1.1 - Tudge Et Al. (2009) - Uses and Misuses of Bronfenbrenner - S
1.1 - Tudge Et Al. (2009) - Uses and Misuses of Bronfenbrenner - S
1.1 - Tudge Et Al. (2009) - Uses and Misuses of Bronfenbrenner - S
KARNIK
The University of North Carolina at Greensboro
This paper evaluates the application of Bron- researchers with a common scientific language
fenbrenner’s bioecological theory as it is repre- and guiding empirical studies in such a way
sented in empirical work on families and their as to allow findings from different studies
relationships. We describe the ‘‘mature’’ form to be evaluated with a common rubric. The
of bioecological theory of the mid-1990s and goal of much empirical work, on the other
beyond, with its focus on proximal processes at hand, besides acquiring new information, is
the center of the Process-Person-Context-Time to test the accuracy and goodness of fit of
model. We then examine 25 papers published theories that aim to describe the phenomena
since 2001, all explicitly described as being under study. Some researchers argue that their
based on Bronfenbrenner’s theory, and show initial work is deliberately atheoretical (as in
that all but 4 rely on outmoded versions of the the application of grounded theory methods)
theory, resulting in conceptual confusion and or purely inductive (descriptive studies). Many
inadequate testing of the theory. empirical studies, however, are guided by some
theoretical framework from which the researcher
A number of scholars (see, e.g., Goldhaber, operates, consciously or not. In the latter case,
2000; Guba & Lincoln, 1994; Richters, 1997; for the clarity and integrity of scientific thought
Tudge, 2008; Winegar, 1997) have argued as well as for compatibility of findings, it
convincingly that there should be a tight is important to make explicit the theoretical
connection between one’s theory, the methods framework on which the research is based.
that one uses, and one’s analytic strategy. The Another benefit of making a theory explicit
meaning of theory in any scientific field is to while conducting or reporting a study is in
provide a framework within which to explain enhancing the understanding of a particular
connections among the phenomena under study theory, either by providing supporting or
and to provide insights leading to the discovery nonsupporting evidence. An empirical study that
of new connections. Although we recognize does not properly represent a theory on which it
that any theory is a representation of reality, is based, however, creates a twofold disservice.
among its purposes are those of providing First, it misleads students and fellow researchers
about the contents and propositions of the theory,
thus providing a flawed heuristic tool. Second,
Department of Human Development and Family Studies, it prevents a fair test of the theory, thus not
PO Box 26170, The University of North Carolina at
Greensboro, Greensboro NC 27402-6170.
allowing useful adjustments to be made.
(jrtudge@uncg.edu) The main goal of this paper is to present the
Key Words: bioecological theory, Bronfenbrenner, ecolog-
essence of Urie Bronfenbrenner’s bioecological
ical theory, PPCT, Process–Person–Context–Time model, theory in its ‘‘mature’’ form and examine the
proximal processes. ways contemporary family and developmental
198 Journal of Family Theory & Review 1 (December 2009): 198–210
Bronfenbrenner’s Theory 199
scholars use and misuse it in empirical studies. exosystem, and macrosystem), whereas he later
After a brief overview of the origins and devel- engaged in self-criticism for discounting the
opments in bioecological theory, we present the role the person plays in his or her own
key elements and propositions of the theory in development and for focusing too much on
greater detail. Then, we use a sample of 25 context (Bronfenbrenner, 1989). Interesting
empirical studies, said to be explicitly based on concepts such as molar activities, ecological
Bronfenbrenner’s theory, to examine the ways experiments, ecological validity, and ecological
in which the theory was applied and to discuss transitions, given an important role in his earliest
the appropriateness of application. Finally, we work (Bronfenbrenner, 1977, 1979), virtually
consider a number of possible explanations for disappeared from his later writings.
the misapplications that we identify. Nonetheless, although Bronfenbrenner (1989,
Our goal in this paper is thus to evaluate 1999) argued that the 1977 and 1979 versions
the ways in which Bronfenbrenner’s theory of the theory had been altered, revised, and
has been used in recently published research. extended, his theory was always (and explicitly)
Our intention is to assess the extent to which ecological, stressing person-context interrelat-
the theory was accurately represented and the edness (Tudge, Gray & Hogan, 1997). In none
research methods or analyses were linked to the of his theory-related writings, even the earliest,
theory. Initially, therefore, we will describe the did he focus exclusively on contextual factors.
theory as it developed into its mature form. The single most important difference from his
early writings is the later concern with processes
of human development. In some of the chapters
A BRIEF OVERVIEW OF BRONFENBRENNER’S written in the 1980s (Bronfenbrenner, 1988;
THEORY Bronfenbrenner & Crouter, 1983), he referred
Bronfenbrenner’s theory of human development to ‘‘process’’ as that which could explain the
is a theory that was, until Bronfenbrenner died connection between some aspect of the context
in 2005, in a continual state of development. (culture or social class, for example) or some
This is, of course, true of all theories; one aspect of the individual (e.g., gender) and an
cannot give an adequate account of Piaget’s outcome of interest. It was only in the 1990s,
theory by describing only his earliest books. however, that proximal processes were defined
This point does not simply apply to theories that as the key factor in development (Bronfenbren-
are developed over the course of a half century; ner, 1994, 1995, 1999; Bronfenbrenner & Ceci,
Vygotsky, for example, was actively engaged in 1994; Bronfenbrenner & Morris, 1998). It was
psychology for only a little more than a decade, also from this time onward that he discussed the
but three distinct phases can be identified, and Process-Person-Context-Time model (PPCT for
scholars need to distinguish among them when short) that has become the essence of his the-
describing his theory (Tudge & Scrimsher, ory (Bronfenbrenner, 2005; Bronfenbrenner &
2003). Bronfenbrenner, however, was a very Evans, 2000; Bronfenbrenner & Morris, 2006).
self-reflective theorist and fairly frequently Scholars may, of course, choose to use an
noted the changing nature of his theory. For earlier version of the theory as the foundation
example, he wrote: ‘‘I have been pursuing a of their research; they may also choose to
hidden agenda: that of re-assessing, revising, base their study on only some of the major
and extending—as well as regretting and even concepts of the developed version. In either
renouncing—some of the conceptions set forth case, however, this needs to be stated explicitly;
in my 1979 monograph’’ (Bronfenbrenner, neither the field nor the theory is well served
1989, p. 187). He was most explicit about this if the study’s authors write that they are
reassessment in his 1999 chapter, where he stated using ‘‘Bronfenbrenner’s ecological theory’’ or
that ‘‘it is useful to distinguish two periods: the ‘‘Bronfenbrenner’s bioecological model’’ but
first ending with the publication of the Ecology instead use an earlier or partial version of the
of Human Development (Bronfenbrenner, 1979), theory. Conceptual incoherence is likely to result
and the second characterized by a series when studies, written in the first decade of
of papers that call the original model into this century, are all described as being based
question’’ (p. 4). His earlier theorizing gave on Bronfenbrenner’s theory but some use ideas
pride of place to aspects of the context (the taken from the 1970s or 1980s and others from
famous concepts of microsystem, mesosystem, the 1990s. The full theory in its developed form
200 Journal of Family Theory & Review
deals with the interrelations among the following consideration; and the social continuities and
four PPCT concepts. changes occurring over time through the life course
and the historical period during which the person
has lived. (Bronfenbrenner & Morris, 1998, p. 996,
Process italics in the original)
Of these the first concept plays the crucial role Bronfenbrenner stated that these two propo-
(the ‘‘primary mechanisms’’) in development. sitions ‘‘are theoretically interdependent and
Proximal processes feature in two central subject to empirical test. An operational research
‘‘propositions’’ that appear in several of design that permits their simultaneous investiga-
Bronfenbrenner’s later publications. The first tion is referred to as a Process-Person-Context-
states: Time model’’ (Bronfenbrenner & Morris, 1998,
p. 996). Thus, in order to implement a study
[H]uman development takes place through pro- that is guided by bioecological theory, all four
cesses of progressively more complex reciprocal
elements of the model should be present. If a
interaction between an active, evolving biopsycho-
logical human organism and the persons, objects,
research design, for whatever reason, does not
and symbols in its immediate external environ- permit adequate assessment of one or more of the
ment. To be effective, the interaction must occur elements, this fact should be clearly acknowl-
on a fairly regular basis over extended periods of edged in order to preserve the integrity of the
time. Such enduring forms of interaction in the theory.
immediate environment are referred to as proxi-
mal processes. (Bronfenbrenner & Morris, 1998,
p. 996, italics in the original) Person
Bronfenbrenner acknowledged the relevance of
The examples that he provided (‘‘playing with
biological and genetic aspects of the person
a young child; child-child activities; group or
(Bronfenbrenner, 2001/2005; Bronfenbrenner &
solitary play, reading, learning new skills’’ and
Ceci, 1994). He devoted more attention, how-
so on) are the types of things that regularly go
ever, to the personal characteristics that individ-
on in the lives of developing individuals. They
uals bring with them into any social situation
constitute the engines of development because it
(Bronfenbrenner, 1993, 1995; Bronfenbrenner
is by engaging in these activities and interactions
& Morris, 1998). He divided these characteris-
that individuals come to make sense of their
tics into three types, which he termed demand,
world and understand their place in it, and both
resource, and force characteristics. Demand
play their part in changing the prevailing order
characteristics are those to which he had referred
while fitting into the existing one.
in earlier writings as ‘‘personal stimulus’’ char-
As Bronfenbrenner made increasingly explicit,
acteristics, those that act as an immediate stimu-
perhaps responding to the fact that he contin-
lus to another person, such as age, gender, skin
ued to be cited as a theorist of context, on
color, and physical appearance. These types of
the basis of his 1979 book, proximal processes
characteristics may influence initial interactions
are fundamental to the theory. The nature of
because of the expectations formed immedi-
proximal processes, however, varies according
ately. Resource characteristics, by contrast, are
to aspects of the individual and of the con-
not immediately apparent, though sometimes
text—both spatial and temporal (Bronfenbren-
they are induced, with differing degrees of
ner, 1995, 1999, 2001/2005; Bronfenbrenner &
accuracy, from the demand characteristics that
Evans, 2000; Bronfenbrenner & Morris, 1998).
are seen. These are characteristics that relate
As he explained in the second of the two central
partly to mental and emotional resources such
propositions:
as past experiences, skills, and intelligence and
also to social and material resources (access to
The form, power, content, and direction of
good food, housing, caring parents, educational
the proximal processes effecting development
vary systematically as a joint function of the opportunities appropriate to the needs of the par-
characteristics of the developing person; of ticular society, and so on). Finally, force charac-
the environment—both immediate and more teristics are those that have to do with differences
remote—in which the processes are taking place; of temperament, motivation, persistence, and the
the nature of the developmental outcomes under like. According to Bronfenbrenner, two children
Bronfenbrenner’s Theory 201
may have equal resource characteristics, but their set of values, but for any particular value system
developmental trajectories will be quite differ- to have any influence on a developing person it
ent if one is motivated to succeed and persists has to be experienced within one or more of the
in tasks and the other is not motivated and does microsystems in which that person is situated.
not persist.
Although Bronfenbrenner, even in his earliest
writings, was never a theorist simply dealing Time
with contextual influences on development, as The final element of the PPCT model is time.
many authors imply, he, in his later writings, As befits any theory of human development,
provided a clearer view of individuals’ roles time plays a crucial role in the theory. In the
in changing their context. The change can same way that both context and individual fac-
be relatively passive (a person changes the tors are divided into subfactors, Bronfenbrenner
environment simply by being in it, to the extent and Morris (1998) wrote about time as consti-
that others react to him or her differently on tuting micro-time (what is occurring during the
the basis of demand characteristics such as age, course of some specific activity or interaction),
gender, and skin color), to more active (the ways meso-time (the extent to which activities and
in which the person changes the environment interactions occur with some consistency in the
are linked to his or her resource characteristics, developing person’s environment), and macro-
whether physical, mental, or emotional), to most time (the chronosystem, to use the term that
active (the extent to which the person changes Bronfenbrenner had earlier used). The latter term
the environment is linked, in part, to the desire refers to the fact that developmental processes
and drive to do so, or force characteristics). are likely to vary according to the specific histor-
ical events that are occurring as the developing
individuals are at one age or another. This latter
Context sense is captured best in research such as that
The environment, or context, involves four inter- of Elder (1974, 1996), who was able to demon-
related systems. The first is any environment, strate significant variation in the developmental
such as home, school, or peer group, in which trajectories of people from two cohorts, born
the developing person spends a good deal of in the same geographical area but just 10 years
time engaging in activities and interactions (i.e., apart. Each cohort experienced the effects of the
the microsystem). As people spend time in more Great Depression in the United States (and sub-
than one microsystem, Bronfenbrenner wrote sequent historical events) completely differently
about the interrelations among them (i.e., the because they experienced each of these events
mesosystem). There are also important contexts at a different point in the life course.
in which the individuals whose development Time, as well as timing, is equally important
is being considered are not actually situated because all aspects of the PPCT model can be
but which have important indirect influences thought of in terms of relative constancy and
on their development (i.e., the exosystem). An change. This is true whether one is thinking
example of an exosystem effect is the following: about developing individuals themselves, the
A mother has been particularly stressed at work types of activities and interactions in which
and, as a result, behaves more irritably than usual they engage, or the various microsystems in
with her son when she gets home. The mother’s which they are situated. Moreover, cultures also
work is an exosystem for the child because he are continually undergoing change, although at
spends no time there, but it has an indirect influ- some periods of historical time the rates of
ence on him. Finally, Bronfenbrenner defined change are much faster than at others.
the macrosystem as a context encompassing any Research based on the mature version
group (‘‘culture, subculture, or other extended of Bronfenbrenner’s theory should therefore
social structure’’) whose members share value or include each of the elements of the PPCT model
belief systems, ‘‘resources, hazards, lifestyles, if it is to qualify as a complete test of the model.
opportunity structures, life course options and Partial tests are, of course, possible, but should
patterns of social interchange’’ (1993, p. 25). be identified as such. It is impossible, however,
The macrosystem envelops the remaining sys- to treat a study as being based on the mature ver-
tems, influencing (and being influenced by) all sion if its design does not involve a focus on the
of them. A particular cultural group may share a critical element of Process (proximal processes)
202 Journal of Family Theory & Review
and quality of father interactions with his child behavior, which was found to be influenced both
were the outcomes being considered. Thus, the by childhood predispositions and by the level of
person element was assessed through fathers’ their adoptive parents’ psychopathology.
position in the family (biological or stepfather), In their discussion and conclusion, Riggins-
age, race, parenting beliefs, and fathers’ levels of Caspers et al. (2003) evaluated their results
marital satisfaction. The authors also included through the lens of bioecological theory,
child gender as a person characteristic of an addressing the limitations of their study in a the-
individual (child) with whom the developing oretically appropriate way (particularly that their
person of interest (the father) was interacting. approach to time had relied on a retrospective,
Although Adamsons et al. (2007) state that rather than prospective longitudinal, approach)
the cross-sectional nature of the analyses did and stating directions for future research from
not permit the examination of development the theoretical as well as empirical standpoint.
as process and that their conceptualization of
Beside the inferred nature of the context vari-
process may differ from that of Bronfenbrenner,
able, this study serves as a good example of an
we find their assessment of quality of father-
child engagement a reasonable representation of empirical test of the PPCT model.
proximal process. The final two papers that we thought not
Overall, we felt that Adamsons and her only well described and used Bronfenbren-
colleagues (2007) adequately used the PPCT ner’s theory in its mature form but also were
model in their research: The authors discussed able to include time in their use of the PPCT
all components of the theory, acknowledged model were those of Campbell et al. (2002)
the minor differences in conceptualization and Tudge and his colleagues (2003). Campbell
or absence of certain elements, considered and her colleagues stated that they were basing
their findings from Bronfenbrenner’s theoretical their research ‘‘on Bronfenbrenner’s (Bronfen-
perspective, and provided directions for future brenner & Morris, 1998) ecological model in
research that would better and more fully which interactions among personal character-
incorporate bioecological theory in examining istics, proximal processes, contexts, and time
fathers’ involvement with their children. combine to affect developmental outcomes’’
We also felt that the paper by Riggins-Caspers (p. 278). The measures of proximal processes
and her colleagues (2003) outlined nicely the key that the authors used included early educational
propositions of bioecological theory, drawing on interventions and the quality of family function-
Bronfenbrenner and Ceci (1994). The study’s ing, as assessed by the HOME scale, when the
purpose was to assess biology-environment children were young. Early achievement scores
interactions through psychopathological con- were used as the main measure of person char-
tributions of biological and adoptive parents acteristics. All children were from low-income
and their adopted adolescents’ problem behav- African American families, which meant that it
ior as a result of harsh discipline. The authors was impossible to assess the ways in which
explained clearly the links between variables proximal processes differentially operated in
in their study and all of the elements of Bron-
two different macrosystems (see Bronfenbren-
fenbrenner’s model. Proximal processes were
ner, 1993), but the study, being longitudinal,
assessed through the children’s adoptive parents’
could examine the interrelated impact of each
harsh disciplinary techniques, which were found
to be influenced both by person characteristics process, person, and context over time. Campbell
of the children (their predisposition to problem and her colleagues returned in the paper’s con-
behavior, as assessed by their biological parents’ clusion to the theory to point out that the model
degree of psychopathology) and by the environ- was supported in assessing the development of
ment (low or moderate level of adoptive parents’ adolescents’ feelings of self-worth.
psychopathology). Unfortunately, this measure In the research conducted by Tudge and
of environment was inferred from person-related his colleagues (2003), proximal processes were
characteristics (drug and alcohol problems, legal assessed via children’s typically occurring inter-
difficulties, depression, anxiety, and other psy- actions with objects, materials, and people
chological problem) and not assessed directly within their most common microsystems (home
as the theory requires. The outcome of interest and child-care setting). This was accomplished
was the children’s current expression of problem by observing each child in the study for a
204 Journal of Family Theory & Review
total of 20 hours. Person characteristics, specif- on one or more of the contextual ‘‘systems’’
ically developmentally instigative characteris- on which Bronfenbrenner concentrated in his
tics, were also assessed in parents and children. 1979 book. Many of the other authors in this
For example, the authors measured parents’ group (Atzaba-Poria, Pike, & Deater-Deckard,
beliefs about childrearing and the children’s 2004; Drake, Jonson-Reid, & Sapokaite, 2006;
motivation in choosing and sustaining activi- Kulik & Rayyan, 2006; Schwebel & Brezausek,
ties. As for context, two macrosystems were 2007) focused primarily on contextual influences
assessed—middle-class and working-class fam- on development, although they also discussed
ilies from a single city in the southeastern United individual influences. Two sets of authors
States. Finally, time was included in the study as (Atzaba-Poria & Pike, 2008; Stewart, 2007) took
the assessed child outcomes at three ages—the seriously the interactional nature of the theory as
observations of everyday activities and interac- it existed in the late 1970s; an ecological position
tions were conducted when the children were is one that focuses on individual-environment
3 years old, and their teachers’ perception of interrelations. Stewart sought to ‘‘determine the
their academic competence was assessed at the ecological factors (i.e., characteristics of the
end of the children’s first and second years of person and of the environment) that contribute to
school. This study, we felt, did a good job of the academic achievement of African American
applying Bronfenbrenner’s theory in a system- adolescents’’ (p. 17), and Atzaba-Poria and Pike
atic fashion. proposed that ‘‘parents’ behavior is influenced
by child characteristics . . . the proximal social
context . . . and the more distal social context’’
Misuses of Bronfenbrenner’s Theory (p. 18). In none of these cases, however, was
The remaining papers fall into three main groups. there any mention of proximal processes, let
In each group, authors stated explicitly that alone an attempt to measure them.
they were using ‘‘Bronfenbrenner’s theory,’’ The second group consists of seven papers
‘‘Bronfenbrenner’s bioecological model,’’ or a (Chenoweth & Galliher, 2004; Dalla, 2004;
synonym. Those in the first group, however, Grogan-Kaylor & Otis, 2007; Johnston, Swim,
used primarily Bronfenbrenner’s writings from Saltsman, Deater-Deckard, & Petrill, 2007;
the 1970s, those in the second group included Jones, Forehand, Brody, & Amistead, 2003;
references from the 1980s, and the final group Singal, 2006; Voydanoff, 2005) whose authors
drew explicitly on Bronfenbrenner’s work from relied primarily on Bronfenbrenner’s ideas
the 1990s but without paying attention to what from the 1980s. Each set of authors focused
lies at the heart of the mature theory—proximal their main attention on contextual factors,
processes. Even in the 1970s the theory was although they all noted the importance of
not about contextual influences on development individual factors. Chenoweth and Galliher
but on context-individual interactions, and from stated that ecological systems theory served as
1994 the theory was quite explicit that proximal the theoretical basis for their study of students’
processes were the ‘‘engines of development’’ college aspirations, but cited two sources
and that they were modified by both the context (Bronfenbrenner, 1977, 1986), neither of which
and the individuals engaged in those proximal explicitly referred to ecological systems theory.
processes. As noted above, authors wishing Furthermore, they stated: ‘‘Bronfenbrenner
to test an earlier version of the theory may, proposed that human development should be
of course, do so, but in that case they must studied using a contextual approach, taking
make explicit their intention. Failure to do that, into account the many possible influences
and ignoring the major changes to the theory, of the environment upon a child’’ (p. 1),
constitutes a misrepresentation of the theory. treating the theory as one simply dealing with
In the first group, the authors treated the contextual influences. Similarly, Singal wrote
theory as though it either dealt solely with about adopting Bronfenbrenner’s ‘‘eco-systemic
contextual influences on development or on framework’’ but referred only to ideas from
contextual and individual characteristics, but 1979 and the 1992 reprint of the 1989 chapter.
without any attention paid to proximal processes. Moreover, she conceptualized the framework in
Three of the papers (those by Weigel, Martin, the following terms: ‘‘Providing an imagery of
& Bennett, 2005; Ying & Han, 2006; Yu & the nested set of Russian dolls, Bronfenbrenner
Stiffman, 2007) focused attention exclusively argues that various immediate and distant forces
Bronfenbrenner’s Theory 205
affect an individual’s development’’ (p. 240). evidence, at least from this paper, that Johnston
Not surprisingly, given this conceptualization and her colleagues considered processes in the
of the theory, Singal placed exclusive attention way that Bronfenbrenner, in the mature form of
to the various contextual systems. Voydanoff the theory, stipulated, although they had data
also wrote that she was using Bronfenbrenner’s that could have been used for this purpose. For
‘‘ecological systems approach as a framework’’ example, they were interested in ‘‘the extent to
(p. 667), citing Bronfenbrenner (1989), but which mothers engaged in racial, ethnic, and
although her data on work-family linkages could cultural socialization practices; and the relation
have been analyzed in the type of systemic between racial, ethnic, and cultural socialization
way that Bronfenbrenner was advocating at and child adjustment’’ (p. 398). Their measure
that time, Voydanoff treated the theory as of cultural socialization practices asked moth-
though it dealt exclusively with microsystem ers the extent to which they engaged in various
and mesosystem influences on development. practices, with possible responses ranging from
Nonetheless, none of these studies involved the several times a week to never. Furthermore, the
type of systemic person-process-context analysis authors also took into account both the adopted
for which Bronfenbrenner had argued from 1983 children’s age and their country of birth (Korea
to 1989, let alone any consideration of the mature or China). In principle, therefore, it would have
form of the theory. been possible to analyze these data using the
Jones et al. (2003) argued that they were PPCT model.
‘‘extrapolating’’ from Bronfenbrenner’s (1979, Finally, a further five sets of authors (Butera,
1989) position that ‘‘multiple environments . . . 2005; Hossain, 2001; Jordan, 2005; McDougall,
in which families live cannot be viewed as mutu- DeWit, King, Miller, & Killip, 2004; Warren,
ally exclusive but rather as ‘systems’ that jointly 2005) at least cited work from the 1990s in
influence familial behavior’’ (p. 437). To be fair, which the mature form of the theory could be
Jones and her colleagues included in their study found. Unfortunately, this did not prevent the
of parental monitoring both ‘‘structural vari- authors of three of these papers from treating
ables’’ (e.g., characteristics of the family and the the theory as though it were simply a theory of
neighborhood) and ‘‘psychological variables’’ contextual influences on developing individuals.
(maternal depression, child problem behavior, For example, Jordan stated that she was using
and coparenting conflict) that may influence ecological systems theory to study media use in
parental monitoring. They failed, however, to the home and school. She wrote, however; ‘‘The
acknowledge or examine the person-context research is framed by Bronfenbrenner and Mor-
interactional aspects of the 1970s and 1980s ris’s (1998) conceptualization that children grow
versions of Bronfenbrenner’s theory. Grogan- up in a series of nested environments’’ (p. 525).
Kaylor and Otis (2007) did better in this regard, In his study of young children’s television
although they relied on the 1979 book and one viewing, Warren wrote explicitly about trying
paper from the 1980s, as did Dalla (2004), who to ‘‘test Bronfenbrenner’s theory’’ (p. 850) by
relied on the 1989 chapter. In both papers devel- establishing a ‘‘hypothesized set of relation-
opment was assumed to be a joint function of the ships [that] closely parallels Bronfenbrenner’s
person and the environment, and person char- (1979, 2001) ecological theory of child devel-
acteristics were included as an important com- opment’’ (p. 849). Hossain studied the division
ponent of development. Dalla also mentioned of household labor and household functioning
components of the chronosystem, building on among Navajo families not living on reserva-
Bronfenbrenner’s position that historical events tions and argued that the findings ‘‘lend support
and situations impact development. Johnston to the use of the human ecology model in under-
et al. (2007) cited Bronfenbrenner (1986) as well standing the cultural context of family roles and
as the 1979 book and argued that they were using functioning (Bronfenbrenner & Morris, 1998)’’
a person–process–context design, first discussed (pp. 258–259). It was thus surprising to see no
in Bronfenbrenner and Crouter (1983). Unfor- mention of the PPCT model, and no attempt
tunately, from the point of view of application to assess proximal processes, in either study.
of the mature form of the theory, ‘‘process’’ at Instead, Warren focused solely on the four con-
this time was not yet conceptualized as proximal textual systems of development, from micro to
processes and had yet to be placed at the fore- macro, and Hossain also treated the theory as
front of the theory. Moreover, there is little though it simply dealt with the impact of context,
206 Journal of Family Theory & Review
stating; ‘‘Such environmental factors as one’s for their view that the contexts in which develop-
family, cultural values, economic practices, and ing individuals exist have an influence on their
historical events have important bearing on the development or that both contexts and the indi-
making and shaping of gender roles in a partic- viduals themselves are influential. This truism
ular cultural setting’’ (p. 256). hardly needs to be supported theoretically, and
Butera (2005) also cited the 1998 paper but these authors could have contented themselves
argued that this perspective ‘‘can be used to simply by citing Bronfenbrenner; they stated,
examine the systems that surround children and however, that their research was based on or
their families and deepen our understanding informed by his theory, or model, or framework.
of the effects of contextual variables on Could it be the case that some scholars who
collaboration and special education’’ (p. 107). state that they are drawing on his theory are
Perhaps not surprisingly, the remaining citations unaware of the changes in Bronfenbrenner’s
are almost exclusively to Bronfenbrenner’s 1979 theory? There is perhaps some justification for
book. However, although Butera had nothing to researchers to be unaware of some book chapters
say about the PPCT model, she acknowledged (e.g., Bronfenbrenner, 1993, 1994, 1995, 1999)
clearly the transactional nature of even the early because they may not be as easily accessible
form of the theory and stated that ‘‘individual as articles published in peer-reviewed journals.
characteristics make a considerable contribution Bronfenbrenner’s book (1979), in which he laid
to outcomes’’ (p. 114). out an early version of his theory, may be so
Finally, McDougall et al. (2004) also drew widely known as to overshadow completely
on several of Bronfenbrenner’s papers from the some chapters that appeared later. One can
1990s to describe his bioecological perspec- hardly argue, however, that a chapter from the
tive as one involving the interplay of person 1998 Handbook of Child Development is hard
characteristics, contextual factors, and proxi- to find. There seems little justification to state
mal processes. The authors found clear relations that one is relying on a theory whose own author
between person characteristics (age, sex, and noted the extent to which it had changed (see
academic achievement) and contextual factors Bronfenbrenner, 1989, 1999) and use material
(including socioeconomic status, ethnicity, and only or primarily from the 1970s, as was the
the school culture) but explicitly treated peer and case with the authors of no fewer than nine of
student-teacher interactions as an aspect of their these papers. Worse, these authors treated the
primary contextual factor (school culture) rather theory as though it was purely a theory about the
than as proximal processes. McDougall and her various systems of context and their influences
colleagues also ignored the fourth aspect of the on development, thereby missing the ecological
PPCT model and, although they noted the prob- nature of the theory even in its earliest form.
lem of conducting a purely cross-sectional study, Other scholars at least used a more up-to-
did not describe this as a theoretical limitation. date version of the theory, from the 1980s,
when Bronfenbrenner described the importance
of process as something that linked person and
DISCUSSION context. Even then, however, despite stating
If, as we argued at the start of this paper, theory correctly that he termed his theory ‘‘ecological
has an important role to play in developmental systems theory’’ (Bronfenbrenner, 1989), these
and family studies, it is surely necessary to authors did not actually apply the systems part
apply it correctly in research. Failure to do so of the theory in their research, despite writing
means that it has not been tested appropriately; that their research was based on it. At best,
data apparently supporting the theory do no such some of the authors acknowledged the fact that
thing if the theory has been incorrectly described, one had to examine the interdependent roles of
and, by the same token, a misrepresented theory the developing individuals and the contexts in
is impervious to attack from nonsupportive data. which they were situated, though others from
What can explain the fact that, of these 25 this second group continued to write as though
papers published between 2001 and 2008, only 4 Bronfenbrenner was simply a theorist interested
used the mature form of the theory and appeared in contextual influences on development.
to have used it appropriately in their research? Furthermore, it was not necessarily the
One possible reason is that some scholars merely case that citing the theory in its mature
want to provide some general theoretical support form (Bronfenbrenner, 1994, 1995, 2001/2005;
Bronfenbrenner’s Theory 207
Bronfenbrenner & Ceci, 1994; Bronfenbrenner his own research as a way of showing how
& Morris, 1998) was sufficient to ensure that he applied an appropriate method, preferring
the theory was applied correctly in research. instead to comment on others’ research, none of
Of the nine papers whose authors drew on which was designed specifically as a test of the
Bronfenbrenner’s work from the 1990s, no theory. Moreover, if one considers designing a
fewer than four still treated the theory as study that includes each and every aspect of the
though it were primarily a theory of contextual theory, the research would indeed be a large and
influences or of person-context interaction complex study. Consider, for example, all that
without any consideration of the core feature he wrote about the different types of important
of the theory—proximal processes. The authors person characteristics—demand, force, and
of only four of these papers actually wrote about resource—as well as genetic attributes, the
the process–person–context–time model and four different contextual systems, and the
tried to apply it in their research. Innumerable three aspects of time (micro, meso, and
authors include in their research some contextual macro), that include both collecting data
variable (social class, for example) and an over time and situating the research into its
individual characteristic, such as gender, and historical time. In addition, to study proximal
may test for class-gender interactions in their processes, the most important part of the mature
outcomes of interest. The research may well be theory, requires collecting data about regularly
interesting, but it would not constitute a test of occurring interactions and activities with the
Bronfenbrenner’s theory. important people, symbols, and objects in the
We do not believe that researchers who base developing individuals’ lives.
their work on a specific theory have to use the However, Bronfenbrenner never implied (let
latest version of that theory or the theory in its alone stated outright) that every aspect had
entirety. Researchers can obviously choose to to be included within any study. His position
draw on specific concepts from the theory or on was rather straightforward: A study involving
an older version. But in this case, surely this the PPCT model should focus on proximal
more limited goal needs to be clearly specified processes, showing how they are influenced both
or one can be accused of a lack of conceptual by characteristics of the developing individual
or theoretical clarity. We do not think that and by the context in which they occur and
researchers would be taken seriously if their showing how they are implicated in relevant
research was said to be a test of Piaget’s theory developmental outcomes. The simplest research
but took no account of any of his thinking application could examine, for example, the
from the 1960s onward (when he moved from ways in which regularly occurring parent-child
writing primarily about stages of development, interactions vary by an important characteristic
or structural aspects, to a greater focus on of the child (gender would be the easiest,
mechanisms of change). Similarly, one would though not necessarily the best) and by some
not consider research to be an adequate test relevant aspect of the context (perhaps different
of Bandura’s social cognitive theory if the ethnic/racial or social-class groups), with data
scholar only cited Bandura’s early work on collected over at least two points in time,
social learning theory. It is thus unfortunate, choosing some outcome viewed as being
to say the least, that so many scholars (and the relevant to parent-child interaction. Methods
reviewers of their scholarship) seem to be able to for collecting the parent-child interaction data
treat Bronfenbrenner’s theory as though it was vary but would need to be adequate to
simply a theory of microsystem or macrosystem assess interactional patterns that occur regularly.
influences on development. Even so, a study of this type does not
The final reason for scholars not treating seem so difficult to carry out effectively and
seriously the mature form of Bronfenbrenner’s would serve as an adequate application of
theory may be that it is viewed as simply too Bronfenbrenner’s theory.
difficult to translate effectively into research. In conclusion, we think that scholars are doing
Bronfenbrenner himself did not make these the field of human development and family
connections as clear as he might have; in studies a disservice by stating that they are
none of his writings did he provide a clear basing their research on a theoretical foundation
methodological guide to help in the application but neither taking that theory seriously enough to
of the theory. Nor did he write about any of consider its development nor attempting to use
208 Journal of Family Theory & Review
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