The Tingguian, Isneg, and northern

Kalinga are to be found in the watershed areas of the

Abulag, Tineg, and Chico rivers. These groups, largely
swidden cultivators by tradition, depend on rice, root
crops, and vegetables for their food. Along the slopes of
Mount Data and neighboring areas are the Bontoc,
Sagada, Ifugao, and Southern Kalinga peoples. Mainly
wet-rice cultivators, they grow crops in both terraces
and swidden fields. The Ibaloy and Kankanaey inhabit
the southern Cordillera region, also basing their
subsistence economy on wet and dry agriculture. In
recent years, these groups have become more integrated
into the market economy through the growth of
commercial vegetable production.
In northeastern Luzon, several lowland indigenous
groups including the Ibanag, Itawes, Yogad, and Gadang
inhabit the Cagayan valley. Toward the south of this
region, the Caraballo range is home to the Ilongot,
Ikalahan, Isinai, and some Aeta groups who continue
to practice wet-rice agriculture, swidden farming,
hunting, gathering, and some commercial activities.
Other indigenous groups are to be found in the
rest of Luzon. Along the Sierra Madre range of eastern
Luzon live the Dumagat, Pugot, and other Aeta groups
whose economy is based on swidden agriculture,
hunting and ga

thering, fishing, and some trading

of Luzon. Along the Sierra Madre range of eastern

Luzon live the Dumagat, Pugot, and other Aeta groups
whose economy is based on swidden agriculture,
hunting and gathering, fishing, and some trading
activities. Paan Pinatubo communities inhabit the
Zambales range, and the Baluga the northwestern part
of Pampanga and the southwestern area of Tarlac.
Along the Pacific coast in the provinces of Quezon,
Polillo Island, and the Bicol peninsula are the various
Agta groups, known as the Kabihug in Camarines Norte
Province; and the Agta Tabangnon, Agta Cimarron, and
Itom in Camarines Sur, Albay, and Sorsogon. These
groups tend to combine agriculture, fishing, and the
gathering of forest products with wage labor activities.
Of the Visayan islands, seven Mangyan groups
are to be found on the island of Mindoro. The Sulod
and Ati peoples inhabit the interior foothills and remote
coastal areas of Negros and Panay islands. And on the
island of Palawan, the Tagbanua inhabit northern and
central areas, and Batak are present in small pockets
north of the Palawan capital of Puerto Princesa, and in

ortheastern areas. The Palawanon live in southern

parts of the island.
The ethnic composition of the main southern
island of Mindanao and its neighboring smaller islands
in the Sulu archipelago is extremely diverse and
complex. There is considerable debate as to whether
the members of the various Islamized ethnic groups
might be included under the term indigenous. This can
be a highly political issue, and also one in which there
may be “shifting identities” in accordance with the nature
of claims and the benefits that can be derived from a
particular ethnic, political, or religious status.
There are at least 31 ethnolinguistic groups
indigenous to Mindanao and the Sulu archipelago. All
of these groups can claim the same ancestry in their
folklore, but the introduction of Islam served to divide
them into two distinct categories. Those who adopted
Islam became known as the Muslim or Moro peoples.7
Those who did not became known collectively as the
Lumads.8
The 13 Islamized groups indigenous to Mindanao
are the Badjao, Iranun, Jama Mapun, Kalagan,
Kalibugan, Maranao, Maguindanao, Molbog, Palawani,
Samal, Sangil, Taussug, and Yakan. The 18 nonMuslim
Lumad groups include the Bagobo of Davao del Sur,
North and South Cotabato, and Sultan Kudarat; the
Mansaka of Davao del Norte; the Mandaya of Davao
Oriental; the Subanen of the Zamboanga peninsula; the
B’laan of Davao del Sur, North and South Cotabato,
Maguindanao and Sultan Kudarat; the T’boli of South
Cotabato; and the Tiruray people of North Cotabato,
Maguindanao, and Sultan Kudarat. In addition, the
Manobo people encompass various tribal groups found
in different provinces of Mindanao, mainly in Agusan
del Norte and Sur, Cotabato, and Davao provinces.
In the 1960s, a group of Moro intellectuals
promoted the concept of a distinct Moro or
Bangsamoro (Moro nation) identity. The movement
escalated into armed conflict, with Muslim insurgents
pursuing claims to a separate nationhood. The
complexities of this drawn-out conflict are beyond the
scope of the present study. The movement split into
different armed groups in the course of the 1980s.
Peace negotiations eventually led to the creation of
an Autonomous Region of Muslim Mindanao (ARMM)
in 1989,9 following the adoption of the 1987
Constitution. Demographic changes throughout
Mindanao, including several provinces where Muslims
have until recently been in the majority, mean that it
is difficult to identify large or contiguous territorial
areas where only one ethnic group is present. Due to
past government efforts to promote outside or
“Christian” settlement in these regions, it is
commonplace to find Ilonggo, Cebuano, Tagalog, or
Ilocano speakers together with a mixture of Maranaw,
Taussug, Maguindanao, and Arabic speakers. Small
ethnic groups such as the B’laans, T’bolis, and
Manobos may also have their own distinct languages
within pockets of these same geographic areas.
The relationships between the claims of Moro
and Lumad groups in Mindanao are inevitably highly
complex. In simple terms, what sets them apart is the
more political demands of the former for nationhood,
and the more specifically “indigenous rights” agenda
of the latter for ancestral domain and land recognition,
together with respect for their traditional cultures and
institutions. However, in peace negotiations in 2001,
the Moro Islamic Liberation Front has reportedly listed
the recognition of ancestral domain as a primary item
in their agenda. Moreover, the extent of the challenges
ahead were reflected in the resolutions adopted by a
Mindanao Indigenous Peoples Peace Forum, held in
Davao City in early 2001 with the participation of over
65 Lumad leaders. Among other things, this urged
Philippine Congress to enact a law declaring Lumad
territories as autonomous, including Lumad territories
within the Autonomous Region for Muslim Mindanao.
All concerned were urged to recognize and respect
the territories and boundaries established by elders
during D’yandi and Pakang10 times. This includes
territorial agreements among Lumad tribes, between
the Lumads and Moros, and between the Lumads and
Christian settlers.
The broad definition of indigenous in the IPRA
suggests that self-ascription will be a key factor in
determining indigenous identity in the Philippines. While
the lifestyles may be largely or partly ones of subsistence,
there is ever closer integration with the market economy,
and in many areas a growing participation in the wage
labor force. They may even be urban dwellers, such as
the Negrito, Bajao, and Cordillera groups who come at
least on a seasonal basis to Metro Manila. There is also
an educated indigenous elite, whose members may
retain a strong sense of indigenous identity. But perhaps
the main purpose of self-identification as indigenous in
the Philippines is the pursuit of ancestral domain claims.

The Philippines is a culturally diverse country with an estimated 14- 17 million

Indigenous Peoples (IPs) belonging to 110 ethno-linguistic groups; they are mainly
concentrated in Northern Luzon (Cordillera Administrative Region, 33%) and Mindanao
(61%), with some groups in the Visayas area.

Despite efforts to define indigenous peoples,

there is still no consensus as to exactly who are the
indigenous peoples in the Philippines. This is due to
the absence of up-to-date cultural mapping in this
country. Another reason is the tenuous way in which
indigenous peoples’ identities have been constructed
by themselves and others (for political, religious, and
other reasons). This problem of “contesting identities”
is best illustrated in the case of the indigenous peoples
in Mindanao.
It is not easy to label the identities of peoples of
the geographic region known as Mindanao, since the
criteria for doing so are not fixed. Even supposedly
monolithic categories such as “Moro” are not immutable.
Political expression of the Moro as an identity has
undergone some variations in recent years. There are
also other overlapping layers of identities that cut across
ethnic and religious boundaries. Thus, the best that can
be achieved is an attempt at categorizing peoples based
on (mostly) external criteria, rather than selfidentification.
The dichotomy between Moro and Lumad is a
historical creation—i.e., a result of the process of
Islamization. Until now, common origin stories abound
among Muslims and Lumads. In their folklore, Muslim
and nonMuslim groups claim the same ancestry. For
example, the oral literature of the Subanen of
Zamboanga refers to four legendary brothers:
Tabunaway, who brought forth the Maguindanao;
Dumalandan, who sired the Maranao; Mili-irid, who
begot the Tiruray; and Gumabon-gabon who was the
ancestor of the Subanen.5
The Manobo and Maguindanao of the former
Cotabato Province recount the story of the brothers
Tabunaway and Mamalu, who were their common
ancestors. In the Manobos version of the story, they also
share the same ancestor as the Ilyanun, the Matigsalug,
the Talandig, and the Maranaw. Tiruray legends also
speak of Tabunaway and Mamalu as their ancestors.6
The introduction of Islam split the peoples of
Mindanao into two distinct categories, Moros and
Lumads. Those who adopted Islam became the Moros
and those who did not became the Lumads, a Visayan
term which means “born of the earth.” Lumads are
regarded as the original inhabitants of Mindanao. Lumad
also now refers to the nonMuslim, nonChristian
indigenous peoples of Mindanao.
There are at least 13 Islamized ethnolinguistic
groups indigenous to Mindanao.7 They are the Maranaw,
Maguindanao, Tausug, Yakan, Samal, Sangil, Molbog,
Kalibugan, Kalagan, Palawani, Iranun, Jama Mapun, and
the Badjao.
The 18 nonMuslim or Lumad groups are the
Bagobo of Davao del Sur, South and North Cotabato,
and Sultan Kudarat; Mansaka of Davao del Norte;
Mandaya of Davao Oriental; Subanen of the Zamboanga
Peninsula; B’laan of Davao del Sur, South Cotabato,
North Cotabato, Maguindanao, and Sultan Kudarat;
T’boli of South Cotabato; and Tiruray of North Cotabato,
Maguindanao and Sultan Kudarat.
The Manobo encompass various tribes that are
also considered Lumad because they are found in
Mindanao—in Agusan del Sur and Norte, Davao, and
Cotabato.
Other Manobo tribes include the Higaonon of
Agusan and Misamis Oriental; Bukidnon of Bukidnon
and Misamis Oriental; Talaandig of Bukidnon;
Matigsalug of Bukidnon and Davao del Sur; Umayamnon
of Agusan and Bukidnon; Dibabawon of Agusan and
Davao; Banwaon of Agusan and Misamis Oriental;
Talaingod of Davao del Norte; Tagakaolo of Davao Sur;
Ubo of South Cotabato; Tasaday of South Cotabato; B’lit
of South Cotabato; and Mangguangan of Davao del
Norte and Sur, and Cotabato.
In Mindanao society, ethnic identity forms the core
of all other layers of socially constructed identities. An
individual is identified first by his or her ethnic affiliation.
Religion is now also a key element in the differentiation
and construction of these identities. Through the years,
many members of the ethnolinguistic groups have
adopted Islam as a way of life. Some converted to
Christianity, while others, the Lumads, held on to their
indigenous beliefs, practices, and traditions.
The terms Muslim and Moro have been used
interchangeably to refer to those people who have
adopted Islam as a religion and a way of life. However,
Muslim refers to a universal religious identity, while moro

According to the NCIP, the total population of

indigenous peoples in the Philippines in 1998

was estimated to be between 12 and 15 million.

However, because NCIP estimates are based on an

unofficial count, reference should also be made to the

latest complete survey of the National Statistics Office

conducted in 1995. Comparing the two sources suggests

that the indigenous population might even exceed 20%

of the national total. Caution should be taken: the

Government may have excluded groups or individuals

as indigenous because they did not qualify in the

technical definition of the term. It is possible that the

actual indigenous population is much bigger.

According to the NCIP, the majority (61%) of the

indigenous peoples are in Mindanao while a third (33%)

reside in Luzon. The remainder (6%) are scattered among

the Visayan islands.

The Summer Institute of Linguistics14 estimated

that there are 171 different languages in the Philippines.

Of these, 168 are living languages and 3 are extinct.

The same numbers also represent the different cultural

entities that speak these languages.

The Philippines was divided into seven

ethnographic areas as set by IPRA for representation in

the NCIP (see map, page viii):

• Region I and CAR

• Region II

• The rest of Luzon (Regions III, IV[part], and V)

• Island groups (Regions IV [part], VI, VII, and VIII)

• Northern and Western Mindanao (Regions IX

[Zamboanga Peninsula] and X [Northern

Mindanao])

• Southern and Eastern Mindanao (Regions XI

[Davao Region] and XIII [Caraga])

• Central Mindanao (Region XII [SOCCSKSARGEN])

DISTRIBUTION AND

SOCIOCULTURAL FEATURES OF

INDIGENOUS PEOPLES

Within the ethnographic areas defined above are

different indigenous peoples exhibiting varying social,

cultural, political, and linguistic features. Each of these

indigenous groups has its own history of contact with

the dominant Filipino society and this has placed each

group somewhere on a spectrum from “isolation” to

“acculturation.”
In Region 1 and CAR, the indigenous peoples are

concentrated in the northern mountain ranges of the

Cordillera occupying the interior hills, narrow strips of

flat land along deep valleys, and plateaus. The

Tingguian, Isneg, and northern Kalinga are found in

the watershed areas of the Abulag, Tineg, and Chico

rivers. These groups are largely swidden (slash-andburn)

cultivators who depend on farming rice, root

crops, and vegetables. Along the slopes of Mount Data

and nearby areas are the Bontoc, Sagada, Ifugao, and

Southern Kalinga. They are wet-rice cultivators who

grow their crops both on terraces and swidden fields.

The Ibaloi and Kankanaey inhabit the southern region

of the Cordillera. Like their neighbors to the north, their

subsistence economy is based on wet and dry

agriculture. In more recent years, these groups have

THE INDIGENOUS PEOPLES

OF THE PHILIPPINES 3

8 Indigenous Peoples/Ethnic Minorities and Poverty Reduction: Philippines

been integrated into the outside market economy with

the growth of commercial gardening of temperate

vegetables.

In Region 2, several lowland indigenous groups

like the Ibanag, Itawes, Yogad, and Gaddang inhabit the

Cagayan Valley of northeastern Luzon. The Caraballo

range at its southern end is home to the Ilongot,

Ikalahan, Isinai, and some Aeta groups, which continue

to carry out wet-rice agriculture, swidden farming,

hunting and gathering, and some commerce.

There are other indigenous groups in Regions III,

IV, and V. Along the area of the Sierra Madre range of

eastern Luzon are the Dumagat, Pugot, and other Aeta

groups whose economies have depended on swidden

agriculture, hunting and gathering, fishing, and trade.

Communities of Paan Pinatubo (sometimes called

Hambal, Ayta, and Sambal) live under the shadow of

the Zambales range, and Baluga inhabit the

northwestern part of Pampanga and the southwestern

area of Tarlac. Along the Pacific coast in the province of

Quezon, Pollilo Island, and the Bicol peninsula are Agta

groups, known as Kabihug (Camarines Norte), Agta

Tabangnon, Agta Cimarron, and Itom (Camarines Sur,

Albay, and Sorsogon). Increasingly, these groups have

depended on cultivation, fishing, gathering of forest

products, and wage labor.

The island groups include the seven Mangyan

groups in the island of Mindoro: the Iraya, Alangan,

Tadyawan, Tao-Buid, Buhid, Hanunoo, and Gubatnon.

In the interior foothills and remote coastal areas of Panay

and Negros Islands are the Sulod and the Ati. In the
island of Palawan, the Tagbanua are found in northern

and central areas. The Batak are found in small pockets

north of Puerto Princesa City and in northeastern

Palawan. The Palawanon are in the southern part of

Palawan near Brooks Point.

Generally, the Mangyans of Mindoro; the Sulod

and Ati of Panay; the Aeta groups in Negros Island; and

the Batak, Cuyonen, Palawanon, and Tagbanua of

Palawan practice swidden agriculture, combined with

hunting, fishing, gathering, and trade.

Along the hinterlands and coastal lowlands of the

Zamboanga peninsula live the Subanen, while toward

the uplands of northern Mindanao, particularly on the

plateaus of Bukidnon, are the indigenous peoples who

call themselves Higaonon meaning “mountain dwellers.”

Within the highlands of central Mindanao,

particularly along the mountainous slopes of the

provinces of Davao, Bukidnon, and Cotabato are the

Bagobo. Groups that occupy the upper headwaters of

the Davao, Tinanan, and Kulaman rivers are the

Manuvu, Matigsalug, Ata, and others.

In the coastal areas along Davao Gulf and interior

hinterlands of southeastern Mindanao are the Mandaya,

Coastal Bagobo, Agusan Manobo, and Ata.

For the most part, the indigenous peoples in

Mindanao basically subsist through swidden and wetrice

cultivation, hunting, fishing, gathering, and the trade

of locally manufactured items.

Outside influences have caused changes in the

economic systems of indigenous peoples. The

consequences for the communities involved are varied,

and it seems that efficient accommodation of elements

from the new system is often facilitated by innovative

social organization that ensures control of the land by

the indigenous community. For example, when the

Igorots of Sagada were introduced into the western

market economy, the gradual transformation did not

entail much conflict because the Igorots have maintained

control over their own resources and become involved

in social relations that are not commoditized.15 Similarly

in the case of the Buhid of Mindoro, government

economic and developmental interventions have not

resulted in the outright assimilation and economic

deprivation of the group because of ingenuities in

landownership among them.16

In other cases, the introduction of a different

cultural system led to the disintegration of indigenous

society. For instance, the promotion of American rule

among the Tiruray of Cotabato transformed them into

peasant communities, as immigrants introduced new

lifestyles and a market economy.17 The same could be

said of the Higaonon of northern Bukidnon Province,

who suffered abuse and exploitation from immigrants.

After independence, the Philippine Government

established a greater presence in the formerly remote

areas of indigenous occupation. This required that

communities of indigenous peoples elect village captains,

mayors, and national leaders. All of this created changes

in the leadership structure of the hitherto isolated

communities. However, there remain groups little

influenced by change and others where the imposed

structure and traditional structure continue to coexist.

Among the Agta, the network of intertwining

familial and kinship ties continues to provide

assistance, privileges, and protection to its members.

The Indigenous Peoples of the Philippines 9

Leadership among the Bungkalot, Teduray, and Sulod

is assumed by the elder who possesses the personal

skill to persuade and influence, and who is a good

speaker with knowledge of customary law. The council

of leaders, called intugtukan among the Bontoc, tontong

by the Ibaloi, and pakilukesen by the Arumanen

Manobo is composed of persons of wealth and

charisma, and with knowledge of customary law. They

meet to settle cases and decide on important social

and religious affairs.

The influence, power, and authority of the Datu

prevails among the Manuvu, Higaonon, and some

Bagobo groups. He is assisted by a council of leaders

and other respected members of the community in the

performance of his obligations. Among the functions of

a Manuvu Datu are settling cases, keeping the peace,

and deciding where the village is to move for the next

swidden cycle.18

STATE POLICIES TOWARD