'
denotes covers.'

1 iv.
5, 6. Cf. Whitney, Translation of the Atharvaveda, 156.

' '
Pavi denotes the of the wheel of a chariot in the tire

Rigveda and later.

1
Reference is made 3 to the necessity for
2

'
fastening it on firmly, and the epithet su-pavi, having a good
4 '
tire,' is found in the Atharvaveda with su-nabhi, having a good
nave,' and su-cakra, having a good wheel.' The tires were, of
'

5 6
course, of metal, and being sharp, could serve on occasion as
weapons.
7
The St. Petersburg Dictionary in one passage of
1 i.
34, 2 ; 88, 2 ; 139, 3 ; 166, io,
3
Of gold in the case of the Asvins
etc. ; Nirukta, v. 5. and the Maruts, Rv. i. 64, 11 180, 1. ;

2 6
Samaveda, ii. 7, 1, 15, 3, etc. Rv. i. 166, 10.
3 7
Rv. vi. 54, 3. Rv. v. 52, 9. Cf. vi. 8, 5, and-
*
Av. iv. 12, 6. x, 180, 2.
5 o8 TIRE SOMA SIEVE [ Pavitra

the Vajasaneyi Samhita 8 takes Pavi to mean a metal rim on the

stone for pounding Soma, but this seems improbable, because
no such metal attachment is elsewhere alluded to. Hille-
brandt 9 seems clearly right in accepting the sense of sharp
'

10
edge' in this passage, especially as the stones in the Rigveda
*
are, in allusion to their rolling action, styled rims without
horses and without chariots' (anasvdsah pavayo Wathah).
The Nirukta 11 ascribes to Pavi the sense of arrow (salya), but
this is very uncertain. The St. Petersburg Dictionary cites for
this use two passages of the Rigveda, 12 but in one the secondary
sense of sharp-edged weapon with reference to the bolt of Indra
is quite likely, and in the other, where the expression vanasya
13
pavi occurs, the sharp-edged pounding-stone of the 'reed,'
meaning the stalk of the Soma plant, may be meant. Hille-
brandt 14 thinks a reference to the shape of the Soma plant is
intended. Pavi-nasa, the name of a demon mentioned in the
15
Atharvaveda, seems to throw no light on this point, for while
the St. Petersburg Dictionary takes it to mean whose nose is
'

like a spearhead,' it is translated as 'rim-nosed' (presumably in

allusion to the curved shape of the nose) by Whitney. 16

8 vi. 13
Rv. where the ex-
30. Cf. Satapatha Brahmana, Cf. iv. 24, 9,
pression vanam duhanti, they milk out
*
iii. 9, 4, 5. Mahidhara, on the Vaja-
saneyi Samhita, takes pavina as vajra- the reed,' occurs.
14
sadrsena, like a thunderbolt,
'
and '

Op.cit., 1, 43,44.
15
Eggeling, Sacred Books of the East, 26, viii. 6, 21.
' 16 Translation of the Atharvaveda,
239, 240, renders pavi by bolt.'
9
Vedische Mythologie, 1, 44. 497-
10
v. 31,5. Cf. Zimmer, A Itindisches Leben, 248 ;

11
xii. 30. Geldner, Vedische Studien, 2, 12, n. 1.
ix. 50, 1 i8o, 2.

Pavitra denotes in the Rigveda, 1 and later, 2 the sieve used

3
for purifying the Soma, the only mode of purifying it certainly
4
known to the Rigveda. It seems clearly to have been made of
1 anvani mesyah, 86, 47
i. 28, 9 ; iii. 36, 7 ;
viii. 33, 1 ;
ix. 16, 2 ; ; 107,
101, 9, etc. 11 ; avayah, ii. 36, 1 ; ix. 86, 11 ; 91, 2 ;

2 Av. vi. ix. 6, 16 ; tvacwiih avya or avyaya, ix. 69, 3 70, 7

124, 3 ; xii. i, 30 ; ; ;

3, 3. 14. 25, etc. mesyah, ix. 8, 5 rupa avyaya, ix. 16, 6

; ;

3
Cf. Hillebrandt, Vedische Mythologie, roman, alone or with avyaya; vara,
1, 239, 240. alone or with avyaya, etc.
4
Cf. the names of it : anva, Rv.
 PaSu ] SPEAR A PRINCE ANIMAL 509

sheep's wool, whether woven or plaited is not certain, for the

6
expressions used are too vague to be decisive, though Zimmer
6
thinks hvaramsi points to plaiting.
5 6
Altindisches Leben, 278, n. ix. 3, 2 ; 63, 4.

Pavira, according to the Nirukta, denotes a lance.' The

1 '

epithet derived from this word, pavlravant or pavirava, which is

found in the Atharvaveda 2 and the Yajurveda Samhitas, 3 is used
'
of the plough, apparently in the sense of having a metal
share.' The same epithet occurs in the Rigveda 4 applied to a
' '

man, in the sense of having a goad or having a spear.'

'

1 xii. In Rv. i. 174, 4, pavirava

30. 10, 2, 5, 6 ; Maitrayani Samhita, ii. 7,
seems to mean thunderbolt. Kathaka Samhita,
* '

12; xvi. 11.

2 iii- 4
x. 60, 3.
17. 3-
* of the
Pavlravant, Samhita,
Vajasaneyi Whitney, Translation
Cf.
xii. 71 ; pavirava, Taittiriya Samhita, Atharvaveda, 116.

1
Paviru appears of the Rigveda in a hymn as a RuSama,
being a prince or at least a wealthy noble.
1 viii.
51, 9 = Vajasaneyi Samhita, xxxiii. 82.

'
Pa6u means animal generally, including man. There is
'

1
frequent mention of the five sacrificial animals the horse, the
cow, the sheep, the goat, and man. Seven such domestic
animals are spoken of in the Atharvaveda 2 and later 3 probably, ;

4
as Whitney observes, merely as a sacred mystic number, not,
as the commentator 5 explains, the usual five with the ass and
the camel added. Animals are also referred to as ubhayadant
1
Taittiriya Samhita, iv. 2, 10, 1-4; ing 12) ; Paiicavimsa Brahmana, x.
Kathaka Samhita, Maitrayani xvi. 17 ;

4
Samhita, ii. 7, 17 Vajasaneyi Samhita,; Translation of the Atharvaveda, 103.
xiii. 47-51.
Cf. Av. xi. 2, 9; Taittiriya
5 On Av. iii. 10, 6. The St. Peters-
burg Dictionary suggests mule and
'
'
Samhita, iv. 3, 10, 1-3; v. 5, 1, 1. 2;
as the two making up seven
1 '
vi. 5, 10, 1 Vajasaneyi Samhita,
; ass
xiv. 28-31, etc. ;
(cf. Mahabharata, vi. 165 et seq.).
2
Av. iii. io, 6. Zimmer's view (Altindisches Leben, 76)
3
Satapatha Brahmana, ii. 8, 4, 16 ; is that 'goat,' 'sheep,' 'ox,' 'horse,'
ix. 3, 1, 20; xii. 8, 3, 13 (where they 'dog,' 'ass,' and 'camel' or 'mule,'
are called jdgatah, perhaps as number- are meant.
5io CLASSIFICATION OF ANIMALS [ PaSu

6
and anyatodant. They are further classified as those which
take hold with the hand (hastadandh), man (purusa), elephant
(hastin), and ape (markata), and those which grasp by the mouth

(mukhdddnah). Another division is that of biped (dvipdd) and

quadruped (catuspad).
7
Man a biped; 8 he is the first (pra-
is
9
thama) of the beasts ;
he alone of animals lives a hundred
years (satayus),
10
and he is king of the animals.
11
He possesses
speech (vac) in conjunction with the other animals. 12 In the
13
Aitareya Aranyaka an elaborate distinction is drawn between
vegetables, animals, and man in point of intellect.
Of animals apart from man a threefold division is offered in
the Rigveda 14 into those of the air (vdyavya), those of the

jungle (aranya), and those of the village (grdrnya), or tame

animals. The division into aranya and grdrnya animals is quite
common. 15 In the Yajurveda Samhitas 16 is found a division
into eka-sapha, 'whole-hoofed'; ksudra, 'small'; and aranya,
16
wild,' the two former classes denoting the tame animals.
*

The horse and the ass are eka-sapha ; 17 the ksudra are the sheep
the goat, and the ox this distinction being parallel to that o;
:

18
ubhayadant and anyatodant. Zimmer 19 sees in a passage of the
Atharvaveda 20 a division of wild animals (aranya) into five
'
classes :
(i) those of the jungle described as the dread beasts

6
Taittiriya Samhita, vi. 4, 5, 7 ;
" x. 90, 8.
J6
Maitrayani Samhita, iv. 5, 7 (where Av. iii. 31, 3. Cf. ii. 34, 1, with
purusa must be read for parusa). Whitney's note, Translation of the
7
Rv. iii. 62, 14; Av. iii. 34, 1, etc. Atharvaveda, 78 xi. 2, 24 Maitrayan ; ;

Zimmer, 73, n., suggests that the Samhita, iii. 2, 3 9, 7 Kathaka ; ;

division is Indo
European, as the-
Samhita, xiii. 12 ; Taittiriya Aranyaka,
Inguvenic tables make a distinction iii.
2, 29. 32 ; Satapatha Brahmana
between dupursus and peturpursus . ii. 7, 1, 8; 2, 8. Cf. xi. 8, 3, 2, where
8 2 there reference to animals being tiec
Taittiriya Samhita, iv. 2, 10, 1. ;
is

Vajasaneyi Samhita, xvii. 47. 48. up at night in their stalls.

9 18
atapatha Brahmana, vi. 2, 1, 18; Taittiriya Samhita, iv. 3, 10, 2
vii. 5, 2, 6. Vajasaneyi Samhita, xiv. 30.
i 17
Taittiriya Samhita, iii. 2, 6, 3 ; Zimmer, 74.
atapatha Brahmana, vii. 2, 5, 17.
18
Cf. Av. v. 31, 3 ; Taittiriya Sam
11
Kathaka Samhita, xx. 10; Sata- hita, ii. 2, 6, 3, with Taittiriya Samhita
patba Brahmana, iv. 5, 5, 7. Cf. ii. 1, 1, 5; v. 1, 1, 3; 2, 6.
18
Weber, Zeitschrift der Deutschen Morgen- Op.cit., 77, 78.
20 xi.
landischen Gesellschaft, 18, 274. 2, 24. 25, compared with xii. 1
12 Rv. viii. 100, 11. 49- 5i-
13 ii. with Keith's note.
3, 2,
Pastyasad ] HERDSMA N OX IN MA TE 5"
'
which are in the wood (mrga bhirnd vane hitdh) ; (2) winged
creatures, represented by the Hamsa, 'gander,' Suparna,
'eagle,' Sakuna, 'bird'; (3) amphibia Simsumara, 'alligator,'
and Ajagrara, 'crocodile' (?) (4) 'fish,' Purlkaya, Jasa, ;

and Matsya; (5) insects and worms (described as rajasah).

But this division is more ingenious than probable, and it is
ignored by both Bloomfield
21
and Whitney. 22
21
Hymns of the Atharvaveda, 631. Cf. Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 72-
22 Translation of the Atharvaveda, 77-
633> 634.

' 1 '

Pa&u-pa denotes herdsman in the Rigveda. Metaphori-

2
cally the term is applied to Ptisan.
2 vi.
Cf. of Pusan and Revati,
1 i. 114, 9; 144, 6; iv. 6, 4 ;
I
58, 2.
x. 142, 2. I
Taittiriya Brahmana, iii. 1, 2, 12.

1
I. Pastha-vah occurs Yajurveda Samhitas meaning
in the
an ox, four years old, according to the commentators. This
'
qualification is, however, very doubtful, for Pasthauhi, cow,'
2 3
a word occurring quite frequently, one passage accom- is in
'

panied by the adjective prathama-garbhdh,. having a first calf,'

which disproves the theory of the age adopted by the com-
mentators.
1 2
Taittiriya Samhita, iv. 3, 5, ; saneyi Samhita, xviii. 27 ; Taittiriya
Vajasaneyi Samhita, xiv. 9 ;
xviii. 27 ; Brahmana, i. 7, 3, 3 ; 8, 3, 2; ii. 7, 2,
xxi. 17; xxiv. 13. 28. 29, etc. 2, etc.
2 3
Taittiriya Samhita, vii. I, 6, 3 ; Satapatha Brahmana, iv. 6, 1,
Kathaka Samhita, xi. 2 ; xii. 8 ; Vaja- n.

2. Pastha-vah is mentioned as a seer of Samans in the

Pancavimsa Brahmana. 1
1 xii. 5, 11. Cf. Hillebrandt, Vedische Mythologie, 2, 160.

Pastya-sad (' sitting in the house ') occurs in one passage of

the Rigveda, 1 where the sense seems to be 'inmate,' 'com-
panion.'
1 St.
vi. 51, 9. Cf. Roth, Petersburg Dictionary, s.v. ; Pischel, Vedische
Studien, 2, 211.
512 DWELLING [ Pastya

Pastya (fern, pi.) is a word occurring in several passages of

2
the Rigveda. 1 Roth ascribes to it the meaning of house' or *

*
dwelling,' in the wide sense of the term, as well as that of the
'

family living in the house ; and this view is accepted by

1

Zimmer. 3 the other hand, Pischel 4 finds in two of the

On
6
passages usually referred to Pastya the neuter Pastya, which
appears in Pastya-sad and in Pastya-vant (where the length
of the second syllable is not primitive), and which is certainly
found in the Rigveda 6 in the metaphorical sense of dwelling,' '

ascribed to it in the Naighantuka. 7 In the other passages 8 he

' '
thinks the word means
waters '; in particular, rivers or '

where Soma middle of the Pastyas 9 is spoken of, he

in the
sees a reference to Kuruksetra, with its several rivers, 10 Apaya,
11
Drsadvati, and Sarasvati (cf. 2. Pastyavant). In some passages
he sees in Pastya the proper name of a stream, just as Sindhu
'

primarily means river,' then the Indus.'

'

1
Rv. i. 40, 725, 10
164, 30 iv. 1,
; ; ; ix. 98, 12 ; and vlra-pastya, v. 50, 4, the
11 ; 9 vii. 97, 5 ix. 65, 23
vi. 49, ; ; ;
primitive word may very well be pastya,
x. 46, 6. See also iv. 55, 3 viii. 27, 5, ; not pastya.
7 iii.
where Pastya appears as a goddess. 4, misquoted by Sayana on
a St. Rv. i. 151, 2, as applying to pastya,
Petersburg Dictionary, s.v.
3 Altindisches Leben, Weber, whereas it really refers to pastya.
149. Cf.
Uber den Rajasuya, 43, n. 4 ; 63.
8
Rv. i. 25, 10 = Taittiriya Samhita,
* Vedische Studien, 2, 211-222. So i. 8, 16, 1
=Maitrayani Samhita, i. 6, 2 ;

Geldner, Rigveda, Glossar, 107. ii. 6, 12 ; 7, 16 ; iv. 4, 6 = Vajasaneyi

49, 9 ; vii. 97, 5, where the
6 vi. Samhita, x. 27; Rv. i. 40, 7; 164, 30
'

sense is householder
'
(grha-stha or (used of Agni's home) iv. 1, 11 ; ;

x. 46, 6 Taittiriya Samhita,

grhin, as Sayana renders it). ix. 65, 23 ; ;

6 x.
96, 10. 11. In x. 96, 10, Roth i.
8, 12, i
= Maitrayani Samhita, ii. 6, 8
takes pastyoh to denote the two parts of = Vajasaneyi Samhita, x. 7.
9
the Soma press, but Pischel, 2, 211, Rv. ix. 65, 23.
'
heaven 10 Rv. iii.
accepts Sayana's rendering 23, 4.
11 Rv. and
and earth.' In the compounds tri- iv. 55, 3 ; viii. 27, 5 ;
in

pastya of Agni, Rv. viii. 39, 8 pastyavant in 97, 18.

; vaja- ix.

pastya of Pusan, vi. 58, 2, of Soma,

Pastya-vant, explained in the Pada text as Pastya-vant,

i.
1
occurs in several passages of the Rigveda. In two of them

1
i. 151, 2
; ix. 97,
18 but the latter ; Bohtlingk, Dictionary, s.v., as 'kept in
passage explained by Pischel as
is the stall.'
referring to Pastya, the river, and by
Pakadurva ] DUST EDIBLE MILLET 513

a rich householder seems meant, and in the two others reference

to a house is clear. 2
'

2
Barkis, Rv. ii. 11, 16, 'of the house'; ksaydn pastydvatah, iv. 54, 5,
abodes having (fixed) habitations.'
Cf. Pischel, Vedische Studien, 2, 212.

1
Pastya-vant occurs in one passage of the Rigveda in the
2.

locative parallel with Susoma, Saryanavant, and Arjika. It

must apparently denote a place, as Pischel 2 argues, probably
corresponding to the locality 'in the middle of the streams'
(madhye pastyandtn), elsewhere referred to as the home of Soma.
3

4
Pischel suggests that Patiala is meant, though he does not lay
any stress on the similarity of name. In the north of Patiala
there are hills where the Soma might have grown. Roth 5
thought that something connected with the Soma press was
meant.
1
vni. 7, 29. 32, 260, 398, 399, takes Pastyavant
2
Vedische Studien, 2, 209. as a place-name, but thinks that pastyd
3 denotes 'hamlet,' or, as an epithet of
Rv. ix. 65, 23.
4 '

Aditi, refers to her as a housewife '

Op. cit., 2, 219.

5
St. Petersburg Dictionary, s.v. 2. (Rv. iv. 55, 3 ; viii. 27, 5).

Max Muller, Sacred Books of the East,

Pamsu in the Atharvaveda 1 and later 2 denotes 'dust' or

'
sand,' usually in the plural. Among the portents enumerated
3
in the Adbhuta Brahmana is a rain of dust or sand (pdmsu-
varsa), a phenomenon not rare in India. 4
1
vii. 109, 2 ;
xii. i, 26. 4
The adjective pdmsura is found in
2
Taittiriya Brahmana, ii. 6, io, 2 ; Rv. i. 22, 17, with a variant, pamsula,
Nirukta, xii. 19, etc. Samaveda, i. 3, 1, 3, 9. Cf. Satapatha
3 8 (Indische Studien,
vi. r, 40). Cf. Brahmana, iv. 5, 1, 9.

Varahamihira, Brhatsamhita, xxii. 6.

Paka-durva is, in a verse of the Rigveda, 1 included with

Kiyambu and VyalkaSa among the plants used for growing on
the spot where the corpse of the dead man has been consumed
2 3
with fire. The verse is repeated in the Taittiriya Aranyaka
1 x. 16, 13. I
of Philology, 11, 342-350; Journal of the
2 See Bloomfield, American Journal American Oriental Society, 15, xxxix.
\

3 vi.
4, i, 2.

VOL. I. 33
514 ULCER FIELD-RATKING OF PAftCALA [ Pakasthaman

with the variant Kyambu. In the Atharvaveda 4 the word is

read 6andadurva. Pakadurva is probably, as Sayana under-
'
stands paripakva-durvd, ripe or edible millet.'
it, Sandadurva
5
is explained by the commentator in various ways, as millet
' ' '

having egg-shaped roots (i.e., sanda, not sanda), or as having

long joints,' with the additional remark that it was called brhad-
'
durva, large millet.' In the Taittirlya Aranyaka, on the other
hand, the commentary explains Pakadurva as small millet.
4 xviii. 5
3, 6. Whitney, Translation of the Atharvaveda, 850.
Cf. Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 70.

Paka-sthaman Kaurayana is celebrated as a generous don<

in a hymn of the Rigveda. 1 Ludwig 2 suggests, without much
reason, that he may have been a king of the Anus.
1 21. 24. 2 Translation of the Rigveda,
viii. 3, 3, 160.

Pakaru is mentioned as a disease, together with Visucika

and Argas, 'haemorrhoids,' in the Vajasaneyi Samhita. 1 Its
nature is unknown; the etymology 2 points to the sense of
* '
developed sores,' ulcers.'

From paka> 'maturity,' and aru =

1 xii. 2
97. Cf. Zimmer, Altindisches I

' '

Leben, 393. | arus, sore.

Pahktra is the name of an animal mentioned in the list of

*
victims at the Asvamedha, or horse-sacrifice,' in the Yajurveda
Samhitas. 1 The *
field-rat
'
seems to be meant.
1
Maitrayani Samhita, Hi. 14, 7 ; Vajasaneyi Samhita, xxiv. 26. Cf. Zimmer,
A Itindisches Leben, 85.

Panca-janya, 'relating to the five peoples.' See Paiicajanah.

Pancala means a '

king of the Pancala people,' and is applied
to Durmukha in the Aitareya Brahmana 1 and to Sona in the
2
Satapatha Brahmana. The term is also found in the Jaiminiya
3
Upanisad Brahmana. See also Pancala.
1
viii. 23. I
3 iii. 29, 1. Cf. Kathaka Anukramani
a
xiii. 5, 4,
/. 1 J
in Indische Studien, 3 460.
Patalya ]
PATRONYMICS A PLANT GARMENT 515

Paiici, descendant of Pancan,' is the name of a teacher

'

mentioned with disapproval in the Satapatha Brahmana. 1

1 Indische Studien, 1, 434.
i. 2, 5, 9; ii. 1, 4, 27. Cf. Weber,

Patava,
'
descendant of Patu,' is a patronymic of Cakra in
the Satapatha Brahmana (xii. 8, 1, 17; 9, 3, 1).

Pata mentioned in the Atharvaveda 1 and in the Kausika

is
2
Sutra. It is assumed by the commentator to be identical
with the later Patha, the plant Clypea hernandifolia, which was
much used medicinally, and is still so used at the present day
3
according to Roth. Very possibly the word should be read as
Patha.
1 11. 27, 4. Indische Studien, 13, 190 ; 17, 266 ;

2 xxxvii. 1 18.
; xxxviii. Cf. Rgvi- Bloomfield, Hymns of the Atharvaveda,
dhana, iv. 12, 1. 305, n. 1 ; Proceedings of the American
3
Whitney, Translation
Quoted in Oriental Society, May, 1885, xlii-xliv.
of the Atharvaveda, 68. Cf. Weber,

*
Pani-g'hna, hand-clapper,' enumerated among the list of
is

victims at the Purusamedha (' human sacrifice in the Yajur- ')

veda. 1 Presumably a man who drives away birds from the

fields by making a noise is intended.

Vajasaneyi Samhita, xxx. 20

1
; Taittiriya Brahmana, iii. 4, 15, 1.

Pandva in the Satapatha Brahmana (v. 3, 5, 21) denotes an

uncoloured woollen garment.

Patalya is found in one passage of the Rigveda 1 meaning

some part of the chariot What it was is quite uncertain.
2
Hopkins suggests that, as in the Epic, it was possibly a piece
of wood on the axle to hold the pole of the car.
1 iii. 53, 17. 1 mer, Altindisches Leben, 251; Geldner,
3 American Oriental
Journal of the |
Rigveda, Glossar, 108.
Society, 13, 242, 243 ; 20, 224. Cf. Zim- |

332
5 i6
DRINKING VESSEL FOOT [ Patra
* '

Patra, primarily a drinking vessel (from pa, to drink ')

i

denotes a vessel generally both in the Rigveda 1 and later. 2 It

3
was made either of wood or clay. 4 In some passages 5 the
word is, according to Roth, used to indicate a measure. The
6 '
feminine Patri occasionally occurs in the sense of vessel.'

5
82, 4; no, 5; 162, 13 (to hold
1 i. Av. x. 10, 9 ;
xii. 3, 30 ;
Satapatha
the broth from the flesh of the horse) ; Brahmana, xiii. 4, 1, 5; Sankhayana
175. 1 ; " 37, 4 1 vi - 2 7> 6, etc. Srauta Sutra, xvi. 1, 7, etc.
2 6
Av. iv. 17, 4 ; vi. 142, 1 ; ix. 6, 17 ; Aitareya Brahmana, viii. 17 ; Sata-
xii. 3, 25. 36; Taittiriya Samhita, v. 1, patha Brahmana, i. 1, 2, 8 ; ii. 5, 3, 6 ;

6, 2 ;
vi. 3, 4, 1 ; Vajasaneyi Samhita, 6, 2, 7 ;
Sankhayana Srauta Sutra,
xvi. 62 ; xix. 86, etc. v. 8, 2.
3 Rv. i. 175, 3. Cf. Zimmer. Altindisches Leben, 271.
4 Av. iv. 17, 4.

1
Pathya, a word occurring only once in the Rigveda, is
' '

either an epithet meaning being in heaven (pathas), or a

patronymic, as Sayana interprets it, of Vrsan.

1 vi. 16, 15. Cf. Satapatha Brahmana, vi. 4, 2, 4; Max Miiller, Sacred Books
of the East, 32, 153.

Atharvaveda 1 and later 2 denotes the

'
i. Pada in the
'
foot
an animal, a bird, and other creatures.
1 xiv.
1, 60. I
Satapatha Brahmana, xii. 8, 3, 6, etc
2
Aitareya Brahmana, viii. 5. 12 ; I Kausitaki Upanisad, i. 5.

'

Pada, as a measure of length, denotes foot in the Sa

'
2.

patha Brahmana.
1
The term is occasionally 2 used to expre
a measure of weight. As a fraction it means a quarter,' a
'

' '

sense derived from that of foot of a quadruped (just as sapha,

the divided hoof, comes to mean an eighth ').
*

1 vi. 2
5, 3, 2; vii. 2, 1, 7; viii. 7, 2, Nirukta, ii. 7 ; Brhadaranyaka
17 ; Asvalayana Srauta Sutra, vi. 10, Upanisad, iii. 1, 2.
3
etc. Rv. x. 90, 3. 4.

' '

3. Pada
the regular expression for a quarter verse in the
is

This sense is merely a limitation of ' quarter =

'
1
Brahmanas.
* '

the foot of a quadruped.

1
Aitareya Brahmana, iv. 4 Kausi- ;
I xi. 6; Latyayana Srauta Sutra, i.
2, 1 ;

taki Brahmana, xxvi. 5; Nirukta, vii. 9; |

x. 6, 9, etc.
Payu ] DRINK FOOT-BATH BAD SEASON SCAB GUARD 517

1
Satapatha Brahmana and the
*
Pana, drink,' occurs in the
2
Upanisads.
1 viii.
xiii. 4, 2, 17. 43 ;
Chandogya Upanisad, 2, 7,
2
Brhadaranyaka Upanisad, iv. 1, |
etc

1 2
Panta occurs several
Rigveda, apparently times in the
' 3 * '

meaning drink,' beverage (cf. Pana). Geldner, however,

4
thinks that in one passage Panta is the name of a prince.
1
1. 122, 1 ; 155, 1 ; viii. 92, 1 ;
ix. Petersburg Dictionary, s.v. ;
Olden-
65, 28 (a very doubtful passage); x. berg, Rgveda-Noten, 1, 122, 123.
3 Vedische Studien,
88, 1. 2, 139 ; Rigveda,
2
So Nirukta, vii. 25 ; Roth, St. Glossar, 108,

1
Pan-nejana in the Satapatha Brahmana denotes a 'vessel
for washing the feet.'
1 iii. 8, 2, 1 ; 9, 3, 27 ;
xiii. 5, 2, 1.

Papa-yaksma. See Yaksma.

Papa-sama, a 'bad season,' is in the Taittiriya Samhita 1

'

opposed to Punya-sama, a good season.'

1 iii.
3, 8, 4. Cf. Weber, Naxatra, 2, 342.

Paman occurs in the Atharvaveda 1 as the name of a skin

disease. Theadjective, Pamana, suffering from
derivative '

skin disease,' found in the later Samhitas and the Brahmanas. 2

is

Since it is mentioned as an accompaniment of fever, probably

a cutaneous eruption or scab consequent on fever is meant.
1
v. 22, 12. Cf. for the reading, Cf. Grohmann, Indische Studien, 9,
Whitney, Translation of the Atharva- 401 et seq. Zimmer, Altindisches Leben,
;

veda, 261. See also Chandogya Upani- 388 Schrader, Prehistoric Antiquities,
;

sad, iv. 1, 8. 421, n. Bloomfield, Hymns of the

;

2
Samhita, vi. 1, 3, 8
Taittiriya ; Atharvaveda, 450, 451 ; Atharvaveda,
Kathaka Samhita, xxiii. 4 Satapatha ; 63.
Brahmana, iii. 2, 1, 31.

i. Payu, meaning 'guard,' 'protector,' occurs several times

1
in the Rigveda.
1 iv. 2, 6 12 vi. 15, 8 viii. 18, 2 x. 100, 9.
i. 147, 3 ;
ii. 1, 7 ; ; 4, 3. ; ; ; 60, 19 ;
5 i8 A POET RIVER BANK DOVE A PEOPLE [ Payu

2. Payu is found in the Rigveda 1 as the name of a poet, a

Bharadvaja. In the Brhaddevata 2 he is credited with assisting
Abhyavartin Cayamana and Prastoka Sarnjaya by conse-
3
crating their weapons with a hymn.
1 vi. 2
47, 24. Cf. Ludwig, Translation v. 124 et seq., with Macdonell's notes.
of the Rigveda, 3, 128. 3
vi. 75 (the 'battle
'

hymn).

*
Para, in accordance with its derivation (pr, bring across'),
denotes the farther bank of a river or stream, in which sense 1
' '

2 3
it occurs in the
Rigveda and later.
1 It also often has the generalized 3
Taittiriya Samhita, vii. 5, 1, 2. 3;
snse of 'extreme limit' or 'end,' as Kathaka Samhita, xxxiii. 5 Satapatha ;

in i. 92, 6 (tamasas, of darkness ') ; Brahmana, iii. 6, 2, 4 (salilasya) ;

v. 54, 10 (adhvanah, '

of a road '). Aitareya Brahmana, viii. 21 {para-hama,
a i.
desiring the farther bank '), etc.
' *
121, 13 (navyandm, of streams ') ;

viii. 96, 11 (nadindm) ; i. 167, 2 (samud-

rasya); x. 155, 3 (sindhoh), etc.

Paraavya, 'descendant of Parasu,' is the patronymic of

Tipindipa in the Sankhayana Srauta Sutra (xvi. n, 20). Cf.
Paru.

1. Paravata occurs in the list of victims at the Asvamedha

1
('horse sacrifice'), in the Yajurveda, meaning 'turtle-dove.'

1
Maitrayani Samhita, iii. 14, 6 ; Vajasaneyi Samhita, xxiv. 25.

2. Paravata occurs in several passages of the Rigveda.

Roth 1 thinks that in most places 2 it means 'coming from a

3
distance,' but in two passages he regards it as the proper
name of a people on the Yamuna (Jumna). It is certain that
in the Pancavim^a Brahmana the Paravatas are a people on
that river TuraSravas).
(cf. Hillebrandt 4 sees in all the
5
passages the name of a people, comparing the Uapvrjrat of
1 St.
Petersburg Dictionary, s.v. tions of the Connecticut Academy of Arts
a
v. 52, II; viii. 100, 6; Av.
Rv. and Sciences, 15, 53.
xx. 135, 14; paravata - ghrii of the * Vedische et
Mythologie, 1, 97 seq.:
Sarasvati, Rv. vi. 61, 2. 3, 310, following Brunnhofer, Iran und
3 Rv. viii. Pancavimsa Brah-
34, 18 ; Turan, 99.
5
mana, ix. 4, 11. Cf. Hopkins, Transac- See notes 2 and 3.
Paraiarya ] METRONYMICSPA TRONYMIC 519

Ptolemy, who apparently were settled on the northern border

of Gedrosia, or the Hapovrcu, who were found in Apeta* He
* '

suggests that they were originally mountaineers (cf. Parvata).

8 9
Ludwig holds a similar view, and Geldner recognizes a people
as meant. The mention of the Sarasvati in connexion with
the Paravatas 2 in the Rigveda accords generally with their
3
position on the Yamuna in the Pancavimsa Brahmana.
6 9
vi. 20, 3. It is suggested by Hille- Rigveda, Glossar, 109.
brandt that the 'Avap^rat of Herodotus, Cf. Hopkins, Journal of the American
iii. 91, may be the same. Oriental Society, 17, 91 Max Miiller, ;

7 vi. 17. Sacred Books of the East, 32, 316.

Ptolemy,
8 Translation of the Rigveda, 3, 162,
197.

ParaSari-kaundini-putra is mentioned in the last Vamsa

(list of teachers) of the Brhadaranyaka Upanisad (vi. 4, 30),
in the Madhyamdina recension, as a pupil of Gargiputra.

'
Paraari-putra, son of a female descendant of Paraiara,' is
mentioned in the last Vams'a (list of teachers) in the Brhad-
1
aranyaka Upanisad as a pupil of Katyayaniputra, of Aupasva-
1 2 3
tiputra, of Vatsiputra, of Varkaruniputra, and of Gargl-
4
putra. Different men are no doubt meant.

1 Kanva. 3 vi.
vi. 5, 1, 4, 31, Madhyamdina.
3 vi. Kanva. * vi.
5, 2, 4, 30, Madhyamdina.

Paraiarya, 'descendant of ParaSapa,' is mentioned in the

first two Vamsas Brhadaranyaka
(lists of teachers) of the
1
Upanisad as a pupil of Jatukarnya or of Bharadvaja.
2
A
3
Paraiarya is also mentioned as a pupil of Baijavapayana, and
Vyasa Paraiarya is the pupil of Visvaksena according to the
Vamsa at the end of the Samavidhana Brahmana. 4 See also
Asadha, Jayanta, VipaScit, Sudatta.
1 ii.
6, 3 ; iv. 6, 3, Kanva ; ii.
5, 21 ;
3
ii. 6, 2, Kanva.
iv. 5, 27, Madhyamdina. Cf. Taittiriya Aranyaka, i. 9, 2.
2 ii. 4
5, 20; iv. 5, 26, Madhyamdina; Jaiminiya Upanisad Brahmana,
ii. 6, 2 ; iv. 6, 2. 3, Kanva. iii. 41 1.
520 PATRONYMICS CYCLIC TALE [ Parasaryayana

Parasaryayana is mentioned in the first two Vamsas (lists

1
of teachers) in the Brhadaranyaka Upanisad as a pupil of

Parasarya.
1 ii.
5, 21 ; iv. 5, 27 (Madhyamdina = ii. 6, 3 ; iv. 6, 3, Kanva).

Parikuta is an obscure word probably corrupt occurring

in a verse cited in the Aitareya Brahmana (viii. 22, 7), and
*

apparently meaning attendant.'

Pariksita, 'descendant of Pariksit,' is the patronymic of

1
Janamejaya in the Aitareya Brahmana and the Satapatha
2 The Pariksitiyas appear in the Satapatha Brah-
Brahmana.
mana 3 and the Sankhayana Srauta Sutra 4 as performers of the
horse sacrifice. In a Gatha there cited they are called Pari-
ksitas. Apparently they were the brothers of Janamejaya, named

Ugrasena, Bhimasena, and Srutasena. In the Brhadaranyaka

6
Upanisad the question whither they have gone is made the
subject of a philosophical discussion. It is clear that the family
had passed away before the time of the Upanisad, and it is also
clear that there had been some serious scandal mingled with
their greatness which they had, in the opinion of the Brahmins,
atoned for by their horse sacrifice with its boundless gifts to
the priests. Weber 6 sees in this the germ of the Epic stories
which are recorded in the Mahabharata.
verses relating to Pariksit in the Atharvaveda 7 are calle<
The
8
Pariksityah in the Brahmanas.

27 and 34
1 7
vii. ; viii. 11. xx. 127, 7-10 ; ^ankhayana Sraut
2 xiii.
5, 4, 1. Cf. Gopatha Brah- Sutra, xii. 17 ; Scheftelowitz,
mana, i. 2, 6; ii. 6, 12. Apokryphen des Rgveda, 156, 157.
3 8
xiii. 5, 4, 3. Aitareya Brahmana, vi. 32, 10
4 5
xvi. 9, 7. iii. 3, 1. Kausitaki Brahmana, xxx. 5 Gopaths ;

6
Indian Literature, 125, 126 135, 136. ; Brahmana, ii. 6, 12 ; Weber, op. cit.,
The later legend of the Pariksitas and 136, n. 144.
Vamadeva's mares is dealt with by
Weber in Vedische Beitrdge (1894).

'
Pari-plava, cyclic,' is a term applied to the Akhyana, 01
'tale/ which is to be recited at the AsVamedha (' hors<
Parthava ] HOUSEHOLD UTENSILS PATRONYMICS 521

sacrifice'), and to be repeated at intervals throughout the year.

It is mentioned in the Satapatha Brahmana 1 and in the
Sutras. 2
1 xiii.
4, 3, 2. 15. I
Sankhayana Srauta Sutra, xvi. 1, 26;
2
Asvalayana Srauta Sutra, x. 6 ; I 2,36; Latyayana Srauta Sutra, ix. 9, 11.

'
'
Parl-nahya denotes household utensils in the Taittiriya
1
Samhita, where it is said that the wife (patni), as mistress of
the house, has charge of all these. 2
1
vi. 2, 1, 1. I variant form of pari-nahya in Manu,
2
The word occurs later in the |
ix. 11.

Parusna, occurring in the list of victims at the Asvamedha

1
(' horse sacrifice ') in the Yajurveda Samhitas, appears to
mean some kind of bird.
1
MaitrayanI Samhita, iii. 14, 4 ; Vajasaneyi Samhita, xxiv. 24.

Parovarya-vid in the Nirukta (xiii. 12) denotes

'
knowers of
tradition.'

*
Parna-valki, descendant of Parnavalka,' is the patronymic
of Nig*ada in the Vama Brahmana. 1

1 Indische Studien, 4, 372 ;

Max Miiller, Ancient Sanskrit Literature, 443.

Parthava, 'descendant of Prthu,' occurs once in the Rig-

1
veda, where the Parthavas are mentioned as generous donors.
The passage is somewhat obscure, as there is a reference 2 to a
defeat of the TurvaSas and the Vrcivants by Srfijaya Daiva-
vata, followed in the next verse by the praise of the bounty to
the singer of Abhyavartin Cayamana, who was clearly a
Parthava, and who, in the earlier part of the hymn, has been
referred to as victorious over Varaikha. It is uncertain

whether, as Zimmer 3 suggests, the two princes, Abhyavartin

1 vi. 2 vi. 3 Altindisches
27, 8. 27, 7. Leben, 133, 134.
522 PATRONYMICS TEXTBOOK MESSENGER [ParthaSrava -
Cayamana and Srnjaya Daivavata, are identical or not. 4 That
Parthava has any direct connexion with the Parthians, as held
5
by Brunnhofer, is most improbable. Cf. ParSu.
*
Cf. Hillebrandt, Vedische Mythologie, Rigveda, 3, 196 et seq. Herodotos,
I, 105. 93, mentions the
iii. Il&pdoc.
5
Cf. Ludwig, Translation of the

Partha-Sravasa, 'descendant of Prthu-sravas,' is found as

the name of a demon in the Jaiminiya Upanisad Brahmana. 1
1
iv. 26, 15. This form of the name I Kauslka Sutra, ix. 10 ; xvii. 27. But
is its occurrence in the Parthu- is also possible.
supported by |

Parthya, descendant of Prthi,' is the patronymic of some

donor in a hymn of the Rigveda. 1 The form of the name in
the Asvalayana Srauta Sutra 2 is Partha.
1
x 93. 15.
a xii. 10.
Cf the AnukramanI on Rv. x. 93.

Parvati, 'descendant of Parvata,' is the patronymic of

Daksa in the Satapatha (ii. 4, 4, 6) and the Kausltaki (iv. 4)
Brahmanas.

1
Parsada, which appears in the Nirukta, denotes a text-
first

book recognized by a school of grammarians.

Cf. Max Miiller, Ancient Sanskrit Literature, 128 et seq.
1
i. 17. Weber, ;

Studien, 3, 269 ; 4, 217.

'
Parsad-vana, descendant of Prsadvana,' is mentioned as a
wonder-worker in the Rigveda. 1
1 viii.
51,2. Cf. Ludwig, Translation of the Rigveda, 3, 139.

Parsna Sailana is mentioned as a teacher in the Jaiminiya

Upanisad Brahmana (ii. 4, 8).

1
Palagala occurs in the Satapatha Brahmana apparently in
' *
the sense of messenger,' or bearer of false news.'
1 *
v. 3, 1, n. Eggeling, Sacred Books of the East, 26, 64, renders it courier.
Paya ] SOMA VERSES ROPE A KING BULWARKS 523

Palagfali is the name of the fourth and least respected wife of

the king. 1 See Pati.
1
Satapatha Brahmana, xiii. 4, 1, 8; 5, 2, 8, etc.

Pavamani means the verses (rcas) in the ninth Mandala of

the Rigveda 'relating to Soma Pavamana' ('purifying itself).
The name is found in the Atharvaveda 1 and later, 2 possibly
even in one hymn of the Rigveda itself. 3
1 xix.
71, I. ii. 2, 2, etc. ; Maitrayani Grhya Sutra,
2
Aitareya Brahmana, i. 20; ii. 37; ii. 14.
Kausitaki Brahmana, xv. 3
1 ; Satapatha ix. 67, 31. 32 ; Geldner, Vedische
Brahmana, xii. 8, 1, 10; Nirukta, Studien, 3, 99, n. 3.
xi. 2 ; xii. 31 ; Aitareya Aranyaka,
1
Paia denotes a 'rope' used for
in the Rigveda and later 2

fastening or tying up. Rope and knot (granthi) are mentioned

3
together in the Atharvaveda. Pasa is in the Satapatha Brah-
mana 4 used of the rope by which Manu's ship was fastened to
the mountain. It is oftenemployed metaphorically of the
of Varuna. 5
' '
fetter
1 4
i. 24, 13. 15 ;
ii.
27, 16 ; 29, 5, etc. i. 8, 1, 5 .
2 Av. 5 Rv.
ii. 12, 2 ; ix. 3, 2 ;
Vajasaneyi vi. 74, 4; vii. 88, 7; x. 85, 24;

Samhita, vi. 8. 45, etc. Av. iv. 16, 6; Taittiriya Samhita, ii. 2,
4 ix.
3, 2. 5, 1, etc.

1
Pasin, 'having a noose,' denotes a 'hunter' in the Rigveda
and in the Atharvaveda. 2
1 iii.
45, 1 ; ix. 73, 4. So of Nirrti in Aitareya Brahmana, iv. 10.
2 xvii.
i, 8.

PaSa-dyumna Vayata is the name of a king to whom the

Vasisthas claim to have been preferred by Indra in one hymn
of the Rigveda. 1 Apparently he was, as Sayana says, son of
Vayat, who may be compared with the Vyalt of another passage
of the Rigveda. 2 Ludwig 3 sees in him a priest of the Prthus
and Parsus, but this is most improbable. 4
1 vii. 3 Translation of the Rigveda, 3, 173.
33, 2. I

2 4
i. 122, 4. Geldner, Vedische Studien, 2, 130, 139.

Pasya occurs one passage of the Rigveda 1 with reference

in
to the defeat of Vrtra, and apparently denotes stone bulwarks.'
'

1 i. 56, 6.
 524 CUCKOO BOWSTRING GRASS FLOUR BALL [ Pika

In another passage 2 the word may mean the stones used for
pressing Soma.
2 ix.
102, 2. Cf, Macdonell, Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, 1893, 457, 458.

Pika, the Indian cuckoo,' is mentioned in the list of victims

at the Asvamedha (' horse sacrifice ') in the Yajurveda Sam-
1
hitas. Cf. Anyavapa, Koka.
1
Taittiriya Samhita, v. 5, 15, 1 ;
I
saneyi Samhita, xxiv. 39. Cf. Zimmer,
Maitrayani Samhita, iii. 14, 20; Vaja- I Altindisches Leben, 92.

Ping*a found in one passage of the Rigveda, 1 where it is

is

explained by the St. Petersburg Dictionary with Sayana as

2
'bowstring,' but where Hillebrandt thinks that a musical
instrument of some kind is meant.
1 2
viii. 69, 9. Vedische Mythologie, 1, 144, n.

Pijavana is the name of the father of Sudas according to the

Nirukta. 1 Probably this statement is based on a mere con-
jecture from the epithet Paijavana used of Sudas in a verse of
the Rigveda, 2 but may very well be correct.
1 ii. 2 vii. So Aitareya Brahman a, viii. 21.
24. 18, 19.

' '

Piiijula denotes a bundle of grass or stalks, especially of

Darbha. The word is only found in the Brahmana style. 1
1 Kathaka Paraskara Grhya Sutra, i. 15 of Pun-
Samhita, xxiii. 1 Aitareya ; ;

Brahmana, i. 3 Kausitaki Brahmana,

; jila in Taittiriya
Samhita, vi. 1, i, 7;
xviii. 8. It appears in the form of 2, 4, 3 ;
Taittiriya Brahmana, i. 7, 6, 4 ;

pinjula in Maitrayani Samhita, iv. 8, 7 ; ". 7. 9. 5-

Pithinas is the name of a man, a friend of Indra, in the

1
Rigveda.
1
vi. 26, 6. Cf. Ludwig, Translation of the Rigveda, 3, 156.

Pinda, denoting specifically a ball of flour offered to the

Manes, especially on the evening of new moon, occurs in the
1 2
Nirukta, and repeatedly in the Sutras.
1
iii. 4. J Latyayana rauta Sutra, ii. 10, 4, etc.
Pitamaha ] FATHER AND SON GRANDFATHER 525

Pita-putra, 'father and son,' is a compound of rare occur-

rence.

1
Av. vi. 112, 2 ; Satapatha Brahmana, xiii. 2, 4, 4.

Pita-putriya ('relating to father and son'), used with Sam-

pradana (' handing over ') means the ceremony by which a
father, when about to die, bequeathes his bodily and mental
powers to his son. It is described in the Kausitaki Upanisad. 1
1
ii. 15. Cf. Weber, Indische Studien, 1, 408.

Pita-maha, beside Tatamaha, denotes from the Atharvaveda

onwards 1 the 'paternal grandfather,' apparently as a father in '

a higher sense.' 2 The great-grandfather is Prapitamaha and

Pratatamaha. 3 It is significant that there are no corresponding
Vedic words for maternal grandparents, and that the words
used in the latter language, such as Matamaha, are imitations
of the terms for paternal relations.
In one passage of the Rigveda 4 Delbriick 5 suggests that
'
make pitre means grandfather,' a sense which would well suit
'
the napatarn, grandson,' following, but the sense of the whole
6
passage is uncertain.
We learn very from the texts of the position of grand-
little

parents. No doubt they were entitled to marks of respect

7
similar to those shown to parents, as the epic expressly
testifies. A
grandfather might easily be the head of the family,
or be living with his eldest son, after he ceased to be able to
control the family.
The grandmother (Pitamahi) is not mentioned in the extant
Vedic literature.

1 5
Av. v. 5, 1 ; ix. 5, 30 ;
xi. 1, 19 ; Ibid., 473.
6
xviii. 4, 35 ; Taittiriya Samhita, i. 8, See Pischel, Vedische Studien, 2, 128,
5, 1 ;
vii. 2, 7, Vajasaneyi Samhita,
3 ;
n. 1. Roth, St. Petersburg Dictionary,
xix. 36 ; Satapatha Brahmana, v. 5, s.v., also doubts the view which is

5.4- accepted by Delbriick, and denies

2 that in Rv. i. 71, 5, the sense of
Delbriick, Die indogermanischen Ver-
'

grandfather can be found.

*

wandtschaftsnamen, 474.
3 7
Av. xviii. 4, 75. Delbriick, op. cit., 480, citing
4 vi.
20, 11. Maha.bha.rata, ii. 1634.
526 N UTRIMENTFA THER [ Pitu

Pitu in the Rigveda 1 and later 2 has the general sense of

nutriment,' whether food or drink.

Vajasaneyi Samhita, ii. 20

1
i.
61, 7; 132, 6; 187, 1 ; vi. 20, 4, v. 7, 2, 4 ; ;

etc. xii. 65 ; Aitareya Brahmana, i. 13.

2 Av. iv. 6, 3 ; Taittiriya Samhita,

Pitr, common from the Rigveda onwards, denotes 'father,'

not so much as the begetter (janitr), 1 but rather as
' '
the pro-
tector of the child, this being probably also the etymological
sense of the word. 2 The father in the Rigveda 3 stands for all
4
that is good and kind. Hence Agni is compared with a father,
while Indra is even dearer than a father. 5 The father carries
his son in his arms, 6 and places him on his lap, 7 while the child
8
garment to attract attention.
pulls his In later years the son
9
depends on his father for help in trouble, and greets him
with joy. 10
It is difficult to ascertain precisely how far the son was

subject to parental control, and how long such control con-

tinued. Reference is made in the Rigveda 11 to a father's
chastising his son for gambling, and RjraSva is said to have
been blinded by his father. 12 From the latter statement
Zimmer 13 infers the existence of a developed patria potestas, but
to lay stress on this isolated and semi-mythical incident would
be unwise. however, quite likely that the patria potestas
It is,

was originally strong, for we have other support for the thesis
in the Roman patria potestas. If there is no proof that a father

1 5
Pita janitd is used of gods in the Rv. vii. 32, 19 viii. I, 6. ;

6
Rigveda e.g., iv. 17, 12. Rv. i. 38, 1.
aAs derived from pa, 'protect.' 7 Rv. v. 43, 7.
But, as Bohtlingk and Roth, St. Peters-
8
Rv. iii. 53, 2.
9 In Rv. x. 48, 1, the jantavah possibly
burg Dictionary, s.v. Matar, footnote,
suggest, pa and ma were probably the are the sons.
much older 10 Rv. vii.
original onomatopoetic 103, 3. Cf. i.
24, l.

names father and 11

mother,' which
'
for ' '
Rv. ii. 29, 5.
in a later reflective age influenced the 12 Rv. There is
i. 116, 16; 117, 17.
formation of pitr and matr (which them- also the case of the sale of Sunahsepa,
selves go back to the Indo-European Aitareya Brahmana, vii. 12-18 and ;

period) .
cf. Jaatapatha Brahmana, v. 3, 3, 3.
13 Altindisches
See, e.g., iv. 17, 17; viii. 86, 4. Leben, 316.
4 Rv. x. 7, 3.
Pitr ] PATERNAL AUTHORITY 527

14
legally controlled his son's wedding, and not much that he
15
controlled his daughter's, the fact is in itself not im-
probable.
There again no evidence to show whether a son, when
is

grown up, normally continued to stay with his father, his wife
becoming a member of the father's household, or whether he
set up a house of his own probably the custom varied. Nor
:

do we know whether the son was granted a special plot of land

on marriage or otherwise, or whether he only came into such
property after his father's death. But any excessive estimate
of the father's powers over a son who was no longer a minor
and naturally under his control, must be qualified by the fact
that in his old age the sons might divide their father's property, 16
or he might divide it amongst them, 17 and that when the
father-in-law became aged he fell under the control of his son's
wife. 18 There are also obscure traces that in old age a father
might be exposed, though there is no reason to suppose that
19
this was usual in Vedic India.
20
Normally the son was bound to give his father full obedience.
The later Sutras show in detail the acts of courtesy which he
owed his father, and they allow him to eat the remnants of his
father's food.
21
On the other hand, the father was expected
to be kind. The story of Sunahgepa in the Aitareya Brah-

u Cf. Delbriick, Die indogermanischen (Journal of the American Oriental Society,

Verwandtschaftsnamen, 576. Ibid., 582, 26, 61, 62).
he quotes Mahabharata, xii. 6108 et seq., 17
Taittiriya Samhita, iii. 1, 9, 4-6.
which refers in one line to the control Cf. the handing over from father to
of the marriage of the son by the father, son in the Kausitaki Upanisad, ii. 15.
and in the next to a case of free marriage. If the father recovered, he lived subject
The fact is, no doubt, that the son to his son.
could marry freely, unless his father is RV . x. 85, 46.

had arranged matters for him when he 19

Cf. Rv.
viii. 51, 2 ; Av. xviii. 2, 34.

was too young to object. The passage need not refer to

first
is
Zimmer, op. cit., 309, assumes this exposure, and the second merely refers
as certain, but it is far from proved. to the exposure of a dead body; but

See, however, Jaiminiya Upanisad Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 326 -

328,
Brahmana, iii. 12, 2, which is in thinks that they prove exposure. Cf.
favour of Zimmer's view. Cf. Kaegi, Dharma.
Der Rigveda, 15, and Pati. 20 RV . i. 68, 5.
16 Rv. i.
70, 10 Aitareya Brahmana,
;
2i
Apastamba Dharma Sutra, i. 1,

v. 14 Jaiminiya Brahmana, iii. 156

; 4. .
 528 ADOPTION [ Pitr

22
mana emphasizes the horror with which the father's heartless
treatment of his son was viewed. The Upanisads 23 insist on the
spiritual succession from father to son. The kissing of a son M
was a frequent and usual token of affection, even in mature
years.
On
the failure of natural children, adoption was possible. 25
It was even resorted to when natural children existed, but
when it was desired to secure the presence in the family of a

person of specially high qualifications, as in Visvamitra's

26
adoption of Sunahsepa. It is not clear that adoption from

one caste into another was possible, for there is no good

evidence that Visvamitra was, as Weber 27 holds, a Ksatriya
who adopted a Brahmana. Adoption was also not always in
favour it may be accidental or not that a
high :
hymn of the
Vasistha book of the Rigveda 28 condemns the usage. It was
also possible for the father who had a daughter, but no sons,
to appoint her to bear a son for him. At any rate the practice
29
appears to be referred to in an obscure verse of the Rigveda
30
as interpreted by Yaska. Moreover, it is possible that the
31
difficulty of a brotherless maiden finding a husband may have
been due in part to the possibility of her father desiring to
make her a Putrika, the later technical name for a daughter
whose son is to belong to her father's family.
There can be no doubt that in a family the father took
32
precedence of the mother. Delbriick 33 explains away the
34
apparent cases to the contrary. There is no trace of the
22 vii. 12 et
seq. ;
Sankhayana Srauta Vll. 4, 7. 8.
29
Sutra, xv. 17 et seq. iii. 31, 1.
23 30
E.g., Kausitaki
Upanisad, ii. 15 ; iii. 5 ad fin. Cf. Weber, Indische

Brhadaranyaka Upanisad, i. 5, 25 Studien, 5, 343 ; Geldner, Vedische Studien,

(Madhyamdina = i. 5, 17, Kanva). 3, 34; Oldenberg, Rgveda-Noten, 1,
24 See
Hopkins, Journal oj the American 239-241.
31
Oriental Society, 28, 120-134; Keith, Cf. Bhratr.
32
Sankhayana Aranyaka, 26, n. 3. Satapatha Brahmana, ii. 5, 1, 18 ;

Cf. Zimmer, A Itindisches Leben, 318;

25 a citation in Sankhayana Grhya Sutra,
Mayr, Indisches Erbrecht, 73 Jolly, Die;
i. 9; Chandogya Upanisad vii. 15, 2.
33 Die indogermanischen Verwandt-
Adoption in Indien (Wiirzburg, 1910),
7 et seq. schaftsnamen, 577.
26 34
Aitareya Brahmana, vii. 17 et seq. ; Brhadaranyaka Upanisad, iv. 7,

Sankhayana Srauta Sutra, xv. 17. Cf. 5. Some passages in the Sutras present
Hillebrandt, Vedische Mythologie, 2, 157. difficulties, but they are of no im-
27
Episches im vedischen Ritual, 33, 34. portance for Vedic times proper.
 Pitryana ] WAY OF THE FATHERS 529

35
family as a land-owning corporation. The dual form Pitarau
means 'father and 36
regularly mother,' 'parents.'
35 Baden whose various
Powell, of sons may well be, not a sign of
works (Indian Village Community, 1896 ; original joint or family ownership, but
Village Communities in India, 1899, etc. ) a development from the existence of
have done most combat the view of
to intestate succession, and as in England,
the village community in India as a so in India, there is no trace of a

land-holding institution, is prepared to corporate joint family in the early

recognize the family as a land-owning books. And, as Jolly (op. cit., 76, 80)
unit, considering that the patria potestas shows, there are clear traces, both in
is a later growth, and not Indian (see, old and modern times, of a despotic
e.g., Village Communities in India, 128 control of the family by the father even
et
Hopkins, India, Old and New,
seq.). after his sons grew up, provided only
218 et seq., adopts a theory which allows that he was physically able to control
of individual and joint family owner- them. The same state of affairs seems
ship side by side, the latter being proved for early English law, as it is

apparently the earlier but the decadent beyond question for Roman law (see
stage. He expressly considers (p. 222) Smith's Dictionary of Antiquities, 2, 351
that the son had an indefeasible right to et seq.).In Greece also, which is some-
prevent the father from alienating the times contrasted with Rome, there is
hereditary land, which could only be the clearest trace of both a real patria
parted with by the consent of the village potestas, and of the absolute ownership
if it were a case of joint of the land by the father as against
ownership
(cf. the verse cited by Jolly, Recht und the son, especially in the archaic laws
Sitte, 94). But it must be remembered of Gortyn (see Gardner and Jevons,
that, as is very clearly shown in the Greek Antiquities, 404, 405, 563, 566).
case of English law by Pollock and 36 Rv. 20, 4
i. ; 160, 3 ;
ii. 17, 7 ;

Maitland (History of English Law, 2, vii. 67, 1 ; Kathaka Samhita, xxiii 10 ;

337-352), the recognition of the rights Vajasaneyi Samhita, xix. 11, etc.

1
Pitr-yana, the
'
way of the fathers,' mentioned in the Rigveda
2 '
of the gods.'
and later, is opposed to the Deva-yana, or way
Tilak 3 considers that Devayana corresponds with the the
Uttarayana, 'northern journey' of the sun, and the Pitryana
with the Daksinayana, its southern journey.' He concludes '

from a passage of the Satapatha Brahmana, 4 where three of

the seasons spring, summer, and the rains are ascribed to
the gods, but the others to the Pitrs, or Fathers, that the
Devayana began with the vernal equinox, and the Pitryana
with the autumnal equinox. With this he connects the curious

1 x.
7. Cf. the allusion to it in Vajasaneyi Samhita, xix. 45; Chan-
2,
x. 18, 1, as other than the Devayana, dogya Upanisad, v. 3, 2, etc.
3
which appears in x. 98, 11. Orion, 22 et seq.

2
Av. viii. 10, 19; xii. 2, 10, etc. ;
11. 1, 3. !"3.

VOL. I. 34
53 PARRICIDE CLUB ANT [ Pitrhan

distinctionof Deva- and Yama-Naksatras in the Taittiriya

Brahmana. 5 These conclusions are, however, very improbable.
Cf. Naksatpa and Surya.
5
i-
5, 2, 6.

'
Pitr-han, parricide/ is found in the Atharvaveda, 1 Paippa-
lada recension.
1 ix. s.v.
4, 3. Cf. Bohtlingk, Dictionary,

Pitrya occurs in the list of sciences given in the Chandogya

1
Upanisad. Apparently it is to be taken as the science relating
to the cult of the Manes, as explained by Sankara in his

commentary. As it is in that list followed by Rai, the

St. Petersburg Dictionary is inclined to take Pitrya Rasi as one

expression, but in what exact sense does not appear.

1 vii.
1, 2. 4; 2, 1 ; 7, 1. Cf. "Weber, Indische Studien, 1, 267; Little, Gram-
matical Index, 98.

Pitva 1 or Pidva 2 is the name of an animal included in

the list of victims at the AsVamedha (' horse sacrifice ') in the
Yajurveda Samhitas. According to the commentator on the
1
Taittiriya Samhita it means 'lion.' But it may be identical
with Petva.
1
Taittiriya Samhita, v. 5, 17, 1. Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 79 Bloom ;

2
Maitrayanl Samhita, iii. 14, 13 ; field, Journal of the American Oriental
Vajasaneyi Samhita, xxiv. 32. Cf. Society, 29, 290.

Pinaka, 'club,' is found in the Atharvaveda.

1
Later 2 it is

used to denote the club of Rudra-Siva.

1 1.
27, 2. Vajasaneyi Samhita, iii. 61; xvi. 51,
2
Taittiriya Samhita, 8, 6, 2; I etc.

Pinvana occurs in the Satapatha Brahmana (xiv. 1, 2, 17 ;

2, 1, 11 ; 3, 1, 22) as the name of a vessel used in the ritual.

'
Pipila, ant,' is mentioned in the Rigveda (x. 16, 6) as eating
the flesh of the dead.
Pippala ] ANT A BIRDBERRY 53i

1
Pipilika in the Atharvaveda and later denotes an 'ant/ 2

the form of the word referring doubtless not so much to the

small species of ant, as it is taken in the later lexicons, 3 but
rather to the insect's tiny size, which would naturally be
expressed by a diminutive formation of the name. The form
4
Pipllaka is found in the Chandogya Upanisad.6
1 vii. 3
56, 7. Cf. xx. 134, 6. St. Petersburg Dictionary, s.v.
2 4 '
Maitrayani Samhita, iii. 6, 7 ; Cf. kaninaka beside kaninikd, pupil
PancavimSa Brahmana, v. 6, 10 ;
of the eye.
'

6
xv. 17, 8 Brhadaranyaka Upanisad,
; vii. 2, 1 ; 7, 1 ; 8, 1 ; 10, 1.
i. 4, 9. 29 (Madhyamdina = i. 4, 4, 16 Cf. Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 97 ;

Kanva) ; Nirukta, vii. 13 ; Aitareya Edgerton, Journal of the American

Aranyaka, i. 3, 8 ; ii. 1, 6. Oriental Society, 31, 128.

Pippaka is mentioned in the list of victims at the Asvamedha

1
('horse sacrifice') in the Yajurveda Samhitas. Some bird
seems to be meant.
1
Taittiriya Samhita, v. 5, 19, 1 ; saneyi Samhita, xxiv. 40. Cf. Zimmer,
Maitrayani Samhita, iii. 14, 21 ; Vaja- Altindisches Leben, 93.

Pippala, found in two passages of the Rigveda 1 meaning

n., is
'
berry,' used with a mystic signification, and in neither case
with any certain reference to the berry of the fig-tree. 2 In the
3
Brhadaranyaka Upanisad the general sense of 'berry* is not
' '

necessary, and the special sense of berry of the Peepal is

quite possible the latter meaning is perhaps intended in the
:

Satapatha Brahmana. 4
In the Atharvaveda 6 the feminine
form of the word, Pippali, appears denoting berries used as a
remedy for wounds, like Arundhati.
1
i. 164, 20 =
Mundaka Upanisad, *
111. 7, 1, 12.
5
iii. 1, 1 ; SvetaSvatara Upanisad, iv. 6, vi. 109, 1. 2.

22 ' 6
; v. 54, 12 (the
'
berry of heaven, Bloomfield, Atharvaveda, 61; Hymns
ndka). of the Atharvaveda, 516; Whitney,
2
The word Pippala appears in the Translation of the Atharvaveda, 359,
later literature as a masculine, denoting 360; Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 389;
the Ficus religiosa (Avattha in Vedic Max Muller, Sacred Boohs of the East,
literature) .
32, 33i-
3
iv. 1, 41.

342
 532 A VEDIC SCHOOL A DASADEER [ Pippalada

Pippalada (' eater of berries ') is the name of a teacher

mentioned in the Prasna Upanisad. 1 In the plural the name
denotes a school of the Atharvaveda. 2 Their (Paippalada)
recension of the text of the Samhita has been reproduced in
3
facsimile by Garbe and Bloomfield, and in part published. 4

1 1. of the Atharvaveda, and the text of

1.
2 books i. and ii. has been edited by
Weber, Indische Studien, 3, 277 ;

Indian Literature, 153, 159, 160, 164. Barret in the Journal of the American
3
Baltimore, 1901. Oriental Society, 26, 197-295 ; 30, 187 et
The variants of the Paippalada are Cf. also Lanman in
4
seq. Whitney's
given in part in Whitney's Translation Translation, lxxix et seq.

Pipru is the name of a foe of Indra in the Rigveda. He

was repeatedly defeated by Indra Mentioned as for Rji&van. 1
3
possessing forts,
2
he is called a Dasa as well as an Asura. 4
5
He is described as having black brood, and as being allied
a
with blacks. 6 It is uncertain whether he was a demon, accord-
7
ing to Roth's view, which is favoured by the use of the word
8 9 10
Asura, or a human foe, as Ludwig, 01denberg, and Hillebrandt
believe. The name may mean resister,' from the root pr. *

1 5 Rv.
i. 101, 1. 2; iv. 16, 13; v. 29, 11; i. 101, 1.
6 iv.
vi. 20, 7 ; viii. 49, 10 ; x. 99, 11 ; 138, 3. 16, 13.
7
In i. 103, 8 ;
ii. 14, 5 ; vi. 18, 8, the St. Petersburg Dictionary, s.v.
8 Translation of the Rigveda, 3, 149.
reference is general to a defeat of Pipru
9
by Indra. Religion des Veda, 155.
2 10
Rv. i. 51, 5 ;
vi. 20, 7. Vedische Mythologie, 3, 273.
3
Rv. viii. 32, 2. Cf. Macdonell, Vedic Mythology,
4 Rv. x. 138, 3. p. 161 (C).

Pisa is found in one passage of the Rigveda, 1 where Sayana

takes it to mean a deer (rum).

1 i.
64, 8. Cf. Av. xix. 49, 4; Miiller, SacredBooks of the East, 32,
j

Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 83; Max |

118; Geldner, Rigveda, Glossar, no.

PiSahga is the name of one of the two Unnetr priests

officiating at the snake festival mentioned in the Pancavimsa

Brahmana. 1 Cf. Caka.

1 xxv. 15, Weber, Indische Studien,

3. Cf. 1, 35.
Pi&la ] GHOUL RAW FLESH WOODEN DISH 533

Pi&Lca is the name of a class of demon mentioned in the

Atharvaveda 1 and later. 2 In the Taittiriya Samhita 3 they are
associated with Raksases and Asuras, while opposed to gods,
4
men, and fathers. In the Atharvaveda they are described as
'
kravyad, eaters of raw flesh,' which may be the etymological
5
sense of the word Pisaca itself. It is possible that the Pisacas
were, as suggested by Grierson, really human foes, like the
north-western tribes, who even in later times were reputed
eaters of raw flesh (not necessarily as cannibals, but rather as
eaters of human flesh in ritual). This is, however, not at all
' '

likely, probability only meant ghouls

the Pisacas having in all

originally when they appear as human tribes, they were

:

presumably thus designated in scorn. A science called Pisaca-

veda 7 or Pisaca- vidya 8 is known in the later Vedic period.

1 ii. 4
18, 4 ; iv. 20, 6. 9 ;36, 4 ; 37, v. 25, 9.
10 5
; v. 29, 4. 5. 14 ;
vi. 32, 2 ; viii. 2, Cf. Oldenberg, Religion des Veda,
12 ; xii. 1, 50. The word occurs once 264, n.
6
in the Rv. (i. 133, 5) in the form of Cf. Grierson, Journal of the Royal
Pisaci. Asiatic Society, 1905, 285-288. Cf. Mac-
2 See St. Petersburg Dictionary, s.v. donell, Vedic Mythology, p. 164 (B).
3 7
ii. 4, i, 1 Kathaka Samhita,
; Gopatha Brahmana, i. 1, 10.
8
xxxvii. 14. AsValayana Srauta Sutra, x. 7, 6.

Pi&ta in the Atharvaveda 1 and later 2 denotes raw flesh

(cf,Pisaca). In one passage of the Atharvaveda 3 the sense
' *
seems to be small piece,' bit,' but the St. Petersburg
Dictionary suggests that Pisita here stands for pisita, equivalent
' '
to pista (whatis pounded,' then particle ').
1 v. 3
19, 5. vi. 127, 1. Cf. Bloomfield, Hymns
2 Ai tarey a Brahmana, ii. 11 Kausika
; of the Atharvaveda, 531 ; Whitney,
Sutra, xii. 8 ; xxxv. 18 ;
xxxix. 14, etc. Translation of the Atharvaveda, 376.

Pigfla is found in the Satapatha Brahmana (ii. 5, 3, 6) as the

name of a wooden vessel or dish. In the Latyayana Srauta
Sutra (iv. 2, 4. 5) a Pisila-vina is mentioned, which seems to

have been a kind of guitar, with strings stretched over a body

of wood.
534 TRAITOR FLOUR DEODAR BIE STINGS [ PiSuna

1
Pisuna, 'traitor,' is mentioned in the Rigveda and occa-
2
sionally later.
1
vii/104, 20. I
dogya Upanisad, vii. 6, 1 ; Taittiriya
a
Vajasaneyi Samhita, xxx. 13; Chan- | Brahmana, iii. 4, 7, 1.

Pista ('pounded'), n., 'meal,' 'flour,' is mentioned in the

Brahmanas. 1 In the Atharvaveda 2 reference is made to
pounded beans (masah).
1
Aitareya Brahmana, ii. 9; Satapatha Brahmana, i. 1, 4, 3; 2, 1, 2 ;
vi.

5, 1, 6, etc. xii. 2, 53.

PItha, 'stool,' does not occur as an uncompounded word

before the Sutras, but the compound pUha-sarpin (' moving
' '
about in a little cart ') is found as the designation of a cripple
in the Vajasaneyi Samhita (xxx. 21) and the Taittiriya Brah-
mana (iii. 4, 17, 1) in the list of victims at the Purusamedha
human sacrifice ').
('

Pitu-daru is found in the Kathaka Samhita 1 and later 2

denoting the Deodar (deva-ddru) tree, or, according to others,
the Khadira or Udumbara tree. 3 Cf. Putadru.
1 3
Kathaka Samhita, xxv. 6. Mahidharaon Vajasaneyi Samhita,
2
Satapatha Brahmana, iii. 5, 2, 15 ;
v. 14 ;
Sayana on Aitareya Brahmana,
xiii. 4, 4, 5. 17 Paficavimsa Brahmana,
; i. 28.
xxiv. 13, 5.

Plyusa found in the Rigveda 1 and later 2 in the sense of

is

the first milk of the cow after calving, 'biestings.' Usually

the term is applied metaphorically to the sap of the Soma
3
plant.
3
1
Cf. ii. 35, 5, where it is applied Rv. ii. 13, 1 ; iii. 48, 2 ;
vi. 47, 4
figuratively to the mothers of Agni. x. 94, 8, etc.
2 KauSika Sutra, xix. 15. Cf. Av. no.
Cf. Geldner, Rigveda, Glossar,
viii. 9, 24.

Pila occurs once in the Atharvaveda 1 as the

name of an
Apsaras, being no doubt originally a name of some fragrant
1 lv -
37> 3 Cf. Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 69; Whitney, Translation of the
Atharvaveda, 211.
Punjistfia ]
A TREEA HEAVEN HARLOT MALE-BIRTH 535

plant, like Naladi and Gugfgrilu, two other names of Apsarases

given in the same verse.

Pflu is the name in theAtharvaveda 1 of a tree (Careya arborea

or Salvadora persica) on the fruit of which doves fed.
1 xx. 135, 12. Cf. Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 62; Weber, Transactions of
the Berlin Academy, 1895, 861.

Pilumati is in the Atharvaveda (xviii. 2, 48) the name of the

intermediate heaven lying between the udanvati, ' watery,' and
the pra-dyauh, farthest heaven.' It presumably means rich
' '

in Pilu.' Cf. Div.

running after men ') is found in the Vajasaneyi

Pums-call ('
12 3
Samhita, the Atharvaveda, and later, to denote a wanton
'

4
woman.' In the Vajasaneyi Samhita also occurs the form
Pumscalu. See also Dharma and Pati.
1
xxx. 22. 2
xv. 2, i ^ seq.
4
xxx. 5. 20; Taittirlya Brahmana,
3
Pancavimsa Brahmana, viii. I, 10 ;
iii. 4, 1, 1; 15, 1; Katyayana Srauta
Kausitaki Brahmana, xxvii. 1 Laty- ; Sutra, xiii. 3, 6.

ayana Srauta Sutra, iv. 3, 9, 11.

'
Pum-savana male-production ceremony) is found in the
(*
1
Atharvaveda in a hymn which is obviously intended to accom-
pany a rite aiming at securing the birth of a male child, and
which is so applied in the ritual. 2
1 VI.
II, I. knows a special rite called Pumsavana.
2 Kausika Sutra, xxxv. 8. Cf. Bloom- See AsValayana Grhya Sutra, i. 13 ;

field, of the Atharvaveda, 460;

Hymns Sankhayana Grhya Sutra, i. 20 ;

Whitney, Translation of the Atharva- Gobhila Grhya Sutra, ii. 6, 1 et seq. ;

veda, 288. The later Grhya ritual Hillebrandt, Rituallitteratur, 41.

Puklaka. See Paulkasa.

1 2
Pufiji-stha Yajurveda Samhitas and later,
is found in the
3
apparently meaning fisherman,' though Mahidhara explains
'

'
it as bird-catcher.' Cf. Paunjistha.
1 2
Vajasaneyi Samhita, xvi. 27 Tait- ; Asvalayana Srauta Sutra, x. 7 ;

5, 4, 2
tiriya Samhita, iv. MaitrayanI ; Panini, viii. 3, 97.
Samhita, ii. 9, 5 Kathaka Samhita, ;
3 On Vajasaneyi Samhita, xvi. 27.

xvii. 13.
536 GRASS BUNDLE LOTUS OUTCASTSON [ Punji

1
Punjila is found in the Taittiriya Samhita and the Taittiriy;
Brahmana 2 in the sense of a
'
bundle of grass, being a variant
'

of Pinjula.

vi. r, 1,7; 2, 4, 3. i. 7, 6, 4 ;
ii. 7, 9. 5-

1
Pundarika denotes the blossom of the lotus in the Rigveda
and later. 2 The Pancavimsa Brahmana 3 states that the lotus
flower born of the light of the Naksatras, and the Atharva-
is

veda 4 compares the human heart to the lotus. 6

1 x. 4
142, 8. x. 8, 43 ; Chandogya Upanisad,
2
Brahmana,
Taittiriya i. 8, 2, 1 ; viii. 1, 1.
6
Satapatha Brahmana, v. 5, 5, 6; Brhad- In the Taittiriya Samhita, i. 8,

aranyaka Upanisad, ii. 3, 10 ;

vi. 3, 14 ; 18, 1 ; Taittiriya Brahmana, i. 8, 2, 1,

Chandogya Upanisad, i. 6, 7 ; Aitareya pundari-sraja denotes a

'
wreath of lotus
Aranyaka, iii. 2, 4. leaves.'
3
xviii. 9, 6. Cf. Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 71.

Pundra is the name of a people regarded as outcasts in the

Aitareya Brahmana.
1
Their name occurs in the Sutras also. 2
In the Epic their country corresponds with Bengal and Bihar.

1 vii. 18 ; Sankhayana Srauta Sutra, Biihler, Sacred Books of the East, 14,
xv. 26. 148 Oldenberg, Buddha, 394, n. Fc
;

Baudhayana Dharma
2
Sutra, i. 2, the later geographical position of the
14. Caland, Zeitschrift der Deutschen
Cf. Pundras, cf. the map in Paxgiter, Joumc
Morgenlandischen Gesellschaft, 56, 553 ; of the Royal Asiatic Society, 1908, 333.

Putrawith Sunu, the usual

is, name for
'
son
'
from th<
1
Rigveda onwards. The original sense of the word was
2
apparently
'
small,' or
something analogous. The form
3
Putraka is often used with the distinct intention of an affec-
tionate address to a younger man, not merely a son proper.
Reference is frequently made to the desire for a son. 4 Cf. Pati.

1 Rv. ii. 29, 5; v. 47, 6; vi. 9, 2, Putraka) ; Satapatha Brahmana, xi. 6,

etc. ; Av. iii. 30, 2, etc. 1, 2; Pancavimsa Brahmana, xiii. 3,

2
Delbriick, Die indogermanischen Ver- 21, etc.
* Rv. x. 183, 1 Av. vi. 81, 3
wandtschaftsnamen, 454. ;

3 Rv. viii.
69, 8 Aitareya Brah- ; xi. 1, 1 ; Taittiriya Samhita, vi. 5, 6, 1
mana, v. 14 vi. 33 (here the narrative
; vii. 1, 8, 1 ; Taittiriya Brahmana, i. 1,

uses Putra; the reported words have 9, 1.

Punarvasu ] INHERITING DA UGHTER REMARRIED WIDOW 537

Putra-sena is the name of a man in the MaitrayanI Samhita

(iv. 6, 6).

Putrika in the later literature 1 has the technical sense of the

daughter of a man without sons, whom he gives in marriage on
the express terms that her son shall perform the funeral rites
for him, and be counted as his. The thing as well as the name
2
is recognized by Yaska in the Nirukta, and traced to the
3
Rigveda. But the passages in the Rigveda are of very
uncertain meaning, 4 and in all probability do not refer to this
custom at all.

1 Manava Dharma Sastra, ix. 127 et Rgveda-Noten, 1, 239 et seq.; Roth,

seq. ; Gautama Dharma Sutra, xxviii. Nirukta," Erlautevungen, 27 ; Jolly, Recht
20 ; Vasistha Dharma Sutra, xvii. 17. und Sitte, 72, 73 ; Brhaddevata, iv. no.
2 iii. 5 ad fin. in, with Macdonell's note ; Keith,
3 i.
124, 7. Cf. iii. 31, 1. Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, 1910,
*
Cf. Geldner, Vedische Studien, 3, 34 ; 924, 925 Jolly, Die Adoption in Indien t
;

Rigveda, Kommentar, 48, 49 ; Olden berg, 32.

Punar-datta (' given again ') is the name of a teacher in the

6arikhayana Aranyaka (viii. 8).

found in the Atharvaveda 1 meaning a wife who

Punar-bhu is

marries again, a rite being mentioned by which she can ensure

reunion with her second (not her first) husband in the next
world.
1 ix. 5, 28. Cf. Whitney, Translation of the Atharvaveda, 537.

Punar-vasu (' bringing goods again'), used in the dual,

denotes the fifth in the series of the Vedic Naksatras, or
1
Lunar Mansions.' Roth 1 takes the word to have this sense
in its only occurrence in the Rigveda, 2 but this must be regarded
as decidedly doubtful. The term is, however, found in the
ordinary lists of the Naksatras in the later Samhitas and the
Brahmanas. 3
1 St. Petersburg Dictionary, s.v. mana, i. 3 ;
Kathaka Samhita, viii. 15 ;

2 x. xxxix. 13
19, 1. ; Satapatha Brahmana, ii. 1,
3 Av. xix.
7, 1 ; Taittiriya Samhita, 2, 10, etc.
iv. 1
i. 5, 1, 4 ; 4, 10, ; Taittiriya Cf. Weber, Naxatra, 2, 289, 290;
Brahmana, i. 1, 2, 3 ;
Kausitaki Brah- Zimmer, Aliindisches Leben, 355.

/
538 BARKING DOG MAN FORT [ Punahsara

'
Punah-sara, recurrent,' the epithet of the barking dog in
is
1
the Rigveda, which is told to bark at the thief. It refers, no

doubt, to the dog's practice of running to and fro when it

barks. It is also applied to a plant, Apamargu (Achyranthes
2 *

aspera), in the Atharvaveda, with the sense of having revertent

5
leaves.

1 vii.
55, 3 ; Pischel, Vedische Studien, Atharvaveda, 394, prefers the sense of
attacking,' which is the meaning of
'

2, 56, n. 1.
2 iv. Av.
17, 2 ;
vi. 129, 3 ;
x. 1, 9. Cf. prati-sara, viii. 5, 5. Cf. Satapatha
Whitney, Translation of the Atharva- Brahmana, v. 2, 4, 20.

veda, 179. Bloomfield, Hymns of the

Pumams
denotes in the Rigveda 1 and later 2 man as the
It has no special reference to marriage like Pati, or to
1
male.'
heroism like Nr or Nara. In grammar it denotes the masculine
3
gender.
3
Satapatha Brah-
1 i.
124, 7 ; 162, 22 ; iii. 29, 13 ; iv. 3, Nirukta, iii. 8 ;

10, etc. mana, x. 1, 1, 8; 5, 1, 3. Cf. iv. 5, 2,

2 Av. 10, and pumsa naksatrena, a Naksatra '
iii. 6, 1 ; 23, 3 ; iv. 4, 4 ;

vi. 11, 2; Vajasaneyi Samhita, viii. 5, with a masculine name,' in the Brhad-
etc. aranyaka Upanisad, vi. 3, 1.

Pup a word of frequent occurrence in the Rigveda 1 and

is
2
meaning rampart,' foft,' or stronghold.' Such fortifi-
' *
later,
cations must have been occasionally of considerable size, as
broad (prthvi) and 'wide' (urvT). 3 Elsewhere 4
* '
one is called
a fort '
made of stone (asmamayt) is mentioned. Sometimes '

are referred to, 5 but these are

' '

strongholds of iron (ayasl)

probably only metaphorical. A fort
'
full of kine {gomati) is
'

6
mentioned, showing that strongholds were used to hold cattle.
'
Autumnal '

(saradi) forts are named, apparently as belonging

to the Dasas : this may refer to the forts in that season being
1 4
i-
53. 7 58. 8 ; 131, I
4 ; 166, 8 ;
Rv. iv. 30, 20. Perhaps sun-dried
iii. 15, 4; iv. 27, 1, etc. bricks are alluded to by dma (lit.
'
raw,'
2
Taittiriya Brahmana, i. 7, 7, 5 ; unbaked ') in Rv. ii. 35, 6.
'

Aitareya Brahmana, i. 23 11 5 Rv. i.

ii. ; ; 58, 8; ii. 20, 8; iv. 27, 1 ;

Satapatha Brahmana, iii. 4, 4, 3 vi. 3, ; vii. 3,7; 15, 4 95, 1 x. 101, 8.

;
See ;

2
3, 25; xi. 1, 1, 2. 3;
Chandogya Muir, Sanskrit Texts, 2 378 ,
et seq.

Upanisad, viii. 5, 3, etc. 6 Av. viii.

6, 23.
3
i.
189, 2.
Pur ] FORTS AS PLACES OF REFUGE 539

occupied against Aryan attacks or against inundations caused

by overflowing rivers. Forts 'with a hundred walls' (sata-
7
bhuji) arespoken of.
It would probably be a mistake to regard these forts as

permanently occupied fortified places like the fortresses of the

mediaeval barony. They were probably merely places of refuge
against attack, ramparts of hardened earth with palisades and
a ditch (cf. Dehi). Pischel and Geldner, 8 however, think that
there were towns with wooden walls and ditches (irepiftoXos and
rafypos) like the Indian Megas- town of Pataliputra known to
9 10
thenes and the Pali texts. This is possible, but hardly
susceptible of proof, and it is not without significance that the
word Nagara is of late occurrence. On the whole it is hardly
likely that in early Vedic times city life was much developed.
In the Epic, according to Hopkins, 11 there are found the
'
Nagara,
'
city '; Grama, '
village and Ghosa, ranch.' Vedic
';

literature hardly seems to go beyond the village, no doubt with

modifications in its later period.
The siege of forts is mentioned in the Samhitas and Brah-
13
manas. 12 According to the Rigveda, fire was used.

7 Rv. nor the Slavs (Procoprus, Debello Gotico,

i. 166, 8 ;
vii. 15, 14.
8 Vedische Studien, where iii. lived in towns, but, like the
1, xxii, xxiii, 14)
ksiti dhruvd, i. 73, 4, is compared. ancient Indians, were scattered in
9 each consisting of the houses
Strabo, p. 702 ; Arrian, Indica, 10. villages,
10 and steadings of the several families
Mahaparinibbanasutta, p. 12. Cf.
Rhys Davids, Buddhist India, 262. living in the village. The evidence
11
Journal of the American Oriental seems pretty convincing. It is true
Society, 13, 77 ; 174 et seq. that the Greeks, when we first find
12
Taittiriya Samhita, vi. 2, 3, 1 ; them, evidently knew castles and
for-

Aitareya Brahmana, i. 23 ; Satapatha tresses of the mediaeval type but the ;

Brahmana, iii. 4, 4, 3-5 ; Gopatha Greeks were clearly an invading race,

Brahmana, ii. 2, 7, etc. superimposed on an older and in
13 vii.
5, 3. Possibly, in some cases, civilization more advanced people (see,
the palisade was no more than a hedge e.g., Burrows, Discoveries in Crete). But
of thorn or a row of stakes (cf. Rv. the Pur may, as Zimmer allows, have
x. 101, 8), as suggested by Zimmer, sometimes been built within the limits
Altindisches Leben, 143, 145 ;
and cf. of the village. Whether, as he urges
Rv. viii. 53, 5, as corrected by Roth, (144), the saradl pur was a protection
Zeitschrift der Deutschen Morgenldndischen against the floods of autumn is un-
Gesellschaft, 48, 109. certain. Rv. i. 131, 4; 174, 2;
Cf.
Cf. Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 142- vi. 20, In particular, it is not
10.

148, who compares the fact that neither legitimate to connect the mention of
the Germans (Tacitus, Germania, 16) those forts with the fact that the Piirus
 54o NAMES ANCIENT TALES [ Puramdhi

lived on either side of the Sindhu phorically of the body, and the number
and to assume that Purukutsa's of doors depends on the nature of the
(Indus),
attack on the aborigines was directed body (Keith, Aitareya Aranyaka, 185).
against the forts in which they normally The evidence of the ^atapatha Brah-

protected themselves on the rising of mana, xi. 1, 1, 2. 3, seems rather to

the river. No argument for the large point to only one gate in a city.
size of citiescan be drawn from the Cf. Schrader, Prehistoric Antiquities,
mention in the Kathaka Upanisad, v. I, 412 ; Muir, Sanskrit Texts, 5, 451 ;

of ekadaia-dvara as an epithet of Pura Weber, Indische Studien, 1, 229; Ludwig,

{cf. sVetasvatara Upanisad, iii. 18 : Translation of the Rigveda, 3, 203, and
nava-dvara pura, the citadel of nine
'
Mahapur.
doors '), because it is used meta-

1
Puram-dhi occurs in theRigveda, possibly as the name of a
woman, a protge of the Asvins, who gave her a son, Hiranya-
hasta.
1 i. u6, 13. Cf. Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 398.

Puraya is the name of a patron celebrated in a Danastuti

1
(' Praise of Gifts ')
in the Rigveda.
1
vi. 63, 9. Cf. Ludwig, Translation of the Rigveda, 3, 158.

i. Purana, denoting a tale 'of olden times,' is often found 1

in the combination Itihasa-Purana, which is probably a
Dvandva compound meaning Itihasa and Purana.' '
It some-
times 2 occurs as a separate word, but beside Itihasa, no doubt
with the same sense as in the Dvandva. Sayana 3 defines a
Purana as a tale which deals with the primitive condition of
the universe and the creation of the world, but there is no
ground for supposing that this view is correct, or for clearly
distinguishing Itihasa and Purana. See Itihasa.
1
Satapatha Brahmana, xi. 5, 6, 8 ; Brahmana, i. 53 Purana-veda Sankh-
;
:

Chandogya Upanisad, iii. 4, 1. 2 ; vii. 1, ayana sVauta Sutra, xvi. 2, 27 Purana- ;

2. 4 ; 2, 1 ; 7, 1. vidya: ASvalayana Srauta Sutra, x. 7,

2
Av. xv. 6, 4 Satapatha Brahmana,
; etc.
3
xiii. 4, 3, 13 ; Brhadaranyaka Upanisad, Introduction to Aitareya Brah-
ii 4, 10; iv. 1, 2; 5, 11; Taittirlya mana, cited by St. Petersburg Dic-
Aranyaka, ii. 9; Jaiminiya Upanisad tionary, s.v.

2. Puraria is the name of a Esi in the Kathaka Samhita

(xxxix. 7).
Pumkutsa ] A WATER ANIMAL A VICTORIOUS KING 54i

Purikaya is the name

of a water animal in the Atharvaveda, 1
being clearly a variant of the name that appears as Pulikaya in
the Maitrayani Samhita, 2 and as Kulipaya in the Vajasaneyi
3 4
Samhita, and as Kulikaya in the Taittiriya Brahmana. What
animal is meant is quite unknown.
1 XI. 2, 25. Cf. Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 96;
2
iii. Pulika,
14, 2. ibid. Bloomfield, Zeitschrift der Deutschen
variant of Kulika. Morgenlandischen Gesellschaft, 48, 557 ;

3 xxiv. 21.
35. Hymns of the Atharvaveda, 621.
4
v. 5, 13, 1.

1
Purisini is found in a hymn of the Rigveda apparently
2
either as the name of a river, or much more probably as an
3 '

epithet of the Sarayu, meaning, perhaps, abounding in

' 4 * 5
water,' swollen,' or carrying rubble.'
1
v 3
-
53> 9 '
Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 17;
2 An alternative suggested by Roth, Geldner, Rigveda, Glossar, in.
St. 4
Petersburg Dictionary, s.v. Geldner, loc. cit.
6
Roth, loc. cit.

Puru-kutsa is the name of a king who is mentioned several

times in the Rigveda. In one passage 1 he is mentioned as a
contemporary of Sudas, but whether as a foe, according to
2
Ludwig, or merely as a contemporary, according to Hille-
3
brandt, is uncertain. In two other passages 4 he is mentioned
6
as victorious by divine favour, and in another he appears as a
king of the Pupus and a conqueror of the Dasas. His son was
6
Tpasadasyu, who is accordingly called Paupukutsya
7
or
8
Paupukutsi. Different conclusions have been drawn from one
9
hymn of the Rigveda in which the birth of Purukutsa's son,
1
i. 63, 7. Puru also is mentioned. Ludwig sug-
2 Translation of the Rigveda, 3, 174, gests reading in vi. 20, 10, saudasih for
emending sudase in the text to sudasam, dasih, referring to the forts of Sudas ;

plausibly, but not, of course, con- but this must be regarded as illegiti-
vincingly. mate. Cf. Oldenberg, Zeitschrift, 55,
3 Vedische Mythologie, 1, 115. Cf. 33o.
der Deutschen 6 Rv.
Oldenberg, Zeitschrift iv. 42, 8. 9.
7 Rv. v. 33, 8 viii. 19,
Morgenlandischen Gesellschaft, 42, 204, ; 36.
8 Rv. vii. 19, 3.
205, 219.
4 9 Rv. iv. 42, 8. 9, with Sayana's
i. 112, 7. 14 ; 174, 2.
5 2
vi. 20, 10. Cf. i. 63, 7, where note ; Muir, Sanskrit Texts, i , 266, 267.
542 A QUEEN A SACRIFICER [Purukutsani

Trasadasyu, is mentioned. The usual interpretation is that

Purukutsa was killed in battle or captured, whereupon his
wife secured a son to restore the fortunes of the Purus. But
10
Sieg a completely different interpretation. According
offers
to him the word daurgahe, which occurs in the hymn, and
'
which in the ordinary view is rendered descendant of Durgaha,'
an ancestor of Purukutsa, is the name of a horse, the hymn
recording the success of an Asvamedha (' horse sacrifice')
undertaken by Purukutsa for his wife, as by kings in later
times, to secure a son. This interpretation is supported by the
11
version of daurgahe given in the ^atapatha, but is by no
means certain. Moreover, if Purukutsa was a contemporary of
12
Sudas, the defeat of the Purus by Sudas in the Dasarajna
might well have been the cause of the troubles from which
Purukutsani, by the birth of Trasadasyu, rescued the family.
In the Satapatha Brahmana 13 Purukutsa is called an Aiksvaka.
10 13
Die Sagenstoffe des Rgveda, 96-102. xiii. 5,4, 5. Cf. Iksvaku, Tryaruna
11
xiii. 5, 4, 5. and Oldenberg, Buddha, 403.
12
vii. 18. Cf. also the reference to
a Puru defeat in vii. 8, 4.

Purukutsani, 'wife of Purukutsa,' is mentioned as the

mother of Trasadasyu in one hymn of the Rigveda (iv. 42, 9).

Puru-nitha Sata-vaneya (' descendant of Satavani ') is the

name of a sacrificer, or perhaps a priest, a Bharadvaja, in the
1
Rigveda. It is doubtful whether he is also mentioned as a
2
singer in another passage of the Rigveda. In both places
3
Roth sees in Puru-nitha merely a word meaning 'choral song.'
1
i. 59. 7- I
of the Rigveda, 3, 160 ; Oldenberg,
2
vii. 9, 6. Cf. Ludwig, Translation | Rgveda-Noten, x, 60.
3
St. Petersburg Dictionary, s.v.

Puru-dama occurs in the plural in the Atharvaveda, where,

1

2
according to Ludwig, it is probably the proper name of the
3 4
singers, but by Roth and Whitney is understood as merely
an adjective meaning possessed of many houses.'
'

1 vii. 3 St.
73, 1. Petersburg Dictionary, S.v.
2 Translation *
of the Rigveda, 3, Translation of the Atharvaveda,
XXV. 437-
Purumilha ] NAMES AN ANCIENT SAGE 543

Puru-pantha is mentioned as a generous donor to a Bharad-

vaja in one hymn of the Rigveda (vi. 63, 10).

1
Puru-mayya occurs in one hymn of the Rigveda as a

protege" of Indra. It is quite possible that

he was the father of,
or at least connected with, Atithigra, Rksa, and ASvamedha,
who are celebrated in the hymn.
1 viii. 68, 10. Cf. Ludwig, Translation of the Rigveda, 3, 163.

Puru-mitra mentioned twice in the Rigveda (i. 117, 20;

is

x. 39, 7) as the father of a maiden who wedded Vimada,

apparently against her father's will.

Puru-milha is mentioned twice in the Rigveda1 as an ancient

2
sage, in which capacity he appears in the Atharvaveda also.
3
Perhaps the same Purumilha is intended in an obscure hymn
in the Rigveda, 4 where, according to the legends reported in
the Brhaddevata 5 and by Sadgurusisya in his commentary on
the SarvanukramanI, 6 and by Sayana in his commentary on the
4
Rigveda, he as well as Taranta was a son of Vidadasva, and
a patron of the singer Syavaiva. The correctness of the legend
has been shown to be most improbable by Oldenberg,7 who
8
points out that the legend misinterprets the Rigveda by
making Purumilha a Vaidadasvi, for he is there only compared
in generosity to one.
In another legend found in the Pancavimsa Brahmana, 9 and
based on a hymn of the Rigveda, 10 Purumilha and Taranta
appear as persons who received gifts from Dhvasra and Puru-
santi, and as sons of Vidadasva. The legend, which also
occurs in the Satyayanaka, 11 is apparently best explained by
1
Rgveda-Noten, 1, 353, 354. Cf. Max
7
i. 151, 2 ; 183, 5.
2 iv.
29, 4 ;
xviii. 3, 15. Miiller, Sacred Books of the East, 32,
3
See, however, Weber, Episches im 359-
vediscken n. Die 8
Ritual, 27, 3 ; Sieg, Op. cit., 354, n. 1.
9
Sagenstoffe des Rgveda, 62, n. 3. xiii. 7, 12.
* v. 10
ix. 58, 3-
61, 9.
6 v. 11
49 et seq., with Macdonell's notes. Cited by Sayana on Rv., loc. cit.
8
Edition Macdonell, pp. 118 et seq.
544 LEGEND OF PURUMlLHA
12
Sieg, who says that as the two were kings they could not
under the rules of caste accept gifts, unless for the nonce they
became singers. The legend has no claim at all, as Oldenberg 13
shows, to validity.
12
63. the legend is not accepted by the
Op. Cit.,
13
Zeitschrift der Deutschen Morgen- Anukramanl (Index), since its list of
landischen Gesellschaft, 42, 232, n. 1. He authors gives Avatsara as the Rsi, not
points out, Rgveda-Noten, 1, 354, that the two Taranta and Purumilba.

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