Her′culès (Ἡρακλῆς) is mentioned in 2 Macc. 4:19 as the Tyrian god to whom the Jewish high-priest Jason sent a religious embassy (θεωροί), with the offering of 300 drachmæ of silver. That this Tyrian Hercules (Herod. ii.44) is the same as the Tyrian Baal is evident from a bilingual Phœnician inscription found at Malta (described by Gesenius, Monum. Ling. Phœn. i, 96), in which the Phœnician words, “To our Lord, to Melkarth, the Baal of Tyre,” are represented by the Greek ‘Ηρακλεῖ Ἀρχηγέτει.
Her′culès (Ἡρακλῆς) is mentioned in 2 Macc. 4:19 as the Tyrian god to whom the Jewish high-priest Jason sent a religious embassy (θεωροί), with the offering of 300 drachmæ of silver. That this Tyrian Hercules (Herod. ii.44) is the same as the Tyrian Baal is evident from a bilingual Phœnician inscription found at Malta (described by Gesenius, Monum. Ling. Phœn. i, 96), in which the Phœnician words, “To our Lord, to Melkarth, the Baal of Tyre,” are represented by the Greek ‘Ηρακλεῖ Ἀρχηγέτει.
Her′culès (Ἡρακλῆς) is mentioned in 2 Macc. 4:19 as the Tyrian god to whom the Jewish high-priest Jason sent a religious embassy (θεωροί), with the offering of 300 drachmæ of silver. That this Tyrian Hercules (Herod. ii.44) is the same as the Tyrian Baal is evident from a bilingual Phœnician inscription found at Malta (described by Gesenius, Monum. Ling. Phœn. i, 96), in which the Phœnician words, “To our Lord, to Melkarth, the Baal of Tyre,” are represented by the Greek ‘Ηρακλεῖ Ἀρχηγέτει.
Her′culès (Ἡρακλῆς) is mentioned in 2 Macc. 4:19 as the Tyrian god to whom the Jewish high-priest Jason sent a religious embassy (θεωροί), with the offering of 300 drachmæ of silver. That this Tyrian Hercules (Herod. ii.44) is the same as the Tyrian Baal is evident from a bilingual Phœnician inscription found at Malta (described by Gesenius, Monum. Ling. Phœn. i, 96), in which the Phœnician words, “To our Lord, to Melkarth, the Baal of Tyre,” are represented by the Greek ‘Ηρακλεῖ Ἀρχηγέτει.
Jewish high-priest Jason sent a religious embassy (θεωροί), with the offering of 300 drachmæ of silver. That this Tyrian Hercules (Herod. ii.44) is the same as the Tyrian Baal is evident from a bilingual Phœnician inscription found at Malta (described by Gesenius, Monum. Ling. Phœn. i, 96), in which the Phœnician words, “To our Lord, to Melkarth, the Baal of Tyre,” are represented by the Greek ‘Ηρακλεῖ Ἀρχηγέτει. Moreover, Herakles and Astarte are mentioned together by Josephus (Ant. viii, 5, 3), just in the same manner as Baal and Ashtoreth are in the Old Testament. The further identity of this Tyrian Baal with the Baal whom the idolatrous Israelites worshipped is evinced by the following arguments, as stated chiefly by Movers (Die Phönicier, i, 178). The worship of Baal, which prevailed in the time of the Judges, was put down by Samuel (1 Sam. 7:4), and the effects of that suppression appear to have lasted through the next few centuries, as Baal is not enumerated among the idols of Solomon (1 Kings 11:5–8; 2 Kings 23:13), nor among those worshipped in Judah (2 Kings 23:12), or in Samaria, where we only read of the golden calves of Jeroboam (1 Kings 12:28; 15:26). That worship of Baal which prevailed in the reign of Ahab cannot, therefore, be regarded as a mere continuation or revival of the old Canaanitish idolatry (although there is no reason to doubt the essential identity of both Baals), but was introduced directly from Phœnicia by Ahab’s marriage with the Sidonian princess Jezebel (1 Kings 16:31). In like manner, the establishment of this idolatry in Judah is ascribed to the marriage of the king with a daughter of Jezebel (comp. Josephus, Ant. viii, 13, 1; ix, 6, 6). The power of nature, which was worshipped under the form of the Tyrian Hercules, Melkarth, Baal, Adonis, Moloch, and whatever his other names are, was that which originates, sustains, and destroys life. These functions of the Deity, according to the Phœnicians, were represented, although not exclusively, by the sun, the influence of which both animates vegetation by its genial warmth, and scorches it up by its fervor (see Davis, Carthage, p. 276–9). Almost all that we know of the worship of the Tyrian Hercules is preserved by the classical writers, and relates chiefly to the Phœnician colonies, and not to the mother state. The eagle, the lion, and the thunny-fish were sacred to him, and are often found on Phœnician coins. Pliny expressly testifies that human sacrifices were offered up every year to the Carthaginian Hercules (Hist. Nat. xxxvi, v, 12), which coincides with what is stated of Baal in Jer. 19:5, and with the acknowledged worship of Moloch. Mention is made of public embassies sent from the colonies to the mother state to honor the national god (Arrian, Alex. ii, 24; Q. Curt. iv, 2; Polyb. xxxi.20), and this fact places in a clearer light the offence of Jason in sending envoys to his festival (2 Macc. 4:19). Movers endeavors to show that Herakles and Hercules are not merely Greek and Latin synonymes for this god, but that they are actually derived from his true Phœnician name. This original name he supposes to have consisted of the syllables (as found in , lion, and in other words), meaning strong, and 厨, from 厨 , to conquer; so that the compound means Ar conquers. This harmonizes with what he conceives to be the idea represented by Hercules as the destroyer of Typhonic monsters (l. c. p. 430). Melkarth, the Μελίκαρθος of Sanchoniathon, occurs on coins only in the form 䓽 䘑. We must in this case assume that a kaph has been absorbed, and resolve the word into 䘑 䓽, king of the city, πολιοῦχος. The bilingual inscription renders it by Ἀρχηγέτης; and it is a title of the god as the patron of the city. See BAAL.1
l. c. loc. cit. = the passage quoted.
1 M’Clintock, J., & Strong, J. (1891). Her Cul⿏s. In Cyclopædia of Biblical, Theological, and Ecclesiastical Literature (Vol. 4, p. 194). New York: Harper & Brothers, Publishers.