Tilly Collective Violence
Tilly Collective Violence
Tilly Collective Violence
COLLECTIVE VIOLENCE
IN EUROPEAN PERSPECTIVE
Charles Tilly
University of Michigan
June 1978
...........................
s t i f l e d u n i v e r s a l i n s t i n c t of a g g r e s s i o n t o account f o r t h e b u r s t i n g o u t of
v i o l e n c e h a s flowed r e g u l a r l y o u t of t h e c c n t r a l p o l i t i c a l p r o c e s s e s of western
c o n t i n u a l l y engaged i n c o l l e c t i v e v i o l e n c e a s p a r t of t h e l r s t r u g g l e s . Tl~e
industries. For t h e s e r e a s o n s , t h e c h a r a c t e r o f c o l l e c t i v e v i o l e n c e a t a g i v e n
Rantnm Books).
few people h a l l m a l a r i a , smog o r t r a f f i c jams. Europeans of o t h e r cen-
up f o r a l l t h e i r c o l l e a g u e s :
t u r i e s o f t e n d e s t r o y e d c h i l d r e n t h e y could n o t p r o v i d e f o r . Now i n f a n t i -
s u r e under which p e o p l e used t o l i v e i n w e s t e r n c o u n t r i e s . I t may even history. The upper c l a s s e s have t o l d u s what t h e poor ought
t h e West today. In s s i m i l a r way. b o t h t h e p e r s i s t e n c e of t h e phenomenon and p o l i t i c a l economy were ready w i t h a l l e v i a t i o ~ r sand ex-
g r i e v a n c e s i n v i o l e n t ways. "To t h e h i s t o r i a n s e y e s , " s a y s Marc Bloch. of p r o t e s t i n some sudden upheaval, s o t h i s world of: men and
ist e n t e r p r i ~ e . " ~The c h i e f moments a t which o r d i n a r y people appeared un- a c t e r of i t s own, and i t i s o n l y by some v o l c a n i c s u r p r i e c
1753, when the Government had decided to grant the right of Now we look back to England as a country which solved its internal prob-
hod yielded and repealed the statute. ... In 1768 there During the American rail strike of 1911,
That "right of resistance" was, in fact, a part of the English legal tra- civil government in sections of Misois~ippi. ... For two
dition the American colonists insisted on in the very act of separating successive nights hordes swarmed through the streets of Cen-
themselves from the mother country, and emphasized in their writings about tral City, Kentucky. They set upon men in milroad cors and
or the French Revolution, or the multiple revolutions of 1848, or the of mobbings, stonings, gun battles, and killing^.^
American Civil War. Western history since 1800 is violent history, full
Following the sacred ritual of such conflicts, the governor of Mississippi
enough of revolutions, coups, and civil wars, but absolutely stuffed with
declared martial law and blamed his state's troubles on "foreign agitators."
conflict on a smaller scale.
Then it was the Americans' turn to speak of revolution. Only comfortable
The odd thing is how fast we forget. When Lincoln Steffens visited
hindsight permits us to congratulate ourselves on our peaceful resolutions
London in 1910, he found distinguished members of Parliament convinced
of violence.
that England was on the brink of revolution as a result of the angry
Few French people recall that as recently as the end oE 1949 revolu-
strikes of that time. The strikes nod the talk of revolution spread
tionary committees blew up trains and seized control of railroad stations.
through Great Britain during the next few years. In prickly Ireland--still
post offices, city halls, andotherpublic buildings in a dozen major French
c i t i e s , i n c l u d i n g M n r s e i l l e , Grenoble, Nice and S t . Etienne. Then t h e livelihood, t h e day when t h e lleadley workhousc wee thrown down
newspapers screamed " r e v o l u t i o n " i n f e a r o r j u b i l a t i o n . Now November and would be remembered by t h e poor a s t h e day o f t h e t a k i n g of
t o l , and t h e burning of Nottingham C a s t l e ; few know of t h e l i k e l y comes from t h e f a c t t h a t i n Spnin and France tile p r o t e s t e r s somc-
t o r y ; t h e y were t h e w i l d s h o u t of power. I f t h e r i s i n g of and y e t change i n fundnmental ways, w h i l e Spanish regimes snapped and
had a good d e a l i n common. There have been l a r g e d i f f e r e n c e s i n t h e ways more d i s o r g a n i z e d t h a n t h e r e s t of t h e p o p u l a t i o n , t h a t murder is about a s
experience suggest a standard cycle: a relatively integrated traditional Even presumably n o n - p o l i t i c a l Forms of c o l l e c t i v e v i o l e n c e l i k e t h e o n t l -
s o c l e t y h e l d t o g e t h e r by w i d e s p r e a d , g e n e r a l l y p a c i f i c p o l i t i c a l p a r t i c i p a t i o n p e a c e f u l a t t e m p t s by t h e same p e o p l e t o accomplish t h e i r o b j e c t i v e s .
of s o c i a l change. It r e a p p e a r s almost e v e r y time o r d i n a r y Americans (and, f o r vary g r e a t l y depending on whether t h e major p o l i t i c a l change g o i n g on i s
s h a p i n g of t h e a v a i l a b l e means of c o e r c i o n . I n t h e s h o r t r u n , t h e growth
2. by f a c i l i t a t i n g t h e formation of s p e c i a l - i n t e r e s t n s s o c i n t i o n s
of l a r g e c i t i e s and r a p i d m i g r a t i o n from r u r a l t o urban a r e a s i n w e s t e r n
( n o t a b l y t h e union and t h e p a r t y ) i n c o r p o r a t i n g many p e o p l e and
Europe probably a c t e d a s a damper on v i o l e n t p r o t e s t , r a t h e r t h a n a s p u r
c a p a b l e of i n f o r m i n g , m o b i l i z i n g and d e p l o y i n g them r e l a t i v c l y f a s t
to it. That i s s o f o r two r e a s o n s :
and e f f i c i e n t l y ;
relatives. These t h i n g s a r e a t l e a s t a s t r u e of E u r o p e a n c i t i e s .
T h i s is t h e custom of o u r time: i n s t e a d of otudying t h e o r i g i n s
I n t h e l o n g run, however, u r b a n i z a t i o n d e e p l y shaped t h e c o n d i t i o n s
of a c o l l e c t i v e e v e n t , and t h e r e a s o n s Eor i t s s p r e a d . . . they
under wlllch t h e new g r o u p s fought f o r p o l i t i c a l membership. and urbanizo-
i s o l a t e t h e p r o t a g o n i s t and l i m i t themselves t o d o i n g a biog-
t i o n ' s secondary e f f e c t s i n t h e c o u n t r y s i d e s t i r r e d a v a r i e t y of p r o t e s t s .
raphy of p a t h o l o g y , t o o o f t e n concerning themselves w i t h un-
The move t o t h e c i t y helped t r a n s f o r m t h e c h a r a c t e r of c o l l e c t i v e v i o l e n c e
a s c e r t a i n e d m o t i v e s , o r i n t e r p r e t i n g tllcm i n t h e wrong way; f o r
i n a t l e a s t t h r e e ways:
a s o c i a l e l i t e t h e f e a t u r e s of s u b o r d i n a t e groups alwnys d i s -
p l a y i n g something b a r b a r i c and p a t h o l o g l c n l . ,
v l o l e n c c have dwindled v e r y s l o w l y , b u t v e r y s t e a d i l y . Now t h e y o c c u r o n l y
r a r e l y , o n l y a t t h e m a r g i n s of o r g a n i z e d p o l i t i c s .
o v e r t h e modern p e r i o d .
-
W i t h o u t t o o much s h o v i n g , we c a n p l a c e t h e f o m s
of a n o t h e r l a r g e s h i f t i n t h e form a n d l o c u s of c o l l e c t i v e v i o l e n c e , f o r t h e
e x i s t i n g d i s t r i b u t i o n o f ppwer and w e a l t h , a n d i t s f r e q u e n t o r i g i n i n t h e
a s t o t a k e him p e r s o n a l l y o u t o f r a n g e of a n e f f e c t u a l a u r v e i l l a n c e by
t o f o r m e r l y ungoverned a r e a s . ) P r i m i t i v e forms of k o l l e c t i v e v i o l e n c e
one neighborhood i n e n f o r c i n g e x a c t i o n s from a n o t h e r , and t h e r o y a l power
share several features: s m l l s c a l e , l o c a l s c o p e , p a r t i c i p a t i o n by memhers
would t h e n p r e s e n t l y f i n d no o t h e r o b s t a c l e t o i t s c o n t i n u e d growth than
c e n t u r y r e b e l l i o n s i n France. The v e n d e t t a and t h e b a n d i t r a i d , t o o , took J u s t a s t o d a y ' s lumbermen o r s a i l o r s on a weekend w l l l nuu and then t e a r up
on s d e g r e e of p o l i t i c a l s i g n i f i c a n c e i n t i m e s of n a t i o n a l c r i s i s . . a b a r o u t of s h e e r boredom, f r u s t r a t i o n , o r h i g h s p i r i t s , t h e workmen of
S t u d e n t s , a n d e v e n s c h o o l b o y s , d i s p l a y e d some of t h e same v i o l e n t
The compagnons du Devoir, c a l l e d tk?vorans, f o l l o w i n g an a l t e r -
propensities. A t t h e J e s u i t c o l l e g e of Ln F l b c h e , d u r i n g t h e c e r n i v s l days
c a t i o n on t h e p r e v i o u s day and a c h a l l e n g e by l e t t e r t o f i g h t
of 1646, t h e boys d e c l a r e d t h e y had been d i s h o n o r e d by t h e p u b l i c f l o g g l n g
t h e compagnons d e L i b c r t d , c a l l e d Gavots, i n t h e open c o u n t r y ,
c e n t u r y a r e t h e most important c a s e , b u t a g r i c u l t u r a l d a y - l a b o r e r s a n d
l o c a l r e a c t i o n t o m i s e r y , the food r i o t r e c o r d e d t h e u r b a n l z a t l o n and
p e t t y n o b l e s f a c e d some of t h e same problems.
c e n t r n l i z a t1o11 of European n a t i o n - s t a t e s .
The r u r a l u n r c s t o f England d u r l n g the e a r l y n i n e t e e n t h c e n i u r y f a l l s
T l ~ cfood r l o L had companions. The a n t i - c o n s c r i p t i o n r e b e l l Lon, t h e
i n t o t h i s general paLtern. I n a d d l t i o n t o r e c u r r e n t food r i o t s , t h e E n g l i s h
r c s l s t a n c e t o t h e t a x c o l l e c t o r , t h e v i o l e n t o c c u p a t i o n of f i e l d s and
c o u n t r y s i d e produced movements of p r o t e s t i n 1816, 1822, 1830, 1834-35, and
f o r e s t s , t h e b r e a k i n g of r e a p e r s o r power looms a l l had many of t h e same
1843-44, w i t h t h e 1830 r e b e l l i o n c o v e r i n g much of s o u t h e a s t e r n England.
clrorocteristlcs. Although they o f t e n a p p e a r e d i n bunches, e a c h of t h e
Durlng t h e e v e n t s of 1830, t h e v i l l a g e r e b e l s c o n c e n t r a t e d a n t h r e e s o r t s
e v e n t s was more o r l e s s l o c a l and s e l f - c o n t n i n e d . I n s t e a d o f p i t t i n g one
of a c t i o n : ( 1 ) l e v y i n g a o n c e - t r a d i t i o n a l c o n t r i b u t i o n of b e e r o r money on
comnunal group a g a i n s t a n o t h e r , they s t o o d a s i g n i f i c a n t segment of t h e
t h e l o c a l r i c h ; ( 2 ) imposing a wage a g r e e m e n t on t h e employers of day-
p o p u l a t i o n a g a l n s t t h e l o c a l e l i t e o r t h e r e p r e s e n t a t i v e s of t h e c e n t r a l l a b o r e r s ; ( 3 ) d e s t r o y i n g new farm m a c h i n e r y , e s p e c i a l l y t h r e s h e r s . For
power. ("When t h e French p e a s a n t p a i n t s t h e d e v i l , " s a i d K a r l Marx i n 1850,
t h o s e who r e s i s t e d , tlre crowds r e s e r v e d p e r s o n a l a t t a c k s , t h e t e a r i n g down
"he p a i n t s him i n t h e g u i s e of the t a x c o l l e c t o r . " ) 1 8 The o r g a n i z a t i o n of
of b u i l d i n g s , a n d t h e b u r n i n g of h a y r i c k s . During one of t h e l a r g e r o u t -
t h e formotions taking p a r t was,rudimentary. I t was e s s e n t i a l l y t h e o r g a n i -
breaks, i n Wiltshire,
z a t i o n of everyday l i f e : u s e r s of a common m r k e t , a r t i s a n s of t h e same
The mob d e s t r o y e d v a r i o u s t h r e s h i n g machines of Mr. B e n n e t t ' s
s h o p , a s i n g l e commune's d r a f t - a g e boys, and s o on. Because o f t h i s t i e
farms, and r e f u s e d t o d i s p e r s e ; a t l a s t , a f t e r n good d e n l of
w i t h everyday g r o u p i n g s , t h o s e who took p e r t o f t e n i n c l u d e d women. c h i l d r e n ,
s h a r p laoguage from Mr. B e n n e t t , t h e y threw s t o n e s n t him.
a n d o l d people. The p a r t i c i p a n t s were e i t h e r r e s i s t i n g some new demand
At t h e same time a t r o o p of yeomanry from Hindon cnme np ond
( t a x e s , c o n s c r i p t i o n ) l a i d on them by o u t s i d e r s , p r o t e s t i n g a g a i n s t what
r e c e i v e d o r d e r s t o f i r e blank c a r t r i d g e s above t h e heads of
t h e y viewed a s a d e p r i v a t i o n o f t h e i r t r a d i t i o n a l r i g h t s ( t h e p r o h i b i t i o n
tlre mob. T h i s o n l y produced l a u g h t e r ; t h e yeomanry t h e n bc-
of g l e a n i n g i n f i e l d s ' a n d f o r e s t s , t h e i n t r o d u c t i o n of m a c h i n e r y ) , o r b o t h .
gan t o c h a r g e ; t h e mob t o o k s h e l t e r i n t h e p l n n t a t i o n s round
A l l of them, i n one way o r a n o t h e r , amounted t o a c t i o n a g a i n s t t h e f o r c i b l e
I Pyt House and s t o n e d t h e yeomanry, who r e p l l e d by a f i e r c e
i n t e g r a t i o n o f l o c a l g r o u p i n g s i n t o t h e n a t i o n a l economy a n d t h e n a t i o n a l
o n s l a u g h t , s h o o t i n g one mnn dead on t h e s p o t , wounding s i x by
state. I believe--but t h i s i s a hunch f o r which l i t t l e e v i d e n c e i s y e t
c u t t i n g o f f Clngers and opening s k u l l s , and t a k i n g n g r c n t
a v a i l a b l e - - t h o t a l l the r e a c t i o n a r y forms of c o l l e c t i v e v i o l e n c e w i l l t u r n
number of p r i s o n e r s . 1 9
o u t t o have had a n e x t r a o r d i n a r y a p p e a l f o r j u s t t h o s e segments of t h e
s t i l l e d a s a l u t a r y f e a r i n t h e r u r a l g e n t r y and farm owners."tO Of c o u r s e , L u d d i t e s , and most of t h e European machine-breakers, knew what t h e y were
t h e a c t i o n s of 1830 had a l o g i c p o o r l y conveyed by words l i k e " r i o t " and Risorgimento h a s t h i s r e a c t i o n a r y c h a r a c t e r . During t h e 1850s t h e r e were
The same may be s a i d of t h e handloom weavers, whose nineteenth-cen- modern v a r i e t y i n c i t i e s l i k e Milan, L i v o r n o , a n d Cenoa. But most of t h e
Ned Ludd, t h e m y t h i c a l enemy of shearing-frames and power-looms, who i n a s a means o f demanding t h e i r distribution i n c o m p e n s a t i o n f o r l o s t r i g h t s
1811 and 1812 i s s u e d t h r e a t s and m a n i f e s t o s from h i s r e t r e a t i n herw wood i n the comons. Even a s C a r i b l d i marchad up t h e p e n i n s u l a on h i s way t o
F o r e s t , had much i n common w i t h C a p t a i n Swing, t h e e q u d l l y m y t h i c a l l e a d e r u n i f y i n g I t a l y , S i c i l i a n s were a t t a c k i n g t a x c o l l e c t o r s and occupying t h e
i n whose name t h e a g r a r i a n r e b e l s of 1830 w r o t e t h e i r warnings. Here i s a commons. A t t i m e s , v i l l a g e r s i n t h e South s h o u t e d "Down w i t h t h e C o n s t i -
World War, t h e 1940s ,and 1950s brought l i t t l e change i n t h i s r e s p e c t . i n between "massacres," B r i s t o l c o n f l a g r a t i o n s , and a l l t h e u g l y s i g h t s and rumours
v i o l e n c e took p l a c e . Even i n tlie mid-nineteenth c e n t u r y , a growing m i n o r i t y of wrongly) t h a t " t h e masses" were t h e i r n a t u r a l enemies, and t h a t t h e y
c o n f l i c t s involved more complex and d u r a b l e o r g a n i z a t i o n , more e x p l i c i t and i might have t o f i g h t , any y e a r . o r any d a y , f o r t h e s a f e t y of t h e i r p r o p e r t y
i
f a r - r e a c h i n g o b j e c t i v e s , a forward-looking p e r s p e c t i v e . A f t e r 1848, t h e s e v e r y , and t h e honour of t h e i r s i s t e r s .
23
r a p i d l y became t h e p r e v a i l i n g c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of t h e e v e n t s producing c o l l e c t i v e K i n g s l e y ' s pronouncement i s bad h i s t o r y and worse e x p l a n a t i o n . But i t s t a t e s
f e a r of tlie masses and o r g a n i z e d a whole s e t of new means f o r m a i n t a i n g p u b l i c e q u a t e t h e "working c l a s s e s " w i t h t h e "dangerous c l a s s e s " and a r g u e t h n t
order. The e l i t e f e a r e d t h e o r d i n a r y p e o p l e of c o u n t r y and c i t y a l i k e , a l t h o u g h m i s e r y , c r i m e , p e r s o n a l d i s o r g a n i z a t i o n and r e b e l l i o n s p r a n g Crom npproximately
themselves s p e n t most o f t h e i r time. I t was t r u e i n England. Looking back The c a u s e s were t h e breakdown of t r a d i t i o n a l s o c i a l arrangements, t h e d e s p e r a t i o n
Crom t h e 18608, n o v e l i s t and pamphleteer C h a r l e s Kingsley wrote: brought on by extreme p o v e r t y , and t h e d e m o r a l i z i n g o v e r p o p u l a t i o n o f t h e
r e l a t i o n between t h e E n g l i s h g e n t r y and t h e l a b o u r e r s seems t o have A llnlql~e e s s a y c o n t e s t run hy King Maxinil ion of nnvnrin i n 1848 pro-
been more c o r d i a l and wholesome t h e n i n any o t h e r c o u n t r y of Europe. duced hundreds o f [ e a r f u l s t a t e m e n t s from m i d d l e - c l a s s Germans c o n c e r n i n g t h e
But w i t h t h e French Revolution came a change f o r t h e worse. The Revolution r i s e of o v e r p o p u l a t i o n , mechanization, and i m m ~ r n l i t y . ~It~ m a t t e r s l i t t l e Lhnt
t e r r j f i e d t o o many of t h e upper, and e x c i t e d t o o many of t h e lower c l a s s e s ; many of t h e a n a l y s e s ( f o r example, t h o s e a t t r i b u t i n g t h e growth of t h e ~ ~ r b o n
and t h e s t e r n Tory system of r e p r e s s i o n , w i t h its bad h a b i t of t a l k i n g p o p u l a t i o n t o t h e i n c r e a s e i n i l l e g i t i m a c y ) were w i l d l y mistaken. The Fear
nrid a c t i n g a s i f " t h e government" and " t h e pcople" were n e c e s s a r i l y i n was t h e r e . And i n France:
On t h e b o u r g e o i s o p i n i o n of t h e t i m e , we c a n t a k e t h e work of r e l i e v e t h e m i l i t a r y o f a p r e s s u r e which was i n t h e h i g h e s t d e g r e e incon-
Balzac a s t h e most remarkable p i e c e of evidence. above a l l be- v e n i e n t and i n j ~ r i o u s . " ~ ~
c a u s e i t b e a r s t h e marks of t h e s e two f a c t s : on t h e one hand European p o l i c e f o r c e s of t h e p e r i o d a c q u i r e d g r e a t p o l i t i c a l
t h e b l e n d i n g of t h e working c l a s s e s and t h e dangerous c l a f i s e s , importance, n o t o n l y a s a g e n t s of crowd c o n t r o l , b u t a l s o a s t h e o r g a n i z e r s
t h e p r o l e t a r i a t and t h e underworld, misery and c r i m e ; on t h e of p o l i t l c a l e s p i o n a g e v i a networks of s p i e s and i n f o r m e r s . Their reorganl-
o t h e r hand, t h e d i v i s i o n between two c a t e g o r i e s of t h e popu- z a t i o n throughout Europe i n t h e e a r l y n i n e t e e n t h c e n t u r y m r k e d a v i c t o r y
l a t i o n , t h a t d a i l y s e t t l e m e n t of d i f f e r e n c e s of which c r i m i - of t h e n a t i o n a l o v e r t h e l o c a l , a n a t i o n a l i z a t i o n of r e p r e s s i v e f o r c e s . As
n a l i t y is an e x p r e s s i o n , and t h a t s p o r a d i c s e t t l e m e n t of d i f - Akan S i l v e r s a y s , "The p o l i c e p e n e t r a t i o n of c i v i l s o c i e t y . . . lay not
f e r e n c e s of which r i o t s and r e v o l u t i o n a r e t h e e s p r e s a i o n . 25 o n l y i n i t s narrow a p p l i c a t i o n t o c r i m e a n d v l o l e n c e . In a broader s e n s e ,
i t r e p r e s e n t e d t h e p e n e t r a t i o n and c o n t i n u a l p r e s e n c e of c e n t r a l p o l i t i c a l
I n response, some French, Germans, and E n g l i s h o r g a n i z e d i n q u i r i e s i n t o pov-
a u t h o r i t y throughout d a i l y life."27 Although t h e new p o l i c e f o r c e s by no
c r t y : o t l ~ e r so r g a n i z e d p o l i c e f o r c e s .
means succeeded i n e limina Ling c o l l e c t i v e o r i n d i v i d u a l v i o l e n c e ,from
For s e v e r a l c e n t u r i e s b e f o r e t h i s t i m e , t h e c e n t r a l t a s k of t h e
everyday l i f e , t h e y d i d s p e e d t h e d e c l i n e of t h e o l d e r forms of p r o t e s t .
European p o l i c e had heen c o n t r o l of t h e g r a i n t r a d e , m a r k e t s , a n d , by
By matching more complex and s p e c i a l i z e d o r g a n i z a t i o n of r e p r e s s i o n t o t h e
extension, public assemblies. The n o t i o n of a p r o f e s s i o n a l o r g a n i z a t i o n
more complex and s p e c i a l i z e d o r g a n i z a t i o n of the newer forms of p r o t e s t ,
devoted mainly t o t h e d e t e c t i o n and a p p r e h e n s i o n of c r i m i n a l s t o o k h o l d i n
they probably even e a r n e d some of t h e i r r e p u t a t i o n f o r s t a v i n g o f f
the nincteenth century. nut before t h a t professionalism developed, t h e
Modern C o l l e c t i v e Violence
l a r g e l y a s a means o f d e a l i n g w i t h t h e new t h r e a t s from " t h e masses." The
t e n d e n t i o u s term) i n v o l v e s p c c i a l i z e d a s s o c i a t i o n s w i t h r e l a t i v e l y we1 l -
which had been f a i r l y w e l l matched t o t h e p r i m i t i v e a n d r e a c t i o n a r y forms
d e f i n e d o b J e c t % v e s , o r g a n i z e d f o r p o l i t l c a l o r economi'c a c t i o n . Such
of c o l l c c t i v e v l o l e n c e : the local m i l i t i a s , part-time constabularies,
disturbances can e a s i l y reach a l a r g e s c a l e . Even more c l e a r l y Lhan In
t h e p e r s o n a l employees of J u s t i c e s of t h e peace. S i r Robert P e e l ' s organi-
t h e c a s e of r e a c t i o n a r y c o l l e c t i v e v i o l e n c e . they have a tendency t o d e v e l o p
z a t i o n of t h e London m e t r o p o l i t a n p o l i c e i n 1829 (which i m m o r t a l i z e d him by
from c o l l e c t i v e a c t l o n s which o f f e r a show o f f o r c e b u t a r e n o t i n t r i n s i -
t r a n s f e r r i n g h i s nickname "Bobby" t o t h e p o l i c e o f f i c e r s t h e m s e l v e s ) had t h e
C h a r t i s t d i s t u r b a n c e s of t h a t y e a r a n d , i n p a r t i c u l a r , by t h e d e s i r e t o
z a t i o n a l complexity b u t a l s o because t h e p a r t i c i p a n t s commonly r e g a r d them- During t h e widespread C h a r t i s t a g i t a t i o n of t h e f o l l o w i n g two d c c a d e s
t h e i r own f a i r l y e a r l y . J o s e p h Hamburger, whose g e n e r a l purpose is t o confronted the Queen's s o l d i e r s . While once i n a g r e a t w h i l e a member of
r e f u t e t h e n o t i o n t h a t England came c l o s e t o r e v o l u t i o n b e f o r e t h e 1832 t h e crowd f i r e d a t t h e t r o o p s , t h e i r u s u a l t a c t i c was t o s t o n e them: "At
I t does n o t s a y , ' u n l e s s you have a uniform o n . ' metal-working p l a n t s , o f A l s a c e i n J u l y , 1870, w i t h Rome 20,000 w o r k e r s o u t
a n d f a i l u r e ; a n d some ( l i k e p a c i f i s m ) f a i l e d u t t e r l y . England s u r v i v e d .
Then t h e d e m o n s t r a t i o n s grew. In a number of towns. t h e s t r i k e r s k e p t t h e
But t h e e s s e n t i a l p o i n t is t h a t t h e c h a r a c t e r i s t i c forms o f c o l l e c t i v e
n o n s t r i k e r s o u t by f o r c e . E v e n t u a l l y t h e t r o o p s came i n , and t h e minor v i o -
v i o l e n c c accompany in^ t h o s e movements d i f f e r e d fundamentnlly from t h o s e
l e n c e ended. T o t a l : a few i n j u r i e s , a l i t t l e p r o p e r t y damage, perhaps 70
which had p r e v a i l e d a c e n t u r y b e f o r e .
arrests.
The r i s e of t h e s t r i k e a s a c o n t e x t f o r c o l l e c t i v e v i o l e n c e f o l l o w e d
Not all strikes were so peaceful, however. During the same period, unions, the structure of industry, and the relations of labor management and
a number of mining strikes involved pitched battles between troops and demon- government all evolved. France's peak years for strike activity--1906. 1919-
strators. In the course of a strike of 15,000 miners around St. Etienne in 20, 1936, 1947, 1968--have all been years of great soclnl conflict in other
June. 1869, the troops killed 13 and wounded another 9 members of a crowd regards as well. Each of those crises marked a new stage in the scale and
which attacked them; this encounter went down in history as "the massacre of sophistication of conflict.
La ~icamarie." At Aubin (Aveyron), later in the year, the troops shot 30 to The Tranaitiun t o W a r n Collective Violence
40 strikers trying to break into a metal-working plant. and managed to kill Unlike t h e food r i o t o r the o c c u p a ~ i m i , a l l t h i s i s t e r r l b l y familiar
14 of them on the spot. The point is not that people sometimes died in the s t u f f t o the twentieth-century reader. ln it he sees the collective violence
course of these conflicts. It is that both the strikes involving trivial of h i s o m era. The only reason f o r rwieving it is t o notice the deep
domagc and those involving loss of life took essentially the same form. differences i n character awn8 the primitive, reactionary and w d e m form.
The tremendous Paris Commune of 1871 broke the continuity of modern They lend importancm t o the f a c t t h a t s o many western countriea shifted
collective violence to some extent. Its organization greatly resembled that from one type t o another rppidly and decisively.
of earlier Parisian rebellions, and its leitmotifs--local control, communal The nature, timing and cauaeo o f these s h i f t o from one najor 'type of
. . . .
autonomy, equolizstion of advantages--went against the prevailing nntional- c o l l e c t i v e violence t o enother a r e complicated, cuntroverelel, and verinble
, .
ization of political conflict and the formation of special-interest associa- from one country t o another. Just a e complicated, cmtroversinl and variable,
tions. But the break occurred as the Prussians marched through northern i n f a c t , a s the p o l i t i c a l h i s t o r i e s of European m t i o ~ . The transformations
'
France, as the government fled, as the rest of the nation, in effect, seceded of c o l l e c t i v e violence depended on transformations of no&iolent p o l i t i c a l
from Paris. The break was short. With Paris tamed and the national govern- life. Rather d i f f e r e n t p o l i t i c a l s y s t e m emerged i n d i f f e r e n t corners of
ment reinstalled, French people returned quickly to the modern forms of vio- Europe: communiet, ' s o c i a l i s t , liberaldemocratic, corporatist. &ch had
Later on strlkes grew in amplitude and frequency. As they spread, they two thing. happened, and profoundly affected the cliaractar of violent protest.
1.
' became increasingly common contexts for collective violence. even though a de- The f i r s t vna the victory'of the national a t a t e w a r r i v a l povero i n
creasing proportion of all strikes were violent. After 1890, a number of toma, provinces and eatetes; p o l i t i c o netionalized. h e second was the
strikes took on an insurrectionary cliarncter, with both the doctrine and the proliferation and r i s e t o p o l i t i c a l promhence of complex apccial-purpose
practice of the general strike growing in importance. (It was at just this associatione l i k e parties, firms, unions, clubs and c r i m i ~ syndicates.
l
time that Georges Sorcl, in his famous Reflections on Violence, placed the The tw trends generally reinforced each othcr. In aomo countries, however,
"myth of the general strike" at the center of revolutionary action.) And the the a t a t e gained power f a s t e r and e a r l i e r than the organiratiunal change,
character of strike activity continued to change as the structure of labor occurred; Russia and ' ~ r a n c ea r e caseo i n point. In othere, the organicatioml
r e v o l u t i o n came much c l o s e r t o t h e n a t i o n a l i z a t i o n of p o l i t i c s ; Germany and t a n t s h i f t o f t h e t a s k of r e p r e s s i o n from m i l i t a r y f o r c e s t o p o l i c e . "Natu-
Italy f i t that pattern. In e i t h e r c a s e , t h e t i m e s of o v e r l a p of t h e two r a l " groups l i k e u s e r s of t h e same market (who were t y p i c a l p a r t i c i p a n t s i n
i n France d u r i n g t h e t h r e e d e c a d e s from 1830 t o 1860 and t h r e e l a t e r decades i n collective violence. J u s t a s i n d u s t r y s h i f t e d i t s weight from t h e s m a l l
from 1930 t o 1960.33 The r e p r e s e n t a t i v e s e t of c o n f l i c t s i n c l u d e s 1.265 shop t o t h e l a r g e f a c t o r y and p o p u l a t i o n rushed from l i t t l e town t o b i g c i t y ,
t i v e violence). The d i s t r i b u t i o n o v e r time a p p e a r s i n Tnble 1. Tlie f i g u r e s w i t h i n which people used t o l i v e most of t h e i r l i v e s toward t h e d e l i b e r a t e con-
decodes from 1850 t o 1860 and 1940 t o 1950 produced t h e fewest v i o l e n t e v e n t s ; As a consequence, t h e a v e r a g e s i z e o f i n c i d e n t s went up. Toble 3 pre-
what a c t u a l l y happened i s t h a t d u r i n g two e x t r e m e l y r e p r e s s i v e regimes (follow- s e n t s measures of magnitude f o r t h e 1.265 v i o l e n t e v e n t s i n tlie sample. The
i n g Louis Napoleon's 1851 coup and d u r i n g t h e German o c c u p a t i o n and Vichy gov- - Table 3 about here - -
ernment o f t h e 1940s) t h e r e was almost no open l a r g e - s c a l e v i o l e n c e . I f we f i g u r e s , o f c o u r s e , d e s c r i b e t h e a v e r a g e e v e n t , n o t t h e t o t a l amount of v l o -
were t o omit t h e l a r g e , i f u n s u c c e s s f u l , r e b e l l i o n which g r e e t e d Louis Napo- l e n c e a decade produced. They show a d i s t i n c t r i s e i n tlie a v e r a g e number of
numbers f o r t h e 1930s i n c l u d e t h e f a c t o r y o c c u p a t i o n s of 1936 and 1937. Even t o narrow down t o a s i n g l e day. As t h e burden of r e p r e s s i o n s h i f t e d from t h e
Lion of t h e o r d i n n r y , mlxcd crowd w i t h o u t any well-defined p o l i t i c a l o r eco- though t h e predominant forms of c o l l e c t i v e v i o l e n c e changed i n fundamental
France. France ahead of I t a l y , - 1 t a l y a h e a d of Germany, a n d Germany a h e a d of The extreme example i s t h e c o n t r a s t between: a ) t h e 1840s, w i t h slow urban
England. France i s In t h e wrong p o s i t i o n , and t h e c o n t r a s t m u c h r l e s s than growth p l u s enormous v i o l e n c e and h ) t h e decade n i t e r 1851, w i t h very f a s t
some tendency f o r tht? l a t e c o m e r s ( o r non-comers) t o e x p e r i e n c e g r e a t e r and forming l a r g e numbers of new i n d u s t r i a l workers, tended t o rcmnin q u i e t
tlle C i t y of i'ondon, Old P a r i s . Rouen, o r Lyons."3g The i n f o r m a t i o n a v a i l a b l e t h e i r communities, they were a b l e t o a c t c o l l e c t i v e l y a g a i n s t power looms,
g i n n i n g of t h e n i n e t e e n t h c e n t u r y , t h e towns and c i t i e s of France produced a them i n v a s t , u n f a m i l i a r c o r n u n i t l e a . and gnve them r e l a t i v e l y wCak and
backward a r e a s from time t o time provide men with t h e mean8 of acquiring t h e i r problem a s t h e r e t e n t i o n of s p e c i f i c r i g h t s of which they a r e baing
a speculation. its ovn actions, end thus permits shova of f o r c e without daagge o r bloodshed.
violence. but only over t h e very long run. I f we were t o coneider e x t e r n a l war
a s well aa i n t e r n a l c i v i l disorders, even t h a t timid inference w u l d look Franco. In the heydays of the German and I t a l i a n f o s c l s t s , v i r t u a l l y the
dubious. The acheme implies much m r e d e f i n i t e l y t h a t c o l l e c t i v e violence only violence to occur was a t the hands of government employees.
c l u s t e r s in those h i o t o r i c a l moments when the structure of power i t s e l f is The authorities also have some choice of whether, and with how much
changing decisively--becsuse t h e r e a r e many nev contenders f o r pover, muscle, t o answer p o l i t i c a l challenges and i l l e g a l actions which ore not in-
because several old groups of power-holders a r e losing t h e i r grips, o r
t r i n s i c a l l y violent : banned assemblies, threats of vengeance, wildcat s t r i k e s .
because the locus of pover is a h i f t i n g from Eotmnmity t o nation, from nation
A large proportion of the European events we have been surveying turned vio-
t o international bloc, o r i n e m other d r a s t i c vay. Violence flows from lent a t exactly the moment when the authorities intervened t o stop an i l l e g a l
p o l i t i c s , and m r e preciaely from p o l i t i c a l change.
but nonviolent action. That i s typical of violent s t r i k e s and demonstrations.
The extent of violence depends on p o l i t i c a i n t h e short run a a v e l l . Furthermore, the great bulk of the k i l l i n g and wounding in those samc con-
Violence i s not a a010 performence, but an interaction. It i e an inter- f l i c t s was done by troops or police rather than by insurgents or demonstro-
a c t i o n t h a t p o l i t i c a l a u t h o r i t i e s everywhere seek t o mmopolire, control tors. The demonstrators, on the other hand, did the bulk of the domage t o
o r a t l e a s t contain. Novadays a l m a t a11 ~ ~ l l e c t i v
violence
e on significant property. If we sweep away the confusion brought on by words l i k e "riot."
s c a l e involves t h e p o l i t i c a l a u t h o r i t i e s and t h e i r professional representatives: "mob" or "violence" i t s e l f , a l i t t l e reflection w i l l mnke i t cleor that t h i s
policemen, s o l d i e r s and others. That happens, f i r s t , because t h e a u t h o r i t i e s division of labor between maimers and smashers follows logically from the
mnke it t h e i r businees t o intervene and thus m i n t a i n t h e i r monopoly on t b e very nature of encounters between police ond t h e i r antagonists.
use of force: aecond, bemuse ao much c o l l e c t i v e violence begins with a A l l t h i s means t h a t over t h e ahort rtm the extent, location and
d i r e c t (but not necessarily violent) challenge t o t h e a u t h o r i t i e s themselves. timing of c o l l e c t i v e violence depend heavily on t h e way t h e a u t h o r i t i a
As odd no i t mny occm, authorities have far grcatcr control ovcr thc and t h e i r agents handle t h e challenges offered t o them. Over a loagor':ryn,
short-run extent and timing of collective violence, especially attacks on hwever, t h e kinds of challenge# thoy face and the atrength of those
persons rather than property, than t h e i r challengers do. That i s true challenges depend r a t h e r l i t t l e on t h e i r t a c t i c s of crowd control and c
f o r several reasons. The a u t h o r i t i e s w u a l l y have t h e technological and great deal on t h e vay t h e e n t i r e p o l i t i c a l system apportion# pover and
organizational advantage i n the e f f e c t i v e use of force, vhich gives them a responds t o grievances.
f a i r l y great choice aumng tactic. of prevention, containment and r e t a l i a t i o n . Discussions of these m t t e r s e a s i l y d r i f t i n t o praise and blame,
The l i m i t s on that discretion a r e m r e l i k a l y t o be p o l i t i c a l and moral-- J u s t i f i c a t i o n and condenmation, fixing of responsibility f o r violence.
Can w afford t o show veaknesat Could ve f i r e on wmen and childrent-- I f , when, where and by whom violence should be permitted a r e inescapably
than technical. I f the c r i t e r i o n of success i a simply t h e minimization d i f f i c u l t questions of m r a l and p o l i t i c a l philosopby. review of
of violence, repression o f t e n works. I n recent European experience, feu
all, was the more modest one of sketching social processes lying behind the European experience to the civil disorders of contemporary America. Nntural-
actual occurrence of collective violence in western countries as they have ly, analogies immediately come to mind. Studies of ghetto riots of the 1960s
cxiated over the last century or so. Yet the fact that the analytic and his- produced s picture of the average rioter which much resembles what we know of
torical questions drag us so close to political philosophy underlines my many nineteenth-century urban conflicts: the predominance of young males, the
main conclusions: collective violence is part and parcel of the western polit- over-representation of long-time residents rather than recent migrants. the
ical process, and major changes in its character result from major changes in relative absence of criminals. and so on. But why search for ensy analogies7
the political system. The chief lesson of the European experience is not that riots nre all. the samc.
I f t h a t i a the case, very recent changes i n t h e character and locue Far from it! What we have seen, instead, is a close connection between the
of violent p r o t e ~ tbear c a r e f u l watching. Through much of Europe, atudents basic political process and the predominant forms of conflict, both violent
have reached a l e v e l of activism and anger never before equalledi t h e French and nonviolent. That mnkes it hard to accept a characterization of American
Evente of Xay, 1968, were only the moat spectacular episode of 8 Long aeries. ghetto riots as "mainly for fun and profit."j6 It raises doubts about at-
Scparatiet nmremente long thought dead, ludicrous o r a t l e a s t under control-- tempts to reduce current student rebelliona to one more expression of ndol-
Vcleh, Scottiah, Breton, Baaque, Slovak, Flemish--have aprung up v i t h energy. escent anxiety. It makes one wonder whether the recent revival of violent
Dcmaade f o r autononpr, coneation, insulation from a t a t e control, vhicb i and nonviolent separatist movements in such different western countrica as
epread emir-~enceof eutonomiat t h e m e i n c o l l e c t i v e violence is a coincidence, powerful. Collective violence belongs to political life, nnd chnnges in its
a paaeing fancy o r eimply my misreading of the character of t h e new mvemnta. form tell us that something important is happening to the political system
record a tranafer of pover away from t h e national a t a t e , perhaps in part Afterti~oughts,from the Seventies
because i t a own weight keepa it from dealing v i t h the m a t burning eapirationa Thc near-decade since these reflections wcnt to press hnvc added a Brent
of i t a o m c i t i a e m , and i n part because power i a devolving t o interhational deal of collective violence to the world's record. In the same time, reams of
blocs of atetea. Then we might be vitneaaing a transformation comparable i n writing about violence have also appenred. It is easy for scholars to confuse
ecope t o t h e nineteenth-century a h i f t from reactionary t o d e r n f o r m the two, the more so because scholarly writing tends to drift wJth the current
of collective violence. n c e e a r e apeculationr, but they, too, emphasize of events: guerrilla warfare in the 1950s. riots Ln the 1960s. terrorism in thc
the p o l i t i c a l a i d i f i c a n c e of violence. 1970s. who knows what in the 1980s. Yet in looklnp, back at essays on violence -
or, more generol ly, on conflict and collecLivc ;~cLton-- written durlnp, the
55
v i o l e n t e v e n t s : Lhc iorm of a c t i o n ( c . ~ . i n t e r - v i l l a g e f l g l i t s v s . s t r i k e s ) .
I by c o n n e c t i n g them d e l i b e r a t e l y t o t h e i r n o n v i o l e n t c o n t e x t . With some d i s s e n t
t h e s o r t s of s o c i a l groups involved ( e . g . p e a s a n t communittcs v s . po.lltica.1
from p s y c h o l o g i s t s and e t h o l o g i s t s who sought t o t r a c e c o l l e c t i v e v i o l e n c e back
p a r t i e s ) , t h e r e l a t i o n s h i p of t h e groups involved t o t h e r i g h t s and p r i v i l e g e s
I t o individual a g g r e s s i o n , and from t h e r e t o fundamental c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of t h e
a t i s s u e (e.g. defending threatened, long-established r i g h t s vs. claiming
human organism, most s p e c i a l i s t s ndopted some i d e a oC v i o l e n t c o n f l i c t a s a
r i g h t s n e v e r y e t enjoyed) and t h e tendency of o n e t y p e t o t a k e o v e r from
s p e c i a l c a s e , o r outcome, of a broader p r o c e s s which was n o t i n t r i n s i c a l l y
a n o t h e r (e.g. t h e contemporaneous d e c l i n e o f r e a c t i o n a r y e v e n t s and r i s e of
v i o l e n t : c o l l c c t i v c a c t i o n i n g e n e r a l , c o n f l i c t i n g e n e r a l , and s o on. The
i modern e v c n t s ) . I n t h e w e s t e r n e x p e r i e n c e of t h e l a s t fcw hundred y e a r s , t h o s e
Webcrian. M i l l l a n and Mnrxian t h e o r i e s on which t h e y l e a n e d encouraged them
c o r r e l a t i o n s a r e s t r o n g enough t o make a s i m p l e summary u s e f u l : p r i m i t i v e forms
t o expsnd t h e r a n g e of t h e i r a n a l y s e s . So a combination of waning p u b l i c
of c o l l e c t i v e v i o l e n c e gave way t o r e s c t i o ~ i a r yo n e s , which i n t u r n ceded t l ~ e i r
i n t e r e s t i n v i o l e n c e w i t h p a r t l y autonomous i n t e l l e c t u a l developments broke
p l a c e t o modern forms of c o l l e c t i v e v i o l e n c e .
up t h e once-prosperous l n d u s t r y of v i o l e n c e a n a l y s i s , and regrouped i t s
Then t h e c o m p l i c a t i o n s begin. Even i n t h e wentern h i s t o r i c a l e x p e r i e n c e ,
remaining e n t r e p r e n e u r s i n o t h e r nearby e n t e r p r i s e s .
t h e c o r r e l a t i o n s a r e o n l y rough. The s t r i k e , f o r example, does indeed e n j o y
A l l t h i n g s c o n s i d e r e d . t h e s e changes were b e n e f i c i a l . They reduced t h e
a h i s t o r i c a l c o n n e c t i o n w i t h s p e c i a l - p u r p o s e workers' a s s o c i a t i o n s , h a s indeed
p r e v a l e n c e of SnRppy s l o g a n s and q u i c k f i x e s i n t h e s t u d y of v i o l e n t c o n f l i c t .
served p a r t i c u l a r l y t o advance new c l a i m s , and d i d indeed begin t o s u p c r s e d c
They t i p p e d t h e b a l a n c e toward s u s t a i n e d , c a r e f u l i n q u i r i e s , i n c l u d i n g i n t e n s i v e
a number of o l d e r forms of worker a c t i o n d u r i n g t h e ~ ~ i n e t e e n tche n t u r y . But
c a s e s t u d i e . s , c o n t r o l l e d comparisons and broad h i s t o r i c a l a n a l y s e s . They
s t r i k e s have o f t e n served d e f e n s i v e purposes: h o l d i n g o f f wage c u t s , r c s l s ~ l n ~
hrougllt nbout a r e c o g n i t i o n t h a t v i o l e n c e is n o t a phenomenon & g e n e r i s ,
t h e f i r i n g of union o r g a n i z e r s , s t o p p i n g speedups, and s o f o r t l ~ . Once a form
b u t o c o n t i n g e n t outcome of s o c i a l p r o c e s s e s which a r e n o t i n t r i n s i c a l l y v i o l e n t .
of a c t i o n is a v a i l a b l e , people a d a p t i t t o t h e i r own i n t e r e s t s . That i s t r u e
In pnrticular. t h e f u r t h e r r e s e a r c h and r e E l e c t i o n s t r e n g t h e n e d t h e i d e a t h a t
n o t o n l y of t h e s t r i k e , b u t a l s o of t h e a r t i s a n s ' brawl, t h e d e m o ~ ~ s t r n t i o nand
,
c o l l e c t i v e v i o l e n c e , g e n e r a l l y s p e a k i n g , a p p e a r s a s a by-product of p o l i t i c a l
I
4 many o t h e r forms of a c t i o n which commonly produced v i o l e n c e .
p r o c e s s e s : a s s by-product of s t r u g g l e s f o r power, of c o n t e n t i o n o v e r t h e 8
The second c o m p l i c a t i o n i s j u s t a s weighty. The primittve/renctionary/modcrn
a u t h o r i t a t i v e a l l o c a t i o n of c o l l e c t i v e c o s t s and b e n e f i t s , of e f f o r t s t o defend
scheme a d v e r t i s e s i t s e l f a s a c l a s s i f i c a t i o n of v i o l e n t a c t i o n s . Iaoked a t
o r augment c o l l e c t i v e r i g h t s . S l n c e t h a t i d e a l a y a t t h e c e n t e r of my 1969
c l o s e l y , Lhe a d v e r t i s i n g i s m i s l e a d i n g on b o t h c o u n t s . F l r s t , t h e b a s i c acLions
e s s a y . 1 could o n l y applaud t h e new d i r e c t i o n of work i n t h e f i e l d .
which i d e n t i f y most of t h e forms involved a r e n o t v i o l e n t . Even t h e n c t l o n we
N e v e r t h e l e s s , t h e f o r m u l a t i o n s of t h a t 1969 e s s a y l e a v e many problems
l o o s e l y c a l l "machine-breaking" a c t u a l l y c o n s i s t e d . f o r t h e most p n r t , of a
unsolved, and some of tl~emo b s c u r e d . To s t a r t w i t h t h e most i m p o r t a n t : t h e
sequence i n which a group of workers demanded t h a t an employer s t o p u s l n ~a
c l a s s i f i c n t i o n of v i o l e n t e v e n t s i n t o p r i m i t i v e , r e a c t i o n a r y nnd modern t y p e s
l a b o r - s a v i n g machlne, t h r e a t e n e d punishment i f he d i d n o t comply w i t h t h e i r
h a s turned o u t t o be a u s e f u l p r e l i m i n a r y s o r t i n g d e v i c e , b u t then t o c a u s e
demand, and o n l y broke up t h e machine when r e p e a t e d demands, e n t r e a t l c s and
more and more t r o u b l e a s a n a l y s i s proceeds. The scheme g a i n s i t s p l a u s i b i l i t y
t h r e a t s f a i l e d t o produce t h e d e s i r e d r e s u l t s . When i t comes Lo S I I C ~ forms of
and u t l l i L y from t h e rough c o r r c l a L i o n of s e v e r a l q u i t e d l f f c r e n t f e n t ~ ~ r of
cs
s mocking c e r e m o ~ ~ i c st ,l ~ cg r r a t mnJe?rlLy of cnucs
a c t l o n a s d c r n r ? ~ ~ s t r n t l t mand
56
have o c c i ~ r r c dwi t h o r ~ tv i o l c n c c : Ln gelicral , v i o l cnce h a s on1 y o c c u r r e d when
f i g h t nhout power i n g e n e r a l . They f i g h t a h o u t t h e p a r t l c u l n r r i g h t s , p r l v i l e g c s
r i v a l groups. ; ~ u t l i o r l L l c so r r e p r e s s i v e f o r c e s have t r i e d t o s t o p t h e a c t i o n
and o p p o r t u n i t i e s t o r e a l i z e t h e i r i n t e r e s t s which c o ~ i s t i t u t ct h e i r power, o r whlch
of t h e d e m o n s t r a t o r s o r mockers.
t h e i r power g u a r a n t e e s . For l a c k of a s y s t e m a t i c d i s c u s s i o n of t h o s e L n t c r c s t s .
I n a d d i t i o n , t h e e v e n t s c l a s s i f i e d a s p r i m i t i v e , r e a c t i o n a r y and modern
t h e e a r l i e r d i s c u s s i o n g i v c s t h e impression t h a t power, s h e e r power, s e r v e s
a r c not r e a l l y a c t i o n s , but =actions. A food r i o t i s n o t h i n g a t a l l w i t h o u t
a s an end i n i t s e l f .
a baker, merchant o r c i t y o f f i c i a l t o a t t a c k , a s t r i k e n o n e x i s t e n t u n l e s s a
Over t h e h i s t o r i c a l e x p e r i e n c e d i s c u s s e d i n t h i s paper, two l a r g e p r o c e s s e s
boss i s somewhere on t h e scene. I f t h a t p o i n t seems o b v i o u s , i t s i m p l i c a t i o n s
made t h e g r c a t e s L difference t o t h e i n t e r e s t s of o r d i n a r y people. One was t h e
a r c not so self-evident. For It means t h a t no e x p l a n a t i o n based e n t i r e l y on
expansion O F c a p i t a l i s t p r o p e r t y r e l a t i o n s , t h e o t h e r t h e r i s e of t h e n n t j o n : ~ l
t h e e x p e r i e n c e s of t h e r i o t e r s o r s t r i k e r s can be a d e q u a t e ; a t a minimum,
state. I n c r e a s i n g l y , o r d i n a r y p e o p l e worked f o r wages, t h o s e who c o n t r o l l e d
an a d e q u a t e e x p l a n a t i o n of a s t r i k e l n c l u d e s an account of t h e behavior of
c a p i t a l made t h e b a s i c p r o d u c t i o n d e c i s i o n s . and t h e e n t i r e r a n g e of goods.
t h e wor:kcrs, an account of t h e h e h a v l o r of t h e employers, and an a c c o u n t of
s e r v i c e s and p r o p e r t y p e o p l e needed t o s u r v i v e became a v a i l a b l e t o b u y e r s who
t l ~ c i ri n t e r a c t i o n . The p o r t r a y a l of p r i m i t i v e , r e a c t i o n a r y and modern forms
could pay t h e p r i c e . That growth o f c a p i t a l i s m a t t a c k e d t h e interests of s m a l l
of c o l . l e c t l v e v i o l e n c e o f f e r e d e a r l i e r i n t h i s paper emphasizes t h e e x p e r i e n c e s
p r o d u c e r s , of people who s u r v i v e d by r e l y i n g on communal r i g h t s i n f o r e s t s and
of h i s t o r l c n l underdogs v e r y s t r o n g l y . It t h e r e f o r e l a c k s a n a n a l y s i s of t h e
f i e l d s , and many o t h e r s . I t c r e a t e d new groups o f workers and employcrs w t t h
a c t i o n s of t h e i r opponcnts, and an account of i n t e r a c t i o n s between underdogs
q u i t e d i f f e r e n t i n t e r e s t s and r i v a l r i e s . We have s e e n t h e expansion of c a p i t n l l s m
and t h c l r opponents. A s an unintended r e s u l t , t h e l o p s i d e d argument ends up
o p e r a t i n g c o n c r e t e l y i n t h e food r i o t and t h e i n v a s l o n of f i e l d s , b u t a l s o I n
s u g g e s t i n g t h a t c o l l e c t i v e v i o l e n c e i s an e x p r e s s i o n of underdog e x p e r i e n c e
the strike. The s t a t e a l s o grew, and momentously: s u p e r s e d i n g l o c a l governments
alone -- e x a c t l y t h e s o r t of concLusion t h e paper s e t o u t t o a t t a c k .
and s q u a s h i n g l o c a l r i g h t s , demanding t a x e s , s u p p l i e s and conscripts, b u i l d i n g up
The p a p e r ' s b a s l c argument h a s a t l e a s t one o t h e r major d e f e c t : i t
a r m i e s and b u r e a u c r a c i e s . That p r o c e s s , t o o , a t t a c k e d o l d i n t e r e s t s and e s t a b l i s h e d
o f f e r s o n l y t h e v a g u e s t l d e n t i f l c a t i o n of t h e i n t e r e s t s on which p e o p l e have
new o n e s . We have s e e n s t a t e m a k i n g a t work c o n c r e t e l y i n tlie t a x r e b e l l i o n and t h e
l ~ l s t o r i c a l l ybeen prepared t o a c t c o l l e c t i v e l y . D e s p i t e some c o n c r e t e d i s c u s s i o n
anti-conscription r i o t , b u t a l s o i n tlie demand f o r fcmale s u f f r a g e . The
of t h e r i g h t s and i n t e r e s t s a t i s s u e i n such e v e n t s a s i n v a s i o n s of f i e l d s and
expansion of c a p i t a l i s m and t h e r i s e of t h e n a t i o n a l s t a t e t o g e t h e r c r e a t e d t h e
tax rebellions. I e v e n t u a l l y sum up t h e c e n t r a l p r o c e s s e s involved a s t h e l o s s ,
world we l i v e i n . They s e t t h e frame f o r t h e changing forms of c o l l e c t i v e a c t i o n ,
malntenance and a c q u i u i t i o n o f p o l i . t i c n l power. Another of t h o s e c l a s s i f i c a t i o n s
and t h e r e f o r e of c o l l e c t i v e v i o l e n c e . They d i d s o by t r n n s f o r m l n g t h e b a s i c
which s e r v e s u s e f u l l y a s a f i r s t approximation, b u t becomes a burden when pushed
I n t e r e s t s p e o p l e c o n s i d e r e d worth f i g h t i n g f o r , and t h e mcans t h e y llnd of a c t i n g
very f a r . Let me 1.eave a s i d e t h e p o s s i b l e m i s u n d e r s t a n d i n g s g e n e r a t e d by u s i n g
on t h o s e i n t e r e s t s . C o l l e c t i v e v i o l e n c e was no more than a c o n t i n g e n t by-product
t h e word " p o l l t i c a l " so broadly. The r e a l t r o u b l e l i e s e l s e w h e r e : a l t h o u g h i n
of t h e s e momentous p r o c e s s e s . Yet t h e c o n n e c t i o n between t h e c h a r a c t e r O F t h e
any g i v e n c o u n t r y i n a given perlod t h e r e a r e s t a n d a r d p r o c e s s e s by which v a r i o u s
by-product and t h e c h a r a c t e r of t h e p r o c e s s e s g e n e r n t i n g i t was -- and is --
groups l o s e , mnintnln o r a c q u i r e power, and a l t h o u g h t h o s e p r o c e s s e s do, i n d e e d ,
very s t r o n g . A s a r c s ~ ~ l t h, e h i s t o r y of c o l l e c t i v e v i o l e n c c r e f l e c t s t h e 111story
nccntlnt f o r much of t h e ehb and flow of c o l l e c t l v c v l o l e n c c , p e o p l e r a r e l y
of I~untnn ~ ( ~ l l c c t i vc xcp e r l c n c e afi a wliolc.
NOTES 2. J.L. and B a r b a r a Hammond. The V i l l a g e l a b o u r e r (1,ondor.: Longmans. 1 9 6 6 ) . pp.
241-242.
GENERAL. At d i f f e r e n t t i m c s , t l i e S o c i a l S c i e n c e R e s e a r c h C o u n c i l and t h c
Canada C o u n c i l h a v e s u p p o r t e d t h e r e s e a r c h r e p o r t e d i n t h i s p a p e r . In recent
3. E l i e ~ a l h y( E . I . Watkin and D.A. B a r k e r , t r s . ) , England i n 1 8 1 5 (Ncw York:
y e a r s , t h e N a t i o n a l S c i e n c e F o u n d a t i o n h a s been i t s p r i n c i p a l s o u r c e o f f i n a n c i a l
B a r n e s 6 Noble. 1 9 6 1 ) . p. 1 4 8 .
support. A h o s t of people have helped w i t h t h e r e s e a r c h ; f o r t h e m a t e r i a l i n
8. The g e n e r a l l o g i c o f t h i s d i s t i n c t i o n ( i f n o t tlie p r e c i s e f o r m u l a t i o n o r
I n r e v i s i n g t h i s p a p e r f o r t h e new e d i t i o n o f V i o l e n c e i n America, I h a v c
t h e e x a c t wording) a p p e a r s i n E.J. Hobsbawm, P r i m i t i v e R e b e l s ( M n n c l ~ e s t e r :
c l e a n e d up some e d i t o r i a l s l i p s and o b s c u r e p a s s a g e s , s u b s t i t u t e d b e t t e r d a t a
Manchester U n i v e r s i t y P r e s s , 1959). I t a l s o u n d e r l i e s much oE t h e argumclit
f o r t h e p r e l i m i n a r y r e s u l t s concerning French c o l l e c t i v e v i o l e n c e r e p o r t e d i n t h e
o f George ~ u d 6 ,The Crowd i n H i s t o r y (New York: W i l e y , 1 9 6 6 ) .
f i r s t v e r s i o n , b r o u g h t t h e f o o t n o t e s up t o d a t e , and w r i t t e n a b r i e f e p i l o g u e .
C o l i n . 1 9 5 2 ) . 1 , 175.
21. E.P. Thompson, The Making o f t h e E n g l i s h Working C l a s s (London: C o l l a n c z . '
1.1. M. Dorothy George, Londoti L i f e i n t h e E i g h t e e n t h C e n t u r y (New York: H a r p e r
1 9 6 4 ) , p. 530.
6 Row, 1 9 6 4 ; Torchbook e d . ) , p. 280.
M a n c h e s t e r U n i v e r s i t y P r e s s . 1 9 5 9 ) . p. 1 2 8 .
17. Here and l a t e r i n t h e e s s a y I h a v e r e l l e d e s p e c i a l l y on a n u n p u b l i s h e d
p a p e r by I m u i s e T i l l y . " P o p u l a r P r o t e s t i n t h e R i s o r g i m e n t o : 1850-1860"
27. Alan S i l v e r , "The Demand f o r O r d e r i n C i v i l S o c i e t y : A Review o f Some
( U n i v e r s i t y o f Toronto. 1967); s e e a l s o c h a p t e r 3 ("Italy") i n Tilly, Tilly
Themes i n t h e l l i s t o r y o f Urban Crime, . P o l i c e , and R i o t . " i n David J . Bordun,
6 T i l l y , The R e b e l l i o u s C e n t u r y .
e d . , The P o l i c e : S i x S o c i o l o g i c a l E s s a y s (New York: Wiley, 1 9 6 7 ) . pp. 12-13.
--
Studi Storicl. 8 (April-.rune 1 9 6 7 ) . 278.
30. G.D.11. C o l e and Raymond P o s t g a t e , The B r i t i s h Common P e o p l e , 1746-1946 34. Cera1.d Brenan, The S p a n i s h L n b y r i n t h (Cambridge, England: Cambridge
(London: U n i v e r s i t y P a p e r b a c k s . 1 9 6 1 ) . p. 490. U n i v e r s i t y P r e s s . 1 9 6 7 ) . p. I x .
1
1 31. u,
pp. 453-454. 35. George Rud6, "The Growth o f C i t i e s and P o p u l a r R e v o l t . 1750-1850. wlth
32. Fernnnd L ' H u i l l i e r , La l u t t e o u v r i & r e 8 l a f i n d u Second Empire ( P a r i s : S o c i e t y , 1500-1850. E s s a y s i n Memory o f A l f r e d Cobban (London: A t h l o n c
I
C o l i n . 1957; C a h i e r s d e s h i n a l e s , no. 1 2 ) . p. 65. P r e s s , 1 9 7 3 ) , p. 190.
33. Our p r o c e d u r e c o n s i s t e d o f r e a d i n g t h r o u g h two n a t i o n a l n e w s p a p e r s f o r 36. Edward C. B a n f i e l d , " R i o t i n g Mainly f o r Fun and P r o f i t " In James Q.
o v e r r e s i s t a n c e ) i n which a t l e a s t o n e p a r t i c i p a t i n g f o r m a t i o n had f i f t y
constant fashion. The d e s c r i p t i o n s o f t h e e v e n t s coded come n o t o n l y from t h e P r o t e s t : A S t u d y o f R i o t s and G h e t t o s (Garden C i t y , New York: Doubleday. 1 9 7 1 ) ;
More d e t a i l s on p r o c e d u r e s a p p e a r i n The R e b e l l i o u s C e n t u r y and From M o b i l i z a t i o n American J o u r n a l o f S o c i o l o g y , 8 2 (1976). 131-162; Yoshio Sugimoto, " Q u a n t i t a t i v e
f o r t h e S t u d y o f C o l l e c t i v e V i o l e n c e " i n Ralph W. Conant and Molly Apple L e v i n , l i t e r a t u r e , s e e Kenneth W. Grundy and M i c h a e l W e i n s t e i n , _The T d e o l o & i e s of
Val Lorwin, c d s . , The Dimensions o f t h e P a s t (New Haven: Y a l e U n i v e r s i t y P r e s s , S e r i e s , 3; r e v i s e d v e r s i o n , 1977); T e r r y Nardin. " C o n f l i c t i n g Conceptions of
4 ( I n d i a n a p o l i s : Bobbs-Merrill, 1972).
38. Examples: Anton Blok. The Mafia of a S i c i l i a n V i l l a g e (New York: Harpcr 6
39. ( c o n t ' d ) Revolutionary Society. M a s s a c h u s e t t s , 1765-1780 (New York:
Row, 1974); Daniel C h i r o t , S o c i a l Change i n a P e r i p h e r a l S o c i e t y (New York:
Academic P r e s s , 1977); M i c h e l l e P e r r o t , Les o u v r i e r s en g r e v e ( P a r i s : Mouton.
Academic P r e s s , 1976); J o e R. Feagin and Harlan Hahn, G h e t t o R e v o l t s (New
1974; 2 v o l s . ) ; Walter J . S h e l t o n . E n g l i s h Hunger and I n d u s t r i a l D i s o r d e r s :
York: Mncmillan. 1973); William A. Gamson, The S t r a t e g y of S o c i a l P r o t e s t
A Study of S o c i a l C o n f l i c t d u r i n g t h e F i r s t Decade of George 111's Reign
(Homewood, I l l j n o i s : Dorsey. 1975); Ted Robert Gurr, P e t e r N. Grabosky and
(London: Macmillan. 1973); Robert D. S t o r c h . "The Policeman n s Domestic
Richnrd C. Ilula, The P o l i t i c s of Crime and C o n f l i c t : A Comparative H i s t o r y of
Missionary: Urban D i s c i p l i n e and Popular C u l t u r e i n Northern England, 1850-
Four C i t i e s (Bevcrly H i l l s , C a l i f o r n i a : Sage, 1977); Henry A. Landsberger, e d . ,
* 1 8 8 0 , " J o u r n a l of S o c i a l H i s t o r y . 9 (1976). 481-509; E.P. Thompson, "'Rough
Rural P r o t e s t : P e a s a n t Movements and S o c i a l Change (London: Macmillan, 1 9 7 4 ) ;
Music ' : Le C h a r i v a r i a n g l a i s , " Annales; Economies, S o c i & t 6 s , C i v i l i s a t i o n s ,
John Wilson Lewis, e d . . P e a s a n t R e b e l l i o n and Communist Revolution i n Asia
t 27 (1972), 285-312; A l f r e d F. Young. e d . , The American Revolution (DeKolb:
( S t a n f o r d : S t a n f o r d U n i v e r s i t y P r e s s . 1 9 7 4 ) ; David Sabean, "The Communal B a s i s
Northern I l l i n o i s U n i v e r s i t y P r e s s , 1976).
o f Pre-1800 Peasnnt U p r i s i n g s i n Western Europe," Comparative P o l i t i c s , 8 (1976).
American S o c i o l o g i c n l Review, 40 (1974). 259-278; William 11. O v e r h o l t , "+n Table 1. The Frequency of V i o l e n t Events i n F m n c e , 1830-1860 and 1930-1960
Robbs-Merrlll, 1 9 7 5 ) ; Louise White, " R a t i o n a l T h e o r i e s of P a r t l c i p a t i o n , " 1830-39 285 563 2.2 300
!
J o u r n a l of C o n f l i c t R e s o l u t l o n , 20 (1976), 255-278; Kenneth I. Wllson and
41.. For an e r f o r t t o s o r t o u t t h e o r i e s of c o l l e c t i v e a c t i o n i n t o t h e s e
l i n e a g e s , s e e T i l l y , From M o b i l i z a t i o n t o R e v o l u t i o n , c h a p t e r 2.
T a b l e 2. Formations P a r t i c i p a t i n g i n French V i o l e n t E v e n t s , 1830-1860 and
1930-1960
Military 16.8 13.5 9.9 3.1 9.5 2.1 Mean k i l l e d and wounded 2R.2 17.6 33.0 19.4 185.2 23.0
M i l i t a r y and
police
U s e r s o f same m a r k e t ,
f i e l d s , woods o r
water 2.5 4.4 1.9 0.8 0.0 0.0
Others -
11.9 -
11.9 -
7.6 -
4.0 -
4.5 6.9