IDEOLOGY OF Pakistan - Revisited Abdul Rauf PDF
IDEOLOGY OF Pakistan - Revisited Abdul Rauf PDF
IDEOLOGY OF Pakistan - Revisited Abdul Rauf PDF
ABSTRACT
The creation of Pakistan is justified and criticised enormously in the literature on South
Asia. Opposition to the idea continue but in different contours and wreaked the minds of
younger generation. Justification of the idea also needs to come up with the same vigour
but with arguments appropriate to time and place. The demand of Pakistan can be
explained as the result of those differences between two communities and political
parties which could neither be dissolved or arbitrated but assent and elevated to an
extent resulting emergence of new political thinking or ideology. At a certain stage it
mobilized people and transformed into a political movement and this happened in the
case of idea of Pakistan. Both Hindus and Muslims and their political representation in
Congress and Muslim League provided enough reasons to formulate this ideology.
INTRODUCTION
The creation of Pakistan in 1947 is a unique phenomenon in the first half of the
20th century human history. The period witnessed the rise of communist ideology and its
transformation into the state structure in the shape of USSR in 1917. The two great world
wars resulted enormous human losses never unprecedented in the past. Man’s scientific
history and did not restricted to geographical boundaries. In this century, the West
remained the centre of all human activities, leaving little room for the rest of the world in
terms of advancement in the realm of social and scientific scholarship. Amidst such west
dominated world it seems that the division of India and creation of Pakistan is a
phenomenon having little indebtedness to western thoughts and practices. The case is
unique, as it proclaimed an ideology and sloganeering which were alien not only to the
colonial masters i.e. the British, but also novel to the modern socio-political thought. The
influenced by the religious tradition i.e. Hinduism and Islam could hardly appeal to the
modern man who almost secluded the role of religion to private life. Pakistan being the
first country created after the Second World War is exclusive in the sense that it
community.
A large number of writings are available to explain the basis of Pakistan. These
vast publications are providing intellectual grounds for the existing and establishment of
Pakistan. However, efforts are required to continue the ideas/thoughts explaining the
raison d’être of Pakistan with new vigour and sometimes with arguments appealing to the
young generation for the support of the standpoint of the Muslims at the time of creation
of Pakistan. An effort has been made to refresh the ideology of Pakistan’s creation in this
paper beholden to certain principles need to devoid of any apologetic position on the
ideology of Pakistan. It is hoped that it will remove certain misconception in the minds of
young generation arise after looking back to the unappealing history of post-partition
Pakistan and with the changing situation in the regional and global scenario.
Regarding the establishment of Pakistan, some asserted that it was the traditional
British imperialist ‘policy of divide and rule’ which culminated in the struggle for Pakistan
led by Muslim League and Quaid-i-Azam Mohammad Ali Jinnah. Some asserted that it is
the religion of Islam which is responsible for a separate Muslim state, while others opined
that it is the Hindu mentality and Congress stubbornness which finally gave way to the
a class or safeguard of interest of a Muslim mercantile class who were behind the division
of India. A gist of these views is given along some plausible questions arise after accepting
these views.
It is believed that since the arrival of the Europeans, particularly after the arrival of
the British in India a ‘policy of divide and rule’ was adopted to subjugate and colonialized
the Indians. The British initially landed as traders on the Indian soil. However, the pathetic
India. They saw Indian society divided on vertical and horizontal lines. The difference and
conflict of interests among various classes and communities were easily exploited in
favour of the British colonial masters. The East India Company encourages one
ruler/prince or one community against the other and thus weakened the potential of
resistance of the natives against the colonial rule. They successfully penetrated into the
helm of affairs of the entire Indo-Pak Subcontinent. Their first settlement in Bengal after
their success in 1757 soon expanded to the Southern India when they defeated Sultan
Tipu in 1799 and finally to the north when they arrived in Delhi in 1803. After the failure
of 1857 war of independence, the Indians started their political struggle by keeping
themselves engaged in Indian National Congress since its establishment in 1885. This
platform was initially raised to know the views of Indians about British Indian
administration however in the later stage of their political struggle the Indians demanded
It is propounded that the British at this stage encounter the Indian political
struggle by dividing Indians on the basis of religion. Muslims were one fourth of the total
population, thus, Muslim League was implicitly supported and their demand for separate
electorate was accepted which sowed the communal division of Hindus and Muslims in
India. This explanation of the creation of Pakistan is forwarded by almost all those leaders
and groups- Muslims and Non-Muslims alike who opposed partition of India and the
Ali Jauhar rebuked the notion and announced at the first Round Table Conference that
The phenomenon of Pakistan is unique and very intricate while the answer of this
the sense that it involves not only the fate of millions of people but it also questions their
abilities and capabilities, role, position and stature, and the inherent value of human
freedom in their actions. Presumably the whole community was made a scapegoat to
very small foreign rulers. The Muslims, once rulers of India became so imprudent that
they allowed the British to use them for their colonial interests. Though men’s actions are
influenced by the external environment in which one lives but it is also irrefutable fact
that man is created by God as a free entity to carry out his own decisions. If it is correct
then why the struggle for Pakistan should not be accredited to an independent decision
of millions of people in 1940s? Certain steps taken by the British during their rule in
British India (as narrated by some writers)2 apparently support the thesis of British
1
Khalid Bin Sayeed, Pakistan the Formative Phase 1857-1948 (Karachi: Oxford University Press, 1978), p.
7.
2
For example acceptance of separate electorate system in 1909.
5
interpreted as the confluence of interests of Muslims and the British on some occasion. In
the history of Indo-Pak subcontinent there are also instances when the interests of the
British coincided with the interests of the Hindus and Congress.3 No doubt the stature of
the British imperial power in India was greater but not to the extent to seize the intrinsic
RELIGION--ISLAM
the religion of Islam. And that it was the demand of religion that the Muslims of Indo-Pak
sub continent should divide India and make Pakistan. It is asserted that after the arrival of
Muslims in India and their rule for quite some time led to the evaluation of an Indo-
Muslim culture, distinct from Hindus in spirit and shape. The emergence of a separate
representation and safeguards proved futile and thus developed a conviction among the
Muslims that nothing short of political independence could guarantee their existence as a
distinct entity.4 Thus the whole struggle of the people for Pakistan is interpreted on the
notion of religion. Some even uphold the view that both these religions are so conflicting
that they cannot exists in one territory. And thus India should be partitioned into two
parts; one for Muslims and another for Hindus. This view was even supported by some
3
For example the anti-Muslim policies of the British after 1857 war of independence till the end of 19th
century, the establishment of Indian National Congress in 1885, the annulment of the Partition of Bengal,
refusal to offer the formation of government to the Muslim League after the acceptance of Cabinet Mission
Plan which was ensured in the Bill.
4
I. H. Qureshi, ‘The Foundations of Pakistani Culture’, in Verinder Grover and Ranjana Arora (eds.),
Political System of Pakistan vol. 4(Delhi: Deep and Deep Publications, 1995), pp.499-508.
6
Hindu leaders also.5 This religious view got impetus when the religious people
discourse but also popularizes it in the masses.6 The view had its leverage because the
people in power were ridiculed by the opposition in the name of religion. They were
However by accepting this view there are certain questions which need to be
answered. If this view is correct then why certain great religious scholars opposed the
idea of Pakistan?7 Another question arises that whether the purpose of religion,
particularly Islam is to divide lands and create new states? Is Islam come to the world to
create new states? A close look to Islam shows that its injunctions are neither confined to
a particular people nor to a specific region. Islam is universal, sent by Allah for the entire
humanity and not only for the Muslims.8 It cannot only guide the Muslims, but non-
Muslims as well. Moreover, the spread of Islam which according to some Muslim scholars
is a compulsory upon every Muslim, will be possible only when Muslims have good
relations with others and only then, the message of Islam will be received
Muslims. It is true that the differences between Muslims and Hindus can be accredited to
5
See for details Rafique Afzal (ed.), The Case for Pakistan (Islamabad: National Commission on Historical
and Cultural Research, 1979) pp. xii-xiii.
6
It can be observed in nearly every intellectual and religious debate that this view is propagated and uphold
particularly by the ideologues of Islamic revivalism like Mawlana Sayyed Abul Ala Mawdudi and Mawlana
Shabir Ahmad Usmani.
7
For example Mawlana Abul Kalam Azad, Mawlana Hussain Ahmad Madani and organizations like Jamiat
ul Ulama-i-Hind, Majlis-i-Ahrar-i-Islam. Mawlana Mawdudi and Jamaat-i-Islami was also standing
separately from the Muslim League.
8
Mawlana Amin Ahsan Islahi, Da’wat-i-Din awr Uska Tariqa-i-kar (Call to Islam and the Mode of
Preaching). 3rd ed. Lahore: Markazi Anjuman-i-Khuddam-al-Qur’an, 1976, p.8.
9
This plea was highlighted by Jamiat ul Ulama-i-Hind during their opposition to the demand of Pakistan.
7
religion. The lives of Indian Muslims are greatly influenced by their conversion to Islam.
But distinction between Islam as religion and Muslims as a community must not be
ignored. Differences between Muslims and Hindus in India other than religion also existed
and on the basis of these differences Muslims finally resort to demand separate
homeland but at the same time Islam should be kept apart from the Muslims demand as
it will distort the image of a religion which carry a universal message and not confined to
a particular community.
One view forwarded for the struggle of Pakistan is getting an economic uplift of
Muslims which was thought not possible in united India. Muslims felt that they are
economically far below then the Hindus in India. The statistics of Muslim businessmen,
traders, commerce and financial giants, government servants and professionals in pre-
the economic life of India nurtured the feelings of an economic nationalism among the
Muslims. The Muslims saw no future for themselves in the face of an economically
superior Hindu community, unless they looked after their own class interests’.10
According to her ‘the creation of Pakistan, among other things, was the result of the
depressed economic condition of the Muslims in India’.11 The Muslim pathetic economic
10
Naureen Talha, ‘Economic Roots of Pakistan’,
http://www.jang.com.pk/thenews/spedition/14aug/14aug2004/ (visited August 23, 2010); for a detail study
of the economic as factor in the formation of Pakistan see, Naureen Talha, Economic Factors in the Making
of Pakistan 1921-1947 (Karachi: Oxford university Press, 2000).
11
Naureen, p. 2.
8
situation was realized and the Muslim political leadership particularly Quaid-i-Azam took
initiative to persuade Muslim business families and individuals such as Isphahanis, Habib
brothers and Adamjees to establish business and financial companies including banks,
insurance, shipping, airways and other business ventures.12 These economic interests of
the Muslims led to the demand of Muslim separate homeland in India. The economic
factor in the political decision has never been ignored by those who opposed Pakistan in
that Pakistan would not be economically viable country and would thus always seek the
support of some foreign power.13 The same was the case of Indian National Congress
whose economic experts made prediction of the amalgamation of Pakistan with India due
made the sole factor for the drive of Muslims in united India. The Muslim entrepreneurs
would have a big market in a united India rather than a small part like Pakistan and thus
their interests coincided with the pro-united India rather than with those separating a
part from bigger India. Moreover, it is not always economics which drives human rather
there are other stronger impulses to instigate human for launching political movement
such is the case of Pakistan. However the role of economic interests as an impetus cannot
12
See for details, Sikandar Hayat, Aspects of the Pakistan Movement (Islamabad: National Institute of
historical and Cultural Research, 1998), pp.252-256.
13
Zia-ul-Hasan Fauqui, The Deoband School and the Demand for Pakistan (Lahore: Progressive Books,
1980), p. 108.
9
A group of scholars both in India and Pakistan asserted that the creation of
Pakistan is due to the fallacious policies of Congress and particularly that of Jawaharlal
Nehru in the last days of united India. If the Congress leaders were sagacious, Pakistan
would not have been made and the question of Muslims would have been solved as
envisages in the Cabinet Mission Plan which was accepted by the Muslim League. This
view was upheld by Mawlana Abul Kalam Azad14 who remained president of Congress
between 1957 and 74 and Jaswant Singh16, the ex-Foreign Minister of India.
Azad gave an account of the events leading to the revision of decision of Muslim
League about the Cabinet Mission Plan. Nehru president of Congress expressed his views
regarding Congress stand on the Plan as ‘the Congress had agreed only to participate in
the constituent assembly and regarded itself free to change or modify the Cabinet
Mission Plan as it thought best’.17 Azad refers to the statement of Nehru as an event
Afterward Muslim League and Jinnah argued that if Congress could change its position on
the Plan while British are still in India then what assurances the minority have that once
the British left, Congress would not change its policy. Subsequently the last chance of a
United India fades away due to Congress and Nehru mishandling of the situation.
Seervai narrated in details the events of the last days of united India. He pointed
out that how Congress and its leaders tried to set aside Muslim League and Jinnah from
14
Maulana Abul Kalam Azad, India Wins Freedom (Madras: Orient Longman Limited, 1988).
15
H.M. Seervai, Partition of India Legend and Reality (Karachi: Oxford University Press, 2005)
16
Jaswant Singh, Jinnah India-Partition-Independence (New Delhi: Rupa and Co, 2009)
17
Maulana Abul Kalam Azad, India Wins Freedom (Madras: Orient Longman Limited, 1988), p. 165.
18
Ibid. p.164.
19
Ibid. p.165.
10
the political scene despite Muslim League was in wining position in majority Muslim seats
in the 1946 elections. The acceptance of Cabinet Mission Plan showed that Muslim
League had agreed to work under a constitution for a united India. 20 The writer evaluated
the role of Nehru towards the League, who showed no magnanimity towards Jinnah, and
the League after the 1937 elections, while there was no great difference in policies of
Congress and League.21 When an appeal to Gandhi22 for a nationalist solution of the
Hindu-Muslim problem failed only then Jinnah resorted to organise the political power of
the Muslim League.23 Seervai concluded that it is reasonably clear that it was the
Congress which wanted partition. It was Jinnah who was against partition, but accepted it
The account of Congress politics in thwarting a united India is recently been added
by Jaswant Singh, Ex-External Minister of India and a leader of the BJP. He made Nehru
and Congress responsible for partition as they stress more on a strong centre while Jinnah
was in favour of federation where the federating units enjoyed autonomy. Singh tried to
remove the impression that Jinnah was against the Hindus. He supported the opinion that
his opposition was not against the Hindus or Hinduism; it was the Congress that he
considered as the true political rival of the Muslim League, that Congress politics and
Hindu-Muslim separatism. But the fact remains that Jinnah had differences with Congress
and not with the Hindus in general.26 Singh also blamed Congress leadership of ‘always
over estimated its strength, its influence, and its leaders were extremely reluctant to
accept Jinnah as the leader of not just the Muslim League but eventually of most Muslims
of India. The Congress leadership, sadly, also lacked a befitting sense of reality.’ 27 Though
the argument carries weightage to blamed Congress and not Muslim League for the
division of India but the overall impression one gets from this school of thought that
Jinnah’s politics was reactionary politics can also not acceptable when we look to Jinnah’s
political life. The case of Muslim’s demand for Pakistan is imbibed with a constructive
thinking to make the people of Muslim majority areas sovereign of their own destiny.
It seems that the last version i.e. differences among the Hindus and Muslims are
primarily responsible for the partition of India which finally led to the decision of creation
the parting of ways which ultimately led to the division of a country which remained
united for at least five hundred years. Do all kind of differences lead to such a historic
parties transmit actual facts and data then misunderstanding can be removed. The
26
Jaswant Singh, Jinnah India-Partition-Independence (New Delhi: Rupa and Co, 2009), p. 485.
27
Ibid., p. 509.
12
second kind of differences are based on vested interests e.g. property and land. Such
differences cannot be resolved/ removed unless a third party become active. Arbitration
by the third party usually follows ‘the give and take principle’. However, in this case the
mere presence of a third party is not enough; rather the third party should also have the
power to implement its decisions. The power of third party cannot be only force but
rather it can adopt the policy of persuasion and utility. The third kind of
differences/disagreements are those which can neither be dissolved nor arbitrated but
rather it ascent and elevated28 and finally transformed into a full-fledged theoretical
named as ideology.
In the case of Pakistan, the differences between the two communities i.e. Hindus
and Muslims were of the third category. These were not based on false facts or erroneous
were also not of the second category which could be arbitrated by a third party, although
such a party i.e. British existed. In fact, the third party failed to get recognition of an
impartial entity from the two communities i.e. Hindus and Muslims in the beginning of
their rule and in the later stage from the two political partied i.e. Muslim League and
Indian National Congress. Any step taken by one party for political development in India,
was seen sceptically by the other party. For example, the formation of Indian National
Congress by Mr. A. O. Hume in 1885 was not welcomed by Sir Sayed Ahmad Khan29
28
R. N. Burki, The History of Political Thought- A Short Introduction (London: J.M. Dent & Sons Ltd.,
1977), p. 8.
29
Abdul Hamid, Muslim Separatism in India (Lahore: Oxford University Press, 1971), p31.
13
ostensibly with the encouragement of some British officials.30 Though certain Muslims
played their role in Indian National Congress, but its participation reached to negligence
particularly during the Congress movement against the partition of Bengal in the first
decade of 20th century. The British decision of partition of Bengal in 1905 primarily due to
administrative purposes was welcomed by the Muslims, but the same decision was not
only opposed by the Bengali Hindus but the Indian national Congress also launched a
vigorous movement and carrying a religious fervour to oppose it.31 This movement, with
the passage of time, became violent and finally the British bowed before the Congress
different message to Muslims, who thought that the agitation of Hindus and Congress
was against the interests of the East Bengal which was dominated by Muslims. Secondly,
acceptance of the Hindus and Congress demands by the British and annulment of the
partition of Bengal in 1911 was thought to be the success of power politics. The British
step back from its own commitment when it was announced that decision of the partition
of Bengal taken in 1905 is final. Conversely it helped in the growth of Muslim political
occasion a step taken by the third party i.e. the British was welcomed by one party, but
resented by the second party. On very few occasions, both the parties had agreements. 32
The Hindu-Muslim differences may be based on religion, social, economic and political or
30
Ibid.,p.29
31
Jamil-ud-din Ahmad, Early Phase of Muslim Political Struggle (Lahore: Publishers United, n.d.), p. 104
32
One such occasion was the Round Table Conference (RTC) in 1930. A Committee was constituted to
assess the case of reforms in NWFP. All members of the committee, Muslims or non-Muslims agreed to
upgrade the status of NWFP to a Governor’s province (Abdul Rauf, “Muslim League and the Question of
“Reforms” in the North West Frontier Province (1909-1932)”, Pakistan Perspectives, Vol.13, No.1, January-
June, 2008, pp.71-72.
14
aggravated situation, to avoid a holocaust, the partition of India and the establishment of
a separate Muslim state was seems to be the only viable solution to control and prevent
human losses.
Thus the creation of Pakistan can be attributed to a single factor that is the Hindu-
Muslim political differences, which were neither possible to dissolve and not could be
settled down by the third party and thus finally culminated into a separate ideology i.e.
demand of a separate homeland for the Muslims. This explanation for the establishment
of Pakistan doesn’t ignore the role of other factors but make it subservient to the political
differences.
through the process of dialectic. The whole Pakistan movement is the result of a dialectic
process started after the arrival of Muslims in India and the conversion of Indians to
Islam. This newly erected community was distinct in its philosophy of life, outlook of life
and ways of living. However, this does not mean to degrade and dishonour other
communities of India.
Muslim rulers of the neighbouring states particularly from the north-west of India
on many occasions attacked India, fought wars with the natives and inflicted heavy losses
to them. These invaders later on established themselves in India and founded kingdom(s).
The political adventures of these Muslim invaders were then associated with the message
of Islam. Muslim rule continued for centuries in India. No doubt, Muslim rulers avoided to
state. Life, property, religious places, honour and dignity of the non-Muslims were
preserved throughout this period. However, the Hindus could not forget the idea of the
comprised of expulsion, absorption and suppression. Hinduism tried to expel any non-
Hindu ideology as it did with Buddhism once the religion of Indian rulers (Mauryan Empire
300-200 B.C.). Buddhism had to leave India where it was first originated because of the
Hinduism policy of expulsion. Jainism was absorbed, while Sikhism was not allowed to get
out of the fold of Hinduism. Christianity remained suppressed. About three thousand
years, the Hindus of India successfully carried out this policy. However, with the arrival of
Muslims they confronted a totally different situation. Islam arrived and spread in India
and it was not only successful in converting a considerable number of people but it ruled
to encounter Islam. When they failed to expel Islam and the Muslims from the Indian soil,
they adopted the policy of absorption as manifested in the Bakhti movement in the
fourteen century. The movement apparently adopted certain beliefs influenced from
Islam such as unity of God and unity of mankind. However, it also tried to weaken the
differences between Islam and Hinduism by declaring both the religions as two paths to
the same destination. It would have ended the Muslim separate identify if the cult is
accepted by the Muslims. This was the most rigorous/forceful and perceptive attack of
The response of the Muslims to the Hinduism in India was more energetic and
forceful which was a new experience for Hindus in their long history. The 17th and 18th
identity. The gap between these two communities further increased when in the middle
of 18th century Muslims asked external forces to defend the Muslim rule in India. The
arrival of the British, the annexation of Delhi, the failure in the 1857 war of
independence, and the subsequent annihilation of Muslims (in some parts of India), and
the proposition that the Muslims were responsible for the uprising of 1857 by the British
till 1870, all are the occasions where both Hindus and Muslims had a divergence of
opinion.
During this period, Muslim got the impression that the new rulers are patronizing
their sister community and discouraging them in every field of life. In the post 1857
period Sir Sayyed Ahmad Khan tried his best to realize the Muslims to accept the
after the commendable efforts of Sir Sayyed start enrolling their children in the modern
educational institutions. This became possible only when the gap between Muslims and
the British reduced largely due to the efforts of the Sir Sayyed. The political awareness is
one of the off shoot of modern education and thus Muslims start thinking in terms of
group feelings. The formation of Muslim League in 1906 was a step in this direction. The
stress on separate identity and Muslim consciousness of the 17th and 18th centuries now
transformed into efforts for the protection and safeguard of Muslim interests in the
British arena. These feelings were communicated to the British masters in 1906 and got a
17
sympathetic response from the viceroy during their meeting in Simla in October 1906.
This move of the Muslims was dramatize by the sister community who accredited all such
activities to the British administration.33 Muslims tried their best to convince the sister
community and finally succeeded in getting the consent of Congress in the Lucknow Pact
in 1916. However, this unionism was lasted for a short period and soon both Congress
and Muslim League parted their ways, when Congress refused to incorporate the
demands of Muslims in Nehru Report in 1928. Throughout the period from 1870 to 1940
the Muslim struggle in the beginning was for the acceptance of Muslims as a separate
entity and in the later stage for recognition as a political entity in the affairs of Indo-Pak
sub-continent. On the other hand, Hindus and Congress got the impression that the
Muslims and Muslim League struggle is primarily the design of the British imperialists and
thus resorted to resist it by every means. When the Muslims finally convinced that their
demands are not met by Congress, they resorted to another option i.e. division of India
The idea of the division was not new; it goes back to the 19 th century. The idea
was floated by all the three actors i.e. British, Hindus and Muslims.34 Muslims did not give
any attention to the idea of partition till they practically saw the rule of the Congress
Congress but it is also fact that Congress failed to realise the Muslims that the Congress
33
B.R. Ambedkar, Pakistan or the Partition of India (Lahore: Book Traders, 1976), pp. 128-29. A counter
Muslim perspective on the issue along with the Congress view is given and analysed by Hamid. See for
details, Abdul Hamid, Muslim Separatism in India (Lahore: Oxford University Press, 1971), pp.74-77.
34
See for details Sayyed Sharifuddin Pirzada, Foundations of Pakistan vol.II (Karachi: National Publishing
House Ltd, 1970), pp. xi-xxxiii; Rafique Afzal (ed.), The Case for Pakistan (Islamabad: National
Commission on Historical and Cultural Research, 1979) pp. xi-xxiii.
18
rule was above any communal feelings. It is ironic that Indian National Congress always
denounced communal politics but they failed to realise millions of their fellow
countrymen i.e. the Muslims about their non-communal posture in the elections of 1946.
The dialectic process culminated on the day when Nehru expressed his view about the
acceptance of Cabinet Mission Plan (1946) but declared that they will be free to amend
the provisions when they set in the parliament. Quaid-i-Azam, who emerged as leader of
the Muslims, once accepted the Cabinet Mission Plan (thus virtually withdrew from the
Thus the centuries old Hindu-Muslim differences, transformed into political in the
19th and 20th centuries were not the ordinary differences which could be dissolved or
arbitrated, are responsible for the creation of Pakistan. However, the decision of the
partition of India and the establishment of a separate homeland was taken on the
universally accepted principle of people as the final decision makers. The Muslims gave
their verdict in 1945-46 elections that nothing less than Pakistan comprised of the Muslim
majority areas of the Indo-Pak Subcontinent is acceptable to them and the actual power
i.e. British and the potential power i.e. the Congress had to accept this verdict and thus
CONCLUSION
The case of creation of Pakistan is exceptional in the sense that it was opposed in 1940s
and there is still thinking to question not only the validity of the decision in 1947 but
creating more doubts in the minds of young generation. Those who defended the case in
19
1940s need adherents to defend the case now also. It is a challenge of the time and it
should be responded to fasten to the past struggle of the Muslims of South Asia on one
hand and on the other to defend the case of Pakistan with arguments not abhorring to
the new generation of Pakistan particularly those getting education in the elite schools. A
constant interaction with the new generation, their doubts, aspiration, hopes and fears
regarding their homeland should not only be valued sympathetically but should also be