Research Series on the Chinese Dream

and China’s Development Path

Guozuo Zhang

Research
Outline for
China’s Cultural
Soft Power
Research Series on the Chinese Dream
and China’s Development Path

Project Director
Xie Shouguang, President, Social Sciences Academic Press

Series editors
Li Yang, Chinese Academy of Social Sciences, Beijing, China
Li Peilin, Chinese Academy of Social Sciences, Beijing, China

Academic Advisors
Cai Fang, Gao Peiyong, Li Lin, Li Qiang, Ma Huaide, Pan Jiahua, Pei Changhong,
Qi Ye, Wang Lei, Wang Ming, Zhang Yuyan, Zheng Yongnian, Zhou Hong
Drawing on a large body of empirical studies done over the last two decades, the
Research Series on the Chinese Dream and China’s Development Path seeks to
provide its readers with in-depth analyses of the past and present, and forecasts for
the future course of China’s development. Thanks to the adoption of Socialism with
Chinese characteristics, and the implementation of comprehensive reform and
opening, China has made tremendous achievements in areas such as political
reform, economic development, and social construction, and is making great strides
towards the realization of the Chinese dream of national rejuvenation. In addition to
presenting a detailed account of many of these achievements, the authors also
discuss what lessons other countries can learn from China’s experience. This series
will be an invaluable companion to every researcher who is trying to gain a deeper
understanding of the development model, path and experience unique to China.

More information about this series at http://www.springer.com/series/13571

Guozuo Zhang

Research Outline for China’s

Cultural Soft Power

123
Guozuo Zhang
China Center for Cultural Soft Power Research
Changsha, Hunan
China

Translated by Xiaoyan Li

ISSN 2363-6866 ISSN 2363-6874 (electronic)

Research Series on the Chinese Dream and China’s Development Path
ISBN 978-981-10-3396-4 ISBN 978-981-10-3398-8 (eBook)
DOI 10.1007/978-981-10-3398-8

Jointly published with Social Sciences Academic Press

Library of Congress Control Number: 2016960190

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Series Preface

Since China’s reform and opening began in 1978, the country has come a long way
on the path of Socialism with Chinese Characteristics, under the leadership of the
Communist Party of China. Over 30 years of reform efforts and sustained spec-
tacular economic growth have turned China into the world’s second largest econ-
omy, and wrought many profound changes in the Chinese society. These
historically significant developments have been garnering increasing attention from
scholars, governments and the general public alike around the world since the
1990s, when the newest wave of China studies began to gather steam. Some of the
hottest topics have included the so-called “China miracle”, “Chinese phenomenon”,
“Chinese experience”, “Chinese path” and the “Chinese model”. Homegrown
researchers have soon followed suit. Already hugely productive, this vibrant field is
putting out a large number of books each year, with Social Sciences Academic
Press alone having published hundreds of titles on a wide range of subjects.
Because most of these books have been written and published in Chinese,
however, readership has been limited outside China—even among many who study
China—for whom English is still the lingua franca. This language barrier has been
an impediment to efforts by academia, business communities and policy-makers in
other countries to form a thorough understanding of contemporary China, of what is
distinct about China’s past and present may mean not only for her future but also
for the future of the world. The need to remove such an impediment is both real and
urgent, and the Research Series on the Chinese Dream and China’s Development
Path is my answer to the call.
This series features some of the most notable achievements from the last
20 years by scholars in China in a variety of research topics related to reform and
opening. They include both theoretical explorations and empirical studies, and
cover economy, society, politics, law, culture and ecology, the six areas in which
reform and opening policies have had the deepest impact and farthest-reaching
consequences for the country. Authors for the series have also tried to articulate
their visions of the “Chinese Dream” and how the country can realize it in these
fields and beyond.

v
vi Series Preface

All of the editors and authors for the Research Series on the Chinese Dream and
China’s Development Path are both longtime students of reform and opening
and recognized authorities in their respective academic fields. Their credentials and
expertise lend credibility to these books, each of which having been subject to a
rigorous peer review process for inclusion in the series. As part of the Reform and
Development Program under the State Administration of Press, Publication, Radio,
Film and Television of the People’s Republic of China, the series is published by
Springer, a Germany-based academic publisher of international repute, and dis-
tributed overseas. I am confident that it will help fill a lacuna in studies of China in
the era of reform and opening.

Xie Shouguang
Preface

Since the concept of soft power was introduced to China over two decades ago,
momentous changes have occurred in the world: the collapse of the Soviet Union,
the end of the Cold War, to name but a few. After their initial excitement, it dawned
on the US-led Western countries that they could hardly expect to rely on hard
power alone to practice their hegemony, just as it had failed to save the Soviet
Union from its collapse. That was when attention was transferred to the role played
by soft power. Since then, the term has frequently appeared in the political and
cultural fields in China and around the world. The development was rather slow
and sporadic in China, however, as the first decade only witnessed some translation
work. The focus of the second decade had been shifted towards the Chinese
interpretation and application of the theories of soft power. In recent years, how
Chinese soft power is related to Joseph S. Nye, Jr.’s in the Chinese academia has
been explored, without examining the profound differences between the two.
Fortunately, China’s academia and the political field are now beginning to con-
centrate on the Chinese characteristics in the soft power research. With weak basic
theory and disagreement over the concept, categories and logic of soft power in the
academic circle home and abroad, China’s initial efforts in the research are far from
being totally satisfactory in many aspects. Too often Joseph Nye’s views on soft
power are just slavishly followed; sometimes overgeneralizations are made as if it
can be applied as a panacea for everything. Often, however, the concept is not broad
enough as it is interpreted only as the right to speak only, as traditional culture, or
only as the national image. The introduction of a systematic outline for the research
of soft power has become an impending issue under such circumstances so that
there would be a research platform with the same concept and categories and for the
same purpose.
That is why I began to write the book Research Outline for China’s Cultural Soft
Power, and I felt that it is necessary to first tell my readers the following.
1. The concept of “China’s cultural soft power” is introduced as a whole, that is,
my book does not intend to talk about the cultural soft power of any countries
other than that of China’s. Of course, the broad differences between China and

vii
viii Preface

other countries could only be explained by a comparison between the two, and
Joseph Nye’s concept of soft power as the source invites comparison.
2. To design the research outline for China’s cultural soft power, we should first
clarify the four interrelated basic concepts—“culture,” “soft power,” “cultural
soft power,” and “China’s cultural soft power”—their categories, logical links,
and theoretical as well as practical implications. Evidently, the distinct ideo-
logical attributes of cultural soft power and its close relationship to national
interests decide that the research must defend China’s interests and the core
values of China under the guidance of Chinese Marxism.
3. The aim of my book is to establish a general framework for analysis and a logic
system for the theoretical study of China’s cultural soft power. In emphasizing
cultural soft power of China, we do not intend to be a narrow-minded nation-
alist. Instead, we believe that only by the collision of ideas, or the intertwining,
borrowing, accepting or rejecting of the cultures of various other nations can
human civilization make advances. On the other hand, we should also be aware
that it is impossible for a country’s soft power as part of superstructure not to be
constrained by its economic base, political system, or national interests, and
have characteristics different from other peoples or nations. Hence, it would be
inevitable for the book to borrow from the others for its own use.
4. The book is developed in inheriting from and criticizing others, as any other
theoretical innovations tend to be. My book begins with the introduction of the
source of the concept of soft power from the theoretical and the historical level
—Joseph Nye and his soft power: the main idea and the contents of his soft
power, his aim to maintain hegemony and power politics of the United States,
and the rise in status of soft power in the Internet age and the information age.
On the other hand, an objective analysis of the limitations of Joseph Nye’s soft
power is performed in addition to his contributions. How other American
scholars interpret and respond to Nye’s soft power and a summary of the soft
power research of the major powers in the world are also introduced. The above
theories of Nye’s will serve as salutary lessons for my book.
5. The path of development of China’s soft power is summarized in this book,
especially Chinese scholars’ development of the concept of cultural soft power
in light of Joseph Nye’s contributions and limitations. Then, Xi Jinping’s
theories of “striving to promote China’s cultural soft power” are elaborated on,
especially his viewpoints on providing a secure foundation for China’s soft
power, on disseminating modern Chinese values, on demonstrating the special
charm of Chinese culture to the world, on projecting China’s image, and on
winning more say for China in the international community. The systematic
framework of this book is set on this basis, and suggestions are offered for the
conduction of research into China’s cultural soft power.
6. The book is composed of the following parts. The preface part reveals the
reasons, goals, concept analysis, logical path, research emphasis and the general
outline of the book. The introduction part is mainly about the source of the
concept of soft power, the main ideas of Joseph Nye’s works, his contributions,
and the research conducted by the major powers of the world, with the focus
Preface ix

being the historical development, major advances and invaluable contributions

made by the Chinese scholars. Part three, divided into eight chapters, is the
theoretical framework of building China’s Cultural soft power. Related concepts
are also defined, such as the connotation of culture, of soft power, and of
cultural soft power. In addition, it is made clear that China’s cultural soft power
is radically different from Joseph Nye’s in terms of its principle of people-
orientation, its categories, major areas and central problems. Xi Jinping’s line
for increasing China’s cultural soft power is specified, and the key links of
raising the cultural soft power is emphasized. The internal logic of soft power
research and the realization of the great rejuvenation of the Chinese Dream are
demonstrated.
7. Being an outline, it should first be with precise concepts, a clear-cut theme, strict
logic, informative materials, and persuasive presentation. Persuasiveness, in
turn, comes from valid argument and irrefutable evidence. After borrowing the
theory from a foreign source, one needs to make innovations based on it in order
to create something of one’s own, learning from its strengths and avoiding its
disadvantages. What matters is not the length of the book, but its accuracy,
systematicity, persuasiveness and authoritativeness. Through the efforts, I hope
to fill the research gap and to provide a theory for the research of China’s
cultural soft power. In short, my outline is expected to be with clarity, pithiness,
correct political orientation, strict logic, detailed documentation and compelling
argument.
8. By no means is my book conclusive. There will be no end to practice, and the
development of China’s cultural soft power will never end, either. This means
that further and more in-depth research into China’s cultural soft power is
needed. The most meaningful thing of publishing my book, I believe, is to
establish a relatively systematic theoretic framework for the cultural soft power
research and to provide the scholars in the related field with some reference.
Criticism is warmly welcomed.

Beijing, China Guozuo Zhang

Acknowledgements

After a relatively short gestation period, the Research Series on the Chinese Dream
and China’s Development Path has started to bear fruits. We have, first and fore-
most, the books’ authors and editors to thank for making this possible. And it was
the hard work by many people at Social Sciences Academic Press and Springer, the
two collaborating publishers, that made it a reality. We are deeply grateful to all
of them.
Mr. Xie Shouguang, president of Social Sciences Academic Press (SSAP), is the
mastermind behind the project. In addition to defining the key missions to be
accomplished by it and setting down the basic parameters for the project’s exe-
cution, as the work has unfolded, Mr. Xie has provided critical input pertaining to
its every aspect and at every step of the way. Thanks to the deft coordination by
Ms. Li Yanling, all the constantly moving parts of the project, especially those on
the SSAP side, are securely held together, and as well synchronized as is feasible
for a project of this scale. Ms. Gao Jing, unfailingly diligent and meticulous, makes
sure every aspect of each Chinese manuscript meets the highest standards for both
publishers, something of critical importance to all subsequent steps in the pub-
lishing process. That high-quality if also at times stylistically as well as technically
challenging scholarly writing in Chinese has turned into decent, readable English
that readers see on these pages is largely thanks to Ms. Liang Fan, who oversees
translator recruitment and translation quality control.
Ten other members of the SSAP staff have been intimately involved, primarily in
the capacity of in-house editor, in the preparation of the Chinese manuscripts. It is
time-consuming work that requires attention to details, and each of them has done
this, and is continuing to do this with superb skills. They are, in alphabetical order:
Mr. Cai Jihui, Ms. Liu Xiaojun, Mr. Ren Wenwu, Ms. Shi Xiaolin, Ms. Song
Yuehua, Mr. Tong Genxing, Ms. Wu Dan, Ms. Yao Dongmei, Ms. Yun Wei and
Ms. Zhou Qiong. In addition, Xie Shouguang and Li Yanling have also taken part
in this work.
Ms. Yun Wei is the SSAP in-house editor for the current volume.

xi
xii Acknowledgements

Our appreciation is also owed to Ms. Li Yan, Mr. Chai Ning, Ms. Wang Lei and
Ms. Xu Yi from Springer’s Beijing Representative Office. Their strong support for
the SSAP team in various aspects of the project helped to make the latter’s work
that much easier than it would have otherwise been.
We thank Ms. Li Xiaoyan for translating this book.
Last, but certainly not least, it must be mentioned that funding for this project
comes from the Ministry of Finance of the People’s Republic of China. Our pro-
found gratitude, if we can be forgiven for a bit of apophasis, goes without saying.
Contents

1 Introduction . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1
1.1 Historical and Academic Background . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1
1.1.1 Historical Background . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1
1.1.2 Academic Background . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2
1.1.3 Logical Progression from Soft Power
to Smart Power . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3
1.1.4 Joseph Nye’s Major Views on Soft Power . . . . . . . . . . . 5
1.2 Research Conducted by Major Powers . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 15
1.2.1 US Political Field: Conflicting Opinions . . . . . . . . . . . . . 15
1.2.2 Britain: Cultural Diplomacy and International
Communication by the English Language . . . . . . . . . . . . 16
1.2.3 France: Among the Earliest Country to Employ Soft
Power . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 17
1.2.4 Germany: National Image and Historical Reflection . . . . 19
1.2.5 Japan: Soft Power and Its Political Situation . . . . . . . . . . 20
1.2.6 Russia: Strategic Importance of Soft Power . . . . . . . . . . 21
1.3 China’s Research into Cultural Soft Power . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 23
1.3.1 Progress of China’s Soft Power Research . . . . . . . . . . . . 23
1.3.2 Underlying Reasons for China’s Emphasis
on Cultural Soft Power Research . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 25
1.3.3 Dominant Features and Output of China’s
Cultural Soft Power Research . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 32
1.3.4 Substantial Progresses Achieved in China’s
Research into Cultural Soft Power . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 33
1.4 Summary . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 36
2 Basic Concepts of China’s Cultural Soft Power . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 39
2.1 Culture . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 39
2.2 Soft Power . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 40
2.3 Cultural Soft Power . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 41

xiii
xiv Contents

3 Reconstruction of Soft Power to Form Cultural Soft Power . . . . . . 43

3.1 Different Goals . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 43
3.2 Wider Connotation . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 43
3.3 Reconstruction of the Underlying Logic of Soft Power . . . . . . . 44
4 Categories Related to Research on China’s Cultural
Soft Power . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 45
4.1 Relationship Between Soft and Hard Power . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 45
4.2 Relationship Between Cultural Soft Power
and Comprehensive National Strength . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 46
4.3 Relationship Between Traditional Chinese Culture
and Contemporary Cultural Soft Power . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 46
4.4 Relationship Between Core Values and Cultural Soft Power . . . 47
4.5 Relationship Between Cultural Diversity and a Core Value
System . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 47
4.6 Relationship Between Development of Cultural Industries
and Cultural Soft Power . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 48
4.7 Relationship Between the Internal Environment
and the External Environment. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 48
4.8 Relationship Between Basic Research and Countermeasure
Research on Cultural Soft Power . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 49
5 People-Oriented Cultural Soft Power . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 51
5.1 Improve Public Literacy in Scientifically Sound Theories . . . . . . 51
5.2 Guide the Public with Correct Public Opinion . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 52
5.3 Imbue People with Noble Spirits . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 53
5.4 Inspire People with Outstanding Works . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 53
5.5 Enlighten People with Profound Wisdom . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 54
5.6 Care for People with Real Affection . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 55
5.7 Encourage People to Be Brave . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 55
5.8 Unite People with Harmonious Ideas . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 56
Reference . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 56
6 Main Areas and Key Issues of China’s Cultural Soft Power
Research. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 57
6.1 Development of Core Socialist Value System
and China’s Cultural Soft Power . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 57
6.2 Chinese Marxism and China’s Cultural Soft Power . . . . . . . . . . 57
6.3 Socialism with Chinese Characteristics and China’s Cultural
Soft Power . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 58
6.4 China’s Educational Pattern and China’s Cultural
Soft Power . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 59
6.5 China’s News Media and China’s Cultural Soft Power . . . . . . . 60
6.6 China’s Ideological Education and China’s Cultural Soft
Power . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 61
Contents xv

6.7 China’s Literature and China’s Cultural Soft Power . . . . . . . . . . 61

6.8 Democracy and Legal System Building and China’s Cultural
Soft Power . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 62
6.9 Ethnic Policies and China’s Cultural Soft Power . . . . . . . . . . . . 63
6.10 China’s Policies on Religion and China’s Cultural
Soft Power . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 64
6.11 Chinese Traditional Culture and China’s Cultural
Soft Power . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 65
6.12 China’s Cultural Industries and Its Cultural Soft Power . . . . . . . 68
6.13 China’s Independent Foreign Policy of Peace
and China’s Cultural Soft Power . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 69
6.14 China’s Transnational Communication and China’s Cultural
Soft Power . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 70
6.15 China’s National Image and China’s Cultural Soft Power . . . . . 71
6.16 Design of an Evaluation System of China’s Cultural Soft
Power . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 71
7 Xi Jinping’s Outline About the Strategy
for Improving China’s Cultural Soft Power . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 75
7.1 Soul: Core Values . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 75
7.2 Root: Fine Traditional Chinese Culture . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 77
7.3 Foundation: Increased Cultural Soft Power . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 79
7.4 Command over Leadership, Management
and Voice of Ideological Work . . . . . . . . . . . . . ............. 81
8 Enhancing China’s Soft Power from Three Essential Aspects . .... 85
8.1 Basis: Growing Recognition of the Core Socialist Value
System . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .... 85
8.2 Framework: Core Values and Their Influence
on the Superstructure . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .... 87
8.3 Alarm Bells Ringing in the Mainstream Ideology . . . . . . . . .... 89
9 Realization of the Chinese Dream and Cultural Soft Power
Research. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 91
10 Interview with Joseph Nye on Soft Power . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 95
11 Talk with Dr. Abramson About Soft Power
and Current International Relations . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 101
12 Talk with B.O. Komotskii and W. Halabi about Soft Power,
International Relations and Socialism . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 117
Postscript . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 125
References . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 127
Chapter 1
Introduction

1.1 Historical and Academic Background

The term soft power was coined by Joseph S. Nye, Jr. in his book Bound to Lead:
the Changing Nature of American Power (1990). The coinage was by no means
accidental. Instead, it had its historical and academic background.

1.1.1 Historical Background

In 1987, Yale professor Paul Kennedy pointed out in his book The Rise and Fall of
the Great Powers: Economic Change and Military Conflict from 1500 to 2000 that
“In these more troubled circumstances, the Great Power is likely to find itself
spending much more on defense than it did two generations earlier, and yet still
discover that the world is a less secure environment—simply because other Powers
have grown faster, and are becoming stronger.”1 As is suggested in this book, the
USA will decline faster than imagined as its share of world GDP had been slipping
since 1945 and is doomed to decline owing to the huge defense expenditure arising
from the competition with other countries for economic and military hegemony,
especially with the U.S.S.R… In his book Bound to Lead: the Changing Nature of
American Power, however, Joseph Nye leveled his criticism against this belief that
America is predestined to decline. Not only can it take advantage of its economic
and military hard power, Nye says in his book, but also it can enjoy a new type of
power—soft power in terms of its culture, values and national cohesion. As long as

1
Paul Kennedy, The Rise and Fall of the Great Powers: Economic Change and Military Conflict
from 1500 to 2000, Translated by Chen Jingbiao etc., Beijing: China Intl Culture Press, 2006,
“Preface,” 42.

© Social Sciences Academic Press and Springer Nature Singapore Pte Ltd. 2017 1
G. Zhang, Research Outline for China’s Cultural Soft Power,
Research Series on the Chinese Dream and China’s Development Path,
DOI 10.1007/978-981-10-3398-8_1
2 1 Introduction

it can be turned into actual influence, the US is bound to lead the world.2 It is not
true that the US has declined; it still has its co-optive power in its culture, ide-
ologies, and institutions, which is as important as its command power. He failed to
predict the ideological disintegration of the U.S.S.R., and said that “In short, given
their basic resources and military strength, it would be a mistake to discount the
Soviet Union as a great power in the twenty-first century.”3 It was not until after the
collapse of the Soviet Union that it suddenly dawned on Nye that the soft power of
the Western countries had served such an important role in both the disintegration
of the U.S.S.R. and the profound changes in the political complexion of Eastern
Europe that it could virtually be said to be the real power that pulled down the
Berlin Wall.

1.1.2 Academic Background

Similar concepts of power or soft power have also been formulated in works of
political science. Dennis H. Wrong, an American political scientist, divides political
power into military force, manipulation, persuasion and authority. In addition to the
political force that influences people’s thoughts and actions, American strategist
John M. Collins included in the components of political power character, outlook
on life, educational level, and other factors that contribute to one’s leading status.
Stressing the role of culture and ideologies, Antonio Gramsci went even further and
held that rather than coercion and violence, authority lies in successfully shaping
the society with the help of the value system, and that leadership is constituted by
means of consent. British realist and writer E.H. Carr classified international power
into three categories in 1939: military, economic and power over opinion. Inspired
by Carr, Joseph Nye also thinks that power consists in the ability to achieve one’s
purposes or goals: “when one country gets other countries to want what it wants—
[it] might be called co-optive or soft power in contrast with the hard or command
power of ordering others to do what it wants.” In his opinion, soft-power resources
include “cultural attraction, ideology, and international institutions.”4 He framed the
concept out of the necessity for international competition in the Cold War period:

2
Joseph S. Nye, Jr., Bound to Lead: The Changing Nature of American Power. Trans. Liu Hua,
Renmin University of China Press, 2012.
3
Joseph S. Nye, Jr., Bound to Lead: The Changing Nature of American Power. Trans. Liu Hua,
Renmin University of China Press, 2012, 109.
4
Joseph Nye, Bound to Lead: The Changing Nature of American Power. Trans. Liu Hua, Renmin
University of China Press, 2012, 159.
1.1 Historical and Academic Background 3

More effective and higher-level analysis tools and approaches should be sought
than mere competition of hard power in terms of the military muscle, economy,
science and technology.

1.1.3 Logical Progression from Soft Power to Smart Power

The first to frame the concept soft power as he is, Joseph Nye has neither given it an
unambiguous and strict definition nor formulated a systematic theory about it.
Instead, he merely commented and analyzed soft power in terms of its resources and
influences, directed at particular international affairs. His views are often liable to
change with his understanding of the international situation. With the establishment
of Sino-American diplomatic relations, the USA proclaimed that it would withdraw
its army from Taiwan and terminate the official relations (although its arms sales to
Taiwan suggests otherwise). In 1980s, refusing to accept visits by nuclear-armed
warships to its ports, New Zealand virtually ended its alliance with the US. In early
1990s, the rise of nationalism in Philippines made its Congress refuse the stationing
of US troops in the Subic Bay. Thailand, too, discontinued the permanent base for
US troops after the solution to the issue of Cambodia had been found, which meant
that the U.S. had lost yet another strategic base in the Asian-Pacific area.
Economically, all the countries in Asia (except the Philippines) which used to be
the economic alliance and trade partners with the U.S. now have China as their
biggest business partner. Obviously, hard power, which had helped the U.S. to seek
hegemony, has lessened its influence. However, soft power alone does not seem to
be enough in order to regain the influence of the U.S. in the Asian-Pacific areas. As
a result, Suzanne Nossel introduced the idea “smart power” in Foreign Affairs in
2004, underscoring the combination of soft and hard power to achieve the U.S.
diplomatic goal. Enlightened by her idea, Richard Lee Armitage, the former vice
secretary of state, together with Nye, proposed that smart power should be
employed to realize the strategic transition in foreign affairs, to help the U.S. to get
rid of the current difficulties, and to regain its global leading position in their
research report “Smart Power and the U.S. Strategy for Security in a Post-9/11
World.” In his book review (“Smart Power: In Search of the Balance between Hard
and Soft Power”) on another book5 on hard power, Nye criticizes, as he has always
done, the neglect of soft power of the Bush Administration. At same time, he
indicated clearly that soft power should be combined with hard power to form smart

5
The book is Kurt M. Campbell and Michael E. O’Hanlon’s Hard Power: The New Politics of
National Security( Basic Books, 2006).
4 1 Introduction

power,6 although he went no further.7 In his article “A Smarter Superpower”

(2007), Nye does his best to advocate smart power in relation to the fight against the
Islam extremists. Studiously avoiding mentioning whether the US having any
relationship with anti-terrorism, Nye declares that the current struggle against
extreme Islamist terrorism “is a civil war within Islamic civilization between a
radical minority that uses violence to enforce a simplified and ideological version of
its religion and a mainstream that has more diverse and tolerant views… Defeating
Islamist terrorism requires hard intelligence and police work, but we must also
attract mainstream Muslims to dry up the sources of new radical recruits. …
America needs to combine hard and soft power…”8 The employment of smart
power in counterterrorism is also mentioned in another article of his “Smart Power
and the ‘War on Terror.’”9 In his “The U.S. Can Reclaim Smart Power” (2009), he
reiterates the importance of smart power and points out that “it is the Hard and soft
power used together can give the country the tools to lead.”10 His thought has been
adopted by the American government. In November 2011, President Barack Obama
grasped the opportunity of hosting the APEC to highlight his strategic shift to the
Asian-Pacific Areas, adjusting his strategic choice in light of the view of smart
power. Despite the US’s denial of holding back China’s take-off, actually the
formulation of the Asian-Pacific strategy is directed against China using smart
power. On the one hand, America is continuously showing off its military force in
China’s East Sea and China’s South Sea; on the other hand, it is sowing the seeds of
discord in the relationship between China and the neighboring countries. It is quite
clear that Nye’s shift from soft power to smart power is an academic reflection of
the America’s ideologies to regain its hegemony it had in the Cold War period.
Nye’s major academic contribution remains to be soft power, nonetheless.
The U.S. being the most influential country and Joseph Nye being an American
official, “soft power” has become a very popular term around many countries in the
world, frequently applied in various areas.

6
The creator of term “smart power” was not Joseph Nye, but Suzanne Nossel. Directed at the US
conservatives’ (in response to the 9/11 terrorist attacks) defeat of unilateralism and the decline in
the US international reputation and influence, Nossel published “Smart Power” in Foreign Affairs
in 2004. “Progressives must therefore advance a foreign policy that renders more effective the fight
against terrorism but that also goes well beyond it—focusing on the smart use of power to promote
U.S. interests through a stable grid of allies, institutions, and norms.” The Bush administration’s
conservative foreign policy and unilateral militarism have greatly damaged the international image
of the U.S. The future American government should discard unilateralism, and stresses human
rights, democracy in the international strategy, “Unlike conservatives, who rely on military power
as the main tool of statecraft, liberal internationalists see trade, diplomacy, foreign aid, and the
spread of American values as equally important.” (Suzanne Nossel, “Smart Power,” Foreign
Affairs March/April, 2004.).
7
Joseph S. Nye Jr., “Smart Power: In Search of the Balance between Hard and Soft Power,”
Democracy: A Journal of Ideas, No. 2 (Fall, 2006).
8
Joseph S. Nye Jr., “A Smarter Superpower,” Foreign Policy, 2007 (March/April).
9
Joseph S. Nye Jr., “Smart Power and the ‘War on Terror,’” Asia-Pacific Review 2008, 15(1): 1–8.
10
Joseph S. Nye Jr., “The US Can Reclaim Smart Power,” Los Angeles Times, January 21, 2009.
1.1 Historical and Academic Background 5

1.1.4 Joseph Nye’s Major Views on Soft Power

1.1.4.1 The Concept of Soft Power and Its Functions

It is without doubt that academically, the concept of soft power was first raised by
Joseph Nye. Military or economic might in the traditional sense had been regarded
as important criteria to tell the strength of a country. The source of national strength
is experiencing a change, however, from the ability to share resources to the ability
to change the behavior of other countries. The comprehensive national strength is to
be divided into two types: hard or command power, and co-optive or soft power. In
addition to its resources, economy, the military force, science and technology, soft
power is also an integral part of the strength of a country. In the 21st century, the
superpower of the U.S. has come to lie in not only its provision of resources, but
also in its power to control the international political environment, and the ability to
impose the American will on the other countries. That is, the focus on hard power
has been shifted to soft power. “The ability to affect what other countries want tends
to be associated with intangible power resources such as culture, ideology, and
institutions… Co-optive power is the ability of a country to structure a situation so
that other countries develop preferences or define their interests in ways consistent
with its own.”11 Such power is further summarized as the attraction resulting from
the culture and ideologies of a nation. In attempt to obtain the outcome one wants
through attraction rather than coerce, it influences the behavior of other nations so
that they would follow you willingly, observe your behavior norm or institutions, or
act according to your design. To a large extent, soft power relies on the persua-
siveness of information. If a nation’s stance is made attractive in the eyes of the
other ones, and other nations are encouraged to reinforce the international institu-
tions that define their interests in the principle of coexistence, then the traditional
economic and military power are not necessary. In another article of his “Why
Military Power Is No Longer Enough” (2002), he stresses that for most of today’s
great powers, “the use of force would jeopardise their economic objectives. Even
non-democratic countries that feel moral constraints on the use of force have to
consider its effects on their economic objectives.”12 Under such circumstances, the
U.S. can no longer rely on the military power alone; instead, soft power should be
used more frequently. In his book Soft Power: The Means to Success in World
Politics (2004),13 He improved the concept of soft power: “The soft power of a
country rests primarily on three sources: its culture (in places where it is attractive
to others), its political values (when it lives up to them at home and abroad), and its

11
Joseph S. Nye, Jr., “Soft Power,” Foreign Policy, 1990 (80):153–171.
12
Joseph S. Nye Jr., “Why Military Power Is No Longer Enough,” Observer co.uk, Sunday, 31
March, 2002 02.06 BST, http://www.theguardian.com/world/2002/mar/31/1.
13
The book has been translated into Chinese by Wu Xiaohui, Qian Cheng and published by
Dongfang Press in 2005, and translated by Ma Juanjuan and published by Zhongxin Publishing
House in 2013.
6 1 Introduction

foreign policies (when they are seen as legitimate and having moral authority.)14”
In this book, Nye examines the differences between hard power and soft power: “in
behavioral terms soft power is attractive power. In terms of resources, soft-power
resources are the assets that produce such attraction.” Taking the U.S. as an
example, he elaborates at length on the sources of soft power, how to use it, and
how soft power can exert its influence on foreign affairs. Criticizing a new world
pattern based on the military force or violence, he holds that only by the frequent
application of soft power such as culture and values can a country win. The soft
power of various countries is compared. Popular culture, “was an entirely different
story. The closed nature of the Soviet system and its constant efforts to exclude
bourgeois cultural influences meant that the Soviet Union ceded the battle for mass
culture, never competing with American global influence in film, television, or
popular music.” The closest rival of the USA in terms of soft power is Europe; the
Asian countries, too, has bountiful soft power, among which Japan claims the
richest potential. In the modern period, the Asian countries had lagged far behind
the European countries and their soft power had decreased. However, the soft
power of these Asian countries has been increasing and may reach its peak around
2025, according to Nye’s estimate. At the same time, the role of non-state actors in
the information age is emphasized.15
Readers would soon notice that Joseph Nye has confined the soft power in the
area of international strategy. He emphasizes that soft power is “when one country
gets other countries to want what it wants” and soft power can “structure a situation
so that other countries develop preferences or define their interests in ways con-
sistent with its own.” It is the attraction resulting from the culture and ideologies of
a nation. In attempt to obtain the outcome one wants through attraction rather than
coerce, it influences the behavior of other nations so that they would follow you
willingly, observe your behavior norm or institutions, or act according to your
design. Such ideas of Nye’s are not surprising at all, as his starting point of putting
forward the concept soft power is to prove that the USA is bound to lead the world.
It is beyond doubt that the introduction of soft power by Joseph Nye is a major
academic contribution. In a vivid way, the term soft power generalizes what
influences thoughts, culture, spirits, institutions, power to speak, and the national
image have in common. Nevertheless, it is wrong for him to attribute the fall of the
Soviet Union to the fact that it was never a serious competitor with the United
States in terms of soft power. During the relatively long period of time between the
October Revolution and the end of the WWII, the soft power of the Soviet Union
had been quite lively, aggressive and attractive. Otherwise, how could there be so
many Communist parties in the world? How could the Socialist Camp be formed?
How would the Western countries hold the U.S.S.R. in awe for such a long time?

14
Joseph S. Nye, Jr., Soft Power: The Means to Success in World Politics, New York: Public
Affairs, 2004:11.
15
Joseph S. Nye, Jr, Soft Power: The Means to Success in World Politics, Trans. Ma Juanjuan,
Zhongxin Publishing House, 2013, 99–119.
1.1 Historical and Academic Background 7

The Soviet author Nikolai Ostrovsky’s (1904–1936) work How the Steel Was
Tempered alone had influenced many a young person. A paragraph in the book is
noted: “Man’s dearest possession is life. It is given to him but once, and he must
live it so as to feel no torturing regrets for wasted years, never know the burning
shame of a mean and petty past; so live that, dying, he might say: all my life, all my
strength were given to the finest cause in all the world—the fight for the Liberation
of Mankind.” How many Soviet Red Army soldiers had been encouraged by it to
fight fearlessly against the enemies at the cost of their own lives? How many Soviet
workers exerted themselves to the utmost and worked the most efficiently, inspired
by those words? How many Soviet technicians and scientists worked selflessly for
the honor of the socialist country so that the gap between Soviet Union and the
European countries could be narrowed and so that the Soviet Union could be called
a superpower together with the United States? Isn’t this enough to demonstrate the
charm and strength that the Soviet Union once possessed? Nye himself also
admitted that “In the early postwar period, the Soviet Union profited greatly from
such strategic software as Communist ideology, the myth of inevitability, and
transnational Communist institutions.”16
Nye’s views have their limitations, indeed. First, he limits soft power in the
sphere of foreign affairs or only as the power to influence the other countries,
neglecting its role in the inspiration and cohesion of the nationals. Second, he
focuses only on the collapse of the Soviet Union instead of considering the rise and
fall of its soft power as in the long process of historical development. Third, his
proposal of soft power is obviously to demonstrate the necessity and legitimacy of
the U.S. practice of hegemony.

1.1.4.2 The Constructive Role of Soft Power in the Information

Revolution and in Transcending the Limitations
in the US Power

In his book “The Paradox of American Soft Power” (2003), Joseph Nye noticed
insightfully that the Information Revolution greatly enhanced the functioning of
soft power, or promoting the attractiveness of the viewpoints, ideas, cultures and
policies. “The information revolution, technological change and globalization will
not replace the nation-state but will continue to add complications in terms of the
actors and issues in world politics.” Nye believes that the success of the U.S. in the
global politics of the 21st century “depends upon several assumptions, … that the

16
Joseph Nye, Bound to Lead: The Changing Nature of American Power. Trans. Liu Hua, Renmin
University of China Press, 2012, 159. Nye explains in the note that “The power resources that
underlie command power behavior can have intangible aspects (e.g., a reputation for ruthlessness
can enhance military power). There are some tangible aspects to the resources that underlie
cooptive power behavior (e.g., broadcast systems) but most of the power resources are intangible.”
8 1 Introduction

American economy and society will remain robust and not decay; that the United
States will maintain its military strength, but not become over militarized; that
Americans will not become so unilateral and arrogant in their strength that they
squander the nation’s considerable fund of soft power; that there will not be some
catastrophic series of events that profoundly transform American attitudes in an
isolationist direction; and that Americans will define their national interest in a
broad and far-sighted way that incorporates global interests.”17 The effect of NGOs,
the technology revolution of information and communication on soft power are
discussed in his book The Paradox of American Power: Why the World’s Only
Superpower Can’t Go it Alone18 (2002): “globalization preceded the information
revolution but has been greatly enhanced by it, opening up opportunities for private
transnational actors such as corporations and nonprofits to establish standards and
strategies that strongly affect public policies that were once the domain of central
governments.” “The information revolution is making world politics more complex
by enabling transnational actors and reducing control by central governments, but it
is also affecting power among states.”19 In terms of international power distribution,
Joseph Nye’s latest work The Future of Power (2011) is a discussion about the
military, economic and soft power in the 21st century. It tries to demonstrate how
the power resources adapt to the Digital Age, and prove why the application of the
strategy of smart power cannot rely on military power alone as information, once
controlled by the government, is just one of consumers’ goods. The emergence of
the Internet enables the non-governmental bodies to take hold of power resources
and to launch attacks on the government, constituting a security threat which is
feared globally. The Internet also enables states to cross traditional power bound-
aries and the developing countries to mature.20
Joseph Nye’s viewpoints of the Internet are wise in his reflection about the
power that the Internet can help the NGOs to gain, and the challenge they constitute
to the government. The combination of these non-state actors and the Internet will
perform a role which could only be occupied by the government in the past. This is
really very important in China’s case. In maintaining the social and political sta-
bility or the security of the mainstream ideology, we must also fully realize the
characteristics of the Internet—its swiftness, alertness, multiplicity of the actors,
and easiness of the promulgation of information—and take measures to assume
control of the right to speak and rise to the commanding heights of public opinion.

17
Joseph S. Nye, Jr., “The Information Revolution and American Soft Power,” Asia-Pacific
Review, 2002, 9 (1): 67–75.
18
Chinese versions have been published.
19
Joseph S. Nye, Jr., The Paradox of American Power: Why the World’s Only Superpower Can’t
Go it Alone, Oxford UP, 2002. 62.
20
Joseph Nye, The Future of Power, New York: Public Affairs, 2011.
1.1 Historical and Academic Background 9

1.1.4.3 Setback of American Public Diplomacy and Its Declining

Soft Power

In his article “Limits of American Power” (2002–2003), Joseph Nye proclaims that
traditionally, the test of a great power was “strength for war.” With the advent of the
nuclear age, the United States (and the former Soviet Union) possesses not only
industrial might but nuclear arsenals and intercontinental missiles. However, the
basis for the American power has shifted from the military power or the use of the
military power alone for the following reasons: First, despite the awesome nuclear
power, it is too destructive and expensive to be used except for extreme cases.
Second, the rise of nationalism has made it increasingly more difficult to rule over
awakened populations using hegemony. Third, great societal changes have taken
place within the great powers. Postindustrial societies focus on their welfare rather
than glory, and high casualties are loathed unless the survival of the state is at stake.
Finally, for most of today’s great powers, the use of force will jeopardize their
economic objectives. From the above analysis, Nye arrives at the conclusion that
military power no longer occupies the dominant role in the international affairs;
economic power is an increasingly significant force. In short, to maintain its
hegemony, the USA needs soft power.21 The launching of war on Iraq and the
foreign policies of Bush Jr. is criticized in another article of Nye’s “U.S. Power and
Strategy after Iraq” (2003): “The world is off balance. If anyone doubted the
overwhelming nature of U.S. military power, Iraq settled the issue.” However, Nye
also thinks it wrong for the American government to direct too much attention to
the imbalance of the military power among the nations of the world. The surprise
attack of September 11, 2001 left U.S. policymakers and analysts still groping in
the dark, wondering how to interpret and respond to the incident. “The problem for
U.S. power in the twenty-first century is that more and more continues to fall
outside the control of even the most powerful state. Although the United States does
well on the traditional measures of hard power, these measures fail to capture the
ongoing transformation of world politics brought about by globalization and the
democratization of technology. …The United States lacks both the international and
the domestic capacity to resolve conflicts that are internal to other societies and to
monitor and control transnational developments that threaten Americans at home.
On many of today’s key issues, such as international financial stability, drug traf-
ficking, the spread of diseases, and especially the new terrorism, military power
alone simply cannot produce success, and its use can sometimes be counterpro-
ductive.”22 That is where soft power should be used. In his article “Decline of
America’s Soft Power—Why Washington Should Worry” (2004), Nye bewails the
glaring inadequacy of America’s public diplomacy, and the resultant

21
Joseph S. Nye, Jr., “Limits of American Power,” Political Science Quarterly, 2002-2003, 117( 4):
545–559.
22
Joseph S. Nye, Jr., “U.S. Power and Strategy after Iraq,” Foreign Affairs, 2003, (July/August):
60–73.
10 1 Introduction

anti-Americanism and decline in soft power—the ability to attract others by the

legitimacy of U.S. policies and the values that underlie them. Short-term, mid-term,
and long-term strategies are mapped out in the book as to how to fulfill the role of
soft power. Nevertheless, he warns that “wielding soft power is far less unilateral
than employing hard power—a fact that the United States has yet to recognize. To
communicate effectively, Americans must first learn to listen.”23
Joseph Nye’s analysis of the America’s necessity of relying on more sources
than the military ones alone is quite reasonable. Still, it is one-sided to attribute the
limitations of the American power after the Cold War to the regression in public
diplomacy and the decline of soft power. He fails to get to the root of the problem—
the aggressiveness and injustice of American hegemony.

1.1.4.4 The Discussion About Smart Power and the Suggestions

on Anti-terrorism

After co-authoring a research report entitled “Smart Power and the U.S. Strategy for
Security in a Post-9/11 World” in 2007 (with the former deputy Secretary of State
Richard Armitage), Joseph Nye wrote several articles on smart power. In his article
“Smart Power: In Search of the Balance between Hard and Soft Power,” a review
on a book24 on the American hard power, he criticizes the neglect of soft power of
the Bush Administration, as he has always done; at the same time, he reveals that
hard power is to be associated with soft power to form smart power.25 The con-
notation of and how to use smart power are not elaborated on,26 nonetheless. In his
article “A Smarter Superpower” (2007), he makes references to smart power again
in relation to the attacks against Islamic terrorism, avoiding mentioning whether
there being any relationship between the U.S. with terrorism. The two sides of the
fight are not the Islam and the Western countries, according to this American
scholar, and the current struggle against extreme Islamist terrorism “is a civil war
within Islamic civilization between a radical minority that uses violence to enforce a
simplified and ideological version of its religion and a mainstream that has more
diverse and tolerant views.” However, the harsh facts are not to be denied that the
Islam terrorism was first targeted at the U.S., who was also the first one to launch
the anti-terrorist attacks. On the other hand, Nye supposes that the only way to win
over the extremists of the so-called “sacred war” is that the USA must attract the

23
Joseph S. Nye, Jr., “The Decline of America´s Soft Power—Why Washington Should Worry,”
Foreign Affairs, 2004(5/6): 16–20.
24
Kurt M. Campbell and Michael E. O’Hanlon: Hard Power: The New Politics of National
Security, Basic Books, 2006.
25
The term “smart power” was created by Susanne Nossel, nevertheless.
26
Joseph S. Nye Jr., “Smart Power: In Search of the Balance between Hard and Soft Power,”
Democracy: A Journal of Ideas, No. 2 (Fall, 2006).
1.1 Historical and Academic Background 11

mainstream Islam so that the terrorists cannot recruit new members. As it had done
in the Cold War, hard power is to be combined with soft power to form smart
power. “Defeating Islamist terrorism requires hard intelligence and police work, but
we must also attract mainstream Muslims to dry up the sources of new radical
recruits…America needs to combine hard and soft power into ‘smart’ power, as it
did during the Cold War.”27 In “Smart Power and the ‘War on Terror’” (2008), he
elaborates upon the employment of smart power in anti-terrorism.28 In “The U.S.
Can Reclaim Smart Power” (2009), he reiterates the importance of smart power and
regards it as “the full range of tools at our disposal”29 for the USA to lead the world.
The newly-elected president Barack Obama wants to leave some political heritage
during his administration, so the Secretary of State Hilary Clinton of the time began
to apply the concept of smart power to their foreign policies on January 13, 2009 to
arouse more publicity and to capture the attention of the world. However, neither
Nye nor Clinton has added anything really original to the word “smart.” There will
be no “smartness” if no one can tell the proportion of hard power to soft power.
Nearly all the strategists of the world, those modern one especially, would take both
soft power and hard power into account simultaneously. Even if one’s hard power is
in an advantageous position, the role of soft power will still be taken into con-
sideration so that “the enemies might be subdued without a war.” As a matter of
fact, the proportion of soft and hard power cannot be decided once and for all;
instead, it depends on the times, the local conditions and the situation. Thus, it
would be inevitable that any strategist uses smart power. For example, the
launching of the Iraq War by George W. Bush had been under severe criticism of
the Democratic Party and Hilary Clinton, both regarding it as inconceivable and
suicidal. However, Bush also took into consideration the stakes and possible
reactions of the major powers before the launch of the war, including the reactions
of the bordering countries of Iraq in the Arabian world as well as the different
opinions in Iraq. So Bush also used soft power. The color revolution during the
Bush Administration was another case in point. It can be seen that Bush used both
hard power (in the war) and soft power (to win the heart).
Smart power is by no means as smart as its name suggests. Its weakness lies in
its difficulty in the definition of “smart.” In comparison with soft power and hard
power, smart power is by far too subjective. Nye’s academic contribution should be
soft power rather than smart power, after all. The term “smart power” was not
coined by him, anyway.

27
Joseph S. Nye Jr., “A Smarter Superpower,” Foreign Policy, 2007(April).
28
Joseph S. Nye Jr., “Smart Power and the ‘War on Terror,’” Asia-Pacific Review, 2008, 15 (1):
1–8.
29
Joseph S. Nye Jr., “The US Can Reclaim Smart Power,” Los Angeles Times, January 21, 2009.
12 1 Introduction

1.1.4.5 Contributions and Limitations of Nye’s Soft Power in His

“Think Again: Soft Power”

Any theory, even if it is regarded as the most authoritative and strict, needs
trade-offs. Slavish following without critical thinking will only lead to a blind alley
in a research. It is true that it was Nye who introduced the idea of soft power, but his
ideas in “Think Again: Soft Power” (2006)30 should really be thought again. His
responses and explanations in this article directed at views on soft power are not
reasonable sometimes and need improving.
1. “‘Soft power is cultural power.’—Only in part.”
In Nye’s standpoint, the power of a state comes from the coercion (sticks), pay-
ments (carrots) and attraction (soft power). It is his idea that soft power primarily
rests on three resources: its culture, its political values, and its foreign policies.
Apparently, Nye’s understanding of culture is too narrow: There would be no
political values or foreign policies without culture.
2. “‘Economic measures are soft power’—No.”
It is Nye’s belief that it is wrong to look upon economic sanctions against Iran as
the employment of soft power. Far from being soft, economic sanctions are part of
high pressure politics and a form of hard power. Such belief of his is formed
because the economic power can be in two forms: “hard” means of economic
sanctions or attractions of wealth can both be used by a state.31 Actually, Nye
confuses the two concepts of economic sanctions and economic power. Economic
power is a kind of hard power, while economic sanctions are political wisdom and
soft power.
3. “‘Soft power is better than hard power’—Not necessarily.”
Because soft power has appeared as an alternative to raw power politics, it is often
embraced by ethically-minded scholars and policymakers. Like any form of power,
it can be wielded for good or bad purposes, depending on who uses the power and
how he/she uses it. Such ideas of Nye’s are quite reasonable, but additionally, soft
power is also ideological and normative. For example, selfish behavior can also be
called a kind of soft power.
4. “‘Hard power can be measured and soft power cannot’—False.”
Nye holds that one can measure and compare the cultural, communications, and
diplomatic resources that may produce soft power for a country. Public opinion
polls can quantify changes in a country’s attractiveness over time. In fact, it is my

30
Joseph S. Nye Jr: “Think Again: Soft Power,” Foreign Policy, 2006(1).
31
As Walter Russell Mead has argued, “economic power is sticky power; it seduces as much as it
compels…A set of economic institutions and policies…attracts others into our system and makes it
hard for them to leave.” Cited in Nye’s article “Think Again: Soft Power,” Foreign Policy, March
1, 2006.
1.1 Historical and Academic Background 13

belief that even hard power is not very easy to measure and the seemingly correct
measurement of hard power might prove to be facile and become “the concrete
fallacy.” Nye’s assertion of its being false proves his ambiguity in the distinction
between hard power and soft power. Compared with soft power, hard power is all
that is tangible, measurable and can be materialized. The softness of soft power
expresses itself in its intangibility, immeasurability and spirituality. Public opinion
polls can make these or those mistakes; and things spiritual are very difficult to
measure. Consequently, hardly can soft power be measured by an authoritative
statistical model as it is too intangible. Naturally, sometimes hard power is also hard
to measure. For example, the technology, the number of the soldiers or weapons is
not necessarily proportional to its edge in combats (hard power).
5. “‘Europe counts too much on soft power and the U.S. too much on hard
power.’—True.”
Nye believes that the success of Europe lies in its attraction of its successful
integration of soft and hard power to obtain the outcomes it wants, while the United
States has often acted as though its military pre-eminence could overcome all
problems. It should be noted that relying on soft or hard power alone is not enough;
one needs to combine the two to form smart power, according to Nye. Objective
analysis of how is one to look at the difference between Europe and the U.S. in
terms of soft power is needed rather than the generalizations as he has made.
Nevertheless, I quite agree with his idea that soft power and hard power is to be
effectively combined.
6. “‘The Bush Administration neglects America’s soft power.’—More true in
the first term than the second.”
It is Joseph Nye’s belief that during George Bush’s first term, high price had been
paid because of the lack of or the ignorance of soft power. In his second term,
however, mounting concern had been expressed to America’s soft power and
emphasis had been laid to the value of the coping strategy. The budget for public
diplomacy also increased. As a Democrat, his criticism for the Bush administration
is easily understood. However, I regard it as a one-sided view on the first-term of
the Bush administration. In fact, even in his first term, Bush took soft power into
account in some of his international strategies, although he did not use the term
“soft power.”
7. “‘Some goals can only be achieved by hard power.’—True.”
Taking as examples the failure of employing soft power to influence Kim Jong Il’s
decision to give up his nuclear weapons program, and of stopping the Iranian
nuclear program, Nye tries to prove that “some goals can only be achieved by hard
power.” He believes that soft power is effective in achieving goals such as the
promotion of democracy and human rights. Such views of Nye’s are doubtful as
any hard power will be turned into something useless, without intelligence or
inspiration deriving from soft power. In addition, that soft power has yet to assume
14 1 Introduction

a role in affecting the decision for the nuclear program does not mean that it will
never perform such a role.
8. “‘Military resources are the opposite of soft power.’—False.”
Nye believes that military force can sometimes create soft power. Dictators like
Adolf Hitler and Joseph Stalin cultivated myths of invincibility to highten the
public’s expectations for them, and to attract others to join their bandwagon.
Military cooperation and training programs can establish transnational networks,
which can enhance a country’s soft power. Nonetheless, the abuse of military
resources can also destroy a country’s soft power. For example, the Soviet Union
destroyed its soft power by the way it wields its hard power against Hungary and
Czechoslovakia. Nye is wrong in that he compares Stalin with Hitler. The former
British Prime Minister Winston Churchill never denied the fact of Stalin being an
incomparable dictator, but he also admitted that Russians were lucky to have such a
genius and strong-willed general as Stalin to lead the country through the most
difficult years, who took over an agrarian Russia with wooden plow but who left a
Russia with atomic bombs. Such observations were made by an authoritative and
respectable statesman who had had personal contact with Stalin. Had he known
something about the history of the USSR, how it allied with Britain and America to
fight against Fascism under Hitler, or read the comments made by Churchill on
Stalin, Nye would not have rashly put Stalin on a par with Hitler.
9. “‘Soft power is difficult for governments to use.’—Partly true.”
It is Nye’s idea that governments can spend money on public diplomacy, broad-
casting and exchange programs. They can promote, but not control popular culture.
In that sense, one of the key resources that generate soft power is produced inde-
pendently from the government. What Nye actually suggests is that government
organizations and NGOs both bring into being soft power. However, in different
countries and in different times, the number of non-state actors and government
organizations are also different. We cannot measure the strength of soft power
simply by the number of NGOs. Nye once said that while the soft power of the
USA could be given 90 marks, China could earn only 60 marks as a result of the
difference in the number of NGOs. His views are too dogmatic, however, failing to
perceive the substantial differences in national conditions.
10. “‘Soft power is irrelevant to the current terrorist threat’—False.”
It is Nye’s belief that the Western countries should use hard power to fight against
terrorist extremists such as Mohammed Atta or Osama bin Laden. However, in the
conflicts within Islam, soft power is more relevant than ever as the need to win
hearts and minds becomes stronger. He is only partly right. Actually, we cannot
underestimate the role of soft power in the fights against the terrorist extremists.
Furthermore, what breeds terrorism economically, politically, culturally and
socially can only be removed by deploying soft power.
1.2 Research Conducted by Major Powers 15

1.2 Research Conducted by Major Powers

Opinions vary among academics about Joseph Nye’s ideas of soft power; there are
also people who use the term in their own ways. Nevertheless, we must admit that it
is very novel. Spreading widely in a relatively short time, it compelled the attention
of the major powers around the world.

1.2.1 US Political Field: Conflicting Opinions

1. Agreement.
Madeleine Albright, the former Secretary of State of the US, thinks highly of
Joseph Nye. She once said that “Joseph Nye is America’s foremost expert on the
substance, diversity, uses, and abuses of power. He writes with insights that a
president or secretary of state would find valuable, and makes foreign policy less
foreign for every reader.” Strobe Talbott, President of the Brookings Institution, has
also noted that “Joseph Nye has crystallized decades of disciplined, pragmatic, and
influential thinking about what power is and how it should be used. With his
trademark combination of lucidity and persuasiveness, Nye has provided an anti-
dote to apprehensions about newly powerful nations and fears about American
decline.” Using a different term “sticky power,” Walter Russell Mead, the senior
research fellow on American policies in Council on Foreign Relations actually has
roughly the same view with Nye’s, holding that soft power is the power of cultural
appeal. Scholars also define Nye’s soft power in terms of equality among the
nations, social stability, and political prosperity. Some use this concept to justify the
American foreign policies. Basing his theory on the analysis of the government,
funds and universities, Takeshi Matsuda’s Soft Power and Its Perils: U.S. Cultural
Policy in Early Postwar Japan and Permanent Dependency reveals the real nature
of the American soft power and emphasizes that the educational and cultural
environment is also a very important aspect in American soft power or
leadership. The Center for Strategic and International Studies (CSIS) produced a
report with 137 pages in ten parts entitled “Chinese Soft Power and Its Implications
for the United States: Competition and Cooperation in the Developing World” in
2009, analyzing the present conditions, application, sources and characteristics of
Chinese soft power in Africa and other areas.
These influential officials and scholars have given much credit to Joseph Nye’s
theory but some of the praises seem to be overstretching. Actually, how can a
theory be perfect while the correspondent policies are not perfect?
2. Disagreement.
Paul Kennedy questions Joseph Nye, believing that the legitimacy of the basis of
the concept of soft power—the global attractiveness of American culture and
thoughts—is still controversial and cannot be proved. Samuel P. Huntington also
16 1 Introduction

thinks differently from Nye, holding that soft power cannot be expected to play an
independent role as it is decided by hard power. In his book review on Nye’s 2004
work, Soft Power: the Means to Success in World Politics, Robert Jervis, Professor
of Political Science at Columbia University, voiced reservations about Nye’s
concept. Thinking highly of it in general, he holds the book is far from being
perfectly satisfactory owing to its innate shortcoming.32 Another American scholar
Nicholas Irviena tries to modify Joseph Nye’s opinion and formulates a concept of
soft power of a wider scope, including any influence other than military into soft
power: ideologies, attractiveness from political values, cultural appeal, etc.33 Rather
than focusing on the foreign strategies and the right to speak in international affairs
only, Nicholas Spykman, an American scholar of political geography, believes that
soft power necessarily affects the comprehensive national strength and embraces the
nationalistic homogeneity, social integration, political stability and national morale.
Apparently, the American scholars seem to be more objective than the American
officials. As Paul Kennedy sharply points out, as whether American culture is
reasonable is very controversial, Nye’s belief in the strength of soft power as a
result of the global attractiveness of American culture does not hold true. Nicolas
Irviena’s view of a more inclusive concept with wider scope, with the attraction and
cultural appeal resulting from the ideologies and political values, is an inspiring
one, however. Spykman is unique in his focus on domestic affairs. His ideas seem
to be more acceptable by the academia, therefore, compared with Nye’s views
based on foreign affairs.

1.2.2 Britain: Cultural Diplomacy and International

Communication by the English Language

An established capitalist country as it is, the Commonwealth of Nations claimed

one quarter of the population and of the territory of the world (33,67,000 km2) at its
peak, including the British Isles, Gambia, Newfoundland, Canada, New Zealand,
Australia, Malaya, Hong Kong, Singapore, Myanmar, India, Uganda, Kenya, South
Africa, Nigeria, Malta and others. The territory was so extensive that it had almost
all of the time zones and that is why it had been called the empire on which the sun
never sets. It reigned supremely in the 19th century and its rule lasted more than a
hundred years. Established by force as they had been, almost all of these overseas
colonies needed soft power to extend the British sphere of influence. Language and
culture are two major themes in the British research in soft power. While Robert
Cooper holds legitimacy to be the core of soft power, Dr. Bates Gill, who held the
Freeman Chair in China Studies at the Center for Strategic and International Studies

32
Jin Xiaoping, “A Summary of Researches on Cultural Soft Power in U.S. Academia,” Science &
Technology Progress and Policy, 2010(17), 157–160.
33
Han Bo and Jiang Qingyong, Soft Power: Chinese Perspective, the People’s Press, 2009, 6.
1.2 Research Conducted by Major Powers 17

(CSIS), assumes that soft power is derived from such soft elements as culture,
politics and diplomacy.34 More British scholars, however, are concerned with the
influence and function of culture. The most prominent feature of the British
research into soft power is that the English language is highly emphasized in
international communication and is regarded as a passport to the whole world. As
the British Diplomat Antony Parsons (1922–1996) once stressed that the wide
influence of the English language was vital.35 The primary task of the British
cultural diplomacy is to continuously push the English language to become a real
global language. It is estimated that Britain set up 109 English teaching centers
during the years of 2010–2011 alone to provide 294,000 people with 1.3 million
periods of English lessons. Like in the U.S., the British soft power research is
also related to foreign diplomacy. In his book International Cultural Relations,
J.M. Mitchell, a diplomat, explores similarities and differences between cultural
diplomacy and cultural relationship or culture publicity, the origin, development,
objective, means, functions and effects of international cultural relations, and the
evolution of their organizing institutions in an effort to highlight the importance of
culture in diplomacy, and to enhance the attractiveness and extend the influence of
Britain. The well-known Birmingham School of cultural studies, represented by
Stuart Hall, concerns with the cultural forms, practice and organizations, the rela-
tionship between the organizations and the society as well as the societal changes. If
we say that the empire on which the sun never sets, built by means of hard power,
had long gone, the empire with the English language, together with the British
values, developed by soft power from its language, fares well all around the world
and wins respect for Britain.

1.2.3 France: Among the Earliest Country to Employ

Soft Power

Thoughts and culture have been highly valued by the French people. With a long
history and glorious civilization, France is held to be the cradle of the
Enlightenment and the Declaration of Human Rights. However, the Enlightenment
had actually been deeply affected by China’s Confucianism. The former president
of France Jacques Chirac said, extending his welcome to Li Xiannian (the former
President of the People’s Republic of China) in 1987 that the French Enlightenment
thinkers found a world of reason and harmony in China, a world following the
natural law and embodying a greater cosmic order. They derived great inspiration
from such Chinese outlook and the French thoughts of the time spread during the
Enlightenment and led to the French Revolution. There is historical truth in the

34
Joseph Nye, Hard and Soft Power, Peking UP, 2005.
35
Anthony Parsons. Vultures and Philistines: British Attitudes to Culture and Cultural Diplomacy,
International Affairs, Vol. 61, Issue 1, 1985. 7.
18 1 Introduction

words of Chirac: the vanguards of the Age of Reason were nearly all deeply under
the influence of the Chinese traditional culture. Voltaire adored Chinese culture and
worshipped Confucius the most in all his life. He once exclaimed that it was really
unfortunate that they cannot be like the Chinese. As legend has it, it is Confucius
who enlightened Voltaire, who in turn enlightened the Western countries. The
major schools of the time—whether it be Physiocracy or the Encyclopadia—drew
upon the Chinese philosophy to push the French Enlightenment. One of the most
important thinkers of the time, Diderot once commented that the Chinese nation is
above the others in terms of its length of history, its interest in culture, art, wit,
politics and philosophy. So much was the infatuation for Chinese culture that the
founder of physiocracy, François Quesnay, was bestowed with the title “Confucius
of Europe.” Two major thoughts of the Chinese culture and politics are influential
on the Western countries. One is the thoughts of the people-basis and the other is
the imperial examination system. The former, holding the people high, greatly
impacted the Western countries as theirs had been based on divinely ordained rules.
In comparison with the hereditary title system practiced in the Western countries,
China had the imperial examination system in which men enjoyed equality in being
recruited to be an official through examinations. Inspired by these two major
Chinese thoughts, equality was pursued and the divinely ordained rule was ques-
tioned since the Age of Reason. So we can say that it was the Chinese culture that
had enlightened the Western thoughts of freedom and democracy. In On Confucius,
Voltaire thought that what Confucius’s saying (“do unto others as you would be
done”) was better than even the purest morality of Christianity and no legalist had
ever said anything more useful than what Confucius had said. These words were
even included in the Declaration of the Rights of Man and of the Citizen (1793) and
Declaration of Rights and Duties of Man and Citizen (1795). The immersion of the
Chinese and the Western culture had made France and the French culture the
strongest in Europe. Napoleon Bonaparte (1769–1821) emphasized that a pen is
worth one thousand Mauser rifles. “There are only two forces in the world, the
sword and the spirit. In the long run the sword will always be conquered by the
spirit,” as was put by this great general. When the French cultural influence
declined in 1970s, French people from the French president Nicolas Sarkozy to
many a French scholar began to meditate. One can know this from the titles of some
of the works of the time: The Poor 30 Years, France Is Falling, The Misfortunes of
France, A Departure of a Fleeting France, The Illusion of the Gaul, Democracy in
Opposition to the Democracy Itself, The Times of Emptiness, The Super-Modern
Times, The Doom Day of Authority, Unfinished Democracy, Unfound People, The
Disintegration of Thinking, etc. Sarkozy also holds that the decline of the French
soft power originates from the May 1968 Events in France, in which individualism
and anarchy were advocated. As a result, individualism gradually replaced col-
lectivism and anarchy, extreme liberalism and hedonism were buoyant and were
internalized by innumerable French citizens. The loss in the social responsibility
among the French citizens led to slow economic development and to the decline of
the cultural cause. Fortunately, France has now realized that it is the time to protect
the cultural soft-power resources and realize their potential. Frederic Salija pointed
1.2 Research Conducted by Major Powers 19

out in his article “The Power to Influence: the Real Potential of French Soft Power”
that France as a country with the second largest diplomatic network and with a
strong overseas cultural publicity network, the voice in the international arena, and
good mediation strategies in district conflicts, should really bring its traditional
advantages into full play; under new historical conditions, there should be corre-
spondent new objectives, broader themes, and more transparent decision-making
process to highlight the French characteristics fully and to promote its attractiveness
for and influence on the other countries.36

1.2.4 Germany: National Image and Historical Reflection

Many great thinkers like Marx, Engels, Einstein, Kant, Nietzsche, Goethe, Schiller,
Beethoven, Hegel, Heidegger, Husserl and others were born in Germany. However,
the appearance of Adolf Hitler and the Nazi culture marred its cultural glory, which
needs rethinking. Such is the historical and cultural background of the German
research into soft power. On the other hand, Chinese thoughts, culture and phi-
losophy had exerted their influence on German modern philosophy and been
accepted by Germany during the modern times. The philosopher and mathematician
Gottfried Wilhelm Leibniz was among the first to admit that the Chinese culture
promoted the development of the Western countries. He researched the Chinese
ancient classic Iching (Book of Changes) and identified similarities between the
ancient eight trigrams in the book and the binary system that he had invented. One
of his ardent disciples, Christian Wolff, even sang praise for the Confucius religion,
neglecting Christianity at the same time, and was therefore ousted. Johann Gottlieb
Fichte, Friedrich Wilhelm Joseph Schelling and Georg Wilhelm Friedrich Hegel
were also directly or indirectly influenced by Chinese culture and philosophy. The
greatest German writer Johann Wolfgang von Goethe had deep respect for the
Chinese culture after reading books from China and learning Chinese poetry. He
even learnt how to write the Chinese characters. An admirer of the ancient Chinese
novels, he thought that the descriptions in the Chinese novels are clearer, purer, and
more reasonable than those European works. Culture is highly valued in its
present-day research into soft power, and is applied to German diplomacy: the
protection and promotion of the German language heritage, the overseas education
and cultural communication, and the promotion of the German cultural appeal and
influence. As to how to review its history in the proper perspective when it concerns
its launch of the WWII and the massacre of the Jews, two different political atti-
tudes or cultural psychology existed: regret and guilt for launching the war, and
prevarication or vigorous denial of the crimes committed by the Nazi Germany.
Those German scholars with sense of justice and conscience expressed reservations
with reference to the Nazi history. Kurt Düwell once revealed his perspective of a

36
http://lefigaro.fr, 14/10/2007.
20 1 Introduction

Germany being an empire rich in thinking, underlying the importance of “gentle,

low-key and quiet nationalism”37 in international relations. Hanns W. Maull of the
University of Trier Political Science and History also used the words “civil inter-
national relations”38 to highlight multi-lateral German cultural diplomacy. It was
not until in 1968 when the reporter Klarsfeld slapped the then west Germany
Chancellor Kiesinger who used to be a leading official in the infamous Nazi pro-
paganda ministry in the Hitler years that the Germans began to reflect on its history.
In 1970, the German Chancellor Willy Brandt fell to his knees at the memorial of
the Jewish ghetto in Warsaw, and it was this gesture that helps Germany win
forgiveness and the goodwill of the international society, presenting a national
image of Germany with dignity and sincerity. The book The German Catastrophe:
Reflections and Recollections is the German scholar Friedrich Meinecke’s poignant
reflections about the Nazi times and its cultural policies. The Germans had felt
proud of living in their powerful and prosperous empire since 1871. However, in
the turbulent years of the WWI, and WWII especially, no one could keep silent
anymore: the seeds for catastrophe were sown the history of the previous times.39

1.2.5 Japan: Soft Power and Its Political Situation

Under the influence of Chinese culture (Confucianism, especially) ever since

China’s Han Dynasty, Japan had been emphasizing culture. After its transition from
capitalism to imperialism after the Meiji period and the Taisho period, it accelerated
its steps of imperialist fascism in the late 1920s, and began to invade other coun-
tries. Thoughts such as nationalism, hypernationalism and Japanism began to
appear. Following the Mukden Incident of 1931, the Japanese government set up
the Institute of Nationalist Spiritual Culture; in “True Meaning of National Defense
and the Decision to Strengthen National Defense,” Japan’s Ministry of National
Defense claimed that “War is the father of creation and the mother of culture”; the
so-called Japanese spirit and royalism were underlined. Propelled by the Japanese
government, the cultural circle organized all kinds of fascist art groups who sang
paean for “war literature” and the so-called “patriotic culture”; the Japanese intel-
lectuals were eager to advocate the Japanese Spirit. The right-wing philosophers of
the Kyoto school also advocated the “philosophy of world history” and “war

37
Kurt Düwell, “Between Propaganda and Peace—Story External Cultural Policies in the 20th
century,” in Kurt-Juergen Maass: Culture and Foreign Policy, Baden-Baden: Nomos
Verlagsgesellscheft, 2005, S
56 (Kurt Duewell
Zwischen Propaganda und Friedenspolitik—
Geschichte der Auswaertigen Kulturpolitik im 20 Jahrhundert, in Kurt-Juergen Maass: Kultur und
Aussenpolitik
Baden-Baden: Nomos Verlagsgesellscheft, 2005, S
56).
38
Hans W. Maull, Zivilmacht Deutschland, http://www.uni-trier.de/fileadmin/fb3/POL/Maull/
pubs/zivilmacht.pdf. 2009.
39
Friedrich Meinecke, The German Catastrophe: Reflections and Recollections, Trans.
He Zhaowu, Beijing: SDX Joint Publishing Company, 2002.
1.2 Research Conducted by Major Powers 21

philosophy” to justify Japan’s military invasion of other countries. Shumei Okawa,

Kita Ikki and other fascist theorists created the Japanese-style fascism to provide a
theoretical basis for the government’s implementation of fascist militarism. It
should be pointed out that Confucianism remained in Japan despite its once being a
fascist country. Confucius culture had been used to patch up the differences
between the Chinese and Japanese cultures so that their ideas of the so-called
“friendship between China and Japan” and “Greater East Asia Co-Prosperity
Sphere” could be implemented. On the other hand, Confucianism had been used to
make those desperadoes pledge absolute loyalty to their emperor and fight for the
aggression until their death. The post-war militarism and the freedom in thinking
served as conditions for the Japanese cultural prosperity. The research in soft power
in Japanese culture is worth noticing. The concept of “soft power” was introduced
to Japan in detail through Yoichi Yamaoka’s translation of Nye’s works. Japanese
politicians, too, put emphasis on the building of soft power. Yamamoto Nakadori,
an official of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, emphasized that “although soft power
cannot directly be used as a weapon in foreign affairs, its uniqueness cannot be
replaced by hard power such as economy or military forces.”40 When Japan
declined in soft power in 1940s, the underlying reason had been analyzed and
correspondent coping strategies were put forward in many works, such as Soft
Power Is not Dismissible in the Manipulation of the 21st Century International
Politics, Impression of Japan—Soft Power Revisited, Force from Cultural
Dialogue—Beyond Soft Power and Nationalism of Brands, Media Culture Policy
of Soft Power, Study of International Relations as an International Cultural
Phenomenon Centered in the Concept of Soft Power, An Era of Cultural Power—
East Asia and Japan in the 21st Century. However, militarism remains and is still
poisoning the spiritual culture of Japan. In total disregard of the feelings of the
people in the invaded countries during the World War II, Shinzo Abe negated
Japan’s invasion history, denied the existence of the comfort women, visited the
Yasukuni Shrine dedicated to Class A war criminals of World War II crimes, and
advocated the revision of Japan’s pacifist constitution after he took office. This is
bound to encourage the revival of Japanese militarism, and would exert a negative
impact on the peace of East Asia.

1.2.6 Russia: Strategic Importance of Soft Power

Russia, a country with global influence and in constant conflict with the Western
countries, has great interest in culture. It seemed to be suspicious to the words “soft
power,” a concept introduced by an American scholar, when, in the so-called color
revolution, it was the Western countries that supported the NGOs in such CIS

40
Yamamoto Nakadori(山本忠通), Magnetism of Japan, See http://www.mofa.go.jp/mofaj/annai/
listen/interview2/intv_01.html.
22 1 Introduction

countries as Ukraine, Georgia, and Kyrgyzstan. “Soft power was related with the
color revolution, some Russian scholars said, and the western countries used it to
advance their own selfish interests.”41 It was not until the end of 2012 when Putin
first openly used the term in an article that a public debate and extensive research
began to be conducted. One can refer to the report “The Soft Power Problem in
Russian Foreign Policies” about the change of attitude, written by the faculty of the
Moscow State Institute of International Relations. It is Putin’s belief that Russia, a
country that has inherited a glorious culture recognized by both the East and the
West, has the ability to protect and spread its own culture which can be vital for
Russia to access the world. The dominance of the Communist ideology in the
Soviet Union period changed the traditional Russian culture greatly. Objectively
speaking, these traditions had turned into cultural soft power and became an
important force in diplomacy and world politics during the period. The dissolution
of the USSR, however, also meant a crisis for Russian cultural soft power.42 In the
first term of Putin’s presidency, measures were taken in promoting its cultural soft
power, the ultimate goal being to “make Russia wealthy and its people rich” and the
ruling ideology being patriotism, strengthening of Russia, the state concept, and
social unity. After the Russian Ministry of Foreign Affairs gave an official definition
to the concept of soft power in 2013 in its report on diplomatic policy design, the
attitude of the academic circle experienced a turn and some researches began to
appear. Related works include: Putin and the Fourth-Generation Russians—Will
the President Grow Confident Enough to Use Soft Power, The Image of Political
Leaders and the Safety of the State and the Nation, The Concept of Soft Power in
the Contemporary Political Philosophy, The Temptation of Soft Power, Empire
Thinking and Soft Power: The World Experience and Russia’s Prospects, The Soft
Power Problem in Russian Foreign Policy, Possibility for Russia’s Using Soft
Power, Russia and the Post-Soviet Space: Prospects for the Use of Soft Power, etc.
Such works center on the research in the international politics and the diplomatic
strategy research. Many scholars are acutely aware that cultural soft power is a
political tool with huge potential which has yet to be exploited in post-Soviet
period. It is important for Russia to project a positive and authoritative image.43
Furthermore, the restoration and promotion of its cultural soft power are also
necessary to counteract the invasion of the American soft power, to defend Russia’s
national security and to enhance its future development. Proper approaches are to be
found to put Russia’s cultural soft power into use.44

41
В.Я.Ваплер, Н.Э.Гронская, А.С.Гусев, Д.С. Коршунов, А.С.Макарычев, А.В.Солнцев. Идея
империи и «мягкая сила»: мировой опыт и российские перспективы.// Вопросы урпавления.
2010. № 1:10.) http://vestnik.uapa.ru/ru-ru/issue/2010/01/02/. (Vapler Ya.V., Gronskaya N.E.,
Gusev A.S., Korshunov D.S., Makarytchev A.S., “Idea of Empire and “Soft Force”: World
Experience and the Russian Perspective,” Urpavleniya Problem, 2010. № 1:10).
42
A. Portansky, “Putin and ‘Soft Power.’” (А. Портанский. Путин с «мягкая сила»). http://www.
politcom.ru/14344.html.
43
http://www.mgimo.ru/files/34174/34174.pdf.
44
http://www.regnum.ru/news/polit/1536886.html.
1.3 China’s Research into Cultural Soft Power 23

1.3 China’s Research into Cultural Soft Power

1.3.1 Progress of China’s Soft Power Research

From 1993 on, a small number of scholars in China began to cast their eye over soft
power. Soft power was translated into ruan quanli (soft rights) at that time, which, I
think, is not very appropriate as quanli in Chinese focuses more on the controlling,
manipulating, leading, and directing by administrative or legal means. In addition to
all the above, the present translation of shili also includes using forces to eliminate,
defeat, occupy, or conquer the others, using economic means to coerce, threaten, or
pay the opponent, and using culture, thoughts, theories, media, literature, art, vir-
tues, images to communicate with, persuade, induce, inspire, call on and change
others in their values, judgment, choice of goals, behavior or attitude. It seems that
all the other fields relating to thoughts, spirit and culture than hard power by
coercive military means or by economic payments can be included in soft power.
Soft rights (quanli) are only a part of soft power. Thus, we can say that the
translation of “soft rights” is a narrowing of the concept soft power. Nevertheless, it
was a good beginning for China.
In 1993, an article entitled “Culture as National Strength: Soft Power” was
published, written by Wang Huning, then a scholar in Fudan University.45 From
then on, China’s academia began to turn its attention to the study of soft power.
However, the research has not been very well organized and only a few articles
have been published. Never had there been a seminar or an institute organized for
the purpose of studying soft power. It was not until the convention of the 17th Party
Congress in October 2007, when the term was included in an official document, that
the situation was fundamentally changed. As it was pointed out in the official report
of the 17th Party Congress, “In the present era, culture has become a increasingly
important source of national cohesion and creativity and a factor of growing sig-
nificance in the competition in overall national strength,” underscoring that “we
must …stimulate the cultural creativity of the whole nation, and enhance culture as
part of the soft power of our country…”46 Since then, the topic of soft power turned
hot in the academic circle. The 6th Plenary Session of the 17th Central Committee
emphasized that “the role and status of culture in the comprehensive national
strength should be highlighted. There should be a severer task of maintaining the
state culture security. The task of strengthening national cultural soft power and

45
Wang Huning, “Culture as National Strength: Soft Power,” Fudan Journal (Social Sciences
edition), 1993 (3), 91–96.
46
See Hu Jintao’s report to the Seventeenth National Congress of the Communist Party of China
on Oct. 15, 2007 entitled “Hold High the Great Banner of Socialism with Chinese Characteristics
and Strive for New Victories in Building a Moderately Prosperous Society in All Respects.”
24 1 Introduction

China’s international influence would be more urgent.”47 These important themes

of cultural soft power of the Central Committee excited the attention of the aca-
demic circle. Thus the number of researchers and related works, as well as orga-
nizations for the research of soft power, began to increase.
The president of China Xi Jinping’s talk at the group learning of the Central
Committee on December 30, 2013 was the most influential. He accentuated that the
increase in cultural soft power is related to China’s goals—the realization of
modernization and a well-off country in an all-around way as well as the realization
of Chinese Dream of the rejuvenation of the Chinese nation. We should popularize
the advanced socialist culture, further the cultural institutional reform, create the
prosperity of socialist culture, invigorate the national cultural creativity of the whole
nation, achieve the lasting prosperity of the cultural cause and the rapid develop-
ment of the cultural industries, enrich the spiritual world of the people and
strengthen people’s spiritual power, and increase the overall strength of culture as
well as its competitiveness so that the goal of building socialist cultural power can
be soon attained. The basis for the state soft power needs solidification for its level
to be raised. Culture should be developed with Chinese characteristics. The core
socialist value system is to be practiced and the ideal and belief education is to be
conducted. The national spirit and the spirit of the times need pushing greatly. To
solidify the basis of China’s cultural development, one of the essential tasks is to
begin with morality, ideologies, the social morale, and every individual. We should
pass down and popularize the traditional virtues that the Chinese people have
extolled in the long-term practice. Marxist and socialist morality are to be insisted
on. We should get rid of the useless and the false parts so that the truth may remain.
We should take advantage of the ancient for today’s use, push away the old and to
put in things new so that the traditional virtues of the Chinese nation can be
transformed creatively and developed creatively, and everyone would observe and
aspire for a life of morality. Every individual of the 1.3 billion people would be a
person who can preach the Chinese virtues and the Chinese culture. Emphasis
should be laid on the spread of the contemporary Chinese values, the spread and the
interpretation of the Chinese Dream, the demonstration of the unique charm of the
Chinese culture, the polishing of China’s image, and the ensuring of China’s voice
in the international affairs. It is prehistoric for a China’s highest-level leader to
make a special speech on this topic and to grasp the strategic significance of cultural
soft power, and to make specific requirements as to how to promote the level of soft
power. Xi’s speech is so influential that there has appeared a boom of cultural soft
power research in China’s academia.

47
See “Decision of the CPC Central Committee on Major Issues Pertaining to Deepening Reform
of the Cultural System and Promoting the Great Development and Flourishing of Socialist
Culture” passed at the Sixth Plenary Session of the Seventeenth CPC Central Committee on
October 18, 2011.
1.3 China’s Research into Cultural Soft Power 25

1.3.2 Underlying Reasons for China’s Emphasis

on Cultural Soft Power Research

China’s emphasis on soft power research in both the political and the academic
fields results more from Joseph Nye’s concept than from the lessons drawn from the
fall of the Soviet Union or deep reflections upon modern Chinese history. The
concept of soft power is borrowed to illustrate the following points.
1. Collapse of Cultural Soft Power Will Trigger the Collapse of the Ruling
Party and the Country.
When Joseph Nye introduced the concept of soft power, he predicted wrongly of
the future of the USSR. He assumes that the USSR will profit greatly48 from its soft
power. “It would be a mistake to discount the Soviet Union as a great power in the
twenty-first century.”49 However, the fact is that this country has become a thing of
the past. For China, the lessons are that the disintegration of the Soviet Union was
due to its collapse of cultural soft power.
The Soviet Union used to be a superpower on a par with the United States before
the Cold War. Its military power had been so strong and aggressive that even the
US often found it hard to compete with. How could such a superpower dissolve at a
speed beyond imagination? Politicians, diplomats, strategists and theorists all
voiced their concern. Some suppose that the economy in the USSR was where the
rub was: the heavy industry was too “heavy” while the light industry was too
“light.” The civil industry was neglected totally and people’s well-being was
threatened. Some attribute its fall to the arms competition with the USA. Some
believe that the rigid and corrupted system should account for its collapse. All these
views are reasonable in a sense. However, there is an apparent yet underlying, and
more principle reason—the failure in soft power and ideologies, the consequent loss
in theoretical and media support, and the resultant unpopularity.
The decline of soft power began with Nikita Khrushchev’s opposition to Stalin
on the Twentieth National Congress of the CPSU. Duplicitous and ambitious was
he. After the CPSU’s trial of Leon Trotsky in 1937, Khrushchev made a passionate
speech on the Red Square, exclaiming to 200,000 people: “Stalin—Our hope!
Stalin—Our ideal! Stalin—The beacon of human progress! Stalin—Our battle
banner” (See the coverage on the Soviet Pravda on January 31, 1937)! Once he
made a speech entitled “Stalin Father! Dear Father Stalin!” asserting that Stalin was
the greatest genius of all human beings. However, after Stalin’s death, under the
banner of opposing to personal idolatry, Khrushchev let people idolize him, instead,
and spared no effort to blame Stalin desperately. Stalin became a “muddle-headed
tyrant,” “sadistic,” “murderer,” “criminal,” “pirate,” “gambler,” “defend the reign

48
Joseph S. Nye, Jr, Bound to Lead: The Changing Nature of American Power, Trans. Liu Hua,
Renmin University of China Press, 2012, 159.
49
Joseph S. Nye, Jr., Bound to Lead: The Changing Nature of American Power, Trans. Liu Hua,
Renmin University of China Press, 2012, 109.
26 1 Introduction

with an ax,” “a tyrant like Ivan the Terrible,” “the biggest dictator in the history of
Russia,” “asshole,” and “idiot.” He accused Stalin of being a spy from the Tsarists
detective bureau and a murderer of Sergey Kirov. By the time the CPSU held its
Twenty-second National Congress, the status of Stalin in people’s heart had
miraculously plummeted. The epitome of Marxism, Leninism and the Communism,
Stalin was once the core of the CPSU and the adamant defender of the socialism of
the USSR. To deny such a figure totally means putting a big question mark on the
legitimacy of the ruling party, the superiority of socialism, and the belief of
Marxism and Communism. In this way, the pillar of the Soviet cultural soft power
became shaky. In 1968, the then the General Secretary of the Central Committee
(CC) of the CPSU Leonid Brezhnev chaired the Soviet Ideology Work Meeting. At
this meeting, Brezhnev shared his worries and awareness of the acuteness of the
problem: “Look at our history textbooks and see how the masses attack and slander
our party. How many of our party members can stand up bravely and oppose to
these mistaken ideas? None.” But such was the propaganda campaign of the Soviet
Union of the time: the Western countries were described as a dark world while the
Soviet Union was described bright in every way—Obviously it was not the facts.
And how could such propaganda be persuasive? However, the USA was clever
enough to establish over sixty broadcast stations around the Soviet Union, using the
languages of its ethnic groups and trying to spread the Western values of freedom,
democracy and values. Rather than empty sermons or slogans, they used various
forms—memorandums, documentaries, eyewitnesses to history, etc.—to convince
the Soviet people of the truthfulness of the content. Gradually, there was a growing
tendency in the Soviet ideology towards anti-Marxism. This tendency increased
first in the Soviet Union and later among the Warsaw Pact countries. After meeting
with the leaders of several Eastern European countries, the American president
Richard Milhous Nixon drew a conclusion in 1983 that the emerging
new-generation leaders of the Eastern Bloc were totally losing their belief (in
Communism). They were merely practitioners rather than thinkers.50
When he came into power in 1985 as a leader of the younger generation, Mikhail
Gorbachev affirmed the Communist belief among the Soviet people and this won
their support. However, he led the reform on the road of the negation of Marxism
and began to spread his new policy of perestroika (literally “restructuring” or “new
thinking” in Russian), acute crisis in Marxist belief arose and worsened with the
spread of the Western ideology. Gorbachev made two fatal mistakes, one of which
was that he employed Alexander Yakovlev, who used to be an exchange student in
the USA and later was appointed as an ambassador to Canada. According to the
KGB officials, when he studied in the USA, Yakovlev was already persuaded by the
CIA to be a spy. After he became the minister of the Soviet Central Publicity
Department, he left no stones unturned to push Gorbachev to be closer to the
Western ideas, and to publicize and push the democratic socialism, so that the latter

50
Richard Nixon, 1999: Victory without War, Trans. Yang Lujun, Beijing: Renmin University of
China Press, 1988, 169.
1.3 China’s Research into Cultural Soft Power 27

was in increasingly greater distance with Marxism. The second mistake was that
Gorbachev no longer banned the establishment of newspapers and of parties.
Anyone was allowed to set up media, broadcast stations, television channels,
newspapers, magazines or even publishing houses. The release of Andrei
Dmitrievich Sakharov (Aндpей ́ Дмит́ pиeвич Cаx́ apoв), dissident, anti-socialist
and anti-Marxist, served as a symbol of the so-called glasnost (public voicing).”
The then American ambassador to the Soviet Union Jack Matlock couldn’t wait to
see and encourage Sakharov after his release. Sakharov advised the USA to bring
pressure to bear on Gorbachev, making him do the “right” thing, and supporting
him once he was in the “right” direction.51 Another dissident, Aleksandr Isayevich
Solzhenitsyn, had also been under the protection of the USA. Gorbachev was very
frank in saying that what he did, in essence, was to continue what Solzhenitsyn had
begun.52 Obviously, it was Gorbachev who helped the Communist ideology to be
rejected in the Soviet Union. A faith crisis arose among the CPSU members and
non-members alike, and among the grassroots as well as the upper class alike. As
Gorbachev failed in his reform, a chorus of complaints against the authority arose.
The end to the ban legalized anti-socialism and anti-Marxism. The vast majority of
the personal media, supported by the Western countries, were blaming and listing
the crimes committed by the CPSU and the Soviet socialist institutions. That was
why around the time of the collapse of the Soviet Union, the major media did not
support CPSU, nor did anyone speak for the Soviet socialist institutions. Although
the Soviet military power could well compete with that of the U.S., and the
industry, technology, education, infrastructure in the contemporary Soviet Union
also had been first class, the disintegration of the Soviet Union was still inevitable
owing to the collapse of soft power and ideologies. The Soviet disintegration could
well serve as a good lesson to teach the Chinese how a country or a party would
break up with the failure in cultural soft power and ideologies.
2. Russia’s Tragedy: Ideological Divide Would End in Spiritual Tragedy.
How is the collapse of the Soviet Union to be judged? Was it a blessing, or a curse?
Value judgments are closely related to the person who makes them; they are also
likely to change with the interests. That is why different countries and groups
entertain conflicting opinions on the same historical incident or on the same his-
torical figure in different periods of time. Russia and the CIS countries held mixed
opinions; the ordinary people in the CIS countries had different opinions from the
high-rank officials; the intellectuals and the military men also have different opin-
ions. Even the same person would sometimes express different opinions to the same
incident in different periods of time. The noted author and dissident of the former
Soviet Union Vladimir Maximov had been fiercely critical of the CPSU and the

51
Jack Matlock, Autopsy on an Empire: The American Ambassador's Account of the Collapse of
the Soviet Union, Trans. Wu Naihua & Wei Zonglie, Beijing: World Affairs Press, 1995, 118–119.
52
Daisaku Ikeda (with Mikhail Gorbachev), Moral Lessons of the Twentieth Century: Gorbachev
and Ikeda on Buddhism and Communism, London and New York: I. B. Tauris, 2005.
28 1 Introduction

Soviet Union, but he changed his idea when he witnessed the disaster the disso-
lution of the Soviet Union brought to the common people, as it was expressed in his
interview with a journalist of Pravda. “It is as if I have seen in person my own
mother being raped. Nothing can be more disturbing than this.” Apparently, his
welcome for the disintegration of the USSR had turned into pain. Gone are the
Soviet citizens with ideals, belief, drive, patriotism, and devotion, and what appears
on the Soviet land is people who are lost, confused, disturbed, inefficient, insecure,
and futureless, as is noted by many. The six industrial zones of Stalingrad, which
extended 80 km, were built in merely three years after the WWII. In comparison,
the bridge across the Vodka River had not been finished being built twelve years
after the disintegration of the Soviet Union. Apparently, the loss in the ideals and
belief had made Russia disheartened and disoriented. The time for the acceptance of
Communism and socialism by the masses and the cadres of the time was also a time
for the rapid development of the Soviet Union. Such a period is the background of
Nikolai Ostrovsky’s work How the Steel Was Tempered. The most noted passage is
the following: “The most precious thing of a person is life. It is given to him but
once, and he must live it so as to feel no torturing regrets for wasted years, never
know the burning shame of a mean and petty past; so live that, dying, he might say:
all my life, all my strength were given to the finest cause in all the world—the fight
for the Liberation of Mankind.” The passage had encouraged the innumerable
Russians of that time, and the first few generations of Chinese who had grown up in
the New China, too, some of whom could even recite it in Chinese, or even in
Russian. A nation or a country with such firm belief and passion could overcome
any difficulties, conquer any enemies, and make achievements that would surprise
the world. In 1935, when the French writer Romain Rolland visited the Soviet
Union, he was deeply moved by the power of Communism, and wrote in his diary
that on his return from Moscow, he experienced the force of passion and youth
vigor. The Soviet Union people radiated confidence in their own cause, and
believed wholeheartedly their own leaders. Such force permeated the heart of
millions of Soviet people and inspired them to take action. No matter it was the
large-scale gatherings that seemed to be full of bliss or…they would all vent their
feelings to him without previous engagement. And those letters from the factories,
collective farms or the Red Army that they sent to me all have confirmed my initial
impression. It was absurd to say that all these expression of feelings were the orders
given by their officials. Every letter was from the bottom of their heart and reflects
their own personalities. Those letters were intensely moving indeed…“their passion
was a result of their convictions, bliss, a firm belief in the truth, and confidence in
their cause, which they believed was sure to succeed.” However, after the disin-
tegration of the Soviet Union and the consequent loss in Communist belief and
ideal, the confusion in theories and in ideologies and the failure of soft power,
Russians people lost their cultural confidence and were engaged in the pursuit of
Western culture, American culture especially. The absence of soft power will
necessarily lead to social confusion as well as the defeat in the material hard power.
Russian GDP plunged by 50% during the ten years. Social problems had arisen
such as widening wealth gap, depopulation, lower life expectancy, homelessness
1.3 China’s Research into Cultural Soft Power 29

and the appearance of drunkards and whores. Public security is poor and crimes are
prevalent. Unnatural disasters often strike. The state is not functioning satisfactorily
and pessimism spreads. The superpower that once made the USA uneasy militarily
now can no longer compete with it. Although Putin has done his utmost to reverse
the situation and that effectively, the international status of Russia today cannot be
compared with the Soviet time. No matter what feelings they had harbored when
the Soviet Union came to an end, all Russians with national dignity would regret its
disintegration.
3. Reflection on China’s History: China’s Rise and Fall is Closely Connected
with the Rise and Fall of Soft Power.
Looking back on the prosperity of the ancient China and its sad decline in the
modern period, we found that both were closely connected with the rise and fall of
Chinese culture. China had been a world leader with its glorious 5000-year-long
civilization. Dr. Joseph Needham (1900–1995) once wrote a book called Science
and Civilisation in China, in which the fact of China’s leading role in science and
technology in the world is illustrated by examples. Shanggao rule (the square of the
hypotenuse is equal to the sum of the squares of the other two sides) was six
hundred years earlier than its Western equivalent—the Pythagorean Theorem.
Guo Shoujing’s (1231–1316) astronomical calendar was eight hundred years earlier
than the counterpart of the other countries. Monk Yixing’s (673–727, during the
Tang Dynasty) exact measurement of the prime meridian was one thousand years
earlier than that that of the Western countries. Zu Chongzhi (429–500) in the
Northern and Southern Dynasties (420–589) was the first scientist in the world who
calculated the value of pi to seven decimal places. Not until more than one thousand
years later did scientists in the West catch up with and then surpass his achieve-
ments of Zu Chongzhi. Li Shizhen’s (1518–1593, a Chinese scientist in the Ming
Dynasty) Compendium of Materia Medica was cited for several times by Charles
Darwin, the father of modern biology and the initiator of the evolution theory and
the theory of the origin of species. The Four Great Inventions of Ancient China can
also amply illustrate the profound influence of China’s technology upon the world
history. Without the invention of compass, whether the Age of Discovery of the
Western countries would arrive and whether the world market could be formed are
rather doubtful. Without gunpowder, the bourgeois would not have broken through
the barrier of the feudal society. Without paper-making and printing, Western
civilization would not have spread so quickly. In short, without the Four Great
Inventions of Ancient China, leaps in the Western civilization would not have been
so great, the Western modern science would not have been so extraordinary as well.
We have to admit that in modern times, China lagged so far behind the other
countries that a fleet came all the way from the Great Britain should beat such a big
country as China. Why? Some accounted it for economic reasons. But these reasons
are too simplistic, as the GDP in the first half of the 19th China still accounted for a
quarter of the world total. The underlying and the primary reason is that we were
too backward in our thinking and culture. The Western countries widened their
30 1 Introduction

horizon and broadened their mind during and after the Renaissance, and conse-
quently they made geographic discoveries, and began the bourgeois revolutions and
the Industrial Revolution. They caught up with and then surpassed China in big
strides. How about China? The tradition with the major content being Confucianism
became increasingly rigid, closed and conservative after the Idealistic Philosophy of
the Song and Ming Dynasties (neo-Confucianism), and that is why the whole
society had turned increasingly conservative and feeble. Directed at the lack of
vigor, Gong Zizhen, a great thinker in the Qing Dynasty, wrote a famous poem
“From wind and thunder comes a nation’s vital force,/What a great pity not to hear
a neighing horse!/I urge the Lord of Heaven to brace up again,/And send down
talents of all kinds to Central Plain.” Lin Zexu, a patriot, had identified the problem
and commissioned Wei Yuan to edit an encyclopedic work to introduce the
Western politics, history, culture, economics, education, science and technology to
China. Wei lived up to Lin’s expectations and a fifty-volume Illustrated Treatise on
the Maritime Kingdoms was published in 1842 (it was enlarged to be 100 volumes
five years later). However, the Chinese at that time were too conservative to evince
interest in such original ideas. Unexpectedly, when this book was printed in Japan
in 1851, it turned out to be a hit, with 15 prints and with price of the book soaring.
The Japanese politician and scholar of the time Sakuma Shōzan (1811-1864) and
Yokoi Shōnan held it in high esteem. They admired one of Wei’s standpoints in the
book: “Learn from the advanced technologies in the West in order to resist the
invasion of the Western powers.” The Japanese reformists and Meiji Restoration at
the end of the 19th century, which led Japan to be the first-class developed country
of the world, was partly inspired by this book, too.
Rejecting the advanced culture, China declined steadily. The Great Britain, the
alliance of the British and the French armies, the Eight-Power Allied Forces, Japan,
and Russia all waged wars with China one after another. Forty out of the seven
hundred treaties signed with the Western countries during the years of 1842–1902
were unequal ones in which China had to cede its territory, or compromise part of
its state power. For instance, the Tsar had appropriated vast areas of territory of
China by forcing the Qing dynasty to sign a series of unfair treaties: Treaty of Kulja
(Yili, n 1851), Treaty of Aigun (1858), Sino-Russian Joint Survey of the Northwest
(the Protocol of Chuguchak of 1864), and Treaty of Tientsin (1885) etc. The
question whether the Chinese nation would die out and whether the disrupted and
bullied “Sick Men of East Asia” could survive the 20th century had occurred to the
mind of some patriots of China who voiced grave concern about the fate of China
and about the Chinese nation. Now the 20th century had passed and China not only
survived but also prospered. The great rejuvenation of the Chinese nation is now on
the horizon. It was what that brought about the change? That is rather complicated
but I believe the most important reason is that the Communist Party of China
(CPC) had finally found the truth: Marxism. The Party had continuously combined
Marxism with the national conditions of China and produced Mao Zedong
Thought, Deng Xiaoping Theory, the Important Thought of the Three Represents
and the Scientific Development Outlook, which has helped us to remove the three
“mountains”—imperialism, feudalism, bureaucratic capitalism—and found a new
1.3 China’s Research into Cultural Soft Power 31

China, helped the Chinese people to be stronger and advance along the path of
socialism, carried out the reform policies, and made the Chinese people wealthier.
To contemporary China, Marxism was the most influential culture in the guiding
position. In this way, we may say that soft power concerns the fate of a country.
4. Lessons: Values Attached to the Practical Work and Theoretic Research of
Cultural Soft Power.
After the dissolution of the Soviet Union and the sweeping political changes in the
Eastern Bloc, many other countries that still held the banner of Marxism began to
waver and wanted to change, too. Under these circumstances, many people, both
inside and outside China, started to worry about the fate of socialism, raising the
question of how long socialism could still be practiced in China. Despite the
problems, difficulties, risks and challenges that China had encountered during the
two decades after the disintegration of the Soviet Union, China showed no signs of
collapse. In fact, it is politically quite stable and doing much better than before on
the whole. Why is this? It is because we have been take seriously the experience
and lessons at home and abroad, and because both the political and the academic
fields have placed a high premium on and made notable progress in the practice of
and theoretic research on cultural soft power.
Drawing lessons home and abroad, the CPC has been intensifying its efforts
from six aspects in its practical work.
First, people should be armed with scientific theories. Marxism should be
combined with Chinese characteristics, the latest conditions of China, the latest
situation of the world and the new characteristics of the times so that it can keep
abreast with the times and demonstrate its charm. In this way, the theoretical
confidence of the whole Party, army and all the Chinese people will rise.
Second, people should be guided with correct public opinion. The Party should
serve a dominant role in the media and popularize the major themes of the times.
Taking the initiative to occupy the commanding heights of public opinion,
strengthening Internet management, and taking control of the leadership and
management of ideologies, the CPC should make efforts to muffle anti-CPC
thoughts, and thoughts of anti-Marxism and anti-socialism.
Third, the reform policies should be continuously carried out; the socialist
economic, political, cultural, social, ecological, and military building, as well as
Party building, should be pushed and combined with Chinese characteristics. The
Party, the military and all of the Chinese people should be made confident of the
socialist path that they follow and of the socialist institutions.
Fourth, the fundamental interest of the people should be safeguarded. With the
economic construction being the center, we should speed up developing the social
productive forces, enhance the quality of the material and spiritual life of the
masses, gain the confidence and support of the masses about the Party and about the
government, and continuously strengthen the public credibility of the government
and the social integration.
32 1 Introduction

Fifth, the publicity work should be guided by Marxism. Teaching of patriotism,

collectivism, socialist morality should permeate the textbooks, classrooms, muse-
ums, memorials, and revolutionary places of interest. It is also advisable that
education of idealism, revolutionary tradition, nobility and the core socialist values
be carried out among the Party members and the masses.
Sixth, historical nihilism, capitalist news presentation, and new liberalism are all
false and should be criticized and checked. The core socialist values are not to be
doubted under the disguise of the so-called universal values; the political system in
China with Chinese characteristic is not to be destabilized under the banner of
Constitutionalism. People’s doubts should be cleared away and the truth clarified.
We should form organizations or teams to conduct theoretical research, carry out
activities, and publicize the works of soft power. The first academic organization
centering on the topic of China’s cultural soft power was set up in July 2009
(China Center for Cultural Soft Power Research), a far-sighted move by Hunan
University. After its establishment, the emphasis of the research and the goal of
development were defined as the construction of soft power research with China’s
standpoint, Chinese characteristics, Chinese style, and China’s voice. Centering on
the basic theories, coping strategies, cultural industries, the Chinese Dream, the
intellectual bank with Chinese characteristics and how to strengthen a state with
culture, six seminars of the national level and two of the international level were
held during the years of 2010–2014, causing widespread concern. The establish-
ment of the organizations and the research work has increased people’s awareness
of the importance and urgency of the research of soft power and formed the the-
oretic basis for soft power with Chinese characteristics.

1.3.3 Dominant Features and Output of China’s Cultural

Soft Power Research

We can identify the following three features in China’s cultural soft power research
over the past two decades. Research work, which used to be an irregular and
haphazard activity, has become increasingly well organized. Academic fields and
scholastic research have grown in scale. Whereas methodologically interpreting
ideas originating in the Western used to be dominate, explorations into a distinctly
Chinese paradigm have been making progress. In general, we can say that research
on this topic today is of better quality, greater scope and more productive. One
thing worth mentioning is that after the careful design and discussions by experts,
China’s Cultural Soft Power Research Center had decided on bids with the fol-
lowing topics in 2009:
1. The development of China’s comprehensive national strength and the building
of China’s cultural soft power (CCSP);
2. The development of Marxism with Chinese characteristics and the building of
CCSP;
1.3 China’s Research into Cultural Soft Power 33

3. The development of core Socialist value system and the building of CCSP;
4. The spread of China’s best traditional culture and the building of CCSP;
5. The development of China’s news media and the building of CCSP;
6. The development of the Internet and the building of CCSP;
7. The development of China’s literature and art and the building of CCSP;
8. The spread of the spirit of the times and the building of CCSP;
9. The spread of the national spirit and the building of CCSP;
10. China’s policies for minority ethnic groups and the building of CCSP;
11. China’s policies for religion and the building of CCSP;
12. Contemporary China’s education and the building of CCSP;
13. Ideological education and the building of CCSP;
14. China’s cultural industry development and the building of CCSP;
15. China’s foreign policies and the building of CCSP;
16. China’s diplomacy and the building of CCSP;
17. The promotion of China’s International image and the building of CCSP;
18. The construction of a new-style intellectual bank with Chinese characteristics
and the building of CCSP;
19. China’s political system reform and the building of CCSP;
20. The international communication of Chinese language and the building of
CCSP.
The above 20 topics cover almost every field of politics and culture, reflecting
the breadth of China’s cultural soft power research.

1.3.4 Substantial Progresses Achieved in China’s Research

into Cultural Soft Power

Generally speaking, we can say that China’s cultural soft power research is more
systematic, extensive and in-depth than the other countries (USA included).
Considerable progresses are achieved in the following ten aspects.
1. With an eye on the promotion of China’s comprehensive national strength,
the strengthening of soft power in China is not only a means in interna-
tional politics, but also a prime goal of the socialist idealistic and cultural
construction and spiritual culture.
The concept of soft power has been a controversial one among the Chinese aca-
demia as to how to translate the term into Chinese, how to use the concept, and how
to differentiate the nuances when it is used in different contexts, cultures and
objectives. How to develop the concept is also under discussion. By and large,
many a Chinese scholar tends to use it in a more general sense. Ideals, thoughts,
morality, discipline, spiritual civilization, strategies, styles, images, or institutions
can all be included in the scope of soft power. If we were too dogmatic in nar-
rowing down the concept or just blindly followed the others instead of using the
34 1 Introduction

concept for our own purposes, the international say of China will inevitably be
reduced. China’s soft power can only be promoted under conditions that we have a
deep and comprehensive understanding of the concept, closely connected with the
international and domestic conditions, and that the concept is used for our own
purposes.
2. The role of soft power and hard power are complementary.
Both being an indispensable ingredient of a country’s comprehensive national
strength, soft power and hard power are complementary. Hard power refers to a
country’s territory, economic total, military power, other material power, and the
ability to coerce the other countries, while soft power refers to internal cohesion,
mobility power, spiritual motivation, as well as the persuasiveness or magnetism to
the foreign countries, brought about by such cultural factors as a country’s tradi-
tional culture, value system or ideologies. Under the background of an increasingly
globalized economy, soft power performs a progressively more prominent role. The
increase of soft power can lead to effective and fully functioning hard power; on the
other hand, without the indirect support of soft power, hard power can hardly
function normally, sometimes it may decrease for lack of soft power.
3. Cultural power is the inner core of political forces, while political forces are
the outward manifestation of cultural power.
The academic circle generally believes that soft power consists of both cultural and
political forces, with the two overlapping each other. Cultural power is the inner
core of political forces, while political forces are the outward manifestation of
cultural power. Cultural soft power has distinctively ideological attribute. Thus, the
connotations of cultural and political forces interlace with each other and the
dividing line between the two is rather unclear.
4. Culture, the core and the soul of soft power, maintains it.
Culture is the soul as it decides the direction and aim of the development of cultural
soft power. Culture sets a framework for soft power and connects the various levels
and links of it. It is the cultural element within that decides that soft power is
connected with the rise and fall of a nation or a state as well as the wealth of the
people.
5. China’s cultural soft power has Chinese characteristics.
First, when we underline the value of soft power, we do not see it merely as a means
of diplomatic or international strategies; rather, we highlight its constructive role in
idealistic building and spiritual civilization, and in the rise of the comprehensive
national strength of China. Second, soft power is divided into several parts. Joseph
Nye thinks that the attractiveness of one’s culture and of one’s values, the ability to
set the agenda of political choices, and the ability to manipulate the international
rules are equally important in soft power. We suppose that culture is the soul and
establishes the framework of soft power. The characteristics of various elements of
soft power are decided by their correspondent cultural values and intellectual
1.3 China’s Research into Cultural Soft Power 35

thinking. Third, the connotation of soft power is widened and the research of soft
power is more in-depth, detailed and comprehensive.
6. China’s Cultural Soft Power Is Useful Domestically and Internationally.
Domestically, cultural appeal, charisma, provision of motivation, cohesiveness,
inspiration, ideologies and political values are all part of the role performed by
cultural soft power. Internationally, the attractiveness resulting from China’s path of
development and institutional mode, the affinity resulting from the national image,
the ability to guide and control the international regulations, international standards
and international systems, international opinion orientation, and the command of
China’s voice in the international community are all functions of the cultural soft
power. All these functions can be divided into two parts, one is value rationality, the
other is instrumental rationality and the two complement each other.
7. The Core of China’s Cultural Soft Power Is the Core Socialist Values.
The long-term driving force of the development of any nation or state comes from
the core values of the society. The cultural soft power of a state expresses itself,
domestically, in the national cohesiveness, which in turn depends on the acceptance
of the core values among the nationals. Consequently, the process of forming the
core socialist values is also their permeation into the public consciousness, and a
formation process of cultural soft power as well as the process in which it is brought
into full play. So the first task of raising China’s cultural soft power is to develop
and practice the core socialist values.
8. Socialist Advanced Culture in Contemporary China Is What Is Referred to
by the Word “Culture.”
Culture here does not refer to purely China’s traditional culture, or purely Marxist
culture, or the Western capitalist culture, but the socialist advanced culture that can
lead China to make advances; it includes not only the cultural products of the
Chinese Marxism—socialist culture with Chinese characteristics, the revolutionary
culture after the founding of the CPC, the best part of the traditional culture of the
Chinese nation, etc.—but also the best part of the Western culture that has been
accepted or that has yet to be accepted by the Chinese people.
9. Considerable Elements of Soft Power in Chinese Excellent Traditional
Culture.
Extensive and profound, the traditional Chinese culture starts far back and runs a
long course. It is the “spiritual gene” of the Chinese nation and spiritual symbol of
the Chinese nation. Providing the spiritual nourishment, it is the underlying reason
why the Chinese nation is thriving and prospering. As a result, to increase China’s
cultural soft power, we must look for, sort out, abstract, promote and carry forward
the excellent traditional culture of the Chinese nation.
36 1 Introduction

10. Humans Are the Soul and Subjects of Cultural Soft Power.
All cultures are human cultures and the research of cultural soft power cannot do
without humans. The building of cultural soft power is the shaping of the humans,
including the humanistic spirit such as their morality, character, sentiments, will-
power, ideal, belief, values, cultivation, taste, thinking, intellect, etc. Only by the
internal motivation of humanity will cultural soft power flourish. Thus, the key to
the promotion of China’s cultural soft power is to persist in human orientation and
enhance the quality of the Chinese people.

1.4 Summary

The term soft power was first used by the American scholar Joseph Nye. It is a very
original one with considerable significance to the academic circle. However, Nye
has yet to give a strict and exact definition and categories for his argument
regarding soft power to stand reasoning.
However, the concept of soft power has come to be widely used, and the major
powers of the world all value it very much. Although it meets with opposition and
is opposed by some of the US scholars, some U.S. statesmen, the former secretary
of state Madeleine Albright and the former secretary of state Hilary Clinton
included, speak for Joseph Nye’s soft power (or smart power, a concept derived
from soft power). The term soft power is now frequently used in international
political field.
Historical experience and lessons home and abroad have told the Chinese
scholars and statesmen that two means can be used in a country’s development: the
increase of material hard power and soft power. Without enough material hard
power, the country might be easily defeated; and without considerable cultural soft
power, the country would suffer defeat even without foreign invasion. Realizing
that, China puts the accent on soft power more than the other countries, imbuing it
with distinctive Chinese characteristics to form cultural soft power. The fact that the
top-level leader of China, president Xi Jinping delivered a speech on China’s soft
power at a group study session of members of the Politburo of the Communist Party
of China Central Committee demonstrates how China underlines soft power. Under
such circumstances, a boom of studying cultural soft power has appeared in the
academic circle, and the theoretical system of cultural soft power with Chinese
characteristics and a system to express China’s voice are being devised. Of course,
in such a boom, there would necessarily appear some viewpoints as a result of
either slavishly following the concept of soft power, or too broadening or too
narrowing of the imported term. It is advisable that guidance be offered so that the
research could be in the right direction.
In conclusion, the research of China’s cultural soft power is essential indeed. But
what is culture? What is soft power? What is cultural soft power? Why should we
study China’s cultural soft power? In what way can we study it? What should the
1.4 Summary 37

focus be? What is the relationship between the rejuvenation of the Chinese Dream
of the Chinese nation and the study of soft power? The discussions on the above
questions have yet to reach a consensus. Therefore, it is high time that a research
outline was drawn for the study of China’s cultural soft power to provide a sound
basis for discussion for the Chinese scholars concerned.
Chapter 2
Basic Concepts of China’s Cultural Soft
Power

2.1 Culture

Such a general concept is culture that to give it a strict and precise definition would
be difficult. Many philosophers, sociologists, anthropologists, historians and lin-
guists have tried to define culture from their own perspective. It is estimated that as
many as two hundred definitions have been given, although what has been offered is
far from being universally acknowledged or satisfactory. The reason why the con-
cept of culture is so general is that cultural phenomena are almost omnipresent. Any
country or nation with a history will surely have a culture, and any place with any
human behavior will have culture, too. To take the example of China, geographi-
cally, China’s cultures include Heluo Culture, Qilu Culture, Jinchu Culture, Bashu
Culture, Jiangsu-Zhejiang Culture, Mintai (Fujian and Taiwan) Culture, South of
Qinling Mountains Culture, Qinjin Culture, Longxi Culture, Plateau Culture, Xiyu
Culture, Snow-covered (Xueyu) Plateau Culture, etc. As a result of Chinese people’s
efforts to restructure nature, reform society, boost economy and make advancements
in an undaunted pioneering spirit, we have ancient culture, modern culture, con-
temporary culture, revolutionary culture, building-the-New-China culture, culture
during the reform era, etc. chronologically, sometimes assimilating and borrowing
from others. All these glorious and profound Chinese cultures have the same root
and will keep abreast with the times. It should be said that the cultures of the different
historical periods, various districts or ethnic groups have all performed their
respective roles in acquainting the Chinese nation with and in reforming the world,
in fulfilling its cultural commitment, in producing new theories, in creating a better
political environment, in educating the people, in serving the society, and in com-
municating with the foreign countries.
Then, how should we define the concept of culture in light of China’s cultural
soft power? Three levels can roughly be found. At the macro level, culture leaves its
footprints when it exists in the human mind. That is why other than material culture
(the visible, man-made materials, human labor crystallized in materials but not

© Social Sciences Academic Press and Springer Nature Singapore Pte Ltd. 2017 39
G. Zhang, Research Outline for China’s Cultural Soft Power,
Research Series on the Chinese Dream and China’s Development Path,
DOI 10.1007/978-981-10-3398-8_2
40 2 Basic Concepts of China’s Cultural Soft Power

materials themselves, and the natural things reflected in human consciousness), we

have spiritual culture (including non-material culture), too. At the medium level,
culture includes the fields concerning China’s development: economics, politics,
culture, society, ecology, national defense, diplomacy, and political parties, etc.
Culture at this level refers to the ideologies that are able to spread by means of
language, speech or image, and that can influence one’s psychology, emotions, or
value orientation. It includes all the knowledge in philosophy, social sciences,
literature, art and the related works, laws, regulations, policies in the superstructure,
and religions, beliefs, conventions, manners, morality that can be transmitted from
one group of people to another. Culture at the micro level includes all the concrete
knowledge of different disciplines, fields, literary or art schools, laws, regulations
and policies. The major themes of cultural soft power involve the medium (strategy)
level and the micro (utility) level of culture.

2.2 Soft Power

The first person to coin it as he is, Joseph Nye has never given the term “soft
power” a clear and consistent definition. He admitted that far from being unique in
the USA, actually the ancient Chinese understood soft power very well and often
used it. It was quite amiable of him to say so; it is true, nonetheless. Ancient
Chinese claimed a host of ideas about soft power in line with Nye’s idea of using
soft power as a diplomatic and international strategy. Such sayings are many. “The
supreme art of war is to subdue the enemy without a war.” “The best tactics is to
take by strategy,” “Psychological offence is the best of tactics,” “The time isn’t as
important as the terrain; but the terrain isn’t as important as unity with the people.”
“Those who win people’s heart can win the world.” All these sayings actually
suggest to us in a vivid way the functions of soft power. Despite of widespread use
of the term, different people tend to use it in their own different ways and are likely
to narrow or over generalize the idea. Many a scholar, too, just includes this or that
into the category or the concept of soft power instead of first giving a precise
definition at the academic level. Then what is an adequate definition of soft power?
Actually, it is said in relation to hard power. We can define hard power as some-
thing tangible and measurable, or as the power resulting from resources, materials
or coercive forces. In comparison, soft power should be defined as something
intangible, immeasurable, or as the power resulting from the spirit, wisdom,
emotions, and mainly includes the forces stemming from attraction, cohesion,
inspiration, persuasiveness, appeal, charisma, assimilation, etc.
2.3 Cultural Soft Power 41

2.3 Cultural Soft Power

It is Joseph Nye’s belief that soft power includes three aspects: cultural appeal
(including charisma of values), the attraction of political systems, and diplomatic
persuasiveness. Apparently, Nye’s soft power is used as a means that can be applied
to international strategy and diplomacy. By contrast, China looks upon soft power
as a constituent part of its comprehensive national strength that can adopt a role not
only in international communication, but also in the construction of spiritual civi-
lization and ideological construction. As a result, value rationality rather than
instrumental rationality is followed in China. From this perspective, culture,
assuming a vital role in soft power, is its soul and establishes its framework. It is its
soul because the values of culture decide the direction, the goal and the line of the
development of soft power; that it sets its framework means that the cultural ele-
ment permeates the various aspects—logical or other links of soft power. Without
culture, short-sighted, facile, narrow-minded, and closed soft power is likely to
result. Such a system without culture is inevitably rigid and such rigidity will
eventually trigger its collapse. Therefore, the privileged status of culture in soft
power gives Chinese characteristics to China’s soft power. To begin with, cultural
soft power and its research are emphasized as they are closely related to the ide-
ological education work which China has been undertaking. Furthermore, China is
striving for the goal of the preservation of domestic stability, unity, and harmony, as
well as peace, cooperation and a win-win solution among the nations.
Chapter 3
Reconstruction of Soft Power to Form
Cultural Soft Power

Cultural soft power enriches soft power but has distinctive Chinese characteristics
as follows.

3.1 Different Goals

Joseph Nye’s research into soft power aims mainly to serve the American diplo-
matic and international strategies, the goal of which is to defend its hegemonic
interests and power politics. China’s purpose of cultural soft power research,
however, is to increase its comprehensive national strength. Domestically speaking,
China’s aim is to carry forward the excellent traditional Chinese culture, to imbue a
society with nobility and core socialist values, and to enhance the cohesion among
the whole Party, the military forces and all the people. Internationally speaking, it is
to present a positive global image, to create a friendly global environment, and to
help build a peaceful, harmonious and cooperative world.

3.2 Wider Connotation

While the category of Joseph Nye’s soft power limits itself to cultural appeal, the
attraction of political systems and values, and diplomatic persuasiveness, we stress
cultural soft power. In contrast to material hard power, cultural soft power includes
all the invisible and intangible forces arising from spirit, wisdom or emotions,
including cultural appeal, persuasiveness of the language used, idealistic and
spiritual inspiration, creativity, insightfulness, the power of morality, the ability of
theories to provide guidance, the ability of public opinions to sway, and the ability
of images to shape perception, and so forth.

© Social Sciences Academic Press and Springer Nature Singapore Pte Ltd. 2017 43
G. Zhang, Research Outline for China’s Cultural Soft Power,
Research Series on the Chinese Dream and China’s Development Path,
DOI 10.1007/978-981-10-3398-8_3
44 3 Reconstruction of Soft Power to Form Cultural Soft Power

3.3 Reconstruction of the Underlying Logic of Soft Power

For Nye’s part, cultural appeal is as important as the attractiveness of institutions or

values, and the ability to find a voice in the international affairs. By contrast, culture
has a peculiar, irreplaceable role in China’s soft power. In addition to being the soul
and guiding light, culture is the very framework encompassing all aspects of
China’s soft power.
Culture is on a higher plain than institutions, values, or efforts to secure a greater
say in international affairs and to play a greater role in shaping world discourse
insofar it imbues all these things and many beyond.
Chapter 4
Categories Related to Research on China’s
Cultural Soft Power

As a product of advanced human thinking and cognition, “category” is a founda-

tional concept that is highly general and structurally stable. It captures the essence
of things and general relations among them, and is, therefore, methodologically
significant.
One of the principal tasks of the research of China’s cultural soft power is to
identify the dialectic relationships among the categories as they concern the
development and methodology of the research.

4.1 Relationship Between Soft and Hard Power

Interdependent and dialectically united, soft power and hard power are distinct from
and yet interrelated with each other. On the other hand, the two are sometimes
interchangeable and mutually penetrable. Hard power provides the material and
scientific basis, as well as the means for soft power, while the relative soft power
provides ideas, wisdom, developmental strategies, and motivation for hard power.
For example, without advanced weapons, ample financial resources, and reliable
logistic guarantee, it would be hard to defeat powerful enemies, even if the country
were with high morale, profound wisdom or strong will. Conversely, with advanced
arms and ample logistics guarantee but without the help of the people’s loyalty,
acumen, discipline or strong will, the advanced weaponry and the ample logistic
guarantee would be of no use, or even be something that could be taken advantage
of by the opponent. A fiasco would be its inevitable fate in such a case.

© Social Sciences Academic Press and Springer Nature Singapore Pte Ltd. 2017 45
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Research Series on the Chinese Dream and China’s Development Path,
DOI 10.1007/978-981-10-3398-8_4
46 4 Categories Related to Research on China’s Cultural Soft Power

4.2 Relationship Between Cultural Soft Power

and Comprehensive National Strength

The comprehensive national strength includes economic productivity, political

mobilization, military combat power, cultural attractiveness, technological inno-
vative ability, national cohesion, etc. The first three belongs to material hard power,
while the others belong to the category of cultural soft power. Against a background
of the proliferation of nuclear weapons, the rapid development of the Internet, the
limited use of military power, the ever more influential news media on political
situation or social psychology, the status and influence of physical hard power in
overall national strength has been comparatively lowered, and the influence of
cultural soft power has extended. The world is undergoing major developments,
changes, and adjustments. Competition between the countries of the northern
hemisphere (mostly developed countries) and the southern hemisphere (mostly
underdeveloped countries), and between the socialist countries and the capitalist
countries is fiercer than ever before. With the task of safeguarding national cultural
security increasingly arduous, the position of culture in the competition of com-
prehensive national strength is becoming increasingly pre-eminent. The strength of
cultural soft power concerns China’s cohesion, solidarity and the long-term sta-
bility, and is therefore an intrinsic part of the comprehensive national strength of
China.

4.3 Relationship Between Traditional Chinese Culture

and Contemporary Cultural Soft Power

With Confucius, Buddhist and Taoist thoughts omnipresent, China’s traditional

culture includes the Four Books and the Five Classics, Book of Poetry, Book of
Rites, Chinese classical poetry, Chinese folk music, local operas, folk arts, tradi-
tional Chinese painting, calligraphy, couplets (duilian), riddles, twisters, traditional
costumes, utensils, and so forth. The traditional values of the Chinese nation,
philosophy, wisdom, creativity, vision, spiritual pursuits, aesthetic taste, will,
character, mentality and customs are also implicit in the ancient culture. The tra-
ditional culture is the root, the historical development path, and the soul of China
that distinguishes it from the other nations. Evolving from the ancient traditions of
Chinese culture and absorbing foreign cultures during the process of its develop-
ment, the contemporary Chinese culture retains the root, development path and the
soul of traditional Chinese culture, which is the richest resources yet of China’s
cultural soft power. Only by keeping up with the times and by absorbing the best
part of the traditional culture, can the contemporary China’s cultural soft power be
steadily, fully and rapidly developed. Indisputably, it will flourish and be brought
into full play, if attached with the spirit of the times.
4.4 Relationship Between Core Values and Cultural Soft Power 47

4.4 Relationship Between Core Values and Cultural Soft

Power

In the process of a nation’s development, core values are the most internal and the
most solid forces. They concern the spiritual pursuit, values, the sense of duty and
mission of every individual, principles, morality, conscience, ideals, convictions,
theories, what is admirable and venerable, will, character, the boundary drawn
between what is right and what is wrong, what is beautiful and what is ugly, or what
is good and what is evil. The popularity of positive core values, with the conscious
practice by the majority of people, would make a nation resplendent with upbeat
ethos, vitality, unity, harmony, high-spiritedness, courage, creativity and competi-
tiveness, and help the national cultural soft power to scale new heights. Conversely,
without positive core values, the unhealthy trend would triumph and righteousness,
cohesion and people’s ideals would suffer. The confusion between what is the right
and what is wrong, selfishness, cowardice, lifelessness, lack of vitality would reign.
In such circumstances, the cultural soft power of a nation would necessarily be very
fragile or vulnerable. That is why we hold that the core values are the soul and
essence of cultural soft power. Whether a nation can consciously develop and
practice the affirmative core values is the proper standard of judging the strength of
cultural soft power.

4.5 Relationship Between Cultural Diversity

and a Core Value System

The wide variety in ethnic groups, geography, or history among the nations decides
that their cultures are necessarily different. The core value system of a particular
nation or country, or in a specific historical stage of development cannot be inde-
pendent of the influence and constraints from particular social and political systems
or ideologies, and is therefore unique. Thanks to the relatively few international
exchanges and little inter-ethnic communication, the conflicts between cultural
diversity and a particular core value system had not been very serious in ancient
China. Today, however, with economic globalization, multi-polarization and the
rapid development of information networks, the interaction, confrontation and
infusion of various ideologies and cultures are progressively more frequent and
intense. Therefore, the conflicts between the diversity of the cultures and the core
value system of a particular country are increasingly sharp. In order to strengthen
China’s cultural soft power, it is imperative that we improve the core socialist value
system as well as actively learn from the advanced cultures with an open mind
under conditions that the security of national ideologies is safeguarded. In short,
equal importance is to be given to both taking advantage of the diverse world
cultures and taking the initiative to identify the right direction of the core socialist
value system.
48 4 Categories Related to Research on China’s Cultural Soft Power

4.6 Relationship Between Development of Cultural

Industries and Cultural Soft Power

Cultural industries possess dual attributes (ideological and commercial) and inter-
ests (social and economic). The dialectic unity of the dual attributes and interests of
cultural industries is the starting point of studying the relationship between cultural
industries and cultural soft power. It is the ideological orientation of the cultural
products that can really affect people’s thoughts, values, emotions, or judgment
instead of their commercial values or economic interests. Whereas affirmative and
correct ideological orientation can benefit the society, negative or incorrect ideo-
logical orientation can actually be detrimental. To what extent will it be positive or
negative, however, depends on the commercial value or economic success of the
cultural product. The more their sales are and the wider they circulate, the greater
their social consequences. For those cultural products with negative social effects,
however, their commercial success will only inflict greater harm to the society.
Thus, the ideological attribute and the social interests are positively correlated, and
the commercial attribute and the economic interests aid the development of cultural
soft power. Social benefits should always be given top priority when we develop
cultural industries, although the economic interest should also be taken into
consideration.

4.7 Relationship Between the Internal Environment

and the External Environment

The internal environment on which the development of cultural soft power depend
refers to the academic workforce, schools of thought, academic achievements,
academic activities, ideology management as well as the planning, creation, pro-
cesses of the (cultural) products, organization management, marketing, in addition
to the culture macro layout, micro-management, theme exploration, guidance, and
personnel training. The external environment on which the development of cultural
soft power depend refers to whether the state puts emphasis on the academic sphere,
cultural industries, and the cultural cause, and whether the supporting laws, regu-
lations and policies for these three areas are reasonable. The addition, interaction of
the various elements, fields, and links within the above two environments are the
domestic cultural environment. The outer environment includes the non-cultural
environment such as China’s economic, political and social situation, which
influences the development of cultural soft power, and the political, economic and
cultural situation internationally. With broad vision and systematic thinking, an
optimal development strategy for China’s cultural soft power are to be mapped out
in the complicated domestic and foreign environment.
4.8 Relationship Between Basic Research and Countermeasure Research … 49

4.8 Relationship Between Basic Research

and Countermeasure Research on Cultural Soft Power

For any academic studies, the theoretical foundation needs to be laid. Without a
firm foundation, the researches would necessarily be weak and could hardly be
expected to have consistency. The ultimate goal of the research, however, lies in its
application. Chinese idioms such as “applied governance or statecraft” (jing-
shizhiyong), “to adapt ancient forms for present-day use” (guweijinyong), and that
“foreign things should be made to serve China” (yangweizhongyong) all lay the
emphasis on application. The basic and the countermeasure researches are in a
dialectical unity, complementing each other. Without the premise and direction
provided by the general theory research, any countermeasure research would be
likely to be blind, superficial, and short-sighted; if we should give attention to basic
research alone and neglect or even give up the application of the countermeasure
research, then the state, the society, and the people would benefit little from such
kind of research. Only if the two complement and support each other would great
progresses be made. The research of cultural soft power was a case in point. The
reason why Joseph Nye’s concept of soft power has been doubted by so many
people is that he has neglected the basic research. Without a clear and exact defi-
nition, his theory can only give rise to ambiguity. Thanks to the fact that it is related
to the actual needs of every country when formulating its international strategies,
the concept of soft power still enjoys immense popularity. If China’s cultural soft
power research were to be systematic and scientific, and if it were to become a
pragmatic think tank, the basic research should be combined with the counter-
measure research.
Chapter 5
People-Oriented Cultural Soft Power

While state perspective, social perspectives, or other perspectives can be used to

judge cultural soft power, the human perspective is the most objective standard of
all. After all, there would be no government without officials; likewise, there would
be no society without its members. The cultural soft power of a state or a society
has to boil down, eventually, to people. In researching how cultural soft power is
generated and how its function can be brought into full play, the people orientation
seems to be an inevitable result. To be more specific, we should improve public
literacy in scientifically sound theories, guide the public with correct public opin-
ion, imbue them with noble spirits, inspire them with excellent works, enlighten
them with wit, love them with real affection, encourage them with brave character,
and unite them with harmonious ideas. In short, people are the starting point of the
promotion of China’s cultural soft power and the attainment of the strategic goal of
strengthening China with the help of culture.

5.1 Improve Public Literacy in Scientifically Sound

Theories

Theories, by definition, should be systematic, regulated, and able to provide pre-

dictions and guidance. Friedrich Von Engels once mentioned that theoretical
thinking is something that a nation cannot do without for it to stand at the top of the
theoretical world. Theories are related to ideals, convictions, the pursuit of the
correct values, what banner that the nation is under, and what road is the following.
Scientific theories, once learned by the masses, will become a huge material force to
change the world. Marxism-Leninism, Mao Zedong Thought, the theoretical system
of socialism with Chinese characteristics, and other basic theories of the Party are
what are referred to by “scientific theories.” Modern Chinese history has repeatedly
proven that the introduction of Marxism to China had endowed China with a new

© Social Sciences Academic Press and Springer Nature Singapore Pte Ltd. 2017 51
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Research Series on the Chinese Dream and China’s Development Path,
DOI 10.1007/978-981-10-3398-8_5
52 5 People-Oriented Cultural Soft Power

outlook. Under the guidance of Marxism with Chinese characteristics, imperialism,

feudalism and bureaucrat-capitalism had been overthrown and the New China had
been founded. The new era has witnessed China’s independence, the Chinese
people’s liberation, social progresses, national unification, the socialist path that
China has taken, the reform policies that have been carried out and the subsequent
economic boom, steady accumulation of material wealth, and the massive
improvement of the people’s standard of living and the comprehensive national
strength. It is under the guidance of Marxism that China, once hovering on the very
brink of subjugation, now welcomes the dawn of the great rejuvenation of the
Chinese nation after a century of struggle. The scientific truthfulness of Marxism
has been repeatedly proven by the practice of the Chinese revolutions, develop-
ments and the reforms. It is quite evident that the effective use of these theories to
arm the whole Party, to educate the people and to improve their theoretical
attainment, would surely help improve China’s cultural soft power dramatically.

5.2 Guide the Public with Correct Public Opinion

Public opinion is about the people’s remarks and their feelings. “Right” public
opinion is in accordance with the facts, can ensure a full understanding of the
matters concerned, and can serve as a guide to people’s feelings. Contrary to the
facts and what things should be, wrong opinions are generally an exaggeration or of
a minute part even malicious slander, or sometimes much ado about nothing. Such
opinions would inevitably mislead people. It is widely acknowledged in China that
the world can be won if people’s heart has been won, and that it can be lost,
however, if their heart has been lost. Public opinion is closely related to the popular
support and the security of the regime. As Mao Zedong said, “To overthrow or
consolidate a regime, first one would have to mould public opinion, whether it be
the revolutionary or the counter-revolutionary class.” Former China’s president
Jiang Zemin also said: “The precise guidance of public opinion is a blessing of the
Party and the people; misguided public opinion, on the other hand, is a curse upon
the Party and the people.” Public opinion war had triggered such incidents as the
disintegration of the Soviet Union, the extensive changes of the Eastern Bloc, color
revolution, and Arab Spring. The reasons why the CPSU, with only 20 million
members, could seize power were its correct theory and favorable public opinion.
The startling revelation of the brutal oppression suffered by the workers and
peasants at the hands of Tsar had stricken a chord among the victims; the prospect
of a better future that the Communist Party promised also helped fulfill the wishes
for a better life of the workers and the farmers of the time. In contrast, the CPSU
members had reached as many as 22.4 million in number previous to the fall of the
former Soviet Union. However, as Gorbachev lifted the ban on criticizing the party
and the ban on newspapers, privately owned media funded by the Western countries
openly mushroomed. Whereas the topics about the CPSU or the discontent with the
government could only be whispered privately in the past— in the kitchen or in the
5.2 Guide the Public with Correct Public Opinion 53

bedroom, people could publicly scold the party in the newspaper, and on the radio
or television.1 The CPSU had completely lost the public support and the people’s
heart, as the contemporaries did not have a chance to distinguish the true from the
false. That is how the Soviet Union, a superpower that once kept pace with the
United States, had collapsed all of a sudden, without external aggression, civil war,
or stormy mass movement. The reasons behind the far-reaching changes in the
Eastern Bloc, color revolution and Arab Spring were different, but one of the
reasons was shared: the opposition party left no stones unturned to discredit the
current authorities and to stimulate the public discontent with the government. In
this way, the opposition party seized power in the chaos of the resultant ethnic
division and confrontation. It can be inferred from the above analysis that only the
right public opinion would evoke good public feelings and permit a healthy
development of China’s cultural soft power.

5.3 Imbue People with Noble Spirits

Noble Spirits mainly refer to the superiority of mind or character. More demanding
than the ethical requirements of the core values at the individual level (“patriotism,
dedication, integrity, kindness”), noble spirits include repaying the country with
supreme loyalty, complete honesty, virtuousness, helpfulness, selflessness, coura-
geousness and other noble qualities. A nation full of such spirits would be
high-spirited, hopeful, invincible, and with good morale. On the other hand, a nation
which neither promotes the core values of “patriotism, dedication, integrity and
kindness,” nor has the lofty spiritual support of the noble spirits, would necessarily
have an ineffective government, disorderly society, selfish and narrow-minded cit-
izens, dishonest, poor and helpless people. Craftiness would go unpunished and
justice be neglected. It would be hard for such a nation, which would just be like
some sand and cannot stand the attacks or difficulties, to stand firm in the family of
nations. Only when noble spirits had been assiduously cultivated from one’s
childhood so that everyone accepts and adores the noble spirits, and only when
people with noble spirits inspire deep respect and praise of the whole society, can the
moral standards of a country be raised, can the spiritual realm continuously be
improved, and can China’s cultural soft power substantially rise.

5.4 Inspire People with Outstanding Works

With relatively clear-cut ideological attributes, literature and art are an integral part
of the superstructure. Literary and artistic works mainly include films, television,
drama, novels, poetry, prose, music, painting, sculpture, handicrafts, and so on.

1
Cai (2012)
54 5 People-Oriented Cultural Soft Power

Although soft power drawn from such works is not so direct, profound, and
effective in mobilizing people as philosophy or social science theories are, they tend
to be softer, more flexible, permeable, popular and lasting. However, not all literary
and artistic works can provide the audience with correct guidance or exert beneficial
influence with high artistic value. Only those outstanding literary or artistic works
high in ideological and artistic value can cultivate one’s character, sublimate the
character, unite the people and give rise to high morale. Such works should be with
correct political orientation and themes that are constructive in forming people’s
ideals and convictions, in influencing moral sentiments, in shaping temperament
qualities, and in forging the spirit of perseverance. Subtle and marginal at first, the
effect would be far-reaching and profound in the long term. Misguiding or vague
literary and artistic works will cause ideological confusion, depression, and even
distortion in the outlook on the world among the audience. Simplistic works of
inferior quality, though harmless, are incapable of reaching the depths of the human
soul or leave an imprint there. Thus, more popular and outstanding works need to
be tapped as the fertile source of China’s cultural soft power.

5.5 Enlighten People with Profound Wisdom

Profound wisdom means good judgment, innovativeness and the ability to discern
inner qualities and relationships. Only with profound wisdom can one be
resourceful, far-sighted, expert at devising strategies and creating miracles, and can
one adopt the scientific method, find the laws, improve the operational skills,
understand the general situation keenly, get a grip on the complex reality, foresee
the future in a scientific way, and reform the old in order to create the new.
Conversely, without wisdom, it is impossible to develop a comprehensive strategic
vision, grasp scientific way of thinking, or have clever manipulation skills. Hard
work, courage and kindness alone are not sufficient for a nation to be among the
best nations, or to be in an invincible position in the international competition; one
also needs profound wisdom. Otherwise, faced with an ever-changing international
situation and the toughest security challenges, at a time when it is difficult to
distinguish the friends from the foe, with economic globalization that might do
good or harm, with rapid technological advancement, and with intense competition
in national strength, we would inevitably lose the battle. Therefore, only if we can
enlighten people with profound wisdom and improve the wisdom of the whole
nation, can we significantly increase China’s cultural soft power.
5.6 Care for People with Real Affection 55

5.6 Care for People with Real Affection

“Affection” is the outward manifestation of a person’s psychology when he accepts

a stimulus or influence arising from objectivity, such as love, anger, sadness,
happiness, fear, shyness, jealousy, or hatred. The word “real” means an earnest and
sincere attitude. Affection is care and concern for the people in general or the
masses. To “care for people with real affection” means caring, loving and helping
people with sincerity and good faith. It means worrying when they are worried,
hating what they hate, showing concern about the things they care, and pursuing the
things that they want. We should take the initiative and offer timely and solicitous
help to people to attack problems. In this way, Chinese people’s sense of belonging
and their identity with their motherland are bound to improve. The cohesion and
solidarity of the Chinese nation and Chinese society would be greatly enhanced,
too. Conversely, if the Party members and cadres only care about their own interests
instead of the well-being and the suffering of the people—”Each one sweeps the
snow from his own doorstep and doesn’t heed the frost on his neighbor’s roof,” as
the Chinese saying suggests,—or being hypocritical and doing things just for show,
the Chinese people will be disappointed with the CPC and the Chinese government,
and it will be inevitable that the sense of belonging and identification with the
homeland would be dulled gradually. As a result, the cohesion and solidarity of this
country or this nation would be seriously undermined. Only by adhering to the
principle of caring for people sincerely with real affection can China’s cultural soft
power be continuously enhanced.

5.7 Encourage People to Be Brave

Bravery is most precious in human character and always accompanies progresses,

creativity, and success. Without bravery, human beings could not have conquered
the beasts or the harsh environment, or arisen from ignorance, or formed the nascent
stage of primitive civilization, nor would they have the chance of reproduction.
Without bravery, people could not have overcome all kinds of natural disasters or
have developed the economy. Without bravery, we could not have scaled the
commanding heights of technology that we have today. Without bravery, human
beings could not have broken the record and pushed themselves to the limit in
athletics. Without bravery, a nation would not dare to defend itself, fight for its
independence and dignity, or repulse the military invasion of a strong enemy.
Without bravery, it is impossible to fight back the violent terrorists’ attacks.
Without bravery, it is impossible to adhere to truth and justice, neither will it be
impossible to emancipate the mind, generate new ideas, break the routine, or keep
up with the times. It is impossible for a timid and submissive people or a nation in
fear of opposition, difficulties, or challenges to command international respect
among the nations of the world. A society which neither adheres to any principle,
56 5 People-Oriented Cultural Soft Power

nor upholds the truth or social justice cannot be expected to have complete freedom,
genuine equality, justice or the rule of law. A person who dare not venture any
opinion or take any actions would be unable to design any inventions, or to win any
competitions. Thus, we can say bravery in the character is the “hardest” element in
the cultural soft power. Only if we inspire our entire nation with bravery in one’s
character can we strengthen the country and make China’s cultural soft power
stronger.

5.8 Unite People with Harmonious Ideas

The Chinese characters hexie (harmony) originally refer to tacit understanding or

consensus in the relationship or cooperation, which has now become an overriding
political aim of China. A harmonious society and a harmonious world should both
be built. A “harmonious society” fulfils the criteria of democracy, rule of law,
fairness, justice, honesty, friendliness, vitality, stability, order, and harmony
between man and nature. Rather than a muddled one with no principle, no regard to
beauty and ugliness, or a society in which each one seeking their own ways, such a
society is with the rule of law, unity and order and draws a distinction between the
right and the wrong. A “harmonious world,” on the other hand, suggests a new type
of international relations of peace, development, and win-win cooperation. with
principles of dignity, development and security of all the nations, such a world
jointly gets to grips with problems and challenges, turns pressure into motivation
and crisis into life, and seeks cooperative and collective security, against bullying
the weak nations, interfering with the internal affairs of a foreign country,
exploiting, and plundering. The misgivings felt by China’s neighboring countries
should be dispelled with the principles of amity, sincerity, mutual benefit and
inclusiveness. While the concept of a harmonious society can promote righteous-
ness, solidarity, law-abidingness, vitality, cohesion and competitiveness, the con-
cept of a harmonious world can promote mutual understanding among the people
around the world, help them seek common ground, share responsibility and facil-
itate common development. The image of China being a responsible great power
conducive to international justice is to be projected as one which properly guards its
vital interests and adheres to the path of peaceful development at the same time. To
put it in a nutshell, the concept of harmony is beneficial for the enhancement of
China’s cultural soft power both at home and abroad.

Reference

Cai W (2012) Faith crisis and the fate of the Soviet Union. Social Sciences Academic Press, China,
p 183
Chapter 6
Main Areas and Key Issues of China’s
Cultural Soft Power Research

6.1 Development of Core Socialist Value System

and China’s Cultural Soft Power

A core value system and its specific core values are the soul of a nation, the essence
of its culture, and point to the direction for a country to advance. The major content
of China’s “core socialist value system” includes: guiding ideology of Marxism, the
common ideal of socialism with Chinese characteristics, the national spirit of China
with patriotism as the core, the spirit of the times of reform and innovation, and the
socialist concept of honor. “Core socialist values,” an expression of the core socialist
value system, advocate prosperity, democracy, civility, harmony, freedom, equality,
justice, the rule of law, patriotism, dedication, integrity, and kindness. As Xi Jinping
pointed out, “The development of human society has demonstrated that the deepest
and most enduring strength that a nation and country can have lies in the core values
commonly recognized in its society, which stand for the spiritual pursuit of a nation,
and provide the societal standard to judge the merits and the demerits.” The core
values contain the ideals and convictions in the realization of the China Dream, the
achievements of human civilization, and the essence of the fine traditional Chinese
culture. Therefore, they are also the foundation, soul and the most valuable part of
China’s cultural soft power. Culture sets the framework for and is the soul of soft
power. Being the essence of culture, the core values command all the other values
and influence their value orientation. Thus, the building of the core socialist value
system is the most fundamental task in fostering China’s cultural soft power.

6.2 Chinese Marxism and China’s Cultural Soft Power

Since the Song and Ming Dynasties, the Chinese traditional culture (with Confucian
culture as the main content) had become increasingly rigid and had turned into the
ideological tool for ruling people. The so-called Neo-Confucianism, with a closed
© Social Sciences Academic Press and Springer Nature Singapore Pte Ltd. 2017 57
G. Zhang, Research Outline for China’s Cultural Soft Power,
Research Series on the Chinese Dream and China’s Development Path,
DOI 10.1007/978-981-10-3398-8_6
58 6 Main Areas and Key Issues of China’s Cultural Soft Power Research

system and conservative ideas, had made the society a boring one and indirectly led
to the Qing dynasty’s devastating defeat in the Opium War. At the turn of the 20th
century, China was at the verge of national subjugation and racial extinction. It was
after Marxism came into China that the Chinese revolution and the fate of the
Chinese nation had taken on an entirely new look. The reason why Marxism has
had such an effect is that the CPC has been combining Marxism with China’s
reality—Marxism with Chinese characteristics. The process of Marxism entering
China had also been a process of Marxism adapting to China’s national conditions
and reality. Two big leaps in theory have been made in this historical process,
resulting in two major theoretical achievements of Marxism with Chinese charac-
teristics, namely, Mao Zedong Thought and the theoretical system of socialism with
Chinese characteristics. Without the guidance of these two theoretical systems,
China could not have achieved national independence, liberation, social progresses,
economic development, cultural prosperity, the improvement of people’s living
standard, the rise in the comprehensive national strength, and high international
status. And the dawn of the great rejuvenation of the Chinese nation would not have
come. Marxism with Chinese characteristics, the innovative product of the con-
temporary Chinese culture, offers guidance to China’s cultural soft power.
Therefore, the process of combining Marxism with Chinese characteristics is also
the evolutionary process of China’s cultural soft power.

6.3 Socialism with Chinese Characteristics and China’s

Cultural Soft Power

Socialism with Chinese characteristics, the specific form of Chinese Marxism, has
been guiding China to achieve its rejuvenation. Formulated under the historical
conditions of the reform policies, it has three basic aspects: the socialist path, the
theoretical system of socialism with Chinese characteristics and the socialist
institutions. Based on China’s national conditions and under the leadership of the
CPC, the socialist path with Chinese characteristics means centering on economic
development, adhering to the Four Cardinal Principles, carrying out the reform
policies, releasing and developing the productive forces, building socialist market
economy, socialist democracy, advanced socialist culture, socialist harmonious
society and socialist ecological civilization, promoting the comprehensive human
development, gradually realizing the general prosperity of all people, and building a
prosperous, democratic, civilized and harmonious modern socialist country. The
theoretical system of socialism with Chinese characteristics, with Deng Xiaoping
Theory, the important thought of “Three Represents,” scientific concept of devel-
opment and other theories incorporated into the scientific theoretical system,
adheres to and develops Marxism-Leninism and Mao Zedong Thought. The basic
6.3 Socialism with Chinese Characteristics and China’s Cultural Soft Power 59

socialist institutions with Chinese characteristics include the basic socialist political
system (including China’s National People’s Congress (NPC) system as the most
fundamental political system, the multi-party cooperation and political consultation
system under the leadership of the Communist Party of China, regional ethnic
autonomy system, grassroots self-governance system), the legal system, and the
basic economic institutions (with diverse forms of ownership developing side by
side with public ownership as the main body), and the respective specific economic,
political, cultural and social institutions based on the above basic systems.
Following the road of Chinese socialism, guided by Chinese theoretical system of
socialism, and protected by the Chinese socialist system, the noble cause of
building socialism with Chinese characteristics is sure to be furthered. It has
become increasingly evident through practice that in order to achieve the great
rejuvenation of the Chinese nation, the Chinese people have no choice but follow
the socialist road with Chinese characteristics, hold the Chinese socialist system and
adopt its system. That is to say, we should have full confidence in adhering to
socialism with Chinese characteristics. It is the persistence and self-confidence that
have enabled ever greater China’s cultural soft power, the main content of which
being socialism with Chinese characteristics.

6.4 China’s Educational Pattern and China’s

Cultural Soft Power

Education is to disseminate culture and to develop human resources. Ever since the
ancient times, the purpose of education has been “to propagate the doctrine, to
impart professional knowledge, and to resolve doubts” (by Han Yu). “To propagate
the doctrine” is to tell the students the way of the world: how to treat themselves,
how to treat others, and how to deal with a specific situation, namely, to help form
an outlook on the world, on life, and on moral education of the values. “To impart
professional knowledge” is to teach the students knowledge and the professional
skills, to master the skills to serve the country and the community, as well as the
ability to make a living. “To resolve doubts” is to help the students master the
correct analytical method, and to clarify some confusions and vague points. Thus,
education determines whether the foundation of cultural soft power is strong or not,
whether the talent pool is sufficient, whether the potential is great, and whether
sustainable development can be guaranteed. At present, China’s education has
made great progress in terms of both the development scale and the construction of
educational infrastructure and facilities. Problems exist, nevertheless. First, the
examination-oriented education has impaired the overall quality of students. As a
result, the students suffer from deteriorating physical conditions, lowered standards
of morality, and a lack of creativity. Second, the industrialization of education has
60 6 Main Areas and Key Issues of China’s Cultural Soft Power Research

adversely affected its quality, and undermined the equity principle of “education for
all,” resulting in a high dropout rate of children in poor areas. Third, high tuition
fees pose a grave problem, which makes it hard to implement the national policy of
universal education, and throw the superiority of the socialist system into doubt—
education in China seems to lag behind even some countries more backward than
China. Under such circumstances, the cohesion of people to the Party and to the
government would be greatly weakened because of it, and cultural soft power
would surely suffer as it would increase only under conditions of first-class edu-
cation. In short, education must be materially improved and its pressing practical
problems must be effectively cured in order for the strengthening of China’s cultural
soft power and for the solidification of its foundation.

6.5 China’s News Media and China’s Cultural Soft Power

News media affect the orientation of public opinion and ideological propaganda. It
influences social psychology, the mood of the people, the judgment of the right and
the wrong, the turn of public opinion, and the policy-making of the Party and the
government. With the rapid development of the Internet, it has been affecting the
economic and social life ever more deeply and in a wider sphere, generating a
profound change in the production mode and the means of communication of public
opinion, and changing the media landscape and public opinion. It seems that
whoever has the command of the Internet can find a voice in the opinion via
Internet and the direction of socio-economic and political development. Thus, news
media can be said to be the most sensitive balancing power that can affect the rise
and fall of cultural soft power. As the media should belong to the Party and the
people, we should unswervingly hold that the Party should put the media under
control, adhere to the Marxist perspective concerning the news media, take the
correct direction, advocate any thoughts and spirits that are conducive to the
common ideal and the drive of the people, and carry out its crucial functions of
inspiring and encouraging people. We should raise the quality and level of the
positivity in the media, making efforts to make it reliable, evocative, attractive, and
moving to the masses. We should know the law, improve the ways of the Internet
communication, and develop a healthy Internet culture in an attempt to dominate
the Internet media. Media war should be carried out with good reason, with
advantage and with restraint. As for the issues relating to political principles or
ethics, we cannot afford to be ambiguous, keep silent and prevaricates. Instead, we
should be bold, take control, criticize false ideas, help the cadres or the masses to
draw the boundaries between the right and the wrong, and clarify the ambiguities.
No channels should be opened up for the false ideas; by no means should we lose
our ideological base. It is a central task in strengthening China’s cultural soft power.
6.6 China’s Ideological Education and China’s Cultural Soft Power 61

6.6 China’s Ideological Education and China’s

Cultural Soft Power

The CPC has been persistently carried out ideological education work to cadres,
students and other people. Using ideologies, political views, morality and historical
experiences, Party organizations, the army, organs, schools, enterprises and soci-
eties are all engaged in such an education work in an attempt to promote, change or
direct one’s outlook and the values in a planned and organized way. Such ideo-
logical education covers one’s ideal, convictions, Marxist materialism and the
Marxist science, the core socialist value system, the basic knowledge of the Party,
the current affairs, democracy, legality, the socialist morality and patriotism in order
that people may become good citizens, cadres, or youth who are contributive to the
society and firm in the guiding principle of Marxism, the ideal of socialism with
Chinese characteristics, the love of their motherland, the concern for the collec-
tivity, friendliness to their comrades, good manners, civility, obedience to the
disciplines and the laws, noble character. University students are the focus of the
education work. Such education among the college students is giving serious cause
for concern to the stability and the future of China, as well as the outlook of the
future Chinese. Today’s college students would be the majority of tomorrow’s
workforce, and would be among the elites in the political, military, commercial and
academic fields. These elites should be firm in the correctness of the political
direction, ideal, be fearless in their character, be outstanding in their theoretical
quality, morally introspective, loyal to their motherland, and contributive to the
society. China’s cultural soft power will amount to the spiritual character and the
wit of the Chinese people, represented by contemporary college students with their
thoughts and behavior. In a way, we can say that the ideological education work is
beneficial for the future in the long term.

6.7 China’s Literature and China’s Cultural Soft Power

As a form of ideology, literature, having its origin in social life, is higher than life
and can serve as its guide. Meanwhile, literature influences and permeates other
forms of ideologies. With the thoughts and content inevitably under the influence of
political ideologies, law, morality, religion or philosophy, the vividness and per-
suasiveness of literature can help spread the other forms of ideologies. Themes of
literature are broad as life experiences are rich, and literary readers are numerous.
Therefore, among the forms of ideologies, literary works are the most popular and
acceptable. With noble morality, dazzling wit, lively characters, with lofty ideals,
strong will, and heroic behavior, excellent literary works can move, educate,
inspire, uplift, enlighten, and improve people, and push social progresses and
historical development. On the one hand, the literature of a certain social or his-
torical period of time significantly symbolizes the level of spiritual civilization,
62 6 Main Areas and Key Issues of China’s Cultural Soft Power Research

thoughts and wit of the time; on the other hand, unlike the harshness featured in
political ideologies which is likely to cause conflicts, literary works will usually be
willingly accepted by the other nations or states. So we can say that literary works
can be said to be the softest, the most enduring, the most elastic and charming part
of a nation or a country. With unique charms of its own and closely related to the
history of China, those excellent works with readability and adherence to the correct
ideologies would greatly increase the cohesion, creativity, and competiveness of the
Chinese nation in the process of enhancing the cultural quality of the Chinese
people. The world may acquaint with, appreciate, and love China better in this way.
In short, literature is the source of raising China’s cultural soft power, a source that
will never be drained.

6.8 Democracy and Legal System Building and China’s

Cultural Soft Power

With minority rights protected, democracy requires majority rule. Democratic

societies are committed to the values of tolerance, cooperation, compromise and the
arrival of consensus. It aims to protect the fundamental rights: the right to the
freedom of speech, the right to the freedom of religion or belief, and so on. The
equality before the law is protected and the people’s chances for social, political,
economic, and cultural participation are provided. Legal system building includes
the building of the formal system and substantial building. Formal system building
refers to the formulation of legal regulations, statecraft, institutions and the oper-
ational mechanism. The substantial legal system building, on the other hand, means
the values, principles and ideas of the dominance of law, the superiority of the law,
the rule of the law, and the act in strict accordance with the law. The two sides of
the legal building are complementary and integral. Albeit in a dialectic unity,
democracy and legal system building restrict each other. The legal system building
must be made sound in order to develop democracy; otherwise the so-called
democracy would be out of control and the country would be in a state of anarchy.
Anarchists often manipulate the concept of democracy to spread the so-called
absolute freedom. It is imperative that legal system building be strengthened and
democracy institutionalized and legalized to provide the principles for the market
bodies. On the other hand, sound legal system building should be accompanied by a
premise: democracy must be established to ensure the rights of the majority of the
people. Otherwise, the legal system building would become dictatorship. Only in a
country hosted by the people can the law be formulated in accordance with the
requirement and the expectation of the majority, can this guideline be observed:
“There must be laws to go by, the laws must be observed and strictly enforced, and
lawbreakers must be prosecuted.” Everyone should enjoy the equal protection of
the law and everyone should be equal in the face of the law and no one has any
privilege. Obviously, democracy and legal protection can promote social equality
6.8 Democracy and Legal System Building and China’s Cultural Soft Power 63

and justice, and can maintain a stable and orderly society full of vitality and vigor.
Such institutions would surely increase the public credibility of the government,
and embody the superiority and attraction of the socialist democratic and political
institutions, which can in turn promote China’s cultural soft power.

6.9 Ethnic Policies and China’s Cultural Soft Power

The People’s Republic of China is a unified multi-ethnic state. The history, lan-
guage, customs, religion, and educational and economic levels of the ethnic groups
are sometimes markedly different. Partly for historical reasons and partly owing to
foreign instigation, a few of some ethnic groups with unclear views about their
national identity and ethnic belonging and are liable for false tendencies not
unfavorable for national unity and the unity of the ethnic groups. To promote the
cohesion of the ethnic groups and of the whole state, China has formulated and
implemented correct ethnic policies which emphasize that every ethnic group is a
part of the Chinese nation, enjoys the same rights in every aspect of social life,
fulfills the same obligations, opposing any form of oppression and prejudice. The
ethnic groups are encouraged to treat each other on an equal footing and to develop
a relationship of unity, harmony, friendship and mutual assistance. Regional
autonomy is practiced in areas where people of minority ethnic groups live in
concentrated communities; in these areas, organs of self-government are established
for the exercise of autonomy and for people of ethnic minorities to become masters
of their own areas and to manage the internal affairs of their own regions. The
practice of regional autonomy enhances the combination of state policies and
principles and the concrete conditions of the ethnic minority areas and the inte-
grated development of the state and the minority ethnic groups, the better for each
to give free rein to its own advantages. The state has adopted the following three
economical measures in order to quicken the steps of development of the ethnic
regions. The first measure is China western development program, in which
favorable policies can be enjoyed by the ethnic groups. The second measure is to
develop China’s border areas. The infrastructure of these areas has been developed
to help people there to acquire material wealth; mechanisms have been provided to
ensure the economic prosperity of the area, and efforts are made to raise people’s
living standard by themselves. The third measure is to support those ethnic groups
with a small population. Training should be provided to the cadres of minority
ethnic groups to improve their quality. Other things being equal, priority should be
given to recruit the cadres from ethnic minorities so that they have an appropriate
proportion in the government, the Party commissions, the people’s congresses and
the political consultation commissions. The educational cause of the minority ethnic
groups should be supported and facilitated; the local language education and the
bi-lingual education (Mandarin and the local language) should both be carried out.
Special financial favors ought to be granted to those areas and a one-to-one support
system (one from the developed area and one from the minority area) created.
64 6 Main Areas and Key Issues of China’s Cultural Soft Power Research

Support is to be offered to the development of the local cultures of the minority

ethnic groups, with ethnic art troupes built and the minority art works proliferated.
The folkways of the minority ethnic groups are to be respected and customs con-
cerning diet, holidays, marriage, funerals, and religions should all be respected. No
violation of customs of the minority ethnic groups is allowed in mass media. The
minority peoples have the right to retain or change their folkways and customs, and
the state respects their decisions. Ethnic separatists, Xinjiang independents, ter-
rorists, or extremists would have lost their popularity as long as we adhere to such
ethnic policies. Only if various ethnic groups could coexist harmoniously would
China’s cultural soft power improve substantially.

6.10 China’s Policies on Religion and China’s

Cultural Soft Power

Centered on belief, religion is a very special cultural phenomenon in the process of

social development as it is closely connected with the development of the intel-
lectual and cultural history and influences the thinking and customs of the people
greatly. According to incomplete statistics, nearly 2/3 of the whole world popula-
tion or 4.5 billion people have some form of religious belief: Christianity,
Catholicism, Orthodox, Islam, Hinduism, Buddhism, Taoism and so on. The
believers of Christians, Islamists, Hinduism believers, and Buddhists account for
1965.99 million, 1179.33 million, 767.42 million, 356.88 million, or 33.15, 19.89,
12.94, 6.02% respectively. The believers of tribalism in all forms amount to
2244.16 people, too. In China, we have about 100 million believers, 139,000
registered places for worship, 360,000 religious workers, 5500 religious societies,
and over 100 religious institutions (sponsored by the religious societies). The
influence of religion is very wide, indeed. It should be seen that religion plays
double functions: positive and negative. On the one hand, except for those heresies,
various religions all tell people to be good and to reform themselves. It helps to
purify the morale and stabilize the society. On the other hand, religions can
sometimes have a negative side by misleading people into believing in supersti-
tions, refraining from making due efforts, forgiving the convicted criminals, or even
being taken advantage by evil forces. So we need to take into account both the
positive and negative effects of religion when we are exploring cultural soft power.
In order to adapt religion to socialism, our Party and the state have formulated a
series of policies and regulations to guide, protect, and regulate the management of
religion. Citizens of the People’s Republic of China enjoy freedom of religion. The
Party policies prescribe that freedom of religion is the fundamental right of the
citizens of the People’s Republic of China (PRC). No state organ, public organi-
zation or individual may compel citizens to believe in, or not to believe in, any
6.10 China’s Policies on Religion and China’s Cultural Soft Power 65

religion; nor may they discriminate against citizens because they do, or do not
believe in religion. The state protects normal religious activities, and the religious
affairs are managed according to law. The guideline of self-administration,
self-support and self-propagation of the religions has been established. The freedom
of believing in religion and managing the religious affairs according to law and the
socialist cause are to be unified. The religious people should be patriotic, express
their loyalty to their religion and to their motherland, help with the unity of the
ethnic groups and of the country, and take part in politics. The Constitution of the
PRC makes it clear that “nobody can make use of religion to engage in activities
that disrupt social order, impair the health of citizens or interfere with the educa-
tional system of the state. Religious organizations and religious affairs are not
subject to any foreign dominance.” As long as the above religious policies are
adopted, the positive aspects of religion may be brought out and the negative aspect
can be suffocated so that China’s cultural soft power can be stronger.

6.11 Chinese Traditional Culture and China’s

Cultural Soft Power

The traditional Chinese culture has become an integral part of the Chinese nation.
Despite its dregs that should be ditched, substantially, it is the essence. It provides
China’s cultural soft power with a sound foundation. Much of the best part of the
Chinese traditional culture may transcend time, space or the boundary of a country,
and become the cultural gene with universal meaning or become the values of the
contemporary times. The values, philosophy of life, wit, or spiritual pursuit in the
traditional Chinese culture, once combined with the spirit of a new era, would exert
positive effect on China’s cultural soft power. Examples are numerous, such as to
love people (ren’ai), to be courageous (zhongyong), not to be corrupted (lianjie), to
have integrity (qijie), to be witty (zhihui), to adhere to justice (zhengyi), to devote
attention to the people basis (minben), to be honest (chengxin), to advocate har-
mony (hehe), or to reach Great Harmony (datong).
1. Love for the People (ren’ai)
Ren’ai expresses the thoughts of the people basis, of treating people with a broad
mind, of being kind-hearted and sympathetic, of taking care of others. “Do unto
others as you would be done by.” Ren’ai is supposed to belong to one’s basic
attributes and having ren’ai lays a strong foundation for one’s morality and
self-culture. To practice ren’ai, people can be harmonious with each other and with
the society, so that the world in which “all people are my brothers in the entire
world” and in which “all people are my siblings and all things are my companions”
(minbaowuyu) can be built.
66 6 Main Areas and Key Issues of China’s Cultural Soft Power Research

2. Zhonghe
Being the combination of the zhongyong(the golden law of the mean) and hehe
(combination and harmony), the dialectic thinking of “going too far is as bad as not
going far enough” (more is less) is expressed in traditional Chinese culture. The
salutary effect it can exert on the modern society is that we should think twice and
avoid making haste or going to extremes. It is beneficial for mutual understanding,
communication and mutual tolerance. One needs the idea of Zhonghe to strike a
balance in one’s personality and to bear oneself. A state needs it to pursue social
harmony and peace and to practice peace in international relations.
3. Honesty
Honesty is the principle in traditional Chinese thoughts in dealing with the human
relationship and the relationship of the countries. It is the basis for establishing
oneself in the world, for the way to deal with the world and the way to do business,
and for the policy to run the world. It will prove invaluable in crossing barriers
among people, building up mutual trust, enhancing the cultivation of one’s
morality, building good human relationship, and helping the building of a har-
monious society and a harmonious world.
4. Zhi and Yong
Zhi means wisdom, rationality, or wit. It underscores the importance of rationality
in the ability to make the critical appraisal of one’s morality and in making the right
choice in one’s value orientation. Yong (courage), meaning fearlessness, highlights
the drive being “vigorous and promising (gangjian youwei), or of exerting oneself
constantly (ziqiang buxi) and suggests responsibility or bravery in the just wars,
scientific discoveries, artistic creation and other causes that can push the social
progresses.
5. Patriotism: great care for one’s country and adherence to one’s faith
The spirit that is embodied in the following famous Chinese sayings is advocated.
“Everybody is responsible for the rise and fall of the country” (by Gu Yanwu). “Be
the first to worry the woes of the people, and the last to share the weal of the
people” (by Fan Zhongyan). “None since the advent of time has escaped death, may
my loyalty forever illuminate the annals of history” (by Wen Tianxiang). “I will do
whatever it takes to serve my country even at the cost of my own life, regardless of
fortune or misfortune to myself” (by Lin Zexu). “No fortune shall corrupt my soul.
No poverty shall dampen my will, and no power shall suppress my pride” (by
Mencius), or “better death than dishonor” (a Chinese idiom).
6. Pursuit of values: self-cultivation (xiuwei), encouragement (lizhi), and
statecraft (jingshizhiyong)
“Wishing to order well their states, they first regulated their families. Wishing to
regulate their families, they first cultivated their persons. Wishing to cultivate their
6.11 Chinese Traditional Culture and China’s Cultural Soft Power 67

persons, they first rectified their hearts. Wishing to rectify their hearts, they first
sought to be sincere in their thoughts. Wishing to be sincere in their thoughts, they
first extended to the utmost their knowledge. Such extension of knowledge lay in
the investigation of things.” The line of practice and self-fulfillment was prescribed
in the “Great Learning.” The sincere patriotism of the ancient intellectuals are
reflected in Zhang Zai’s (1020–1077) famous saying: Intellectuals should “ordain
conscience for Heaven and Earth, secure life and fortune for the people, continue
lost teachings for past sages, and establish peace for all future generations.”
7. The Grand Union (Datong) and “the whole world as one community
(tianxia weigong)”
“When the Grand course was pursued, a public and common spirit ruled all under
the sky; they chose men of talents, virtue, and ability; their words were sincere, and
what they cultivated was harmony. Thus men did not love their parents only, nor
treat as children only their own sons. A competent provision was secured for the
aged till their death, employment for the able-bodied, and the means of growing up
to the young. They showed kindness and compassion to widows, orphans, childless
men, and those who were disabled by disease, so that they were all sufficiently
maintained. …This was (the period of) what we call the Grand Union” (from the
Classic of Rites). “Expand the respect of the aged in one’s family to that of other
families; expand the love of the young ones in one’s family to that of other fam-
ilies” (Mencius). “Every tiller has his land” (Sun Yat-Sen). “Provide education for
all people without discrimination” (from Analects). These ideas are a pursuit of a
classless society with equal distribution of wealth and with sameness in the
closeness among people.
8. Democratic Thinking on Being “Different but in Harmony”
“For gentlemen, people are different but in harmony; for villains, they are similar
but they are in disharmony.” The idea of an equal, frank and friendly attitude
towards others despite the possible disagreement of the others’ opinion instead of
blind following others and deliberate fawning is emphasized. Those people low in
morality, or who deliberately cringe at others, would secretly cause discord. This is
actually an idea of democracy that the essence is to be perceived by seeing through
the appearance.
9. The Philosophical Wisdom with Regard to “Following the Law of Nature”
and Respecting the Laws
The harmony between man and nature is advocated: There should be “unity
between man and heaven” (Zhang Zai). We should obey the law of heaven and plan
systematically: We should “govern by doing nothing that goes against nature;”
(wuwei erzhi), The holistic idea of taking into consideration “the conditions of the
heaven, the geography, and the people’s heart” is put forward by Mencius. Dialectic
68 6 Main Areas and Key Issues of China’s Cultural Soft Power Research

ideas of the ancient times reveal the laws of things: “yin and yang are comple-
mentary.” “Benefits and harms help each other.” Things “mutually reinforce and
neutralize each other,” and “things turn when going to extremes.” “One generates
two, which generates three, which generates things” (from Tao Te Ching). “When
you get half of something every day, you will never exhaust it” (Zhuangzi).
At the same time, we must realize that there are feudal dross and superstition,
too, in the ancient Chinese culture, as is clearly demonstrated in the following
sayings. “Every man for himself and the devil take the hindmost.” “Men die for
money, just as birds die for food.” “Everyone mind the snow of one’s own doorway
without regard of the others.” “People should display blind loyalty to their supe-
riors.” Such narrow-minded and backward ideas, if not eliminated, would be bound
to exert negative effects on China’s cultural soft power. Therefore, while we fully
tap, sort out, carry forward the profound wisdom in the traditional culture of China
to apply to China’s cultural soft power, we must also insist on analyzing realisti-
cally, absorbing the essence and rejecting the dross, innovating, and making the
past serve the present.

6.12 China’s Cultural Industries and Its Cultural

Soft Power

Cultural industries have both ideological and commodity attributes, and both social
and economic benefits. The commodity attributes and the economic benefits are to
judge the level of the cultural industries from the perspective of its contribution to
economic development. But it is the ideological attributes and the social benefits
that reflect the ideologies, value orientation, or the political benefits and political
orientation of a class, a party or social institutions that the cultural products have,
and that reflect the strength of the soft power of cultural industries directly. If the
ideological attribute and the social benefits had negative effects, it would fail to
exercise a salutary, beneficial and positive influence on people’s outlook on the
world or on life, or to inspire patriotism, work ethic, honesty or friendliness.
Sometimes even brutal aggression, violence, murder, corruption, passivity, and
degradation, erroneous ideas are worshiped in such works. In such a case, the more
they contribute to economy, the more dangers and evil influences they are likely to
have, which means doing harm to China’s cultural soft power. Conversely, works
with little commercial value and few social benefit, or works with poor artistic
attractiveness cannot be said to be marketable, nor can it receive the acknowl-
edgement of the reader or the audience. In this case, neither can they be expected to
reach the commanding heights of theories, public opinion or art, or have strong
cultural soft power, as the outlook on the world and the value orientation in the
works, albeit being correct, lack attractiveness and competitiveness in the artistic
6.12 China’s Cultural Industries and Its Cultural Soft Power 69

world. Therefore, if we really want to exploit the potential of the cultural industries
for cultural soft power, we must take both attributes and both benefits of cultural
industries into consideration, giving top priority to the ideological attributes and
social benefits.

6.13 China’s Independent Foreign Policy of Peace

and China’s Cultural Soft Power

The current world is undergoing profound and complicated changes: The military
confrontation between the Western powers and the eastern countries has become a
thing of the past and a pattern of multi-polarization is emerging. Peace and
development remain the themes of the times, despite regional hot spots, hegemony,
power politics, neo-interventionism, arms race, terrorism, as well as increasing
cyber insecurity. Seeking peace, development, cooperation and win-win results
have become an irreversible trend of the times. China unswervingly pursues an
independent foreign policy of peace, and a policy that nations, big or small, strong
or weak, rich or poor, are equal. China is firmly opposed to interfering with the
other countries’ internal affairs and to all forms of hegemony and power politics,
shares a desire to safeguard international justice and equity, and will never seek
hegemony or expansion. We will continue the policy of developing good neigh-
borly relations, treat China’s neighbors as partners, and enhance friendship and
cooperation with the neighboring countries, a policy for an amicable, secure,
prosperous, mutually beneficial and tolerant regional environment to be jointly
created. We should insist on the friendship between the neighbors, help each other
when difficulties arise, and enhance affinity; we should also be honest with each
other, have credit with each other and treat the neighboring countries with sincerity;
we should fulfill the ideal of benefiting the neighboring countries and cooperating
with a win-win solution to expand common interests with them.
As a big, responsible country, China should possess an inclusive mind: seek
common ground, let the differences be, practice tolerance, and promote district
cooperation with a more positive attitude and an open mind. At the same time, we
shall follow the path of peaceful development, but will never give up China’s
legitimate right or sacrifice its vital national interests. China will safeguard its vital
interests such as its sovereignty and security. On issues concerning the paramount
interests of China, we should let others know when to stop instead of keeping silent.
Such foreign policies with limits are rational and mutually beneficial, demonstrating
that China is a country with moral principles and friendliness, kindness, tolerance,
and dignity. They are conducive to establishing an image of being peaceful, friendly
and responsible big country with self-esteem and self-reliance. Such a country
would be respectable internationally and have a voice there, which is bound to help
improve China’s cultural soft power.
70 6 Main Areas and Key Issues of China’s Cultural Soft Power Research

6.14 China’s Transnational Communication and China’s

Cultural Soft Power

Transnational Communication and exchanges help to enhance and to demonstrate

one’s cultural soft power. China’s international exchanges are a combination of
official diplomacy (government diplomacy), semi-official diplomacy (public
diplomacy) and people-to-people diplomacy (non-governmental diplomacy).
Official diplomacy mainly refers to the diplomatic relations between China and
other sovereign states with the purpose being to achieve the objectives in China’s
foreign policy in a peaceful way, to guard China’s national interests, to extend
China’s global influence and develop China’s relations with other countries. Mainly
by means of cultural activities, public diplomacy is to elucidate China’s national
conditions and policies to the public of the foreign countries. It helps and com-
plements government diplomacy. Its bodies include government departments as
well as non-governmental organizations, such as NGOs, universities, research
institutions, the media, religious organizations and influential people at home and
abroad. Taking advantage of their respective fields and arenas, these bodies make
known China’s national conditions from their own perspectives, and convey
Chinese people’s friendliness to NGOs, to the general public, and sometimes to
government agencies of another country. The overseas Chinese teaching program
has helped over thirty million people to learn Chinese outside China, in which the
Confucius Institutes have occupied a prominent role. The people-to-people diplo-
macy is carried out mainly by four organizations: trade unions, Youth League,
Women’s Federation, and the Chinese People to Defend World Peace Commission.
In addition, other NGOs such as the Chinese People’s Institute of Foreign Affairs,
the Red Cross, China Council for the Promotion of International Trade, All-China
Sports Federation carry out people-to-people diplomatic activities. The international
exchanges carried out by these three sides have made an invaluable contribution to
adhering to China’s standing, making China’s voice be heard, revamping China’s
image, broadening mutual understanding between China and the world, and pro-
moting solidarity and cooperation between Chinese people and people of the world.
China abides by internationally accepted norms, has mutual respect for sovereignty
and territorial integrity, holds the rules of mutual non-aggression, mutual
non-interference in internal affairs of the other countries, equality, mutual benefit
and peaceful coexistence, settles all international disputes by peaceful means
without resorting to force or threat of force, accords with the trend of the times of
peace, development, cooperation and the win-win strategy in accordance with the
diplomatic principle of sincerity, honesty, mutual-benefit, and tolerance. In this
way, it is hoped that the vital interests of the Chinese nation will be properly
safeguarded, that a positive image of China will be created, and that China’s
cultural soft power will be greatly enhanced.
6.15 China’s National Image and China’s Cultural Soft Power 71

6.15 China’s National Image and China’s

Cultural Soft Power

A country’s image is directly related to not only the dignity of the state, but also the
influence, attractiveness, charisma, credibility and the ability to safeguard its
sovereignty and to find its international voice. A country’s image is mainly
determined by the following factors: the state system, the quality of the nationals,
social environment, cultural quality, policies, the military strength and leadership,
etc. Therefore, in order to establish a positive image of China, we should promote
China’s global image in terms of a superior socialist system with Chinese char-
acteristics, of the quality of lifelong education for all the nationals, of Chinese
people of all walks of life, all ethnic groups, and all age groups with politeness,
sincerity, friendliness, kindness, bravery, honesty, and patriotism, of a society with
democracy, rule of law, justice, sincerity, amity, vitality, stability, order, and har-
mony between man and nature, of a culture with respect for teachers, talents and
knowledge, with a focus on education, innovation, and high tolerance for differ-
ences and diversity, of the implementation of domestic and foreign policies with a
realistic, fair, reasonable, highly responsible, and creditable attitude, and of a
well-equipped, well-trained, loyal, courageous, tenacious, unified, mighty, civi-
lized, an army with strong fighting force and care for the people. Armed with the
scientific theories and with a global vision and a good command of the law of
things, Party leaders are supposed to be democratic, innovative, sincere and con-
siderate for the people. Once such an image of China has been created, China’s
cultural soft power will become really strong, accelerating the great rejuvenation of
China.

6.16 Design of an Evaluation System of China’s

Cultural Soft Power

Any research can, and needs to be evaluated. And only through proper evaluation,
can we judge its truthfulness, strengths and lessons, and can we plan the future
development concerned. The evaluation of soft power is one of the important tasks
in the study of cultural soft power. The obstacle to the evaluation lies in the fact that
the “softness” in soft power—the intangible, spiritual and intelligent features—is
hard to be measured. So the essential differences between soft and hard power in the
evaluation, or the difference between the spiritual and the material should be taken
into consideration. The differences between the qualitative and quantitative research
methods in cultural soft power are also to be considered. There needs to be a certain
amount of flexibility in the evaluation of cultural soft power and sometimes a
weight value ought to be added.
72 6 Main Areas and Key Issues of China’s Cultural Soft Power Research

It is not hard to notice that cultural soft power is a very complex system of
various factors: the ideological connotation, means of communication, cultural
bodies, cultural objects, etc. Therefore, we should also have systematic thinking and
consider these factors comprehensively: its flexibility, the feedback, whether it be a
qualitative or quantitative, the weight that should be added, its being the cultural
bodies or objects, and so on and so forth. A system model needs to be created in the
evaluation of China’s cultural soft power.
In building the system model, we should direct attention to its levels. Roughly
speaking, levels of the state, the provincial regions (provinces, autonomous regions
and municipalities), cities, counties, towns can be divided. Also the categories of
different industrial sectors, ethnic groups, religions, government agencies, schools,
or troops should be grouped.
In determining the specific evaluation model, we should distinguish between
objects, and refine different indexes. Two perspectives can be drawn to judge the
objects of evaluation: that based on people and that based on the work done.
Judging from the perspective of people, the strengthening of cultural soft power
will necessarily fall on the strengthening of people’s quality. The following ques-
tions are to be asked: What are the effects of arming people with scientific theories?
What are the effects of guiding people with correct public opinion? And what about
to inspire people with excellent works, or to enlighten people with wisdom, or to
express concern to people with sincere feelings, or to encourage people with
bravery, or to unify people with brave character?
Judging from the perspective of the work done, we should realize that the
strength in the culture of a country will fall on the achievements in the culturally
related fields; the strength of soft power will be decided by the achievements of the
fields closely related to culture as follows. How popular is the core value system?
How has the addition of Chinese characteristics into Marxism helped in solidifying
its guiding status? How has China’s education pattern helped in producing talents?
What contribution has China’s news media made to the correct guidance and
supervision over media? What role has China’s ideological and political education
served in guiding the cadres, the masses and youths to have a correct outlook on the
world and the correct values? How has China’s literature elevated people’s char-
acter and guided the social morale? What has China’s legal system building con-
tributed to the strengthening of the credibility of China’s institutions? What
contributions have the policies for the minority ethnic groups of China made to the
solidarity of the ethnic groups and the unification of China? What role has China’s
religious policies performed in guiding the religious people to be patriotic, and to
preserve the social stability? What effects has the probe into China ancient texts had
on the increasing of the charm of China’s traditional culture? At the same time
when the cultural industries and their products have brought out their commodity
attribute and created material wealth, what social benefits and what contributions do
they have in enhancing the quality of the nationals? What effects does China’s
6.16 Design of an Evaluation System of China’s Cultural Soft Power 73

foreign policy of independence have in creating an international environment of

peaceful development? What effects do China’s international communications have
on invigorating official diplomacy, semi-official diplomacy and people-to-people
diplomacy? What functions does the projection of China’s image have on extending
China’s global influence as well as finding its voice in the international arena?
Chapter 7
Xi Jinping’s Outline About the Strategy
for Improving China’s Cultural Soft
Power

At the time when Comrade Xi Jinping took over as General Secretary in 2012,
China was facing a series of domestic and international conflicts, problems, and
challenges: slower economic growth, corruption scandals, terrorist attacks and so
on. Internationally, it was quite clear that the Asia-Pacific re-balancing strategy
aimed at China, and that the USA was encouraging Japan and the coastal countries
in the South China Sea to stir up trouble in the South China Sea Area and the
Diaoyu Islands, encroaching China’s sovereignty and making it difficult to build
new-style relations between the United States and China. Despite so many affairs
domestic and foreign and such an arduous task of governing the country, Xi still
spared no effort to point up the importance of culture, and has drawn an outline of
enormous significance for strengthening China by cultural means with the soul
being the core values, the root being the excellent traditional culture, and the
foundation being the cultural soft power under the leadership of the CPC.

7.1 Soul: Core Values

Core socialist values, the soul of rejuvenating China, are the embodiment and the
essence of the core socialist value system. Harsh criticism had come from some of
the cadres and the masses, especially some intellectuals, who failed to appreciate its
immense significance. However, the people’s convictions, faiths, ideologies, spirit,
morale, morality, the style of the Party’s work, national identity, public security and
other aspects of cultural soft power actually all bear close relation to the core
values. In a sense, the encouragement and preservation of the core socialist values
are crucial to China’s rise and fall, or even to its survival in the long run. Realizing
this, Xi Jinping repeatedly emphasized that the core values decide the nature and
the direction of culture at its deepest level, and are the soul of cultural soft power
and the focus of building cultural soft power. “Core socialist values are the soul of
cultural soft power,” Xi said. “Basically, the soft power of a nation depends on the
© Social Sciences Academic Press and Springer Nature Singapore Pte Ltd. 2017 75
G. Zhang, Research Outline for China’s Cultural Soft Power,
Research Series on the Chinese Dream and China’s Development Path,
DOI 10.1007/978-981-10-3398-8_7
76 7 Xi Jinping’s Outline About the Strategy …

vitality, cohesive force and charisma of its core values.” Why does Comrade Xi
Jinping lay so much emphasis on the core values?
This question was answered in Xi’s discussion with the teachers and students of
Peking University when celebrating the “May Fourth Movement”: “The history of
human social development has demonstrated that the core values recognized by the
whole society are the most durable and most powerful force of a nation or a
country.” To begin with, the core values are related to the spiritual pursuit of a
nation or a state. Without spiritual pursuit, the nation or the state would be faithless,
aweless, directionless, purposeless, powerless, or passionless, and would inevitably
face stagnation and decline. In addition, the core values are related to the question
of what is regarded as good, beautiful and true, and what is regarded as evil, ugly or
false. A nation without value judgment, principles, or sense of responsibility will be
unable to distinguish good from bad, true from false, and without strength of
character, courage, uprightness, or moral integrity. Such a nation would be unable
to stand on its own and win global respect.
The idea of defining the core values recognized by the whole nation could serve
as an admonition as well as enlightenment to the contemporary China. As the
world’s most populous nation with complex national conditions, uneven develop-
ment among regions, China is faced with many long-unresolved conflicts in a
period of social transformation and intense change. In the era of rapid development
of the Internet and information explosion (but whose truthfulness is hard to know),
it has become increasingly difficult for consensus and social unity in thinking to be
reached. It is urgent that the core values be identified which can reflect generally
accepted convictions of the Chinese ethnic groups. Otherwise, it would be hard to
establish common ideals and convictions, maintain public security and social sta-
bility, or to promote the healthy development of China.
It should be noted, in particular, that the right core values of a nation or a state
may morally guide a country in a right direction, serve a positive function and
accelerate its development. The reverse is also true. The wrong core values might
mislead a state in the wrong directions. So, what core values should we define in
contemporary China to fulfill their crucial functions in accelerating China’s
development? Core socialist values were therefore proposed by the 18th National
Congress of the CPC held in November 2012. Core socialist values include national
goals of prosperity, democracy, civility and harmony; social goals of freedom,
equality, justice and the rule of law; and individual values of patriotism, dedication,
integrity and friendship. It can be seen that values of the country embody the nature
and the requirement of socialism, and that the values of society borrow the bene-
ficial products of world civilization, while the values of individuals absorb the best
part of Chinese traditional culture.
It is obvious that the 12-item core values have produced beneficial effects on
accelerating China’s development and they are the essence of China’s advanced
culture. If the vast majority of Chinese adopt and practice the core values, what
huge power would the 1.3 billion Chinese release! The Chinese Dream of the great
7.1 Soul: Core Values 77

rejuvenation of the Chinese nation could be kept alive and might be realized earlier
than planned. This is what Xi Jinping has underlined about the major content of
developing and practicing the core values.

7.2 Root: Fine Traditional Chinese Culture

How should traditional Chinese culture be treated? Ever since the modern times,
there have been debates among the masses and those who are concerned about
China’s fate. The CPC also put forward different policies in different times, but the
general idea has been that we should absorb the essence in the traditional culture
and reject its dross. Faced with the loss of belief, ideological confusion, decline in
morality, personality distortions, the indifference to the fate of the state, the loss of
the dignity, and lack of self-confidence in the Chinese nation in a period of reform
and market economy, Xi Jinping is keenly aware that in addition to the confidence
in China’s socialist path, its guiding theories, and its system, we should also boost
Chinese people’s confidence in China as a nation. That is why he frequently makes
reference to Chinese culture in his speeches about strengthening the country by
culture, emphasizing that “we should start from the best part of traditional Chinese
culture in order to foster and spread the core socialist values,” and that “we must
derive nourishment and power from the excellent traditional culture, attaching the
spirit of the times to it, in order that a culturally strong country could be built.”
Xi has got at the roots of the strategy of strengthening China by culture. Actually,
the glorious and profound ancient culture created in the five thousand years of
Chinese history boasts cultural essence that can transcend space and national
boundaries, have contemporary value and enjoy eternal charm. For example, what is
said in the very beginning of “Great Learning” (Daxue) from The Book of Rites (Liji)
can actually serve as a comparatively comprehensive system of core values: “The
ancients who wished to illustrate illustrious virtue throughout the kingdom, first
ordered well their own states. Wishing to order well their states, they first regulated
their families. Wishing to regulate their families, they first cultivated their persons.
Wishing to cultivate their persons, they first rectified their hearts. Wishing to rectify
their hearts, they first sought to be sincere in their thoughts. Wishing to be sincere in
their thoughts, they first extended to the utmost their knowledge. Such extension of
knowledge lay in the investigation of things. Things being investigated, knowledge
became complete. Their knowledge being complete, their thoughts were sincere.
Their thoughts being sincere, their hearts were then rectified. Their hearts being
rectified, their persons were cultivated. Their persons being cultivated, their families
were regulated. Their families being regulated, their states were rightly governed.
Their states being rightly governed, the whole kingdom was made tranquil and
happy.” What Zhang Zai (one of the five Confucius scholars in the North Song
dynasty) said was also an expression of the core value system: “To ordain
78 7 Xi Jinping’s Outline About the Strategy …

conscience for Heaven and Earth, to secure life and fortune for the people, to
continue lost teachings for past sages, to establish peace for all future generations.”
A set of values in China’s cultural heritage has been recognized by the whole nation
and core values had gradually come into being in the ancient times—benevolence,
righteousness, etiquette, wisdom, credit, loyalty, piety, forgiveness, probity, bravery,
etc. Centering on personal morality cultivation and behavior norm, the values
affected the society and the state. They are very important reference for fostering the
present core socialist value system. The traditional culture since the pre-Qin days
had not lost its vitality in the following nine aspects. To begin with, there are the
spirits of being vigorous, promising and robust (gangjian) with continuous
self-renewal (ziqiangbuxi): “As Heaven’s movement is ever vigorous, so must a
gentleman ceaselessly strive along” (from The Book of Change). The second is the
national spirit of patriotism: “Everyone must die; let me but leave a loyal heart
shining in the pages of history” (by Wen Tianxiang). The third aspect is the noble
character of never compromising one’s integrity: “No fortune shall corrupt my soul,
no poverty shall dampen my will, and no power shall suppress my pride” (from
Mencius). The fourth aspect is about the spirit of being mundane or attached, or the
maintenance that one should take part in the public affairs, save the world and pay
back the country. The fifth aspect is the agency spirit that man will triumph over
nature: “How can obeying heaven and singing it hymns of Heaven, be better than
regulating what Heaven has mandated and using it?” (from Xunzi) The sixth aspect is
about the human-oriented spirit of self-discipline, and a love for the people: “the
wise man loves the people,” or “make no social distinction in teaching,” “Do unto
others as you would be done by.” “The people are the most important element in a
state; next are the gods of land and grain; least is the ruler himself” (from Mencius).
The seventh aspect is about the Great Harmony or the Great Union (datong) and the
whole world as one community (tianxiaweigong, from The Book of Rites): “Be
concerned about the country and the people before anything else” (by Fan
Zhongyan). The eighth aspect is the inclusive spirit of respecting others and
democracy: “Gentlemen seek harmony but not uniformity” (from Analects). The
ninth aspect is the thought of Heaven and man are one (tianrenheyi), and the ideas of
concord or harmony (hehe).
Of course, these nine aspects far from covered all the fine parts of the Chinese
traditional culture. Many a profound thought in it could well serve as the cultural
resources in China’s process of strengthening a state by cultural means: about
statecraft, about military strategies and tactics, about motivation, about diligence,
about courtesy to the wise and condescending to scholars, about resourcefulness
(zhimou), about practice, about philosophy, about literature, about sports, about the
Chinese medicine, etc. A culturally strong country will surely be built in a stable
and effective way if we follow Xi’s line of thought, and make full use of and spread
the excellent traditional culture.
7.3 Foundation: Increased Cultural Soft Power 79

7.3 Foundation: Increased Cultural Soft Power

The advancement of any country depends on both material hard power and cultural
soft power. Without the former, the country would be defeated if there being any
attacks; without the latter, it might defeat even without any external threats. This rule
can also be applied to military attacks or economic competition. That is why the CPC
now stresses that cultural soft power is an important ingredient for comprehensive
national strength. Xi Jinping is the first one in the Party’s history to give much
attention to cultural soft power. He pointed out that “The core of a country’s com-
prehensive national strength is its cultural soft power, which concerns the accumu-
lation of its essence, vital energy and spirit.” The general outline of the core values has
been formulated to solidify the basis of building a socialist, culturally strong country,
and to enhance China’s cultural soft power. The main idea is as follows.
1. We should insist on going down the socialist cultural road with Chinese
characteristics. As early as in 1997, the CPC had reached an understanding of
following the cultural path in the development, when the 15th National Congress of
the CPC was convened. “Building a socialist culture with Chinese characteristics
means taking Marxism as guidance, aiming at training people so that they have high
ideals, moral integrity, a good education and a strong sense of discipline, and
developing a national, scientific and popular socialist culture geared to the needs of
modernization, of the world and of the future.” In other words, guided by Marxism
and catering to the needs of modernization, of the world and of the future, we aimed
to educate citizens and help them to be equipped with high ideals, moral integrity, a
good education and a keen sense of discipline in the atmosphere of a national,
scientific and popular culture. Deviated from such a path, we would undermine the
foundation of China’s cultural soft power.
2. The reform to the cultural system should be deepened with people-centeredness
being its work orientation, with the priority being on social effects (with due con-
siderations for economic effects, of course), and with the central link being the
invigoration of the creativity of the whole nation. According to the policies of the
division between the enterprises and the administration, and between the adminis-
tration work and the specific affairs, the government departments can only administer
instead of directly handling the cultural affairs. Administrative organs and Party
committees should be established to manage the state-owned cultural resources to
reach the unification of the management of the human resources, affairs, and property.
The correct media orientation should be adhered to: a synchronized work mechanism
among the organs for grassroots management, content management, affair manage-
ment, a mechanism for dealing with the Internet crimes and contingencies, and
helpful guidance combined with management according to law. Without the reform,
the state cultural soft power would be lacking in vigor, vitality, and channels to
popularize the correct ideologies.
80 7 Xi Jinping’s Outline About the Strategy …

3. Education program on the socialist core value system should be organized. To

fulfill the task, the following questions should be answered first: Why should we
insist on the guidance of Marxism with Chinese characteristics in the reform and
development process? Why should we insist on treading the path of socialism with
Chinese characteristics? Why should we insist on spreading the national spirit with
the nucleus being patriotism, and the spirit of the times, and with the center being
reform and innovation? Why should we frame the socialist views about honor and
shame (Barongbachi) and put it into practice? Why should we start from ideologies
and morality, from social morale, and from every person when we are trying to
provide a solid foundation for China’s cultural soft power? Why should we
emphasize the Chinese traditional virtues? Why should we insist on the Marxist and
the socialist morality? Why should we make every effort to change and extol the
traditional Chinese virtues creatively, following the principles of employing the
ancient to use in the present times and bringing forth the new through the old? Only
if we have definitive answers to the above questions can we unify our thoughts,
increase the cohesiveness in people’s heart, boost China’s vitality, and promote its
cultural soft power.
4. We should be confident about our theories, about the path of development that
we have chosen, about the socialist system and, more importantly, about our cul-
ture. Xi Jinping has pointed out the direction of China’s advanced culture by
emphasizing that the values of socialism with Chinese characteristics are values of
contemporary China. Our confidence in our system and guiding theories is bol-
stered by the fact that the socialist road with Chinese characteristics paved by China
has been proven to be successful in practice. The cultural confidence is instilled by
the glorious and profound culture created by the Chinese nation which is well able
to transcend space, time, and boundaries of nations and which can be used in the
present times. If the Chinese cultural heritage could be accommodated with the
contemporary culture and the modern society, and as long as it could spread by a
means that is popular and inviting to people, Chinese culture would ooze immense
charm which could be felt by the whole world. This is also the reason behind
China’s confidence in its cultural soft power.
5. The image of China being a civilized, oriental, and responsible big socialist
country needs being created. From the perspectives of China’s history, its culture,
its national conditions, its diplomatic policies, and its being a socialist country with
Chinese characteristics, Xi Jinping emphasizes that we should present a good image
to the world. “China should be portrayed as a civilized country featuring rich
history, ethnic unity and cultural diversity, and as an oriental power with good
government, developed economy, cultural prosperity, national unity and beautiful
mountains and rivers; China should also be marked as a responsible country that
advocates peaceful and common development, safeguards international justice, and
makes contributions to humanity, and as a socialist country which is open, ami-
cable, promising and vibrant.” The unique theoretic contribution of Xi Jinping on
the projection of such an image of China will greatly extend China’s influence of its
cultural soft power to the world.
7.3 Foundation: Increased Cultural Soft Power 81

6. We should have correct views on history, on the Chinese nation, on the state
and on our culture. Xi stresses that the new media should be better used, that the
stories of China be well told, that louder voices of China be made heard, and that
characteristics of China well explained. The excellent traditional culture and the
glorious history of the Chinese people and the Chinese nation should be made
known to more people; education on patriotism, collectivism, and socialism should
be continued to provide guidance for the Chinese people as to the correct views on
history, on the Chinese nation, on the state and on culture, so that the integrity and
the confidence could be maintained. Targeted at the present-day evils, Xi has
grasped the key to developing a culturally strong country and increasing China’s
cultural soft power. Only if the nationals, especially China’s youth, are gradually
guided to view history, the Chinese nation, the state and culture in the proper
perspective, can we maintain the integrity and the confidence of the Chinese people.
Be it in domestic policies or in foreign policies, the integrity and the confidence are
the most powerful cultural heritage in China’s cultural soft power.

7.4 Command over Leadership, Management

and Voice of Ideological Work

After the incident of the 1989 “Tiananmen storm,” there emerged in the ideological
field a trend of downplaying the importance of ideology. Deng Xiaoping’s thoughts
of “no argument” were over generalized and economic issues were confused with
ideological ones in this way. As a result, false ideas and harmful information are
reproducing themselves. In order to reverse such a dangerous situation, Xi Jinping
took a clear-cut stand and released a series of statements on ideological work. On
August 19, 2013, he made a speech at the National Publicity and Ideology Work
Meeting, in which he clarifies the following points.
1. The importance and the strategic position of ideological work
Xi Jinping points out that ideological work is extremely important. History and
reality have repeatedly proven that the quality of the ideological work is concerned
with the future and the fate of the Party, the long-term peace and stability of the
state, and the cohesiveness and unity of the Chinese nation. The grassroots base and
the ruling foundation of the Party include two aspects: material and spiritual. When
the spiritual grassroots base is lost, problems are doomed to arise. He further
pointed out that “the collapse of a reign usually began with the ideological field.
The instability or even the take-over of a reign could occur overnight; but actually
ideas change slowly. If the ideological front line is broken, other front lines are hard
to keep. So the CPC must assume complete command over the ideological work in
terms of its leadership, management, and voice. At no time should we lose control
of the ideological work; otherwise, a disastrous mistake would occur that could not
be rectified.” Xi is clear-minded to make such a timely statement. There were
different reasons behind the instability in politics or the change of hands of
82 7 Xi Jinping’s Outline About the Strategy …

administration in the collapse of the Soviet Union, the massive changes in the
political complexion in the Eastern Bloc, the color revolution, or the Arab Spring,
but the path was similar—without exception, the opposing Party would first cause
confusion in ideology by picketing or public opinion war.
2. Lofty ideals on the part of the Party members and the cadres
Targeted at the present phenomenon, Xi pointed out that “Among the CPC mem-
bers and cadres, the loss of lofty ideals is a matter that should arouse our serious
concern.” “The lofty ideals are the spiritual support of the Party members; the loss
of lofty and firm ideals 4 political degradation, avarice, moral degradation and
debauchery in life. Firmness in one’s belief is the key to the Party members’ taking
a strong moral stand, and to their resisting all kinds of temptations. As a
newly-elected Party leader, Xi showed his political judgment and great resolution
by confronting the problems and exposing the shortcomings. What is more valuable
is that Xi has sharply realized that one’s belief lies in the heart of every ideological
problem, which we cannot afford to neglect.
3. Spiritual unity between the Party and the people
Directed at the phenomenon of the Party members not believing in communism,
and not talking or caring about the Party, Xi emphasizes that we should always
boldly speak of the spirit of the Party with sublime confidence and there is no cause
to prevaricate. “We should comply with the requirements of the CPC in terms of
what we oppose to, what we talk about and what we do.” Targeted at the fact that a
few of the Party members neglect the people or sometimes even oppose them
instead of putting them at heart and caring about them, Xi says to the whole Party
that the essential questions of “whom we serve, whom we depend on, and who we
are” should be solved first. Xi has grasped a central problem: only if we have
addressed the issue of the spiritual unity of the Party and the people, can the CPC
and the people be of one heart and one mind in striving for a better future under the
guidance of the Party.
4. Daringness to take actions
No media should provide space or provide convenience for “those people who
speak ill of the Party’s leadership or attack socialism, falsify the Party history and
the history of China, or slander.” The Party committees are mainly responsible for
the ideological work and should take the lead to read the content of the local media
so as to provide a timely and correct guidance for it and to criticize the false
opinions and tendencies. “As Party cadres, we should not use excuses of ‘no
argument,’ ‘no exaggeration,’ or ‘let speak,’ neither can we waver or change the
stance.” Such warnings given by Xi actually reveal the weaknesses of the present
publicity and ideological work. Democracy, open discussions, down-to-earth atti-
tude, inclusiveness, and innovation should, of course, be advocated in our ideo-
logical work; we should also “let a hundred flowers blossom and a hundred schools
of thought contend.” However, academic problems are different from political
7.4 Command over Leadership, Management and Voice … 83

issues. If it be an academic problem, we should be inclusive, tolerant, and pro-

tective; be it a political issue, soberness should be practiced. For those who cherish
evil designs, we should take a clear-cut stand and launch severe criticism; other-
wise, public opinion would be misled, and confusion would reign, which would
necessarily hamper China’s development.
Chapter 8
Enhancing China’s Soft Power from Three
Essential Aspects

The advancement of any country depends on both material hard power and cultural
soft power. A country could easily be defeated without strong hard power; it would
just collapse without external forces, however, with poor cultural soft power. Then
how can China’s cultural soft power be strengthened? The following three aspects
are essential.

8.1 Basis: Growing Recognition of the Core Socialist

Value System

The core socialist value system is the cornerstone of China’s cultural soft power.
Maybe we can divide the core socialist values into the following four parts in order
to understand it better.
To begin with, the guidance of Marxism should be adhered to in order to ensure
the right direction in the development of China’s cultural soft power. The crisis in
the Marxist belief has expressed itself in various forms ever since the reform era
with the focus being the denial of the scientific truthfulness of Marxism. Then how
can we prove that it is convincing? Practice is the sole criterion for testing truth.
China suffered from aggression, plunder, and humiliation at imperialist hands from
the mid-19th century to the early 20th century. Known as the “Sick Men of East
Asia” who were “disunited like some sand,” the Chinese had no international status
or dignity during that period of time. Many a person even worried that genocide
would await the Chinese nation in the 20th century. Fortunately, no fate of national
subjugation or annihilation befell China; on the contrary, China had turned out to be
an important world power at the turn of the century. This should be accounted for
by the fact that the Chinese Communist Party had found the scientific truth—
Marxism, which, combined with China’s reality and characteristics of the times,
had been developed into Marxism with Chinese characteristics, Mao Zedong

© Social Sciences Academic Press and Springer Nature Singapore Pte Ltd. 2017 85
G. Zhang, Research Outline for China’s Cultural Soft Power,
Research Series on the Chinese Dream and China’s Development Path,
DOI 10.1007/978-981-10-3398-8_8
86 8 Enhancing China’s Soft Power from Three Essential Aspects

Thought and socialism with Chinese characteristics. Under the guidance of these
theories, China had won national independence and people’s liberation, founded the
New China, and made great achievements in building socialism and in the reform.
History has eloquently proved that Marxism is scientifically true for China, only if
we made the scientific truth deeply rooted in Chinese culture could China’s soft
power take a clear direction and rest on a firm foundation.
Second, China’s cultural soft power can be mightily magnetic if we adhere to
socialism with Chinese characteristics. Given that socialism with Chinese charac-
teristics is in the formation process, and, like any other newly-arisen things, cannot
be hoped to be perfect within a short period of time. The maturation process is
necessarily hard. In such a populous country with complicated national conditions,
poor economic conditions, conflicts, and severe challenges, perfection is to be
achieved in continual practice. Inevitably, some unsavory, inharmonious, or horrific
incidents would appear. However, if we judged things from the grand layout, and
from the trend of development, and if we compared things historically and among
the countries in today’s world, we would know that the extent of recognition of
socialism with Chinese characteristics would be the most important aspect for the
Chinese nation. From the mid-nineteenth century until today, China’ s economy has
never been so booming as today, the Chinese people has never enjoyed freedom,
democracy, and human rights to such an extent as today, and neither has China
become a country of so much prominence and respect as today. Anyone who is
acquainted with the past sufferings of China in the modern times would marvel at its
rapid development and huge progress. Any Chinese would derive comfort from and
the world would exclaim the great progress made by China. Only when socialism
with Chinese characteristics were fully recognized by the Chinese people, could
China’s attractiveness or cultural soft power increase.
Third, the national spirit centering on patriotism, the spirit of the times, reform
and innovativeness should be promoted to strengthen and invigorate China’s cul-
tural soft power. Conflicts and problems are doomed to arise in such a Chinese
nation with complex national conditions and unbalanced development. So it is
imperative that we promote cohesion by reviving China’s national spirit, and
stimulate creativity in the spirit of the times. A nation with flagging national spirit
would be fit for being passive onlookers only, albeit the economy might be
dynamic. The means of production, of employment, of distribution, and of the way
of life in the reform era are becoming increasingly diverse, and so are the values. In
addition, the Internet is changing the way people interact, making the already
complex and diverse ideological field even more complex. Under such circum-
stances, to unify thinking and to achieve cohesiveness have posed a challenge.
Moreover, the fierce international competition has made our demands for reform
and innovation more urgent. The traditional national spirit alone is not enough to
unite and inspire the Chinese people: it should be combined with the spirit of the
times to be adapted to contemporary culture in coordination with modern civi-
lization, and to have contemporary value. China’s cultural soft power can be unique
and hence more powerful with the spread of patriotism and ingenuity.
8.1 Basis: Growing Recognition of the Core Socialist Value System 87

Last but not least, the formulation and the introduction of the socialist concept of
honor can solidify the moral basis of China’s cultural soft power. Belonging to the
category of morality, the values of honor and disgrace are the touchstone that is
crucial for the moral code of a country. Without clear concept of honor, the
nationals would be unable to distinguish honor from disgrace, would lack moral
convictions, and would be well below the moral norm. With improper concept of
honor, the moral degradation and climbing crime rate would befall and China’s
cultural soft power would decline. No one would want to pursue the true, the good
and the beautiful; the false and the ugly would prevail, instead. Justice would be
denied and China’s cohesion and the competitiveness would be undermined as a
result. If people’s morality and their values of honor are correct, more people would
consciously understand the clear concept of honor and inspire more spiritually
positive effect, some of whom would become moral models. Thus, whether we
would formulate a the socialist value system of honor and disgrace and put them
into practice is a matter that concerns the moral standards of the whole nation, and a
matter of moral principles and commitments in the building of cultural soft power.
Based on contemporary China’s national conditions, the CPC has carried forward
the best part of the traditional Chinese culture, advocated its moral nobility, and
formulated “Eight Honors and Eight Shames”1 as the main content of the socialist
concept of honor, in which what to be in favor of and what to be against in the fields
of ideology and morality have been raised.

8.2 Framework: Core Values and Their Influence

on the Superstructure

Core values are the soul penetrating cultural soft power. The leading core value
system should be immersed with the various areas of the superstructure if the reign
is to be consolidated, the society is to be in harmony, the state is to be strong and
the people are to live happily. If we say that the core socialist value system are the
cornerstone of China’s cultural soft power, then the core socialist values are the soul
that penetrates the whole structure, based on the cornerstone. Being the soul means
that it is the direction and the decisive factor that determines the future direction of
socialism with Chinese characteristics. The various areas of superstructure should
be unified with the core socialist values and be in accord with them.
When we insist that we should “arm people with scientific theories,” we must
ensure that the scientific theories are adapted Chinese Marxism that can guide
socialism with Chinese characteristics to achieve success, that can lead China to

1
Love the country; do it no harm. Serve the people; never betray them. Follow science; discard
ignorance. Be diligent; not indolent. Be united and help each other; make no gains at others’
expense. Be honest and trustworthy; do not sacrifice ethics for profit. Be disciplined and
law-abiding; not chaotic and lawless. Live plainly, work hard; do not wallow in luxuries and
pleasures.
88 8 Enhancing China’s Soft Power from Three Essential Aspects

become a wealthy, democratic, civilized and harmonious socialist modern country,

and that can attain the goal of the great renewal of the Chinese nation.
When we put the accent on “guiding people with correct public opinion,” we
must ensure that the guidance is conducive to the spread of the core socialist values,
to people’s firm belief in socialism with Chinese characteristics, to a free, equal, fair
and legalized country, and to the promotion of patriotism, conscientiousness,
honesty and friendliness.
When we accentuates “imbuing people with noble spirits, and inspiring people
with excellent works,” we must use the core socialist values to serve as a yardstick
against which to measure whether the spirit is noble or whether the works are
excellent. Only those in accordance with the core socialist values should be called
“noble” or “excellent” and be supported. Conversely, those works that are in dis-
agreement with the core socialist values should not be supported.
In ideological and political education, we should also center on the under-
standing and practice of core socialist values. Have the values taken root among
people? Have they become the norm of behavior that people would follow
unconsciously? The answers to these questions would define the standard to judge
whether the political and ideological work is successful or not.
When we foster the excellent traditional Chinese culture, we must aim at pre-
serving and encouraging the core socialist values. As the General Secretary Xi has
pointed out that the “core values have their root.” “The profound and excellent
traditional Chinese culture is the basis on which China can stand firmly in the world
cultures.” Therefore, it is imperative that we attach some old thoughts in the
excellent traditional Chinese culture with the values of the contemporary times so
that they can constitute fertile sources for the core socialist values: love for the
people, the thought of people-orientation, honesty, justice, hehe (combination and
harmony), Datong (the great harmony), loyalty, bravery, lianjie (probity), jingxiao
(filial respect), manners and so on.
When we underscore Education for All, or life-long education, we must integrate
the core socialist values into the education process. The values should be an
essential part of national education, Party school education, higher education,
secondary education, primary schools, or even kindergartens. We should divide
people into different levels and use appropriate means of spreading the core socialist
values in the spiritual civilization correspondingly, means that are popular with
those people. The core values shall play a leading role in the social schools of
thought and the social morale. In this way, a unified guide line, a common ideal,
strong spiritual power and basic moral code could be formed in the whole party and
the whole society.
In cultural industries, we should also better cope with the relationship between
the commodity attribute and the ideological attribute, and between the social
benefits and the economic benefits. The ideological attribute should never be
neglected and the social benefits should always be taken priority. More media
should be provided to immerse the core socialist value system into the creation,
production, spreading and other links of the cultural production.
8.2 Framework: Core Values and Their Influence on the Superstructure 89

When we point up the mass-line education and strict Party governance, we

should address both the symptoms and root causes. To enhance the Party’s ideo-
logical education is also to educate the numerous Party members so that they take
the lead to study and promote the core socialist values, set an example by being a
person with lofty ideals, noble pursuit, exemplary behavior and noble personality to
inspire and lead the masses.
When we underscore an overall reform to the institutions, we should bring the
role of policy orientation into full play. When formulating the economic, political,
cultural, or social reform policies, we should consider fully whether they are
conducive to the development of the core socialist values. The formulation or the
enforcement of the law and regulations should help to encourage people to put the
core socialist values into practice. Such value orientation should embody itself in
the routine work and the social administration of the Party and government
departments, schools, enterprises, or public institutions in order that the work in
accordance with the values can be encouraged and protected.
In conclusion, through ideological education and guidance, through carrying out
the publicity work, through cultural influence, and through institutions, the core
values can be hoped to be internalized by people. Then they are likely to be
externalized to be the conscious actions taken by Chinese people. In this way, the
omnipresent core values can be hoped to be the pillar of strength to China’s cultural
soft power and a value framework will be set in all areas.

8.3 Alarm Bells Ringing in the Mainstream Ideology

Being the most important constituent of China’s cultural soft power, mainstream
ideology determines even regime security. “The collapse of the regime often starts
from the ideological sphere. Political disturbance, take-over of a regime can happen
overnight; the ideological changes occur in a relatively long time, nevertheless.
Once the ideological defense is breached, other defenses can hardly be effective.”
These words by Xi Jinping are alarming, indeed, for the reason that they are based
on the bitter lessons drawn from reality.
The collapse of the Soviet Union, the radical political changes of the Eastern
Bloc, color revolution, or the Arab Spring—all these lessons in history are hard
lessons, painful but thought-provoking. The incidents were for different reasons,
actually, but one reason was the same: all of them began with the collapse of the
ideological defense and cultural soft power. Usually the oppositional forces would
take advantage of all the media to launch attacks on the dominant ideology, to
confuse the social identification of values, or to discredit the ruling group, which
would trigger social unrest and ethnic division. As a result, the authorities would be
unpopular, and the oppositional forces would seize power in the chaos, which
would plunge the country into political turmoil and economic chaos, and people’s
lives and property would suffer. Invisible and intangible as it is, ideology supports
cultural soft power and is vital to the rise and fall of the country as it is connected
90 8 Enhancing China’s Soft Power from Three Essential Aspects

with the value identification and the popularity of the reign, social harmony and
stability, cohesiveness of people, and peace of a country.
In today’s world, various schools of thoughts interact with each other. It is
impossible for any country to practice close-door policy. So we have to adapt
ourselves to the new situation by adopting the correct strategy, seeking advantages
from the foreign countries and avoiding disadvantages so as to scale the com-
manding heights of the thoughts. Supported by the international oppositional forces,
the liberalists, Xinjiang separatists or Tibet separatists, Falun Gong, have all been
plotting to negate the revolutionary history of China, to tarnish the image of the
CPC, to exaggerate the negative side, to propaganda Neoliberal ideology, to replace
the core socialist values with the so-called universal values, and to replace socialism
with Chinese characteristics with the so-called Constitutionalism in recent years.
They also confuse people theoretically in terms of the knowledge of the history, the
facts, and the value judgment. The internet has been used by them to organize the
propaganda and spread their thoughts in an attempt to shake people’s ideals, the
faith of people to the party and the government, and to undermine the ideological
basis of the ethnic groups.
Confronted with the complicated situation in the ideological fields, we should
build our ideological defense to ensure the safety of China’s cultural soft power.
The power will increase gradually as long as we realize what the basis is, what the
framework is, and how to build the defense.
Chapter 9
Realization of the Chinese Dream
and Cultural Soft Power Research

The introduction of the “Chinese Dream” is welcomed by the Chinese people and
also commands worldwide attention. At the same time, cultural soft power research
is in full swing, exhibiting no signs of slowing down. Then what is the relationship
between cultural soft power and the realization of the Chinese Dream?
The Chinese Dream is the realization of the great rejuvenation of China. It
involves the pursuit of nobility, which can provide the nationals with strong spir-
itual motivation and a healthy mentality. On the other hand, the intangible cultural
soft power which is difficult to quantify is about spiritual civilization and wisdom
and expresses itself in the form of attraction, charisma, cohesiveness or inspiration.
Therefore, the spirit and wisdom within “cultural soft power,” and the “Chinese
Dream” will establish an intimate link between the two. Of particular note is that
cultural soft power gives us directions for the smooth realization of the Chinese
Dream, and provides spiritual and intellectual support for it. This has proved to be
the inexorable logic of history.
In the contemporary world, there is progressively fiercer competition in terms of
comprehensive national strength. At the same time when they develop hard power,
countries in growing numbers, especially the major powers, constantly put the accent
on cultural soft power in the international competition and painstakingly try to
integrate it into their national development strategies. The reason for doing so is that
these countries have learned from many of the historical lessons. The collapse of the
Soviet Union, the fundamental political changes in the Eastern Bloc, the color
revolution, and the Arab Spring—these events were for different reasons and under
different backgrounds; however, they are suggesting a common law: hard power and
cultural soft power are two things that a country cannot do without. A country could
be defeated without the hard material power; it might just collapse without any
foreign attacks, however, with weak cultural soft power. The reason why cultural
soft power is so important is that either the strength of a nation, the fate of a political
party, or the safety of the people all depends on the cultural factors within. The
primary reason why the ancient China took the lead in the world was that its cultural
soft power represented by such values as benevolence, righteousness, propriety,
© Social Sciences Academic Press and Springer Nature Singapore Pte Ltd. 2017 91
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Research Series on the Chinese Dream and China’s Development Path,
DOI 10.1007/978-981-10-3398-8_9
92 9 Realization of the Chinese Dream and Cultural Soft Power Research

wisdom, faith, loyalty, filial piety, integrity, honesty, and courage had played a
leading role in the unification of China, in ethnic unity, in personality training, in
social governance, and in national prosperity. However, the backward Modern
China had suffered from foreign attacks, war reparations, and humiliations in
modern times. The reason behind all these sufferings was that instead of practicing
the thoughts of the people basis and equality implicit in such principles as “education
for all,” the feudal ruling class practiced anarchy, obeying orders from “the emperor,
the authorities or the Confucian books only.” The results were that people were
constrained in thoughts, that their creativity was stifled, that science was neglected,
and that superstition prevailed. The whole society was too conservative, with the
morale destroyed, low intellectual level and declining cultural soft power. In con-
trast, Chinese traditional ideas had been absorbed by the Western countries during
the Renaissance and the Enlightenment periods—the thought of equality implicit in
the Chinese “imperial examination system,” or Mencius’s idea that “the people are
the most important element in a state; next are the gods of land and grain; least is the
ruler himself.” In this way, the authority of feudalism and of theological authority in
those countries had been challenged and the slogan of “equality” was adopted. Ideas
were emancipated with their vision broadened, and culture was prosperous. Thinkers
emerged and the whole Western society was full of the spirit of exploration, creation,
and the pioneering spirit, with cultural soft power at an all time high. In such a
situation, the fiasco of Qing Dynasty confronted with the Western powers with their
advanced culture and sophisticated arms and fleet was doomed as a result of the
Qing’s lag behind the Western powers in thinking. During the New Democratic
Revolutionary Period (1919–1949), however, the CPC was able to rise to be a force
capable of defeating the strong enemies domestic and foreign. The reason was that
the CPC had the correct theoretic guidance, lofty goals, ardent love for the people,
good strategy, good tactics, heroic fighting spirit, awe-inspiring integrity, and the
sense of being the incorruptible servant of public service. These spiritual and cultural
elements had become the invincible cultural soft power of the CPC which helped it
to win people’s hearts and to win the wars. The rapid economic growth after the
reform policies were introduced in 1978 could also be accounted for, in a sense, by
the ideological line of emancipating the mind, advancing with the times, forging
ahead, innovating, decisively abandoning “class struggle as the key link,” and
“taking economic development as the center.” Once freed from the fetters of the old
institutional mechanisms, the whole Party and all the Chinese people with
pioneering spirit would make every effort to carry out the reform and boost China’s
cultural soft power.
Historical lessons have repeatedly taught us that weakness in cultural soft power
may lead to the decline of a nation; strong cultural soft power, on the other hand,
can reinvigorate a nation. In order to realize the Chinese Dream of the great reju-
venation of the Chinese nation, the Party should overcome difficulties, resolve
conflicts, face challenges and grapple with problems. Only if we have scientific and
right theories, far-sighted strategies, an image of being incorruptible and loving the
people, the appeal to the people, systematic and scientific wisdom, practical work
style, and selfless devotion—in short, only if we can strengthen the cultural soft
9 Realization of the Chinese Dream and Cultural Soft Power Research 93

power of China, can we smoothly achieve the goals of modernization and a well-off
society, can we sooner build a wealthy, democratic, civilized and harmonious
socialist modern country, and can we sooner realize the big dream of the great
rejuvenation of the Chinese nation.
Chapter 10
Interview with Joseph Nye on Soft Power

On 24th–25th April, 2012, Harvard University Distinguished Service Professor

Joseph S. Nye, Jr. came to China and gave speeches at three universities—Peking
University, Renmin University of China, and Shandong University. On their way from
Beijing to Shandong province, Joseph Nye and the author of this book Zhang Guozuo
talked about soft power, culture, Marxism, freedom, democracy, human rights, foreign
policies, Sino-American relationship and other topics.

(The definition of soft power is to be given by combining concepts of culture, political

values, and foreign policies.)

Zhang: Mr. Joseph Nye, as the Assistant Secretary of State during Jimmy
Carter’s Presidency, Assistant Secretary of Defense and Chairman National
Intelligence Council for the former President Clinton, you are government-backed
and a very influential political figure. Your concept of soft power has made special
contributions to international political science. As China is now putting increasingly
more emphasis on soft power, your fame is also growing in China, too.
Nye: Thank you, Mr. Zhang. I read your articles.
Zhang: Really? Can you introduce briefly the background against which your
concept was framed?
Nye: Power is the ability to influence others to get the outcome that one wants.
Coercion, payments, and attraction are means that can be used to realize the out-
come. In 1939, the noted British realist scholar E. H. Carr divides the international
power into three types: military, economic and power over opinion. His ideas are
very inspiring, as the military right embodies the power to coerce and the economic
power embodies the ability of payments—both of which are hard power, whereas
the power over opinion is a type of attraction. That is why I generalized the power
of attraction and persuasiveness to obtain optimal outcome as soft power.
Zhang: Your concept is novel, clear and scientific, indeed. It reveals the essence
and the pattern by which appeal, persuasiveness, coercion, and charisma play their
respective roles. It underlines functions and characteristics distinctive from military
force and economic power.

© Social Sciences Academic Press and Springer Nature Singapore Pte Ltd. 2017 95
G. Zhang, Research Outline for China’s Cultural Soft Power,
Research Series on the Chinese Dream and China’s Development Path,
DOI 10.1007/978-981-10-3398-8_10
96 10 Interview with Joseph Nye on Soft Power

Nye: It might be a novel one, but the idea within is not novel at all. Although I
introduced the concept of soft power in a book on American power, by no means
did the concept exist only in the US. The ancient Chinese culture had had deep
understanding of soft power, although they did not use such a term.
Zhang: It is very kind of you to say so. But I feel it is also the facts. Chinese
people have employed soft power ever since ancient times. I am afraid that I do not
think what you said in your works about the source and connotation of soft power is
very consistent. So what are your views now?
Nye: My usage of the expression might be a little different at different times. In
general, I believe that the soft power of a country comes from three sources: culture
(the ability to attract others), political values (while the country insists on them in
domestic and foreign affairs), and foreign polices (while others suppose that it being
legitimate and has moral authority).
Zhang: You made a successful speech today. However, the Chinese audience
might not be able to agree or might find it unacceptable as for your proposal of the
development path of China.
Nye: Some of the things in China do seem to be puzzling. For example, at the
same time when peaceful development is focused, Marxism is emphasized in
China. However, violent revolutions are the basis for all the works of Marx and
Engels.
Zhang: We hold that Marxism should be developed to keep up with the times, to
be combined with the actualities of the various countries to restore its vitality. It is
insisted that Marxism be developed so that Chinese Marxism and socialism with
Chinese characteristics can be formed. This has nothing to do with either the export
of revolution or violent revolutions. Instead, it is insisted here in China that people
in different countries should be accountable for their own affairs. China also
believes in developing friendly relationship with all the other countries (including
the western countries) with the cardinal principles of independence and peaceful
coexistence. We are for justice, reason, peace, cooperation and harmony in the
world’s new order, and against power politics, hegemony, interference with the
internal affairs of other countries, helping to arm the opposing party, overthrowing
other countries’ legitimate regime using the excuse of “maintaining human rights,”
and causing social confusion and casualties of civilians.
(Listen to both sides and you will be enlightened; heed only one side and you will be
benighted—the argument concerning China’s soft power.)

Nye: You said that the Chinese scholars have different opinions as to the concept
of soft power. Can you be a little more specific?
Zhang: The connotation of any views or concepts would change, more or less, in
its course of spreading. As a Chinese idiom puts it, “Oranges grown in the south of
Huai River are sweet, while those in the north of Huai River are bitter.” In our
efforts to offer a Chinese interpretation of your concept of soft power, we have
developed it. Mainly, we accentuate the cultural side, holding that culture is the
deepest root of soft power. Without the lofty heights scaled by culture, soft power
would necessarily be short-sighted. Without its cultural depth, it would be
10 Interview with Joseph Nye on Soft Power 97

superficial. Without its cultural breadth, it would be narrow-minded. And without

the openness of culture, it would be in a closed system. So culture is the soul of soft
power and sets its framework. What you have mentioned relating to soft power—
political values and foreign strategies—are also influenced and constrained by
culture. In fact, China and the CPC have widened the connotation of soft power,
which now serves more functions than mere diplomatic or international strategies. It
has become an indispensable part of the comprehensive national strength. What we
have put forward—to arm people with scientific theories, to guide people with
correct public opinions, to imbue people with noble spirits, and to inspire people
with excellent works—is actually our efforts to increase cultural soft power. Since
early 1990s, hundreds of papers have been published on this topic in China. The
term has even been included into the official papers. In October, 2007, Hu Jintao
pointed out in the 17th National Congress of the CPC that we “must raise the
cultural soft power of China. …At present, culture has increasingly been a source of
national cohesiveness and creativity, and become an important element in the
competition of comprehensive national strength.”
Nye: It is wise of China to develop soft power. Chinese traditional culture has
always had great appeal. Confucius values of social harmony, manners, filial piety
and sympathy have been very popular and spread to the Eastern Asian countries.
But in terms soft power, I am afraid that China is a far cry from the U.S. or Europe,
where exist civil societies and many non-state organizations, in the hands of which
lies soft power. If China is to boost its soft power, its control over culture, media
and public opinion should be relinquished. When asked why the historical themes
appear so frequently in China’s movies, Chinese director Zhang Yimou, answered it
was that movies about the contemporary China would be censored. The soft power
of a country should mainly be from the civil society, rather than from the gov-
ernment. The fact that the Chinese government is not willing to develop the civil
society has limited the development of China’s soft power. It is said that the
Chinese peasants do not even have the right to vote.”
Zhang: As far as technological and cultural industries such as news media,
movies, TV plays and comics are concerned, what you have said is quite true: the
Chinese people admit that China’s soft power falls far behind the U.S. and Europe.
Yes, the Western countries are strong and China is still backward. But we should
also take into consideration that China has different national conditions from the
U.S. and Europe, and that the major source of China’s cultural soft power is not the
NGO’s influence, but the Party and the government. The spirit displayed in res-
cuing the victims of the recent earthquakes, in hosting Beijing Olympic Games, and
in launching manned spaceships serve as good examples. The image of China has
been polished and China’s cultural soft power has been raised in these incidents.
However, instead of deriving power from the NGOs, all these are from the orga-
nization, appeal, motivation, cohesiveness of the Chinese government. To be
honest, China’s openness of public opinion has surpassed a lot of non-socialist
countries. The very fact that you, Mr. Nye, have been invited to make public
speeches is ample proof of the openness and freedom of Chinese culture, news
media and public opinion. Some Chinese people, including some celebrities, have
98 10 Interview with Joseph Nye on Soft Power

their own opinions, and have aired them on China’s political and social institutions.
It is quite understanding and normal for them to do so, but their opinions are not
necessarily very correct or credible. There is a Chinese saying: “Listen to both sides
and you will be enlightened; heed only one side and you will be benighted.” For the
affairs of China, maybe it is best for you to ask the Chinese themselves. As a matter
of fact, Chinese peasants have the right to vote, and they can directly elect the local
officials below the county level.
(A powerful but not necessarily fearsome China)

Nye: When a country’s hard power increases quickly, its neighboring countries
might be put in fear, as is the case of China. However, they are not likely to feel
fearful, or feel it necessary to combine to oppose to the country with more hard
power, if soft power of the aforementioned country increases at the same time.
China’s human rights Issue and some foreign affairs have hindered the increase of
its soft power. China marked the incident of the Chinese sailor Zheng He’s voyages
in 2006 as an excuse for its expansion to the India Ocean. The incident did not
influence the soft power of India; it only leads to India’s worries and apprehension
about China’s maritime expansion. It is true that China’s successful hosting the
Olympic Games in 2008 had boosted China’s soft power. Its suppression of human
rights activists, however, weakened such power. The failure in its efforts of
strengthening soft power can be accounted for by its political censorship. Many a
observer has shown grave concern to the China’s increase in soft power. Whether
the increase would become a problem depends on the way by which the power is
wielded. For instance, if China could make good use of its soft power instead of
threatening to resort to military means in the South China Sea; the neighboring
countries would not have allied to oppose it. China’s attempts to manipulate Asian
politics and repel the US would necessarily generate friction, too. Of course, if it
would become a responsible stakeholder in international issues, and combine hard
power with soft power, China would make positive contributions.
Zhang: As regards to China’s democracy, human rights, domestic affairs, and
foreign policies, opinions vary. People pass favorable or hostile comments, some of
whom give useful and practical suggestions; misunderstandings arise, nevertheless.
The purpose of marking Zheng He in 2006 was actually to preserve and uphold the
tradition of openness and international friendship. It has nothing to do with the
so-called maritime expansion. It would be far-fetched for India to feel worried and
suspicious just because of this. On the other hand, the fleets of the major powers,
with cannon and ammunition on board, had found their way on the India Sea and
the Atlantic in the last century, and I was wondering whether India had had their
worries and anxiety? Isn’t it strange that a peaceful celebration of commemorating a
sea voyage should cause so much worries and doubt? As to the issue of the South
China Sea, as many as thirty-six maps published before 1974 by the major nineteen
powers of the time recognized the boundary China had drawn in the South China
Sea. No country at that time harbored any doubt over that. It was only after rich
deep sea mineral resources were discovered there when Vietnam, the Philippines,
Malaysia and Brunei all claimed the islands to be theirs. Despite all this, China still
10 Interview with Joseph Nye on Soft Power 99

suggests peaceful negotiations on an equal basis, the laying-aside of controversy

and common development while claiming sovereignty. It is regrettable to see that as
the United States has shifted its focus of global strategy to Asia, the countries
surrounding the South China Sea have been trying to use the US power to balance
China in recent years, and continually created conflicts. Asia is very big, and the
Pacific is even bigger. It can provide ample room for development for both China
and the United States. So we don’t think there is any source of conflict. China had
neither the ability nor the intention to manipulate Asian affairs or exclude the US.
More countries than one should become the stakeholders in your sense. All
countries, including the major powers, should all take the responsibility of being a
stakeholder. China should not be the only country that such requirements are
imposed.
(Zero-Sum Game versus a Positive-sum Game)

Nye: No propaganda is the best propaganda. I don’t believe that the empty talk in
China’s propaganda has much audience internationally. As you have mentioned, I
should listen to the voice of more Chinese. So who do you think that I should
listen to?
Zhang: Despite the differences in content or pattern, propaganda is essential to
any state or party. When your presidential candidates are trying to gain publicity, it
is propaganda, too. Our great leader Mao Zedong had once said: “As long as one is
talking to others, he or she is doing the publicity work.” Yes, it is true that we
should really keep up with the times and improve steadily the content or way of our
publicity or propaganda work in order for it to become appealing. However, I don’t
suppose that China’s propaganda is all empty. If an American like you wants to
know the real China, he should get to know the Leftist and Rightist views as well as
the Third Way instead of being interested only in those pro-western scholars.
I suppose it is even more important to get to know the views of those scholars who
favor the Chinese government, their views on certain issues and phenomena, and
why. It is notable that the mainstream media of China is really the most repre-
sentative of the standpoint of the Chinese government and can best reflect the
actualities of China. There were conflicts, divergences and misunderstandings
historically between China and the US arising from the wide differences in terms of
social institutions, ideologies and values. However, if both sides could change the
Cold War thinking, and discuss things in detail, the misunderstandings would be
corrected, and differences would be patched up. There would be peaceful, har-
monious and cooperative relationship between the two countries. Once political
prejudice can be eradicated, the people of the two countries would be very friendly
to each other.
Nye: Your poem “Cherish our friendship, as that is our lot” reminds me of
Kant’s philosophical view, which I cannot agree more. We have had a pleasant talk,
and we can be friends. It would be stupid to ignore the progress that China has
made in terms of soft power. The progress is beneficial for both China and the
world. Soft power is not necessarily a zero-sum game when one country gains and
the other countries lose. For example, if China and the United States appealed to
100 10 Interview with Joseph Nye on Soft Power

each other more, there would be fewer conflicts. If the rise in China’s soft power
can reduce conflict, it will be a win-win relationship game that is mutually
beneficial.
Zhang: It was nice talking to you and we shall become friends indeed. It is not
that we share the same opinion, but that we can communicate with each other
frankly. The American futurist John Naisbitt is well-known among China’s intel-
lectuals. He has written Megatrends, China’s Megatrends, Megatrends Asia and
other books. He and his wife conducted research and studies in Sichuan province
and wrote a book entitled China’s Megatrend: Chengdu Innovation Triangle. His
views are not necessarily completely right. However, as he conducted in-depth
surveys in China, his works not only identify the problems during the process of
China’s development, but also have an unconventional view on the advantages of
China’s political institutions and social mechanism. He has greater depth of
understanding than an ordinary Western scholar or journalist has.
Welcome to China again. If you could stay a little longer, conduct some research
and survey, and listen to more people, I believe that such an intelligent person as
you are will get to know China at a deeper level. Chinese like saying that “un-
derstanding is everything.” So as long as the both sides can respect the paramount
interests and understand the strategies and intentions of the other side, there would
be less misunderstanding and more cooperation. That would be a win-win solution.
As you have said, the Sino-American relationship is no longer the zero-sum game;
it is a positive-sum game. The fact that both have wise people and wise government
will bolster the confidence in attaining the diplomatic goal in Sino-American
relationship.
(Source: Chinese Social Sciences Today, July 11, 2012)
Chapter 11
Talk with Dr. Abramson About Soft
Power and Current International
Relations

On the afternoon of June 19th 2013, Director of China’s Cultural Soft Power Research
Center Prof. Zhang Guozuo hosted Dr. Marc Abramson and Luke Tullberg. The former
guest is a China expert of the U.S. Department of State, first secretary of Embassy of the
United States in Japan and sinologist, while the latter is a consul of the Embassy of the
United States in China. The topics covered soft power, universal values, the Nobel Prize,
Voice of America, the Korean Peninsula conflict, the Diaoyu Islands dispute, the South
China Sea dispute, the right to speak, Sino-American relations, Sino-Japanese relations, etc.

Abramson: Director Zhang, I would like to thank you for taking time out of your
busy schedule to meet with us.
Zhang: Welcome! It is my honor to have you as my guest.
(China understands and uses soft power in a broad sense instead of simply regarding it as
strategies for international relations as the Western countries do.)

Abramson: As I mentioned before, I work in the Embassy of the United States in

Japan and Mr. Tullberg works in the Embassy of the United States in China. I come
here to do some research and to have a better understanding of China. As I work in
Japan, I care about the Sino-Japanese relations. What do you consider is the situ-
ation like between China and Japan? What might be the future trends? I know that
Director Zhang specializes in a very interesting subject—soft power. I was won-
dering what characteristics China’s soft power has after the Sixth Plenary Session of
the Seventeenth CPC National Congress. I come here today in the hope of seeking
your opinion.
Zhang: The concept of “soft power” was introduced by an American, Joseph
Nye. You know, British realist and writer E.H. Carr classified international power
into three categories in 1939: military, economic and power over opinion. Military
power means coercion. The disobedient would be killed. Economic power means
the power to pay. People are paid to make them obedient. Still disobedient? Then
more payments, probably. Power over opinion means using ideologies, convictions
and emotions to induce others to obey. Affected by Carr’s third view on power, Nye
framed the concept of “soft power.” Nye is an outstanding scholar who also worked
as Assistant Secretary of State during the Carter administration and Assistant
Secretary of Defense and Chairman National Intelligence Council for the former

© Social Sciences Academic Press and Springer Nature Singapore Pte Ltd. 2017 101
G. Zhang, Research Outline for China’s Cultural Soft Power,
Research Series on the Chinese Dream and China’s Development Path,
DOI 10.1007/978-981-10-3398-8_11
102 11 Talk with Dr. Abramson About Soft Power …

President Clinton. Now he is the member of Defense Policy Committee of United

States Department of Defense. That is to say, his research is government-backed.
As America is the most influential country in the world, the concept of “soft power”
formulated by Nye spread to the world quickly, including China. There are two
viewpoints in academic circles as to whether soft power should be borrowed in
China. As we can judge from the title of the book in which Nye introduced this
concept Bound to Lead: The Changing Nature of American Power, the concept is to
serve the U.S. hegemony. Consequently, some Chinese scholars argued that the
concept “soft power” should not be used at all in China. But more scholars believe
that “soft power” was nothing but an academic concept, so what matters is how to
use it instead of whether or not we should use it. Therefore, it is decided in the
academic circle that we should have Chinese characteristics when using it.
According to Nye’s definition, soft-power resources include cultural appeal, ide-
ologies, and international institutions.
An increasing number of Chinese scholars have come to realize that we should
understand soft power in a more extensive way than use it merely in diplomatic
relations, or in international strategies. In China, soft power is reflected in domestic
and foreign affairs, in cultural and ideological progress as well as ideological and
moral education. In other words, soft power can of course be exercised in foreign
affairs; but in domestic affairs, too, it can be used to help build a nation with good
social morality, lofty moral sentiments and cohesion. As a CPC member, I believe
that guidelines put forward by the Party such as “arming people with scientific
theories, guiding them with correct public opinion, cultivating them with noble
ideals, and inspiring them with excellent works” as well as moral and ideological
education are all part of soft power building. So what are China’s soft power and its
emphasis? We put the stress on culture. It will become something short-sighted,
superficial, narrow-minded, closed, rigid and dogmatic without the cultural ele-
ments within. It is with this in mind that we view the status and role of culture in
soft power. As you mentioned just now, it was at the Sixth Plenary Session of the
Seventeenth CPC National Congress that the Party proposed “soft power.” We
believe that culture serves as its soul and sets its framework. Being its soul means it
provides us with the directions; being the framework means that it permeates all
links of soft power.
China’s soft power is not fully comprehended by some folks and gives rise to
serious misunderstanding in various countries. For example, China’s good bilateral
relations in its aid to and trade with African countries were accused of exploiting
African resources. Even if this is not a deliberate distortion of the fact, it will surely
cause misunderstanding. Actually, I think China should be absolved of such blame
as what it has done is merely to develop mutually beneficial bilateral relations with
African countries on an equal basis and to gain their favorable impression. It would
only be natural for any country, including the US, to want to leave a good
impression when it develops diplomatic relations with the African countries. The
misunderstanding about China stems from the fact that people have little idea about
what soft power is and in what sense Chinese people apply soft power.
11 Talk with Dr. Abramson About Soft Power … 103

(Realization of the Chinese Dream does not mean hegemony)

Zhang: I will give you another example. China has been developing greatly these
years and its products are very competitive. Not long ago I received the invitation
from Bruce Cole, the then chairman of the National Endowment for the Humanities,
to make a speech in the US. I visited an American family. The husband is a doctor
and the wife is a nurse. I complimented on a teapot of theirs: “A nice teapot, where
was it made?” The host answered without hesitation: “Is there anything not made in
China nowadays?” I took a look at it and found out that it was made in Japan, after
all. Apparently, They forgot that there are also characters in Japanese and auto-
matically assumed that it was made in China simply because there are some
characters on it. It seems that Chinese products have found their way into the daily
life of the Americans to such an extent that even a product not made in China was
presumed to be made there. The extremely rapid development of China these years
has made some individuals wonder whether China will surpass the United States
and become a super power to practice hegemony after the realization of the Chinese
Dream. I don’t think such worry is necessary. Why? Moderation is at the center of
the traditional Chinese culture. “Don’t do to others what you don’t want others to
do to you,” as was put by Confucius. That is to say, if you don’t want it, don’t give
it to others. If you don’t want to be invaded, don’t invade others. Such spiritual
heritage in traditional Chinese culture is very precious. Since the time of Confucius
the golden mean is dominant in Chinese ideologies. On the other hand, China’s
economic development has benefited Chinese people to a great extent and the
reform policies have helped bring roughly 300 million people out of poverty.
Actually, today’s Chinese Dream has existed for a long time. Before 1949, the
dream of the Chinese had been very simple: three mus of farmland, two heads of
cattle, a wife, some children and a warm home. In early 1950s, China learned
something from the Soviet Union and the dream turned into “electric lights and
telephones in a two-storied home.” In the Great Leap Forward Movement in 1958,
Chinese people were shouting the slogan that “let us run to Communism, sur-
passing England and America,” which is an unrealistic fantasy from today’s per-
spective. In the reform era, Chinese people began to devote attention to the pursuit
of personal material benefits. The dream had been the “four big commodities”: a
bicycle, a watch, a sewing machine, and a radio. Now Chinese people’s living
standards have improved markedly and the dreams with many people have become
more ambitious: to be a boss, to live in a villa, to wear name brands, to drive a
limousine, to travel all around the world, etc. Not all people are content with their
life, nevertheless. Enjoying the benefits of the reform policies, they make accusa-
tions of the evils of the society. It seems as if the better their life is, the heavier
criticism they will level at the government. It might be people’s insatiable desire
within for material wealth when collectivism ceases to be the dominant ideology.
Besides, they seem to have forgotten how much poorer life was before the reform
era. Then again, such phenomenon also demonstrates that China’s political system
was much more inclusive and increasing importance has been placed on democ-
racy, freedom and human rights. On the Internet, everyone is free to air their views,
104 11 Talk with Dr. Abramson About Soft Power …

be it praise, blame, ridicule, or anything else. This is just like what it is in the US,
where one can satirize, scorn and blame even the president Obama, with a cartoon
or by any other means. Chinese people were put into prison because of what they
said, but this is no longer the case nowadays. The Chinese Dream, the American
dream and the world dream are mutually inclusive. The rejuvenation of China—the
Chinese dream—is hoped to be realized in a peaceful, harmonious and cooperative
world.
(The formation of core values is a natural and lengthy process; universal values pushed by
foreign powers are not practical in China)

Abramson: Your analysis of the meaning and the content of soft power are very
comprehensive. It is said that it is the cohesiveness of the values that help
develop soft power. But whether the sources of China’s value—Confucianism and
Taoism—have such quality is something still under discussion. What is your
opinion? What do you think are the characteristics of China’s values?
Zhang: This question involves the so-called universal values referred to by your
Americans. Democracy, freedom and human rights are commonly held to be the
universal values. Indeed, who doesn’t need democracy, freedom and human rights?
Of course they are good things, but whether they can be regarded as universal
values is doubted in China. Why? The recognition of democracy, freedom and
human rights means the abandonment of China’s values and the replacement of
them with those of the Western countries. Of course it will not work in China. If
you were denied your own values and imposed on some other values, would you be
glad? On the other hand, it depends on how to define universal values. By defi-
nition, universal values are those accepted by all human beings without exception;
in this sense, I doubt the existence of such values. For example, the love of a mother
for her child seems to be universal, but actually many mothers don’t love their
children and some even kill them in some cases. In this way, does such universal
value cease to exist? If we define universal values as the value that is acknowledged
by the majority of people, then they do exist. For instance, most mothers want their
children to be healthy, clever, and motivated, and to be good at their studies or to
have a good job. This is a universal value. So it is wrong to judge the universal
values indiscriminately. Whether it makes sense depends on how it is defined. For
example, the talk that we are having means putting aside minor differences and
seeking common ground. The so-called “common ground” means common values,
without which there is no need to communicate. If both sides agree like cats and
dogs, they would be incompatible with each other. To have common ground means
that both sides share some values. Not long ago, Chairman Xi Jinping and President
Obama had a meeting in California to establish a new pattern of relationship
between the two great powers. If they do not have common values, how can the talk
be harmonious? Therefore, the key lies in how you define “universal values.” The
formation of values of any country or nation is a natural and lengthy process. Those
foresighted ones can offer guidance, but they cannot impose their own values on
others. Even the Chinese emperors never prescribed that Chinese traditional values
such as “humanity, justice, propriety, wisdom, honesty, loyalty, filial piety,
11 Talk with Dr. Abramson About Soft Power … 105

integrity, thrift, bravery” should be abided by. Instead, such values became the
deep-seated belief of ordinary people, government officials and intellectuals alike
when these people are brought up in Chinese culture and Chinese-style education.
In this way, they have become universal and core values of China. Similarly, the
values of freedom, democracy and human rights in the Western countries are not
stipulated by any president or the state. It is the influence of the ideologies, culture,
or politics that makes people believe that they should have freedom, democracy and
human rights. Gradually, they become the universal values in the Western world.
Then how should the Chinese people treat the Chinese values in modern times? We
have a core socialist value system which has four levels: guidance provided by
Marxism, adherence to socialism with Chinese characteristics, the national spirit
focusing on patriotism and the spirit of the times focusing on reform and innova-
tion, and the socialist concept of honor and disgrace. The first level (guidance
provided by Marxism) might prove to be the most controversial. During my con-
versation with Joseph Nye, he asked a question: “Don’t you adhere to the guidance
of Marxism? But Marxism advocates the export of violence and revolution.” I
answered: “This is not the case at all”. Marxism Chinese people stick to is the one
with Chinese characteristics, which means a socialist theoretical system with
Chinese characteristics in modern China. In diplomatic relations with any country
including those with the Western countries, we advocate that we should stick to the
“Five Principles of Peaceful Coexistence.” Peace, harmony, cooperation and a
win-win solution are emphasized. In addition to the exporting of violence and
revolution to other countries, we also object to invading other countries and
interfering with the domestic affairs of other countries. Each nation has the right to
embark on a journey of its own. This is the Marxism that we insist. Any theory
should change to keep abreast with the times instead of staying put.
(The concept of soft power formulated by Joseph Nye is an important academic contri-
bution to the world, but he knows little about China’s soft power)

Abramson: Just now you mentioned your dialogue with Professor Nye. I noticed
that Nye made repeated reference to China’s soft power strategy and its imple-
mentation in China in his speeches last year. He was mildly critical of China’s
weaknesses in soft power in terms of the values concerned and the related activities,
though. How would you view his opinion?
Zhang: I regard Professor Nye as my friend. He once autographed a few of his
books and gave them to me as a gift. Our dialogue covered a wide range of topics
including Sino-American relations, international relations, culture, soft power and
so on. But frankly speaking, he doesn’t have much understanding about the
problems in China. Thus I told him politely that there was an America scholar
called John Naisbitt who influenced China a lot with his works like Megatrends,
China’s Megatrends and other books. He and his wife conducted research and
studies in Sichuan province and coauthored an insightful book entitled China’s
Megatrend: Chengdu Innovation Triangle. As far as I see, some of his viewpoints
on the system of China are truer to facts than those of some Chinese scholars. If
only Professor Nye could stay in China longer and become more familiar with the
106 11 Talk with Dr. Abramson About Soft Power …

grassroots as Naisbitt did, many of his prejudices towards China would be eradi-
cated. I am very respectful to Nye for his important contributions to the academic
circles with his concept of soft power. But our differences lie in what soft power is,
how to evaluate it and how to understand China’s domestic and foreign policies.
I did tell him about my own views in our conversation. I haven’t yet read his latest
comments about China’s and Russia’s soft power. But I have an opinion, which I
believe you will agree with. That is, our judgment should be based on truthful
premises. Under no circumstances should we blindly follow others’ views about
matters unfamiliar to us. Besides, those famous scholars should really be prudent in
what they say because of their potential influence over others. We compared the
soft power between China and the US, and Professor Nye said that if China was
given a score of 60 for its soft power, the US would be given one of 90 for its.
I don’t agree with him on this. Soft power is relative to hard power. What is hard
power? From my point of view, it is the tangible, quantifiable power that demon-
strates one’s material strength: airplanes, battleships, tanks, or barrels of petroleum.
Soft power, by contrast, is the intangible spiritual force that is hard to quantify. For
example, how much does courage weigh? What is the worth of courage? It is
impossible to evaluate them. For another example, how can we translate patriotism
into figures? I am afraid it is difficult. Therefore, there is a great distinction between
soft power and hard power in terms of their evaluation. That does not mean that soft
power cannot be quantified. It only means that we cannot use quantitative evalu-
ation only. Instead, it should always be combined with qualitative evaluation.
(China’s employment of soft power to dissuade North Korea from using nuclear weapons
will be offset by the US hard power)

Abramson: The quantification and evaluation problems are really very important.
So how would you quantify and evaluate the effects of China’s soft power on the
neighboring countries in Northeast and Southeast Asia?
Zhang: Recently, some of China’s neighboring countries ran into trouble, as is
shown in the case of the Korean Peninsula conflicts. China and North Korea enjoy a
long-standing friendship. The North Korean economy is heavily dependent on
China. Being a sovereign country, however, it can choose to listen to China or not.
That is to say, the Chinese soft-power influence on North Korea is limited. It is
really a pity that the American people believe that China is the only country which
North Korea can rely on, and therefore it has the most leverage on the policies of
North Korea. In fact, from the regimes from Kim Il-sung, to Kim Jong Il and then to
Kim Jong-un, The state ideology of Juche (self-reliance) in North Korea has
become increasingly dominant. To win the support of its people, and to survive
among great powers such as China, Russia, the US and Japan, it needs self-reliance,
and a foothold for further advance in the game with great powers, of course.
Knowing well the Americans, Russians, Japanese and Chinese, the North Korean
leaders recognize how to defend their best interests, when to be stubborn and when
to make a strategic concession. Of course China always adheres to the principles of
denuclearization of the Korean Peninsula and it is normal for China to have such an
attitude. If North Korea were to own them, Japan would have the excuse to develop
11 Talk with Dr. Abramson About Soft Power … 107

nuclear weapons, too, which would pose dangerous threat for the US, South Korea,
China and the surrounding countries. That is the reason why we advocate denu-
clearization in the Korean Peninsula and our attitude is uncompromising in this
respect. Evidently, North Korea’s desire for nuclear weapons might be accounted
for by the US pressure and the consequent need for a sense of security. The
downfall of Saddam Hussein’s regime in Iraq and Gaddafi’s in Libya convinced the
North Korea of the necessity of owning nuclear weapons as it is held that the two
regimes would not have fallen if they had been equipped with them. Nuclear
weapons are the most threatening for the US; so the US military force is one of the
most important reasons for North Korean plan for nuclear weapons. In other words,
the dissuasive effect using China’s soft power will be offset by the hard power of
America.
(North and South Korea both belong to the same ethnic group, and use the same language.
But their different attachments to Chinese culture decide that China’s soft power performs
different roles.)

Abramson: Let’s return to the topic of soft power. What role, do you think, does
China’s soft power occupy in North Korea? It seems that there is good commu-
nication between China and South Korea in terms of soft power.
Zhang: Mr. Abramson, as I have mentioned, soft power means spiritual strength,
emotions and wisdom. Generally speaking, South Korea indicates marked prefer-
ence to Chinese culture. Almost every South Korean president feels attachments to
Chinese culture and so it is much easier for the two countries to communicate with
each other. Joseph Nye once said that soft power has no effect on North Korea,
which I consider untrue. There are two ways to deal with North Korea’s nuclear
program. One is through hard power. The US once considered resorting to military
means, carrying out a surgical strike to destroy its nuclear test sites, and intercepting
the missiles once the North Korea launches them. If North Korea gives in, it means
that such use of hard power is effective. But this has not been proved to be the case.
The other way is by soft power. If the North Korea is dissuaded from developing
nuclear weapons or intermediate and long-range missiles as this will do harm to
itself in the long term, then we can say that it is the victory of soft power. The fact is
that China has used soft power, persuasion and told them the gains and losses, but
with very marginal effect. What is the reason? Despite the poor life lived by the
North Korean people, the regime is still built on a sound foundation as it has won
the unflagging support from its people. Its soft power works. North Korean people
have been infused with the ideology of Juche or self-reliance by the ruling party
and the government since the reign of Kim Il-sung, the hero who created the Juche
ideology. Since the reign of Kim Jong Il, the idea of military-first politics (Songun)
has been included, demonstrating that those leaders are excellent military talents
with love for the people and the capability to lead North Korea to become a
powerful state. As a result, North Korean people adore their leaders, and their
affection for their leaders may equal Chinese people’s affection for Chairman Mao
during the Cultural Revolution. Such spiritual strength means great soft power.
China is unable to dissuade North Korea from owning nuclear weapons, it can only
108 11 Talk with Dr. Abramson About Soft Power …

persuade North Korea to carry out reform and open-up policies, to stimulate the
economy and to secure the livelihood of people so that the foundation for the
regime might be more solid. A highly centralized regime with cult of personality
will be unlikely to coexist with a democratic and open North Korea. The consol-
idation of North Korean regime depends on the absolute authority of its leaders, to a
large extent. Therefore, they would follow China’s advice if the policy makers of
North Korea believed that China’s suggestions benefit the consolidation of their
authority and their leaders’ status; otherwise they would not take the advice.
Apparently, North Korea and South Korea are close to different periods of Chinese
culture, the former to the period of the Cultural Revolution and the latter to the
ancient Chinese culture. Thus there are different effects of Chinese culture on the
two countries.
(The US should not always make the 1.3 billion Chinese people uneasy, as China has been
friendly with the US)

Zhang: After the Boxer Protocol was signed in 1901 between the corrupt Qing
Dynasty and the Eight-Power Allied Forces (the US included) after their invasion to
China, the Chinese people were filled with hatred towards the Americans. Actually,
the US used half of the war indemnity to finance China’s education and to help
Chinese study in the US, which accelerated the modernization process of China. Of
course, the purpose of the US had been to influence the future Chinese leaders with
the American spirit and modern knowledge, but Chinese people were still grateful
for that. Since then, the impression of the Chinese people on the US turned better.
Especially during the in the Anti-Japanese War, America aided China with war
materials and in spirit. Many Americans even sacrificed their lives. On the Hump
Course alone, 3000 excellent American pilots died and 1500 (out of 2100 American
planes) were destroyed by the Japanese. Grateful to the heroic sacrifices made by
the US, Chinese people began to regard America as a reliable ally. Most Chinese
had been friendly to America, which I suppose that Americans were also aware of.
But the impression on America changed after the outbreak of the Korean War.
MacArthur’s assertion that the war would be over by Christmas that year displayed
his arrogance. How could the Chinese people just watch with folded arms? The
Korean War to Resist U.S. Aggression and Aid Korea broke out. In addition, the
US support for Dalai, the ambiguous attitude towards East Turkistan separatists, the
backing for Japan in Diaoyu Islands dispute, and the instigation of the Philippines
in the South China Sea have caused deep displeasure among the Chinese intel-
lectuals and the general public.
China is the first country to which America has applied smart power. The
America’s strategic emphasis has been shifted to the Asian-Pacific region in the
so-called strategic rebalance by President Obama. Sixty-percent of the American air
and navy forces—its hard power—have been transferred to the Asian-Pacific region
encircling China. On the other hand, Vietnam, the Philippines and Japan attempt to
challenge the vital interests of China, and the US support them. This is the
employment of soft power. The combination of hard and soft power thus leads to
smart power of America. It seems to many Chinese that the reason why these
11 Talk with Dr. Abramson About Soft Power … 109

countries dare to challenge China is that they have the support of America.
Whatever Americans may say, the fact is that America has conducted joint military
exercises with and sold arms to them, which made many Chinese perplexed. You
see, China and America are economically linked, and China is now America’s
largest creditor and most of China’s foreign reserves are in the US. What is more,
China has served an essential role in reinvigorating the American economy and
helping it survive its economic crisis. Why America treats a friendly China in this
way is beyond the comprehension of many Chinese and such behavior has caused
unease among them. As one of our leaders has said, the Pacific Ocean is broad
enough to accommodate the development of both China and the United States.
There is no need for the US to exert so much pressure on China. Although the
current US administration claimed that it maintained a “neutral” stance on the issue
of Diaoyu Island, it also claimed that the Treaty of Mutual Cooperation and
Security between the United States of America and Japan could be applied to this
case and that the islands came under the jurisdiction of Japan. I do not believe that
America should always make Chinese people uneasy in problems concerning
China’s paramount interests. Dalai Lama, the largest serf-owner in the old Tibet,
has committed appalling crimes under serfdom and violated human rights.
However, the Western countries, in an attempt to split China and to deceive the
international public, granted him the Nobel Peace Prize and allow him to dissem-
inate his wrong ideas by making speeches. Liu Xiaobo is another case in point.
Little known in China until being awarded the Nobel Peace Prize, he received it
simply because he catered for the Western countries’ needs of opposing the current
political system of China, which is much to the distaste of the vast majority of the
Chinese. I don’t think it wise for the US to commit the mistake of offending
1.3 billion Chinese people only for the unpopular few. The US soft power is
unwisely used here.
(Understanding America only through “Occupy Wall Street” will give rise to the belief that
America is doomed to fall tomorrow. In the same way, broader perspective and more
communication are needed in understanding China)

Abramson: Director Zhang, we might as well return to the topic of Sino-Japanese

relations later. Just now we mentioned China’s soft power strategies and tactics on
the surrounding countries in Southeast Asia.
Zhang: Sorry, Mr. Marc. We might as well talk about Southeast Asia later. Now
let me discuss Japan with you as you are an American diplomat in Japan.
Sino-Japanese relationship has a long history. Japan had sent envoys in groups for
many times to learn from the Tang Dynasty. Let me talk about it from a broader
perspective of soft power. There have appeared many thinkers, scientists and other
great men in the Western world after Renaissance and the consequent ideological
emancipation, enormously increasing its soft power. That is the reason why soon
after the industrial revolution, the Western countries surpassed China which had
taken the leading position globally for a long time in history. The backwardness of
China at the time was due to its weak soft power—the traditional Chinese culture,
with the main content being Confucianism, gradually became conservative, rigid
110 11 Talk with Dr. Abramson About Soft Power …

and closed with the dominance of the Idealistic Philosophy of the Song and Ming
Dynasties (neo-Confucianism). According to the statistics by Western historians
and economists, China’s GDP still accounted for one fourth of the world total in the
first half of 19th century. But several British warships sailing across the oceans
should inflict a heavy defeat on China in the First Opium War. So we may conclude
that the lag in soft power had been the reason for China being invaded. Realizing
that China’s failure was, first and foremost, attributed to the country’s cultural
backwardness, Lin Zexu, a patriot, commissioned Wei Yuan to edit an encyclo-
pedic work to introduce Western politics, history, culture, economics, education,
science and technology to China. This led to Wei’s work Illustrated Treatise on the
Maritime Kingdoms. The book was far from being popular in conservative China.
When the book was introduced to Japan in 1851, however, it achieved enormous
popularity on arrival among the reformists of the time, who thought highly of Wei
Yuan’s views. The book was also the inspiration for the Meiji Restoration, which
led Japan to become one of the world powers by the end of the 19th century. China
learned nothing from the Western civilization of the 19th century while Japan
indirectly acquired the soft power of the Western countries via China. You see,
drawing on others’ experience is really vital in strengthening soft power.
From today’s viewpoint, the best way to bring the role of soft power into full
play is to increase communication, deepen understanding, and seek common
ground, while reconciling our differences on both sides in an attempt to live in
harmony and pursue a win-win result. In fact, this is the principle behind China’s
policies for the neighboring countries. Some countries act purely out of their selfish
interests, trying to profit from the American strategic rebalance while disregarding
history. China’s suggestion of a peaceful solution is often regarded as a sign of fear
for the US or its limited soft power. I believe that it is necessary for leaders such as
Xi and Obama to meet, and for ordinary people such as you and I to meet in order to
increase the use of soft power. I talked about Sino-Japanese relations in the hope of
swaying you. The relationship between countries is similar to that between people.
Irrespective of ideologies and national political system, both Chinese and American
people are well-meaning. Joseph Nye mentioned several Chinese scholars, saying
that the US paid attention to their views. I told him that of course he may show
concern to their opinions; but listening to their views only will lead to overgen-
eralizations. China boasts many more scholars with good judgment than those
well-known among the Americans. You should draw on the wisdom of the masses
using induction, system analysis and statistics. Only in this way can you hope to
fully understand the mainstream ideas of China. I have listened to the Voice of
America. Many Chinese regard it absurd to spend so much money on broadcasting
the criticism launched by a couple of people little known in China. It does no good
in helping you understand China. The majority of the people in China would not go
for them. If the American government were clever enough, it would send more
people to China to communicate with Chinese scholars, including those with
official background. Some Americans believe that officials in China will tell lies and
only what the non-officials say is true. Similarly, we could come to the conclusion,
targeted at the movement of Occupying Wall Street, that the US would fall if we
11 Talk with Dr. Abramson About Soft Power … 111

only listened to those who criticized the American government rather than also
taking into account what American government said. To fully understand China,
great minds, broad perspective and listening to more people are needed. Why don’t
the American broadcasting companies publicize the friendship between China and
America to clear up our misunderstanding?
(Official news media as well as TV series are equally important when investigating the
Chinese propaganda about America, as TV plays are often indirect and fair reflection upon
public opinion)

Abramson: Just now you mentioned the Voice of America, and I agree with you
in saying that in order to raise America’s profile in the minds of the Chinese, we
shouldn’t confine to the Voice of America, New York Times and Washington Post.
But it is a pity that access to these American media is severely restricted in China.
How would you comment on coverage of the US in the Chinese media, such as in
the reports by CCTV and Xinhua News Agency?
Zhang: What influence people most in China today? Things are different from
what they were before the Cultural Revolution, when there were only two news-
papers and one magazine: People’s Daily, Liberation Army Daily, Red Flag. The
whole Party, army and even the whole nation would study the articles in them. But
now more people have shifted their attention to other newspapers and magazines.
Television is still the media with the broadest influence. TV dramas have a larger
audience than news on TV. While news is prompt and direct, TV dramas indirectly,
imperceptibly but surely influence public opinion. TV dramas about the
Anti-Japanese War are many, while those opposing America are few. Some plays
even sing highly of the cooperation between China and America during the
Anti-Japanese War and the medical aid Chinese people offered to the American
patients and pilots. The proliferation of the anti-Japanese TV dramas is not the
result of the industry following the government’s suggestions, but is a reflection of
public opinion. The Japanese invasion of China during the WWII had been brutal,
savage and inhuman, resulting in 36 million deaths of soldiers and civilians.
Although some conscientious Japanese soldiers are regretful for what they have
done in the war, and Japanese prime ministers such as Tanaka, Murayama, and
Noda have made public apologies for the invasion, Shinzo Abe and the like
stubbornly adhere to the right-wing position: visits to the Yasukuni war shrine,
amendment to historical textbook, denial of the Nanjing massacre, denial of the
existence of comfort women, rightist stance in the Diaoyu Islands dispute, and even
the clamor for amending the pacifist constitution. Just a look at the TV plays in
China will help America to have a clear understanding of China’s attitude. What the
Chinese people cannot stand is Japan’s militarism and Shinzo Abe’s right-wing
forces. Despite the alliance between America and Japan, it is impossible for TV
plays that oppose America to appear in China.
(Nobel Peace Prize and Nobel Prize in Literature inevitably have a lot to do with political
ideologies, and the strength of China’s soft power cannot be measured by Nobel Prize
alone.)
112 11 Talk with Dr. Abramson About Soft Power …

Abramson: Just now you mentioned the Liu Xiaobo incident. How do you
evaluate Nobel Prize from the perspective of soft power? It is widely shared in the
international society that Liu’s acquisition of Nobel Peace Prize is the failure of
China’s soft power, and the majority of people in the world have no idea why
Chinese people will react so strongly.
Zhang: Nobel Prizes in physics, chemistry and biology, in a sense, win universal
acknowledgement: that 1 + 1 = 2 in natural science is right everywhere all over the
world. But in humanities and social sciences, especially when political viewpoints
are involved, the prize has a lot to do with the political system and ideologies.
Therefore, Liu’s winning the Nobel Prize does not signify the failure of China’s soft
power; rather, it is the political misjudgment of the western countries, because one
fifth of the world’s population has been upset by it. Liu Xiaobo made no contri-
bution to the peace of China or the world, and the majority of Chinese don’t know
who he is. There is a Chinese writer, Mo Yan, who won the Nobel Prize in
literature. As a Chinese, of course I should congratulate him. Some people criticize
him for his being the mouthpiece of the CPC while others sing high praise for his
being skeptical about the Communist system. This incident has demonstrated that
the awarding of the Nobel Prize in Literature is be dogged by political controversy.
Different people have different views as for Nobel Prize in Literature or the Nobel
Peace Prize; people from different countries with different political views may have
different viewpoints. Therefore, the acquisition of Nobel Prize should not be
adopted as the criterion of the strength of soft power for a country. Instead, we
should take a look at who awards this prize.
(Regardless of facts, the Western media often try too hard to be sensational. China’s great
achievements speak for its theory of soft power)

Zhang: It was once thought that the Western journalism is objective, fair,
unbiased and nonpartisan. Based on my years of observation, it isn’t always that
objective in fact. The gravest problem with the Western media is that it pursues
what is sensational with the hope of catching people’s attention to the greatest
extent. As a result, the exaggerated and false news abounds. Countless pieces of
news speak for the government without regard to facts, or just blindly follow the
others. For example, Edward Snowden, who disclosed the Prism Event, was con-
sidered a great American hero by some, a traitor or a spy by others. Following the
government opinion, the American media regarded Snowden as a spy instead of
trying to get at the truth. Even the former vice president of the United States Dick
Cheney said so. What I want to say is that one’s support or opposition should be
premised on truth. It is a pity that Cheney didn’t follow this principle. The
American media misled not only public opinion but also the government’s
decision-making. The same mistake had been repeated by American media as to the
strength of China’s soft power. What is vital in China’s soft power is whether or not
a theory or decision-making can help provide the right direction for the country.
You see, the CPC has turned China from a backward country into the second largest
11 Talk with Dr. Abramson About Soft Power … 113

economy globally. How could we make it without any soft power? A correct
understanding of soft power is needed, which should be neither too narrow nor too
broad. Besides, we should also pose the question of what is the correct attitude to
China’s soft power. Yes, problems are numerous in China: the widening gap
between the rich and poor, the gap between the urban and the rural areas, unem-
ployment of college students, environmental pollution, corruption among the Party
members, lowering standard of social morality, extensive mode of production, etc.
These problems are not unique in China; they exist in Western countries, too. On
the other hand, we should not concentrate on the problems only, the positive aspect
of China’s development should be brought into focus. Firstly, from the mid-19th
century to the present times, China has become richer with people’s living standards
never been higher. It is true that some become rich sooner than the others, but the
majority of Chinese people have become richer. Secondly, from the mid 19th
century to the present, the Chinese people have enjoyed more freedom, democracy
and human rights than ever before. You may not have realized that Chinese people
are even freer than those in the Western countries in some aspects. In today’s China,
no one will be put into prison simply for what he/she says, nor would anyone be
convicted of being a counterrevolutionary. If anyone were dissatisfied with gov-
ernment officials, they could air their views as they wish; no control is exercised as
to that. Direct election has been implemented at the grassroots level. Even by
Western standards, China’s progress in democracy has been great. Thirdly, ever
since the mid-19th century, China has never enjoyed the international status as it
does today. When President Obama received Xi Jinping in California, he did so out
of respect for Xi and for the Chinese people. China’s development, closely related
to its soft power, has helped it to become a world power.
(China’s efforts to win more say internationally is more a result of the Western smear
campaign against China than a struggle for political power)

Abramson: Director Zhang, as time is limited, I would like to return to the

problem of the voice of the Western media that you have mentioned. In spite of its
demerits, Western media has its role. Since the Sixth Plenary Session of the
Seventeenth CPC National Congress, your central government has laid emphasis on
more say of the Chinese media in the international community. How would you
analyze it? In your opinion, what is China’s recent progress? And what challenges
is China faced with?
Zhang: China wants to win more say, so does America. In my personal opinion,
both sides should play down its importance. If others are willing to listen to you and
follow you, then you have a say. Joseph Nye says that America adopts the co-optive
and inductive methods to make other countries follow it. He thinks it means that the
American voice is heard. But I don’t agree with him. I believe that democracy we
highlight involves a democratic international relationship. A forced leadership will
not be likely to last long. The reason why we emphasize diplomatic persuasion is
that the Western media are trying to misrepresent and smear China. Under such
114 11 Talk with Dr. Abramson About Soft Power …

circumstances, our strengthening of more say internationally aims to clarify the

truth and enables the global society to understand China correctly. By no means
would we impose our viewpoints and ideologies on the Western countries.
Secondly, we should admit that the Western media are more influential, more
technologically advanced, and larger in scale. But this is also changing gradually.
Despite our differences and conflicts, the right we have to speak in the international
arena will change with the change in the bilateral relationship in which the Western
countries regard China as a strategic partner rather than as an enemy. That is the
heart of the problem. The right to speak is only a representation reflecting the
essence of relationship between governments. A new type of Sino-American
relationship should be established to seek win-win cooperation. If it were a
zero-sum game, instead, both sides would lose. The resolution of the political
problems would naturally give rise to the change in the right to speak.
(There is no denying that the sovereignty of Diaoyu Islands belongs to China, and the US
should be warned against the Japanese right-wing forces and their attempt to amend the
pacifist constitution.)

Abramson: Now let’s return to the Sino-Japanese relations. I noticed that the
Xinhua News Agency and CCTV have released plenty of background information
and documentaries about Diaoyu Islands (the Senkaku Islands). Besides, this
position on Diaoyu Islands is also claimed in many ways in China’s public
diplomacy. What do you think is an effective from the angle of soft power? How
does the Chinese government view the future of Sino-Japanese relations?
Zhang: That the sovereignty over the Diaoyu Islands belonged to China had
been indisputable before the First Sino-Japanese War (August 1894–April 1895).
But it suffices to start from the end of the Second World War. After the Second
World War in 1945, China, the US and England signed the Cairo Declaration and
the Potsdam Proclamation. According to these treaties, Japan must return all the
Chinese territory it captured during the war, including Taiwan, Penghu Islands and
Diaoyu Islands. But what Japan bases on is Peace Treaty of San Francisco (1952),
which is contradictory with the former two treaties. While former two treaties were
signed by the three victorious countries of the US, Britain and China, the latter one
was signed by the US and 48 other victorious nations with the participation of
neither the PRC nor the Republic of China in Taiwan. That is to say, this treaty
regarding China’s territory was signed without the participation of any political
party on behalf of China. According to this treaty, Diaoyu Islands were first gov-
erned by the US and then taken over by Japan. It is apparent that the article on
Diaoyu Islands in San Francisco Treaty of Peace with Japan is an invalid one as it
involves Chinese territory without the participation of China.
When negotiating with Premier Zhou Enlai on diplomatic normalization of
Sino-Japanese relations, the former prime minister of Japan Kakuei Tanaka
acknowledged that the Diaoyu Islands dispute was a controversial issue and should
be put aside. The Japanese leaders admitted that there were different opinions
11 Talk with Dr. Abramson About Soft Power … 115

between China and Japan on the sovereignty of Diaoyu Islands. Leaders such as
Kakuei Tanaka, Masayoshi Ohira, Susumu Nikaido, Sunao Sonoda all confirmed
that controversy in Diaoyu Islands did exist between China and Japan. There would
be no non-governmental defense movement in Taiwan and Hong Kong, but for the
popular belief among the Chinese that Diaoyu Islands have been the territory of
China since the ancient times. However, the prime minister of Japan Shinzo Abe
was talking arrant nonsense when he even denied the existence of such controversy.
The Chinese people are disgusted with his attitude. Shinzo Abe’s political morality
is looked down upon by Chinese people, for he adopts the right-wing views on such
issues, including Japan’s history textbook controversies and the comfort women
issue. The USA is also partly accountable for this problem. Fully aware that Russia
still owns powerful nuclear weapons despite its decline after the collapse of the
Soviet Union, Japan dare not challenge Russia in the conflicts with Russia over the
Kuril Islands. When the former president of Russia Dmitry Medvedev visited the
Kuril Islands, Japan reacted to it by lodging a protest, but that was all. When it came
into conflict over the Dokdo/Takeshima islands (Liancourt Rocks) with the
Republic of Korea, Japan did not take any tough measures for the sake of their
mutual ally—the US. Also for the sake of the US, Japan clearly knows how to react
to the Sino-Japanese conflicts. Japan being a staunch ally of the US, Shinzo Abe
knows that the US will surely support Japan, whatever unreasonable policies Japan
might adopt concerning the Diaoyu Islands dispute. What Shinzo Abe is catering
for is the strong right-wing forces in Japan. There is even a clamor for an
amendment to Japan’s pacifist constitution in an attempt to disrupt the international
political pattern after the Second World War. The far-sighted Americans cannot
afford not to notice this. Japan is very aggressive because it worships bushido (the
way of the warrior). As Mao Zedong once remarked after the Korean War, what
China should beware of is not the US, but Japan, for the latter cannot be hoped to
change its deep-rooted aggressive nature. Japan has been nurturing the ambition to
expand its territory, being a country with small territory and scarce resources. When
America transfers its strategic emphasis to Asia, Japan considers it an opportunity
to sow seeds of discord between China and America, between China and sur-
rounding countries in the name of meeting the China threat. In this way, Japan
hopes to expand its armed forces and promote its influence in Asia. Obviously, it
develops good relations with countries like the Philippines and Vietnam with the
aim to contain China’s rise. In G8 Summit 2013, it tried to prevent the European
Union from removing the ban against selling arms to China in an attempt to counter
China. It felt rather uneasy when China’s GDP surpassed that of Japan. US
transferring its strategic emphasis to the Asian-Pacific region is considered as an
opportunity for Japan. The US is unlikely to stop any of Japan’s actions, however,
as they are taken with an excuse provided by the China-threat theory. I hold it prime
time that the US should be sober and not repeat the mistake of conniving at the
resurgent Japanese militarism. Japan will not be content with yielding to any nation.
116 11 Talk with Dr. Abramson About Soft Power …

The reason for its total obedience to the US is due to its reliance on the latter. But
wait until it were fully fledged to fight for its narrow-minded interests. I believe
America should have understood the danger of Japanese militarism in the battlefield
of Pearl Harbor and Okinawa.
Abramson: Director Zhang, thank you so much for taking time from your busy
schedule to talk with me. I hope we can meet each other next time.
(Source: July 29th, 2013, http://www.dangjian.cn/).
Chapter 12
Talk with B.O. Komotskii and W. Halabi
about Soft Power, International Relations
and Socialism

On October 13th 2014, Boris Olegovich Komotskii (Бopиc Oлeгoвич Кoмoцкий,

Russian State Duma member, member of the central presidium of Russian
Communist Party, and editor of the Pravda), Wadi’h Halabi (member of the Central
Economic Committee of the Communist Party USA) and I had a vigorous debate on
the issue of soft power, international relations and socialism.
(“Oranges in the south of Huai River are sweet, while those grown in the north of Huai
River are bitter.”—China’s soft power has come to have its own characteristics)

Halabi: Prof. Zhang, how would you define soft power? How is soft power used
in China in domestic and global affairs?
Zhang: “Oranges in the south of Huai River are sweet, while those grown in the
north of Huai River are bitter.” The Chinese saying proves that China’s soft power
has its own characteristics, although the concept of “soft power” was introduced by
an American, Joseph Nye. Especially, although there was no such term as soft
power in ancient China, Chinese people had grasped and developed the concept for
a very long period of time. According to the ancient Chinese, the best strategy is to
“subdue the enemy without fighting a war.” “Psychological offense is the best of
tactics.” “The time isn’t as important as the terrain; but the terrain isn’t as impor-
tant as unity with the people.” These sayings of our ancestors suggest how the
ancient Chinese people worshipped soft power. Nye put forward the concept of soft
power directed at another American scholar Paul Kennedy who expressed his belief
in the future US decline in his noted book called The Rise and Fall of the Great
Powers. Nye argues in defense of the American government that despite its
excessive economic and military expenses, the strength of US soft power is enough
to maintain its leading position in the world. He believes that soft power consists of
three parts: cultural appeal, the attraction of political systems, and diplomatic
persuasiveness. He is quite straightforward: America should lure and induce other
countries to follow it. Obviously, Nye is serving for the hegemony and power
politics of the USA. Owing to the status of America being the most influential
country in the world and of Joseph Nye once being the Assistant Secretary of State
in Jimmy Carter’s administration as well as Assistant Secretary of Defense, the
concept of “soft power” spread to other parts of the world in a relatively short time.
© Social Sciences Academic Press and Springer Nature Singapore Pte Ltd. 2017 117
G. Zhang, Research Outline for China’s Cultural Soft Power,
Research Series on the Chinese Dream and China’s Development Path,
DOI 10.1007/978-981-10-3398-8_12
118 12 Talk with B.O. Komotskii and W. Halabi about Soft Power …

In China, the term was included in the official documents when the 17th CPC
National Congress was convened in 2007. We endow it with Chinese characteristics
and insist on the role played by culture as an intrinsic part of soft power, however.
Whether it be the strengthening of the ideological, political and morality education,
carrying forward the excellent traditional culture, promoting the core socialist
values, making friends with other countries, polishing China’s positive images,
arming people with scientific theories, guiding them with correct public opinion,
cultivating them with lofty ideals, or inspiring them with excellent works, we are
trying to boost our soft power. We do not regard it as a diplomatic tool for inter-
national tactics only, as is the case in some Western countries. Internationally, we
adhere to the path of peaceful development and stick to the policy of friendship and
partnership with neighboring countries while developing the relationship with
countries based on the principles of amity, sincerity, mutual benefit and inclu-
siveness. All of these are our application of cultural soft power.
(Socialism versus capitalism—which is better and more fully supported?)

Komotskii: Your policies of “one country, two systems” mean the coexistence of
socialism and capitalism in China. Globally speaking, the transition to socialism or
to globalization is the same for us in a sense, as they both resolve the same conflicts,
and the essence of human development lies in none other than the resolution of
conflicts. Politically speaking, nothing is more contradictory than that between
socialism and American-style globalization. Such contradictions are dialectical.
After the disruption of international socialist system, many socialist globalization
units (economic bodies included), are transformed into international anti-imperialist
organizations. The demand for productivity as the fundamental driving force of the
society is objectively congenial with the process of globalization. The restoration of
capitalism in Russia and other countries have demonstrated that further capitalist
development is not likely because capitalism has failed to put under control the
productivity derived from socialist construction. That is to say, historically (not
politically), capitalism has not stabilized its economy or capitalist globalization.
The international economic crisis starting from the year 2008 is evidence for the
fact that capitalist countries have paid tremendous price for their global aggres-
siveness, or we can say it has actually failed. Dissenting voices can be heard in
Russia as to the choice of capitalism over socialism. According to the information
collected by the Institute of Sociology of the Russian Academy of Sciences, as
much as 57% of Russian people want to live in a society similar to the Soviet
Union, compared with only 10% willing to retain capitalism in Russia and 7%
holding expectations for free capitalism. Twenty-one percent of the people live
under the illusion that capitalism and socialism would become the same.
Zhang: Komotskii, I would like to ask you two questions. As you have men-
tioned, only 10% people are willing to retain the Russian capitalism, while 57%
Russian want to return to the socialist Soviet Union. Since Russia has conquered
Crimea, the support rate of Putin has soared from around 30% to more than 80%.
So what is the relationship between this figure and the figure mentioned above?
You just said the percentage of people wanting to return to the Soviet Union system
12 Talk with B.O. Komotskii and W. Halabi about Soft Power … 119

is 57%. However, as we all know, Soviet Union is not an abstract concept, but an
ideal, a belief, an ideology and values in the first place. Devoting oneself to the
Communist ideal is the mainstream ideology during the Soviet times, as is fully
embodied in the novel by Nikolai Ostrovsky (1904–1936) How the Steel Was
Tempered. There is a famous paragraph, which had educated, encouraged and
influenced generations of people not only in the former Soviet Union, but also in
China. I can recite this paragraph in Russian: “Caмoeдopoгoe y чeлoвeкa — этo
жизнь. Oнa дaeтcя eмy oдин paз, и пpoжитьee нaдo тaк, чтoбы нeбылo
читeльнoбoльнo бecцeльнo пpoжитыe гoды, чтoбы нe жeг пoзop зa пoдлeнькoe
и мeлoчнoe пpoшлoe и чтoбы, yмиpaя, cмoг cкaзaть: вcяжизнь и вce cилы были
oтдaны caмoмy пpeкpacнoмy в миpe – бopьбe ocвoбoждeниe чeлoвeчecтвa (The
most precious thing of a person is life. It is given to him but once, and he must live
it so as to feel no torturing regrets for wasted years, never know the burning shame
of a mean and petty past. In this way, when he is dying, he can say: all my life, all
my strength were given to the finest cause in all the world——the fight for the
Liberation of Mankind.) My second question is how many of those who are eager to
return to the former Soviet Union know and can recite this paragraph?
Komotskii (applauding and smiling while answering): I can answer your ques-
tions right now. Among the 57% of the total who want to return to socialism, only
very few excellent students who can obtain 5+ in exams can recite it. However, it is
a pity that such an excellent book has been removed from Russian textbooks. It was
the centenary week of Ostrovsky’s birth only last week. I feel extremely sorry that
there was not even a word said about him in the whole country except the
Communist Party of Russia and the workers of the literary-memorial museum of
Nikolai Ostrovsky. A good number of Communists and young people urge that the
book How the Steel Was Tempered be included in the textbooks. I will tell you a
joke to illustrate my point. You know, capitalism was restored in Poland. A slogan
was written and it read: “Return socialism to us.” Then a note was added below: “it
is not socialism.” Another note was then added: “if it is not socialism, then I don’t
want the name of socialism. I only ask you to return the past to me.” The joke
proves that there are numerous people who actually want to restore socialism. When
asked whether they were willing to return to the times when education, housing and
many other things are free, and people’s basic necessities are ensured, many of
them answered “yes.” Due to the inadequacy of goods, queuing could be seen
anywhere in the former Soviet Union. However, people of the time said that it was
worth the queuing efforts since the goods were free. Besides, we have another
example, a more successful socialist country—China. A socialist country it is,
where there is neither shortage of goods nor queuing. China’s case serves as suf-
ficient proof of my point.
As regards to Crimea, Russians have always been in the belief that it belongs to
Russia. Those living in Crimea also have the same opinion. The majority of the
Crimea people were glad when Russia took over Crimea. From another perspective,
some people hold that Crimea is finally free from the control of America and do not
have to condescend towards others. In this regard, we as Communists of Russia
fully support Putin. Our diplomatic policy is to build good relations with China and
120 12 Talk with B.O. Komotskii and W. Halabi about Soft Power …

gain its useful experience. We should learn from you and expand our economy.
Under no circumstances should we hope to make a good living by selling petroleum
only, as we did before. Most people believe that Putin is able to make adjustments
as well as political changes for the present and the future upon reflection on the
past. We hope that we as State Duma members can exert themselves and put
forward policies to promote the economic growth. We believe that the views of
those 57% people will win Duma the status it deserves.
Zhang: I would like to ask Mr. Halabi a question. In 1989, a Japanese-American
politician Francis Fukuyama published a globally influential article called “The End
of History.” The advent of Western liberal democracy may signal the endpoint of
humanity’s sociocultural evolution and the final form of human government. He
believes that capitalism is the last stage of human history. After the collapse of the
Soviet Union, his foresight was thought highly. But in his new book Political Order
and Political Decay: From the Industrial Revolution to the Globalization of
Democracy, Fukuyama argued that there were three basic categories of institutions
that constituted a political order: the state, rule of law, and mechanisms of
accountability. I would like to ask Mr. Halabi what are the differences between
these two books written 25 years apart?
Halabi: I am only familiar with some of his viewpoints. Let’s look at this
American journal Foreign Affairs, very authoritative it is. In it you can find
Fukuyama’s article entitled “America in Decay: The Sources of Political Function.”
In this article, he criticizes the American ruling system. In the past two years, we
have cooperated with Chinese Academy of Social Sciences to carry out a program
of the change in social conflicts in the USA. The first part of the program discusses
the decline of American working class and its possible rise in the future. Our
conclusion is that in America nowadays, class struggles and social struggles are
absolutely necessary but increasingly difficult. The second part reveals that the
number of small exploiters and the scale of poverty are on the rise in America. After
the 2008 economic crisis, the American ruling class began to turn against small
exploiters and small owners at the bottom of the exploiting class for self-protection.
The profit of American monopoly capitalist class has risen by 800%, actually. At
the same time, the number of enterprises going bankrupt from 2008 to 2011 was
doubled. As a result, the lower ruling class began to show hostility against the
ruling class. Therefore the petty bourgeoisie owners started the far-right movements
in opposition to the big bourgeoisie owners and the ruling class. The United States
federal government shutdown in October last year (2013) was also expressions of
antagonism towards the big bourgeoisie owners. At that time, we felt that the ruling
class, in spite of the arms it possesses, was at its weakest. As you know, the
American ruling class waged wars with Liberia and Syria and sometimes also
resorted to arms at home. Fukuyama is a very sensitive politician. This paper of his
reveals the crisis in which democracy in Western capitalist countries meets with
increasing difficulty.
Zhang: Actually, I think Fukuyama has modified his political views of 1989. he
no longer regards capitalism as the best system and the endpoint in the latter book
of his; rather, he holds there are also weaknesses in capitalism. He also has changed
12 Talk with B.O. Komotskii and W. Halabi about Soft Power … 121

his views about centralization of state power in a socialist country and believes that
effective centralized states, the rule of law and accountability mechanisms such as
democracy and parliaments are more important and effective for a country than the
so-called liberalism and democracy.
(A Broad Vision is required when viewing History)

Spectator: It is said that the number of deaths resulted from socialist revolution is
the greatest in the whole historical development. I would like to know whether this
is true, and if it is true, then why?
B.O.Komotskii: I would like to answer your question by saying that the broader
your vision is, the deeper your understanding would be. Soft power is today’s
theme. So what is soft power? It is the collision of ideas. The spreading of
American ideas at the bottom level of the Ukraine society caused problems. When
the problems were not timely resolved, war broke out. I believe that casualties
inflicted by the capitalist countries were the greatest in the history of human
development, especially in WWI and WWII. Now violence has been spreading
around the world, leading to bloodshed. This phenomenon should cause our grave
concern. What you have mentioned is what happened in the past.
Zhang: Komotskii did really a good job in answering the question. I would like
to answer it from another angle. When considering a problem, we should widen our
scope, seeking truth from facts without obsessing too much with details. There has
appeared a slogan of bidding “farewell to revolutions” in China in the reform era, as
revolutions, leading to deaths, are supposed to be cruel and inhuman. Past revo-
lutions are, therefore, all wrong. Rumor has it that tens of millions of Russian
people died of Stalin’s persecution in the Great Purge, while tens of millions of
Chinese starved to death in the Great Leap Forward. Who would still put faith in the
Communist parties if people believe in such confusing and groundless propaganda?
Luckily, there are scholars that view history in the proper perspective. Grover Furr,
an American scholar, studied Khrushchev’s secret report against Stalin in 1956 and
wrote a book entitled Anti-Stalinist Meanness (Aнтиcтaлинcкaя пoдлocть) which
has been published in Russia for four times. And the Chinese version will be
published soon. In his book, the author mentions that most of Khrushchev’s charges
against Stalin at the Twentieth National Congress of Communist Party of Soviet
Union just do not hold water for lack of evidence. His conclusion is that Stalin did
make mistakes, but he did not commit any crimes. How about the 20 million people
who were killed by Stalin in the Great Purge? The latest research by Russian
scholars demonstrates that only 300,000 were killed in the movement, excluding
natural deaths, those who died of diseases and in accidents, and those who were
executed as a result of committing crimes. In China, it was said that 30 million
people starved to death in the Great Leap Forward and the period of the People’s
Commune. I would like to ask all the Chinese people present here: how many
among the people you know were starved to death? Indeed, some people were
starved to death, but the number cannot have reached 30 million. If 30 million had
been starved, then it would have meant that one in twenty people on average were
starved to death, as the population then was said to be 600 million. Obviously, it has
122 12 Talk with B.O. Komotskii and W. Halabi about Soft Power …

been absurdly exaggerated. Of course, we should not cover up the mistakes made
by the CPC in history, but by no means should we allow its history, its glorious
tradition, great feats and the legitimacy of power to be groundlessly falsified.
(The American government also makes the information opposing it inaccessible to its
people.)

A spectator: I would like to ask Mr. Halabi: Does blocking websites such as
Twitter or Facebook do anything to help strengthen China’s cultural soft power?
Halabi: American imperialism demonizes China, claiming it is causing high
unemployment rate and low wages omes, or poisoning their children’s minds.
China has made great achievements in many aspects these years, and the Chinese
government has blocked its people from surfing websites such as Twitter and
Facebook for the reason that the Imperialist exploiting classes are trying hard to
oppose China using these websites. The Chinese government has made progresses
and now it has tried to tackle these problems in a more direct way. Actually the
same thing happens to the American government, for it also makes the information
opposing it inaccessible to its people.
(OCLP is doomed to fail as it is contrary to public opinion)

B.O. Komotskii: I would like to ask Prof. Zhang about the incident in Hong
Kong I have been concerned with these days—the “Occupy Central with Love and
Peace” (OCLP). It reminds me of the incidents occurred in Crimea and the eastern
part of Ukraine. How should we view the incident in Hong Kong? How can China
solve the problem? With cultural soft power?
Zhang: China does not interfere with the domestic affairs of other countries,
Crimea and eastern part of Ukraine included, and respects their people’s political
choices. In a sense, the problems in the aforementioned two areas have a lot to do
with their national sense of belonging and their ethnic identity. The incident in
Hong Kong is distinct, nevertheless. Hong Kong has been China’s territory ever
since the ancient times. OCLP does not represent the public opinion of the Hong
Kong people. The majority of people involved in the illegal actions in OCLP are
inexperienced young students who are incited by some ill-intentioned individuals,
failing to view history, the Western world, China or Hong Kong from the proper
perspective. Hong Kong had been the colony of Britain since 1842. One and a half
century’s colonial history left some of its citizens with deep-rooted colonial men-
tality but weak ethnic belonging or national identity with the Chinese nation. To
make matters worse, some oppositional forces from other countries seem unable to
reconcile themselves to the fact that HK’s sovereignty has returned to China, a fact
that has foiled their plot to find agents to make HK a base for them to disrupt China.
Regardless of the one-country-two-system policy, they tried to encourage a handful
of Hong Kong people to oppose the central government and to disunite the country.
The bill passed recently by National People’s Congress on the 2017 Hong Kong
democratic election has made it difficult for those agents selected by the interna-
tional oppositional forces to be elected to the ruling party. Therefore, they plotted
with the oppositional forces in Hong Kong to launch OCLP in an attempt to force
12 Talk with B.O. Komotskii and W. Halabi about Soft Power … 123

Hong Kong and the central government to give in. The soft power of the central
government lies in its coherent policies. On the one hand, it reaffirms that Hong
Kong is part of and needs to comply with the laws of China and those of the Hong
Kong Basic Law. On the other hand, the central government declares that OCLP is
illegal, for it wrecks Hong Kong’s economy and threatens the livelihood of its
citizens. Besides, hopes are placed on the Government of the Hong Kong Special
Administrative Region to deal with the incident properly. Furthermore, the central
government will be patient without resorting to forces. The longer it lasts, the more
unsatisfactory Hong Kong people would become, and the more the plot would be
exposed, as it is contrary to facts and truth. Based on the four points mentioned
above, although the international oppositional factions may offer money and
encouragement to the students in OCLP, it cannot obscure the fact that Hong
Kong’s finance has suffered, that its tourism has experienced recession, and that
Hong Kong people feel increasingly angry. No matter how hard the enemies try, it
is destined that they will fail. The one-country-two-system policy was initiated to
solve the Taiwan problem. Taiwan would feel at ease on observing the measures
taken by the Chinese government to solve the issue: The Chinese government lives
up to its promise of policies of “one country, two systems.” This is how soft power
works.
(Source: China Social Science News, December, 8, 2014)
Postscript

Research Outline for China’s Cultural Soft Power is by no means voluminous, but
it serves as a collection of my thoughts in recent years about cultural soft power.
What a relief it is to see the publication of the book. It has realized my
long-cherished wish: to write a book to lay the foundation for China’s cultural soft
power research.
Facing the “imported” concept soft power, some Chinese scholars believe that
they are just imitating others. They are so unconfident that they lose their own
individuality and creativity. Therefore, it is necessary to make it clear that China’s
cultural soft power is innovative and with Chinese characteristics. China’s research
still leaves much room for improvement. However, unprecedentedly, comprehen-
sively and explicitly it has pointed out the limitations of Joseph Nye’s “soft power”
and in what aspects his theory is not clear enough. It is the first time that its
theoretic framework with Chinese characteristics has been established, that the
basic concepts and categories, the “people-oriented” principle, its main categories
and problems have been clarified, and that Xi Jinping’s line of soft power has been
elaborated upon. It is also the first time that the three key aspects of cultural soft
power, the relationship between the realization of the Chinese Dream and the
improvement of soft power have been discussed systematically. Others may have
different views on my book, but I hope that the discussions can help build a solid
foundation for developing further the theoretical system of cultural soft power with
Chinese characteristics.
I also want to thank my friends in the related departments of the Central
Committee and in the academic circle for their contribution to the completion of my
book: they have frequently attended the high-level forums on China’s cultural soft
power hosted by me in addition to delivering the intelligent speeches. They include
Wei Jianlin, Wang Weiguang, Li Jie, Li Shenming, He Dongping, Gao Xiang,
Chen Jin, Gu Hailiang, Zhang Hongzhi, Sun Yeli, Zhao Changmao, Xu Zhigong,
Liu Jixian, Wang Tingda, Zhou Wenzhang, Ji Baocheng, Jin Nuo, Yi Junqing,
Zhang Mingqing, Yang Chunchang, Liu Hanjun, Feng Gang, Yang Guang, Zhang
Donggang, Yang He, Zhang Shulin, Zhou Suyuan, Li Xiangjun, Zheng Jian, Yu
Xinhua, Li Hongyan, Li Xiaoming, Liu Keli, Ning Bin, Huang Rongsheng, Han
Qingxiang, Yin Yungong, Luo Yuting, Shen Zhuanghai, Huang Zhongping, Ge

© Social Sciences Academic Press and Springer Nature Singapore Pte Ltd. 2017 125
G. Zhang, Research Outline for China’s Cultural Soft Power,
Research Series on the Chinese Dream and China’s Development Path,
DOI 10.1007/978-981-10-3398-8
126 Postscript

Hongze, Han Zhen, Jia Leilei, Yang Jinghai, Hao Lixin, Ai Silin, Wang Yichuan,
Guo Jianning, Yu Dan, Wang Huiyao, Hong Xiaonan, Hang Zhenfeng, Han
Xiping, Han Dongxue, Zhang Xiong, He Donghang, Liu Shilin, Wang Guilan, Sun
Lanying and Zhang Yan.
I am also grateful to my efficient assistant, Zhang Na, for taking great trouble to
collect and translate relevant materials, printing and proofreading the manuscripts,
and many other tasks for me.
My thanks also go to some of my students. Although they do not make any
specific contributions, they have encouraged me a lot with their enthusiasm.
Finally, I want to thank Yunwei and other comrades in Social Sciences
Academic Press (China), for they have finished the editing and publishing of the
book in a relatively short time, making it possible for the book to be printed as soon
as possible.
Zhang Guozuo (August 12, 2014, Beijing)
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© Social Sciences Academic Press and Springer Nature Singapore Pte Ltd. 2017 127
G. Zhang, Research Outline for China’s Cultural Soft Power,
Research Series on the Chinese Dream and China’s Development Path,
DOI 10.1007/978-981-10-3398-8
128 References

Zhang G (2012b) My thoughts on building China’s cultural soft power. Stud Mao Zedong Deng
Xiaoping Theori 7
Zhang G (2013a) The basis is on the people’s cultural soft power. China Soc Sci News, 23 Dec
2013
Zhang G (2013b) Why the core socialist values are important. Guangming Daily, 16 Feb 2013
Zhang G (2013c) Strengthening the research into cultural soft power by solving the problems.
People’s Daily, 6 Feb 2013
Zhang G (2014a) Promotion of cultural soft power domestic and foreign. People’s Daily, 19 May
2014
Zhang G (2014b) The base of China’s cultural soft power—core socialist values. Qian Xian
(Frontline) 2
Zhang G, Nye J (2012) A talk on soft power. Guangming Daily, 10 July 2012

II. Works in English

Campbell KM, O’Hanlon ME (2006) Hard power: the new politics of national security, Basic
Books
Nossel S (2004) Smart power. Foreign Aff 3/4
Nye JS Jr (1990) Soft power, Foreign Policy 80
Nye JS Jr (2002a) Why military power is no longer enough. Observer co.uk, Sunday, 31 Mar 2002
Nye JS Jr (2002b) The information revolution and American soft power. Asia Pac Rev 9(1)
Nye JS Jr (2002–2003) Limits of American power. Political Sci Q 117(4)
Nye JS Jr (2003) U.S. power and strategy after Iraq. Foreign Aff 7/8
Nye JS Jr (2004a) The decline of America’s soft power—why Washington should worry. Foreign
Aff 5/6
Nye JS Jr (2004b) Soft power: the means to success in world politics. Public Affairs, New York
Nye JS Jr (2006a, Fall) Smart power: in search of the balance between hard and soft power.
Democracy: J Ideas 2
Nye JS Jr (2006b) Think again: soft power. Foreign Policy 1
Nye JS Jr (2007) A smarter superpower. Foreign policy
Nye JS Jr (2008) Smart power and the ‘war on terror’. Asia Pac Rev 15(1)
Nye JS Jr (2009) The US can reclaim smart power. Los Angeles Times, 21 Jan 2009
Parsons A (1985) Vultures and Philistines: British attitudes to culture and cultural diplomacy. Int
Aff 61(1)

III. Websites

http://vestnik.uapa.ru/ru-ru/issue/2010/01/02/
http://lefigaro.fr, 14/10/2007
http://www.mgimo.ru/files/34174/34174.pdf
http://www.mofa.go.jp/mofaj/annai/listen/interview2/intv_01.html
http://www.politcom.ru/14344.html
http://www.regnum.ru/news/polit/1536886.html
http://www.theguardian.com/world/2002/mar/31/1
http://www.uni-trier.de/fileadmin/fb3/POL/Maull/pubs/zivilmacht.pdf. 2009