The Sikh Dilemma: The Partition of Punjab 1947

Busharat Elahi Jamil

Abstract
The Partition of India 1947 resulted in the Partition of the
Punjab into two, East and West. The 3rd June Plan gave a sense of
uneasiness and generated the division of dilemma among the large
communities of the British Punjab like Muslims, Hindus and Sikh
besetting a holocaust. This situation was beneficial for the British
and the Congress. The Sikh community with the support of
Congress wanted the proportion of the Punjab according to their
own violation by using different modules of deeds. On the other
hand, for Muslims the largest populous group of the Punjab, by
using the platform of Muslim League showed the resentment
because they wanted the decision on the Punjab according to their
requirements. Consequently the conflict caused the world’s
bloodiest partition and the largest migration of the history.

Introduction
The Sikhs were the third largest community of the United
Punjab before India’s partition. The Sikhs had the historic
religious, economic and socio-political roots in the Punjab. Since
the annexation of the Punjab, they were faithful with the British
rulers and had an influence in the Punjabi society, even enjoying
various privileges. But in the 20th century, the Muslims
90 Pakistan Vision Vol. 17 No. 1

Independence Movement in India was not only going to divide the

Punjab but also causing the division of the Sikh community
between East and West Punjab, which confused the Sikh
leadership. So according to the political scenarios in different
timings, Sikh leadership changed their demands and started to
present different solutions of the Sikh enigma for the geographical
transformation of the province. The Indian National Congress
fully supported the Sikhs politically because of the socio-political
motives and gains. This research will deal with the claims and the
demands of the Sikhs, and the resentment by the Sikh community
on the Boundary Award.

The Sikh Dilemma

The issue surfaced when on February 20, 1947, the British
Prime Minister Mr. Clement Richard Attlee (1883-1967),
announced in the House of Commons to grant the independence
to Indians by June 1948. He also told that the King (Albert
Frederick Arthur 1895-1952) had appointed his cousin Lord
Mountbatten (1900-1979) as the last Viceroy of India.1 “…by
March 1947, when Mountbatten arrived to replace the Viceroy
Lord Archibald Percival Wavell (1883-1950), partition was the
only solution through which it was possible to secure the
agreement or at least the acquiescence of both Congress and
League”.2 After taking over, Lord Mountbatten started quickly the
partition operations. He decided to bring about the partition as
soon as it became achievable. Even he announced the date of
August 15, 1947 than the above said date of C. R. Attlee for the
Indian partition. In his report as the last Viceroy of India to HMG,
Lord Mountbatten described the reasons of the early partition of
India as:3

1. It seemed that an early transfer of actual power well

short of the original time limit of June, 1948 would
be likely to make for lasting goodwill between the
United Kingdom and the successor Governments in
India.
The Sikh Dilemma: The Partition of Punjab 1947 91

2. If the transitional Dominion status worked well, it

might prove to be acceptable as a permanent
arrangement.
3. It would be in accordance with the expressed desires
of both parties-by Congress that there should be a
transitional period of Dominion status for the new
India, and by the Muslim League that Pakistan should
form a part of the British Commonwealth; and the
leaders expressed themselves as unanimously in favor
of the date of 15th August.
4. It would place the responsibility for administration
on the shoulders of the successor authorities and
enable them to build up their own administrative
machinery before the existing one had completely
run down; a later date would have meant an even
more complete lack of civil administration.
5. It seems likely, they lessening the urgency for
framing new constitutions, would increase the
chances of really workable and sound ones being
worked out; and it would make possible, in the
meanwhile, the administrative continuity within the
framework of the Government of India Act, 1935,
which was perhaps the greatest single legislative
achievement of the British in India.

(Lord Mountbatten’s Conclusions’ Appended to His ‘Report

on the Last Viceroyalty’ Submitted to His Majesty’s Government
in September 1948)
But on the other hand H. M. Seervai (1906-1996)4 also added a
reason for the early partition by Lord Mountbatten “that 15
August 1947 was the second anniversary of the surrender of Japan
may have had a personal and historic association for Mountbatten,
as he had been the Supreme Commander for South-East Asia in
the War against Japan.”5
92 Pakistan Vision Vol. 17 No. 1

Historical study of the events shows that the partition of the

India caused the Partition of the Punjab which was holding many
communities6 like Muslims, Hindus and Sikhs etc and having a
large territory.7 It was somewhat a tough job for the British to
deal with such communities and take them under confidence;
hence a United Punjab was a favourable proposition.8 The
diversity in the demands of the large communities of the Punjab
like partition was also creating a sense of worry and complexity in
the British administration because without the solution of the
internal issues of Punjab they could not have reached the partition
of India. “Every argument for dividing India is an argument for
dividing the Punjab, and every argument for keeping the Punjab
united is an argument for retaining the unity of India”.9
The Indian National Congress fully supported the Sikhs;10
Congress was favoring them because without Sikhs the Hindu
community could not face Muslims in Punjab.11 Moreover,
without their compliance the British, the Muslim League and the
Congress could not reach at any decision regarding the finalization
of the Punjab project of partition.12 On the other hand, the Sikhs
did not believe in the support of Congress, and were ready to face
the circumstances independently with the support of the British
administration. The leaders of Akali Dal Propaganda Party like
Master Tara Singh, Amar Singh Dosanjh, Kartar Singh, Summer Singh
of Lyallpur and Vir Singh of Amritsar started the tours of various
parts of Punjab. The central idea of their speeches was “British
handing over power to Indians, the Sikhs can expect nothing from
the Congress, which has consistently refused to give them more
than paper assurances”.13 Basically when Muslim League leadership
demanded the complete Punjab, in a response Sikhs started to
demand the division of the Punjab, because they had deeply sorted
affiliations with the Punjab.

About the Sikh status in the Punjab Harjot S. Oberoi wrote:

…that many Sikhs claim Punjab as their homeland.
Many of the Sikh Gurus were born in the villages and
towns of the Punjab, and they constantly traversed across
The Sikh Dilemma: The Partition of Punjab 1947 93

this ancient land; historically, the Sikh Panth matured in

the region; the verses in its sacred literature draw their
rich imagery from the surrounding landscape; the major
pilgrim centers of the community are scattered all over
the Punjab; and the faithful over the past five centuries
have tried to mould the land in their own corporate
image.14

Sikhs were in a sense of uncertainty, they changed their

demands regarding Punjab in different phases, such as in a meeting
of “Panthic Prithindhi Board” at Amritsar on January 30, 1947
Akali Leaders Baldev Singh (1902-1961), Swaran Singh (1907-
1994), Master Tara Singh (1885-1967), Giani Kartar Singh (1902-
1974), Odham Singh Nagoke (1894-1966) discussed to form a
Hindu-Sikh province15 consisting of those districts of Punjab
where the Muslims were in minority. For this, to prepare a
resolution a sub-committee was founded consisting of Bawa
Harikashan Singh, Master Tara Singh and Baldev Singh.16
Gradually the political motives and religious integration
brought both the Hindus and the Sikhs, the Congress and Sikh
leaders17 unanimously to support the creation of Pakistan; because
partition of India would be the reason of the partition of the
Punjab, with this the Sikhs and Hindus could get the area of the
Punjab according to their own, it reminded the Sikhs the golden
era of Maharaja Ranjit Singh (1780-1839) in the Punjab and as well
as the Hindus also had their affiliation with Punjab back from
Vedic period, it was a holy land for Hindus.18 Lala Lajpat Rai
(1865-1928) leader of Indian National Congress and Arya Samaj
also gave the idea of the partition of the Punjab into East and West
in 1920.19 This shows that the Congress was working and fully
involved in the partition of the Punjab.

Francis Tuker shared the stances of the Hindu community as

under:
The most disheartening thing that appeared just now
was the vindictive attitude of the majority of Hindus. In
effect they said, ‘well if the Muslims want Pakistan, let
94 Pakistan Vision Vol. 17 No. 1

them have it and with a vengeance. We will shear every

possible inch off their territory so as to make it look silly
and to ensure that it is not a viable country and, when
they’ve got what’s left, we’ll ensure that it can’t be
worked economically’.20

Throughout the summer of 1940, the Sikhs in the Punjab

emerged as an opposition against the Muslim League and as well as
the Unionist Party. The Akali leaders fully propagated the events
of the past and remembered them to their people to produce a
sense of hate among the common Sikhs.21 The event of Lahore
Resolution of March 1940 also pushed the Sikhs and they showed
more aggression.22 From start the Sikhs also initiated a campaign
against the Lahore Resolution because now the creation of Pakistan
was going to remind Sikhs then uneasy past when Muslims
oppressed them.23 In February-March 1947, “The League’s assault
on Punjab was already in progress and would be unstoppable. The
tone and tempo of the new Viceroyalty were set at its
commencement: Mountbatten flew in on Saturday, 22 March, had
no doubts that some kind of partition was unavoidable. It could be
said, in other words, that the ever-narrowing funnel of historical
causation had reached its virtual tip of inevitability”.24
In Viceroy’s First Staff Meeting held on March 25, 1947,
Viceroy of India Lord Mountbatten (1900-1979) discussed that
few days back Pandit Nehru (1889-1964) the leader of Indian
National Congress25 and later the first Prime Minister of India also
presented to him a formula for the temporary division of the
Punjab according to which Punjab would be divided into three
parts, the Muslim majority area of the Punjab, the Hindu majority
area of the Punjab and the Sikh majority areas of the Punjab.
These three divisions of the Punjab will work under three separate
ministries and a joint Governor and this temporary partition will
exist till the end of the British rule in India.26 It could be an
agreement between Congress and Muslim League to solve the
Punjab dilemma, but the plan was not in favor of the Muslims
because this joint venture of the Hindus and Sikhs could disturb
The Sikh Dilemma: The Partition of Punjab 1947 95

the socio-political hegemonic position of the Muslims in the

Punjab. Moreover, the dilemma was still there as Mr. Jinnah
(1876-1948) was not in favor of the partition of Punjab. On the
other hand, Giani Kartar Singh to pressurize the Muslims, viewed
that in the absence of an agreement between the Muslim League
and the Congress the Sikhs will focus on the Partition of the
Punjab.27 So in both cases Punjab was going to be divided.28
Sardar Ujjal Singh a Sikh delegate of the Second Round Table
Conference (1931) to entertain the issues of the Sikh community
suggested to re-draw the boundaries of the Punjab and detach the
Muslim majority western districts to make balance in the
communities of the Punjab and it will be more beneficial
politically and economically but this scheme did not come under
consideration.29 Lt. General Francis Tuker (1894-1967)30
elaborated this view, which we were assuming and noticing that
the Sikh community of India was dreaming for the revival their
rule from Delhi to Peshawar but if they included in Pakistan it will
be difficult and if Sikh included in India “he might make liberalism
serve his opportunity”.31
Sikhs were not initially in favor of partition of the Punjab even
they were extremely against this action because it could disturb
their economic, social and religious life. Later, “During the
political crisis in the Punjab in March and April 1947 the Sikh
finally threw in their lot with Congress”.32 The Congress Working
Committee adopted a Resolution in March 1947 “That Punjab
should be partitioned if Pakistan was created”.33 A delegation of
11 non-Muslim MLAs of the Punjab, including Sardar Samporan
Singh MLA, Sardar Surjeet Singh Mathethiya MLA, Sir Boota Singh
MCS, Sardar Mangal Singh MLA and Sardar Bahadur Captain
Harindar Singh MLA as important member, put a request to Pandit
Nehru on April 2, 1947 to forward it to Viceroy, in which they
clearly demanded the partition of the Punjab into two parts as
solution of Punjab riddle.34 On this, Lord Mountbatten was also
astonished when Sikhs through Congress moved the Resolution
for the partition of the Punjab because it was even going to divide
their own community. Lord Mountbatten shared “I have spent a
96 Pakistan Vision Vol. 17 No. 1

great deal of time both out here and in England in seeking

whether there was any solution which would keep the Sikh
community more together… I have not found that solution”.35
In March 1947 Khizar Hayat Tiwana (1900-1975) of the
Unionist Party resigned because of the enormous agitation by the
Muslim League in Punjab, which caused the Governor Raj in the
province. This followed key changes in Muslim politics in the
province. Nawab Iftikhar Husain Khan of Mamdot (1906-1969) the
president of the Muslim League Punjab as the majority party
leader started efforts to make the “League Ministry” in Punjab
after the resignation of Khizar Hayat Tiwana.36 Liaqat Ali Khan
(1896-1951) leader of All India Muslim League and later the first
premier of Pakistan also favored the idea as according to him the
Governor Raj was causing the seat adjustment of other political
parties and exploiting of Muslim League.37 But after the violence
and huge killings of non-Muslims in the West Punjab particularly
in Rawalpindi Division by the Muslims, Sikh community turned
against the formation of the Muslim Ministry of Mamdot in the
Punjab, thus because of the Sikh reservations the British
administration became reluctant to form the League ministry.38
The Sikhs also started to demand a separate state for Sikhs
against the demand of a separate state of Mr. Jinnah for the
Muslims.39 Earlier, in 1930s the Azad Punjab scheme emerged for
the re-demarcation of the Punjab by the Sikhs on the lines of the
scheme of Ujjal Singh. Akali Dal fully supported this scheme. “The
Akali Dal saw ‘Azad Punjab’ comprising Ambala, Jullunder, Lahore
divisions, and out of the Multan division, Lyallpur district and
some portions of Montgomery and Multan districts” but this
theory of Azad Punjab became ineffective when “in July 1944
Rajagopalachari had intimated to Jinnah that Gandhi and the
Congress were prepared to concede Pakistan if the Muslim League
would support the Congress in calling for complete independence
and co-operate in the formation of a provincial government”.40
Furthermore, the Sikhs had many plans regarding the partition
of the Punjab historically. Actually they remained much close and
sincere with the British Administration, now they wanted to get
The Sikh Dilemma: The Partition of Punjab 1947 97

privileges from British to solve issues like partition of Punjab.

They now proposed to give the Rohtak, Gorgaon, half kernel and
half Hisar district to Hindu Jatts. Moreover, they believed to
include the remaining part of Kernal and Hisar and Ambala and the
district of Simla in the Sikh State. Kartar Singh made it clear that he
wished the annexation of Montgomery for the Sikh State. He also
demanded to declare Nankana Sahib in district Sheikhupura and the
neighboring villages a ‘Free City’. Moreover, he focused that “the
British had taken the Punjab from the Sikhs, and it would be
logical enough to return it to them”.41
The Muslim majority districts in the Lahore division were
Gujranwala, Gurdaspur, Lahore, Sheikhupura and Sialkot, In
Rawalpindi division Attock, Gujrat, Jhelum, Mianwali and Shahpur, in
Rawalpindi division Dera Ghazi khan, Jhang, Lyallpur, Montgomery,
Multan and Mazafargarh.42 In them the Sikhs were expecting the
annexation of Muslim majority districts of Multan, Montgomery43
with East Punjab while on the other hand the Muslims were
demanding the attachment of Muslim majority Tehsils in Gurdaspur,
Hoshiarpur, Jullunder, Amritsar and Ferozpur districts as part of
Pakistan.44 Later on, in the Sikh Memorandum through Harnam
Singh Advocate to the Punjab Boundary Commission the Sikhs
finally decided to demand Ambala, Jullundur, Lahore divisions,
Lyallpur district; and Montgomery district and Khanewal, Vihari
and Mailsi sub-districts of Multan division.45
In this situation, Governor of the Punjab suggested that the
non-Muslims will get Ambala and Jullunder divisions and district of
Amritsar and Muslims will receive Rawalpindi, Multan and Lahore
divisions and a part of Amritsar.46 But in a Hindu, Sikh convention
at Delhi in April 1947, the demand was the entire Ambala and
Jullunder,47 Lahore division and one district from colony districts
of Multan division. The Sikhs were much confused as they first
focused on minimum of one city or district of Multan division but
on the other hand they were ready to withdraw from this demand
if Sheikhupura48 would be granted to them, proposing that the
Muslims of the Sheikhupura should be shifted to Lyallpur or other
colony district and the Sikhs of these colony districts be shifted to
98 Pakistan Vision Vol. 17 No. 1

Sheikhupura.49 Later they started a demand of extending the

boundary of the East Punjab till Chenab, which could cause the
inclusion of the Muslim majority districts of Sialkot, Gujranwala,
Lahore, Sheikhupura, Gurdaspur, Lyallpur and Montgomery In the
Eastern Punjab because these districts had great agricultural,
economic and religious importance for them.50
Sardar Harnam Singh, Sardar Soran Singh and Lala Bhem Sen
Sachar (1894-1978) the Sikh and Congress leaders also presented
another plan of the partition of the Punjab. They divided the
Punjab in three parts as under51:
1. A non-Muslim province including Ambala and
Jullunder divisions.
2. A Muslim province of Rawalpindi and Multan
divisions.
3. A province containing Lahore division including
Montgomery under the joint control of Hindus,
Muslims and Sikhs.

To pressurize the British, the Sikhs also reminded their worth,

importance and value to Lord Mountbatten to get the best. In this
regard, Sardar Santokh Singh of Shahkot shared the weightage out of
the prevailing situation of Sikh community as52:
1. “The Khalsa had made the supreme sacrifice and
thrown its lot with India”.
2. “We have been threatened to be badly split up and
reduced to a hopeless minority in the national
division of Pakistan and Hindustan”.
3. “We have fought and defended the country” and gave
our blood”.
4. “We have contributed a lot for the development of
economic and agriculture fields of the country”.
The Sikh Dilemma: The Partition of Punjab 1947 99

5. “The Sikh religion has also contributed a beautiful

culture to India”.

“We have not done all this to earn slavery and domination”.
They will only accept the plan which maintains the Sikh solidarity.
On the other hand, the Muslim leaders were also becoming a bit
responsive and stern, that now they will not surrender an inch of
the West Punjab.53 “The Muslims of the Punjab give final warning.
We are loyal to our great leader Muhammad Ali Jinnah and to the
word given by him on behalf of the Muslim people, and the
principles and procedure of the British Plan as accepted by him.
Beyond that therefore, we claim not an inch, but of that we will
yield not an inch”.54

When the demands of the Sikhs were not recognized

appropriately, the Sikh leaders Ishar Singh Majhail and Udham Singh
at Gurdaspur in a speech while attending a Fair, declared the British
guilty, as they were continuously ignoring the claims of the Sikhs
community.55 But the Sikhs were only 1.4 percent of the total
population of the sub-continent56 and 6 million in the Punjab
which was the 20 percent of the population of the province. 57
They had no majority even in a single district of Punjab but they
were dreaming and fighting for a purified Sikh state.58 In this “Sikh
State”, they wanted to settle the Sikhs shifted from other areas and
drive out the Muslims. But it was quite impossible for the
administration to shift the Muslims from non-Muslim areas by
force. As Jenkins said, it would be a non-Muslim State but not a
Sikh state.59 The reaction of the Earl of Listowel also representing
the view of the British administration about the Sikhs demand of
“Sikh State” is interesting.

Earl of Listowel60 interjected as:

I suppose the basic fact of the situation is that the
Sikhs have an exaggerated idea of their proper status in
the future sep-up. No doubt this is due partly to their
historical position as the rulers of the Punjab, partly to
100 Pakistan Vision Vol. 17 No. 1

the rather flattering treatment they have received from us

as one of the great martial races of India, and partly to the
fact that they consider that they have contributed out of
proportion to their numbers to the economic wealth of
the Punjab. On the other hand, they are a community
numbering only some 6 millions out of nearly 400
millions and in the Punjab itself they number only 4
millions among 28 millions. On any democratic basis,
therefore, they must definitely be regarded as a minority
(and not even as a “major” minority). Owing to the fact
that in no single district of the Punjab do they constitute a
majority of the population, it is out of the question to
meet their claims by setting up a separate Sikh State.61

The political turmoil increasingly brought the Sikhs on a cliff

of trauma and they indulged in inferiority complex as “they
pointed out that since the Sikh had been given the status of the
third major community, they had been expressly excluded from
this advantage, and that whereas a Muslim or even a Christian
(since he belonged to the “General” communities) may raise an
issue and vote on communal questions, and that the presence of
even four Muslims of which three voted against a communal issue
would prevent its being carried, the Sikhs were debarred from
this since they were not one of the two major communities”.62 At
this moment Sikhs became enormously against the Muslims in the
Punjab even they didn’t like to live with them.63
From the Administration’s point of view, another suggestion
to settle down and resolve the partition question, Governor of the
Punjab Sir E. Jenkins (1896-1985) recommended the partition of
Punjab into two parts64 on the basis of the Muslim and the non-
Muslim districts along with adjoining Muslim and non-Muslim
Tehsils with the help of a Boundary Commission65 consisting of a
neutral Chairman, two Muslim and two non-Muslim members.66
Moreover, he proposed the Chairman of the Boundary
Commission should be a British Judge of High Court.67 E. Jenkins
who was not in favor of the partition of Punjab before now
The Sikh Dilemma: The Partition of Punjab 1947 101

recommended the partition because it was the only acceptable

solution to the Sikhs now. He commented that in case of the
partition of India, it will give birth to the partition of Punjab and
in case of unified India the Punjab will remain united. With this he
created a positive and a favorable stance for the Sikhs.68
But the Sikh leadership was showing an attitude of less trust in
the British Administration perhaps they were in a hurry to occupy
their desired areas of Punjab by using different means. Giani Kartar
Singh (professor of English) and particularly Master Tara Singh, the
Sikh leaders were fully supporting the partition of Punjab into two
parts and fully involved in the violence in the province.69 They
wrote a letter to Maharaja of Faridkot Raja Hariandar Singh in
which they invited him to occupy the complete districts of
Ferozpur, Ludhiana and some parts of district Lahore and also to get
control of these areas. Maharaja Faridkot also shared this letter
with Lord Mountbatten.70 On this Allan Campbell Johnson also
considered the rulers of some Sikh states a bit guilty because of
their attitude and favoring the Sikh demands. Moreover, under
the leadership of Maharaja of Patiala the States of Sikh Princes
were willing to co-operate with India but not much enthusiastic
toward the objectives of Sikh leadership.71
The status and the importance of the Sikh community was an
open phenomenon. The SAD (Shiromani Akali Dal)72 designated a
delegation and sent it to UK on August 1, 1947 to present the
issues and as well as the demands of the Sikhs. The British Primer
C. R. Attlee refused to see them but they had a meeting with
Under Secretary Sir Paul Patrick but without any result73. The
Sikhs were playing an important role in the agriculture sector of
Punjab and they were also a major part of the Indian army. A
section of the Sikh community was not in favor of any group of
triangle, British, Hindus and Muslims. The claims of the
communities on the partition of the Punjab were creating
disturbance for the British administration74.

At this moment, the British administration started thinking to

implement the division by force according to the British formulas
102 Pakistan Vision Vol. 17 No. 1

otherwise the circumstance would be crucial and out of control.75

Because the demands of all the three involved communities
regarding the partition of the Punjab were the demands of the
peace times but now the circumstances were becoming much
crucial and critical because of blood-shed. As such it was a tough
job for the British Administration to look after the issues properly
but they were dealing with these situations sensibly, while the
natural obstructions, a wide-ranging and wide canal system
constituted a dilemma to deal with the issues of the partition of
the Punjab according to the wishes of the involved communities.
The British Administration was considering the “Unionist”
attitude, division or the war in the Punjab as the substitute of
Punjab dilemma.76 Viceroy Lord Mountbatten was also in favor of
dividing the Punjab on the basis of Muslim and non-Muslim
majority areas. He gave the power to East Punjab to join either
the legislature of Pakistan or India as per demand of the Sikh
community.77 But the preparations for the violence also created
critical situations for British administration. The Sikhs started the
resentment vigorously. To demonstrate their importance and to
put the pressure on the British Administration, Shiromani Akali Dal
(SAD) started preparing to violence in the Punjab. The Sikh
leadership was giving a thinking to the common Sikhs “that they
must therefore prepare themselves to take their homeland by
force”.78
The Sikhs’ aggressive activities as a response even started in
March April 1947; with the signatures of 18 important Sikh
leaders, a war fund of Rs. 50 lakh was announced. Giani Kartar
Singh, Master Tara Singh and Baldev Singh were fully involved in
these preparations particularly with the favors of Maharaja of
Patiala. The Sikhs were not ready to accept the dominance of any
party in the Punjab. The Governor of the Punjab asked Sardar
Soran Singh the Ex-Development Minister of Punjab to eliminate
this aggressive propaganda. 79 The Sikhs were only preparing for
the violence in the province. Initially they had no intentions to
attack the Muslims because it would result the loss of British favor
to them and they were not powerful to fight on two fronts. Their
The Sikh Dilemma: The Partition of Punjab 1947 103

preparations were only to face the Muslims after the elimination

of the British rule.80
The Governor of the Punjab believed that they would not
prefer to launch any aggressive activity before July 1948.81 But
“… The Governor of Punjab gave clear and persistent warnings to
Mountbatten that the Sikhs meant to make trouble if the
Governments of Pakistan and India were set up before the lines of
demarcation were laid down by the Award of the Boundary
Commission and if that Award were not to their liking…”.82 So
Lord Mountbatten asked Baldev Singh the Defense Minister of
India that if Sikhs showed any brutality, I will crush them by army
and air force.83 But the Sikh community was gradually trying to
find out the solution of Muslim Sikh issues in arms, they believed
the solution is extremely remote.84 On the other hand, the British
Administration continued its job regarding partition.
Lord Mountbatten after joining the Viceroyalty of India
started the work on the Partition of India Plan. After the
recommendations of the British Government and the local
political representatives he announced the plan on June 3rd 1947.
But after the announcement of the June 3rd Plan of the Indian
partition85 the Working Committee of SAD adopted a resolution
in a meeting headed by Giani Kartar Singh on June 23, 1947, in
which they rejected the plan. According to them this plan would
deprive the Sikhs politically without protecting their interests.
They also decided to boycott the suggested Boundary
Commission.86
Inspite of all dilemmas a Boundary Commission under Sir
Radcliff in July 1947 somehow continued its job and in August
announced the Boundary Award. According to the Boundary
Award (August 17, 1947) West Punjab got the area about 62,000
square miles with an estimated Muslim population of 15,800,000,
on the other hand East Punjab received the area about 37000
square miles with the population of 12,600,000, the number of
Muslim in East Punjab was about 4,375,000.87 Pakistan was also
deprived of many of her areas in this Award. About the Radcliff
Award, Sharif-ud-Din Pirzada put to his views:
104 Pakistan Vision Vol. 17 No. 1

In Gurdaspur district, two contiguous Muslim

majority tehsils, Gurdaspur and Batala, were given to
India along with Pathankot tehsil. The Muslim majority
tehsil Ajnala in the Amritsar district was also handed over
to India. In the Jullunder district, the Muslim majority
tehsils, Nakodar and Jullunder, were assigned to India.
The Muslim majority tehsils, Zira and Ferozpur, in the
Ferozepur district, which were east to the Sutlej River,
were also transferred to India. All of these Muslim
majority areas were contiguous to West Punjab.88

Sikhs also became disheartened after the announcement of the

Boundary Award. As per the inventive Sikh State scheme, Sikhs
were demanding Montgomery, Lyallpur and Sheikhupura but now
according to the partition schemes, these areas were going to be
the part of the Western Punjab, so it was the time for the Sikhs to
revise their plan. But at the same time “Sikh members of the
Punjab Assembly voted with the Hindu members in opposition to
the Muslim members. The voting resulted in the partition of the
Punjab”.89 Moreover, the Sikh leadership decided the agitation and
Direct Action to pressurize the Boundary Commission.90 Later to
make the Sikhs happy, the Boundary Awards the Boundary Award
was announced on August 17, 1947 with relevant achievements.91
Moreover, after the announcement of the Boundary Award,
the Muslim League was mentally prepared that the Sikh
community will create the chaos in the region because this Award
was not fully favoring the Sikhs. The Holy Shrines in Sheikhupura,
the lands of Multan, Montgomery and Lyallpur of the Sikhs were
becoming part of the West Punjab. Penderel Moon portrayed the
issue as “here lay the crux of the Pakistan problem. According to
the ideas of Jinnah and the Muslim League, the Punjab, being a
Muslim-majority province, would be part of Pakistan. But if so, it
would be necessary to square the Sikhs. For how could this robust
and highly self-conscious community be incorporated in a Muslim
State against their will? They would certainly resist by force”.92
The Sikh Dilemma: The Partition of Punjab 1947 105

But now the British were avoiding implementing the partition

plan by force because it could create hurdles and difficulties. But
implementation could induce the people of other provinces
towards violence which therefore required more and more army
to contain the situation.93
Gradually the law and order situation was becoming worst in
the Punjab. “It is well known that in Punjab, the Sikhs, assisted by
the Hindus, are preparing for a communal war. The Maharaja of
Patiala is supplying arms, ammunition and explosives and has also
sent some of his troops in mufti to Amritsar. The Maharaja of
Faridkot has also joined in. He has promised the district of Ferozpur.
Nabha is supplying arms, while Kapurthala provides the funds.
Even Alwar, Dholpur, Bikaner and Bharatpur have supplied arms”.94
Liaqat Ali Khan suggested to the Viceroy to give permission to the
Muslims to hold weapons with them for security purposes as the
Sikhs had got such permission in 1924 but the Viceroy did not
agree because it could cause more violence. It is worth noting that
only in one police station at Rawalpindi, there were 500 murder
cases of the riots under investigation95 and more than 20,000 Sikhs
migrated from the disturbed areas of the West Punjab only to
Patiala State till the end of April 1947.96
The curtain was raised and the real scene came in front of
him, for example when in May 1947 Lord Mountbatten with his
wife and the Governor of the Punjab visited Kahuta 25 miles away
from Rawalpindi, containing a population of 2000 Sikhs and
Hindus and 1500 Muslim which were living in mutual, calm and
harmony but on March 7, 1947 the village was burnt completely
and destruction was everywhere. Particularly the area where
Hindus and the Sikhs used to live together was totally destructed,
women took their lives rather than becoming rapped.97 The same
situation was there in the East Punjab. These circumstances
changed the Punjab completely. Before the partition of Punjab of
1947 by Radcliff, Punjab was a single province but now in the
history for the first time it was divided into two Punjabs, the
Indian Punjab (Eastern) and the Pakistani Punjab (Western). It
was a disheartening feeling for the Sikhs particularly because now
106 Pakistan Vision Vol. 17 No. 1

it was not like the Punjab of Guru Nanak, Ranjit Singh and the
British.98

Conclusion
The scattered 20 percent Sikh population of the Punjab
endeavored to consolidate the Sikh community, holy shrines and
the fertile canal colonies of the Punjab into their part. To fulfill
this, the Sikhs also received support from the Indian National
Congress. The political support of the Congress was helpful for
the Sikhs in the Punjab and on the other hand, the Sikhs’ support
of the Congress was valuable for the Hindu community to survive
in the Punjab. Particularly from February 1947 to August 1947,
the Sikhs raised many socio-political demands regarding the
partition of the Punjab. They also tried to pressurize the British
Administration of Britain and India to obtain the best terms. But
as the Administration was dealing with all three communities the
Muslims, Hindus and Sikhs so it was quite impossible to show
their leaning towards single side. Later through the Radcliff’s
Boundary Award on August 17, 1947 the British Administration
justified the geographical division of the Punjab into the East and
the West. This division was not wholly acceptable for to Sikhs as
well as the Muslims. This caused a huge blood-shed in both parts
of the Punjab and the minorities of both the parts suffered a lot.
The partition of the Punjab also brought many socio-political
changes in both the parts.

Notes and References

1 Hector Bolitho, Jinnah Creator of Pakistan, (Karachi:

Oxford University Press, 2006), 157.158.
2 W. H. Morris-Jones, Thirty-Six Years Later: The Mixed
Legacies of Mountbatten’s Transfer of Power,
International Affairs (Royal Institute of International
Affairs 1944-), Vol. 59, No. 4 (Autumn 1983), 622.
The Sikh Dilemma: The Partition of Punjab 1947 107

3 H. V. Hodson, The Great Divide, Britain, India, Pakistan, 8th

Impression, (Karachi: Oxford University Press, 1997),
551-552.
4 H. M. Seervai was a lawyer and also remained the
Advocate General of Maharashtra India.
5 H. M. Seervai, Partition of India Legend and Reality, 2nd
Edt., (Bombay: N. M. Tripathi Private Ltd., 1994), 138.
6 According to the Census Report of 1941 India, there were
57.06% Muslims, 26.56% Hindus, 13.22 % Sikhs, 1.77%
Christians, 0.13% Jains and 1.26% others in Punjab.
Census Report of India 1941, 65.
7 The partition of the Punjab was a sensitive and critical
phenomenon then the partition of the India. In the process
of the partition of India, British were entertaining only
two groups largely Hindus and Muslims but in the
partition of the there were three groups Muslims, Hindus
and Sikhs. It was a quite difficult job for the British
administration to face three groups and fulfill the desires
of all groups.
8 Note by Sir E. Jenkins (Extract) R 3/1/176: ff 63-5,
29/3/47, TOP, Vol., X, 45.
9 H. V. Hodson, The Great Divide, Britain, India, Pakistan,
268-269.
10 Viceroy’s thirteenth miscellaneous meeting, Mountbatten
Papers, 11/5/47, TOP, Vol., X, P. 759.
11 Mr. Menon to Mr. Abell, R/3/1/130: f 203, 29/3/47,
TOP, Vol., X. P. 44
12 Note by E. Jenkins (Extract) R/3/1/176: ff 63-5,
29/3/47, TOP, Vol., X, P. 45.
13 Police Abstract of Intelligence, Punjab, 15/2/47, P. 66.
14 Harjot S. Oberoi, From Punjab to “Khalistan”:
Territoriality and Metacommentary, Pacific Affairs. Vol.
60, No. 1 (Spring, 1987), 27.
108 Pakistan Vision Vol. 17 No. 1

15 “Since it is very probable that the Sikhs could not have

found a permanently secure place within Pakistan-tough
some explorations on those lines did take place-it follows
that the main realistic future was with in India”.
W. H. Morris-Jones, Thirty-Six Years Later: The Mixed
Legacies of Mountbatten’s Transfer of Power,
International Affairs (Royal Institute of International
Affairs 1944-), Vol. 59, No. 4 (Autumn 1983), 626.
16 Police Abstract of Intelligence, Punjab, 8/2/47, 57.
17 “…their three leaders who really counted, the one who in
fact influenced developments much more than the others
was Baldev Singh, because by virtue of his membership of
the interim Government, he frequently talked and wrote
to the Viceroy. But, as already stated, his most
distinguishing trait was that he was extremely anti-
Muslim. The Second leader, Master Tara Singh, was very
popular among the Sikhs, but he was basically emotional.
Giani Kartar Singh, the third leader, as President of the
Akali Dal (Sikh Party), was technically the spokesman and
top most leaders of the Sikhs but not only were less
known than the other two. He also lacked the capacity to
make up his mind”.
Latif Ahmad Sherwani, The Partition of India and
Mountbatten, (Karachi: Council for Pakistan Studies,
1986), 101.
18 Ian Talbot and Guru Harpal Singh, Partition of India,
(Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2009), 42.
19 Ibid.
20 Francis Tuker, While Memory Serves, (London: Cassell and
Company Ltd., 1950), 257.
21 Tai Yong Tan and Gynesh Kudasiya, The Aftermath of
Partition in South Asia, (London: Rutledge, 2000), 103.
22 “…The Lahore Resolution made no specific definition of
the areas which were to constitute the ‘autonomous and
sovereign units’ that were to form the Muslim state. Its
The Sikh Dilemma: The Partition of Punjab 1947 109

ambiguity notwithstanding, the Lahore Resolution

sparked off an enormous furor amongst the Sikhs in the
Punjab”.
Ibid, 102.
23 Ibid
24 W. H. Morris-Jones, Thirty-Six Years Later: The Mixed
Legacies of Mountbatten’s Transfer of Power, 622.
25 Indian National Congress was the huge supporter of the
Sikhs’ cause during the partition process.
26 Viceroy’s First Staff Meeting, Item 4, Mountbatten
Papers, 25/3/47, TOP, Vol., X, P.15.
27 Ibid.
28 In a session of Joint Conference of Sikh Organizations they
admired and praised the division of the Punjab and it was
also said that “No partition of the province that did not
preserve the solidarity and integrity of the Sikh
community would be acceptable to the Sikhs”.
Muhammad Ali, Emergence of Pakistan, 13th Impression,
(Lahore: Research Society of Pakistan, University of the
Punjab, 2009), 156.
29 Tai Yong Tan and Gynesh Kudasiya, The Aftermath of
Partition in South Asia, P. 106.
30 Lt. General Francis Tuker was the commander of 34th
Indian Infantry Division and 4th Infantry Division in
British India.
31 Francis Tuker, While Memory Serves, 257.
32 Leonard Brooks, L. Dudley Stamp, C. B. Fawcett, E. S.
Lindley, W. G. East, Mushtaq Ahmad Bajwa, O. H. K.
Spate, The Partition of the Punjab and the Bengal:
Discussion, The Geographical Journal, Vol. 110, No. 4/6
(Oct.-Dec., 1947), 221.
33 Ian Talbot and Guru Harpal Singh, Partition of India, 37.
110 Pakistan Vision Vol. 17 No. 1

34 Certain Members of the Indian Central Legislature from

Punjab to Pandit Nehru R/3/1/157: f 213, 2/4/47,
TOP, Vol., X, 88.
35 Muhammad Ali, Emergence of Pakistan, 13th Impression,
(Lahore: Research Society of Pakistan, University of the
Punjab, 2009), 155.
36 The inter-communal politics of the Punjab reduced with
the resignation of the Unionist Party. According to E.
Jenkins Khizar Tiwana of Unionist Party also offered that
he is ready “to lead his Unionist Muslims into the League”
to form the League’s Ministry in the Punjab. But Lord
Mountbatten and E. Jenkins were not in this favor because
according to them “a communal government would only
make matters worse”. So they continued the Governor
Rule under section 93 of the Indian Act 1935 in the
Punjab.
H. V. Hodson, The Great Divide Britain, India, Pakistan,
273.
37 Liaqat Ali Khan to Lord Mountbatten R/3/1/90: ff 5-10,
15/4/47, TOP, Vol., X, P. 258.
38 Record of the Interview Mountbatten and Liaqat Ali
Khan, Mountbatten Papers, Viceroy’s interview No. 77,
11/4/47, TOP, Vol., X, 331.
39 Sir E. Jenkins (Punjab) to Lord Mountbatten,
Mountbatten Papers, Official Correspondence Files:
Punjab, Part I (b). 3/5/47, TOP, Vol., X. 597.
40 Tai Yong Tan and Gynesh Kudasiya, The Aftermath of
Partition in South Asia, P. 108.
41 Note by Sir E. Jenkins R/3/1/176: ff 130-4, 10/4/47,
TOP, Vol., X. 184.
42 The British Proposals for India, Chronology of
International Events and Documents, Vol. 3, No. 11 (May
26- Jun 8, 1947), 329.
The Sikh Dilemma: The Partition of Punjab 1947 111

43 The Sikh demands were not unified regarding the

annexation of the districts and areas. In a letter to Viceroy
Sardar Baldev Singh demanded Lahore, Amritsar and
Gurdaspur. He also focused that now the division of the
Punjab is on the demand of the Sikhs so give the weightage
to their demands.
Sardar Baldev Singh to Lord Mountbatten, R/3/1/178: ff
47-8, 1/5/47, TOP, Vol., X, PP. 520.521.
44 Police Abstract of Intelligence, Punjab, 23/8/47, 419.
45 Sikh Memorandum in the Boundary Commission, The
Partition of the Punjab 1947, (Lahore: Sang-i-Meel,
1993), 378.
46 E. Jenkins to Lord Mountbatten, Mountbatten Papers,
Official Correspondence Files, Punjab, Security,
Arrangements for Partition of Punjab, 1/5/47, TOP,
Vol., X. 529.
47 Sikhs were completely demanding the Ambala and
Jullunder divisions and had no controversy over these
divisions but the Muslim community of these two
divisions was not agreed on this because they were not
willing to accept the Sikh rule and hegemony over them.
Sir E. Jenkins (Punjab) to Lord Mountbatten,
Mountbatten Papers, Official Correspondence Files:
Punjab, Part I (b). 3/5/47, TOP, Vol., X, 596.
48 The rulers of the Sikh states like Raja Har Indar Singh of
Faridkot and Maharaja Partap Singh of Nabha State also
wrote to Viscount Mountbatten to use his influence on
Boundary Commission for the annexation of the Nankana
Sahib in the District Sheikhupura because of Sikh’ holy
shrines with East Punjab. But he refused to influence the
Boundary Commission.
Lord Mountbatten to Raja Har Indar Singh of Faridkot,
IOR R/3/1/157, 10/8/47 & Lord Mountbatten to
Mahraja Partap Singh of Nabha, IOR R/3/1/157,
112 Pakistan Vision Vol. 17 No. 1

11/8/47, The Partition of the Punjab 1947, (Lahore: Sang-i-

Meel, 1993), 256-257.
Moreover, Maharaja Yadvindar Singh of Patiala also tried
to influence Mountbatten to do so but Lord Mountbatten
refused.
Lord Mountbatten to Maharaja Yadvindar Singh of Patiala,
IOR R/3/1/157, 12/8/47, The Partition of the Punjab
1947, (Lahore: Sang-i-Meel, 1993), 259.
49 Sir E. Jenkins (Punjab) to Lord Mountbatten,
Mountbatten Papers, and Official Correspondence Files:
Punjab, Part I (b). 3/5/47, TOP, Vol., X, 596.
50 Muhammad Ali, Emergence of Pakistan, 13th Impression,
210.
51 Sir E. Jenkins (Punjab) to Lord Mountbatten,
Mountbatten Papers, Official Correspondence Files:
Punjab, Part I (b). 3/5/47, TOP, Vol., X, 597.
52 Sardar Santokh Singh to Sir George Abell IOR R/1/157,
23/6/47, The Partition of the Punjab 1947, (Lahore: Sang-i-
Meel, 1993), 52.
53 Muslim leaders like Khan of Mamdot, Mian Mumtaz
Doltana, Sardar Shaukat Hayat Khan, Malik Feroz
KhanNoon, Sheikh Karamat Ali, Begam Shahnawaz and
Mian Iftikhar-ud-Din to press in a statement characterize
their stance towards Punjab Boundary Commission, as
they have accepted mechanism of India and Punjab
partition under June 3rd Plan without reservations and
reluctance. Now they will not give up an inch of their
part.
Mr. Vallabhbhai Patel to Viscount Mountbatten, IOR
R/3/1/157, 21/7/47, clipping from Daily Dawn
21/7/47, The Partition of the Punjab 1947, (Lahore: Sang-i-
Meel, 1993), 197-199.
54 Mr. Vallabhbhai Patel to Viscount Mountbatten, IOR
R/3/1/157, 21/7/47, clipping from Daily Dawn
21/7/47, The Partition of the Punjab 1947, 199.
The Sikh Dilemma: The Partition of Punjab 1947 113

55 Police Abstract of Intelligence, Punjab, 26/1/47, 42.

56 Latif Ahmad Sherwani, The Partition of India and
Mountbatten, 100.
57 Pendral Moon, Divide and Quit, 3rd Impression, (New
Delhi: Oxford University Press, 1999), 29.
58 According to the plan, they were wanted to gather the
Sikh community in the East Punjab for the claim of the
Sikh State with the inclusion of Sikh States of the Punjab.
UK High Commissioner, New Delhi, to Secretary of State
for Commonwealth Relations, Telegram, IOR,
L/P&J/10/119, 12/9/47, JP, Vol. V, 227.
Francis Mudie to M. A. Jinnah, 23/9/47, F. 675 /55-61,
JP., Vol., V. 276.
59 E. Jenkins (Punjab) to Lord Mountbatten, Mountbatten
Papers, Official Correspondence Files: Part I (b) 7/5/47,
TOP, Vol., X. 643.
60 William Francis Hare (1906-1997) his title was Earl of
Listowel, he was the Secretary of State for India and
Burma from April 17, 1947 to August 14, 1947.
61 The Earl of Listowel to Rear-Admiral Viscount
Mountbatten of Burma, Mountbatten Papers. Letters to
and from the Secretary of State, 9/5/47, TOP, Vol., X,
710-711.
62 Record of Interview between Lord Mountbatten and
Master Tara Singh, Giani Kartar Singh, Sardar Baldev
Singh, Mountbatten Papers, Viceroy’s Interview No. 76,
18/4/47, TOP, Vol., X, 323.
63 In a meeting with Viceroy Lord Mountbatten Master Tara
Singh, Giani Kartar Singh and Sardar Baldev Singh the Sikh
leaders admitted that their hate with Muslims they do not
want to make collaboration with Muslim community in
Punjab even they were ready to form a joint province with
the Hindus.
114 Pakistan Vision Vol. 17 No. 1

Record of Interview between Lord Mountbatten and

Master Tara Singh, Giani Kartar Singh, Sardar Baldev
Singh, Mountbatten Papers, Viceroy’s Interview No. 76,
18/4/47, TOP, Vol., X, 321.
64 According to the census of the 1941 the area of the British
Punjab was 99,089 SM and population was 28,418,819
and moreover the Muslim ratio in the Punjab was 57.06%
and by including the Punjab states this ratio reached at
53.22%.
Sikh Memorandum in Boundary Commission, National
Documentation Centre, Islamabad, 4-6.
65 According to the June 3rd Plan a Boundary Commission
was decided for the partition of the Punjab and the Bengal.
Sir Cyril Radcliff was the head of said Boundary
Commission and he joined the Commission on July 8,
1947. Lord Mountbatten gave the 5 weeks time to Sir
Cyril Radcliff to demarcate the Boundaries of Punjab and
Bengal.
H. M. Seervai, Partition of India, Legend and Reality, 127.
66 Note by Sir E. Jenkins, Mountbatten Papers, Official
Correspondence Files: Punjab, situation in Part (a)
16/4/47, TOP, Vol., X, 266-267.
67 Minutes of second day of first Governors’ Conference
L/PO/6/123: ff 398-408 16/4/47, TOP, Vol., X, 271.
68 Minutes of second day of first Governors’ Conference
L/PO/6/123: ff 398-408 16/4/47, TOP, Vol., X, P.
271.
69 Master Tara Singh fully indulged himself into anti Muslim
activities. Sirdar Shaukat Hayat Khan presented its two
causes, first he was an Arora Sikh and secondly “his
mother had been unfortunately killed during the riots in
his village near Gujar Khan”. Moreover, the Sikhs were
the tools in the hands of Hindus and they were penetrating
the aggressive and warlike ideas in the Sikhs during the
partition process.
The Sikh Dilemma: The Partition of Punjab 1947 115

Sirdar Shaukat Hayat Khan, The Nation that Lost Its Soul,
(Lahore: Jang Publishers, 1995), 161.162.
70 Viceroy’s Personal Report No. 4 L/PO/6/123: ff 51-9,
24/4/47, TOP, Vol., X, 406.
71 Allan Campbell Johnson, Mission With Mountbatten, (New
York: E. P. Dutton & Co. INC, 1953), P205.
72 Shiromani Akali Dal was established in 1920 and it was
considered as the core representative party of the Sikhs in
India. It played a vital role during the partition process.
73 Master Tara Singh to Mr. Attlee L/P&J/7/12465: 75,
25/7/47, T. O. P., Vol. XI, 340.341.
74 During the meeting with Jenkins the Governor of the
Punjab Sardar Ujal Singh and Giani Kartar Singh the Sikh
leaders, Ujal Singh was bit confused on the circumstances
regarding the partition process and agreed that he is not in
the favor of the partition of the Punjab but Giani Kartar
Singh came in and said that there is no other solution. The
partition of Punjab was going to disturb 25 lakh non-
Muslims in West Punjab and 30 lakh Muslims in East
Punjab but Sikh were not considering the difficulty.
Note by Sir E. Jenkins, Mountbatten Papers, Official
Correspondence Files: Punjab, Part I (b) 7/5/47, TOP,
Vol., X, 650.
75 Sir E. Jenkins (Punjab) to Lord Mountbatten,
Mountbatten Papers, Official Correspondence Files:
Punjab, Part I (b). 3/5/47, TOP, Vol., X, 593.
76 Record of Meeting between Lord Ismay and Sir O. Caroe,
Sir E. Jenkins, Sir E Mieville, Mr. Weightman, Mr. Abell
and Captain Lascelles on 14/4/47, Mountbatten Papers,
Viceroy’s miscellaneous meetings, TOP, Vol., X, 232.
77 Lord Mountbatten to Sardar Baldev Singh R/3/1/178: f
49, TOP, Vol., X, P. 620.
78 Police Abstract of Intelligence, Punjab, 1/3/47, 91.
116 Pakistan Vision Vol. 17 No. 1

79 Sir E. Jenkins to Lord Mountbatten R/3/1/176: ff 100-7,

9/4/47, TOP, Vol., X, 172-173.
80 Note by Sir E. Jenkins R/3/1/176: ff 130-4, 10/4/47,
TOP, Vol., X, 185.
81 In the end of the April 1947 Sir E. Jenkins the Governor
of the Punjab reported to the Viceroy that “the Sikhs were
preparing for an offensive. I believe that the leaders would
prefer not to launch it until July 1948 or later; but they
will find it difficult to control their followers. There are
strong rumors of a retaliatory attack by Sikhs on a suburb
of Amritsar or some other place with a strong Muslim
element. The Sikhs have committed themselves so deeply
to the partition of the Punjab that it will be difficult, and
perhaps impossible, for them to take a different line”.
Sir E. Jenkins to Lord Mountbatten (Extract),
R/3/1/178: ff 42-3, 30/4/47, TOP, Vol., X, P. 506.
82 H. M. Seervai, Partition of India, Legend and Reality, 139.
83 Record of Interview between Lord Mountbatten and
Sardar Baldev Singh (Extract), Mountbatten Papers,
Viceroy’s Interview No. 133, 6/5/47, TOP, Vol., X,
632.
84 Police Abstract of Intelligence, Punjab, 23/4/47, 199.
85 The eminent features of 3rd June Plan were, “1. Division
of the Subcontinent into India and Pakistan. 2. Pakistan is
to be truncated-on the basis of ‘contiguous areas’ of
population. 3. Referendum in North-West Frontier
Province and Assam. 4. Establishment of two constituent
Assemblies if the existing one is not accepted. 5. Division
of Armed Forces and Assets. 6. Establishment of a
Boundary Commission in Punjab and Bengal to demarcate
the boundaries on the basis of the contiguous majority
areas of Muslims and non-Muslims which will also take
into account ‘the other factors’ 7. Anticipated date for
handing over to be some date in 1947. 8. Independence
for the Indian States, but these were advised to accede to
The Sikh Dilemma: The Partition of Punjab 1947 117

one or the other Dominion. 9. Grant of Dominion status

to India and Pakistan”.
Shahid Hamid, Disastrous Twilight, (London: Leo Cooper
in association with Martin Secker &Warburg Ltd, 1986),
176.
86 Police Abstract of Intelligence, Punjab, 28/6/47, 339.
87 O. H. K. Spate, The Partition of the Punjab and Bengal,
The Geographical Journal, Vol. 110, No. 4/6 (Oct.-Dec.,
1947), 212.
88 SharifulDin Pirzada, Evolution of Pakistan, 2nd Edt.,
(Karachi: Royal Book Company, 1995), P. 318.
89 Latif Ahmad Sherwani, P. 115
90 Police Abstract of Intelligence, Punjab, 19/7/47, 375.
91 “As a result of the Award of the Punjab Boundary
Commission, the Province of the West Punjab will
include the whole of the Multan and Rawalpindi Division,
and the Districts of Gujranwala, Sheikhupura and Sialkot
of Lahore Division. The Province of the East Punjab will
include the whole of the Jullundur and Amblal Divisions,
and the Amritsar District of Lahore Division. Gurdaspur
and Lahore Districts of Lahore Division have been divided
between the two new Provinces. In the case of Gurdaspur
District, the Shakargarh tehsil, which lies west of the Ravi
River becomes part of the Wet Punjab, while Pathankot,
Gurdaspur and Batala tehsils, which lies east of the Ravi,
become part of the East Punjab. In Lahore District the
whole of the Chunian and Lahore tehsils have been
included in the West Punjab. the Kasur Tehsil has
however been divided between the two new Provinces,
the line of demarcation following village boundaries south
from the point just west of Khem Karan railway station,
and then turning east to reach the river Sutlej at village
Masteke”.
118 Pakistan Vision Vol. 17 No. 1

Viscount Mountbatten to the Earl of Listowel, IOR

L/P&J/16/117, 14/8/47, The Partition of the Punjab
1947, Vol.1, 267-268.
92 Penderel Moon, Divide and Quit, 3rd Impression, (New
Delhi: Oxford University Press, 1999), P. 29.
93 Minutes of second day of first Governors’ Conference
L/PO/6/123: ff 398-408 16/4/47, TOP, Vol., X, 271.
94 Shahid Hamid, Disastrous Twilight, 169.
95 Note by Sir E. Jenkins R/3/1/90: ff 12-16, 16/4/47,
TOP, Vol., X, 282-283.
96 Record of Interview between Lord Mountbatten and
Master Tara Singh, Giani Kartar Singh, Sardar Baldev
Singh, Mountbatten Papers, Viceroy’s Interview No. 76,
TOP, Vol., X, 321.
97 Viceroy’s Personal Report No. 5 L/PO/6/123: ff 71-89,
1/5/47, TOP, Vol., X, 537.
98 Harjot S. Oberoi, From Punjab to “Khalistan”:
Territoriality and Metacommentary, 30.