Education and Conflict Review

EDUCATION AND CONFLICT REVIEW 2019
Education and Conflict Review

Theories and conceptual frameworks in
education, conflict and peacebuilding
Editor Tejendra Pherali Issue 2

June 2019
With Arran Magee
Centre for Education and International Development
University College London, United Kingdom
1
Front cover photo: Syrian refugee children in a learning centre in Lebanon. © Tejendra Pherali
Back cover photo: Going to school in Nepal. © Tejendra Pherali
Education and Conflict Review

Theories and conceptual frameworks in
education, conflict and peacebuilding
Editor Tejendra Pherali

With Arran Magee
1
About Education and Conflict Review

Education and Conflict Review is an open-source
journal published by the Centre for Education
and International Development, University College
London. It focuses on debates about broad issues
relating to education, conflict and international
development and aims to provide succinct
analyses of social, political, economic and security
dimensions in conflict-affected and humanitarian
situations. It provides a forum for knowledge
exchange to build synergies between academics,
practitioners and graduate students who are
researching and working in these environments.
CENTRE FOR EDUCATION AND

INTERNATIONAL DEVELOPMENT
Centre for Education and International Development (CEID)

Department of Education, Practice and Society
UCL Institute of Education
University College London
20 Bedford Way
London
WC1H 0AL
Email: eid@ucl.ac.uk
2
Message from the Editor
In the last two decades, there has Education and Conflict Review is an
been a growing body of literature, open source publication focusing on
examining multifaceted interactions debates about education, conflict and
between education and conflict. international development, providing
As education is increasingly being succinct analyses of interactions
recognised as an important player in between education and social, political,
preventing conflict, building resilience economic and security dimensions
and promoting peace, the field of in conflict-affected and humanitarian
education and conflict has received situations. It is a forum for knowledge
significant attention both within exchange between academics,
academic domains and humanitarian- practitioners and policy makers to build
development sectors. Universities synergies in addressing educational
across the world have also expanded challenges.
their research and teaching portfolios This special issue of Education and
in recent years to critically engage Conflict Review attempts to assemble
in the bourgeoning scholarship and theories and conceptual frameworks
enhance professional development of that are dispersed across a wide
researchers and practitioners in the array of academic publications and
field. often inaccessible to those who need
However, the evidence around the them the most, particularly to the
most effective approaches to education education and conflict researchers and
delivery in conflict and protracted-crises practitioners in low-income contexts.
is still meager and there are significant The contributions in this issue provide
research gaps in policies and practice a critical review of theories, conceptual
in tackling issues of access and quality frameworks and analytical tools that
in crisis settings. In recognition of these can support research and practice in
tensions, funding for education and this field.
conflict research has also increased I hope this special issue would serve as
lately (e.g. Education Cannot Wait, an important theoretical contribution to
Global Challenge Research Fund, the field of education and conflict.
UK Department for International
Finally, I am grateful to all contributors
Development and Dubai Cares). In
and reviewers of these papers.
this conjuncture, researchers, policy
makers and practitioners are constantly
seeking relevant theoretical tools that
Dr Tejendra Pherali
support their research, inform policies
and improve educational practice in Editor
conflict-affected contexts. T.Pherali@ucl.ac.uk
3
Contents
01 Education and conflict: Emergence, growth and diversification of the field 7

Tejendra Pherali, Associate Professor in Education and International Development,
Centre for Education and International Development, University College London, UK
02 Societal security and education in deeply divided societies 15

Kelsey Shanks, Senior Lecturer in Education, University of Ulster, UK
03 Analysing donor conceptualizations of state fragility 20

Robin Shields, Associate Professor, School of Management, University of Bath, UK
Julia Paulson, Senior Lecturer in Education, School of Education, University of Bristol, UK
04 The need for contextualisation in the analysis of curriculum content in conflict 28

Alexandra Lewis, Lecturer in Education, Conflict and International Development,
05 Evidence hungry, theory light: Education and conflict, SDG16, and aspirations 33
for peace and justice
06 Horizontal inequalities and conflict: Education as a separate dimension 38

of horizontal inequalities
Arnim Langer, Professor of International Politics at KU Leuven, Belgium
and Alexander von Humboldt Fellow, University of Heidelberg, Germany.
Line Kuppens, Senior Education Advisor Primary and Secondary Education at VVOB
– education for development.
07 Paulo Freire and critical consciousness in conflict-affected contexts 44

Arran Magee, Doctoral Scholar, Centre for Education and International Development,
University College London, UK.
4
08 Refugee Education: Backward Design to Enable Futures 49

Sarah Dryden-Peterson, Associate Professor in Education,
Harvard Graduate School of Education
09 Education, conflict, peace-building and critical realism 54

Priscilla Alderson, Professor Emerita of Childhood Studies, University College London, UK
10 Achieving educational rights and justice in conflict-affected contexts 59

Ritesh Shah, Senior Lecturer, Faculty of Education and Social Work,
University of Auckland, New Zealand
Mieke Lopes Cardozo, Assistant Professor, Governance and Inclusive Development,
University of Amsterdam, The Netherlands
11 Conceptualising critical peace education for conflict settings 65

Monisha Bajaj, Professor of International and Multicultural Education,
University of San Francisco, USA
12 The ‘4 Rs’ as a tool for critical policy analysis of the education sector
in conflict affected states 70
Mario Novelli, Professor of Political Economy of Education, Centre for International Education,
University of Sussex, UK
University of Amsterdam
Alan Smith, UNESCO Chair, Ulster University
13 Education and violent extremism: Insights from complexity theory 76

Lynn Davies, Emeritus Professor of International Education, School of Education,
University of Birmingham, UK
14 Education in emergencies: ‘What works’ revisited 81

Dana Burde, Associate Professor of International Education and Politics,
New York University, USA
Heddy Lahmann, Doctoral Candidate, International Education and Senior Managing Editor,
Journal on Education in Emergencies, New York University, USA
Nathan Thompson, Deputy Managing Editor, Journal on Education in Emergencies,
New York University
5
6
Education and conflict: Emergence,

growth and diversification of the field
t.pherali@ucl.ac.uk
Introduction
Abstract In the last two decades, the interdisciplinary field
The debate about education in of education and conflict has grown exponentially,
conflict-affected contexts is fundamentally departing from the original idea of ‘the two faces
caught between 1) rights-based claims of education’ (Bush and Saltarelli, 2000) and the
about access to quality learning; and pioneering theoretical work by Davies (2004) that
2) complexities around contexts, analyses the complex interaction between education
histories and politics of education. and conflict using complexity theory. Although the
In this paper, I review some of the current central arguments still broadly feature the role of
debates in this rapidly expanding field to education in conflict and peace, new theoretical
demonstrate how education interacts with frameworks and analytical approaches have also
different dimensions of violent conflict emerged lately to engage with multidimensional
and then, argue that education should interactions between education and ‘humanitarian
be conceptualised both as a process of interventions’, Islamist insurgencies, the ‘war on
dismantling conflict-inducing structures terror’ and refugee situations (Davies, 2008; Gereluk,
in society and, as a process of promoting 2012; Novelli et al, 2017; Lopes Cardozo and Shah,
critical inquiry, respect for diversity, social 2016; Pherali and Turner, 2017). In this paper, I
justice principles and skills for civic and attempt to introduce some of the emerging themes
political engagement. and conceptual ideas that have enriched the field
of education and conflict in recent years. This is, by
Key Words no means, a comprehensive review of multifarious
Education and conflict themes that are claimed within the field but a
Peacebuilding perfunctory overview of debates that could serve as
Education in emergencies a point of departure for researchers and practitioners
Peace and social justice who are interested in theoretical debates that shape
the field of education and conflict.
The expansion of the field

and complexities
Educational experiences in conflict-affected
settings are too diverse and multidimensional to be
presented as a single review (Sommers, 2002) and
the field that was once portrayed as ‘in its infancy’
(Tomlinson and Benefield, 2005: 5) has developed
To cite this article: Pherali, T. (2019) as a distinct sub-discipline consisting of research,
Education and conflict: Emergence, professional and academic training, policy analysis
growth and diversification of the field, and practice. This expansion is well attributed to
Education and Conflict Review, 2, 7-14. the advocacy work mainly led by the Inter-Agency
7
Network for Education in Emergencies (INEE). The by adopting ‘humanitarian principles, such as
fact that this field emerged out of urgent needs humanity, impartiality and neutrality, and development
to provide educational solutions in contexts of principles, such as national ownership, capacity
insecurity, extreme poverty and social and emotional development and sustainability’ (ECW, 2018: 13).
breakdown of populations whose lives were Despite these global efforts, education for refugees
shattered by emergencies, the research and policy is hugely under-funded; existing provisions are failing
analysis is often tasked with not only the promotion to meet the demand of access and quality and most
of theoretical innovations but also providing practical importantly, the education systems are not refugee
solutions that could improve practice. Broadly friendly in terms of admissions, curriculum, language
speaking, global debates about education and of instruction and accreditation of learning.
conflict, research priorities and questions regarding Secondly, education is an integral part of the national
professional practice in the field can loosely be and global political and economic agenda. These
organised under two main areas: 1) the provision of interests influence the processes of educational
education in conflict and protracted crises; and governance and policies such as, educational
2) the role of education in fuelling conflict or goals, access, quality and equity among children
promoting peace. representing diverse social groups, distribution of
Firstly, the world has experienced a historic level of educational resources, questions about gender
mass exodus since the WWII. By the end of 2017, equity, language of instruction, pedagogy, curriculum
68.5 million people were forcibly displaced worldwide and assessment (Novelli et al, 2014). Stewart (2002;
and the refugee population, including the 5.4 million 2008) argues that multidimensional inequalities
Palestinian refugees under the mandate of UNRWA, between culturally defined groups, defined as
reached 25.4 million (UNHCR, 2018a). Out of six horizontal inequalities, that determine resource
million primary and secondary-aged refugee children access and outcomes predict political instability and
under the UNHCR’s mandate, 3.7 million are out of violent conflict. Along the same theoretical lines, the
school and refugee children generally are five times societies with greater educational inequalities between
more likely to be out of school than non-refugee culturally defined groups have substantially higher
children (UNHCR, 2016). As compared to the global risk of conflict and particularly, the prevalence of high
primary enrolment of 90 percent, only 50 percent of education inequality between ethnic and religious
the primary-aged refugee children have the same groups doubles the likelihood of experiencing violent
opportunity (UNICEF, 2017). Merely 22 percent of conflict (FHI 360 Education Policy and Data Center,
refugee adolescents have access to lower secondary 2016). However, governments in conflict-affected
and dismally 1 percent of refugees attend tertiary and fragile societies tend to embrace market-based
education compared to 34 per cent globally (UNHCR, neoliberal policies that show little enthusiasm
2016). Refugee host countries are too stretched towards reconfiguration of unequal socioeconomic
in their capacities to cope with large movements structures and to address problems of inequalities.
of people. In order to tackle the crisis, the United Consequently, development interventions in such
Nations General Assembly has recently endorsed the contexts are likely to be complicit in maintaining
Global Compact on Refugees to ease the pressures the hegemony of the privileged political class rather
on host countries; enhance refugee self-reliance; than transforming them, whilst the global inequalities
expand access to third-country solutions; and are also rising amidst the unjust, divisive and
support conditions in countries of origin for return in environmentally destructive global capital system
safety and dignity (UNHCR, 2018b). The compact (Piketty, 2014; Stiglitz, 2012). As Duffield (2007)
makes a commitment to support education of argues development is increasingly practised under
refugees from pre-primary to university levels by the notion of security biopolitics in which ‘the West
supporting host country systems; involving diverse has both a security ‘interest’ and a ‘values-based’
stakeholders and utilising digital technologies desire to ‘secure’, to ‘develop’, to ‘protect’ and
(UNHCR, 2018b). In the 2016 humanitarian summit, to ‘better’ the Other, whose insecurity threatens
the Education Cannot Wait initiative was launched the security of Western consumer society as the
to address the $8.5 billion funding gap to reach the instabilities associated with conflict, poverty and
75 million children and youth who are in urgent need alienation threaten to spill over into and to destabilise
of educational support in crisis-affected settings; the West’ (cited in Chandler, 2008: 269). Education
and to bridge the humanitarian-development divide aid and programming are largely implicated within
8
these broad development aims and processes and state authority; to defy certain education policies (e.g.
hence, it is pertinent that the role of education and curriculum and language policies); or to challenge
development be critically scrutinised within these education’s core principles (e.g. girls’ education)
frameworks. (Pherali, 2016). Attacks on schools and children also
serves as a propaganda tool for extremist groups.
Right to education in crisis-affected contexts For example, in April 2014, 329 Nigerian girls were
Education as a human right kidnapped by Boko Haram, an extremist group that
is resisting the provision of ‘modern education’ that
The inception of the field of education in emergencies
is perceived as a repression of Islamic values and
is predicated on the idea that education is a human
culture. In 2015, Al-Shabaab, a Somali militant group
right; children have the right to education even during
attacked Garissa University College in Kenya, killing
times of crises; and the provision of education must
148 students as revenge for the Kenyan government’s
not stop under any circumstances. Education is also
military deployment in Somalia. Similarly, the attack
‘commonly seen as a conduit for rights, a necessary
by Tehrik-i-Taliban on the Army Public School in
prerequisite to the exercising and defending of
Peshawar, Pakistan, in December 2014 killed 149
one’s own and others’ rights’ and individuals hold
people, including 132 children. In Afghanistan, schools
certain rights ‘within the educational experience or
are targeted by the Taliban and Islamic State fighters
institution’ (McCowan, 2012: 70). In conflict-affected
to undermine the state control of public services such
and protracted crises, education serves as the
as education (Pherali and Sahar, 2018).
only hope to escape from the predicament. The
guiding framework for this conviction is based on These brutal attacks on schools suggest that
the principles of 4As that education is available advocacy on mass schooling and ‘modern education’
for free and supported by necessary infrastructure; without ensuring security can only increase security
accessible to all including the most marginalised; risks on children and communities, suggesting
acceptable in terms of its content, cultural that ‘…contrary to expectation, schools are not
appropriateness and fairness; and adaptable to always safe places for children’ UNHCR (2009: 24).
meet the needs of children who live in crisis context Additionally, ‘schools can be spaces of bullying; racial,
(ECW, 2018: 13; Tomasevski, 2001). There are ethnic, linguistic, and gender discrimination; sexual
three main motivations for promoting education as exploitation; natural and environmental hazards;
a human right. Firstly, children are often victims of corporal punishment; and attacks, including abduction
war and education serves as a mechanism of child and recruitment into armed forces’ (Dryden-Peterson,
protection as guaranteed by the UN Convention 2011: 32). Hence, both protection of education from
on the Rights of the Child (United Nations, 1989). external violence as well as violence prevention within
Secondly, it helps build an international solidarity to education systems are crucial for promoting peace.
advocate for educational rights of vulnerable and most
Education as the foremost wealth
marginalised populations. Finally, without guaranteeing
an uninterrupted access to good quality education for In emergencies, education serves as an enabling
all, including, in contexts of conflict and refugee crises, space to improve children’s health through school
it would be impossible to achieve the Sustainable vaccination and nutritional programmes; schools can
Development Goal 4 on education by 2030. be used to provide clean water, sanitation and shelter;
and organise peace education and conflict resolution
Attacks on education programmes as well as education for disaster risk
Schools, children and teachers are often targeted reduction (Winthrop and Matsui, 2013). A continuous
purposely by conflicting groups in many parts of the progression with quality outcomes in learning prepare
world. In 74 countries in the last four years, schools young people with relevant knowledge and skills to get
and universities, their students and teachers, have employment and gain stable livelihoods; enable them
been intentionally targeted for attack, or education to access transnational opportunities; and facilitate
facilities have been used for military purposes, of their involvement in social, economic, cultural and
which 28 countries experienced more than 20 violent political life of the society.
attacks on education (GCPEA, 2018). As educational For refugees whose lives are shattered by forced
institutions represent the state and the government displacement and ongoing adversities in exile,
in power, rebel groups target schools to challenge education serves as the main hope for a better future.
9
Irrespective of their future trajectories – integration areas: education as conflict-hardening process;

in the host country, relocation in the third country, or securitisation of education; education and violent
return to the country of origin – education serves as extremism; education for liberation; and education
a valuable portable asset for refugees. It is one of the for peacebuilding.
very few domains of refugee lives that helps them Firstly, education is a process of cultivating national
carve their ‘unknowable futures’ (Dryden-Peterson, identity and collective imaginations among citizens
2017). An old Sanskrit verse signifies the importance through which loyalty towards national ideals (e.g.
of knowledge that is gained through educational national sovereignty, territorial integrity, linguistic and
processes as: cultural distinction and glorified national histories) is
reproduced. Education can be complicit in producing
‘virulent’ and ‘exclusionary’ nationalism that ‘inspires
devotion to one’s community or love of country, for
others it is linked to feelings of fear, anger, revenge and
Na chora haaryam na cha raja haaryam, resentment’ (UNESCO, 2018: 2). In conflict-affected
Na bhraturbhajyam na cha bhaarakaari. contexts, as Ben-Porath (2006: 11-15) argues, citizen
Vyaye krute vardhta eva nityam, identities are recreated as ‘belligerent citizens’, ‘as a
Vidyaa dhanam sarva dhanam pradhaanam. response to perceived threats to national and personal
[Knowledge is such that a thief cannot steal, king security’. Here, the notion of democratic citizenship
or government cannot snatch, siblings cannot ask is reinterpreted in three main domains. Firstly, the
for a share; it is never a burden (you do not have nature of civic participation during periods of conflict is
to carry it as a burden) and it only increases after securitised and shifted from open and voluntary civic
spending it; therefore, the wealth of knowledge is engagement to directed and mandated participation,
the foremost of all other wealthy possessions.] in which citizens are expected to be compliant and
contributing to the war and security measures.
Education is a basic necessity and therefore a
Secondly, violent conflicts fuel ‘overpowering patriotic
fundamental right of human beings. But education
unity’ and undermine tolerant pluralism. In this
systems represent power, ideology and hegemonic
process, democratic contestations are compromised
control for which learning spaces can turn into
in the name of national solidarity and patriotism.
battlefields. Even though the type, processes,
Finally, public debates on controversial social and
contents and goals of education may be contested,
political issues are discouraged; public agendas often
the essential notion of ‘education as learning’ or as
dominated by security issues; and commitment to free
a means to gain knowledge is undebatable. The
speech diminished in the name of national security.
rights-based approach is an effective mechanism to
To transmit these values to learners and legitimately
advocate for educational access and its protection
‘enhance the civic commitments of future citizens’,
in times of crises whilst critiquing the contested role of
civic education is particularly used as ‘the institutional
education is crucial to promote peace.
tool’ (Ben-Porath, 2006: 36). Hence, education is
Politics of education in complicit in hardening uncritical solidarity with violent
conflict-affected contexts response to conflict.
There is a growing recognition that the provision Educational systems that are insensitive to social
of education in conflict-affected settings needs to inequalities often play a socially destructive role by
account not only for the technical challenges such maintaining unequal access and quality to education
as the lack of school buildings, textbooks, trained among different social groups, offering a segregated
teachers and institutional capacities, which are and unjust educational provision, manipulating
undoubtedly crucial, but also broader security and history and textbooks, denying education to certain
political economy factors involving, ‘the distribution social and ethnic groups, and repressing minority
of power and wealth between different groups and languages and culture (Bush and Saltarelli, 2000). For
individuals, and the processes that create, sustain example, Lall (2008) shows how educational resources
and transform these relationships over time’ (Collinson, including textbooks often glorify military victories and
2003: 3). In this domain, the education and conflict engage in collective demonization of their opponents,
field can be loosely portrayed under five main thematic which serves as a political machine to manufacture
ideological consent in favour of the state.
10
Secondly, since the events of 9/11, education has social networks and peer pressures, sense of identity/
been hijacked as a battle tactic to win hearts and purpose, ideological attraction, employment, promise of
minds of the people in conflict zones. The Western justice) (INEE, 2017). Even though education is perceived
countries engaging in conflict in Islamic states such as mitigation to push factors, the relationship between
as, Iraq and Afghanistan have pursued a politically the ‘lack of education and structural development’ and
motivated ‘development’ agenda that legitimises the ‘violent extremism’ is empirically unfounded.
use of education aid to strengthen national ‘defence’ Lately, even though the state-driven strategies
and ‘diplomacy’ (Novelli, 2011). The outcome of this on countering violent extremism (CVE) have been
approach is that the decision about aid allocation criticised by some scholars as securitisation of
is likely influenced by security interests of donor schools systems (Novelli, 2017; Mattsson and Säljö,
countries (Duffield, 2007) rather than educational 2018), there is an extensive response of international
needs of children in the poorest countries. The military organisations and agencies such as UNESCO,
involvement in dispersing education aid, as observed United Nations, European Commission, and Council
in Afghanistan and Iraq, is a worrying trend, which has of Europe to challenge extremism and radicalisation
blurred the lines between security and development (Davies, 2018). International agencies, particularly the
work, consequently increasing risks to school children European Commission’s Radicalisation Awareness
and aid workers in conflict zones; undermining the Network (RAN), through its ten different working
goals for poverty reduction; and skewing education groups of grassroots practitioners, including, teachers
aid towards ‘frontline’ states (UNESCO, 2011). and youth workers across Europe works with people
Thirdly, extremism is increasingly becoming a global who have been radicalised or are vulnerable to
concern due to its links with religious fundamentalism radicalisation (European Commission, 2019). Similarly,
and terrorism, and formal education is inadequately the Hedayah Global Counter-Terrorism Forum, based
equipped to provide learners with critical skills to in Abu Dhabi engages in training and has produced
analyse fundamentalism, or to prevent violent actions extensive literature to promote an understanding of
that are inspired by extremist ideologies (Davies, 2008). CVE (Center on Global Counterterrorism Cooperation
Atran (2015) notes that violent extremism is ‘…the and Hedayah, 2013).
use of violence in line with an ideological commitment Fourthly, critical education involves the process of
to achieve political, religious, or social goals’. In this praxis involving reflexivity, theorising and transformative
process, education is implicated in a number of ways, action through which learners understand and facilitate
including, educational spaces being used to spread change in the world they live. Critical pedagogy is
extremist ideologies; or formal education failing to a philosophy of education which ‘unapologetically’
challenge the views that learners are exposed to embraces education as a political process to nurture
outside the school (e.g. the internet, social media the struggle for democracy; and is primarily ‘concerned
and community settings); institutions implementing with the relationship between education and power
Prevent strategy1 and being legally required to identify in society and, thus, uncompromisingly committed to
and report signs of radicalism to the authority; and the amelioration of inequalities and social exclusions in
most importantly, education as a safe space to debate the classroom and society at large’ (Darder, Mayo and
controversial issues, promote diversity and plurality of Paraskeva, 2016: 1). As learners and educators engage,
views (Gereluk, 2012; UNESCO, 2018). The drivers realise and reflect on their lived experiences, disruptive
of violent extremism are often presented as push modes of thinking can also emerge within what Freire
factors, the conditions that are conducive to violent (1974) would term as ‘the banking model’ of education
extremism and the structural context from which it (see Magee and Pherali in this issue). The process of
emerges (e.g. lack of opportunities, ethnic and regional ‘conscientisation’ through critical education enables
marginalisation, absence or weak governance of learners to challenge social injustices and oppressions
legitimate state, protracted conflict, collective sense of (Freire, 1974). From this perspective, conflict, as a
persecution) and pull factors, the individual motivations process of resistance to hegemonic structures is
and processes, which play a key role in transforming a ‘development success’ (Rappleye, 2011) and an
ideas and grievances into violent extremist action (e.g. opportunity to promote social transformation.
1Prevent is a UK Government’s counter-terrorism strategy under the Counter-Terrorism and Security Act 2015, which aims to
stop people becoming terrorists or supporting terrorism. See the guidance for authorities in England and Wales:
www.gov.uk/government/publications/prevent-duty-guidance
11
Finally, education is a crucial domain for building predictor of violent conflict whereas, high cognitive
sustainable peace in post-conflict societies. At complexity, as manifested through broad flexible
structural levels, educational reforms that promote thinking and value pluralism is capable of appreciating
equity and social justice can contribute to building multiple dimensions and perspectives. Based on the
‘positive peace’, a societal condition that is free from assumption that violent extremism is an outcome
not only physical violence but also structural violence of a constricted view of the world, the integrative
and conditions of war (e.g. poverty, discrimination, complexity model can help learners to improve
exclusion and unequal life chances) (Galtung, 1976). cognitive complexity to question their own beliefs and
The following theoretical frameworks offer some counter extremist ideologies.
modalities for peacebuilding through education: 5) Democratising ‘belligerent citizenship’:
1) Social justice reforms in education Ben-Porath’s (2006) expansive education model
As inequalities in education are likely to perpetuate outlines three critical aspects of education to combat
social injustices and trigger violent conflict (FHI 360 the ‘belligerent citizenship’ that is created during the
Education Policy and Data Center, 2016), disruptive wartime. She argues that schools should diversify
educational policies, based on the 4Rs framework the conceptions of patriotism in their civic education;
(redistribution, representation, recognition and promote inclusion of diverse social perspectives and
reconciliation) can promote social justice and build of dialogue as a form of pedagogy; and form student
conditions for peace (Novelli et al, 2017). identity on the basis of a ‘shared fate’ in the society
2) Global citizenship education (Ben-Porath, 2006: 114).
Within institutional settings, the provision of Global
Citizenship Education can help learners develop
Conclusion: Towards a framework
skills for critical inquiry in ‘order to dissect claims of peacebuilding education
that do not stand up to rigorous scrutiny, logic and In conclusion, education and conflict has grown as a
rational inquiry’ and enhance their civic and political distinct field of research, theory and practice that, at its
participation (UNESCO, 2018: 9). Education should core, has the moral obligation to produce knowledge
provide learners with critical skills for civic and political and understanding that help reduce human suffering
engagement through which learners adopt dialogue caused by conflict and protracted crises. Research
and discussion as constructive and peaceful means agendas have also diversified due to the nature, scale
to find cooperative solutions to conflicts in society. and geographies of conflicts and protracted crises;
3) Promoting political citizenship education and there is constant pressure to continuously produce
As Davies (2008: 181-182) proposes, an educational policy-relevant evidence for educational work in
model of ‘critical idealism’, as opposed to conventional contexts of fragility, acute emergencies and post-conflict
tolerant multiculturalism, can help tackle violent educational rebuilding (Burde et al, 2015). In a broad
extremism. Anti-extremism education should sense, the basic plea of education in conflict-affected
primarily be concerned with critical political education contexts is concerned with its potential contribution to
that enables youth to cast doubts on ‘ideals’ and to peace and social cohesion. I would argue that there are
reject uncritical acceptance of single truths. Political two levels of interventions in and through education for
citizenship education can promote critical thinking promoting peace in conflict-affected societies.
and dialogic skills to enable people to critically Firstly, from a critical standpoint, education should
engage with dominant cultural, political and religious rupture societal conditions that reproduce structural
ideologies and develop dynamic citizen subjectivities. violence and systemic inequalities. To this effect,
4) Improving integrative complexity educational systems should undergo radical shifts in
There is an emerging body of work on ‘integrative governance structures, resource allocation, curricular
complexity thinking’ out of University of Cambridge, revisions, language policies, pedagogies and teacher
claiming that educational interventions that help development in order to redress educational grievances
increase cognitive complexity can improve learners’ of marginalised communities. Even in contexts of
abilities to deal with conflict peacefully (Savage protracted crises such as internal displacement and
et al, 2014; Liht and Savage, 2013). It is claimed refugee situations, education must be provided equitably
that low cognitive complexity characterised by to prevent fuelling inequalities; to provide a sense of care
simple, narrow, categorical ways of thinking is a and dignity to displaced populations; and minimise the
loss of important social qualities such as, good health,
12
public self-esteem and hope for the future. However,

References
as an integral part of the national political system, the
Atran, S. (2015). Role of youth: Countering violent extremism,
provision of public education is often defined in terms promoting peace, addressing the UN Security Council,
of political rights and citizenship of the beneficiaries. Psychology Today, Available from; www.psychologytoday.com/
intl/blog/in-gods-we-trust/201505/role-youth-countering-violent
Unless there is a strong political commitment to -extremism-promoting-peace
reconfigure conventional power structures or in Ben-Porath, S. R. (2006) Citizenship under fire: Democratic
humanitarian situations, the state’s willingness to bear education in times of conflict, NJ: Princeton University Press.
humanitarian responsibility, transformative policies, as Burde, D., Guven, O., Kelcey, J., Lahmann, H., Al-Abbadi, K.
(2015) What works to promote children’s educational access,
suggested in the 4R framework (Novelli et al, 2017), quality of learning, and wellbeing in crisis-affected contexts:
are difficult to transpire. But the post-conflict policy Education rigorous literature review. Department for International
Development. Available online: http://s3.amazonaws.com/
landscapes often render crucial policy innovations inee-assets/resources/Education-emergencies-rigorous-review-
to establish peacebuilding mechanisms which have 2015-10.pdf
the opportunity to respond to educational needs and Bush, K. D. and Saltarelli, D. (2000). Two faces of education in
ethnic conflict: Towards a peacebuilding education for children.
aspirations of the communities at the social and political Florence: UNICEF, Innocenti Research Centre.
periphery. This is only achievable through influential Center on Global Counterterrorism Cooperation and Hedayah
grassroots movements, progressive political leadership (2013) The Role of Education in Countering Violent Extremism,
Abu Dahbi, Available from www.hedayahcenter.org/Admin/
with social accountability; and in most cases, support Content/File-34201675349.pdf, accessed 11/01/2019
from humanitarian and development partners. Chandler, D. (2008) Review Article, Conflict, Security &
Secondly, education’s role in promoting the culture Development, 8(2), 265 — 276
of peace is of utmost importance in societies that Collinson, S. (Ed.) (2003) Power, livelihoods and conflict: Case
studies in political economy analysis for humanitarian action,
inherit legacies of violent conflict. Hence, teaching London: Overseas Development Institute. Available from:
and learning about peace should be a core www.odi.org/sites/odi.org.uk/files/odi-assets/publications-
opinion-files/289.pdf
component of the school curriculum but should not
Darder, A., Mayo, P. and Paraskeva, J. (Eds.) (2016) International
be restricted to formal educational settings, instead, critical pedagogy reader, New York: Routledge.
it should be equally championed through non-formal Davies, L. (2004) Education and conflict: Complexity and chaos,
educational programmes, public debates and civil Oxon: Routledge.
society activities. Respect for diversity, critical political Davies, L. (2008) Educating Against Extremism,
Stoke on Trent: Trentham Books
citizenship, skills for civic and political engagement,
Davies, L. (2018) Review of educational initiatives in
global citizenship education and critical inquiry are counter-extremism internationally: What works? Gothenburg:
some of the key tenets of peacebuilding education The Segerstedt Institute, University of Gothenburg, Available from:
https://segerstedtinstitutet.gu.se/digitalAssets/1673/1673173_
which should form the basis of post-conflict review-of-educational-inititives-180110.pdf
educational discourse. The success of educational Dryden-Peterson, S. (2011) Refugee education: A global review,
interventions in promoting peace may well depend Geneva: UNHCR, 6-85.
upon the nature and effectiveness of the reforms as Dryden-Peterson, S. (2017) Refugee education: Education
for an unknowable future, Curriculum Inquiry, 47:1, 14-24,
outlined above. DOI: 10.1080/03626784.2016.1255935
Duffield, M. (2007) Development, security and unending war:
Author Bio Governing the world of peoples, Cambridge: Polity Press.
Tejendra Pherali is Associate Professor in ECW (2018) Education cannot wait: A fund for education
in emergencies, New York: Education Cannot Wait.
Education and International Development at UCL Available at: www.educationcannotwait.org/downloads/
Institute of Education, University College London. reports-and-publications
His research and teaching focuses on education European Commission (2019) Radicalisation Awareness
Network (RAN), Available at https://ec.europa.eu/home-affairs/
in contexts of forced displacement, post-conflict what-we-do/networks/radicalisation_awareness_network_en
educational reforms and the role of education Accessed on 11/01/2019.
in peacebuilding. He is also interested in social Freire, P. (1974) Education for Critical Consciousness,
London: Continuum.
movements, political economy of education and
critical pedagogies. Tejendra is the research theme FHI 360 Education Policy and Data Center (2016) Education
Inequality and Violent Conflict: Evidence and Policy Considerations,
leader on ‘Education, Conflict and Peacebuilding’ www.fhi360.org/sites/default/files/media/documents/resource-
at the Centre for Education and International epdc-brief-edu-inequality-violent-conflict.pdf
Development and the editor of Education and Conflict Galtung, J. (1976). Three approaches to peace: Peacekeeping,
peacemaking, peacebuilding. In J. Galtung (ed), Peace, War
Review. He is currently involved in research in and Defense: Essays in Peace Research, Vol. II, 297–298.
Afghanistan, Nepal and Lebanon. Copenhagen: Christian Ejlers.
13
GCPEA (2018) Education under attack 2018, New York: Global Rappleye, J. (2011). Different presumptions about progress,
Coalition to Protect Education from Attack, Available online: divergent prescriptions for peace: Connections between
www.protectingeducation.org/sites/default/files/documents/ conflict, ‘development’ and education in Nepal. In J. Paulson
eua_2018_full.pdf (Ed.), Education, Conflict and Development, 59 – 98, Oxford:
Symposium.
Gereluk, D. (2012). Education, extremism and terrorism: What
should be taught in citizenship education and why, London, Savage, S., Khan, A., and Liht, J. (2014) Preventing violent
New York: Bloomsbury extremism in Kenya through value complexity: Assessment
of being Kenyan being Muslim, Journal of Strategic Security,
INEE (2017) Preventing Violent Extremism: An introduction
7(3), 1-26.
to education and preventing violent extremism, New York:
Inter-Agency Network for Education in Emergencies, Available Sommers, M. (2002). Children, Education and War:
from http://s3.amazonaws.com/inee-assets/resources/INEE_ Reaching Education for All (EFA) Objectives in Countries
ThematicPaper_PVE_ENG.pdf Affected by Conflict (Conflict Prevention and Reconstruction
Unit Working Paper No. 1, 24789): Available online:
Lall, M. (2008) Educate to hate – the use of education in the
http://siteresources.worldbank.org/EDUCATION/Resources/
creation of antagonistic national identities in India and Pakistan,
278200-1099079877269/547664-1099079993288/children_
Compare: Journal of Comparative and International Education,
edu_war_efa02.pdf
38(1), 103-120.
Stewart, F. (2002) Horizontal Inequalities: A Neglected Dimension
Liht, J. and Savage, S. (2013) Preventing violent extremism
of Development Working Paper Number 81 QEH Working Paper
through value complexity: Being Muslim being British.
Series – QEHWPS81 www.qeh.ox.ac.uk/sites/www.odid.ox.ac.
Journal of Strategic Security, 6(4), 44-66.
uk/files/www3_docs/qehwps81.pdf
Lopes Cardozo, M.T.A. and Shah, R. (2016) A conceptual
Stewart, F. (ed.) (2008) Horizontal Inequalities and Conflict:
framework to analyse the multiscalar politics of education for
Understanding Group Violence in Multiethnic Societies,
sustainable peacebuilding, Comparative Education, 12(4),
London: Palgrave.
https://doi.org/10.1080/03050068.2016.1220144
Stiglitz, J. (2012) The price of inequality, UK: Penguin.
Mattsson, C. and Säljö, R. (2018) Violent extremism, national
security and prevention. institutional discourses and their Tomaševski, K. (2001) Human rights obligations: making
implications for schooling, British Journal of Educational Studies, education available, accessible, acceptable and adaptable,
66(1), 109-125. RIGHT TO EDUCATION PRIMERS NO. 3, Available online: www.
right-to-education.org/sites/right-to-education.org/files/resource-
McCowan, T. (2012) Human rights within education: assessing
attachments/Tomasevski_Primer%203.pdf
the justifications, Cambridge Journal of Education, 42:1, 67-81,
DOI: 10.1080/0305764X.2011.651204 Tomlinson, K. and Benefield, P. (2005) Education and conflict:
Research and research possibilities, Berkshire: National
Novelli, M. (2011) Are we all soldiers now? The dangers of the
Foundation for Educational Research, Available online: www.nfer.
securitization of education and conflict, In K. Mundy and S.
ac.uk/publications/ECO01/ECO01.pdf
Dryden-Peterson, (eds.) Educating children in conflict zones:
research, policy, and practice for systemic change: a tribute UNESCO. (2011). The hidden crisis: Armed conflict and
to Jackie Kirk. International Perspectives on Education Reform education. Education for All - Global Monitoring Report 2011.
Series. Teachers College Press, New York, pp. 49-66. Paris: UNESCO.
Novelli, M., O. Valiente, S. Higgins, and M. Ugur (2014) The UNESCO (2018) Global citizenship education and the rise of
political economy of education systems in conflict-affected states, nationalist perspectives, Paris: United Nations Educational
London: DFID. Scientific and Cultural Organisation, http://unesdoc.unesco.org/
images/0026/002654/265414e.pdf
Novelli, M., Lopes Cardozo, M. T. A. and Smith, A. (2017) The
4R’s framework: analyzing education’s contribution to sustainable UNHCR (2009) Education Strategy: 2010-2012. Geneva: UNHCR.
peacebuilding with social justice in conflict- affected contexts,
UNHCR (2016) Missing out refugee education in crisis, Geneva:
Journal on Education in Emergencies, 3(1): 14-43.
UNHCR, Available from www.unhcr.org/57d9d01d0
Novelli, M. (2017) Education and countering violent extremism:
UNHCR. (2018a). Global trends: Forced displacement in 2017,
Western logics from south to north? Compare: A Journal of
Available online: http://www.unhcr.org/5b27be547.pdf
Comparative and International Education, 47:6, 835-851.
UNHCR. (2018b) Final draft global compact on refugees,
Piketty, T. (2014) Capital in the Twenty-first Century. Cambridge,
26 June 2018, available at: www.unhcr.org/uk/events/
MA: Harvard University Press.
conferences/5b3295167/official-version-final-draft-global-
Pherali, T. (2016) Education: Cultural reproduction, revolution and compact-refugees.html
peacebuilding in conflict-affected societies, In O. P. Richmond, S.
UNICEF (2017) Education uprooted: For every migrant, refugee
Pogodda and J. Ramovic, Dimensions of Peace: Disciplinary and
and displaced child, education, Available from www.unicef.org/
Regional Approaches. London: Palgrave Macmillan. pp193-205.
publications/files/UNICEF_Education_Uprooted.pdf
Pherali, T. and Turner, E. (2017) Meanings of education under
United Nations (1989) Convention on the Rights of the Child,
occupation: the shifting motivations for education in Palestinian
United Nations, Available from: www.ohchr.org/Documents/
refugee camps in the West Bank, British Journal of Sociology of
ProfessionalInterest/crc.pdf
Education, DOI: 10.1080/01425692.2017.1375400
Winthrop, R. and Matsui, E. (2013) A new agenda for education
Pherali, T. and Sahar, A. (2018) Learning in the chaos: A political
in fragile states, Brookings Institution. Massachusetts: Centre for
economy analysis of education in Afghanistan, Research in
Universal Education at Brookings.
Comparative & International Education, 13(2) 239–258
14
Societal security and education

in deeply divided societies
Kelsey Shanks, Senior Lecturer in Education, University of Ulster, UK
k.shanks@ulster.ac.uk
Introduction
Abstract Over the past decade, the international education
This paper seeks to demonstrate the agenda has shifted toward a more nuanced
often-conflicting agendas that are understanding of education’s relationship with
bestowed on education in deeply divided power and conflict. Scholarly debate now reflects
societies. In doing so the paper seeks to education’s peacebuilding potential, emphasising
promote a more nuanced understanding of the positive impact of creating more inclusive
the significance conferred on education, in education systems that contribute to social change
order to better articulate the way in which (Novelli, 2015; Smith et al, 2011; Paulson, 2011;
education can interact with conflict. King and Monaghan, 2016). Correspondingly, the
understanding of conflict in international relations
Key Words has been broadened to include an understanding
Education of education’s role in promoting security (Ghosh,
Conflict 2017; Swimelar, 2013; Waever, 1993). However,
while the growth of these fields would appear to
Segregation
be mutually reinforcing, there are actually marked
Security differences in how each sector conceptualises
education. Consequently, there is a noted disconnect
between these two disciplinary approaches and how
they interact. This paper attempts to address this
disconnect by merging the exploration of societal
security (and its extension into securitisation) in
the field of international relations with the relevant
theoretical literature on education in conflict affected
societies. In doing so the paper will seek to promote
a more nuanced understanding of the significance
conferred on education, in order to better articulate
the way in which education can interact with conflict.
Societal Security
The concept of ‘security’ within international
relations has undergone a conceptual evolution
over the last few decades. It is no longer defined
solely by neorealist interpretations of national or
To cite this article: Shanks, K. (2019) interstate security. Critical security scholars have
Societal security and education in expanded security studies to include a disparate
deeply divided societies, Education body of scholarship. That is to say that the ‘security’
and Conflict Review, 2, 15-19. issues are no longer confined to domains relevant
15
only to the objective survival of a state. Both sites - ‘If one’s identity seems threatened... the answer is
of ‘threat construction’ and sites of ‘defence’ a strengthening of existing identities.’ (Weaver, 1993:
have been expanded to include a variety of social 68). The strengthening of identity can be achieved
domains. Consequently, security interests can through the pursuit of what has become known as
create a mechanism through which social functions ‘cultural nationalism’. Hutchinson (1994) describes
and practices are co-opted under the necessity of the purpose of cultural nationalism as the re-creation
security concerns (See Buzan, 2006; Novelli, 2010 of their distinctive national civilisation. Furthermore,
and Nguyen, 2014). he emphasises the establishment of ‘cultural
This paper draws on what the Copenhagen School societies and journals’ that educate communities of
referred to as ‘societal security’ (Buzan, 1991; 1993; their common heritage ‘of splendour and suffering’
Buzan and Waver, 1998). Societal security is defined (Hutchinson, 1994;124) stressing similarities such as
as ‘the ability of a society to persist in its essential language, religion and history.
character under changing conditions and possible Education can serve as a medium through which
or acute threats. More specifically, it is about the culture and identity can be strengthened. Education
sustainability, within acceptable conditions for systems provide an obvious vehicle to transmit
evolution, of traditional patterns of language, culture, cultural practices, historical accounts, religion,
association, and religious and national identity language and even geographical interpretations of
and custom’ (Waever, 1993:23). Societal Security homelands to the next generation of a community
therefore goes beyond the traditional notion of the (Bush and Salterelli, 2000). A school ethos can
defence of territory to consider the character of the be created that expresses a pride in identity and
society being defended, and the critical functions belonging to the group through honouring ethnically
of that society which must be secured for that specific poets and artists and commemorating
character to persist. The identity of community (its historical achievements. Each aspect of the
‘we’ identity’ (Roe, 2004), rather than the sovereignty curriculum provides an opportunity for education
of state, therefore becomes the referent object of to be used as a means of societal defence and
security in its own right. strengthen culture with culture.
It is important to note, therefore, that threats to Furthermore, in addition to being a space for
societal security ‘span from the inhibition of its defensive action, education is also a site in which
expression to the prevention of its continuation’ threats to societal security can be interpreted. If
(Waever, 1993;24) and are not just found in the opportunities to harness education for the purposes
physical acts of war. Thus, threats to societal identity of cultural reproduction are perceived to be inhibited,
can be found outside of the realm of physical this can be inferred as a threat to a community’s
security and ethnic cleansing. By suppressing an ability to reproduce itself and hence a threat to its
identity and thereby preventing it from replicating or societal security and very existence. For example,
reproducing itself, the identity cannot be transmitted the denial of language rights in the education system
effectively from one generation to the next and a can be viewed as a direct attack on group identity as
group’s societal security is threatened (Buzan, 1993: it is ‘through its language, a given group expresses
43). Such acts of aggression can be referred to its own culture, its own societal identity; languages
as ‘cultural cleansing’, acts which are committed are related to thought processes and to the way
against manifestations of group identity rather than the members of a certain linguistic group perceive
populations themselves. For example, restrictions nature, the universe and society’ (Stavenhagen,
to religious and educational establishments strike 1996: 68). In this sense, a security focused call for
against the very core of societal identity. access to mother tongue education would move
For societies that perceive a threat to their identity, beyond highlighting the merits of improved learning
whether the threat is real or imagined, a clear outcomes and reinforcing a child’s self-esteem, to
defensive strategy is to strengthen societal security. include the positive impact in terms of a community’s
As Waever et al (1993b: 191) note ‘this can be manifestation of group identity.
done by using cultural means to reinforce societal When education in conflict affected contexts is
cohesion and distinctiveness, and to ensure that viewed through a security lens, we can see that it
society reproduces itself correctly.’ Waever argues takes on an additional purpose, that of reinforcing
that culture can be defended ‘with culture’, and that a group identity to ensure a group’s continuation in
16
uncertain terms. In this sense education becomes a certain domain, as long as the securitising move
a non-military weapon used to attack (restrict the is within their remit, then the actor has legitimacy
identity of others) and defend (protect one’s own (Collins, 2003: 571). The threat perceived by the
identity) societal security. Therefore, in divided fragile actor must be deemed significant enough to require
contexts, it is possible that ‘ethnic survival’ can be ‘emergency measures’. It must be presented to the
added to the list of factors driving calls for ethnically audience with the presumption that ‘if we do not tackle
appropriate education (alongside pedagogical this problem, everything else will be irrelevant because
advancements and rights-based representation). we will not be here or be free to deal with it in our
Conceptualising education in this way raises own way’ (Buzan, Wæver and de Wilde, 1998: 24).
questions about the different ways in which By suggesting that an issue is an existential threat
education is harnessed to create peace and security. to societal security, the actor is therefore asking
Here, education is understood to contribute to a permission to take action which takes ‘politics
group’s security by reinforcing the distinctiveness beyond the normal rules of the game’ (Buzan, Wæver
at the exclusion of others. However, peacebuilding and de Wilde, 1998: 24). If the actor is successful,
education narratives often stress education’s then an emergency measure to tackle the issue will
transformative nature and its ability to facilitate take place outside of the usual arena and therefore
inclusivity in fragile contexts (for example the UNICEF the issue will become securitised. However, not
Peacebuilding Education and Advocacy (PBEA) all issues presented in this way will necessarily
Programme). This inconsistency highlights an inherent be successful; some issues may just experience
paradox in the way in which education is understood ‘securitising moves’ (Buzan, Wæver and de Wilde,
by different actors. The following section will unpack 1998: 23), securitising speech and politicisation,
some of the dangers that can arise if we do not without becoming securitised.
recognise this conceptual contradiction. To provide a clear example of how this would work in
the education sector we can turn to two examples.
Securitisation The first is illustrated by the conflicts between
In order to further understand the implications of Albanians and Serbs in Kosovo. When faced with
education’s use as a defence mechanism for societal the state’s assimilationist education structures
security, we need a framework that enables us to which prohibited teaching programmes in Albanian,
ascertain the extent to which education can become Albanian communities chose to open their own
a societal security issue. For this we can turn back ethnically affiliated schools (Bush and Saltarelli, 2000),
to the Copenhagen School and their concept of as such ‘defending culture with culture’. By refusing
securitisation (Buzan et al, 1998). The Copenhagen to send their children to the state-run schools and
School posits a spectrum along which issues can be favouring the non-accredited parallel schools, treated
plotted with regard to their status within the security by the Government as illegal, the Albanian community
realm. The spectrum ranges from those issues that took emergency action to tackle the perceived threat
have been politicised but can be managed within to their societal security. These schools were outside
the existing political system, to those issues which the state system and the normal arena for education
require action beyond the state’s normal political policy and practice. All three stages of the process
procedures and have therefore been securitised. were met in this case and access to ethnically
Therefore, the issue is only placed at the securitised affiliated education became securitised for the
end of the spectrum when emergency measures Albanians in Kosovo. Community leaders presented
have been adopted. Hence to declare that an issue the threat from state education to the group’s societal
has become securitised ‘is to not only claim that it security, the audience accepted the presence of the
has become a security issue but also that the elite threat and emergency action was taken in the form of
(or community representatives) have responded by non-accredited, non-state school provision.
adopting emergency measures’ (Collins, 2005: 573). A second example can be drawn from Iraq where a
To securitise something, an actor has to present lack of funding for ethnically appropriate education
the issue as an existential threat to security, in resources for minority groups lead to securitising
this investigation, a threat to societal security. A moves by community actors. When faced with a lack
securitising actor can come from any sphere of life, of linguistically appropriate textbooks the Turkmen
but the overall recognition is that if a securitising actor community framed the issue as an attack on their
has been elected to represent a community within continued presence in the region, parents accepted
17
this threat and emergency action was taken in the of groups within a society. For example, central
form of accepting education resources from actors governments may see the proliferation of ethnic
outside of the state education system. Resources schooling, not as the strengthening of communities,
and funding were accepted from a range of local but as a threat to the security and integrity of the
ethnically affiliated political parties and international state. As such counter measures may be sought to
donors (Shanks, 2015). encourage or enforce ‘integration’. Such attempts
When a community enables an actor to take can fall across a spectrum of intentions, from mass
these emergency measures, they grant the actor assimilation (denial of societal security through
extraordinary power over that issue. The labelling education) to integrationist strategies (representation
of a problem as a ‘security issue’ may result in little of identity in diverse environments). To illustrate these
or no assessment or regulation imposed on the counter measures, we can look to the enforced
implementation of the emergency measures taken assimilationist attempts of the Ba’ath party in Iraq
(Grayson, 2003). Collins (2005:571) states that ‘there (Shanks, 2005) and the management of Kurdish
exists, therefore, the danger that having granted education rights in Turkey (Hassanpour et al; 1996)
the actor the right to implement extraordinary and the post-genocide education policy in Rwanda,
measures, the audience forfeits its authority to which has prioritised national unity that embraces
determine the legitimacy of future actions undertaken being ‘Rwandan’ as opposed to ethnic difference
by the actor’. As such, by securitising the issue (Rubagiza, 2016).
the audience and actor have jointly contributed to Within the societal security framing we can see
placing it ‘beyond the realm of reasonable public that such ‘counter-measures’ by the state may in
scrutiny’ (Collins, 2005:572). Grayson (2003) turn lead to the further securitisation of education
provides a valuable analogy involving Frankenstein’s by ethnic groups. To understand this process of
monster to caution how precarious securitisation action-reaction, we can draw on the concept of
can be. Collins (2005:571) states that it is a valuable ‘security dilemmas’ (Posen, 1993). In essence, the
metaphor for securitisation because ‘it not only security dilemma defines a situation whereby actors
captures the loosening of constraints on the actor will take action to create their own security, yet these
that allows them to act almost with impunity, but actions lead to further insecurity by provoking fear
it also visualizes just how powerful the securitizing in neighbouring actors. Therefore, any attempt an
actor can become.’ In this respect, granting external actor makes to increase its own security will cause
actors power within the education arena raises a neighbouring actors to act in kind therein actually
number of serious considerations. The possible decreasing its security. As a result, a spiral of action
abuse of power and authority can lead to negative and reaction is manifested in which each side’s
outcomes in terms of curriculum content and behaviour is seen as threatening (Roe, 2004). This
classroom delivery. Without public scrutiny education paper suggests a utility in applying this to the action
content can be manipulated to serve the interests reaction process in the education arena.
of political elites or religious extremists, fostering a Key to this understanding of security dilemmas is
divisive ethno-centric ethos (rather than strengthen how a threat is constructed, in this case; how does
and celebrate culture). If emergency measures are ethnically separate homogenous schooling pose a
granted within the education arena and that power threat to state unity? This question returns us to the
is abused, it can lead to wider repercussions for the issue of nationalism within schools. As previously noted,
rest of society and inter-ethnic relations. ‘cultural nationalism’ is often the defensive tool used
by those wishing to protect societal security. While
Counter measures this objective does not pose a direct risk to the state
Framing education within the security narrative also (or other communities), ‘ethnic nationalism’ potentially
enables us to capture the tensions and contradictions does1. Roe (2003) suggests that it is actually the
of competing security agendas. That is to say that ambiguity of nationalist projects and movements that
how education is operationalised to enforce security can prompt conflict in multi-ethnic states. As such,
differs between actors, and these understandings the undistinguishable nature of ‘cultural’ and ‘ethnic’
can be in opposition with one another. There are nationalist projects within schools can create irresolvable
inherent challenges posed by the differing objectives uncertainty regarding the intended use of education.
1As the central political tenet of ethnic nationalism is that each ethnic group is entitled to self-determination.
18
Therefore, any use of nationalism in schools may prompt By understanding the significance conferred on
a central government to fear actions within education education in terms of societal security protection, we
that may lead to a decrease in their political or territorial can better articulate the way in which education and
control. This creates what can be seen as inherent conflict interact. This paper proposes that in order to
paradox, the use of cultural nationalism within school to truly harness education’s potential for peacebuilding,
increase societal security by ethnic groups is met with educationalists, political scientists and security
counter measures by the state, which in turn creates theorists must engage in more interdisciplinary
opportunities for education to be further securitised and explorations of education’s purpose in conflict
open to external influences and actual ethnic nationalism. affected contexts.
Conclusion Author Bio

By acknowledging the significant pool of literature Kelsey Shanks is the Global Challenges Research
on societal security protection and the concept Fund Challenge Leader for Education Research
of protecting culture with culture, the paper has within UK Research and Innovation and a Senior
sought to demonstrate the often-conflicting Lecturer at Ulster University. Her research agenda
agendas that are bestowed on education in deeply focuses on the relationship between education and
divided societies. Repressive education policies conflict in divided societies, with an exploration
and failure to support minority representation are of education’s links to post-conflict stabilisation
often presented as a denial of rights that leads to and peacebuilding agendas. She has conducted
assimilation and grievance. Yet the societal security extensive research in Iraq, along with work in
framing of education presents a more nuanced Ukraine, Palestine, Syria, Somalia and Lebanon.
understanding of the impact of denied education Kelsey is the author of Education and Ethno-Politics;
rights, highlighting the often-neglected reactions of Defending Identity in Iraq (Routledge, 2015) and
education community actors to such restrictions. various book chapters and articles.
References
Alter, P. (1994) Nationalism, London: Edward Arnold. Novelli, M., Lopes Cardozo, M. and Smith, A. (2015) A theoretical
framework for analysing the contribution of education to
Bush, K. D., & Saltarelli, D. (2000). The two faces of education in
sustainable peacebuilding: 4Rs in conflict-affected contexts.
ethnic conflict: Towards a peacebuilding education for children.
http://sro.sussex.ac.uk/id/eprint/58005/ Accessed 01/01/2019
Buzan, B., Wæver, O. and De Wilde, J. (1998) Security: a new
Novelli, M. (2010) A new geopolitics of educational aid: From
framework for analysis, London: Lynne Rienner Publishers.
cold wars to holy wars?, International Journal of Educational
Buzan, B. (1991) People, states and fear: An agenda for Development, 30(5), 453–459.
international security studies in the post-cold war era, (2nd edn),
Nguyen, N. (2014) Education as warfare?: Mapping securitised
London: Harvester Wheatsheaf.
education interventions as war on terror strategy, Geopolitics,
Buzan, B. (1993). Societal security, state security and 19(1), 109–139.
internationalization, Identity, migration and the new security
Paulson, J. (Ed.) (2011) Education, conflict and development,
agenda in Europe, 57.
London: Symposium Books Ltd.
Buzan, B. (2006) Will the “global war on terrorism” be the new cold
Posen, B. R. (1993) The security dilemma and ethnic conflict,
war? International Affairs, 82(6), 1101–1118.
Survival, 35(1), 27–47.
Collins, A. (2005). Securitization, Frankenstein’s monster and
Roe, P. (2004). Ethnic violence and the societal security dilemma.
Malaysian education. The Pacific Review, 18(4), 567-588.
Routledge.
Ghosh, R., Chan, W. A., Manuel, A. and Dilimulati, M. (2017)
Rubagiza, J., Umutoni, J., and Kaleeba, A. (2016) Teachers as
Can education counter violent religious extremism?, Canadian
agents of change: promoting peacebuilding and social cohesion
Foreign Policy Journal, 23(2): 117-133.
in schools in Rwanda, Education as Change, 20(3), 202-224.
Grayson,Kyle (2003) ‘Securitization and the boomerang debate: https://dx.doi.org/10.17159/1947-9417/2016/1533
a rejoinder to Liotta and Smith-Windsor’, Security Dialogue 34(3):
Shanks, K. (2015). Education and ethno-politics: defending identity
337–43.
in Iraq. Routledge.
Hassanpour, A., Skutnabb-Kangas, T. and Chyet, M. (1996) The
Smith, A, Smith, A., McCandless, E., Paulson, J., & Wheaton, W.
non-education of Kurds: A Kurdish perspective, International
(2011) The role of education in peacebuilding: Literature review,
Review of Education, 42(4), pp.367-379.
New York: UNICEF.
Hutchinson, J. (1994) Cultural nationalism and moral regeneration,
Stavenhagen, R, (1996) Ethnic conflicts and the nation-state,
In J. Hutchinson and A. D. Smith (eds), Nationalism, Oxford:
London: Palgrave Macmillan.
Oxford University Press.
Swimelar, S. (2013) Education in post-war Bosnia: The nexus of
King, E. and Monaghan, C. (2016) Peace education and
societal security, identity and nationalism, Ethnopolitics, 12(2): 161-182.
peacebuilding in Dadaab refugee camp: Results and lessons
learned, UNICEF Eastern and Southern Africa Region, Wæver, O. (1993) Identity, migration and the new security agenda
Peacebuilding Education and Advocacy Program (PBEA). in Europe, London: Palgrave Macmillan.
19
Analysing donor conceptualisations

of state fragility
Robin Shields, Associate Professor, School of Management, University of Bath, UK
R.A.Shields@bath.ac.uk

j.paulson@bristol.ac.uk
Introduction
Abstract The rise of state fragility as a framework for
This paper analyses how international understanding the role of the state in development
development organisations conceptualise processes has been well-documented and
and operationalise the concept of well-studied (Bertoli and Ticci, 2012; Jones and
state fragility. We identify two principal Rodgers, 2011; Nay, 2010). Most of this literature
dimensions within donors’ definitions of lends credence to Grimm’s (2014: 252) observation
state fragility: one distinguishes between a that ‘there are significant variations in how various
focus on development outcomes such as donor governments and international agencies
poverty reduction and the legitimacy of the define ‘state fragility’ and in which countries
government while the other differentiates they include in their lists of ‘fragile’ states’. Thus,
conflict and security from the capacity of while it is widely acknowledged that international
the state. development agencies define and measure state
fragility in different ways, the ways in which various
Key Words conceptualisations and measurements relate to one
State fragility another remain largely uncharted. Given that the
Education conceptualisation and measurement of fragility holds
direct influence over how donors distribute funding
Measurement
(for example in the World Bank’s International
Multi-dimensional scaling Development Association Resource Allocation Index,
World Bank, 2018), understanding these variations
in greater depth is a clear priority for international
development research.
The purpose of this paper is to better understand
how state fragility is conceptualised and
operationalised by international development
organisations. To achieve this goal, it employs a
mixed methods analysis of 1) textual definitions of
fragility taken from the extensive literature produced
by development organisations and 2) indices used
by these organisations as measures of fragility.
Both of these data sources are analysed using
multidimensional scaling, which creates a conceptual
To cite this article: Shields, R. and space that demonstrates similarities between
Paulson, J. (2019) Analysing donor definitions and measurements and establishes key
conceptualisations of state fragility, organising dimensions of the fragility discourse.
Education and Conflict Review, 2, 20-27. The results of the analysis are used to identify key
20
dimensions that organise the ways in which donors of the state’, ‘outputs’ of fragility (e.g. poverty and
understand fragility. It is hoped that the exploratory violence) and as a relationship with donors’. The
analysis presented here will be used as a framework concept has been further muddied through its
for empirical studies that relate these dimensions of conflation with conflict, with common phrases such
fragility to development outcomes. as ‘fragile and conflict-affected’ often implying that
the two phenomena are one and the same. The
Literature review concept is also weakened by the wide variety of
State fragility terminology first emerged in the years ideas and contexts it seeks to incorporate, almost
following the 9/11 attacks mainly in relation to paradoxically spanning very weak states - those
Western donor concerns about the security risks with failing governments and lack of territorial
posed by countries with unstable, or authoritarian control (e.g. Somalia)- and very strong states -
governments and a history of violent conflict (e.g. those with authoritarian control and no democratic
Afghanistan and Iraq). However, the concept draws accountability (e.g North Korea).
upon a longer tradition dating back to concerns Due to these conceptual shortcomings, the concept
about ‘failed’ states following the Cold War and of fragility has attracted criticism from academic
the implicit nation-building goals in modernisation research, mainly focusing on its weakness as an
approaches to development (Call, 2011; Marquette analytic concept and framework for understanding
and Beswick, 2011). The fragility terminology grew states’ development (Bertoli and Ticci, 2012;
in prominence in the decade that followed 9/11, Binkerhoff, 2014; Nay 2010, Paulson and Shields,
spurred by the first publication of the World Bank’s 2015). These critiques approach the topic from a
Country Policy and Institutional Assessment (CPIA) number of different angles: some studies accept
- which was quickly appropriated as a measure of the overall conceptual premises of state fragility - or
fragility (Baliamoune-Lutz and McGillivray, 2008) - at least parts of it - but critique the way it has been
and a good deal of ‘grey literature’ that situated the defined and implemented, often suggesting reforms
concept of fragility squarely in donors’ agendas (Nay, or posing alternatives. For example, research has
2010: 327). suggested alternative approaches to measuring and
Much of the literature from development classifying fragile states (e.g. Baliamoune-Lutz and
organisations has at its core an understanding of McGillivray, 2008; Grävingholt et al, 2012).
fragility as ‘institutional deficits that permit repeated In contrast, other studies reject the concept of
cycles of violence’ (World Bank, 2011: 22), with fragility as a form of discursive power and control
the idea that the two phenomena (fragility and that primarily serves the interests of international
violent conflict) arise through mutual causation and organisations and/or developed countries (Nay,
feedback cycles. Other commonly cited features of 2010). In line with Fairclough’s (1995: 2) view that
fragile states include a lack of security, an inability to power lies in the ability ‘sustain particular discursive
meet the basic needs of the population, ‘horizontal practices with particular ideological investments
inequalities’ and ethnic tensions, and poor use of in dominance over other alternative practices’,
development funding (Davies, 2011, Stewart and international development donors are able to
Brown, 2010; François and Sud, 2006). By providing promote and maintain representations of ‘fragile
examples of the large number of people living in states’ as deficient and in need of interventions,
countries defined as fragile and their disproportionate consistent with Escobar’s (1995) larger critique
share of development problems (e.g. poverty, limited of discursive power in international development.
access to education, etc.), fragility is constructed Taking this critique further, the fragility discourse
as a pressing concern and implicitly positioned as a silences and obscures the global and the geopolitical
cause of these problems (e.g. OECD, 2014; USAID; power dynamics, from colonial legacies to
2014; World Bank, 2011). neocolonial development practices, that sustain and
However, beyond this common core, there exists perpetuate poverty and conflict (Nay, 2010).
considerable divergence in how development From this perspective, quantitative measurements
organisations understand fragility; Cammack et al of fragility, taking the form of indices and rankings
(2006) highlight how definitions of fragility range published by numerous international development
from understanding fragility in terms of ‘functions agencies and think tanks (e.g. the World Bank’s
21
CPIA and Brooking Institute’s Index of State fragility is necessary. In this study, we share a critical
Weakness), also form a part of the fragility discourse. orientation to the emergence of a fragility discourse
In line with the assertions of Said (1978) and and its functions of maintaining geopolitical power
Escobar (1995) that the production of knowledge dynamics by locating the causes of conflict and
and establishment of new fields of study (e.g. poverty in the ‘fragile’ states of the global south.
‘orientalism’, area studies, development economics, We also share the commitment to careful analysis
etc.) was essential to colonial regimes, these of existing definitions, less as an effort to rescue
measurements confer a pseudo-scientific status and the conceptual validity of fragility and more as an
appearance of objectivity to the fragility discourse endeavour to better understand the features of the
in a neo-colonial order in which the funding fragility discourse, including its inconsistencies, and
mechanisms of international organisations are a key to present a framework with which future research
form of power. Quantitative studies of the indices might critically the mobilisation of fragility discourses.
themselves provide a nuanced understanding of
these measurements, revealing that correlations Methods
between indices, which purport to measure the In order to better understand how international
same thing, actually range from 0.10 to 0.94 (Mata development organisations conceptualise and
and Ziaja, 2009). This variation suggests that operationalise state fragility, we undertook a mixed
the measurement constructs and the underlying methods study of how the concept of state fragility
understandings of fragility employed by respective is defined in these organisations’ literature, and the
organisations are inconsistent. Nevertheless, fragility indicators that development organisations use to
measurements are used to determine significant measure fragility. This study uses codings of fragility
allocations of development funding, often through definitions to create a conceptual mapping of how
complex formulas in which initial measurements these organisations understand state fragility by
based on ‘minor bureaucratic practice’ are using multidimensional scaling (MDS), a technique
transformed and decontextualised (Siqueria, 2014). for exploratory analysis of multivariate data.
However, despite the healthy levels of criticism, We analysed definitions of state fragility produced
there is also a good deal of literature that accepts by international development organisations. These
and reproduces the general assumptions of the definitions are taken from documents that are
discourse (e.g. the co-constitutive problem of weak authored and published by the organisations and
institutions, violent conflict and poor development contain a clear and explicit definition of fragility.
outcomes), and has played a key role in legitimising The organisations include bilateral donors (e.g.
the discourse on state fragility (Nay, 2010). In many DFID, USAID), publications from their respective
academic studies, state fragility and its measurement governments, multilateral donors (e.g. the World
are accepted as objective fact, with the assumption Bank) and multilateral organisations that coordinate
that one can define a state as fragile just as easily as work among donors (i.e. OECD). We do not
one can determine it is landlocked. Others temper include research reports commissioned by the
critique of how fragility is understood, defined organisations, academic research papers, or
and measured among development donors with documents from non-governmental organisations
cautious optimism that the concept holds some and charities. In total, we analysed 17 definitions
potential to explain development outcomes and from 8 organisations, spanning the years 2002 to
inform policy (Ipke, 2007; Patrick, 2007). From this 2014 (Table 1); ranging from 17 to 113 words in
perspective, the potential of fragility as concept is length. These definitions were coded using a set of
limited with the realisation that ‘current definitions codes created on the basis of the literature review
of fragility are not useful aggregations to predict, and preliminary review of the definitions (a list of
monitor and explain development progress using codes and their frequencies is included in the online
MDG indicators’ (Harttgen and Klassen, 2013: 134). appendix). We coded each definition using a literal
Thus, in order to arrive at a more fruitful, relevant and approach, in which a code was applied to a given
conceptually valid understanding of state fragility, definition only if the actual text – or a close variation
scrutiny and careful analysis of existing definitions of thereof – appeared in the given definition.
22
Organization Year Document Title
AusAID 2011 Framework for working in fragile and conflict-affected states
DFID 2004 Fragile states: Defining difficult environments for poverty reduction
DFID 2005 Why we need to work more effectively in fragile states
EU 2007 An EU response to situations of fragility
GIZ 2012 The Challenge of fragility in Sub-Saharan Africa
Netherlands 2008 Dutch Security and Development in Fragile States

(Foreign Ministry)
OECD-DAC 2006 Whole of government approaches to fragile states
OECD-DAC 2007 Principles for good international engagement in fragile states and
situations
OECD-DAC 2008 Concepts and dilemmas of state building in fragile situations:

From fragility to resilience
OECD-DAC 2010 The state’s legitimacy in fragile situations: Unpacking complexity
OECD-DAC 2013 Fragile states 2013: Resource flows and trends in a shifting world
USAID 2005 Measuring fragility: Indicators and methods for rating state performance
USAID 2014 Ending extreme poverty in fragile contexts
USDoS 2008 Weak and Failing States: Evolving Security Threats and U.S. Policy
World Bank (WB) 2005 Fragile states: Good practice in country assistance strategies
World Bank (WB) 2007a Global monitoring report 2007
World Bank (WB) 2007b Aid that works: Successful development in fragile states
Table 1: Source documents for definitions
The coded definitions were transformed into structure that most closely resembles the similarity
a similarity matrix - a table in which each cell matrix, such that definitions or measurements that
represents the distance between a pair of are most similar are closest to one another. The
definitions or measurements. For definitions, the space can then be analysed to find patterns of
similarity is based on the number of common codes clustering (i.e groups of similar institutions) as well
the definitions share1. The similarity matrix was as organising dimensions – continua along which
then transformed into a two-dimensional Euclidean definitions and measurements are spread, which
space using classical multidimensional scaling vary independently of one another (Everitt and
(MDS). The MDS algorithm creates a space with a Hothorn, 2011).
1This is calculated using a distance function, so common codings (i.e. both coded with a give code or both not coded with a given
code) are considered closer, while differing codings (one coded while the other is not) are coded differently. This compensates that
some definitions have more codes than others, often due to the differing lengths.
23
It is important to keep in mind that this space from 2007 and 2008 are located in the centre of the
represents definitions of fragility and not states figure, while more recent definitions (2010 and 2013)
themselves; there is no claim that individual states are towards the upper right. This change indicates a
can or should be interpreted as representing conceptual shift - primarily through the adoption of
particular points in our conceptual space. The ‘resilience’ into the definition of fragile states.
focus of our analysis therefore differs from other Finally, one the most commonly cited definitions
studies that apply latent variable analysis to state of fragility – from the OECD-DAC 2007, is
fragility (i.e. Grävingholt et al, 2012), which focus located relatively close to a large number of other
on identifying clusters of similar countries based definitions (interestingly – some of which precede it
on a range of indicators. While both approaches chronologically). This clustering is good evidence of a
illustrate the affordance of understanding fragility as strong ‘consensus’ that –
a latent variable - i.e. a construct that is not directly
States are fragile when state structures lack
measured but observed through multiple indicators –
political will and/or capacity to provide the
they address different but related research questions.
basic functions needed for poverty reduction,
Once analysed, the conceptual spaces provide a
development and to safeguard the security
useful framework for understanding the organizing
and human rights of their population.
principles and dimensions in donors’ approaches to
(OECD/DAC 2007: 2)
measuring and operationalising state fragility.
Focusing on the distribution of codes across
Findings conceptual space, provides further insight into the
Results from the analysis of fragility definitions are key dimensions to differences in organisations’
shown in Figure 1. Several interesting features understandings of state fragility.
emerge from a general overview: First, there is a
Development outcomes versus
general tendency for organisations’ definitions to
social contract perspectives
cluster relatively close to one another. For example,
definitions from the World Bank are grouped together One key dimension to the analysis is the distinction
in the middle of the figure, while those from the between definitions that focus on development
US Agency for International Development (USAID) outcomes (coded with ‘aid resources’ and ‘poverty
and Department of State (USDoS) are towards the reduction’) and those that are concerned with
bottom of the figure. While this is not surprising, it is aspects of the social contract between the state and
in establishing the validity of the analysis. There are its citizens (coded with ‘state-society relations’ and
also chronological patterns: the OECD’s definitions ‘legitimacy’). As shown in Figure 2, earlier definitions,
OECD.2013
OECD.2010
EU.2007
WB.2002
OECD.2007 AusAid.2011
OECD.2008
WB.2007a
WB.2007b
Netherlands.2008 GIZ.2012
DFID.2004
DFID.2005 USDoS.2008
USAID.2014
WB.2005
USAID.2005
OECD.2005
Figure 1: Conceptual mapping of state fragility definitions
24
particularly those from the World Bank and the UK’s of the state (i.e. its ability to deliver services and
Department for International Development, were maintain a social contract) versus issues related to
primarily concerned with development outcomes, conflict, peace and security. This is illustrated along
whereas, more recent definitions, including those the vertical axis of the conceptual space, and the
from other national donors, focus more on the groups indicated in Figure 3 show those definitions
legitimacy of the government and its relationship to that utilise these perspectives as well an overlap
citizens, often using the concept of a social contract. in which definitions use both sets. Particularly
noticeable in these groupings are those more
Functions and capacity versus recent definitions from the OECD, which focus
conflict, peace and security on the concept of resilience as a counterpoint to
Another key dimension to the analysis is the fragility.
distinction between the functions and capacity
Aid resources and poverty reduction

State-society relations and legitimacy
OECD.2013
OECD.2010
EU.2007
WB.2002
OECD.2008
WB.2007a
WB.2007b
DFID.2004
USAID.2014
WB.2005
USAID.2005
OECD.2005
Figure 2: The horizontal dimension distinguishes between development

outcomes and the social contract
Capacity, governance and function

Conflict/peace and secirity
OECD.2013
OECD.2010
EU.2007
WB.2002
OECD.2008
WB.2007a
WB.2007b
DFID.2004
USAID.2014
WB.2005
USAID.2005
OECD.2005
Figure 2: The vertical dimension differentiates between capacity of the

state and conflict
25
Discussion and conclusion Author Bios

This paper has analysed how state fragility Robin Shields
is defined among international development Robin’s research investigates the globalization
donors. It was motivated by literature that of education, using quantitative methods
showed how state fragility is ambiguously to examine global trends in educational
defined and how different definitions have policy and practice. He has worked across
political implications. Through and exploratory a number of different contexts and topic,
and inductive analysis, we have highlighted including privatization of education in South
two primary distinctions in how state fragility Asia, education and conflict, and international
is defined: one between poverty reduction higher education.
and state functions, and another between
Julia Paulson
state capacity and security. These dimensions
Julia’s research focuses on education, peace
provide a framework for thinking about state
and conflict. She works to understand the
fragility, and it could be used to contextualise
ways in which educational transformation
particular definitions or to analyse donor
and change might contribute towards peace
policy and funding in greater detail. The paper
and justice by understanding and seeking
therefore contributes to future research on
to repair past injustices. Her research
fragility by showing the differences in specific
focuses on relationships between education
meanings it may hold; it contributes to policy
and transitional justice, education and
and programming on fragile states by offering a
memory production, and education about
framework for thinking about what the concept
difficult pasts. I am interested in knowledge
of fragility might mean in a more concrete
production and the ethics of collaborative
sense.
research in education in emergencies.
However, these dimensions do not establish
which of these understandings if more valid
or useful. On the contrary, because definitions
vary across this conceptual space, our analysis
highlights the ambiguity inherent in the concept
of state fragility, and where such ambiguity
exists there is an opening for politicisation.
Donors, aid recipients, and other actors in
the education sector may discursively and
rhetorically position themselves strategically
within this space depending on their political
and financial agendas. Careful consideration
of such manoeuvring may provide greater
insight into the political economy of aid and its
relationship to conflict and education.
26
References
Baliamoune-Lutz, M. and McGillivray, M. (2008) State fragility: Ikpe, E. (2007). Challenging the discourse on fragile states.
Concept and measurement, United Nations University, World Conflict, Security & Development, 7(1), 85-124.
Institute for Development Economics Research, Research
Paper No. 2008/44. Jones, G. A., & Rodgers, D. (2011). The World Bank’s
World Development Report 2011 on conflict, security and
Bertoli, S. and Ticci, E. (2012) A fragile guideline to development: a critique through five vignettes. Journal of
development assistance, Development Policy Review, 30(2), International Development, 23(7), 980-995.
211-230.
Marquette, H. and Beswick, D. (2011) State building, security
Binkerhoff, D. W. (2014) State fragility and failure as wicked and development: state building as a new development
problems: Beyond naming and taming, Third World Quarterly, paradigm? Third World Quarterly, 32(10), 1703-1714.
35(2), 333-344. DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2011.610565.
Call, C. T. (2011) Beyond the ‘failed state’: Toward conceptual Mata, J. F. and Ziaja, S. (2009) User’s guide on measuring
alternatives, European Journal of International Relations, 17(2), fragility, Bonn: German Development Institute and UNDP.
303-326.
Nay, O. (2010) Fragile and failed states: Critical perspectives on
Cammack, D., McLeod, D., Menocal, A. R., & Christiansen, conceptual hybrids, International Political Science Review, 34(3),
K. (2006). Donors and the ‘fragile states’ agenda: a survey 326-341.
of current thinking and practice. ODI Report submitted to the
Japan International Co-operation Agency. London: Overseas OECD/DAC. (2007) Principles for Good International
Development Institute. Engagement in Fragile States and Situations. Paris: Author.
Davies, L. (2011). Understanding Education’s Role in Fragility: OECD. (2014) Fragile states 2014: Domestic revenue
Synthesis of four situational analyses of education and fragility: mobilization in fragile states. Paris: Author.
Afghanistan, Bosnia & Herzegovina, Cambodia and Liberia. Paulson, J., and Shields, R. (2015) Conflict-fragility-education, In
Paris: IIEP Research Reports, UNESCO. Retrieved from: Z. Gross and L. Davies (eds), The Contested Role of Education
http://unesdoc.unesco.org/images/0019/001915/191504E.pdf in Conflict and Fragility, pp. 45-62. Rotterdam: Sense Publishers.
Escobar, A. (1995) Encountering development: The making and Patrick, S. (2007). “Failed” states and global security: Empirical
unmaking of the third world, Princeton: Princeton University questions and policy dilemmas. International Studies Review,
Press. 9(4), 644-662.
Everitt, B., and Hothorn, T. (2011) An introduction to applied Said, E. (1978) Orientalism, New York: Vintage Books.
multivariate analysis with R, New York: Springer.
Siqueria, I. R. (2014) Measuring and managing ‘state fragility’:
Fairclough, N. (1995) Critical discourse analysis. Boston: The production statistics by the World Bank, Timor-Leste and
Addison Wesley. the g7+. Third World Quarterly, 35(2), 268-283.
François, M., & Sud, I. (2006). Promoting stability and Stewart, F. and Brown, G. (2010) Fragile states, Centre for
development in fragile and failed states. Development policy Research on Inequalities, Human Security and Ethnicity (CRISE),
review, 24(2), 141-160. University of Oxford. Paper no. 3.
Grävingholt, J., Ziaja, S. and Kreibaum, M. (2012) State fragility: USAID. (2014) Ending extreme poverty in fragile contexts.
towards a multi-dimensional empirical typology. German Getting to Zero: Discussion Paper.
Development Institute, Discussion Paper 3/2012.
World Bank. (2011) World development report 2011: Conflict,
Grimm, S. (2014) The European Union’s ambiguous concept of security, and development. Washington, DC: World Bank.
‘state fragility,’ Third World Quarterly, 35(2), 252-267.
World Bank. (2018) IDA Resource Allocation Index. Accessed at
Harttgen, K., & Klasen, S. (2013). Do fragile countries http://ida.worldbank.org/financing/resource-management/ida-
experience worse MDG progress?. The Journal of resource-allocation-index on 15 November, 2018.
Development Studies, 49(1), 134-159.
27
The need for contextualisation in the

analysis of curriculum content in conflict
Alexandra Lewis, Lecturer in Education, Conflict and International Development, Centre for
Education and International Development, University College London, UK
A.Lewis@ucl.ac.uk
Introduction
Abstract Since the 2011 Arab Spring, the designs and
Westernised peace-promoting curricula contents of education in conflict-affected and
have been increasingly imported in fragile contexts in the Middle East, North Africa
conflict-affected countries, but they have and West Asia have drawn much academic and
limited capacity to adapt to local contexts practitioner attention, as part of a growing concern
and address unique issues relating to about regional radicalisation (Fábos and Isotalo,
war-related trauma, political contentions 2014). Here radicalisation is thought of as a process
and displacement of teachers and families. through which young people adopt increasingly
In this paper, I argue that this disconnection extremist views, contrary to mainstream principles
could be manifested in incoherence and necessary for the promotion of peace and social
failures to contribute to stability against cohesion (Sieckelinck, Kaulingfreks and De Winter,
contradictory positioning of liberal and more 2015). In light of the growing global interest in
radical schools for competitive ideological conflict, much of the literature on radicalisation in
dominance at the national level, which could recent years has examined the processes through
potentially serve as drivers of conflict. which young people have been drawn into overt
violent actions through exposure to extremist
Key Words ideologies (Christmann, 2012). There is deliberate
Peacebuilding Education research attention on Muslim identities, given a
Somaliland broader securitisation of Islam in the international
media and political discourses (Choudhury, 2007). At
Conflict
the same time, there has been an operational focus
Fragility on single-action programmes, designed to promote
stability through the implementation of peace
education (UNICEF, 2011). Such peace education
is introduced to young people in order to transform
them into agents of positive change, but the impact
of projects developed under this framework may
be restricted or undermined in those cases where
peace education operates in parallel with multiple
rival curricula that promote opposing values, or
where countries lack the capacity to train teachers
To cite this article: Lewis, A. (2019) to effectively deliver these learning resources. I draw
The need for contextualisation in the upon preliminary findings of a small scale research
analysis of curriculum content in conflict, project, based on interviews with Somali teachers,
Education and Conflict Review, 2, 28-32. Ministry employees, education practitioners,
28
teacher-trainers and students. They report complex condemn these values; my interviewees reported
conflict dynamics which are observed in school cases of liberal students refusing to engage in
playgrounds when students within the same school debate with traditionalists on matters relating to
clash over competing ideologies taught to them politics, religion and culture as well as violent clashes
by different teachers, offering small microcosms in which liberal and traditionalist students fought
of processes that may be happening at a broader, in playgrounds, or, more seriously, cases in which
regional level. radical and extremist organisations like Al Shabaab
The purpose of this paper is to examine how targeting liberal schools for attack. There are no
teachers in conflict-affected states translate and immediate or obvious solutions to this challenge, but
interpret liberal and peace-building curricula, and the ideological battles that contradictory curricula
what impact this process of adaptation has on wider generate may antagonise the drivers of conflict within
peacebuilding. It finds that teachers are more likely a society if children are given competing information
to make significant alterations to a curriculum if they about how to act and behave by their textbooks,
deem it to be inappropriate to the local context, or teachers, communities and peers.
too challenging for students to engage with. These
insights emerge from my research in Somaliland
Education as pacification
over the past eight years where curriculum reform is Due to the centrality of education as a conduit
introduced by the Ministry of Education and Higher for shaping hearts and minds, there has been an
Education through support from the international increasing international practitioner and academic
community in order to enhance the role of peace awareness of the role of education in peace and
education. Here, success is often measured conflict promotion (Bush and Saltarelli, 2000), and on
through the distribution of physical resources, the the potential of education to act for peacebuilding,
consolidation of new curricula, and distribution of owing to the idea that education is a transformative
new textbooks. In my latest research I interviewed ‘process’, ‘product’ and ‘discipline’ (Ukeje, 1966:
42 people including staff from Ministry of Education 375). Education is acknowledged to be a way of
and Higher Education, teachers, teacher-trainers, imparting normative values (Ducasse, 1958). Thus,
UNICEF and Save the Children education specialists, education can theoretically be used to reinterpret
journalists, and students in Hargeisa, Somaliland, through classroom learning those ‘factors that
in collaboration with local partners. I found that allow war to be considered normal’, in order ‘to
textbooks produced through reforms do not enhance people’s consciousness of the mechanisms
always reach all public and private schools, and supporting a war culture’, and help them ‘to
that some teachers do not utilise them even when challenge those mechanisms through empowering
they do have access, relying instead on their own people for transformation’ (Burns and Aspelsagh,
lesson plans and teaching strategies. While mostly 2013: 7). More broadly, education may also hold
well-intentioned, the un-sanctioned teaching of the key to redressing structural socio-economic
history, literature and religion, or the omission of inequalities, so as to produce a fairer society
these topics, can serve to reinforce antagonistic clan and address the underlying causes of conflict by
narratives in Somaliland and aggressive clan politics, reconciling and improving access to learning and
which have led to violence in the past. Meanwhile, livelihood opportunities across competing groups.
those who do teach from a sanctioned curriculum However, this likely requires systematic and coherent
take the view that only the officially recognised educational reforms. Yet most practitioners are
version of history is legitimate, where competing locked into working on a single school, single-
narratives prioritising clan identity become viewed as curriculum, or single-intervention basis, limiting the
radical or illegitimate by teachers and students alike. scope of any potential change. In conflict affected
societies, the limited capacity of governments to
Based on these experiences, I argue that, in
provide access to quality education leads to the
conflict affected states, where central monitoring
emergence of a plethora of charitable, non-profit,
capacities are weak in education, graduates of
faith-based, secular and private schools alongside
Western-facing, liberal education systems are put
state schools. Consequently, as it is observed in
in direct conflict with graduates of systems that
29
Somaliland, this leads to teaching diverse and promoted through conditional donor funding in
sometimes, contesting curricular and pedagogical education in the Middle East and North Africa
provisions, the relationships and outcomes (Williams, 2015), has been partly linked with a
between which are difficult to discern. Even where counter-terrorism and democratising agenda
integrated curricula are introduced, these may not (Carapico, 2002; Bodenstein and Faust, 2017). This
necessarily reflect the values of teachers and school approach has accentuated the role of education
governing boards, who may manipulate the contents in promoting allegedly liberal narratives that reject
to promote their own ideological positions. In Islamist Fundamentalism, promote women’s
Somaliland, for example, where a new consolidated empowerment, and discredit racial and religious
curriculum has been introduced, teachers would rip discrimination. Williams (2015: 16) summarises that
pages out of textbooks that they disagreed with, or ‘educational ideas from the West and the North
compensate for perceived gaps in the curriculum carry greater policy weight than ideas from the
with their own understandings of history and identity, South, because the model of schooling is Western,
which are frequently influenced by clan affiliations and because the West and North have greater
and media literacy. These educational processes coercive, projective, and cultural power’ as well as
potentially have far-reaching implications in terms greater financial power in the internationalisation and
of the way that children’s views about the world are globalisation of education. The counter movement
shaped. to this has been the growth of radical organisations
To date, while much has been written on the that combat Western-style education, including the
difference between peace education and emergence of the Nigerian group, Boko Haram, in
peacebuilding education (Burns and Aspeslagh, West Africa, whose name famously translates as
2013; Smith, 2010), as well as the relationship “Books” (as a shorthand for Western-style education)
between education and conflict (Bush and “are forbidden”. It has also fuelled attacks against
Saltarelli, 2000), more research is needed on education in a range of conflict-affected contexts,
how peace-facing education reforms impact such as Afghanistan, Iraq, Somalia and Syria, where
societies in which multiple rival curricula or attacks against teachers and students are justified in
multiple interpretations of the same curriculum defence of local, indigenous and religious values of
operate simultaneously. Indeed, peaceful societal education.
transformation through education may not be Once again, drawing upon research in Somaliland,
achievable through project-based educational the importation of foreign curricula into contexts
interventions, particularly when new curricula are that deal with legacies of violent conflicts, with only
introduced that do not take into consideration the minimal adaptation to the local context, causes
broader context of learning and the capacity of confusion in classrooms. Illustrations and contents
the state to deliver necessary teacher professional in textbooks might be frequently inappropriate: a
development. small girl may be shown playing with a dog in a
society where children in general are prohibited
On the universality of education from doing so, a drawing of a house might be
As a basic human right, the provision of education shown to be built in a Western style with resources
is characterized as a universal good that and technologies that communities do not have
practitioners need to ensure is available, accessible, access to, a song about Old MacDonald and his
acceptable, and adaptable (Tomesevski, 2005) farm may describe a farmer with multiple animals
both in humanitarian situations and more stable in a society where pastoralists would only ever own
development settings. However, universality either camels or goats. As a former Somaliland
should not be confused for neutrality, where the faculty member lamented: “The stories are not ours,
translation of rights into compulsory schooling is the geography is not ours, the history is not ours,
divisive (McCowan, 2010). Education is a political and the identity is not ours”. Thus, many textbooks
endeavour, where the contents and delivery of are unrepresentative of the local identity, and this
education are fundamentally connected to the delegitimises the education sector as a whole,
core power structures of a society. The focus contributing to societal division between those who
on peace-promoting education, which has been continue to value the importance of liberal education
30
and those who reject it as a neo-colonial institution. counter-radicalisation for the international community
Perceptions of outside interference in curricula as a war of ideas, in which ‘the “war on terrorism”
decisions are also pervasive, with another faculty [is] fought principally (ideally) against the myriad
member commenting: components of the Salafi-Jihadi culture (Salafiyya
Jihadiyya) that birthed al-Qaida’s campaign against
“Basically, there are international organisations
“far” and “near” enemies’ (Cozzens, 2006: 2).
in the system, pushing for more reforms, even
Unsurprisingly, in this war of ideas, education
though there have already been reforms.
becomes a strategic resource, where ‘winning will
When I look at the Somaliland curriculum,
entail… gaining the upper-hand in a moral, narrative
in a nutshell, it is more like a cut-and-paste
duel’ (Cozzens, 2006: 3). The war will likely be won
job. The curriculum that we have is simply a
or lost in schools, and so the purpose of schooling
dictation from UNICEF and UNESCO.”
has been critiqued and contested by organisations
(A faculty member from a Somaliland University) like Boko Haram and Al Shabaab as a neo-colonial
The immediate solution to this challenge for the and anti-Islamic initiative. Muslim conflict-affected
international community, who rightly feel the urgency states that rely on external assistance to provide
of the need to strengthen the education system education are caught between these two positions,
in Somaliland, is not apparent. However, a direct with implications for the effectiveness of their
consequence of the delegitimating of any imported programming.
curricula is that teachers and students will not
always take for granted that the materials they are
Conclusion
being taught are valid, particularly in an environment The introduction of Westernised peace-promoting
where multiple donors and private financers teach curricula in conflict-affected countries has the
rival lessons, even when working from the same potential to aggravate conflict drivers by positioning
textbooks. liberal and more radical schools against each
other in national-level competitions for ideological
Education as an ideological dominance. This does not mean that the promotion
battleground of liberal values should be abandoned in education
Around the world, in conflict-affected states, programming in conflict-affected states, but rather
education has in many ways become an ideological than operating on small, short-term scales, or on
battleground, where the politicisation of education a project by project basis, without analysing how
agendas align with donors’ interests and in the introduction of new curricula would impact on
Muslim-majority societies, education has been communities educated to opposing ideals, could
associated with Islamophobia and securitization of cause more violence in the short term. Inherently,
Muslim identities (Cesari, 2009). Educators working the needs of peacebuilding education require
in these contexts need to be self-reflexive and long-term funding commitment, and perhaps a push
critical of their role in exacerbating or mitigating for consolidated education reform, that addresses
this divide. Not all international programmes are the divisions between different education systems.
guilty, but many are under pressure to securitise in However, reform for the sake of reform is insufficient,
accordance with counter-radicalisation objectives. unless it is combined with meaningful and long-term
Specific associations of radicalisation with Islam have support to teachers and teacher training. While
polluted definitions of violent extremism and terror more research is needed to compare across
in Western media and Western politics, refocusing conflict-affected states, a greater emphasis should
them on Muslim violence in a discourse that has be placed on the role of the teacher in interpreting
been criticised as ‘highly politicized, intellectually the official curriculum for their students, as well as
contestable, damaging to community relations on the importance of contextualisation in peace
and largely counter-productive’ (Jackson, 2007: education. The two go hand-in-hand: the role of
395). The Western preoccupation with ‘Islamic’ the teacher in a classroom is to help guide students
radicalisation has led to a corresponding funding through new concepts and complex ideas, and
focus on education and development as weapons they do this by translating those ideas into terms
in the War on Terror (Novelli, 2017). It has situated that they deem relevant to their students, to ease
31
understanding. The more alien a curriculum seems Author Bio

to a teacher, the more aggressive the translation
Dr Alexandra Lewis is author of Security, Clans and
process is likely to be. These decisions are rarely
Tribes: Unstable Governance in Somaliland, Yemen and
made with the intention to harm students or to
the Gulf of Aden (2014). She works as a researcher of
obstruct their learning but unless this process is
peace, conflict and education, and is currently based at
understood, the gap between an intended liberal
the UCL Institute of Education. She has worked at the
curriculum and what is actually taught may have
Universities of York, Leeds and Exeter, and has carried
far-reaching unintended impacts that harm (rather
out fieldwork in Afghanistan, Bosnia-Herzegovina,
than support) the peace process, particularly when
Jordan, Lebanon, Northern Ireland, Russia, Somaliland
students graduate from these systems and are
and Yemen. Her research is on the intersection of
confronted with a divided political society that does
education, security and youth violence.
not share their views.
References
Bodenstein, T. and Faust, J. (2017) Who cares? European public Jackson, R. (2007). Constructing enemies: ‘Islamic Terrorism’
opinion on foreign aid and political conditionality, Journal of in political and academic discourse, Government and
Common Market Studies, 55(5), pp. 955-973. Opposition, 42: 394–426.
Burns, R. J. and Aspelsagh, R. (2013) Introduction, In R. J. Burns, McCowan, T. (2010). Reframing the universal right to
& R. Aspelsagh, Three Decades of Peace Education Around the education, Comparative Education, 46:4, 509-525.
World: An Anthology, London: Routledge, pp. 3-23.
Novelli, M. (2017) Education and countering violent extremism:
Bush, K. & Saltarelli, D. (2000) The Two Faces of Education in Western logics from south to north? Compare: A Journal of
Ethnic Conflict, Florence: UNICEF. Comparative and International Education, 47(6), 835-851.
Carapico, S. (2002) Foreign Aid for Promoting Democracy in the Sieckelinck, S.; Kaulingfreks, F. & De Winter, M. (2015). Neither
Arab World, Middle East Journal, 56(3), 379-395. Villains Nor Victims: Towards an Educational Perspective on
Radicalisation. British Journal of Educational Studies, 63:3,
Cesari, J. (2009) Islamophonia in the West: A comparison between
329-343.
Europe and the United States, In Esposito, J. L. and Kalin, I. (Eds),
The Challenges of Pluralism in the 21st Century Islamophobia, Smith, A. (2010) The influence of education on conflict and
New York: Oxford University Press: 21-45. peace building, Background paper prepared for the Education
for All Global Monitoring Report 2011 The Hidden Crisis:
Choudhury, T. (2007) The role of Muslim identity politics in
Armed conflict and education, Paris: UNESCO.
radicalisation, London: Preventing Extremism Unit.
Tomasevski, K. (2005). Globalizing What: Education as a
Cozzens, J. B. (2006). Identifying entry points of action in
Human Right or as a Traded Service? Indiana Journal of Global
counter-radicalisation: Countering Salaf-juihadi ideologies through
Legal Studies, 12: 1, 1-78.
development initiatives – Strategic openings [DIIS Working Paper].
Copenhagen: Danish Institute for International Studies. Ukeje, B.O. (1966). The Role of Education in a Changing
Society, Foundations of Education (Ed). Benin City: Ethiope
Christmann, K. (2012) Preventing religious radicalisation and
Publishing Corporation, pp. 371-385.
violent extremism: A systematic review of the research evidence:
Research report, [Place]: Youth Justice Board. UNICEF. (2011). The Role of Education in Peacebuilding:
Literature Review. New York: United Nations Children’s Fund.
Ducasse, C.J. (1958) What can philosophy contribute to
educational theory? In Park, J. (Ed.) Selected reading in the Williams, J.H. (2015). A Brief History of International
philosophy of education, London: Macmillan. Education Policy. In Brown, C. (Ed.) (2015). Globalisation,
International Education Policy and Local Policy Formation.
Fábos, A.H. and Isotalo, R. (2014) Introduction: Managing Muslim
Dordrecht: Springer.
mobilities—A conceptual framework, In Fábos, A.H. and Isotalo, R.
(Eds), Managing Muslim mobilities: Religion and global migrations,
New York: Palgrave Macmillan, pp. 1-18.
32
Evidence hungry, theory light: Education

and conflict, SDG16, and aspirations for
peace and justice
julia.paulson@bristol.ac.uk
Introduction
Abstract Since the early 1990s, there has been considerable
This paper explores two alternatives for work to draw attention to the urgency of educational
supporting the idea that education is need during and after conflict and to increase
essential for building peace: 1) to prove this resources to education in conflict recovery. This
idea through empirical evidence; and 2) to stems from the conviction that education can and
substantiate it theoretically. It concludes will contribute towards building peace. Efforts to
that privileging evidence over theory can build the case for education have often focused on
fail to specify how education must change finding evidence to support, even to demonstrate,
in order to build peace and justice, allowing this conviction. There were and remain efforts to find
for the circulation of the idea that any and all and synthesise existing research that might provide
education will necessarily build peace, which evidence to support the ways in which education can
is currently unsupported either by empirical prevent conflict and build peace as indicated in the
evidence or theoretical argument. renewed interest in a Strategic Research Agenda to
guide the education in emergencies community (e.g.
Key Words Mendenhall, 2019). However, there is a considerable
Education in emergencies body of social theory that raises questions about
Evidence this conviction. The sociological cannon – Marx,
Gramsci, Bourdieu, Foucault, Du Bois, and others –
Justice
all offer explanations of the ways in which education
SDGs maintains and even deepens unequal power
relations. If these theorists are right, generating
evidence about the ways in which education might
build peace could be an impossible task.
In this short paper, I want to explore the two
alternatives for supporting such a conviction. The
first is by gathering evidence to demonstrate its
veracity and effectiveness. This is arguably the
path that the Education in Emergencies (EiE)
community has pursued, privileging studies and,
where possible, randomised controlled trials. The
other is by engaging with the theoretical ideas that
can underpin such a conviction – those ideas that
To cite this article: Paulson, J. (2019)
Evidence hungry, theory light: Education seek to illuminate how education might change
and conflict, SDG16, and aspirations from something that is unjust and perpetuates
for peace and justice, Education and injustice to something that isn’t and doesn’t. The
Conflict Review, 2, 33-37. implications of these ideas suggest changes that
33
education might require in order to build peace. To or injustices in a society that might unify a group in
outline these two alternatives, I first look at a key rebellion) motivations for conflict, using a series of
piece of statistical evidence that is currently profiled proxy variables for each. Greed proxies include: the
by the Global Partnership for Education in their availability of primary commodities (proxy for ‘lootable
work to direct more resources towards education resources’), the proportion of young men between
in conflict. This striking statistic raises a number of the ages of 15-24 in a given society (since they are
questions, including around the nature of education considered those most likely to join a rebel force) and
that EiE actors should promote and the goals for years of schooling/ ‘endowment of education’ (which
promoting that form of education. Then, I turn to the is used a proxy for the income earning opportunities
Sustainable Development Goals (SDG) agenda and of young men in order to try to understand the
the theoretical ideas about peace and justice that are degree to which they have other opportunities aside
and are not present there, exploring the pathways from joining a rebellion). Proxy variables designed to
that these open and close for education to contribute represent grievances include the degree to which a
towards peace. The paper argues that in absence society is fractionalised by religion and by ethnicity,
of theoretically informed pathways for change, both measurements of income and asset (land only)
EiE work and SDG goals can fail to specify how inequality, regime type (as proxy for access to political
education must change in order to build peace and rights), and the rate of economic growth in the last
justice. This allows for circulation of the idea that any few years (as a proxy for government economic
and all education will necessarily build peace, which competence). With these variables as potential
is currently unsupported either by empirical evidence predictors of war, Collier and Hoeffler develop an
or theoretical argument (e.g. Harber, 2019). empirical model, using data on the outbreak of
conflict between 1965-1995, to test the explanatory
Making a case for education: power of greed and grievance variables for the
Demonstrating conviction with outbreak of conflict. The dataset includes 24 civil
evidence wars for which the researchers have full data, which
The Global Partnership for Education (GPE) (2018) they use in a first model, and a further 16 for which
recently announced on twitter that ‘each year of minor estimations or assumptions can complete the
education reduces the risk of conflict by 20%.’ data set, which they add to a second analysis.
Following GPE’s tweet questions were immediately As Collier (1999: 4) summarises, ‘the results
raised by researchers. So, five years of education overwhelmingly point to the importance of economic
means a 100% reduction of conflict, asked Robin arguments as opposed to grievance’, the outbreak
Shields. Prachi Srivastava recalled one of the early and maintenance of conflict is motivated more by
insights in education and conflict research, that economic incentives than by ‘group grievances
the content of education can just as easily foment beneath which inter-group hatreds lurk, often
conflict as it can prevent it, urging the recognition traced back through history’ (1999: 1). The youth
that not all and any education can prevent conflict. and education related variables are important for
I asked, where does this figure come from? What is arriving at these results, supporting the argument
the evidence to support such a statement? When I that opportunity costs matter – when young men
investigated further, exploring the ‘Data and Results’ have limited opportunities they will ‘greedily’ pick up
page of the GPE’s website where this claim is again arms as an opportunity for personal gain. Improve
stated, I found a single reference. their educational opportunities (and the overall
The reference was to a 1999 report written for educational endowment of a society) and this greed
the World Bank by the Oxford economist Paul motivation will decrease along with the opportunity
Collier. The report builds on his earlier quantitative costs of warfare. The 20% reduction in conflict
multi-country research into conflict and its causes, with each additional year of education, highlighted
from which he and colleague Anke Hoeffler (1998, by the GPE, comes from regression analysis using
see also 2004) advance their controversial greed means across variables (or, in other words, playing
versus grievance thesis. In this work Collier and with hypotheticals within the predictive model): ‘at
Hoeffler (1998; 2004) test economic (‘greed’) versus the mean risk of civil war, a one year increase in
grievance (real or perceived inequalities, problems, education per head reduces the risk of civil war by
20%’ (Collier and Hoeffler, 1999: 12).
34
It is interesting that this hypothetical finding, nearly contexts can make a positive difference. Research
twenty years old still seems convincing enough to evidence such as Collier’s has been crucial for
support the messaging of an influential organisation building a confident, outward looking EiE community
like the GPE. The greed versus grievance argument who have been successfully raising the profile of
has been heavily disputed in economics, political EiE on international agendas (Winthrop and Matsui,
science, and development studies (e.g. Ballentine 2013). However, this case has largely been built
and Sherman, 2003; Burdel, 2003; Murshed and on the power of numbers, the impact of statistics
Tadjoeddin, 2008; Justino, 2009). Indeed, a general that can show both the scope of the problem
absence of educational opportunity for young people, and the degree to which education can help. The
or a situation in which inequalities in access and/or GPE’s statement, and the wider donor case for
outcome disadvantage particular groups in society EiE, is a largely atheoretical engagement both with
can itself be considered a grievance. Researchers the statistical evidence that drives it and with the
exploring horizontal inequalities as drivers of conflict debate around the production of that evidence. In
adopt this approach (e.g. Stewart, 2008; Østby, this example, the theoretical assumptions that lead
2008). For example, Øtsby (2008) explores the effects to education becoming a proxy variable matter. For
of vertical inequality (inequalities between individuals) Collier (1999), education is conceptualised at the level
and horizontal inequality (inequalities between of individual opportunity cost and ‘greed’, whereas
groups). In Øtsby’s model, years in education is an for Øtsby (2008) education is seen as an entitlement,
indicator of horizontal social inequality and she finds around which inequalities may create or exacerbate
this to be positively related to the outbreak of conflict, cleavages amongst social groups. Policy makers
therefore finding support for the grievance hypothesis attending to these findings while seeking to support
in contrast to Collier’s work. education in conflict prevention and recovery are
In addition to the leaps from hypothetical to actual therefore faced not just with competing statistics
and the academic argument around Collier’s but with different implications for the purposes of
conclusions, the 1999 observation around education – to enable individual opportunity versus
increases in education and decreases in conflict is to remedy inequality – and for the forms of education
not supported by the actual global developments to be implemented – education that delivers optimal
in education and rates of conflict over the last outcomes for individuals, particularly in terms of
twenty years. Levels of education have increased their earnings and assets, versus education that
substantially at a global level since the late nineties tries to level playing fields and provide an equality of
(e.g. UNESCO, 2015). This increase in education opportunity and outcome.
has not been accompanied by a reduction in armed
conflict, which has been increasing in recent years.
SDG16 and aspiring for peace and
Rates of armed conflict did fall over the 1990s and justice: Using theories of justice to
2000s. However, the escalation of several conflicts reach a conviction
in the mid-2010s combined with the outbreak of the Alongside the EiE community’s hunger for evidence,
Syrian conflict meant that since 2014 there was both and the atheoretical engagement with it, is a
an increase in the number of armed conflicts around wider, well-documented and growing production
the world (the highest since 1999) and in the number of indicators within international development,
of battle related deaths, with 2014 seeing the highest intensified since 2015 and the launch of the SDGs,
numbers in the post-1989 period (Pettersson and with its expanded menu of targets (e.g. King, 2017;
Wallensteen, 2015). Fukuda-Parr and McNeill, 2019). Peace and justice,
The fact that Collier’s work is still quoted is indicative which were never explicitly part of the Millennium
of the appetite for statistical evidence about Development Goals (MDG) agenda, are included
education and conflict in donor and international within the SDGs, in which SDG16 calls for peace,
agencies. The statistic, and others like it, serve justice and strong institutions. However, the text and
an important function for the EiE community – targets for SDG16 give little indication of how either
demonstrating the urgent need for education for peace or justice are conceptualised. For instance,
those affected by conflict and emergency and the most definitive statement about what peace and
also ‘proving’ that investment in education in such justice are in the introductory text is that ‘…to build
35
more peaceful, inclusive societies, there needs to be of marginalised groups; for example in indicator
more efficient and transparent regulations put in place 16.7.1 which measures ‘proportions of positions (by
and comprehensive, realistic government budgets’ sex, age, persons with disabilities and population
(UN, 2018: np). Regulations and budgets seem groups) in public institutions’ and target 16.8
meagre against Galtung’s (1969) conceptualisation to ‘broaden and strengthen the participation of
of positive peace as the absence not just of physical developing countries in the institutions of global
forms of violence but also of structural and cultural governance’. Readers will be aware, however, that
violence. The current ‘lead indicator’ for measuring social justice theorists like Nancy Fraser (2003) do
progress against the attainment of the SDG16 goal not detach representation and recognition from
is ‘the number of victims of intentional homicides redistribution of resources and opportunities. Note
per 100,000 population, by sex and age.’ While that developing countries are expected to participate
intentional homicides are clearly part of violent, more, but not also to receive more, as redistributive
conflictive and unjust societies, their reduction alone justice would require. Nor are they afforded space
is not equivalent to peace, justice or inclusion. to create and shape agendas as reparative and
Peace, justice and inclusion are all richly theorised epistemic justice frameworks might enable.
concepts, with competing theoretical approaches Reparative, or historical justice embodies principles
offering quite different visions for their fulfilment. of redress and repair for past wrongs, such as those
What we can see implicitly in the SDG16 text are of slavery and colonialism (e.g. Rudolph, Sriprakash
indicators (the lead and several that follow it) focused and Gerrard, 2018), while epistemic justice would
around measuring a negative peace (the absence of seek to restore the damages done by the exclusion
violence), rather than a positive one (the presence of of individuals and groups as knowers and of their
the justice). The argument could be made that this knowledges as valid (e.g. Fricker, 2007) and by the
is a problem of measurement, that the presence of dominance of western epistemologies (e.g. de Sousa
justice, though clearly something we would have Santos, 2014).
reason to value, is difficult to measure or even So, within SDG16 we can identify theories legalistic,
‘immeasureable’ (Unterhalter, 2017; Biesta, 2011; retributive and social justice (with a particular focus
King, 2017). As well as a problem of measurement, on recognition and representation), but do not see
this is also or perhaps even more so, a problem conceptualisations of redistributive, reparative, or
of lack of engagement with theory. Justice is seen epistemic justice. Engagement with these theoretical
as immeasurable because the SDGs name it as ideas might enable the SDG16 agenda to move
an aspiration but don’t engage in any substantive beyond its current aspirations, which seem confined
discussion about what it might be. to a negative peace.
Justice has been thoroughly theorised and
debated – doing so is arguably one of the principle
Opening possibilities for aspiring
preoccupations of social theory. The 10 SDG16 towards (and measuring) peace and
targets go some way to specifying how justice is justice
envisioned within the SDG agenda – in addition to Returning to the idea of possible educational
mobilising security and negative peace oriented indicators for progress towards these forms of
reductions in violence, the targets seem to mobilise justice, it is not impossible to imagine measuring
a Rawlsian concept of justice (as a social contract the redistribution of educational opportunities and
between individuals) as they seek to ‘promote the outcomes (redistributive justice) by focusing on
rule of law’ (target 16.3) and measure some aspects resource allocation to the most disadvantaged and
of legal and institutional mechanisms for due process, on transforming inequalities in educational outcomes
such as proportions of unsentenced detainees across advantaged and disadvantaged social groups
within prison populations, and compliance with (already the focus of some of the indicators for
Paris Principles around independent human rights SDG4). Indicators of progress towards reparative,
organisations. historical and epistemic justice in education
Targets and indicators also show evidence of might focus on recognition of past injustice in
conceptualisations more oriented towards social curriculum, and in opening possibilities for historically
justice that prioritise representation and participation disadvantaged groups shape and create new
36
curricula. Other possibilities include explorations into degree to which a curriculum affords opportunities
the legacies of educational institutions in benefiting for epistemic justice or the proportion of educational
from and perpetuating inequalities, and reparations resources dedicated towards redressing inequalities
to individuals and groups for educational exclusions, in outcomes for the most disadvantaged and
along with others. historically excluded. These measures are bound to
The point here, is that these multiple ways of be imperfect, as are most if, not all, of the current
theorising justice beyond the legalistic and retributive SDG indicators, but they would be illustrative of a
are not necessarily or inherently unmeasureable. theoretically grounded aspiration for forms of justice
Especially, if like Unterhalter (2017), we embrace that open opportunities for more than a negative
the idea of measurement as an exercise of peace. This would also offer a new form of evidence
negative capability, an exercise that sits with and to the EiE community, moving away from the need
acknowledges uncertainty, while trying to make to demonstrably prove that education can prevent
practical contributions towards capturing social conflict and build peace, towards the ongoing,
realities. Seen in this light, measurement is not an aspirational process of educational change towards
end in and of itself but a way of capturing collective justice.
aspirations and attempts to move towards achieving
them. It is imperfect but worth attempting for the
Author Bio
beauty of the goal rather than the precision of the Julia Paulson is a Senior Lecturer in Education at the
indicator. If we can mobilise the resources to track University of Bristol, where she is also Deputy Director
the number of people and businesses who paid of the Centre for Comparative and International
or were asked to pay a bribe (as SDG indicators Research in Education. Her research focuses on
16.5.1 and 16.5.2 require), it is not impossible to education and conflict, transitional justice, memory,
imagine or operationalise an indicator that tracks the and teaching about difficult and violent pasts.
References
Ballentine, K. and Sherman, J. (Eds.) (2003) the political economy Mendenhall, M. (2019) Data collection and evidence building
of armed conflict: Beyond greed and grievance. Boulder: Lynne to support education in emergencies, NORRAG Special Issue
Rienner Publishers. 2. Geneva: NORRAG. https://resources.norrag.org/resource/
view/525/276
Burdal, M. (2003) How “new” are “new wars”? Global economic
change and the study of civil war, Global Governance, 9(4), Murshed, S.M. and Tadjoeddin, M.Z. (2008) Reappraising the
477-502. greed and grievances explanations for violent internal conflict.
MICROCON Research Working Paper Number 2. https://
Collier, P. (1999) Doing well out of war. Prepared for conference
papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=1116248
on economic agendas in civil wars, London, April 26-27,
1999. World Bank. http://siteresources.worldbank.org/ Øtsby, G. (2008) Polarization, horizontal inequalities and violent
INTKNOWLEDGEFORCHANGE/Resources/491519- civil conflict, Journal of Peace Research, 45(2), 143-162.
1199818447826/28137.pdf
Pettersson, T. and Wallensteen, P. (2015) Armed conflicts,
Collier, P. and Hoeffler, A. (1998) On economic causes of civil war, 1946-2014, Journal of Peace Research, 52(4), 536-550.
Oxford Economic Papers, 50(4), 563-573.
Rudolph, S., Sriprakash, A., Gerrard, J. (2018) Knowledge
Collier, P. and Hoeffler, A. (2004) Greed and grievance in civil war, and racial violence: the shine and the shadow of ‘powerful
Oxford Economics Papers, 56(4), 563-595. knowledge’, Ethics and Education Online First DOI:
10.1080/17449642.2018.1428719
Fricker, M. (2007) Epistemic Injustice: Power and the ethics of
knowing. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Stewart, F. (Ed.) (2008) Horizontal inequalities and conflict:
An Introduction and some Hypotheses, London: Springer.
Fukuda-Parr, S. and McNeill, D. (2019) Knowledge and politics in
setting and measuring the SDGs. Global Policy, 10( S1), 5-15. Unterhalter, E. (2017) Negative capability? Measuring the
unmeasurable in education, Comparative Education, 53(3), 1-16.
Galtung, J. (1969) Violence, peace and peace research, Journal
of Peace Research, 6(3), 167-191. UNESCO (2015) EFA global monitoring report: Education for all
2000 – 2015: Achievements and challenges, Paris: UNESCO.
Global Partnership for Education (2018) Data and results.
https://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=1116248
https://www.globalpartnership.org/data-and-results
Wintrhop, R. and Matsui, E. (2013) A new agenda for education
Harber, C. (2019) Schooling for Peaceful Development in
in fragile states, Washington, D.C.: Brookings Institution,
Post-Conflict Societies: Education for Transformation?
https://www.brookings.edu/research/a-new-agenda-for-
London: Springer.
education-in-fragile-states
Justino, P. (2009) Poverty and violent conflict: A micro-level
World Bank (2011) World development report 2011: Conflict,
perspective on the causes and duration of warfare, Journal of
security and development, Washington, D.C.: World Bank.
Peace Research, 46(3), 315-333.
37
Horizontal inequalities and conflict:

Education as a separate dimension of
horizontal inequalities
Arnim Langer, Professor of International Politics at KU Leuven, Belgium and
Alexander von Humboldt Fellow, University of Heidelberg, Germany.
arnim.langer@kuleuven.be
Line Kuppens, Senior Education Advisor Primary and Secondary Education at VVOB –
education for development.
line.kuppens@kuleuven.be
Introduction
Abstract
Throughout history, the linkages between inequalities
The current paper focuses on the relationship and the emergence of violent conflicts have been
between group-based or so-called horizontal studied intensively by scholars with different
inequalities (HIs) and the emergence of disciplinary backgrounds. Around the turn of the
violent conflict. Given the importance of century, research focusing on the inequality-conflict
educational HIs as both a direct and indirect nexus was rekindled by the introduction of Frances
driver of (violent) group mobilisation, we Stewart’s (2002) theory concerning horizontal
argue that it is important to conceptualise inequality as a cause of conflict. She hypothesised
educational HIs as a separate dimension of that countries with severe inequalities between
horizontal inequalities. culturally-defined or ethnic groups – i.e. horizontal
inequalities (HIs) – were more likely to experience
Key Words conflict because of grievances caused by those
Horizontal inequalities inequalities (see Stewart, 2002; 2008). Since then, a
Violent conflict large body of empirical research has substantiated
Educational inequalities & drivers of conflict the link between HIs and the emergence of violent
conflicts.
At the same time that the HI-theory was introduced,
an increasing number of conflict and educational
scholars started re-thinking and re-assessing the
role of education in fostering more cohesive and
peaceful societies. In particular, Bush and Saltarelli
(2000) argued that while education could help to
bring about more cohesive and peaceful societies,
it could also contribute to societal tensions and
reinforce conflict dynamics. Moreover, educational
inequalities in particular can cause and/or aggravate
conflict (e.g. FHI 360 EPDC, 2015). While some
educational scholars have approached inequalities
in education through the prism of HI-theory (see e.g.
To cite this article: Langer, A. and King, 2015), many do not employ -and are possibly
Kuppens, L. (2019) Horizontal inequalities not familiar with- this concept. Conversely, within the
and conflict: Education as a separate HI-literature, educational inequalities are often only
dimension of horizontal inequalities, used as an indicator for approximating social HIs
Education and Conflict Review, 2, 38-43. (see e.g. Fjelde & Østby, 2014). In the current paper,
38
we examine the role of education within the HI-theory group’s return to education – which depends
of conflict and critically review the empirical evidence on having access to education in the first place
linking HIs in education to conflict, thereby bringing – determines to a large extent a group’s future
together two strands of literature that have so far economic opportunities and hence socio-economic
hardly communicated. Given the important direct status in society (Brown, 2011). Second, the
linkages between educational HIs and conflict, as education system may also play an important role
well as the indirect effect that educational inequalities in sustaining and perpetuating cultural status HIs.
may have through their impact on political, social, In particular, school curricula and textbooks often
economic and cultural status HIs, we conclude marginalise minority and/or non-dominant groups by
that educational HIs should be conceptualised as a exclusively reflecting the history, culture, values and
separate dimension of horizontal inequalities, and not traditions of the dominant group(s) in society (Al-Haj,
just a proxy for social HIs. 2005). Third, educational HIs may also influence
In the next section, we define the concept of the prevailing HIs in the political-administrative
HIs. Section 2 reviews when and under which sphere. On the one hand, in situations characterised
circumstances (educational) HIs are theorised to by severe educational HIs, large proportions of
lead to violent conflict. Section 3 then reviews the disadvantaged groups may not have the required
empirical evidence concerning the relationship qualifications or may be facing unfair competition
between (educational) HIs and violent conflicts. from advantaged groups in society with regard
Section 4 concludes. to gaining access to public employment and/or
obtaining senior political, administrative and judicial
Defining horizontal inequalities positions. Often, certain educational qualifications
The concept of ‘horizontal inequality’ focuses are stipulated for such positions. While it is
on inequalities between culturally-defined or understandable and indeed seemingly appropriate
ethnic groups. HI differs from so-called ‘vertical to require certain minimum educational qualifications
inequality’, ‘which lines individuals or households for specific political-administrative and judicial
up vertically and measures inequality over the positions (e.g. an advanced law degree seems
range of individuals’ (Stewart, 2002: 3). HI is a to be an appropriate educational prerequisite for
multidimensional concept and can pertain to a judge), members of disadvantaged groups are
economic HIs (i.e. inequalities in ownership of assets, less likely to have these qualifications, especially in
incomes and employment opportunities), social HIs cases where there are severe educational HIs, and
(i.e. inequalities in health, social and educational hence are likely to be under-represented in these
outcomes), political HIs (i.e. inequalities in the positions – at least in the absence of some kind of
distribution of political power and positions as well positive discrimination or affirmative action. Further,
as opportunities and access to state or parastatal in some countries, electoral eligibility criteria may
institutions and the judiciary), and cultural status HIs bar many people from educationally disadvantaged
(i.e. differences in recognition and status of different groups from standing in elections. For instance,
groups’ cultural norms and practices) (Langer and in Azerbaijan and Turkey, presidential candidates
Stewart, 2014). need to have completed higher education in order
to be eligible to participate in the presidential
Until now, education has not been conceptualised
elections. On the other hand, educational HIs may
as a separate dimension within the HI-framework.
also indirectly affect the prevailing political HIs,
Indeed, in most empirical studies, inequalities in
in particular perceptions of political HIs. Indeed,
terms of educational access and attainment are
in cases where there are sharp educational HIs,
usually used as an indicator for social HIs (see e.g.
which is often associated with less inter-group
Murshed and Gates, 2005; Østby, 2008). In addition
contact and interaction in the educational sphere,
to worsening the prevailing social HIs, educational
it is likely that group identities become more
HIs may however also play an important role in
salient. As a consequence, people particularly from
sustaining and/or reinforcing the existing economic,
disadvantaged groups may perceive their group’s
political and cultural status HIs (see e.g. Brown,
political exclusion and marginalisation to be worse
2011; FHI 360 EPDC, 2015). In this respect the
than in cases where group identities are less salient.
following points are worth noting. First, an ethnic
39
Hence, educational HIs can clearly cause severe In addition, the HI-theory hypothesises and has
grievances by themselves. From a conflict or empirically shown that it might be the relatively
mobilisation perspective, it is important to note that advantaged groups – instead of the relatively
group grievances caused by severe educational disadvantaged or deprived groups – who initiate
HIs will arguably most acutely be felt by the violence in order to maintain or safeguard their
younger generation in society, because they are relatively advantaged position in society (Stewart, 2008).
the ones most directly negatively affected by these Importantly, the emphasis of the HI theory on linking
inequalities. group inequalities via a grievance-based narrative to
violent conflict does not preclude the view that violent
Horizontal inequalities group mobilisation might be more ‘feasible’ in certain
as a cause of conflict1 political, economic, regional and geographical contexts
Stewart (2002; 2008) theoretically linked the and settings (Langer and Stewart, 2014). Moreover,
presence of HIs to the outbreak of violent conflict the HI-theory is largely complementary to the conflict
via a grievance-based discourse. In particular, feasibility-hypothesis, which draws attention to the
she argued that HIs are likely to cause profound feasibility or opportunity of rebellions rather than
frustrations and severe grievances among the insurgents’ motivations (see e.g. Collier, 2001; Collier
relatively disadvantaged ethnic groups, which in and Hoeffler, 2004; Fearon and Laitin, 2003).
turn may encourage these groups to mobilise along Recently, a new analytical framework was introduced,
ethnic lines in order to redress their situation. In the which has clear parallels with the HI-framework. The
same vein, Cederman et al. (2011: 481) argued that so-called 4R-framework identifies four spheres of
‘objective political and economic asymmetries can influence: Redistribution, Recognition, Representation
be transformed into grievances through a process and Reconciliation (Novelli et al., 2017; see also
of group comparison driven by collective emotions’, in this special issue). With the exception of the
which in turn could ‘trigger violent collective action fourth R (Reconciliation), the 4R-framework largely
through a process of group mobilization’. overlaps with the HI-framework. In particular,
The HI-theory has clear parallels with Ted Gurr’s inequalities in the distribution of educational
(1970) theory of relative deprivation, which explains resources and opportunities clearly speak to the
which individuals are most likely to join a rebellion. sphere of redistribution, while grievances over cultural
Later, Gurr (2000) adapted his theory in order to status inequalities seem to overlap with issues of
explain which minority groups were most likely to recognition. Further, representation is about whether
mobilise politically. In particular, he argued that or not different groups can participate on an equal
when resentment caused by perceptions of relative footing in educational decision-making processes,
deprivation were combined with a sense of cultural which points to issues and dynamics of political HIs
group-belonging, minority groups were more likely (Novelli et al., 2017).
to mobilise politically, whether violent or not, against
the dominant group(s) in society (Gurr, 2000). It is Evidence supporting the link between
worth noting here that while the ‘relative deprivation horizontal inequalities and conflict
theory does not explicitly focus on interpersonal or Since Stewart’s (2002) seminal article, many studies
intergroup wealth comparisons’ (Cederman et al., have empirically analysed the linkages between HIs
2011: 479), the HI-theory ‘explicitly hypothesizes and the outbreak of violence, both quantitatively
that if there are sharp inequalities between different (e.g. Besançon, 2005; Murshed and Gates, 2005)
groups in society, these inequalities may directly and qualitatively (e.g. Thorp et al., 2006)2. Research
lead to violent conflict because the relatively has focused on different types of conflict, including
disadvantaged groups will feel aggrieved about civil war (Gubler and Selway, 2012; Østby, 2008),
their inferior position’ (Langer and Demarest: 2017). ethnocommunal conflict (Cederman et al., 2011;
1This section heavily draws on Langer’s earlier work concerning the linkages between horizontal inequalities and violent conflict.
We particularly draw on Langer (2005), and Langer and Stewart (2014).
2For a comprehensive literature review on the relationship between horizontal inequalities and violent conflict, please see:
Hillesund et al. (2018).
40
Fjelde and Østby, 2014) and separatist violence Thus, there is ample evidence to support the
(Brown, 2008; Østby et al., 2011). While many hypothesised relationship between HIs and violent
studies have studied particular countries and/or conflict. Empirical support for the effect of HIs in
regions, mostly in Sub-Saharan Africa (see e.g. Fjelde education on violent conflict also seems to be
and Østby, 2014; Langer, 2005) and South-East growing (e.g. FHI 360 EPDC; Østby, 2008). Yet,
Asia (see e.g. Østby et al., 2011; Murshed and so far, research examining the latter issue has
Gates, 2005), other studies have had a global remained largely limited to assessing the impact
focus (e.g. Cederman et al., 2011; Cederman et of unequal access to education. Disparities in
al., 2015). These empirical studies show that both access to education and/or attainment levels are
advanced and backward ethnic groups are more however just one part of the puzzle. In an effort to
likely to experience conflict (Cederman et al., 2011); meet the Millennium Development Goals, global
that internal conflict is most intense in the more primary school enrolment levels have overall gone
disadvantaged districts or regions (Murshed and up, suggesting a reduction in inequalities in access
Gates, 2005); and, that particularly regions where to education. Yet, a reduction in overall educational
the largest ethnic group is severely disadvantaged inequalities might well be accompanied by a
compared to other groups are more prone to worsening of group-based inequalities concerning
communal conflict (Fjelde and Østby, 2014). It has the quality of education. More generally, we argue
further been established that countries where the that applying a HI-perspective to the educational
same ethnic groups are politically excluded as well as sphere requires going beyond analysing and
socio-economically disadvantaged are more at risk assessing disparities in access to education and
of having violent conflict, arguably because in these educational attainment levels. While these indicators
situations both the political ‘elites’ and ‘masses’ of are extremely important, it is also important to
the relatively deprived groups have strong incentives analyse, among other things, whether different
to mobilise along ethnic lines (Langer, 2005). groups are included in educational decision-making
As mentioned earlier, in the HI-literature, disparities processes, to what extent different groups are
in access to education and educational attainment represented among the teachers corps, how different
levels are often used as a proxy for social HIs3. groups are represented in textbooks, to what extent
Interestingly, these educational inequalities are vernacular languages are being recognised as official
positively related to the outbreak of civil conflict languages of instruction, and to what extent different
(Østby, 2008; see also Besançon, 2005). The groups are able to translate their education into
likelihood of violent conflict further seems to increase income (i.e. returns to education) and social status in
when absolute levels of education are lower (Østby et society.
al., 2009). And, conflict intensity also appears to go
up as the gap in schooling between a district and the
Conclusion: Education as a
capital widens (Murshed and Gates, 2005). Yet, to our separate dimension of HIs
knowledge, the research by FHI 360 Education Policy The HI-theory of conflict offers an extremely
and Data Center (2015) is the only study to have useful framework for analysing conflicts and for
explicitly and systematically examined the causal link understanding when and under which circumstances
between HIs in education and violent conflict, using conflicts and violent group mobilisation are most
a dataset spanning five decades and almost 100 likely to occur. Since the early 2000s, the theory
countries. The study finds that countries where group has been widely supported by empirical evidence
differences in educational attainment are high are linking the presence of horizontal inequalities to
substantially more likely to experience violent conflict violent conflict onsets. Educational HIs have also
– particularly since the 2000s (FHI 360 EPDC, 2015). been increasingly linked to the emergence of violent
These findings suggest that over time exclusion from conflict. Indeed, we have argued that education
education has become more consequential. and, in particular, educational HIs may contribute to
3Given that educational HIs are often highly correlated with the level of income, and the level of income in turn is known to be an
important explanator for the emergence of violent conflicts, it is crucial to control for countries’ levels of income in any statistical
analysis aimed at establishing a relationship between educational HIs and the risk of violent conflict. It is important to note that all
the quantitative studies referenced in this paragraph did indeed controlled for different countries’ levels of income.
41
conflict in at least four ways: (1) Educational HIs may Author Bios
engender severe grievances among disadvantaged
Arnim Langer is Director of the Centre for Research
groups which in turn could fuel (violent) group
on Peace and Development (CRPD), Chair Holder of
mobilisation; 2) Educational HIs may create, maintain
the UNESCO Chair in Sustainable Peacebuilding and
or worsen existing socio-economic divisions and
Professor of International Politics at KU Leuven. He is
inequalities between groups; (3) Educational HIs may
also associate researcher at the Oxford Department
both directly and indirectly worsen disadvantaged
of International Development, Honorary Researcher
groups’ access to political-administrative power and
at the University of Western Australia (Perth) and
position as well as their perceptions of the prevailing
Alexander von Humboldt Fellow at the University of
objective political HIs; and (4) Education may also
Heidelberg in Germany. He has published widely on
contribute to conflict by failing to accommodate
matters of ethnicity, inequality, and conflict.
cultural diversity (Brown, 2011; see also King, 2015).
On the basis of our analysis, we draw the following Line Kuppens is a Senior Education Advisor
two conclusions. First, given the importance of Primary and Secondary Education at VVOB –
educational HIs as both a direct and indirect driver education for development; a Belgian-based NGO
of (violent) group mobilisation, we conclude that which aims to improve the quality of education in
it is important to recognise educational HIs as a developing countries. She is also post-doctoral
separate dimension of horizontal inequalities. Thus, research fellow at the Centre for Research on Peace
rather than conceptualising educational HIs as a and Development (CRPD) at KU Leuven.
sub-dimension of social HIs, we argue for separating
it from other aspects of social inequalities, and
putting it next to the economic, political and cultural
status dimensions. Second, while it is important to
empirically analyse and investigate how disparities
in access to education and educational attainment
levels are associated with the onsets of different
types of conflicts, it is crucial, we argue, to broaden
and deepen this analysis by also investigating and
studying how far different groups are involved,
represented and included in educational institutions,
decision-making processes and teaching materials.
We conclude that there is clear potential here for a
cross-fertilisation between the HI-framework and the
field of education, peace and conflict.
42
References
Al-Haj, M. (2005) National ethos, multicultural education, H. and Østby, G. (2018) Horizontal inequality and armed
and the new history textbooks in Israel, Curriculum Inquiry, conflict: a comprehensive literature review, Canadian Journal
35 (1), 47-71. of Development Studies / Revue canadienne d’études du
développement, 39 (4), 463-480, DOI:10.1080/02255189.201
Besancon, M.L. (2005) Relative resources: Inequality in 8.1517641.
ethnic wars, revolutions, and genocides’, Journal of Peace
Research, 42 (4), 393-415. King, E. (2015) From classrooms to conflict in Rwanda. New
York: Cambridge University Press.
Brown, G. (2008). Horizontal inequalities and separatism in
Southeast Asia: A comparative perspective, In F. Stewart Langer, A. (2005) Horizontal inequalities and violent group
(ed.), Horizontal Inequalities and Conflict: Understanding mobilisation in Côte d’Ivoire’, Oxford Development Studies,
Group Violence in Multiethnic Societies, London: Palgrave, 33(1), 25-45.
pp. 252-284. Langer, A. and Demarest, L. (2017) Violent group mobilization
Brown, G. (2011) The influence of education on violent and conflicts in Africa: Understanding when and how horizontal
conflict and peace: Inequality, opportunity and the inequalities lead to violence, In P. Aall and C. Crocker, (Eds.),
management of diversity, Prospects, 41 (2), 191–204. The Fabric of Peace in Africa: Looking Beyond the State,
Waterloo, Canada: Centre for International Governance
Bush, K. D., and D. Saltarelli, D. (2000) The two faces Innovation, pp. 33-48.
of education in ethnic conflict: Towards a peacebuilding
education for children, Florence: UNICEF Innocenti Centre. Langer, A. and Stewart, F. (2014) Horizontal inequalities
and violent conflict: Conceptual and empirical linkages,
Cederman, L.E., Weidmann, N.B. and Bormann, N. C. In E. Newman and K. DeRouen (eds.), Routledge Handbook
(2015) Triangulating horizontal inequality: Toward improved of Civil Wars, Abingdon, UK: Routledge.
conflict analysis, Journal of Peace Research, 52 (6),
806-821. Murshed, S.M. and Gates, S. (2005) Spatial–horizontal
inequality and the Maoist insurgency in Nepal, Review of
Cederman, L.E., Weidmann, N.B. and Gledditsch, K.S. Development Economics, 9 (1), 121-134.
(2011) Horizontal inequalities and ethno- nationalist civil
war: A global comparison, American Political Science Novelli, M., Lopes Cardozo, M.T.A., and Smith, A. (2017).
Review, 105(3), 478-495. The 4R’s framework: Analyzing education’s contribution to
sustainable peacebuilding with social justice in conflict affected
Collier, P. (2001) Implications of ethnic diversity, Economic contexts, Journal on Education in Emergencies, 3 (1),14-43.
policy, 16(32), 128-166.
Østby, G. (2008) Inequalities, the political environment and civil
Collier, P. and Hoeffler, A. (2004) Greed and grievance in conflict: Evidence from 55 developing countries, In F. Stewart, (ed.),
civil war, Oxford economic papers 56(4), 563-595. Horizontal Inequalities and Conflict: Understanding Group Violence
Fearon, J. D., and Laitin. D. D. (2003) Ethnicity, insurgency, in Multiethnic Societies, Palgrave: Basingstoke, pp. 106–135
and civil war, American Political Science Review, 97(1), Østby, G., Urdal, H., Tadjoeddin, M. Z., Murshed, S.M. and
75-90. Strand, H. (2011) Population pressure, horizontal inequality
FHI 360 EPDC (2015) Does horizontal education inequality and political violence: A disaggregated study of Indonesian
lead to violent conflict? A global analysis. FHI 360 provinces, 1990-2003, Journal of Development Studies,
Education Policy and Data Center: Washington, DC. 47 (3), 377-398.
Fjelde, H. and Østby, G. (2014) Socioeconomic inequality Stewart, F. (2002) Horizontal inequalities: A neglected
and communal conflict: A disaggregated analysis of dimension of development. QEH Working Paper Series 81,
sub-Saharan Africa, 1990–2008, International Interactions, Oxford: Queen Elizabeth House, University of Oxford.
40 (5), 737-762. Stewart, F. (ed.) (2008) Horizontal inequalities and conflict:
Gubler, J. R. and Selway, J. S. (2012) Horizontal inequality, Understanding group violence in multiethnic societies,
crosscutting cleavages, and civil war, Journal of Conflict Houndmills, UK: Palgrave Macmillan.
Resolution, 56(2), 206-232. Stewart, F., Brown, G. K. and Mancini, L. (2005)
Gurr, T. R. (1970) Why men rebel, Princeton, N.J.: Why horizontal inequalities matter: Some implications
Princeton University Press. for measurement, CRISE WORKING PAPER No. 19.
Oxford: Centre for Research on Inequality, Human
Gurr, T. R. (ed.) (2000). People versus States: Minorities at Security and Ethnicity.
risk in the new century, Washington: United States Institute
of Peace. Thorp, R., Caumartin, C. and Gray-Molina, G. (2006) Inequality,
ethnicity, political mobilisation and political violence in Latin
Hillesund, S., Bahgat, K., Barrett, G., Dupuy, K., Gates, America: The cases of Bolivia, Guatemala and Peru, Bulletin of
S., Nygård, H. M. Rustad, S. A., Strand, H., Urdal, Latin American Research, 25 (4), 453–480.
43
Paulo Freire and critical consciousness

in conflict-affected contexts
Arran Magee, Doctoral Scholar, Centre for Education and International Development,
University College London, UK
arran.magee@icloud.com

t.pherali@ucl.ac.uk
Introduction
Abstract
While Paulo Freire did not use the term
In this article, we introduce some of the key ‘empowerment’ directly, his emphasis on
tenets of Paulo Freire’s pedagogical vision education as a means to critical consciousness
of education for peace, social justice and and transformation for social justice provides an
democracy, and some limitations in terms important backdrop for social activists concerned
of its application. In doing so, we aim to with empowering the poor and marginalised (Rai
demonstrate its relevance and importance to et al., 2007). At its heart lays a pedagogy for
conflict-affected contexts. empowerment and transformation, with relevance
to all those seeking to tackle social injustice in its
Key Words various forms (gender, race, ethnicity, class, caste to
Conflict name but a few). As Mayo (2013: 36) suggests, ‘it
Critical pedagogies is an education that is dynamic and which prepares
Social transformation people for a world not as it is, but as it should be’.
This alternative vision of education, we believe, can
Freire
offer a useful tool to engage in educational research,
policy making and practice in conflict-affected
contexts.
In this article, we will introduce some of the key
tenets of Freire’s pedagogy and its relevance
to education in conflict-affected contexts,
before highlighting some of its limitations. It is
not an attempt to present Freire’s vision as a
comprehensive or coherent whole, a framework or
method. Freire was often the first to deny it could
be such a thing (Freire, 1998). Instead, it aims
to present some of the key concepts of Freire’s
pedagogy and its evolutions under later scholars,
to highlight fundamental themes we believe to be
relevant to conflict-affected contexts today.
To cite this article: Magee, A. and
Pherali, T. (2019) Paulo Freire and critical
Freire in theory
consciousness in conflict-affected Central to Freire’s work is the emphasis on the
contexts, Education and Conflict political nature of education. For Freire, education
Review, 2, 44-48. is always for either domestication or liberation.
44
Traditional education approaches are seen agenda for social justice, the conceptualisation
adopting what Freire terms ‘banking education’, of that justice and the means of achieving it lay in
where codified knowledge chosen by those who the hands of the participants who are encouraged
control power in society is inculcated uncritically to draw on wider contexts outside the educational
in learners who are treated as passive recipients setting (Biesta, 1998; Mayo, 2004).
(Freire, 2000). Through this process, education
can domesticate and normalise political, social Freire in practice
and cultural views that serve reproduction of Freire outlines a literacy method to be used in
existing power relationships and ideologies of practice, which can be instrumental for both
the ruling class (Bourdieu, 1984; Freire, 2000). educators and learners in conflict-affected
These processes of indoctrination prevail equally contexts. The educator’s role is initially to gain
in authoritarian, progressive and democratic knowledge of the community through immersion,
societies. Liberal Western education has been interviews and observations. The educator then
criticised for disconnecting learners from the basic codifies the information gathered under a number
principles of humanity such as love, compassion, of themes that relate to the participants’ lives.
mutuality and social justice in favour of commercial, Questions may, for example, orientate around
market orientated based learning (Bourdieu, the availability of education, health care, an
1984; Pherali, 2016). In these contexts, education ongoing conflict or forced migration. Educators
becomes a means of depositing neo-liberal then facilitate investigation of these topics,
agendas that serve the capitalist model of society. assisted by indirectly related pictures that allow
In contrast, Freire (2000) suggests education participants to explore the realities of these
can liberate individuals from their acceptance of situations and become gradually aware that the
the status-quo and their inability to effect social problems in their lives have causes which can
change. The educator’s role is to create a learning be addressed through action. Through a second
environment where learners are active and equal phase, participants will deconstruct a series of
participants in a democratic learning process. ‘generative words’ that relate to the themes in
Knowledge is not possessed by the educator, order to begin to learn the mechanics of the
but co-constructed and co-investigated between studied language (Taylor, 1993; Freire, 2000).
participants. Through this process, participants One of the most accessible and extensive
aim to move beyond ‘banking education’ and resources for its practical implementation today
engage in critical dialogue to raise awareness of is Reflect (Archer and Cottingham, 1996), a
social realities (Freire, 2000); or as Ira Shor once development programme underpinned by the
put it, ‘extraordinarily re‐experiencing the ordinary’ Freirean philosophy of conscientization. Key
(Shor, 1979). Freire terms this new awareness to the Reflect approach is creating a space of
‘conscientization’, and believes that with it, learning where people can feel comfortable to
individuals can recognise their potential and take meet and discuss issues relevant to them with the
action according to their new understanding (Freire, aim of improving their meaningful participation in
1974). The goal of conscientization therefore, is decision-making and practical action.
not just to deepen understanding, but to invoke
‘praxis’; that is, informed action understood to Freire in conflict-affected contexts
have the power to challenge oppressive structures A number of scholars have highlighted a role
(Freire, 1974). Learners then observe and reflect on for critical pedagogies in a range of disciplines,
the impact of their action, drawing on their evolving including globalisation and ecology (Bowers
knowledge, self-efficacy and ability in order to and Apffel-Marglin, 2006), health education and
revise their actions in a continuous cycle of learning wellbeing (Wallerstein, 2006; Wiggins, 2012),
and engagement (Bajaj, this issue). gender (Weiler, 1988), the mitigation of extremism
Praxis therefore, by its very nature, will manifest in (Davies, 2009) and youth education (McInerney,
disparate forms, directed by individual’s evolving 2009). One we believe to be particularly relevant
conscientization and newfound agendas. While to current initiatives in conflict-affected contexts is
at the heart of Freirean pedagogy lay a political peace education.
45
Since the end of the Second World War, peace while simultaneously recognising oppression
has often been referred to as the prevention of as an active phenomenon affecting learners’
inter-state conflicts in which education is viewed incentive and ability to constructively do so
as a crucial process in socialising young people (Apple, 1995; McLaren, 1998; O’Brien and
(Lerch and Buckner, 2018). Today, education is O’Shea, 2011).
increasingly recognised as key to creating a culture Second, the concept of dialogue as a tool to
of peace through the transformation of societal overcome oppression is criticised for overlooking
divisions and conflict into peaceful and sustainable the potential for open forums to become a
relationships (UNICEF, 2011). It highlights the microcosm of more complex lived experiences,
importance of not only ceasing violence (negative where intersecting inequalities such as wealth,
peace) but challenging the root causes of violence gender, race and ethnicity exclude or submerge
(positive peace); that is, dealing with the structures the voices and agendas of the marginalised and
and cultures that reproduce unequal power and in turn risk reinforcing rather than challenging
conditions of life chances (Galtung, 1990). These injustices (Ellsworth, 1989; Burbules, 2000;
approaches are underpinned by the transformative Choules, 2007).
agendas proposed by Freire (2000) and others
Third, is the possibility that educators may be
in order to enable collaboration and engagement
unable or unwilling to use their position for
in socially transformative efforts to curb violent
liberation, instead manipulating those over which
and oppressive attitudes, behaviours, knowledge
they (potentially) have power (Burbules, 2000).
paradigms and social structures, which are key to
For these critics, the assumption that dialogue
peaceful coexistence (Gill and Niens, 2014; Bajaj,
serves democracy, promotes communication
2015).
across difference, and enables the active
Subsequently, there has been increasing calls over co-construction of new knowledge is contested
the past decade for a critical peace education. by its potential to be hijacked in order to promote
Rooted in a Freirean analysis of consciousness agendas under the guise of empowerment.
raising it attends to power, local meanings, and
Fourth, despite the development of numerous
enabling voice, participation and agency through
frameworks for attempting to measure
the peace education process (Bajaj, this issue).
or understand empowerment processes
Critiques and challenges of Freire (Zimmerman and Zahniser, 1991; Naraya, 2005;
Peterson et al., 2011; Oxfam, 2017), there is still
a belief that ‘human agency is indeterminate and
Freirean pedagogies face both theoretical and hence, unpredictable in a way that is antithetical
practical challenges (Blackburn, 2000). We to requirements of measurement’ (Kabeer,
have chosen to focus here on six challenges 1999: 462). Yet donors, governments and
we perceive to be particularly relevant to other stakeholders insist on measurement and
conflict-affected contexts today. First, Freire’s translation of programme outcomes into metrics
binary concepts, such as oppressed vs oppressor, that serve those competing for scarce resources
and banking vs liberation, have been challenged as (Kabeer, 1999; Natsios, 2011). Subsequently,
a simplistic understanding of reality that can hide practitioners are at risk of being driven towards
the far more complex lived experience of difference manipulation of transformative programming
(Taylor, 1993). Pherali (2016: 198) for example, into its more measurable ‘banking’ counterpart
critiques the concept of banking education, or are deterred from the implementation of such
suggesting ‘the idea that pupils and educators pedagogies at the outset.
are passive recipients of hegemonic curricula
Finally, empowerment programmes underpinned
imposed by the state and can therefore do nothing
by Freirean pedagogies may be unrecognised
about the role of education in reproducing social
and unaccredited, which can compromise
inequalities is essentially flawed’. Instead, therefore,
learners’ ability to gain access to work or further
it is important to recognise that resistance to the
education and training (Singh, 2018; UNESCO,
structural determinants of the education system
2018). As has been the case with Syrian refugee
can also emerge within the autonomy of a school,
youth, without accreditation and recognition
46
of qualifications, prospects for progression into Author Bios:

further education or employment opportunities can
Arran Magee is a doctoral scholar in Education
be diminished and subsequently learners are less
and International Development at UCL Institute of
likely to engage in non-accredited empowerment
Education, University College London. His research
programmes (Ahmadzadeh et al., 2014). When
centres on education in emergencies with a particular
learners do enrol in accredited programmes,
focus on transformative education for conflict-affected
previous research has found that learners can view
forced-migrants. Over the past decade he has
critical reflection as antithetical to the goal of gaining
undertaken research on EiE across a range of
accreditation, leading to the manipulation of the
countries, including Jordan, Syria, Bangladesh, India
programme into its uncritical, banking counterpart
and Afghanistan. He has also held senior roles in a
(Magee and Pherali, 2017).
number of NGOs in the MENA region, most recently
Conclusion as Director of Education for an NGO serving forced
migrants in Egypt.
This paper has highlighted some of the key tenets
of Freire’s vision for an alternative pedagogy, its Tejendra Pherali is Associate Professor in Education
relevance and importance to conflict-affected and International Development at UCL Institute of
contexts and some caveats in terms of its Education, University College London. His research
application. It is not intended as a framework or and teaching focus on education in contexts of forced
method, but an introduction to some of the principles displacement, post-conflict educational reforms and
of a liberatory education aimed at encouraging the role of education in peacebuilding. He is also
further exploration of Freirean pedagogies and their interested in social movements, political economy
interrelated concepts; many of which are introduced of education and critical pedagogies. Tejendra is
in this special edition. By presenting some critiques the research theme leader on ‘Education, Conflict
and challenges to the approach, it has also aimed and Peacebuilding’ at the Centre for Education and
to highlight areas for future research and action International Development and the editor of Education
required to realise a Freirean vision of education for and Conflict Review. He is currently involved in
peace with social justice. research in Afghanistan, Nepal and Lebanon.
References
Ahmadzadeh, H., Corbatir, M., Husseini, J., Hashem, L. Bowers, C. and Apffel-Marglin, F. (eds) (2006) Rethinking Freire:
and Wahby, S. (2014) Ensuring quality education for young Globalization and the environmental crisis. New Jersey: Lawrence
refugees from Syria: mapping exercise on quality education Erlbaum Associates. doi: 10.4324/9781410611741.
for young refugees from Syria (12-25). Available at:
Burbules, N. (2000) The limits of dialogue as a critical pedagogy,
http://www.unhcr.org/584698257.pdf.
in Revolutionary Pedagogies, New York: Routledge.
Apple, M. W. (1995) Education and power. 2nd ed.
Choules, K. (2007) Social change education: Context matters,
New York: Routledge.
Adult Education Quarterly, 57(2), pp. 159–176.
Archer, D. and Cottingham, S. (1996) Reflect – Mother Manual. doi: 10.1177/0741713606293912.
Available at: http://www.reflect-action.org/sites/default/files/u5/
Davies, L. (2009) Educating against extremism: Towards a critical
Reflect%20Mother%20Manual%20-%202012.pdf.
politicisation of young people, International Review of Education,
Bajaj, M. (2015) Pedagogies of resistance” and critical 55(2–3), pp. 183–203. doi: 10.1007/s11159-008-9126-8.
peace education praxis, Journal of Peace Education, 12(2),
Ellsworth, E. (1989) ‘Why doesn’t this feel empowering? Working
pp. 154–166. doi: 10.1080/17400201.2014.991914.
through the repressive myths of critical pedagogy’, Harvard
Biesta, G. J. J. (1998) Say you want a revolution… Educational Review, 59, pp. 297–324.
suggestions for the impossible future of critical pedagogy,
Freire, P. (1974) Education for critical consciousness.
Educational Theory, 48(4), pp. 499–510. doi: 10.1111/j.1741-
London: Continuum.
5446.1998.00499.x.
Freire, P. (1998) The Paulo Freire reader. Edited by A. M. A.
Blackburn, J. (2000) Understanding Paulo Freire: reflections on
Freire and D. Macedo. New York, NY: Continuum International
the origins, concepts, and possible pitfalls of his educational
Publishing Group Ltd.
approach, Community Development Journal, 35(1), pp. 3–15.
doi: 10.1093/cdj/35.1.3. Freire, P. (2000) Pedagogy of the oppressed. New York:
Bloomsbury Publishing.
Bourdieu, P. (1984) Distinction: A social critique of the
judgement of taste, Cambridge, Mass: Harvard University Galtung, J. (1990) ‘Cultural violence’, Journal of Peace Research,
Press. 27(3), pp. 291–305. doi: 10.1177/0022343390027003005.
47
Gill, S. and Niens, U. (2014) ‘Education as humanisation: Peterson, N. A., Peterson, C., Agre, L., Christens, B. and
dialogic pedagogy in post-conflict peacebuilding’, Morton, C. (2011) Measuring youth empowerment: Validation of
Compare: A Journal of Comparative and International a sociopolitical control scale for youth in an urban community
Education, 44(February 2015), pp. 1–9. doi: context, Journal of Community Psychology, 39(5), pp. 592–605.
10.1080/03057925.2013.864522. doi: 10.1002/jcop.20456.
Kabeer, N. (1999) Resources, agency, achievements: Pherali, T. (2016) Education: Cultural reproduction, revolution
Reflections on the measurement of women’s empowerment’, and peacebuilding in conflict-affected societies, In Richmond,
Development and Change, 30(3), pp. 435–464. O., Pogodda, S., and Ramovic, J. (eds) The Palgrave Handbook
doi: 10.1111/1467-7660.00125. of Disciplinary and Regional Approaches to Peace. London:
Palgrave Macmillan.
Lerch, J. C. and Buckner, E. (2018) ‘From education for peace
to education in conflict: Changes in UNESCO discourse, Rai, S. M., Parpart, J. L. and Staudt, K. (2007) (Re)
1945–2015’, Globalisation, Societies and Education, 16(1), defining empowerment, measuring survival: Paper prepared
pp. 27–48. doi: 10.1080/14767724.2017.1387769. for ‘Workshop on Empowerment: Obstacles, Flaws,
Achievements’. University of Warwick. Available at: http://www.
Magee, A. and Pherali, T. (2017) Freirean critical consciousness
ethicsofempowerment.org/papers/RaiEmpowerment.pdf.
in a refugee context: a case study of Syrian refugees in
Jordan, Compare: A Journal of Comparative and International Shor, I. (1979) Extraordinarily re‐experiencing the ordinary:
Education, pp. 1–17. doi: 10.1080/03057925.2017.1403312. An approach to critical teaching, New Political Science, 1(2–3),
pp. 37–56. doi: 10.1080/07393147908429480.
Mayo, P. (2004) Liberating praxis: Paulo Freire’s legacy for
radical education and politics. London: Praeger (Critical studies Singh, M. (2018) Pathways to empowerment: recognizing
in education and culture series). the competences of Syrian refugees in Egypt, Iraq, Jordan,
Lebanon and Turkey. Hamburg: UNESCO Institute for Lifelong
Mayo, P. (2013) Echoes from Freire for a critically engaged
Learning. Available at: https://unesdoc.unesco.org/ark:/48223/
pedagogy. New York: Bloomsbury Academic (Critical pedagogy
pf0000262918.
today).
Taylor, P. V. (1993) The texts of Paulo Freire. Buckingham:
McInerney, P. (2009) Toward a critical pedagogy of engagement
Open University Press. Available at: https://books.google.com/
for alienated youth: insights from Freire and school‐based
books?id=TxScAAAAMAAJ&pgis=1.
research, Critical Studies in Education, 50(1), pp. 23–35.
doi: 10.1080/17508480802526637. UNESCO (2018) Migration, displacement and education:
building bridges, not walls. Available at: https://en.unesco.org/
McLaren, P. (1998) Revolutionary pedagogy in post-revolutionary
gem-report/report/2019/migration (Accessed: 30 December
times: Rethinking the political economy of critical education,
2018).
Educational Theory, 48(4), pp. 431–462. doi: 10.1111/j.1741-
5446.1998.00431.x. UNICEF (2011) The role of education in peacebuilding - literature
review. Available at: http://www.unicef.org/education/files/
Naraya, D. (ed.) (2005) Measuring Empowerment: Cross-
EEPCT_Peacebuilding_LiteratureReview.pdf.
Disciplinary Perspectives. Washington, DC: World Bank.
doi: 10.1596/0-8213-6057-4. Wallerstein, N. (2006) What is the evidence on effectiveness of
empowerment to improve health? Available at: http://www.euro.
Natsios, A. (2011) The clash of the counter-bureaucracy
who.int/ Document/E88086.pdf.
and development. Available at: https://www.cgdev.org/
files/1424271_file_Natsios_Counterbureaucracy.pdf. Weiler, K. (1988) ‘Feminist analysis of gender and schooling’, In
Weiler, K. (ed.) Women Teaching for Change: Gender, Class &
O’Brien, M. and O’Shea, A. (2011) Pedagogy, oppression
Power. Greenwood Publishing Group, pp. 27–56.
and transformation in a ‘post-critical’ climate: The return to
Freirean thinking. Available at: http://www.amazon.co.uk/ Wiggins, N. (2012) Popular education for health promotion and
Pedagogy-Oppression-Transformation-post-critical-Climate/ community empowerment: A review of the literature, Health
dp/1441142347. Promotion International, 27(3), pp. 356–371. doi: 10.1093/
heapro/dar046.
Oxfam (2017) A ‘How To’ Guide to Measuring Women’s
Empowerment. Oxfam. Available at: https://policy-practice. Zimmerman, M. A. and Zahniser, J. H. (1991) Refinements of
oxfam.org.uk/publications/a-how-to-guide-to-measuring- sphere-specific measures of perceived control: Development of
womens-empowerment-sharing-experience-from- a sociopolitical control scale, Journal of Community Psychology,
oxfams-i-620271. 19(2), pp. 189–204.
48
Refugee education: Backward design

to enable futures
Sarah Dryden-Peterson, Associate Professor in Education, Harvard Graduate School of Education
sarah_dryden-peterson@gse.harvard.edu
The need for backward design

Abstract I remember sitting in a giant ballroom, deep inside
This essay explores the use of backward a large hotel on the outskirts of Boston. It was just
design in classrooms and as an analytic a few months after school had begun for the year,
tool for research. Drawing on examples in my first year of teaching. The room was filled with
of classroom and research experiences, it teachers, pencils poised for a day of professional
proposes a planning template for the use of development. Hard to admit, even to myself, was
backward design in refugee education policy that I was grateful not to be in my own classroom
and practice, as a way to enable policy and that day. I had a class of grade 6 students who were
practice to facilitate the futures that refugee years behind in their learning, and I was determined
young people imagine and aim to create. to help them become stronger and more confident
learners. I did what I had been taught to do during
Key Words my teacher training and what I reflected on as good
Refugee education practice from my own experiences as a student.
Backward design I painstakingly planned out each moment of each
lesson, created my own materials from primary
Education policy
sources (I was a history teacher), had specific
Migration learning goals for each student, took time to get
to know each of them, and established spaces for
community-building among peers. But no matter
how prepared I thought I was, moment to moment
I could not predict what might happen that would
take me off my charted course and throw me into a
situation I did not know how to handle. Several times
a day, Markus1 would stand up, shake his arms out
to the side, and sing, at the top of his lungs. Jerome
wrote in his journal about a shooting he witnessed
the weekend before, just down the street from his
house. Keira worried constantly about being evicted
from her apartment. And Amaya wished her parents
would take her back home to Barbados where at
least the sun shone.
As I sat in this ornate ballroom for my professional
development, I listened to Grant Wiggins describe
To cite this article: Dryden-Peterson, S.
his theory of “backward design.” Wiggins was asking
(2019) Refugee education: Backward
design to enable futures, Education
and Conflict Review, 2, 49-53. 1All names are pseudonyms.
49
me to think about my work as a design process, at any moment. But backward planning allowed
a process that begins by envisioning the end. me to keep in mind that this singing was one
He asked me to pose questions such as “What small part of a much larger and more important
should students know, understand, and be able future-oriented vision for Markus’ learning.
to do? What is worthy of understanding? What When seen in the context of one day, his singing
enduring understandings are desired?” (Wiggins seemed insurmountable as an obstacle to his
and McTighe, 1998). I began to wonder how I successful education. When seen in the context
might use this framework to move from the kinds of an educational trajectory that spanned several
of questions I had been asking – how do I control decades, it seemed less consequential and allowed
what Markus does in the next moment? – to more both he and I to have the mental space to address
productive ones. What enduring understandings do the underlying challenges.
I want to work toward with Markus this year? How
do they connect to his future aspirations? And what Beginning with a student focus
do I think, and what does he think, is worthy of Backward design enabled me to synthesize a
understanding over the long-term? system-focused mindset with a student-focused
These questions, inspired by backward design, mindset. How could I plan my lessons in a way that
have become core for me in my work in the field pushed Keira toward meeting society’s standards
of refugee education, as a teacher, a researcher, for what she needed to know and be able to do
and as part of policy discussions. In this essay, I while at the same time ensuring that, for her, they
explore the use of backward design in classrooms seemed worthy of understanding, despite the
and as an analytic tool for research. In synthesizing constant threat of eviction? My inclination had been
classroom and research experiences, I propose a to begin with the curriculum standards for the state
planning template for the use of backward design and see how I could make Keira fit them. Backward
in refugee education policy and practice, as a way planning helped me to hone my vision on Keira, and
to enable policy and practice to facilitate the futures beginning from this student-focused place allowed
that refugee young people imagine and aim to me to see how I could shape the state standards to
create. fit her.
Mindset shifts in the classroom: Backward design as an analytic tool

Now-oriented to future-oriented and for research in refugee education
system-focused to student-focused Fifteen years later, backward design continues to
The framework of backward design allowed me, guide my thinking as a teacher, and also my work
as a teacher, to make two critical, and related, in research on refugee education. The concepts of
mindset shifts vis-à-vis where to begin my thinking beginning with a ‘future orientation’ and beginning
and planning. It prompted me to begin with a future with a ‘student focus’ have both emerged from and
orientation and trace back what that future meant also served as analytic tools to guide my research.
for my decisions and actions in the present. It also Beginning with a future orientation
prompted me to begin with the student and then
I began doing research in Uganda on refugee
situate them within broader systems that influenced
education in 2002, not long after my year with
their learning.
Markus, Jerome, Keira, and Amaya. When I spoke
Beginning with a future orientation with newly arrived refugees, they had energy only to
Backward design enabled me to prioritize a focus on just getting through a day, with conviction
future-oriented mindset, situating my simultaneous that soon they would be returning home. They
now-oriented mindset within it. How could I keep engaged in what a participant in Cindy Horst’s
forefront in mind my long-term goals for Markus’ study in Dadaab, Kenya called ‘don’t die survival’
learning? Of course, I could not ignore that in order (as cited in Hyndman and Giles, 2011).
for everyone – himself included – to participate In refugee education policy and practice, the
and learn he could not sing at the top of his lungs approach was similar, focused on creating
50
“normalcy” for refugee children, quickly enrolling Beginning with a student focus
them in school to create familiar routines (INEE, Through our research, we have learned that
2004; Nicolai and Triplehorn, 2003). Under this essential elements of the futures refugee families
approach, children’s experiences in school, I seek to create are economic livelihoods, social
observed, were remarkably similar to my own first participation, and rebuilding of communities and
year of teaching. I had been focused on how to countries of origin (Bellino and Dryden-Peterson,
get Markus not to burst into song at unpredictable 2019; Dryden-Peterson, 2017; Dryden-Peterson et
moments. Refugee education at this time focused al., 2019; Dryden-Peterson and Reddick, 2017). We
on passing time safely until refugees could swiftly are particularly preoccupied with what elements of
return home. education could enable these futures. Following a
In my three-year study following refugee children backward design approach, we design our research
and their families, I observed families to undergo with a student-focus. For example, in one recent
similar mindset shifts to the ones I underwent study, we decided to begin with one aspiration
as a teacher. Rather than a mindset of “don’t refugee families identify as enabling the other
die survival,” over time they began to adopt aspirations outlined above: completing secondary
“future-oriented” mindsets, beginning with an school. Rather than start from the systemic barriers
imagined future and planning backwards from we know from other research impede success, we
there. Central to this mindset shift among refugee decided to begin with the students. We wanted to
families was a changed view of the purposes of understand how refugee young people achieved this
education. Rather than a holding ground or just aspiration – with implications both for student actions
something to do, refugee families in longer-term as well as systemic actions. We thus created a
displacement began to conceptualize education sample of Somali refugee secondary school graduates
as a central mechanism by which children would in Dadaab, Kenya – those who had achieved the
create different futures for themselves and their aspiration – and asked them about the factors that
communities (for more on this research in Uganda, they perceived to have enabled their success in
see, Dryden-Peterson, 2006a; Dryden-Peterson, school (Dryden-Peterson, Dahya and Adelman 2017).
2006b; Dryden-Peterson, 2011; Dryden-Peterson, Just like in the classroom with Keira, our findings
2017). enabled us to document ways in which the system
In a recent study of refugee education in 14 might accommodate to the needs of students, rather
countries, we found that actors working at than students accommodating to systems. In addition
global, national, and school levels identified four to well-defined structural dimensions of education
possible futures for refugees: resettlement to a such as infrastructure, class size, and teacher training,
distant high-income country, return to the country refugee students in our study focused on relational
of origin, integration in the setting of exile, and supports as key to their success in school. They
transnationalism across contexts (Dryden-Peterson described to us the ways they have created diverse
et al., 2019). Even though each of these possible networks of support, drawing on local relationships
futures varies in its likelihood and desirability with UN agency and NGO staff members, peers, and
over time and across contexts, we find that teachers as well as global relationships with peers
refugee young people both imagine and pursue who have migrated elsewhere and other members
these multiple futures simultaneously, as an of Somali diaspora. Students use these relationships
intentional strategy to mitigate the uncertainty of to seek guidance on a wide range of topics such
their situations of displacement (see also, Bellino as expectations for academic writing, chemistry
and Dryden-Peterson, 2019; Chopra, 2018; topics not covered in class but yet examinable, and
Dryden-Peterson, 2017; Dryden-Peterson, Dahya strategies to negotiate housework and schoolwork,
and Adelman, 2017). Education for refugees needs especially among young women. These global
to account for this volatility and refugee young relationships of support are virtual, often using
people’s aspirations within it by enabling refugee Facebook and WhatsApp, and usually beginning as
young people to develop the skills and knowledge face-to-face relationships, shifting in geography and
to navigate and create these multiple futures. mode of communication over time.
51
By framing our research around the question of what process’ (Elmore 1980) are likely to have the most
factors can enable students’ success in school and effect, in particular because “the problem-solving
examining processes that led to that success, we ability of complex systems depends not on
have been able to identify different and important hierarchical control, but on maximizing discretion
kinds of academic support that systems are not at the point where the problem is most immediate”
currently set up to provide in refugee camps but that (Elmore, 1980). Policymakers and teachers can use
refugees have accessed in other ways. Beginning backward design both to forward this student focus
with the future-oriented aspirations of graduating and enable the kind of education that adopts the
from secondary school and synthesizing it with a future orientation refugee young people and their
student focus, our research was able to identify families espouse.
kinds of support that refugee education policy and Figure 1 provides a backward design planning
practice could productively leverage and further template of questions that policymakers and teachers
create for current and future refugee students. can ask themselves towards these goals. One of my
Masters students, when reflecting on a class session
Implications: Backward design where we discussed backward design, commented
as an analytic tool in refugee that “‘[b]ackwards seems more forward to me.”2 It
education policy and practice does to me, too. In asking and seeking to answer
The ways in which refugee young people shape their all of these future-oriented and student-focused
own educational trajectories toward their envisioned questions for all of the possible futures that refugee
futures echo both the theory and substance of young people imagine and work toward, refugee
Richard Elmore’s work on backward design in policy education research, policy, and practice can enable
implementation (1980). He argues that resources refugee young people to pursue these futures even in
directed ‘at the lowest level of the implementation the face of on-going uncertainty.
Backward Design Questions Possible Futures
Future-oriented and student-focused Resettlement Return Integration Transnationalism
What are this students’ aspirations

vis-à-vis this possible future?
How likely is this possible future?
What enduring understandings would

enable this possible future?
What practical decisions about

curriculum, pedagogy, language, and
certification would enable this future?
Figure 1. Planning Template for Refugee Education to Enable Possible Futures
2Anonymous student response survey in course A816 Education in Armed Conflict, Harvard Graduate School of Education,
October 2015.
52
Author Bio
References
Sarah Dryden-Peterson leads a research Bellino, M. J., and Dryden-Peterson, S. (2019) Inclusion and
program that focuses on the connections between exclusion within a policy of national integration: Refugee
education in Kenya’s Kakuma refugee camp.” British Journal
education and community development, specifically of Sociology of Education, 40(2):222-38.
the role that education plays in building peaceful Chopra, V. (2018) Learning to belong, belonging to learn:
and participatory societies. Her work is situated in Syrian refugee youths’ pursuits of education, membership
and stability in Lebanon.” in Harvard Graduate School of
conflict and postconflict settings and with Diaspora Education. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University.
communities. She is concerned with the interplay Dryden-Peterson, S. (2006a) ‘I find myself as someone who
between local experiences of children, families, and is in the forest’: Urban refugees as agents of social change in
Kampala, Uganda.” Journal of Refugee Studies, 19: 381-95.
teachers and the development and implementation
of national and international policy. She is on — (2006b) The present is local, the future is global?
reconciling current and future livelihood strategies in the
the faculty at the Harvard Graduate School of education of Congolese refugees in Uganda.” Refugee Survey
Education. Quarterly, 25:81-92.
— (2011) “Refugee children aspiring toward the future:
linking education and livelihoods, In Karen Mundy and Sarah
Dryden-Peterson (Eds), Educating Children in Conflict Zones:
Research, Policy, and Practice for Systemic Change (A Tribute
to Jackie Kirk), New York: Teachers College Press, pp. 85-99.
— (2017) “Refugee education: Education for an unknowable
future.” Curriculum Inquiry, 47(1):14-24.
Dryden-Peterson, S., Adelman, E., Bellino, M. and Chopra, V.
(2019) The purposes of refugee education: policy and practice
of integrating refugees into national education systems.
Sociology of Education.
Dryden-Peterson, S., Dahya, N. and Adelman, E. (2017)
Pathways to educational success among refugees:
connecting locally and globally situated resources. American
Educational Research Journal, 54(6):1011-47.
Dryden-Peterson, S., and Reddick, C. (2017) When I am a
President of Guinea: Resettled Refugees Traversing Education
in Search of a Future. European Education, 49(4): 253-75.
Elmore, R. (1980) Backward mapping: implementation
research and policy decisions. Political Science Quarterly,
94(4): 601-16.
Hyndman, J. and Giles, W. (2011) Waiting for what? The
feminization of asylum in protracted situations. Gender, Place
& Culture: A Journal of Feminist Geography, 18(3): 361-79.
INEE (2004) Minimum Standards for Education in
Emergencies, Chronic Crises and Early Reconstruction. Paris:
UNESCO.
Nicolai, S., and Triplehorn, C. (2003) The role of education in
protecting children in conflict. London: Humanitarian Practice
Institute.
Wiggins, G., and McTighe, J. (1998) Understanding by
Design. Alexandria, VA: Association for Supervision and
Curriculum Development.
53
Education, conflict, peace-building

and critical realism
Priscilla Alderson, Professor Emerita of Childhood Studies, University College London, UK
p.alderson@ucl.ac.uk
Introduction
Abstract Critical realism helps to structure international research,
Critical realism helps to resolve and connect the local to the global, and individuals’ lives
contradictions between positivism and into their political, economic and geo-historical contexts.
interpretivism, to analyse levels of reality Education, conflict and peace-building are processes
and of being human, and to research with interacting causes and effects that occur over
transformative change over time. It is time. This paper briefly summarises a few critical
important to take children seriously as realist approaches that are useful to researchers who
active contributors to their communities. are analysing these kinds of transformative change.
The approaches include: resolving contradictions
Key Words between neo-positivism and interpretivism; analysing
Children’s agency three levels of reality; and working with dialectics
Dialectics beyond dichotomies, on the four planes of social
being and through four stages of dynamic change.
Research theories
On a slightly different topic, the paper ends with a
Transformative change note on the importance of taking children seriously
as active contributors in many societies.
Critical realism is not a version or method of
sociology, but a philosophy of the social and life
sciences. Philosophy might seem to be irrelevant
to many researchers, while they hurry to complete
practical research and reports on time. Yet sorting
out research theories, the basic work of philosophy
and sociology, can be the most useful way to raise
standards of research (Porpora, 2015).
Until the 1970s, much research was sexist and
racist. And because many researchers did not
question their own negative underlying beliefs but
assumed their theories were natural and inevitable,
the theories dominated their work. Feminist and
post-colonial critics had to point out the problems,
and promote new research theories of greater
To cite this article: Alderson, P. (2019) equality and respect. This paper reviews current
Education, conflict, peace-building and taken-for-granted theories, and shows how critical
critical realism, Education and Conflict realism helps to identify and resolve the problems
Review, 2, 54-58. they raise.
54
Positivism versus interpretivism Critical realism: three levels of reality

The problems and limitations of these two main Social researchers aiming to promote the values of
approaches in social research have been widely peace and justice need to convince policy makers
debated (Alderson, 2013; Moore, 2013; Bhaskar, and the general public that their work is valid
1998; Porpora, 2015). Positivist or, as they are and reliable in its analysis of the causes of social
often now termed, neo-positivist or post-positivist problems and how to prevent and remedy them.
surveys may be criticised as misleadingly simplistic When social researchers who work with either
when they are based on yes/no answers to complex generally positivist or else interpretive approaches
questions. Attempts to measure the effects of a disagree and cannot convince one another, they
single cause or variable overlook how we live in open are unlikely to impress anyone else. The social
systems of countless interacting causal influences. researchers who combine fact-based approaches
Questions may be poorly worded or irrelevant, with constructionist paradigms tend to ignore the
and the reported answers may be distorted and contradictions between them.
misleading. Sampling may not be representative, Critical realism helps to resolve these contradictions
and individuals become lost within large anonymous and other difficulties (Bhaskar, 1998, 2008). First,
groups. Translations between different languages it recognises 1) the empirical (our thinking-talking
may miss subtle cultural meanings. responses including narratives, social constructions,
These and other problems of positivism lead facts and statistics) as truth claims; and 2) the
interpretivists to claim that all meanings are socially actual (events, people, things, structures) as two
constructed through language. Meanings emerge partial complementary levels of reality. Interpretivists
from local contexts and only make sense within work mainly at the empirical level, concerned with
them. Data are not independent, with the same people and events only as they are constructed
intact meaning in any time and place, as suggested through narratives. Positivists take the second
in positivist reports, but they are contingent. actual level seriously, but they still reduce it into
Interpretivists therefore concentrate on individuals’ their empirical reports and graphs. Positivist and
narratives set within their context. interpretive approaches both attend to observable
However, interpretivism also raises problems. If effects (evidence) and they overlook what is termed
meanings are truly only locally understood, what as 3) unseen causal mechanisms. These are at the
is the point of conducting and publishing research third more generalisable level, where deeper critical
internationally? What sense would the reports make comparisons, potential remedies and alternatives
to readers in other countries? And if each research can be considered (see Table 1).
site can only be understood in its own terms, how An example from physics illustrates the three
can they be compared, or how can lessons learned levels: we empirically observe falling objects; the
from one site be applied to any other site? ‘Cultural objects are actually falling; the unseen cause is
relativism’, it is claimed, cannot accept universal gravity, only known in its effects. An example
rights and values of justice and respect, or universal from peace-building involves: we talk about
human experiences of suffering and wellbeing, peace-building (the empirical); we actually work
because local values and experiences are too on a dispute, such as restoring houses and land
diverse. Yet this is not cultural but moral relativism, to the people who were evicted from them during
which suspends all universal values (Lukes, 2008). recent conflict (the actual); we are driven by our
Cultural relativism does respect universal values, unseen values and longings for peace and justice,
although researchers do not assume that their own which are only seen in our activities (the real). Other
nation sets the gold standard, and they are as ready groups may believe that the restoration is unfair
to criticise their homeland as any other country. and that it wrongs them, when they are driven by a
Margaret Mead (1928), for instance, referring to different version of justice. Peace-building depends
universal concepts of wellbeing, thought that young on all concerned reaching enough agreement
people in Samoa were happier than those in her on their values and on what justice as a causal
native USA. Nevertheless, many neo-positivists mechanism actually means in this dispute. Critical
and interpretivists still aim to conduct ‘value-free’ realism highlights the importance of values, which
research.
55
Three levels of reality Social Positivism/ Critical realism

constructionism/ post-positivism
interpretivism
Empirical, talking, recording, stating ✔ ✔ ✔

facts, stats (epistemology, thinking)
Actual, events, things, people, ✔ ✔

structures (ontology, being, doing)
Real, unseen causal mechanisms ✔

(gravity, peace, (in)equality, (in)justice,
class, gender, values);
Table 1: Three levels of reality
are central to all social relations (Sayer, 2011), and Dialectical critical realism
so is the too-often neglected third level of unseen
Critical realism resolves dichotomies and
real causes or causal mechanisms (Bhaskar, 1998).
contradictions into dialectic. For example,
Detailed micro studies can be informed by and positivism and interpretivism, so often seen in
nested within macro reports of the political economy contradiction, can work together towards larger
that pervades daily life. Both can reveal the effects of pictures of peace-building. For millennia, dialectic
hidden causal mechanisms, such as how the World has been a dynamic philosophical approach to
Bank’s policies result in classes of up to 100 children investigating and discussing truth (Molyneux, 2012).
in Tanzania, with pressure on teachers to control First a thesis or idea is proposed; then antithesis
them through violent punishments (Yoshida, 2011). presents disagreements and criticisms; these are
All the levels make more sense when examined in resolved into synthesis. Dialectic seeks to combine
relation to one another. Similarly, individual agents opposites and resolve contradictions, and so is vital
and social structures are recognised as different in peace-building, unlike the more usual research
but interacting (Alderson and Yoshida, 2016). method of highlighting dichotomies. Dialectical
Social structures are latent powers and positions critical realism involves four stages, but before these
(including power, dependency and inequality) that are explained, a few of the useful concepts related
only exist and work through human agency, although to dialectic and transformative change over time
human activities are often limited, inadvertent and will be mentioned (Bhaskar, 2008). These include
counterproductive. Small-scale studies enrich seeing that difference (such as, a new different
broader political analysis, which indicates their government) differs from the real alteration of
wider relevance. Critical realism’s four planar social transformative change (the government really does
being helps to organise their inter-connections. The redistribute resources more fairly). Absence allows
four planes are: 1) human bodies in nature and, for the empty space and time necessary for movement
example, how climate change and pollution affect and change, and powerfully draws us out of the past
health and survival and can incite migration and and into the future. Absence is a driving motivator
conflict; 2) interpersonal relations through which of human agents in their longing for absent peace
human agents work for peace or conflict; 3) social and justice. All caring work begins in response to
structures that can be used to incite violence or the absences of need, lack and deprivation. Absent
restore peace; and 4) psychological inner being, events, such as melted glaciers no longer flowing
and the values and emotions that drive genuine into the Tigris and Euphrates, or the monsoons
peace-building. All these interacting levels are failing to arrive, have massive effects. These can
powerfully involved.
56
be traced through emergence, as when through to avoid needing to join an army as the best
drought the crops fail and herds die, hunger compels way to earn an income. Many children report
the people to migrate, conflicts begin over scarce being pleased to help to support their family,
resources, politicians attempt to manage migration and in Rajasthan, for example, working children
peacefully, or exploit it to win populist votes. Each organise their own evening schools (John, 2003).
stage is more clearly understood as part of the If researchers are to understand and support the
continuing yet also changing emergent chains of children’s best interests, they have to re-theorise
events. childhood, to take children’s own views seriously
Dialectic critical realism works over four stages and respect even young children as competent
to research complex dynamic change (Alderson, research participants. Researchers of childhood
2016; Bhaskar 2008; Norrie, 2010). First, as with studies (who criticise traditional child development
anthropology, there is the search for underlying theory) have been doing so for over 30 years
meanings, problems and influences, such as the (Alderson, 2013; 2016).
origins of mass displacement. Second, interventions Critical realism is not a method. It helps
are made or observed, intended to resolve the researchers to analyse the theories and beliefs
problem of forced displacement, to help the that underlie their range of research methods,
displaced people and preserve peace. The third qualitative or quantitative, interpretivist or more
stage examines the larger international context to positivist/realist. Van Ingen (2017) shows how
see how famines or wars force migration, which can critical realism helps researchers to resolve the
only be prevented when these origins are addressed. ‘crisis of theory and practice’ in conflict studies
Fourth, there is reflection on how everyone’s inner and neo-positivism, to engage with contexts,
being, their beliefs and values, can promote or block and to develop more sophisticated and coherent
change. The great need for this careful analysis understandings of causality. This brief review
is shown when politicians intervene at stage two, highlights the relevance of critical realism in the
with plans to send migrants home, or build a field of education, conflict and peace-building and
wall, and ignore the other three vital stages in real I hope, it will encourage readers to consider how
peace-building. it might assist in their research.
Researching childhood in Author Bio

conflict-affected contexts Priscilla Alderson has worked in children’s
On the topic of re-examining taken-for-granted services and advocacy since the 1960s and
theories, this final section looks at how dominant in sociological research since the 1980s. Her
theories of childhood also need to be revised. In research interests include children’s rights,
Uganda and Niger, the median age is 15 years. wisdom, competence and consent. Her books
These societies depend on many children being include those mentioned in the references and
active workers alongside the adults. Campaigns also Young children’s rights: Exploring beliefs,
against child labour cannot help children who are principles and practice (2008, Jessica Kingsley/
able to attend school only if they can earn enough to Save the Children, 2nd edition), and with C
pay for their food and school fees. Researchers and Goodey Enabling education: experiences in
young workers are, therefore, together promoting special and ordinary schools (2018, Tufnell Press,
the children’s rights to work with dignity, not to be 2nd edition). The revised fourth edition of The
abused or exploited, and to be able to attend both ethics of research with children and young people:
school and work (https://www.childrenandwork.net/ A practical handbook (with Virginia Morrow, Sage)
resources/). will be published in 2020.
This important form of conflict prevention helps
children: to be both educated and employed; to
gain skills and contacts likely to help them for years
to come; to avoid the extreme poverty, hunger
and deprivation that fuel violence and conflict; and
57
References
Alderson, P. (2013) Childhoods real and imagined, Molyneux, J. (2012) The point is to change it.
London: Routledge. London: Bookmarks.
Alderson, P. (2016) The politics of childhoods real and Moore, R. (2013) Social realism and the problem of the
imagined, London: Routledge. problem of knowledge in the sociology of education,
British Journal of Sociology of Education, 34 (3), 333-353.
Alderson, P. and Yoshida, T. (2016) Meanings of children’s
agency, In F. Esser, M. Baader, T. Betz and B. Hungerland, Norrie, A, (2010) Dialectic and difference: Dialectical critical
Children as actors: Childhood and agency, realism and the grounds for justice, London: Routledge
London: Routledge, pp. 75-88.
Porpora, D. (2015) Reconstructing sociology, Cambridge:
Bhaskar, R. (1998) The possibility of naturalism, Cambridge University Press.
London: Routledge.
Sayer, A. (2011) Why things matter to people: Social science,
Bhaskar, R. (2008) Dialectic: The pulse of freedom, values and ethical life, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
London: Routledge.
Van Ingen, M. (2017) Conflict studies and causality: critical
John, M. (2003) Children’s rights and power, realism and the nomothetic/idiographic divide in the study of
London: Jessica Kingsley. civil war. Civil Wars, 18 (4). pp. 387-416.
Lukes, S. (2008) Moral relativism, London: Profile. Yoshida, T. (2011) Corporal punishment of children: A critical
realist account of experiences from two primary schools in
Mead, M. (1928) Coming of age in Samoa. New York:
urban Tanzania, PhD Thesis, London: Institute of Education.
Wiliam Marrow.
58
Achieving educational rights and justice

Ritesh Shah, Senior Lecturer, Faculty of Education and Social Work, University of Auckland,
New Zealand
r.shah@auckland.ac.nz

University of Amsterdam, The Netherlands
T.A.LopesCardozo@uva.nl
Introduction
Abstract Since the founding of the UN following World War
This paper conceptualises how ideas of II, successive international declarations, covenants,
rights and justice can be brought together and conventions—such as the UN Declaration of
in relation to education, with a focus on Human Rights, Convention on the Elimination of All
conflict-affected regions of the world. In Forms of Discrimination Against Women (CEDAW),
doing so, it seeks to highlight how to support and the Convention on the Rights of the Child
transformative solutions and guarantee the (CRC)—have established a legal commitment on
rights of millions of children currently lacking the part of individual nation-states to ensuring that
meaningful access to schooling, we must all children have access to quality education free of
move beyond seeing these two concepts as bias and discrimination. Several criticisms have been
separate discourses, but rather, as deeply raised of such commitments, however, including the
intertwined. fact that such commitments have proven hard to
operationalise, with no clear mechanism for ensuring
Key Words accountability or political will to such ambitions
Peacebuilding (Colclough, 2005; McCowan, 2011).
Rights Passage of the Millennium Development Goals
Social justice (MDGs) sought to rectify this by creating time-bound,
specific targets which set a minimum expectation in
Education
terms of how such a right could be realised—namely
through universal enrolment in primary schooling.
Subsequent years saw increasing numbers of
students attending school, but often in situations
where education remained inadequate to the needs
of learners, their communities, and societies as a
whole; a product of the narrowing of the expansive
agenda for education set out in earlier commitments,
to a minimalist agenda which focussed on a
one-size-fits-all model of education through formal
schooling (see for example, Robeyns, 2006). This
reductionist view of the expansive rights-based
To cite this article: Shah, R. and
Lopes Cardozo, M. (2019) Achieving framework, and the absence of a social justice
educational rights and justice in framework for education provision, was (and still is)
conflict-affected contexts, Education particularly problematic in conflict-affected context
and Conflict Review, 2, 59-64. (CACs) where the nature, quality and perceived (ir)
59
relevance of education service provision acts as a is inadequate if citizens are viewed as disembodied
driver for conflict (see for example Shah and Lopes political subjects: factors of gender, social class,
Cardozo, 2015). race/ethnicity amongst others have a strong impact
The Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs), which on the ability to construct, exercise and defend
give explicit focus to educational quality and equity, rights’. In CACs, specifically, poverty, gender,
in addition to access (Goal 4), as well as a separate ethnicity, and geography – amongst other aspects—
goal for peaceful and inclusive societies (Goal 16), all have a role in determining levels of educational
have provided opportunities to resolve this to some deprivation in such circumstances (UNESCO, 2011).
degree by recognising the intersectoral nature of In other words, to ignore horizontal and vertical
sustainable development (UN SDG Knowledge inequalities in society, and presume that provision
Platform, 2018). Complementing this idea, the focused on universalism is appropriate is problematic
Incheon Declaration, specifies that ‘education is at best, and dangerous at worst—in terms of fueling
essential for peace, tolerance, human fulfilment alienation and false hopes for education (Novelli and
and sustainable development,’ but stops short of Smith, 2011).
specifying how or whether this is always the case. Likewise, it does not sufficiently consider the
These global goals, however, are not legally binding, differential needs, aspirations and expectations
and are rather short on detail about how this might individuals have for education—or the valued
be achieved. functionings—that education may serve as an end
In light of this renewed mandate at the global level to in itself or as a means to other valued functionings
understand the relationship between education and (Sen, 1999). Katarina Tomaševski (2001) put forth
sustainable, peaceful and equitable development, we the argument of the indivisible and interdependent
aim in this short article to conceptualise how ideas of nature of rights in relation to education and argued
rights and justice can be brought together in relation that this ‘right’ must be teased apart in different
to education, with a focus on conflict-affected directions. It includes: (a) the right to education
regions of the world. In doing so, we work from an (relating to access), (b) rights in education (protection
understanding of peacebuilding that sees specific of and respect for all learners) and rights through
attention to ideas of educational access, equity and education (development of capacities for exercising
relevance as necessary to build sustainable peace human rights). In other words, individuals must not
– or positive peace—defined as the absence of only have access to education, but also have their
structural violence, the presence of social justice and full rights upheld, and capacities for exercising their
the conditions to eliminate the causes of violence rights strengthened.
(Galtung, 1975, in Smith, McCandless, Paulson and Tomaševski’s (2003) 4As framework—based on
Wheaton, 2011: 12–13). concepts of availability, accessibility, acceptability
and adaptability of education—helps us to
An expanded notion of understand what meaningful access to education
access to education might look like. It enables a more comprehensive
One of the most significant challenges with the look at critical areas of concern and potential niches
narrow definition of access to education defined for innovation in relation to the role of education in
under the MDGs was that it failed to recognise conflict-affected settings. Availability for example
the individual and contextual circumstances which means that education is free (government-funded)
enable or constrain individuals to fully realise such and that there is adequate infrastructure, a safe
a right. A strong and valid critique of rights-based environment and trained teachers to support
provision to education, as enacted, is that while education delivery. Accessibility refers for instance,
it helps to establish education as a fundamental to a system of education which for all learners is
entitlement for all citizens, it may lack recognition of unencumbered by any type of barrier—meaning that
other entitlements and preconditions which might it should be free of discrimination, safely accessible
be necessary for individuals to exercise such a right to all, free and/or affordable depending on the
(see for example Bonal, 2007; Nussbaum, 2004). circumstances of the community—and that proactive
As McCowan (2011: 287) rightfully contends, ‘The steps are taken to include the most marginalised.
existence of a citizen’s right to education, therefore, Acceptability translates into content of education
60
that is relevant, non-discriminatory, culturally developing contexts a social justice approach,

appropriate, and of quality. Finally, adaptability drawing on the work of Nancy Fraser and Amartya
means that education can evolve with the changing Sen, ‘can provide a fuller rationale for a policy
needs of society and contribute to challenging focus on education quality than that provided by
inequalities, such as gender discrimination, and a human capital approach with its emphasis on
that it can be adapted locally to suit specific economic growth or by the existing human rights
contexts (Newman, 2011: 24). approach with its emphasis on the role of the state
in guaranteeing basic rights.’
Justice through and with education
It is important to identify what distinguishes
Combining Fraser’s theory with various insights
education serving a positive and transformative,
of scholars working on the relation between
rather than a reproductive, role in CACs,
education and social justice, we have argued in
particularly if the goal is to build a lasting peace.
earlier publications (see Shah and Lopes Cardozo,
We believe this necessitates specific engagement
2015; Lopes Cardozo and Shah, 2016; Novelli,
with multiple barriers to meaningful access for
Lopes Cardozo and Smith, 2017) that there are
individual learners and communities, in light of the
four interrelated goals to ascertain education’s
limitations noted with the universalism ascribed by
contribution towards social justice/peacebuilding
the rights-based discourse to date. Concomitantly,
agendas in CACs. These are:
we argue that any educational framework that
attempts to seriously work towards an objective 1. Redistribution
of building sustainable peace through education To ensure equitable access to safe and secure
would need to prioritise considerations of equity educational opportunities and resources for all;
rather than equality, prioritising the concept of 2. Recognition
social justice. To acknowledge and support diverse
Nancy Fraser’s (2005: 73) 3R framework asserts perspectives, identities, communities and
that in order to reach ‘parity of participation’, individuals through a relevant and adaptable
the economic solution of redistribution should learning opportunities;
be targeted, and socio-cultural remedies of 3. Representation
better recognition and political representation To ensure fair and transparent representation
are necessary to ensure ‘participation on par and responsibility for educational
with others, as full partners in social interaction’. decision-making and resource allocation;
Fraser (1995: 82, 86) also characterises two 4. Reconciliation
types of remedies to social injustices including To acknowledge and support (educational and
‘affirmative remedies’, which correct outcomes public) debate about the past and its relevance
without changing structural frameworks; and to the present and future, enhance levels of
‘transformative remedies’, correcting outcomes by trust (in government and between groups).
restructuring the underlying generative framework.
In these previous publications, we have explored
Reflecting on this work, Keddie (2012: 15) claims
what this might look like and why these
that ‘Fraser’s model should not be offered as an
dimensions are important. As we discussed in
ideal of justice that is static and uncomplicated but
these publications, and in other work developed
rather as a productive lens for thinking about and
through the Research Consortium on Education
addressing some of the key ways in which different
and Peacebuilding,1 it is often a lack of recognition,
dimensions of injustice are currently hindering
insufficient representation, and unequal distribution
the schooling participation, engagement and
of resources which fuels grievances of citizens
outcomes of marginalised students’. Furthermore,
against the state or other education service
Tikly and Barrett (2011: 3–4) argue how in
providers, and stands in the way of reconciliation.
1See https://educationanddevelopment.wordpress.com/rp/research-consortium-education-and-peacebuilding
for the full list of resources produced under this consortium.
61
Bringing these ideas together processes of peacebuilding. For example,

Tomasevski (2003) stresses that availability is about
The 4Rs provides a more expansive view of what we
education being available as a political, social,
mean when we discuss equity in education. Yet, one
economic and cultural right. What this means is
of the challenges we face at present is that inequities
that availability extends beyond ensuring sufficient
in education are oftentimes reduced to matters
(economic) resourcing, to also make sure that the
of distribution, either in relation to inputs (access)
form of education that is available recognises the
or outputs (learning outcomes). This, according
(socio-cultural, e.g. religious) needs of learners,
to Unterhalter (2014: 865), yields a social policy
and sufficiently engages and has the community
environment which then struggles to understand
viewpoints represented in key decisions about the
how inequalities are multidimensional in nature.
form and shape such provision takes. Similarly,
She argues for improved ‘knowledge resources…
accessibility is more than just ensuring that students
for gathering information or reflexively engaging
have a right to go to school, but also to ensuring that
with complex inequalities,’ of which we believe a
the learning they access is safe, inclusive, protective
combined 4Rs and 4As model might provide a useful
and reinforced through community engagement and
starting point for analysis.
support. This necessitates education being suitably
Yet, this expanded notion of rights, when brought adaptable to ensuring that for all individuals in the
into a social justice framework such as the 4Rs, system, including those belonging to marginalised
cannot be conceptually mapped in a correlational groups in society, their human rights are safeguarded
way. In other words, concepts of accessibility extend and enhanced. Finally, we believe that only when
beyond the notion of (re)distribution, and also have learners, their families and their community accept
embedded notions of recognition and representation. the education which is provided—which is promoted
Similarly, adaptability, while having a strong link to the through effective mechanisms of redistribution,
concept of recognition, is equally relevant to ideas of recognition, and representation—will it serve to
(re)distribution and representation. The table below strengthen rather than erode the social contract
is an attempt to map these interrelationships, with between citizens and the state, and support
specific attention to education in conflict-affected reconciliation towards envisioning and developing an
contexts. In doing so, we draw on key actions from alternative, more just future.
across the INEE Minimum Standards (2010) to
suggest what this might look like. We acknowledge Conclusion
that the seemingly separate categories, distinctions, We contend that only when education is
and boundaries between concepts presented in meaningfully accessible to all, and is provisioned
such a table are artificial in nature, with each of in ways that are equitable rather than equal, can it
these concepts and associated action very much effectively contribute to what Fraser (1995) termed
interconnected (illustrated by the dotted lines a ‘transformative remedy’. Bringing the 4As and
separating the cells in the table). In addition, while 4Rs together, helps us to focus on the intersectional
useful for this analytical exercise, we observe that and intersectoral dimensions of opportunity and
these Minimum Standards place most emphasis on disadvantage which cannot be solely understood by
the roles and responsibilities of communities and singular classifications or disaggregation of groups
local actors, while from a 4Rs (and 4As) perspective, by location, ethnicity, gender, religion, sexuality,
there is clearly also a shared responsibility for social class, or other identify markers, or by seeing
governmental institutions. education as an isolated sector disconnected
What such an analysis does is that it allows us from other socio-cultural, economic and political
to recognise that thinking through educational developments. When connecting the 4As to the
access and equity concerns concurrently requires 4Rs, it also lends to advocacy for comprehensive
both an intersectional as well as intersectoral lens, and longer-term educational interventions in
respectively acknowledging the intersectional, conflict-affected environments, to ensure that the
hybrid dimensions of opportunity and disadvantage restoration and expansion of access goes hand
(including geography, ethnicity, gender, religion, in hand with considerations about equity and
sexuality, social class, and so forth, Crenshaw, 1991) appropriateness, and towards imagining a different
and the multiple sectors involved in sustainable future for the potential of education in society.
62
Applying 4As Availability Accessibility Acceptability Adaptability

and 4Rs
Redistribution Sufficient resources Barriers to A representative A range of

are available and enrolment, committee selects flexible, formal
ensure continuity, such as lack of teachers and and non-formal
equity and quality of documents or other other education education
education activities requirements, are personnel based on opportunities
removed transparent criteria is progressively
and an assessment provided to the
of competencies, affected population
taking into account to fulfil their
community education needs
acceptance, gender
and diversity (in all
forms)
Recognition Teachers and other Schools and Curricula, textbooks, The education
education personnel learning spaces language of instruction programme in
acquire the skills are linked to child and supplementary refugee contexts
and knowledge protection, health, materials are is recognised by
needed to create a nutrition, social appropriate to the the relevant local
supportive learning and psychosocial age, developmental education authorities
environment and to services level, language, and the country of
promote learners’ culture, capacities and origin
psychosocial needs of learners
well-being
Representation Sufficient, locally Through Parents and The community

procured (and sensitisation and community leaders contributes to
produced) teaching training, local understand and decisions about
and learning communities accept the learning the location of
materials are become increasingly content and teaching the learning
provided in a timely involved in ensuring methods used environment, and
manner the rights of all about systems and
children, youth and policies to ensure
adults to quality and that learners,
relevant education teachers and other
education personnel
are safe and secure
Reconciliation Promoting Depending on Conflict resolution In civil conflicts,
protection and the context and and peace education community members
emotional, security concerns, content and may help promote
physical and communities methodologies negotiations with
social well-being or community may enhance both sides of the
by including education understanding conflict to develop
psychosocial committees may between groups, codes of conduct
support for learners take responsibility by providing that make schools
and teachers, for the protection of communication and learning sites
facilitators and schools (e.g. provide skills to facilitate safe sanctuaries or
care-givers. escorts, identify reconciliation and ‘zones of peace’.
trusted community peacebuilding. Care
or religious leaders is needed in the
to teach in and implementation of
support schools). peace education
initiatives to ensure
that communities
are ready to address
contentious or painful
issues.
63
Author Bio Mieke Lopes Cardozo is Assistant Professor at

the Amsterdam Institute for Social Science Research
Ritesh Shah is a Senior Lecturer in
of the University of Amsterdam, and part of the
Comparative and International Education
Governance and Inclusive Development Research
in the School or Critical Studies in
Group. Her academic research and teaching focuses
Education. His work is currently focussed
on the role of education in processes of peacebuilding,
on better understanding the ways in which
social justice and transformation in the contexts of
peacebuilding, resilience and educational rights
Myanmar, Aceh/Indonesia, Bolivia and Sri Lanka. She
are understood and enacted in conflict-affected
recently co-directed the Research Consortium on
settings, with much of his current work
Education and Peacebuilding in collaboration with the
focussed in the Middle East. More information
University of Sussex, Ulster University and UNICEF.
about Ritesh’s scholarship can be found here:
She was appointed as Advisor for the Security Council
https://unidirectory.auckland.ac.nz/
mandated Progress Study on Resolution 2250 on
profile/r-shah
Youth, Peace and Security.
References
Bonal, X. (2007) On global absences: Reflections on the failings Novelli, M.,Lopes Cardozo and Smith, A. (2017) The 4Rs
in the education and poverty relationship in Latin America, framework: Analyzing education’s Contribution to Sustainable
International Journal of Educational Development, 2007(27), Peacebuilding with Social Justice in Conflict-Affected Contexts,
86–100. Journal on Education in Emergencies, 3(1), pp. 14-43
Crenshaw, K. W. (1991) Mapping the margins: Intersectionality, DOI: https://doi.org/10.17609/N8S94K
identity politics, and violence against women of color, Stanford Nussbaum, M. (2004) Women’s Education: A Global Challenge,
Law Review, 43, 1241-1299. Signs, 29(2), 325–355. https://doi.org/10.1086/378571
Colclough, C. (2005) Rights, goals and targets: How do those Robeyns, I. (2006) Three models of education: Rights, capabilities
for education add up?, Journal of International Development, and human capital, Theory and Research in Education, 4(1),
17(1), 101–111. https://doi.org/10.1002/jid.1179 69–84.
INEE (2010) Minimum Standards for Education: Preparedness, Sen, A. (1999). Development as Freedom, New York: Anchor
Response, Recovery, availble at http://s3.amazonaws. Books.
com/inee-assets/resources/INEE_Minimum_Standards_
Handbook_2010(HSP)_EN.pdf Shah, R., and Lopes-Cardozo, M. T. A. (2015) The Politics of
Education in Emergencies and Conflict, In T. McCowan and
Fraser, N. (1995) From redistribution to recognition? Dilemmas E. Unterhalter, Education and International Development: An
of justice in a ‘post-socialist’ age, New Left Review, 212, 68–93. Introduction, London and New York: Bloomsbury, pp. 181–200.
Fraser, N. (2005) Reframing Justice in a globalized world, New Smith, A., McCandless, E., Paulson, J., and Wheaton, W. (2011)
Left Review, 36, 79–88. The Role of Education in Peacebuilding: Literature Review, New
Keddie, A. (2012) Schooling and social Justice through the York: United Nations Children’s Fund (UNICEF).
lenses of Nancy Fraser, Critical Studies in Education, 53(3), Tikly, L., and Barrett, A. M. (2011) Social justice, capabilities and
263–279. the quality of education in low income countries, International
Lopes Cardozo, M. T. A., and Shah, R. (2016) A conceptual Journal of Educational Development, 31(1), 3–14.
framework to analyse the multiscalar politics of education Tomaševski, K. (2001) Right to education Primers no. 1.
for sustainable peacebuilding. Comparative Education, Gothenburg: Swedish International Development Cooperation
(September). https://doi.org/10.1080/03050068.2016.1220144 Agency, pp. 8-16.
McCowan, T. (2011) Human rights, capabilities and Tomaševski, K. (2003) Education denied: costs and remedies,
the normative basis of “Education for All”, Theory London; New York: Zed Books.
and Research in Education, 9, 283–298. https://doi.
org/10.1177/1477878511419566 UNESCO. (2011) The hidden crisis: Children and armed conflict,
(UNESCO, Ed.), EFA Global Monitoring Report, Paris: UNESCO.
Newman, K. (2011) Education rights: A guide for practitioners
and activists. Action Aid. Online report accesses 27-06-2019 Unterhalter, E. (2014) Walking backwards into the future:
https://actionaid.org/publications/2011/education-rights-guide- A comparative perspective on education and a post-2015
practioners-and-activists framework, Compare, 44(6), 852–873. https://doi.org/10.1080/0
3057925.2014.957040
Novelli, M., and Smith, A. (2011) The Role of education in
peacebuilding: A synthesis report of findings from Lebanon, United Nations Sustainable Development Goals
Nepal and Sierra Leone, New York: United Nations Children’s Knowledge Platform (2018) Online available at https://
Fund (UNICEF). sustainabledevelopment.un.org/sdg16
64
Conceptualising critical peace

education for conflict settings
Monisha Bajaj, Professor of International and Multicultural Education, University of San Francisco, USA
mibajaj@usfca.edu
Introduction
Abstract At the intersection of peace, conflict and education
This article explores the conceptual lie many potential realities, including (1) education
frameworks of critical peace education and for indoctrination and the perpetuation of violence;
their relevance for scholars and practitioners conversely, (2) education contributing to peace,
working in conflict settings. Insights and human rights and social justice; and, (3) instances in
frameworks for analysing violence are which educated members of a society, or schools in
offered from existing theoretical models particular, come under attack from non-state actors
and built upon to address the complexity or are targeted by state violence. Initiatives towards
of contemporary conflicts and the role of peacebuilding through education exist across the
education within them globe with differing conditions, orientations, and
objectives. In order to contribute to the ongoing
Key Words global conversation on peace education, this article
Conflict explores the following question: what can the
Education conceptual frameworks of critical peace education
offer to scholars and practitioners working in conflict
Peace
settings? The term ‘conflict settings’ used in this
Agency article is inclusive of armed conflict, protracted
conflict, post-conflict, and underlying forms of social,
economic and political conflict that have not erupted
in widespread violence. This article first charts the
conceptual underpinnings of peace education
followed by a discussion of the rise of critical
peace education and insights from this subfield
for scholarship and educational practice in conflict
settings.
Critical peace education in context

Peace education is a field of scholarship and
practice that utilises teaching and learning not only
to dismantle all forms of violence, but also to create
structures that build and sustain a just and equitable
peace (Bajaj and Hantzopoulos, 2016). Since World
To cite this article: Bajaj, M. (2019) War II, peace education has formally emerged as
Conceptualising critical peace education a field of scholarship and practice that is global
for conflict settings, Education and in scope. One seminal moment in the field’s early
Conflict Review, 2, 65-69. creation was at the 1964 convening of peace studies
65
scholars through the International Peace Research Birgit Brock-Utne (1989) identifies different levels
Association at which a call was issued for ‘peace at which violence must be addressed from a
research, peace action, and peace education,’ feminist perspective, distinguishing between the
noting the important role that education can play in ‘organized’ level, referring to state involvement or
dismantling structures of violence and promoting negligence to act despite knowledge of violent
peace (Galtung, 1973: 317). acts, and the ‘unorganized’ level, highlighting
Betty Reardon, a pioneer in the field of peace violence that occurs in micro-structures, such as in
education, has highlighted the need to teach about families and communities (Bajaj and Hantzopoulos,
peace as well as to teach for peace. In other words, 2016). One such example of the latter is Galtung’s
peace education requires ‘the transmission of concept of cultural violence, which often occurs
knowledge about requirements of, the obstacles at the unorganised level through practices that
to, and possibilities for achieving and maintaining are culturally legitimised (and often strongly tied to
peace; training in skills for interpreting the structural inequalities) (1990). For example, while
knowledge; and the development of reflective and illegal across all of India, the practice of female
participatory capacities for applying the knowledge infanticide remains rampant in many parts of the
to overcome problems and achieve possibilities’ country. A recent article noted that when the value
(Reardon, 2000: 399). Peace education thus of gold increases (and hence raises the expectations
requires transforming content, pedagogy, structures, of the dowry amount by an eventual groom’s
educational practices, relationships between family, although dowry is also technically illegal),
educators and learners, and the systems by which the rate of female infanticide increases (Bhalotra,
we measure the outcomes of education as well. 2018). This example demonstrates how ‘cultural’
practices are also deeply informed by economic
Scholars have importantly distinguished between
realities and unequal social relations that render
two core concepts in the field of peace studies,
girls’ lives disposable in conditions of scarcity. By
namely ‘negative peace’ and ‘positive peace’
understanding the root causes and manifestations
(derived from the work of Galtung, 1969). Negative
of different forms of violence, peace education—
peace is defined as the absence of direct,
through analysis, critical thinking and informed
physical violence. Direct violence is exemplified
action—seeks to disrupt and dismantle them.
by torture, war, militarism, rape and other forms
of aggression; efforts to promote negative peace In recent years, there has been a rise in critical
include disarmament and peacekeeping initiatives. approaches to peace education that both bring in
Positive peace requires the absence of structural theory from a variety of disciplinary frameworks,
and cultural violence and emphasises the promotion as well highlight marginalised voices and histories
of human rights to ensure a comprehensive notion to inform peace education theory and practice
of social justice. Indirect violence, according to (Bajaj, 2008; 2015; Brantmeier, 2011; Bajaj and
seminal peace studies scholar Johan Galtung Brantmeier, 2011; Bajaj and Hantzopoulos, 2016).
(1969), refers to structural and cultural forms As Brantmeier and Bajaj (2013: 145) have argued:
of violence—systems such as racism, sexism, Critical approaches offer peace educators
colonialism, culturally-condoned exclusion, among and researchers the contextual and
others—that privilege some to the marginalization of conceptual resources for understanding the
others. The identification and analysis of the many structural impediments to advancing the
forms of violence—through critical and participatory possibility and promise of peace education in
education and dialogue—offer a necessary diverse locales across the globe. Rather than
prerequisite to any efforts to interrupt violence in all status quo reproduction, critical approaches
its forms and prevent its further spread. Education in peace education and peace research aim to
further plays a significant role in promoting both empower learners as transformative change
negative and positive peace by equipping individuals agents (Freire, 1970) who critically analyze
with the knowledge, skills and values required power dynamics and intersectionalities
to interrupt and transform historical modes of among race, class, gender, dis/ability, sexual
domination that permeate the education system. orientation, language, religion, geography,
and other forms of stratification.
66
Critical peace education in particular considers Historical and temporal dimensions

the ways in which human agency dynamically
interacts with structures and forms of violence;
and, in turn, contemplates the potential for
educational spaces—formal and informal—to be
sites of individual and collective transformation Direct
Unorganised level
Organised level
(Brantmeier, 2011; Bajaj, 2008; 2015). What violence
distinguishes critical peace education from
‘regular’ peace education are some key
underlying principles. First, while all peace
educators draw from analyses of violence, critical
peace educators pay attention to how unequal
social relations and issues of power must inform Structural Cultural
both peace education and corresponding violence violence
social action. Second, critical peace education
pays close attention to local realities and local
conceptions of peace, amplifying marginalised Figure 1: Galtung’s conflict triangle reconfigured
voices through community-based research,
narratives, oral histories and locally-generated Applying Galtung’s triangle, it becomes evident
curricula. Lastly, critical peace education draws that there are always larger historical and structural
from social reproduction theory (Bourdieu and forces that cause manifestations of direct violence.
Passeron, 1977; Bowles and Gintis, 1976) and Through such an analysis, most societies are indeed
critical pedagogy (Freire, 1970) to view schools ‘in conflict,’ not just those experiencing outbreaks of
as both potential sites of marginalisation and/or direct or armed conflict (indeed, the United States
transformation (See also, Hantzopoulos, 2015). is a prime example of a conflict-ridden society
Further, it considers multiple spaces within and where police brutality, state-sponsored violence
outside of state-run schools—which often serve and disregard for international humanitarian law are
as forces of exclusion—as conduits for possibility, rampant, though it is rarely considered a ‘conflict
liberation, and social change (Bajaj, 2015; zone’ in conventional analyses). In the following
Bajaj and Hantzopoulos, 2016). Critical peace section, the analytical tools of critical peace
education is similar to transformative human rights education offer useful frameworks for exploring
education in this way as they both question the conflict and its causes.
normative prescriptions offered in each field, and
suggest more sustained attention to local context Insights from critical peace
and knowledge generated by communities and education for conflict settings
social movements (Bajaj et al., 2016). When examining violence (structural, cultural or direct),
When examining the root conditions of violence, several tools emerge from peace education and its
as critical peace education requires before critical variant. As Figure I demonstrated, analyses
designing any type of intervention, the conflict of violence require not only different understandings
triangle developed by Galtung (1969) offers a of forms, but also levels, as well as historical tracing
useful tool and a holistic assessment mechanism of the roots of violence. Tailored efforts to intervene
that forces us to look beyond the surface-level of in conflict, and studies of them, constitute much of
direct violence. In this modified conflict triangle for the field of peace education with varying degrees
critical peace education in Figure I, Brock-Utne’s of knowledge about the context. In Figure II, the
(1989) levels of violence are added in and the Core Competencies for Critical Peace Educators
forms of violence are deliberatively historicised and Learners that I developed in 2014 are slightly
to take into account legacies of colonialism, modified for conflict settings to situate the learner and
genocide, forced displacement and other forms of researcher within a holistic framework for analysing
exclusion that endure long past their official end. violence and possibilities for peace (Bajaj, 2015).
67
Critical thinking Conflict analysed, then revised for new action in a continuous
and analysis mapping cycle of learning and simultaneous social and
political engagement.
There are many more competencies that may be
elaborated depending on context, and the educator
should undertake a situational analysis attending to
the power dynamics in a particular setting before
engaging in any form of peace education.
Participation Agency and
and solidarity social location
Theory
Figure 2: Critical peace education competencies
for conflict settings
Conflict mapping
What are the historical roots of this conflict? Who
benefits from conflict? What power relations and Reflection Action
asymmetries in material conditions contribute to
this conflict?
Agency and social location
What forms of individual and collective agency Figure 3: Freire’s praxis cycle
might be possible given the conditions? What
factors and strategies are needed for such agency Concluding thoughts
to be sustained and long-lasting?1
Critical peace education offers frameworks for
Critical thinking and analysis: What narratives are conflict analysis that can provide a foundation for any
being presented (in the media, textbooks, etc.)? effective intervention or research endeavour in what
What are other narratives? Who controls the we consider emergency contexts and other contexts
production of narratives? How might we interrogate that are not engaged in violent conflict. Ahistorical
received notions of identity and unequal forms and short-term projects that do not attend to the
citizenship? roots of conflict offer band-aid ‘solutions’ that may
Participation and solidarity actually exacerbate violence rather than contribute to
its mitigation. The questions posed above under the
What forms of participation are possible and
competencies in Figure II can be useful for guiding
meaningful? How might trauma influence the
further scholarship in critical peace education by
forms of participation that can be taken, and what
utilising such analyses for inquiry and research.
forms of individual and collective healing might be
For example, a recent dissertation completed by
required before action is possible? What solidarities
Ion Vlad at the University of San Francisco (2018)
are needed for the advancement of peace and
draws on critical peace education to understand the
human rights in this context?
narratives, intentions and pedagogical approaches
Each of the elements listed above may contribute of peace and human rights museums in North
to the preparation of the learner-actor who is America. Another recent dissertation by Katie
equipped with the skills and capacities to teach Zanoni at the University of San Francisco (2018)
for comprehensive visions of peace in a variety of examines continuities and disjunctures between
settings. Critical peace education efforts would peace education discourse at the national level in
do well to engage in Freire’s (1970) cycle of Kenya and local-level practice through a school for
praxis wherein action is taken, reflected upon and girls focused on educating for peace and leadership
1I have theorised notions of agency and social location more extensively in my multi-year research on human rights education in
India (Bajaj, 2012) and also discussed its role in education for peace, human rights and social justice in a recent article (Bajaj, 2018).
68
(Zanoni, 2017). Such forms of scholarship—neither attention must be paid to research and practice
of which in a context of armed conflict, but where grounded in local knowledges and to expanding
diverse forms of conflict drive extreme inequalities and sites and opportunities for transformative education
disparate social conditions—contribute to the larger for social change.
field, as well as informing practice on the ground and
offering reflections on the possibilities of such work Author Bio
as well as potential contradictions and constructive Monisha Bajaj is Professor of International and
reflections for the practitioners involved. Multicultural Education at the University of San
Critical peace education aims to better align the Francisco. She is also a Visiting Professor at Nelson
promise of education for peace and greater justice Mandela University - Chair, Critical Studies in Higher
with more effective tools for inquiry and practice Education Transformation in South Africa. Dr. Bajaj
in order to better realise this expansive vision. is the editor and author of six books, including the
The frameworks offered here can contribute to award-winning Schooling for Social Change: The
discussions of education in conflict and emergency Rise and Impact of Human Rights Education in India
education, as well as in other settings, and such a (Bloomsbury, 2012), as well as numerous articles.
dialogue between fields is indeed necessary and She has also developed curricula and reports—
generative. As international initiatives and funding particularly related to peace education, human rights,
streams, such as through DFID, USAID, Dubai anti-bullying efforts and sustainability—for non-profit
Cares, etc., continue to concentrate necessarily organisations and inter-governmental organisations,
on education in conflict and emergency contexts, such as UNICEF and UNESCO.
References
Bajaj, M. (2008) “Critical” peace education, In Bajaj, M. (ed.) Brantmeier, E. J. (2011) Toward mainstreaming critical peace
Encyclopedia of Peace Education, Charlotte, N.C.: Information education in U.S. teacher education, In C. S. Malott and B. Porfilio
Age Publishing. (eds.) Critical pedagogy in the 21st century: A new generation of
scholars, Charlotte, NC: Information Age Publishing.
Bajaj, M. (2012) Schooling for Social Change: The Rise and Impact
of Human Rights Education in India, New York: Bloomsbury. Brock-Utne, B. (1989) Education for peace: A feminist perspective,
Willowdale, Ontario: Pergamon Press Inc.
Bajaj, M. (2015) ‘Pedagogies of resistance’ and critical peace
education praxis, Journal of Peace Education, 12 (2), 154-166. Bourdieu, P. and Passeron, J. (1977) Reproduction in education,
society and culture, London and Beverly Hills: Sage Publications.
Bajaj, M. (2018) Conceptualizing Transformative Agency in
Education for Peace, Human Bowles, S. and Gintis, H. (1976) Schooling in capitalist America,
London: Routledge and Kegan Paul.
Rights & Social Justice. International Journal of Human Rights
Education 2(1), 1-22. Freire, P. (1970) Pedagogy of the oppressed, New York: Continuum.
Bajaj, M. and Brantmeier, E. J. (2011) The politics, praxis, Galtung, J. (1969) Violence, peace, and peace research, Journal of
and possibilities of critical peace education, Journal of Peace Peace Research, 6 (3), 167-191.
Education, 8 (3), 221-224.
Galtung, J. (1973) Education for and with peace: Is it possible?
Brantmeier, E.J. & Bajaj, M. (2013). Peace education praxis: In J. Galtung (ed.) Essays in Peace Research, Copenhagen,
Select resources for educators Denmark: Christian Eljers.
and researchers. In S. Totten & J. Pedersen (Eds.), Educating Hantzopoulos, M. (2015) Sites of liberation or sites of despair?:
about social issues in the 20th and 21st centuries: A critical The challenges and possibilities of democratic education in an
annotated bibliography, Volume 2 (pp. 139-159). Charlotte, NC: urban public school in New York City, Anthropology and Education
Information Age Publishers. Quarterly, 46 (4), 345–362.
Bajaj, M., Cislaghi, B. and Mackie, G. (2016) Advancing Reardon, B. (2000) Peace education: Review and projection,
transformative human rights education, In G. Brown (ed.) In B. Moon, M. Ben-Peretz and S. Brown (eds.) International
Appendix to The Universal Declaration of Human Rights in the Companion to Education, New York: Routledge.
21st century: Report of the Global Citizenship Commission,
Vlad, Ion. (2018). Critical Peace Pedagogies at the American
Cambridge: Open Book Publishers.
Center for Civil and Human
Bajaj, M. and Hantzopoulos, M. (2016) Peace education:
Rights and the Canadian Museum for Human Rights: A
International Perspectives, New York and London: Bloomsbury.
Comparative Case Study. University of San Francisco Doctoral
Bhalotra, S. (2018) When gold prices go up, so does the cost of a Dissertations. 444. Available: https://repository.usfca.edu/diss/444
dowry – and baby girl survival rates in India fall, The Conversation [Accessed December 10, 2018].
[Online]. Available: https://theconversation.com/when-gold-prices-
Zanoni, K. (2017) Kenyan girls as agents of peace: Enhancing the
go-up-so-does-the-cost-of-a-dowry-and-baby-girl-survival-rates-
capacity of future women peacebuilders, Research in Comparative
in-india-fall-96061 [Accessed September 27, 2018].
and International Education, 12, 110-126.
69
The ‘4 Rs’ as a tool for critical policy

analysis of the education sector in
conflict affected states
Mario Novelli, Professor of Political Economy of Education, Centre for International Education,
University of Sussex, UK
m.novelli@sussex.ac.uk
University of Amsterdam
T.A.LopesCardozo@uva.nl
Alan Smith, UNESCO Chair, Ulster University
a.smith@ulster.co.uk
Introduction
Abstract
Since 2000, there has been a growing recognition of
In this text, we discuss the 4Rs framework both the importance of working in conflict-affected
that we have designed as an analytical tool contexts and the growing evidence of the very
that allows researchers, policy-developers particular effects of conflict on educational access
and practitioners to grasp the interconnected and quality and vice versa – the importance of
dimensions that shape and drive education education in driving conflicts or building peaceful
systems, practices and outcomes in conflict societies (Novelli and Lopes Cardozo, 2008). This
affected contexts. The framework’s central has also led to an interest in understanding the
normative position is that inequalities and particularities of the educational challenges faced
injustice (including within the education in conflict-affected contexts, and to a growing
system) are important for understanding the recognition that policy makers, donors and
reasons for the outbreak of violent conflict practitioners working in the education sector in
(the drivers of conflict) and that addressing conflict-affected contexts are faced with huge and
inequalities (including in education), and the distinct challenges and priorities requiring new and
legacies of conflict, are necessary to bring innovative ways of funding, planning, governing
about sustainable peace and overcome the and evaluating education policy interventions.
legacies of conflict. As a result of this rising interest, the literature on
education and conflict has expanded greatly over
Key Words the last decade (Bush and Saltarelli, 2000; Smith,
Sustainable peace 2003; Novelli, 2014). There is also interest in better
Social justice understanding the relationship between education,
Conflict conflict and peace and the way education systems
might become more conflict sensitive (Novelli and
Education
Smith, 2012). Linked to this is interest in political
economy research in the sector, and a mushrooming
of political economy tools to facilitate policy
development and planning (Novelli et al., 2014).
In this paper, we want to outline one such tool – the
4Rs Framework. This framework was developed
To cite this article: Novelli, M., Lopes Cardozo, M. and with colleagues from the University of Amsterdam
Smith, A. (2019) The ‘4 Rs’ as a tool for critical policy and Ulster University and applied to date in research
analysis of the education sector in conflict affected in eight conflict-affected contexts (Pakistan,
states, Education and Conflict Review, 2, 70-75. Rwanda, South Sudan, Kenya, Myanmar, Uganda,
70
Rwanda and South Africa) to examine educational societal inequalities and in so doing undermine or
governance and policy in relation to education, promote sustainable peace and development in and
conflict and peace. The framework’s central through education.
normative position is that inequalities and injustice As with much of the work in our field of inquiry, we
(including within the education system) are important sought to develop a tool that was policy relevant –
for understanding the reasons for the outbreak of but one which was unashamedly informed by ideals
civil wars (the drivers of conflict) and that addressing of promoting peace with social justice – which we
inequalities (including in education) is necessary to continue to believe is the only way that long term
bring about sustainable peace and overcome the sustainable peace can be achieved in countries
legacies of conflict. affected by conflict. We developed the 4Rs approach
When reflecting on inequalities, we had a as a heuristic device to support the process of
strong sense that we needed to go beyond the design, data collection, and analysis in order to
economic. For this reason, we drew on a version reflect on the dilemmas and contradictions inherent
of Nancy Fraser’s theory of social justice, exploring in supporting the positive role that education might
educational inequalities more broadly in terms of play in conflict affected contexts. Our aim is that this
Redistribution, Recognition and Representation framework becomes a diagnostic tool that will spark
(Fraser, 1995; 2005). In our understanding of these a dialogue among key stakeholders and be adapted
concepts they were linked respectively to economic in ways relevant to different cultural, political, and
inequalities relating to the funding and management economic contexts (see Figure 1).
of education (Redistribution); inequalities and While the approach and its application remains
injustices related to cultural representation and a work in progress, it already allows for a much
misrecognition (Recognition); and finally, inequalities sharper focus on the complex ways that inequalities
linked to participation and democratic deficits in within education, in their multiple and varied
the governance and management of education manifestations, might be linked to conflict drivers.
(Representation). These 3Rs helped us to explore Furthermore, it allows us to go beyond the narrow
different dimensions of educational inequalities ‘access’ and ‘quality’ debates prevalent in the field
(economic, cultural and political) – as drivers of of education and international development – both
conflict, in education. We also added a 4th R from a human capital and a rights-based perspective
(Reconciliation), which allowed us to explore not - and allow us to reflect more holistically on the
only the potential drivers of conflict, but also the education systems’ relationship to economic, social,
legacies of conflict and how education might bring cultural and political development processes and its
communities together through processes of healing role and relationship to the production of inequalities
and psycho-social interventions and transitional that fuel the grievances that often drive conflicts.
justice (truth, justice and reparations).
We believe that there is a dialectical relationship Recognising the tensions within and
between the drivers of conflict and the legacies between social justice and reconciliation
of conflict and that we need to reflect carefully Building on Fraser’s (2005) work, we position the
on the balance between addressing inequalities potentially transformative role education can play as
and developing process that build trust within and inherently connected to and embedded in processes
between communities affected by conflict. That is to of social justice and societal transformation. Fraser,
say that a political discussion is needed to balance a philosopher by training who departs from but
the needs of historically marginalised communities is not limited to a critical feminist perspective,
who demand reforms to redress inequalities and the asserts that a socially just society would entail
need for policies to be inclusive of both victims and ‘parity of participation.’ She argues further that,
perpetrators who would need to live side by side and to ensure ‘participation on a par with others, as
reconstruct new relationships out of the violence and full partners in social interaction’ (Fraser, 2005:
pain of war. The ‘4Rs’ approach thus allowed us to 73), one should adopt the economic solution of
develop a theoretically informed heuristic device to redistributing resources and opportunities and
explore the multi-dimensional ways that education include sociocultural remedies for better recognition
systems might produce or reduce educational and and political representation.
71
Tow
ard
Su Reconciliation
Redistribution sta
• Equitable access to services
ina • Addressing historic and
bl contemporary economic,
• Equitable distribution of resources political, and cultural injustices
e
• Equitable outcomes • Analysis of how services
an
(qualifications, employment strengthen/weaken social cohesion
dJ
opportunities)
• Acknowledgement and public
ust P
• Analysis of reforms/policies to debate about the past and its
see if they are redistributive relevance to the present and future
eace
• Levels of trust—vertical (in
Reconcilliation government and services it
provides at all levels) and
horizontal (between groups)
Addressing Legacies
Addressing Roots
Redistribution
Recognition
• Language of services
• Recognition of cultural diversity
in and through services
• Place of religious and cultural Representation
identity and freedom in services • Extent to which policy/ reforms
Representation
• Citizenship and civic participation involve stakeholders’ participation
as a means of state-building in design and decision-making at
local, national, global levels
• Analysis of the way policy
manages the tension between • Analysis of political
unity/diversity control/representation through
administration of services
Recognition • Multiple stakeholders involved
in local governance of services
and decision-making processes
(incl. families, communities, etc.)
• Extent to which the services
support fundamental freedoms
4Rs Framework – Novelli, Lopes Cardozo and Smith (2017)
Figure 1: The 4Rs framework
It is important to note that, in keeping with Fraser’s the same – such as equalising the per capita
line of thought, while the dimensions of the 4Rs are education spending on all children might work as a
separated for analytical purposes, they are actually mechanism for ‘Reconciliation’ where all citizens feel
closely interlinked. We also need to acknowledge they are being treated the same regardless of their
how internal relations between these ‘Rs’ can be race, ethnicity, gender etc – this equality of treatment
reinforcing or conflictive. For example, recognising in a highly unequal society, might be inadvertently
formerly excluded ethnic languages in education and reproducing the historical inequalities that underpin
redistributing resources to train teachers and develop social injustice. Such an approach to education
material to enhance this process could lead to policy might give the illusion of change without any
greater representation of ethnic minority graduates in real transformation.
decision-making positions at the school governance
level or later in political positions. However, opening Applying the 4Rs to analyse the relation
up to diverse languages also might hinder the between education and peacebuilding
reconciliation process, as some minority languages So, what does this analytical framework mean
might be included as a language of instruction while in terms of examining the relationships between
others are not, thus creating resentment among education, armed conflict and peace, whether in
various groups of students. research projects or when designing or reviewing
Similarly, addressing and redressing inequalities that policy-related or programmatic work? Sustainable
drive conflicts is not necessarily a win-win process, peacebuilding should not be conceptualised just
and previous/current dominant social groups might as a means ‘to’ education (access) but also ‘in and
feel threatened by redistributive policies that seek to through’ education. It should consider how teaching
rebalance societal privileges in favour of oppressed and learning processes and outcomes reproduce
groups. This is where tensions might emerge certain (socioeconomic, cultural, and political)
between those who want to emphasise social inequalities (Keddie, 2012) and thus can stand in the
justice and those who seek to emphasise peace and way of, or reinforce, processes of reconciliation and
reconciliation. For example, while treating everyone foster education’s negative, or positive, face.
72
We also see the 4Rs model as a possible approach To do justice to education’s full potential, the
to design and structure (research, programmatic) model aims to move away from narrow technical
projects, whereby starting from a comprehensive approaches to understanding, designing, and
4Rs-inspired context-and-conflict analysis informs implementing education in conflict-affected regions,
the choices made. The 4Rs framework has also and toward a model that allows for the examination
been applied to analyse and examine the way of and positive engagement with a wider range of
specific interventions positively or negatively impact conflict drivers and legacies.
sustainable peace outcomes on various fronts.
To what extent is education contributing to sustainable peacebuilding (4Rs)?

Potential “indicators” for a mixed-methods approach
Redistribution Quantitative analysis of existing data to examine vertical and horizontal

(addressing inequalities relevant to education inputs, resources, and outcomes.
inequalities) Analysis of macro education reforms or policies to see if they are redistributive;
for example, the impact of decentralisation, privatisation, and how they impact
different groups and affect conflict dynamics.
Recognition Language of instruction polices.

(respecting difference) Recognition of cultural diversity through curriculum.
Place of religious identity and religious diversity in teaching practices.
(Re)production of gendered relations and norms in the education system.
Citizenship, civic, sexuality, and history education in relation to state-building.
Representation The extent to which education policy and reforms are produced through
(ensuring participation (local, national, global).
participation) Analysis of political control and representation through the administration of
education.
School governance, school-based management, involvement in decision-making
(teachers, parents, students, civil society).
The extent to which education system supports fundamental freedoms, including
equal gender representation.
Reconciliation The extent to which the historical and contemporary economic, political, and
(dealing with the sociocultural injustices that underpin conflict are redressed in/through education
legacies of the (e.g., quota systems, school relocation, textbooks, teacher allocation).
conflict) Analysis of how education contributes to integration and segregation (social
cohesion, shared or separate institutions).
Teaching about the past and its relevance to the present and future.
(Dis)connection of educational activities to the work of truth and reconciliation
committees, when available.
Levels of trust—vertical (trust in schools and the education system) and
horizontal (trust between different identity-based groups).
Table 1. Applying the analytical framework to understand education’s role in peacebuilding
73
A number of important aspects emerge when Conclusion: Theory-building

exploring the four interrelated Rs. An important in progress
aspect of redistribution (not limited to this dimension)
In this short piece, we have shared the 4Rs analytical
is all students having equal access to a safe
framework, calling for a peace with social justice
journey to and through their learning environment.
and reconciliation approach to education systems
Within education, the inclusion of all students—
affected by violent conflict. While aspects of the
regardless of age, gender, sexuality, religion,
model are potentially relevant across different
ethnicity, race, language, class means including
contexts, it must be tailored to the specific needs
formerly marginalized or disadvantaged groups.
of each area of research or intervention. This
This aspect is also connected to reconciliation. The
will allow researchers and practitioners alike to
affirmation and recognition of learners’ diversity and
produce high-quality, relevant understanding of the
everyone’s learning needs in educational processes,
challenges, roles, and possibilities of education’s
structures, and content can be defined as “curricular
contribution to promoting sustainable peace.
justice” (Connell, 2012). This aspect of recognition
is strongly related to the redistributive aspect of We are conscious that like any research tool it is
equal opportunities and outcomes for children and the skill of the researcher(s) that will determine
youth of different groups in society. The structure whether it’s application is open enough to capture
and content that feed into pedagogical processes the complex interactions between the different R’s
are again connected to both reconciliation (e.g., if/ and that the research is grounded in sufficient depth
how history is taught or if attitudinal change is part and knowledge of the particular historical, political,
of an educational initiative) and representation (e.g., economic, social and cultural conditions of the
whether learners are made aware of their various research context. We therefore hope it is treated as
rights and responsibilities as citizens, and if/how/ a starting point for critical reflection rather than a
why (certain) political and conflict-related issues are normative and simplistic endpoint.
discussed/negated). Issues around representation We hope to refine, develop, sharpen, and transform
extend further into the actual ‘equitable participation’ the framework so it can more accurately reflect the
of various stakeholders, including teachers, combined knowledge that emerges from the ongoing
students, youth, parents, and community members research process. In that sense, we approach
of all genders at the grassroots level. The actual theory-making as a non-static process that is
decision-making power is often related to the informed and reshaped through empirical fieldwork
allocation, use, and (re)distribution of human and and findings—hence we see this framework as
material resources (Young, 2006; Robertson and theory-building in progress.
Dale, 2013).
74
Author Bios
Mario Novelli is Professor of the Political Economy References
Bush, K. D. and Saltarelli, D. (2000) The two faces of
of Education & Director of the Centre for International education in ethnic conflict: Towards a peacebuilding
Education (CIE) at the University of Sussex (http:// education for children, Florence, Italy: UNICEF, Innocenti
Research Centre.
www.sussex.ac.uk/cie/about ), a global leader
Connell, R. (2012) Just Education, Journal of Education
in research on International development and Policy, 27 (5): 681-83.
education. He specialises in research on the Fraser, N. (1995) From redistribution to recognition?
relationship between education and conflict and has Dilemmas of justice in a ‘post-socialist’ age, New Left
Review, 1 (212): 68-93.
led research for a range of international organisations
including: DFID, the Dutch Ministry of Foreign Affairs, Fraser, N. (2005) Reframing justice in a globalized world,
New Left Review, 36: 79-88.
UNICEF, UNESCO. Over the last two decades
Keddie, A. (2012) Schooling and social justice through
he has published widely on issues relating to the lenses of Nancy Fraser, Critical Studies in Education,
globalisation, education in conflict affected contexts, 53 (3): 263-79.
peacebuilding and reconciliation. He has taught at Novelli, M., and M.T.A. Lopes Cardozo. (2008) Conflict,
education and the global south: new critical directions,
the Universities of Bristol, Amsterdam and Sussex. International Journal of Educational Development 28(4):
473-488.
Mieke Lopes Cardozo is Assistant Professor at
Novelli, M., and M.T.A. Lopes Cardozo. (2012) Globalizing
the Amsterdam Institute for Social Science Research Educational Interventions in Zones of Conflict: The Role
of the University of Amsterdam, and part of the of Dutch Aid to Education and Conflict. chapter 11 in: A.
Verger, M. Novelli and H. Kosar Altinyelken (eds). Global
Governance and Inclusive Development Research Education Policy and International Development: New
Group. Her academic research and teaching Agendas, Issues and Policies, London, Continuum, pp.
223-244.
focuses on the role of education in processes of
Novelli, M., Lopes Cardozo, M. T. A. and Smith, A. (2017)
peacebuilding, social justice and transformation The 4Rs framework: Analysing the contribution of education
in the contexts of Myanmar, Aceh/Indonesia, to sustainable peacebuilding in conflict-affected contexts.
Journal of Education in Emergencies, 3 (1). ISSN
Bolivia and Sri Lanka. She recently co-directed 2518-6833.
the Research Consortium on Education and Novelli, M., Valiente, O., Higgins, S and Ugur, M. (2014)
Peacebuilding in collaboration with the University Rigorous literature review of the political economy of
education systems in conflict affected states, London: DFID.
of Sussex, Ulster University and UNICEF, and
Novelli, M., Daoust, G., Selby, J., Valiente, O., Scandurra,
coordinated the Education and International R., Deng Kuol, L., Salter, E. (2016) Education sector
Development Academie in partnership with the governance, inequality, conflict and peacebuilding in South
Sudan, Research Report, UNICEF: Eastern and Southern
Dutch Ministry of Foreign Affairs. She was appointed Regional Office (ESARO).
as Advisor for the Security Council mandated Robertson, S. L. and Dale, R. (2013) The social justice
Progress Study on Resolution 2250 on Youth, Peace implications of privatisation in education governance
frameworks: A relational account, Oxford Review of
and Security. Education, 39 (4): 426-45.
Alan Smith is UNESCO Chair in Education for Robertson, Susan L., and Dale, R. (2014) Toward a
Pluralism, Human Rights and Democracy at ‘Critical Cultural Political Economy’ account of the
globalising of education, Paper presented at the 55th
Ulster University in Northern Ireland. He has over Comparative
thirty years’ experience in research with particular and International Education Society Conference, Toronto,
March 9-14.
expertise in education, conflict and international
Smith, A. and Vaux, T. (2003) Education, Conflict and
development. He has completed research for the International Development, London: DfID.
UK Economic and Social Research Council (ESRC) Young, I. M. (2006) Responsibility and Global Justice:
and the Nuffield Foundation, as well as a range of A Social Connection Model. Social Philosophy & Policy
Foundation 23 (1): 102-30
NGO, government and UN organisations, including
International Alert, Save the Children, DFID, EU, GIZ,
Norad, UNESCO, UNICEF and the World Bank.
75
Education and violent extremism:

Insights from complexity theory
Lynn Davies, Emeritus Professor of International Education, School of Education,
University of Birmingham, UK
l.davies@bham.ac.uk
Introduction
Abstract Recently I completed a major international review of
We are beginning to get some ‘what works’ in the area of education for preventing
understanding of what works and what violent extremism (PVE-E), looking at 23 countries
does not work in educational initiatives and identifying 20 different entry points (Davies,
in preventing violent extremism across a 2017a). Multiple organisations are involved and there
range of countries. Complexity and chaos are many interesting initiatives, but some are short
theory provide the insights which explain lived. I extracted eight principles which characterised
such findings: non-linear change, resisting those programmes which had some evidence of
simple cause-and-effect, seeing turbulence success and were more sustained. While evaluation
and conflict as normal, increasing is notoriously difficult, successful initiatives prevented
connectivity across diverse agents, and students thinking in black and white terms, made
providing structures of rules, rights and them less prejudicial towards ‘others’ and made them
enabling constraints. less likely to support violence as a means to an end.
They work when –
Key Words
• a programme is embedded in a whole school
Extremism
policy, curriculum and way of life;
Complexity
• teachers have sound preparation in teaching
Violence controversial issues;
Rights • a multitude of ‘drivers’ of extremism is
acknowledged, not just ideology;
• a full set of recipients is targeted (students,
teachers, family, community);
• there is wide consultation (police, religious
leaders, social workers);
• there is not just learning about ‘other’ faiths/
cultures but a political understanding of conflict,
including religious conflict;
To cite this article: Davies, L.
• a programme is not moralistic, but critical; and
(2019) Education and violent
extremism: Insights from • there is a practical and visible outcome –
complexity theory, Education civic engagement, campaigns, production of
and Conflict Review, 2, 76-80. counter-narrative materials, citizen research
76
What does not work is: error: ‘evolution is not a rush to the nearest summit
• Messages of love and harmony; but a leisurely process of exploration of possibilities’
(Rihani, 2002: 9). The (understandable) mistake
• Individualistic ‘inner peace’;
in PVE has been to search for cause-and-effect,
• Religious counter-narratives by (western) pinpointing the ‘pathways’ into radicalisation, which
governments, telling Muslims what is in the Quran; will enable prediction and therefore prevention. In
• Single one-off interventions, however striking terms of ‘push’ we now know that there is no one
and fun; route, only sometimes mystifying combinations.
• Strategies that appear to stigmatise one religious We do know a lot about ‘pull’ factors – i.e. what is
group; and enticing in the lure of extremist movements (status,
mission, call of duty, sense of importance) but we
• Suppressing free speech rather than allowing
cannot predict who might be resilient to these lures
uncomfortable views to be aired.
and who is vulnerable.
To understand these workings at a theoretical level,
Our social enterprise ConnectFutures took part in
complexity theory provides significant insights. The
a European research project called Formers and
field (industry?) of PVE-E is a burgeoning one, with a
Families that, through interviewing former extremists
mass of conferences, dialogues and calls to action
and their families, had the aim of identifying
as well as research, theory and training interventions.
family patterns which made children vulnerable to
Complexity theory helps us to understand the
radicalisation (Davies et al, 2015). In our UK sample,
false trails. These include simple cause and
however, we were unable to establish any such
effect regarding vulnerability to radicalisation
patterns. Families can help perhaps in preventing
(broken homes, school dropout, psychological
radicalisation or afterwards supporting a journey to
predispositions) and equally simple solutions (moral
deradicalisation, but it is crucial to avoid a causal
calls for love and peace, or pointing out positive
view which attributes blame. The focus on individual
messages in the Quran). As long ago as 2004, I was
psychology or on ‘dysfunctional’ families is a blind
arguing for complexity theory in order to understand
alley in PVE strategy. Effects are not additive but
the role of education in conflict (Davies, 2004), and
interactive. We cannot add something into a system
returned to this in Unsafe Gods: Security, secularism
(moral education) and predict an impact. Similarly, we
and education (Davies, 2014), examining the role of
cannot subtract something (biased textbooks) and
religion in conflict and extremism and arguing for a
assume this will be even part of a solution. This does
dynamic secularism in order to promote security. For
not mean we do nothing, but we have to approach
this brief article, I want to highlight just a few aspects
change in a different way.
of complexity as a taster.
PVE-E therefore cannot borrow from or just extend
Complexity and chaos theory: peace education, or any of the programmes which
How things change focus on transforming or sedating the individual –
Firstly, in the social world, change is rarely linear. It whether character education, Buddhist inner peace
occurs because of a range of intersecting factors or mindfulness. It is the wrong starting point. PVE is
in particular moments of time, where turbulence what within complexity science is called a ‘wicked
starts to generate new patterns. Prediction is problem’. This means not only that there are many
difficult, because a small input can have a big impact legitimate ways of framing each question, but that
(the ‘butterfly effect’). Chains of amplification and any solution has unintended consequences that are
polarisation can be set off (for example, by rumours likely to spawn new problems. Wicked problems have
and fake news.). The economy is not linear, in that no ‘stopping rules’. Permanent solutions cannot be
millions of individual decisions to buy or not to found – all that is possible is that the problem space
buy can reinforce each other, creating a boom or is loosened so that a wider range of options for action
recession (Waldrop, 1992). Development models emerges (Rogers et al, 2013). At its best, education
have failed because of reliance on command-and- can be part of this loosening of the problem space.
control methods which ignore internal dynamics that But to contemplate change, we have first to look at
involve vast numbers of interactions in a country systems – in particular the complex adaptive system
(Rihani, 2002). Evolution occurs through trial and (see Waldrop, 1992; Byrne, 1998; Woodhill, 2010).
77
Complex adaptive systems white categorisations, friend and foe, good and evil.
Programmes of ‘integrative complexity’ (Liht and
Evolution occurs when a complex adaptive system
Savage, 2013) in countries as far apart as Scotland
(CAS) - whether the brain, the immune system, the
and Pakistan use the introduction of ‘hot topics’ with
world economy or an ant colony – responds to its
young people to start the process of generating a
environment to survive, with redundant features
range of viewpoints: the aim is being comfortable with
dying out and new ones tried and then developed.
a range of perspectives while retaining one’s own core
A CAS has to reach ‘criticality’ or ‘the edge of chaos’
principles. Complex thinking entails ‘holding one’s
before emerging into something new. A degree of
strong opinions lightly’ (Rogers et al, 2013: 6). Initially,
turbulence is essential – a stable equilibrium means
this means stepping outside one’s comfort zone.
the death of a complex system (Davis and Sumara,
2006; also, see Alicia Juarrero’s vimeo The idea of ‘living with more than one truth’
https://vimeo.com/128934608). characterises what I have termed ‘justice-sensitive’
education (Davies, 2017b), which, in history and
The brake on evolution and change are what are
social science, takes a more complex view of
called ‘frozen accidents’ (for example, the Qwerty
‘victims’ and ‘perpetrators’ and tries to understand
keyboard, the 24-hour clock), phemonena that
a conflict from multiple viewpoints. In education,
become so embedded that change is inconceivable.
this might mean introducing turbulence into official
Many education systems (as do some religions)
versions of history and who constituted ‘enemies’.
exhibit features of the frozen accident, locked into
Complexity theory allows us to see how cycles of
ways of operating and relating which do not reflect
revenge and retribution occur: of importance is
current dynamics. (These deep freezers include not
understanding how violence becomes normalised,
just outmoded pedagogy, but the whole idea of a
that is, how violence becomes a path dependent
predictable and efficient trajectory through competitive
response to perceived injustice or offence.
memory based examinations to future employment
and social productivity). In contrast, extremist groups Conflict as normal
exhibit many features of a CAS – they adapt, develop,
Much discourse on peace implies the binary opposite
morph, have intricate networks and, like the brain,
to conflict, when in fact relative stability may simply
have no single controller. While they have linear views
be a different way of managing or even disguising
of the end-time, and are regressive in their values,
conflict. A strong argument, particularly within
they have branched out into a range of financial
complexity theory, is that conflict is not only normal,
business models (drugs, arms deals, territory, oil
but is necessary to achieve a functioning society
revenues), which start to take on a life of their own,
(Andrade et al, 2008). Different forms of democracy
so that ideology becomes if not secondary then at
require conflicting agendas to be constantly brought
least operating in parallel. You do not tackle them by
to the fore, so that evolution and emergence
picking off individuals, however key.
occurs. Democracy is not an antidote to conflict,
Education is seen by all major agencies as the key to but something that builds on ‘natural’ tendencies for
building resilience to extremism. In contrast to military disputes over resources, and finds a mechanism to
action and cyber-surveillance, this is soft power, the ensure that conflict is not entirely destructive. The
power of the human mind. Yet, if education wants to term ‘positive conflict’ has often been used in this
be a player, it has to emerge from any frozen accident regard (see Davies, 2004 Chap 12; Davies, 2005). In
mode of one way transmission or moralising and PVE-E, it is essential that young people understand
have a different theory of change, adaptation and conflict and the broad issues of structural causes of
socialisation. Four aspects are key here: turbulence, inequality and hence ethno-political grievance. (This
conflict, connectivity and rights. is often not popular with governments who prefer to
blame conflict on people ‘not getting on’). Yet conflict
Turbulence
management is not just about interpersonal conflict
The first task is introducing turbulence and risk into resolution, but requires an understanding of how
the system. This means socialising children into conflicts over ideology, land and resources amplify,
habits of questioning, not obedience. It means them or conversely can be managed at the level of society
expressing views, however unsavoury, and having and governance.
them challenged. It means shifting from black and
78
Information, connectivity, Rules and rights

encounters, networking Value pluralism is not the same as cultural relativism. A
A third aspect of a complexity approach to PVE-E framework is needed within which to make judgments,
is the power of networks in a CAS. What has been however provisional. Complex systems do not have an
learned from the way that the Arab Spring developed ‘invisible hand’ directing activity. But one component
is that horizontalism is the key to change. Network is structure. In physical terms, these might be
theory shows us how the more people that use a molecules or physical laws of gravity. In social terms,
network, the more useful it becomes to each user there are what is usually referred to in complexity
(Mason, 2012). While there are Facebook followers, theory as ‘institutions’ - the human element, the way
networked interaction is not about singular leaders people work within structures, the ‘rules’ that make
or heroes. This was well captured by Marc Sageman ordered society possible, such as language, currency,
in his book Leaderless Jihad (2008). The power marriage, property rights, taxation, education and
and speed of networks makes us rethink what we laws. Institutions help individuals know how to behave
understand by empowerment. It could be that the in certain situations. They are critical for establishing
ways we currently conceive of giving children power trust in a society.
(school councils, representation on committees, etc.) But complexity theory does not tell us who should
do not match the way they currently network and decide the rules. A CAS has no morality as such,
use social media to influence others. School walls are simply what works. Religions have constituted
increasingly permeable. longstanding systems of rules, although their record in
Extremist groups simultaneously use social media preventing extremism is to say the least questionable.
across a vast range of targets and narrow the Religious frameworks of morality derive from sacred
networks available to recruits, distancing them from texts which do not easily invite critique or independent
former ties. adaptation. A more dynamic and inclusive framework
In contrast, successful PVE programmes widen the is that of human rights, a structure which cuts across
space, stretch the horizons and generate encounters all religions and none.
with a large range of people of different ethnicities, Rights are what are sometimes called ‘enabling
religions, sexual orientation, ages and social constraints’, enabling people to plan their lives on
positioning (we have worked fruitfully on bringing a the basis of some guarantees of law (Davis, Sumara
range of disadvantaged young people together with and Luce-Kapler, 2008). Rights are multi-layered,
the police to problem solve). This is the ‘strength however, for instance in the necessary distinction
of weak ties’ (Granovetter, 1973), i.e. that you learn between absolute, limited and qualified rights, which
more from acquaintances than from friends. It is not enable us to make judgments on competing rights,
just about bringing people together to learn about for example when the right to privacy in the home
their ‘different’ cultures, but in contrast working is superseded by the right to freedom from harm
towards some common end, in order to temporarily if a child is being abused. Current counter-terror
bracket their heritage and find shared purpose. legislation in many countries has generated important
There are a growing number of international networks debates on rights, for example rights to citizenship
for young people to counter extremism (more of and freedom of movement or association; and more
which in Davies (2017a). In theory, there is clearly a public education on rights may be indicated. In terms
huge possibility space for networks of schools and of religious extremism, people need to understand
teachers across the globe to mount a rearguard what constitutes a right – for example, that there is no
action. Nobody knows exactly how many schools right in international law not to be offended, and that
there are in the world, but estimates are around 6 religions do not have rights, people do. Critique is not
million. The problem is identifying a concrete goal: against the law, unless it becomes hate speech.
mass on-line campaigning and action needs a At school level, awareness of rights becomes central
reward, just as violent extremism offers rewards. to supporting structures of trust in a society. A good
We await some sort of virus that can spread example is UNICEF’s Rights Respecting Schools in
non-violence. UK (RRS), a whole school approach founded on every
participant in the school (students, teachers, support
79
staff, governors, parents) knowing the Convention on

the Rights of the Child, and being bound by it. This References
is a very obvious example of an ‘enabling constraint’: Andrade, L., Plowman, D. and Duchon, D. (2008) Getting
past conflict resolution: A complexity view of conflict,
research has shown that children learn better, Emergence: Complexity and Organization, 10(1), 23-38,
because they understand that they have the right to Retrieved from: https://digitalcommons.unl.edu/cgi/
viewcontent.cgi?article=1064&context=managementfacpub
learn, and that misbehavior infringes others’ right to
Byrne, D. (1998) Complexity and the social sciences, London:
learn. Everyone has the same rights, and there are Routledge.
no outsiders. This does not mean conformity, but a Davies, L. (2004) Education and conflict: Complexity and chaos,
basis for challenge: one RR primary school in London Stoke on Trent: Trentham.
mounted an impassioned project on female genital Davies, L. (2005) Teaching about conflict through citizenship
education, International Journal of Citizenship and Teacher
mutilation, educating their relatives and the community, Education, 1(2), Retrieved from: http://www.dphu.org/uploads/
with the slogan ‘My Body, My Rules’. RRSs are attachements/books/books_2297_0.pdf
cited favourably in a DfE report (2011) on teaching Davies, L. (2014) Unsafe gods: Security, secularism and
schooling, London: IOE/Trentham.
approaches to counter extremism.
Davies, L., Limbada, Z., McDonald, L. Z., Spalek, B. and
To sum up, while resilience to extremism implies Weeks, D. (2015) Formers and Families: transitional journeys
in and out of violent extremisms in UK, Retrieved from: http://
some sort of hardening, complexity teaches us that connectfutures.org/wp-content/uploads/2016/08/UK-Formers-
what is actually needed for an emergent response is Families-Final.pdf
more openness and flexibility to tackle what comes: Davies, L. (2016) Wicked problems: How complexity science
helps direct education responses to preventing violent
turbulence, myriad encounters, value pluralism, extremism, Journal of Strategic Security, 9(4), 32-52.
controversy and willingness to take risks – all while
Davies L. (2017a) Review of educational initiatives in
upholding rights. It can be done. counter-extremism internationally: What works? Gothenburg:
University of Gothenburg, Retrieved from: https://
Author Bio segerstedtinstitutet.gu.se/digitalAssets/1673/1673173_review-
of-educational-initiatives-180110.pdf
Lynn Davies is Emeritus Professor of International Davies, L. (2017b) Justice-sensitive education: The implications
Education at the University of Birmingham and of transitional justice mechanisms for teaching and learning,
Comparative Education, 53 (3), 333-350.
Co-Director of the social enterprise ConnectFutures.
Davis, B. and Sumara, D. (2006) Complexity and education:
Her interests are in education, conflict and extremism, Inquiries into learning, pedagogy and research, Abingdon:
and she has done research and consultancy Routledge, Retrieved from: https://amberroweblog.files.
wordpress.com/2016/11/brent-davis-dennis-sumara-rebecca-
in a number of conflict-affected states. Work in luce-kapler-engaging-minds_-cultures-of-education-and-
UK includes evaluating programmes to counter practices-of-teaching-routledge-2015.pdf
radicalisation, a project interviewing former extremists Davis, B., Sumara, D., and Luce-Kapler, R. (2008) Engaging
minds: Changing teaching in complex times, New York: Routledge.
about their backgrounds, and evaluating schemes on
DfE (2011) Teaching approaches that help to build resilience to
mentoring Muslim prisoners. Books include Education extremism among young people, Research Report Department
and Conflict: Complexity and Chaos (2004), Educating for Education, London: DFE-RR119.
Against Extremism (2008) and Unsafe Gods: Security, Granovetter, M. (1973) The strength of weak ties, American
Journal of Sociology, 78 (6), 1360-1380.
Secularism and Schooling (2014). She is a recipient of
Liht, J. and Savage, S. (2013) Preventing violent extremism
the Sir Brian Urquhart award for Distinguished Service through value complexity: Being Muslim being British, Journal
to the United Nations. of Strategic Security, 6 (4), 44-66.
Mason, P. (2012) Why it’s kicking off everywhere: The new
global revolutions, London: Verso, p.74.
Rihani, S. (2002) Complex systems: Theory and development
practice, London: Zed Books.
Rogers, K. H., Luton, R., Biggs, H., Biggs, R., Blignaut, S.,
Choles, A. G., Palmer, C. G. and Tangwe, P. (2013) Fostering
complexity thinking in action research for change in social–
ecological systems, Ecology and Society, 18(2), 31.
Sageman, M. (2008) Leaderless Jihad: Terror networks in the
twenty-first century, Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press.
Waldrop, M. (1992) Complexity: The emerging science at the
edge of order and chaos, London: Penguin.
Woodhill, J. (2010) Capacities for institutional innovation:
A complexity perspective, IDS Bulletin, 41 (3), 47-59.
80
Education in emergencies:
‘What works’ revisited
Dana Burde, Associate Professor of International Education and Politics, New York University, USA
dana.burde@nyu.edu
Heddy Lahmann, Doctoral Candidate, International Education and Senior Managing Editor,
Journal on Education in Emergencies, New York University, USA
heddy.lahmann@nyu.edu
Nathan Thompson, Deputy Managing Editor, Journal on Education in Emergencies, New York University
nat354@nyu.edu
Introduction
Abstract
This article builds on our rigorous literature review
In this article, we build on our 2015 review
of ‘what works’ in education in emergencies (EiE)
of ‘what works’ in education in emergencies
research. In that review, we identified access, quality
research (EiE) to assess the recent trajectory of
the field. We identify significant growth in areas of learning, and wellbeing as the three primary
that include refugee education, girls’ education, pathways toward positive education outcomes,
social-emotional learning, and tertiary education based on evidence collected to date (see Burde et
for conflict-affected populations; emerging al., 2015). Our recommendations included calling
research that includes protecting education for an increase in rigorous research in EiE that
from attack and ‘preventing violent extremism’; focused particularly on subgroups (e.g., refugees,
emerging trends that promise to focus on girls, children with disabilities) and programmes
inclusive education for children with disabilities (e.g., early childhood development, preventing
and early childhood development; and a striking violent extremism) that had not yet received sufficient
absence of research on education and disaster research attention. We noted the dearth of research
risk reduction, despite the fact that the effects of on education and disaster risk reduction and called
climate change disasters dwarf those of conflict. for additional work on disasters and education in
We argue that the areas of programming and conflict-affected countries.
research that have grown most rapidly within
We update our review here, assessing the recent
EiE have done so because of a confluence of
trajectory of EiE research, the extent to which our
security and humanitarian interests.
recommendations were taken up, and why. We
Key Words find first, consistent with our recommendations,
that EiE scholarship continues to privilege access,
Education
quality, and wellbeing. Also consistent with our
Conflict recommendations, we identify significant growth
Political violence in areas that include refugee education, girls’
What works education, social-emotional learning, and tertiary
education for conflict-affected populations; emerging
research that includes protecting education from
attack and ‘preventing violent extremism’1; and
To cite this article: Burde, D., Lahmann, H. and emerging trends that promise to focus on inclusive
Thompson, N. (2019) Education in emergencies: ‘What education for children with disabilities and early
works’ revisited, Education and Conflict Review, 2, 81-88. childhood development. Several of our practical
1We use this phrase because it is common in the literature, but we also acknowledge the controversy that surrounds its selective
use as well as its lack of analytical clarity.
81
recommendations were taken up, including our et al., 2013: 402). Security forces make it physically
call for greater support for academic/practitioner possible for humanitarians to do their work. They
partnerships and an increased focus on technology.2 open ports of entry to countries in conflict, allowing
However, a striking finding of this updated review humanitarian personnel and supplies to enter and
is the continued absence of research on education making it possible to distribute food or medicine, and
and disaster risk reduction, despite the fact that the they make travel safer by securing roads. Militaries
effects of climate change disasters dwarf those of provide intelligence about credible threats and may
conflict (Oxfam International, 2007). We attribute protect aid workers and their operations (Seybolt,
this in part to the lack of political will among strong 2008). Our findings in this review underscore the
states, particularly the US, to take the consequences fact that, despite humanitarians’ discomfort with
of climate change seriously and address them strong states’ security interests, these interests may
systematically, rather than to treat them as isolated facilitate and contribute to humanitarians’ own aims.
events. This stands in contrast to the approach Moreover, some humanitarians offer a check
to education in countries affected by conflict that on the behaviour of strong states. NGOs have
are perceived as threats to the West. We agree more horizontal organisational structures, greater
that security interests after September 11, 2001, decision-making manoeuvrability, and specific
spurred strong states to increase their overseas expertise about the country or region where they
development aid and engage in a greater number work (Bell et al., 2013: 402). As a result, NGOs
of education development projects in contexts they often are able to steer programming in a direction
perceived to be fragile or hostile to Western states’ that they believe makes sense to their humanitarian
security (Novelli, 2010). Taking this relationship into sensibilities; for example, some use states’ security
consideration, and based on our current review, we interests in youth and education to develop
argue that the areas of programming and research important new programming and research into the
that have grown most rapidly within EiE have mechanisms that promote civic engagement and
done so because of a confluence of security and prosocial youth behaviour.
humanitarian interests.
Methods
Not just security interests: Humanitarian As in previous reviews, we conducted searches
priorities also benefit in multiple academic databases such as ERIC,
State militaries, UN peacekeeping forces, and ProQuest Central, PsycINFO, JSTOR, Google
multilateral security organisations are often the first Scholar, and Worldwide Political Abstracts (Burde
to arrive when intergroup tensions escalate into a et al., 2015; Burde et al., 2017). We prioritised
violent conflict or after a natural disaster. Among peer-reviewed academic journals and empirical
these organisations, Western militaries figure research that employed experimental, quasi-
heavily in stabilisation projects, which contributes experimental, or rigorous qualitative or observational
to the militarisation of aid (Novelli, 2010: 456). designs and included grey literature from INEE,
Citing challenges to impartiality and neutrality, International Rescue Committee (IRC), the World
humanitarians often object to what they perceive as Bank, UNESCO, and J-PAL. We selected studies
strong states’ security-minded encroachment and based on their relevance to EiE, whether they
co-optation of the role of NGOs in lifesaving work presented clear research designs and methods
(Burde, 2014; Abiew, 2012; Stoddard and Harmer, (quantitative, qualitative, or mixed), and year
2006). of publication. Our 2015 review included 184
However, strong states’ security operations in studies, and in 2017 we reported on 121 studies.
conflict and crisis contexts draw attention and For this article, we reviewed an additional 76
funding to humanitarian priorities, which often is studies published between 2015 and 2018 and
impossible to do through NGO efforts alone (Bell included 29 here on education programs from both
2Of course, we do not know what the outcomes would have been absent our recommendations, but articles like ours often serve to
advance collective understanding and sharpen the focus on issues that many may already have been considering, therefore adding
to the likelihood that they will be taken up by policymakers, researchers, and political actors (see, e.g., Mallett, Hagen-Zanker, Slater,
and Duvendack, 2012).
82
conflict-affected and disaster-related crisis settings. on completion exams. Girls’ enrolment also dropped
Given space constraints, we prioritised articles in some conflict-affected areas in Afghanistan,
that investigate the effectiveness of interventions despite the strong support that parents—especially
in ongoing crises. To identify emerging trends, we mothers—offer to their daughters’ education (Burde
included both work that recently received significant and Khan, 2016). Even when girls successfully
funding and topics that recently received attention in transition back to school after a conflict, as many
international conferences. did in Karamoja, Uganda, which was ravaged by
Of course, employing a literature review to the Lord’s Resistance Army, dominant gender
understand what works is only as good as the norms present ongoing challenges. An RCT showed
data available; in other words, there may be many that gender sensitivity training (n=299) increased
effective programme interventions that simply have teacher knowledge about gender equality and
not yet been studied. Additionally, scholars continue improved attitudes about gender roles, yet it did not
to debate what constitutes rigour in research (see quantifiably change teacher behaviours compared
Burde et al., 2015; Burde et al., 2017). We rely on with a control group (n=313) (Chinen et al., 2017).
authors’ descriptions of their research designs, Moreover, behavioural changes were not significant
methods, and analyses to assess rigour. Although among teachers who received text messages to
we maintain that observational designs offer critical reinforce the training (n=304), which highlights the
insights into many aspects of EiE and include need to involve communities in such efforts.
them here, we privilege experimental and quasi- The proliferation of journal issues on refugee
experimental designs for assessing cause-and-effect education reflects the increase in research on the
relationships. topic. For example, five academic journals announced
refugee education volumes that are planned for
Trends in access: Girls’ education, refugee 2019 or were published within the last two years.3
education, and attacks on education The plight of refugees from Syria and quality higher
The recent literature continues to focus on girls’ education opportunities feature prominently in
and refugee education, showing persistent gaps in this scholarship. In one qualitative study, both
access for girls and older children, as well as new Syrian refugees and their host communities in
tools to improve access for refugee populations. The Iraqi Kurdistan supported sharing local university
expansion in the scholarship on refugee education facilities with refugees, suggesting that this kind of
within this work is consistent with our hypothesis that inclusion may build tolerance (Rasheed and Munoz,
the confluence of security and humanitarian interests 2016). Improved infrastructure and information
have driven growth in particular areas of EiE, as communication technologies (ICTs) in refugee camps
funders have focused on displaced populations and have been accompanied by research on technology
offered support to neighbouring countries to keep to support higher education. Online surveys across
refugees near their countries of origin. Somali diaspora communities (n=248) and interviews
Since our review in 2015, evidence shows that (n=21) with refugees from the Dadaab camp in
access to education remains sensitive to conflict Kenya found that ICTs (mobile technology and online
(e.g., Ullah, Khan, and Mahmood, 2017), that social networks) enhanced higher education access,
improving access for girls requires attention to support, and persistence, particularly for women
the dynamics of communities, and that changing (Dahya and Dryden-Peterson, 2017).
behaviours remains challenging. Two studies found Finally, emerging work by the Global Coalition to
that education enrolment dropped significantly in Protect Education from Attack (Kapit et al., 2018)
regions affected by the conflicts in Nepal (Silwal, describes and disaggregates the ways violence
2016) and Ivory Coast (Ouili, 2017). In Ivory Coast, affects students, schools, and education personnel
boys’ and girls’ enrolment were similarly affected, during armed conflict. These data offer a point of
while enrolment in Nepal was disproportionately departure for exploring new questions related to
lower for girls and girls there had lower passing rates patterns of attack and perpetrators’ motivations.
3This includes Journal on Education in Emergencies, British Journal of Educational Studies, International Journal of Inclusive
Education, Journal of Global Ethics, and Journal of the European Confederation of Language Centres in Higher Education.
83
Although the significant increase in attention to Language learning is key to refugees’ and newcomer
refugee education detailed in this section reflects students’ ability to learn in a new place; it can also
the political priorities and interests of strong states, intensify or relax intergroup tension, depending
it also represents an important advocacy position on whether the linguistic groups feel excluded or
among many humanitarians. Because humanitarians welcome.
respond to the demand for education among Strong states have promoted their interest in the
refugees, they often find common ground with strong effects of education on social cohesion and state
states. stability, and several studies have examined how
keeping peace through transitional justice bears
Trends in quality: Measurement, language,
on education quality (e.g., Shepler and Williams,
promoting peace, and preventing violence
2017). For example, a qualitative study in Guatemala
We identify similar trends in educational quality argued that innovative teacher practices that include
that are supported by attention from security addressing colonial and indigenous local histories
interests and humanitarians. Since 2015, studies helped promote tolerance by cultivating a shared
have focused on ways to measure learning, the identity (Rubin, 2016). A rigorous ethnographic
significance of language barriers, and language study in Guatemala similarly emphasised a
of instruction, particularly for refugee populations, transitional justice approach to postwar education
as well as strategies for promoting tolerance in reforms. Without this direction, segregated learning
postconflict settings and for preventing youth from and educational narratives focused on divisions
participating in political violence. between groups, thereby perpetuating societal
Scholars and scholar-practitioners are increasingly discord (Bellino, 2016). Yet challenges persist, even
concerned with measuring learning outcomes. in countries where peace education is formally
For example, in South Sudan, a study using the incorporated into the schools. For example, an
Early Grade Reading Assessment and Early Grade ethnographic study of Muslims and Tamils in
Mathematics Assessment with 2,415 first-grade Northern Sri Lanka revealed that formal peace
students in 112 non-formal schools revealed education in secondary schools failed to promote
that the majority of students lacked the basic reconciliation, particularly along religious divisions
language and numeracy skills to begin first grade. (Duncan and Lopes Cardozo, 2017). Non-formal
Students with lower socioeconomic status, girls, community education, however, showed potential for
and students with low proficiency in English scored encouraging social cohesion.
disproportionately lower on both assessments Understanding how to prevent violent extremism has
(Raza, Kabir, and Rashid, 2017). Similarly, IRC received significant attention from multigovernmental
(2017) found that Syrian refugee students are not organisations (UNSC, 2015; UNGA, 2016) and
gaining crucial literacy and math skills, which may governments seeking to stabilise regions perceived
be partially attributable to language of instruction as contributing to radicalisation. Mercy Corps’
policies. Indeed, language of instruction is a fulcrum rigorous experimental research found that vocational
for assessing the quality of education delivered to education in Afghanistan was tied to statistically
Syrian refugee students (Madziva and Thondhlana, significant increases in trainees’ current rate of
2017). Educators interviewed in Turkey noted that employment, earned income, economic optimism,
language barriers, limited training, sparse classroom and cross-tribal economic activity. However, only
resources, and a mainstream curriculum that does increased economic optimism showed a statistically
not take into account the needs and expectations significant relationship to a lower propensity for
of the Syrian students hampered instruction (Aydin political violence (Mercy Corps, 2015). In Somalia,
and Kaya, 2017). However, programmes with however, youth participating in secondary education
sufficient resources may hold promise. A study of through Mercy Corps’ Youth Learners Initiative (YLI)
147 Syrian refugee children ages 9-14 who were were 48.2 percent as likely as out-of-school youth to
randomly assigned to participate in an online learning report a willingness to support an armed insurgency.
programme found that Turkish language acquisition, Furthermore, when learners in the YLI were also
computer and cognitive skills, and hopefulness offered civic education, the combined effect was a
increased among participants (Sirin et al., 2018). significantly lower propensity among these students
84
to support violent political opposition than among burnout for the sample as a whole. Among women
out-of-school youth and youth who only received teachers, job dissatisfaction increased, indicating
secondary education (Tesfaye et al., 2018: 18). Thus, that they may have been marginalised within the
employing education to dissuade youth from political programme. A recent trauma-informed teacher
violence is not just about access and resources; it training programme in Australia and New Zealand
also depends on the type and nature of educational emphasised the importance of providing teachers with
content in relation to promoting peace or conflict. knowledge and strategies on how to support student
wellbeing following disasters (Le Brocque et al.,
Trends in wellbeing: Factors affecting 2017), and two thought papers called for evaluating
learning, training trauma-informed interventions that support children after natural
teachers, and providing creative outlets disasters (Kousky, 2016; Feng, Hossain, and Paton,
The body of EiE research on wellbeing produced 2018). However, empirical research on coping with
since our 2015 study focuses almost entirely on disasters and disaster risk reduction remains limited.
refugees. Studies highlight discrimination as a risk
factor for mental health and learning, creative arts Security, humanitarian action,
and online learning as useful for fostering a sense and 2015 recommendations
of belonging (Crawford, 2017; Crea and Sparnon, We argue above that one of the primary reasons for
2017), and the importance of teacher training and the recent growth in EiE research and programming
wellbeing in supporting student outcomes. Studies is also one of the most controversial aspects of
that address how to support children most effectively EiE: that attention from strong states for what many
following disasters are still scarce. humanitarians consider nefarious reasons has had
Discrimination in host countries poses a significant the (positive) effect of promoting EiE on the world
barrier for refugee students. According to a systematic stage in a way that was not possible before these
literature review of 34 studies, discrimination, trauma, interests emerged. The research areas in which
and language barriers are significant risk factors there has been the most recent growth reflect this.
for refugee students’ learning and wellbeing, while Given the substantial and productive research
support factors include high personal and educational that has emerged on topics that are crucial to EiE,
aspirations, parental and peer support, appropriate such as refugee education, we also argue that,
academic placement, and teachers’ cultural and simply because some of the reasons for this growth
language awareness (Graham, Minhas, and Paxton, come from motivations that many educators and
2016). Qualitative interviews and focus groups with humanitarians would choose to distance themselves
Burmese refugee teachers in Malaysia suggest that from, does not mean they cannot—or have not—
discrimination, trauma, and insecurity were major benefited from this attention.
inhibitors in classroom management and learning Although the EiE scholarship published since
(O’Neal et al., 2018). Similarly, a longitudinal qualitative 2015 continues to foreground access, quality, and
study with 47 refugee adolescents who resettled in wellbeing, new trending topics and areas of inquiry
Australia revealed that age of arrival and experiences of have arisen within each of these pillars. We conclude
discrimination were major determinants for completing with a few remarks below on how the EiE subfield
secondary school (Correa-Valez et al., 2017). has consolidated and become more formalised
Two studies focused specifically on supporting the within the past three years.
wellbeing of teachers as a pathway to promoting Although we were unable to identify studies related
wellbeing and learning in students. In the Democratic to children and youth with disabilities, funders,
Republic of Congo, researchers conducted an RCT practitioners, and researchers are mobilised
that included 346 teachers in 64 primary schools to launch new research, as evidenced by the
to investigate the effects of a teacher development recent well-attended Global Disability Summit
program aimed at promoting teachers’ wellbeing sponsored by DFID in July 2018. (https://www.
and enhancing practices in math, reading, and internationaldisabilityalliance.org/summit). The UK
social-emotional learning (Wolf et al., 2015). While Secretary of State for International Development has
motivation increased for the least experienced pledged to ‘put disability at the centre of everything
teachers, there were no effects on motivation or we do’ (https://www.bond.org.uk/news/2017/12/
85
dfid-pledges-to-put-disability-at-heart-of-its-work). Author Bios

Continued UK government support and financing
Dana Burde is Associate Professor and Director of
offer an opportunity to educators working on
International Education at NYU Steinhardt; Affiliated
humanitarian programmes to find common ground
Faculty with NYU Politics, NYU Abu Dhabi, and
with this initiative and to make significant progress
Columbia University Institute of War and Peace
on promoting inclusive education.
Studies; and Editor-in-Chief of the INEE Journal on
We wrote that actors in the subfield should ‘invest Education in Emergencies. Her research focuses
in conducting a systematic review of existing EiE on conflict, peacebuilding, and education. It has
interventions in countries and regions affected appeared in the Comparative Education Review,
by crises in order to identify the most common American Economic Journal—Applied, Review of
programmes in a given context, map where there is Educational Research, and has been funded by the
a dearth or preponderance of data, and (continue to) Spencer Foundation, NSF, USIP, DFID, Danida, and
fund practitioners and academics to work together USAID. Her book, Schools for Conflict or for Peace
to conduct rigorous research in these locations’ in Afghanistan (2014 Columbia University Press) won
(Burde et al., 2015: 6). We recommended funding the 2017 Grawemeyer Award for Ideas Improving
practitioner/academic partnerships. Several of the World Order. Burde received her PhD from Columbia
articles we reviewed above do include academic University; EdM from Harvard University; BA from
assessments of programme interventions, and Oberlin College.
one project—Education in Emergencies: Evidence
Heddy Lahmann is the Senior Managing Editor
for Action at New York University (NYU)—aims to
of the Journal on Education in Emergencies, and a
establish research-practice partnerships to improve
PhD candidate in New York University’s International
children’s mental health, stress regulation, executive
Education program. Her research focuses on the use
functioning, and literacy and numeracy skills in
of creative arts for youth identity development and
emergency contexts.
peacebuilding in conflict and crisis-affected settings.
Notably, with regard to our recommendation for Her mixed methods study on the Bond Street
greater research on early childhood development Theatre program with youth in Afghanistan employs
(ECD), a $100 million award from the MacArthur diverse data collection methods, including a quasi-
Foundation to Sesame Workshop, IRC, and NYU experimental quantitative survey design coupled with
included significant funding for ECD research in-depth qualitative and arts-based interviews. Her
(Yoshikawa et al., n.d.). research has appeared in the Harvard Educational
Finally, the Inter-Agency Network for Education Review and she has co-authored rigorous reviews on
in Emergencies continues to set the standard for what works in EiE settings for DFID.
the field and offer checks on the behaviour of all Nathan Thompson is the Deputy Managing Editor
actors—strong states and educators alike. The of the Journal on Education in Emergencies. His
organisation launched thematic papers and guidance research interests include the role of education
notes on psychosocial support and social-emotional in transitional justice and reconciliation, collective
learning (INEE, 2016, 2018) and on ‘preventing memory and memorialisation, and democratic
violent extremism’ (2017), in addition to its updated political movements. He has facilitated quality
minimum standards for education provision in crises intercultural exchange among students engaging
(2010) and research through the new INEE Journal on with food and water sustainability topics through
Education in Emergencies (JEiE). Standards like those Global Cities, a project of Bloomberg Philanthropies.
from INEE for EiE programmes in contexts in which Previously, he worked as a Project Manager for
humanitarians frequently work adjacent to security Saylor Academy, an open access online course
forces and sometimes in tandem with them, and provider, where he developed higher education
rigorous critique of EiE field work like that published modules with pathways to inexpensive college
in JEiE, help maintain distance between security credit. He holds a Master’s Degree in International
interests and non-governmental organisation partners. Education from New York University.
86
References
Abiew, F. K. (2012). Humanitarian action under fire: Reflections Graham, H. R., Minhas, R. S., and Paxton, G. (2016). Learning
on the role of NGOs in conflict and post-conflict situations. problems in children of refugee background: A systematic review.
International Peacekeeping, 19 (2): 203-16. Pediatrics, 137 (6): 1-15.
Aydin, H., and Kaya, Y. (2017). The educational needs of Inter-Agency Network for Education in Emergencies (INEE).
and barriers faced by Syrian refugee students in Turkey: A (2010). Minimum standards. New York: INEE.
qualitative case study. Intercultural Education, 28 (5): 456-73.
INEE. (2016). INEE background paper on psychosocial support
Bell, S. R., Murdie, A., Blocksome, P., and Brown, K. (2013). and social and emotional learning for children and youth in
Force multipliers: Conditional effectiveness of military and emergency settings. New York: INEE.
INGO human security interventions. Journal of Human Rights,
INEE. (2017). Preventing violent extremism: An introduction to
12: 397-422.
education and preventing violent extremism. New York: INEE.
Bellino, M. J. (2016). So that we do not fall apart: History
INEE. (2018). Psychosocial support: Facilitating psychosocial
education and citizenship in “postwar” Guatemala.
wellbeing and social and emotional learning. New York: INEE.
Comparative Education Review, 60 (1): 58-79.
International Rescue Committee. (2017). Impact of war on Syrian
Burde, D. (2014). Schools for conflict or for peace in
children’s learning: Testing shows gaps in literacy and math skills.
Afghanistan. New York: Columbia University Press.
New York: IRC.
Burde, D., Kapit, A., Wahl, R. L., Guven, O., and Skarpeteig,
Kousky, C. (2016). Impacts of natural disasters on children.
M. I. (2017). Education in emergencies: A review of theory and
The Future of Children, 26 (1): 73-92.
research. Review of Educational Research, 87 (3): 619-58.
Le Brocque, R., De Young, A., Montague, G., Pocock, S.,
Burde, D., and Khan, J. (2016). Will you send your daughter
March, S., Triggell, N., Rabaa, C., and Kenardy, J. (2017).
to school? Norms, violence, and girls’ education in Uruzgan,
Schools and natural disaster recovery: The unique and vital role
Afghanistan. Journal on Education in Emergencies, 2 (1):
that teachers and education professionals play in ensuring the
42-80.
mental health of students following natural disasters. Journal of
Burde, D., Guven, O., Kelcey, J., Lahmann, H., and Al-Abbadi, Psychologists and Counsellors in Schools, 27 (1): 1-23.
K. (2015). What works to promote children’s educational
Madziva, R., and Thondhlana, J. (2017). Provision of quality
access, quality of learning, and wellbeing in crisis-affected
education in the context of Syrian refugee children in the UK:
contexts. London: Department for International Development.
Opportunities and challenges. Compare: A Journal of Comparative
Chinen, M., Coombes, A., De Hoop, T., Castro-Zarzur, R., and International Education, 47 (6): 942-61.
and Elmeski, M. (2017). Can teacher-training programs
Mallet, R., Hagen-Zanker, J., Slater, R., and Duvendack, M.
influence gender norms? Mixed-methods experimental
(2012). The benefits and challenges of using systematic reviews
evidence from Northern Uganda. Journal on Education in
in international development research. Journal of Development
Emergencies, 3 (1): 44-78.
Effectiveness, 4 (3): 445-55.
Correa-Velez, I., Gifford, S. M., McMichael, C., and Sampson,
Mercy Corps. (2015). Does youth employment build stability?
R. (2017). Predictors of secondary school completion among
Evidence from an impact evaluation of vocational training in
refugee youth 8 to 9 years after resettlement in Melbourne,
Afghanistan. Portland, OR: Mercy Corps.
Australia. Journal of International Migration and Integration, 18
(3): 791-805. Novelli, M. (2010). The new geopolitics of educational aid: From
cold wars to holy wars? International Journal of Educational
Crawford, R. (2017). Creating unity through celebrating
Development, 30 (5): 453-59.
diversity: A case study that explores the impact of music
education on refugee background students. International O’Neal, C., Atapattu, R., Jegathesan, A., Clement, J., Ong,
Journal of Music Education, 35 (3): 343-56. E., and Ganesan, A. (2018). Classroom management and
socioemotional functioning of Burmese refugee students in
Crea, T. M., and Sparnon, N. (2017). Democratizing education
Malaysia. Journal of Educational and Psychological Consultation,
at the margins: Faculty and practitioner perspectives on
28 (1): 6-42.
delivering online tertiary education for refugees. International
Journal of Educational Technology in Higher Education, 14 Ouili, I. (2017). Armed conflicts, children’s education and mortality:
(1): 43-62. New evidence from Ivory Coast. Journal of Family and Economic
Issues, 38 (2): 163-83.
Dahya, N., and Dryden-Peterson, S. (2017). Tracing pathways
to higher education for refugees: The role of virtual support Oxfam International. (2007). Climate alarm: Disasters increase as
networks and mobile phones for women in refugee camps. climate change bites. Retrieved from http://www.oxfam.org/sites/
Comparative Education, 53 (2): 284-301. www.oxfam.org/files/climate%20alarm.pdf
Duncan, R., and Lopes Cardozo, M. (2017). Reclaiming Rasheed, R. A., and Munoz, A. (2016). Higher education and
reconciliation through community education for the Muslims peacebuilding: A bridge between communities? Journal of Peace
and Tamils of post-war Jaffna, Sri Lanka. Research in Education, 13 (2): 172-85.
Comparative & International Education, 12 (1): 76-94.
Raza, W. A., Kabir, M. M., and Rashid, R. (2017). Factors affecting
Feng, S., Hossain, L., and Paton, D. (2018). Harnessing early grade educational attainment: Evidence from South Sudan.
informal education for community resilience. Disaster International Journal of Educational Development, 1-23. doi:
Prevention and Management, 27 (1): 43-59. 10.1016/j.ijedudev.2017.08.004
Kapit, A. (2018). Education Under Attack 2018, New York: Rubin, B. C. (2016). We come to form ourselves bit by bit:
Global Coalition to Protect Education from Attack (GCPEA). Educating for citizenship in post-conflict Guatemala. American
Retrieved from http://www.protectingeducation.org/sites/ Educational Research Journal, 53 (3): 639-72.
default/files/documents/eua_2018_full.pdf
87
Seybolt, T. B. (2008). Humanitarian military intervention: Tesfaye, B., McDougal, T. Maclin, B., and Blum, A. (2018).
The conditions for success and failure. New York: Oxford If youth are given the chance: Effects of education and civic
University Press. engagement on Somali youth support for political violence.
Washington, DC: Mercy Corps.
Shepler, S., and Williams, J. H. (2017). Understanding Sierra
Leonean and Liberian teachers’ views on discussing past Ullah, A., Khan, K., and Mahmood, H. (2017). Understanding the
wars in their classrooms. Comparative Education, 53 (3): nexus between conflict, displacement, and schooling: A case
418-41. study of IDPs in Pakistan. Asian Journal of Peacebuilding, 5 (1):
155-58.
Silwal, S. (2016). Resilience amidst conflict? The effect of civil
war exposure on secondary education. International Journal United Nations Security Council (UNSC). (2015, December).
of Development and Conflict, 6: 97-120. Resolution 2250. Retrieved from http://unoy.org/wp-content/
uploads/SCR-2250.pdf
Sirin, S., Plass, J. L., Homer, B. D., Vatanartiran, S., and Tsai,
T. (2018). Digital game-based education for Syrian refugee United Nations General Assembly (UNGA). (2016, July).
children: Project hope. Vulnerable Children and Youth Resolution A/70/L.55. Retrieved from http://undocs.
Studies, 13 (1): 7-18. org/A/70/L.55
Stoddard, A., and Harmer, A. (2006). Little room to Wolf, S., Torrente, C., Frisoli, P., Weisenhorn, N., Shivshanker,
maneuver: The challenges to humanitarian action in the new A., Annan, J., and Aber, J. L. (2015). Preliminary impacts of the
global security environment. Journal of Human Development, “learning to read in a healing classroom” intervention on teacher
7 (1): 23-41. well-being in the Democratic Republic of the Congo. Teaching
and Teacher Education, 52: 24-36.
88
Centre for Education and International Development
University College London, United Kingdom

Education and Conflict Review - 2019

Uploaded by

Copyright:

Available Formats

Education and Conflict Review - 2019

Uploaded by

Document Information

Original Title

Copyright

Available Formats

Share this document

Share or Embed Document

Sharing Options

Did you find this document useful?

Is this content inappropriate?

Copyright:

Available Formats

Education and Conflict Review - 2019

Uploaded by

Copyright:

Available Formats

What is the purpose of the Education and Conflict Review journal?

What is the purpose of the Education and Conflict Review journal?

What are some of the challenges in delivering education in conflict and crisis settings?

What are some of the challenges in delivering education in conflict and crisis settings?

EDUCATION AND CONFLICT REVIEW 2019

Editor Tejendra Pherali Issue 2

Education and Conflict Review

Editor Tejendra Pherali

About Education and Conflict Review

CENTRE FOR EDUCATION AND

Centre for Education and International Development (CEID)

Message from the Editor

01 Education and conflict: Emergence, growth and diversification of the field 7

02 Societal security and education in deeply divided societies 15

03 Analysing donor conceptualizations of state fragility 20

04 The need for contextualisation in the analysis of curriculum content in conflict 28

06 Horizontal inequalities and conflict: Education as a separate dimension 38

07 Paulo Freire and critical consciousness in conflict-affected contexts 44

08 Refugee Education: Backward Design to Enable Futures 49

09 Education, conflict, peace-building and critical realism 54

10 Achieving educational rights and justice in conflict-affected contexts 59

11 Conceptualising critical peace education for conflict settings 65

13 Education and violent extremism: Insights from complexity theory 76

14 Education in emergencies: ‘What works’ revisited 81

Education and conflict: Emergence,

The expansion of the field

Irrespective of their future trajectories – integration areas: education as conflict-hardening process;

public self-esteem and hope for the future. However,

Societal security and education

Conclusion Author Bio

Analysing donor conceptualisations

Julia Paulson, Senior Lecturer in Education, School of Education, University of Bristol, UK

Organization Year Document Title

AusAID 2011 Framework for working in fragile and conflict-affected states

DFID 2005 Why we need to work more effectively in fragile states

EU 2007 An EU response to situations of fragility

GIZ 2012 The Challenge of fragility in Sub-Saharan Africa

Netherlands 2008 Dutch Security and Development in Fragile States

OECD-DAC 2006 Whole of government approaches to fragile states

OECD-DAC 2008 Concepts and dilemmas of state building in fragile situations:

OECD-DAC 2010 The state’s legitimacy in fragile situations: Unpacking complexity

USAID 2014 Ending extreme poverty in fragile contexts

World Bank (WB) 2007a Global monitoring report 2007

Table 1: Source documents for definitions

Figure 1: Conceptual mapping of state fragility definitions

Aid resources and poverty reduction

Figure 2: The horizontal dimension distinguishes between development

Capacity, governance and function

Figure 2: The vertical dimension differentiates between capacity of the

Discussion and conclusion Author Bios

The need for contextualisation in the

understanding. The more alien a curriculum seems Author Bio

Evidence hungry, theory light: Education

Horizontal inequalities and conflict:

Paulo Freire and critical consciousness

Tejendra Pherali, Associate Professor in Education and International Development,

of qualifications, prospects for progression into Author Bios:

Refugee education: Backward design