Cooper J.S. 1983 Lagash-Umma Border Conflict - SANE 2.1

CHAPTER I
Introduction: Early Civilization and Political Organization in Babylonia'
The earliest large urban agglomoration in Mesopotamia was the city known as Uruk in
later texts. There, around 3000 B.C., certain distinctive features of historic Mesopotamian
civilization emerged: the cylinder seal, a system of writing that soon became cuneiform,
a repertoire of religious symbolism, and various artistic and architectural motifs and conven-
tions.' Another feature of Mesopotamian civilization in the early historic periods, the con-
stellation of more or less independent city-states resistant to the establishment of a strong
central political force, was probably characteristic of this proto-historic period as well.
Uruk, by virtue of its size, must have played a dominant role in southern Babylonia, and
the city of Kish probably played a similar role in the north.
From the period that archaeologists call Early Dynastic I1 (ED 11), beginning about
2700 B . c . , ~the appearance of walls around Babylonian cities suggests that inter-city warfare
had become institutionalized. The earliest royal inscriptions, which date to this period,
belong to kings of Kish, a northern Babylonian city, but were found in the Diyala region,
at Nippur, at Adab and at Girsu. Those at Adab and Girsu are from the later part of ED I1
and are in the name of Mesalim, king of Kish, accompanied by the names of the respective
local ruler^.^ The king of Kish thus exercised hegemony far beyond the walls of his own
city, and the memory of this particular king survived in native historical traditions for
centuries: the Lagash-Umma border was represented in the inscriptions from Lagash as
having been determined by the god Enlil, but actually drawn by Mesalim, king of Kish
(IV.1). As a result of this early hegemony, the title "king of Kish" came to be used as a
prestige title by any Babylonian ruler strong enough to exercise some sort of hegemony
over all of Babylonia, or at least over the northern part.5
By the beginning of Early Dynastic I11 (ED 111), around 2500 B.C., this northern part
'See section IA of the bibliography for the basic introductions t o ancient Mesopotamia in general and
the late Presargonic period in particular. It will be assumed that the nonspecialist reader has acquainted
himself with at least the works of Oppenheim, Kramer and Bottdro listed there.
A somewhat different account of the political organization of late Presargonic Sumer can be found in
Westenholz (Bibl. 111). The theory of a Sumerian league with one "great king" is, for me stretching the
evidence (though new evidence may make it more probable). For Jacobsen's evidence for such a league in
the Fara tablets (Bibl. I I I ) , see the reservations expressed by Edzard in Orientalia Lovaniensia Analecta
5-6, 153ff.
2 0 n Uruk, see Adams and Nissen, The Uruk Countryside. For cylinder seals, see the recent Introduction
in Porada, Ancient Art in Seals. For the archaic tablets from Uruk, see Green, Journal o f Near Eastern
Studies 3 9 , Iff., with bibliography and an excellent example of what can and cannot be retrieved from a
careful study of these texts.
3 ~ o the
r Early Dynastic sequence, see Porada in Ehrich (Bibl. IC). The absolute dates are very approxi-
mate, and may have to be moved up or back by as much as a century. The Early Dynastic period, especially
the'later part, is also known as Presargonic, i.e. before Sargon of Agade brought all of Mesopotamia under
his control, around 2300 B.C.
4~~~~ Ki 3, IRSA I A 3 , ABW Mes. v. Kia If.
Edzard, RLA 5,608 suggests that an empire of Kish never existed; Kish was simply the name for north-
ern Babylonia, as Akkad was to become after Sargon. But given the example of Akkad itself (from Sargon's
[SANE 2 , 7 ]
8 Jerrold S. Cooper [SANE 211
of Babylonia, that is, the part north of Nippur, must have had a rather important population
of speakers of the Semitic language known in its later phases as Akkadian.6 The first Se-
mitic personal names in Babylonia are attested from about 2500 B.C. at Kish and at Abu
Salabikh near Nippur, approximately contemporary with (or somewhat earlier than) the
Ebla texts from northern Syria, which provide evidence for a Semitic language different
than, but closely related to, Old Akkadian.7 Our sources for the history of ED I11 do not
allow us to say much about the role, if any, of this ethno-linguistic heterogeneity (Semites
of various persuasions, Sumerians, and, no doubt, others) in interstate conflicts. The extant
Mesopotamian sources are in Sumerian, and never refer to the ethno-linguistic affiliations
of either allies or e n e m i e ~ . ~
These sources, primarily royal inscriptions, tell us all too little about the political history
of the p e r i ~ d .The
~ great exception is the corpus of inscriptions of the rulers of Lagash, for
the most part excavated by the French at Tello (ancient Girsu) beginning a century ago, and
augmented in recent years by some important finds of the American expedition t o Al-Hiba
(ancient Lagash). The state of Lagash itself consisted of three major cities, Girsu (Tello),
Lagash (Al-Hiba), and Nina (Surghul), as well as many smaller settlements." So, too, the
neighbor and antagonist of Lagash, the state of Umma, must be considered not just as the
city Umma itself, but as a broader territory including at least one other major city, Zabala
(IV.5). We know nothing about the origin of the union of the three cities comprising the
state of Lagash; the texts take it for granted, and it goes back at least to the time of Mesalim
(ED 11). Curiously, the state itself is called Lagash, the name of one of these three cities,
but the chief deity of the state is Ningirsu, whose name means "Lord of Girsu." A later
union of two cities, in ED 111, is that of Uruk and Ur. The first ruler t o effect that union, a
contemporary of Enmetena of Lagash, tells us explicitly in his inscriptions that he did so
(V), and this union of Uruk and Ur eventually included Umma as well (IV.6). But already
in the time of Urnanshe, three generations earlier, there is evidence for joint operations
capital Agade), and of Babylonia and Assyria in later periods (from the cities Babylon and Assur respec-
tively), it is unthinkable that the city Kish would give its name to northern Babylonia if it had not at one
time dominated that area. See now Gelb, "Ebla and the Kish Civilization" (Bibl. 111).
6 ~ e thee recent remarks of Westenholz (Bibl. 111) on Semitic and Sumerian in early Babylonia, and see
now Gelb's speculations on Kishite Semitic (Bibl. 111, 69ff.).
7 ~ e t t i n a t o(Bibl. 111) chap. IV; Gelb, "Thoughts About Ibla," Syro-Mesopotamian Studies 111. Gelb
now dates the Kish personal names slightly earlier than Fara, the Abu Salabikh texts slightly later than
Fara, and Ebla somewhat later than Abu Salabikh. He also suggests that the administrative texts from Abu
Salabikh are written in logographic Semitic (Bibl. 111, 55ff.).
here are a few inscriptions from Mesopotamia proper that, by virtue of a Semitic pronoun, betray the
fact that they were read in Semitic, although written in Sumerian (most such inscriptions are from Mari).
Another group of inscriptions, while having no Semitic elements at all, is written in a style that some
scholars believe indicates that they were read in Semitic. See now Gelb (Bibl. 111).
Westenholz (Bibl. III) has advanced the hypothesis that ethnolinguistic differences were important in the
political history of ED III (Bibl. III). For the opposing view, see Cooper, Onentalia 42,239ff. and Jacobsen, Ar-
chivfuer Orien@orschung 26, 8ff.
his has more to do with circumstances of preservation and discovery than with any "sumerische
Thematik" (Kienast, Oriens Antiquus 19, 247ff.). Building inscriptions are both more likely t o be dupli-
cated (bricks and clay nails) and to survive (especially foundation deposits). Historical inscriptions, how-
ever, are often on stelas, whose stone is likely to be reused or looted, or on a variety of unusual objects
which would not have been produced in large numbers, or whose placement may have been either very
exposed (e.g. the copper standard of No. 5) or very remote (pots and cones inscribed with the texts of Nos.
6 and 10 may have been implanted on or near the Lagash-Umma border).
'Osee Falkenstein (Bibl. i B), 17ff.
[SANE 2 , 8 ]
1983 The Lagash-Umma Border Conflict 9
against Lagash by Ur to the southwest, and Umma t o the northwest. In Sumer, then, our
sources lend themselves to the following reconstruction of the geo-political environment
in ED I11: Political power was concentrated in the city-states of Ur and Uruk to the south-
west, Umma (-Zabala) to the north, and Lagash (-Girsu-Nina) in the east. For Lagash, bat-
tling the states t o the southwest and northwest, often acting in concert, was a major pre-
occupation. The union of Uruk and Ur, with its eventual absorption of Umma, had the
effect (if not the purpose) of isolating Lagash in Sumer.ll In northern Babylonia, a possible
union between the cities of Kish and Akshak is suggested by the alliance between them
attested in inscriptions of both Eanatum (IV.3) and, three or more generations later, Ensha-
kushana. l 2
Interstate conflicts attested in the inscriptions of ED I11 are of two types: those with
neighboring city-states, like the Lagash-Umma conflict, had to do with land and water
rights;13 those with more distant states either were related to more local conflicts-for
example, Urluma's use of foreign troops in the texts treated below-or in all probability
involved attempts to loot supplies of raw materials (raids from Babylonia to outlying areas)
or finished goods (raids on Babylonian cities). The documents discussed in this study illus-
trate the first type. The second is well-illustrated by a letter of Lu'ena, a temple adminis-
trator on the southeastern edge of the territory of Lagash, to Enentarzi, then temple admin-
istrator at Girsu during the reign of Enanatum 11. Lu'ena reports that he intercepted a force
of "600 Elamites from Lagash who were carrying booty to Elam."14 But, of course, looting
was not limited only t o longdistance raids, as is clear from our text No. 9.
The rulers in whose name these inscriptions are written call themselves and each other by
a variety of titles, and despite several studies devoted to this subject, their precise nuances
remain unclear.'' The least specific title is Iti, literally "man," which I translate "leader." l6
It is most frequently used when talking about rulers of other states without giving their
personal names. Text No. 6, for example, talks of "the 'leader' (Iti) of Umma," but "Ur-
luma, 'ruler' (ensi) of Umma." The word translated "ruler," Sumerian ensi, is the title
taken most frequently by the rulers of Lagash. Its etymology is uncertain, and in the fol-
lowing periods of Mesopotamian history (Sargonic and Third Dynasty of Ur) it is used
as the title of provincial governors." But in ED 111, it is primarily a title taken by the
'l This early isolation could explain in part the complete omission of Lagash in the Sumerian King List,
a traditional account of early dynasties and rulers of Babylonia (Kramer, Bibl. IA, 328ff.; cf. Edzard,
RLA 6, 77ff., and note the [satirical? ] Lagash Kinglist published by Sollberger, Journal of Cuneiform
Studies 21,279ff.l. But why then, were e.g. Kish, Anshan and Mari included?
1 2 Uk 4.1,~ IRSA ~ IH l b
~ , ABW~ EnH. v. Uruk 1 and 3.
1 3 ~ i s s e n(Bibl. 111) sees the vulnerability of downstream cities' water supplies t o diversion by upstream
neighbors as a major source of intercity conflict in ED 111.
l4~ r 6 ~ o i (Bibl.
re 111) 9ff.
"see Edzard's discussion in RLA 4,335ff.
1 6 ~ oarsimilar use of Akkadian awzlum "man," see Chicago Assyrian Dictionary A/2,57.
"whether ensi also denotes a subordinate in ED 111 is a subject of controversy. The inscriptions of
Mesalim, just before the beginning of this period, name him as "king of Kish" and address the local rul-
ers as em., but most see this as an overlord-localindependentruler relationship, not one of king and governor.
But at the end of ED 111, there is evidence both in Lagash (Bauer, Welt des Orients 9,lf.) and Umma
(Powell, Bibl. 111, 27) that there were ensis directly subordinate t o lugals, much as they would be in the
following periods. Powell denies that the evidence demonstrates this (Bibl. 111, 27ff.), but a copy of the
caption on a monument of Sargon celebrating the defeat of Lugalzagesi, who began his career as ruler of
Umma, then became king of Uruk and extended his domination over all of Sumer (IV.6), does prove that
while Lugalzagesi was king of Uruk, there was a separate individual subordinate to him who bore the title
ensi of Umma. The caption reads "Lugalzagesi, king (lugal) of Uruk; Mese, ensi of Umma," then breaks
off (Archiv fuer Orientforschung 20,37).
[SANE 2,91
independent rulers at Lagash (as well as by some rulers of other cities), and used by the
rulers of Lagash t o describe foreign rulers who, in their own inscriptions, call themselves
"king." The title traditionally translated "king," and which is taken by nearly all indepen-
dent rulers in the following periods, is Sumerian lugal, literally "big man." Relatively rare
at Lagash, it is the most common title used by independent rulers of other cities in ED
We know very little about how rulers exercised power in this period. Their inscriptions,
quite naturally, picture them wielding power absolutely, with the help and support of the
gods. Administrative documents from Girsu inform us of a wealth of officials, but rarely
have t o d o with political matters. Documents from Zabala that record land grants made by
Lugalzagesi t o officials of Adab and Nippur reveal something of the economic basis of the
ruler's power, and the non-military side of empire building.19 The letter of Lu'ena cited
above points t o the importance of the sanga or temple-estate administrator. Since much of
the economy of Lagash (and other cities) was controlled by the ruler through large land-
holding organizations centered around the temples of major deities, the administrators of
these organizations were powerful i n d i ~ i d u a l s .When
~ ~ Urluma of Umma was killed after
being defeated by Enanatum I of Lagash, he was succeeded as ruler by his nephew 11, who
was sanga at Zabala (IV.5). Similarly, Enentarzi was first sanga at Girsu before he became
ruler of L a g a ~ h . ~Although
' nominally controlled by the ruler, the temple organizations
must have been influential centers of power in their own right, and the famous Reform
Texts of Uru'inimgina, of which No. 7 is an example, demonstrate an unmistakable, if
poorly understood, conflict of interest between the sangas and their organizations, and
the royal family.22
Evidence for inter-state relations is scanty. The alliances and coalitions that appear in
the inscriptions suggest that something like the elaborate system of ambassadors and diplo-
matic missions documented for the Old Babylonian period 500 years later was already
operative in the Presargonic period. Several of the texts discussed below mention messages
sent between Lagash and Umma, and even pretend t o quote them verbatim (V). There is no
reason t o think this communication between states was in any way exceptional. A famous
inscription of Enmetena tells us that "Enmetena, ruler of Lagash, and Lugalkiginedudu,
ruler of Uruk, established brotherhood (between themselves)." Traditionally it has been
assumed that this attested t o a treaty or alliance between the two city-states, but new
documents show that the relationship between them must have been rather complicated,
and the exact meaning of the "brotherhood" text is uncertain (IV.5). But whatever that
meaning may be, the inscription remains the earliest attestation for a formal interstate
relationship in Babylonia. The recently excavated archives at Ebla in northern Syria confirm
that such relationships were widespread, and certainly antedate our extant evidence.23
Trade must have played a large role in inter-state relations, both directly and indirectly.
1 8 ~ o ther title en, associated with the city Uruk, and not occurring in our dossier, see Edzard, RLA 4 ,
336.
l9s e e Charvlt (Bibl. 111); Powell (Bibl. I I I), 29.
''on the subject of land tenure and the role of temple organizations in Presargonic Lagash, see most
recently Maekawa (Bibl. I I I) and Foster (Bibl. 111). Similar conditions prevailed at Umma-Zabala according
t o Powell (Bibl. III), 25f.: "The ties between the head of state and the temple are very close, so close, in
fact, that the lines dividing temple and state are not perceptible."
21See Grkgoire (Bibl. III), 14 for" the possible relationship of Enentarzi t o the Urnanshe dynasty, of
which Enanatum I1 (Enentarzi's predecessor) is the last certain member.
22 ~ fMaekawa
. (Bibl. I I I).
2 3 ~ e t t i n a t o(Bibl. III), 95ff.; Sollberger, Studi Eblaiti 3,129ff.; Edzard, Studi Eblaiti 4,89ff.
[SANE 2 , 101
At Lagash, Urnanshe, the founder of the dynasty that dominates our study, claims repeat-
edly that "he had ships of Dilmun transport timber (to Lagash) from foreign lands."24 The
administrative documents from Girsu at the end of our period mention commercial ex-
changes with Adab, Der, Nippur, Umma and Uruk in Babylonia, and the more distant
Dilmun, Elam, Mishime, Urua and U r u a ~ .This ~ ~ trade was usually conducted by com-
mercial agents (damgar) of the large institutions, and is sometimes represented as exchanges
between royal families or with foreign rulers.26 We have no information about trade agree-
ments, nor is there any direct reference in the inscriptions to struggles for the control of
trade routes. But their importance is attested to by the long inscription of Lugalzagesi
found at Nippur, which states that after Enlil made Lugalzagesi king of all Sumer, "from
the Lower Sea (Persian Gulf), (along) the Tigris and Euphrates to the Upper Sea (Mediter-
ranean), he (Enlil) put their routes in good order for him."27 Lagash, on Sumer's south-
eastern flank, must have been especially well-situated for the Persian Gulf trade and trade
with Elam (southwestern Iran).
Theoretically, the Sumerican city was the property of the chief god of that city, and he
took an active role in its affairs. What this meant in reality is not entirely clear, but the texts
in our dossier picture boundaries decided by and between gods (IV.1)' gods intervening on
the battlefield and elsewhere (V), gods suckling future kings (No. 2 iv), and gods called upon
to punish offenders (e.g. No. 9).28 The theory of divine ownership explains why so much of
a city's land and other economic resources were administered through temple organizations,
as mentioned earlier. Most important among the gods for us is Ningirsu, chief of the pan-
theon of Lagash. The territory that is the subject of the Lagash-Umma border conflict, an
area called the Gu'edena ("Edge of the Plain"), is his "beloved field," and it is to restore
this territory to Ningirsu that Lagash battles Umma. This theological rationale of all Meso-
potamian imperialism-making war in the name of a god for territory claimed by a god
or given to the warring ruler by a god-was thus present at the beginning of recorded Baby-
lonian history. It persisted in royal inscriptions through two millennia and figured promi-
nently in the propaganda of Cyms the Persian when he justified bringing the last indepen-
dent Babylonian kingdom to an end.29
% E . ~SARI
. La 1.12-14.
"M. Lambert, Revue d'Assyriologie 47,57ff., Archiv Orientalni 23,566ff., Oriens Antiquus 20,175ff.
2 6 ~ e v u d'Assyriologie
e 57,58f., exchanges between Baranamtara, wife of Lugalanda of Lagash, and the
wife of the ruler of Adab; ibid. ,"64f., a shipment of grain and metal to the ruler of Urua.
2 7 Urn 7.1
~ ii. ~ ~ ~
'*see Maekawa (Bibl. 111) and Foster (Bibl. 111) for various theories of divine ownership as they apply
to the socioeconomic organization of the state.
29 oppenheim in Pritchard, Ancient Near Eastern Texts (3rd ed.), 3 1Sf.
[SANE 2, 111
CHAPTER I1
Sources For The Reconstruction of The Lagash-Umma Conflict
The documents that provide the basis for our reconstruction are all written in the Sumer-
ian language in cuneiform characters, on artifacts of stone or clay. Phrases are grouped
in ruled rectangles called cases, and the cases are grouped into columns.' Cuneiform as a
system of writing is practical only on clay: the characters are configurations of wedge-
shaped traces impressed into the wet clay with a reed stylus, and with few exceptions, all
record keeping, communication and literary transmission using cuneiform were done on clay.
Cuneiform inscriptions were executed in stone and, t o a lesser extent, in metal, wood and
other materials for monumental or artistic purposes, although clay, too, could be used for
commemoration, as can be seen from the texts in our dossier. The first three are on stone,
but the remaining seven are on various types of clay artifacts (No. 10 also has a stone
duplicate), only two of which are tablets of the usual sort. They will all be discussed in
more detail shortly.
The form and material of the inscribed artifacts were closely linked t o their function.
Some royal inscriptions were intended for public display on monuments, such as the Stela
of the Vultures (No. 2), erected to celebrate the accomplishments of a ruler. Many others,
perhaps the majority of those preserved, were buried in the foundations or built into the
walls of the structures whose building they commemorate, to be read only by the gods and
by future rulers who might expose the inscriptions during reconstruction of the buildings. A
third category of inscription was neither intended for public display nor completely hidden
from view: objects presented to a deity for use in his temple. These could be inscribed, but
unlike the stelas, whose primary function was t o honor the ruler's greatness, the dedicatory
inscriptions on votive objects were secondary to the objects' function in the cult, and the
inscriptions were probably rarely read. Many of the inscriptions in our dossier neither com-
memorate the building of a temple nor accompany a votive offering, but celebrate the
restoration to Lagash of territory that had been conquered by Umma, and thus form a
rather anomalous group whose original context cannot be reconstructed.
One reason for this is that many (Nos. 2-4, 7-9) were found at Girsu before or just after
the turn of the century, when archaeological technique was so primitive that many original
contexts often went unnoticed. But perhaps there was little to notice: Nos. 1 and 5 were
unearthed recently by the American expedition to Lagash, and both were found, reused as
fill material, in constructions of later rulers. We are, at least, fortunate in knowing the pro-
venience of most of the texts in our dossier. Only Nos. 6 and 10 are of unknown proven-
ience; the rest are all from the sites of Girsu and Lagash. This, of course, means that our
data represent just one side of the conflict. Our only piece of evidence presenting Umma's
account is the fragmentary No. 10, which, as preserved, tells us little about Umma's version
of the conflict, but what little there is suggests that that version would be a mirror image of
the one we have from Lagash.
None of the texts in this dossier, then, are typical of the royal inscriptions of the ep0ch.l
'See the discussions of cuneiform and Sumerian in Kramer and in Oppenheim (Bibl. IA).
See note 9 to Chapter I.
[SANE 2, 121
19831 The Lagash- Umma Border Conflict 13
Whereas most such inscriptions go into great detail about a ruler's works, both pious and
public, with less common summaries of military victories, our inscriptions have been chosen
for their concern with the details of the boundary dispute between Lagash and Umma, a
concern which in itself is rare among the surviving inscriptions. Only Nos. 1 and 5 resemble
the usual inscriptions of the p e r i ~ d .No.
~ 9 is not a royal inscription at all, but rather a
literary text. Nos. 2, 6, 7, and 10 are unique and important documents whose significance
will be discussed below.
Description of the Documents4
1 . URNANSHE-STONE SLAB FROM LAGASH '

Found in the debris of a later temple, this is the work of an apprentice lapicide who was
practicing his engraving technique on an already broken slab.6 The obverse commemorates
the building of the Bagar, Ningirsu's temple at Lagash, and continues with a report, typical
of Urnanshe's other inscriptions, of the temples, canals and divine images constructed by
him. The reverse contains the earliest extant account of the military success of a Sumerian
ruler. Urnanshe introduces this account with the statement that he went to war against Ur
and Umma, and then gives details of the victories individually. The naming of captured
officers among the enemy troops is unique, and can be compared t o the similarly unique
bas-relief plaques with the figures of Urnanshe, his family and courtiers, in which each figure
is labelled with the name and relation or title of the personnage it represents.'
2. EANATUM-BAS-RELIEF STELA (STELA OF THE VULTURES) FROM GIRSU'

The stela is reconstructed from seven fragments. On the obverse, the main scene shows
the god Ningirsu holding a large net filled with enemy soldiers, reminding one immediately
of the battle-nets of the gods that figure prominently in oaths that dominate much of the
text. On the reverse, the main preserved scenes show Eanatum on foot leading a Lagashite
phalanx, and Eanatum in a chariot at the head of a detachment of spearmen. At the lower
left, a fragment shows the construction of a burial mound, which illustrates a phrase often
found in these inscriptions in reports of military victories, that the victorious ruler made
burial mounds of the enemy soldier^.^ The stela is very possibly the one that Eanatum tells
us, in col. xiii of the inscription, he erected in the temple of Ningirsu t o commemorate his
recovery of the Gu'edena from Umma.
The inscription itself is written in columns traversing the stela, interrupted frequently
by the bas-relief, and is very fragmentary. This is especially unfortunate at the beginning,
where we are given a detailed account of the Lagash-Umma border conflict, culminating in
Eanatum's victory and restoration to the god Ningirsu of "his beloved field," the Gu'edena,
3~ useful description of the style and structure of these inscriptions may be found in the introduction
to IRSA (Bibl. IV).
4 ~ h numbers
e used here correspond to those given the translated inscriptions in Chapter V I , and are
used throughout when referring t o these inscriptions.
'SARI La 1.6, ABW Urn. 5 1 ; cf. Cooper, Revue d 'Assyriologie 74,104ff.
Cooper, op. cit.
'~tromrnen~er (Bibl. ID), 73.
'SARI La 3.1, IRSA ICSa, ABW Ean. 1 ; illustrated in Strommenger (Bibl. ID) 66-69, Moortgat (Bibl.
ID) 1 18-121, and here (partially), plates 1 and 2.
9 ~ . gNos.
. 1 and 6 here.
[SANE 2, 131
which had been occupied by Umma. Embedded in this account is the story of the creation
of Eanatum t o be the super-human champion of Ningirsu, and the dream in which Ningirsu
promises him victory. Following Eanatum's victory and a list of the fields restored to Nin-
girsu (agricultural tracts in ancient Sumer had names), Eanatum, in elaborate ceremonies,
makes the ruler of Umma swear a series of similar oaths to the gods Enlil, Ninhursag, Enki,
Sin, Utu and Ninki. Then Eanatum enumerates his titles, epithets and other victories, much
as we find them in his other inscriptions. After a break in the text, he describes the erection
of the stela to commemorate the restoration of the Gu'edena to Ningirsu, and tells us the
stela's name (monuments and cultic objects, too, had names in ancient Sumer).
3. EANATUM-RIVER-WORN OVOID BOULDERS FROM GIRSU

AND OF UNKNOWN PROVENIENCE lo
These two boulders with identical inscriptions were ca. 25 -30 cm. long in their unbroken
states, and glorify the restoration to Ningirsu of "his beloved fields." The inscribing of river-
worn stones is peculiar to the rulers of Presargonic Lagash, and their significance is unclear.
One boulder commemorating the building of a temple by Enanatum I was associated with a
copper peg-figurine bearing an identical inscription." Since copper pegs formed part of
foundation deposits, it has been suggested that the boulders, also, were buried in founda-
tions of structures, though none have actually been so found.12 That may have been true
for some of the boulders (certainly for the Enanatum I boulder just mentioned), but these
Eanatum boulders celebrate no building. And because one of them was found at Girsu itself,
they could not have been intended to mark the new boundary with Umma, or be set in the
foundation of any structure built in the reconquered territory.
The text begins with a short, fragmentary recapitulation of the boundary dispute, then
catalogues the fields expropriated by Umma,13 and reports the new names given to them
(?) by the ruler of Umma. There follows a statement that Eanatum returned the fields to
Ningirsu, respecting the original boundary marker.
4. EANATUM- CLAY VASE FRAGMENTS FROM GIRSU AND LAGASH14

These fragments of two inscribed vases recall immediately the larger and better preserved
No. 10, the large clay jar containing one version of No. 6, and the fragments Nos. 1 1 and 12.
Unlike inscribed stone vessels, which are valuable votive offerings to the deity, these clay
vessels are not presented as offerings, but are merely the medium for the inscription, and the
extant examples are restricted, with one exception, to those in this dossier, suggesting that
the medium was used to honor political and military successes, rather than the building or
restoration of temples and other works. Unfortunately, none have been found in contexts
that provide any clue to their original emplacement.
The inscription, as restored, relates the original demarcation of the Lagash-Umma fron-
tier, and the violation of the boundary by a ruler of Umma, followed by Eanatum's defeat
of Umma and restoration of the original frontier. The inscription ends with a series of
curses directed against any future ruler of Umma who might violate the border.
"SARI La 3.2, ABW Ean. 6 .

"SARI La 4.5, IRSA IC6d, ABW En. I 27. The inscription is now duplicated on a stone tablet (Biblio-
theca Mesopotamica 3, I), which strengthens the connection with foundation deposits.
l2~ l l i s Yale
, Near Eastern Researches 2,119.
13cf. the similar catalogue in No. 2 xv.
1 4 s ~ RLa I 3.3, ABW Ean. 63 and Ent. 30.
[SANE 2, 141
5. ENANATUM I-CLAY TABLET FROM LAGASH''

This tablet, found in the temple of Hendursaga, was either a scribal copy or an archival
record of a text which, according to the difficult final column, was inscribed on a copper
standard in the temple. After enumerating the titles, epithets and religious constructions
of Enanatum, the inscription relates the incursion by Urluma of Umma into the territory of
Lagash, which he claims as his own. Encouraged by Ningirsu, Enanatum drives Urluma back
across the border. The problematic outcome of the Enanatum-Urluma battle, as evidenced
by the peculiar conclusion of the episode in this inscription, is discussed in Chapter IV. The
final column, separated from the body of the inscription by a blank column, seems to be a
notation specifying the locus of the original inscription and the object upon which it was
inscribed. The mention of Enanaturn's son Enmetena in this colophon suggests that the
copy may have been made after the death of the former (IV.4).
6. ENMETENA-CLAY CONE AND JARS FROM GIRSU AND OF UNKNOWN PROVENIENCE'^

This long inscription is completely preserved in two nearly identical versions, one in-
scribed on a cone similar to but finer than the famous cones of Uru'inirngina's Reform
Texts (IV.6). The other is inscribed on a clay jar, and both are reported to have been found
by the same member of a tribe in the Umma-Girsu area. A fragment of the end of the
inscription is preserved on a piece of a broad-bottomed vessel from Girsu17 (compare the
inscribed vessel fragments discussed above). Like the inscribed vases, the large cones of
Enmetena and Uru'inimgina are somewhat mysterious. Ellis thinks that they may have
developed in imitation of the boulders (cf. No. 3),18 but the form of the cones is very dif-
ferent. None have been found in a context that could provide a clue to their function. Like
the inscribed vases, the texts of the cones are concerned primarily with political matters,
and are quite different from the usual building and dedicatory inscriptions.
The inscription provides the most comprehensive preserved recitation of the boundary
history, beginning with Mesalim's arbitration, and ending with Enlil and Ninhursag, the great
god of Sumer and his consort, supporting Enmetena against a contemporary ruler of Umma
who claimed part of the territory of Lagash. Enmetena then reconstructs the boundary-
channel between Lagash and Umma, as well as the levee along the boundary channel. After
a prayer for Enmetena, the inscription concludes with a curse against any future ruler of
Umma who violates the border.
7. URU'INIMGINA-CLAY DISK FROM GIRSU'~

This half-preserved disk is unusual both for its shape, and the manner of reading it, which
is to read each column both on the obverse and reverse before going on to the next column
(cuneiform tablets are generally read first entirely on one side, then on the other). Nothing
is known of its original function.
The inscription, too, is unusual. It begins with a version of the famous Reform Texts of
Uru'inimgina (IV.6), listing first the abuses of power, then the abolition of those abuses by
decree of Uru'inimgina. There follows a history of the Lagash-Umma conflict, preserving
"SARI La 4.2, ABW En. 1 2 9 .

I 5.1, IRSA IC7i, ABW Ent. 28.
1 6 $ ~ R La
1 7 ~ h fragment
e was acquired by the Louvre with another fragment that has been joined to a third frag-
ment excavated at Girsu (the two joined fragments are part of No. 4 here), so it is fairly certain that the
fragment containing Enmetena's text was also found at Girsu.
l8Yale Near Eastern Researches 2,117ff.
' ~ ABW
9 La 9.3, ~ Ukg.~6. The~ruler's name was formerly read Urukagina.
[SANE 2, 151
only the episode concerning Enanatum I and Urluma. The inscription closes with a list of
Uru'inirngina's pious construction activities. The inscription is unusual because neither
of the two other preserved versions of the Reforms contain the history of the border con-
flict,?O and because both other versions list Uru'inimgina's building activities at the begin-
ning, which is where such a list would normally be expected (cf. Nos. 1, 5 and 8).
8. URU'INIMGINA-FRAGMENT OF A CLAY CYLINDER OR VESSEL FROM GIRSU?'

The first preserved column of this small fragment of what was originally a very large
artifact contains an account of Uru'inimgina's construction of a canal, well-known from
other inscriptions of that ruler. The second and third columns contain fragments of an
historical narrative which may or may not recount an attack by Umma on Lagash. It is
included here to demonstrate how tantalizing and frustrating fragmentary inscriptions
can be.
9. URU'INIMGINA-CLAY TABLET FROM GIRSU??

This inscription, which in some respects is a precursor of the later Sumerian lamen-
tations over destroyed cities,23 details the destruction wrought by Lugalzagesi of Umma
on the territory of Lagash. It concludes by emphasizing that this was a transgression com-
mitted by that ruler, and was not provoked by any wrongdoing on the part of Uru'inimgina.
The goddess of Umma, Nisaba, is asked to punish Lugalzagesi for his actions.
10. LUGALZAGESI- CLAY JAR AND STONE TABLET OF UNKNOWN PROVENIENCE^

The clay vase fragments which preserve well over half the original inscription, call t o
mind especially the vase fragments of No. 4, and the other pieces mentioned in the discus-
sion of No. 4. The stone tablet, however, is a type of artifact most often associated with
foundation deposits: a stone tablet and a copper peg-figurine bearing commemorative
inscriptions were regularly buried in the foundations of temples being built or restored. 25
But this text commemorates no building, and the original placement of the vase and the
stone tablet is a matter for conjecture. The stone tablet, perhaps, is the monument the ruler
claims, in the inscription, to have erected t o mark the border. Like the clay disk No. 7,
the columns of the stone tablet are read on both obverse and reverse before moving to
the next column.
The name of the ruler for whom the inscription was composed is broken, but it was
almost certainly Lugalzagesi of Umma (and Uruk), the great king who claimed to rule
over all of Sumer before he was defeated by Sargon of Akkad. This inscription is thus
the only evidence from Umma for the Lagash-Umma border dispute. After enumerating
the ruler's titles and epithets, we are told that he established the boundary of Umma,
restoring the old markers. Then the text describes the border in detail, giving the distance
'Osee n. 23 for a suggested explanation of the historical portion.

?'SARI La 9.4, ABW Ukg. 14.
2 2 La 9.5,
~ ZRSA~ I C l lm,
~ ABW ~ Ukg. 16.
23Kramer (Bibl. IA) 38, 142ff., 208; R L A S.V. Klagelied. Sollberger (Bibl. 11), 33ff. suggests that the
trauma of the destruction recorded here led not only to this text's composition, but to a cycle of texts
which could have included our Nos. 8 and 1 1, and perhaps No. 7 as well, which would explain why this last,
unlike other versions of the Uru'inimgina Reforms, has a section recounting the history of the Lagash-
Umma conflict. See also the interpretation of Westenholz (Bibl. 11).
2 4 Um 7.2,
~ ZRSA
~ IH2a,
~ ABW~ Luzag. 2. Is the fragment OrientalZnstitute Publication 14,54 from
Adab a duplicate (cf. Sollberger, Orientalia 28,344)?
25 Ellis, Yale Near Eastern Researches 2,46ff.
[SANE 2, 161
between points along it. The ruler concludes the description by stating that he never trans-
gressed the border, that he restored the old monuments marking it, and erected one of his
own. The inscription ends with a curse against anyone who would violate the boundary.
1 1 . NAME OF RULER NOT PRESERVED-CLAY VESSEL OR

CYLINDER FRAGMENT FROM GIRSU?~
This and the following fragment are included, as No. 8, to illustrate the problem of deal-
ing with fragmentary texts. The mention of Umma in col. iii' suggests this inscription
belongs in our dossier, but unfortunately no royal names are preserved. The ultimatum of
col. iv' implies a whole new episode in the diplomatic exchanges between the two rival
states, which is not attested elsewhere in the surviving inscriptions.
12. NAME OF RULER NOT PRESERVED-CLAY VESSEL FRAGMENT FROM GIRSU'~

This fragment may suggest an alliance between Umma and Uruk in a joint struggle against
Lagash (IV.6).
2 6 La 10.1,
~ ABW
~ AnLag
~ 9; ~cf. note 23.
2 7 La 10.2,
~ AB~W LuTar
~ v. Uruk
~ I.
[SANE 2; 171
CHAPTER 111
Difficulties in Reconstruction
The efforts of generations of scholarship are represented in section I1 of the bibliography.

Despite these efforts and the abundance of our documentation, there is no general agree-
ment on the details of the reconstruction of the border conflict between Lagash and Umma.
The difficulties and disagreements involved are of three kinds: geographical, chronological
and philological.
1 . GEOGRAPIIICAL PROBLEMS
The inscriptions and administrative documents from Presargonic Lagash have left us hun-
dreds of place names and names of watercourses, yet only a small number can be identified
with precision. Others can be put in the general vicinity of some known place, but the vast
majority remain only vaguely situated at best. When, in text No. 6, Enmetena tells us that
he constructed the boundary-channel between Lagash and Umma "from the Tigris to the
Nun-canal," we may think we are in a position to trace that oft-disputed frontier, until we
realize that we don't know where the Tigris was at the time 1-it has shifted courses fre-
quently-nor do we really know what is meant by the Nun-canal. Is it the arm of the
Euphrates later known as the Iturungal, as shown in Map 2 (RGTC l ) , or is it a branch canal
that leaves the Iturungal at Zabala, as argued by Jacobsen and drawn by him on Map 3
(Sumer 25)?2 In another inscription, Enmetena tells us that he extended the boundary-
channel "from the Nun-canal to M ~ b i k u r a . " ~If we combine the two passages, we can
assume that Mubikura lies on the Tigris.
Now, administrative texts about a century later provide us with the following additional
data:
1) The distance from the Nun-canal to Mubikura is ca. 53 km.4
2) The length o f the boundary-channel from Munikura (assumed to = Mubikura) to bar-ri is
ca. 4 8 km.'
3) The length of the Lagash boundary ending at the Nun-canal is ca. 58 km.6
All of this, when combined with Enmetena's testimony, suggests a boundary line of ca.
50-60 km. running from the Nun-canal to Mubikura on the Tigris. Yet even with this pre-
cision we have problems: "Assuming that the Tigris was the course of the present Dugail,
the distance of 53 km. of Mubikura on the Tigris to the Nun-canal would fit well with the
identification of the Nun with the Iturungal. Assuming a more westerly course of the Tigris,
'"In fact, not a single settlement on the alluvium identified with the Tigris in pre-Hellenistic times can
be identified that would permit the location of any part of the Tigris bed (or beds) to be specified" (Adams,
Bibl. IA,158).
~acobsen,in any case, takes the justquoted Enmetena passage to refer not to the traditional boundary-
channel, but to another, new canal.
3~~~~ La 5.2, ABW Ent. 41.
4~~~~ 1 S.V. Mubikura.
'Ibid.
Falkenstein (Bibl. IB), 4 0 n. 3.
[SANE 2, 181
19831 The Lagash- Umma Border Conflict (111.1) 19
an identification of the Nun with the western Euphrates is conceivable."' And the whole
question becomes even more complicated by the evidence of an Ur I11 text, more than 200
years later than Enmetena, that describes the Namnunda-field (the name of Enmetena's
levee on the boundary channel is Namnunda-kigara "founded in Namnunda") as stretching
from the Nun-canal t o the Tigris, with an area that would allow the distance between the
two waterways t o be no more than 5 km.!8 The only solution that fits all the numbers is
one that envisions a border beginning somewhere on the Nun-canal and running obliquely
for 50-60 km. t o the southeast between the Nun and the Tigris (a "western" Tigris, of
course) 5 km. t o the east, and joining the Tigris at Mubikura. This is very close t o Jacobsen's
border canal, the line on Map 3 from site 19 south t o site 36, rather than t o the east-west
E-kisura ("boundary-channel") of Map 2 (RGTC 1).
There are also some philological reasons for favoring something like Jacobsen's solution.
Text No. 6 speaks of "the boundary-channel of Ningirsu and the boundary-channel of
Nanshe," which suggests-but does not demand-that the boundary ran from the territory
of Girsu, city of the god Ningirsu, southeast t o the territory of Nina, the city of the goddess
N a n ~ h e .And
~ finally, although the Lagash area has been the object of only a very pre-
liminary archaeological survey,'O both the results of that survey (Map 3), and Landsat
imagery support the notion of a northwest t o southeast boundary canal, rather than one
running east-west. But the tentative nature of the evidence supporting this conclusion must
be stressed: no certain knowledge of the location of any place, river or canal mentioned
in descriptions of the border; a philological argument based on the association of the boun-
dary-channel with a goddess, which we assume means the ditch abutted territory belonging
t o that goddess's city; and traces of ancient canals provided by a very preliminary survey
and inadequate Landsat imagery.
2. CHRONOLOGICAL PROBLEMS
The absolute chronology of the late Early Dynastic period can be roughly estimated by
reckoning backwards from the relatively accurate dates for Mesopotamian rulers a millen-
nium later. M. B. Rowton's contribution t o the CAH12 is an excellent demonstration of
how this is done. A recorded solar eclipse in the reign of the Assyrian king Ashurdan I11 can
be fixed t o 763 B.C., and because we know the length of the reigns of his predecessors in
Assyrian and Babylonia, we can reckon rather precisely back t o the accession of Ashuru-
ballit I in 1365 B.C.13 A gap before this in our knowledge of rulers and lengths of reigns
means that for the period earlier than ca. 1600 B.C., when we can again establish an un-
broken chain of reigns, our absolute chronology is only approximate (but not in error by
more than a century), even though the relative chronology is certain back t o the beginning
of the third dynasty of Ur, ca. 2100 B.C. Then everything becomes very doubtful. For the
Presargonic period, we have inscriptions of nearly 6 0 rulers, but we can secure the length of
'RGTC 1 224.
8See the discussion of Pettinato (Bibl. II), 316ff.
see already Poebel (Bibl. II), 227.
lo~acobsen (Bibl. 11); cf. Adams (Bibl. I), 134.
dams (Bibl. I), 34, with the caveats on p. 33.
l2cAH 111, 193ff.
l3cAH 111, 202f.; Brinkman, Analecta Orientalia 43, 68.
[SANE 2, 191
Jerrold S. Cooper [SANE 211
reign for only the penultimate ruler of Lagash, Lugalanda (IV.6).14 The Sumerian King List,
to be sure, lists six or seven of the rulers attested in the primary sources, but attributes
either unreasonably long reigns t o them (Enmebaragesi of Kish, Mesanepada of Ur), or gives
them suspiciously round-numbered reigns (25 or 3 0 years). The rulers of both Lagash and
Umma, the protagonists of the historical reconstruction attempted here, are willfully
excluded from the list, and other important rulers, such as Mesalim or Lugalkiginedudu are
either excluded or present in broken portions of the list.15 Essentially, we are reduced t o
reckoning by generations, rough estimates of average reigns and other even less reliable
methods of approximation, all of which point t o a period from about 2450-2300 for the
time-span at Lagash from the accession of Urnanshe to the defeat of Uru'inimgina by
Lugalzagesi. l 6
The relative chronology of the Lagash-Umma conflict is problematic in several instances.
The texts never tell us how much time elapsed between the narrated episodes. Certainly
each Ummaite violation could not have been as promptly punished as the texts would lead
us to believe. The stages of the conflict between the primordial-for the texts-arbitration
of Mesalim and the victory of Eanatum are compressed in texts Nos. 3, 4 and 6 ; in No. 2,
they are told at length, but the inscription is badly broken. Thus, we are not certain whether
Eanatum or one of his predecessors was the opponent of Ush, the first Ummaite foe men-
tioned in Enmetena's history of the conflict (No. 6). Eanatum's account of his struggle with
Umma in No. 2 suggests that he had at least two major battles with that city, but the text
is so poorly preserved that we cannot be certain. The internal chronology of Eanatum's
reign is another problem: How are we t o arrange the many victories and defensive battles
he lists in his inscriptions, and where in his reign are we t o situate his boundary settlement
with Umma? When in Uru'inimgina's reign did the destructive raid by Lugalzagesi, described
in No. 9, occur? Can this be correlated with the closing of the archive of the Emi at Girsu,
and how long after that did Uru'inimgina continue t o rule? These and other chronological
problems will be discussed, if rarely resolved, in the reconstruction attempted in the follow-
ing chapter.
3. PHILOLOGICAL PROBLEMS
There are still many Sumerian words whose meanings are unknown, and many more
whose meanings have been only approximated. This is especially true for relatively early
texts, such as the ones used in this study. Grammatically, too, Sumerian guards its mys-
teries; the nuances of the verb, for example, are notoriously recalcitrant to scholarly pene-
tration. This is painfully obvious in the interpretation offered for the verb " to divert water"
in No. 6. In view of the vulnerability of Lagash t o any manipulation of the hydraulic system
by its upstream neighbor Umma,17 the most obvious way t o understand the passages in
l4w e may know the length of the reigns of the two rulers before him; for the length of Uru'inimgina's
reign, see IV. 6 .
15cf. n. 1 1 to Chapter I, and Piotr Michalowski's essay on the Sumerian King List in Journal o f the
American Oriental Society (forthcoming). The radical approach to the King List by Kammenhuber, Orien-
talia 48,1 ff., is completely misguided.
16see the various reconstructions in the works in the Bibliography (IC), and note the shortening of the
period from Sargon to Urnammu to under 200 years, which would be the result of accepting Hallo's con-
vincing arguments in RLA 3,713f. The absolute dates given here, which follow the so-called middle chron-
ology, may have to be set fifty years earlier, if Huber's just published endorsement of the high chronology
is valid (Bibl. I).
17see Nissen (Bibl. 111).
[SANE 2, 201
19831 The Lagash- Umma Border Conflict (111.3) 21
question is that Umma is diverting water out of the boundary-channel. But the verbal infix
employed is most often interpreted as indicating action toward or into, and this interpre-
tation seems t o fit best in the broader context of these passages.
If the translations offered in Chapter V I were t o reflect all of the uncertainties apparent
t o the Sumerologist, there would be many more blank spaces and question marks than there
are. An attempt has been made to make the translations reasonable and readable. They have
been made in the context of the reconstruction in Chapter IV, and while very aware that
other reconstructions are possible, I have decided against an elaborate system of notation
presenting all possible alternative translations and interpretations. These the reader can find
in the works listed in the bibliography.
Not all of the problems are lexical or grammatical. The inscriptions are sometimes will-
fully elliptical; they just don't provide enough data t o enable non-contemporaries like our-
selves t o understand what is being said.18 The texts in Chapter VI are full of abrupt shifts
and vague references that can only rarely be fleshed out from parallel or similar episodes in
other texts. A passage in Eanatum's Stela of the Vultures (No. 2) tells us that "Eanatum,
the man of just commands, measured off the boundary [with the leader of Umma?], left
(something) under Umma's control, and erected a monument on that spot." What did he
leave under Umma's control? We would be hard pressed t o make sense of the passage with-
out the fuller account given by Enmetena (No. 6): "Eanatum, ruler of Lagash, uncle of
Enmetena ruler of Lagash, demarcated the border with Enakale, ruler of Umma. He ex-
tended the (boundary-) channel from the Nun-canal t o the Gu'edena, leaving (a) 21 5 nindan
(1290 m.) (strip) of Ningirsu's land under Umma's control, and establishing a no-man's
land (there). He inscribed (and erected) monuments at that (boundary-) channel." How
many other problematic passages, over which scholars continue t o break their heads, would
become intelligible if we had similar parallel accounts?
Geographical, chronological and philological problems such as those evoked above are
barriers to reconstructing the history of the Lagash-Umma conflict as related in our dossier
of contemporary inscriptions. It is only honest to stress, however, that even if all of these
barriers were t o be surmounted, the resulting history would be a very superficial one. The
socio-economic, geo-political and religious realities of mid-third millennium Sumer are
poorly understood. What really was a king? What was a border? Deceptively simple ques-
tions that are immeasurably more difficult to answer than are questions about a problematic
passage or sequence of events. As historians of the ancient world, we operate in a contin-
uous dialectical relationship t o our own work and that of our colleagues. It is through the
proposal and rejection of theses and modifications of hypotheses that our superficial history
becomes more accurate, our real understanding more profound, and it is in this spirit that
the following reconstruction is proposed.
or the problem of textual silence on basic matters, see Civil, "Les limites de l'information textuelle,"
in Barrelet M .-T., L 'archtologie de 1'Iraq.
[SANE 2 , 211
CHAPTER IV
The Border Conflict Reconstructed
1. BEFORE URNANSHE
Historical tradition at Lagash attributes the original arbitration of the Lagash-Umma
border t o Mesalim, the king of Kish generally thought t o have lived about a century before
Urnanshe, ca. 2600 B.C. (see Chap. I). Text No. 3 reports that "Enlil demarcated [the
boundary between Ningirsu and Shara] and Mesalim erected a monument there," and that
"Eanatum did not cross beyond the place where Mesalim had erected the monument."
According t o this same text, Eanatum carefully restored Mesalim's marker t o its original
spot on the boundary; text No. 4 says that he erected his own monument where Mesalim
had erected one. Both acts are reported by Enmetena in his summary of Eanatum's reign
(No. 6 ii). Enmetena also supplies us with the most con~pleteaccount of the original arbi-
tratibn:
Enlil, king of all lands, father of all the gods, by his authoritative command, demarcated the border
between Ningirsu and Shara. Mesalim, king of Kish, at the command of Ishtaran, measured it off
and erected a monument there. (No. 6 i)
The boundary is represented as a matter decided by Enlil, chief of the Sumerian pantheon,
between the gods Ningirsu and Shara, the chief deities of Lagash and Umma, respectively.
In the world of men, Enlil's decision was carried out by Mesalim, whose hegemony extended
to Umma and Lagash. So great was his prestige that his name was preserved, or considered
worthy of mention, by the composers of our inscriptions over a century after the event, but
the names of the local ruler of Lagash and his contemporary at Umma were forgotten or
left unmentioned.
If the scribes of Lagash had forgotten the name of Mesalim's contemporary there, we
know it. An inscribed and sculpted stone mace head from Girsu reads: '
Mesalim, king of Kish, temple builder for Ningirsu, deposited this for Ningirsu. Lugalsha'engur is
the ruler of Lagash.
We know nothing else about Lugalsha'engur. Another early ruler of Lagash, Enbegal, who
is called "king," is known only from an early land sale document.2
Eanatum's account in the Stela of the Vultures (No. 2) of the initial arbitration is broken,
a pity because of the richness of detail it must have provided. When col. i picks up after ,the
broken first twenty cases we read "He would pay it as a(n interest-bearing) [lolan, and
grain-rent was imposed on it." The text continues by introducing "the king of Lagash"
before breaking off for 22 cases. When it picks up again, it tells of an act of defiance on the
part of Umma, which is countered by Akurgal, Urnanshe's son and Eanatum's father. Since
the 22 broken cases should suffice to cover Urnanshe, I would assign the reference to
interest and grain-rent at the end of col. i not t o Urnanshe's reign, but to the original
settlement. The principle enunciated here is picked up again in the oaths sworn in the
Stela of the Vultures (xviff.), and by Enmetena in text No. 6 ii, and is crucial, I think, to
' S A R I Ki 3 . 1 , IRSA IA3a, ABW Mes. v. KG 1.

~ d z a r dSumerische
, Rechtsurkunden No. 1 14.
[SANE 2, 221
The Lagash - Umma Border Conflict (IV.1)
an understanding of the entire conflict from Lagash's viewpoint. The cultivated area called
Gu'edena (meaning "edge of the plains"), the territory claimed by both Lagash and Umma,
the prize they fought over for countless generations, was, for Lagash, "Ningirsu's beloved
field," as Eanatum never tires of telling us (e.g. at the end of Nos. 2 and 3). But G. Petti-
nato, in a long article that traces the conflict for two centuries beyond the period we are
discussing, has shown that the Gu'edena was always divided between the jurisdictions of the
two states (Bibl. 11). The rationalization that allowed Lagash t o accept the fact that part of
the god Ningirsu's land was occupied by the forces of another god's city, was that this
occupation was really a lease arrangement: Ningirsu's grain could be cultivated by Umma,
but part of that grain was t o be returned in the form of rent and interest.
In addition t o making an unpleasant status quo palatable, this theoretical construct had
some other advantages. When Lagash was strong, it might turn theory into fact and collect
tribute from Umma. When, after a period of weakness, Lagash sought t o regain part of the
disputed territory from Umma, there was always a ready excuse t o send ultimatums and
finally resort t o arms: Umma had failed t o pay the requisite duties, or had exceeded its
allotted acreage and transgressed the boundary.
2. URNANSHE AND AKURGAL

Until the recent publication of a stone slab found by the American archaeological expe-
dition t o Lagash (No. l ) , we had no first-hand account of Urnanshe's military exploits.
The typical Urnanshe inscription resembles the obverse of that slab: a long catalogue. of
temples built, statues fashioned and canals dug. Unlike such catalogues in later inscriptions
from Lagash, he does not list the gods for whom these works were undertaken. On the slab's
reverse, there is a unique report of successful battles against Ur and Umma. Again the style
differs from later accounts. Urnanshe not only reports his victories, but gives us the names
of important prisoners from each city. Later rulers of Lagash often tell us the names of other
rulers they have defeated, but never the names of those rulers' subordinates.
The accounts of the two victories are interwoven in such a way as t o suggest they may
have been related. It will be argued below that from sometime before the reign of Lugal-
zagesi Uruk (-Ur) and Umma were allied and perhaps ruled by members of the same families,
and that their control of most of the rest of Sumer was the major geo-political fact with
which Lagash had t o contend. The linking of Ur and Umma in Urnanshe's inscription may
well be the earliest attestation of an alliance against Lagash between Umma and states t o
the southwest. The captured ruler of Umma, Pabilgaltuk, is otherwise unknown. The con-
temporary ruler of Ur is unmentioned, certainly because he remained uncaptured. But
since the Meskalamdug dynasty at Ur had t o precede the union of Uruk and Ur inaugurated
by Enmetena's Cjunior? ) contemporary Lugalkiginedudu and continued by his son Lugal-
kisalsi ( I V S ) , the ruler of Ur at the time of Urnanshe must have belonged t o the Meskalam-
dug dynasty, and was possibly Meskalamdug h i ~ n s e l f .The~ Meskalamdug dynasty, then,
had interrupted the earlier dominance of Uruk in southern Sumer (p. l), a dominance which
was reestablished by Lugalkiginedudu.
When we pass from Urnanshe t o the inscriptions of Eanatum and his successors, we enter
a different world. Although Urnanshe mentions several captives from Umma by name, he
never talks about the border as an object of contention. The Gu'edena, boundary-channels,
3 ~ s s u m i n ga rough correspondence between the Lagash generations of 1) Urnanshe, 2) Akurgal, 3)

Eanatum-Enanatum I, 4) Enmetena; and the generations at Ur of 1) Meskalamdug, 2) Akalamdug - Mesane-
pada, 3) A'anepada-Meskiagnuna, 4) Lugalkiginedudu. It is unlikely that this conflict of Urnanshe with a
"leader" of Ur can be related t o his small stela found at Ur; see n. 2 t o SARI La 1.31.
[SANE 2, 231
and smashed monuments, all of which figure prominently in subsequent accounts of hostil-
ities with Umma, d o not occur in Urnanashe's account. Present evidence, including the
general otherness of Urnanshe's inscriptional style discussed above, leads me t o believe that
the border conflict as a leitmotif in the historical records of Lagash, and the various topoi
that accompany it, have their origin in the inscriptions of Eanatum. In the Stela of the Vul-
tures (No. 2), "king of Lagash" at the end of col. i may well be the beginning of the Urnan-
she episode in Eanatum's narration. By the time col. ii picks u p after a 22 case break, Umma
is defying Lagash, and Akurgal, Urnanshe's son and Eanatum's father, is introduced, but the
text breaks off again. When it continues it is with another episode of defiance by Umma,
and here it is clear that Umma is trespassing in the Gu'edena. This leads t o Ningirsu's anger,
which results in his creation of the larger-than-life Eanatum t o be his champion (No. 2 iv-v).
The implication is that the occupation of the Gu'edena that occurred under Akurgal re-
mained for Eanatum to resolve. Some details of the occupation are preserved in No. 3:
specific parts of the Gu'edena that were occupied are named, and the ruler of Umma
apparently renamed them t o commemorate his occupation.
An additional factor in Umma's invasion can be deduced from two difficult passages in
the Stela of the Vultures, if they are properly translated here. Before actually battling the
ruler of Umma, Eanatum curses him:
The ruler of Umma-where is he recruiting?. With (other) men [ . . . ] he is able to exploit' the
Gu'edena, the beloved field of Ningirsu. May he (Ningirsu) strike him down! (No. 2 vi)
Then, in a dream, Ningirsu predicts Eanatum's triumph in a passage that begins, "Kish itself
must abandon? Umma, and being angry, cannot support it" (No. 2 vii). Umma, then, was
not alone in its struggle against Lagash, but, as was probably the case during Urnanshe's
reign (above), and was the case in the reigns of Enanatum I and Uru'inimgina (IV.4 and 6),
it had powerful foreign allies.
In both Nos. 3 and 4 there is a telescoping of the events that were narrated in full on
the Stele of the Vultures. After the initial boundary arbitration, the texts move on t o the
Ummaite invasion during Akurgal's reign that preceded Eanatum's recapture of the occupied
territory. Both texts summarize the invasion in the same terms:
[The leader of Umma] smashed that (Mesalim's) monument, and marched on the plain of La-
gash . . . these (fields) the leader of Umma invaded? and smashed the monument. (No. 3)
The leader of Umma smashed that [monume] nt and marched on the plain of Lagash. (No. 4)
Enmetena introduces the episode with a differently worded equivalent t o the description of
the haughty and defiant behavior of Akurgal's opponent in the Stele of the Vultures (No.
2 ii), and then continues exactly as Nos. 3 and 4:
Ush, ruler of Umma, acted arrogantly: he smashed that monument and marched on the plain of
Lagash. (No. 6 i)
The name of Akurgal's opponent, Ush (or Gish), is a new piece of information, that may
have been in a broken section of the Stela of the Vultures. He was probably the successor
of Pabilgaltuk, the ruler of Umma taken prisoner by Urnanshe (No. 1 r. iv).
3. EANATUM
The relative chronology of Eanatum's reign, which is of unknown length, cannot be dis-
entangled, despite repeated scholarly efforts t o do so.4 His wide-ranging military activities
~acobsen(Bibl. I I I ) , 130ff.; Hal10 (Bibl. I I I ) , 39ff.; Lambert, Sumer 8,71ff.
[SANE 2, 241
19831 The Lagash- Umma Border Conflict (IV.3) 25
are most fully recorded in the following passages from an inscribed boulder commemorating
the completion of the Lumagimdu canal: '
Eanatum defeated Elam, the amazing mountain, and made burial mounds for it. He defeated the
ruler of Urua, who stood with the (city's) emblem in the vanguard,? and made burial mounds for
it. He defeated Umma and made twenty burial mounds for it. He restored to Ningirsu's control
his beloved field, the Gu'edena. He defeated Uruk, he defeated Ur, he defeated Kiutu. He raided
Uruaz and killed its ruler. He raided Mishime and destroyed Arua. All the lands tremble before
Eanatum, the nominee of Ningirsu. Because the king of Akshak attacked, Eanatum, nominee of
Ningirsu, beat back Zuzu, king of Akshak, from the Antasura of Ningirsu t o Akshak, and destroyed
it (Akshak).
(report of the canal construction)
Eanatum, who is commissioned by Ningirsu-to Eanatum, ruler of Lagash, Inana, because she loved
him so, gave him the kingship of Kish in addition t o the rulership of Lagash. Elam trembled before
Eanatum; he drove the Elamite back t o his own land. Kish trembled before Eanatum; he drove the
king of Akshak back t o his own land. Eanatum, ruler of Lagash, who subjugates the foreign lands
for Ningirsu, defeated Elam, Subartu and Urua at the Sukur-canal. He defeated Kish, Akshak and
Mari at the Antasura of Ningirsu.
The first part of this summary appears nearly verbatim on other inscribed boulder^,^ and
the assumption of M. Lambert that the second part, beginning with Inana's grant to Eana-
tum of the kingship of Kish (i.e. hegemony over northern Babylonia), is an elaboration of
the first part, rather than a report of new engagements, is most p l a ~ s i b l e .The
~ repetition
elsewhere of the first part suggests a fixed order of narrative, which is supported by the
repetition, in the same wording and order, of selected victories in two other inscriptions.
Since the order is not geographic, it may be chronological, but this cannot be proved.
The only other inscription beside this one and those mentioned in notes 6 and 8 that
details Eanatum's victories and conquests is the Stela of the Vultures, our No. 2. The narra-
tive, spread over four columns (r. vi-ix) was miginally extensive, but is mostly lost. The
order and even the elements were not necessarily those of the inscriptions just discussed:
Elam, Subartu [gap] Susa, Urua [gap] Arua, Sumer [gap] Ur [gap]. But the peculiar epi-
sode concerning Urua, and the verbs occurring with Arua and Ur are the same as in the
other inscriptions. Clearly, many or most of the elements in Eanatum's historical narratives
were fixed, and, as we have seen in the preceding paragraph, several inscriptions attest to
one fixed ordering of those elements. The Stela of the Vultures shows that this order was
not obligatory, and thus there is no way of knowing whether it was chronological or deter-
mined by other factors.
The account of Eanatum's struggle with Umma in the Stela suggests that there were at
least two discrete episodes to the conflict. In col. xi, Eanatum is demarcating the boundary
with Umma after the battle described in columns ix and x. But immediately following the
demarcation, there seem t o be new hostilities on the part of Umma, and before listing the
fields that Eanatum restored t o Ningirsu, the text tells us that Eanatum "destroyed the
' S A R I La 3.5, ZRSA ICSb, ABW Ean. 2. Many of these efforts, t o be sure, are defensive, with Ean-
atum beating attackers back from Lagash's territory. But the actions against Uruaz, Mishime, Arua and
Akshak are certainly portrayed as being offensive, and Eanatum could not have assumed the title "king of
Kish " without having campaigned abroad.
6~~~~ La 3.6, ABW Ean. 3.
7 ~ Lambert,
. op. cit.
8~~~~ La 3.9, ZRSA ICSc, ABW Ean. 22: The first three victories over Elam, Urua and Umma, and the
defeat of Ur; SARI La 3.1 1 , ABW Ean. 62: the defeat of Uruk and Ur (broken before and after, but traces
before d o not correspond t o what precedes the defeat of Uruk in any other inscription).
[SANE 2, 251
foreign lands," either a reference to the victories t o be described on the reverse, or t o

foreign allies of Umma. The implication is that there were at least two parts t o the struggle
with Umma. If the second confrontation came later in Eanatum's reign, and was commem-
orated by the Stela of the Vultures, it would solve one problem in the chronology of Eana-
tum: nearly all his inscriptions refer t o a victory over UmmaY9suggesting that that victory
occurred early on, but the Stele of the Vultures, which commemorates a victory over
Umma, has the long narrative of Eanatum's many foreign campaigns on the reverse, and
thus could not have been fashioned near his reign's beginning. The lateness of the Stela is
also suggested by the fact that only there, and in a tiny fragment of another inscription,1°
is Eanatum called "king" (lugal);in all other inscriptions his title is "ruler"(ensi).
There is yet another reason t o believe that the Stela of the Vultures is later than the
historical narrative on the boulders. The boulders imply that Kish in the broader sense
(northern Babylonia; see Chap. I) was controlled by Akshak. It is after defeating Zuzu,
king of Akshak, that Eanatum is granted the "kingship of Kish," and further on the text
says that
Elam trembled before Eanatum; he drove the Elamite back to his own land.
Kish trembled before Eanatum; he drove the king o f Akshak back t o his own land.
The king of Akshak was the leading power in northern Babylonia, and we can presume that
he also bore the hegemonist title "King of Kish" before it was assumed by Eanatum. But a
cartouche on the Stele of the Vultures mentions an "Al[ 1, king of Kish," certainly not
Zuzu. A reasonable interpretation of this datum, in conjunction with the evidence for at
least two wars against Umma discussed in the preceding paragraph, is that Al[ ] of Kish
was defeated by Eanatum in a campaign that was distinct from, and later than, the expedi-
tion that ended in the defeat of Zuzu and inaugurated Eanatum's (temporary) hegemony
over northern Babylonia.
The relatively meager and uncertain results of this discussion, as they bear on the Lagash-
Umma conflict, are that Eanatum fought at least two wars with Umma over the Gu'edena.
The first, near his reign's beginning, is mentioned in nearly all of his inscriptions. Another,
rather later in his reign, was commemorated by the Stela of the Vultures.
The details of the first campaign proper against Umma are poorly preserved on the Stela,
but the events leading up to it are well preserved and rather remarkable (No. 2 iv-viii). The
god Ningirsu, angered at Umma's expropriation of his land, engenders the giant Eanatum,
who is suckled by the goddess Ninhursag and given his name by the goddess Inana. Eanatum
utters an imprecation against the ruler of Umma, and then has a dream in which Ningirsu
appears t o him and predicts that Umma will lose its northern allies and will be defeated by
Eanatum, after which the ruler of Umma will die at the hands of his own subjects. A frag-
mentary and difficult account of a battle follows, in which Eanatum appears to be wounded
(No. 2 ix). Umma is defeated and Eanatum reestablishes the border, but fighting breaks out
anew and Umma is vanquished once more (No. 2 x-xi). Following a fragmentary passage
and the erection of a stela to commemorate his victory (presumably the Stela of the Vul-
tures), the names of the parts of the Gu'edena restored t o Ningirsu's (= Lagash's) control
are enumerated (No. 2 xiii), after which begins a humiliating series of oaths that Eanatum
forces the ruler of Umma to swear by the gods Enlil, Ninbursag, Enki, Sin, Utu and Ninki
(No. 2 xivff.).
90nly the short inscription SARI La 3.7 (ABW Ean. 5 and 8) does not; it mentions only Elam and
Subartu.
''SARI La 3.12, ABW Ean. 6 4 .
[SANE 2, 261
The Lagash- Umma Border Conflict (IV.3)
Each oath follows the same pattern: the ruler of Umma takes the battle-net of a partic-
ular god (see the illustration on the Stela itself of such a net, held by the god Ningirsu), and
swears by that god that: 1) his use of land in the Gu'edena is as "a(n interest-bearing)
loan;" 2) he will not d o some untranslatable thing t o the irrigation-channel (which served
as a boundary line); 3) he will not trespass on Ningirsu's territory; 4) he will not alter the
courses of the irrigation channels; and 5) he will not destroy the monuments that mark the
border. He ends by calling down upon himself the very net by which he has sworn, if he
ever violates the oath." Eanatum then performs an obscure ceremony that entails releasing
specially prepared birds toward the sanctuary of the god by whom the oath was taken,
concluding with a curse against any future ruler of Umma who violates the oath.12
The reasons for assuming that the Stela of the Vultures and this elaborate ceremony
commemorate a second victory of Eanatum over Umma later in his reign have been set forth
above. It follows that the accounts of a victory over Umma given by Eanatum in texts Nos.
3 and 4 refer t o an earlier campaign:
Eanatum, ruler of Lagash . . . restored to Ningirsu's control his beloved fields. Eanatum did not
cross beyond the place where Mesalim had erected the monument, and (moreover) he restored that
monument. (No. 3 iv)
[Ningirsu] gave the order t o Eanatum, and he destroyed Umma. At the [pla] ce where Mesalin~had
erected a monument, [El an [at] um, [at Ningirsu's command, establish] ed a mo [nument] . When he
thereby established the monument, [Eanatu] m [n] amed it "Ningirsu is the Lord Eternally Exalted
in Abzu" (No.4 ii)13
Both texts are less interested in Eanatum's military feats than with the fact that he re-estab-
lished the ancient boundary of Mesalim. A similar concern about the border is expressed in
Enmetena's report in text No. 6 , but he also tells us something of Umma's defeat. After the
transgression of Ush, which we placed in the reign of Akurgal (IV.2)'
Ningirsu, warrior of Enlil, at his (Enlil's) just command, did battle with Umma. At Enlil's command,
he cast the great battle-net upon it and set up burial mounds for it on the plain. Eanatum, ruler of
Lagash.. .demarcated the border with Enakale, ruler of Umma. He extended the (boundary-)
channel from the Nun-canal to the Gu'edena, leaving (a) 21 5 nindan (1 290 m.) (strip) of Ningirsu's
land under Umma's control, and establishing a no-man's land there. He inscribed (and erected)
monuments at that (boundary-) channel and restored the monument of Mesalim, but did not cross
into the plain of Umma. On the boundary-levee of Ningirsu, (called) Namnundakigara, he built a
chapel of Enlil, a chapel of N@ursag, a chapel of Ningirsu and a chapel of Utu. (No. 6 i-ii)
Not only does Enmetena mention only one, not two, battles wit11 Umma, but he makes the
protagonist Ningirsu, leaving it t o Eanatum only t o draw the border after the war is over.
The battle report, I think, is a summary conflation of Eanatum's struggles with Umma. The
sequence of actors Ningirsu-Eanatum is nicely parallel t o the sequence Enlil-Mesalim at the
inscription's beginning, and the use of the divine battle-net echoes the oaths in the Stela of
the Vultures as well as the curse at the end of No. 6.
The border settlement, however, is far from summary, and its detail enables us t o under-
stand an otherwise enigmatic statement in the Stela of the Vultures:
" The final oath, by the goddess Ninki, differs. Instead of a battle-net falling down upon the violator,
snakes will rise up from the earth to bite him, and the ground will be pulled out from under him. See the
note to the translation.
1 2 ~ h e s,repeated
e oaths are somewhat reminiscent of the oaths in the much later vassal treaties of Esar-
haddon, for which see the translation of E. Reiner in Pritchard, Ancient Near Easrern Texrs (3rd ed.).
1 3 ~ h iiss the name of the monument replacing the original monument of Mesalim on the border, and has
nothing to do with the Stele of the Vultures, which was erected in Ningirsu's temple at Girsu (No. 2 xiii),
and was named "Ningirsu, the Lord, Crown of Luma, is the Life of the Pirigedena-canal" (No. 2 r. xi).
[SANE 2, 271
Eanatum, the man of just commands, measured off the boundary [with the leader of Umma? ] , left
(some land) under Umma's control, and erected a monument on that spot. (No. 2 x-xi)
Without Enmetena's more explicit wording, the Eanatum passage would translate "left
under Umma's control (literally 'to Umma's side')," not even telling us what was left. From
Enmetena we know it was land, specifically a strip of land (as I interpret it) over one km.
deep along the border, land that Enmetena tells us is Ningirsu's (i.e. belongs to Lagash), but
is in Umma's control. It is this peculiar status that Enmetena describes as a "no-man's land"
(literally "land without an owner").
Of all the rulers of Lagash known t o us, Eanatum appears t o have been the most wide-
ranging in his conquests, and in the Stela of the Vultures, left us the grandest monument of
the Early Dynastic period. Was his restoration of Ningirsu's Gu'edena t o Lagash simply a
restoration? His meticulous catalogue of tracts of land recovered, his repeated emphasis on
restoration and insistence that he never went beyond the old Mesalim border markers, the
humiliating series of oaths imposed on the ruler of Umma, the magnificence of the Stela of
the Vultures itself-all these suggest that what Eanatum really did was not only to recover
land occupied by Umma during the reign of his father Akurgal, but t o annex lands that had
traditionally belonged to Umma. But without testimony from the other side, this remains
speculation.
4. ENANATUM I
There are three accounts from the inscriptions of three different rulers, of the hostilities
between Eanatum's brother Enanatum I and Urluma of Umma. The events inaugurating the
hostilities are told rather differently by Enanatum himself than by his son and successor
Enmetena. Enanatum's version (text No. 5), a recent discovery of the American expedition
to Lagash, occurs on a dedicatory inscription for the temple of Hendursaga, and the histor-
ical narration is relatively brief, concerned only with recording Enanatum's repulsion of
Urluma's attempt t o annex part of the territory of Lagash. The prelude t o Urluma's invasion
is simply "[when Enlil?] turned over control of Umma to [Nin] g[ir] s[u] , and he then put
it in Enanatum's control" (No. 5 vii). Enmetena's inscription is a detailed history of the
border conflict, and is more conceri~edt o give us the background t o Urluma's invasion:
The leader of Umma could exploit 1 guru (5184 hl.) of the barley of Nanshe and the barley of Nin-
girsu as a(n interest-bearing) loan. It bore interest (in grain), and 8,640,000 guru (44,789,760,000
hl.) accrued. Since he was unable to repay? that barley, Urluma, ruler of Umma, diverted water into
the boundary-channel of Ningirsu and the boundary-channel of Nanshe. (No. 6 ii)
Something similar, if more brief, must have been in the broken portion of No. 7 (Uru'inim-
gina) just before it picks up with "Because of that barley . . . "
The conflict was clearly agricultural, involving payments for land use and improper use of
irrigation systems. The Enmetena passage is the most elusive in our dossier, if not in the
entire corpus. My interpretation follows, with some modifications, that of P. Steinkeller,
Journal of the Economic and Social History of the Orient 24 143ff., and can only be
regarded as tentative. The entitlement of Umma to the use of part of the Gu'edena in return
for monetary and grain payments, is known from Eanatum (see above). Here, the amount of
land it could use is stipulated as the acreage needed to produce 1 guru of grain. The next
figure, 8,640,000 guru, is extraordinarily large, but in fact would be the amount of com-
pounded interest that would accrue on 1 guru in about forty or fifty-five years at the
current annual rate of 33 113 or 50 percent for grain loans and rent. The time-span could fit
a period from early in Eanatum's reign to the end of Enanatum's reign, so there is no need
to follow Steinkeller in drastically reducing the amount. However, the point of the figure
[SANE 2, 281
is its great magnitude, which underscores both the gravity of Umma's transgression and the
justice of Lagash's cause.
Further on, when Urluma's successor I1 invades Umma, he too diverts water and then "he
-- - .- 3600 guru of Lagash's barley," for which action he is called a "field thief" (IV.5).
The verb left blank is Sumerian su, the verb in the Urluma passage following the 8,640,000
guru and translated "repay"? is sit, and most scholars have assumed the same verb is meant
in both instances. Steinkeller argues persuasively that sit and su are t o be translated " to
replace, repay," normally written su, but not infrequently sit. l4 No other possible meanings
of stt ("to belmake distant, empty, t o sprinkle") are appropriate in either passage, and
another possible meaning of su " to sink, inundate" (later also written sit), makes no sense
in the Urluma episode-he would not invade Lagash because he could not "flood" the grain.
In the I1 episode (see IV.5), " to flood" also does not fit the claims t o Lagash's territory that
follow the action.'' Despite the awkwardness of " to repay" in that context, it is certainly
the best solution that has yet been offered.
Urluma, then, was a delinquent debtor who compounded his transgression by diverting
water into the boundary-channels and using them t o irrigate land being exploited by Umma.
That is, the boundary-channels were no longer considered t o mark the border with Lagash,
but were incorporated into Umma's irrigation network. The land they flowed through was
treated as Umma's own. Later on, Urluma's successor I1 does something similar: "He di-
verted water into the boundary-channel of Ningirsu and the boundary-channel of Nanshe,"
and for this he was called " the field thief" (IV.5).
The actual invasion by Urluma is described differently in our three sources, but with
many of the same o r similar elements, albeit not always in the same order:
Urluma, ruler of Urnma, [recruited foreigners?] and transgressed the boundary-channel of Nin-
girsu. "Antasura is mine! I shall exploit (its) produce? ! " he said, and he awaited? him (Enana-
tum) at Du'urgiga. Ningirsu spoke . . . angrily: "Urluma, ruler of Umma, has said, 'Antasura is
mine!' and has marched on my very own field. He must not d o violence against Enanatum, my
mighty male! " Enanatum beat back Urluma, ruler of Umma, t o the boundary-channel of Ningirsu.
He went after him at the . . . of the Lumagirnunta(-canal), and . . . his garment. (No. 5 vii-xi)
He set fire t o their (the boundary-channels') monuments and smashed them, and destroyed the
established chapels of the gods that were built on the (boundary-levee called) Namnundakigara. He
recruited foreigners, and transgressed the boundary-channel of Ningirsu. Enanatum, ruler of Lagash,
fought with him in the Ugiga-field, the field of Ningirsu. Enmetena, beloved son of Enanatum,
defeated him. Urluma escaped, but was killed in Umma itself. He had abandoned sixty teams of
asses at the bank of the Lumagirnunta-canal, and left the bones of their personnel strewn over the
plain. He (Enmetena) made burial mounds in five places there for them. (No. 6 ii-iii)
When, because of that barley, he (Enanatum I) sent envoys t o him, having them say t o him, "You
must deliver my barley! ", Urluma spoke haughtily with him. "Antasura is mine, it is my territory! "
he said. He levied the Ummaites and foreigners were dispatched there. At the Ugiga-field, the
beloved field of Ningirsu, Ningirsu destroyed the Ummaite levies. He confronted the retreating
Urluma, ruler of Umma, at the base of the Lumagirnunta-canal, and he (Urluma) abandoned his
sixty teams of asses there, and left the bones of their pers [onnel strewn over the plain]. (No. 7 iv)
Enanatum reports Urluma's claim to the Antasura and vicinity as braggadocio in the
midst of the invasion, whereas Uru'inimgina reports the same claim within the context of a
diplomatic exchange (see Chap. V). Antasura, as we know, is, from Lagash's point of view,
l4Steinkeller, op. cit., n. 84.

15
Note that in the one instance of crop destruction in our dossier, there is no mention of flooding (No.
9, end).
[SANE 2 , 291
within the territory of Lagash very near t o the border with Umma; but as we see here, it was
claimed by Umma as its own (see also IV.5). The claim is omitted in Enmetena's account,
possibly because he is saving his report of messages exchanged with Umma for the account
of his own dispute with Urluma's successor 11.
The express claim by Urluma t o Antasura seems to be a genuine detail specific t o this
episode; if it were just a stock phrase we would expect to find it in Il's declaration later on,
but we do not. Another detail that the sources agree belongs only t o this episode is the
recruitment of foreign mercenaries or allies.I6 Note too, that Nos. 5 and 6 say that Urluma
"transgressed the boundary-channel," whereas, e.g., the first invasion of Lagash by Umma
was characterized in texts Nos. 3, 4 and 6 with the phrase, not otherwise used, "the ruler
of Umma . . . marched on the plain of Lagash" (IV.2). The implications of this harmony
among our sources will be discussed in Chapter V.
One note of discord is sounded by the name of the place of Umma's furthest advance.
Whereas all three sources agree that Umma's ultimate disgrace was manifest at the Lumagir-
nunta-canal, Nos. 6 and 7 put the initial battle with Urluma in the field named Ugiga,
whereas Enanatum's own inscription sets it at a place called Du'urgiga, "hill of the black
dog." Since the former is a very well known agricultural tract, and the latter hardly known
at all, we can safely assume that the more common place name was substituted for the
nearly homonymous, rarer one.
Our problem is less with the location of the battle than with its conduct and outcome.
Enanatum (No. 5) tells us that he pursued Urluma t o the Lumagirnunta-canal, but instead
of using any of the well-attested Sumerian phrases that mean " to defeat," he expresses
what he did t o Urluma with an idiom involving a type of garment, so obscure that it is
~ n t r a n s l a t a b l e . ' According
~ t o both Enmetena (No. 6) and Uru'inimgina (No. 7), it was at
this canal that Urluma ignominiously abandoned his chariotry and fled t o his capital where,
according t o text No. 6, he was assassinated and replaced on the throne by his nephew. One
could argue that Enanatum's dedicatory inscription t o Hendursaga (No. 5) simply didn't
have the interest or scope t o relate such details, whereas Enmetena's inscription (No. 6), a
history of the border conflict, did. But the fact that Enanatum does bother t o detail the
claims of Urluma t o Antasura, and Ningirsu's angry reaction, suggests that if Urluma had got
his comeuppance, we would have been told so in no uncertain terms. What is more likely is
that things did not go well for Enanatum: Enmetena tells us that his father fought with
Umma at the field Ugiga, but that he, "Enmetena, beloved son of Enanatum, defeated
him." (No. 6). Already Poebel suggested that the absence of a royal title after Enmetena's
name means that he fought under his father, who was still ruler. Perhaps, but the strange
conclusion t o the recently published No. 5, and its colophon which mentions Enmetena,
taken together with Enmetena's own account, strongly imply that Enanatum was seriously,
perhaps mortally, wounded in the battle, which was left for his son t o conclude.
5. ENMETENA
Whether or not Enmetena defeated Urluma before or after formally inheriting his father
Enanatum's office, it is reasonable to assume that his father did not long survive, if at all,
the invasion of Urluma. Among the small number of dated documents from Enmetena's
reign, the highest year number is 19, so he reigned at least that long. When, during his reign,
did his confrontation with Urluma's successor I1 occur? Evidence from Enmetena's activi-
ties on another front suggest that it was early.
16~ossibly
occurring outside this episode in No. 2 vi.
17seenote 1 to No. 5.
[SANE 2 , 301
19831 The Lagash- Umma Border Conflict (Iv.5) 31
To the southwest of Lagash, not far from the ancient metropolis of Uruk (see Chap. I),
lies the town of Patibira (or Badtibira)." Large numbers of clay nails, some foundation
tablets, a brick, and a copper peg figurine commemorate Enmetena's building of the temple
Emush there. Of the three different inscriptions represented by these objects,lg two contain
important historical information. The text of the clay nails, which is extant in more copies
than any other early Sumerian inscription, tells us, after the building report, that "at that
time, Ei~metena,ruler of Lagash, and Lugalkiginedudu, ruler of Uruk, established brother-
hood."'O In ancient diplomatic parlance, rulers who addressed each other as "brother"
were on an equal level,'' and this text had long been interpreted as the world's earliest evi-
dence for a peace treaty or non-aggression pact. But its real meaning has been called into
question by the recently published foundation tablet that tells us the following, after the
building report: 2 2
He (Enmetena) cancelled obligations for the citizens of Uruk, Larsa and Patibira. He restored (the
first) t o Inana's control a t Uruk, he restored (the second) t o Utu's control at Larsa, and he restored
(the third) t o Lugalemush's control at the Emush (in Patibira)."
This can only mean that Enmetena had conscripted laborers for his construction of the
Emush from Uruk and Larsa (just southwest of Patibira) as well as Patibira itself. Since it
is unlikely that Enmetena did major work on the Emush more than once, the clay nails and
this text must be contemporary. How then, could Enmetena and Lugalkiginedudu consider
themselves equals, when Enmetena had the power t o conscript citizens of Uruk?
Perhaps Enmetena's thrust to the southwest had reached Uruk or its vicinity, but then he
pulled back t o Patibira, recognizing the authority of Lugalkiginedudu west of there, and
expressed this recognition by releasing conscripted citizens of Uruk and establishing "broth-
erhood" with Uruk's ruler. The reasons that Enmetena set his limit at Patibira cannot be
determined from the extant evidence, but the person of Lugalkiginedudu himself must have
had a lot t o d o with it. He would have negotiated his "treaty" with Enmetena, who calls
him simply "ruler of Uruk," early in his career. Inscriptions by and for him found at Nippur
and Ur say that he exercised "lordship in Uruk and kingship in Ur," and call him "king
of K i ~ h , " ' ~a11 of which is inconsistent with a presence of Enmetena so close t o Uruk at
Patibira.
The best-if not the only-historical reconstruction that fits all of this evidence is the
following: early in his reign, Enmetena successfully countered the claims of Umma, under
11, t o part of the Gu'edena. He then turned t o the southwest, and gained hegemony over a
portion of S u n ~ e r ' extending
~ as far as Uruk, where he was resisted by Lugalkiginedudu.
''crawford, Iraq 22, 197ff.

1 9 La 5.3~ (IRSA
~ IC7b, ~ ABW~ Ent. 45),5.4 (ABW Ent. 79), 5.5 (ABW Ent. 74).
'SARI La 5.3 (IRSA IC7b, ABW Ent. 45).
'' See the same nearly contemporary usage at Ebla (Pettinato, Bibl. 111, 96).
"SARI La 5.4 (ABW Ent. 79). See the long discussion by M. Lambert in the original publication of this
text in Rivista degli Studi Orientali 47, 1 ff. The duplicate stone tablet and figurine in Chicago are discussed
by Biggs, Revue d 'Assyriologie 69,185f.
2 3 Uk 1.1~ (IRSA
~ ~ Lukin. v. Uruk 2), 1.2 (IRSA I E l d , ABW Lukin. v. Uruk 4), and
I E l~c , ABW
1.6 (IRSA I E l b , ABW Lukin. v. Uruk 3). The title in this last inscription (UET 1,3) had previously been
read "king of Umma," but a c o l l a t i ~ nmade at the suggestion of A. Westenholz reveals "Umma" (SAR x
DIS) to be the beginning of the sign KIS.
e dedication by him of a vase in the temple of Enlil at Nippur (SARI La 5.18, ABIV Ent. 32).
2 4 ~ o t the
The statue of Enmetena found at Ur (SARI La 5.17, IRSA IC7a, ABW Ent. I ) commemorates the build-
ing of a temple for Enlil in the Lagash area, and must have been brought to Ur in antiquity as a result of a
raid o r antiquarian foraging. It cannot be used as evidence for Enmetena's rule in Ur.
[SANE 2, 311
The establishment of "brotherhood" recorded on the Patibira clay nails represents a coming
t o terms with that resistance. Lugalkiginedudu went on t o reassert the hegemony of Uruk
over southern Sumer, after a period of dominance by Ur under the Meskalamdug dynasty,
and then extended his hegemony northward t o Nippur, and into northern Babylonia. The
influence of Lagash must have shrunk a ~ c o r d i n g l y . ~There
' is no way t o know the extent
t o which this expansion of Uruk overlapped Enmetena's reign, or how much of Lugalkigi-
nedudu's career extended into the reigns of Enmetena's successors.
We have only one source for the Lagash-Umma border dispute during the reign of En-
metena, a long history of the conflict written during the reign of that ruler himself:
At that time, 11, who was the temple-estate administrator at Zabala, had marched in retreat from
Girsu to Umma. I1 took the rulership of Umma for himself. He diverted water into the boundary-
channel of Ningirsu and the boundary-channel of Nanshe, at the boundary-levee of Ningirsu in the
direction of the bank of the Tigris in the region of Girsu, the Namnundakigara of Enlil, Enki and
Ninhursag. He repaid? (only) 3600 guru of Lagash's barley.
When, because of those (boundary -) channels, Enmetena ruler of Lagash, sent envoys to I1,Il ruler
of Umma, the field thief, speaking in a hostile way, said: "The boundary-channel of Ningirsu and
the boundary-channel of Nanshe are mine! I will shift the boundary-levee from Antasura t o Edim-
galabzu," he said. But Enlil and Ninhursag did not allow him (to do) this.
Enmetena, ruler of Lagash, nominee of Ningirsu, at the just command of Enlil, at the just command
of Ningirsu, and at the just command of Nanshe, constructed that (boundary-) channel from the
Tigris t o the Nun-canal. He built the foundations of the Namnundakigara for him (Ningirsu) out of'
stone, restoring it for the master who loves him, Ningirsu, and for the mistress who loves him,
Nanshe. (No. 6 iii-v)
Zabala was an important cult-center of the city-state Umma (as, for example, Girsu was
part of Lagash), and 11, whom we know from inscriptions as Urluma's nephew, was part of
the Ummaite force that invaded Lagash. When his uncle was killed (IV.4), 11 succeeded his
uncle as ruler in Umma. The actions of I1 that precipitated his conflict with Enmetena have
been interpreted together with the similar actions taken by his predecessor Urluma in the
reign of Enanatum (IV.4): He utilized the boundary irrigation-channels and hence exploited
the border lands of the Gu'edena for Umma's benefit, but only paid a fraction of what was
owed Lagash for their use. Whether Umma still owed Lagash the enormous sum mentioned
in the Urluma episode is unclear, and the awkwardness of the translation "He repaid?
(only) 3600 guru of Lagash's barley" has been noted in IV.4. But whatever the uncertain-
ties of interpretation in this section may be, what immediately follows is clear: Enmetena
sent envoys t o I1 " on account of those (boundary-) channels," in my interpretation because
I1 had incorporated the channels and the territory they watered into his domain, and is thus
called a "field thief." I1 claims the boundary-channels, and announces his intentions t o shift
the boundary-levee from Antasura t o Edimgalabzu. Whereas the phrase "I will shift the
boundary -levee w depends on. a slight emendation of an otherwise unintelligible phrase-
which does not guarantee the correctness of the emendation-the phrase "from Antasura
to Edimgalabzu" is not t o be disputed. Antasura, whence Eanatum beat back the enemies
of Lagash (IV.3), t o which Urluma of Umma laid clairn (IV.4), the second sanctuary
destroyed by the forces of Lugalzagesi (No. 9 i), is a syn~bolof the frontier with Umma.
Edirngalabzu, a settlement in the Gu'edena, is the midpoint on the border that
Lugalzagesi imposed on Lagash according t o text No. 10:50ff. Thus my interpretation is
that I1 is proclaiming his intention t o annex Antasura and move the boundary forward, into
Lagash's territory, t o ~ d i m ~ a l a b z(as
u Lugalzagesi successfully did a few generations later).
2 5 ~ oa rvery different interpretation of these events, see M. Lambert, Oriens Antiquus 20,176f.
[SANE 2, 321
19831 The Lagash - Umma Border Conflict (IV.5) 33
The conclusion to this confrontation with I1 of Umma is decidedly unmilitary. Does

"Enlil and Ninhursag did not allow him (to do) this" imply that I1 meekly withdrew once
his bluff was called, or is it a euphemistic expression of Enmetena's inability to enforce
the claims of Lagash? It has been argued above that this episode probably occurred early
in Enmetena's reign, before his confrontation with Lugalkiginedudu. Since Enmetena's
hegemony soon extended all the way to Patibira, it is unlikely that it was he who backed
off in a confrontation with nearby Umma.
The new or extended boundary-channel built by Enmetena at the conclusion of this
confrontation has been discussed in 111.1. To summarize the discussion there, we are
unsure, to begin with, where either the Nun-canal or the Tigris of that period were. Several
texts indicate that the distance of the new boundary-channel should be 50-60 km., but
another text tells us that the distance between the Nun and the Tigris is no more than 5 km.
Both can be true, the crucial and unknown bit of information being where on the Nun-
canal the channel began, and where on the Tigris it ended. The currently available data
support the notion of a boundary-channel taking off somewhere on the Nun-canal and
running obliquely for 50 or so km. between the Nun and the Tigris, t o a point on the latter
wherever the settlement Mubikura was located.
6. URU'INIMGINA
We know next to nothing about the external relations of Lagash between the time of
Enmetena and the destruction caused by Lugalzagesi, reported in text No. 9. A letter'to
Enentarzi, the temple-estate administrator (sanga) at Girsu, from Lu'ena, his colleague at
Ninmarki, reports the interception of an Elamite raiding party, and is dated to the fifth year
of the reign of Enanatum 11, the son and successor of Enmetena (Chap. I). If, as Grkgoire
has tried to show, Enanatum I1 was killed in that raid,26 then his reign lasted no more than
five years, but this is uncertain. His successor was Enentarzi, the Girsu temple-estate admin-
istrator. Following the examples of Umma and Zabala, where 11, the temple-estate adminis-
trator at Zabala succeeded his uncle Urluma on the throne of Umma (IV.5), M. Lambert has
suggested that Enentarzi and his predecessor as temple-estate administrator, (possibly his
father) Dudu, were junior members of the royal family.27 Others assume that with the
demise of Enanatum I I , the dynasty founded by Urnanshe came to an end.
Enentarzi was ruler for at least, and probably only, six years, and Lugalanda, possibly
his son, followed him for seven years before the advent of Uru'inimgina.28 During the
eighteen or more years from the accession of Enanatum I1 t o the accession of Uru'inimgina
we must still take into account the continued dominance of Uruk over most of Sumer. This had
been established by Lugalkiginedudu during Enmetena's reign, and continued under the
former's son L u g a l k i ~ a l s i . Inscriptions
~~ from Nippur and Uruk testify to the reign of
Enshakushana, son of Elilin, who styled himself "lord of Sumer and king of the Land," was
26 GrBgoire (Bibl. 111) 1 1 .

"~ivista degli Studi Orientali 47,101 ff.
2 8 ~ h name
e was formerly read Urukagina. For the new reading, see Bauer (Bibl. III), 65; W. Lambert,
Orientalia 39, 419.
2 9 ~ i s s e (Bibl.
n IC), 125; Falkenstein (Bibl. IB), 124 n. 1 . Both refer to a passage by Gudea of Lagash
(ca. 2 150 B.C.) that mentions a stela of Lugalkisalsi set up in the temple of Ningirsu at Girsu, which would
suggest the temporary dominance of that ruler over the state of Lagash, unless the stela was booty that had
at some time been brought to Lagash after a successful raid. Edzard, Compte Rendue de la 206me Ren-
contre Assyriologique Internationale, p. 161, however, interprets the Gudea passage differently.
[SANE 2, 331
"king of Uruk," and boasted of a victory over K i ~ h We . ~ know

~ that he could not have
ruled too much earlier than S a r g ~ n , ~and
' so must have followed Lugalkisalsi. Unfortu-
nately, perhaps two other rulers of Uruk must be squeezed into the time between Lugal-
kisalsi and the last king of Presargonic Uruk, Lugalzagesi: Urzage, known from a legal
document and an inscription from Nippur, where he uses the title "king of K i ~ h , " ~ and '
Lugal-TAR in text No. 12. Both may, however, have preceded Lugalkiginedudu.
From Umma, we have a gold plaque commemorating the building of a dais for Shara,
head of the pantheon of Umma, by Bara'irnun, wife of Gishakidu king of Umma.33 Gisha-
kidu was the son, and presumably successor, of 11, the ruler of Umma whose challenge t o
Enmetena was frustrated by the gods (IV.5). Lugalzagesi, in his great dedicatory inscription
from the Enlil temple at Nippur, reports that he is the "king of Uruk and king of the
Land . . . son of U'u ruler of Umma."34 We cannot tell if U'u was the immediate successor
of Gishakidu, or if they were of the same dynasty. But Lugalzagesi is clear that his father
was ruler of Umma, which means either that Lugalzagesi, scion of Umma's ruling family,
widened his city's hegemony t o include Uruk and Ur, and most of the rest of Sumer, or that
there had already been a close relationship between the ruling families in both Umma and
Uruk; perhaps they were the same family. In the notes t o No. 12, I suggest that, if correctly
restored, that inscription might point t o an alliance, if not a closer connection, between
Umma and Uruk against Lgash. And earlier, we have seen evidence for a possible alliance
between Ur and Umma against Lagash (IV.2). There is, therefore, reason t o view the rule of
Lugalzagesi of Umma in Uruk, in the tradition of close ties between Umma and Uruk (-Ur),
rather than as an innovation arising from conquest.
In the catalogue of Umma's destruction in Lagash (No. 9) Lugalzagesi is called "ruler of
Umma." But M. Lambert3' and B. H r ~ S k acite ~ ~documents that bear on the reconstruction
of Lugalzagesi's reign: from Uru'inimgina's year 4, a reference to an expenditure made
"when the leader of Uruk besieged the city," and from year 6, a month characterized as
"when the leader of Uruk came a third time." These immediately recall text No. 8 iii'
"[he] besieged? Girsu. Uru'inimgina battled him and . . . its (Girsu's) wall. . . . He returned
t o his city, but [he] came a second time [ . . . ] ." There are two possibilities: The "leader
of Uruk" is Lugalzagesi, already ruling at Uruk, and these data as well as No. 8 refer t o the
prolonged conflict between him and Uru'inimgina.37 Or, we might think of text No. 12,
which refers t o a "Lugal-TAR, ruler of Uruk" as a seeming adversary of Lagash who is
3 0 4.1 (ZRSA
~ I H l b 1-26,
~ ~ ABW
~ EnSak. v. Uruk 1 and 3), 4.2 (ZRSA I H l b 27-31, ABW Engak. v.
Uruk 2), 4.3 (ABW EnHak. v. Uruk 5). His father Elilin may be the same as Elili, "king of Ur," known from
an inscription from Eridu (SARI Ur 8, ZRSA IB7a, ABW Elili v. Ur I), who, in turn, may be identical
with Elulu of the first dynasty of Ur in the Sumerian King List.
3' Westenholz, Bibliotheca Mesopotarnica 1, p. 4.
" M . Lambert, Revue d 'Assyriologie 73,1 ff.
"SARI Um 6, ZRSA IDSa, ABW GB. v. Umma 1.
J 4 Um 7.2, ~ ZRSA ~ IHZb, ~ ABW ~ Luzag. 1. That he does not call himself "king of Kish" is instruc-
tive, and suggests that his hegemony never extended much beyond Nippur. The references in the inscription
t o foreign lands extending as far as the Mediterranean Sea certainly refer t o foreign trade not to conquest or
control (Chap. I). Note that in this inscription, when Lugalzagesi specifies the cities that prospered from his
rule, he mentions only Uruk, Ur and Larsa-cities of the old Uruk-Ur union (IV.5)-and Umma with its
satellites, Zabala and Kidingir.
35 ~ i v i s t a
degli Studi Orientali 50,32f.
3 6 ~ r u ~(Bibl.
k a III), 160.
3 7 ~ e M.e Lambert, Rivista degli Studi Orientali 50, HruSka (Bibl. 111) and Sollberger (Bibl. 11) for other
evidence culled from the administrative documents of Uru'inimgina's reign that attests to a protracted and
debilitating (for Lagash) period of hostilities, and note Westenholz's remarks (Bibl. 11) on events imme-
diately preceding those hostilities.
[SANE 2, 341
sending troops (against Lagash?) for "a tenth time." Even if the "leader of Uruk" of the
administrative documents is not Lugalzagesi, but Lugal -TAR or someone else, given the
hypothetical long-term Uruk-Umma relationship proposed above, the siege and attack
referred to in the documents could still be part of the same hostilities that culminated in the
destruction described in text No. 9.
The circumstances of Uru' inimgina's accession to rulership are unclear. Nowhere does he
refer t o his father, and he tells us that "Ningirsu, warrior of Enlil, granted the kingship of
Lagash to Uru'inimgina, selecting him from among the myriad people."38 In both respects,
he finds a parallel in Gudea, nearly 200 years later, who, if not in direct line to the throne,
did belong t o the royal Enmetena, too, tells us he was chosen from among the
myriad people,40 and his father was the ruler Enanatum I. Uru'inimgina's predecessor Lugal-
anda was apparently dead by the former's second yearY4' which could indicate either that
his natural death led t o Uru'inimgina's orderly succession, or that he was killed in some sort
of upheaval during or after which Uru'inimgina seized power. Lugalanda's wife, in any
event, received an elaborate state funeral when she died in Uru' inimgina's third year, which
means that the former ruler could not have been completely d i ~ c r e d i t e d .However,
~~ there
is a good chance that socio-economic tensions that found expression in Uru'inimgina's
famous "Reforms," when he "replaced the customs of former times,." led to the change of
rulers. The meaning of those Reforms is still being hotly debated, and further discussion
here would add nothing t o our investigation of the Lagash-Umma conflict.43 Note only that
one version of those Reforms contains an historical summary of that conflict (No. 7).
If the assumptions made in earlier paragraphs are correct, then Lagash at this time was
under pressure from a Sumer united under the leadership of Uruk, which leadership had
strong, possibly familial ties t o the local ruler at Umma. It is not impossible that Lugalzagesi
was functioning in both ~ a p a c i t i e s ,but
~ ~ he was certainly already in power at Umma early
in Uru'inimgina's reign. The conflict with Uruk-Umma is reflected in the references t o the
"leader of Uruk" in the administrative texts cited above, in text No. 8 and possibly No. 12.
The devastation described in No. 9 represents a climax t o these hostilities, but the fact that
the text could be written, and that Uru'inimgina is mentioned in it as king, means that the
destruction was not total, and probably that Uru'inimgina survived, master of a consid-
erably smaller realm. The new border, drawn by Lugalzagesi in text No. 10, has as its mid-
point (presumably controlled by Umma) Edimgalabzu, long a possession of Lagash that had
been unsuccessfully claimed by Umma as early as the reign of Enmetena (IV.5).
No. 9 , as only two other inscription^,^' calls Uru' inimgina "king of Girsu," not Lagash.
This fits well with the contents of the tablet, which lists among the sanctuaries destroyed
3 8 La 9.1 ~ vii (ABW

~ Ukg.
~ 4).~ The reference here to "kingship" marks the fact that Uru'inimgina,
in his second year, dropped the title "ruler" ( e n s i ) that had been used by his predecessors, and assumed the
title "king" (lugal) that had not been used in Lagash since the reign of Eanatum (IV.3).
3 9 ~ a l k e n ~ t e(Bibl.
in 11), 1 ff.
4 0 La 5.18 ~ (ABW
~ Ent.
~ 32). ~The context is broken.
41
Bauer (Bibl. 111) 96.
42
See Sollberger (Bibl. 111, 3 1, (Bibl. III), 33f., and Rosengarten (Bibl. III), 184f. n. 3.
4 3 ~ h Reform
e Texts are SARI La 9.1 (ABW Ukg. 4), 9.2 (ABW Ukg. 1) and 9.3 (ABW Ukg. 6 = No. 7
here). For the latest discussions of the Reforms, including a summary of earlier interpretations, see Mae-
kawa (Bibl. I I I) and Foster (Bibl. I I I). See also HruSka (Bibl. I I I), Edzard (Bibl. I I I) and Sollberger (Bibl.
111). A new translation and interpretation is being prepared by Gelb and Steinkeller.
4 4 ~ u P p ~for r t the notion that Uruk and Umma were being governed together, but under separate titular
leadership, comes from the inscription cited in n. 17 to Chapter I.
4 s La 9.2 ~ (ABW~ Ukg. ~1) and ~9.13 (ABW Ukg. 58).
[SANE 2, 351
by Lugalzagesi cult-places outside, but close to, Girsu near the border (Ekibira, Antasura,
Tirash), and continues with cult -places that, when they can be localized, are in the Lagash
and Nina area. Thus, Girsu proper seems t o have been spared, and Uru' inimgina's realm was
restricted in his title t o that city only.46 The events of text No. 9 are usually correlated
with the cessation of administrative documents in Uru'inimgina's seventh year. These
docun~ents,nearly 1600 altogether, which span the reigns of Enentarzi, Lugalanda and
Uru'inimgina (through his seventh year), belong t o the archive of the Emi, the organization
(temple-estate) that administered the properties controlled by the ruler's wife.47 The texts
were nearly all found by clandestine diggers and disposed of through antiquities dealers, and
while Girsu is their presumed provenience, we have no idea where the archive was actually
found. Possibly it was in a part of Girsu outside the city-walls, but separately enclosed, that
was affected by Lugalzagesi's raid of text No. 9 , which would explain the archive's sudden
cessation in Uru' inimgina's seventh year.48 Or, we may have a storage archive, covering a
specific time period, rather than an active archive. In that case, the cessation of records in
Uru'inimgina's seventh year would have no meaning other than an administrative one,
unless that particular year was chosen to close the archive just because of disruptions
caused by the raid described in text No. 9. Be that as it may, the latest documented year
of Uru'inimgina is his eleventh,49 known from a clay tag found at Girsu so commenlorating
some landscaping he donated t o a sanctuary. How much longer he exercised authority is not
known; we know only that under Sargon's son Rinlush, someone else was ensi at Lagash,
and under Rimush's successor Manishtushu, Uru'inimgina had a namesake in a son of
another ensi of L a g a ~ h . ~ '
7 . CONCLUSION
The preceding narrative of the Lagash-Umma conflict is not a history. In harmonizing the
obviously one-sided accounts from Lagash itself, I have tried t o reconstruct the historical
tradition of the conflict at Lagash, as it circulated among the scribes who drew on it to
compose the inscriptions of their employers (see Chapter V). Only occasionally have I been
able t o pick up on certain clues-an awkward phrase, a too-vehement protest- to suggest
that the picture was other than the scribe painted it. Rarely, evidence from outside Lagash,
such as the inscriptions of Lugalkiginedudu or Lugalzagesi, could be utilized to broaden the
perspective.
The conflict, as portrayed, is about land, more specifically the Gu'edena, a territory
that was always divided between Umma and Lagash. Beginning with Eanatum, a border
supposedly fixed generations earlier by Mesalim of Kish was invoked t o support the claims
of Lagash: Umma's rights in the Gu'edena were limited and t o be paid for. For its part,
Umma asserted its own counter-claims at every opportunity, known t o us unfortunately
only through texts of the enemy. The whole conflict was played out within a wider geo-
political framework, in which Lagash seems t o be engaged in a struggle for hegemony in
southern Babylonia with Uruk and Ur, united at least since the time of Lugalkiginedudu,
and Umma, often, if not always, allied with Uruk and Ur. This broader conflict could not
4 6 ~ o the
r chronology o f Uru'inimgina and his survival beyond his seventh year, see Sollberger (Bibl. 11).
47 s e eMaekawa (Bibl. I I I).
4 8 ~ Lambert,
. Rivista degli Studi Orientali 31,141, put the archive as far away as Nina, and says it was
brought t o Girsu for safekeeping after the attack o f Lugalzagesi, but his reasoning is not persuasive.
4 9 ~ h tenth
e year o f his kingship; see n. 38.
SO^^^^ La 9.14d (ABW Ukg. 38). From its Louvre accession number, it belongs t o the objects from
de Sarzec's excavations, long before the archival texts appeared on the market.
''Sollberger, Archiv fuer Orientforschung 17,29.
[SANE 2 , 361
19831 The Lagash - Umma Border Conjlict (IV. 7) 37
but exacerbate the local conflict, but only a long-standing conflict with a close neighbor
could evoke the bitterness, outrage and indignation evident in many of these inscriptions.
The triumph of Lugalzagesi, witnessed by texts Nos. 9 and 10, which closes our account of
the conflict, only marks a pause, not a conclusion, t o a struggle that would continue for
centuries. 52
52 See Pettinato (Bibl. I I).
[SANE 2, 371
CHAPTER V
Historical Tradition and the Language of History
Of what did the "historical tradition" mentioned in the last chapter's conclusion con-
sist? We have seen, when examining the different episodes of the Lagash-Umma conflict,
that many of the same or similar phrases recur in the narration of a given episode, not only
inddifferent inscriptions of the same ruler, which would not be surprising, but in inscriptions
of different rulers as well. Perhaps the clearest illustration of the tradition's maintenance
of specific vocabulary for specific episodes is in the distinction between the invasion of Ush,
who "marched on the plain of Lagash" (IV.2), and the invasion of Urluma, who "trans-
gressed the boundary-channel" (IV.4). Other examples include the memory of Mesalim's
demarcation of the boundary and Eanatum's restoration of Mesalim's stela (IV. 1 and 3), the
notion that Umma must compensate Lagash for use of the Gu'edena (IV.3), and Urluma's
abandoned charioteers (IV.4). At other times, we have seen conflicts between versions of
episodes, such as the place of Enanatum's initial contact with Urluma (IV.4), explained
as the substitution for a rare toponym of a nearly homonymous common one, or in the
eventual outcome of that contact, which betrays an unspoken unhappy ending (IV.4). We
have also seen occasional differences in sequences and emphasis, as well as ellipses that
we understand only by reference to the fuller version of another text (111.3). But the
overall impression is one of a consistent, unified tradition, drawn upon by the composers
of the inscriptions, beginning with Eanatum.
Assyrian annals or Babylonian chronicles are at least a millennium away.' Year names
were not used by the rulers of Lagash, and the information provided by lists of such names,
even in their fullest form, could not have been a source for our scribes' historical knowledge
and phra~eology.~ The colophon to text No. 5 suggests that copies of monumental inscrip-
tions were kept in archives, and perhaps these were available t o the composing scribes. Or
perhaps a standardized history was learned by rote.
We have nothing that could have been the source for the inscriptions' historical sections.
The Stela of the Vultures (No. 2), elaborate as it was in its unbroken state, cannot be
the source of Enmetena's account of the border Eanatum drew with Enakale of Umma,
since Eanatum's elliptical description of the land left under Umma's control is intelligible
only from Enmetena's fuller version (111.3). In the Urluma-Enmetena episode of the
conflict (IV.4), Uru'inimgina's account of Urluma's invasion and defeat (No. 7 iv) varies
with Enmetena's (No. 6) against Enanatum's (No. 5) by giving the site of the original
clash as the field Ugiga, rather than Du'urgiga. Uru' inimgina also recounts in terms iden-
tical t o No. 6 Urluma's abandonment of his ~ h a r i o t r y .But
~ lest we imagine that No. 6
is the source of No. 7's account, notice that Urluma's claim to the Antasura is absent in
No. 6 (Enmetena's inscription), but can be found in both No. 5 (Enanatum) and No. 7
' Grayson, Orientalia 49,150ff. (annals) and 173f. (chronicles).

'The most common form of dating in the late third and first half of the second millennia was to name a
year after an important event. A list of such year names would thus constitute a sequence of notable events
in the reign of a particular ruler (see e.g. Pritchard, Ancient Near Eastern Texts [3rd ed.] 296ff.).
3 ~ h topos
e of abandoned troops, this time captured rather than slain, recurs in the fragment No. 12.
[SANE 2, 381
(Uru'inimgina). If Uru'inimgina's scribes were relying on a text of Enmetena for their infor-
mation, it was not the text we possess.
There is also evidence t o suggest a sometimes cavalier use of the historical tradition, at
least by the scribes of Uru'inimgina. Although the only episode preserved on No. 7, the
invasion of Urluma, contains the essential details of that episode that we know from other
compositions, it seems t o be embellished with phrases that in No. 6 (Enmetena) and No. 2
(Eanatum) are attributed t o other episodes. The dispatch of messengers t o Urluma ("When,
because of that barleyY4he sent envoys t o him;" No. 7 iv) is very close t o the dispatch of
messengers t o I1 by Enmetena ("When, because of those (boundary-) channels,' Enme-
tena . . . sent envoys t o him;" No. 6 iv). In Enanatum's inscription (No. S), the claim of
Urluma t o Antasura is not set into such a messenger frame. Was this frame borrowed by
Uru'inimgina's scribe from the later episode concerning Il? Another possible instance of
borrowing is the retreat of Urluma. A rare Sumerian word (glr-dar) is used t o describe this
in No. 7, and the very same word occurs for the only other time in Old Sumerian inscrip-
tions in the description of 11's retreat in No. 6. Finally, another rare phrase, Su-du,-dull
" to speak, act haughtily" is applied in No. 7 t o Urluma; its only other occurrence is in
No. 2 ii (Eanatum) t o describe an early ruler of Umma whom we have identified as Ush
(IV.2).
Because we have neither the original, full history of the conflict, if one ever existed,
nor anything approaching all the major inscriptions dealing with it, the preceding suspi-
cions about Uru' inimgina's composition cannot be confirmed. Just one or two additional
occurrences would be enough, in this corpus, to shift a word or phrase from the "rare"
t o the "common" category. And there are, of course, words, phrases and topoi that persist
throughout the inscriptions, regardless of e p i ~ o d e Many
.~ are obvious from a reading of the
translations and the preceding chapter. A few deserve further comment.
One is the dispatch of messengers just discussed. Diplomatic negotiation through envoys
is best known from the Mari and Amarna archives centuries later than our inscription^,^ but
the elaborate network of inter-state communication attested in those archives can now be
confidently traced back t o our p e r i ~ d Umma
.~ and Lagash, being close neighbors, certainly
had frequent communications, which is not t o say that those reported in our inscriptions
~ u m e r i a nbar Se-ba-ka.
' ~ u m e r i a n bar e-ba-ka.
6 ~ . g the
. ubiquitous construction of burial mounds for dead enemies, a practice illustrated on the Stele
of the Vultures (pl. 2).
7 ~ e ethe examples of such dispatches translated in Oppenheim, Letters from Ancient Mesopotamia
105f., 11 3ff., and 11 9ff., and in Pritchard, op. cit., 482 ff.
'pettinat0 (Bibl. III), 95ff. We now have an actual diplomatic communication from Ebla, as Edzard is
certainly correct in his reinterpretation (Studi Eblaiti 4,89ff.) of the text published by Pettinato, Orierts
Antiquus 19,231ff. It is sent by Ennadagan, en of Mari, t o the en of Ebla, and documents a series of
conquests by earlier ens and lugals of Mari, leading up t o further conquests by Iplulil, en and then lugal
of Mari, and Ennadagan, who as en was either a subordinate o r successor of Iplulil. ("Iplulil, king [lugal]
of Mari, defeated such-and-such, and Ennadagan, en of Mari made burial mounds [for them] " in section
X I there, is strikingly reminiscent of our text No. 6 iii: "Enanatum, ruler of Lagash, fought with him in
such-and-such. Enmetena, beloved son of Enanatum, defeated him. ") Because Iplulil, known from inscrip-
tions at Mari as king (lugal) of Mari (SARI Ma 5), is called en in sections V-VI of the text, but lugal in
sections V I I - X I , and occurs again as lugal at the text's end (section XIII), en at Mari may well be a vice-
regent o r possibly a title of an independent ruler of less prestige than lugal. The purpose of this unique
document, which records in section V I I - I X the receipt by Mari of tribute from Ebla (with Pettinato contra
Edzard), is probably t o assert territorial or hegemonistic claims of Mari over Ebla, in the same way as the
messages of the rulers of Umma discussed here assert Umma's claim t o parts of the Gu'edena. For a dis-
cussion of the Ebla-Mari relationship based on administrative documents, see Archi, Studi Eblaiti 4,129ff.
[SANE 2, 391
40 Jerrold S. Cooper [ S A N E 211
are genuine. The dispatch of messengers and communication through them is a well-known
topos in Sumerian literary texts,g and may be used in just such a way in historical inscrip-
tions as well: the intransigence of Umma finds literary expression in the form of a diplo-
matic exchange. The two such exchanges so far discussed, quoted now in full, are:
When, because of those (boundary-) channels, Enmetena ruler of Lagash, sent envoys to 11, I1 ruler
of Umma, the field thief, speaking hostiley, said, "The boundary-channel of Ningirsu and the
boundary-channel of Nanshe are mine! I will shift the boundary-levee from Antasura t o Edim-
galabzu," he said. (No. 6 iv)
When, because of that barley, he (Enanatum I) sent envoys to him (Urluma), having them say t o
him, "You must deliver my barley! ", Urluma spoke haughtily with him. "Antasura is mine, it is
my territory ! " he said. (No. 7 iv)
I have suggested above that the latter was influenced by the former, but this may not have
been the case, since one additional occurrence of a messenger scene is known from a frag-
mentary inscription dealing with the Lagash-Umma conflict, unrelated t o any episode we
have yet been able to reconstruct:
[He slent [envoys t o . . . ] : "Be it known that your city will be completely destroyed! Surrender!
Be it kno[wn] that Umma will be completely destroyed! Surre[ender!"] (No. 11)
As in Sumerian literary texts, then, the messenger scene may have been a narrative device,
used by the royal scribes t o express the development of inter-state antagonisms. These may
represent actual exchanges, or a series of exchanges, or may be a scribal fiction. We will
probably never know.''
Another topos that recurs in our texts is that of the ruler killed by his own subjects. Such
things were not uncommon in antiquity, nor are they today, but a special infamy is attached
to the notion that a ruler was unsafe on his home turf, that he was so odious that his own
citizens would rebel against him. It first appears in the Stela of the Vultures (No. 2 viii),
where, according t o my interpretation, Ningirsu, in a dream, predicts victory over Umma to
Eanatum "[The people of his own city] will rise up against him (the ruler of Umma) and
he will be killed within Umma itself." In No. 4 , after Eanatum has re-established the border
t o Lagash's advantage, he invokes a curse against any leader of Umma who, in the future,
crosses it. The curse ends "May there be an uprising against him in his own city! "(No. 4 iii).
This is in fact what Enmetena tells us happened to the next Ummaite aggressor, Urluma.
After Enmetena frustrated his attempted invasion, "Urluma escaped, but was killed in
Umma itself" (No. 6 iii), and his nephew I1 became ruler in his stead. Enmetena wishes a
similar fate on I1 or any other ruler who might violate Lagash's border: "May the people
of his city, having risen up against him, kill him there within his city!" (No. 6 vi) Rebellion
and assassination are invoked less literally in the curse at the end of No. 10, from Un~nia.
Direct divine intervention at crucial moments is sometimes a feature of historical narra-
tive in Presargonic Lagash. By this I d o not mean the divine granting of powers known from
numerous royal epithets, nor am I referring t o decisive actions attributed to deities but not
elaborated upon, such as Enlil's drawing of the border in Nos. 3, 4 and 6;" defeats of
enemies attributed t o Ningirsu rather than an earlier ruler (Nos. 6 and 7); o r the denial of
'see, for example, Enmerkar and the Lord of Aratta ( ~ r a m e [Bibl.

r IAl269ff.) or the SumerianSargon
Legend (Cooper and Heimpel, forthcoming).
'O~heproblem of the use of iconographic cliche in the historical narrative reliefs of Assyrian kings has
been broached by I. Winter, "Royal Rhetoric and the Development of Historical Narrative in Neo-Assyrian
Reliefs," Studies in Visual Communication 7,2ff.
"see also SARI La 5.2 (ABW Ent. 41).
[ S A N E 2 , 403
Umma's claim to Lagash's territory by Enlil and Ninhursag (IV.5). Rather, I am thinking
of the lengthy episode in the Stela of the Vultures (No. 2) beginning in col. iii, where
Ningirsu reacts angrily to Umma's invasion of the Gu'edena, and creates Eanatum, a super-
human hero who will avenge this violation of Ningirsu's territory. The participation of
Ningirsu so directly in the events narrated ends with the long dream of Eanatum in which
Ningirsu predicts his victory over Umma (vi-viii); from there on it is Eanatum's show.
Although there is nothing else in our corpus to parallel Ningirsu's activity in this inscrip-
tion-given the uniqueness of the Stela among surviving monuments, this is not surprising-
a much smaller episode in an inscription of his brother and successor Enanatum I indicates
that the Ningirsu episode in the Stela was not sui generis, but drew on a repertoire of motifs
and phraseology present in the historical tradition of Lagash, and no doubt used in other,
no longer extant, texts. The beginning of the Enanatum passage is very difficult, and it and
the corresponding Stela of the Vultures passage are used to explicate one another: l 2
Ningirsu . . . spoke angrily: "Umma has [(2 fragmentary cases)] my forage, my own property, the
fields of the G [u'ede] na. (No. 2 iiif.)
Ningirsu . . . spoke angrily: "Urluma, ruler of Umma, has said, 'Antasura is Mine ! ' and has marched
on my very own field. He must not do violence against Enanatum, my mighty male!" (No. 5 ixf.)
The closest parallel chronologically to the elaborate participation of Ningirsu in the Stela
of the Vultures is in the inscriptions of another ruler of Lagash, Gudea, several centuries
later.13 That it is Lagash again is certainly coincidence, since that state has supplied the
largest body of extant royal inscriptions prior to the second millennium, thanks to the for-
tunate discoveries of the French excavators. Similar phenomena occur at first sporadically
in the Old Babylonian period (ca. 2000-1600), as in Samsuiluna's inscription commemo-
rating the rebuilding of the fortifications of Kish,14 and more frequently in first millennium
Assyrian and especially Babylonian inscriptions. But in the third millennium such episodes
of divine activity are unusual enough to be considered, retrospectively, a kind of genre leak-
age: material appearing in royal inscriptions that would be more at home in either royal
hymns l 5 or historical-literary texts. l6
That Lagash is the source of a large majority of third millennium inscriptions has just
been mentioned. It was characterized as a coincidence because we have no reason to believe
that Lagashites were more verbal than other inhabitants of Mesopotamia. It is simply that
those who dug there had the luck to hit upon large numbers of historical texts from this
period, whereas archaeologists and others at different sites were less fortunate. Thus, it is
not easy to compare the rather rich textual material from Presargonic Lagash with contem-
porary inscriptions from elsewhere. But text No. 10, the only text in our dossier not in the
name of a ruler of Lagash, provides some evidence that the repertoire of topoi and phrase-
ology through which the historical traditions were expressed, was to a large extent shared
with other Sumerian centers. This is to be expected from everything we have learned about
Mesopotamian scribal practices and products, which, despite frequently noticeable local
variation, tend to be widely disseminated without respect to state boundaries.
No. 10 tells us that when Lugalzagesi demarcated the frontier between Lagash and
Umma, he
l2See the notes to the full translations for details.

l3 seeKramer (Bibl. I A), 137ff.
' 4 IVC7d.
~ ~ ~ ~
l5 Kramer (Bibl. I A), 206; Klein, I. Three Sulgi Hymns.
16Grayson, Babylonian Historical-Literary Texts, and Orientalia 49,182ff.
[SANE 2, 411
constructed its (boundary-) channel, erected its monument, made its boundary-levee manifest,
restored its (former) monuments. . . . He did not cross beyo[nd] its boundary-levee. He restored
its (former) monuments and, at Ishtaran's command, erected a (new) monument on that spot.
These words have a familiar ring.
Eanatum . . . measured-off the boundary . . . and erected a monument on that spot. (No. 2 xf.)
Eanatum did not cross beyond the place where Mesalim had erected the monument, and (moreover)
he restored that monument. (No. 3 iv).
Mesalim, king of Kish, at the command of Ishtaran, measured it off and erected a monument there.
(No. 6 i)
(Eanatum) inscribed (and erected) monuments at that (boundary-) channel, and restored the mon-
ument of Mesalim, but did not cross into the plain of Umma. (No. 6 ii)
Enmetena . . . at the just command (of Enlil, Ningirsu and Nanshe) . . . constructed that (boundary-)
channel. . . . He built the foundations of the (boundary-levee called) Namnundakigara. (No. 6 v)
In his curse against potential violators of his newly (re)drawn boundary, Lugalzagesi asks
that
[his] city, like a place (infested) with harmful snakes, not allow him to hold his head erect! May
poisonous fangs bite that ruler in his ruined palace! (No. 10 end)
In the long series of nearly identical curses against Umma in the Stela of the Vultures, the
final curse, uttered in the name of the chthonic deity Ninki ("Mistress Earth"), is quite
different from the others. It is not a divine battle-net that will descend from above upon
Umma in punishment, as in the preceding curses, but rather,
May Ninki, by whom he has sworn, have snakes from the earth (/from below) bite Umma's feet!
When Umma transgresses this (boundary-) channel, may Ninki pull the ground from under its feet!
(No. 2 r. v)
Stepping outside our dossier, there are a few other non-trivial points of contact between
the inscriptions from Lagash and contemporary inscriptions from other Sumerian cities.
Lugalkiginedudu of Uruk (IV.5) wrote of his assumption of the title "king of Ur" (in addi-
tion t o "Lord of Uruk") as follows:
When Enlil specially summoned him, and combined lordship with Kingship for him. . . . l7
When Inana combined lordship with kingship for Lugalkiginedudu.. . .
Similarly, Eanatum reports his assumption of the title King of Kish:
To Eanatum, ruler of Lagash, Inana, because she loved him so, gave him the kingship of Kish in
addition to the rulership of Lagash.19
Enshakushana, who apparently exercised hegemony over most of Sumer for a short period
of time before Lugalzagesi (IV.6), writes of his conquest of Kish and Akshak, that "he dedi-
cated their statues, their precious metal and lapis lazuli, their timber and treasure, t o Enlil at
[N] i p p ~ r . " ~ O"Precious metals and lapis lazuli" occurs throughout No. 9 as a per meris-
mum for valuables plundered, and in No. 2 r. vi, Eanatum writes that he defeated "Elam
and Subartu, mountainous lands of timber and treasure." And the terms are found all
together, as in Enshakushana's inscription, on the fragmentary No. 12: "Their precious
1 7 Uk 1.l,
~ ZRSA ~ IElc,
~ ABW~ Lukin. v. Uruk 2.
"SARI Uk 1.2, ZRSA IEld, ABW Lukin. v. Uruk 4.
1 9 La 3.5,
~ ZRSA
~ ICSb,
~ ABW~Ean. 2.
2 0 Uk 4.1,
~ ZRSA
~ IHlb,
~ ABW
~ Ensak. v. Uruk 1.
[SANE 2, 421
metals and lapis lazuli, their timber and treasure, he loaded on ships."
The uses of.language and interpretation of history in our earliest corpus of historical
inscriptions deserve more detailed and comprehensive treatment than the tentative discus-
sion offered here. A rigorous, synchronic literary and historical analysis of the Presargonic
material should be followed by diachronic studies in which the historical inscriptions of
much later times will be related back to their Early Dynastic precursors. In observing the
unfolding of this genre through time, we have much t o learn about ancient attitudes toward
language, writing and history, and perhaps, also, something about our own.
[SANE 2, 431
CHAPTER VI
The Documents in Translation
The docunlents upon which the preceding discussion has been based are translated here,
ordered and numbered as they are in Chapter 11, where bibliographic and other details
about the individual texts and inscribed artifacts are provided. The translations themselves
are more literal than literary, in the sense that certain peculiarities of Sumerian word order
and idiom are preserved. Whether this is desirable, and if so, t o what extent, is controversial,
and there will certainly be specialists who find these translations not literal enough (too
interpretive), while others will question whether Sumerian historical texts are being well-
represented in such awkward English. Were the texts here not being used as the basis for a
historical reconstruction, the temptation t o be more literary would not have been so firmly
resisted; were the translations part of a scholarly text edition, they might have been even
more literal.
The notes are intended t o explicate passages that may baffle the non-specialist. More
specialized notes, justifying certain readings and interpretations t o my fellow Assyriologists,
will appear in my Sunzeriarz a n d Akkadian Royal Inscriptions (SARI). The non-specialist
must be patient with the long lists of divine names, place names and temple names (begin-
ning with E-, Sumerian for " temple") that appear in some of the inscriptions when the ruler
catalogues his epithets or pious deeds. The more important gods are given in Chart 2, and
important place names can be found on the maps; others are in the reference works given in
the Bibliography I A-B. But a great many are minor and not really germane t o the topic
of this study. Brackets enclose broken text portions; pointed brackets are used t o restore
scribal omissions; parentheses enclose my explanatory additions.
1. URNANSHE
..
i [ ~ r n a n s ] h e ,[king of Lagash, son of Gunidu] ll"son" of Gursar, built the Bagar of
9
fired bricks, and dug the Bagar. . . . i i i ~ h ename of the temple is "Bagar Provides Justice."
The name of the shrine is "Bagar Provides Justice."
He built the Ibgal, iv built the temple of Nanshe, built the sanctuary of Girsu, built the
Kinir, built the temple of Gatumdug, built the Tirash, built the Ningar, built the temple of
Ninmarki, built the Edam, built the Me-gate, built the Abzu'e, and built the wall of Lagash.
He dug the Saman canal and dug the Asuhur. He fashioned (a statue of) Ninmarki, fash-
ioned (a statue of) Nin. . . , fashioned (a statue of) Ningidri, fashioned (a statue of) Shul-
shag, fashioned (a statue of) Kindazi, fashioned (a statue of) Gushudu, fashioned (a statue
of) Lama'u'e, and fashioned (a statue of) Lugalurtur.
[Urnanshe, king] of Lagash, went t o war against the leader of Ur and the leader of
Umma:
The leader of Lagash r.iidefeated the leader of Ur. He captured Mu[ . . . 3 the admiral?,
r-iiicaptured Amabaragesi and Kishibgal the officer, [captured] Papursag, son of U'u,
captured [ . . . ] the officer, and he made a burial mound (for them).
He defeated the leader of Umma. ' S i v ~ e captured Lupad and Bilala the officer, captured
Pabilgaltuk ruler of Umma, captured Urgigirsag the officer, r.vcaptured Hursagshemab the
quartermaster-general, and he made a burial mound (for them).
' . ~ i ~ hleader
e of U r n n ~ a . ~
[SANE 2, 441
19831 The Lagash- Umma Border Conflict (VI.1) 45
Notes. 'The translation of col. iii is very tentative. See Revue d 'dssyriologie 74,104ff.
ur his orphan line was either intended as a cartouche for an image of the defeated Ummaite, or is
part of an unfinished sentence (see Revue d 'Assyriologie 74,105).
2. EANATUM (Stela of the Vultures)

[(20 cases broken)] He would pay it as a(n interest-bearing) [lo] an, and grain rent was
imposed on it. The king of Lagash ii [(22 cases broken)] the leader of Umma acted haught-
ily? with him, and defied Lagash. Akurgal, king of Lagash, son of Urnanshe, iii[king of
Lagash (1 6 cases broken)] and furthermore, he (the leader of Umma) defied Lagash regard-
ing its (Lagash's) own property. Atlregarding Pirig . . . girnunshaga, Ningirsu . . . spoke
angrily: "Umma has [(2 fragmentary cases)] my forage, my own property, the fields of the
i v ~ [ u ' e d e na."
]
[Lor] d ? [Nil ngirsu, [war] rior of [En] lil [(3 fragmentary cases) Nil n [girl su [imp] lant-
ed the [semen] for E[a] natum in the [wom] b [(2 cases broken), and . . . 1 rejoiced over
[Eanatum] . Inana accompanied him, named him Eana-Inana-Ibgalakakatum,' and set him
on the special lap of Ninhursag. Ninhursag [offered him] her special breast. VNingirsu
rejoiced over Eanatum, semen implanted in the womb by Ningirsu. Ningirsu laid his span
upon him, for (a length of) five forearms he set his forearm upon him: (he measured) five
forearms (cubits), one span ! 2 Ningirsu, with great joy, [gave him] the kin[gship of La-
gash].
[(l broken and 1 frag. case)] Eanatum, who has strength, declares, "Now then, 0 en-
emy ! "? For Eanatum, the name which Inana gave him, Eana-Inana-Ibgalakakatum, was
[given] him as a name [(2 frag. cases)]. [Eanatum] , who has strength, ordained by
Ningirsu, Eanatum, [who declared?] "Now then, 0 enemy!", proclaimed for evermore:
"The ruler of Umma-where is he recruiting?? With (other) men [ . . . ] he is able to
exploit the Gu'edena, the beloved field of Ningirsu. May he (Ningirsu) strike him down !"
[(1 frag. and 5 broken cases)] He followed after him. Him who lies sleeping, him who lies
sleeping-he approaches his head. Eanatum who lies sleeping-[his] be [loved] master [Nin-
girsu approaches his head. (3 cases broken)] . ~ i ~ " ~ itself i s h must abandon? Umma, and,
being angry, cannot support it. The sun-(god) will shine at your right, and a . . . will be
affixed to your forehead. 0 Eanatum, [(7 cases broken)] you will slay there. Their myriad
corpses will reach the base of heaven. [In] Um[ma (5 cases broken) the people of his own
city] ~ i i ~ w irisel l up against him and kill him within Umma itself. In? the . . . region you
will [ . . . . " (18 cases broken)].
i x ~ fought
e with him. A person shot an arrow at Eanatum. He was shot through? by the
arrow and had difficulty moving. He cried out in the face of it. The person . . . [(I2 cases
broken or frag.)]. XEanatum provoked a windstorm in Umma, unleashed? a deluge there
[(7 cases broken)]. Eanatum, the man of just commands, ximeasured off the boundary
[with the leader of Umma?], left (some land) under Umma's control, and erected a monu-
ment on that spot. The leader of Umma [(6 cases broken). He defeated ~ m m a ? and ] made
twenty b[urial mounds] for it. Eanatum, over whom Shulutul cries sweet tears, [Eana-
tum] . . . ; E[anatum . . . 1 destroyed the foreign lands; [Eanatum] restored to ~ i i ~ i n g i r s u ' s
control [his] belov[ed fi] eld, the Gu'eden[a. (6 cases broken)]. The field Dana in the
Kibara of Ningirsu, he [(5 cases broken). Ea] natum ~ i ~ i e r e c t ea d[monument] in the grand
. ~ cases broken or frag.).] [of Ningirsu] , Ean[atum is the . . . ] of
temple of [ N i n g i r ~ u (10
Ningirsu. His personal god < is Shulutul>. x i v ~ h efields Badag [(49 cases broken or frag.)
Eanatum, nomi] nated by [Nil ngirsu, restored to his (Ningirsu's) [control].
Eanatum gave the great battle net of Enlil to the leader of Umma, and made him swear to
[SANE 2, 451
him by it. The leader of Umma swore t o Eanatum: "By the life of Enlil, king of heaven and
earth! I may exploit the field of Ningirsu as a(n interest-bearing) loan. I shall not . . . the
irrigation channel ! F[orever and evermore, I shall not transgress the territory of Ningirsu !
I shall not shift (the course of) its irrigation channels and canals! I shall not smash its
monuments! Whenever I d o transgress, may the great battle net of Enlil, king of heaven
and earth?, by which I have sworn, descend upon Umma!" Eanatum was very clever in-
deed! He made u p the eyes of two doves with kohl, and adorned their heads with cedar
(foliage). x v i i ~ ereleased them t o Enlil, king of heaven and earth,? t o the Ekur? in Nippur:
"After what he has declare] d and has reiterated [ t o my master Enlil], if any leader in
Umma reneges against the agreement, when he opposes or contests the agreement, when-
ever he violates this agreement, may the great battle net of Enlil, by which he has sworn,
descend upon Umma ! "
Eanatum gave the great battle net of Ninhursag t o the leader of Umma, and made him
swear t o him by it. The leader of Umma swore t o Eanatum: ["By the life of Ninbursag ! I
may exploit the field of Ningirsu as a(n interest -bearing) loan. I shall not . . . the irrigation
channel ! Forever and evermore, I shall not transgress the territory of Ningirsu ! I shall not
shift (the course of) its irrigation channels and canals! I shall not smash its monuments!
Whenever I do transgress, may the great battle net of Ninbursag, by which I have sworn,
descend upon Umma! " Eanatum] ~ ~ i ~ i w a s clever indeed ! He made up the eyes of
very
two doves with kohl, and adorned their heads with cedar (foliage). He r[eleased them]
t o Ninbursag in Kesh: "After what he has declared and has reiterated t o [my] mother
Ninbursag, if any leader [in] Umma re[neg] es, when [he opposes or contests the agree] -
ment, [wh] enever [he violates this agreement], may the great [battle net] of Ninhursag,
by which he has sworn, descend upon Umma! "
Eanatum [gave the great battle net of Enki, king of Abzu, t o the leader of Umma, and
made him swear by it: "By the life of Enki, king of Abzu! I may exploit the field of
Ningirsu as a(n interest-bearing) loan. I shall not . . . the irrigation channel! Forever and
evermore, I shall not transgress the territory of Ningirsu! I shall not shift (the course
of) its irrigation channels and canals ! I shall not smash its monuments ! ] xix whenever
I do transgress, may the great battle net of Enki, king of Abzu, descend upon Umma!"
Ea[natum was very clever indeed! He made up the eyes of two doves with kohl, and
adorned their heads with cedar (foliage).] He released them [ t o ~ n k i ?in the . . . ] of
Ningirsu. Eanatum swore? by the carp set? toward the Abzu: "After what he has declared
[and has reiterated] t o my master Enki, [if any leader in Umma reneges, when he opposes
or contests the agreement, whenever he violates this agreement, may the great battle net
of Enki, by which he has sworn, descend upon Umma! "
Eanatum] gave [the great battle net] XXofSin, the impetuous calf of Enlil, t o the leader
of Umma, and made him swear t o him by it. The leader of Umma swore [ t o Eanatum: "By
the life of Sin, the impetuous calf of Enlil! 1 I may exploit [the field of Ningirsu as a(n
interest-bearing) loan.] I will not . . . the irrigation channel! Forever and evermore, I shall
not transgress the territory of Ningirsu! x x i ~shall not shift (the course of) its irrigation
channels and canals! I shall not smash its monuments! Whenever I do transgress, may the
great battle net of Sin, impetuous calf [of Enlil, by which I have sworn,] descend [upon
Ummal ! " Eanatum was very clever indeed ! He made up the eyes of four doves with kohl,
and adorned their heads with cedar (foliage). [He released] two of them towards xxii [the
Ekishnugal?] in Ur, [and he released two toward . . . , the holy?] dwel[ling] of Sin:
"After what he has declared and has reiterated [ t o my master? Sin,] impetuous calf of
Enlil, if any leader in Umma reneges, when he opposes or [contests the agreement,? when-
ever he violates this agreement, may the great battle net of Sin, impetuous calf of Enlil, by
which he has sworn, descend upon Umma ! "1 -
[SANE 2, 461
19831 The Lagash-Umma Border Conflict ( ~ 1 . 2 ) 47
r - i ~ a n a t u mgave the great battle net of Utu, king o f . . . , to the leader of Umma, and
made him swear t o him by it. The leader of Umma swore to Eanatum: "By the life of Utu,
[king of . . . ! I may exploit the field of Ningirsu as a(n interest-bearing) loan. I will not . . .
the irrigation channel! Forever and eveomore,] I shall not transgress the territory of Nin-
girsu! I shall not shift (the course of) its irrigation channels and canals! I shall not smash
its monuments! Whenever I d o transgress, may the great battle net of Utu, king o f . . . , by
which I have sworn, descend upon Umma! " Eanatum was very clever indeed ! He made up
the eyes of two doves with kohl, and adorned their heads with cedar (foliage). For Utu, king
o f . . . , in the Ebabbar at Larsa, he had them offered as sacrificial bulls?: r - i i " ~ f t e rthat
which he has declared and reiterated t o my m[aster Utu] , if any leader in U[mma] reneges,
when he opposes or contests the agreement, whenever he violates this agreement, may the
great battle net of Utu, king o f . . . , by which he has sworn, r.iii [descend upon] Umma!"
[Eanatum . . . t o the leader of Umm] a[ . . . , ] and made him thereby invoke the name
of Ninki. The leader of Umma swore t o Eanatum: "By the life of Ninki! r - i v ~may exploit
[the field of Ningirsu] as a(n interest-bearing) loan. I will not . . . the irrigation channel!
Forever and evermore, 'ev[I shall not transgress] the territory [of Ningirsu! ] I shall not
shift (the course of) its irrigation channels and canals! I shall not [smash] its monuments!
Whenever I d o transgress, may Ninki, [whose] name I have [invoked], have sn[akes from
the ground] bite Umma's feet ! When Umma [transgresses] this [(boundary-) channel may
Ninki pull the ground out from under its feet!" Eanatum was very clever indeed?. (3 cases
broken) "After that which he has declared and reiterated t o Ninki . . . , if any leader in
Umma renelges, when he opposes or contests the agreement, whenever he violates this
agreement, may Ninki, by whom he has sworn, have snakes from the ground bite Umma's
feet! When Umma transgresses this (boundary-) channel, may Ninki pull the ground out
from under its feet ! "
Eanatum, king of Lagash, granted strength by Enlil, nourished with special milk by
Ninbursag, given a fine name by Inana, granted wisdom by Enki, chosen in her heart by
Nanshe the mighty queen, who subj[ugates foreign lands for] r . ~ i ~ [ i n ~ i r sbeloved u], of
[Dumuzi'abzu] , nominated by Hendursaga, beloved friend of Lugalurub, beloved spouse
of Inana; [defeateld Elam and Subartu, mountainous lands of timber and [treasure,]
cases broken) he] de[feated . . . 1 , defeated Susa, [defeated] the ruler of Urua,
who stood with the (city's) emblem in the vanguard,? 'mviii [(x cases broken)] and des-
troyed Arua. . . . Sumer '.lX[(x cases broken)l . He defeated U[r cases broken).
Eanatum (2 cases broken)], who restored the Gu'edena t o (Ningirsu's) [con] trol, Eana-
tum '.xi[(19 cases broken)] of N[ingirsu], who erected (this monument) for Ningirsu-
the name of the monument-it is not a man's (name)?-he proclaimed its name: "Ningirsu,
the lord, crown of Luma is the life of the Pirigedena-canal!" He [erected for him (Nin-
girsu)] the monument of the Gu'edena, the beloved field of Ningirsu, which Eanatum
restored to ~ingirs'u'scontrol.
Legends next to figures of Eanatum in the upper and middle registers, rev.:
Eanatum, who subjugates foreign lands for Ningirsu.
Legend next to an enemj9in the lower register, rev..
Al[ . . . 1, king of K i ~ h . ~
Notes. 'The full name of Eanatum, meaning "Worthy in the (temple) Eana of Inana of Ibgal."
'~umerian kiti means both "forearm" and "cubit" (as English "cubit" is from the Latin for "fore-
arm"). A cubit is ca. 50 cm.; a span is 112 cubit. Eanatum's height then, is 2.75 m. or 9'2" !
[SANE 2, 471
Refering t o this stela.

4 ~ least
t twenty field names were listed. They are mostly broken, o r preserve only the word "field" and
traces of the name.
he puns involved here d o not come across in translation. Ninki (Mistress Earth) is a chthonic deity,
and whereas the battle-nets of the gods in the previous oaths and curses are said t o descend (lit. "fall
from above, heaven") upon Umma, the snakes here are coming u p " from the earth" (ki-ta), which
also means " from below."
~ e n I I I ) , 387 n. 77 and 3 9 3 n. 9 0 thinks this name is that of Kalbum, a king of Kish known
6 ~ a c ~ b (Bibl.
from the Sumerian King List. For the unlikelihood of this suggestion, see S A R I ad loc.
3. EANATUM (Boulders)
i [ ~ f t e r ?El nlil demarcated [the boundary between Ningirsu and Shara], and Mesalim
erected a monument there, and at his orders [(3 cases broken)] .
ii[(3 cases broken) the leader of Umma] smashed that monument, and marched on the
plain o f Lagash. The field Usarda'u, the field Sumbubu, the field Eluha, the field Kimari,
the field Du'ashri,' [(4 cases frag.) iii(4 cases frag.)] of [N] ingir[su . . . I . These the leader
of Umma invaded,? and smashed the monument. He named it "The leader of Umma . . . the
field;" he named it 2 "The leader of Umma marched there;" ivhe named it "The leader of
Umma added there."
Eanatum, ruler of Lagash, granted strength by Enlil, nourished with special milk by Nin-
hursag, given a fine name by Nanshe, who subjugates foreign lands for Ningirsu, restored
t o Ningirsu's control his beloved fields. Eanatum did not cross beyond the place where
Mesalim had erected the monument, and (moreover) he restored that monument.
Notes: 'The break contains possibly eight additional field names.

'" It" is either the fields, o r a new monument erected by the Ummaite leader.
4. EANATUM (Clay Vase)

i [ ~ n l i1,] [by his authoritative command, demarcated the boundary between] N[ingirs] u
[ a n l d [Shara. Mesalim, king of Kish, at the command of Ishtaran, measured it off and
erected a monument there] . ? ? The leader of Umma smashed that [mortume] n t and march-
ed ort the plain of Lagash. i i [ ~ i n g i r s u ]gave the order t o Eanatum, and he destroyed Umma.
At the [pla] ce where Mesalim had erected a monument, [El an[at] um, [at Ningirsu's
command] , [establish 1 ed a mo [nument I . When he thereby established the monument,
iii [Eanatu] m [ n ] amed it "Ningirsu is the lord eternally exalted in Abzu."
If [a leader of] Um[ma] iii [cros] ses the waterlcanal in order t o take away the fields,
may Ningirsu be a (hostile) dragon t o him! May Enlil make salt surface in his furrows!
[May] Shu . . . [ . . . !] M a y . . . not give hi[m] life! May he n o t . . . ! [ M a y . . . not]
give him [ . . . ! ] May there be an uprising against him in his own city!
Notes: 'The inscription is restored from two sets of fragments; it has not been conclusively proved that
they belong together, although many factors suggest they do. Italics are used here t o separate the
t w o sets.
'Restored after No. 6 i; alternatively, restore after the damaged No. 3 .
[SANE 2, 481
19831 The Lagash-Umma Border Conflict (vI.5) 49
5. ENANATUM I
i ~ o Hendursaga,
r chief herald of Abzu, Enanatum, [ruller of [Lagalsh, [granted strength?]
by Enlil, nourished with special milk by Ninbursag, chosen in her heart by Nanshe, &hief
executive for Ningirsu, specially summoned by Inana, nominated by Hendursaga, son
begotten by Lugalurub, son of Akurgal ruler of Lagash, iiibeloved brother of Eanatum, ruler
of Lagash-
When he built the Ibgal for Inana, made the Eana surpassing in all lands, and ivdecorated
it for her with gold and silver; (when) he built his "palace" of the Sacred Precinct for
Hendursaga, and decorated it for him with gold and silver; (when) he restored his temple
for Nindar; (when) he built Vtheir giguna for Nin[girsu and ~ a ' u ?1 ; (when) he built his
"palace" of Urub for Lugalurub, and decorated it for him with gold and silver; (when)
he built [her Esagug] for Amageshtinana, built a w[ell] of fired brick for her, and set
up.7 .: . . ;(when) he [built] the Eshd[ugru for Ningirsu; (then) he (3 cases broken)].
""[When Enlil? ] turned over control of Umma t o [Nin] g[ir] s[u] , and he then put it
in Enanatum's control, Urluma, ruler of Umma, ~ i i[recruited
i foreigners] and transgressed
the boundary-channel of Ningirsu. "Antasura is mine ! I shall exploit (its) produce? ! "
he said, and ixhe awaited him at Du'urgiga.
Ningirsu spoke angrily: "Urluma, ruler of Umma, has said, 'Antasura is mine!' and
Xhas marched on my very own field. He must not do violence against Enanatum, my mighty
male ! "
Enanatum beat back Urluma, ruler of Umma, to the boundary-channel xiof Ningirsu.
He went after him at the . . . of the Lumagirnunta (-canal), and . . . his . . . garment.'
Enanatum, who built the temple of Hendursaga-his personal god is S h ~ l u t u l . ~
xii (blank)
x i i i ~ e(Enanatum) had it inscribed on the copper standard and t h e . . . o f the copper
standard fixed on (a pole? of) wood belonging t o H e n d ~ r s a g a .[Sh]
~ ul[ut] ul, the [loy] a1
[personal god] of [Enlmetena has checked it.? He (Hendursaga?) is the owner [of the
standard].
Notes: ' An obscure Sumerian idiom here having t o d o with a n outer garment, provides a n ambiguous end-
ing for the battle report.
he actual inscription ends here, separated by t h e blank col. xii from the notation that follows.
3 0 n e imagines, perhaps, a figure of Shulutul holding a pole with a metal standard, similar t o the
poles with standards that developed out of the earlier ring bundel, held by " hero" figures in
Sargonic glyptic. Such a standard, made entirely of copper, was actually excavated a t Girsu (de
Sarzec, Dicouvertes en Chaldie, pl. 5711; but cf. Seidl, RLA 6,317b).
6. ENMETENA
i ~ n l i l king
, of all lands, father of all the gods, by his authoritative command, demarcated
the border between Ningirsu and Shara.' Mesalim, king of Kish, at the command of Ish-
taran,2 measured it off and erected a monument there.
Ush, ruler of Umma, acted arrogantly: he smashed that monument and marched on the
plain of Lagash. Ningirsu, warrior of Enlil, at his (Enlil's) just command, did battle with
Umma. At Enlil's command, he cast the great battle-net upon it, and set up burial mounds
for it on the plain.
Eanatum, ruler of Lagash, uncle of Enmetena ruler of Lagash, demarcated the border
with Enakale, ruler of Umma. i i ~ extended e the (boundary-) channel from the Nun-canal
to the Gu'edena, leaving (a) 2 1 5-nindan (1 290 m.) (strip) of Ningirsu's land under Umma's
[SANE 2, 491
control and establishing a no-man's land there. He inscribed (and erected) monuments at
that (boundary-) channel and restored the monument of Mesalim, but did not cross into the
plain of Umnla. On the boundary-levee of Ningirsu, (called) Namnundakigara, he built a
chapel of Enlil, a chapel of Ninhursag, a chapel of Ningirsu and a chapel of Utu.
The leader of Umma could exploit one guru (5184 hl.) of the barley of Nanshe and
the barley of Ningirsu as a(n interest-bearing) loan. It bore interest, and 8,640,000 guru
(44,789,760,000 hl.) a c c r u e d . 9 i n c e he was unable t o repay? that barley, Urluma, ruler
of Umma, diverted water into the boundary-channel of Ningirsu and the boundary-channel
of Nanshe. He set fire t o their monuments and smashed them, and destroyed the established
chapels of the gods that were built on the (boundary-levee called) Namnundakigara. i i i ~ e
recruited foreigners, and transgressed the boundary-channel of Ningirsu. Enanatum, ruler of
Lagash, fought with him in the Ugiga-field, the field of Ningirsu. Enmetena, beloved son of
Enanatum, defeated him. Urluma escaped, but was killed in Umma itself. He had abandoned
sixty teams of asses at the bank of the Lumagirnunta-canal, and left the bones of their
personnel strewn over the plain. He (Enmetena) made burial mounds in five places there for
them.
At that time, 11, who was the temple-estate administrator at Zabala, had marched in
retreat from Girsu t o Umma. I1 took the rulership of Umma for himself. He diverted water
into the boundary-channel of iv~ingirsuand the boundary-channel of Nanshe, at the
boundary-levee of Ningirsu in the direction of the bank of the Tigris in the region of Gir-
S U , ~the Namnundakigara of Enlil, Enki and Ninhursag. He repaid? (only) 3600 guru
(18,662,400 hl.) a f Lagash's barley.
When, because of those (boundary-) channels, Enmetena ruler of Lagash, sent envoys to
11, I1 ruler of Umma, the field thief, speaking hostiley, said: "The boundary-channel of
Ningirsu and the boundary-channel of Nanshe are mine! I will shift the boundary-levee
from Antasura t o Edimgalabzu," he said. But Enlil and Ninhursag did not allow him (to do)
this.
VEnmetena, ruler of Lagash, nominee of Ningirsu, at the just command of Enlil, at the
just command of Ningirsu, and at the just command of Nanshe, constructed that (boun-
dary-) channel from the Tigris t o the Nun-canal. He built the foundations of the (levee
called) Namnundakigara for him (Ningirsu) out of stone, restoring it for the master who
loves him, Ningirsu, and for the mistress who loves him, Nanshe.
Enmetena, ruler of Lagash, granted the scepter by Enlil, granted wisdom by Enki, chosen
in Nanshe's heart, chief executive for Ningirsu, who carries out the commands of the gods-
may his personal god, Shulutul, forever stand (interceding) before Ningirsu and Nanshe
for the life of Enmetena!
If the leader of Umma transgresses the boundary-channel of Ningirsu and the boundary-
channel of Nanshe, t o take away fields by force-whether he be the leader of Umma or
an(y) other leader-may Enlil destroy him ! May Ningirsu, after casting his great battle-net
upon him, bring down upon him his giant hands and feet! May the people of his city,
having risen up against him, kill him there within his city !
Notes: 'That is, between Lagash, whose god was Ningirsu, and Umma, whose god was Shara.
The god Ishtaran is also responsible for the border in the inscription of Lugalzagesi, No. 10.
See the discussion in IV.4.
This probably refers t o a western branch of the Tigris, near Girsu. See 111.1.
[SANE 2, 501
19831 The Lagash- Umma Border Conflict (VI.7) 51
7. URU'INIMGINA (Clay Disk)

i[(ca. 15 cases broken)] . . . silver, if he bought sheep, someone would take away the
high quality sheep among those sheep.
The guda-priests paid grain taxes at Ambar, and those guda-priests had t o build a (store?)
house at Ambar for those grain taxes.
When the [(2 cases broken)], foremen, lamentation singers, agricultural supervisors or
brewers brought a wool-sheep and had it sheared at the palace, if the sheep was white, the
wool was taken by the palace and they also had t o pay five shekels of silver.
The oxen of the gods plowed the garlic [plot] of the [r] uler, and [the bes] t [fields of
the gods became the garlic and cucumber plots of the ruler. (ca. 15 cases broken)].
ii [(ca. 15 cases broken)] the iginudu was also appropriated for (work on) [the irrigation
channels?] which were [in the field], and the shublugal, as long as he (the iginudu) was
doing his work,? did not allow him t o drink water. He was not even allowed t o drink water
as an ass (would be) !
If a poor person made a fish-pond?, someone would make off with the fish in it, and that
(poor) man would (only be able to) say "Oh Sungod ! "'
If a man divorced his wife, the ruler took five shekels of silver and the chancellor took
one shekel of silver. If a man smeared kohl on the head (of someone else),2 the ruler took
five shekels of silver, the chancellor took one shekel of silver, and the sage took one shekel
of silver. [If?] a man . . . [(ca. 15 cases broken)].
iii [(ca. 15 cases broken)] the ruler, the chancellor and the sage no longer take silver.
If a poor man makes a fish pond,? no one makes off with its fish. He (Uru'inimgina)
abolished the crime of theft. Lost items are (now) displayed at the city-gate.
If a woman speaks . . . disrespectfully? t o a man, that woman's mouth is crushed with a
fired brick, and the fired brick is displayed at the city-gate. Women of former times each
married two men,3 but women of today have been made t o give up that crime.
The dream-interpreter, the seer, the . . . , and the carpenter at the building site? . . . [(ca.
15 cases broken)] .
iv[(ca. 15 cases broken)] When, because of that barley, he (Enanatum I) sent envoys to
him (Urluma), having them say to him, "You must deliver my barley!", Urluma spoke
haughtily with him. "Antasura is mine, it is my territory ! " he said. He levied the Ummaites,
and foreigners were dispatched? there. At the Ugiga-field, the beloved field of Ningirsu,
Ningirsu destroyed the Ummaite levies. He confronted the retreating Urluma, ruler of
Umma, at the base of the Lumagirnunta-canal, and he (Urluma) abandoned his sixty teams
of asses there, and left the bones of their per[sonnel strewn over the plan. (ca. 12 cases
broken)].
V[(ca. 12 cases broken) (for Ningirsu)] he built [ . . . 1; he built the brewery which pro-
vides great vats? of wine for its master; and he dug his beloved canal, the Pasamanukashdu.
He built the temple of Ba'u. For Igalim, he built the Emebushgalanki; for Shulshagana he
built his Kitushakkil. For Hegir, beloved lukur-priestess of Ningirsu, he built her temple;
for Lamashaga, his guide,? he built her temple; [for] Ninsar, Nin[girsu's] butcher, [he built
his temple. (ca 10 cases broken)] .
Notes: 'The sungod Utu was the god of Justice, t o whom the victim of a crime cried out. The implication
here is that the victim lacked more concrete recourse. The phrase "Oh Sungod!" became a syno-
nym of "crime" or "oppression."
2 ~ o s s i b l ya gesture in a betrothal or marriage rite.
3 ~ h statement
e is unambiguous, but must be understood as hyperbole, as must many of the other
representations of "former times." For other interpretations (fratriarchal family structure; avoid-
ance of high divorce fees), see the commentary in A B W.
[SANE 2 , 5 11
8. URU'INIMGINA (Cylinder Fragment)

'[(x cases broken) For Nanshe,] he built [her beloved canal], the Ni[na] dua-canal,
built the Eninnu at its beginning and buil[t] the Esirara at its [en] d. [(x cases broken)]
ii'[(x cases broken)] After rejoicing over it,? on the tenth day they were very happy.
"What (fault) d o I have?" he said t o him. "I have committed no violence." ~ r u d a .?. .
[(x cases broken)]
iii '[(x cases broken)] He besieged? Girsu. Uru'inimgina battled him and . . . its (Girsu's)
wall. . . . He returned t o his city, but [he] came a second time [(x cases broken)].
9. URU'INIMGINA (Clay Tablet)

i ~ h leader
e of Umma set fire t o the Ekirbiral . He set fire t o the Antasura and bundled
off its precious metals and lapis-lazuli. He plundered? the "palace" of Tirash, he plun-
dered? the Abzubanda, he plundered? the chapels of Enlil and Utu. i i ~ plundered?
e the
Abush and bundled off its precious metals and lapis-lazuli; he plundered? the Ebabbar and
bundled off its precious metals and lapis-lazuli; he plundered? the giguna of Ninmab in
the sacred grove iiiand bundled off its precious metals and lapis-lazuli; he plundered? the
Bagar and bundled off its precious metals and lapis-lazuli; he set fire t o the Dugru and
bundled off its precious metals and lapis-lazuli; he plundered? the Abzu-ega; he set fire t o
the temple of Gaturndug, ivbundled off its precious metals and lapis-lazuli, and destroyed
its statuary; he set fire t o the shrine Eana of Inana, bundled off its precious metals and
lapis-lazuli and destroyed its statuary; he plundered? the Shapada and bundled off its
precious metals and lapis-lazuli.
VIn Henda, he overturned. . . . In Ki'es, he plundered? the temple of Nindar and bundled
off its precious metals and lapis-lazuli; in Kinunir he set fire t o the temple of Dumuzi-abzu
and bundled off its precious metals and lapis-lazuli; he set fire t o the temple of Lugalurub
and b bundled off its precious metals and lapis-lazuli; he plundered? Nanshe's E'engura and
bundled off its precious metals and lapis-lazuli; in Sag[ug] viihe plundered? the temple of
Amageshtinana, bundled off its precious metals and lapis-lazuli and threw them in a well.?
In the fields of Ningirsu, whichever were cultivated, he destroyed the barley.
The leader of Umma, hav[ing] sacked L[ag] ash, has committed a sin against Ningirsu.
The hand which he has raised against him will be cut off! It is not a sin of Uru'inimgina,
king of Girsu! May Nisaba, the goddess of Lugalzagesi, ruler of Umma, make him
(Lugalzagesi) bear the sin!
10. LUGALZAGESI
[(ca. 8-10 cases broken) b] orn f o r . . . , fierce-headed noble of Sumer, irresistible in all
the lands, en-priest intimate? with Ninur, l o . . . counselled by Enki, beloved friend of
Ishtaran, mighty executive for Enlil, king nominated by Inana, constructed its (boundary-)
ditch, erected its monument, made its boundary-mound manifest, 20 restored its (former)
monuments, [(2 cases broken)]. .
This is the frontier according to the monument of Shara: frrom] the A1 . . . -canal [ t o ]
the Dua-canal is 45 nind [an] (27 km. ).
This is the frontier according t o the monum[ent of] Shara: [from the Dual -cana[l
30t o . . . is x nindan.
This is the frontier according t o the monument of Shara: from . . . t o garal is x nindan] .
[SANE 2, 521
19831 The Lagash- Umma Border Conflict (VI. 10) 53
This is the frontier according to the monumen[t of Shara;] fr[om] Haral [to] the fort-
ress . . . ra 40 is 2 1,630 nind[an] (1 29.78 km.).'
This is the frontier according to the monument of Shara: from the fortress . . . ra to
Nagnanshe is 6362 nindan (3.8 16 km.).
This is the frontier according to the monument of Shara: from the Nagnanshe to the
Gibil-canal is 1 180 nindan (7.08 km.).
50This is the frontier according t o the monument of Shara: from the Gibil-canal to
Edimgalabzu is 960 ninda [n] (5.76 km.).
[This is the] f[rontier according to'the monument of Shara] : from E[di] mgalabz[u] t o
Murgushara is 790 nindan (4.74 km.).
This is the [f] rontier according t o the monument of Shara: from [Mur] gu< shara> 60to
[ . . . ] ishtaran is [ . . . 1 nindan.
This is [the frontier] according to [the molnument of Shara: [flrom [ . . . ] ishtaran t o
[Anza] gar is [ 1218 0 ? izirzdan (7.68 km.).
This is [the frontier] according t o [the m] onument of Shara: from [Anza] gar [to . . .
is . . . nirzdarz ] .
70 [(x cases broken)] He did not go beyo[nd] its boundary-levee. He restored its (for-
mer) monuments and, at Ishtaran's ~ o m m a n d ,g~ o erected a (new) monument on that spot.
4
If another leader destro y s? it there, or takes it away and makes off (with it), may [his]
city, like a place (infested) with harmful snakes, not allow him t o hold his head erect.5
90 May poisonous fangs bite that ruler in his ruined palace!
Notes: 'Probably to be emended to 390 nindan (ca. 2.34 km.).

o r 63 7 '. The stone tablet seems to have 6 17, which could be an error for 637.
' s e e n . 2 to No. 6 .
4Literally "man;" see chap. I .
here is a pun here on the Sumerian sag-il "to hold the head erect," which usually means to have
pride and self-confidence, but here is also t o be understood literally within the terms of the meta-
phor: in order t o watch out for the poisonous snakes on the ground, the ruler must keep his head
directed downward. Cf. the curse in No. 2 rev. v, and chap. V.
1 1 . RULER'S NAME NOT PRESERVED (Clay Vessel Fragment)

[(x columns missing) '(traces only) ii'(x cases missing) " . . . ] my field. . . . " Enlil
[(x cases broken).
iii '(x cases broken)] which had escaped, in Umma, Ningirsu . . . . Nanshe [(x cases
broken).
i v ' ( ~cases broken) He s] ent [envoys t o . . . ] : "Be it known that your city will be com-
pletely destroyed ! Surrender! Be it kno[wn] that Umma will be completely destroyed !
Surre[nder!" (x cases missing) "'(traces only) (x columns missing)].
12. RULER'S NAME NOT PRESERVED (Clay Vessel Fragment)

[(x columns missing?) i'(traces) ii'(x cases broken)] he bound the arms of [the per] -
so[n] nel abandoned there. Their precious metal and lapis-lazuli, their timber and treasure,
he loaded on ships.
A tenth time, Lugal . . . ;' ruler of Uruk, dispatched troops. "Bitter" grain, . . . [grain],
. . . grain [(x cases broken)].
iii '[(x cases broken) he]. . . .
[SANE 2, 531
'
Notes: Written lugal-TAR.
h he verb ending the inscription can mean "offer, load, bear;" note the end of No. 9 with the same
verb. But here it is tempting to restore this fragment with another fragment found with it (ABW
An Lag lo), to yield the following conclusion t o the inscription: "He (the ruler of Lagash) culti-
vated the fields of the Gu'edena for him (Ningirsu), and offered to him its [grain] (in the amount
of) [ x ] guru." The mention of the Gu'edena would put these hostilities with Uruk in the context
of the continuing struggle between Lagash and Umma, supporting the notion of close cooperation
between Umma and southern Sumer against Lagash. Is Lugal-TAR of Uruk here an ally of Lugal-
zagesi, before the latter took the title "king of Uruk," or does this text narrate earlier events in the
Lagash-Umma dispute?
[ S A N E 2, 541
BIBLIOGRAPHY
I. Mesopotamian History and Civilization

A. GENERAL WORKS
Adams, R. Mc., Heartland of Cities, 1981.
BottCro, J., The Near East: The Early Civilizations, 1965.
Cambridge Ancient History (3rd ed.), vols. I / 1-2 (CAH),1970.
Kramer, S. N., The Sumerians, 1963.
Oppenheim, A. L., Ancient Mesopotamia, 1964.
Reallexikon der Assyriologie ( R L A), 1928 - .
Redman, C., The Rise of Civilization, 1978.
B. NAMES OF GODS, PLACES, AND TEMPLES (in addition to the works listed above)
Edzard, D. O., "Mesopotamien" in H. Haussig, Worterbuch der Mythologie I, 1963.
Edzard, D. O., G. Farber, and E. Sollberger, Rkpertoire ghgraphique des textes cunkifonnes I,
(RGTC), 1974.
Falkenstein, A., Die Inschriften Gudeas von Lagail (Analecta Orientalia 30), 1966.
C. CHRONOLOGY
Boese, J., Altmesopotamische Weihplatten, chap. 3,1971.
Braun -Holzinger, E., FKhdynatische Beterstatuetten, 1977.
Huber, Peter J. et. al., Astronomical Dating of Babylon I and Ur 111, 1982.
Jacobsen T., The Sunzerian King List (Assyriological Studies 1 I), 1939.
Nagel, W., "Friihdynastische Epochen in Mesopotamien," Vorderasiatische Archiologie. Studien. ..
Anton Moortgat. . . gewidmet, 178ff., 1964.
Nagel, W., "Zur Datierung der Friihsumerischen Kultur," Berliner Jahrbuch fur Vor-und Friih-
geschichte 8, 120ff., 1968.
Nissen, H., Zur Datierung des Konigsfriedhofs von Ur, part 2, 1966.
Porada, E. and D. Hansen, "The Relative Chronology of Mesopotamia" in R. Ehrich, Old .World
Chronologies, 1 33ff,, 1965.
Rowton, M., "Chronology. Ancient Western Asia," CAH 1 /1 Chap. VI/2, 1970.
D. ART
Moortgat, A., The Art of Ancient Mesopotamia, 1969.
Parrot, A., Sumer, 1960.
Strommenger, E., 5000 Years of the Art ofMesopotamia, 1964.
11. The Lagash-Umma Conflict

Jacobsen, T., "A Survey of the Girsu (Tello) Region," Sumer 25, 103ff., 1969.
Lambert, M., "La guerre entre Urukagina et Lugalzagesi," Rivista degli Studi Orientali 50, 29ff.,
1976.
Lambert, M., "L'occupation du Girsu par Urlumma roi d'Umma," Revue d 'Assyriologie 59, 8 1ff.,
1965.
Lambert, M., "Le quartier Lagash," Rivista degli Studi Orientali 32, 123ff., 1957.
[SANE 2, 551
Lambert, M., "Une histoire du conflit entre Lagash et Umma,?' Revue dlAssyriologie 59, 141ff.,
1965
Pettinato, G., "I1 conflitto tra Lagas ed Umma per la 'Frontiera Divina' et la sua soluzione . . . ,"
Mesopotamia 516,281 ff., 1970-71.
Poebel, A., "Der Konflikt zwischen Lagas und Umma zur Zeit Enannatums I. und Entemenas,"
Paul Haupt Anniversary Volume. 220ff., 1926.
Sollberger, E., "Urukagina, roi de Girsu," Proceedings of the 22nd International Congress of
Orientalists, 29ff., 1953.
Westenholz, A., "Diplomatic and Commercial Aspects of Temple Offerings . . . ," Iraq 39, 19ff.,
1977.
III. Other Works on Presargonic Babylonia
Bauer, J ., Altsumerische Wirtschaftsurkundert aus Lagasch, 1967.
Charvit, P., "The Growth of Lugalzagesi's Empire," Festschrift L. Matous', 43ff., 1978.
Diakonoff, I. M., Structure of Society and State in Early Dynastic Sumer, 1974.
Edzard, D., "'Soziale Reformen' in Zweistromland," in J. Hannatta and G. Komor6czy, Wirtschaft
und Gesellschaft im alten Vorderasien, 145ff., 1976.
Fiandra, E., "Attiviti a Kish di un mercante di Lagash," Oriens Antiquus 20, 165ff., 1981.
Foster, B., "A New Look at the Sumerian Temple State," Journal of the Economic and Social
History of the Orient 24,225ff., 1981.
Gelb, I., "Ebla and the Kish Civilization," in L. Cagni, La Lingua di Ebla, 9ff., 1981.
GrCgoire, J. P., La province mtridionale de 1'ttat de Lagash.
Hallo, W., Early Mesopotamian Royal Titles, 1957.
HruSka, B., "Die Refomltexte Urukaginas," Compte rendue, Rencontre Assyriologique Interna-
tionale 19, 151ff., 1972.
Jacobsen, T., "Early Political Development in Mesopotamia," in Toward the Image of Tammuz,
132ff., 1970.
Lambert, M., "L'expansion de Lagash au temps d'Entemena," Rivista deglistudi Orientali 47, Iff.,
1972.
Lambert, M., "Ur-Emush 'grand-marchand' de Lagash," Oriens Antiquus 20,176ff., 198 1.
Maekawa, K., "The Development of the E-MI in Lagash During Early Dynastic 111," Mesopotamia
8/9,77ff., 1973-74.
Nissen, H., "Short Remarks on Early State-Formation in Babylonia," in M. Larsen, Power and
Propaganda, 145ff., 1979.
Pettinato, G., The Archives of Ebla, 1981.
Powell, M., "Texts from the Time of Lugalzagesi. Problems and Perspectives in Their Interpreta-
tion ," Hebrew Union College Annual 49, 1 ff., 1 978.
Rosengarten, Y., Le concept sumtrien de consommation duns la vie tconomique et religieuse, 1961.
Sollberger, E., "L'opposition au pays de Sumer et Akkad," in A. Finet, La voix de l'opposition,
1973.
Vanstiphout, H., "Political Ideology in Early Sumer," Orientalia Lovaniensia Periodica,7ff.,1970.
Westenholz, A., "The Old Akkadian Empire in Contemporary Opinion," in M. Larsen, Power and
Propaganda, 107ff., 1979.
IV. Translations of Royal Inscriptions

Cooper, J. S., Sumerian and A-kkudian Royal Inscriptions (SARI). 1 (forthcoming)
Sollberger, E. and J. R. Kupper, Inscriptions royales sumtriennes et akkadiennes (IRSA), 1971
Steible, H. and H. Behrens, Die altsumerische Bau-und Weihinschriften (ABW), 1982.
[SANE 2 , 561
sources from the ancient near east
volume 2, fascicle 1
reconstructing history from
ancient inscriptions:
the lagash-umma border conflict

revised third printing
by
jerrold s. cooper
undena publications
malibu 1983
A Publication of
IIMAS
International Institute for Mesopotamian Area Studies
SOURCES AND MONOGRAPHS ON THE ANCIENT NEAR EAST

Editors: Ciorgio Buccellati, Marilyn Kelly-BucceIIati
Assistant Editor: Patricia Oliansky
These two series make available original documents in English translation (Sources) and important studies by modern scholars
(Monographs) as a contribution t o the study of the history, religion, literature, art, and arcliaeology of tile Ancient Near East.
Inexpensive and flexible in format, they are meant to serve the specialist by bringing within easy reitch basic publications,
often in updated versions, to provide imaginative education outlets for undergraduate and graduate courses, and t o reach
interested segments of the educated lay audience.
SANE 211
Reconstructing History from Ancient Inscriptions:

The Lagash-Umma Border Conflict by J. S. Cooper
The Lagash-Umma border dispute is the earliest well-documented

interstate conflict known. From about 2500 t o 2350 B.c., the Sumerian
city-states of Lagash and Umma contested the right t o exploit a tract
of land on their common border, and their dispute is documented by a
series of inscriptions filled with claims and counterclaims, and some-
times vivid descriptions of battles between the two states.
This volume makes available for the first time, complete English
translations of all documents relevant to these events. After a brief
introduction to early civilization and political organization in Baby-
lonia, the documents are described in detail. There follows an exposi-
tion of the difficulties involved in trying to reconstruct the chronology
and the geography of the conflict, and the philological problems that
hamper our understanding of the documents. The actual reconstruction
of the 150 year struggle is then undertaken, by critically examining the
sources for each episode. An attempt is made to account for both the
high degree of agreement among the individual sources, and the occa-
sional glaring discrepancies.
Documents from outside the corpus of texts relating the border
conflict, and archeological evidence, are used to set the Lagash-Umma
dispute in the broader context of third millennium Mesopotamian
history. Special attention is paid t o the art and language of ancient
historical narratives and the limits they place on the nature of the
historical data that can be elicited from a close reading of the inscrip-
tions. The volume is intended both for specialists and for teachers and
students of ancient history in general.
Grateful acknowledgment is made for permission t o reproduce maps

from RCTC 1 t o the Tiibinger Atlas des vorderen Orients and the L. Reichert Verlag, Wiesbaden.
@ 1983, 2002 by Jerrold S. Cooper Third printing 2002

All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic or
mechanical, including photo-copy, recording, or any information storage and retrieval system, without permission in writing
from the publisher.
ISBN: 0-89003-059-6
For JOB
" . . . the men in France play a very active part

in everything that pertains to the kitchen."
Alice B. Toklas
What is involved, then, in that finding of the "true
story," that discovery of the "real story" within or
behind the events that come to us in the chaotic
form of "historical records"? What wish is enacted,
what desire is gratified, by the fantasy that real
events are properly represented when they can be
shown to display the formal coherency of a story?
Hayden White, in W.J.T. Mitchell (ed.),
On Narrative
CONTENTS
Preface to the Third Edition ................................................ 3

Preface . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 5
Abbreviations . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 6
Note on Transcription . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 6
Noteon References . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 6
Chapter I Introduction: Early Civilization and Political Organization in Babylonia . . . . 7
Chapter I1 Sources for the Reconstruction of the Lagash-Umma Conflict . . . . . . . . . . 12
Chapter I11 Difficulties in Reconstruction . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 18
1. Geographical problems . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 18
2. Chronological problems . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 19
3. Philological problems . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 20
Chapter IV The Border Conflict Reconstructed . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 22
1. Before Urnanshe . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 22
2. Urnanshe and Akurgal . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 23
3. Eanatum . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 24
4 . EnanatumI . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 28
5 . Enmetena . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3 0
6. Uru'inimgina . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 33
7. Conclusion . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 36
Chapter V Historical Tradition and the Language of History . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 38
Chapter VI The Documents in Translation . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 44
1 . Urnanshe . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 4 4
2. Eanatum (Stela of the Vultures) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 45
3. Eanatum (Boulders) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 48
4. Eanatum (Clay Vase) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 48
5. Enanatum I . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 49
6. Enmetena . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 49
7. Uru'inimgina (Clay Dish) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 51
8. Uru'inimgina (Cylinder Fragment) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 52
9. Uru'inimgina (Clay Tablet) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 52
10. Lugalzagesi . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 52
1 1. Ruler's name not preserved (Clay Vessel Fragment) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 53
12. Ruler's name not preserved (Clay Vessel Fragment) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 53
Maps . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 57
Charts . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 60
Plates .......................................................... after p. 28
[SANE 2. 11
MAPS
1. Mesopotamia and its Neighbors in the Presargonic and Sargonic Periods . . . . . . . . . 57

(from RGTC 1)
2. Babylonia and Western Iran in the Presargonic and Sargonic Periods . . . . . . . . . . . . 58
(from R GTC 1)
3. Sumer in the Presargonic Period . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 59
(from Jacobsen, Sumer 25, p. 109)
CHARTS
1. Rulers of the Presargonic Period . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 60

2. Important Gods Mentioned in the Documents of Chapter VI . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 6 1
ILLUSTRATIONS
1. Eanatum Leading his Troops (Stela of the Vultures) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . I

2. A Burial Mound of Fallen Ummaites (Stela of the Vultures) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . I1
3. Enmetena's "Cone" (Text No. 6) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 111
4. The "Frontier of Shara" (Text No. 10) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . I V
[SANE 2, 21
PREFACE TO THE THIRD PRINTING
Much progress has been made in the study of third millennium B.C. Mesopotamia in the
twenty years since this booklet was first published. Nevertheless I believe the interpretations
offered here remain sound.
Corrections in detail, improvements in translation, and recent bibliography will be found in D.
Frayne's forthcoming volume, Presargonic Period, in the series Royal Inscriptions of Meso-
potamia. Readers will also find a helpful guide in J. Bauer, R. Englund, and M. Krebernik,
Mesopotamien: Spdturuk-Zeit und Frtihdynastische Zeit (Fribourg 1998).
I would, however, like to point out a few important changes wrought by time. The king of
Kish, A1 [ ] (Text No. 2; p. 26; Chart 1) has been shown by Irene Winter to be a phantom.
The name of the last ruler of Lagash, read here Uru'inimgina, is once again being read Uru-
kagina, or now, Irikagina. And Text No. 10, which defines the Lagash-Umma border according
to Umma, is not to be attributed to Lugalzagesi, as had been thought, but to a slightly earlier
ruler of Umma, Gishakidu. Consult Frayne for detail on all of these changes.
Finally, my thanks to Undena Publications for making it possible to correct a few minor typo-
graphical errors, and for keeping this study in print.
PREFACE
While preparing the translations for the first volume of Sumerian and Akkadian Royal
Inscriptions (SARI), it became clear that I could not possibly justify my understanding of
the inscriptions dealing with the conflict between Lagash and Umma without setting forth
my interpretation of the conflict itself. Since an historical essay of this sort would be inap-
propriate t o the format of the series, I decided t o prepare an independent study of the
conflict, which could later be cited in the notes t o the translations, when necessary. This
decision made, I soon rejected the notion of writing a traditional monograph or long journal
article on the subject. The inscriptions-many known since the beginning of the century-
and the conflict itself have been the subject of numerous studies (see the bibliography). To
systematically cite and refute or accept the interpretations of even only the most important
of these at every relevant moment of my exposition would be a wearisome chore, and
ensure a readership of only a narrow group of specialists.
Writing for the SANE series not only provides a certain flexibility that allows me t o be
interpretive without being pedantic, it also provides the opportunity t o show students
and nonspecialists what Mesopotamian history is made of. By presenting the sources, in
translation, and a discussion of their problems, the difficulties as well as the possibilities
of writing the history of ancient Babylonia can be demonstrated. These particular texts
are of special interest because they constitute an unusually rich dossier concerning a long-
standing inter-state territorial conflict, which is the earliest welldocumented conflict of
this kind known.
In my reconstruction of the conflict I have tried t o steer a middle course between a
harmonized resume of the contents of the inscriptions on the one hand, and an imaginative
fleshing out of the inscriptions' bare bones on the other. There is no point t o the former;
the translations alone would do. But an excess of imagination, whether in the restoration
of hopelessly broken passages, or in supplying all the information that the texts are pre-
sumed t o have omitted, yields a reconstruction of events so much closer t o the possible
than the probable, that it cannot be seriously considered by the historian.
I am all too aware of the limits of both my method and my results, but I believe my
reconstruction t o be sober if tentative, and as far as we can go at this time without much
more basic research and analysis of the written and archeological remains of the late Early
Dynastic period.
Work on this study was generously supported by the National Endowment for the Hu-
manities. I am grateful t o it and t o the Johns Hopkins University for the leisure to study,
contemplate and write. I would also like t o thank colleagues and friends in Paris and Berk-
eley whose hospitality greatly enhanced the conditions under which this study was pro-
duced. The many useful suggestions made by colleagues regarding specific translations
and interpretations will be more completely acknowledged in SARI, but mention must be
made here of the generosity of Horst Steible and Hermann Behrens, who provided me with
a manuscript of their just published Die altsumerische Bau- und Weihinschriften. Special
thanks go to Pat Oliansky for her careful editorial attention and guidance.
[SANE 2, 5 1
ABBREVIATIONS
ABW Altsumerische Bau- und Weihinschriften (Bibl. I V)

CAH Cambridge Ancient History (Bibl. I A)
ED Early Dynastic
IRSA Inscriptions royales sumkriennes et akkadiennes (Bibl. I V)
RGTC RCpertoire gdographique des textes cun6iformes (Bibl. IB)
RLA Reallexikon der Assyriologie (Bibl. IA)
SARI Sumerian and Akkadian Royal Inscriptions (Bibl. IV)
UET Ur Excavations. Texts
NOTE ON TRANSCRIPTION
Sumerian words and names have been transcribed without diacritics.

The letter / h / is always /h/, pronounced like /ch/ in German ach ;
Sumerian /g/(ng) has not been distinguished from /g/. The actual reading of many Sumer-
ian words and names is uncertain, but the scholarly practice of capitalizing those parts of
words and names that are uncertain has not been maintained here.
NOTE ON REFERENCES
Three kinds of references are given in parentheses in the body of the text. Roman numerals
alone or followed by an Arabic numeral (e.g. V, IV.6) refer the reader to chapters or sec-
tions of chapters. Arabic numerals preceded by "No." (e.g. No. 6) refer t o the numbered
translated inscriptions in Chapter VI. References to works in the Bibliography are preceded
by "Bibl.," followed by the section of the Bibliography in which they can be found.
[SANE 2 , 6 ]
[SANE 2 , 571
[SANE 2 , 581
- . --- --
[SANE 2, 591
LAG ASH UMMA URUK UR KINGS OF KISH ADAB
Pa bilgagi - - (En)mebaragesi
(?) -- - Gilgamesh* - Z - Z I Z Z Z - - I I ~ I ~ ~ ~ ~ ~-
- - - Agga
Aga-----
(=Agga of Kish? (son of Munusushumgal)
Enhegal Enna'il Luma

(Gursar?) Urpabilsag
I Medurba
(Cunidu)
I Meskalamdug Meskalamdug of Ur
Urnanshe - - - - Pabilgaltuk
I - - - (?)
Akurgal - - - -Ush
' \
Akalamdug
Mesanepada Mesanepada of Ur
------------------------------
'------ Eanatum of Lagash
Meskiagnuna
Enanatum 1 - - - Urluma
I ---- (E'andamu)
Enmetena - - - - - - - - - - - - - - Lugalkiginedudu
I ---
Enanatum 11
- -- -
-1 1
a
Lugalkiginedudu
Lugalkiginedudu of Uruk
Lugalkisalsi = Lugalkisalsi
Enentarzi
Gishakidu Lugalsilasi
Elili(n)
U'u (Lubaragesi)
Uru'inimgina
i
- - - -Lugalzagesi
Urzage, LugalTAR Urzage of Uruk
e
----_ - - - - - - ' - -- -- - - -,,
--
- - - - - - - - s a r i o n of Agade
I ,
.
..
.Meskigala
- - synchronism Rimush of ad;

fiation
) not a ruler
known from literary tladition only
Chart 1. Rulers of the Presargonic Period
En k i
Nindar - Nanshe
U t u (sun) Shulshag(ana) ~galim shara3

I
I
'Chief of Sumerian pantheon.

*Chief of Lagash pantheon.
-filiation
3 ~ h i e fof Umma pantheon.
- - - - - possible filiation 4Chief goddess of Umma.
Chart 2. Important Gods Mentioned in the Documents of Chapter VI

Plate 2. A Burial Mound Being Constructed for Fallen Ummaites

(From the Stela of the Vultures)
[SANE 2, 111
The Lagash-Umma Border Conflict
Plate 3. Enmetena "Cone" B

(Text No. 6; P h o t o Courtesy o f the Yale Babylonian Collection)
[SANE 2, 1111
Jerrold S. Cooper
Plate 4. The "Frontier of Shara"

(Text No. 10; Photo from Orientalia NS 28)
[SANE 2, IV]

Cooper J.S. 1983 Lagash-Umma Border Conflict - SANE 2.1

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CHAPTER I

Introduction: Early Civilization and Political Organization in Babylonia'

Sources For The Reconstruction of The Lagash-Umma Conflict

Description of the Documents4

1 . URNANSHE-STONE SLAB FROM LAGASH '

2. EANATUM-BAS-RELIEF STELA (STELA OF THE VULTURES) FROM GIRSU'

3. EANATUM-RIVER-WORN OVOID BOULDERS FROM GIRSU

4. EANATUM- CLAY VASE FRAGMENTS FROM GIRSU AND LAGASH14

"SARI La 3.2, ABW Ean. 6 .

5. ENANATUM I-CLAY TABLET FROM LAGASH''

6. ENMETENA-CLAY CONE AND JARS FROM GIRSU AND OF UNKNOWN PROVENIENCE'^

7. URU'INIMGINA-CLAY DISK FROM GIRSU'~

"SARI La 4.2, ABW En. 1 2 9 .

8. URU'INIMGINA-FRAGMENT OF A CLAY CYLINDER OR VESSEL FROM GIRSU?'

9. URU'INIMGINA-CLAY TABLET FROM GIRSU??

10. LUGALZAGESI- CLAY JAR AND STONE TABLET OF UNKNOWN PROVENIENCE^

'Osee n. 23 for a suggested explanation of the historical portion.

1 1 . NAME OF RULER NOT PRESERVED-CLAY VESSEL OR

12. NAME OF RULER NOT PRESERVED-CLAY VESSEL FRAGMENT FROM GIRSU'~

The efforts of generations of scholarship are represented in section I1 of the bibliography.

The Border Conflict Reconstructed

' S A R I Ki 3 . 1 , IRSA IA3a, ABW Mes. v. KG 1.

2. URNANSHE AND AKURGAL

3 ~ s s u m i n ga rough correspondence between the Lagash generations of 1) Urnanshe, 2) Akurgal, 3)

~acobsen(Bibl. I I I ) , 130ff.; Hal10 (Bibl. I I I ) , 39ff.; Lambert, Sumer 8,71ff.

foreign lands," either a reference to the victories t o be described on the reverse, or t o

l4Steinkeller, op. cit., n. 84.

''crawford, Iraq 22, 197ff.

The conclusion to this confrontation with I1 of Umma is decidedly unmilitary. Does

26 GrBgoire (Bibl. 111) 1 1 .

"king of Uruk," and boasted of a victory over K i ~ h We . ~ know

3 8 La 9.1 ~ vii (ABW

52 See Pettinato (Bibl. I I).

Historical Tradition and the Language of History

' Grayson, Orientalia 49,150ff. (annals) and 173f. (chronicles).

'see, for example, Enmerkar and the Lord of Aratta ( ~ r a m e [Bibl.

l2See the notes to the full translations for details.

The Documents in Translation

2. EANATUM (Stela of the Vultures)

Refering t o this stela.

Notes: 'The break contains possibly eight additional field names.

4. EANATUM (Clay Vase)

7. URU'INIMGINA (Clay Disk)

8. URU'INIMGINA (Cylinder Fragment)

9. URU'INIMGINA (Clay Tablet)

Notes: 'Probably to be emended to 390 nindan (ca. 2.34 km.).

1 1 . RULER'S NAME NOT PRESERVED (Clay Vessel Fragment)

12. RULER'S NAME NOT PRESERVED (Clay Vessel Fragment)

I. Mesopotamian History and Civilization

11. The Lagash-Umma Conflict

IV. Translations of Royal Inscriptions

reconstructing history from

the lagash-umma border conflict

SOURCES AND MONOGRAPHS ON THE ANCIENT NEAR EAST

Reconstructing History from Ancient Inscriptions:

The Lagash-Umma border dispute is the earliest well-documented

Grateful acknowledgment is made for permission t o reproduce maps

@ 1983, 2002 by Jerrold S. Cooper Third printing 2002

" . . . the men in France play a very active part