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Journey To Bethlehem. New York: Harperone, 2010. X + 157 PP

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The passage discusses a book reviewing Brent Landau's work translating and presenting the Revelation of the Magi, an apocryphal text found within the Chronicle of Zuqnin. It provides background information on the Chronicle and discusses Landau's presentation and interpretation of the Revelation.

The Revelation of the Magi is an apocryphal text found within the Chronicle of Zuqnin, a Syriac chronicle. It recounts the journey of the Biblical Magi to visit the infant Jesus in Bethlehem.

The text describes the Magi being guided by a celestial light to Jesus, sharing their miraculously replenishing supplies upon returning home which induce visions, and their preaching after being commissioned by Judas Thomas.

Book reviews 294

Brent Landau, Revelation of the Magi: The Lost Tale of the Wise Men’’s
Journey to Bethlehem. New York: HarperOne, 2010. x + 157 pp;
hardcover. $22.99.

KRISTIAN S. HEAL, BRIGHAM YOUNG UNIVERSITY


This book presents an annotated English translation of a New
Testament apocryphon. Landau’’s title, taken from the first words
of the text’’s opening formula, is certainly more evocative than
Witakowski’’s preferred Story of the Magi, which is based on the
concluding formula, ““the Story about the Magi and their gifts is
concluded”” (†ÌÙæÁ„ Íø áî† ¾üÍÅâ áîƒ ¿ÿÙïüš ÿãàü).1 The
introduction to the volume (1––34) is cast as a personal story of
discovery, a useful rhetorical device for presenting abstruse material
to a popular audience.2 The conclusion (89––98) is followed by an
appendix that gives a translation of the relevant portion of the
related Opus Imperfectum in Mattheum (103––105). All in all, Brent
Landau and his publisher have done an admirable job of turning a
piece of philological research (Harvard ThD dissertation, 2008)
into a book with broad and popular appeal.3
The Revelation of the Magi is one of the many sources that
comprise the well known (at least to readers of this Journal)
Chronicle of Zuqnin, misattributed for much of its recent history to

1 W. Witakowski, ““The Magi in the Syriac Tradition,”” pages 809––43


in Malphono w-Rabo d-Malphone: Studies in Honor of Sebastian P. Brock, edited
by George Kiraz. Piscataway: Gorgias Press, 2008: here citing from page
810.
2 For example, in the introduction Landau relates how in his search

for ““early Christian legends of the Magi …… [he] happened upon an article
that mentioned the Revelation of the Magi. [He] asked around and was
surprised to find that none of [his] colleagues had ever heard of it”” (7).
That this may well say as much about the need for a Syriac specialist on
the Harvard Divinity Faculty as it does about the obscurity of the text in
question is not the issue. The strategy contributes to the successful
creation of a compelling narrative.
3 The thesis can be accessed at: http://ou.academia.edu/Brent

Landau/Papers. A useful summary can be found in Brent Landau, ““The


Revelation of the Magi in the Chronicle of Zuqnin.”” Apocrypha 19 (2008): 182––
201.
294
Book reviews 295

Dionysius of Tel-Mahre (d. 845). This important chronicle survives


in a single manuscript, which was purchased for the Vatican
Library in 1715 from Deir es-Suryan. Originally part of the
Assemani collection, it is now found in the main Vatican Syriac
fond as manuscript 162 (an opening of the manuscript adorns the
endpapers of the Landau’’s volume).4 The Chronicle of Zuqnin is
readily divided into four periods or parts, and not unsurprisingly it
is the latter two of these, covering the period 488––775 CE, that
have received the most scholarly attention (notably from Witold
Witakowski and Amir Harrak). The first period covered in the
Chronicle, from creation to Constantine, is comprised of extracts
from a number of literary sources, including the Chronicle of
Eusebius, the Chronicle of Edessa, the Life of Alexander the Great, and
the Cave of Treasures. Amongst these quite well known texts is found
the Revelation of the Magi (fols. 17r––25r).
The first part of the Chronicle of Zuqnin was published by
Otto Tullberg in 1851, and again in 1927 by Chabot (CSCO 91;
Scrip Syr.43), with the Latin translation following in 1949 (CSCO
121; Scrip Syr. 66). Though the composite nature and several of the
sources that comprise the first part of the Chronicle are mentioned
in the standard histories of Syriac literature, it is not until de
Urbina’’s Patrologia Syriaca (§151) that the text on the Magi is
mentioned specifically, most probably thanks to Monnert de
Villard’’s 1952 study that incorporated an Italian translation of the
Revelation of the Magi by G. Levi Della Vida.5
Despite the secondary literature produced on this text in the
past 60 years the Revelation of the Magi is still a very nice find for a
scholar working in New Testament apocrypha, since it is entirely
unnoticed in the standard handbooks of that field. Moreover, the
text has a respectable claim to antiquity. The recent studies of
Witakowski and Brock cautiously suggest that Monnert de Villard’’s
early sixth century dating may be pushed back to the a fourth
century, based largely on a single use of the feminine gender for the

4 The Chronicle is treated in BO II.98––116, with most attention being


given to a summary of the fourth part, and is briefly described in
Assemani’’s Vatican catalogue (I.iii.328––29).
5 Le leggende orientali sui magi evengelici. Studi e Testi 163. Vatican City:

Biblioteca Apostolica Orientalia, 1952.


296 Book reviews

Holy Spirit in Thomas’’s prayer over the baptismal oil.6 Landau’’s


own dissertation research suggests that the earliest strata of the
work can claim a second or third century date——an assertion that
certainly needs to be argued more rigorously if it is to receive
universal acceptance.7
The text itself is of considerable interest. After some prefatory
material (Chapters 1––2), introducing the Magi, their names, their
peculiar form of silent devotion and their homeland (Shir), the text
transitions into a first person narrative in which the Magi reveal
that they are heirs to prophetic sources that were transmitted from
Adam, through Seth and Noah (3––4). These texts, kept in the Cave
of Treasures on the Mount of Victories (4:1),8 prophesy of the
appearance of a light, like a star, which will, sometime in the future,
settle over the Cave of Treasures and lead those present to God
incarnate. This tradition was passed down from generation to
generation, partially through a series of rituals which are described
in the text (5). Several chapters are then devoted to a long speech
by Adam to his son Seth (6––10).
The marvelous, visionary appearance of the Star to the Magi, is
described in some detail. A pillar of light, brighter than the noon-
day sun, descended and entered the Cave of Treasures, then
concentrates into a human form (Jesus Christ), who then instructs
the Magi——though they each recount a different vision after the
event (11––14). After the Father announces the Son (15), the Magi
are led by the star to Jerusalem and then Bethlehem (16-18). The
infant Jesus converses with the Magi, telling them he was the light-
figure they saw in the cave. 9 An angelic theophany (20) is followed
by the infant Jesus blessing the Magi (21). The Magi talk with Mary
and Joseph (22––23), then Jesus talks with and blesses Mary (24––25).

6Sebastian P. Brock, ““An Archaic Syriac Prayer over Baptismal Oil,””


Studia Patristica 41 (2006): 3––12, esp.
7 Landau, ““Sages and the Star Child,”” 218. A terminus ante quem of the

late fifth century was established by Monnert de Villard based on the


dating of the Latin epitome found in Opus Imperfectum in Matthaeum.
8 There is no literary connection with the sixth century text known as

the Cave of Treasures.


9 Landau finds of the fact that Christ is not specifically identified as

the Magi’’s celestial guide until after his birth to be especially significant
(28––34).
Book reviews 297

The Magi return home, guided by the omnipresent light of Christ,


and led by miraculously replenishing supplies (26). Once home, the
Magi tell of their journey and share what’’s left of their supplies,
which induce visions for all who eat them (27––28). Finally, we are
told of the ministry of Judas Thomas in the land of Shir, preaching
(29), blessing the baptismal oil (30), then baptizing the Magi and
commissioning them to preach (31).10 The text concludes with the
preaching of the Magi.
This publication is an earnest of things to come. Perhaps the
most important contribution it makes is to show that the Revelation
of the Magi deserves to be liberated from the relative obscurity of a
composite Syriac chronicle and allowed to stand on its own
terms.11 The text certainly deserves closer study. In particular, it
needs to be better situated within the context of early Syriac
literature, not only with respect to the abundant corpus of Syriac
apocrypha, Pseudepigrapha, and rewritten and dramatized biblical
narratives, but also with respect to the works of the fourth, fifth
and sixth century homilist that drank deeply from the early Syriac
imaginative tradition (cf. the memre on the Magi by Jacob of Sarug
and Isaac of Antioch, editions and translation of which are in
preparation).12 Further work needs to be done on situating the

10 I would argue that the generic use of the term ‘‘crucifiers’’ for the
Jews in this last section suggests a fifth century dating (31:6), since I have
only found the term used generically of the Jews in fifth century texts,
such as Ps. Narsai, On Joseph, II.52, 63. References to ¾ÁÍߖ in the
Ephrem corpus appear in Sermones III, II.445; III.209; Nachträge V.257;
and Sermones in Hebdomadam Sanctum V.1105; VI.721, 1105; VII.341.
However, none of these memre is considered to be genuine. This term is
also used in the works attributed to Isaac of Antioch and Jacob of Serugh,
as indicated by Murray (Symbols of Church and Kingdom, 41).
11 Thus doing for this text what Martin (1876) and Wright (1882) did

for the Chronicle of Ps. Joshua the Stylite, likewise extracted from the Chronicle
of Zuqnin.
12 Most of the relevant material is admirably surveyed on pages 111––

117 in C. Jullien and F. Jullien, Apôtres des confins. Processus missionnaires


chrétiens dans l’’empire iranien (Res Orientales 15; Bures-sur-Yvette / Leuven:
Peeters, 2002). See also, Muriel Debié, ““Suivre l’’étoile à Oxford, inédits
sur la venue des Mages,”” pages 111––133 in George A. Kiraz (ed.),
Malphono w-Rabo d-Malphone: Studies in Honor of Sebastian P. Brock,
Piscataway, NJ : Gorgias Press, 2008.
298 Book reviews

work within an Iranian context, not only in terms of distinctive


Iranian elements, but also in terms of the literature of Iranian
Christians.13 Brock’’s interesting suggestions of Manichean
influence also need to be fully explored.14 Finally, serious
consideration needs to be given to the dating of the text. Careful
analysis of a variety of linguistic, thematic and text critical issues
need to temper the natural desire to date a text as early as
possible.15
I look forward to Landau’’s promised edition and translation of
the Revelation of the Magi due to appear in the Corpus Christianorum
Series Apocryphorum, which will doubtless prompt further work on
this fascinating and important text.

13 Cf. G. Widengren, Iranische-semitische Kultubegegnungen in


parthischer Zeit. Cologne, 1960: 71––83.
14 Brock, ““An Archaic Syriac Prayer””, 12, esp. n. 26.
15 I echo David G.K. Taylor’’s note of warning in his careful

discussion of the dating of the Himyarite Martyr texts (““A Stylistic


Comparison of the Syriac Himyarite Martyr Texts Attributed to Simeon
of Beth Arsham,”” in Le massacre de Najrân: Religion et politique en Arabie du
Sud au VIe siècle, edited by Joëlle Beucamp, Françoise Briquel-Chatonnet,
and Christian Julien Robin. Paris, 2010).

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