Yumna Ozer - Ibn Khaldun On Sufism Remedy For The Questioner in Search of Answers

IBN KHALDUN ON SUFISM:
REMEDY FOR THE QUESTIONER IN

SEARCH OF ANSWERS
Shifd' li-Tandhib al-Maseilil
Translated by Yumna Ozer
THE ISLAMIC TEXTS SOCIETY

Copyright © Yumna Ozer zorz
This first edition published 2057 by

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CONTENTS
Acknowledgements vn
Translator's Introduction ix
[Prologue i]
CHAPTER ONE: On the Way of the Sufis, Its General Examination

and Differentiation from the Other Lawful Paths. On the
Meaning of This Name for the First Sufis 5
CHAPTER TWO: On the Aspirations of the Sufis Towards Spiritual

Struggles and the Reasons Why They Engaged in Them 19
CHAPTER THREE: On Spiritual Struggle in General, Its
Subdivisions and Its Conditions 35
CHAPTER FOUR: On How the Later Sufis Transposed the Name

Sufism from Its Original Meaning and Our Refutation of Them
on That Account 54
CHAPTER FIVE: On the Shaykh and When His Presence Is

Required in the Spiritual Struggle 70
CHAPTER SIX: Arbitration between the Two Debaters:

Ascertaining the Truth of Their Words and the Soundness of
Their Arguments 79
CONCLUSION AND ASCERTAINMENT 109
Notes 111
Bibliography 143
Index 155
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
One of the issues handled by Ibn Khaldim in Skiff li-tandhib

al-masa'il is the inadequacy of written communication to express
deeper realities. In acknowledging all those who helped me with this
project, I too feel this sense of inadequacy.
It is Safer Dal Efendi who taught me that the essence of Sufism
was hat (state) rather than gal (word). His name is engraved in my
memory and heart. As to Victor Danner, he was my shaykh
my teacher. He directed my PhD thesis with wisdom, patience and
that dry humour of his that endeared him to his students and to
all those who knew him. I will always remember him with respect
and love.
How could I ever express my thanks to all the members of my
family and to my husband Sami Ozer? In particular, I would like to
mention my youngest brother, Raja Adal, who was also my teacher.
He taught me by patiently commenting, suggesting, editing, encour-
aging and advising me at every step. Thank you, Raja, from the
bottom of my heart.
I would like to extend my thanks to William Chittick, who
encouraged me to turn my thesis into a book, to Yousef Casewit and
Mohammed Rustom for their comments and help, to our friends
Cemil Aydin and Juliane Hammer from the University of North
Carolina at Chapel Hill, for their care and support, and to Mustafa
Demirci from the Ankara YAW.= University for his kindness and
help with many hadith references.
I would also like to express my gratitude to all the members of
my thesis committee at Indiana University. The late Wadie Jwaideh,
whom we used to call 'a walking talking encyclopedia', will always
be remembered with respect and fondness, as will Salih Altoma and
Consuelo Lopez Morillas whom I thank for their interest in my
work. Jean Louis Michon also helped me locate two manuscripts in
REMEDY FOR THE QUESTIONER IN SEARCH OF ANSWERS
Rabat that were instrumental for my work, one of which had never
been worked on by scholars of the Shifat
I could not end this note without mentioning how rewarding
it was to work with Fatima Azzam from the Islamic Texts Society
and with my editor Andrew Booso. Both helped me improve my
manuscript through an interesting exchange of ideas and construc-
tive dynamic communication. I am grateful to them and to the staff
at the Islamic Texts Society for their professionalism, their engage-
ment in the editorial process, and their commitment to and love of
their work.
I hope that this annotated translation of Ibn Khaldtin's Shift'
li-tandhib al-masa' il will shed some light into Ibn Khaldian's
inner life and will be of interest to lovers of Sufism. May Ibn
Khaldun and the reader forgive me for the inevitable mistakes,
which are mine alone.
Yumna Ozer
Istanbul, May 2017
TRANSLATOR'S INTRODUCTION
i. A Sufi Debate and the Origins of the

Shifa' al-sa'il li-tandhib al-masa'il
Towards the later part of the eighth/fourteenth century, a heated
discussion arose among the mystics of Andalusia. These disputes were
so intense that the verbal polemics often degenerated into 'fist and
sandal fighting'.' The debate revolved around the following ques-
tion: Can the wayfarer on the way to the Truth wholly depend upon
the guidance of books on Sufism (ta,sawumj) or does he need the oral
teachings of a master, a shaykla2
The event was related by many later authors and Sufis, including
Ahmad Zarruq (d. 899/1493),' Ahmad al-Wansharisi (d. 614/15o8),4
Abd al-Qadir al-Fasj (d. 1091/1680),' Abu Abd Allah al-Masnawi (d.
1136/1724)6 and Ahmad b. Ajjba (d. 1224/1806).7 They tell us that the
discussion was so drawn-out that the Sufis of Granada, unable to
find an answer or agree on a solution, decided to appeal to the eru-
dite and wise men in the Maghrib (the West). Abu Ishaq al-Shatibi
(d. 760/1388),' one of the renowned judges of Granada, addressed a
letter to several scholars, including the Malik' legist Abu al-Abbas
al-Qabbab (d. 779/1377),' who was also one of Shatibi's teachers, and
the famous Sufi Ibn Abbad al-Rundi (d. 762/1360).i. The texts of
both answers are reported by Wansharisi in his collection of legal
opinions (fatwas), Al-Micydr." We do not know whether Ibn Khaldun
(d. 808/1406), their contemporary, was involved in this controversy
and asked to give his opinion in this matter, but he wrote a treatise
in response to this controversy: the Shifd li-tandlab al-masd'il.
Much has been written about Ibn Khaldun the historian, politi-
cian and author, yet little is known about the man. Born in Tunis,
his peregrinations stretched from Andalusia to the Maghrib and the
Mashriq (the East). He started his political life at the age of seven-
teen, holding several leading governmental posts in Granada, today's
Morocco, Algeria, Tunisia and finally Egypt. His prolific writings
include his seminal work the Muqaddima, in which he expounds his
philosophy of history. Beyond the celebrated statesman and social
theorist, however, there lies the man in his inner voyage, which is a
subject that is seldom broached. I believe the Shift' li-tandhib
al-masa'il provides such a glimpse into the spiritual life of Ibn Khaldun
and, more broadly, into the world of legists (fuqaha'; singular faqik)
and Sufis in the fourteenth-century Maghrib and Mashriq.
ii. Historical Overview

A. THE MAGHRIB (THE WEST)
Since the fifth/eleventh century, North Africa and Spain had been
under the influence of dynasties that had greatly contributed to
the religious and doctrinal unity of the Maghrib. The Almoravids
and the Almohads, both Berber dynasties, repressed a number of
incipient heresies and confirmed Western Islam's strong orthodox,
Ashcan" and Maliki heredity." The reign of the Almoravids was
also that of the legists. So great was their power that, in 503/1109,
the state legists urged the sovereign Ali b. Yusuf b. Tashufin (d.
538/1143)4 to burn all the works of the Sufi Abu Hamid al-Ghazali
(d. 5o5/1111),ia including his seminal work, the Iliya! culam al-din.
In the Ihya', 'by bifurcating the Islamic sciences into worldly and
otherworldly, Ghazali contended that the politically connected
legal scholars played second-fiddle to the mystics. The Ihya' thus
equipped the latter with a set of arguments against the state-fuqaha'
and gave them a basis for claims to a superior form of knowledge:ia
The auto-da-fe of Ghazali's books and the formalism of the power-
ful state legists were met with resistance. Ali b. Hirzihim of Fez
(d. 559/1164), a student of the famous Sevillian Qacli Bakr
b. al-Arabi (d. 543/1148),a who had introduced the Ihya' to the
Maghrib, continued propagating Ghazali's teachings!' Besides, the
clash between the state legists and the Sufis or the opponents to the
auto-da-fe was also intensified by the fact that 'the crackdown on
Translator's Introduction
the leading 6th/12th century mystics, in particular Ibn Barrajan (d.

536/1141)'9 and Ibn (d. 536/1141),2° coincided with the book
burning'.a In Portugal, Ibn Qasi. (d. 545/1151) took advantage of the
turmoil to rebel against the official stand and rule, organizing a pro-
Ghazalian, syncretic-Sufi, anti-Almoravid uprising.a Nevertheless,
beyond the sometimes politicized auto-da-fe crisis, 'the Ihya' served
as a rallying point for alternative sources of religious authority and
helped forge the self-identity of Sufism'.23 Ultimately, while it drew
inspiration from Ghazali and Eastern ways, Western Sufism acquired
a distinctive nature and would become integrated and widespread in
the cities and rural areas of Andalusia and North Africa.==
The Almohad dynasty also epitomized, at least in its initial stag-
es, another intense reaction against the excessive legalism that had
prevailed during the reign of the Almoravids. The founder of the
new dynasty, the self-proclaimed al-Mandi b. Tumart (d. 524/113o),25
professed a return to Islam's origins and a less literalistic approach to
the Qur'an and Sunna, instead of the adherence to the canons and
regulations of a formalized Maliki juridical rite as understood by the
state jurists!' Many opposed his views and reforms, and among the
uncongenial were the legists. Ibn Trimart's beliefs did not survive
him; and Abd al-Mu'min (d 558/1163), his successor, re-embraced
the doctrine of the legists.'?
Yet again, despite the official line, the more mystically-oriented
routes did not come to an end and Sufism flourished. One of the
most eminent saints who lived during the reign of the Almohads is
undoubtedly the Andalusian Abu Madyan of Tlemcen, called the
Shaykh of Shaykhs (d. 594/1198)28 Among his teachers were the
above-mentioned gad' Abu Bakr b. al-Arabi and Ibn Hirzihim of
Fez, who introduced him to the teachings of Ghazali, as well as the
controversial Malamati Abu Abd Allah al-Daqqaq of Fez (d. end of
6th/izth or early 7th/13th)29 and Abu Yafzza (d. 572/1177),
the wandering ascetic of the Berber mountains.3° The vast Shadhiliyya
derives from Abu Madyan, through his follower Abd al-Salam b
Mashish (d. 626/1228)31 and the latter's only disciple Abu al-Hasan
(d. 656/1258).3= Ultimately, neither the Almoravids nor
the Almohads were able to smother the amazing surge of spiritual
life in the Maghrib or to suppress the influence of Ghazali and the

reassertion of Sufism as part of Islam, within the boundaries of Sunni
Law. With time, Sufism became an integral part of Maghribi spiritual
life, no longer disavowed by the legists.
It was under the Marinids, the main dynasty that dominated
North Africa during Ibn Khaldun's lifetime, that Maghribi rul-
ers became the defenders of Sulism.33 They were concerned with
the tentative reforms of the Almohad al-Mandi b. Tumart, which
they believed were laden with heresy, and they benefited from the
experiences of their predecessors. The Marinid rule was a blend of
orthodoxy and Sufism that gave free reign to the intense intellectual
activity that had commenced with the Almohads; and their creed
was pervaded with strong mystical tendencies which may have been
the residue of the influence of Ibn Tffinart, but was more probably
the direct consequence of the amazing proliferation of saints in the
Maghrib.34
The Marinids venerated the great Sufis of the preceding era
like Abu Madyan and Salwi (d. 611 /1214),35 whose shrines were
built by Abu al-Hasan Ali b. Ùthman (d. 746/1348)3' and Abu
Ìvan Faris (d. 758/1358),37 respectively. They also honoured living
saints such as Qadi al-Fishtali of Fez (d. 779/1377)38 and Ibn Ashir
of Sale (d. 764/1362).39 The fact that Ibn Ashir and Ibn Abbad held
teaching positions in the Marinid cities of Sale and Fez is illustra-
tive of the flourishing of tasawunsf in urban contexts. Sufism spread
in the rural areas as wel1.4° In his Musnad, Ibn Marzuq (d. 782/1380)
confirms that one of the goals of the Marinid Abu al-liasan was the
building of state-controlled madrasas, as well as Sufi lodges (zawiya),
frontier outposts (ribat) and hostels (buyut al-fuqara').4'
As for Ibn Qunfudh (d. 810/1407/8), who travelled throughout
Morocco for some twenty years, he bequeathed to us in his Uns al faqir
wa-cizz al-baqir one of the most precious extant documents on the
fourteenth-century tawa'if (sing. ta'la) or turuq (sing tariqa), or Sufi
orders, whose meeting places were these zawiyas.4-2 According to him,
the numerous Sufi groups had many adherents, were closely connect-
ed to the lives of the tribes and often exerted a strong influence on the
authorities, protecting and interceding for the population although
never entering into direct conflict with the Marinid authorities.° It

is difficult to ascertain the relationship between the more rural Sufi
orders and the inhabitants of cities, where many individuals were
not officially affiliated with any specific order or community. Yet,
we know that there were masters in the cities, such as Ibn Ashir of
Sale, around whom highly erudite city dwellers, like Ibn Abbad,
would gather in a communal manner. These individuals may have
had ties with the Shadhiliyya, which had its roots in urban Morocco
and deeply influenced North African intellectual life,“ particular-
ly via the writings of Ibn Ata' Allah (d. 769/1366).45 The Shadhili
approach emphasized the seeker's inward life over community rules,
and its geneses and principles fit with the way of life of the more
independent people in the Maghrib, as was the case for Ibn Abbad,
for instance.46
In North Africa, many 'independent' eminent Sufis were also
illustrious legists, and many a famous legist had a Sufi master.47 The
Marinid legists did not oppose Sufism provided it did not border on
what they deemed to be heresy. In fact, the Sufi Path was not general-
ly considered to constitute a rupture with the legal way; rather, it was
simply the very natural consequence of a believer's deep inclination,
the outcome of a burning need for self-purification and realization,
and one that remained in conformity with orthodox traditional Islam.
In the East, Ghazali had attempted to reconcile the Law and the Sufi
Path; but in the West, despite some demurrals and frictions—as in
the karamat al-awliya' polemic and the Ihya' crisis mentioned above—
there was no dire need for such reconciliation because there was no
conspicuous breach between the two. This phenomenon is particu-
larly noticeable in the 'more independent' trend of Sufism described
above, precisely the one that attracted and united legists and mystics,
fugahii) and Sufis. With this background, Ibn Khaldun was an intellec-
tual and legist who was first exposed to Sufism in the Marinid West
before encountering it in the Mashriq, where he spent his last days.
B. THE MASHRIQ (THE EAST)
Unlike in the Maliki West, Egypt saw no dominant school of Islamic
law. Like the West, however, the instability of the Ayyubida and
Mamluko dynasties and the rapid turnover and corruption of the

rulers drew more and more believers away from worldly fighting
to the Path of Sufism. Since the beginning of Islam, the Nile Valley
had seen some of the greatest Sufis in the history of tasawwuf, start-
ing with Dhu (d. 245/859), the physicians' patron
saint and one of Cairo's legendary saints.5° But of all eras, the sev-
enth/thirteenth century was particularly prolific in saints. The
most revered among them were Abmad al-Badawi 676/1278),5'
his contemporary Ibrahim al-Dasfuji (d. 676/1277),52 Abu al-Hasan
al-Shadhili, his disciple Abu al-Abbas al-Mursi (d. 686/1287)53 and
Ibn 'Ala' Allah al-Iskandari. The Badawiyya (or Alirnadiyya) and
Dasaqiyya (or Burhaniyya) tariqas were rustic orders that spread pri-
marily in Egypt and drew most of their adherents from the rural
population, although they also appealed to the less popular classes
and attracted some members of the ruling Mamluk dynasty. Ibn
Taghribirdi (d. 874/1469) tells us of the wife of Sultan Khushqadam,
who was buried in 871/1466 with the red flag of the Badawiyya cov-
ering her coffin)°,
As to the Shadhiliyya, its origins confirm the close connections
between Eastern and Western Sufism. Abu al-Hasan al-Shadhili was
born in Ghumara (today's Morocco), travelled to Tunisia and then
Alexandria, where he taught. His initiatic chain binds him to the
two great Maghribi shaykhs: Abd al-Salam b. Mashish and, through
the latter, to the patron saint of Tlemcen (in present-day Algeria),
Abu Madyan. The origins of his successors, or khdpias—namely the
Spanish Abu al-Abbas al-Mursi and the Egyptian Ibn Ata' Allah
al-Iskandari—also reflect the geographical and cultural inclusive-
ness of Shadhih's teaching. They, too, followed his sober teaching
method and often attracted more intellectually-inclined characters.
Unlike the Badawiyya and Dasaqiyya orders, the adherents to the
Shadhili path were both Easterners and Westerners, as attested in
Cairo, where the Shadhiliyya had many adepts of Maghribi origin.
The meeting place of Sufis in Egypt was the khanaqa.,It resem-
bled its Western counterpart, the zdwiya or ribat. Like the Marinid
rulers of the Maghrib, the Ayyubid and Mamluk sultans encour-
aged the building of both madrasas and khanagas.56 Ibn Battata (d.
778/1377), who visited Cairo in 726/1326, tells us that the Egyptian

khanaqas were meeting places 'assigned to a finfa of dervishes, most
of whom are men of culture trained in the way of Sufism'.52 They
were also houses where students, travellers, foreign Sufis and pil-
grims on their way to Mecca could lodge, rest, pray and meet each
other. Even more closely tied to the ruling dynasties than their
Moroccan counterparts, the Cairo khanaqas were officially spon-
sored and their head was appointed by the authorities. Qalqashandi
(d. 82o/1418) explains the rapport between the Egyptian khanaqas
and the Mamluk government with the following words: 'Since these
institutions were in the gift of the Mamluk rulers and often very
lucrative to their heads, anyone whom the ruler wished to provide
with a sinecure without affecting his pocket was frequently given
the appointment.'2' The statements of Ibn Battuta and Qlciashandi
imply that the heads of the khanaqas were often high officials and
intellectuals with knowledge of and possibly training in the Path of
Sufism. This point is not lost on the reader who studies the Shila)
of Ibn Khaldun, who was a judge (q&11) in Mamluk Cairo and the
appointed head of its main khanaqa, as we shall soon see.
in. Sufism in the Life of Ibn Khaldun

Little is known about Ibn Khaldun's links to Sufism; he was rather
reticent to expose personal feelings or spiritual ideals. Moreover,
whenever religion is mentioned by him, some commentators have
perceived sarcastic hints, stylistic subterfuges or political guile on the
part of Ibn Khaldun, while others have exonerated him from what
they see as the inevitable reticence of a person in his position. In other
words, 'whenever the links between Ibn Khaldun and the Sufi Path
are taken into consideration, it is generally to decry or deny them'.59
These interpreters see in Sufism the hermetic speculations of some
strange groups, a discipline that is the polar opposite of the one delin-
eated by the religion of Islam and its substantive law (fiqh); and since
they strived to associate Ibn Khaldun with purely contemporary sci-
ences and trends, they either disregard, or else dismiss, the elements
of mysticism in his works and life as flashes of obscurantism.
To give here an exhaustive list of all of Ibn Khaldun's reviewers in

this regard is impossible, but perhaps a few examples will help illus-
trate the aforementioned propensity.6° Even as early as the nineteenth
century, Alfred von Kremer, orientalist and politician, believed that
the religious references and formulae found in the Muqaddima were
but an Islamic stylistic device that the reader should not heed. Around
1930, scholars such as F. Gabrieli, G. Bouthoul, J. Ritter and others
analysed the works of Ibn Khaldun in the light of positivism, deter-
minism, sociology and nationalism, and wished to prove that, for Ibn
Khaldun, the driving forces behind history were such elements as the
climate, standard of life, social milieu, tribal alliances or any other
positivist element, insisting that the historian's thought was clearly
separated from any sort of religious consideration. To the Egyptian
writer and critic Taira Flusayn there was no religious influence in the
thought of Ibn Khaldun, and 'the arguments in the Muqaddima, that
could lead to the belief that such a [religious] influence exists, only
show Ibn Khaldun's prudent desire to avoid blame for a purely histor-
ical analysis, one that is liberated from any theological background'.6.
As to the writer Kai-nil Ayyad, he believes that, for Ibn
the laws determining historical evolution were purely social and
only these laws can justify history; Ibn Khaldun's principles are, in
Àyydd's estimation, not theocentric at all since they oppose certain
positions of Islamic theology and the traditional doctrine of causality
and natural law. According to 'Ayydd, religion is to Ibn Khaldun a
mere cultural and socio-psychological phenomenon, and the histo-
rian 'shows great adroitness in interpreting the Islamic law with his
view, and so seeks to subordinate religion to his own scientific theo-
ries'.64 For the social scientist Ali Wardi, there is no common ground
between the theologians' use of logic and the logical social tools
handled by Ibn naldum.63 Moreover, according to Wardi and his co-
author Fuad Baali, 'Ibn Khaldun took the Sufite dialectic, deprived it
of its spiritualistic colouring, and fixed it anew upon a materialistic
or sociological basis.'64 As to Lacoste, one of the Marxist interpreters
of Ibn Khaldun's work, he also believes that Ibn Khaldun's theories
are precursory to historical materialism. For him, Ibn Khaldun was
unfortunately influenced by the bigotry prevailing in his time, by the
religion of Islam, which had become a hindering ideology, and by the
general preoccupation with theology and Sufism, which could only
paralyse intellectual life. Furthermore, Lacoste argues that Sufism
was a purely scholastic movement that burdened the teaching in the
madrasas with illusionistic and anti-rationalistic speculations; it led to
renunciation, escapism away from reality, and was therefore endorsed
by the authorities since it could not represent a threat to the social
establishment.45
Recently, many studies have insisted on the necessity for different
approaches to Ibn Khaldun's theories that rightly place him in his own
intellectual and religious context.66 The author grew and lived in a
culture that was not secular but, on the contrary, spiritually oriented.
His own personal formation was a solid juridical and religious one,
and Sufism was omnipresent on the scene. There seems to be perti-
nent clues, for our purposes, in each phase of Ibn Khaldun's personal
biography: his early training; his sojourn in Andalusia, where his
friendship with Ibn al-Khatib developed and matured; and finally, his
tenure in the Mashriq, where he was appointed as the head of a Cairo
khanaqa. As to his textual legacy, our sources are the Muqaddima's
sixth chapter 'On Sufism' and his Ship', which is exclusively devoted
to tasawumf.
A. SHAYKH ABILI IN THE MAGHRIB
Of Ibn Khaldun's early cultural training, we have scant relevant
details. In his Tdrif, or autobiography, the author states that his
father was his first teacher and that both his father and grandfather
had retired from the political and administrative world in order to
lead a quiet religious life by joining one of the most respected zawiyas
in Tunis headed by Abu Alrd Allah al-Zubaydi (d. 740/134o).67 From
the beginning, therefore, Ibn Khaldun grew up in a religious enviro-
ment and was taught the religious sciences by his family as well as
by the most renowned teachers of the time. He recounts also that
`he learned the Qur'an, reading it twenty-one times according to
the seven [canonical] readings until he had memorized it, studied
substantive law and Imam Malik's Muwatta”." To enumerate all his
teachers would serve no purpose, but it is perhaps more relevant to
deduce from the names and the subjects studied the nature of the
author's elementary education, namely the reading of the Qur'an,

theology, religious Law and, as we shall see, Sufism.69
The name of one of his teachers, Shaykh Abili (d. 757/1356), is
notable!. Ibn Khalchan describes him as 'the greatest scholar in the
Maghrib and the master of the sciences based on reason'. Abili was
a guest in the family's home in Tunis for many consecutive years."
After his parents' death, Ibn Khaldhn followed his master from Tunis
to Fez in order to pursue his studies. With Abili, Ibn Khaldim studied
mathematics, logic and 'those disciplines that come after logic: the
fundamentals of religion, the Law and the philosophic sciences'." In
his teaching, Abili did not follow any particular philosophical school
but relied mainly on the works of Ibn Sind (d. 42_. 8/1037), including,
we are told, the sections dealing with mysticism in Kitab al-isharat
and Kitab al-shild' that the master studied with a few other privileged
students only." Interestingly enough, Abili himself had been taught
by several teachers who were affiliated with Sufism, the most famous
of whom was Ibn al-Banna (d. 720/132o).94
That Abili not only taught rational sciences but also mystical
ones, that he had Sufi masters and that he used to visit the tomb
of Abu Madyan and teach in its zdwiya—all of this suggests that
besides being a mathematician and a philosopher, he was a legist
with an interest in the science of Sufism." Furthermore, some
of his disciples were recognized Sufis, like Ibn Abbad al-Rundi
(who is also believed to have been one of Ibn Khaldon's friends)
or Maqqari (d. 758/1356).76 From Abili's interest in Sufism, or pos-
sible connections to the Sufi Path, one cannot conclude that all of
his students—including Ibn Khladon had official or non-official,
theoretical or practical involvement in the practice of Sufism. Yet,
it does confirm once more this all-important feature of Western
Islam in the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries, namely that other
than some inevitable clashes, official Islam did not see Sufism as a
heterodox movement, as was often the case in the Mashriq despite
Ghazali's effort to reconcile the two. In the West, 'Sufism was not
only tolerated but incorporated into the life of Maghribi Islam'."
Maghribi rulers as well as scholars seem to have been tinged with
mysticism, even when not directly involved in the mystical Path.
Sufi works were read at the court, and we are even told that Ibn
Ashir of Sale advised the Sultan Abu Ìvan to read Muhasibi's Kitab
al-rraya." The learned here lived in a world where, for most of the
time, there was no rupture between Islamic law and Sufism.
Besides their interest in the science of Sufism or their commitment
to the Sufi way of life, Abili and many of his students also shared
similar ideas about some of the burning issues at stake during the
Marinid era. For example, Abili and his disciples were among the
first to fear that, along with the successful blending of the legal and
mystical sciences that gave rise to the intellectual renaissance of the
Marinid era, there came a certain tendency towards standardization
that would lead to an eventual passivity and rigidity in the search
for knowledge. Towards the end of the eighth/fourteenth century,
decadence seemed to threaten. Eminent scholars, such al-Sharif
(d 771/1369),79 and Abili's own students, including
Ibn KhaldOn, Ibn Abbad and Maqqari, foresaw the dangers of an
excessive systematization of learning. Not only did Abili oppose the
building of madrasas—which he thought were a means to officialise
and thus to control the intellectual activity in the country—but he
also disapproved of the proliferation of books, treatises and abstracts
that stifled personal effort and judgement, turning the students away
from 'the holders of the true sciences'.99 For him, the traditional
master through whom knowledge was transmitted orally was being
supplanted, which is precisely the subject matter of Ibn Khaldidn's
Shift)." It is Abili who 'confronted Ibn KhaldOn with this question
of knowledge, its sources, limits and transmission'.g. Ibn Khaldun
reflected on this issue in the Shift', where he answered the question
posed by the eighth/fourteenth century Andalusian Sufis, his
contemporaries, namely the transmission of knowledge via books
or masters.
B. IBN AL-KHATIB IN ANDALUSIA
Andalusian and North African cultural lives were intertwined. If
North Africa was the homeland of many a pious and saintly man,
Andalusia was also immersed in a very intensive intellectual life. Yet,
after the sixth/twelfth century, the political situation progressively
REMEDY FOR THE QDESTIONER IN SEARCH OF ANSWERS
deteriorated, the Spanish kingdoms surrendered to the Christian

advance and the centres of intellectual life slowly shifted from Spain
towards North Africa. Nonetheless, one of the last great cities of
the Iberian Peninsula was the flourishing Granada, where political
and literary life seemed to revolve around one man, Lisan al-Din b.
al-Khatib, Ibn Khaldun's friend.
The many common patterns and similar experiences in the lives
of the two friends captured our attention. Both had received a solid,
vast and refined education with a strong emphasis on the Islamic sci-
ences, participated in the political life of their time and faced the
jealousies of their rivals. Both were recognized, in their time and
today, as great writers and men of genius who evinced a solid faith,
an interest in mysticism and, somewhere in their agitated, adventur-
ous and worldly lives, a nostalgic yearning for solitude and peace.
More is known about Ibn al-Khatib's links with Sufism than about
Ibn Khaldim's. Yet, we know that both were students of Maqqari,
who encouraged Ibn al-Khatib to adhere to Sufism.83 The name of
another common teacher in mysticism deserves to be mentioned here
as an additional link between Ibn al-Khatib and Ibn Khaldun: Abu
Mandi 10 b. al-Zayyat. There is little information about him besides
the writings of Ibn Khaldun, who devotes one of the sections of the
Muqaddima to Ibn al-Zayyat's commentary on Abd Allah al-Ansarfs
(d. 481/1089) Manazil al-sa'irin: 'I consider it appropriate to quote
here a remark made by our master, the gnostic Prif) and greatest
saint in Spain, Abu Mandi Ìsa b. al-Zayyat. He commented very
often on [Abd Allah ahAnsari] Harawi's verse in his Kitab al-magamat
[Book of Stations]. These verses seem to almost profess the theory
of absolute oneness (wanda mutlaga)'.84 Ibn Khaldun admits that he
copied this commentary from his friend's treatise on divine love,
Rawdat al-tdrif al-shaqf, and he concludes this section with
the following words: 'Here ends the quotation from Shaykh Abu
Mandi b. al-Zayyat. I quoted it from the book on love by the wazir
Ibn al-Khatib entitled AI-Tdrif al-shayif [Information on the
Noble Love of God]. I heard it from our Shaykh Abu Mandi him-
self several times. However, I think that the written form, in Ibn
al-Khatib's work, preserves it better than my memory, because it has
been a long time since I heard Abu Mandi tell it."5 The influence
of Abu Mandi b. al-Zayyat must have been profound on the two
friends. Both Ibn al-Khatib and Ibn Khaldun adopted his explanation
in justification of the tawbid-wabda doctrine as put forward by many
mystics, including Ansari and his school. Ansai had been attacked
for refusing to profess divine unity (tawhid) when he in fact only
objected to the profession of divine unity in the case of the wayfarer
who has attained a higher station. At this advanced level, the wayfarer
experiences absolute oneness (wanda)—an intimate reality that can no
longer allow for divine unity.86
A short distance south from Andalusia, across the strait of
Gibraltar, the Moroccan city of Sale had become a Sufi gathering
centre. There lived a great master, Ibn Ibn al-Khatib was able
to meet with him during his forced exile to Morocco, whereas the
Sultan Abu 'Irian himself tried unsuccessfully to obtain an audi-
ence from the much-respected saint. The happiest, most fervent and
peaceful days of Ibn al-Khatib were those he spent in Sale during the
year 762/1360. He withdrew there and, in his own words, 'lived in
retirement in the Sheilah necropolis, meditating and practising the
litany (wird) and remembrance (dhikr) of the Sufis'.87 Ibn Khaldun
shared with his friend Ibn al-Khatib the same need for withdrawal
from the world, away from their turbulent lives. He also fled several
times the upheavals of political life and often retired to al-thbad,
the shrine of Abu Madyan in the city of Tlemcen."
The correspondence between the two friends is our most pre-
cious source of information. When Ibn al-Khatib writes to his
friend telling him of his intention to renounce the world and
worldly ambitions, Ibn Khaldun answers, 'This is an admirable
decision! Your soul has lofty aspirations; first its far-reaching desires
were fulfilled and now it aspires to spiritual blessings:89 However,
when Ibn al-Khatib returns to Granada, he seems to relinquish his
spiritual yearning for his previous worldly occupations. Again, he
shares with Ibn Khaldun his regrets and grief: 'Since you left, I
have compiled many collections and writings concerning which
one could say, "0 Ibrahim! But there is no Ibrahim today!'"9° In
this rather cryptic interjection, Ibn al-Khatib is actually referring
to Ibrahim b. al-Adham (d. 159/776), prince of Balkh, who was

summoned by a mysterious voice while hunting, and immediately
abandoned his dissipated life, put on the frock of the dervishes and
wandered about the world.9' Ibn al-Khatib laments his inward con-
flict between material and spiritual needs, his painful attachment to
worldly vanities and his own vacillating spiritual state. Ibn Khaldun
will go through an analogous type of experience, although he did
not express himself as openly as his friend. However, in his letters
to Ibn al-Khatib, he expresses his disillusions with the instabil-
ity and the anarchy of life: 'We were the suns of glory, but they
all disappeared and the horizon is lamenting.' He then reflects on
uncontrollable human ambitions: `... [these] blind desires, this
incurable disease, the perplexity that is about to take the soul...Is
it of use, while my fortune is [leading me] down, to keep climb-
ing after hopes?' He then concludes the letter with the following
words: ...and in your useful admonition may there be the cure
of this incurable disease, if God wills...For God alone is the sav-
iour from the bondage of hopes and the guide to casting off these
beguiling fortunes.'92
Unlike his friend Ibn al-Khatib, however, Ibn Khaldun does
not give an explicit reason for aspiring towards withdrawal from
worldly and political life. The cruel imprisonment and ignomini-
ous death of Ibn al-Khatib (also named dial' 1-mitatayn for having
been buried alive because he was condemned for holding heretical
views) could more than account for our historian's excessive pru-
dence in the verbalization of what could be used against him. Ibn
Khaldun made the final decision to abandon the world with its traps
and deceptions more than twice.93 Yet, in 776/1375, after his return
from Granada, and like Ibn al-Khatib, he was pressed into service
by chieftains and monarchs who needed him to intercede and medi-
ate for them. Again, in 784/1382, he departed for Egypt, once more
aspiring to lead a less turbulent life, yet reluctantly acceding to the
sovereign's request that he meet with Tamerlane in 803/1401.94 It is
only during the third and last phase of his life, in his Egyptian years,
that Ibn Khaldun's yearning for peace and solitude was answered.
C. SA ID AL-SU ADA IN THE MASHRIQ

The life of Ibn Khaldun during this last Egyptian phase no longer
reflects the conflict between the intriguing politician caught in the
wheel of power and the religious scholar aspiring to solitude and
devotion. Twice while in the East, Ibn Khaldun performed the pil-
grimage to Mecca. In 1384, he was appointed chief Maliki judge (OA
of Cairo, and in Rabic n 791/Apri11389, he was appointed head of the
Khanaqa al-Baybarsiyya in Cairo.]]
Macirizi reports that the Khanaqa al-Baybarsiyya was the first
khanaqa to be built in Egypt. It was named after its founder, al-Muzaffir
Rukn al-Din Baybars Ix aliashankar (d. 709/1309), as al-Khanaqa
al-Baybarsiyya al-Salabiyya al-Muzaffariyya al-Rukniyya. It is
often more simply referred to as Said al-Su'ada'.0 According to Ibn
Khaldun, this establishment was 'the greatest and most successful
[khanaqa], its profits were the largest, and its endowments [awqiif,
singular waqf the most numerous'.97We know, for instance, that the
wazir Ibn al-Khatib had made several of his books an endowment
for the khanaqa. In a letter to his friend Ibn Khaldun, he writes, 'I
sent the Rawdat al-tdrif bi'l-hubb al-Marti to the East, along with my
book on the history of Granada and other works I wrote, and it
was declared a wail at the khanaqa of Said al-Sucada' in Cairo and
people rushed to read it.'98
The head of the Khanaqa al-Baybarsiyya was given the title of
`Shaykh of Shaykhs' (shuyakh) by the Egyptian Mamluk sultans,
`which, however, was only honorific and did not imply any wider
jurisdiction than that of his own establishmene.99 In the year
791/1389, the Shaykh of Shaykhs Sharaf al-Din al-Ashqar died and
Ibn Khaldun was appointed to the directorship of the khanagan° by
Sultan al-Zahir Sayf al-Din Barquq.'°' We do not have many details
concerning Ibn Khaldun's activities and responsibilities while he
held this position; however, we do know that in order to be able
to hold this important and lucrative post, one had to be a member
of the Khanaqa al-Baybarsiyya. Ibn al-Furat testifies: Ìbn Khaldun
spent one day in the khanaqa, and became a member because it was
required that the Shaykh of this khanaqa be one of its Sufi members.'nn
Nonetheless, he did not occupy this position for very long because
Barqiiq was dethroned and Ibn Khaldun was forced to resign.m3 We

do not have more information on the subject but a final relevant fact
concerning Ibn Khalcian's death is telling. He was buried in a cemetery
outside Bab al-Nasr, on the road to Raydaniyya (now Abbasiyya),
in a cemetery that was established by the Khanaqa al-Baybarsiyya
towards the end of the eighth/fourteenth century and was restricted
to the burial of Sufis. The exact site of this tomb is unknown to us.'°4
The above-mentioned items bring to light some of Ibn Khaldun's
feelings and his links with religion and the Sufi Path, opening the
way for new perspectives and validating efforts to reintegrate the
historian into his century and milieu. We are not trying to turn Ibn
Khaldun into an eminent Sufi, but we would like to examine his
attitude towards religion and Sufism, an unexplored and devalued
area although an essential and determining one in the study of his
thought. More important than the historical evidence about Ibn
Khaldfm's links to Sufism is his textual legacy, and the study of Ibn
Khaldfin's treatise on Sufism, the Shifa', is the main source for such
an investigation.
iv. The Shifa', a Manuscript on Sufism

A mysterious halo seems to surround the Shift' al-sd'il li-tandhib
al-masod'il. Not only do Khaldunian studies tend to slur over and slight
the treatise, but Ibn Khaldun himself forbears to mention it in his
letters, works or autobiography. Why should the scholar shroud his
own treatise in secrecy?
A. IBN KHALDON'S SILENCE
Ibn Khaldun left no exhaustive, systematic list of his works and did
not even mention the early ones..., If we postulate that the Shifa' is
one of Ibn Kinkhan's early works—a question that will be discussed
later on—his silence is interpreted as follows by some Khaldunian
scholars. Ibn Khaldun recounts in the Tdrif that some-of Abili's
advanced students 'used to meet alone with the master in his house'
when studying works on mysticism.'" Besides, the fact that mysticism
is by essence a secretive and well-guarded discipline that intimates a
personal innermost search and a thorough bond with the spiritual
guide, and in spite of the rather generalized recognition of moderate

Sufism in the Maghrib, it seems that a certain discretion was deemed
to be necessary when a student was reading works on mysticism with
his teacher. Most likely, discretion was all the more essential when an
author was writing a treatise on the same subject.'°7 We must also bear
in mind the torture and death of the wazir Pisan al-Din b. al-Khatib,
accused of heresy (zandaqa) by his enemies in 776/1374. We do know
that Ibn Khaldun wrote the Shifiz'ws after his friend had completed
the Rawdat al-tdqf bi'l-hubb al-shayf (probably in 768/1367), and it
was four years later, in 772/1371, that the wazir's 'heretical views'
were denounced. Ibn Khaldun, who seems to have had the nature of
a prudent diplomat who was aware of the dangers of certain views
on religion, became all the more cautious not to flaunt his ideas and
beliefs about mysticism. As to Tang, one of the greatest Khaldunian
scholars, he simply construes this silence as very normal for a histo-
rian and a courtier who was proud to mention his works only when
these were dedicated to royalty. This is why, according to him, Ibn
Khaldun only referred to, quoted from and taught his two major
works, namely the Muqaddima and the Ìbar, and ignored all of his
other works.m9Ibn Khalchan's silence concerning the Shift' should not
raise doubts about its authenticity, as his lack of allusion to his other
so-called minor works (like the Lubab, for instance) has never called
their legitimacy into question.
B. AUTHORSHIP
Despite our last assertions, it is legitimate to ask whether the author
of this book could be other than Ibn Khaldun. Tanji and Badawi
demonstrate that some statements of the historian himself and those
of his commentators provide the proofs for the attribution of the
Shifa' to Ibn Khaldun. After the conventional opening phrases,
two manuscripts specify the name of the author as 'Abu Zayd Abd
al-Rahman, son of the accomplished and versatile legist, the pious
and saintly late shaykh, Abu Bala Muhammad b Khaldun al-Hadrami
(may God have mercy upon his soul)'. This is the first substantial ele-
ment identifying the author of the treatise as Ibn Khaldun. Tanji, in
his introduction to his edition of the Shift', stresses that one of the
manuscripts (our Ms.B) had belonged to a well-known Moroccan

erudite named al-Hasan b. Mastid (d. 1111/1699):37 'a very
trustworthy scholar according to the sources'."' Tanji asserts that had
Yfisi doubted the authenticity of the manuscript, he would certainly
have questioned its attribution to Ibn Khaldun."' Therefore, not only
do the manuscripts provide us with clear evidence as to the name of
the author of the treatise, but several subsequent writers refer to Ibn
Khaldun in connection with the Shifi' and the debate that took place
in eighth-/fourteenth-century Andalusia.
Ahrnad Zarruq refers to the treatise in three instances: he sum-
marizes the debate in Qauidid al-tasawtauf, tells us in Iddat al-murid
that Ibn Khaldun wrote a treatise concerning this specific question,
and refers to our author in his commentary on Al-Qasida al-nuniyya
by Abu al-I-Jasan al-Shushtari,333 saying, 'Ibn Khaldun tells us in the
Shifd al-sa'il that Plato was one of the Sufi masters and this is an
unsettled question:334 Finally, he also alludes to the treatise and its
author, although implicitly this time, in Al-Natilm al-kafiya, when he
discusses the question of the one attracted to God (majdhub) and their
sanctity, and quotes a rather lengthy passage from the conclusion
of the Shifi', telling the reader, 'This was dealt with by one of the
scholars:Hs One of Zarruq's commentators later clarified this latter
statement, confirming that 'the scholar' is none other than 'Abu Zayd
b. Khalclun'..6 As to Abd al-Qdir al-Fasi, he brings up the debate
that took place between the later Andalusian Sufis concerning guid-
ance through books rather than through a shaykh, and adds that 'they
wrote down their questions and these were answered by Shaykh Ibn
Abbad [al-Rundi] , Abu Zayd b. Khaldun, and others, with each one
answering according to his knowledge'."7 Finally, Masnawi states in
Juhd al-muqill al-qasir: 'Ibn Khaldun said in his comprehensive answer
concerning the need for a shaykh in the Sufi Path that the great Sufis
must not divulge their knowledge in books, or in words, because
their knowledge is a secret between the servant and his Lord...and
he [Ibn Khaldun] adds...al-Flusayn b. al-Hallaj was killed because
of an order issued both by the people of the Law and the people of
the Path', a comment that indeed pertains to the Shifi'." e Masnawi
cites Ibn Khaldun a second time when he mentions Shushtari and his
shaykh Ibn Sabin. He explains that Ibn Khaldun referred to them as

the partisans of absolute oneness, 'in the answer we mentioned earlier
[namely the shjfal ...So consult it if you wish!'339
Yet, along with these valid and convincing references, there
are two somewhat puzzling cases where Ibn Khaldun is alluded to,
again in connection with the Shifi', but under an altered name. In
the first instance, Abu al-Abbas Ahnaad al-Fasi (d. 1021/1612):22 in
his commentary on the poem Al-Ra'iyya fi al-suluk by Abu Bakr
Muhammad b. Alimad al-Sharishi (d. 7th/13th),'' twice refers to
Àbu Bakr Muhammad b. Khaldun' as author of a treatise entitled
Shifts' a/-sei1.322 In the second instance, Ibn Ajiba (d. 1224/1809), in
his commentary on Ibn al-Banna's Al-Mabakith al-asliyya, ascribes to
the historian a new agnomen (kunya), that of Abu Abd Allah:23 These
two cases caused the critics to question and doubt the attribution of
this treatise to Abd al-Rahman b Khaldun. But the historian Tanji
solves this dilemma by considering both the names and agnomens of
all the family members of Ibn Khaldun who could possibly have been
the authors of the treatise and by matching the date of their death
with the date of composition of the ship. Although Ibn Khaldun's
father was named Muhammad and had Abu Bakr as an agnomen, he
died in 749/1348, the year of the plague. His brother was also named
after his father, although we ignore his agnomen, but he died in
735/1352. As to the agnomen Abu Abd Allah, it was never mentioned
by the biographers and Tanji reaches the cogent conclusion that Abu
al-Abbas Ahmad al-Fasi and Ibn Ajiba simply made an inadvertent
mistake. Since the debate between the Andalusian Sufis took place
during the third quarter of the eighth/fourteenth century, none
other than Abd al-Rahman b. Khaldun could possibly have written
the Shifitai Thus, Ibn Khaldun refers to himself as the author of the
treatise, and the subsequent Sufis and their commentators refer to it
or quote from it as a work by him. If Ibn Khaldun was the author, the
next question is when and where did he write his treatise on Sufism?
C. DATE OF COMPOSITION
It is around 768/1367 that Lisan al-Din b. al-Khatib wrote his
Rawdat bi'l-hubb al-shayifi and since, as we mentioned earlier,
Ibn Khaldfin admits having borrowed several passages from his

friend's treatise on divine love, the Shift' could not possibly ante-
date the Rawda. We also know that the debate between the Sufis
of Andalusia took place during the third quarter of the eighth/
fourteenth century. We know, too, the death dates of the schol-
ars involved, which considerably narrows down the rather vague
period called 'the end of the century'. Ibn Abbad died in 792/139o,
Shatibi in 79o/1388 and Qabbab in 778/1386. The debate in Andalusia
obviously could not have taken place after 778/1386, death date of
Qabbab, who took part in it by writing a fatwa in answer to the
question that so agitated these Sufis. Ibn Khaldun's life also helps
determining the date of composition. The author went twice to
Fez, the city where Shatibi sent letters on behalf of the Andalusian
Sufis, asking Qabbab and Rundi for their opinion. Ibn Khaldun's
first visit to Fez took place in 755/1354, a date that is cancelled by
the first argument (date of composition of the Rawda). He went
there for a second time in 774/1372, this time for a period of two
full years. It seems more than likely that Ibn Khaldtm composed the
Shift' in Fez between 774/1372 and 776/1374, a time on which both
scholars Badawi and Tanji agree.125
D. ASSESSMENT OF THE MANUSCRIPTS
To our knowledge, there are three extant manuscripts of the Shifa'.
The first one (hereinafter referred to as Ms.A) was copied in 816/1413,
that is, seven years after the death of Ibn Khaldun. It is catalogued at
the Moroccan Royal Library in Rabat under the number 5522. The
second one (hereinafter referred to as Ms.B) was copied much later,
in the year 89o/1485, eighty-two years after its author's death and
seventy-four years after Ms.A. It belonged successively to the well-
known Moroccan scholar Abu 'Ali al-Hasan b. Masàd al-YEsi, his
son Abd al-Karim, and ultimately the historian Abd al-Rahman b.
Zaydan (d. 1365/1946)." In 1949, the librarian Abu Bakr al-Tatwani
took the Shifie to Cairo, where it was copied and kept in the Dar
al-Kutub al-Misriyya under the number 24299b. In 1967, he gave
it to the Royal Library of Rabat where it is now catalogued under
the number 12143. There is a third manuscript still extant (hereinafter
referred to as Ms.C); it was copied in m75/1664 in Morocco and

belongs to the private library of Ahmad b. al-Mallih
We were able to obtain copies of Ms.A and Ms.B. we did not
have a copy of Ms.C, so we did not consult it; however, according
to Tanji, this third manuscript is not critical to this study.' Of the
two manuscripts we consulted, it is undoubtedly Ms.B that presents
the most problems. Ms.B is 173 pages long and each page has twenty
lines. It is written in a relatively clear and legible Moroccan script
although the copyist has misvowelised some words and made many
grammatical mistakes, which seems to indicate, as Tanji suggests, that
he was not very well educated:29 Furthermore, three pages (pages To
to 12.) are missing and the order is disturbed (pages 75 to 84 in the
numbering of Ms.B should actually be placed after page 9 of the
same manuscript). The writing in Ms.B is small, tight and sometimes
difficult to decipher. Ms.A seems to be by far the best manuscript. It
is forty-three pages long, with thirty-one lines per page; the order
of the pages is undisturbed, unlike Ms.B, and no pages are missing.
There are fewer mistakes in Ms.A than in Ms.B and very probably
than in Ms. C since Tanji and Badawi tell us that in this respect Ms.
C is actually worse than Ms.B.
E. THE PRINTED EDITIONS AND THE TRANSLATIONS
There are three printed editions available of the Shift'. The first
one was published in Istanbul in 1984 by Muhammad b. Tawit
al-Tanji, one of the most famous Khaldunian scholars. He had pub-
lished in 1951 Ibn Khaldun's Tdrif and was preparing an edition of
the Muqaddima, on which he had spent more than thirty years, but
unfortunately he died with his work still unpublished. His edi-
tion of the Shift) is a critical one based on Ms.B and Ms.C. It is an
extremely thorough work which shows not only his knowledge of
Ibn Khaldfm but also his understanding of Sufism. The second edi-
tion by Ignace-Abdo Khalife appeared in Beirut in 1959, about nine
months after Tanji's edition. It is based only on a microfilm of Ms.B
and reflects all the errors of this manuscript. Some pages are missing,
others are misplaced and many words were not read correctly. Abd
al-Rahman al-Badawi harshly criticizes this edition for its deficiencies."
The third more recent edition, edited by Muhammad Mutf al-Flafiz

and published in Damascus in1996, is based on the two manuscripts
that we consulted and provides the reader with a well-structured,
meticulously edited and reader-friendly text. Finally, one should
mention a Turkish translation of the Shift' by Suleyman Uludag,
published in Istanbul in 1977 and again in 1984; this translation is
based on Tanji's edition and the commentary reflects the editor's
knowledge of Islamic and mystical literature. The Shift' was trans-
lated into French by Rene Perez and published in Paris in 1991, under
the title La Vole et la Loi ou le Maitre et le Juriste. It is a very thorough
work that shows a deep knowledge of Ibn Khaldun, the Maghrib
and Sufism. Rene Perez (like Tanji and Khalife) was not aware of the
existence of Ms.A, by far the best of the three existing manuscripts.
F. NATURE AND PURPOSE
The Shift' is a written treatise born out of an oral debate around
the question of orality or writing, which in the Middle Ages refers
to the debate between the need for a master's oral transmission or
the sufficiency of a book's written testament.'3' According to Ibn
Khaldun, every science can be compiled. Scientific technical terms
and logical arguments are tools that help convey meanings, but these
tools become hazardous when dealing with the mystical domain. In
the shifa', Ibn Khaldun denounces the Sufis who compiled books
in which they tried to describe with technical words some mysti-
cal truths that no book could possibly contain and no word could
possibly express because spiritual realities go beyond the limits of
conventional language. This is especially true for the mystic who has
reached the more advanced stages of development in the wayfaring.
Yet, Ibn Khaldun wrote a treatise on Sufism, the orally-transmitted
science par excellence.
According to Ibn Khaldun, communication takes place through
verbal expression or written form."2. The cibra, or spoken word, is a
medium between the speaker and the listener. The recorded word is
inferior to direct conversation but is necessary when the purpose is
urgent and when the need can only be met in this way. It is needed
when an author wishes to communicate his thoughts 'to persons who
are out of sight or physically distant, or to persons who live later

and whom one has not met, since they are not contemporaries'.'33
Indeed, this was the only way Ibn Khaldun could communicate with
the distant-in-space Sufis of Granada, effectively tackle a present-day
issue and leave a message for present and future generations.
v. Ibn Khaldun's Understanding of Sufism

A. SUFISM' AND THE 'SCIENCE OF SUFISM'
For Ibn Khaldun, Sufism always existed. It was an abiding reality
and an integral and immutable part of Islam. Thus, it was born with
Islam; or, rather, it was Islam since the first Sufis were the Prophet and
his Companions. However, Ibn Khaldun makes a distinction between
`Sufism' (tasawwuf) and the 'science of Sufism' (71m al-tasawwuf) that
appeared subsequently.
The pious earlier generations of Muslims led virtuous lives that
largely accorded with the Law (sharica) and the teachings of the Sufi
Path. This was a period in which Sufism had not yet become a formal
science, as it was a lived reality. After this initial wholesome period of
widespread unity, there came a second age when more disagreements
appeared among the members of the Islamic community. These disa-
greements caused breeches between the Law and the Path; this led to
splits within the individual himself that, consequently, roused dichot-
omies among the members of the community as well. Many people
forgot the importance of inward deeds and neglected the actions stem-
ming from the heart. The signs of aging and decline were already
visible but Sufism was still alive. Nevertheless, it became necessary for
the legists to standardize ritual observances and codify laws, and for
a number of Sufis to put into writing some of the recordable aspects
of the Path. This was a sign of growth and maturity perhaps, but also
a precursor to the somewhat inevitable ultimate third age that Ibn
Khaldun considered to be defined by heretical and distorted doctrines.
Around the year 200 An, 'the elect among the Sunnis were those who
valued the actions stemming from the heart, and isolated themselves,
following the steps of their worthy predecessors both in their inward
and outward deeds. They were called Sufis.''34
Already by the fourth/tenth century, Ali b. Ahmad al-Bushanji

had described the fundamental transformation in Sufism with a few
words that epitomize Ibn Khaldun's historical theory for the devel-
opment of mystical science in Islam: 'Today Sufism is a name without
a reality, while it used to be a reality without a name.'.35 Nascent
Islam had no need for a label or a codified science of tasawwuf, but
the subsequent schools of Sufism developed their own separate legal
systems, and the 'reality without a name' slid down towards the level
of any other scientific endeavour in Ibn Khaldra's epistemological
structure, to become a category of science, 'the science of Sufism'.
B. IBN KHALDITIN'S EPISTEMOLOGY
Ibn Khaldun's epistemological system is one of the issues that has
puzzled many a scholar who came to believe the historian was
torn between two tendencies: 'the most sublime rationalistic trans-
ports... and the most obvious mystical obscurantist propensity':36
Some detected contradictions in Ibn Khaldun's theory of knowl-
edge because they wished to see in him an early representative of
materialistic dialectic or positivism.'" These misunderstandings and
misinterpretations of his epistemological methodology stem partly
from a secular critical interpretation that has tended to forget that
Ibn Khaldun's work was produced in an intellectual context in which
belief in a spiritual world was prevalent and divine agency was held
to be omnipresent.'"
Ibn Khaldun defines knowledge according to its object and the
object of Sufism is knowledge of the ultimate Truth. His episte-
mological system is a hierarchical one with three ways of knowing:
the scientific or acquired learning (ìlm kasbi) by scholars; inspired
knowledge (ì/m i/hamf) or intimate finding (wydani) open to saints
and Sufis; and prophetic knowledge, which is only accessible to
prophets through revelation (wahy). In this epistemological structure
the science of history belongs to the first level, as it uses scientific
methods of inquiry, whereas Sufism, which fits in the second catego-
ry, does not. If facts can be observed and measured and their causes
perused in a purely deductive, methodical and objective way, the
inscrutability of revelation and the Laws of God cannot and should
not be probed with the same tools. So long as this hierarchical view
of knowledge is respected, so long as the gap between the rational
sciences of the scholars, philosophers and theologians (ahl al-na?ar
or ashab al-dalil) and the intuitive way of the Sufis (ahl al-kashf wa'l-
mushahada) is maintained, each method is sound and reliable. As soon
as any confusion appears between the methods of the two ways,
their validity is to be questioned.
The rational is the key element to the philosophical and a tool in
the theological sciences. Philosophy is essentially a search, and there-
fore a step from ignorance to knowledge. It is not the science of
philosophy as such that Ibn Khaldun attacks, but the philosophers, or
rather 'the pretenders to philosophy' who believe that ultimate Truth
can be reached through speculation:39 And as to the positive, trans-
mitted, legal sciences (al-cult- n al-wacriyya al-nagliyya wa'l-sharciyya),
reason has some role to play in their verification or application,
although a very restricted role; for it is one that is limited to relat-
ing 'subsidiary problems to the fundamental'.14° Thus, reason is not
completely disqualified, but is given a limited role. As such, reason is
but a tool of the mind: it differentiates true from false, but is also the
source of many illusions. Its shortcomings become apparent when it
tries to deal with that which is beyond our own being and our human
perception:4' For Ibn Khaldun, when the rational infiltrated the spir-
itual domain, mysticism deviated from its original course and was no
longer a way of life, or a gradual inward wayfaring, or a harmonious
balance between the Law and the Path.
C. THE LAW AND THE PATH
Despite the overall cordial relationship between the legists and the
Sufis in the period under discussion, some Sufis held that their Path
and the way of the legists had diverged.142 Ibn Khaldun's position
is here noteworthy. Not only was he a legist, a Maliki judge, and
therefore an eminent supporter of the state religion, but he was also
a man with an interest in and ties to Sufism. If there are some criti-
cal references to Sufism in Ibn Khaldun's writings, 'none pertain to
the Sufi theory of knowledge'.43 Indeed, Ibn Khaldun did denounce
some later mystical systems that he thought were strange and harmful.
His critique and objections focused on two groups, the first that
believed in [Self] disclosure (ashab al-tajalli) and the second in Oneness
(ashab al-wanda). Nonetheless, in other instances, he actually defends
Sufism against the attacks of the legists.
Ibn Khaldun does not believe, like Ibn Abbad, that the solution
for the wayfarer on the mystical Path lies in the outright shunning of
the representatives of the Law. But he believed that the legists lacked
the intuitive experience of the Sufis and were unable to understand
what lay beyond demonstration (burhan) and proof (dali1).'44 Neither
does Ibn Khaldun fully endorse Ghazal': s theory of reconciliation
between the Law and the Path. But he does agree with Ghazali (and
Ibn Abbad) that the legist concentrates on the actions related to the
physical body and worldly needs, whereas the Sufi deals with the
deeds of the heart and struggles in view of the Hereafter. Yet, the
distinction between the legist and the Sufi is not so trenchant in Ibn
Khaldun's thought. For Ibn Khaldun, by trying to reconcile the
people of the outward (ahl al-zahir) and the people of the inward
(ahl al-batin), Ghazali only succeeded in further widening the gap
that separated the two factions. While acknowledging the rift, Ibn
Khaldun the historian ascribes this rift to historical factors and not
to any inherent difference between the two ways.'45 After the sec-
ond/eighth century, one unified and unique science was split into
two, namely the knowledge of the outward (fiqh al-zahir) and the
knowledge of the inward (fiqh al-batin) or Sufism. Therefore, the
original synergy that had existed between the outward and inward
facets of life faded away, leaving the legist only in charge of the laws
regulating worldly matters. For Ibn Khaldun, the shift', or cure, is
neither reconciliation (as exemplified by the thought of Ghazali) nor
eschewal (like Ibn Abbad). Instead he argues for a voyage back in
time, a return to an earlier Islam when there was an 'absolute com-
plementarity' or harmony between inward and outward, because the
Legislator did not set two separate ways, one for the outward and one
for the inward life:
Accordingly, the upholders of the Law should be able to help
guide the individual to salvation. This is possible, he writes, unless
the 'particular mufti's knowledge is limited to the first half of the
Law, namely the one related to the outward only, and therefore he
can only pass judgement on the validity or invalidity of the actions in
view of this worldly life. Then this is a different problem'. 45 Ideally,
however, the wisdom of the legists and the Sufis should be all-inclu-
sive. As a maliki, Ibn Khaldun follows in the way of Imam Malik
who is reported to have said, 'He who studies the Law (tafaqqaha)
and does not study Sufism is perverse (Pig); he who studies Sufism
and does not study the Law is a heretic (zindiq); and finally, he who
studies both, will reach the truth.'4' So spiritual perfection lies in the
knowledge of and fidelity to the Law, whereby the legal structure
absorbs the teaching of Sufism and Sufism conforms to orthodoxy.
Ibn Khaldun agrees with Ibn Abbad when the latter insists that 'he
who transgresses the Law goes against the Truth (haqiqa), and he who
goes against the Truth transgresses the Law'.'49 But for Ibn Khaldun
there should be no conflict because the Law and the Path are one.
The legists should understand that the Law applies to the believer's
outward life as well as to his inward life. As to the Sufis, they should
return to the Sufism of the Companions of the Prophet and the early
masters, for in that time tasawwuf was Islam.
D. BOOKS OR MASTER?
Time had altered Sufism and its transmission methods. It was meant
to be a reality attained through mystical tasting (dhawq) and insight
(basira), and passed on from master to disciple. When decline loomed
and its transmitters, the Sufi shaykhs, became rare and difficult to
find, some scholars strived to compile Sufi teachings in books or
manuals. Can books replace the master? This is the question that so
agitated the Sufis in Andalusia and the debate that is at the root of
Qabbab's fatwa, Ibn Abbad's letter and Ibn Khaldun's
Abu al-Abbas Ahmad Qabbab was a Maliki legist who taught
substantive law in Gibraltar and Fez and followed for some time
the Sufi Path with Ibn Ashir in Sale. In his fatwa, Qabbab humbly
and cautiously starts by apologizing for his lack of both theoreti-
cal and practical knowledge about Sufism.15° He then proceeds with
the argument, insisting on the need for a guide as a general rule
in whichever discipline is sought, because no art, whether it be
grammar, law, medicine or any other science, can be mastered from

books alone. This rule is even more rigorous in the particular case
of Sufism since it is a discipline whose adherents often convey per-
ceived realities through symbols or allusions. Qabbab takes a firm
position in favour of the need for a living master by telling us that
the seat of knowledge used to be the hearts of men but when it
was transferred to books, the keys to these books moved to the
hands of men. Besides, he adds: 'As far as I know, it is not enough
to learn about the science of Sufism—one has to taste it; it is no
use studying the doctrine or the written material without assum-
ing the qualities, or realizing its spiritual states!'" Sufism has two
aspects: an inward mystical side dealing with the knowledge of the
states and stations, for which the presence of a shaykh is indis-
pensable; and an ethical facet involving the awareness of the flaws
and blemishes in the self, and the learning about their appropriate
cures. Knowing this second part of the science of Sufism is the duty
of all believers and it is a much easier task that could perhaps be
achieved by way of books, but only in case the novice cannot find
a master, although again following a guide would be preferable.
As to the works that dwell on the ecstatic experiences of the Sufis,
Qabbab describes them as unessential and even dangerous, as they
can lead the reader astray. This is why a Sufi like Fishtail sought
to erase from works like Ghazali's Ihyd' and Qushayri's Risala all
the cryptic passages devoted to the world of the Unseen (ìlm al-
ghayb), and leave only the sections dealing with the Law:52 Indeed,
adds Qabbab, these explanations are usually more confusing than
enlightening to the average reader. As to those who contend that a
shaykh can also lead his disciple to error, Qabbab concludes that is
true, but so can books.
As to Ibn Abbad al-Rundi's letter, it is a long and interesting
essay in which the renowned Sufi refuses to get involved in the
Granada quarrels and chooses to concentrate on the role ofthe spir-
itual guide.w There are two types of spiritual guides: the teaching
shaykhs (shuyukh al-taclitn) and the educating shaykhs or spiritual
guides (shuyakh al-tarbiya). Not all wayfarers need a shaykh
but those 'who have a banal mind and rebellious lower self' definitely
need one, just like the chronically ill need a competent physician.'4
As to those 'who have expansive minds and who have their lower
selves under control', they need a shaykh al-tarbiya who will direct
every individual according to his specific needs.
On the question of books, Ibn Abbad recommended that the
wayfarer read the writings of the Sufis, provided the authors have
sufficient learning and intimate knowledge; but the writings must
be by Sufis with a genuine spiritual genealogy and their writings
must be perfectly consistent with the demands of the Law. Yet, in
order to gauge all these criteria, the disciple might need the help
of a teaching shaykh. Therefore, books do not altogether dispense
with teachers who, anyhow, are very difficult to find these days.
Instead of siding with either of the two Granada factions, Ibn
Abbad offers his advice: rather than depending on either books
or masters, the wayfarer should rely on God. It is no use waiting
for a shaykh because a spiritual master and the Sufi Path are but
gifts from God, signs of divine grace, and it is equally pointless for
the aspiring wayfarer to relinquish his goal. The final object in the
quest is neither books nor masters, but inheres in the attitude of the
believer who must concentrate on his spiritual activity while also
hoping and praying for a guide.
But the question that seems to preoccupy Ibn Abbad most is the
change in Sufism that not only led to the excessive reliance on other
than God, but also to the excessive need for a teaching shaykh. Ibn
cAbbad relates the increased demand for teaching shaykhs to a deep
change in the nature of the wayfarers: Ì do not know which of the

two calamities is greater: the disappearance of the spiritual guide
with profound understanding, or the lack of sincere discip1es;'55
Ibn Khaldun, like Ibn Abbad, deplores the change that has occurred
in the Sufi way. Ibn Abbad the Sufi regrets the excessive need of
an increasing coarser-minded majority for the teaching shaykh and
disapproves of the developing dichotomy between the teaching
shaykh and shaykh of spiritual direction:0 Ibn Khaldun the legist
deplores the failure of the majority to value the deeds of the heart
and the life of the spirit and hence disapproves of the dichotomy
between legist and Sufi.
Ibn Khaldun views the question of teaching or guiding in terms

of spiritual struggles (mujahadat). The first struggle, God-wariness
(taqwa), is incumbent upon all Muslims; and Ibn Ibn
Abbad—affirms that the novice must not wait for a master in order
to start working on himself. At this stage, books such as Muhasibi's
Ricaya are sufficient and 'the shaykh will not add anything to the
writings of scholars who transmit the teachings of the Book and
the Sunna'.'57 Yet, collaborating, emulating and learning from a
teacher cannot harm the novice; on the contrary, it would perfect
his struggle.
In the second struggle, the wayfarer strives to walk on the straight
path and cure his heart of its imperfections. This step is not an obli-
gation on every individual subject to the Law, nor is the presence of
a shaykh required because the foundation of this path is the Qur'an
and the Sunna, and these are thoroughly and openly expounded in
books such as qushayrfs Risala and Awarif al-mdarif by Suhrawardi
(d. 633/n34).158 Nevertheless, since it is difficult to know the self, the
wayfarer may need a teaching shaykh to guide him, correct him and
help him in his study of such writings and laws.
As to the struggle towards the third combat of unveiling (kasly)
and witnessing (mushahada), its aim is to uncover and witness the
realities of the spiritual world. In it, the guidance of a shaykh is
imperative. The shaykh must not only be a teacher (mdallim) but
he must also be a guide in spiritual training (murabbt). '59 Four givens
render the shaykh indispensable in this last combat. Firstly, unlike
the Sufis who see in this struggle the ultimate essential goal of the
spiritual search, Ibn Khaldun the legist thinks it has become a spe-
cial path with its own laws and rules different from the common
way of the Law to which all Muslims are subjected. Secondly, the
wayfarer will go through spiritual states (ahwal) for which he needs
to be watched over by a shaykh who can correct his conduct and
modify his behaviour. Thirdly, the essence of this Path is-premedi-
tated death, which implies `the extinction (ikhmad) of all human
forces until the wayfarer is dead in body but alive in spirie,th° and
man cannot grasp this phenomenon by himself. Fourthly and lastly,
the nature of this search is one that has to do with mystical tasting
100CILLIL
and secret realities rather than with conventional ideas and scien-
tific rules; and these cannot be contained in words or summarized
in books. Nonetheless, quite remarkably for one who was to all
intents and purposes a 'friend' of Sufism, Ibn Khaldun considers
this 'third spiritual struggle' to be 'utterly reprehensible to the
point of being prohibited, or even more'. However, he then quickly
steps back from this stance and concedes that the wayfarer 'can still
seek unveiling and progress a little on its path', but 'it is a difficult
and dangerous path strewn with dangers and obstacles, so he must
heed and avoid'. Yet if he pursues it, Ibn Khaldun stresses that he
must travel the Path under the guidance of a spiritual master and
educating shaykh.
Like Ibn Khaldun, most Sufis have always urged the seeker to
follow a shaykh in wayfaring (suluk), often adducing the following
Qur'anic verse: '0 believers, fear God, and seek the means to come
to Him, and struggle in His way; haply you will prosper' (5 :35). The
`means' (wasila) is understood as being the spiritual guide who can
in no way be replaced by books. As the Sufi-aspirant (mutasuww)
progresses in his wayfaring, books prove inadequate and the need
for a guide is no longer a favoured option but becomes an urgent
need. When the Sufi, with God's help, reaches towards the ultimate
stages in the Path to become the receptacle of ephemeral inrushes
(waridat) or Self-disclosures (tajalliyat), then the need becomes vital.
Certainly, 'seduced, deceived and outwitted on this path is he who
imagines himself able to traverse the limitless desert and attain the
Karba of union with the strength of his mere human footsteps,
without guide or escort', warns Najm al-Din al-Razi 161 Therefore,
the advanced stages in the spiritual struggle are safe inasmuch as
they are fought under the direction of an educating master who
has knowledge of the Path and of men. There are two exceptions
to the general rule: some will follow an initiatic path without the
guidance of a living master but guided by his spiritual essence
(ruloniyya), as in the case of the Uwaysis, for instance; and the ones
attracted to God who have lost their mind and are not accountable
for legal observance, as discussed by Ibn Khaldun in the appendix
to the Shifct '62
For the Sufis, it is the presence of the beloved guide that vali-
dates the third struggle, which for Ibn Khaldun is a debatable
endeavour. Ibn Khaldun the legist does not dwell on the bond of
love, which is the sole catalyst in the initiatic chain binding the
wayfarer onto his Lord and authenticating the mystical wayfaring
to its utmost stages. Unlike foremost Sufi works by realized Sufis,
one word is remarkably absent from the Shifrt': cishq, at best trans-
lated perhaps with the hackneyed English `love'.'63 Had cishq been
alluded to in the Shift', even if hastily, the intellectual argument
put forward by the Sufis of Granada would have crumbled and the
questioner would have found its cure. The intellect overthrown,
the lover would have trampled on books in his burning journey to
the Beloved, and 'whilst the pen was making haste in writing, it
split upon itself as soon as it came to Love', cries out Jalal al-Din
al-Rumi:64 For the Sufi lover, meanings evade their wordy prisons,
questions are not posed and answers are not needed. The lover is
deprived of personal will, with no possible choice but one. So the
wise bondsman submits to the guidance of a loved master leading
him onto the Beloved.
The Shift' does not touch upon this vital quintessence of
Sufism. Ibn Khaldun does point his finger at the differences and
complementarities between the teacher (shaykh al-tdiim) and the
educator or shaykh of spiritual education (shaykh al-tarbiya), or
between the legist and the Sufi. He informs us of the gap between
imitation (taqltd) and realization (tabqiq), and the difference between
the three levels of realization: the science of certainty ( ilm al-yaqin),
the vision of certainty (àyn al-yaqin) and the truth of certainty
(baqq al-yaqin). In addition, he deals with the issue of the spoken
word (0) and spiritual state (I:00, the harmonies and dichotomies
between the written book (kitab) and the spiritual guide (shaykh),
oral and written transmission of knowledge, and conveyed report
(khabar) and direct vision (nazar). He throws light on the-difference
between the outward science enclosed in the written treatise (maga),
acquired through the mind, and the orally-transmitted knowledge,
transferred by the recognized spiritual master, which leads to the
realization or mystical tasting of the spiritual states (abwal), the seat
of which is the heart. In all this, Ibn Khaldun was an 'intellectual

[who] handles an intellectual issue that he patiently examines from
all its facets':65 He was first and foremost a legist 'who could not
possibly have understood tasawwuf in the same way as the disciples
of a more contemplative mind did...':66
Ibn Khaldun was a man of action and a pragmatic scholar, but
with lofty ideals; and his life fluctuated between adventurous journeys
and yearning for peace. His works voice lucid rationalism in mat-
ters pertaining to this world and echo the recognition of a believer's
limitations in the face of spiritual realities. Ibn Khaldun is first and
foremost a child of his time, a Muslim who lived in the fourteenth-
century Maghrib and Mashriq. He was a Maliki legist, an advocate of
some aspects of Sufism, and we can now say, after reading the Shift'
al-sd'il li-tandhib al-masa'il, a historian of Sufism, a Sufi 'sympathizer'
and, even if very prudent, one who was nevertheless involved in the
Granada debate among his contemporary Sufis.
Note on Chapter headings and Sub-headings

The original Arabic text of the Shift?' contained descriptions of the
content of sections of the text that could be considered as chapter
headings. These descriptions are too long to be included as actual
chapter headings in an English text. We have therefore taken from
the original what is suitable for chapter headings in a translation. We
have done the same for the sub-headings and in places added new
sub-headings in order to clarify the text.
REMEDY FOR THE QUESTIONER IN
SEARCH OF ANSWERS
[Prologue]
In the Name of God, Most Compassionate and Merciful

May God bless and grant peace to our lord and master
Muhammad, his family and Companions.
Said the shaykh, the leader, the venerable legist and accomplished
teacher, the skilled scholar, whose versatile knowledge embraces
many fields, the most learned and unique master, the pole of the
religious sciences, the bearer of the standard thereof, he who unlocks
and solves all obscure intellectual questions and the precursor to
the ultimate object thereof, Abu Zayd Abd al-Rahman, son of the
accomplished and versatile legist, the pious and saintly late shaykh,
Abu Bakr Muhammad b. Khaldfin al-FIadrami (may God have mercy
upon his soul).
Praise be to God who, by His grace, bestowed inspiration upon
us that we may glorify Him; and may His blessings and benedictions
be upon our lord and master Muhammad, His servant and noble mes-
senger, and may His approval be upon the members of his family and
his Companions!
To proceed: certain brethren (may God protect them) made me
aware of a document that arrived from the Andalusian region, the
homeland at the frontiers (dinar) of the holy war (jihad), the shelter
of the righteous (salihun), ascetics (zuhhal), legists and worshippers
(cubbad). This document was addressed to some of the eminent people
of the city of Fez, a city where royal power is in effervescence, where
the seas of science and religion are overflowing, and where God's
promised rewards are secured to the supporters of His religion and

caliphate. The document hoped to shed light on the Path of the Sufis,
the people who seek self-realization (tahaqquq) through the mystical
tasting of divine unity (al-tawhid al-dhawqi) and intimate finding of
gnosis (al-mdrifa al-wijddniyya). The question raised by the brethren
was the following.
Is it possible to travel this very way, taste this knowledge and see
the veil lifted from the spiritual world by studying the books writ-
ten by the Sufis and conforming to their counsels which describe the
nature of the Path? Is it sufficient to study the written tradition, to
peruse these sciences and to rely upon books of guidance, such as the
Ihyd' and the Ricaya, which offer ample knowledge concerning the
beginning and arrival in this Path?' Or is it indispensable for the dis-
ciple (murid) to have also a spiritual master (shaykh), who would point
out to him the signs along the Path, caution him against its dangers
and differentiate for him between an ephemeral inrush (wand) and a
true state (hat) in instances when confusion occurs? In this way, the
shaykh would assume the role of a physician to the ailing or the just
guide to the unruly community.
This same document told of a debate that took place between
two students, one of whom had a negative attitude and the other a
positive one. The discussion encompassed arguments deriving from
rational reasoning (macqul) on the one hand, and the inherited tradi-
tion (matmal) on the other. One student believed that the way could
be followed without a shaykh whom the wayfarer could emulate,
without a leader's method to follow. As to the other student, he
held that a shaykh was indispensable for he would train the way-
farer on this path (sank), caution him about the dangers he perceived
and give him the enabling strength to sustain the ensuing spiritual
visions (matlat. The shaykh would also distinguish between lawful
spiritual states and heretical innovations (bidd); and consequently,
as a result of his guidance, the disciple's life becomes filled with spir-
itual joy and he is protected from the errors that could separate him
from God or cause His wrath. The debate was long and many saints
(abda1)3 and learned men (ùlama') took part in it. Finally, all mod-
eration and temperance disappeared between the two disputants.
Prologue
Yet, even though they had deviated from the correct answer, they
were closer to it than they thought.
I have therefore decided to clarify this issue and to answer these
questions. Can one arrive to the goal or not in this Path? Can the
novice attain it with books and compiled material alone, or is it nec-
essary for him to follow carefully a guide, to listen to him and act
upon his words? I have relied upon God in this, inasmuch as all help,
protection and sustenance come from Him. God sufficeth me! What
a wonderful Provider!
Discussion of this issue requires us to examine the Sufi way
closely and distinguish it from the other ways. Why was Sufism,
in its beginning, known as an expression of worship (ìbada) and
spiritual struggle (mujahada) and referred to in these terms? How did
the name Sufism (ta5awwuji) become the common appellation when
subsequently the Sufis started practising other forms of inward
struggle? Why did some of the later Sufis use this appellation when
referring only to the results of these combats, rather than to the
combats themselves, and how can their theory be refuted? Defining
all these terms will help greatly in clarifying this issue. And God is
the guide to the Truth!
CHAPTER ONE
On the Way of the Sufis, Its General Examination and

Differentiation from the Other Lawful Paths.
On the Meaning of This Name for the First Sufis
The Individual's Legal Obligations Prescribed by the

Law Divide into Two Groups
Know that God—glory be to Him, and may our hearts be filled with
the light of His guidance—has imposed upon our hearts certain acts
of belief (dmalan min al-ictiqachit) and upon our limbs some acts of
obedience (dmalan min al-tgat). The individual's legal obligations
regarding the worship of God, as prescribed by the Law, divide into
two groups.
Firstly, there are principles of behaviour (ahkam) which relate to
external actions (al-dmal al-zahira), namely worship (7badat), customs
(adat) and daily affairs (mutanawalat).
Secondly, there are principles of behaviour which relate to
inward deeds (al-dmal al-batina), namely faith (iman) and the vari-
ous qualities (gat) involving the heart and colouring it. Some of
these qualities are praiseworthy, such as chastity (ìffa), justice (cad°,
courage (shajda), generosity (karam), modesty (hag') and patience
(5abr); others are blameworthy, such as conceit NO, dissemblance
(riya'), jealousy (hasad) and hatred (haqd). Although all actions are
important for the Legislator (sharic), the deeds of the inward (basin)
are even more consequential than outward actions (zaIT); and this
is because the inward always rules the outward, and conditions
it. Inward actions are the principle of outward ones, which are
their mere effects. If the principle is good, then its effects are too,
whereas if the principle is corrupt, so are its effects. The Prophet
REMEDY FOR THE Q1JESTIONER IN SEARCH OF ANSWERS
(may God bless him and grant him peace) said, 'There is a piece
of flesh in the body which, if healthy, renders the whole body so,
and if corrupted, corrupts the whole body. This piece of flesh is
the heart."
God Created Instincts and Forces within the Heart
This means that God (may He be glorified) has created instincts

(ghara'iz) and forces (quwa) within the heart. Each one of these
instincts or forces was created with its own specific need, the fulfil-
ment of which gives it satisfaction and brings it to completion. Thus,
the instinct of anger finds satisfaction and fulfilment in reprisal and
revenge, whereas the instinct of appetite finds pleasure in the edible
and the carnal. In short, the instinct demands what befits its own
nature. Similarly, the instinct of the intellect (àql) naturally seeks
learning (ì/m) and gnosis (mdrifa). Moreover, since God has put in
the intellect the love of perfection (kamcil), it is constantly operating
in order to perfect itself by utilizing discursive thinking (fikr) as its
servant in all of this, to link, analyse, synthesize and differentiate.
For instance, the intellect will envision the enmity that a particular
person has for it, and so will provoke the bodily members to seek to
avenge upon this very person. It can also see perfection and beauty
in another person, and so will urge the bodily members to find its
pleasure in that person. When in a state of hunger, it can fancy a
dish as being agreeable and therefore stimulate the bodily members
to obtain this food. It can also become convinced that it has found
perfection in another human being, hence its desire and anxiety to
win over and possess this being exclusively. It might be irritated with
some other person and will devise a way to avenge itself upon this
person. The instinct can also imagine that perfection resides in itself,
so it consequently becomes self-conceited and disdainful of others,
deeming them to be inferior to itself.
In this manner, also, the instinct of the intellect demands the
fulfilment of its own nature in knowledge and learning and incites
discursive thinking to pursue them. Thinking yearns for the highest
perfection (al-kamal al-dla) through the knowledge of its Creator,
Chapter One
for it does not see any being more perfect than Him.' To achieve this
end, thinking contends with the chains of thoughts and concepts that
succeed each other in it, separating and intertwining them together
and then scattering and re-examining them again. All this activity
is aimed towards drawing nearer its Creator. It proceeds in an unin-
terrupted, unceasing fashion without the slackening or sloth that is
common to the rest of the body. Discursive thinking moves faster
than lightening and faster than a burning wick in the wind. In his
supplications, the Prophet (may God bless him and grant him peace)
often pleaded, '0 Director of the hearts!'; When taking an oath, he
would say, 'No, by the Director of the hearts r4 He (may God bless
him and grant him peace) also said, 'The Merciful holds the believer's
heart between His two fingers '5
Nevertheless, not everything the heart imagines to be perfection
and pleasure for these instincts is indeed so when viewed against the
Hereafter and eternal life, the felicity or wretchedness of which has
been described to us by the Legislator. On the contrary, the derivation
of pleasure in the satisfaction of these instincts is only experienced
through that which is immediate and temporal. What remains are
only the effects these actions leave upon the heart and the dispositions
that colour it, leading in the Hereafter to either goodness and bliss or
to evil and chastisement. This applies also to the instinct of the intel-
lect for even when its beliefs and concepts are related to its Creator,
some of these very beliefs and concepts lead to felicity while others
lead to wretchedness. It is only by means of the Law (shar) that one
can come to know which deeds, of both the spirit and the body, will
lead to eternal felicity.
The Prophet (may God bless him and grant him peace) has differ-
entiated between the praiseworthy (mahmud) and the blameworthy
(madhmiim), separating the good (tayyib) from the evil (khabith). He
also insisted upon the greater importance of the inward deeds, for
it is the inward that leads to walking on the straight path and is the
source of goodness or corruption in all actions, as shown in the
tradition cited above. This tradition is interpreted as follows: recti-
tude must be observed in the actions of the external body members
(istiqcimat al-jawarih) in order to leave its effect on the soul (nafs).
With constant reiteration, the soul becomes the guide; and without
any constraint, it leads the wayfarer in all his deeds towards walking
on the straight path.
The Prophet (may God bless him and grant him peace) said, 'God
does not reckon with your external aspects or possessions, but with
your hearts and deeds.' This is why faith (iman) is the source of all
action and the highest level of felicity, being the loftiest among all
the inward deeds; and worth how much more than the outward ones!
When God opened the hearts of the Prophet's Companions (may
God be pleased with them), they embraced Islam and accepted, with
the light of their Lord's guidance, clear evidence of Him.' They con-
centrated their efforts mainly on inward deeds, much more so than
on outward ones. They examined themselves and scrutinized their
thoughts, well-aware of their hearts' deceiving tendencies. It is this
issue that they discussed most of the time, warning and seeking each
other's help against their hearts' errings.
Listen to tmar b. al-Khattab's8 question to kludhayfa? (may God
be pleased with them both) and meditate upon it. One day kludhayfa
brought up the subject of the Hypocrites (munafiqun) and repeated
what the Prophet (may God bless him and grant him peace) had said
concerning them. Ùmar asked, 'I implore you by God who permit-
ted the heaven and earth to be, do you know if the Prophet (may God
bless him and grant him peace) included me among them?' Fludhayfa
answered, `No, although apart from you, I cannot exonerate anyone
else.'1° Look at how vigilant Ùmar was (may God be pleased with
Him) with respect to this hypocrisy (nifaq), and reflect upon its nature.
You will therefore understand that you need to beware of the hidden
aspects of inward actions and what is to be blamed and avoided there-
in. This will make you realize how important and dangerous they are
in religion. For if by hypocrisy Hudhayfa or tmar were referring
to that which is generally implied—namely the action of display-
ing Islam while actually hiding misbelief (kufr), like the
of Medina, or others—Ùmar, well aware of his innocence in this,
would not have been alarmed and would not have asked kludhayfa
this question. Indeed, any man knows that which he discloses and
that which he conceals, so how could Ùmar possibly be unaware of
Chapter One
this? What Ùmar feared was another type of hypocrisy: the hidden
dangerous fault that lies in the inward deed and that strikes suddenly
without man being aware of it.
As God had granted him the ability to see through the hearts
(ittila"ala al-qulab), the Prophet was able to penetrate their secrets and
read them. The word hypocrisy came to designate this type of action,
in which the inward reality is in contradiction with the observable
outward claim. Now the believer claims and displays rectitude, but
errors hide in his inward self. And despite the fact that errors happen
against his will, these do nonetheless vilify rectitude because they are
concealed in the heart and, consequently, resemble hypocrisy in that
they reflect a contradiction between the outward and the inward.
Therefore, in spite of the difference in meaning with hypocrisy as
commonly understood, the word has also been used metaphorically
and by extension to designate this particular type of blameworthy act
that can elude the man subject to the Law (mukallaf). The believer is
to watch over the states of the inward, exerting it to go straight, so
that the outward in its totality is guided to felicity. If a man is ever
heedless or slack in this duty, he becomes a hypocrite.
In a similar way, the word associationism (shirk) has become inter-
changeable with dissemblance (riya') since many objects become the
target of worship. The dissembler's prayers are not directed solely to
God, but partly also to the object of his dissemblance. In this, he is
like the associationist who worships two gods, which explains why
the word associationism has been used in lieu of dissemblance. The
Prophet (may God bless him and grant him peace) said, 'Dissemblance
is a lesser associationism (al-shirk al-asghar).'" All this clearly proves
that the inward is of the greatest significance. To concern oneself
with curing it is the wayfarer's most important duty.
Intention Is the Principle of All Actions

Let us go further in our explanation. Outward actions are all sub-
jected to free choice and man's power, whereas most inward actions
are not governed by free choice and rebel against human rule. The
human rule has no control over the inward while the outward is liable
to free choice, since it is governed by it and operates under its author-

ity, command and instruction. This is why intention (niyya) is the
principle (mabda') of all actions, the foundation of (as° and the spirit
(rah) behind all acts of worship. So much so that, if an action is devoid
of good intention, it is considered null and is not counted as an act
of obedience for the man subject to the Law. The Prophet (may God
bless him and grant him peace) said, 'It is the good intention that
counts in an action. Every man is granted that which he longs for:
if he yearns for God and His Prophet, he is led to them; if he aspires
to the world, he obtains it; if he desires a woman, he will marry her.
Thus, he reaches the object of his migration (hjra)."2
Those Who Value Actions Stemming from the

Heart Are Called 'Sufis'
When the Companions (may God be pleased with them) passed

away, and the second generation of Muslims came upon the scene,
those who had been guided by the Companions themselves,
through oral teaching and instruction, were called the Followers
(tabican). The generation after them was called the Followers of the
Followers (atba` al-tabicin). But thereafter people divided into differ-
ent opposing groups and many deviated from the main road and the
straight path. The actions stemming from the heart were forgotten
and neglected. The majority engaged in the betterment of physical
actions and conformity to religious rites, while totally disregarding
the inward. The legists worked on what had become a generalized
need: the standardization of outward worship (al-cibaclat al-zahira)
and the codification of the principles dealing with human interaction
(alikam al-mdamalat). They dealt with both fields either according
to the people's need for guidance, or as doctors of the Law dealing
with a collectivity in need of formal legal pronouncements (futya).
Those who were endowed with hearts (arbab al-qulub) were then
referred to as ascetics, worshippers, seekers of the Hereafter, or
those dedicated to God. They held on to their religion like those
who grip live coal between their palms', according to the reported
tradition."
Chapter One
Then an era of calamitous innovative beliefs followed. The

Muctazila,4 R_aficiis" and Khaki's' arrogated worship and renuncia-
tion. Since their belief—and belief is always the root of all things—was
distorted, their attempts to improve their deeds, whether inward
or outward, was in vain. The elect among the Sunnis were those
who valued the actions stemming from the heart and isolated them-
selves, following the steps of their worthy predecessors both in their
inward and outward deeds. `7 They were called Sufis. The teacher Abu
al-Qasim al-QushayrT. said, 'The name "Sufi" became widespread
around the year zoo AH. "8 Generation followed generation and nation
followed nation. The predecessors guided their successors, who in
turn transmitted the knowledge of God (fiqh Allah) that they had
inherited from their elders to those God led to their Path.
The Law Is Divided into Two Branches
In the period after the Followers of the Followers, the knowledge of

the Law (fiqh al-sharica) was divided into two branches.
The first branch is the knowledge of the outward (fiqh al-zahir),
which either applied to the actions of the physical members (afal
al-jawarib) and concerned the person subject to the Law as an indi-
vidual, or else applied to worship, customs or other outward actions
and therefore concerned the individual as a part of the community.
This body of rules is generally called substantive law (fiqh); the spe-
cialist in it is the legist, who issues formal legal pronouncements and
is the guardian of religion.
The second branch is the knowledge of the inward (fiqh al-batin),
and it is the knowledge of the actions stemming from the heart Weil
al-qulab). It concerns the individual subject to the Law on a personal
level as it applies to his worship and to the necessities of life.19 It is
called variously the knowledge of the heart (fiqh al-qulub), the knowl-
edge of the inward, the knowledge of moral care (fiqh al-want), the
knowledge of the Hereafter (fiqh al-akhira), and Sufism (tasawwuj).
The first—the knowledge of the outward—was dealt with exten-
sively because it simultaneously fulfils the needs of the majority and
answers a ruler's need for changes in formal legal pronouncements.
With every new era, its transmitters increased and its subjects mul-
tiplied.2° The second—the knowledge of the inward, and the most
essential for the individual on a personal level was scarcely dealt
with at all. At times, some learned men feared that this knowledge
(filth) would fall into oblivion and its upholders would disappear;
they feared that God's decrees governing the acts of the heart and
the movements of the inward would be ignored. Indeed, these are
more important for the believer subject to the Law and more likely
to bring him salvation. For this reason, works of great benefit, even
though not too numerous, were written by some men of wisdom
like Ibn cAta',n Muhasibi with his Ricaya and Ghazali with his Ihya'.
In view of the two explanations mentioned above, the Sufi-
aspirant (mutasawwifi and the legist converge concerning the actions
related to the physical members and the way an individual subject to
the Law is to deal with his needs. However, the Sufi-aspirant and the
man concerned with moral care (mutawarric) insist on the importance
of the deeds of the heart, its beliefs and colourations. They differenti-
ate between praiseworthy and blameworthy, salutary and pernicious.
They distinguish the ailment from the remedy. As to the legist, he
discusses the general need of all men subject to the Law with respect
to social interaction, marriages, buying and selling, legal limits and
other aspects of substantive law.
Ghazali compared the attitudes of the legist and Sufi-aspirant
with regards to worship and daily affairs." The legist views them
with the benefits of this life in mind, the Sufi-aspirant with those of
the Hereafter. Ghazali says:
The legist considers the religious practices—the root
of which is Islam—and determines the following.
Are these practices valid, and therefore deserving of
reward, as they do comply [with the Law] and do
not draw on a binding juridical sentence [forbidding
them]? Or, are these practices corrupt and therefore do
not deserve reward, as they do not comply [with the
Law] and will bring about a binding juridical sentence
[prohibiting them]? The legist must judge when the
blood of a man is licit because he refuses to perform
his duty, or when a man is to be protected because
Chapter One
he does perform his duty. In a similar fashion, he sets

apart the lawful from the unlawful, as in the case of a
man who has disposed of someone's property: should
this property be restituted to its legitimate owner or
not? In view of that, should justice be put into effect
or not? All these matters are of a worldly nature.
Ghazali also says that for the Sufi-aspirant all this can be explained in
terms of wounds in the heart, affecting his walking on the straight
path, which is the foundation of salvation (najat). The Sufi-aspirant
sees ritual prayer as an act of worship, the essence of which is the
heart's focus on divine unity (al-tawbid bi-7-qa1b).23 Yet, ritual prayer
will only supply provisions in the Hereafter when performed with
a conscious heart. The Prophet (may God bless him and grant him
peace) said, À man is only rewarded for the moments during which
he performed his prayers in a state of consciousness.' Also, À man
might perform his prayers and not be rewarded with a half, a third,
a fourth, not even a tenth of it.'24 Islam is both [inward] affirmation
(igrar) and [outward, verbal] confession ((Ural). If this is not mir-
rored in the heart—so that, in turn, the effects of this confession
can be reflected in the physical members' obedient subjection—then
it bears no consequence whatsoever in the Hereafter. Likewise, the
Sufi-aspirant only looks at the lawful and the unlawful in as much as
they constitute wounds in the soul or illnesses that must be uprooted.
The Prophet (may God bless him and grant him peace) said, `Leave
that which is doubtful and reach for that which is sure.'" He said
(may God bless him and grant him peace), À man is not among the
God-wary (muttaqin) until he has forsaken that wherein there is no
evil out of fear of an evil therein.'" Ghazali adds: `The legist does
not investigate the wounds that mark the heart and the way to avoid
them. Everything he deals with is tied to this world, since it contains
a valid road that leads to the Hereafter. If the legist is to ponder
about sin, the attributes of the heart and the rulings of the Hereafter
as such, he would be going beyond the limits of his own science.'"
As for me, I believe these words must not be taken in an abso-
lute sense. The legist's viewpoint is not limited to this world as such
because it is a worldly point of view, but for other reasons related to
his position. Indeed, as explained earlier, those who were charged to

impart the Law split into two groups. The first group gathered for
deliberations and issued formal legal pronouncements. The ruler and
the community relied on them to implement God's rulings in their
external aspects for all His people. The second group, namely the
worshippers and the ascetics, stressed the aspects in God's laws that
concerned them as individuals. Besides, some legists might indeed
uphold both laws at once.
The prophets guide men to God. They drag them by the belts
to protect them from Hellfire. They lead them to felicity and safe-
guard them from torment by reprimanding, beating or killing them,
depending on how harmful their actions could be with regards to
their future life. From the prophets, we learn that the most perfect
level in salvation is attained by submitting to the prescriptions of the
Law and implementing them in the best and most complete way,
through ensuring that the inward and the outward are in harmony.
The inward should be guarded and examined until no heedlessness
or slackness permeates it.
But there is also another level inferior to the preceding, at which
religious prescriptions are sometimes kept; and that is where the out-
ward and the inward will still agree, but while the outward is perfect,
the inward has been infiltrated with heedlessness and slackness. This
level differs from the first; but even there, salvation might be granted
since it is but a grace and mercy from God.
Then, there is the lowest level of performance of the religious pre-
scriptions which are observed to perfection outwardly, but are totally
neglected inwardly. In this case, man is not rewarded for his obedi-
ence and this does not lead to salvation. However, the Legislator's
pronouncements that befall those who completely neglect the Law's
prescriptions inwardly, namely sanctions, trials or even death, do not
apply to this last group because He did not give right of access to the
inward. Every man subject to the Law is answerable to himself, since
he is best aware of his own ailment. This being the case, one can only
hope that the amended inward will match the outward. The Prophet
(may God bless him and grant him peace) said, 'Did you split his heart
open?'" He also said, 'You come to me with your quarrels and one of
Chapter One
you might be more convincing in his arguments. If I pronounce any

judgement in that man's favour at the expense of his brother's right,
then I have only allotted him a share in Hellfire:29
The difference between the three levels at which the Law can
be kept corresponds to the three stations: submission (islam), faith
(iman) and excellence (ihsan). In the station of submission, the deed is
performed outwardly and the religious prescription is either accepted
or rejected. In the station of faith, there is agreement between the
outward and the inward in the fulfilment of the worship, albeit with
some heedlessness. There is hope for salvation at this level. At the
level of excellence, there is harmony between the inward and the
outward; and constant self-examination is sustained so that no heed-
lessness can ever infiltrate the actions. This is the most perfect level
for the one who seeks salvation. Every act of worship or religious
prescription is performed within one of these three levels. Indeed,
when some eminent scholars say that the Law has both aspects the
outward and the inward—they mean that it concerns the individual
who is subject to it, not only in his outward actions, [but also in
his inward actions].39 This does not imply, as some Batinis3i claim in
trivial statements contradicting the foundation of the Law, that the
Legislator has divulged some laws while He has concealed others.
And God is above their words!
Accordingly, the expert legist (al-faqih al-mufti) is the one to
understand all of this. If he is consulted in reference to the believers'
actions in view of the Law, and has to judge whether these are good
or corrupt, valid or invalid, his judgement (fatwa) is passed according
to this worldly life, a matter wherein he is competent, as Ghazali says.
If an individual seeks advice concerning his own salvation, the mufti
will set forth a judgement that will guide the individual in question
to salvation. This will be so, unless this particular mufti's knowledge
is limited to the first half of the Law, namely the one related to the
outward only, and therefore he can only pass judgement on the valid-
ity or invalidity of the actions in view of this worldly life. Then this
is a different problem.
As to the few capable of observing both the states of the inward
(ahwal al-basin) and the knowledge of the heart, they kept decreasing
with every new age; and remained hidden in every district where
the Law was transgressed and the souls had degenerated, [whereby
they were] busy pursuing their desires and being slaves of their lower
thoughts. [This latter state of affairs was] so much so that the Path
of these few had become a burden to most men's hearts, for it went
against their nature's innate dispositions, their instinctive propensity
to yield to passions and the delusive ambition [of thinking] that salva-
tion can be reached by means of outward actions only.
Nevertheless, in their innermost hearts, people regarded the few
with reverence and longed for the qualities that only this minor-
ity possessed: the knowledge of the Islamic dogma (àqa'id islcimiyya)
they had studied and were taught, and their natural love for purity
and good. Indeed, had he shown determination, one single thought
would have animated the soul of the Muslim who had truly compre-
hended his parents' religious practices: only by walking the Path that
this minority had followed would he be led to the Truth;. and only
by imitating them would he be ensured of right guidance.
Yet, the scarce number of supporters and the lack of assistance
induce laziness and is a step towards idleness. Even though a man
might be certain that felicity lays in the path followed by the elite
(khawwas), he will tend to follow the majority and blindly conform
to the fathers and teachers of the time, in words and actions. Man is
wrapped up in the life of this world, which he cherishes more than
anything else. His soul is attached to that which is familiar to him
and to others and will indulge in the hope of going straight in future
times to secure divine mercy and salvation. May God Most High
make his dreams come true and lead wretched souls to His mercy!
The Prophet (may God bless him and grant him peace) conveyed [in
a sacred tradition (hadith qudsi)], 'I am of the same thinking as My
servant is towards Me. So let him think of Me as he wills. Wisha "
(may God be pleased with her) said, 'On the Last Day, people will
be judged by their intentions/34 Those who lived a life of bliss in
this world might also enjoy His mercy in the next. 'Say: 0 my peo-
ple who have been prodigal against yourselves, do not despair of God's mercy;
surely God forgives sins altogether; surely He is the All-forgiving, the All-
compassionate' (Q.xxxix.53).35
Chapter One
Thus, the elite gave precedence to the deeds of the heart over the
actions of the bodily members in both the prescriptions of the Law
and customs. Junayd (may God be pleased with him) said, Ìf you see
a Sufi concerned with his outward, then know that his inner is in
a state of ruin '3° This group was then referred to by the name and
appellation Sufi.
The Etymology of the Name 'Sufi'

Some people took upon themselves to find the etymology of this
name, but their analogies did not help them much.. Sufi was said to
be an appellation for the man clothed in wool (saf), but Sufis did not
use wool exclusively.. Only their imitators wore wool, thinking that
the Sufis' occasional wearing of a woollen garment as a token of aus-
terity (tagallul) and asceticism (zuhd) was a distinguishing feature. This
thought was pleasing to the imitators and this is how they became
the instigators of this derivation. Actually, the Sufis who wore wool
did it to emphasize austerity and asceticism, since they preferred to
be clothed in the habit of poverty like those whose primary attach-
ment is not this world. The Prophet (may God bless him and grant
him peace) said, let not this world be your main concern for it will
destroy you as it destroyed those before you.'39 The Prophet (may
God bless him and grant him peace) also said in a sacred tradition
that conveys His Lord's words, 'Be in this world like a stranger or
like a passer-by.'44 It is also said that 'Omar b. al-Khattab (may God
be pleased with him) used to patch his clothes with pieces of leather..
Some claim that the name Safi derives from suffa, which they
think explains the origin of this Path. Some of the Emigrants abided
by the veranda of the Messenger of God's mosque (may God bless
him and grant him peace) and they were called the People of the
Veranda (ahl al-suffa). Among them were Abu Hurayra
Abu Dharr al-Ghifaxi,44 Bilal al-Habashi,45 Suhayb al-RI:unto Salman
al-Faxisi44 and others. Know that, during the life of the Prophet (may
God bless him and grant him peace), the People of the Veranda were
not singled out by any kind of worship peculiar to them, but because
they resembled the Companions, both in their acts of worship and
in their performance of the legal duties q' The People of the Veranda
were distinguished only because they were poor, strangers and abid-
ed by the mosque. The Prophet (may God bless him and grant him
peace) made the Emigrants of Quraysh brothers with their hosts from
the neighbouring tribes of Aws and Khazraj.49 But since the People
of the Veranda remained strangers, the Prophet gave them shelter
with himself. He shared his mosque with them and ordered that they
should be helped. He would seek their company and they would
accompany him when he was invited to a meal. Bukharis° cites Abu
Hurayra (may God be pleased with him) who said in a long tradition,
`The People of the Veranda are the guests of Islam. They did not seek
refuge with a family, in wealth, or with anyone. If the Prophet (may
God bless him and grant him peace) was given alms, he would send
it to them without retaining anything from it. If he received a gift,
he would call for them, keep a portion of it for himself and share the
rest with them.'si In spite of all this, it is an etymological mistake to
derive the world Sufi from suffa.52
Similarly, others argue that scifi comes from .safa' (purity), but
etymologically this is also incorrect.53 There remains that the name
Safi is merely a name to designate this group and to differentiate it
from others. It is only later that various forms were derived from it,
such as Sufi-aspirant or Sufi, their path being called Sufism, and their
people the Sufi-aspirants (mutasawwifun) or the Sufis (safinian).,
Since we have agreed that the name Sufi is used to refer to the peo-
ple on this specific Path, let us now elucidate its meaning by defining
and describing it. We say that Sufism is the observation of the rules
of proper conduct vis-a-vis God in both inward and outward deeds,
respecting the limits He has imposed upon us, giving precedence to
the deeds of the hearts, watching its secret recesses, while aspiring
therewith to salvation. This is what characterizes this Path as such.
This will also explain the way of the last among the Predecessors
(salad') as well as the earlier Sufi generation, and how, after them, the
name Sufi came to designate one of the spiritual struggles only: the
one leading to the lifting of the veil (rail al-hijrib). We will now elu-
cidate and clarify this.
CHAPTER TWO
On the Aspirations of the Sufis Towards Spiritual

Struggles and the Reasons Why They Engaged in Them
Let us first go through some preliminary definitions in order to clar-

ify the nature of the Sufi Path.
Preliminary
On the Meaning of the Spirit, the Soul, the Intellect and the Heart
On the State of Perfection and What Befits It
Know that God (glory be to Him) created man of two substances:
the first is a visible corporeal mass with a tangible frame, namely the
body (jasad); and the second, a subtle reality (latifa rabbaniyya) that He
bestowed upon man and deposited in the body, its seat. The subtle
reality is to the body what the horseman is to his mount or the sultan
to his people. The body yields to its authority and submits to its will.
The body has no power over the subtle reality and is incapable, even
for one moment, of rebelling against it since God gave the subtle real-
ity mastery and diffused in it power over the body. The Law refers
to it as spirit, heart, intellect or soul. At the same time, these terms
denote other concepts; if the reader wishes to know more concerning
this point, he can consult Ghazali's book.'
By subtle reality, the Legislator might designate the trust (amana).
God Most High said, 'We offered the trust to the heavens and the earth and
the mountains, but they refused to carry it and were afraid of it; and man car-
ried it. Surely he is sinful, very foolish' (Q.xxxm.72). According to one
of the interpretations of trust, man is sinful for he dared to carry it,
despite the immense dangers it entailed for either his future felic-
ity or wretchedness. May God protect us and shower us with His
kindness! The word 'carrying' (haml) is only a metaphorical approxi-

mation because, in reality, man is helpless, capable of neither bearing
nor shedding this burden or trust. His carrying of the burden, and his
acceptance to carry it, actually refers to that which has been preor-
dained in the Mother of the Book, namely a 'carrying' that will lead
either to his felicity or to his wretchedness.
God has created the subtle reality. It originated in the World
of Divine Command; and its essence was still incomplete when
God granted it an innate disposition that aspires to perfection. The
Prophet (may God bless him and grant him peace) said, 'Every child
is born according to his primordial nature (Jitra); it is his parents
who lead him to Judaism, Mazdeism. or Christianity."' The reality
was then brought into this world in order to obtain the perfec-
tion that befits its essence and conforms to its nature (tab). Since
this subtle reality emanates from the Spiritual World (al-`clam
al-ruhani), wherein knowledge is intrinsic and does not need to
be acquired by the essences, the perfection of the subtle reality's
essence lies in its acquisition of the science and knowledge related
to the reality of existents (mawjudat). With this knowledge and sci-
ence, the reality is then able to envision its own original world and
to know the Attributes of its Creator and His effects. In order to
attain this stage of perfection, the subtle reality has to be brought
into a world that was created for it and is a gift from God to the
individuals subject to the Law (mukallaftin). As it is repeatedly said
in the Qur'an, 'God has subjected to you what is in the heavens and earth'
(Q.xtii.3i); He 'assigned to you...heaven' (Q.I1.22); 'He who made the
earth [submissive to] you' (Q.Lxvir.T5); `He who has appointed for you the
stars' (Q.vI.97), and many other verses. Accordingly, in this world
the body acts, animated by the forces suffused in it by the subtle
reality. The effects of the body's actions, in turn, redound to the
subtle reality. In so doing, the subtle reality's aspiration towards
perfection increases and its incentive to acquire knowledge intensi-
fies. And thus it is until this knowledge is disclosed and its essence
partially or fully completed.
Actions (a`mal) and learning (ìlm) are, then, to the subtle reality
what sustenance is to the body. With nutrition, the body increases
Chapter Two
in strength, its frame is completed, and it develops naturally for the

young man who reaches maturity. Actions and learning have the same
function for the subtle reality. When it first comes into the world, the
subtle reality is like a young child who is just starting to grow up;
yet, it is in this world that it reaches perfection as it is affected by the
imprint that learning and actions leave upon it.
Because the world is in essence a world of opposites (calm
al-mutadaddcit), the actions with their effects redounding on the subtle
reality are of two kinds. Some, such as good deeds and virtues, help
it advance towards perfection, while others, such as evil deeds and
vices, are obstacles that divert it from perfection.
If the effects attained promote goodness and purity, then the sub-
tle reality's aspiration for perfection increases, and so does its yearning
and longing for good; it also becomes easier for the subtle reality to
lean towards and perform such actions. If the good action is repeated,
the effects that permeate the subtle reality are multiplied; and with
reiteration, this process continues and increases until the virtues that
secure perfection become firmly rooted in the subtle reality, over-
whelming it and preparing it for its eternal felicity.
If, however, the deeds further evils and vices, the subtle reality
is diverted from its aspiration to perfection and becomes incapable
of reaching it. This, in turn, paves the way for other vices and more
evils to beset the reality, finally leading it to ultimate wretchedness,
unless God in His compassion and mercy saves it. God Most High
said, 'As for him who gives and is God-wary and confirms the reward most
fair, We shall surely ease him to the Easing. But as for him who is a miser,
and self-sufficient, and cries lies to the reward most fair, We shall surely ease
him to the Hardship' (Q.xcit.5—io); 'Whoso does righteousness, it is to his
own gain, and whoso does evil, it is to his own loss' (Q.xLI.38); 'Every soul
shall be pledged for what it has earned' (Q.Lxxlv.4o); and 'God charges no
soul save to its capacity, standing to its account is what it has earned, and
against its account what it has merited' (Q.11.286). The Prophet (may
God bless him and grant him peace) said, [On Judgement Day],
your actions will be given back to you:' If God illuminates the
subtle reality with the light of faith, purifies it through good deeds,
and keeps it from the foulness of vile ones, then it can return to
God liberated from the impediments of this world and its obsta-
cles. The subtle reality will have then captured the perfection for
which it was created and brought forth into this world. God Most
High said, created the jinn and humankind only that they might worship
Me' (Q.12.56); and, according to Ibn Àbbas,4 'to worship means to
know'.5 God Most High said, 'Then unto Us you shall return, then We
shall tell you what you were doing' (Q.x.23).
Preliminary it
On the Difference between Acquired Science (al-cilm al-kasbi),

Inspired Science (ilham) and Revelation (wahy)
Know that, when the body became the seat of the subtle reality,
the latter diffused in it a strength emanating from itself and aiming
at reaching perfection in this worldly existence. Because the reality
emanates from the World of Divine Command (Warn al-amr) and the
Dominion (malakut),6 two possible ways were determined for it to
perfect itself through sciences and knowledge.
The first way lay within the world that was created for the subtle
reality, and where everything is subjected to it. The second way is
through the subtle reality's own world, from where it originates and
with which it partakes of the same essence. Through the way of life
in this lower world, the subtle reality acquires sciences and learning in
the following manner: it apprehends the objects of perception with
the external senses; with the help of the imagination, it draws out
the forms these objects, and from these forms it abstracts their intel-
ligible meaning; finally, discursive thinking deals with these concepts
through synthesis, analysis and the setting of analogies. This contin-
ues until the subtle reality attains its goal. This type of knowledge is
called acquired learning (aVilm al-kasbi).
The other way is that of the higher realms: the World of Divine
Command and the World of Spiritual Entities (Warn al-rah:min at),
wherefrom the subtle reality draws its knowledge by way of cleans-
ing itself from the impurities engendered by vile deeds and freeing
itself from the darkness of the human condition. Then it becomes
receptive to the breezes of compassion and flows of perfection and
Chapter Two
felicity emanating from the higher realms. Thus the light of learning
and gnosis can shine in the heart.
The subtle reality is cleansed and liberated from impurities
through spiritual combat in two ways. The first is whereby the real-
ity is purified by way of an instinct (ghariza) settled in its innate
disposition from the moment it was created. This instinct is called
preservation (`tsma) since its role is to prevent the reality from
yielding to what could involve any wrongdoing (mukhalafa). If the
opaqueness of the human condition is obliterated, and the lot of the
devil in the human heart extirpated by the light of prophethood,
God will bring about the knowledge shining forth from that higher
realm and cast it along with the contemplation of the transmitter
of this knowledge, who is an angel. This is revelation (wahy), the
knowledge of the prophets (may God's blessings be upon them). It
is the highest level of knowledge.
On the other hand, if the process of purification (tasfiya) and lib-
eration (takhlis) of the subtle reality is undertaken through a matter
of acquisition (iktisab) and artificial labour (twig find°, the result-
ing knowledge imparts neither consciousness of its cause nor of its
transmitter; it is but a breath in the innermost heart. This type of
knowledge is inferior to the first and characterizes the saints (awliya')
and the sincere believers (siddipan). It is called inspiration (ilham),
unveiling (kashf), or God-given learning (laduni). God Most High
said, 'We had taught him knowledge proceeding from Us' (Q.xvin.65).
Revelation and acquired learning are two obvious matters:
acquired learning is obtained through the senses, whereas revela-
tion comes necessarily through religion. As for inspired knowledge
al-ilhami), it is almost agreed that it is a finding of an
intimate nature (wijdani). Its clearest and most truthful proof is
the station of dreams (hal al-ru'ya), when the veil of slumber is
removed, the burden of the external senses is lifted from the heart
and its powers concentrate on the inward. The subtle reality seizes
a perception pertaining to its own world in a straightforward man-
ner, through an image or by way of a similitude. The veracity of
this type of perception is confirmed in the states of wakefulness.
These states result from a lessening of many factors that normally
impede this perception, such as the numbness of the external senses.

And what if the corporeal obstacles were to be lifted and all the
other traits peculiar to the human condition erased! The Prophet
(may God bless him and grant him peace) said, 'A true vision
(al-ru'yd al-sdliha) is one of the forty-six gifts of prophethood';7
and 'A vision is a heralding sign (mubashshirat).' 8 Revelation (wally)
from and spiritual perception (itti/d) into the Dominion Plant
al-malakut) always start with a vision. Wisha (may God be pleased
with her) said, 'The revelations of the Prophet began with a veridi-
cal vision (al-ru'ya al-scieliqa). All his visions arose like the breaking
of dawn in the morning '9
Ghazai illustrates these two different sources of knowledge for
the soul with two examples.' In the first example, there is a pond,
the water of which flows in from outside springs or from a spring
located in the pond's bottom that has been silted up with mud. What
the outside springs are to the pond, the senses (bawds, sing hiss) and
discursive thinking (filer) are to those who work to acquire knowl-
edge. What the removal of the mud at the bottom is to the pond,
purification and spiritual struggle are to those who are endowed with
inspiration. The second example tells the story of Indian and Chinese
artisans. They were ordered to engrave two walls that faced each oth-
er in the king's palace. The Indians toiled in order to create masterly
images, creative sculptures and unprecedented inscriptions. As for the
Chinese artisans, they polished the wall facing the Indians. A lowered
curtain separated the two walls. When the artisans' task was over, the
Chinese were told, 'What did you achieve?' They answered, 'We per-
fected our work.' They were asked, 'Prove it to us.' The curtain was
lifted and the engravings of the Indian artisans, with all their statues,
were reflected on the polished surface of the facing wall: more perfect
in beauty and more truthful in its reflection. These two examples
might not constitute a proof for all. Yet, he who is endowed with a
healthy nature, a penetrating insight and a sound taste will find them
helpful. For the Sufi, no proof can better testify to the validity of
inspired learning (ìlm al-ilham) than vision (ru'ya).
Let us go further in our explanations. When God (praise be
to Him) created the world, He did not immediately thrust it into
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sensory existence (al-wujud al-hissi), but did so gradually and in

phases. First, God deposited all of its realities (bap lq) and essences
(dhawat)—great or small, collectively or individually—in a Book
He named the Tablet. He called the Creative Principle (HIS) the
Pen (galam), as attested to in the Qur'an. On this Tablet are record-
ed the realities that have been, are and will be until the Day of
Resurrection. Then, from this Tablet, and according to a gradual
progression in the created universe, God brought out His creation
into sensory existence. All of this is well known and we will not
linger on this point.
When God brought forth the subtle reality, He created it with a
desire to perfect itself; through knowledge of and learning about the
realities of the existents and the Attributes of its Creator. For this
purpose, He created it with two facets. One side of the subtle reality
is turned towards sensory existence wherefrom it draws the forms of
the existents, which are then brought by the senses to the intellect
where their abstract meanings are disengaged Finally, the imagina-
tion and discursive thinking arrange them in a significant order. The
other facet of the reality is turned towards the Tablet and the forms
of the existents are impressed therein. However, the human condi-
tion and the corporeal state can prevent and hinder this imprint, as
they are a veil between the Tablet and the reality. If the veil is lifted
through purification and deliverance from impurities, then percep-
tion (idrak) is achieved in its most perfect aspect; more perfectly so
than by means of the first facet. Indeed the senses and the imagina-
tion cannot always be relied upon to transmit faithfully the forms
and realities of the existents to the subtle reality, nor can discursive
thinking as it disengages and orders them to allow their conceptual-
ization (tasawwur).
Senses and imagination as well as discursive thinking are only
means and tools used by the subtle reality to grasp what it can of
its own essence. Actually, the subtle reality could faithfully imprint
these forms in itself, because they are part of 'its' self. Therefore, to
reach the subtle reality's essence through itself is safer than reach-
ing it through something other than itself; and reliance on itself
is safer than reliance on other than itself. The perception one can
REMEDY FOR THE QUESTIONER. IN SEARCH OF ANSWERS
attain through the second possibility, the way of the spiritual world,
is clearer than the one attained through the first one, the way of
sensory existence. Plato, the greatest Sufi amongst the ancients, did
not believe that peripheral perception of the spiritual world through
acquired learning constitutes an irrefutable certainty." According to
him, such learning only grasps what is most probable and most suit-
able. He thought that the difference between acquired and inspired
knowledge is comparable to the difference between opinion (?ann)
and knowledge (Cu) m.
The Qur'an and the Sunna affirm that God-wariness is the key to
guidance and unveiling. It is knowledge obtained without a learning
process. God Most High said, And [in] what God has created in the heav-
ens and the earth, surely there are signs for a God-wary people' (Q.x.6); 'This
is an exposition for mankind, and a guidance, and an admonitionfor such as are
God-wary' (Q.111.138); and '0 ye who believe! If ye keep your duty to God,
He will give you discrimination (between right and wrong)'
Discrimination Aron) is described as a light with which man can
differentiate between truth and falsehood and with which he will
avoid uncertainties. The Prophet (may God bless him and grant him
peace) often prayed for light in His supplications: '0 God, enlighten
me; increase the light in me; and fill my heart, my hearing, my sight,
my hair, my skin, my blood and my flesh with light."3
God Most High said, 'But those who struggle in Our cause, surely We
shall guide them in Our ways' (Q.xxlx.69); And fear God; God teaches
you' (Q.11.282). The Prophet (may God bless him and grant him peace)
was asked about the meaning of the words of God Most High, 'Is he
whose breast has expanded unto Islam, so he walks in a light from his Lord. . .
(Q.xxxrx.a2). He explained that expansion results from the light cast
into the heart, and the chest expands and lies receptive to it. The
Prophet (may God bless him and grant him peace) also said, 'He who
acts according to what he knows, God will grant him the knowledge
of what he does not know' ;'4 'He who has sincerely worshipped God
for forty mornings will see sources of wisdom gush forth from his
heart unto his tongue'," and 'Beware of the believer's perspicacity
(firasa) for he does see with the light of God."6 He also affirmed,
`There are inspired people in my community, and 'Dinar is one of
Chapter Two
them.'" As to Abu Yazid, he said, 'The learned man is not the one
who has memorized part of God's Book by heart—indeed if he for-
gets, he will become an ignorant man—rather, the learned man is the
one who draws his knowledge directly from his Lord: whenever He
wishes to He bestows it upon him, without any need for memory or
study.' Let us also quote the words of God Most High, 'And We had
taught him knowledge proceeding from Us' (Q.xvm.64).
As we have mentioned earlier, knowledge is imparted directly
from God. If it is acquired through learning, it is not God-given
(cam laduni). God-given knowledge will blossom in the innermost
heart without any external habitual cause. There are innumerable
examples of it, especially among the followers of the Prophet, their
followers and those who came after them. Abu Bakr told Wisha (and
may God be pleased with both of them), 'They are your [two broth-
ers and] two sisters' ; his wife was then with child and she indeed
gave birth to a girl." Similarly, the famous story of Ùmar (may God
be pleased with him) who said during his sermon, '0 Sariya, the
mountain, the mountain!' Many other examples could be given if
we wanted to examine this aspect in depth. This, however, would
lengthen our explanation and distract us from our study.
Preliminary in
On the Meaning of Felicity and Its Degrees
Know that felicity lies in attaining the bliss and pleasure that are
obtained through the satisfaction of the instinct, when granted what
it longs for and what fulfils its nature. Therein lies perfection for the
instinct. The pleasure of the instinct of anger lies in revenge, that of
concupiscence in food and coupling, and that of sight in vision. The
pleasure that fulfils the subtle reality lies in learning and gnosis since,
as we said earlier, it is through them that it is able to fulfil its nature."
Thus, the degrees in pleasure vary with the degrees of the different
instincts themselves.
It was made evident that the subtle reality is the most perfect
among the faculties of perception. Consequently, the pleasure that it
derives from perception is also the most complete and most intense.
REMEDY FOR THE QUESTIONER. IN SEARCH OF ANSWERS
Here, also, pleasure varies according to the levels of the object of

knowledge. For example, the sciences of grammar, poetry and sub-
stantive law are not the knowledge of God, His Attributes and His
acts. Learning about subjects and peasants is different from know-
ing the secrets of kings and the ruling of their kingdoms?' As we
mentioned earlier, this knowledge and acquired learning are different
from each other.
If the object to be known is more sublime and noble, if a science
is more complete and clear, if the longing to know this object is more
intense, then learning about this object is undoubtedly most pleasur-
able. Since there is nothing loftier, nobler and more perfect than the
Creator of all entities, the Giver of existence and order, how could
there be a supreme presence more sublime, perfect and beautiful
than the Lord whose Majesty none can even attempt to describe. It
is through God-given and inspired learning, spiritual perception and
unveiling that one can grasp the secrets and know the order encom-
passing all the existents. This is the highest type of knowledge, the
most perfect, clearest and pleasurable. This learning fosters delight,
joy and awareness of perfection."
It was made clear that learning is pleasure, and that the most
pleasurable type of learning is the knowledge of God, His Attributes,
His acts and the ruling of His kingdom. This is inspired God-given
knowledge (al-cam al-laduni), as we explained earlier. He
who perseveres in his pondering and wishes to grasp the secrets of
the Dominion will experience an even greater joy when the veils are
removed. He will then be beside himself with joy. This can only be
understood when experienced through mystical tasting, so trying to
describe it with words is useless. The students in some acquirable
science will have a foretaste of this pleasure when, after a long and
fervent perseverance, they finally solve an ambiguous question.
There are two types of pleasure. The first relates to the corporeal
instincts and lies in the satisfaction of their needs; the second relates
to the heart and is attained when its essential nature and need for
knowledge are fulfilled. The highest pleasure is the knowledge of
God Most High and His Attributes. The Prophet (may God bless
him and grant him peace) describes the pleasure resulting from the
Chapter Two
perception of Beauty in the presence of the Lord, 'I have prepared for
My good servants what no eye has ever seen, no ear ever heard and
no heart ever witnessed:"'' After death, the process of perception and
knowledge that had been impeded by the body is further unveiled
and clarified, whereby the object of perception and knowledge is
then seen. This is called a vision (ru'yn)."
The explanation is the following: if an observer looks at another
man and then lowers his eyelids, the image of this man remains in
the imagination. When he opens his eyes again, the object will be
perceived as it was perceived the first time; yet, the second perception
differs from the first one in intensity of evidence and clarity; in every
other respect, however, the observed object has not undergone any
change. Similarly, if a man perceives a human silhouette in the dark,
at dusk or at night, he is unable to distinguish the person and he can
only imagine it; when morning comes, daylight renders his percep-
tion clearer and he can then see the object from all perspectives; yet,
the observed object has still undergone no change.'
These are two levels of perception: the object when imagined
and the object when seen. Thus, it is not too far-fetched to say that
there are also two degrees in the knowledge of non-illusory existents,
such as the Creator (al-Bari) and His acts. One perception is clearer
and the other dimmer, the latter being clarified after death occurs,
when corporeal veils and hindrances are removed. The body—like
the eyelids, dusk or darkness—prevented the perfectly clear percep-
tion of the object and only allowed it to register in the imagination.
Since clarity depends on perception, what is to prevent God from
giving the eye, an organ or any other bodily member He chooses
the ability to perceive? When the veil is lifted after death, the seat
of vision is freed of all corporeal uncleanness and moral impurities
and brought to perfection by God. It is then that the Truth manifests
Himself. The Self-disclosure (tajalli) of the Truth and the removal of
the veil (inkishan perfect man's prior perception, just as the vision of
the observed object in full light completes the work the imagination
did beforehand.
The vision is without shape or substance; however, it is a real
image. It adds clarity and further unveils the knowledge gathered
in this world. Knowledge is a seed to the vision that will turn into
unveiling (mukashafa), just like the seed grows to be a tree or a harvest.
He who does not have a date pit will not grow a palm tree. Hence, he
who has not enjoyed some knowledge in this life will not enjoy any
vision in the Hereafter, because no one will ever be granted what he
did not pursue in this world. The Hereafter is the abode of recom-
pense (jaza'), not the abode of prescriptions (taklif). The Prophet (may
God bless him and grant him peace) said, 'Man dies in keeping with
how he lived. He will be raised [on the Judgement Day] in the state
he was in when he died.'" Thus, gnosis must lead to direct vision and
witnessing. The pleasure will then intensify, just as the lover's does
when he beholds the object of his love.
The knowledge that can be gathered in this world has countless
degrees. Likewise, there are different levels of Self-disclosure. As
we explained earlier, there are different stages in the visual percep-
tion of the observer who looks at an object in the darkness of the
night. This also applies to the disclosure of essences (dhawat) when
unshackled by the imagination. The Prophet (may God bless him
and grant him peace) said, 'Verily, God manifests Himself to the
people in general and to Abu Bakr in a special way.'28 This was
due to Alia Bakr's perfect knowledge. The Prophet (may God bless
him and grant him peace) said, 'Abu Bakr was not superior to you
because of his frequent praying and fasting but because of some-
thing which had settled in his heart.'" This connotes knowledge,
as shown previously.
It is evident that, for the individual subject to the Law, felicity
in the Hereafter is two-fold: firstly, corporeal felicity related to the
pleasure of the instincts and their forces; secondly, felicity pertain-
ing to the heart, which lies in the vision of God's Face. Even though
the visual faculties are a corporeal vehicle, the pleasure resulting
from the knowledge initiated by this perception [of God's Face]
lies in the heart. This type of knowledge is more important to -and
loftier for the gno sties (arifan), who give it priority. Thawri3° asked
Rabica," 'What is the true nature of your faith?' She answered, 'I
did not worship Him for fear of His Hellfire or out of ambition for
His Paradise, for then I would have been like the vile mercenary;
Chapter Two
rather, I worshipped Him out of love and desire for Him.'32 She
was also asked, 'What do you say about Paradise?' Her answer was,
`The neighbour has precedence over the house.'33 There are many
stories in this vein.34
Preliminary iv
On the Pleasure Resulting from Knowledge Obtained
through Unveiling in This Life and on Its Different Levels
Know that, if the subtle reality that is in us reaches the level of
inspired knowledge (Wm ilhami)—also called unveiling (kashf) and
spiritual perception (i//i/d)—through purification and spiritual strug-
gle, as explained earlier, knowledge is granted according to different
levels, which vary with the degree of purification and cleansing the
soul has achieved. Its initial point is the state of presence with God
(muhadara), which constitutes the last level after the removal of the
veil and the first level in the unveiling; then comes [the fullness of]
unveiling (mukashafa), followed by witnessing. This last stage only
occurs if all the traces of the individual existence (aniyya) are erased.
Al-Junayd (may God be pleased with him) said, 'He who is in the state
of presence with God is still tied to his individual existence; he who
has reached unveiling is drawn closer [to God] by his knowledge; as
to him who has attained witnessing, he is obliterated by his gnosis:35
The teacher Abu al-Qushayri said, "Presence with God"
can be reached by means of a chain of arguments. It is the presence
of the heart which is overwhelmed with the power of remembrance,
yet it is still behind the veil. "Unveiling" is the presence with clear
evidence of His Attributes (huduruhu bi-ndt al-bayan); in it there is no
need to reflect upon established proof (dalil), or to search for the way
or to protect oneself from the allegations of doubts; and in it there
is no veil that would prevent ascribing an attribute to the Unseen
(ghayb) Finally, "witnessing" is the presence with the Truth with-
out any trace of doubt left (titular al-Haqq min ghayr baqdi tukma).' 36
The difference between the three degrees in evidence is illustrated by
the following example. If one sees Zayd in the house from a close
distance or in the courtyard at noon, this perception of Zayd in the
radiant sun will be perfect and total. If another person sees Zayd from
a room, from afar or at sunset, he will know from the shape that it is
Zayd, yet he cannot picture the details of the concealed facets of his
shape. This is similar to the difference between the degrees of unveil-
ing in the religious sciences. The highest level of unveiling is that of
witnessing; it is the most perfect knowledge of God, His Attributes,
His acts and the secrets of the Dominion.
We explained that knowledge is like a seed within the subtle real-
ity, leading it in the Hereafter to ultimate felicity (al-sacada al-kubra):
the vision of God's Face. In the other world, felicity, which is Self-
disclosure, varies according to the degree of knowledge attained in
this world. Witnessing is its highest level; it is most precious and
noble, rare and evanescent. It will overwhelm him whose heart has
been purified to the most perfect degree possible.
After these introductory points, let us now clarify the position
of the Sufis with regard to this spiritual struggle and purification; the
preconditions, principles and rules of proper conduct they stipulate
for the attainment of the station of unveiling; what they set down
as technical terms, and how the word Sufism came to prevail as a
name and a surname for the Path. We will elucidate all of this, as we
promised earlier.
Know that we have explained the meaning of this Path for the
first generation among this group, and how it required the obser-
vance of the rules of proper conduct (rrayat al-adab), inwardly as
well as outwardly. Inasmuch as the Sufis started watching their inner
selves (bawatin) and concentrated on liberating their hearts, heedful of
their secrets, then purification was achieved and the lights of inspired
knowledge could shine forth. This knowledge, as we explained
before, resulted from purification and the removal of the veil and led
them to experience pleasure. With perseverance, the Sufi who had
steadily progressed on the Path and whose heart was in a perfect state
of purity reached unveiling and witnessing. Many Sufis were eager to
pass beyond all these steps to attain witnessing, the elixir of ultimate
felicity in the Hereafter and the vision of God's noble Face. They set
conditions for this spiritual struggle and for the purification leading
to inspired knowledge, but we shall be talking about them later.
Chapter Two
The observance of the rules of proper conduct defined by the

Law (al-adab al-sharciyya) in both the inward and the outward became
the first step in the ascensions (maccirij) towards witnessing. However,
the experienced Sufis did not prompt to the seeking of this station
because of its dangers and due to the fact that human forces are una-
ble to sustain the spiritual vision. They see that a slight lifting of
the veil and a bit of inspired knowledge are like seeds in the heart
for obtaining vision in the Hereafter, even though the seeds be few
in number. Fewer seeds are safer than many that carry with them
great perils and grave dangers. What follows proves this. Many of
the Sufis, whose purification was completed and perfected after the
veils were removed, have been suddenly bewildered by the light of
Self-disclosure and witnessing. They were obliterated and drowned
in an ocean of annihilation (Tana'). Some died on the spot, like the dis-
ciple who said repeatedly, 'I saw God,' to which Abu Yazid replied,
`Should he see me, he would die.' The disciple was brought to his
presence and as soon as his eyes fell on Abu Yazid, he died.37 This is a
well-known story and there are many others. Some were struck with
madness, drawn into a state of rapture and divine attraction (jadhb),
and they lost their minds and abandoned the religious prescrip-
tions; among them are the madmen and the lunatics, like the famous
Bahlal." Other Sufis remained staring fixedly, motionless until they
died Finally, there are those who are able to withstand the lights of
witnessing and Self-disclosure (anwar wa'l-mushahada); but
they are few. The Prophet (may God bless him and grant him peace)
said, 'God has seventy veils of light. If He were to remove them from
His Face, the sublimity of His Face would burn whatever He would
glance at.'"
He who has reached witnessing and progresses beyond it becomes
firmly rooted therein and is obviously stronger and more able to
withstand Self-disclosure. When the disciple gains control over a
particular station, then, so long as he has control over it, he has even
more mastery over the previous ones. In a chapter on sudden inspi-
rations (bawadih), the teacher Abu al-Qasim says, 'Some people can
withstand what can strike them unexpectedly because of their station
and strength; they are the masters of the moment (abna' al-waqt).'4°
He who does actually return from this journey victorious, having

reached the goal, will caution those who risk this path and warn
them about its dangers and even its goal, which seldom brings about
salvation. May God protect us! What a great victory for the one who
is protected from all this!
The shaykh of the gnostics said, `Do not seek witnessing, because
when man witnesses the Truth (shuhud al-k-laqq), he perishes.'4' Abu
Ali al-Fizajani said, 'Be a man who walks on the straight path and
not one who solicits miracles; it is your soul that urges you to per-
form charismatic acts (karama) and your Lord who calls upon you to
walk on the straight path:42 Another Sufi master said, after having
defined spiritual struggle and clarified the Path of Sufism, 'We have
mentioned this to caution the one who hastens to attain the pleasure
of witnessing and longs to be in a state of annihilation before he has
firm roots and before its due place. Our masters reject this:45 He
added, 'You would be seeking that which should be deferred to its
proper abode, namely the Hereafter, where there is no action any-
more. It would have been preferable for you had you spent your
time trying to perform outward actions while searching for some
inward knowledge, rather than reaching out for witnessing...The
beauty and virtue would then have increased in your soul, which
longs for its Lord, and in your self, which longs for its Paradise. If you
renounce the world of religious prescriptions, which is the ground
for ascensions and advancement, then you will reap only what you
have sown:44 (This is the extent of his words).45
Listen how these words forbid seeking witnessing. In truth, more
inward knowledge is necessary for reaching witnessing after death. It
is safer indeed, because more plants will harvest more fruits.
CHAPTER THREE
On Spiritual Struggle in General, Its Subdivisions

and Its Conditions
To recapitulate briefly what we have come across while examining

the doctrines and the statements [of the Sufis], we say that spiritual
struggle divides into three distinct, gradually-ascending kinds.
The First Spiritual Struggle

As we said in the beginning of this book, God-wariness signifies
cautiously observing the limits imposed by God, because the aim
of this struggle is salvation and fear of His punishment. Outwardly,
all transgression [of the Law] is to be avoided; if any transgression
occurs, repentance (tawba) is necessary. It is also imperative to forsake
that which would lead to a transgression, like the pursuit of fame,
excessive riches, an unrestrained way of life or fanatical religious
opinions. Inwardly, the deeds of the heart must be watched because
they are the source and principle of all actions, lest the forbidden
is yielded to or an incumbent duty neglected. Ibn Ata.' said, tod-
wariness consists of both the outward and the inward. Outwardly it
is to abide by the divine limits, and inwardly it is to have the right
intention and sincerity (ikh/ds:). '5 This struggle is essentially based on
moral care (ward). The Prophet (may God bless him and grant him
peace) said, 'That which is lawful is evident, and so is that which is
unlawful; yet between the two lies uncertainty. He who is wary of
the uncertain is cleared from blame in his honour and religion; but
he who is drawn to the land of ambiguity is like the grazing animal
on the verge of a forbidden area, about to fall in it. Indeed every king
has some forbidden lands and God's forbidden lands are His interdic-
tions!. The Prophet (may God bless him and grant him peace) also
said, leave that which is doubtful and reach for that which is not:3
As to Ibn Ùmar, he said, 'God-wariness is to discard the acceptable
for fear of the unacceptable'; and 'The servant of God is not fully
wary of Him until he is able to ignore that which generates doubt in
his heart:9 Finally, Abu Bakr al-Siddiq said, 'We used to leave seventy
kinds of lawful things for fear we would fall into the unlawful:5
The Second Spiritual Struggle

The struggle of walking on the straight path is that of the soul
striving for rectitude and moderation in all its natural traits until it
is polished and realized. Then, good deeds emanate from the soul
with ease. Thereafter ascetic discipline (riyada), spiritual education
(tandhib) and the teachings of the Qur'an and the prophets become
natural as if they were part of the soul's innate disposition. The
incentive behind this struggle is the pursuit of the higher degrees
of 'those whom God has blessed, the prophets, sincere believers' (Q.Iv.69).
Going straight is the path to these levels. God Most High said,
`Guide us in the straight path, the path of those whom Thou hast blessed'
(Q.1.7). If God has urged man to pray for rectitude seventeen times a
day during the seventeen obligatory prayer units, when the believer
recites the opening chapter of the Qur'an, it is precisely because
going straight is arduous, its goal is lofty and its fruit noble.9 The
Prophet (may God bless him and grant him peace) said, `Go straight
and no charge will be held against you:7
In order to go straight, the soul's character traits (khuluq) must be
cured and healed by opposing passion (shahwa) and caprice (hawa), and
resisting the traits' urges, inclinations or predispositions. This is carried
out through opposite action: miserliness is cured with generosity,
arrogance with humbleness, covetousness through the renouncing of
the coveted object, and anger with gentleness. God Most High said,
`[Those] who when they expend are neither prodigal nor parsimonious, but
between that is a just stand' (Q.xxv .67); 'And eat and drink, but be you not
prodigal' (Q.vii. 31); 'And keep not thy hand chained to thy neck, nor outspread
it widespread altogether' (Q.xv11.29); [And those who are with him] are hard
against the unbelievers, merciful one to another' (Q.3a.vm.28).
Chapter Three
[While he is trying to amend his soul], the wayfarer must show

forbearance because the remedy is bitter. Shaykh Abu al-Qasim
al-Junayd said, 'Know that only great men can withstand walk-
ing on the straight path, because it implies departing from the
habitual and parting with the conventional and customary. A man
must stand between God's hands with total sincerity.'s When the
Prophet (may God bless him and grant him peace) said, 'Had and
its sisters made me turn grey',9 he was referring to the imposition
of walking on the straight path in the words of the Most High,
`So go thou straight as thou hast been commanded' (Q.XI. H2). Initially,
performing right actions is unnatural, difficult and arduous, but
with repetition the effects of these actions slowly penetrate the
soul until they become deeply rooted qualities and innate disposi-
tions. The man who is learning to write goes through a similar
experience: at first he finds it difficult, but gradually the traces of
the act of writing rise to his inward self, the quality of writing
becomes part of him as if it were a natural disposition, and fine
writing originates with utmost ease.
As the wayfarer is struggling to walk on the straight path, the
therapy does not imply the stifling or total renunciation of his
human traits; these are natural dispositions and each one of them
is created for a purpose: if the appetite in man were suppressed, the
human race would either die out from hunger, or become extinct
out of abstinence. If anger were extirpated, man would perish due
to being unable to defend himself against the oppressor. The pur-
pose of this therapy is to establish rectitude firmly in the soul.
Then, the soul can govern its instincts naturally, according to the
laws of conduct set by God. In so doing, the soul becomes accus-
tomed to life after death, when it will sever its ties with this world
and meet its Creator with a heart freed of anything that would
keep it from walking on the straight path. Indeed, with every devi-
ation, one of the soul's natural traits will cling to it and alienate
it from God. This is what is meant by erasing the blameworthy
dispositions in the heart, and purifying it through praiseworthy
virtues. Any departure from the middle course and moderation is
reprehensible.
27
Know that striving to walk on the straight path is an individual

obligation (lard cayn) with respect to the prophets (may God's bless-
ings be upon them). God Most High said, 'So go thou straight as thou
halt been commanded' (Q.x1.113); and 'Thou art truly among the Envoys
on a straight path' (Q.xxxvi.3). He also told Moses and Aaron (peace
be upon them both), 'So go you straight, and follow not the way of those
that know not' (Q.x.89). When Wisha (may God be pleased with her)
was asked to describe the nature of the Prophet (may God bless him
and grant him peace), she said, 'Have you not read the Qur'an? His
nature (khuluq) was the Qur'an.'m The Prophet (may God bless him
and grant him peace) was taught what to do and what to avoid by the
Queanic verses. He (may God bless him and grant him peace) was
the first to be taught and educated thus; and from him, light shone
unto the rest of humankind. First he was taught by the Qur'an and
then he taught men. The Prophet (may God bless him and grant him
peace) said, 'I was sent to bring to perfection the noble character traits
(makarim al-akhlaq).'n
Will (irada) is the first condition in this struggle and ascetic disci-
pline is the second one. By will, the Sufis do not refer to that which
is commonly implied, namely fancying an object and then striving
for it; this is the way of the soul. Rather, for the Sufis, will is a state
of absolute certainty (hal al-yaqin) that overcomes the heart to the
point whereat an act is determined upon so fully that the disciple
seems compelled rather than free in his purpose. The teacher Abu
al-Q:45in says:
Will is the initial step on the Path of the wayfarers
and it is called will because it is the first station for the
travellers on their way to God. The attribute of will is
the premise of every action, because if a man does not
will, he does not act. Since this is the first station for
the wayfarers, it is called 'the will' by analogy with 'the
purpose' (qua) that sets off an action. According to the
rules of etymology, the 'wilier' (murid) is he who has
a will (irada), just as the learned (à/im) is he who has
knowledge (ìlm). Nevertheless, in this particular Path,
the wayfarer or 'wilier' has no will. In the mystical
Path, he who has not stripped himself of his own
x8
Chapter Three
will is not a 'wilier', just as in a grammatical sense, he

who does not have a will is not a `wilier'." Essentially,
will is the awakening of the heart to the quest for the
Truth. It has been called 'a burning desire that dispels
all fear.'13
As for ascetic training, it consists in cleansing the heart from all
vices and blameworthy faults and purifying it through praiseworthy
virtues, namely through rectitude and moderation in all of its traits,
instincts and natural dispositions.
The therapy concerns the outward first: the wayfarers must ignore
that towards which men tend to lean and with which the Devil can
tempt the believers' hearts, such as the seductions and lures of this
worldly life, honours, riches, social involvement, the cravings of the
flesh, lust and the luxury of sleep. God Most High said, 'Decked out fair
to men is the love of lusts—women, children, piled-up heaps of gold and silver,
horses of mark, cattle and tillage. That is the enjoyment of the present life; but
God—with Him is the fairest resort' (Q.m.13). So long as he is likely to
deviate from the straight path, and until he masters it and firmly estab-
lishes himself in this station, the wayfarer must avoid and renounce
[these worldly pleasures] and keep away from them as he would from
a deadly snake.
Then, the wayfarer has to remedy his inward by liberating it from
the traces left by these faults, just as he had severed the outward from
the causes behind the traces. The struggle is a long one and varies
with the different factors, age, character and the predominant blame-
worthy traits [of each wayfarer]. This is an abstruse science except
to the one whose path God has eased= We shall surely ease him to the
Easing' (Q.xcn.7). A shaykh might be the one sent by God to guide
and ease the way [of the wayfarer] to his Lord.
As we said above, in this spiritual struggle and healing process, the
general rule consists in resisting caprice and curbing passion as well
as all the motives behind the traits likely to dominate the wayfarer's
soul. The disciple must do so until his soul reaches moderation and
rectitude, and until the desire and leaning of the instincts towards
one direction or another—disappear. The wayfarer is to become
indifferent to action (fi 'it) or non-action (tark), prosperity (wajd) or
on
poverty (faqr). He concentrates with all his strength on submitting

to the Truth and the Just (al-Ad1), and devotes himself exclusively
to God Most High. He no longer shows any preference for renun-
ciation over enrichment (tamawwul), or for monasticism (rahbaniyya)
over a life of enjoyment (tamattul The Prophet (may God bless him
and grant him peace) said, 'I fast and break my fast; I sleep and I
stay awake; and I also marry women. Whoever does not follow my
tradition is not amongst my followers.'" The disciple must apply
these spiritual exercises gradually, not too rigorously, for then, as
the Prophet (may God bless him and grant him peace) said, he will
be 'like the rider who overloads his mount and neither travels far nor
spares the back of his mount'." He (may God bless him and grant him
peace) also said, 'The effort that is most pleasing to God is the one
that is most persistent' ;16 and 'Undertake only what you are able to
accomplish.'" There are many similar statements. If the heart is given
the quality of rectitude, if it is modelled on the Qur'an and guided by
its rules of conduct, then this means that [the wayfarer] respects the
Sunna and follows in the straight path of 'those whom God has blessed,
prophets, sincere believers, martyrs, the righteous; and how excellent are those
companions!' (Q.D t .69).
The Third Spiritual Struggle

This is the struggle towards unveiling and spiritual perception. In this
struggle, the human qualities (al-silat al-bashariyya) are obliterated,
and the corporeal forces (al-quwa al-badaniyya) in man are neutralized,
the way they are after death or virtually so!' This is achieved through
ascetic discipline and spiritual struggle. Then the subtle reality faces
the Truth, the veil is lifted and the secrets of the universes and the
sciences are made transparent to the witnessing soul. This is inspired
knowledge, a knowledge which is attained through purification, as
we explained earlier. According to the Sufis, there are several condi-
tions to this struggle.
The first condition is to have realized the first stage described ear-
lier: God-wariness. Indeed, this is the foundation of worship; its goal
is the first level of bliss, namely salvation. Jariti said, 'He who has not
Chapter Three
fully achieved God-wariness and fully examined his self (muhasaba)

has not reached unveiling and witnessing.'"
The second condition is to have secured the aforementioned sec-
ond struggle: going straight. Wasiti said, 'Walking on the straight
path is the quality through which beautiful virtues (mahasin) are
perfected.'" The reason going straight is indispensable before the
wayfarer can devote himself to the third struggle bears upon the
substance of the term unveiling. The heart, through purification,
unveiling and Self-disclosure of the realities in it, becomes like a pol-
ished body that mirrors the images facing it. Yet, the images are not
unconditionally reflected in the mirror. They are reflected faithfully
if the polished surface has a spherical shape with equal radii from its
centre to its periphery. Only then are images mirrored as they are
in their reality. If the polished surface is rectangular, quadrangular,
concave or convex, the images are not mirrored as they are in their
reality, but according to the reflecting surface and its shape. So it
is with the heart: if it has acquired the quality of going straight, if
the deeds emanating from it—whether action or non-action—are
in equal proportion, then it resembles the circle's surface. The forms
of the existents and the realities of the objects of knowledge (haqd'iq
al-mcadmat) are disclosed in it as they are. Then perception is true and
knowledge complete.
On the contrary, if the heart has not acquired the quality of
going straight, if the deeds emanating from it—whether action or
non-action are in uneven proportion, so that it tilts away from
the straight path by leaning towards it with some deeds and moving
away from it just as much with other deeds, then the heart resembles
the rectangular, quadrangular, concave or convex-shaped polished
surface on which perfect reflection is impossible. The realities are dis-
closed according to the heart as it is, not according to what they are.
In this case, the heart harvests nothing but weariness and deprivation.
This is why many wayfarers, longing for unveiling, pursue it before
they have even firmly settled themselves in the previous station, i.e.
going straight. Sometimes erroneous ideas can infiltrate their hearts;
then, the realities are reflected according to what is in their hearts and
in no way according to what they are. These wayfarers turn into free-
thinkers; they ignore the revealed Laws and become outright atheists.
May God protect us from such a fate! Walking on the straight path,
then, is a precondition for this unveiling, which is the key to inspired
knowledge and to the flawless and faithful disclosure in the heart of
these realities as they are indeed.
Yet, some can experience unveiling—namely the lifting of the
heart's veil (raf` bijab al-qalb)—by purifying their selves of that which
is not God (aghyar), and polishing their hearts through hunger, fast-
ing and sleepless nights without having fulfilled the pre-condition
of walking on the straight path. This is why many people, follow-
ers of different religions as well as adepts of the magical sciences,
labour towards unveiling by calling upon the power of celestial spirits
(ruhaniyyat al-aflak); and with their help, they exercise free disposal
(tasarruj) over the natural world. To them, the realities of the objects
of knowledge are not revealed as they are, but rather as they are in
their selves. They can only reap 'the manifest loss' (Q.xxxtx.
The third condition is to follow a shaykh who is a wayfarer, has
experienced the spiritual struggles and travelled the Path to God. To
him, the veil has been lifted and the lights have radiated. He has gone
through the different states and can lead the disciple step by step on
the ascending paths until the latter is bestowed divine mercy (al-rahma
al-rabbaniyya) and attains the station of unveiling and spiritual per-
ception. If the disciple succeeds in finding such a shaykh, he should
imitate him, be guided by his words and deeds and hold on to him
like the blind man on the seashore holds on to his guide.2' He should
submit to him and be in his hands like the corpse in the hands of the
mortician." He should know that it is more to his benefit to follow
in his master's footsteps, even in his mistakes, rather than rely on his
own personal opinion albeit sound.93
The fourth condition is to sever all the ties binding the wayfarer's
soul through the practice of asceticism, isolation (infirad), spiritual
retreat in obscure places, by covering the head with one's robe; or
wrapping the body in a tunic or heavy cloth, as well as by total
silence, days of fasting and sleepless nights. As he struggles to walk
on the straight path (mujahadat al-istiqama), the disciple aims at realiz-
ing all this within the limits of moderation until the even proportion
Chapter Three
between action and non-action becomes an innate disposition to the

heart. However, in this particular struggle, the wayfarer is asked to
avoid all action, as well as numbing and mortifying all other human
forces, including discursive thinking. He must become dead to his
flesh and awaken in his spirit." His heart must be void of all things but
Him, as though his corporeal side were obliterated, extinct the way it
is for the dead man. The Prophet (may God bless him and grant him
peace) referring to this state says, 'Die before you die.'zs
The fifth condition is sincerity of intention (sidq al-irada). This
is where the love of God overwhelms the wayfarer's heart, and he
becomes like the fervent lover with only one desire. If these condi-
tions are fulfilled, the course of the struggle is the following: the
shaykh asks the disciple to devote himself to the constant remem-
brance of God and to avoid excessive outward litanies (al-awrad
al-zahira) and Quranic recitation; he limits the disciple's prayers to
the obligatory (furad) and supererogatory acts of devotion (rawatib).
The disciple's litany consists in the incessant remembrance of God
in a heart that has been emptied of anything else. Shibli2o told
klusart 'If, from one Friday to the next, anything other than God
crosses your mind, then do not even come to see me.'27 The shaykh
instructs the disciple to withdraw for a spiritual retreat in a secluded
place away from people (zawiya) and asks someone to give him the
necessary amount of lawful food; indeed lawful food is essential
in all religions. The shaykh gives the disciple a specific [formula
of] remembrance with which he will occupy his tongue and heart.
The disciple will sit and repeat, 'Allah, Allah, Allah!' or 'There is no
god but God, there is no god but God' (la ilaha ilia Allah, la ilaha illa
Allah)!" He must persevere until the tongue's movements subside
and the imagination of the movements remains. Then the trace of
the imagination disappears from the tongue and the word's image
remains in the heart.29 Ultimately, the image of the word is erased
from the heart—that has become void of everything—and only
the word's meaning (macro) remains in it, present and permanent. It
is at this stage that the wayfarer must be most wary of the Devil's
whispers and worldly thoughts. He must watch his inward states
unremittingly and inform his shaykh if he detects any indifference
or ardour, laziness or sincere effort. The wayfarer must discuss his

state with none but his shaykh for he knows how to best nurture him
The shaykh, too, must be cautious because this phase is very
dangerous for the wayfarer as his mind might be invaded by some
[distracting] imagining, whereby the disciple might become lax and
his efforts will be invalidated. Even him whose heart is solely occu-
pied with the remembrance of God is threatened by the dangers of
conceit, joy and self-satisfaction (qumdc) at the first charismatic acts
(karamat) or spiritual states he experiences, which could bring about
a feeling of indifference in him and become an obstacle in his way-
faring. The wayfarer must sustain his effort all his life as if he were
a man whose thirst even the seas cannot quench. Withdrawal from
the world (ingird') and spiritual retreat are his capital wealth. If the
wayfarer escapes all these dangers and if his heart concentrates on his
Lord, the supreme presence unveils and the Truth discloses Himself
to him. The wayfarer is then transported with joy and pleasure;
and divine subtle realities, that no word can possibly describe, are
manifested.
After the lifting of the veil, the greatest danger for the wayfarer
lies in divulging all this and occupying himself with counselling and
advising other people. The soul finds pleasure in leadership by means
of teaching, referring to the Sunna and being listened to wholeheart-
edly and intently. The wayfarer will think he is a guide to God.
Nonetheless, there is yet another danger for him, namely relinquish-
ing work and efforts, which are the means to Self-disclosure. The
disciple will here think that he has reached the goal and thenceforth
does not need the means to reach it; so, consequently, the state of
Self-disclosure abates and the veil is lowered again These obstacles
can drown him in a shoreless ocean of destruction. His plight is such
because he has simply aspired to the level of witnessing. If he had
sincerely restricted himself to the struggle of walking on the straight
path and waited for the witnessing until its proper time—namely in
the Hereafter, the abode of recompense (dar al-jaza'), as He prom-
ised—then the wayfarer would have escaped such mortal dangers
May God, in His bounty, protect usli°
These are the spiritual struggles of the Sufis. As we mentioned
Chapter Three
earlier, the first struggle used to be called Sufism. Then, when the
aspirations of the wayfarers led them to the levels of the just (abrar)
and to the stations of the sincere believers, they devoted themselves
to going straight. Some of them longed for the ultimate felicity
and sought the struggle leading to unveiling. This is how the name
Sufism came to refer to the two later struggles. Subsequently, the
followers of this path taught about a new kind of personal strug-
gle, different from the one fought by the majority. In their teaching,
they began to use a nomenclature and specific words that referred to
their own endeavours, like the following: station (maqdm); state (had);
annihilation (fang') or abiding in God (baqa'); obliteration (mahu) or
affirmation (ithbat); soul (nafs); spirit (rah); the innermost conscious-
ness (sirr); unexpected impulses (bawadih); spontaneous intuitions
(hawajim); incoming suggestions (khawatir) and ephemeral inrush
(wand); glimmers (lawa'ih); flashes (lawami) and divine rays (tawali`);
colouration (talwin) and stabilization (tamkin); separation (farq); unifi-
cation (jam') and ultimate unification (jam' al-jam`); mystical tasting
(dhawq) or drinking (shurb); absence (ghayba) or presence (hudur);
sobriety (sahw) or intoxication (sukr); the science of certainty (ìlm
al-yaqin); the vision of certainty (àyn al-yaqin) and the reality of cer-
tainty (haqq al-yaqin); the presence of the heart with God (muhcidara);
unveiling (mukashafa) and witnessing (mushahada); interaction with
God (mdamala); union with God (muwasala) and descent of the divine
graces (munazala); the science of interaction (7/m al-nidaima/a); and
the science of unveiling (cilm al-muleashafa).
Let us explain these terms. As we said earlier, the essence of the
spiritual struggle is the soul's gradual sequential acquisition of and
colouration with praiseworthy virtues, namely will (irada); repent-
ance (tawba); God-wariness (taquth); moral care (ward); renunciation
(zuhd); spiritual struggle (mujahada); contentment (qanda); trust in
Him (tawakkul); reverence (khushd); humbleness (taivacht); gratitude
(shukr); certainty (yaqin); patience (sabr); self-examination (muraqaba);
satisfaction with God's decree (Had); servanthood (ùbudiyya); going
straight (istiqama); sincerity (ikkia,$); truthfulness (sidq); the profession
of divine unity (tawhid); gnosis (mdrifa); love (mahabba); and yearning
towards the Beloved (shawq).
The first among these qualities is will, which, as explained earlier,

is not submitted to the power of choice. The last, the ultimate pur-
suit and noblest goal, is gnosis, Self-disclosure or witnessing. While
the soul is struggling in order to acquire these virtues, it is at the
same time overtaken by and coloured with other qualities that are not
acquired or submitted to any choice but are divine gifts (mawahib).
Among these gifts are joy (surur) and sadness (huzn), delight (tarab) and
turmoil (ihtiyaj), yearning (shawq) and uneasiness (inzraj), hope (raja')
and fear (khawf), expansion (bast) and contraction (04 reverence
(hayba) and intimacy (uns).
The virtues that depend on choice or acquisition are called 'sta-
tion'; and among these are trust in Him, patience, satisfaction with
God's decree and so forth. As to the virtues that cannot be acquired,
they are called `state'; and they include joy, sadness, hope, fear and so
on. Nevertheless, the praiseworthy virtues only penetrate the heart
after the blameworthy ones have been extirpated from it. The removal
of that which is blameworthy is called annihilation and obliteration,
and the gaining of that which is praiseworthy is called affirmation or
abiding in God.
To the Sufis, the heart has three facets: it is the soul, insofar as
it is a place wherein vice gathers; it is the spirit, insofar as it the
place wherein virtue gathers; and it is the innermost secret, insofar
as it is the place wherein the lights of witnessing and gnosis gather.
Sometimes, the heart is suddenly overtaken by feelings of sadness
or joy; these feelings come from the world of the Unseen, and they
are known as unexpected impulses or spontaneous intuitions. As to
what befalls the conscience (damir), if it happens in the manner of an
address (khita b), it is an incoming suggestion (khatir) originating from
an angel, a devil or the soul. If it is not in the manner of an address,
it is called an inrush. When the struggle comes to its end, when the
stages of development are over and while the veil is being lifted, lights
intermittently flare through the soul like lightening. These illumina-
tions are called divine glimmers, flashes and rays. When the lifting of
the veil as such occurs—namely [full] unveiling—these illuminations
become radiantly revealing and are known as gnosis, witnessing and
Self-disclosure.
Chapter Three
As long as the disciple is progressing on the Path from one

spiritual state to the next, he is said to be going through different
colourations. When the goal is attained and the quest fulfilled, he is in
a state of stabilization. Similarly, as long as he sees objects as entities
emanating from God, he is in a station of separation (maqam farq), for
indeed, although he sees God, he still sees the existents as well. If he
sees the existents in God, he is in a station of unification (maqamjam`).
Finally, if he sees God only, he has reached the station of ultimate
unification (maqiim jam' al-jam`).
After the Self-disclosures, the wayfarer experiences other spir-
itual states that are described in terms of mystical tasting or drinking,
and that derive from Self-disclosure also. Sometimes the witness can
lose consciousness and find himself in a state of absence or intox-
ication; and when the vision fades away, he awakens in a state of
presence and sobriety. The Sufis believe that, as long as a science is
based on demonstration Pim burhani), it is 'the science of certainty'
(ì/m al-yaqin). When the wayfarer's knowledge results from evidence
(bukm al-bayan), it is called 'the eye of certainty' or 'the vision of
certainty' (àp/ al-yaqin) Finally, when the Sufi realizes the evidence
(ndt al-bayein), it is called 'the truth of certainty' (haqq al-yaqin). These
three stages are also known as presence, unveiling and witnessing.
These are the levels of the wayfarer in relation to the degrees of
the science aforementioned, or rather in relation to the levels of the
knowledge within him
The Sufis speak about interaction with God, descent of divine
graces and union with God. By interaction, they mean wayfaring and
spiritual struggle; by graces, the lifting of the veil and the unveiling;
finally, union is gnosis and witnessing. Within the spiritual struggle,
various stations need to be acquired; and these include repentance,
trust in God, moral care, asceticism and so forth; the explanation of
these terms varies depending on the motive underlying the spiritual
struggle, such as God-wariness, walking on the straight path or gno-
sis (ìrftin). Indeed, the repentance of the beginner is different from
the repentance of the realized wayfarer. Dina al-Nun said, 'Common
people repent for their sins, the elite repent their heedlessness of
God (ghafia) and the gnostics repent for all that which is not God.'3'
it
The Prophet (may God bless him and grant him peace) says in a tra-
dition, `0 my people, repent! For, I do repent one hundred times a
day.'32 The same rule applies to trust in God: 'The believers rely on
God's promise, the elite are content with His knowledge and the
gnostics are satisfied with His judgement:33 For the common people,
moral care is withdrawal from that which is uncertain; for the elite,
it is the relinquishing of all personal undertakings; and for the gnos-
tics, it is not allowing anything other than God infiltrate the heart.
So it is with asceticism: the common people shun the unlawful, the
elite disregard that which is unnecessary even in the lawful, and the
gnostics forsake that which deters their attention from God.
In the same way, the explanation of the words divine unity,
gratitude, certainty, patience and other qualities varies according to
the motives behind each struggle, as we determined from the Sufis'
books. Sufis follow different rules and methods in their struggles.
They keep their distance with people, and even more so when discord
and deviation from the straight path becomes widespread.
It is possible that the gnostic might express a truth that the masses
hasten to disavow because it is beyond their capacity to comprehend
it. Some have been condemned for statements which should have
been clarified, such as the following, say, "0 God, 0 Lord," and
find it heavier upon me than mountains:34 In this instance, the Sufi
cries out because he is behind a screen. Have you ever heard of a
man calling out to someone sitting right next to him?34 Without this
explanation, this saying is criticized and the speaker condemned. This
also applies to the rule defining retreat and the remembrance of God
for the aspirant to witnessing: the wayfarer must refrain from lita-
nies and from qur'anic recitation and concentrate on the obligatory
prayers and the remembrance of God. This is because Qp/anic reci-
tation comprises rules and stories, and the heart becomes dispersed
while trying to understand them, whereas the aim [of the spiritual
retreat] is to concentrate on the One remembered in order to behold
the light of witnessing (nut- al-mushahada). Without this interpreta-
tion, the rule stating that litanies and Queanic recitation must be
relinquished could be objected to. However, if we take into consid-
eration the incentive behind the struggle, this rule means giving up
Chapter Three
one incumbent duty for a worthier one and abandoning one obliga-
tion for one more deserving.
All of this required the Sufis to develop a nomenclature so that
they could communicate with each other and explain the rules and
laws regulating their struggles, their various stations and teaching
methods. Furthermore, some of their obscure statements and utter-
ances also had to be clarified. All this is a special science called the
`science of Sufism' Pm al-tasawwuf).
To reiterate, there are three levels to the spiritual struggle. The first
struggle towards God-wariness (mujahadat al-tagwa) consists in abiding
by God's rules, in both the outward and the inward: respecting the
limits set by Him while watching inward states as well. Its incentive
is the above-mentioned search for salvation. This was the Path for
the first generations among the Sufis. The second struggle of walking
on the straight path concentrates on the amendment of the soul as it
strives towards the straight path. With training and spiritual education,
the soul is able to conform to the rules laid down by the Qur'an and
the prophets until they become its innate disposition. In this struggle,
the wayfarer longs for the levels of 'those whom God has blessed, proph-
ets, sincere believers, martyrs, the righteous' (Q.Iv.69). In the third struggle
for unveiling and spiritual perception (mujahadat al-kashf we7-ittilit)
all human forces, including reflective thoughts, must become extinct.
The goal is to be in the lordly presence (al-hadra al-rabbaniyya); and the
aim is the lifting of the veil and witnessing the Divine lights in this
life. In so doing, the vision of God's Face in the next life is obtained.
This is the highest level for the blessed ones (sdada').
The name Sufism refers to all three struggles separately and joint-
ly. This label, however, has come to designate the last two levels only.
The first level was described as knowledge of moral care, with the
knowledge of moral care and the knowledge of the heart as its sci-
ences. As to God-given learning (al-cam al-laduni), that is called `the
science of Sufism' (Wm al-tasawwuf), it is the knowledge of the last
two struggles, their laws, paths and rules. It also consists in under-
standing what impairs or obstructs the wayfarer on his Path. This
science, in addition, includes the explication of the terms used by the
Sufis in their discussion of these matters.
Varying Definitions for the Sufi Path

Many have tried to define Sufism in one comprehensive sentence, but
no statement has ever been complete. Some have described the Sufi
Path in terms of its initial stages. JarIri said, 'Sufism is the acquisition
of elevated virtues and the abandoning of vile traits.'36 Qassab said,
Ìt is noble virtues coming from a noble man in a noble era.'"
Others spoke of the Path in terms of its last stages. Junayd said,
`The Truth makes you die to yourself and live by Him.',' As to
Ruwaym, he declared that Sufism is `to abide with God as He wills,
possessing nothing and possessed by nothing' 39 Finally, for Samnun,
it was 'to be with God, unattached to anything other than God'.4°
Some Sufis spoke of one characteristic of the Path. For Baghdadi,
`The sincere Sufi is the one who experiences poverty after having
lived a wealthy life, the one who is disgraced after having been hon-
oured, and the one who is forgotten after having been celebrated; the
pretender is the one who follows the reverse route.','
Others defined the Path according to its principles and founda-
tions. Ruwaym said, 'Sufism is based on three qualities: holding fast
to poverty (faqr) and deprivation gaga* realizing the qualities of
bounty (badhl) and altruism (ithar); and finally, renouncing all claim
(tacarrud) and free choice.'42 Sometimes principle and foundation were
not separated; Rattan' said, 'Sufism is having good character traits;
the one who increases in goodness will increase in Sufism.'43
There are many such definitions. Every Sufi describes what he
has achieved and his definition reflects his state. Actually, Sufism
cannot be confined in one phrase. Indeed, in the mystical Path,
the wayfarer first assumes the traits of the struggle that are suit-
able for walking on the straight path, at which point his wayfaring
may come to an end. If, subsequently, he assumes the traits of the
struggle for unveiling, he will take on the qualities of both strug-
gles at once because going straight is one of the pre-requisites for
unveiling. The outcome reflects the underlying motive. Behind the
struggle for going straight lies the desire for felicity in the Hereafter
without any aspiration for unveiling in this life, while behind the
other struggle lies the desire to lift the veil in this life. Therefore,
CC, i
Chapter Three
the two spiritual struggles differ and it is difficult to contain them

in one single definition. Here we have dealt with each separately,
but both are part of Sufism. The reader who wishes to have more
detailed and comprehensive explanations concerning this subject
can consult the books of the Sufis. We have only touched upon the
difference between this Path and the others; and `had not God guided
us, we had surely never been guided' (Q.vii.43).
Concluding Remarks on the so Path and the Law

We have described the spiritual struggles, their characteristics in gen-
eral as well as the differences between them; let us now talk about
their statutes with regards to the Law.
The first inward struggle is an individual obligation upon eve-
ryone subject to the Law since the duty of every Muslim is to fear
God's chastisement. He must, therefore, observe the limits set by
Him (hudad) and know that 'Whosoever transgresses the bounds of God—
those are the evildoers' (Q.11.229), the unbelievers and the ungodly.
The second inward struggle is legally permissible for the commu-
nity and an individual obligation for the prophets (God's blessings be
upon them). Its source is evidently the Law. The Legislator, inasmuch
as He was intent upon saving mankind—and because both legal and
customary wisdom prescribe the elimination of wrongs before ben-
efits can accrue urged men to enter the path to salvation and to be
safe from perdition and Hellfire. These are the general rules for those
subject to the Law. The Legislator spelled out the various degrees of
salvation and damnation and the different degrees in felicity. Indeed,
the sincere believers, the martyrs and the righteous reach a level of
felicity higher than salvation. The second struggle is walking on the
straight path, `the path of those whom Thou halt blessed' (Q.1.5). In it, the
most sublime felicity is the vision of God's Face.
As for the third inward struggle, [namely] unveiling, it is, in our
view, utterly reprehensible (mahzura) to the point of being prohibited
(hazy al-karahiyya), or even more. God Most High said, Ànd We set in
the hearts of those who followed him tenderness and mercy. And monasticism
i
they invented—We did not prescribe it for them—[whereby they] only sought
CT
the good pleasure of God; but they observed it not as it should be observed. So
We gave those of them who believed their wage; and many of them are ungodly'
(Q.iv11.27).44 This inward struggle is monastic since the meaning of
monasticism (rahbaniyya) for the past generations implies celibacy and
seclusion in hermitages. God Most High has shown that monasticism
was not an imposition on those who practised it, but they did it to
seek His pleasure and did not observe it the way they should have.
God Most High said that 'many of them were ungodly'. Indeed, it is
deplorable and blameworthy to follow monasticism and not observe
it rightly. Qacli Abu Muhammad b. Atiyya explains, Ìt follows, from
the interpretation of this verse, that everyone who begins a voluntary
or supererogatory act of devotion must do so to perfection, must
persevere therein and observe it with proper care.'4' Notice God Most
High's words, 'as it should be observed'. It is difficult to persevere in this
particular struggle, because it is difficult to observe it.
The degree of observance varies because, as we explained earlier,
the states that befall the wayfarer in this struggle are not subject to
the will. This can lead to sinfulness and loss of faith. The Prophet
(may God bless him and grant him peace) said, Ì fast and break my
fast, I sleep and I stay awake, and I also marry women. Whoever
does not follow my tradition is not amongst my followers.'46 When
the Prophet learned that Abd Allah b. Anar had sworn he would fast
every day and stay up all nights in prayer, he forbade him from doing
so and told him to fast three times a month only; to this Abd Allah
answered, `But, 0 Messenger of God, I can endure more than this!'
The Prophet replied, `The fast kept by the Prophet David was most
beneficent; he would fast every other day, pray half the night, sleep
one third of it, and then wake up and pray for one sixth of the same
night.'o The Prophet (may God bless him and grant him peace) also
forbade Ùthman b. Maz`fin from leading a life of celibacy.a He said,
`Walk on the right path; and if not, walk as well as you can, early in
the morning, in the evening and also a little towards the end of the
night. '49
Furthermore, A'isha said, `The Messenger of God (may God bless
him and grant him peace) fasted in such a way that we thought he
would never break his fast, and he broke his fast in such a way that we
Chapter Three
thought that he would not fast.'5° The Prophet (may God bless him
and grant him peace) forbade uninterrupted fasting: 'I am not like
you: I remain awake all night long and my sustenance comes from
my Lord.'“ This means the following: since knowledge of the spir-
itual world and witnessing of the divine presence are both an innate
gift to and an inborn quality of the prophets, the preservation (isma)
manifested in their hearts is a spontaneous characteristic. God made
them travel their path guided and inspired by their own primordial
nature and good character. To them, the path is easy and obvious.
They are like the baby who knows the way to his mother's breast and
like the bee who knows how to build its hexagonal hive: 'Our Lord is
He who gave everything its creation, then guided it' (Q.xx.so). God Most
High sustains the Messenger with food and drink and whatsoever He
wills from His provisions.
As for the helpless man, for whom witnessing is neither part of
his primordial nature nor of his innate disposition, he faces many
obstacles that block his way. He can still seek unveiling and progress
a little on its path, even though he is incapable of reaching the stations
of the prophets (may God bless them). But as we mentioned earlier, it
is a difficult and dangerous path, strewn with dangers and obstacles,
so he must heed and avoid.
CHAPTER FOUR
On How the Later Sufis Transposed the Name Sufism

from Its Original Meaning and Our Refutation of Them
on That Account
Know that, as we explained earlier, the struggle for unveiling encom-

passes the two prior struggles, namely walking on the straight path
and God-wariness, and both are pre-requisites to the third. Therefore,
the last combat consists in spiritual struggle and ascetic discipline,
followed by unveiling and witnessing. Consequently, this particular
science divides into two sections: firstly, the study of the science of
interaction, or the rules and conditions of ascetic discipline and spirit-
ual struggles. Secondly, the science of unveiling and knowledge of the
inward, or the science of the lifting of the veil, with its ensuing states.
Indeed, when the heart is purified and cleansed from the repre-
hensible and when human forces have been subdued therein, it can
then face the Truth. The veil is lifted and divine light irradiates the
heart, as we explained earlier. The secrets of both lower and higher
existence as well as earthly and celestial realms are thus disclosed
and the meanings of sciences and arts are elucidated. As a result, all
doubts and uncertainties are dissolved; the secrets of the hearts and
existence are clarified; and the ambiguities of the Law are under-
stood. The heart proceeds in this way until it knows all the realities
of the existence intrinsically, from the Divine Essence (dhdt Allah) to
His Attributes (silat), Acts (alai), Principles (ahledm), Decree (gat/di),
Destiny (qadar), Throne (arsh), Footstool (kursi), Preserved Tablet
(lawl?) and Pen (qalam). The heart grasps the wisdom behind the crea-
tion of this world and the next, and understands how life in the
Hereafter is contingent upon life in this world. The heart discovers
the meaning of prophethood, revelation, the Night of Destiny (/ay/at
if
Chapter Four
al-qadr) and the ascension of the Prophet (rn(raj). It learns about angels
and devils, comprehends the enmity of the devils towards human-
kind, the meeting between angels and prophets and their apparition
to them, the descent of revelation to the Prophet, the charismatic
acts bestowed upon the saint (wall), the Path and its struggles, and the
cleansing and purification of the heart. The meanings of heart and
spirit are here made manifest. The heart sees through the Hereafter
and the circumstances of the Resurrection; and all things [pertinent
to those events] become transparent to it: the Bridge over Hell (sird!),
the Scale (mizan), the Reckoning (hisab), the Basin of the Prophets
(bawd) with their Intercession (shafaa), the Torments of the Grave
(adhab al-qabr), Heaven (fauna) and Hellfire (nar), Chastisement and
Bliss. Ultimately, it comprehends what the encounter (liqalwith God
is, what it is to behold His Face and what nearness to Him means.
The heart will fully apprehend all the terms he had heard of and to
which he had ascribed vague and obscure meanings.'
The science of unveiling uncovers these matters until the Truth
is fully disclosed with such clarity that certainty is experienced, as
though visualized, without any need whatsoever for study or acquisi-
tion. As we explained earlier, it is possible to reach this state through
the subtle reality, which was itself barred from this very vision
because of being tarnished by the full spectrum of humanness and
burdened with corporeal chains.
The science of the soul's interaction [with God], which is the
science of the way to the Hereafter (cam prig al-akhira), is also the
method applied to cleanse the heart (al-cam bi-kayfiyya tathir al-qalb)
from its evils and impurities by controlling the passions, subduing
human forces, severing all corporeal chains and emulating the proph-
ets in all their states (may God's blessings be upon them). The more
polished the heart is, the more turned towards the Truth [it becomes]
., and the more divine realities shine in it. This is the ascetic discipline
f. aand the struggles mentioned earlier.

the attscience of interaction is of two types. If salvation only is the
disciple's goal and ultimate aspiration, then moral care and struggle of
heart suffice The wayfarer needs to observe the limits imposed by
God in both his outward and inward deeds. As we mentioned earlier,
<
this is called 'the science of the inward', but it used to be called Sufism
during the first Islamic era, before the aspirations of the Sufis led
them towards the struggle for unveiling. Al-Rlaya, the well-known
book by al-I-Jarith b. Asad al-Muliasibi (may God be pleased with
him), is designed for this particular path.
If the wayfarer aspires to the ultimate felicity, the loftiest levels
and wishes to realize the means leading to them, namely walking
on the straight path and the lifting of the veil in this life, he must
know the following: the nomenclature used by the Sufis, their rules
of proper conduct, the particulars followed in the struggles and their
methods of teaching, the different levels of the struggles and the
stations (magamat), as well as the manner in which a struggle varies
according to the station in which it takes place. The wayfarer must
apply all this and commit himself to the emulation of the masters.
All this ultimately became known as Sufism. The book designed for
this path is the Risala by the teacher Abu al-Q]asim al-Qiishayri., and
among the later authors Suhrawardi's Alva& al-mdarif.
Since the struggle for unveiling depends on both struggles
walking on the straight path and God-wariness—the wayfarer who
hopes to see the veils lifted must know the rules governing all strug-
gles. Ghazal wrote the Ihya) and his book encompasses both ways:
moral care and the science of the inward described in the Ricata, as
well as [the matters of how to] go straight and unveiling that are
dealt with in the Risala. As to the science of unveiling, the fruit and
result of all struggles, it does not have a set path for the wayfarer to
engage in because the Sufis (may God be pleased with them) warn
against recording it in books or discussing it at all, except through
symbols, allusions, examples or in very general way. The Sufis do
not divulge these meanings to anyone because they know others
cannot understand them. Besides, they watch the limits set by the
Law, which cautions against questioning that which is not a direct
concern to man and respect the rules of proper conduct towards
God by keeping divine mysteries hidden. However, if an allusion
related to these meanings happens to emanate from the mystic, it is
called an ecstatic utterance (shath). It can arise when a state of absence
and intoxication overwhelms the wayfarer, and at that moment he
c6
Chapter Four
expresses the inexpressible. It is reported that Abu Yazid said, `Glory

be to me, how great is my majesty!' and 'I have traversed seas at the
shores of which the prophets halted.'' As to R_Thica, she exclaimed,
'If I were to remove my veil, there would be no one left inside it

[but Him];] There are many more examples.
Know that it is forbidden to become absorbed in such statements
for a number of different reasons.
Firstly, it is so because it is difficult, not to say impossible, to
talk about perceptions or meanings emanating from the Dominion.
In all languages, words were set to express that which is tangible,
imaginary or conceivable and hence known by people. Words state
the well-known and the familiar, not that which has been perceived
by one single person in a generation or in a century. Furthermore,
words should not be used figuratively because a metaphorical
expression implies the existence of a common quality or ground
for comparison, and there is none between the the Dominion and
the Corporeal World (`clam al-mulk), and between the Unseen World
(`clam al-ghayb) and the Visible World (àlam al-shahada). Describing
the realities of the Dominion (ahwal calm al-malakut), therefore,
is difficult not to say impossible. Can one talk—let alone write
books—about that which has not been understood? Indeed, when
Sufis start expressing themselves through examples and in a general
way their Path becomes obscure.
Secondly, because of their primordial nature, the prophets (may
God be pleased with them) are the masters of unveiling and wit-
nessing. The glimpse perceived by some saintly or sincere men is
discerned through labour (takalluf) and acquisition. The prophet's
knowledge of the Dominion is more complete than that of the
gnostic or saint; indeed, there is no comparison between the two.
God enlightens the prophet who is then able, with His assistance,
to talk about the Dominion In spite of this, the Prophet (may God
bless him and grant him peace) did not divulge this knowledge.
When asked to talk about the Spirit, he replied, `Say: the Spirit is of
. the bidding of my Lord. You have been given of knowledge nothing except
a little' (Q.xvii.85). 'Say: the Spirit is of the bidding of my Lord' was
his reply to the Jewish scholars who knew that his non-answering
proved the truthfulness of his prophecy and the sincerity of his

message. The prophets did call upon all the people to seek salvation
and informed them of its different levels. They alluded to some
aspects of the Dominion because these had to be conveyed as doc-
trines of faith (aqa'id al-iman). Some can be understood literally
in the Corporeal World, like [certain] Divine Attributes and the
circumstances of the Resurrection, while others, like many of the
Divine Attributes, are considered ambiguous. In contrast, some
scholars even considered all these aspects ambiguous. What, then,
is your opinion of those who are not prophets, who cannot pre-
tend to a prophet's perception, who have not drunk from the basin
of prophethood, and above all whose mission did not include the
disclosure of the above?
Thirdly, according to the Law, sciences and knowledge divide
into forbidden and permissible.4 The rule inferred from the Law is
the following: that which does not concern a man subject to the Law
in his daily life or faith must not be investigated. The Prophet (may
God bless him and grant him peace) said, 'One of the signs of a good
Muslim is to disregard that which does not concern him.'s This tradi-
tion has been said to constitute a third of the religion.° That which
does concern the man subject to the Law in his daily or religious life
is permissible, indeed so essential that it becomes an obligation.
Since that which does not concern the individual subject to the
Law in his faith and life is forbidden, this led to the study of the
believer's essential duties because they become most important with
regards to religion. Reflect upon the words of God Most High, 'They
will question thee concerning the Spirit. Say: the Spirit is of the bidding of my
Lord. You have been given of knowledge nothing except a little' (Q.xvu.68).
This denial connotes a prohibition (hazr). He also said, 'They will
question thee concerning the new moons. Say: They are appointed times for '
the people, and the pilgrimage' (Q.11.189). In other words, you only need
to know that new moons herald the pilgrimage, a religious matter.
There are also signals for people in their farming and commerce,
matters of daily life. You do not need to know more than this. This
i
statement is followed by another of greater importance still, in which
God Most High disapproves of the custom of some pilgrims who,
Chapter Four
during the pilgrimage, would enter the houses from their back doors.
Thus, His injunction not to interpret signs is succeeded by a divine
rule; in this instance, there is a sign and a warning to the man subject
to the Law who is asked to forgo such questioning
Some later Sufis occupied themselves with the sciences of unveil-
ing, engaged in discussing it and made it another science or technical
domain. They taught their own personal method, arranged existents
in a special way according to their own perception and claimed that
it stemmed from intimate finding or witnessing. At times, some Sufis
made different allegations. Consequently, the schools of thought
proliferated, whereby different claims and dissensions arose. The
various ways and itineraries contradicted each other and the diverg-
ing groups isolated themselves one from another. The name Sufism
came to refer to the sciences of unveiling and the search for the secrets
of the Dominion (asrar al-malakut) through technical and acquired
sciences. The Sufis started explaining ambiguous points in the Law,
such as the Spirit, the Corporeal World, Revelation, the Throne, the
Footstool, with explanations that were obscure, even impossible to
grasp, and that sometimes contained reprehensible statements and
heretical doctrines.
The Bacilli school, for instance, saw hidden meanings in many
obviously clear Qur'anic verses, thus veiling their transparent mean-
ing with the cloud of their interpretation. To them, Adam and Eve
symbolized the soul and nature (tabra); the slaughter of the cow
referred to [the fight against] the animal soul (nafs); the People of the
Cave were those who drifted towards an existence of passions, and
so forth.? Many misguided hearts revel in these kinds of statements
because they covet the goals while still in the beginning stages and
wish to enjoy the butter without going through the tiresome whisk-
ing process. They answer their opponents' questioning claiming their
allegations stem from intimate fi nding; and this can neither be proved
nor ascertained by anyone else besides themselves. 'Had God willed,
they would not have done so' (Q..137). Indeed, they should have fol-
lowed their predecessors who forbade delving into this. Moreover,
i
what is the use of explanations if they are but vague and cryptic? It
s then safer to resume the study of the Law and accept its meanings
<CI
as set by traditional commentaries. Even though these are not alto-

gether devoid of vagueness, referring to them is safer than relying
upon some unintelligible postulates that are based neither on reason-
able evidence nor on the Law.
In spite of their numerous divergent ways, these schools can be
thought of as [representing] two main opinions (rdy).8
THE FIRST OPINION believes in Self-disclosure and loci of manifesta-
tion (mazahir, sing. mazhar), in Divine Names (asma") and Presences

(hadarat). This is a strange and philosophical approach. Among its most
well-known advocates are Ibn al-Paric1,9 Ibn Barrajdn,- Ibn Qasi,"
Bani," Flatinar3 and Ibn Sawdakin.r] The essence of this theory lies
in the order it ascribes to the emanation (sudur) of existents from the
Necessary Truth (al-wajib al-kiaqq), the existence (aniyya) of which
is Oneness (wabda). From Oneness, Unity (ahadiyya) and Unicity
(wahidiyya) arise, which are both aspects of Oneness. If Oneness is
considered in terms of the exclusion of multiplicity and the negation
of apprehensions ((tibarat), then it is Unity; whereas if it is consid-
ered in terms of multiplicity and infinite realities, then it is Unicity.
Unicity is to Unity what the outward is to the inward and the visible
(shahada) is to the hidden (ghayb). Unicity is the locus of manifestation
of Unity. Unicity is to Unity what the locus of manifestation is to
the revealed Object (mutajalli). Then, that all-encompassing Oneness
(al-wanda al-jam(a), which is the Essence itself and the source behind
the existence of these two apprehensions—namely the inward with
the exclusion of multiplicity and the outward with the inclusion of
multiplicity—stands between the inward and the outward like the
man who speaks to himself with himself.
The first of the degrees of manifestation (zultar) is His mani-
festation to Himself. The first consequence of this manifestation
is the perfection relating to the Divine Names in order for Him to
address Himself. The first of the Self-disclosures is that of the Most
Sanctified Essence to Itself. This particular group of Sufis quotes-the
following tradition of the Prophet as the point of departure for their
creed: 'I was a hidden treasure; I wanted to be known; so, I cre-
ated mankind so that they would know Me!' Only God knows the
soundness of this tradition! However, if sound, it does not account
an
Chapter Four
for all the developments in their theory, neither does it support it

with any clear proof.
To these Sufis, Self-disclosure contains perfection; it is the effu-
sion (ifada) of existentiation (ijad) and manifestation. Perfection here
does not relate to Unity, which is the exclusion of multiplicity, but
to Unicity, which is the locus of manifestation. It is divisible into
perfection relating to Oneness (katnal wandani) and perfection relat-
ing to the Divine Names. If multiplicity is considered as a totality
that happens in a single instant, or as a unique entity (aynan wahida)
in the witnessing of God, then one is referring to the perfection that
stems from Oneness (al-kamal al-wandant). On the other hand, if
multiplicity is considered in terms of the particularization of reali-
ties and apprehensions descending successively into existence, and
in terms of its role as the intermediate world (barzakh) containing
all these separate individuals, then one is referring to the quality of
perfection stemming from the Divine Names as it descends divid-
ed into the realities. It is the world of ideas (calant al-mdani), the
Nebulous Presence (al-hadra al- cama'iyya), that is the Muhannnadan
Reality (al-baqiqa al-Mubammadiyya). Among these entities are the
realities of the Pen, then the Preserved Tablet, then nature and then
the body, leading up to Adam both in his essence and existence.
According to these Sufis, the Nebulous Presence encompasses, in
its plurality and divisibility, the realities of the seven Divine Names
which are the Attributes. The most universal and comprehensive
reality is the reality of life, then the realities of the prophets, mes-
sengers and perfect men among the Muhammadan saints, who are
the Poles (aqtab) and the seven Substitutes (abdal). All these realities
are a particularization of the Muhammadan Reality. These realities
are the origin and source of other realities, other disclosures and
loci of manifestation for the Unique Essence (al-dhat al-abadiyya).
thha
T ordered according to several established hierarchies, end-
-- ing with the sensorial and visible world (slam wa'l-shahada)
et isthe
the world of rending (`clam al-fatq). They call them worlds
(caatu ot r Presences; they are also called the domains of realities
thatt are at times connected with the Truth and at times related to
the created universe (kawn).
AT
The first presence that followed the Presence of the Dark Clouds
(al-hadra al-cama'iyya), according to these Sufis, was the Presence
of Fine Dust (al-hadra al-haba'iyya), which is called the Level of
the Image (martabat al-mithal). It is followed by the Throne, the
Footstool, the celestial spheres (aflak) in their particular order, the
world of elements (àlam aljanasir) and, finally, the world of com-
position Plain al-tarkib) from beginning to end. So long as these
realities are related to the Truth and seen in respect to the essence
of that intermediate world (al-dhat al-barzakhiyya) that encompasses
all particularization and successive hierarchies, they are in the world
of mending (alam al-ratq). But, when they are related to the created
universe and reveal themselves in its loci of manifestations, then
they are in the world of rending (àlam al-fatq). This is explained
with many details, vague sentences and irregular terminology. In
short, if this topic with all its issues were to be sorted out and clari-
fied, the existential hierarchy of these Sufis would appear similar
to that of the philosophers in their discursive thinking and theories
but built neither on proof nor evidence.
THE SECOND OPINION believes in Oneness (wanda), and their
opinion is even stranger than the first group's, both in content and
argumentation. Among its most famous advocates are Ibn Dahhaq,16
Ibn Sabìn, Shushtari and their followers. In brief, after they care-
fully examined and considered what had been said about the One
(al-Wahid) and that which originates from the One, they stated that
the Creator (al-Barr) (may He be exalted and glorified) is the total-
ity of what is visible and invisible: there is nothing besides this.
The multiplicity of this Absolute Reality and the All-encompassing
Existence (al-aniyya al-jamra)—which is the source of every exist-
ence and of the Essence (huwiyya) which is the source of every
essence—is only the consequence of illusions (awham), such as time,
space, difference, occultation and manifestation, pain and pleasure,
i
being and nothingness. This opinion affirms that all things, if delved
into, are but illusions that refer back to the elements of information
in the conscience and they do not exist outside it. If there were no
such illusions, the whole world and all it contains would be the
One and the One is the Truth. The servant has two sides: one is
Chapter Four
true, the other false. When falsehood—the side connected to illu-

sions—vanishes, only the Truth remains.
These Sufis went astray as they meddled with the Law and its
ambiguous aspects. To them, only he who understands the hidden
secret of existence has attained the level of the gnostics who have
reached realization (tahqiq), which is the word they use to designate
this type of science that [they claim] the prophets, learned men and
saints taught those they considered worthy of it. According to them,
there are several degrees [of realization]: the Sufi reaches detachment
(tajrid); the realized sage (muhaqqiq) reaches gnosis of Oneness (mdrifat
al-wanda); and the one who is close to God (muqarrab) is content with
the Essence of His Essence (àyn cayniki) rather than with its effect
(athar). Abd al-1-1aqq says in one of his books that this is a new theory:
`We wish to call attention to something that was never heard of in
past centuries, which did not arise ever in past times, and was never
recorded in desert or city.' Then he added, and here he is not truthful,
'It stems from the word of God and His Prophet'"?
From the interest of this group in the science of unveiling there
arose the belief in the Divine Names related to perfection, in which
[it was claimed that] their loci of manifestation are the spirits of the
celestial spheres and stars. Since the first creation (al-ibda` al-awwal),
the nature of the letters (burg') and their secrets pervade the Divine
Names and the universes, moving within their phases and expressing
their secrets. This gave rise to the science of the symbolism of let-
ters. It is impossible to examine all the problems and aspects of this
science. Buni, Ibn Arabi and their school wrote extensively on the
subject. In sum, they believe that the power of the spiritual souls can
freely dispose of the world of nature (tasarruf al-nufFts al-rabbaniyya)
by means of the Most Beautiful Names of God (al-asma' al-husnd) and
the Divine Words (al-kahmdt al-llahiyya) arising from the letters that
encompass the secrets pervading the universe. Then, they disagreed
it
concerning the secret of the power of the letters (tasurruf al-hurdf), as
they wondered where this power stems from.
..
Some say it depends on the temperament (nizaj) of the letter;
and they divide letters into four groups, like the four elements. Each
nature is linked to its group of letters, so that its influence, active
and passive, is implemented through that particular group. Letters

are classified, according to an artificial rule they call 'breaking down'
(taksir), into fiery, airy, watery and earthy, reflecting the same classifi-
cation as the elements. The alifis fiery, the ha' is airy, the jim is watery,
the dal is earthy and so on, through the alphabet and elements. Thus,
seven letters are fiery: alif, ha', , sin and dal; seven are airy:
ba' maw, yd', nun, dad, ta' and ?a'; seven are watery: /Dm, zay, leaf, sad,
qaf, tha' and ghayn; finally, seven are earthy: dal, ha', lam, cayn, kha'
and shin. Fiery letters repel cold diseases and multiply the power of
heat whenever desired, in its physical or figurative sense; for instance,
during wars, massacres and destruction, the power of the planet Mars
can be increased. Watery letters repel hot diseases, such as fevers and
other disorders, and multiply the power of cold whenever desired,
either physically or figuratively, thus increasing the power of the
moon or other such things.
These Sufis claim that the secret of the letters' power lies in their
numerical value so that the letters of the alphabet assume a well-
known numerical value, both intrinsic and conventional. Furhermore,
because of the existing correspondence between the numbers, there is
also a correspondence between the letters themselves—for instance,
between the letters ba' , leaf and roil, because they all have a numerical
value of two, in units, tens and hundreds, respectively. A similar rela-
tion exists between the letters dal, mim and ta' because they all have
a value of four; and since four is a multiple of two, there is also a
relation between two and four. The Sufis established 'magic squares'
(awfaq) for letters and numbers in which each group of letters belongs
to a corresponding magic square depending on the numerical value
of the figure and number; and from this interrelation between the
secret of the letters and the secret of the numbers stems the power
above-mentioned:
Fire ai li, t.l. m r ft:3 s u.. dh_i
Air by w ' y5 n3 cljo tc, zS
Water j E z} k .a s Lia qv th.)

: gh L
Earth d) 17 c lj `L r j lch E. sh j,
Chapter Four
It is very difficult to understand the secret of the interrelation

between the letters and their temperamental nature, or between let-
ters and numbers. Indeed, it is neither a scientific domain nor is it
an analogical deduction. Rather, according to these Sufis, it rests
upon mystical tasting and unveiling. Ban' said, 'Do not think that
the secret of the letters can be understood through rational analogy
(al-qiyas al-caq1i); it can only be understood through witnessing and
with divine help (al-tawfiq al-ilea/li).' Nevertheless, it is undeniable
that letters, and the Divine Names composed with these letters, have
power over the natural and created worlds; this fact has been repeat-
edly established by many.
One might think that this type of power and the power exerted
by the people who believe in talismans (talasim) is one and the same;
but this is not true. Indeed, according to the makers of talismans, the
nature of the talisman and its influence stem from spiritual powers
deriving from the substantial nature of Might (jawhar al-qahr). The
powers exert their ruling and constraining control over the object of
the talisman with the help of the secrets of the spheres, numerical
interrelations and incenses. They draw out from the talisman in ques-
tion an influence that is concentrated in it by means of a purposeful
energy (himma); and as a consequence, superior natures become tied
to the inferior ones. Their makers think the talisman is like ferment,
made of earthy, airy, watery, fiery elements and their combinations.
The talisman can transform and transmute the object it penetrates
into its own essence and form, as does the philosophical stone which
ferments and transmutes into itself the metals it infiltrates. In this
way, they say that the subject matter of alchemy is 'a body in a body'
because the philosophical stone is a corporeal substance and so is the
metal it penetrates. On the contrary, the subject matter of the talis-
man is 'a spirit in a body' because it links superior natures to inferior
ones, the inferior being corporeal and the superior spiritual.
Before one asserts the real difference between those who use
the power of talismans and those who use the power of the Divine
Names, one should realize that any influence on the natural world
). stems from the human soul and human energies because the human
soul by its essence embraces and governs nature.'9 Nevertheless, the
A<
power exerted by those who use talismans is one based on calling

down the spiritual force of the spheres and connecting it to forms or
numerical relations, which causes some kind of fusion that, because
of its nature, transforms and transmutes, in the way the ferment-
ing agent acts with the substance it is mixed with. Yet, the power
used by those who deal with the Divine Names is the result of spir-
itual struggle and unveiling, and it is achieved with divine assistance
and His light. These people are able to compel nature to obedience
rather than rebellion. They do not need the help of astral powers or
any other, because the help they dispose of is a higher one. Those
who operate with talismans need very little ascetic discipline, or just
enough, to give the soul power to call down upon the spirits of the
spheres. And what a worthless discipline and aim! The ascetic disci-
pline practised by those who use the Divine Names is the great ascetic
discipline (al-riyada al-kubra). They do not aim at interfering in the
created world because that is a veil. Their own influence is but one of
God's graces (karama), accidentally bestowed through them.
If the one who is concerned with the Divine Names fails to
understand them and the realities of the Dominion, which is the
result of witnessing and unveiling, and if he limits himself merely to
the relations between the Divine Names and the natures of the let-
ters and words and exercises his power therein in that fashion, then
he becomes a practitioner of magic as it is well known. In that
case, there is no difference between him and the maker of talismans.
Indeed, the latter is more trustworthy for he relies upon scientific
natural principles and structured laws. As to the one who works with
the Divine Names' secrets and is not able to lift the veil from their
reality and the effects of the interrelationships, and is not guided by
any demonstrative rule in these technical matters, he occupies an infe-
rior position. He might mingle the power of words and the Divine
Names with the power of the spheres and so determine times for
the remembrance of the Most Beautiful Names of God, drawing up
magical squares for these Names—or for all Names—and determin-
ing times for their remembrance depending on the interrelationship
between the star and the Name in question. This is what Simi did in
Al-Anmat.
Chapter Four
For them, the interrelationship [between the Divine Names

and the stars] stems from the Presence of the Dark Clouds (al-hadra
aljamdiyya), that is intermediary (barzakhiyya) for the perfection
relating to the Divine Names." It causes the differentiation of the
Nominal perfection to descend in detail upon the realities in accord-
ance with this very interrelationship, which is, as we said earlier,
established through witnessing. If the one who believes in the Divine
Names lacks the witnessing and has learned the interrelationship
through transmission only, then his activity resembles that of the
talisman maker, although the latter is more trustworthy, as we have
already noted.
In the same way, a talisman maker can mingle his actions and
the astral powers with the power of invocations that are composed
of special words reflecting the interrelationship between words and
stars. However, for the talisman makers, the interrelationship between
words is not what it is for the people who believe in the Divine Names
and have been granted the witnessing. Rather, it is based upon their
own magical practices that allocate stars to all things in the created
world, from substances to accidents, essences to minerals and letters
to names, amongst other things. The talisman makers build strange
and blameworthy theories according to this system, such as dividing
the Queanic verses and chapters, in the way Maslama al-Majriti did
in his Ghaya.'''
From the Anmat, it is clear that Bain accepted their method. If
you read through the Anmat and the invocations that are divided
according to the times of the seven stars, and then you examine the
Ghaya with its standing invocations to the seven stars, you will see
that either the Anmat drew its inspiration from it, or this was made
necessary by the interrelationship that exists between the root of cre-
ation (a.51 al-ibdd) and the intermediary knowledge (barzakh
And 'You have been given of knowledge nothing except a little' (Q.xvir.85).
One cannot deny the existence of everything the Law declares rep-
rehensible. Indeed, even though magic is forbidden, it still exists.
However, we are content with the knowledge God gave us.
With time, the works written by the Sufis who engaged in the
science of unveiling multiplied, their involvements were protracted
and their explanations abstruse. Many idle people became involved in

perusing these works. They did so out of laziness and weakness, evils
against which the Prophet (may God bless him and grant him peace)
warned us." They thought happiness lay in knowing the secrets of
the Dominion and they believed these secrets were buried between
the pages of their books. How wrong this is! That which led to this
madness is nothing else besides the involvement in the sciences of
unveiling, the very sciences great Sufis warned us not to rush into—it
is God's secret and no gnostic should divulge it.
Al-Husayn b. Mansur was put to death following a juridical
opinion issued by legists and mystics.23 The best excuse his defenders
could provide was that he was in a state of intoxication and revealed
the secret; therefore, his punishment became necessary. Otherwise,
he is most often subject to anathematization (takfir). The authors of
the Ghaya did report one of his magical activities that no ordinary
Muslim would ever practice, much less a gnostic. Indeed, it is a sign
of idleness to engage in the science of unveiling, and to become
absorbed in its subjects and in the texts written by those who follow
this Path.
If the soul of the wayfarer aspires to gnosis and to the understand-
ing of the Dominion (al-Wm bi-abwal al-malakat), then it is through
struggle and proper conduct that he will be led to it. There is no
possible way to attain knowledge and to the understanding of the
conditions of the Dominion through mere nomenclature and sheets
of paper, since—as we explained earlier—words cannot convey the
meaning of these realities: they have never before been recorded and
cannot possibly be interpreted through [attempted understandings
of] interrelationship either.
If the soul is lazy and does not aspire to such knowledge, if it is
reduced to the lowest conformism (hadid al-taglid), then why should
the wayfarer need to study a nomenclature which would only lead
him to a type of science that is close to that of the philosophers?"'
Philosophy at least is a mentally conceived argumentation based
upon the organization of analogies and sequences of proofs. Anyway,
this contradicts the method of the partisans of Oneness for whom
technical demonstration (al-burhan al-fincici) should be relinquished in
Chapter Four
favour of intimate finding. This leaves one sole alternative, namely

acceptance of their words out of sheer trust in them; yet, the lat-
ter is, of course, [only possible] whenever they are able to expound
their goals. Nevertheless, how can they be trusted, when many of the
literal meanings of their words are in contradiction with the literal
text of the Law? Those who are at variance with the Law cannot be
trusted neither in word nor in deed. Abu Yazid was told of a man
well-known for his gnosis (ìrfan) and wished to visit him 25 When he
arrived, he saw the man spit in the mosque, upon which Abu Yazid
immediately turned back saying, 'How can we trust someone with
God's secrets when this person does not even believe in one of the
rules of proper conduct prescribed by the Law?'26
If the Law forbids these people from plunging into the sciences
of unveiling, and still they do not forsake these sciences, how can
they be trusted in their knowledge of the divine secrets of God Most
High, and how can one accept in good faith what they have to say?
And this, when their words are not cryptic, but what if their words
are laden with innovation and misbelief? May God protect us from
this! What they call 'Sufism' is not Sufism, nor is it the lawful goal.
And God knows best!
CHAPTER FIVE
On the Shaykh and When His Presence

Is Required in the Spiritual Struggle
Know that our study has led to the conclusion that basically Sufism
consists of spiritual struggle and wayfaring, the perfecting of which
leads to unveiling and witnessing. Subsequently, the wayfarer is giv-
en the knowledge of God, His Attributes, His acts and the mysteries
of His Kingdom (asrar mulkihi), as well as all the above-mentioned.
We have demonstrated why the knowledge resulting from unveiling
and witnessing should not be registered in books. We also explained
why some later Sufis erred when they labelled these very stations as
Sufism, turning them into a `codifiable' science that can be acquired
in books and records.
Actually, Sufism is a light that God sends forth into the heart that
has been purified through spiritual struggle and orientated towards
the Truth. At times, this light elucidates a divine mystery, a lordly
wisdom, an obscure legal problem or an ambiguous aspect of the
Book and the Sunna. However, the Sufi must neither dwell upon this
gift nor be contented with it lest it become a veil that disrupts the
Path. He must persevere on his way to God and never disclose the
secret. God's secret is most deserving of being kept hidden.
We have explained how spiritual struggles differ according to
their underlying motives. If the goal is salvation only, then the novice
struggles towards God-wariness and moral care. If the goal is felicity
and the loftiest levels of realization (al-darajat aljula) in the Hereafter,
then the wayfarer struggles towards walking on the straight path.'
Finally, if the goal is knowledge through the lifting of the veil and
witnessing of God in this world, the combat is unveiling. We have
also mentioned that the name Sufism applies to all three struggles,
Chapter Five
in spite of the fact that it eventually referred to the last two. The
great Sufis and their followers, whose lives are compiled in the Risdla,
spoke of Sufism as these last two struggles, together with their prop-
erties, rules and nomenclature.
The teacher Abu al-Qasim al-Qushayri has explained how the
difference between the struggles towards walking on the straight path
and unveiling lies in their different underlying motives. He said, 'If
the wayfarer believes in the Sufis' teachings and in gradual wayfaring
(suluk wa-tadarruj) towards the goal, he will share in the knowledge
Sufis have been given, namely the unveiling of the Unseen World
(mukashafat al-ghayb). The disciple will not need to intrude upon and
seek support from anyone foreign to their Path. But if the disciple
is not of an independent nature and wishes to follow a more con-
ventional way within a conforming pattern (night() until he reaches
realization, then he should imitate his predecessors and travel their
Path, for it is best for him to follow them rather than anyone else.'
Know that the need for the teaching master (al-shaykh
and for the advising educator (al-murabbi al-nosin) varies according
to the struggle. Sometimes his presence renders the struggle more
complete and appropriate, or worthier and safer, and sometimes his
presence is so imperative that the struggle cannot be without him.
Let us explain and describe this in detail.
The Struggle for God-wariness

Firstly, the struggle for God-wariness, which is achieved through
moral care, does not require the presence of a shaykh. It suffices to
know God's decrees and His limits, and this knowledge can be drawn
from a book, taught by a teacher (mdallim) or transmitted by a master
(ustadh). This is so because, as we said earlier, this particular struggle
is incumbent upon every man subject to the Law. How could it be
right, then, that a man should wait for a shaykh and thus neglect his
duty and delay the fulfilment of God's commandment? Anyway, the
shaykh will not add anything to the writings of the scholars who
transmit the teachings of the Book and the Sunna, informing us of
their references and sources.
7T
Nevertheless, this particular struggle is bettered if the wayfar-

er follows a teaching master who will set an example to act upon.
Indeed, the use of the senses in the teaching of any science is a con-
dition for perfecting it The science of God's decrees and limits is to
know how to perform actions. The science of this performance is
based either on transmission (naql) and a conveyed report (khabar), or
on senses and observation (mdayana). The reliance on senses is more
perfect.
This is why the &hilt tells us that the Prophet (may God bless
him and grant him peace) was actually shown how to pray: 'Gabriel
came and prayed, so did the Prophet (may God bless him and grant
him peace); then he prayed and so did the Prophet (may God bless
him and grant him peace); then he prayed and so did the Prophet
(may God bless him and grant him peace); then he prayed and so he
prayed...'; thus [this happened] five times.3 Gabriel taught the prayer
entirely through example. This was necessary to make His teaching
perfect, as it had to be.
When Arab delegations came to the Prophet (may God bless
him and grant him peace), asking to be taught their religious duties,
he would not only convey oral information, but he would send
one of his eminent Companions to teach them by visually show-
ing them how to perform their duties, and the men imitated them.
Sometimes these men were given directions only, as in the tradition
about the delegation from the tribe of Rabta: 'He ordered you four
things and forbade you four.'4 Another time: 'Remember them and
transmit them to those who will come after you:3 However, this
was rare; usually the Companions would be sent to instruct the
inquirers.
In the same vein, we see that it is often more effective to perform
duties like prayer or ablution in front of Muslim children through
example rather than statements and words. So much so that the pil-
grimage rituals, for instance, are taught during the pilgrimage season
on the days set for them, by those who had learned and taught them.
Notice that the legist who writes the chapter on the laws regulating
the pilgrimage—although he has thoroughly memorized the sub-
ject—will rely more on the knowledge of these instructors than on
Chapter Five
his own memory. He is taught by them and learns the rituals by

watching them. Indeed, the soul trusts sensory perception more than
words. Thus in this struggle [to attain God-wariness], to follow a
shaykh is only a condition for its perfection (shart kamal), not a condi-
tion for its validity or an obligation (shag sihhat wa-wujitb).
The Struggle Towards Walking on the Straight Path

Secondly, in the struggle towards walking on the straight path,
wherein the wayfarer must be moulded by the good character traits
of the Qur'an (al-takhalluq In-PI-Qur'an) and the character traits of
the prophets (khuluq al-anbiya'), the wayfarer may need a teaching
master.6 Indeed, not only is it difficult to know the character traits
of the self (khuluq al-nafs) and the hidden colourations of the heart
(talawwunat al-galb), but it is also arduous to cure them and set them
free. As the struggle towards walking on the straight path is not an
obligation binding upon everyone subject to the Law, it is strongly
recommended that the wayfarer should look for a shaykh who knows
its path and its difficulties. This, however, is not an obligation or
compulsion because the source of this struggle is the Book, the Sunna
and customary nomenclature. Even the many obscure aspects of the
teaching and wayfaring in this combat do not escape free choice, and
they remain part of the acquirable sciences (al-mdarifal-kasbiyya). The
wayfarer who clings to the Sunna is safe from the dangers of this Path
and can set it right again if he errs. He can refer to his own judge-
ment, whilst also benefitting from talks and discussions and from
the writings of the scholars on the practices and theories [of this
particular Path].
The Struggle for Unveiling and Witnessing

As to the third struggle for unveiling and witnessing, its aim is the
lifting of the veil and spiritual perception of the spiritual world, and
the Dominion of the heavenly and earthly realms. In it, the way-
farer must have an educating teacher (al-mucallim al-murrabi), the one
referred to as shaykh. It is not only an imperative but a necessity,
without which this goal can seldom be attained, for several reasons.
REMEDY FOR THE QUESTIONER_ IN SEARCH OF ANSWERS
Firstly, the foundation of this struggle is the Book and the

Sunna. Yet, as we said earlier, its recent monastic trends are hereti-
cal innovations (bkra); and the Path set by the Law is considered
the common way for everyone subject to this Law. It leads to
salvation and felicity after death occurs. But this particular [last]
struggle is a select way for the wayfarers with spiritual aspirations
(ahl al-himam) who wish to attain, before death, the seed of ultimate
felicity and the unveiling which normally occur at the time of death
only. Therefore, this struggle has its own law, principles and rules
of proper conduct. In it, the wayfarer can only imitate those who
have turned this particular way into a tradition to follow. All do
agree on the need for a shaykh in this struggle and warn against
self-reliance and solitude in the wilderness of its Path. They enjoin
the wayfarer to lay the reins of his life into the hands of a shaykh
who has travelled this Path. Their shaykh has been led to the goal
and has experienced—rather than just heard of—its perils, hidden
ambushes, dangerous moments and adversities. The wayfarer is like
the corpse in the hands of the mortician, or the blind man on the
seashore who holds on to the hand of his guide."' Since our knowl-
edge of this struggle and its laws comes from the shaykhs only, how
could we forgo a condition set by them in their own Path?
Secondly, in this struggle, the wayfarer is liable to realize two
qualities. The first quality lies within his power of acquisition and
free choice, and is the purification and cleansing from blameworthy
traits through the acquisition of praiseworthy virtues. The second
quality does not lie within his power of acquisition and free choice,
and has to do with the spiritual states that befall the wayfarer before,
during and after the unveiling. The teacher Abu al-Qasim said, 'A
servant is characterized by his deeds, virtues (akhlaq) and spiritual
states. Deeds are the actions he does by free choice. Virtues are his
innate disposition—although they can change with work, time and
repetition. Spiritual states prevail as from the beginning [of- the
way] and their purity is in accordance with the purity of his deeds.'
(Those are his words.)
The spiritual states that do not depend on free choice are the
fruits of acquired virtues (al-gat al-muktasaba), namely deeds (dmal)
Chapter Five
and their results. They depend on each other and eventually lead
to witnessing. They are hidden and uninterrupted. If imperfec-
tion has penetrated a spiritual state, the ensuing one is affected
inasmuch as the prior state has been because every state rests upon
what precedes it. Corruption in a spiritual state reaps its opposite:
leading the wayfarer to his ruin may God protect us! One can
never remedy or reform such a state because it escapes free choice.
If corruption takes place and triggers a series of like states dam-
aged by the initial corruption, then the duration and importance
of the evil increases thereon and its impact spreads. Neutralizing
this corruption is no longer possible except by setting forth on
another way which would deal anew with the virtues that are to
be acquired. In this manner, the wayfarer opens himself to divine
compassion for the eradication of the corruption that has crept
into his heart in the initial states.
Sometimes it is difficult to resume the Path because the heart,
the seat of all states, is unable to free itself from what might have
settled in it. Corrupted spiritual states breed heresy (zandaqa),
licentiousness (ibaha), rejection of the Law (raid al-sharra), ensuing
slackness (futur) and laziness (basal). The wayfarer thereby loses his
incentive and motivation. It becomes extremely difficult to cure
this condition and it may in fact be too late to repair the damage.
God Most High says [by way of quoting those who are damned],
`Would that we might be returned, and then not cry lies' (Q.vI.27); but it
is too late [for them] to then lament.
It is different if the wayfarer is closely watched over by a
shaykh, as the disciple's deeds and wayfaring are amended. The
shaykh himself has walked this Path and can differentiate between
corrupt and sound spiritual states. He knows what fosters progress
and what causes an interruption in the Path. He understands the
relation between the states that are not submitted to will power and
the deeds that are submitted to it.' He is aware of the correlation
between the degree of purity of deeds and states, and has realized
..! all this by test, hardship and training—not via books and stories. If
all these conditions are fulfilled, then the wayfarer is following the
right path, fears can be dispelled and perils avoided.
The wayfarer in his endeavour is similar to the dyer who tries

out red, yellow or green dyes but the assimilation of the colour by
v
the cloth is neither within his competence, nor does it depend on his
choice. His responsibility is merely to immerse the cloth in special
dyes, either mineral or vegetal, according to set proportions and dos-
ages. The cloth must be ready for the absorption of the envisaged
colour. For this, a skilled master is indispensable, one who knows
the dosages of the different elements, their proportions, the amount
of time necessary for the mixture, the call for cooking or fermenta-
tion, the immersion method and the timing of the whole process.
The master teaches his apprentice by showing him, lest the latter
apply a dye other than the one suggested. Since it is the first colour
that settles into the cloth and renders it impervious to other dyes, the
dying process is irreversible. So it is with the wayfarer who wishes to
colour his heart with gnosis that leads to felicity. If the wrong colour
has settled in his heart, the damage can no longer be rectified. For
this reason, the educating shaykh (al-shaykh al-murabbi) will show the
wayfarer how to apply the dye, its ingredients, dosages, proportions
and the durations of the process. A shaykh is therefore indispensable
because a dye cannot be applied at random and approximately. One is
always careful not to damage a fine cloth; so how much more careful
one should be not to ruin the heart when eternal suffering may be
the result! May God protect us from this!
Thirdly, the essence of this Path is premeditated death (al-mawt
almsindi), which is, as we said earlier, the extinction of all human
forces until the wayfarer is dead in body but alive in spirit. Hence
the wayfarer tries to experience death before he actually dies in order
to reach the spiritual vision that normally happens at the moment
of natural death only (al-mawt al-tab(i). If ultimate spiritual percep-
tion has not been reached, the wayfarer strives to attain the spiritual
states closest or most similar to it. He longs to enjoy this perception
before he leaves his physical body; and for that reason, he submits it
to ascetic discipline in order to experience death. These wayfarers
refer to the above-cited words of the Prophet (may God bless him
and grant him peace) in order to justify their ascetic discipline, tie
before you die.'9
vs n omenon
Chapter Five
Any mentally conceived teaching will parallel some natural phe-

and a man cannot grasp it by himself. To learn it, he must
have a guide who teaches him the secrets of its workings because the
ways of nature are hidden and—almost always—very difficult to see.
If the teacher is competent, then the ascetic discipline is successful
and useful; otherwise, it is not. This is true for all mentally conceived
sciences.
Fourthly, and the following is the most obvious reason in our
discussion of the issue, this particular wayfaring rests on meanings
that are of two kinds.
The first meanings belong to the category of the conventional,
namely sensorial and rational perceptions (al-maksasa wa'l-macqala).
These meanings are set down in rules and expressed in books and
words. They deal with the tangible part of the wayfaring; the sever-
ing of the ties binding the soul; the observance of spiritual retreat; the
remembrance of God in particular ways; and after the struggles for
God-wariness and walking on the straight path have been traversed,
the adequate observance of obligatory prayers and supererogatory
acts of devotion.
The second kind of meanings does not belong to the category of
the conventional and is not familiar to the minds (adhhan) or set in
concepts (ta,sawwurcit). These meanings cannot be grasped by the sens-
es, the intellect or through acquired sciences. They rely on mystical
tasting and intimate finding (umur dhawqiyya wa-wijdaniyya). A man
will discover these meanings in his self, but will not be able to describe
them to others except through metaphors or remote examples. It is
not possible to capture them with scientific rules and nomenclature,
or to classify them in artificial chapters and sections. They come forth
in the shape of unexpected ailments (ìlal), spiritual states, ephemeral
inrushes, castings (ilqecit) and mystical findings (mawajid), as well as
in all that befalls the itinerant from the beginning to the end of his
wayfaring until his immersion in the sea of gnosis and divine unity
(babr al-mdrifa wa'l-tawhid).
This set of meanings deals with the core of the wayfaring, its
secret and reality, without which nothing can be achieved. So long
as the wayfarer does not understand these meanings, distinguish them
from one another or differentiate between that which tends towards

the goal and that which withholds him from it, his effort is useless
and his search is neither partially nor fully realized. Books are of no
avail at all in this and his mind will not grasp the explanations. The
wayfarer must have a shaykh who, because of his mystical tasting,
recognizes their existent entities (dycin) and differentiates between
the harmful and beneficial. He can call the wayfarer's attention to
these realities the way the dumb man does, by pointing his finger to
sensorial objects without being able to describe them with words.
Pointing out realities is more eloquent than using words. This is why
you will not find these matters summarized in books or set out in
manuals on the meanings of `Sufism' They are only hinted at in allu-
sions or stories, the words of which do not uncover the essence of
the goal. The teacher Abu al-Qasim al-Qushayri said, 'This group of
people communicates with a specific terminology that discloses the
meanings particular to their own Path to each other exclusively while
hiding them from those who oppose their way. Thus, the meanings
remain vague to outsiders and their secrets are jealously protected
from outsiders. Indeed, these realities are neither gathered through
personal effort, nor collected in a clever system. They are meanings
deposited by God into the hearts of some men He purified in order
to safeguard them in their innermost being.'"° (This is the end of
Qushayrfs statement—may God have mercy upon him!)
CHAPTER SIX
Arbitration between the Two Debaters: Ascertaining the

Truth of Their Words and the Soundness
of Their Arguments
Now that we have provided the reader with the necessary back-
ground to this debate and described the Sufi Path, its various routes
and determined when a shaykh is needed or not, we can, as we prom-
ised earlier, arbitrate between the two disputants. The adjudication
has been eased by our introductions and we shall proceed by citing
the exact words of the two parties. Then, we shall intervene at each
point of divergence by referring to the introduction.
First Argument
Those who believe in the need for a shaykh say to those who do not
believe in this need—and advocate reliance on books and teachers in
legal matters, rather than on guides in spiritual detachment—Why
do you rely on books and reject the guidance of spiritual masters
(shuyaleh al-rariqa) when the Sufis themselves followed shaykhs and
ignored books?'
THE SHAYKH-DENIER' WILL ANSWER [the above in this manner]: The
foundation of the wayfaring is the Qur'an, the Sunna and that which
has been derived therefrom. These are recorded and available to us;
their transmitters are appointed to teach us and the spiritual masters
at reamong them. Why should we, then, be unable to fare without
them?
THE SHAYKH-PARTISAN'S REPLY is the following: If mere trans-
' mission through written material were enough to attain this—or
that—goal in any science or skill, then those who memorize the
external description of sciences and skills without having acquired
^7 CI
any experience in them should be the equals of those who have

actually practised and mastered them. This is impossible. Therefore,
you are in the wrong when you fancy one can succeed through mere
[bookish] transmission.
i SAY: We have previously described the different types of spiritual
struggles and concluded that the struggle for unveiling necessitates
an educating master (al-shaykh al-murabb0 for the following reasons:
its Path is peculiar and very dangerous. Its spiritual states and fruits
are not liable to the wayfarer's efforts, power and free choice. It is a
specific Path, different from the common way of the Law. As you
well know, this is a recent struggle that had not yet surfaced dur-
ing the time of our Predecessors. We never came across instructions
[from the Predecessors] concerning a method for its wayfaring, spir-
itual retreat, remembrance, or a description of its fruits, such as the
disclosure of the lights or the lifting of the veil. Besides, were it not
for the valid interpretations of its itinerants, many of the sayings
and rules in this struggle seem to contradict the Law on its external
plane. The saints of God and His elite found this Path when they
isolated themselves and severed the ties binding their hearts to the
world. They did explain its wayfaring and clarified its ascending steps
(maccirij) so that the aspirant could reach felicity and goodness. They
wished to find sources for their Path in the Qur'an and the Sunna,
and this in spite of the meddling of the legists and supporters of the
Law; but, then, we mentioned this earlier. As to God-wariness, it is
the main way of the Law, the course to salvation. Unveiling is the
main way of 'Sufism', the ascending steps towards spiritual vision
(micraj al-matla), the seed for ultimate felicity (al-sdada aljudhma) and
the highest degrees (al-darajat al-culd). Walking on the straight path
is the main way of the Qur'an and prophethood. Law is clearly the
source and explanation of both struggles [God-wariness and walking
on the straight path], and its transmitters are many.
When the shaykh-denier says: 'The foundation of the wayfaring
is the Qur'an, the Sunna and that which has been derived therefrom.
These are recorded and available to us; their transmitters are appoint-
ed to teach us and the spiritual masters are among them. Why should
we, then, be unable to fare without them?' I say: if they are referring
Chapter Six
to the two struggles, the way of which is the Qur'an and the Law,
namely God-wariness and walking on the straight path, then this
is true and we are not in want of a shaykh, as we said earlier. On
the other hand, if this statement refers to the struggle for unveiling,
which is the main way of Sufism, then this is impossible. When the
shaykh-denier claims that some aspects of this last struggle have been
recorded, it is only true for some notions that were put in writing in
a general and indirect fashion because most of them do not partake
of the habitual and conventional. So it is for all the spiritual states
and ephemeral inrushes the Sufis claim. When words can no longer
describe a reality because it is indescribable, the presence of one who
has 'witnessed' (ìyan) becomes necessary. The witness can attest to
the genuineness of the conveyed report and brush illusory presump-
tions aside. Only the itinerant who has experienced this wayfaring
will recognize witnessed perceptions (al-mudrakcit al-ciyaniyya). He is
aware of the delusions that threaten the wayfarer who believes in
solitary progress and mere [unguided] imitation of conveyed reports,
as we said earlier.
When the shaykh-denier says 'the spiritual masters are among
them', my answer is the following: shaykhs can educate, discipline
and lead to spiritual states and observation; yet, the above-mentioned
are not submitted to free choice and are not part of sensory or known
sciences. The teachers who issue legal edicts and transmit the Law
relayed the tradition by showing us and teaching us how to per-
form an action that, on the contrary, is submitted to human power.
Many among them have both functions [as spiritual master and legal
authority]. However, if we assume that when the shaykh-denier says
`[the spiritual masters of this Path] are among them' they mean that
all shaykhs must be recognized, honoured and followed, then this
is true. Many stories support our belief, that of CUmar and Uways,2
Shiban the shepherds and Shafil,4 Muhasibi and Ibn Hanba1,2 as well
as others.
The shaykh-partisan also argues that when the itinerant relies
on transmitted knowledge (nag!) and does not seek the guidance of
a teacher, then this implies a certain conclusion, namely: Ìf mere
transmission through written material were enough to attain this-
Ri
or that—goal in any science or skill, then those who memorize the

external description of sciences and skills without having acquired
any experience in them should be the equals of those who have actu-
ally practised and mastered them.'
However, I say that this is a weak argument because the shaykh-
denier could refute it in the following manner: it is true that there
is a difference in level between the one who has experienced knowl-
edge and the one who has not, but this does not prove that a shaykh
is needed. It only says that he who has spent energy learning with
a shaykh might reach a certain level of knowledge, while he who
has learned without a shaykh might, through books, reach a level
less exalted. In reality, we believe the wayfarer needs a Shaykh, and
books alone do not lead him to his goal not because of a possible dif-
ference between the levels achieved, as was mentioned, but because
the perceptions (madarik) in this Path are not amongst the known,
acquirable sciences and skills; rather, they are findings of an intimate
inspirational nature (wijdaniyya ilhamiyya). Most of the time, they
escape free choice. They are the outcome of performed deeds and
manifest themselves in specific ways. Thus, these perceptions can-
not be ascertained through acquired sciences but need a shaykh who
knows because he witnesses, testifies and teaches the nature of the
various deeds and their ensuing spiritual states.
Second Argument
THE SHAYKH-DENIER PROCEEDS TO SAYING: The Path of Sufism rests
on good work (carnal) and detachment (tajarrud) in view of service
(khidma) that needs to be depicted in a book, by a shaykh or a trans-
mitter which fulfils the need.
THE SHAYKH-PARTISAN ANSWERS: This is not so! The Path is divided
in two sections. The first section is of lesser importance. It is a guide-
line for good works, given by way of a simple description or the help
of a book. For the time being, we shall tolerate and accept this view
without discussing it. The second section is grander. It is the Path of
Sufism. It calls for a sound diagnosis of the sicknesses that can befall
the wayfarer in his self, heart or spiritual state, as well as the science
0-
Chapter Six
of the cure of the above.' It requires recognizing the nature of the

ephemeral inrushes that befall the heart and knowing whether these
stem from the self, the Devil, the angels or God. It involves under-
s tanding the mystical experiences along with their preliminary and
ensuing stages, determining their authenticity or their fallacy and
displaying a great deal of experience as to the particular instances
when wayfarers can err. Indeed all of the ambushes and dangerous
areas must be known, lest the wayfarer—when he sets out on this
Path—lose his faith and become an unbeliever, slide away from the
Sunna towards heretical innovation, or give up his freedom and turn
into a slave of the world. The itinerant could call a halt to all further
spiritual states, pursue charismatic gifts, unveiling or sound dreams
,saliba). From the onset of the Path and throughout his far-
ing, the seeker must be equipped to face these issues as well as other
minor aspects that cannot be encompassed in definitions or described
in books.
i SAY: This argument is sounder than the preceding one. Knowing
the above uncodifiable issues does not mean acquiring them, but
rather finding them. The shaykh is the only one able to do this, as
he identifies these matters and points them out to the disciple singly
and visually
As to the comment about the issues [in the wayfaring] 'that can-
not be encompassed...in books', I say: in any case, it is neither the
would-be compilation in books of these matters nor their apprehen-
sion through scientific definition that would lead to gnosis. On the
contrary, had these matters been encompassed in books, they would
have become part of the acquired sciences rather than remaining in
their own category. Only the discerning teaching shaykh and the
inquiring disciple who pursue these matters as they are in their real-
ness can return them to their own category.
Third Argument
THE SHAYKH-DENIER SAYS: All this is recorded in books and you only
need to read the book [Aram al-din] of Abu admid [al-Ghazali]
(may God be pleased with him). In it, he speaks about all these things
R,
extensively and really more than sufficiently. He is recognized as a

spiritual master by the Sufis themselves and by other knowledgeable
and fair men. So why should not his words, advice, or the books
written by other great spiritual teachers be followed?
THE SHAYKH-PARTISAN ANSWERS: You have called upon US to talk
about three levels.
FIRSTLY, it is said that the shaykh on the Path to God (may He be glo-
rified) compares to a guide on a tangible road at the end of which is a
treasure. The road is full of precipices and dangerous lands inhabited
by brigands and highwaymen from whom very few travellers escape.
If the shaykh were to describe the road to you, its dangers and perils,
the traps set by the enemy with the manner to avoid them—and if
you decide to rely only on this description in order to travel this
journey for the very first time in your life—you will find that the
guide's instructions are totally pointless. There are several ways and
ramifications in the road, which all look alike, and at every turn
you dread that the highwaymen and enemies will attack you unex-
pectedly. A description is only an approximation of the truth and
cannot lead to it, particularly when its object is hidden and remote
from all imaginings and conjectures. This is what will happen unless
a guide accompanies you, urges you to follow the main road, helps
you in the perilous places or prepares you to face dangers. When the
foe appears, the shaykh will have readied you with the amount of
strength and device you need to face it. Then, victorious, you reach
the treasure, seize it and leave the enemy territory protected and
safe. Otherwise, you would have been imprisoned or killed. Such is
the way towards the self-realization of the gnosis of God (al-tahaqqug
bi-macrifat Allah).
There are two expanses the wayfarer must traverse in order to
reach it: the world that is inhabited by the enemy Satan, and the
Hereafter that is ruled by the desire to reach it. The enemy has strewn
both expanses with so many schemes that no book could possibly
comprehend or describe them adequately, because of the remoteness
of their purposes, covert targets and subtle planning. These schemes
are not related to the familiar; and therefore a mere description, with-
out an insight borrowed from the Divine through the light of His
Chapter Six
wisdom, is not sufficient. How could a man cross this Path without a
guide? In most cases, it is not possible.
SECONDLY, the books indicated above are loaded with stories about
great spiritual masters (arbab); and some were enslaved by their spir-
itual states while others mastered them. However, most of the stories
concern the first type, who cannot be emulated so long as they are
in this [enslaved] condition. The wayfarer who tries to follow them
might deviate from the commendable path and disrupt it. Indeed, this
befalls most of the wayfarers who have emulated the state-enslaved
mystics; they divide into several groups:
I. Some harm their bodies, wear it out, or almost so.7
ii. Some lose their minds or almost so.
III. Some do violence to the religion by overstepping the bounda-
ries of the divine orders and finally become overcome by it.
iv. Some wayfarers on their way to God despair of the Divine
Soul, or almost so.
v. Some follow a good path in their action or learning; however,
it is disrupted by some obstacle, such as dissemblance, vanity,
love of the world or glory. They do not know if the obsta-
cle is real or insinuated by the Devil. They give up all action
and learning, thinking they are giving them up for God's sake,
when in fact they are merely presenting the Devil with what
he had intended to obtain.
vi. Others doubt this Path and its adherents and call it a lie, and
there are many other cases.
Following Sufi books does not help solve the above-mentioned
problems; but, on the contrary, ignites them. These are matters that
only great spiritual masters know thoroughly; and indeed, never in
the past or present have such ills befallen a wayfarer who placed him-
self under the protection of a realized Sunni shaykh (shaykh sunni
mubaqqiq). The shaykhs who have mastered their spiritual states are
the ones to be emulated because they control their selves and states,
and because they themselves have emulated [the predecessors]. As to
those who could not control their spiritual states, they contradict—
at least outwardly—the Sacred Law, for which they may—or may
not—be excused or justified. The difference between the two groups
is difficult to construe with the above-mentioned books. Yet, it is this

very difference that determines when emulation is valid and when it
is not. Therefrom, if we do not ascertain this difference, how shall
we, with total trust, emulate [a shaykh]?
This is why we say: the wayfarer who is guided by books can
either reject the guidance of the shaykh who deserves to be followed
and emulate the one who should not be emulated, or else he may
attempt to follow both shaykhs at once. The spiritual states of the
two shaykhs followed concomitantly differ and they may disagree on
many points; and as a result, the wayfarer's behaviour becomes contra-
dictory. Furthermore, a given man can be simultaneously enslaved by
some spiritual states and in control of others, and therefore the imita-
tion is valid in the second instance and not in the first. Only a shaykh
can ascertain the difference. Besides, those who evince spiritual states
are of many types:
I. Some do not truly experience a mystical state.
ii. Some truly experience authentic spiritual states.
III. Some experience a spiritual state that is triggered by a sickness
of the self [They experience] loss of consciousness, trances,
tears, screaming or such usual patterns for spiritual states that
are but sheer simulation (mubtal). In the same manner, the
person in question can perform some charismatic acts, but in
reality he has fallen into the Devil's grip.
iv. Some are trustworthy in all these things.
v. Some are untrustworthy.
Some did in fact experience a certain spiritual state but let up in
the practice that had brought it about.' As a consequence, the
state abated and they were driven to despair. This is the door
to disorder and [surrender to one's] caprices (hawa).
Moreover, while some spiritual states and mystical experienc-
es are integrally authentic, others are integrally fraudulent; some
belong to both categories at once; others are authentic from one
angle and fraudulent from another; and some are questionable. In
all cases, it is the shaykh who must examine these spiritual states, as
he is the only one who can explain them. It is upon the examination
of and differentiation between all the various states that the legal
5)4
Chapter Six
and dogmatic matters (fiqhiyya wa-rtiqadiyya), as well as the matters

related to the wayfaring (sulideiyya), are based. Therefore, he who
wishes to become a Sufi without a shaykh who has been taught by
a shaykh, connecting him through an initiatic chain (sanad sul filet) to
the First Teacher (al-mdallim al-awwal) and True Guide (al-murshid
al-itaqq) (may God bless him and grant him peace), will have a dif-
ficult voyage to a distant harbour.
THIRDLY, even though there is essentially one path to Him, the ways
to God Most High are as many as the breaths of all His creatures. Each
wayfarer deserves an education (tarbiya) that corresponds to his nature
and not to others'. Spiritual states and mystical experiences, ephem-
eral inrushes, divine gifts, sciences, inspirations (ilqa'at) and accidental
manifestations (atvarid) on the way vary with each individual, their
experiences, the beginning and end of their journey, their strength
and weakness. The method of spiritual travelling varies with each
wayfarer. Two men might be on equal footing as far as action, learn-
ing and the sequential order in their ascetic discipline, but if they are
faced with two different obstacles they will need specific remedies.
One unique remedy for both individuals would be useless and many
different remedies for both would prove just as useless. Besides, two
men might come across the same obstacle and yet the same remedy
may help one of them and be useless for the other. Mystical states,
experiences and inspirations will befall both wayfarers in a similar
way or in a different way. In accordance with what God shows him,
it is the shaykh who separates between the similar and links together
the different.
This is what befalls the wayfarer who strives to assume good
character traits and travels on the path to self-realization. Now the
self-realization of divine unity is the most powerful. Instead of try-
ing to apprehend it by means of a book, it is better and safer to attain
it guided by a shaykh who has traversed the sea of unity and halted
at its shore, inviting wayfarers to follow him there. This journey
is most important; and safety is indispensable because the obstacles
that can befall the wayfarer are most formidable and calamitous,
most numerous and bitter. Nonetheless, destruction is closer to him
than his shoelace. Most of the Batinis, Utilidis,9 Zanadiqa,' Thais,"
Tanasukhis,12 jabarisi3 and all such sects originally strayed from the
right path. Either they travelled it without a knowing realized shaykh
or they escaped his surveillance. The wayfarer needs the shaykh like
the body needs sustenance.
i SAY: This is a long debate, difficult to grasp for the one who tries
to understand its content. To start with, let us summarize it since our
comments are based on the above.
To recapitulate: Those who deny the need for a shaykh as a
condition in this Path claim, as mentioned above, that the course to
follow needs to be clarified through a description—which in turn
becomes an image in the mind of the wayfarer, whose subsequent
actions can conform to this image. Regardless of whether this is
achieved through a shaykh, a shaykh's transmitted teaching or a Sufi
book, the wayfarer must act according to this image within him and
must be contented with it.
Those who believe in the need for a shaykh answer that, in this
Path, we need to understand the course to follow. But that we also
need to know the particulars that befall the wayfarer by way of ail-
ments, spiritual states, ephemeral inrushes, mystical experiences, their
varieties and differences and the differences between their diverse and
infinite repercussions. If mere description is sufficient to understand
the nature of the Path, it is not for the [particulars listed] above;
rather, a shaykh endowed with insight is indispensable because he
understands the Path as an entity and in its particulars.
The shaykh-denier claims that books—such as the Ihyii' or oth-
ers—deal with all the above-mentioned matters sufficiently and even
more than sufficiently.
The shaykh-partisan replies that there are three notions that ren-
der the shaykh's teaching necessary.
Firstly, by and large, the mystical wayfaring resembles the tangi-
ble road wherein many fears, dangers, perils, enemies and risks are to
be expected. A mere description of the road is generally insufficient
and the traveller needs to be accompanied by a guide endowed with
insight in all these matters. Only then can the traveller hope for a safe
journey. This is also the case for the mystical wayfaring.
Secondly, books tell about ailments, ephemeral inrushes, spiritual
00
Chapter Six
states and mystical experiences, but in truth they only tell tales of
wayfarers [in the main]. Yet, wayfarers are different from each other
since they can either be in control of their spiritual state or they can
be controlled by it. A spiritual state can be sound or corrupt, authen-
tic or fraudulent, in harmony or in contradiction with the Path in
which case it becomes the source of undesirable results. A book can-
not ascertain all this. Only a teacher endowed with insight can expose
these differences and point them out to the wayfarer.
Thirdly, there is more than one road in the mystical wayfaring
and the ways to God are as many as the breaths of all His creatures.
Each wayfarer follows a course and a tutoring that correspond to
his nature. Just as the roads in the wayfaring vary, the ailments,
spiritual states and ephemeral inrushes also differ. Furthermore,
each way has its corresponding experiences. The wayfarer cannot
discern these differences unless he is in direct contact with a teacher
endowed with insight into all these matters, and this is especially
relevant when the itinerant reaches the station of professing divine
unity.
This is, in substance, what the interlocutor mentioned. As you
can see, the discourses of both debaters totally lack proofs. The one
who rejects the need for a shaykh merely offers allegations, and the
one who opposes a path without a shaykh does not provide any
proof. The shaykh-partisan discusses the three issues that he calls
`stations' (maqamat). In the first, he draws a concrete comparison
[between the mystical wayfaring and a tangible road] and postulates
the dangers within, with the intention of disavowing book guid-
ance and dismissing it as uncommon In the second level, he spells
out the itinerants' spiritual states, mentions the difference between
states and between wayfarers, and then concludes that none of
this can be realized with books only. Finally, in the third level, he
enumerates the number of paths and their various types, and then
simply concludes again that the wayfarer cannot do with books
only.
We believe the need for a teaching master is substantiated by the
following proof, as we mentioned earlier. All the perceptions in this
Path and all that befalls the one who travels it—namely ailments,
spiritual states and ephemeral inrushes—are related to intimate find-

ing and mystical tasting. They do not pertain to the conventional,
acquirable sciences (al-cult-1m al-kasbiyya al-mutddrifa) and cannot be
apprehended with conventional linguistic usages or fixed in artificial
rules. Furthermore, most of the spiritual states, ailments and mysti-
cal experiences are not only unconventional, but they are not subject
to free choice either. So they must be dealt with according to their
place of origin. The information that has been recorded in books is
related to the acquired, conventional sciences, but the spiritual states
pertaining to this Path are only described by way of metaphors; and
their reality is unknown. A shaykh is therefore indispensable for
conveying to us a knowledge that we do not possess at all. This is
the true answer to the debate; and it also provides clear evidence.
Nonetheless, this answer only applies to the struggle for unveiling. In
the struggles towards walking on the straight path and God-wariness,
it is safe and sound to rely on the written, the recorded and valid legal
opinions. And God knows best!
Fourth Argument
THE SHAYKH-DENIER THEN SAID: If the Sufis' writings implement the
purpose for which they were written, then we are in the right and all
you said is useless. But if their writings are useless and even, in your
opinion, misleading, then they were written in vain. This is an opin-
ion that belittles the great Sufis who are actually and unanimously
recognized guides. Therefore, your discourse—which dispossesses
them of their function—is unanimously declared vain.4
THE SHAYKH-PARTISAN ANSWERED: The statements of the Sufis in
their books are true. I refer here to Sufis like Abu Hamid, Muhasibi,
Ibn Ata', all those who followed the same recognized way, the peo-
ple of the Sunna and the leaders to the right path. We exclude those
who departed from their way and turned it into a philosophy (fal-
safiyyan).
All that was said above is correct. The statements of Abu- Hamid
and the other authors stem from their self-realization and adoption
of virtuous traits (i.t.thaf). But their statements never implied that
Chapter Six
descriptive books suffice in the Path. They do not exempt from [fol-
lowing] the guidance of the above-mentioned Sufis or their followers
who tried to fall heir to their predecessors. This is the point of the
debate. The Sufis' writings are useful in that they exhort and instigate
the aspirant to seek lawful conduct and sound spiritual states, and to
embark upon [the Path] according to the rules. Any book will suffice
to teach any given field but [Sufi] books are useless unless imparted
to the disciples by the masters, personally. Truly, the most necessary
condition in the Path is the presence of a shaykh who does not merely
explain written material matters as related in books, but who points
at the contents of books in your own self.
The Path rests solely on that which is acquired through finding.
The content of books on Sufism is fully grasped by the one who
has found these realities and turned them into qualities of his own.
Only those who have attained mystical experiences can understand
the Sufis' occasional testimony. As to the others, they assume true
is false and false is true because all this is so remote from familiar
notions. Sometimes, the wayfarer will understand the Sufis' expe-
riences correctly, but errs when it comes to applying them in the
wayfaring because he is ignorant of its occurrences. In all this, the
wayfarer needs a shaykh.
Moreover, Sufi authors disclosed little and withheld much
more. Their statements are but general rules the outer meaning of
which needs to be explained in innumerable cases. Their expres-
sions are extreme and must be interpreted. Their summaries must be
expounded and their generalizations specified. As we said earlier, this
is necessary because of the differences between the circumstances of
the paths and the spiritual states of the wayfarers.
I SAY: We have spoken about spiritual struggles and their degrees.
The first struggle involves experiencing God-wariness through
moral care, which is a duty incumbent on all men. In the second
;t struggle, walking on the straight path, the wayfarer needs to assume
• the character traits of the Qur'an and the prophets. This particular
struggle is an obligation upon the prophets and is lawful to those
who aspire to the higher levels in the community. The discourse
on both struggles is part of common knowledge and their learning
(yr
part of the acquirable sciences. The writings of the recognized Sufi

guides are filled with rules concerning these two struggles, namely
God-wariness and walking on the straight path. Among these writ-
ings are the Ihyd', the Ri'dya, the Qut, the works of Ibn Atal and
others.,
The goal of the third spiritual struggle, namely unveiling and
spiritual perception, is the lifting of the veil in a specific way and
manner. As we previously mentioned, there are disagreements
regarding the lawfulness of this particular combat. Since its realities
are not part of the acquirable customary sciences, most of its rules
are transmitted by competent masters who have grasped them by
personally finding them (al-wajidin laha). As no words in the conven-
tional language can express these realities, very few are set down in
the Sufis' books, besides a few describing the nature of the wayfaring
methods and some rules. The latter are not found through mystical
tasting (al-mawdjid al-dhawqiyya) and thenceforth can be transcribed.
As to the rules and concepts that are found through mystical tast-
ing, they are not touched upon or deposited in books. It is the duty
of the shaykh to transmit them since, at most, the Sufi writers will
relate some vague stories and make general hints about a spiritual
state, an ephemeral inrush or a mystical experience (waft!). Yet, all
this lacks clarity and needs the interpretation of a shaykh. And do
not ever imagine that the nomenclature adopted by the Sufis can help
non-Sufis conceive of their real meaning! They set it down in order
to communicate with one another, and not to address those who
have not tasted what they have tasted; we have cited the teacher Abu
al-Qasim in this respect.
When the shaykh-denier says: 'If the Sufis' writings implement
the purpose for which they were written, then we are in the right
and all you said is useless. But if their writings are useless and even, in
your opinion, misleading, then they were written in vain.' We say the
following: what is the meaning of the word purpose (mavad) here? If
purpose refers to the spiritual effort towards God-wariness and walk-
ing on the straight path, then the writings of the Sufis help insofar as
their principles and rules of proper conduct are concerned. If purpose
refers to the effort towards unveiling and spiritual perception, there is
Chapter Six
nothing wrong with the fact that these writings do not fully answer
the need of this purpose—although they partly do so, namely by
describing the methods of this last struggle's wayfaring. However,
the Sufis' writings will not deal with ailments, ephemeral inrushes,
mystical findings, spiritual states and all that occurs in this particu-
lar wayfaring. Doubtlessly, these occurrences are the pillar of this
journey and the main road in its wayfaring, and can only be clarified
and transmitted by a shaykh.16 Truly, it is impossible to express them
and neither explanatory words nor man-made rules prove adequate
because these perceptions are not part of the acquirable sciences, as
we have already stated.
As to the claim of the shaykh-partisan, namely: 'The Sufis'
writings are useful in that they exhort and instigate the aspirant to
seek lawful conduct and sound spiritual states.' We wonder: how
can the debater limit the usefulness of the books to these achieve-
ments only? How is this possible when such books are filled with
laws about the struggles towards walking on the straight path and
moral care that ensure salvation and lead the wayfarer to the level
of the sincere believers (maratib al-siddiqin)? And is there anything
greater than the spiritual struggle of the prophets and assuming
the good character traits of the Qur'an? It is only the wayfaring
towards unveiling that escapes these writings because mystical
tasting can hardly, if ever, be put into words. There is no harm
in the fact that these writings cannot contain this last wayfaring,
and certainly their other benefits outweigh this omission. We also
expounded earlier on the disagreements concerning the legality of
the Path to unveiling, but be that as it may, the shaykh will make
sure the itinerant harvests the books' benefits.
The shaykh-partisan was ending his speech when he added—if
only he had said it earlier!—Truly, the most necessary condition in
the Path is the presence of a shaykh who does not merely explain
written material matters as related in books, but who points at the
contents of books in your own self. The Path rests solely on that
which is acquired through finding.' And the rest of his discourse is
related above. Indeed, here his words are pertinent and they provide
a summary of the substance of our topic.
PC)
Fifth Argument
THE SHAYKH-DENIER ARGUES: A shaykh does not possess knowl-
edge of all this. If he draws his knowledge from the aforementioned
books, then there is nothing wrong with this. But if he does not refer
to such books, he is claiming a new law, and enough it is to hear this
evil claim!
THE SHAYKH-PARTISAN ANSWERS: No, indeed! The [shaykh's] knowl-
edge relies on the Book and the Sunna. His knowledge is the spirit
behind the books and the foundation of all that derives from the
sources of the Law. This is why the realized Sufi enlightens the legist
in his knowledge of the Law; the [Q,Lu'anic] commentator in his com-
mentary; the specialist in legal theory in his knowledge of the sources
of the Law; the physician in his medical science; the leader in his gov-
ernment; the artisan in his art; and all men in their trade and life. The
shaykh pinpoints their mistakes and errors and indicates how to cor-
rect them. This is a knowledge he alone possesses, to the exclusion of
books and of those who have not experienced what he has realized.'?
The knowledge God bestowed upon the shaykh relates to all sciences
and the directing of all beings, the way jurisprudence relates to the
Law itself. In fact, it is an even clearer and more accurate science.
I SAY: The shaykh possesses two kinds of knowledge. Firstly, he can
explain the conditions of this wayfaring and its method. He describes
the course to follow beforehand, namely the spiritual efforts towards
God-wariness and walking on the straight path, as well as the princi-
ples concerning all this. This type of knowledge has been presented
in the Sufis' books along with their numerous aspects and detailed
rules, and it suffices to follow them.
Secondly, there is the knowledge of the spirit behind this wayfar-
ing, its secret truth, and it relates to the unforeseen events mentioned
earlier. It relies on mystical tasting and cannot be expressed in words
or conveyed through books and codified material. When the way-
farer experiences some event through mystical tasting, it is the shaykh
who will point out the genuinely real therein and lead him to their
understanding thereon.
The shaykh-denier argues that, 'If he does not refer to books,
Chapter Six
he is claiming a new law, and this is an ignominious accusation!'

We have explained earlier that the wayfaring [towards unveiling] is
a special path (tariq khassa) different from the common way of the
Law (al-shay` al-camm). The sincere believers found it and followed
it, hoping to attain the loftiest levels of realization. When they
tasted its realities and grasped its perceptions through finding, they
understood how this wayfaring relates to the five legal principles
of behaviour (al-ahkam al-khamsa).' s Subsequently, they instructed
therein those who plunged into its waves and traversed its seas, tast-
ing of what they had tasted. Truly, these realities are comprehended
in the five legal principles of behaviour the way the particular is in
the general. However, it is difficult to phrase the relation between
the five principles of behaviour and this Path—which, anyhow,
the majority does not feel a need for. Therefore, the relation was
concealed from all but the enlightened few who were given the
knowledge of its realities and gnosis of God's decree in all this.
As to the argument of the shaykh-partisan: 'No, indeed! The
[shaykh's] knowledge relies on the Book and the Sunna. His knowl-
edge is the spirit behind the books and the foundation of all that
derives from the sources of the Law.' I assert this is a rhetorical argu-
ment that cannot convince an opponent who negates the relation
between the five legal principles of behaviour and the unforeseen
events, claiming it is non-existent in the Book. As aforementioned,
the truth is that it is not recorded in books because its masters—the
saints of God—do know the interrelation between the unforeseen
events and the legal principles, having understood their realities by
finding them.
As to the shaykh-partisan's words concerning 'the realized Sufi
who enlightens the scientists and artisans in their sciences and arts',
we say: this is a true statement and we discussed the subject earlier. To
him whose knowledge is inspired by God, all the realities and hidden
secrets of existence are disclosed as they are, because he contemplates
them with the eye of his heart. The God-inspired person guides men
to truth and protects them from error because his knowledge results
from his perceptions. Are not the acquired and applied sciences but
a mere shadow of his knowledge? The human perceptions of the
realized Sufi are enhanced by the light God cast into his heart and the
divine knowledge that replenished his whole self.
Sixth Argument
THEN, THE SHAYKH-DENIER CONTENDED THAT: If the science the
shaykh alone possesses can be expressed in words, then it is possible
to acquire and transmit it. The recorded is transmittable, as seen in
the cases of Abu Hamid (may God be pleased with him) and others
as well. If the shaykh's science is not recorded, it is virtually part of
that which could be recorded, since it is actually acquired by him,
apprehended and imagined in his mind In both cases, this science
can be acquired, read and taught and hence recorded. Therefore, it
is right to draw from books what is relevant therein. If this is not so,
then what is this "science"?
THE SHAYKH-PARTISAN ANSWERS: It is a science that cannot be
acquired, enclosed, contained in rules, or gathered in one code of
laws. This is why when we ask the shaykh who has reached reali-
zation (al-shaykh al-muhaqqiq) what he knows about the science of
Sufism, he answers he knows nothing. He is in a state of poverty
from all points of view. Rather, he is like an empty tablet (lawh)
ready for what will be imprinted on it. God confers upon the shaykh
a discerning light wherewith he discriminates between true and
false in all things. The shaykh cannot describe this light, nor pass it
on to a wayfarer or to any other man. He can only describe it via
parables (mithal) that are but a manifestation of this light, the reality
of which is hidden as it was before. He who possesses this light will
understand, while he who does not possess it will not. And this is
the reason many book-followers were misled—` But they split up their
religion into sects, each party rejoicing in what is with them' (Q.xxx.32).
Each group adapted the Book and the Sunna to what they knew
of Sufi realities.'9 They correlated the Sufis' mystical states to some
religious law, other than the one transmitted to the community by
the Prophet (may God bless him and grant him peace), thinking that
the Sufis were addressed differently to everyone else. This is proof
enough for the negative state of the book-followers.
Chapter Six
I SAY: It has been determined that the perceptions in this Path are
not acquirable or recordable, but are related to intimate finding and
mystical tasting (wijdaniyya dhawqiyya). It is impossible to talk about
them except to the one who shares in this finding and tasting; but
we have already said that.
As to the shaykh-denier's argument: 'If the science the shaykh
alone possesses can be expressed in words, then it is possible to acquire
and transmit it. The recorded is transmittable...If the shaykh's sci-
ence is not recorded, it is virtually part of that which could be
recorded...'. I answer saying that this kind of knowledge cannot be
put in words. The sciences that can be explained have a technical,
acquirable nomenclature; yet, this is not the case for the sciences that
stem from intimate finding.
The shaykh-denier added the following: 'It can be acquired,
[read] and taught.' If the deniers are referring here to the science
related to God-wariness or walking on the straight path, then this is
true. If they are referring to the knowledge particular to the strug-
gle for unveiling, then this is forbidden (mamnu) because, as we said,
the perceptions of this knowledge are beyond sciences and nomen-
clatures. The shaykh-partisan had alluded to this when he said 'a
discerning light wherewith he discriminates between true and false
in all things', to the end of his discourse.
Furthermore, the shaykh-partisan asserts that book-followers
strayed by claiming that the Sufis were addressed differently to every-
one else. To this we answer: if the reason for this deviation is indeed
book-following and the reliance on transmission, then the solution to
this discussion lies in the aforesaid: the perceptions in this wayfaring
are related to intimate finding and mystical tasting. He who relies
on writings—but without discrimination—does not understand
how this particular wayfaring is correlated to the five legal principles
of behaviour and will claim the principles underlying Sufism are at
variance. And God knows best! We have demonstrated earlier how
wrong it is to claim that the Law is liable to different interpretations
in accordance with its application to different people and according
to two levels: an outward and an inward.
Seventh Argument
THE SHAYKH-DENIER SAID: Wayfaring without a shaykh is impossi-
ble either because of the essence of the Path itself—which is not
likely or because of external reasons such as customs or the Law.
Customs do not forbid it since many fared forth without a shaykh
and were taught the Path by a book, or a transmitter who had learned
its method from a book.2° God guided them and did not entrust
them to anyone else. The biographies testify to this. As to the Law,
wherefrom comes the argument stating that the way (suluk) must be
fared forth with a shaykh or without one? On the contrary, there are
instances when the opposite is stated, as in God Most High's words,
`0 ye who believe! If ye keep your duty to God, He will give you discrimina-
tion between right and wrong' (Q.vm.29). This asserts that whoever is
wary of God is given the discriminating light (al-nur al-furgant) that
you claim is a quality reserved to the shaykh. In fact, this light is the
result of God-wariness, which entails conforming to His orders and
avoiding the forbidden. This can safely be drawn from books since it
merely consists in acting upon the matters of substantive law and the
experiences of the Sufis who lived according to it. So why would a
shaykh be needed? It says in the noble Qur'an, 'But those who struggle
in Our cause, surely We shall guide them in Our Ways' (Q.xxlx.69). This
reiterates the meaning of the aforementioned verse as well as many
other verses too.
THE SHAYKH-PARTISAN ANSWERED: To travel the way without a mas-
ter is not impossible because of the essence of the Path itself, but for
reasons pertaining to custom and the Law. According to custom, cur-
rent tradition and recorded precedents, we see that those whose lives
have been related in books relied on shaykhs and did not fare without
them. Most of those who slid off the straight path did so because
they embarked upon it without a shaykh, or because they opposed
him in some matter. We have seen this with our own eyes and -we
have read it in books. By 'reliance on a shaykh', I do not mean that a
wayfarer should follow one master only. Although this is preferable,
it is not a universal condition. As to the case of the wayfarer who fol-
lows the Path without a shaykh at all, it is possible theoretically but
Chapter Six
almost impossible in actual fact. A certain man might indeed follow

a master and yet you might not know he does, or else you might not
know his shaykh; your ignorance of something does not imply its
non-existence. The shaykh is one of the means through which God
assists His servant.
But let us assume that a man can proceed along the Path without
a shaykh; this is a rare case that fits in the category of exception and
cannot be turned into a general law, just as the grammatical exception
is memorized but not turned into a rule. The same held true for the
sale of the palm trees' fruits, the making of loans and the contracts
for irrigation,' all these are specific rules without being a measure
for everything. Our problem here is best illustrated with the story of
Khuzayma's testimony'' and that of Abu Burda's sacrifice of the new-
born goat." Furthermore, one might come across a wayfarer who
does not follow a shaykh, but such a wayfarer is seldom of benefit
to others in the Path; instead he is a community (umma) to himself.
The need for a shaykh is made even more evident in the Law:
`Question the people of the Remembrance, if it should be that you should not
know' (Q.xvi.43); and also in His words, '0 believers! Obey God, and
obey the Messenger and those in authority among you' (Q.Iv.59). In addi-
tion, it is also said that 'learned men are the heirs of the prophets'.24
To be in no need of the heirs of the Prophet compares to being in
no need of the Prophet. The Prophet is sent to explain the Book, as
is his heir. Every man who transmits a religious legal science is the
heir of the Prophet therein; there are innumerable proofs for this and
your arguments do not refute anything. Even at the stage of God-
wariness, the wayfarer needs the guidance of a shaykh who knows the
method to follow for each individual and in every circumstance, and
who shows caution with regards the obstacles that could divert the
disciple from his way. Just as God-wariness is gradually achieved, so
is its result, namely discrimination, which is attained by degrees, little
by little, with the perfection of its later stages being in proportion to
the perfection of the earlier ones.
As the God-wary believer (muttaqi) advances through the pro-
gressive stages of development, his discriminating faculty increases.
At the respective levels of submission, faith and excellence, he is given
the discrimination that corresponds to their particular phases. Each

level of discrimination has its sources, principles, ephemeral inrushes,
mystical findings, and accidental manifestations with their befitting
results, namely walking on the straight path or not, performing
sound or corrupt action. Therefore, we reiterate, a shaykh is needed
in the spiritual struggle that guides the wayfarer to the straight path,
just as God-wariness is needed to lead him towards discrimination.
The itinerant will traverse vast expanses of perilous lands familiar
only to its native inhabitants. When the shaykh sees that the wayfarer
has gained insight in all these matters, that the voyage led him back to
his starting point and original centre, and when he sees the wayfarer
clad in divine light, endowed with discerning light, he will entrust
him to God in whom is guidance from the beginning until the end.
Thereafter, when more opportunities towards further training cross
the path of the itinerant, he will seek them out with full awareness
but without relinquishing the guidance of his shaykh, whether the
latter is alive or dead.25 Indeed, it is on this Path that the itinerant has
been endowed with and clad in this light; and if he departs from it,
the light in him will become extinct. The tradition binding shaykh
and disciple is absolute and epitomizes the uninterrupted initiatic
chain (al-silsila al-muttasila) that connects to the Prophet (may God
bless him and grant him peace). He who holds on will reach, and he
who severs is stranded.
I SAY: The shaykh-denier refuted the impossibility of the Path with-
out a shaykh either because of the essence of the Path itself or for of
external reasons, such as customs or the Law. The shaykh-partisan
concurs with the reason linked to the essence but contests the legal
and customary impossibility.
Know that one cannot restrict impossibility to the abovemen-
tioned three factors. It is impossible to journey without a guide
because of the nature of the wayfaring, which is based on intimate
findings and mystical tasting. The oral explanations of a shaykh com-
petent in these matters are therefore needed. Yet, anything impossible
by nature can become possible the day its nature is altered; thence, the
discernment of intimate findings (al-madarik al-wijdaniyya) is made
possible by God, who leads towards and infuses into some individuals
Chapter Six
the gnosis of these realities (acycin), by way of a charismatic gift, akin

to the prophetic miracle (mu jiza).26 This reverses the normally pos-
sible or impossible by altering their nature. However, the soundness
of the particular cases in wayfaring is confirmed to the wayfarer and
his brethren only after spiritual vision—its fruit—is reaped. When
the wayfarer is absolutely certain that he has reaped the fruit, he
understands that God has taken over his affairs and guidance.
If God, in His providence and guidance, disrupts customs—
that call for the presence of a shaykh in the wayfaring—and lifts its
interdiction, this exceptional circumstance should not be taken as an
example to imitate. The wayfarer must not disregard this injunction
and undertake this course without a shaykh, assuming God Most
High has taken over his guidance in a Path wherein perceptions are
filled with ambiguity for the one who is unassisted in this experi-
ence. This is a foolish action and idle talk! If he does so, the wayfarer
will be acting like the man who walks alone into the fire saying, 'I
shall walk into the fire and God will protect me', claiming God made
the fire 'coolness and safety' for Abraham (Q.xxr.69). So it is with the
one who drinks deadly poison alleging the charismatic act whereby
Khalid b al-Walid drank poison and was not harmed.27 The possible
does not become impossible and the impossible possible just because
the custom has been disrupted once (by way of a prophetic miracle or
a charismatic act. If the wayfarer fancies he is guided [by God], this
could be but a test for him, and he must be alert at all times until he
reaches the desired object and is certain that God has truly favoured
him Yet, this is rare and consequently the wayfarer must not rely on
this possibility.
Thus, both sides agree that wayfaring without a shaykh is not
impossible because of the essence of the path (a/-imand al-dhati).
The shaykh-partisan rejects the customary impossibility (al-imand
al-cadi). He does not reject the essential impossibility For impossibil-
ity by nature], as long as the nature justifying the impossibility is
valid; and since this essential impossibility is rarely invalidated by
an isolated case, the argument rejecting the necessity of the shaykh
in this Path is unfounded.28 On the contrary, his presence is a con-
dition, as we proved earlier. As to the legal impossibility (al-imam:7'
al-sharci), I do not know why the shaykh-denier refutes it. They claim
God-wariness will necessarily grant the wayfarer the light of discrim-
ination, and its struggle will lead him to guidance. This is absolutely
correct. But then, why not consider shaykh-following a requirement
in their claim? Is it not a requirement for many of the absolute state-
ments in the Qur'an and the Sunna? This is all the more true if by
struggle and God-wariness the shaykh-denier is actually referring to
the Path of unveiling and spiritual perception, wherein—as proven
earlier—the presence of a teacher endowed with knowledge about
its perceptions is most necessary.
As to the struggles towards walking on the straight path and
God-wariness, we explained that their perceptions are familiar and
can be understood with the Law transmitters' discourses. Since their
perceptions are not grasped through intimate finding, these can be
secured from books and compiled material, without help from a
shaykh—although, again, his presence does perfect these struggles.
We have already said this. This was also stated in the two Queinic
verses quoted above and we do not need to reiterate.29
Concerning the argument of the shaykh-partisan that 'learned
men are the heirs of the prophets', to be in no need of the heirs of the
Prophet compares to being in no need of the Prophet. The Prophet
is sent to explain the Book, as is his heir. Every man who transmits a
religious legal science is the heir of the Prophet therein.' Know that
the Prophet has three statuses:
A general one, namely the guidance of the people (hidaya li'l-lehalq)
towards salvation; and this applies to all men subject to the Law.
A second special status related to his own personal spiritual strug-
gle, an individual obligation upon him, which inheres in walking on
the straight path and assuming the traits of the Qur'an.
The third and even more restricted status involves the Prophet's
path towards spiritual perception, through meditation (tahannuth)
in the cave of Hira'.3° There, away from people, he was exposed to
ephemeral inrushes and mystical findings whereby God guided him
and taught him. This is the way to unveiling, and [the way of the
Sufis] is but a drop of water in the sea, a shadow of the goal [com-
pared with the way of the Prophet]. The difference between the two
Chapter Six
is like the difference between the lamp and the sun; or rather the lamp
is closer to the sun [than is their Path to His]. The comparison is only
an allegory and an approximation. The first goal for the believers sub-
ject to the Law is salvation by following the prophets and imitating
them. Therein is the true meaning of the 'inheritance of the learned
men'. This inheritance is the capital and wealth of faith. It is impos-
sible to proceed without the heir who inherited from the Prophet.
As to walking on the straight path and assuming the prophets'
good character traits, it is an individual obligation upon them. But
when the believers subject to the Law undertake this course, they
may reach a more perfect level and ascend to loftier levels [than the
level attained with the first struggle, God-wariness]. He who searches
for these levels learns from books and learned men, and must abide
by their teachings. Consequently, it is impossible to dispense with
the heir in this. In both cases, [the search for salvation and the effort
towards walking on the straight path], the word heir signifies the one
who understands the legal principles that are part of known realities
familiar to us.3'
As to the 'even more restricted way' in this Path, its legality
troubles the heirs—the learned men. Basically, one may just ignore
this specific Path; and even more so—according to those who do
not believe in the guidance of a shaykh—one must ignore it because
during the early Islamic times the Companions and the Predecessors
were not aware of it and did not follow it. They either sought sal-
vation or walking on the straight path, striving to assume the good
character traits of the Prophet (may God bless him and grant him
peace). How could they not dispense with a path wherein the pres-
ence of the teacher or some other tutor is a prerequisite?
The shaykh-partisan believes that God-wariness and struggle
are achieved differently according to the stations at which they take
place, and the reaped results vary with the struggles. We believe that
this is true. In the struggles towards God-wariness and walking on
the straight path, wariness manifests itself in perceptions that can be
understood. Whether these manifestations are sources, principles,
ephemeral inrushes, mystical findings, accidental manifestations or
befitting results, they all belong to the realm of the familiar. As to
the perceptions belonging to the wayfaring towards unveiling, its

meanings (mdani), sources, principles, accidental manifestations or
befitting results, they are not accessible because they are not part of
the conventional, as we said earlier; hence, the need for a shaykh to
spell out all these elements. As to the rest of the discourse of the two
debaters, it is clear.
Eighth Argument
THE SHAYKH-DENIER THEN SAYS: All you said is feasible, but only if a
shaykh is available and accessible. Yet, these days there are no shaykhs
around! Besides, even if such a shaykh exists we might not know of
him. What then is the solution for the wayfarer who wishes to follow
a Path besides reliance on books?
THE SHAYKH-PARTISAN ANSWERED: If the shaykh for this special Path
is not available, that does not mean he does not exist. [In fact, he will
exist] until 'We shall inherit the earth and all that are upon it' (Q.xix.4o).
On the other hand, the shaykh for the path common to all is avail-
able. His follower is either a wayfarer to God (salik) or one attracted
to Him (majdhub).
If the seeker is a wayfarer, he only needs to observe command-
ments and avoid prohibitions, as indicated by the shaykh versed in
the Law. He must not be negligent or excessive, careless or unduly
rigorous. If he is an artisan, he will not abandon his trade—provided
it is licit, of course—and if he is a scholar or a student, [he will
maintain] his studies. This wayfarer will not impose upon himself too
many supererogatory or pious acts of devotion (nawafil wa-mandubat)
if these affect his livelihood or his peace of mind In doing so, he will
not isolate himself or be different from other people, except in the
illicit matters which he avoids while they do not, or in the obligatory
matters which he performs while they do not.
Perhaps, the wayfarer does need a shaykh for all the above-men-
tioned, but an expert legist (al-faqih al-mufti) is sufficient because these
matters are easy to solve. The wayfarer will act as the student of Law
and its sources, traditions of the Prophet, or any other science related
to the legal sciences. At the same time, he will look for a teacher,
Chapter Six
inquire and inwardly pray with ardour for God to lead him towards
a master who answers his needs and whom he loves. If he hears about
such a realized teacher who fulfils the quality of the shaykh as attested
by all, he will go to him if he can; and if he cannot, he will write him
and tell him about his spiritual state. If the wayfarer does not find a
shaykh, he should persevere in his search and prayers, and that which
God has foreordained for him will no doubt be granted.
As to the one attracted by God, he is enraptured, bereft of his
self, absorbed in his Lord and withdrawn from the world. He belongs
to Him only. As he does not—and cannot—take charge of himself,
he must not consult books in the event of encountering an obstacle
on his way. If the obstacle is related to the domain of the legist, he
consults with him. If the obstacle is related to some other domain, he
must trust in the service of the One who has attracted him to Him
and who will guide him the way He chooses to. But he must not
rely on books or on the one who relies on books and does not have
knowledge or realization of what he is transmitting. And only God
leads to the truth.
I SAY: The denier's position that such a shaykh is unavailable [is sup-
posed to] prove that he is not a condition to the Path. Unquestionably,
this would be proof enough had the Law or reason declared this spe-
cific Path to be an obligation; and only then would this wayfaring
without a master substantiate that he is not a condition therein. Yet,
how could that be when we have discussed earlier the difficulty fac-
ing the legists in determining its legality? But we do not ratify this.
Rather, we say: if the wayfarer finds a shaykh, let him follow this
Path; and if he does not find one, let him renounce this Path lest
he be faced with dangers and exposed to perils—until God brings
forth a shaykh for him
The shaykh-partisan claims there will always be a shaykh avail-
able until 'We shall inherit the earth and all that are upon it.' This
is a strange postulation on the part of certain Sufis who speculate
about the sciences of unveiling, the Pole (qutb), the Pillars (awtad) and
the Substitutes (abdal). We already exposed their theories, declaring
them to be false and perverse. The truth is that the shaykh who is a
wayfarer and a guide (al-shaykh al-salik)—is like all particular beings:
he exists at times and does not at other times. If a shaykh is found,

the wayfaring will go straight (istiqam al-sultile). If a shaykh cannot be
found, then this Path must be forsaken because it is not an inherent
condition [for the believer]. Thus, [it will be] until God (may He be
exalted) sends forth a shaykh. Then, God will guide the wayfarer
by way of a charismatic act, and He will inspire, favour and lead
him to one of His saints. It is [only right for] the shaykh to convey
the teaching and education [particular to this Path], generation after
generation, until the chain of transmission is discontinued after many
ages and successive periods. At that time, one must wait until God, in
His mercy, again sends forth a shaykh. And God knows best!
The shaykh-partisan added: Òn the other hand the shaykh for
the path common to all is available.' These words seem to infer that
the need for a shaykh is a condition not only in the struggle towards
unveiling, but also in the struggles towards walking on the straight
path and God-wariness. However, we have previously clarified the
difference between these struggles: unlike the first two, the last strug-
gle does require the presence of a shaykh. 'The path common to all'
must designate the way of the Law, whose shaykh is the mostly avail-
able expert legist (mufti). If the latter happens to be unavailable, then
juridical principles can [possibly] be drawn from those books which
are consulted—provided their sources are valid and their chains of
transmitters sound. This may continue in such a way until some
teachers acquire again a deeply-rooted proficiency and can resume
their teaching [of the Law]. Unlike the path of unveiling, there is
no harm, danger or peril in faring this way without a shaykh [if per-
formed with the aforementioned proviso].
Furthermore, the shaykh-partisan divided seekers into two
groups: the wayfarer and the one attracted by Him. He also claimed
that if the seeker does not have a shaykh, he must limit himself to
obeying the Law, following the directives of the legist, earning his
livelihood, professing his trade, and ardently praying that God guides
him to a shaykh. If I only knew! What would the seeker lose if he
does not follow this specific way? By God, this Path is so danger-
ous and perilous to everyone except he whom God has protected
and guided to the goal! Besides, is there another path anyone could
Chapter Six
aspire for, besides walking on the straight path wherein the wayfarer
assumes the character traits of the prophets, the sincere believers and
the Qur'an?
The shaykh-partisan added: Ìf he hears about such a realized
teacher who fulfils the quality of the shaykh as attested by all, he will
go to him if he can; and if he cannot, he will write him and tell him
about his spiritual state.' I say the following: how can communicat-
ing in writing [with a shaykh] be ever valid or useful, when this same
debater has been declaring since the beginning of the discussion that
book learning is useless, written transmission unreliable and book
followers are in great danger? What is the difference between a writ-
ten work and a letter sent by a shaykh from a distant land? Both rely
on recorded transmission and writing. The only difference is that, in
the letter to the shaykh, there is distance in place, whereas in written
books, there is distance in time.
The shaykh-partisan then goes on to define the duty of the one
attracted by God. I say: know that he has no duty (wazifa) whatso-
ever! For the Sufis, the ones attracted by God—like Bahlul and other
madmen of the people of wayfaring (majanin ahl al-suliik) —were rav-
ished to themselves by the spiritual vision (ìida al-matla). Hence,
they completely lost the requisite level of intellect that would bind
them to the Law, so they have no duty to it anymore. Indeed, they
have reached the goal (wusuO, and duties are mere means to the goal.
The one attracted by God has arrived, seen the light, been ravished
out of himself and is out of his mind. He does not know the Book,
faith or transmission; rather, he is constantly immersed in the sea of
gnosis and divine unity, oblivious to senses and sense objects.
107
CONCLUSION AND ASCERTAINMENT
There is yet one unresolved question on my mind The one attracted

to God has lost his mind and is not accountable for legal observance.
He occupies the lowest level in humankind and is considered periph-
eral to the mass of believers inasmuch as he is exempted from religious
duties and especially from worship. How can he then reach the level
of God's saints and be considered one of them, as has been attested
and never denied in both past and present times?
Consequently, God in His grace and guidance inspired me and
my question was answered. The intellect, by virtue of which a
man is liable for the religious duties imposed by the Law, applies
to worldly life and conducts man in his daily domestic life. If a
man has lost this intellect owing to a lack in his self and in his
subtle soul (1(10 ralicaniyya) as is the case with fools and idiots—
then he sinks below the human level and has nothing to do with
faith, not to mention sainthood (walaya).1 On the other hand, if a
man has lost his intellect because he has been drowned in the sea
of divine lights and is little inclined towards the sensorial world
and its burden, then he is not debased and does not sink below the
level of humankind. On the contrary, his faith increases and he
is worthy of sainthood because he has contemplated the lights of
gnosis (anwar al-ma`rifa). As to keeping his lofty rank, in spite of
his exemption from the religious duties and his relinquishing the
means to a goal—which anyway he has already reached the one
who is attracted by God enjoys and is granted a specific legal statute
(bukm shard), agreed upon by the Sufis who are entrusted with the
knowledge therein.
We said earlier that the Sufis' legal principles stem from their inti-
mate finding and mystical tasting. If these legal principles escape us,
it is not because they are obscure or intricate, but because the mysti-
cal perceptions—from which they stem—are concealed. If the Sufis
happen to intuitively perceive one of these spiritual states—through

an inrush, a casting onto the heart or the like—they know how these
spiritual states relate to God's rule. Occasionally, a judgement passed
by Sufis on a fellow Sufi might strike us as strange, but it is only so
because of the strangeness of the perception that relies on tasting
(madarik dhawqiyya). This should not be apprehended as farfetched, as
the Sufis know best their own perceptions. God bestows upon them
special divine graces (takh.54), wherein lies their felicity.
Here ends my discourse and the debate between the two pro-
tagonists.
May God guide us to Him, grant us felicity through gnosis of
Him, lead us to the straight path and infuse sincerity in our deeds so
that they be performed for His sake only. May He be pleased with
us and may He protect us from His wrath. Truly, He is all-powerful.
Here ends our work. Praise be to God for His bountiful help.
May His prayers and blessings be upon our master Muhammad, His
Prophet and His servant, and on his family and Companions! This
was completed on Monday 29 Jumada 1, 890 [Ax].23 May God bestow
upon us His grace and generosity!
NOTES
I. A Sufi Debate and the Origins of the sho'

Ibn Ajiba, Igaz al-himam fi sharh wall-fiat:Mat shark al-Mabahith
al-asliyya (Cairo: Matbdat Ahmad Hanafi, n.d.), p. 147.
2 The clash between two epistemologies, the methods of the Law and the Path of
the Sufis or 'the illuminative knowledge acquired by mystics vis-a-vis juridically
circumscribed teachings of the fimalia' ...seems to be a continuation of the
Karamat al-awliya" polemic that began in the 4th/loth century, as Yousef Casewit
states in 'The Forgotten Mystic: Ibn Barrajan (d. 536/1141) and the Andalusian
Muctabiran' (PhD thesis: Yale University, 2014), pp. 54-55.
3 For Ahmad Zarruq, see C. Brocklemann, Geschishte der Arabishen Litteratur, 2 vols.
(Leiden: E. J Brill, 1943), henceforth cited as GAL, vol. n, p. 253, and suppl.
pp. 36o and 362; Ibn Durrat ghurrat asme al-rijal, 2 vols. (Cairo:
Dar al-Turath, 1974 vol. 1, p. 90, and Jadhwat al-igtibas n.p.,1892), p. 64;
Ahmad Baba, Nayl al-ibtihaj bi tatrtz al-dibaj in Ibn Farhun, al-Dibaj al-mudhahhab
fi mdrifat cyan al-madhhab (Cairo: Maktabat Dar al-Turath, 1932-3), pp. 84-6;
Ben Cheneb, 'Etude sur les personages mentionnes dans l'Idjazah du Cheikh Abd
al-Qadir al-Fasy', in Actes du XIVe Congres International des Orientalistes (Algiers:
n.p., 1978), p. 51. In Qa_wdid al-tasawwuf (Cairo: n.p., 1976), p. 40, Zarruq
mentions the debate that took place between `the later-day initiates of Andalusia
who disagreed among themselves as to whether reading books sufficed, to do
without shaykhs. So they wrote various parts of the Islamic world and received
answers, each one answering according to his own enlightenment', as translated
by Z. Istrabadi, The Principles of Sufism (ProQuest/UMI: 2002), p. ror. In Iddat
al-murid (lith. edition: n.p., 1943)—as found in Ibn Tawit al-Tanji, Shift'
li-tandhib al-masa'il (Istanbul: Osman Yalcin Matbaasi, 1957, hereinafter refered to
as "Fanji, Shifii")—Zarthq tells us Ibn Khaldun was among those who answered
this question. Finally, in al-Nasiba al-kafiya (lith. edition: n.p., n.d.), p. 61 m,
Zarruq mentions Ibn Khaldtm in connection with one of the subjects dealt with
in the Shifit For the last two references, see Tanji, p. `d'.
4 For Ahmad al-Wansharisi, see GAL, vol. n, pp. 248 and 356, and suppl. n, p. 348.
The reference is given as Ahmad al-Wansharisi, al-mughrib mal-jamic
al-mdrib, vol. xn, p. 291, as found in Tanji, Shift', P. `d'.
5 For Abu Muhammad Abd al-Qadir al-Fasi, see GAL, suppl. n, p. 708. The
reference is found in 'Abd al-Rahman al-Fasi, Ò sat makhtfit Ibn Khaldun',
Risalat al-Maghrib, vol. x: 1948, pp. 57o—I.
6 For Abu Abd Allah Muhammad b. Ahmad al-Masnawi, see GAL, suppl.
p. 685. The reference is found in Fan, p. 571.
7 Ibn 'Ajiba, Ivz al-himam, p. 147.
8 For Abu Isl3aq Ibrahim b. Musa al-Shatibi, see GAL, suppl. a, p. 374; Ibn
Durrat, vol. p. 182, and Jadhwa, p. 6o; Nayl, pp. 46ff ; Ben Cheneb, Ijaza, p. 277.
9 For Abu al-Abbas Ahmad b. al-Qasim b. Abd al-Rahman al-Qabbab, see GAL,
suppl. t, p. 346; Dlbaj: p. 187; Ben Cheneb, Ijaza, p. 328; Nayl: pp. 72-3.
m For Muhammad b. Ibrahim b. Abbad al-Rundi, see GAL, suppl. n, p. 358;
Encyclopeadia of Islam, henceforth cited as BE, s.v. 'Ibn Abbad'; Islam
Ansiklopedisi, henceforth cited as IA, s.v. 'Ibn Abbad er-Rundi'; see also Ahmad
b. Muhammad al-Maqqari, Nall al-fib min ghusn al-Andalus al-rafib wa-dhikr
waziriha Lisan al-Din b. al-Khatib, ,o vols. (Beirut: Dar al-Kutub al-Arabi,
1949), vol. vu, p. 261; Ibn al-Khatib, al-lhata fi tarikh Garnata, 3 vols., edited
by M. A. Ivan (Cairo: al-Tibaca al-Misriyya, 1974)„ vol. in, pp. 252-6; Ibn
Jadhwa, pp. 2,00—I; Nayl, pp. 279 ff ; Ben Cheneb, Ijaza, p. 343. See
also Paul Nwyia, Ibn ABM() de Ronda (Beirut: Imprimerie Catholique, 1961);
Ibn Abbad al-Rundi, Lettres de Direction Spirituelle, al-Rasa'il al-Sughra, edited
by Paul Nwyia (Beirut: Dar al-Mashriq, 1974), pp. 130-140. For the latter, we
shall be quoting the English translation by John Renard in Ibn Abbad of Ronda:
Letters on the Sufi Path (New Jersey: Paulist Press 1986), pp. 184-94.
rr Wansharisi, Misyar, vol. xn, pp. 201ff ; texts as found in Tanji, Shill', pp. 110-34.
A Historical Overview
12 Ashc arism is a school of orthodox theology that bears the name of its founder
Abu al-Elasan al-Ashcan (d. 324/935); Shorter Encyclopeadia of Islam, edited by H.
A. Gibb and J. J. Kramers (Leiden: E. J. Brill, 1974), henceforth cited as SEI, s.v.
13 The Maliki madhhab is the school offiqh, or Islamic law, that dominated North
Africa and bears the name of the Imam Malik b. Anas; see SEI: s.v. 'Malik b.
Anas'. For a thorough analysis of these pillar elements and their interrelations
in Andalusian and North African medieval history, refer to Vincent J. Cornell,
Realm of the Saint, Power and Authority in Moroccan Sufism (Texas: University of
Texas Press: 1998) and Yousef Casewit, 'The Forgotten Mystic'.
14 'Ali b. Ytisuf b. Tashufin the Almoravid reigned from sooh1o6 to 538/1-143.
See AM al-Rahman b. Khaldun, al-Tdrff Khaldun wa-riblatihi shanyan
wa-gharban, edited by Muhammad b. Tawit al-Tanji (Cairo: Matbalat Lajnat
al Ta'hf wa'l-Tarjama wa'l-Nashr, 1951), p. 56; Ahmad b. Khalid, al-Nasiri,
Kitab al-istiqsa lt-akhbar duwal al-Maghrib al-aqsa, vol. II, in Archives Marocaines,
vol. xxxi: 1925, pp. 197-209.
Notes
15 For Abu Hamid al-Ghazali, Hujjat al-Islam or 'Restorer of the Faith', see GAL,
vol.', p. 419 and suppl. I, p. 744-75 6; BE: s.v. àl-Ghazzalf ; Ibn al-Qaeli,Jadhwa,
pp. 65-6; A. Dermeersemann, 'Le Maghrib a une Marque Ghazalienne?',
Revue de ?Institut des Belles-Lettres, vol. morn: 1958, pp. to9-12, and te que
Ibn Khaldun pence d'al-Ghazali', Revue de l'Institut des Belles-Lettres, vol. nom:
1958, pp. 109-12 and 161-93; Alfred Bel, La Religion Musulmane en Berberie (Paris:
Librairie Orientaliste Paul Geuthner, 1938), pp. 229-3o. Concerning the upheaval
that surrounded Ghazali's books in general and the ihyd"u/iim al-din in particular,
see the detailed description of Nasiri, Lstiva, vol. tr, pp. 216-2o. Note that the
extent of Ghazali's influence on Andalusian Sufism is challenged by Casewit in
`The Forgotten Mystic', p. 23, and Cornell in Realm of the Saint, pp. 15-29.
16 Casewit, 'The Forgotten Mystic', p. 15.
17 Qadi Abu Bakr b. al-Arabi had studied with Ghazali while in the East and had
introduced the Ihya' to the Maghrib about eight years before the book burning.
He had two disciples, Abu Ya`zza al-E-Tannin and 'Ali b. Hirzihim, who in turn
would be the masters of one of the towering figures in Western Sufism, Abb.
Madyan. About Abu Bakr b. al-Arabi, see GAL, suppl. 1, p. 663; EP: s.v. Ìbn
al-Arahi' ; IA: s.v. Ebu Bettie; Ne/fli: vol. Yu, pp. 303-6: Nasiri,
/saga, vol. III, in Archives Marocaines, vol. xxxii: 1927, pp. 59-6o; Ibn
Jadhwa, pp. 147ff ; Ben Cheneb, Ijaza, p. 278; Ibn Qunfudh, Uns al:faqir wajizz
al-haqir (Rabat: Editions Techiniques Nord Africaines, 1965), pp. 42, 71, 93;
Casewit, 'The Forgotten Mystic', pp. 29-3o. See also Emile Dermenghem, Le
Culte des Saints clans ?Islam Maghrain (Paris: Gallimard, 1954), p. 73.
18 Abu al-Hasan 'Ali b. Hirzihim, commonly called Sidi Hrazim, the above-
mentioned legist and Sufi who is said to have met Ghazali when travelling in the
East. Ibn Hirzihim was instrumental in teaching and spreading Ghazali's works
in the Maghrib; Ibn Qunfudh, Uns, pp. 12-3; Nasiri, IstiTsci, vol. II, pp. 216-9
and vol. m, p. 179, pp. 184-5; Nayl: p. 198; Ibn al-Zayyat, al-Tashawwuf ila real
al-tasawwuf (Rabat: Mathirat Ifriqya al-Shimaliyya al-Fanniyya, 1958), pp. 71ff
and pp. 147-150. See also Cornell, Realm of the Saint, pp. 23-26.
Abu al-Hakam Abd al-Salam al-Ishbill b. Barrajan, commonly called Bu al-Rijal,
was a Sevillian mystic who was executed in Marrakesh by order of the Sultan
Ali b. Yrisuf; see GAL, vol.i, p. 434, and suppl. 1, p. 775; s.v. 'Ibn Berrecan';
Nasiri, Istiqsa, vol. it , p. 218. See also Cornell, Realm of the Saint, pp. 2o-21 and
25-6; and Casewit's 'The Forgotten Mystic'.
20 Ahmad b. Muhammad b. Musa b. 'Aid' Allah al-Sanhaji al-Mari al-Andalusi,
known as Ibn al-Arif or Ibn al-Irrif, a native of Tangiers, or according to
some sources, Almeria. Ibn al-Arif died in Marrakesh in strange circumstances
for some chroniclers say that he was poisoned by order of the Sultan 'Ali b.
Yrisuf. In Mahasin al-majalis, his classification of the mystical stages is that of
Ghazali; see Ibn Mahasin al-majfilis, edited and translated by Asin Palacios
(Paris: Librairie Orientaliste Paul Geuthner, 1933), pp. 6-7; Paul Nwyia, 'Notes
sur Quelques Fragments Inedits de la Correspondance d'Ibn al-Arif avec Ibn

Barrajan', Archives Berberes et Bulletin de L'institut des Hautes Etudes Marocaines
Hesperis, vol. xun: 1956, pp. 217-22. Yet, as Casewit notes, even though 'Ibn
al-cArif was exposed to Ghazali's teachings early in his career...his writings
are not preponderantly Ghazalian' (Casewit, 'The Forgotten Mystic', p. 65).
Concerning Ibn al-Arif, see GAL, vol 1, p. 434, and suppl. 1, p. 776; IA: s.v.
Ibnii'l-Arif '; Nafh: vol. 1, p. 344; Nasiri, Istiva, vol. ii, p. 218; Nayl, pp. 59-63;
Tashawwuf, pp. 96ff. See also Cornell, Realm of the Saint, pp. 19-23.
22 Abu al-Qsim b. Qusi claimed to have been a disciple of Ibn al-lArif, and
organized a ribat (a religious centre sometimes used for military purposes) in
southern Portugal. His followers rebelled against the Almohad government
and won several victories over their armies until Ibn Qusf was killed ten years
after the beginning of the uprising. See IA: s.v. 'Ibn Kasi Ebifl-Kasim'; Bel, 'Le
Soufisme en Occident Musulman', p. 148; Cornell, Realm of the Saint, pp. 21-23.
24 As Casewit points out, 'The burning of Ghazali's works was a crucial moment
for Andalusi Sufism because it further marked out the Andalusi mystical
movement's distinctive self-awareness. But an understanding of Andalusi Sufism
cannot begin with Ghazali. Ibn al-lArif, Ibn Qasi, and Ibn Barrajan in the early
6th/12th century were not Ghazali's alter egos but highly original thinkers who
drew primarily from their local tradition in al-Andalus.' Casewit, The Forgotten
Mystic', p. 63.
25 Al-Mandi Abu 'Abd Allah Muhammad b. Tumart was born in a little village
of the Atlas Mountains that he left in order to perfect his education in the East.
Back in Morocco, he tried in vain to convince the legists that they should return
to the study of the sources, that is the Qur'an and the Sunna, rather than limit
themselves to the study of the treatises of Islamic law which was, most of the
time, but a means to accede to higher official positions. In 514/1520, Ibn Tillman
named himself al-Mandi, or The Rightly-Guided, and preconized the doctrine
of divine unity (tawhid) as a code impregnated with mystical ideas and more
particularly with those of Ashcan and Ghazali whom—he claims—he met
while in the East. From tawhid came the name of the dynasty, al-Muwahhiclan,
or Almohads ('Unitarians'). See ET: s.v. 'Ibn Tumart'; IA: s.v. 'Ibn Tumert';
Henri Terrasse, Histoire du Maroc, 5 vols. (Casablanca: Editions Atlantide, 1930),
vol. Iv, pp. 261-81; Rachid Bourouiba, Ibn Tumart (Algiers: Societe Nationale
d'Edition et de Diffusion, 1974); Vincent Cornell, 'Understanding Is the Mother
of Ability: Responsibility and Action in the Doctrine of Ibn Tumart', Studio
I Islamica, vol. ucvs: 1988, pp. 7r-103. On The Almohads, see El': s.v. lAlmohades';
Nasiri, 1st/gad, vol. In; Terrasse, Histoire, vol. Iv; Jamil Abun-Nasr, A History of
the Maghrib in the Islamic Period (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1987),
pp. 87-102; Abd Allah Laroui, L'Histoire du Maghrib, 2 vols. (Paris: Libraire
Notes
Francois Maspero, 1975), vol. I, pp. 159-84; Philip Hitti, History of the Arabs (New
York: Summit Books, 1981), pp. 546-9. 'The popularity and politicization of
Ghazali's Sufism in the mid 6th/12th century is evidenced by the fact that Ibn
Tumart would seek rally to support for his cause by appealing to Ghazali and
by masquerading as his direct disciple.' (Casewit, 'The Forgotten Mystic', p. 61)
26 Note that Casewit mentions the gap that could occur in the juridical
methodolody of some state legists and the Maliki madhhab as such and regrets
the cliche descriptions of the madhhab as 'pharisaical, inflexible, dry, intolerant,
and monolithic' (Casewit, 'The Forgotten Mystic', pp. 3-4). See also Ibn
Mahasin al-majalis, p. 5.
27 lAbd al-Mu'min b. Ali, also known as 'Abd al-Mu'min al-Komi, was one of
Ibn Tumart's followers. After the latter's death, he appointed himself successor
and reigned from 524/1130 to 558/1163; see Ibn Khaldun, The Muqaddimah:
An Introduction to History, 3 vols., translated by Franz Rosenthal (Princeton:
Princeton University Press, 1980), vol. it, p. 472; Nasiri, istiq.5d, vol. nr, pp. 31-97;
Bourouiba, Ent Tumart, pp. 37-42; Abun-Nasr, A History, pp. 90-95.
28 Abu Madyan Shdayb b. al- Efusayn al-Ansart, commonly called Sidi Bu Madyan,
is the patron saint of Tlemcen where he is buried. His mausoleum, al-cUbbad,
is one of the most frequented places of pilgrimage. Abu Madyan was a master
of both sharsca and haqiqa, or legal and mystical matters, and is venerated as one
of the greatest masters in Maghribi Sufism. See GAL, vol. 1, p. 438, and suppl.
p. 784; ET: s.v. Madyan'; IA: s.v. Medyen'; Nasiri, Istiqea, vol. in,
PP. 184-7; Ben Cheneb, Ijaza, p. 35o; Nayl, pp. 127-9; Nafb, vol. nc, p. 342;
Abd al-Wahhab al-Shacrani, al-Tabaqat al-kubra, z vols. (Cairo: n.p., n.d.), vol.
pp. 122-4; as well as the many important passages devoted to Abu Madyan throughout
Ibn Qunfudh, Uns. See also Cornell, Realm of the Saint, pp. 131-8 and 283-4.
29 Abu Abd Allah al-Daqqaq al-Fasi was one of the teachers of Abu Madyan;
see IA: s.v. 'Dekkak Ebu Ali'; Tashawwuf, pp. 135ff ; Ibn Qunfudh, Uns, p. 27;
Abd al-flaqq Al-Maqsad, Vie des Saints du Rif', translated by G. S.
Colin, in Archives Marocaines: 1926, p. 92; Alfred Bel, 'Sidi Bou Medyan et son
maitre el-Deqqaq a Fez', Melanges, edited by Rene Basset (Paris: Leroux, 1923),
pp. 31-68; Cornell, Realm of the Saint, pp. 29-30; Casewit, 'The Forgotten Mystic',
p. 69. The `Malamatf is the Sufi who follows 'the path of blame' deliberately in
order to be discredited publicly and reach a state of perfect sincerity; ET: s.v.
'Malamatiyya'.
30 Abu Yazza Yalannur (Alannin) al-Azrafti, or Middy Bu lAzza, the ascetic
shepherd and Berber saint of the Atlas Mountains who is said to have been Abu
Bakr b. al-Arabl's disciple in Fez and who had a deep influence on Abu Madyan.
See Nasiri, istiva, vol. n, pp. 219-20 and vol. III, 1)1). 184-7; Tashawwuf, pp. 195-
205; Dermenghem, pp. 59-68; Victor Loubignac, 'tin Saint Berbere, Moulay
Bou Azza, histoire et legende', Hesperis, vol. xxxt: 1944, pp. 15-34; Shacrani,
Tabagat, vol. 1, p. ro9; Cornell, Realm of the Saint, pp. 67-79 and pp. 279-80.
31 Malay Abd al-Salam b. Mashish al-Idrisi was an ascetic saint who lived in Jabal
al-Alam where his tomb is still an object of pilgrimage and veneration; GAL,
vol. 1, p. 440, and suppl. y p. 787; EF: s.v. "Abd al-Salam'; IA: s.v. Abdasselam
b. Mqis el-Haseni' ; Nand, istivd, vol. in, pp. 245-5; A. M. Mohamed Mackeen,
`The rise of al-Shadhili', JAGS: 1971, vol. xct, pp. 479-82; M. Xicluna, 'Quelques
Legendes relatives a Moulay Abd al-Salam Ben Mashish', Archives Marocaines, vol.
1905, pp. 119-33. Concerning the actual Sufi investiture (khirqa), Bel states that
Abu Bakr b. al-Arabi received the investiture at the hands of Ghazal", and then
passed it on to Abu Ya`zza and Ibn Hirzihim, who in turn initiated Alm Madyan,
Ibn Mashish and Shadhili. Alfred Bel, le Sufisme en Occident Musulman',
Annales de FInstitut des Etudes Orientales (Algiers: Editions Maisonneuve 1934-5),
p. 146, note 2.
32 Abu al-Hasan al-Shadhili, the Qutb al-zaman or 'Pole of the Time', founder of
the Shadhili order, was born in Morocco, moved to Tunis and finally settled
in Alexandria; see GAL, vol. r, p. 449, and suppl. 1, p. 804; IA: s.v.
About the Shadhiliyya order, see EF: s.v. 'Shadhiliyya'; IA: s.v. 'azeliyye'. Ben
Cheneb, Ijaza, p. 338; Nay?, p. 206; Shacrani, Tabaqat, vol. r, pp. 4-10; Mackeen,
`The Rise of the Shadhili order', AOS, vol. xci: 1971, pp. 482-6; Cornell, Realm
of the Saint, pp. 146-49.
33 Marinid refers to the Band Marin tribe founders of the dynasty that succeeded the
Almohads. The Marinids established their capital in Fez and were in power from
592/1196 to 956/1549. See EF: s.v. `Merinids' ; Nasiri, Istiqsa, vol. iv, in Archives
Marocaines, vol. xxxin: 1934; Terrasse, Histoire, vol. v; Robert Brunshwig, La
a
Berberie Orientale sous les Hafsides des Origines la fin du XV Siecle, 2 vols. (Paris:
Adrien Maisonneuve, 1940-47), sections 3-4 ; Laroui, L'Histoire du Maghrib,
pp. 186-206; Abun-Nasr, A History, pp. 103-118.
34 'Those who appear as the great ancestors of Maghribi Sufism had lived and died
under the Almohads, but their spiritual descendants were multiplying.' Terrasse,
Histoire, pp. 5 and So. On Sufism during the Marinid Period, see Cornell, Realm
35 Abu Abd Allah Shadhi (d. beginning of the 7th/13th century) was
a gad? in Seville at the onset of the Almohad dynasty. He was named al-Idalwi
because he abandoned his functions, books and family in order to sell sweets
to the children in the streets of Tlemcen. He was the teacher of Ibn Dahhaq
al-Awsi, who is mentioned by Ibn Khaldun in the Shifie, p. 62 (see also p. 116,
note 35 and p. 138, note 16). On him, see also Yabya b. Khaldan (brother of our
historian), Histoire des Beni 'Abd Rois de Tlemcen, 2 vols., translated by
Alfred Bel (Algiers: Imprimerie Orientale Fontana Freres and Cie, 1911), vol.
pp. 83-7; Ibn Maryam, al-Bustan ji dhikr bi-Tilimsan, in
the summarized translation by A. Delpech in Revue Africaine: 1883-4, p. 391; see
also Brosselard, `Les Inscriptions Arabes de Tlemcen', Revue Africaine: 1860, pp.
161-74 and pp. 321-31; Dermenghem, pp. 87-95.
Notes
36 For Abu al-Hasan Àli b. Ùthman, see Ibn Khaldan, Tdrff, pp. 5r-2; Terrasse,
Histoire, vol. v, pp. 51-62; Nasiri, Istivea, vol. Iv, pp. 189-285; and Regis Blachere,
'Quelques Details sur la Vie Privee du Sultan Merinide Abu'l-Hasan', Memorial
d'Henri Basset, 2 vols. (Paris: Librairie Orientaliste Paul Geuthner, 1928), vol. r,
PP. 83-8.
37F
vFor
oL vA
i bpa'12n95.31_3
1 Faris b. Ali, see Ibn Khaldan, VI, pp. 62-66; Nasiri, Istiqsa,
pp.
38 Qdi Abu Abd Allah Muhammad b. Ahmad al-Fishtali was appointed judge by
Abu Chan and sent to Granada as an ambassador. He was one of the masters of
Qbbab who, as mentioned above, was involved in the polemic around which Ibn
Khaldun's Shife is written; see Ibn al-Khatib, Ihata, vol. a, pp. 187-91; GAL,
suppl. II, pp. 346.g.; Ibn Durrat, vol. II, p. 27o; Jadhwa, pp. 146 If; Nayl,
p. 265; Nwyia, Ibn Abbad, p. 51.
39 Abu al-Abbas Ahmad b. cUmar b. cAshir al-Anwas was born in Jimena (Spain),
lived in Algeciras before he left to perform the pilgrimage to Mecca, and finally
settled in Sale, where he was recognized by all as one of the greatest saints and
teachers. Among his disciples was Ibn Abbad al-Rundi. See IA: s.v. 'Ibn Asir';
Nafh, vol. Ix, p. 195; Ibn Durrat, vol. 1, pp. 148-9; Jadhwa, pp. 78 ff; Nayl,
pp. 7o—a; Ibn Qunfudh, Uns, pp. 7—ro and 79; Ben Cheneb, Ijaza, p. 188; Nasiri,
Istiqsa, vol. Iv, pp. 323-4; Cornell, Realm of the Saint, pp. 142-44.
4o Let us mention in passing that Sufism in North Africa is often split into two
separate trends, namely an intellectual urban elitist spiritualism on one side, and
a folkloric rural popular maraboutism on the other. Such dichotomies seem
artificial, as Cornell cogently demonstrates in Realm of the Saint, pp. xxv—xxviii,
3-32 and 32-63.
41 Ibn Marzuq, al-Musnad al-sahib al-hasan fi ma'athir wa-maluisin mawlana Abi
al-Hasan, translated into Spanish by Maria Viguera (Madrid: Institute Hispano
Arabe de Cultura, 1977), pp. 337-40.
42 Abu al-Abbas Ahmad b. Àli b. al-Khatib b. Qunfudh al-Qustantini (d. 810/1407)
was a Sufi from the school of Abu Maydan. Interestingly, among his teachers
were Ibn al-Khatib (Ibn Khaldun's friend), Qbbab and Ibn Abbad who answered
the question underlying Ibn Khaldun's Shift', and Abu Zayd Abd al-Rahman
al-Luja'i, fourth disciple of Ibn al-Banna who was himself the teacher of Abia
(Ibn Khaldun's teacher). See IA: s.v. 'Ibn Kunfuz'.
43 The most important teifas were the following: the Shucaybiyyun in Azzamur,
followers of Abu Shdayb, patron Saint of Azzamur (d. 36o/1165) and one of the
masters of Abu Ya`zza; the Sanhajiyyun, followers of the Bann Amghar, whose
zawiya was located near Tit; the Majiriyyun, followers of Abu Muhammad Salih
(d. 631/1233); the Aghmatiyyun (or Elazmiriyya), disciples of the venerated saint
Abu Zayd Abd al-Rahman (d. 706/1307); and the Hahiyyan in the
High Atlas Mountains, followers of Abu Zakariyya Yabya al-Hahi. For some
more detailed information concerning these reTas, see Ibn Qunfudh, Uns, pp. 63-6;
in Colin's translation, pp. 207-8; Spencer Trimingham, The Sufi

Badisi, Maq5ad,
(Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1971), pp. 50-I; Nwyia, Ibn
Orders in Islam
p. xxv; Edouard Michaux-Bellaire tes Contraries Religieuses au Maroc',
Àbbad,
Archives Marocaines,
Vol. xxvn: 1927, pp. 17-55; Mackeen, `The Early History of
Sufism in the Maghrib prior to al-Shadhili', TAOS, vol. xci: 1971, pp. 398-408
and `The Rise of al-Shadhili', pp. 477-86; Terrasse, Histoire, vol. v, pp. 80-4;
Cornell, Realm of the Saint, pp. 44-45, 61-62 and 139-14S.
44 For the Shadhili order, see Mackeen, `The Rise of p. 486; Eric Geoffroy,
Le Soufisme en Egypte et en Sync (Damas: Institut Francais d'Etudes Arabes de Damas,
IFEAD, 1995), pp. 207-8; Cornell, Realm of the Saint, pp. 144-154.
45 Taj al-din Ibn Ata'Allah al-Iskandari was the third Shaykh of the Shadhili order.
He lived in Egypt and his Hikam had an immense influence on the Moroccan
mystics; on him see Victor Danner in Ibn Sufi Aphorisms (Kitab
al-Hikam), translated by Victor Danner (Leiden: E. J. Brill, 1984); Paul Nwyia,
Ibn 'Abbad, p. LVIII and Ibn Ata'Allah et hi Naissance de la Confririe Shadhilite (Beirut:
Dar al-Mashriq, 1972); GAL, vol. n, p. 117, and suppl. II , p. 145; EP: s.v. Ìbn
Vlta'Allah'; IA: s.v. Ìbn Ataullah el-Iskenderi' ; Ibn al-Qada, Durrat, vol.', p. 12;
Dibaj, vol 1, p 242' Ben Cheneb, Ijaza, p. 341; Shdrani, Tabaqat, vol. n, p. 17.
46 Ibn Abbad's thirteenth letter is headed as follows: 'A letter explaining a saying
of my master Abu al-Flasan al-Shadhili'; see Letters on the Safi Path, p. 176. Cornell
examines the question of Ibn Abbad's connection with the Shadhiliyya in Realm
47 'The majority of the doctors of the Law at the time, if not themselves affiliated, was
at least favourable to Sufism, and it could be said without exaggeration that a wave
of mysticism washed over the intellectual milieus of the Maghrib. A. Bel correctly
points to the fact that scholars believed their training was insufficient if they had
not followed the teachings of a Sufi Shaykh. This is why we see the rising, in the
Maghrib, this new type offuqand', described in the works of Chazali as people who
joined to legal science (ìlm al-zdhir) a theoretical knowledge, or even an internal
experience, of mysticism Cam al-basin)'; Nwyia, Ibn Abbad, p. nth
48 The Ayyubid dynasty that ruled Egypt from 564/1169 to 648/1250 was founded
by Salab al-Din al-Ayytabi, the first leader who was able to unite the Arabs
against the Crusaders; see C. E. Bosworth, The Islamic Dynasties (Edimburgh:
Edimburgh University Press, 1981), pp. 61-2; EP: s.v. Àiyubids'; Ahmad Taqi
al-Din al-Ma/gin, wdl-ktibar fi dhikr al-khkat wa'l-athar (Baghdad:
n.p., n.d.), vol. II, pp. 232-6.
49 The Mamluks were originally the professional slave guards of the Ayyubid
sultans and were mainly Kurds, Circassians and Turks; their dynasty divides into
two important lines: the Bahri Mamluks, who ruled from 648/1250 to 784/1382
and the Burp Mamluks, who ruled from 784/1382 to 922/1517. The Mamluks
were able to protect Egypt from the Mongol invasions that had devastated the
other Arab kingdoms; see Bosworth, The Islamic Dynasties, pp. 63-67; EP: s.v.
Notes
`Mamluks'; Hitti, History, pp. 665-705; Macgazi, Khitat, vol. n, pp. 241-4.
5o For Abu al-Fayd Thawban b. Ibrahim Dh(fl-Nun al-Mist-1, the celebrated Sufi
of Nubian descent who lived in Cairo, see GAL, vol. T, p. 198, vol. ir, p. 82, and
suppl. 1, p. 353; SEI: s.v. ; IA: s.v. 7iinntim el-Misrf ; Shdrani,
Tabaqat, vol. I, p. 54; Ali Hujwiri, Kashf al-MalyTtb, translated by R. A. Nicholson
(Lahore: Luzac and co., 1976).
51 Abu Eityan Ahmad al-Badawi, the venerated Egyptian saint of Maghribi
background, settled down in Egypt and was the founder of the tariga Badawiyya
or Ahmadiyya. See GAL, vol. L p. 45o, and suppl. I, p. 8o8; SEI: s.v. Ahmad
al-Badawr ; IA: s.v. `Bedeviyye'; Shdrani, Tabmpit, vol.', pp. 145-9.
5z Ibrahim al-DasUcji (or Dusucji or Distqti), native of Dusuq, a village in
lower Egypt, was the founder of the Dastiqi order of dervishes. See SEI:
s.v. `Danakf ; IA: s.v. tesOki, Ibrahim b. Abdiilaziz'; Shacrani, Tabaqat, vol. 1,
pp. 131-45-
53 Abu al-Abbas al-Mursi was the successor of Shadhili as the head of the
Shadhiliyya order; see Nally, vol. n, p. 389; Shdrani, Tabagat, vol. n, pp. 10-16.
54 Jamal al-Din Yusuf b. Taghribirdi, al-Nujum al-zdhira f mulak Misr wa'l-Qghira,
16 vols. (Cairo: al-Hayà al-Misriyya al-Aroma lil-Kitab, 1972), vol. xvi, p. 146.
55 Khanaqa is a Persian word, originally a compound: khan (from khandan), meaning
`remembrance of God' (dhikr), and qah, meaning 'place'.
56 'Since the old days of their masters, the Ayyubid rulers, the members of this
Turkish dynasty in Egypt and Syria, have been erecting colleges (maddris) for
the teaching of the sciences and monastic houses (khawaniq) for the purpose
of enabling the Sufis (fugard') to follow the rules for acquiring orthodox Sufi
ways of behaviour (adab al-sfifiyya al-sunniyya) through remembrance of God
and supererogatory prayers. They took over that custom from the preceding
caliphal dynasties. They set up buildings (those institutions that are mortmain
gifts) and endowed them with lands that yielded income sufficient to provide
stipends for students and Sufi ascetics. Their example was imitated by men of
wealth and high rank under their control. As a result, colleges and monastic
houses are numerous in Cairo. They now furnish livings for poor jurists and
Sufis. This is one of the good and permanent deeds of this Turkish dynasty.'
Ibn Khalcffin, Tdrif; p. 279.
57 Abu Muhammad b. (Abd Allah b. Battuta, the famed traveller of the Middle
Ages, was born in Tangiers. He journeyed all over the Muslim world and related
his travels and adventures in the Rihla. On Ibn Battuta, see Er: s.v. Ìbn Batuttah'.
Quote in Ibn Battuta, Rilga (Beirut: Dar Wit hi-Elba:a, 196o), pp. 37
-9.
58 Shihab al-Din Ahmad al-Qalqashandi was an Egyptian historian whose Subb
al-dshii is a manual devoted to all the holders of official governmental position.
See GAL, vol. u, p. 134, and suppl. n, p. 164. Quote as found in Trimingham,
The Sufi Orders, p. 19.
in. Sufism in the Life of Ibn Khaldun

59 Eric Chaumont, 'Notes et Remarques autour d'un texte de la Muqaddima', SI,
vol. cvni: 1986, p. 152.
6o For extended detailed references on the different interpretations of Ibn
Khaldtim's works, consult Ahmed Abdesselem, Ibn Khaldun et ses Lecteurs (Paris:
Presses Universitaires de France: 1983).
61 Ibid., p. 52.
62 Sir Hamilton Gibb, 'The Islamic Background of Ibn Khaldun' Political Theory',
Bulletin of the School of Oriental Studies, vol. vu: 1933-5, p. 28.
63 The theoretical ambitions of Wardi are already stated in the very title of his
book, The Social Logic of Ibn Khaldun, as critically assessed by Abdesselem in Ibn
Khaldun et ses Lecteurs, p. 96.
64 Baali and Wardi, Em Khaldun and Islamic Thought-Styles: A Social Perspective
(Boston: G.K. Hall & co, 1981), p. 49.
65 Yves Lacoste, Ibn Khaldoun, Naissance de l'Histoire, Passi du Tiers Monde (Paris:
Maspero, 1985).
66 Gibb—while recognising the interest in the precision of Ibn Khaldfires
description, analysis and interpretation of the political, social and economic
realities of the Arab Muslim world—says, 'Ibn Khaldun was not only a Muslim,
but as almost every page of the Muqaddimah bears witness, a Muslim jurist and
theologian, of the strict Maliki school. For him religion was far and away the most
important thing in life—we have seen that he expressly calls his study a thing of
subsidiary value—and the sharica the only true guide; this means not just that Ibn
Khaldun was careful to safeguard himself in his arguments from the suspicion of
unorthodoxy, but that he did not and could not introduce into his system anything
that was logically incompatible with the Islamic standpoint...The ethical and
Islamic basis of Ibn Khaldun' thought is implicit throughout his exposition,
quite apart from his constant appeal to texts from Quran and Tradition. His
doctrine of causality and natural law is simply that of the sunnat Allah so often
appealed to in the Quran.' See Gibb, 'The Islamic Background of Ibn Khaldun's
Political Theory', p. 28. Far from pretending to give an exhaustive list, since the
bibliography on Ibn Khaldun is plethoric, I will mention only some example of
sources that try to analyse the historian's thought in context: Hayden V. White,
'Ibn Khaldun in World Philosophy of History: Review Article', Comparative
Studies in Society and History (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1959), vol.
p. r; Briton Cooper Busch, `Divine Intervention in the "Muqaddimah" of
Ibn Khaldun', History of Religions (Chicago: Chicago University Press, 1968), vol.
p. 4; Abd al-Madjid Maziyan, al Nagariyya al-iqtisadiyya cinda Ibn Khaldun
wa-ususuha min al filer wa'l-waqic al-mujtamdi (Algeria: Manshurat
al-Ikhtilaf, 2002); Aziz al-Azmeh, Ibn Khaldun in Modern Scholarship: A Study in
Orientalism (London: Thirld World Center for Research and Publication, 1981)
Notes
and Ibn Khaldun: An Essay in Reinterpretation (London: Frank Cass, x982); Johann
Meuleman, 'La Causalite dans la "Muqaddimah" d'Ibn Khaldun', SI, vol.
ixxiv: 1991, pp. 105-142. See also Michel Chodkiewicz in the following book
reviews: 'Ibn Khaldun in Modern Scholarship', SI, vol. 1985, pp. 199-201;
Ìbn Khaldun and Islamic Ideology; Ibn Khaldun, an Essay in Reinterpretation',
SI, vol. uar: 1985, pp. 173-5; his review of Rene Perez, 'Ibn Khaldun, La Voie et
la Loi', SI, vol. rxxvii: 1993, p. 194, and Chaumont, 'Notes et Remarques', p. 37.
67 For Abu Abd Allah Muhammad b. al-Husayn al-Qurayshi al-Zubaydi, see
Ibn Khaldun, Tacrif, pp. 14-15; NafiL vol. vu, p. 163; Ibn Battuta, Rihla, p. is.
Concerning the religious orders in the city of Tunis, see Robert Brunschwig, La
Berberie Orientale sous les Hafsides des Origines a la Fin du XV Siecle (Paris: Adrien
Maisonneuve, 1940-47), PP- 335-49.
68 Ibn Khaldun, VI, pp. 15-6. For further details on Ibn Khaldiin's early education
and teachers, see Ibn Khaldun, Tacrif, pp. 14-49.
69 See Muhsin Mandi, Ibn Khaldan's Philosophy of History (Chicago: The University
of Chicago Press, 1964), p. 27.
70 For Abu Abd Allah Muhammad b. Ibrahim al-Abili, see Ibn Khaldun, Tdrif, pp. 33
ff. ; Ibn Durrat, vol. u, p. 265;Jadhwa, pp. 144 and isiiff ; Nayl, pp. 245if;
Ibn liajar al-Asqalani, al-Durar al-kamina f acyan al-thamina, 6 vols. (Cairo:
Dar al-Kutub al-Hadith, 1966), vol. m, p. 375; Ibn Maryam, Bustan, pp. 246-53;
Yaliya b. Khaldun, Histoire des Beni Abd al-Wad, vol. u, pp. 71-2; Nassif Nassar,
Maitre d'Ibn Khaldoun: Al-Abili', Si, vol. xx: 1965, pp. 103-14.
71 Ibn Khaldun, Lubab al-muhassal, as cited in Nassar, 'Le Maitre d'Ibn Khaldoun',
p. 107.
72 Ibn Khaldun, Tdrif, p. 37.
73 Abu al-Uusayn b. Sina was an eminent Persian physician, metaphysician and
mystic whose philosophy combined Aristotelian and Neo-Platonic influences
with Muslim theology. On him see GAL, vol. 1, p. 452, and suppl. 1, p. 812;
EP: s.v. Ìbn Sina'; Ìbn Sina'. Reference in Ibn Khaldun, Tacrif, pp. 62-3.
74 Abu al-Abbas Alunad b. al-Bann was a renowned mathematician, theologian and
mystic who had a deep influence on the eighth/fourteenth century Sufis, himself
the disciple of shaykh Abu Zayd Abd al-Rahman al-Hazmiri, founder of the
Iffazmiriyya Sufi order; see GAL, suppl. u, p. 359; EP: s.v. 'Ibn al-Banna'; IA:
s.v. Ibnicl-Benna el-Merralciin'; Ibn Jadhwa, pp. 73ff ; Nayl, pp. 65-8;
Nwyia, Ibn cAbbad, pp. xiiii-niv; and Henri Renaud, Ìbn al-Banna de Marrakesh,
Sufi et Mathematicien, Hespeth, vol. xxv: 1938, pp. 13-42.
75 Concerning Abili's Sufism, see Nwyia, Ibn 'Aged, ; Mandi, Ibn
Khaldun, p. 35.
76 Abu Abd Allah al-Maqqari, theologian and Sufi of the eighth/fourteenth century,
was an ancestor of the author of Najh al-rib and a teacher of Ibn al-Khatib,
Ibn Abbad and Ibn Khaldun. See GAL, vol. u, p. 296, and suppl. n, p. 407;
Ibn al-Khatib, Thata, vol. II, 1)1,1, 191-226; Bel, La Religion, pp. 329-30. See also
121
Ignacio Saade, El Pensaniiento Religioso de IbnJaldun (Madrid: Imprenta de Aldecoa,

1974), p. 4. If one confronts the dates of Ibn cAbbad's life in Fez with those of his
contemporary Ibn Khaldun's visits to Fez, besides the fact that they had a common
master, it is more than probable that the two men should have met.
77 Nwyia, Ibn 'Aga, p. nib
78 Al-Flarith b. Asad al-Muhasibi, (d. 243/857) was an Iraqi Sufi author of Kitab
al-ricaya li-buqaq Allah. On him, see GAL, suppl. I, p. 351; EP: s.v. ;
IA: s.v. Muhasibr. The story of Ibn Àshir and Abu 'Irian is a well known episode
related by many biographers, such as Maqqari, NaJh, vol. Ix, p. 195; Nasiri,
vol. iv, pp. 323-4; Shdrani, Tabaqat, vol. 1, p. 58.
79 Muhammad b. Ahmad al-Sharif al-Tilimsani, a student of Abili's and a brilliant
legist 'through whom a Sunnite orthodoxy was to be restored and the Almohad
heresy erased' ; Bel, La Religion, p. 303; see also Nwyia, Ibn Abbad, p. xxii. Note
that Ibn Abbad was not only a student of Abili but also of al-Sharif al-Tilimsani
and al-Maqqari. As to Maqqari, he was one of the teachers of Ibn al-Khapb and
Ibn Khaldun.
8o As cited in Bel, La Religion, pp. 322-9; see also Nwyia, Em Abbad, pp. xxvi—xxvii.
81 'The great pedagogical experience of al-Abili showed him some of the flaws in
some methods that were particularly harmful to the transmission of knowledge.
His disciples present to us four very interesting ideas: the proliferation of books
is harmful to the presentation of sciences; the recourse to books only does not
suffice for the acquisition of science, and one must travel, meet teachers and
study under their direction; abstracts can only constitute a veil to real knowledge
and therefore students must abandon these abstracts and look for knowledge at
its source. Ibn Khaldun obviously benefited from these pieces of advice in his
studies, teaching, and writing. In the sixth part of the Muqaddima, he develops
ideas that are exactly similar, and stresses the necessity of looking for a master
of progress methodically in the studies, and on going beyond the difficulties
that come along when numerous manuals and obscure abstracts are used.' Nassif
Nassar, `Le Maitre d'Ibn Khaldoun', 5/, vol. xvm 1965, p.113.
82 Ibid., p. 112.
83 `...[Al-Maqqari] whom all his contemporaries including the vizier of Granada
Ibn al-Khatib, or the historian Ibn Khaldun..., present to us as one of the
"luminaries" of Malikitefiqh, Qufanic exegesis, I3adith and dogmatics. Yet, his
knowledge of mysticism was far from being inferior to his knowledge of other
sciences, and we saw he was explicitly affiliated to Sufism through an isnad going
back to Junayd. Ibn al-Khatib, who was his disciple, says he liked to talk about
tasawwuf and write books on this subject.' Bel, La Religion, p. 329; see also Nwyia,
Ibn Abbad, p. >ay.
84 Abd Allah al-Ansari al-Harawi (of Herat) was a contemporary of Ghazali. Many
commentaries and translations of his Manazil al-sa'irin are available. I consulted
Abdaliah al-Ansari al-Harawi, Les Etapes des Itinerants vets Dieu, translated by
Notes
Laugier de Beaurecueil (Cairo: Institut Francais d'Archeologie Orientale, IFAO,

1962), pp. 15-21. On Harawi, see GAL, suppl. n, p. 753; EP: s.v. Herevi' ; IA:
s.v. Herevi, Hace Abdullah'; Ben Cheneb, Ijaza , p. 41; Shdrani, Tabaqat, vol. I,
p. 52. Quote as translated in Ibn Khaldun, Muqaddima, vol. in, p. 98.
85 Ibid., vol. in, p. 99.
86 On tawhid, see also Muqaddima, vol. in, pp. 39ff
87 Nasiri, Istiq,vi, vol. Iv, pp. 343-69, and especially pp. 369-79.
89 Ibid., p. 149.
90 Ibid., p. 120.
91 Ibrahim b. al-Adham al-Balkhi was a prince of Balkh who left his kingdom
and became a wandering ascetic. See SEI: s.v. 'Ibrahim b. Adham'; IA: s.v.
Ìbrahim b. Edhem' ; Abu Abd al-Rahman al-Sulaini, Tabaqat al-safiyya (Cairo:
Dar al-Kitab 1953), pp. 27-38.
92 Ibn Khaldun, p. 125; Mandi's translation in Ibn Khaldun, p. 46.
93 Ibn Khaldun, Tdry; pp. 102-3, 134-5 and 226-7.
94 Even Lacoste, one of the most adamant Marxist interpreters, acknowledges Ibn
Khaldim's inward spiritual search: Ìbn Khalcan's decision to abandon political
life cannot only be explained by a personal situation that has become delicate.
Ibn Khaldun seems to have deeper reasons. He seems to have been thinking about
this withdrawal for a long time. He has already retired twice to the convent of
al-Hbbad, but was forced to give up its quietude in the face of the imperative
solicitations of the king of Tlemcen. For many years, the moments Ibn Khaldun
devotes to studying and meditating are more and more frequent; he becomes more
and more impatient towards the interruptions political life imposed on his research.
Therefore, it is more a fully thought-out decision rather than a compulsion that
provides the explanation for his retreat.' Lacoste, Ibn Khaldoun, p. 77.
95 Ibn Khaldun, Tacrif; pp. 311-3.
96 Said al-Suàda' was the name of a house confiscated from Qanbar, an enfranchised
eunuch in one of the Fatimid palaces. qanbar was put to death in 544/1173.
Maqrizi, Khitat, vol. II, pp. 415-6.
97 Ibn Khaldun, p. 279; see also Muqaddima, vol. II, p. 435.
99 Trimingham, The Sufi Orders, p. 18.
100 Ibn al-Furat, al-Sulak, as cited in Ibn Khaldun, Tdrif, p. 313.
101 Al-Zahir Sayf al-Din Barquq reigned from 783/1382 to 791/1389 and again from
792/1390 to 801/1399; see Ibn Khaldun, Tdrif, p. 249; Magrizi, Khitat, vol. ii,
p. 241, and Kitab al-suluk li-mdrifat duwal al-mulak (Cairo: Matbacat Dar al-Kutub,
1970), vol. III.
102 Ibn al-Furat, Thrikh, as cited in Ibn Khaldun, Tdrif, p. 313, note b
103 Um Khaldun, Tacrif p. 314.
104 Shams al-Din al-Sakhawi, al-Paw' al-lamicli-ahl al-qarn al-tasr, 12 vols. (Beirut:
Dar Maktabat al-Hayat, 1966), vol. iv, p. 146; Ibn Shadharat al-dhahab
akhbar man dhahab, 8 vols. (Beirut: al-Maktab al-Tijari wa'l-Nashr
wal-Tawzr, n.d.), vol. vu, p. 77; Nayl, p. 170.
iv. The Shift', a Manuscript on Sufism

105 According to Muhsiu Mandi, this discretion concerning his early writings and
training is deliberate, but 'must not prevent us from seeking to explore this subject;
for he gives us enough hints to make us suspect that this reticence is intentional and
that the problem is of major significance'. Mandi, The Khaldun, p. 29.
106 Ibn Khaldun, Tdrif, pp. 62-3. Mandi explains: 'In his peculiar style, Ibn
Khaldun tells us the reason why he could not mention what he was studying
with al-Abili directly: even the powerful and highly respected judge of Tunis
had to go to his home and be alone with his teacher when reading such works.'
Mandi, An Khaldun, p. 35, note 2.
107 'The times in which the author lived were not such that a man of the world, a
man who loved life for its glamour and adventure, could propound his theories if
these savored of heresy. Did not Ghazal', an equally comprehensive thinker but a
more courageous thinker, had to observe a certain caution in this regard?... Ghazal'
had the courage to withdraw from an honorable position, but Ibn Khaldun had
no such intention. He was not of the stuff martyrs are made of!' Miya Syrier, 'Ibn
Khaldun and Islamic Mysticism', Islamic Culture, vol. Jour: 1947, p. 267.
to8 Tanji's postulated date for authorship of the Shift' is 774-776/1373-1375.
109 Tanji, Shifac p. 'k'. For Abderrahmane Lakhsassi, Ibn Khaldun 'did not breathe a
word about this text [the Shirai (which is a real contribution to Islamic mysticism)
in his autobiography. Both those who are surprised about his silence about these
works as well as those who deny his authorship for the same reason often forget
that an autobiography is necessarily subjective, and is not a biography. Whether
the latter tries to be objective, the former looks mainly to the self as the author
would like others to perceive him. Ibn Khaldun probably wanted to be known
only for his work on history, and, for him, nothing more is worth mentioning in
his autobiography, which, as a matter of fact, is deliberately linked, in the form
of an appendix, to the Kitab Abderrahmane Lakhsassi, 'Ibn Khaldun',
in History of Islamic Philosophy, edited by Seyyed Hossein Nasr and Oliver Leaman
(London and New York: Routledge, 2001), p. 353.
no For Abu al-Al" al-Hasan b. Mastd see GAL, vol. 11, p. 455, and suppl.
p. 675. According to Mutf Ylisi died in 1102/1691; see Ibn Khaldun,
Shp/alli-tandhibal-masa'il, edited by Muhammad Mutic al-Haft (Damascus:
Dar al-Fikr al-Wash, 1997), p. 207. Yini wrote a letter on the question of the
need for a Shaykh. Ibid., pp. 209-14.
Tanji, p. `y, h'.
112 Ibid.
113 Abu al-Hasan al-Shushtari al-Nuntayri (d. 668/1269) was a student of
Notes
Ibn Sabin; see GAL, vol. 1, p. 274, and suppl. 1, p. 483; EP: s.v. 'al-Shushtarr ;
Maqqari, Na/h, vol. ii , p. 483; Nayl, pp. 202-3.
114 ZarrGq, Qqinacid, pp. 39-4o; reference to Iddat al-murid and to al-Nasina al-kafiya
as found in Tagil, p. `y, h'.
115 Zarrilq, Nasiba, p. 61.
n6 Reference in Tanji, Shifa, p. `y, w'. The commentator of Zarriaq's Nasiba is Abu
Abd Allah b. Abd al-Rahman b. Zikri (d. 1114/1704); on him, see Nagri,
Istiqsa, vol. Iv, p. 380.
117 As found in Fasi, `gissat makhtut', pp. 370-1.
n8 As found in Fasi, `0..issat makhtfit', p. 571. See Shifa', p. 68.
119 As found in Fan., `Qi_ssat p. 571. See Shifai, p. 6z.
120 For Abu Abbas Ahmad b. Yusuf al-Fasi, see GAL, suppl. n, p. 701.
121 In his poem entitled al-Reiyya fi al-suluk, Muhammad b. Ahmad
describes the relation between shaykh and disciple. On him, see GAL, suppl.
p. 802.
122 As found in Tanji, p. `y, z'ff
123 Ibn lqatz al-himam, p. 147-
124 Tanji, p. `y, z'ff
125 Abd al-Rahman Badawi, Mu'allafat Ibn Khaldun (Cairo: Mu'allafat Ibn
Khaldun, 1962), p. 24, and Tanji, p. 'd'. Let me mention in passing here
that, according to Khalif& Ibn Khaldun must have written his treatise between
the years 787/1385 and 800/1398, because he shows more tolerance and sympathy
towards Sufism in the Muqaddima than in the Shift', which according to Khalife
is a sign of old age. Many commentators based themselves on Khalife's edition
and adopted the dates suggested by him. However, this date is cancelled by the
above argument, namely the date 779/1377 marking the death of Qaabab, who
could not have taken part in the debate posthumously. Abd al-Rahman Badawl
also compares the Shifa' to the sixth chapter of the Muqaddima, 'On Sufism', and
marks—like Khalife—a definite change in Ibn Khaldun's stance towards Sufism.
Badawl believes the author shows a more positive and mature understanding of
Sufism in the Muqaddima, which was completed in 779/1377, and so concludes
that the Shifa' must have been written before that time. Badawf s conclusion is
definitely accurate as far as the date is concerned. Yet, it seems to me that, although
possible, it is not too likely that this change could have taken place so swiftly, over
the couple of years that separate the second visit to Fez in 774-776/1372-1374 (the
most logical postulate for the writing of the Shifa') and the completion of the
Muqaddima. Furthermore, the accretions to the Muqaddima concerned precisely
this very sixth chapter, the chapter 'On Sufism', and were added towards the end
of the historian's life, when Ibn Khaldun was living in Cairo, indeed an older
man and perhaps a more indulgent author. Besides, if it is true that Ibn Khaldun
shows more tolerance in the Muqaddima, he does indeed show more partiality
and less 'historic objectivity' in the Shifa' Wherein he gives away his sympathy
towards Sufism, or at least some of its endeavours. The Muqaddima is a historical

work, whereas the Slag , although it betokens Ibn Khaldun's historical mind,
is nevertheless a treatise on mysticism that betrays the man's acceptance as well
as his reservation with regards to the science of Sufism. See Ibn Khaldun, Shiite
us-se il litehzib-il-maseil, Apaisement a Qui Cherche Comment Clarifier les ProblOmes,
edited by Ignace Khalife (Beirut: al-Matbaca al-Katinikiyya, 1939), p. 9, note 2,
and Badawi, Mu'allafat, pp. 21-4. See also Fadlou Shehadi, `Theism, Mysticism
and Scientific History in Ibn Khaldun', Islamic Theology and Philosophy, edited by
Michael A. Marmura (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1984), p. 326,
and the article on Ibn Khaldun in EP: s.v. Ìbn Khaldun'.
126 Tanji, p. 'd, b'.
127 Ibid., p. n'.
128 Tanji, who was able to study Ms.C, tells us it is 61 pages long. It is filled with
mistakes, and many words and sentences are missing; its main interest lies in the
fact that the order of the pages is not disturbed; Tanji, p. n'.
129 Ibid., p. n'.
13o Badawi, Mu'allafat, p. is. There is at least one other edition which was not
consulted in this study: Shife al-se li-tandhib al-maseil by Muhammad Mu[it
al-Elafiz (Dar al-Fikr al-Mucasir, 1967).
131 See Mandi, 'The Book and the Master as Poles of Cultural Change in Islam', in
Islamic and Cultural Change in the Middle Ages, edited by Speros Bryonis (Wiesbaden:
University of California Los Angeles, 1975), p. 3.
132 Muqaddima, vol. n1, p. 342.
133 Muqaddima, vol. in, p. 281.
v. Ibn Khaldun's Understanding of Sufism

134 p. II.
135 For 'Ali b. Ahmad Abu al-Hasan al-Bushanji, (d. 348/959), see IA: s.v `Bidsencc.
136 Lacoste, Ibn Khaldoun, p. 241.
137 `There would be a problem for Ibn Khaldun if his commitment to the scientific
study of the history of culture were part of a commitment to approach all
problems of knowledge in the same way. Another way of putting this: If what is
sometimes called his positivism in history were part of a general positivist theory
of knowledge, then it would be difficult to understand how he can also subscribe
to a Sufi theory of knowledge. The two would clearly be incompatible. But
there is no evidence for this general positivism. On the contrary, the evidence
is for a hierarchical theory of knowledge in which different ways of knowing
are fitted in, the scientific-rational, the mystical and the prophetic.' Shehadi,
`Theism, Mysticism and Scientific History', p. 27o.
138 As Shehadi comments, `The concern for Ibn Khaldun's case is imported
from the experience with Western positivism and other endorsements of
the scientific way. In the Western tradition, positivism has been offered as a
!Votes
complete but restrictive theory of knowledge. And where positivism is not

theoretically explicit, the rise of empirical science in the West has provided
such a winning model of inquiry that scientific searchers became at least
psychologically disinclined to have any commerce with, or even take seriously,
claims based on other than scientific evidence. But this could hardly have been
the cultural climate for Ibn Khaldun. In Ibn Khaldun's thought, the logical
compatibility between scientific inquiry in one area and intuitive inquiry in
another is reinforced by the cultural expectation that a place be found for the
evidential-rational as well as for the supra-rational intuitive and revelatory.'
Ibid. See also Chodkiewicz, Ìbn Khaldun and Islamic Ideology; Ibn Khaldun
an Essay in Reinterpretation', pp. 61-62.
139 He says '...those who claim that the essences, properties and distant causes of
all beings, sensible as well as those that are beyond the senses, can be perceived
by theoretical investigation (al-anzar al-fikriyya) and rational syllogisms (al-aqyisa
al-caqliyya). They claim that the dogmas of faith are to be established by rational
investigation and not through hearing (transmission), since they are among
the things to be perceived by reason...They claim that happiness lies in the
comprehension of all beings, sensible and those that are beyond the senses,
through his investigation and those logical demonstrations...together with the
expurgation of the soul and its embellishment with virtues. This they claim
is possible for man in accordance with his reason, speculation and disposition
toward praiseworthy acts, and abstention from the reproachable, even if no
Law is revealed to distinguish between virtuous and vicious acts. They claim
that when the soul acquires this happiness, it acquires joy and pleasure, and
that ignorance of that happiness is eternal misery. This, according to them, is
the meaning of felicity and torment in the world to come.' As translated by
Rosenthal in The Muqaddimah, vol. In, pp. 246-7. (I quoted Mandi's translation,
Em Khaldun, pp. no—I.)
140 Ibid., vol. n, p. 436 (Mandi's translation, p. 74).
141 `The intellect, indeed, is a correct scale. Its indications are completely certain
and in no way wrong. However, the intellect should not be used to weigh such
matters as the oneness of God, the other world, the truth of prophecy, the real
character of the divine attributes, or anything else that lies beyond the level of
the intellect. That would mean to desire the impossible... [The fact that this is
impossible] does not prove that the indications of the scale are not true [when it
is used for its proper purpose].' Ibid., vol. in, p. 38.
142 Èven in the circles in which a truce had been signed between the two parties,
as was the case during the Marinid era, the Sufis were convinced that he who
dedicated himself to 'dm al-zahir would become irremediably impermeable to
`dm al-batin, and incapable of opening his heart to the lights of tasaunvul' Nwyia,
Ibn Abbad, p. 248. Besides, the legists were criticized for being extremely corrupt
and greedy, often immersed in canonical disputes and uninterested in providing
people with normative legal guidance. They were held responsible for provoking
this breach between the Law and the Path.
143 Shehadi, 'Theism, Mysticism and Scientific Theory', 266. In an unpublished
conference, 'Religion and Philosophy in Ibn Khaldian's critique of Sufism' at the
International Conference on Islamic Intellectual History (Harvard University,
May 1988), James W. Morris reads criticism and irony into Ibn Khaldan's analysis
of Sufism. Personally, I did fail to see sarcasm behind each of Ibn Khaldun's
words. I saw but a selective apprehension of Sufism, a disapproval of the later-
trend Sufis' and of their ultimate endeavour labelled 'struggle for unveiling'
(rather than Sufism as a whole). For political reasons perhaps or because of the
author's juridical background as mentioned above? One could, of course, argue
that this last struggle for unveiling represents the core and goal of mystical
realization. However, this seems to have been the limit set by Ibn Khaldun in
his approval of and insight into Sufism.
144 Muqaddima, vol. in, p. 101.
145 'The legist's viewpoint is not limited to this world as such because it is a worldly
point of view but for other reasons related to his position.' Shift', p. 13.
146 Shift', ibid. Chaumont, 'Notes et Remarques', p. 156.
147 Shft ), p. 15.
148 Ibn Ajiba, lqadh al-himam, p. 5. The statement of Malik is widely quoted, but
numerous authorities have done so without providing a chain of transmission
for it from Malik; see Gibril Foudd Haddad, The Four Imams and their Schools (n.l.:
Muslim Academic Trust, n.d.), pp. 179-180.
149 Nwyia, Ibn Abbad, p. 229.
15o Wansharisi, MO/Jr, as found in Tanji, p. 127.
151 Tanji, Shifac p. 128.
152 Ibid., p. 132. Abd al-Karim al-Jill tells us that his master, Shaykh Sharaf
al-Din Ismail al-Jabarti (d. 805/1403), had forbidden his disciples to read Ibn
Arabils works because a disciple will comprehend the content of a book only
if he has reached the level of knowledge of the writer. Otherwise, the disciple
will misunderstand the author's words, waste his time and even try to put into
practice what he reads at the peril of his life. 'I have tried to make you understand
how lofty and valuable this knowledge [of God] is, so that you aspire to acquire
it through reading, practising and learning its books with masters, wherever
they are. The accomplished master will be more beneficial to you than all the
books you could read throughout your lifetime. Indeed, you will grasp from
the books that which you can comprehend, whereas the accomplished gnostic,
if he wishes you to understand a matter as it is in its reality, will impart to you
his own knowledge of it, and what a gap there is between his understanding
and yours! Reading books with the realised sages (muhaviggin) is better than
the deeds of the wayfarers (acmal al-salikin). Being in the presence of the people
of Allah (mujalasat ahl Allah) after whom you model your conduct (ta'addub) is
Notes
better than all the books in the world.' Abd al-Karim al-Jili, Maratib al-wujud
wa-haqiqat kull mawIncl, in al-Kahf wa'l-raqim, edited by Um Ibrahim al-Kayyali
(Lebanon: n.p., 2008), pp. 37-40.
153 Ibn Abbad, Letters on the Sufi Path, pp. 184-94.
15 54 TIbbfi p.. 185.
186..
155
156 In an interesting article, Laury Silvers-Alario demonstrates that in early Sufism
no distinction was made between the shaykh al-tdlim and the shaykh al-tarbiya
(translated by her as 'lecturer' vs. `director' or `teaching shaykh' vs. `shaykh of
spiritual direction'). Laury Silvers-Alario, 'The Teaching Relationship in Early
Sufism: A Reassessment of Fritz Meier's Definition of the shaykh al-tarbiya and
the shaykh al-tdlim% The Muslim World, vol. xon: 2003, p. 93.
157 p. 71.
158 'Omar b. Muhammad Shihab al-Din al-Suhrawardi was the official `Shaykh
of the Shaykhs' (shaykh al-shuyakh) in Baghdad and left us the Awarif al-merarif,
one of the most popular books on Sufism. See GAL, vol. L p. 44o, and suppl.
p. 778; EF: s.v. `Suhrawardil.
159 See also Ihya', vol. n1, pp. 61 and 64; ZarrUct Qawacid al-tatsawwuf, p. 4o; Ibn
al-Khatib, Rawdat al-tdr(f brl-hubb al-sharne (Cairo: Dar al-Fikr al-Arabi, 1968),
pp. 448-53.
160 p. 76.
161 Najm al-Din Razi, The Path of God's Bondsmen, from Origin to Return, translated by
Hamid Algar (New Jersey: Islamic Publications International, 1982), pp. 235-42.
See also Emir Abd el-Kader Ecrits Spirituels, translated by Michel Chodkiewicz
(Paris: Editions du Seuil, 1982), pp. 6o—r.
162, See SEI: s.v. twaysiyya'; L4: s.v. tveys el-Karani' and Theysilik'; Shifa 3, p. 109.
163 love' is a notion that is quasi absent in the Shift'. Note also that Ibn Khaldun
refers to the `love of God' (as in Shifir, p. 43), rather than the feeling of love
towards the wasila or the means to God, namely the Prophet or one of his heirs, i.e.
the spiritual master. Ibn Khaldun only mentions once in passing that the wayfarer
should love his master; see Shift', p. 92. See also Perez, p. 275, note. 99.
164 Jalal al-Din al-Rurni, Mathnawl of jalahadin Rumi, 3 vols. edited and translated
by Reynold A. Nicholson (London: Luzac and co., 1977), vol. I, p. to.
165 Chodkiewicz, Khaldun, La Voie et la Loi', p. 196.
166 Personal communication of Victor Danner, May 1989.
Prologue
Abu klamid al-Ghazali, Ihya' culam al-din, 5 vols. (Beirut: n.p., n.d.) and al-Harith
b. Asad Muhasibi, al-Rlaya li-huqaq Allah (Cairo: Dar al-Kutub al-Hadith, 197o).
2 Note that marld is sometimes read as muttald.
3 I chose to translate abdal as `saints' rather than `Substitutes' in this context.
Chapter One
Bukhari, al-Sahib (Leiden: E. J. Brill, 1962-8), "Ilm% p. 39. Note that Ibn Khaldun
did not quote the beginning of the hadith, 'The lawful is clear and the unlawful is
clear' bayyin waq-baram bayyin). See also Abu Zakariyya Yalwa al-Nawawi,
Riyad al-galibin (Beirut: Dar Ihya' al-Turath al-Arabi, 1399/1979), p. 204.
2 Ghazali, Ihya', vol. iv, p. 308; Murtada al-Zabidi, Kitab ithaf al-sada al-muttaqin
bi-shark asrar Ihya' ularn Irl-Ghazali, m vols. (Cairo: Matbacat al-
Muyammaniyya, 1984), vol. ix, p. 572.
3 Ghazal', Ihya', vol. In, p. 46. Tanji references this tradition to Tirmidhi and
Ahmad; Tanji, p. 6.
4 Ghazali, Ihya', vol. III, p. 46; Abu Nuc aym al-Isfahan, Hilyat al-awliya' wa,tabaqat
al-asfiya', 65 vols. (Cairo: Matbdat al-Sdada, 1971), vol. ix, p. 38. Tanji references
this tradition to Bukhari; Tanji, Shifa', p. 7.
5 Ghazali, Ihya', vol. nI, p. 46. Tanji references a similar tradition to Ahmad; Tanji,
p. 7.
6 Suwarikum' or 'your external aspect' in Ms.A, p. 3; 'ajsdmikum' or 'your bodies' in
Abu Nidaym, Hilya, vol. vu, p. 46, and Nawawi, Riyad, p. 9; 'dmiilikum' or 'your
deeds' in Ms.B, 8; amwalikum' or 'your riches' in Ibn Maja, al-Sunan (Cairo:
al-Matbda al-Ilmiyya, 1313 Aii), vol. ii, p. 278.
7 Reference to the Queanic verse, ' Is he whose breast God has expanded unto Islam, so
he walks in a light from his Lord (like one who disbelieves)?' (Q.xxxix.2.2).
8 tmar b. al-Khartab (d. 35/656); on him, see Abu Nucaym, Hilya, vol. 1,
pp. 38-55; Ahmad al-Khazraji, Khulasat tadhhib al-kamal fi asma' al-rijal, 3 vols.
(Cairo: al-Matbda al-Khayriyya, 1904), vol.11, p. 268; Ibn al-Jawzi, Tarikh Ùmar
b. al-Khattab (Damascus: Dar Ihya' 'Ultim al-Din, n.d.).
9 Eludhayfa b. al-Yaman (d. 36/656); on him, see AM) Nucaym, Hilya, vol. 1,
pp. 270-83; Khazraji, Khulasa, vol. 1, p. 201; Ibn Hajar al-Asqalani, al-Igabafi tamyiz
al-sahaba, 4 vols. (Cairo: al-Maktaba al-Tijariyya al-Kubra, 1939), vol.1, p. 306.
io Ghazal', Ihya', vol.,, p. 78; Zabidi: vol. T, p. 43o.
Ibn Maja, Sunan, vol. n, p. 289.
12 Bukhara, Sahib, p. Nawawi, Riyad, p. 7.
13 Muhammad al-Tirmidhi, at-Jdmicai-mukktasar min al-sunan, 4 vols. (Cairo:
n.p., 1875), fitaM, p. 724 Ibn Hanbal, al-Musnad (Cairo: Muhammad al-Zuhri
al-Gharnawi, 1896), pp. 29o-1.
14 The Muc tazila was a school of speculative theology that was most active between
the years 105-131/723-48; SEI: s.v. 'al-Muc tazila' • Muqaddima, vol. in, pp. 35-75.
15 The Rafielis 'was a general abusive name for people considered as Shicites'; J. H.
Kramers in SEI: s.v. Rafidites' ; SEI: s.v. SM.' a' ; Muqaddima, vol. II, pp. 156—zoo.
16 The Kharijis were partisans of Àl b. Abi Talib, who dissented when the latter
accepted the arbitrage that gave Mtfawiya the caliphate. They relied mainly on
the use of violence and insurrections; see SEI: s.v. tharidjites'.
Notes
17 Sunnis or Followers of the Sunna has 'become the characteristic term for the
theory and practice of the catholic Muhammadan community...and those who
refrain from deviating from dogma and practice. The expression is particularly
used in this sense in opposition to Silic a'. A. J. Wensinck, SEI: s.v. 'Surma'.
18 Abu al-Qasim al-Qushayri, al-Risala (Cairo: n.p., 1900), pp. 4-5.
19 Note a probable mistake in Ms.A, p. 4, and Ms.B, p. 9, which read 'af cal
al-jawaril; rather than 'af al-qulub'. See Tanji, p. II, note I.
zo See Ghazali's discussion on commendable versus reprehensible knowledge.
Ghazal", Ihya', vol. 1, pp. 13-6; Zabidi, vol. 1, pp. 148-54.
21 For Abu al-Abbas b. Ata' (d. 311/923), see Sulam', Tabaqdt, pp. 225ff
22 Ghazal', Ihya', vol. r, pp. 79-80; Zabidi, vol. 1, pp. 148-54.
23 'Al-tawajjuh bil-galb% in Ms.A, p. 5, and Ms.B, p. io; and 'al-tawhid bill-galls',
in Tanji, Shife, p. 12.
24 Ghazali, Ihya), vol. 1, p. 161; Zabidi, vol. in, p. 116. Tanji references this tradition
to Abu Daw0d; p. 12.
25 Tirmidhi, Sunan, 'qiyaina% p. 6o; Ibn Hanbal, Musnad, vol. n, p. 152; Abu
Ndaym, Hilya, vol. v1, p. 352, and vol. vin, p. 264; Nawawi, Riyad, p. 205.
26 Zabidi, vol. 1, p. 159; Nawawi, Riyad, p. 206; Ibn Maja, Sunan, vol. 11, p. 287.
27 Ghazali, Ihya', vol. I, p. 16o.
28 Ibn Maja, Sunan, 'than' p. 1; Ibn Hanbal, Musnad, vol. iv, p. 207; Zabidi, vol.
p. 155; Nawawi, Riyad, p. 142.
29 Bukhari, Sahib, 'shahadat', p. 27; Abu al-Husayn Muslim, al-Sahib (Cairo: n.p.,
1374/1955), “agida% p. 4.
3o Wa-Iiikman 'alayhim min haythu zahiri dinalihim% Ms.A, p. 6. This sentence
is missing in Tanji, p. 14.
31 This group derives its name from basin or 'inward'. 'The term means those who
seek the inward or spiritual meaning of the Qur'an'; see SEI: s.v. 'Batiniya'; and
IA: s.v.
32 On the importance of religious education, see Muqaddima, vol. 11, pp. 257-61.
33 Ibn Hanbal, Musnad, vol. II, pp. 48o and 935; Ibn Àrabi, al-Futuhat al-Makkiyya,
4 vols. (Beirut: Dar Sadir, n.d.), vol. 1, p. 284.
34 Bukhari, 'sawm% p. 6; 'buya", p. 49; Muslim, Sahib, p. 8, Tirmidhi,
Sunan, p. 10.
35 When translating the Qur'an, the translation of A. J. Arberry has been adhered
to in the vast majority of occasions, with only occasional deviation from it.
36 For Abu al-Qasim b. Muhammad al-Junayd (d. 297/909), see Qushayri, p. 31;
Sulam, Fabaqat, pp. 155-6; Er: s.v. 'al-Junayd'. Quote in Qushayri, p. 217.
37 Qushayri, p. 217.
38 Ibid.
39 Tirmidhi, Sunan, 'ducat, p. 79.
40 Bukhari, Sahib, `rigag', p. 3; AIM Ndaym, Hilya, vol. n1, p. 301 ; Nawawi,
Riyad, p. 168.
Ibn Talbis lbIts (Cairo: Matbdat al-Manar, 1928), p. 187.

42 Àll al-Suffa' was a name given to a group of Emigrants (muhajirun) who settled
in Medina with the Prophet; see SEI: s.v. Ahl al-Suffa'.
43 Abd al-Rahman b. Sakhr is known as Abu Hurayra or 'the father of the little
cat' (d. 57-8/676-8). See SEI: s.v. Abe Hureyra'; Abu Nucaym, Hilya, vol. 4
pp. 376-385; Khazraji, Khulasa, p. 397; Ibn Sifat al-safwa, 4 vols. (India:
Matbac at Da'irat al-Mdarif, 1968), vol. 1, p. 38.
44 For Abu Dharr al-Ghifari (d. 32/652), see Abu Nucaym, Hilya, vol. 1, pp. 156-170;
S fat al-safwa, vol. 1, p. 38.
45 For Bill b. Ribali al-Habashi (d. 30/640), see SEI: s.v. 'Bilal'; Abu Nulaym,
Hilya, vol. r, pp. 147-51; Ibn Sald, al-Tabaqat al-kubra, 8 vols. (Beirut: Dar Sadir,
1958), vol. u, pp. 358-387; Khazraji, Khulasa, p. 148.
46 For Suhayb b. Sinan b. Malik al-Rum' (d 38/658), see Abe NMaym, Hilya, vol. I,
pp. 151-6; Khazraji, Khulasa, p. 148.
47 For Salman al-Faris! (d. 36/651), see SEI: s.v. 'Salman al-Faris!' ; Abe Nidaym,
Hilya, vol. ', pp. 185-208; Sifat al-safwa, vol. I, p. no; Khazraji, Khulasa, p. 125.
48 Abu Nucaym, Hilya, vol. I, pp. 337-386.
49 On the Emigrants, see SEI: s.v. 'Muhadjirerf.
5o Muhammad b. Ismail al-Bukhari (d. 256/870), author of the Sahib, one of the
most authoritative compilations of hadiths, or traditions of the Prophet; on him,
see SEI: s.v. 'al-Bukharf.
51 Bukhari, Saha), 'al-Riqaq', p. 96; Tirmidhi, Sunan, 'qiyamat', p. 36; Abe Nuàym,
ILllya, vol. 1, p. 377.
52 Qushayri, pp. 216-7. See also Sbihab al-Din al-Suhrawardi, Awarif, al-mahrif, vol. v,
in Ghazal', Ihya', pp. 64ff
53 Qushayri, pp. 216-7.
54 Ibid.
Chapter Two
I See Ghazali, Ihya', vol. m, pp. 2-48: chapter 'On the meaning of the spirit (rddi),
the soul (nafs), the intellect (àql) and the heart (qa1b)'.
2 Tirmidhi, Sunan, Igadar', p. 5; Muslim, .5a/tin, 'ciadae, pp. 23 and 46.
3 'salad" b. Muhammad al- Ajlete, Kashf al-khafal wa-maza al-abas Comma ishtahara
min al-ahadith alsinat al-nas, 2 vols (Beirut: Dar al-Kutub 1988),
vol. 4 p. 216. Tanji references a similar tradition to Muslim, in which it is said,
`0 My slaves, it is only your actions that I count for you, and then reward for
you.' Tanji, p. 21.
4 Abd Allah b. 'Abbas (d. 68/687) was one of the Companions of the Prophet; see
Isaba, vol. n, pp. 322-6; IA: s.v. Abdullah b. Abbas'.
5 Here I did not use the translation by Arthur Arberry, The Koran Interpreted
(London: George Allen and Unwin Ltd., 1964): 'I have not created jinn and
mankind except to serve Me'; I have used Marmaduke Pickthall's, The Meaning
Notes
of the Glorious Koran (New York/Toronto: Alfred A. Knopf, 1992). Pickthall

translated the verb yacbuclun as 'worship' rather than the verb 'serve', as in
Arberry. The reference to his explanation of the Or'anic verse is found in
Qshayri, p. 6.
6 In popular Sufi cosmology, there are three worlds: al-Jabarat (the world of
absolute Immensity or Sovereignty, or Domination, which is that of the Spirit,
and the `highest'), al-Malakitt (the World of the Realm or the Dominion; the
psychic world', and the 'intermediate' of the three worlds) and al-Mulk (the
World of the Kingdom; the physical world of existence', and the `lowest'). See
the notes of Victor Danner in Ibn Atahllah, Sufi Aphorisms, p. 71.
7 Bukhari, Sahib, 'calif', p. 4.
8 Ibn Hanbal, Musnad, vol. II, pp. 219 and 232-3.
9 Bukhari, Sahib, p. 3; Muslim, Sahib, 'iman', p. zoz.
in Ghazal', Ihyd', vol. m, p. 22.
ii Aftatiln wa-huwa kabir al-hukama' wa-kabir al-mutassawwifa', in Ms.A,
p. so, and Ms.B, p. 83; and `wa-huwa kabir al-mutasawwifa al-aqdamin', in Tanji,
p. 24.
12 This verse is translated by Arberry as, '0 believers, i f you fear God, He will assign
you a salvation.' I chose to quote Pickthall's translation here.
13 Tirmidhi, Sunan, du' awat' , p. 82; see also Ghazal', Ihya', vol. In, p. 24.
14 Ghazali, Ihya', vol. 1, p. 71; Zabidi, vol. ,, p. 403; Abe Ndaym, Hilya, vol. x,
p. 15. Tanji notes that Abe Nulaym declared the tradition to be 'weak' (rditryl, and
Ìraqi did likewise; Tanji, p. 25.
15 Zabidi, vol. x, p. 45; Abu Nulaym, Hilya, vol. x, p. 15. Tani" notes that Ibn al-Jawzi
included this tradition in his Mawria'at [Hadith Forgeries]; Tat", p. 25.
16 Abe Nucaym, Hilya, vol. x, pp. 281-2; Sifat al-safwa, vol. n, p. 239. Tanji notes
that Tirmidhi narrated this tradition and declared it to be `fair' (hasan); Tanji,
Shifd', p. 25.
17 Ghazal", Ihya', vol. m, p. 24; Ibn al-Jawzi, Tarikh Ùmar, p. 34. Lane notes that
Bukhari narrated this tradition; Tanji, p. 26.
18 For Abu Yazid Tayfur al-Bistami (d. 260/874), see SEI: s.v. 'al-Bistarnf ; Louis
Massignon, Essai sur les Origines du Lexique Technique de la Mystique Musulmane
(Paris: Librairie Philosophique J. Vrin, 1954), pp. 273-90. Quote in Ghazal',
Ihya', vol. In, p. 24.
19 For Abe Bakr al-Siddiq (d. 13/634), see SEI: s.v. 'Abe Bakr'; Abe Nucaym, Hilya,
vol. 1, pp. 28-38. When Abe Bakr told his daughter Wisha that her heirs will
be her two brothers, they were not born yet and Wisha had only one sister at
the time. Ms.A, p. II, and Ms.B, p. 84, only quote part of the tradition. Ghazal',
Ihyd', vol. In, p. 24-5
20 Sariya b. Abd Allah al-Kannani (d. 30/650-51) was leading the Muslim army
in Persia and was warned by Ùmar b. al-Khattab, who was in Medina, that the
enemy was coming down towards the army from behind the mountains. IA: s.v.
`Sariye it Zuneym'; quote in Ghazali, Ihya', vol. in, p. 25; Zabidi, vol. vii, p. 26o.
21 Ghazali, /bpi', vol. iv, pp. 296-7.
22 Ibid., pp. 207ff
23 Zabidi: vol. ix, pp. 572-3.
24 Ghazali, Ihya', vol. iv, p. 309; Zabidi, vol. ix, p. 574. Tanji notes that Bukhari
and Muslim, amongst others, narrate this tradition; Tanji, Skid, p. 27.
25 Ghazali, Ihya', vol. Iv, pp. 312ff
26 Ibid.
27 Ibid., vol. iv, p. 314. Tanji notes a similar tradition narrated by Muslim: Èvery
slave will be raised in the state he died upon' ; Tanji, p. 29.
28 Ghazali, 'bye, vol. Iv, p. 313; gat al-safwa, vol. 1, p. 88. Tanji notes that 'Ali
Qin cited this tradition in his MawrEVat; Tanji, Shifa', p. 29.
29 Ghazali, Ihya', vol. 1v, p. 313; Zabidi, vol. ix, p. 582; $ifat al-safwa, vol. iv,
p. 16. Tanji notes that 'Iraqi mentioned that this is not established as a hadith, but
is known as a statement of Bakr b. Abd Allah al-Muzani; Tanji, p. 29.
3o For Abet Abd Allah al-Thawri (d. 161/777), see Abu Nu caym, Hilya, vol.
PP. 387-93.
3r For Rabica bint Ismdil al-Adawiyya (d. 185/801), see SEI: s.v. `Rabica
al-Adawiyya'; S'ifat al-safwa, vol. iv, p. 17; Abd al-Rahman Badawi, Rah(a
al-Adawiyya (Kuwait: Wakalat 1978); Massignon, Lexique, pp. 215-
9; Margaret Smith, Rabica the Mystic and her Fellow-Saints in Islam (Cambridge:
Cambridge University Press, 1928); Jean Annestay, Une femme Soufie en Elam-
Rabica al-Adawiyya (Paris: Entrelacs, 2009) .
32 Ghazali, Ihya', vol. in, p. 310.
33 Ibid., p. 313.
34 Wal-liikayat canhum fa hadha'l-bab kathira', in Ms.A, p. 12; sentence missing
in Ms.B, p. 13, and in Tanji, p. 29.
35 ggshayri, p. 67.
36 Ibid.
37 Zabidi, vol. ix, p. 674.
38 For Bahlal, see gat al-safwa, vol. n, p. 29o; IA: s.v.
39 Qgshayri, p. 67; Zabidi, vol. n, pp. 72-3. There is a similar tradition narrated by
Muslim in which the Prophet (may God bless him and grant him peace) said, 'His
veil is light'-òr fire--Ìf He was to remove it, the sublimity of His Face would
burn whatever He would glance at from His creation.' For the Arabic text, and
an alternative translation, see Abu al-Husayn Muslim, English Translation of Sahib
Muslim, translated by Nasiruddin, al-Khattab (Riyadh: Darussalam Publications,
2007), vol. 4 p. 286.
40 Qgshayri, p. 69.
41 Ibid., p. 68.
42 For Abu Ali Hasan al-Juzajani or al-Jawzajani (4th/roth century), see Ain
Ndaym,1:-/i/ya, vol. x, p. 35o. Quote in Qgshayri, p. 161.
Notes
43 Ibn Arabi, Risalat al-anwar', in Rased (Beirut: Ihya' al-Turath al-Àrabi,

1968), p. 4.
44 Ibid.
45 'Intaha kalamuhu.' Ms.A, p. 4 and Ms.B, p. 16; this sentence is missing in Tanji,
ShYa', p. 33
Chapter Three
Qushayri, quoting Ibn AtaAllah al-Iskandari, p. 88.
2 Ibn Hanbal, Musnad, vol. iv, p. 287, p. 217; Nawawi, Riyad, p. 204. A famous
tradition with very similar wording is found narrated by Bukhari and Muslim,
and is hadith number 6 in Nawawi's famous Arbdan [Forty Hadith].
3 Bukhari, Sahib, `buyE" , p. 3; Ibn Hanbal, Musnad, vol. n, p. 152; Nawawi, Riyad,
p. zo5.
4 For Abd Allah b. Ùmar b. al-Khartab (d. 72/691) see Abu Nucaym, Hilya, vol.
p. 7; Isaba, vol. ill, p. 135, and vol. n, pp. 338-341; Sifat al-safwa, vol. 1, p. 228;
Ghazali, Ihya', vol. r, p. 19. First quote in Hilyii, vol. yin, p. 264; second quote in
Zarrilq, Qgwacid al-tasawwul p. 23.
5 QiIshayri, p. 9o.
6 Ms.A, p. 15, and Ms.B, p. 7, read t)...igat umm al-Qur'an'; the mistake is
corrected in Tanji, p. 35: `Qiza'at fatihat al-Qur'an.'
7 QL.Ishayri, p. 16o. Ibn Maja, Sunan, vol. 1, p.
8 Qgshayri, p. 161.
9 Ibid.; Abu Nucaym, Hilya, vol. iv, p. 350; Ghazali, Ihya', vol. ill, p. 64.
ro For ckisha bint Abi Bakr (d. 58/678), see SEI: s.v. Aisha'; Ibn Tabaqat,
v01. n, p. 374; Taj al-Din al-Subki, Tabaqat al-Shaficiyya al-kubra, ro vols (Cairo:
Matbdat al-Baba al-Halabi, 1964-76), vol. 1, pp. r66-7. The reference for the
tradition is in Muslim, Sahih, (musafirin', p. 139; Zabidi, vol. vn, p. 92.
Jr Ghazali, Ihya', vol. ni, p. 55; Zabidi, vol. vu, p. 92. A similar tradition is narrated
by Malik, except the word husn is used instead of makarim, with no substantial
change to the meaning; see http://www.sunnah.com/malik/47 (last accessed 25
October 2016).
ggshayri, p. 157. In the translation, I have used the words `will' and `wilier'
(instead of `wayfarer') to try to reflect the etymological links between the Arabic
words irada and murid.
13 Ibid.
14 Muslim, Sahih, `nikah', p. 271; Nawawi, Riyad, p. 62.
15 Zabidi, vol. ix, p. 41; Silat al-safwa, vol. 1, p. 79.
AjlUni, Kashf al-khafa', vol. n, p. 52; Ibn Maja, Sunan, vol. 14 p. 290. See a
similarly worded tradition in Bukhari; http://sunnah.com/bukhari/8:/53 (last
accessed 29 October 2m6).
78Im
: B,ajpa., Sunan,
bns.M
ikhmad al-sifat al-bashariyya wa-khalc al-sifat
al-badaniyya bi-manzilat ma yaqacu li'l-badan Ms.A, p. r6, reads

`wa-huwa mahu al-sifat al-bashariyya wa-tac attul al-badaniyya
riyacla wa'l-mujahada hatta ma yaqaù baccIal-mawt.' I opted for
the latter.
19 For Abu Muhammad b. FIusayn (d. 311/923), see Qushayri, p.39; Sulami,
Tabaqat, pp. 259-64; •Sifiat al-safwa, vol. II , p. 252. Quote in Qushayri, p. 4o.
zo For Abu Bakr Muhammad b. Musa al-Wasiti (d. 120/932), see Qushayri, p. 4o;
Sulami, Tabaqat, pp. 3zoff Quote in Qushayri, p. 161.
21 Ghazali, Ihya', vol. in, p. 76; Zabidi, vol. vtt, p. 371.
22 Statement by Sahl al-Tustari found in Qushayri, p. 129.
23 Ghazali, Ihya', vol. in, p. 176; Zabidi, vol. vu, p. 371.
24 Ibid.
25 'A]lfini, Kashf al-khafif , vol. n, p. 291. Tanji notes that 'Ali al-Q-Uri cited this
tradition in his Mawdu Cat; Tanji, Shi p. 42.
26 For Abu Bakr al-Shibli (d. 334/945), see Qushayri, p. 43; Sijat al-safwa, vol. 11,
p. 258; Sulami, Tabaqat, pp. 337-48.
27 For Abu al-Hasan All b. Ibrahim (d. 371/982), see Qushayri, p. 51.
Quote in Ghazali, Ihya', vol. in, p. 77; Zabidi, vol. vu, p. 374.
28 Qushayri, p. 51.
29 Qushayri, p. Sr.
3o Ghazali, Ihya', vol. in, pp. 77-9; Zabidi, vol. vll, pp. 375ff
32 Zabidi, vol. vim p. 508; Abu Nucaym, Hilya, vol. I, p. 149. Tanji refers this
tradition to Muslim; Tanji, Shifa', p. 46.
33 Qushayri, p. 91.
34 Ghazali, Ihya', vol. fir, p. 311.
35 Ibid.
37 Muhammad b. Ali al-Qussab Abu Jac far al-Baghdadi (d. 275/888) was al-Junayd's
shaykh; see Sulami, Tabaqat, p. 155. Quote in Qushayri, p. 217.
39 For Ruwaym b. Abmad b. Yazid al-Baghdadi (d. 303/915), see Qushayri, p. 34;
SP al- safwa, vol. n, p. 249. Quote in Qushayri, p. 217.
40 For Abu al-kiasan Samnfin b. Flamza (d. 'after Junayd al-Baghdadi', according to
Sulami, Tabaqat, pp. 195ff), see Qushayri, pp. 36-7. Quote in Qushayri, p. 217.
In ltiwarif p. 62, this statement is attributed to Junayd.
41 For Abu klainza Muhammad b. Ibrahim al-Bag____T bdad GI /
(d. 289/951), see Qushayri,
p. 41. Quote in Qushayri, p. 217.
42 Ibid., pp. 217-8; Alva& al-macarif, p. 62.
43 For Muhammad b. Àli b. Jalar al-Kattani (d. 322/933 or 328/939), see Qushayri
p. 218. Quote in Qushayri, p. 218.
44 Ibid., pp. 26 and 57.
16
Notes
45 For Abu Muhammad b. 'Atiyya 'Abd al-klaqq b. Ghalib al-Gharnati (d. 542/1147
or 546/1151), see IA: s.v. 'Ibn Atiye el-Endelusi' ; Khalaf Ibn Bashkuwal, al-Sila
tarikh a'immat al-Andalus (Cairo: Al-Dar al-Miriyya, 1966), vol. II, pp. 386-7.
Quote in Ibn cAtiyya's al-Muharrar al-wajiz, as seen in Tanji, Shifa', p. 5o, note 6.
46 Muslim, &Ph, `nikatf, p. 271; Nawawi, Riyad, p. 62.
47 For Abd Allah b. Àmr b. al As (d. 42/663 or 43/664), see EP: s.v. 'Arrid; IA:
s.v. 'Amr b. As' ; Abu Nucaym, Hilya, vol. I, p. 283; Ibn Saccl, Tabaqat, vol. 1,
p. 270, and vol. vn, p. 493, note 4. Quote in Bukhari, Sahih, `sawm', p. 56;
Muslim, &M.; `siyam', p. 181; Nawawi, Riyad, pp. 341-2.
48 For tthman b. Maztin (d. 41/662), see Abu Nucaym, Hilya, vol. 1, p. 1o2;
Ghazali, Ihya', vol. n1, p. 42; SP al-safwa, vol. 1, p. 178. Quote in Abu Nucaym,
Hilya, vol. 1, p. io6.
49 Abu Nucaym, Hilya, vol. v, p. 168; Ibn Maja, Sunan, vol. II, p. 285; Nawawi,
Riyad, p. 62.
5o Bukhari, Sahib, `sawm', p. 52; Muslim, Sahib, `siyam', pp. 175 and 179.
51 Bukhari, `tamanni', p. 9, and 'sawm', p. 20. This was the Prophet's answer to
the Companion's who objected saying that he himself practised the wi5d/ or
uninterrupted fasting.
Chapter Four
I See Ghazali, Ihya', vol. I, pp. r9ff
2 For Abu Yazid al-Bistatril, see SEI: S.v. tistamil ; IA: s.v. tayezid-i Bistarnr.
On Abu Yazid's shatahat, see Massignon, Lexique, pp. 273-386. Quote in 'Aura&
al-mdary; p. 72; Zabidi, vol. 1, pp. 251-2.
3 There is no other reference to this saying besides in Ibn Khaldun's Shila'; see
Badawi's reference to the Shift' in Rabica al-4dawiyya, p. 192.
4 The
in nse_A
xt, tpo
w24pa
ges in Tanji, Shfa', pp. 56-58, and Ms.B, pp. 26-28, are missing
5 Ghazali, Ihyd', vol. iv, pp. 416ff Zabidi, vol. x, p. 157; Qushayri, p. 9o. Nawawi,
Riyad, p. 37; Ibn Maja, Sunan, vol. I, p. 247.
6 Ajluni, Kashf al-khalai, vol. n, p. 285.
7 Ibn Tafsir al-Qur'an al-karim, 2 vols. (Beirut: Dar al-Yaqza al-Arabiyya,
1968), vol. 1, pp. 39, 59 and 779.
8 Ibn Khalchan's discussion of the two Sufi groups, ayhab al-tajalli and ashab al-wanda,
is very similar to that of Ibn al-Khatib in Rawda, pp. 582-612. For Chodkiewicz,
the concise listing of Ibn Khaldun is more subtle than that of other polemists. At
least—he says—Ibn Khaldun divides the Sufis he disapproves of in two groups:
the people of the theophany and the people who upheld unicity; or, in other
words, the Akbari school and the school of Ibn Sabin; see Michel Chodkiewicz,
Un Ocean sans Rivage. Ibn Arabi, le Line et la Lai (Paris: Editions du Seuil, 1992),
pp. 293-4 and Awhad Baylani, Epitre sur l'Unicite Absolue (Paris: Les Deux
Oceans, 1982), pp. 37-38.
9 For Ibn Abu Hafs Sharaf al-Din tmar (d. 632/1235), see IA: s.v.
ro See above.
u See above.
52 For Ahmad b. 'Ali (d. 622/1225), see EI: s.v. 'Buni'; IA: s.v. 'Boni,
Ahmed b. Ali.
13 For Muhyi al-Din b. 'Arabi al-klatimi al-Ta'i (d. 638/1240), see IA: s.v.
Arabi': and William C. Chittick, Ibn Arabi's Metaphysics of Imagination: The Sufi
Path of Knowledge (New York: State University of New York Press, 1989) and
The Self-Disclosure of God: Principles of Ibn aljArabi's Cosmology (New York: State
University of New York Press, 1998).
Ibn Sawdakin (d. 646/1248) was a close disciple of Ibn 'Arabi. See Veysel Akkaya,
`Bir Ibn Arabi Takipcisi Ismail b. Sevdekin', in Tasavvuf Ilmi ve Akademik Dergisi
(Istanbul: Turk Arastirma Merkezi, 2010), pp. 255-9.
15 Kashf al-khafac vol. Is, p. 132. Tanji notes that 'Ali al-Qiyi cited this
tradition in his MawthiCat, but supported the truthfulness of its meaning with
recourse to the verse of the Qur'an, 'I created the jinn and humankind only that they
might worship Me' (Q.LI.56); Tanji, p. 6o.
16 Ibn Dahhaq al-Awsi (d. 611/1214-15) was the disciple of Abu 58.bd Allah SOdhi.
17 That is, Abd al-klaqq b. Sabin. For the quote, see Ibn al-Khatib, Rawcia, p. 6o6.
18 `Rather through spiritual exercise, fasting, retreats...'. See BUM, Shams al-mdarif
al-kubra (Beirut: n.p., n.d.), p. 395.
19 Note that the sentence 'huwa li'l-nafsi'l-insiniyya [wal-himamil-bashariyya
li-anna al-nafs al-insaniyya]...muhitatun bil-tabica....' is missing in Ms.B, p. 43,
but not in Ms.A, p. 26.
20 felind is 'a thin cloud surrounded by air', as defined by Ibn 'Arabi; see Chittick,
The Sufi Path of Knowledge, pp. 125-9.
21 Abu al-gasim Maslama al-Majriti al-Andalusi (d. 395/1004) was the author of
Ghayat al-ltakim; see Ibn Abi Usaybica, 'Cyan al-anba' fi tabaqat al-attiba', 2 vols.
(Cairo: n.p., 1882), vol. n, p. 39.
22 Reference to the tradition, '0 God, I take refuge in Thee against weakness and
laziness...' Ghazik, /bye, vol. 1, p. 186. This traditon is narrated by Bukhiri; see
http://www.sunnah.com/bukhari/80/64 (last accessed 31 October 2016).
23 Abu al-Mugith al-Husayn b. Mansur (d. 308/921 or 309/922) was
executed on an order of the Baghdad qaclis; SEI: s.v. 'al-Hallaj'; IA: s.v.
Mansur'; Sularril, Tabaqat, pp. 35o ff See also Louis Massignon, La Passion d'al-
Hallaj, Martyre Mystique de ?Islam, 4 vols. (Paris: Gallimard, 1975).
24 About conformism or taqlid, see Ibn Abbad, Letters on the Sufi Path, pp. 146ff ;
see also Nwyia, Ibn Abbad, pp. 182ff
25 That is, Abu Yazid al-Bistami.
26 Qushayri, p. 23.
R
Notes
Chapter Five
I Missing sentence in Tanji, Shift', p. 71, that reads as follows in Ms.A, p. 28, and
Ms.B, pp. 46-47: `fa-hiya mujahadat al-istiqama, wa-inn al-balith kin al-macrifat
bi-ral` al-bijab wa'l-mushahada ft hayat al-dunya...'
3 Bukhari, Sahib, `rnawaqit al-salit', p. 1.
4 Muslim, Sahih, 'imin', p. 23; Bukhiri, Sahih, `mawaqit p. 2.
5 Ibid.
6 Ta-mukitija...baccl al-shay' ...ili al-shaykh al-mucallim' or 'the seeker may need...
to a certain extant...a spiritual guide...'; missing in Tanji, Shure, p. 73; see Ms.A,
p. 29, and Ms.B, p. 48.
7 Ghazali, /bye, vol. u1, p. 67.
8 Ms.A, p. 3o, reads 'al-ahwal al-ghayr al-maqclura Cala al-maqdfira'; Ms.B,
p. 51, and Tanji, Shife, p. 76 reads 'al-ahwal al-maqchira C alm al-acmal al-magdira'.
I chose to follow Ms.A.
9 A Sufi saying considered by some compilers to be a non-established tradition; see
Ali al-Asrar al-marftta ft al-akhbar al-mawrida (Beirut: Muhammad Lutfi
al-Sabbagh, 1986), p. 348; Muhammad Abd al-Rahman al-Sakhawi, al-Maqasid
al-hasana fi bayan kathir min al-ahadith al-mushtahira Cala al-alsina, edited by Abc1
Allah Muhammad al-$iddiq (Egypt: Dar al-Adab 1956), p. 436; Ajlimi,
Kashf al-khafe, vol. n, p. 291.
Qushayri, p. 52.
Chapter Six
Ibn Khaldun refers to one `shaykh-denier' and uses the plural when quoting the
i shaykh-partisans'. For the sake of clarity, I have decided to refer to both parties
in the singular.
2 For Uways (d. 35/656), see Isaba, vol. Iu, pp. 122-5; Sip al-safwa, vol.
p. 228. The story to which Ibn Khaldun is referring is told in Sbrat al-safiva, vol. ut,
pp. 22-30. 'Omar b. al-Khattab came to tways for advice.
3 For Shiban al-An (death date unknown), see Abo Ndaym, /31(ya, vol. vm,
p. 317; Zabidi, vol. 1, p. 170.
4 For Abu Àbd Allah Muhammad b. Idris al-Shifici (d. 204/820), see SEI: s.v.
àl-Shifi"; Subki, Tabaqat al-Shaficiyya, vol. I, pp. mo-3; Muqaddima, vol. m,
pp. 3-12. The story Ibn Khaldun is referring to is related in Qushayri, p. 3,4;
Zabidi, vol. 1, p. 17o. Although Shiban the shepherd was illiterate, he showed
more knowledge in spiritual questions than the great Imam and legist, founder
of one of the major schools of Islamic law, Shafici.
5 For Ahmad b. Muhammad b. Hanbal (d. 241/855), see SEI: s.v. lAhmad'; IA: s.v.
'Ahmed b. Hanbel'.
6 For 'sicknesses', see i zalal' in Ms.A, p. 33, and 'Mal' in Ms.B, p. 09.
7 Àw kad' is missing in Tanji, p. 85, line n; see Ms.A, p. 34, and Ms.B, p. 58.
8 "Anal' in Ms.A, p. 34, as opposed to 'amal' in Ms.B, p. 59, and Tanji, p. 87.
9 The name of this group is derived from hulal, translated as 'in-dwelling' or
'substantial union'; see SEI: s.v. 'hula ; IA: s.v. 'Hula.
Io Zindiq/Zanadiqa means 'heretic(s)'; see SEI: s.v.
Ìbabis' means 'freethinkers', see SEI: s.v. `Tasawwuf '; IA: s.v. 'Ibahiyye'.
12 The name of this group is derived from tanasukh or 'metempsychosis or
transmigration'; see SEI: s.v. `tanasukh'.
13 The name of this group is derived from jabr or 'the compulsion' of God; see
SEI: s.v. 'djabriya'.
14 The last sentence is missing in Tanji, p. 90, and in Ms.B, p. 62; but reads
as following in Ms.A, p. 36: Wa-kalamuka yukhrijuhum Can dhalika,
batil bi'l-inna", and is added in Perez, p. 224.
15 Here Ibn Khaldtm is referring to Qit mdamalat al-mahbub by Abu Talib
al-Makki (d. 386/998); see El: s.v. 'al-Makki'.
16 Ms.A, p. 37, and Ms.B, p. 65, show the word 'sal' or 'arduous', but Tanji,
Shifa', p. 93, chose to correct it as 'salb' or 'pillar', which we decided to choose
too. Perez, p. 228, in his translation preferred to keep the word as it appeared in
manuscripts A and B.
17 Ms.B, p. 66 reads as follows: 'al-shaykh dun al-shaykh', as does Tanji, Shift ),
p. 94. However, Ms.A, p. 37, reads 'al-shaykh dun al-kutub'. Perez chose to
follow the latter in his translation, p. 229; see also comment in Perez, p. 284,
note 193. We decided to follow Ms.A since the meaning corresponded to the
idea of the debater.
18 The five rules of behaviour are: Karam (ùnlawful'), makruh ('reprehensible'),
mubab (ìndifferent'), wajib or fard ('incumbent or obligatory duty') and mandub
(`recommended').
19 'Ma la yac rifun' in Ms.A, p. 39, and 'ma yacrifun' in Tanji, Shifac p. 97.
zo Ms.A, p. 39, and Ms.B, p. 69, show the word `naqil' rather than `naq1'; see Tanji,
p. 98.
21 The three terms used here are common in Maliki legal works. The àriyya (pl.
careiya) is 'a palm tree which its owner assigns to another, who is in need for
him to eat its fruit during a year' ; see E. W. Lane, An Arabic English Lexicon,
2 vols. (Cambridge: Islamic Texts Society, 1984), s.v. "ariyya'. The qinid or
`making a loan' is the giving of capital to a third party who will administer it
for an undetermined gain; Lane, s.v. . The musaqat is a 'man's employing
a man to take upon himself, or manage, the culture (or watering) or palm trees
or grapevines (or the like) on the condition of his having a certain share of their
produce'; Lane, s.v. `musaqat'. The three examples given by Ibn Khaldun refer to
contingent aleatory contracts and therefore exceptional in view of the general
legal rules.
22 Khuzayma b. Thabit (d. 36/656), also called dhii al-shahadatayn (The Possessor
Notes
of Two Testimonies'), testified having seen the Prophet pay for a horse he
had bought, although he was not present, for he knew his Prophet could only
speak the truth; his testimony was declared by the Prophet to be as valid as the
testimonies of two Muslim men; see Inaba, vol. 1, p. 425.
23 Abr.; Burda b. Niyar (d. 45/665) sacrificed his lamb before the Prophet had
sacrificed his, and so was asked to repeat the sacrifice. Abu Burda could, then,
only find a lamb he liked very much and asked the Prophet if he could be excused
from the task. The Prophet agreed and made this an exception too; see Inaba,
vol. Iv, pp. 25-6.
24 Kashf al-khafa', vol. i, p. 64. The wording of this tradition in Tanji,
Shift ), p. 99, is the same as that found in Tirrnidhi; and a similar tradition
is narrated by Ibn Maja, with the addition of the pronoun 'them' (hum); see
http ://www.sunnah.com/search/?cribn+maja%2C+scholars+heirs+of+prophets
(last accessed 3 November 2016).
25 As in the case of the celebrated Shaykh Abu al-Hasan al-Kharaciani (d. 425/1034),
who was guided by the ruhaniyya or spirit of Abu Yazid al-Bistaml, a way followed
by the Uwaysis who are educated by a master remote in time, space or both.
26 Wa ilham' is missing in Tanji, p. sot; see Ms.A, p. 40, and Ms.B, p. 72.
27 For Khalid b. al-Walid al-Mughira al-MakhzUrni (d. 21/641-2), see Er: s.v.
'Khalid'; IA: s.v. Halid b. YAW': Ibn Sard, Tabaqat, vol. u, pp. 393-8; Inaba: vol. 1,
PP. 412-s.
28 'Fi nafi' is missing in Tanji, p. ioz; see Ms.A, p. 41, and Ms.B, p. 73.
29 13i-ictibarih5: is missing in Tanji, Shift?, p. 102, and Ms.B, p. 72; see Ms.A, p. 41.
3o Bukhari, Sahib, p. 7.
31 In Tally, Sh9ca', p. 103, is misread as 'hal' ; see Ms.A, p. 41, and Ms.B, p. 74.
Conclusion and Ascertainment

`Lam yakun min alArnan min shay". The words 'min alriman' are missing in Ms.B,
p. 88, and Tally, p. 108, but not in Ms.A, p. 43.
2 That is, 13 June 1485.
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INDEX
Aaron, 38 Almohads, x, xi-xii

Abd Allah b. Amr b. al-As, 52 Almoravids, x, xi-xii; legalism, xi
Abd al-Mu'min, xi dmal, see deed
Abd al-Salam b. Mashish, xi, xiv Andalusia, xi, xvii, xix-xxii, xxviii,
abiding in God (haqa )), 45, 46 xxxv; intellectual life, xix-xx
al-Abili, Abu Abd Allah Muhammad Andalusian debate (books or shaykh?),
b. Ibrahim, xviii-xix, xxiv ix, xii, 2-3, 79-107; customs, 98,
Abraham, TOT ioo, TOT; dangers of the spiritual
Abu Bakr b. al-Arabi, Qadi, x, xi Path, 84, 87, 88, m6, 1o7; divine
Abu Bakr al-Sid/14, 27, 30, 36 unity, 87, 89; essence of the Path
Abu Burda b. Niyar, 99 itself, 98, Too, Ica ; exception, 99,
Abu Dharr 17 rot; expert legist, 104, 1o6; fol-
Abu al-Hasan Ali b. Ùthman, xii lowing the Path without a shaykh
Abu Hurayra al-Dawsi, 17, 18 at all, 98-9, 106; Ibn Abbad,
Abu Ìvan Faris, Sultan, xii, xix, xxi al-Rundi, letter by, xxxv, xxxvi-
Abu Madyan of Tlemcen, xi-xii, xiv, xxxvii; Ibn Khaldun, Shifie, ix,
xviii, xxi xix, xxvi, xxvii, xxviii, xxx,
Abu Muhammad b. 'Atiyya, Qadi, 52 xxxv, xxxvii-xl, 2-3; inherited
Abu Yazid Tayfur al-Bistami, 27, 33, tradition/mang, 2; Law, 8o, 98,
57, 69 99, mo, 101-102, ro6; method of
adab, see conduct/proper conduct spiritual travelling varies with
Adam, 39, 61 each wayfarer, 87, 89, 91; mysti-
cariat, see customs cal tasting, 90, 92, 94, 97, TOO;
ahadiyya, see Unity al-Qabbab, Alimad,fatwei by,
althorn, see principles of behaviour xxviii, xxxv-xxxvi; Qur'an,
Wisha, wife of the Prophet, 16, 24, 27, 79-80, 99, ma; rational reasoning/
38, 52 mdmil, 2; science of Sufism, 96;
'diem al-amr, see World of Divine seeker attracted by God/majdhub,
Command 104, 1o5, io6, 107, mrio; spiritual
Tam al-ghayb, see Unseen World realities go beyond limits of con-
calarn al-ruhaniyyat, see World of Spir- ventional language, 81, 90, 92, 93,
itual Entities xrvi
9x4, a9ri7n,e9s9s:
igIgle90for9IG-o2d-9:
97i;ist8rot
alchemy, 65; philosophical stone, 65
Algeria, x, xiv 103; struggle for unveiling and
Ali b. Yusuf b. Tashufin, x witnessing, xxxviii-xl, 8o, 81,
90, 92, 93, 94-5, 97, 10 2, 103-104, 66; spiritual struggle (third), 40,
106; struggle for walking on the 54, 55, 76, 77; use of the Divine
straight Path, xxxviii, 80-1, 90, Names and, 66
91-2, 94, 97, 103; Sunna, 79-80; asceticism (rulull, 17, 42-3, 47, 48
wayfarer to Godl salik, 104-105, Ashcari theology, x
To6; see also Andalusian debate, on al-Ashqar, Sharaf al-Din, xxiii
books; Andalusian debate, on the associationism (shirk), 9
need of a shaykh; book; knowl- alba' abtabicin, see the Followers of the
edge, transmission of; shaykh; Followers
spiritual struggle; spiritual strug- atheist, 42
gle and the need of a shaykh austerity (tamillul), 17
Andalusian debate, on books, 79-80, Ayyad, Karnil, xvi
83-6, 90-2, 96-7, 98, 1o6, 107; Ayyubids, xiv
books alone are sufficient, 82,
83-4, 88, 90-1, 94, 102; books can Baali, Fuad, xvi
mislead, 85-6, 90, 96, 97; need of al-Badawi, 'Abd al-Rahman, xxv,
explanation from a master, 92, 93; xxviii, xxix
occasion when books must not be al-Badawi, Ahmad, xiv
consulted, 1o5; uselessness of, 91, the Badawiyya (Ahmadiyya), xiv
93, 107; see also book; Andalusian al-Baghdadi, Abu Hamza Muhammad
debate b. Ibrahim, so
Andalusian debate, on the need of a Bahlfil, 33, 107
shaykh, 8o, 81-2, 84-5, 86-8, 91, baqa), see abiding in God
93, 98-106; shaykh's discernment, basira, see insight
82-3, 86-7, 88, 89, 94, 96, 97; al-basin, see the inward
shaykh's experience from travel- Batinis, 15, 59, 87-8
ling the Path, 79-80, 81-2, 90, 91, Baybars II, Sultan, xxiii
92, 93, 94; shaykh's presence does beauty, 28-9,34
perfect the struggles, 102; shaykh's Mira (pl. bidd), see innovation
sources of knowledge, 94-6; see Bilal 17
also Andalusian debate; spiritual the blameworthy (madhmam), 6, 7, 9,
struggle and the need of a shaykh 12, 37, 39, 52, 67, 74; annihilation
and obliteration, 46
angel, 23, 46, 55
annihilation (rand)), 33, 34, 45, 46 body, xxxiv, 19, 20-1, 25, 61; corporeal
al-Ansari, 'Abd Allah, xxi; Mandell forces, 40, 49, 54, 76; death, xxx-
absa'irin, xx viii, 29, 40; perception, 29; subtle
caql, see intellect reality and, 19, 20, 22, 55
àril see gnostic book (kitab), xix, xxxvii, xxxviii,
carsh, see the Throne xxxix, xl, 2, 77, 83; Ibn Àbbad,
ascetic discipline (riyada), 36, 38, 87; al-Rundi, xxxvii; knowledge
ascetic training, 39; the great from unveiling should not be
ascetic discipline/al-riyada al-kubra, registered in books,5_, 6 57, 8,
667-
Index
70; misleading the disciple, xxxvi, reality, 20, 25; the Tablet, 25
85-6, 90, 96, 97; mystical tasting Customs (Mat), 5, II, 17, 98, too,
rot
and, 92; science of unveiling, 56, al-Daqqaq, Abu Abd Allah, xi
57, 67-8, 70; struggle for God- al-Dasficii, Ibrahim, xiv
wariness, guidance from books in, the Dasfigiyya (Burhaniyya), xiv
71, 90, 91-2, 94, 102; struggle for David, Prophet, 52
unveiling and witnessing, useless- death, xxxviii; body, xxxviii, 29,
ness of books, 78, 93; struggle 40; 'Die before you die', 43, 76;
for walking on the straight Path, `Man dies in keeping with how
guidance from books in, 90, 91-2, he lived...', 30; perception and
94, 102; Sufi books, ix, 48, 51, 56, knowledge after death, 29-30;
73, 83-6, 90-3 (are useless unless perfection after death, 29; pleasure
imparted by the masters, 91, 92; after death, 30; third spiritual
purpose and usefulness of, 92-3); struggle, premeditated death, 43,
uselessness of, 78, 90, 91, 93; see 76; unveiling after death, 29-30,
also Andalusian debate; Andalu- 74; vision after death, 29-3o, 76;
sian debate, on books witnessing after death, 34; wit-
Bouthoul, Gaston, xvi nessing and Self-disclosure, 33, 34
al-Bukhari, Abu 'Abd Allah deed (dmal), 8, 74-5; effect on the
Muhammad: AbSahih, 18, 72 subtle reality, 20-1; evil deed, 21;
al-13fini, Ahmad b. Ali, 60, 63, 65; Al- good deed, 2r ; see also inward
Anima!, 66, 67 deed; outward deed
al-Bushanji, Ali b. Ahmad, xxxii dervish, xv, xxii
devils/D
ataevni18,423, 39, 43, 46, 83, 85, 86;
celibacy, 52
certainty (yaqin), 26, 45, 48, 55; science dhawq, see mystical tasting
of certaintyPilm al-yaqin, xl, 45, dhikr, see remembrance
47; truth of certainty/a/-baqq al- discernment: discernment of intimate
yaqin, xl, 45, 47; vision of certain- findings, roo-icll ; God-wariness,
tyrayn xl, 45, 47; will, a 98, 99-100, 102; shaykh, 44, 75, 78,
state of absolute certainty, 38 82-3, 86-7, 88, 89, 94, 96, 97
charismatic acts (karama), 34, 44, 55, 86, disciple (murid), z; being a corpse in the
um son; charismatic gifts, 83, 101 hands of the mortician (shaykh),
Companions of the Prophet, xxx, 42 , 74; each wayfarer deserves
xxxv, 8, ro, 17-18, 72, 103 an education that corresponds
conduct/proper conduct (adab), 32, 33, to his nature, 87; lack of sincere
56, 68 disciples, xxxvii; seeker attracted
created universe (kawn), 25, 6r , 62 by God/rnajdhab, 104, 105, 106,
creation (process of), 24-5; first crea- 107 (exemption from religious
tion, 63; God created instincts and duties, m9); wayfarer to God/
forces within the heart, 6-9; man- salik, 104-105, rob; see also novice;
kind, 19, 22; Qur'an, 25; subtle Sufi-aspirant
discursive thinking (fikr), 6-7, 22, 24, Most Sanctified Essence to Itself,
2 5, 43, 6z; see also reason 6o; subtle reality, 25 (reaching the
dissemblance (riya'), 9, 85 subtle reality's essence through
Divine Attributes, 20, 25, 28, 545 58, 61, itself, 25-6, 55); the Unique Es-
70; unveiling and, 31; witnessing sence/al-dhat al-alladiyya, 61
and, 32; see also God excellence (ihsan), 15, 99-10o; harmony
divine graces, descent of (munazala), between the inward and the out-
45, 47 ward, 15
Divine Names, 6o, 61, 65; Allah, 43; extinction, 31; dehmad, xxxviii
the Creator/a/-Ban, 6-7, 20, 25, Eve, 59
28, 29, 6z; loci of manifestation,
63; Most Beautiful Names of faith (iman), 5, 8, 58; station of faith,
God/al-asmir al-husna, 63, 66; 15, 99-too; subtle reality, 21
the One/al-Wahid, 62; perfection final, see annihilation
related to, 6o, 61, 63, 67; power of, faqih, see legist
65, 66-7; the Unseen/al-Ghayb, faqr, see poverty
31; witnessing, 67; see also God al-Fasi, Abd al-Qadir, ix, xxvi
divine unity (tawhal), xxi, 45, 77, 87, al-Fasi, Abu al-Abbas Ahmad, xxvii
89, to7; heart's focus on divine al-Fasi, Ahmad ID. xxix
unity/al-tawhid bi'l-qalb, 13; fasting, 30, 40, 42, 52-3
self-realization of divine unity, felicity, 7, 9, 14, 16, 20, 8o; corporeal
87; tasting of, z; tatvlad-wanda felicity, 3o; eternal felicity, ;
doctrine, xxi; see also Oneness; faith, 8; felicity of the heart:
Unicity; Unity the vision of God's Face, 3o, 32;
Dominion (malakat), 22, 24, 28, 59, 68, gnosis, 76; Hereafter, 3o, 32;
73; disclosure of knowledge of the knowledge, 27-31, 32; Law, 74;
Dominion, 57-8; secrets of the levels of, 28-9, 32, 51; meaning of
Dominion, 59, 68; understand- 27; Sufi, no; ultimate felicity, 32,
ing the Dominion, 68; witnessing 45, 56, 74, 8o
and, 32 fikr, see discursive thinking
doubt, 31, 54, 85 filth, see law
the doubtful/uncertain, 35-6, 48 al-Fishtali, Qadi xii, xxxvi
fitra, see primordial nature
Egypt, x, xiii-xiv, xxii, xxiii; Alex- Followers (tabran), to, 27
andria, xiv; Cairo, xiv-xv, xvii, Followers of the Followers (atba' al-
xxiii, xxviii; Sufism, xiv-xv tab lin), 10, 27
Emigrants, 18; People of the Veranda/ Footstool (kurn), 54, 59, 62
ahl al-,suffa, 17-18 free choice, 9-10, 50, 73, 74-5, 80, 81,
essence/Essence: essence/dhat, 25, 3o, 82, 90
6z; Divine Essence/dhat Allah, 54;
Essence/huwiyya, 62; Essence of Gabriel, 72
His Essencerayn caynihi, 63; the Gabrieli, Francesco, xvi
Index
al-Ghazali, Abu Hamid, x, xi, xii, is, goodness, 7, 21, so, 8o

19, 84, 90, 96; auto-da-fe, x-xi; Granada, xx, xxii, xl; Granada de-
different sources of knowledge for bate, ix, xxxvi-xxxvii, xli; Ibn
the soul, 24; 'Islam x, Khaldrin, x, xxi, xxxiii, xxxi; see
xi, xiii, xxxvi, 2, 12, 56, 83-4, 88, also Andalusia; Andalusian debate
92; Law/Sufi Path reconciliation, gratitude (shukr), 45, 48
xiii, xviii, xxxiv; legist/Sufi-aspir- guidance: directly from God, roi, 105;
ant comparison, 12-13 Qur'an, 98; right guidance, 16;
Gibraltar, xxxv wayfarer as guide, 44; see also
gnosis (indrifa), 2, 6, 23, 45, 68, 83, 107; shaykh
felicity, 76; gnosis of Oneness, 63;
heart, 46; it leads to direct vision 14, see state/spiritual state
and witnessing, 3o; union with al-Hallaj, al-Husayn b. Mansur, xxvi,
God, 47; unveiling, 46 68
gnostic Pry), xx, 30, 34, 47, 48, 57, 68; Halwi, Abu Abd Allah Shudhi, xii
realization, 63 baqiqa, see Truth
God: Divine Essence/dhat Allah, 54; al-haqiqa al-Muhammadiyya, see
divine gifts, 46, 53; forgiveness, Muhammadan Reality
16; God created instincts and al-Elazirdri, Abu Ydzza, xi
forces within the heart, 6-9; 'God heart, xxxi; colourations of, 12, 73,
has seventy veils of light', 33; 76; corrupted spiritual state and,
knowledge of, 6-7, n, 28, 32; love 75-6; deeds of the heart, xxxiv,
for God, 30-1, 43; mercy, 14, 16; xxxvii, 12, 17, 18, 35; expansion of
nearness to, 55; vision of God's the chest, 26; eye of the heart, 95;
Face, 30, 32, 49; see also Divine felicity of the heart: the vision of
Attributes; Divine Names God's Face, 3o, 32; focus on divine
God-wariness (taawa), 13; Andalusian de- unity/ al-tawhirl bi'l-qalb, 13; God
bate, xxxviii, 8o-1, 90, 91-2, 94, 97, created instincts and forces within
99, to3; books, guidance from, 71, the heart, 6-9; going straight,
90, 91-2, 94, 102; discernment, 98, 41-2,; the innermost secret, 46;
99-100, io2; an individual obliga- inspired knowledge, 23-4; Islam,
tion, 51, 71, 91; Law, 80-1, 102, 103; 13; knowledge of the heart/flak
meaning, 35-6; outward and inward al-qulub, ii; knowledge of the
God-wariness, 35, 49; Prophets, inward/filth II; pleasure
following and imitating them, 103; of, 28; Prophet Muhammad,
Qur'an, 26, 71, 8o-T; salvation, 40, 5-6, 7, 8, 9, 14; purification, 55;
49, 55-6, 70, 8o, 93, 103; shaykh, qualities of, s; soul, 46; spheri-
need of, 71-3, 81; struggle for, cal shape and perfection of, 41;
xxxviii, 35-6, 40, 45, 47, 49, 55-6, spirit, 46; spiritual state, xl-xli,
70, 77, 91; Sunna, 26, 71; unveiling 75; subtle reality, 19; Sufism and,
and, 26, 40-I, 54, 56; worship, 4o; xxxiv, To-n, 18; three facets of
see also moral care; spiritual struggle 46; unveiling, 41-2, 54-5; walking
on the straight Path, 41-2; will is Ibn Hirzihim, x, xi

the awakening of the heart to the Ibn Khaldun, Abu Bakr Muhammad
quest for the Truth, 39; witness- b. Khaldun al-Hadrami (Ibn
ing, 46; wounds of, 13 Khaldun's father), xxv, xxvii, I
Hellfire, 14, 15, 3o Ibn Khaldun, Abu Zayd 'Abd al-
Hereafter, 7, 13, 54; felicity, 3o, 32; Rahman, ix-x, xvii, xl-xli,
knowledge of the Hereafter/fiqh Andalusia, xvii, xix-xxii; death,
al-alehira, II; Sufism and, xxxiv, xxiv; early training, xvii-xix;
12, 13; witnessing, 44 Egypt, xxii-xxiv; epistemology,
heresy (zandaqa), x, xii, xiii, xxii, xxv, xxxii-xxxiii; Fez, xxviii; head of
xxxi, 2, 59, 75, 83; he who studies Khanaqa al-Baybarsiyya, Cairo,
Sufism and does not study the xv, xvii, xxiii-xxiv; historian,
Law is a heretic, xxxv xvi-xvii, xxv, xxxii, xli; judge
bludhayfa b. al-Yaman, 8 and legist, xv, xvii, xxiii, xxxiii,
Hululis, 87-8 xxxvii, xl, xli; the Maghrib,
huraf, see letters xvii-xix; the Mashriq, xiii, xvii,
al-Susan, Abu al-blasan Ali b. xxiii-xxiv; pilgrimage, xxiii;
Ibrahim, 43 political life, x, xxi, xxii; religion,
blusayn, Taha, xvi xvi, xvii, xxiv; spiritual life, x,
hypocrisy (nifaq), 8-9 xxii, xxxii, xxxvii; withdrawal
from the world, xxi, xxii; see
cibada, see worship also the entries below for Ibn
Ibahis, 87-8 Khaldun, Abu Zayd
Ibn Abbad al-Rundi, ix, xii, xiii, xviii, Ibn Khaldun, Abu Zayd: Sufism, xiii,
xix, xxvi, xxviii, xxxiv, xxxviii; xv-xxiv, xxxiii, xli; absolute
letter by, xxxv, xxxvi-xxxvii complementarity between the
Ibn 'Abbas, 22 inward and the outward, xxxiv;
Ibn Ahmad, ix, xxvii criticism and rejection of Sufism,
Ibn Arabi, Muhyi al-Din Muhammad, xv-xvii, xxxiii-xxxiv; `Sufism'
6o, 63 and the `Science of Sufism', xxxi-
Ibn al-Arif, xi xxxii
Ibn Ashir of Sale, xii, xiii, xix, xxi, Ibn Khaldun, Abu Zayd: works, xxiv,
xxxv xli; Kitab al-lbar, xxv; Lubab al-
Ibn Àra' Allah, xiii, xiv, 12, 35, 90, 92 muhassal, xxv; minor works, xxv;
Ibn al-Banna, xviii; Al-Mabahith al- Al-Mugadditna, x, xvi, xx, xxv,
asliyya, xxvii xxix (sixth chapter 'On Sufism',
Ibn Barrajan, xi, 6o xvii); Al-Tdrf bi-Ibn Khaldan wa-
Ibn Battiam, xiv-xv rililatihi sharqan wa-gharban, xvii,
Ibn Dahhaq al-Awsi, 62 xxiv, xxix; see also Shifii' al-sa'il
Ibn al-Farid, 6o li-tandhib al-masa'il
Ibn al-Furat, xxiii Ibn Khaldun, Muhammad (Ibn
Ibn Hanbal, Ahmad, 81 Khaldun's brother), xxvii
Index
Ibn al-Khatib, Lisan al-Din, xvii, 59, 69, 77, 90 , 97, 102; purification,
xx, xxi-xxii, xxiii; imprison- 40 ; saints and Sufis, xxxii, 23, 24,
ment, torture and death, xxii, 32, 95-6; spiritual perception, 31;
xxv; Sufism, xx; Rawdat al-tdrif subtle reality, 23, 31, 40; unveiling,
bi'l-hubb al-shard., xx, xxiii, xxv, 31; walking on the straight path,
xxvii-xxviii 42; see also knowledge/learning
Ibn Marzim: Musnad, xii intellect ( caq1), 77, 109; instinct of, 6,
Ibn Qasi, xi, 6o 7; love of perfection, 6; subtle
Ibn Qunfudh, al-Qustantini, xii; Uns reality, 19
al faqir wa- cizz xii interaction, Jo, 12; interaction with
Ibn Sabin, 'AM al-Haqq, xxvii, 62, 63 GocUrnitdmala, 45, 47, 55; science
Ibn Sawdakin, 6o of interaction/ cam a/-mdama/a, 45,
Ibn Sind, xviii; Kitab al-ishardt, xviii; 54, 55-6
Kitab al-shifiV , xviii intention (niyya), to, 16, 35; as the prin-
Ibn Taghribirdijaml al-Din YUsuf b., xiv ciple of all actions, 9-10; sincerity
Ibn Tumart, al-Mandi, xi, xii of intention, 43; worship, to
Ibn Ùmar, cAbd Allah, 36 the inward (al-basin), is, 33; ascetic
Ibn al-Zayyat, Abu Mandi xx- training, 39; disregard of, to;
xxi; Kitab al-maqamat, xx God-wariness, 35, 49; harmony
Ibrahim b. al-Adham, prince of Balkh, between the inward and the
xxi-xxii outward, xxxiv, 14, 15; hypoc-
idleness, 16, 68 risy as contradiction between the
ihsan, see excellence outward and the inward, 9; im-
ikh/a3, see sincerity portance of, 9; the inward always
ilham, see inspiration rules the outward, 5; knowl-
Sim, see knowledge/learning edge of the inward/fiqh al-basin,
cum al-tasawwuf, see science of Sufism xxxiv, 11-12, 14, 34; science of
imagination, 22, 25, 29, 30 , 43 the inward, 56; wisdom of legists
itndn, see faith and Sufis should be all-inclusive,
imitation (taqhri), xl, 68, 71 xxxv; see also Sufism
initiatic chain (silsila), xiv, xl, 87, too, ro6 inward deed, 5, 8, 12, 14, 15; deeds of
innovation (bicra, pl. bida), 2, II, 69, 3h5eart, xxxiv, xxxvii, 12, 17,
74, 83 18, 35
insight (bastra), xxxv irada, see will
inspiration (ilham), 23; see also inspired Islam, xvii, 13; Sufism, xxxv; see also
knowledge religion
inspired knowledge Cilm al-ilhOw0, islam, see submission
xxxii, 26, 28, 95; acquired knowl- Oki% see spiritual perception
edge/inspired knowledge distinc-
tion, 26, 28; God-given knowl- Jabaris, 88
edge, 26-7, 28, 49; heart, 23-4; al-Jarlri, Abu Muhammad b. blusayn,
intimate finding/wt./darn, xxxii, 2, 40-I, 50
jinn, 22 unveiling, 31-4; Prophets, xxxii;

Judgement Day, 21, 30 realization and, 94, 95-6; scholars,
al-Junayd, Abu al-Qasim, 17, 31, 37, 50 xxxii; subtle reality, 20-1, 25, 30,
al-JUzajani, Abu Ali, 34 32; revelation, xxxii; to wor-
ship means to know', 22; see also
karama, see charismatic acts inspired knowledge
kasal, see laziness knowledge, transmission of xix, II, 63,
kashf see unveiling 72; by a conveyed report, xl, 72,
al-Kattani, Muhammad b. 'Ali b. Jacfar, 81; by example and direct observa-
50 tion, 72-3, 76; by masters, ix, xix,
kawn, see created universe xxxv; disclosure of knowledge of
Khalid b. al-Walid, nu the Dominion, 57-8; excessive sys-
Khalife, Ignace-Abdo, xxix, xxx tematization of learning, xix; legist,
khanaqa (Sufi lodge), xiv-xv, xvii, xxiv 72-3; oral transmission, xl, TO, 72,
Khanaqa al-Baybarsiyya, Cairo, xxiii; Joe; written transmission, xl, 2, 72,
Sacid al-Sucada:, xxiii 79, 81-2, 90, 107; secret between the
Kharijis, II servant and his Lord, xxvi, see also
Khuzayma b. Thabit, 99 Andalusian debate; book
kitab, see book kufr, see misbelief
knowledge/learning (ìlm), 6; acquired kursi, see Footstool
knowledgefihn al-kasbi, xxxii, 22,
23, z6, 82; acquired knowledge/ Lacoste, Yves, xvi-xvii
inspired knowledge distinction, z6, !atria rabbaniyya, see subtle reality
28; degrees of, 30, 31, 32, 47; felic- Law (sharra), xviii, 7; Andalusian
ity and, 27-31, 32; the forbidden, debate, 8o, 98, 99, too, 101-102,
58; al-Ghazali, different sources of 106; division into two branches,
knowledge for the soul, 24; hierar- ir-r7; felicity, 74; he who studies
chical view of xxxii-xxxiii, 22-4; Sufism and does not study the
the highest, most perfect, clearest Law is a heretic, xxxv; knowledge
and pleasurable knowledge, 28; of the inward, 11-12, 14; knowl-
knowledge is a seed to the vision edge of the outward, 11-12, 14,
that will turn into unveiling 30 15; Law/Sufi Path reconciliation,
32; knowledge of God, 6-7, xiii, xviii, xxxiv; proper conduct,
z8, 32; knowledge of the heart, 33, 69; salvation, xxxiv, 14, 74;
II; knowledge of the inward, seeker attracted by God, 109;
xxxiv, 11-12, 34; knowledge of shaykh, 94, 95; struggle for God-
the ultimate Truth as object of wariness, 80-1, 102, 103; struggle
Sufism, xxxii; mystical tasting, for walking on the straight path,
xxxv; perception and knowledge 8o, 102; studying the Law is safer
after death, 29-30; perfection, 6-7, than unveiling divine secrets, 58,
41; the permissible, 58; pleasure 59-6o; Sufism and, xiii, xviii-xix,
from knowledge obtained through xxxi, 69; three levels at which the
Index
Law can be kept, 14-15; unveiling, madrasa, xiv, xvii; opposition to the
95; at variance with the Law, 69; building of xix; state-controlled
wayfarer to God/sillik, 104 madrasa, xii
law (substantive law/filth), xv, xvii, the Maghrib (the West), ix-xiii, xiv,
xxxv, II, 12, 98; knowledge of the xviii, xxx, xli; legist/Sufi close
outward/filth al-zahir, Jr relationship, xiii, xviii; religious
the lawful, 13, 36, 48; it is evident, 35; and doctrinal unity of x; saints in,
third spiritual struggle, lawfulness xii; spiritual life, xi-xii; Sufism
of, xxxix, 51-2, 92, 93, 103, 105 in, xii, xv, xviii-xix, xxv
lawb, see Tablet/Preserved Tablet magic, 65-7, 68; magical squares, 64,
laylat al-qadr, see Night of Destiny 66; magical sciences, 42
laziness (kasal), r6, 44, 68, 75 mababba, see love
legist (lapis), x, xiii, xxxi, 12, 81; expert mahmad, see the praiseworthy
legist/a/-faqih al-mufti, 15, 104, 1o6; make, see obliteration
Ibn Khaldun on, xxxiv; knowl- al-Makki, Abu Talib: Qat al-qulab fi
edge of the outward/filth al-zahir, mu amalat al-makbab, 92
II; legist/Sufi-aspirant compari- malakut, see the Dominion
son, xxxiv, xl, 12-13; legist/Sufi Malik b. Anas, xxxv; Muwatta , xvii
close relationship, xiii, xviii; Maliki school, x, xi, xiii, xxxii, xxxv, xli
legist/Sufi dichotomy, x, xxxiii, Mamluks, xiv, xv, xxiii
xxxiv, xxxvii; state legist, x, xi; manifestation (zuhar): degrees of, 6o
substantive law, II, 12; transmis- mankind, 22, z6, 38, 51, 6o, tog; crea-
sion of knowledge, 72-3; wisdom tion of, 19; trust, 19-2o; see also
of legists and Sufis should be all- body; subtle reality
inclusive, xxxv; worship, ro; see maqdm, see station/spiritual station
also the outward al-Maqqari, Abu Abd Allah, xviii, xix,
letters ((Jinni), 63-5 xx
light, 26, 70, 96, 107, 109; bewildered al-Maqrizi, Ahmad Taqi al-Din, xxiii
by the light of Self-disclosure mdrifa, see gnosis
and witnessing, 33; discerning Marinids, xii-xiii, xiv, xix
light/a/-nur al-furonr, 98, too, martyr, 40, 49, 51
toz; disclosure of the lights, 46, the Mashriq (the East), x, xiii-xiv,
8o; lifting of the veil, 46; light of xvii, xviii, xli; Law/Sufi Path
God, 26; light of witnessing/nCir reconciliation, xiii, xviii; saints in,
al-mushahada, 48 xiv; Sufism, xiv
litany (wird), xxi, 43, 48 Maslama Abu al-Qasim:
love, xl; cishq, xl; love for God, 30-1, 43; Ghayat al-hakim, 67
love of perfection, 6; mahabba, 45 al-Masnawi, Abu Abd Allah, ix, xxvi-
l-muqill xxvi
madhmum, see the blameworthy master, ile; juhaydkah
astexr see sh
madness, 33, 68, 85; seeker attracted by misbelief (kufr), 8, 69
God, 107, Ion Dhu al-Nun, xiv, 47
moderation, 36, 37, 39, 42 Night of Destiny (laylat al-qadr), 54-5

monasticism (rahbaniyya), 40, 51-2, 74 niyya, see intention
moral care (wara), II, 12, 35, 45, 47, 49, North Africa, xi, xii, xiii, xix-xx
71, 9I; see also God-wariness novice, xxxvi, xxxviii, 3, 6o; see also
Moroccan Royal Library, Rabat, xxviii disciple; Sufi-aspirant
Morocco, x, xii, xiii, xiv, xxi, xxix; Fez,
X, Xi, xii, xviii, xxviii, xxxv, 1-2 obliteration (mahu), 23, 31, 33, 40, 43,
Moses, 38 45, 46
mosque, 17, 18, 69 Oneness (wanda), xx, xxvii, xxxiv, 6o,
Mother of the Book, zo 61, 62-3, 68; gnosis of Oneness/
mdallim, see teacher tnacrilat al-wanda, 63; tawbid-wabda
muhadara, see presence with God doctrine, xxi; see also divine
Muhammadan Reality (al-baqiqa al- unity; Unicity; Unity
Muhammadiyya), 61 opinion: ra'y, 6o; ?atm, 26
al-Muhasibi, al-Harith b. Asad, Si, 90; the outward (al-zahir), 5, 33; ascetic
Kitab al-rlaya, xix, 2, 12, 56, 92 training, 39; God-wariness, 35, 49;
mujahada, see spiritual struggle harmony between the inward and
muleashafa, see unveiling the outward, xxxiv, 14, 15; hy-
multiplicity, 6o, 6r, 62 pocrisy as contradiction between
munazala, see divine graces, descent of the outward and the inward, 9;
murid, see disciple knowledge of the outward/figh
al-Mursi, Abu al-Abbas, xiv al-zahir, xxxiv, 11-12, 14, 15; wis-
mushahada, see witnessing dom of legists and Sufis should be
mutasawwil see Sufi-aspirant all-inclusive, xxxv; see also legist
Muctazila, II outward deed, 5, 8, 34; free choice and,
al-Llafiz, Muhammad, xxx 9-10; station of faith, 15; station
muwasala, see union with God of submission, 15
mystical/ecstatic experience, xxxvi, 47,
56-7, 86, 87, 88; only those who Paradise, 30-1, 34
have attained mystical experiences path/straight path, 7, 16, 34; see also
can understand them, 91 walking on the straight Path
mystical tasting (dhawq), xxxv, xxx- patience (sabr), 5, 45, 46, 48
viii, 28, 45, 65, 77; Andalusian Pen (qalam), 25, 54, 61
debate, 90, 92, 94, 97, mo; books perception, 82; faculties of, 27; levels
and, 92; legal principles and, 95, of, 2,9; perception after death, 29;
97, 109-1o; of divine unity, 2; perception of Beauty in the pres-
of the spiritual states, xl; Self- ence of the Lord, 28-9; perfec-
disclosure, 47 tion of, 41; rational perception,
mysticism, see Sufism 77; sensorial perception, 73, 77;
nafs, see soul subtle reality, 22-6, 27-8; see also
najat, see salvation spiritual perception
niftq, see hypocrisy perfection, 14, 27, 52, 73, 99; after
Index
death, 29; Divine Names, 6o, 52; heart, 5-6, 7, 8, 9, 14; initiatic
61, 63, 67; heart, spherical shape chain, 87, mo; perfection of noble
and perfection of, 41; the high- character traits, 38; prayer, 13, 26,
est perfection/al-kamd/ 52, 72; Qur'an, 38, 99, 102 (`His
6-7; intellect, love of perfection, nature was the Qur'an', 38); rev-
6; knowledge, 6-7, 41; Prophet elation to, 24, 55; three statuses,
Muhammad, 38; Self-disclosure 102-103 (guidance of the people,
contains perfection, 61; spiritual ioz; personal spiritual struggle,
perfection, xxxv; subtle reality, m2; spiritual perception through
20-1, 22-3, 25; virtue, 21, 41 meditation, 102-103); unveiling,
Perez, Rene: La Vote et la Lot ou le Mai- 102-103
tre et le Juriste, xxx prophethood, 23, 54, 58, 8o; vision, 24
philosophy, xxxiii, 6o, 62, 68, 90 Prophets, 14, 36, 38, 49, 55, 61, 63, 99;
pilgrimage, xv, xxiii, 58-9, 72 God-wariness, 103; knowledge,
Plato, xxvi, 26 xxxii; knowledge of the Domin-
pleasure: after death, 3o; the highest ion, 57-8; primordial nature of,
pleasure, 28-9; the most pleasur- 53, 57; revelation, 23; unveiling
able knowledge, 28; related to and witnessing, masters of, 57;
corporeal instincts, 28; related to walking on the straight Path, 49,
the heart, 28 73, 91, 93, 103, 107
Portugal, xi purification (tasfiya): ascetic train-
positivism, xvi, xxxii ing, 39; degrees of, 31; heart, 55;
poverty (faqr), 17, 40, 50, 96 inspired knowledge, 4o; self-
the praiseworthy (malmad), 6, 7, 12 purification, xiii; soul, 24, 31, 37;
prayer, 9, 3o; Gabriel, 72; Prophet subtle reality, 21, 22, 23, 31; Sufi,
Muhammad, 13, 26, 52, 72; ritual/ 32; unveiling, 25, 31, 42, 74
obligatory prayer, 13, 36, 43, 48, purity (raft'), 18; purity of deeds and
77; supplication, 7; teaching of, states, 75
72; see also worship
Predecessors (sala]), 18, 8o, 103 al-Qabbab, Abu al-Abbas, ix, xxviii,
presence with God (muhadara), 31, 45, 47 xxxv;fatwa, xxviii, xxxv-xxxvi
Presences, 61; Nebulous Presence/a/- qalam, see Pen
barfra al-camaityya, 61, 62; Presence al-Qalqashancli, Ahmad, xv
of Fine Dust/al-bac/1u al-haba'iyya, al-Qassab, Muhammad b. Ali, so
62 Qur'an, xi, xvii, xviii, xxxviii, 36, 40,
primordial nature (fitra), 2o, 53, 57 7o, 74; Andalusian debate, 79-80,
principles of behaviour (ableam), 5, ro, 99, to2; creation, 25; as foundation
96, 103; mystical tasting and, 95, of the wayfaring, 79, 8o; guid-
97, 109-io ance, 98; memorization, xvii, 27;
Prophet Muhammad, xxxi, 53, 96, 99; Prophet Muhammad, 38; Qur'anic
ascension of/mi`naj, 55; fasting, 4o, recitation, 43, 48; shaykh, xxxix,
52-3; following the Sunna, 4o, 94, 95, 99; struggle for God-
wariness, 26, 71, 8o-i ; struggle sabr, see patience
for walking on the straight path, sofa' , see purity
36, 38, 40, 49, 73, 80-1, 91, 93, 107; saint, xi, xx, xxi, 55, 57, 63, 95; abdal,
Surat al-Fatiha, 36; Surat Hud, 37; 2; awliya', 23; the Maghrib, xii;
worship, 22 the Mashriq, xiv; Muhammadan
al-Qushayri, Abu 31, saints, 61; wall, 55
33, 38-9, 71, 74, 78, 92; Al-Rise/a, sainthood (walaya), 109
xxxvi, xxxviii, 56, 71 salaf, see Predecessors
Sale, xii, xiii, xix, xxi, xxxv, 99
Rabic a al-Adawiyya, 30-1, 57 Salman al-Farisi, 17
Rafidis, ii salvation (nap), 12, 13, 14, 15, 51, 58;
rakbaniyya, see monasticism God-wariness, 40, 49, 55-6, 70,
ra j)), see opinion 80, 93, RH; Law, xxxiv, 14, 74;
al-Razi, Najm al-Din, xxxix Sufism, 18, 34
realities (haqll'iq), 25, 41, 42, 54, 61; Samnun, Abu al-Hasan, 5o
Muhammadan Reality, 61 science of Sufism (Wm al-ta,sawwuj),
realization (tahqfq), xl, 63, 71, 95; knowl- xxxi, xxxii, xxxvi, 49, 96
edge and, 94, 95-6; levels of, xl, 63; secret, 46, 54, 63, 69, 77; Divine
self-realization, 2, 84, 87, 90 Names, 66; keeping divine mys-
reason, xviii; limited role of, xxxiii; teries hidden, 56, 57-8, 59, 68,
rational reasoning/ma`pd, 2; see 70; letters, 63, 64-5; secrets of the
also discursive thinking Dominion, 59, 68; Sufism, xxiv,
rectitude, 9, 3 6, 37, 39-40 xxvi, 18, 56, 59, 68, 70, 77, 78, 91,
religion, xvi-xvii; revelation, 23 ; see 95

also Islam Self-disclosure (tajalli), xxxiv, xxxix,
remembrance (dhikr), xxi, 31, 43-4, 48, 29-30, 32, 46, 60; bewildered by
8o; formula of, 43 the light of, 33; dangers, 33, 44;
renunciation (zuhd), 45 death, 33; degrees of, 3o; mysti-
repentance (tawba), 35, 45, 47-8 cal tasting, 47; Self-disclosure
Resurrection, 55, 58 contains perfection, 61; see also
retreat/spiritual retreat, xxi, 42, 43-4, witnessing
48 , 77, 80; aim of, 48 senses, 22, 23, 24, 25, 77, 107; external
revelation (wally), xxxii, 23, 24, 55; senses, 23, 24; reliance on, 72, 73
religion, 23 al-Shadhili, Abu al-Hasan, xi, xiv
the righteous, 40, 49, 51 the Shadhiliyya, xi, xiii; origins, xiv
Ritter, Hellmut, xvi al-Shafil, Muhammad b. Idris, 81
riya' , see dissemblance sharra, see Law
riyada, see ascetic discipline al-Sharishi, Abu Bakr Muhammad b.
rah, see spirit Atimad: Al-Rd 'iyya ft' al-sulnk,
Jalal al-Din, xl xxvii
Ruwaym al-Baghdadi, so al-Shatibi, Abu !shag, ix, xxviii

ru 'ya, see vision shaykh (Sufi master), xiii, xxxvi, xl, 81;
66
Index
alive or dead, too; dangers of ex- xxx-xxxi; one of Ibn Khaldun's

cessive systematization of learning, early works, xxiv; origins of ix;
xix; difficulty in finding a shaykh, printed editions and translations,
xxxvii, 104, 105-106; discernment xxix-xxx; see also Ibn Khaldun,
and understanding of higher reali- Abu Zayd Abd al -Rahman
ties, 44, 75, 78, 82-3, 86-7, 88, 89, shirk, see associationism
94, 96, 97; easing the way of the shukr, see gratitude
wayfarer to his Lord, 39; emula- al-Shushtari, Abu al-Hasan, xxvi-xx-
tion of, 42, 56, 85-6; excessive vii, 62; Al-Qasida al-nuniyya, xxvi
need for, xxxvii; experience from fiddion, see sincere believers
travelling the Path, 42, 43-4, 74, si/si/a, see initiatic chain
75, 78, 79-80, 81-2, 90, 91, 92, 93, sincere believers (siddiqun), 23, 36, 45,
94; following one master only,
98; Law, 94, 95; need for a living since5ri;y9/3;k9

h/5ealr,07
35, 37, 45, 58, no;
master, xxxvi; Qur'an, xxxix, 94, lack of sincere disciples, xxxvii;
95, 99; shaykh a/-murabbi/educat- sincerity of intention, 43
ing shaykh, 76, 8o; shaykh sleep, 40, 42, 5 2, 53
teaching shaykh, xxxvi-xxxvii, soul (nqfs), 7; curing and healing the
xxxvifi; shaykh al-tagimishaykit character traits of, 36-7, 39-40, 49,
al-tarbiya comparison, xl; shaykh 73, 91; guide on the straight path,
al-tarbiya/educating shaykh, xxxvi, 8; heart, 46; power of, 65, 66;
xxxvii, xxxix; spiritual essence of, purification, 24, 31, 37; spiritual
xxxix; spiritual guide, xxiv-xxv, struggle, 24, 31, 36-40; subtle real-
xxxvi-xxxvii, xxxix, xl; spiritual ity, 19; subtle soul/tat ifa ruhaniyya,
state, 85-6; Sunna, 94, 95; Sunni 109; walking on the straight path,
shaykh, 85; types of, xxxvi; see 36-7, 39-40, 49, 73, 91
also Andalusian debate; Andalusian Spain, x, xx; see also Andalusia;
debate, on the need of a shaykh; Granada
spiritual struggle and the need of sphere: celestial spheres/aflale, 62, 63,
a shaykh 65,6e6c;hoen
perfii 4 Iherical shape and
of, sp
Shiban al-Raci, Si
al-Shibli, Abu Bakr, 43 spirit (run), xxxviii, 10; heart, 46;
Shifa' al-sa'il li-tandhib al-masd'il, x, Spirit, 57-8; subtle reality, 19
xxiv-xxxi; Andalusian debate, ix, spiritual guide, see shaykh
xix, xxvi, xxvii, xxviii, xxx, xxxv, spiritual perception (illihr), 24, 28, 31;
xxxvii-xl, 2-3; appendix, xxxix; third spiritual struggle, 40, 42,
authorship, xxv-xxvii; date of 4
u9n,v7
e3 92
il,in g ; see also perception;
composition, xxvii-xxviii; devot-
ed to Sufism, xvii; Fez, xxviii; Ibn spiritual struggle (mujdhada), xxxviii,
Khaldun's silence on, xxiv-xxv; 24, 31, 42, 45-9, 56; divine gifts,
love, xl; manuscripts, xxvi, xxviii- 46 ; first spiritual struggle/God-
xxix, xxx; nature and purpose of, Wariness, XXXViii, 35-6, 40, 45,
47, 49, 55-6, 70, 77, 91; science of shaykh is strongly recommended,
Sufism, 49; second spiritual strug- 73; struggle for God-wariness,
gle/walking on the straight path, 71-3, 8i; struggle for unveil-
xxxviii, 36-40, 45, 47, 49, 5r, 56, ing and witnessing, xxxviii-xl,
70, 77, 9r; soul, 24, 31, 36-40; Sufi, 42, 43-4, 73-8, 8o; struggle for
3, r8, 32, 44-5, 48; Sufism, 45, 49, walking on the straight Path, 73,
50-I, 56, 70-1; stations, 47-8; see 8i; see also Andalusian debate,
also God-wariness; spiritual strug- on the need of a shaykh; shaykh;
gle (third); spiritual struggle and spiritual struggle
the need of a shaykh; walking on Spiritual World (al-Warn al-rnhani),
the straight Path xxxii, xxxviii, 2, 20, 26, 73
spiritual struggle (third), 40-4, 49, 70; stars, 63, 67
Andalusian debate, xxxviii-xl, state/spiritual state (hal), xxxvi, xxxvi-
8o, 81, 90, 92, 93, 94-5, 97, 102, ii, xl, 2, 45; acquired virtues and,
103-104, ro6; ascetic discipline, 74-5; colourations, 47; corrupted
40, 54, 55, 76, 77; asceticism and spiritual state, 75, 89; heart and,
spiritual retreat, 42-4; books, xl-xli, 75; shaykh, 85-6; state-
uselessness of, 78, 93; conditions enslaved mystic, 85, 86; state of
to, 40-4, 54; corporeal forces, absolute certainty/ha/ al-yaqin, 38;
40, 49, 54, 76; death (premedi- station of dreams/ha/ al-ru'yd, 23;
tated), 43, 76; difference between third spiritual struggle, 74; virtues
`walking on the straight path' and that cannot be acquired are called
'unveiling', 71; God-wariness, 'state', 46
40-I, 54, 56; lawfulness of, xxxix, station/spiritual station (maqam),
51-2, 92, 93, 103, 105; purification, xxxvi, 23-4, 45, 56; control over,
74; shaykh, xxxviii-xl, 42, 43-4, 33; spiritual struggle, 47-8; station
73-8, 8o; sincerity of intention, of ultimate unification/maqam jam`
43; spiritual perception, 40, 42, 49, al-jam% 47; station of unification/
73, 92; spiritual states, 74; unveil- magdm jam`, 47; virtues that de-
ing, xxxviii-xl, 40, 41, 45, 49, 54, pend on choice or acquisition are
56, 70, 92; walking on the straight called 'station', 46
path, 41, 44, 54, 56; witnessing, submission (isiarn), 15, gg-roo
xxxviii-xl, 40, 49, 54, 70; see subtle reality (tat fa rabbaniyya), 19;
also spiritual struggle; unveiling; acquired knowledge, 22, 23; body,
witnessing 16, 22, 55 (effects of the body's
spiritual struggle and the need of a actions on, 20); created by God,
shaykh, 71, 73; the need for a mas- 20, 25; deed, so-i; faith, 21; heart,
ter varies according to the strug- 19; inspired knowledge, 23, 31, 40;
gle, 71, to6; no need of a shaykh, knowledge/learning, 20-I, 30, 32
71, 73, 81, 102; occasions when (learning and gnosis as the pleasure
a shaykh is imperative, xxxviii- of the subtle reality, 27; perfection
xl, 73-8, io6; occasions when a through knowledge, 25); percep-
Index
tion, 22-6, 27-8; perfection, 20, M a gm

h arisbh, rxi xiv; xnvo
21, 22-3, 25; purification of, 21, 22, the iiim-enxicx1;txuxrev;
23, 31; reaching the subtle reality's and specific terms, 45-6, 49, 56,
essence through itself, 25-6, 55; 68, 73, 92; rural area, xii, xiii, xiv;
revelation, 23; World of Divine salvation, 18, 34; science of unveil-
Command, 2o, 22; see also heart; ing, 59; secret, xxiv, xxvi, i8, 56,
intellect; soul; spirit 59, 68, 7o, 77, 78, 91, 95; spiritual
Sufi: etymology of the name 'Sufi', struggle, 45, 49, 50-1, 56, 7o-r;
17-18 (People of the Veranda/alit urban area, xii, xiii; virtue, 5o;
al-suffa, 17-18; saft7 purity , 18; Jai/ Western Sufism, xi, xiv; see also
wool, 17; suffa, 17, 18); felicity, the inward; science of Sufism; Sufi
no; first/earlier Sufis, xxxi, xxxv, Suhayb al-Rami, 17
3, 18, 32, 49; legist/Sufi-aspirant al-Suhrawardi, Shihab al-Din: 'Aura&
comparison, xxxiv, xl, 12-13; al-mddrif, xxxviii, 56
legist/Sufi close relationship, xiii, mak, see wayfaring
xviii; legist/Sufi dichotomy, x, Sunna, xi, xxxviii, 44, 70, 74, 90; An-
xxxiii, xxxiv, xxxvii; purifica- dalusian debate, 79-8o; following
tion, 3z; spiritual struggle, 3, 18, the Sunna, 40, 52; as foundation
32, 44-5, 48; the term, ii, 17; of wayfaring, 79, 8o; shaykh, 94,
those who value actions stemming 95; struggle for God-wariness, 26,
from the heart are called 'Sufis', 71; struggle for walking on the
io-ri ; unveiling, 32, 8o; witness- straight path, 40, 73
ing, 32-3; see also Sufism Sunnism, xii, xxxi, II; Sunni shaykh,
Sufi-aspirant (mut4awuttn, xxxix, 85
12-13, 18; see also disciple; novice supererogatory act of devotion, 43, 52,
Sufi lodge, see khanaqa; zawiya 77, 104
Sufi master, see shaykh
Sufi order, see tariqa tabiTin, see the Followers
Sufism (tasawwuj), x, 3, 18; crackdown Tablet/Preserved Tablet (lawh), 25,
on, x-xi; criticism, xv-xvii, xxx- 54, 61
iii-xxxiv; definition, 18, 50-T, 70; tahqrg, see realization
discretion, xxv; Eastern/Western tajalli, see Self-disclosure
Sufism connections, xiv; frontier takisim, see talismans
outposts/ribat, xii, xiv, I; heart, talismans (tala$im), 65-6, 67
xxxiv, io-Tr, 18; Hereafter, xxxiv, Tanasukhis, 88
12, 13; hostels/buyut al-fugare , al-Tanji, Muhammad b. Tawit, xxv-
xii; Islam and, xxxv; Law, xiii, xxvi, xxvii, xxviii, xxix, xxx
xviii-xix, xxxi, 69; Law/Sufi Path tagallul, see austerity
reconciliation, xiii, xviii, xxxiv; taglid, see imitation
knowledge of the inward, II; tagwa, see God-wariness
knowledge of the ultimate Truth tariqa (Sufi order), xii, xiv
as object of Sufism, xxxii; the huowuntf, see Sufism
tasjiya, see purification 41-2, 54-5; inspired knowledge,

al-Tatwani, Abu Bakr, xxviii 31; knowledge, 54; knowledge is
tawakkul, see trust a seed to the vision that will turn
tawba, see repentance into unveiling, 3o, 32; knowledge
tawhid, see divine unity resulting from unveiling should
teacher (mucallim), xxxviii, 71; educat- not be registered in books, 56, 57,
ing teacher! al-murraht, 67-8, 7o; Law, 95; levels of, 31-2;
73; First Teacher/a/-mdallim al- lifting of the veil/raf al-hijab, 18,
awwal, 87 25, 29, 33, 42, 44, 46, 54, 70, 73,
temporal world, 16, 17; `Be in this 8o, 92; pleasure from knowledge
world like a stranger or like a obtained through, 31-4; pres-
passer-by', 17; body and, 2o; ence with God, 31; Prophet
degrees of knowledge gathered in, Muhammad, 102-103; Prophets,
3o; legist, 57; purification and, 25, 31, 42, 74;
al-Thawri, Abu Abd Allah, 3o removal of the veil/ inkishaf, 23, 29,
al-Sharif, xix 31, 32; science of unveiling, 54,
Throne (Lads), 54, 59, 62 55, 56-9, 63, 67-8, 69, 7o; spiritual
trust, 69, 86, ms ; amana, 19-2o; trust in perception, 40, 49, 73; Sufi, 32, 8o;
Godltawakkul, 45, 46, 47, 48 ultimate felicity, 45,5_,6 -0; V.-
vi-
Truth (liaqiqa), xxxv, 55; the One is sion of certaintyrayn al-yaqin, 47;
the Truth, 62; truth of certainty/ walking on the straight path, 41-2,
al-haqg xl, 45, 47; will is 44, 54; witnessing as the highest
the awakening of the heart to the level of, 31-2; see also spiritual
quest for the Truth, 39 struggle (third); veil; witnessing
Tunisia, x, xiv; Tunis, ix, xvii, xviii Ùthman b. MazÙn, 52
Uways al-Qarani,
Uludag, Suleyman, xxx Uwaysis, xxxix
CUmar b. al-Khattab, 8-9, 17, 26-7, 8r
Unicity (wahidiyya), 6o, 61; see also veil, 2,5; tod has seventy veils of
divine unity; Oneness light', 33; see also unveiling
union with God (runnwisa/a), 45, 47 vice, 21, 46, 39
Unity (ahadiyya), Oo, 6r; see also divine Virtue, 21, 34, 36, 41, 45-6, 90; acquired
unity; Oneness virtues, 74-5; ascetic training,
the unlawful, 13, 36, 48; it is evident, 35 39; heart, 46; perfection of, 21,
Unseen World Calm al-ghayb), 57 41 ; praiseworthy virtues, 37, 39,
unveiling (kashf/mukashafa), xxxiii, 45, 46, 74; 'state', 46; 'station', 46;
xxxviii, 23, 28, 30, 31, 45, 49; after Sufism, so
death, 29-30, 74; conveyed report vision (ru'ya), 24, 47; after death,
on, 81; dangers of, 44, 53, 75, 8o; 29-3o, 76; direct vision/nazar, xl;
Divine Attributes, 31; first level of, prophethood, 24; spiritual vision,
31; fullness of, 31, 46; God-war- 33, 76, 8o, ror, m7; true vision/
iness and, 26, 40-I, 54, 56; heart, al-ru'ya al-saliha, 24; vision of
Index
certaintyPayn al-yaqin, xl, 45, 47; Sunna, 79, 8o

vision of God's Face, 30, 32, 49 weakness, 68, 87
Von Kremer, Alfred, xvi will (irada), 38-9, 45, 46; it is the awak-
ening of the heart to the quest for
wanda, see Oneness the Truth, 39; a state of absolute
wabidiyya, see Unicity certainty, 38
wahy, see revelation wird, see litany
walaya, see sainthood witnessing (mushahada),xxxiii, xxxviii,
walking on the straight Path: Anda- 3o, 45, 46, 48; after death, 34; be-
lusian debate, xxxviii, 80-1, 9o, wildered by the light of, 33; death,
91-2, 94, 97, 103; books, guidance 33, 34; definition, 31; Divine
from, 90, 91-2, 94, 102; curing Names, 67; 'Do not seek witness-
and healing the character traits of, ing...', 34, 44; extinction, 31; first
36-7, 39-40, 49, 73, 91; easing the step towards, 33; heart, 46; Here-
way of the wayfarer to his Lord, after, 44; light of witnessing/Wir
39, 53; felicity, 7o; going straight al-mushahada, 48; the most perfect
is arduous, 36, 37; heart, 41-2; knowledge of God, 32; Prophets,
an individual obligation, 38, 92; 57; Sufi, 32-3; truth of certainty,
inspired knowledge, 42; Law, 8o, 47; union with God, 47; see also
102; Prophets, 49, 93 (character Self-disclosure; spiritual struggle
traits of, 73, 91, 103, 107); Qur'an, (third); unveiling
36, 38, 40, 49, 86-1 (character traits women, 39, 40, 52
of 40, 73, 91, 93, I07); shaykh, need word, 57, 77; cibra/spoken word, xxx;
for, 73, 81; soul as guide on the qa//spoken word, xl; recorded
straight path, 8, 36-7, 39-40, 49, 73, word, xxx-xxxi; spiritual realities
91; struggle for, xxxviii, 36-40, 45, go beyond limits of conventional
47, 49, 51, 56, 70, 77, 91; Sunna, 4o, language, xxx, 28, 68, 78, Sr, 90,
73; third spiritual struggle, 41, 44, 9 94, 97; technical word,
347
54, 56; unveiling, 41-2, 44, 54; see xxx, 97
also path/straight path World of Divine Command (alam al-
al-Wansharisi, Ahmed, ix; .A./-Mryar, ix arm), zo, 22
ward, see moral care World of Spiritual Entities (à/am al-
Wardi, Ali, xvi ruhaniyyat), 22
al-Wasiti, Abu Bakr Muhammad, 41 worship (ìrada), 3, 5, II; God-wariness,
wayfaring (sulak), xxxix, 7o; dangers 4o; intention, Jo; Qur'an, 22;
of, 84, 87, 88, io6, ro7; gradual seeker attracted by God, io9;
wayfaring/sulak wa-tadarruj, 71; standardization of outward wor-
meanings dealing with the core of, ship, to; station of faith, 15; three
77-8; method of spiritual travel- levels of, 15; wisdom and, 26; `to
ling varies with each wayfarer, 87, worship to know', 22; see
89, 91; mystical wayfaring, xxx, also prayer
xxxiii, xl, 88-9; Qur'an, 79, 86; wretchedness, 7, 10, 20, 21
yaqin, see certainty zandaqa, see heresy

al-Yusi, 'Abd xxviii zann, see opinion
al-Yusi, al-tiasan b. Masc rid, xxvi, Zarruq, Ahmad, ix, xxvi
xxviii zdwiya (Sufi lodge), xii, xiv, xviii, 43
Zaydan, 'Abd al-Rahman, xxviii
al-zahir, see the outward al-Zubaycla Abu 'Abd Allah, xvii
al-Zahir Sayf al-Din Barquq, Sultan, zuhd, see asceticism; renunciation
xxiii, xxiv zuhar, see manifestation
Zanadiqa, 87-8
T7?

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IBN KHALDUN ON SUFISM:

REMEDY FOR THE QUESTIONER IN

Translated by Yumna Ozer

THE ISLAMIC TEXTS SOCIETY

This first edition published 2057 by

British Library Cataloguing-in-Publication Data.

ISBN: 978 1911141 28 0 paper

All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced,

The Islamic Texts Society has no responsibility for the persistence

Cover design copyright © The Islamic Texts Society

CHAPTER ONE: On the Way of the Sufis, Its General Examination

CHAPTER TWO: On the Aspirations of the Sufis Towards Spiritual

CHAPTER FOUR: On How the Later Sufis Transposed the Name

CHAPTER FIVE: On the Shaykh and When His Presence Is

CHAPTER SIX: Arbitration between the Two Debaters:

CONCLUSION AND ASCERTAINMENT 109

One of the issues handled by Ibn Khaldim in Skiff li-tandhib

i. A Sufi Debate and the Origins of the

ii. Historical Overview

the leading 6th/12th century mystics, in particular Ibn Barrajan (d.

life in the Maghrib or to suppress the influence of Ghazali and the

never entering into direct conflict with the Marinid authorities.° It

Mamluko dynasties and the rapid turnover and corruption of the

778/1377), who visited Cairo in 726/1326, tells us that the Egyptian

in. Sufism in the Life of Ibn Khaldun

To give here an exhaustive list of all of Ibn Khaldun's reviewers in

author's elementary education, namely the reading of the Qur'an,

deteriorated, the Spanish kingdoms surrendered to the Christian

to Ibrahim b. al-Adham (d. 159/776), prince of Balkh, who was

C. SA ID AL-SU ADA IN THE MASHRIQ

Barqiiq was dethroned and Ibn Khaldun was forced to resign.m3 We

iv. The Shifa', a Manuscript on Sufism

guide, and in spite of the rather generalized recognition of moderate

manuscripts (our Ms.B) had belonged to a well-known Moroccan

shaykh Ibn Sabin. He explains that Ibn Khaldun referred to them as

Ibn Khaldfin admits having borrowed several passages from his

referred to as Ms.C); it was copied in m75/1664 in Morocco and

The third more recent edition, edited by Muhammad Mutf al-Flafiz

are out of sight or physically distant, or to persons who live later

v. Ibn Khaldun's Understanding of Sufism

Already by the fourth/tenth century, Ali b. Ahmad al-Bushanji

grammar, law, medicine or any other science, can be mastered from

change in the nature of the wayfarers: `I do not know which of the

Ibn Khaldun views the question of teaching or guiding in terms

of which is the heart. In all this, Ibn Khaldun was an 'intellectual

Note on Chapter headings and Sub-headings

In the Name of God, Most Compassionate and Merciful

promised rewards are secured to the supporters of His religion and

On the Way of the Sufis, Its General Examination and

The Individual's Legal Obligations Prescribed by the

God Created Instincts and Forces within the Heart

This means that God (may He be glorified) has created instincts

Intention Is the Principle of All Actions

to free choice, since it is governed by it and operates under its author-

Those Who Value Actions Stemming from the

When the Companions (may God be pleased with them) passed

Then an era of calamitous innovative beliefs followed. The

The Law Is Divided into Two Branches

In the period after the Followers of the Followers, the knowledge of