(Trends in Linguistics, Studies and Monographs 210) Johannes Helmbrecht, Stavros Skopeteas, Yong-Min Shin, Elisabeth Verhoeven-Form and Function in Language Research_ Papers in Honour of Christian Leh.pdf

Form and Function in Language Research
≥
Trends in Linguistics
Studies and Monographs 210
Editors
Walter Bisang
Hans Henrich Hock
(main editor for this volume)
Werner Winter
Mouton de Gruyter
Berlin · New York
Form and Function
in Language Research
Papers in Honour of Christian Lehmann
Edited by
Johannes Helmbrecht
Yoko Nishina
Yong-Min Shin
Stavros Skopeteas
Elisabeth Verhoeven
Mouton de Gruyter
Berlin · New York
Mouton de Gruyter (formerly Mouton, The Hague)
is a Division of Walter de Gruyter GmbH & Co. KG, Berlin.
앪
앝 Printed on acid-free paper which falls within the guidelines
of the ANSI to ensure permanence and durability.
Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data
Form and function in language research : papers in honour of Chris-

tian Lehmann / edited by Johannes Helmbrecht, … [et al.].
p. cm. ⫺ (Trends in linguistics. Studies and monographs ; 210)
Includes bibliographical references and index.
ISBN 978-3-11-021612-7 (hardcover : alk. paper)
1. Grammar, Comparative and general ⫺ Syntax. 2. Typology
(Linguistics) I. Helmbrecht, Johannes.
P26.L45F67 2009
415⫺dc22
2009027067
ISBN 978-3-11-021612-7
ISSN 1861-4302
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Preface
One of the main challenges in language research is to bring the enormous

structural and categorial diversity found in the languages of the world to-
gether with the instrumental character of language and language usage. The
description of the complex relationship between form and function within a
language and cross-linguistically as well as the functional explanation of
general patterns and asymmetries that appear in this complex relationship
are the aim and goal of linguistic typology and language theory.
This book is dedicated to Christian Lehmann who turned sixty in No-
vember 2008. Christian Lehmann is one of the leading linguists of our
times and was enormously influential in many areas of linguistic research,
in particular in linguistic typology and language theory. His ideas on syn-
tactic categories and relations, agreement, relative clauses, clause linkage,
lexical typology, predicate classes, adpositions, possession, semantic roles,
and many other issues more all left their traces in the nineteen articles of
this volume.
The contributions were collected from authors, who are all well-known
and acknowledged experts in language typology. All articles represent
original research in various grammatical domains. They deal with theoreti-
cal issues such as the nature of linguistic categories, the structure of mor-
phological paradigms, and the interaction of semantic and pragmatic cate-
gories in various constructions. Among the specific structures dealt with
are person forms, imperatives, adpositional phrases, possessive construc-
tions, reciprocal constructions, serial verb constructions, partitive construc-
tions, focus constructions, topic constructions and clause linkage. The va-
riety of topics found in this volume reflects the vast range of scientific
topics Christian Lehmann has coverd in his more than 35 years of research
in linguistic typology and language theory. One area of his research, name-
ly grammaticalization theory, plays such an important role in current lin-
guistics and linguistic typology that there is a separate volume dedicated to
this area (cf. Verhoeven et al. 2008).
We would like to thank all contributors to the present volume for their
participation and cooperation with us. In addition, we are grateful to Anke
Beck, Birgit Sievert, and Monika Wendland from Mouton de Gruyter, who
vi Preface
supported us in many and various ways to make this project possible. Last
but not least, we would like to thank Ingrid Stitz and our student assistants
at the University of Regensburg who helped with all kinds of organiza-
tional work.
The editors.
Contents
Preface v
Glosses xi
Introduction
Johannes Helmbrecht, Yoko Nishina, Yong-Min Shin,
Stavros Skopeteas, and Elisabeth Verhoeven 1
A. Onomasiological Perspective: From Function to Form
A.1 Functional Typologies
The continuum of pragmaticity: a sketch

Hansjakob Seiler 11
Weighing semantic distinctions in person forms

Dik Bakker and Anna Siewierska 25
Spatial reciprocity: between grammar and lexis

Ekkehard König and Claire Moyse-Faurie 57
A chapter in marginal possession:

on being six(ty) in Europe (and beyond)
Christel Stolz and Thomas Stolz 69
A.2 Constraints on the Encoding of Concepts
Thoughts on (im)perfective imperatives

Johan van der Auwera, Andrej Malchukov, and Ewa Schalley 93
Animacy and argument hierarchy in conflict:

constraints on object-topicalization in Korean
Yong-Min Shin and Elisabeth Verhoeven 107
viii Contents
A.3 Limits of the Exponence of Functions: Zero
Zero and nothing in Jarawara

R.M.W. Dixon 125
Clause linkage in a language without coordination:

the adjoined clause in Iatmul
Gerd Jendraschek 139
B. Semasiological Perspective: From Form to Function
B.1 Establishing Categories and Relations
Once more on linguistic categories

Paolo Ramat 151
Questions surrounding the basic notions of the word, lexie,

morpheme, and lexeme
Christian Touratier 157
Linguistic typology and language theory:

the various faces of syntax
Lunella Mereu 167
Linking without grammatical relations in Yucatec:

alignment, extraction, and control
Jürgen Bohnemeyer 185
B.2 Formal Typologies
Areal typology of tone-consonant interaction and implosives

in Kwa, Kru, and Southern-Mande
Firmin Ahoua 217
The internal structure of adpositional phrases

Silvia Luraghi 231
Contents ix
On the form of complex predicates:

toward demystifying serial verbs
Masayoshi Shibatani 255
Conjuctive coordination in Amharic: some typological approaches

Dieter Metzing and Saba Amsalu Teserra 283
Linguistic type and complexity: some remarks

Pierluigi Cuzzolin 301
B.3 Discovering Function in the Identity of Form
Constituent questions and argument-focus constructions:

some data from the North-Caucasian languages
Nina Sumbatova 313
“A lot of grammar with a good portion of lexicon”: towards

a typology of partitive and pseudo-partitive nominal constructions
Maria Koptjevskaja-Tamm 329
Index 347
Glosses
1 first person DECL declarative

2 second person DEF definite
3 third person DEM demonstrative
A actor DEP dependent verb form
ABL ablative DET determiner
ABS absolutive DIR directive
ACAUS anticausative DIST distant
ACC accusative DO direct object
ACT active DU dual
ADV adverbial DYN dynamic
ADVR adverbializer ELAT elative
AF actor focus EMPH emphasizer
AN animate ERG ergative
ANML animal EXCL exclusive
AOR aorist EXHORT exhortative
APASS antipassive EXIST existential
APPL applicative EXP experiencer
APUD generalized locative F feminine
ART article FOC focus
ASP aspect FUT future
ATR marker of attribution GEN genitive
AUX auxiliary GIV gerundive
CAUS causative H human
CAUSE cause HAB habitual
CLF classifier HON honorific
CMP completive IMM immediate past
CNJ conjunction IMP imperative
COLL collective IMPF imperfective
COM comitative IN inanimate
CON converb INC incompletive
COND conditional INCH inchoative
CONS consecutive INCL inclusive
CONT continuous IND indicative
COORD coordinative INDEF indefinite
COP copula INDEP independent pronoun
D2 indexical (distal) INES inessive
D3 indexical (anaphoric) INF infinitive
DAT dative INST instrumental
xii Glosses
INT interrogative POT potential

INTER localisation ‘inter’ PRED predicative marker
IRR irrealis PREF prefix
LF location focus PREP generic preposition
LK linker PROG progressive
LOC locative PROH prohibitive
LOG logophoric PRS present
M masculine PRSV presentative
MID middle voice PRT preterite
MOD manner PST past
N neuter PTCP participle
NEC necessitative PTF patient focus
NEG negation PUM possessum
NF non-feminine Q question particle
NFIN non-finite REAL realis
NHUM non-human REC recipient
NM nominalizer RED reduplication
NOM nominative REL relationalizer
NONSG non-singular RES resultative
OBG obligative RFC refactive
OBJ object S/A intransitive subject
OPT optative and transitive agent
PART partitive SBJ subject
PASS passive SG singular
PAUC paucal SIM simultaneous
PCL particle SR subordinator
PF perfect SUBJ subjunctive
PFV perfective SUF suffix
PL plural SUPNAT supernatural
POL polarity element TEMP temporal
POL.INT polar interrogative TOP topic marker
POR possessor TR transitivizer
POSS possessive TRI trial
Introduction
Johannes Helmbrecht, Yoko Nishina, Yong-Min Shin,
Stavros Skopeteas, and Elisabeth Verhoeven
1. Preliminaries
The nineteen articles collected in this volume are presented to Christian

Lehmann on the occasion of his 60th birthday. They cover a broad range of
topics within the field of functional-typological linguistics and language
theory. All articles reflect explicitly or implicitly the remarkable influence
of the scientific work and ideas Christian Lehmann presented in around
200 publications up to now. Instead of reproducing the complete bibliogra-
phy of Christian Lehmann’s oeuvre, which can be found on his award win-
ning personal website (cf. references section below), we will give a brief
overview of some of the focal topics of his linguistic research during the
last 35 years with some hints how the individual contributions in this vol-
ume relate to them.
2. Form and function in language and linguistics
One of the main research interests in much of Christian Lehmann’s work

like a leitmotif was and still is the improvement of the theory of language.
Starting from a functional approach to language, one of the leading ques-
tions was how to bring together in a systematic way the enormous struc-
tural and categorical diversity of the languages of the world with the in-
strumental character of language and language usage. The description and
the explanation of the complex and manifold relationship between form
and function in language(s) is the central goal of language theory and ty-
pology. Christian Lehmann’s studies on specific questions in language
typology as well as his descriptive studies on individual languages always
served as means to find answers to questions belonging to this central re-
search interest of general linguistics and linguistic typology. A number of
Christian Lehmann’s publications deal with fundamental issues in lan-
guage theory itself, namely the nature of the linguistic sign such as the
isomorphism in the linguistic sign, the relation of semantic and formal
2 Johannes Helmbrecht et al.
complexity in the linguistic sign, the arbitrariness and motivation of the

linguistic sign.
During Christian Lehmann’s membership as a researcher in the project
on ‘Linguistic universals’ and the research group of the UNITYP project –
both led by Hansjakob Seiler – he worked on a number of topics in syntac-
tic typology and general syntactic theory, most notably on the structure,
function and diachrony of the relative clause. Further highly noticed publi-
cations in other areas of syntactic typology and general linguistics of this
period of his career deal with nominalization, universal and typological
aspects of agreement, and syntactic relations. In addition, Christian Leh-
mann published quite a few reflections on the state of the art of this young
and rapidly progressing discipline of linguistics, i.e. linguistic typology and
language universals.
It was also in this phase of his scientific career that he wrote the later on
so important theoretical study on grammaticalization “Thoughts on gram-
maticalization – a programmatic sketch” (published in the series of work-
ing papers of the UNITYP project as akup 48) which was one of the found-
ing and meanwhile classical contributions to this new field of research in
linguistics. Christian Lehmann quickly became one of the leading figures
in grammaticalization theory, which is reflected in the numerous follow up
publications on various theoretical aspects associated with grammaticaliza-
tion. Since this subject played such a prominent role in Christian Leh-
mann’s research and in linguistics in general until now, a separate volume
also containing contributions dedicated to Christian Lehmann is devoted to
grammaticalization research (see Verhoeven et al. 2008).
The years to come as professor at the University of Bielefeld (1984-
1999) and at the University of Erfurt (beginning with the year 1999), the
range of topics in linguistic typology proper (and hence publications) grew
enormously. We would like to mention the studies on the typology of
clause linkage, on lexical typology, on predicate classes, on the unfolding
of situation perspectives, on various semantic roles and their coding prop-
erties within the functional domain of participation, on possession, on noun
incorporation, on applicatives, and on numeral classifiers.
3. Typology of individual languages: Latin and Yucatec Maya
Throughout his linguistic career Christian Lehmann paid special attention

to two individual languages, which are quite different in typological view,
Introduction 3
namely Latin and Yucatec Maya. He started out with a master thesis and a
PhD dissertation on the syntax of Latin transcending the limits of tradi-
tional Latin philology towards an investigation of Latin in terms of modern
linguistics. During the following decades, he published descriptive and
typological studies on various aspects of the system of the Latin language.
Starting around the second half of the eighties, Christian Lehmann be-
gan to study Yucatec Maya intensely. Similar to his Latin studies, this re-
search was always double-sided combining a descriptive and a typological
perspective. It culminated in a large DFG (German Research Society) pro-
ject on the typology of Yucatec Maya, which he directed from 1995
through 2002. Important publications on descriptive and typological as-
pects of Yucatec Maya followed.
The linguistic studies on Latin and Yucatec Maya demonstrate convinc-
ingly that descriptive linguistics and typology are closely interrelated. De-
scriptive linguistics needs to be typologically informed in order to identify
efficiently categories and constructions in a foreign and formerly undocu-
mented language. Conversely, linguistic typology needs high quality de-
scriptions of as many languages as possible from all parts of the world so
that typological generalizations can be founded on a reliable data base.
4. Methodology in typology and descriptive linguistics
This brings us to another strong focus of Christian Lehmann’s research,

namely the methodological requirements for good descriptive and typo-
logical research. The former centers on a sub-discipline of linguistics,
namely grammaticography, the latter centers on the notion of the tertium
comparationis in language comparison.
As early as 1980, Christian Lehmann began to engage in the study of
the relation between the descriptive grammar of a language and language
typology and linguistic universals. The essential goal of his research was
the elaboration of the nature and the structure of the two fundamental per-
spectives of a grammatical description, the semasiological perspective and
the onomasiological perspective. This line of research was at the center of
the large DFG project Allgemein-vergleichende Grammatik, which Christian
Lehmann directed from 1992 through 1997 at the University of Bielefeld.
Typological comparison needs a tertium comparationis as its basis and
reference point. Various typological works of Christian Lehmann implic-
itly or explicitly advocate the view that the tertium comparationis is either
a purely functional or semantic notion or a type of constructions which is

so frequent in languages that it can be taken as a starting point for cross-
linguistic comparison. The former notion belongs to the wide cognitive and
communicative space of the functions of language, which are universal and
independent of language and its structure. The latter involve semantic and
structural aspects which are linguistic in nature and are as such located at
an interlingual level in typological analysis.
5. Endangered languages and language documentation
Long before the problem of endangerment of the majority of languages of

the world had been recognized as an urgent task in mainstream linguistics,
Christian Lehmann began to deal with the principles of language documen-
tation and the ways linguistics may react to this problem. Indeed, he be-
longs to those linguists to whom the discipline owes that language docu-
mentation is now on its agenda. The first publications related to this field
go back to the early 90ies dealing with the project of a language museum.
Later on, Christian Lehmann concentrated on the project and program of
language documentation as a priority task for linguists around the world.
The reflection on the program and principles of language documentation
logically leads to the questions of the value of a language and the nature of
linguistic data. He deals with both questions in recent articles. In particular
the subject of the nature of linguistic data resumes another long lasting
research topic, namely the standardization of the presentation of linguistic
data in typological research. In an often cited early work, Christian Leh-
mann developed rules and principles for the interlinear morphemic gloss-
ing of language data, which were improved and expanded later on in a
chapter of Morphologie: Ein internationales Handbuch zur Flexion und
Wortbildung in the Mouton de Gruyter series Handbooks of linguistics and
communication sciences.
6. Outline of the volume
The articles collected in this volume present original research of linguists

who are colleagues from universities all over the world or who were former
students over many years in Christian Lehmann’s academic career. In one
way or other, all these articles touch on topics which were described as
Introduction 5
focal ones in Christian Lehmann’s work in the previous sections. They are
organized according to the two fundamental viewpoints of language de-
scription, the onomasiological and the semasiological perspective. Onoma-
siological contributions start from the function(s) of an utterance and look
at their formal expression representing the perspective of the speaker. Se-
masiological articles start from the formal structure of an expression and
proceed to the semantic and pragmatic function(s) taking thus the hearer’s
perspective. The separation of both perspectives is a methodological one.
For a realistic and comprehensive description of linguistic expressions,
constructions, and categories in individual languages as well as cross-
linguistically, both perspectives have to be taken into account. Those arti-
cles that take the onomasiological perspective as a starting point are put
together in section A. Contributions that chose a semasiological perspec-
tive appear in section B.
The first four papers in section A.1 report on the cross-linguistic varia-
tion of the formal marking of various functional concepts. Hansjakob Sei-
ler offers a refinement of and new thoughts on the dimension of APPRE-
HENSION, the linguistic representation of the concept of object or thing, a
central topic in the UNITYP research to which Christian Lehmann has
contributed intensely. Anna Siewierska and Dik Bakker develop a calculus
which allows measuring the number of categorical/semantic distinctions in
personal paradigms. Based on a large-scale sample of 447 languages, they
provide empirical evidence for the consequences of the grammaticalization
of bound personal agreement forms from free or clitic personal pronouns.
These consequences predicted by grammaticalization theory concern the
phonological reduction of forms and the concomitant reduction of seman-
tic/categorical distinctions in the paradigm. Ekkehard König’s and Claire
Moyse-Faurie’s contribution deals with expressions of reciprocity on the
borderline between lexicon and grammar, which have largely gone unno-
ticed in the growing literature on reciprocity of the last years. This type of
reciprocal Noun-Relator-Noun construction (e.g. English cheek to cheek)
typically involves body part terms and encodes symmetric spatial relations.
The authors do not only describe this type of construction and identify its
structural and semantic properties referring to examples from a variety of
languages, but also examine its relevance for a typology of reciprocity.
Christel Stolz and Thomas Stolz contribute with an areal-typological study
on the expression of one’s age by means of a HAVE – i.e. possessive –
predicate. Their article demonstrates that the study of rather peripheral, i.e.
non-prototypical uses of possessive constructions may contribute to the

refinement of the prototype itself.
The following two articles in section A.2 describe constraints on the
encoding of concepts. The article by Johan van der Auwera, Andrej Mal-
chukov, and Ewa Schalley is a study on the relation between positive im-
peratives (i.e. mood) and the perfective/imperfective distinction (i.e. as-
pect), which has not been examined from a typological perspective yet.
Based on a database of more than 400 languages, the authors identify four
marking types regarding the combination of positive imperative with per-
fective and/or imperfective marking and propose functional explanations
for their occurrence. The article by Yong-Min Shin and Elisabeth Verho-
even refers to prominence hierarchies as explanatory means to account for
constraints on object topicalization in Korean. In particular, the authors
argue that a non-harmonic alignment of the animacy hierarchy and the
semanto-syntactic argument hierarchy account for infelicity judgments in
cases of topicalization and fronting of a more animate undergoer.
The two articles in section A.3 deal with limits in the formal marking of
functional concepts. In particular, they touch on the old question of zero
marking in language and the problem of handling these questions theoreti-
cally. R.M.W. Dixon presents a morphological analysis of Jarawara, a lan-
guage of the small Arawá family of Southern Amazonia, which is intended
to serve as role model in demonstrating, which type of evidence is neces-
sary to distinguish zero morphemes/zero allomorphs from nothing or sim-
ply gaps in a paradigm. Gerd Jendraschek, on the other hand, offers a de-
scriptive study on clause linkage in Iatmul, a Papuan language of the Ndu
family spoken in the East Sepik Province of Papua New Guinea. The inter-
esting fact is that Iatmul has no means to coordinate independent clauses,
so that clause combining is either simply a juxtaposition or asymmetrical,
but nothing in between. Jendraschek describes the Iatmul way of clause
linkage, the so-called adjoined clause including switch-reference, and out-
lines consequences for the view on types of clause linkage in general.
The contributions in section B focus on the semasiological perspective.
They start from certain grammatical categories or constructions and inves-
tigate their distribution in individual languages as well as cross-
linguistically. The first four articles in section B.1 deal with the question of
how to establish categories and relations. Paolo Ramat summarizes his
ideas on the nature, i.e. the universality and diversity of syntactic catego-
ries, focusing in particular on the noun-verb distinction. Christian Touratier
undertakes a notional and terminological discussion of the term ‘lexie’
Introduction 7
introduced by Bernard Pottier in the French structuralist linguistic tradition

and demonstrates that this notion is necessary in linguistic analysis and
corresponds to some degree to the notion of construction. Lunella Mereu
undertakes a critical comparison and evaluation of what has been achieved
so far in syntax and syntactic theory in generative and functional-
typological approaches. Following from this discussion, she identifies a
few basic principles related to the pragmatic organization of sentence con-
structions, which are argued to be basic in an alternative approach to syn-
tax able to reconcile formal and functional approaches. Jürgen Bohne-
meyer presents a detailed study on the principles of argument linking in
Yucatec Maya arguing that it is not grammatical relations but either a har-
monic alignment of the actor-undergoer hierarchy with semanto-pragmatic
prominence hierarchies related to topicality, definiteness, animacy etc. or
certain construction specific properties that determine linking and disam-
biguation of third person arguments in Yucatec Maya.
The papers in section B.2 deal with formal typologies in the sense that
formal properties are examined with respect to their typological distribu-
tion. Firmin Ahoua reports the results of his research on the quite contro-
versial question of the origin of tones from consonants. He convincingly
demonstrates with respect to the Kwa, Kru and Southern Mande languages
of Western Africa that certain sources (e.g. implosives) and processes (i.e.
the interaction of adjacent vowels and consonants), which led to the devel-
opment of tones, are areal phenomena. The contribution by Luraghi pro-
vides a critical examination of the notion of government in prepositional
phrases and its implications for typology. Starting from Christian Leh-
mann’s taxonomy of syntactic relations (Lehmann 1983), Silvia Luraghi
investigates the problematic cases of prepositions that govern more than
one case causing meaning differences. Based on this analysis, she argues
that government itself can be regarded as a prototypical notion being sub-
ject to historical change. Masayoshi Shibatani undertakes a critical exami-
nation of the notion of serial verb construction and discusses its defining
properties in the recent typological literature. He argues that some of the
defining properties cannot be taken as criteria, indicating their contradic-
tory nature and presenting counter-evidence from Formosan languages. In
addition, he argues that the differences between converbal constructions
and serial verb constructions are not as principled as it has been suggested
in the literature. The contribution by Dieter Metzing and Saba Amsalu
Teserra offers a description of coordination in Amharic in terms of a Multi-
Modal Combinatory Categorial Grammar, a formal approach to grammar,
which is shown to be powerful enough to deal with typologically diverse

strategies of clause combination, in particular coordination. Pierluigi Cuz-
zolin contributes with a theoretical discussion on the relation between the
notion of linguistics type and the complexity of a language. Cuzzolin ar-
gues for a reappraisal of a holistic concept of linguistic type in particular
on the background of the recent research in theory and method of measur-
ing the linguistic complexity of a language.
The volume closes in section B.3 with two articles that demonstrate that
similarity or identity of form can be fruitfully exploited for the determina-
tion of their respective functions following Haiman’s dictum that similarity
of form refers to similarity of meaning. Nina Sumbatova’s article investi-
gates the hypothesis that constituent questions and argument focus con-
structions may have structural similarities because of their common func-
tional and semantic properties. She analyses these constructions in some
Caucasian languages, notably the languages of the North-West Caucasian
group such as Adyghe and Abkhaz contrasting them with data from some
East-Caucasian languages, which are typologically quite different. Finally,
Maria Koptjevskaja-Tamm discusses central conceptual and structural
aspects of a typology of partitive and pseudo-partitive nominal construc-
tions with special reference to European languages. In addition, she out-
lines the path of grammaticalization of these constructions and the implica-
tions and possibilities for a lexical typology referring to Christian
Lehmann’s ideas of lexical typology (Lehmann 1990).
References
(Complete list of Christian Lehmann’s publications can be found on the website:

http://www.christianlehmann.eu)
Lehmann, Christian
1983 Rektion und syntaktische Relationen. Folia Linguistica 17: 339–378.
1990 Towards lexical typology. In Studies in Typology and Diachrony:
Papers Presented to Joseph H. Greenberg on his 75th birthday, Wil-
liam Croft et al. (eds.), 161–185. Amsterdam: Benjamins.
Verhoeven, Elisabeth, Stavros Skopeteas, Yong-Min Shin, Yoko Nishina, Johannes
Helmbrecht (eds.)
2008 Studies on Grammaticalization. Berlin: Mouton de Gruyter.
A. Onomasiological Perspective:
From Function to Form
A.1 Functional Typologies

The continuum of pragmaticity: a sketch
Hansjakob Seiler
1. Introduction
The following pages are to be understood as epilegomena to our three

volumes publication on APPREHENSION, the linguistic representation of
the concept of object or thing.1 This is a field of research to which
Christian Lehmann has contributed vigorously and effectively.2 To orient
the reader, here are the bare essentials:
(a) On the conceptual level the thing appears to embody both a such (i.e.
apprehended by defining it via generalized properties) and a this (i.e.
apprehended by being pointed at).
(b) On the comparative level we proposed a dimension, an array of the
techniques of representing an object ordered in continuous fashion. Two
basic principles motivating the ordering in converse fashion were called
predicativity (i.e. defining via properties) vs. indicativity (i.e. pointing),
respectively. We claimed that on the continuum an increase in
predicativity would be coupled with a decrease in indicativity and vice
versa. Maximal predicativity is represented in the technique called
ABSTRACTION as constituted by an abstract noun, e.g. destruction as a
nominalized predicate: x destroys y with the argument positions either
filled or left empty (more of it see below). Maximal indicativity is
represented by the technique NAMEGIVING as constituted by proper
names, e.g. Jerry, and its appropriate syntax (e.g. lacking an article,
etc.).
(c) On the level of individual languages we find the “object or thing” as
represented by an option chosen within a particular technique, e.g.
numeral classification. Example from Thai (Hundius and Kölver 1983:
165):
(1) waě nùŋ wong

ring one CLF:circle
N (Q CLF)
‘one ring’
12 Hansjakob Seiler
2. Pragmaticity vs. semanticity
In the present paper we want to further develop our insight into the nature
of the two complementary principles hitherto called “indicativity” vs.
“predicativity”. Specifically, “indicativity” seems to be too narrow a
designation for what is involved. If it is true that “indicativity” materializes
as a gradient, it seems difficult to see how “pointing” should appear in
scalar fashion. On the other side, “predicativity” also seems to be narrow.
The idea is that not only predication but semantic information of all sorts
constitutes the true domain.
We thus want to generalize our notion of “indicativity” and replace it by
the term pragmaticity, and in likewise fashion we want to replace
“predicativity” by semanticity. The revised version of the graphic
representation of our dimension of APPREHENSION now looks as
follows:
ABSTR COLL MASS CLF.VB CLF.ART NUM.CLF GEND/NUM NAME
(a) Pragmaticity
min max
(b) Semanticity
max min
Figure 1. The dimension of APPREHENSION
[Abbreviations: ABSTR = Abstraction, COLL = Collection, MASS = mass and
measure, CLF.VB = Classification by verbs, CLF.ART = Classification by articles,
NUM.CLF = Numeral classification, GEND/NUM = Agreement in gender and
number, NAME = Namegiving]
The arrow of Pragmaticity says that this principle is maximally present
in the technique of NAMEGIVING and that it gradually diminishes in the
direction of ABSTRACTION. The arrow of Semanticity says that this
principle is maximally present in the technique of ABSTRACTION, and
that it gradually diminishes in the direction of NAMEGIVING. This has
been diagnosed essentially as a process of grammaticalization which ends
in lexicalization (Lehmann 1982: 258).
In our earlier publications on the dimension our interest was focused on
“Predicativity” – now Semanticity – in essentially showing evidence for
this cline from ABSTR to NAME. We now want to highlight “Indicativity”
The continuum of pragmaticity 13
– now Pragmaticity – by examining its various aspects in the sequence of

techniques of APPREHENSION. However, it should be clear, and the
grahic representation stresses it, that a true understanding can only be
reached by observing the interplay of both principles. In the course of this
examination we shall keep asking ourselves the following two questions:
A. Does the respective technique constitute the object (the thing) by saying
something about it: Semanticity? B. Does the technique treat the object as
basically given and dwell on an interaction with its linguistic
representation: Pragmaticity? As an example take the technique of
NUMERAL CLASSIFICATION. The import of classification is to make
the noun countable. This means doing something to the noun, and this is
what we mean by “interaction” (+B). It is a metalinguistic activity.
Counting in itself is not defining. The object is not being defined but taken
as a given (–A). This pragmatic component of the technique may
eventually be counterbalanced by a semantic one, according to the
language under study. This is the case in so-called temporary classification
attested in Middle and South American Indian languages, and especially
well in Tzeltal, a Mayan language, where it has been studied in detail
(Serzisko 1982: 155ff.). An extreme example would be:
(2) ho -b'ehč' laso

five -CLF1 rope
‘rope in the state of five sequential wraps around a long non-flexible
object’
(3) ho -hiht' laso

five -CLF2 rope
‘rope in five lash loops around two pieces of a long non-flexible
object at 90º angles to one another, as in fence-making’
In these examples CLF1 and CLF2 do add a great deal more of information
than does the classifier in example (1). In fact, the above classifiers
predominantly constitute the object by providing semantic information
(+A, –B).
The above exemplification with NUM.CLF shows us that the
relationship between +/–A to +/–B may vary within one and the same
technique, and this correspondingly holds for all the other techniques of
the dimension of APPREHENSION as well.3 We also learn that in all the
techniques of our dimension pragmaticity and semanticity are co-present,
14 Hansjakob Seiler
though at different ratios; and this is also what can be read off from our
graph in Figure 1.
As the following tour d’horizon along the techniques of our dimension
will further specify, pragmaticity manifests itself in a variety of aspects.
We must limit ourselves to informally defining pragmaticity within the
confines of the dimension of APPREHENSION. Here, the common
denominator of the various aspects seems to be interaction in the sense of
B, as indicated above: doing something with or to the linguistic
representation of the object. This certainly includes pointing it out (our
former ‘indicativity’). It furthermore includes counting (NUM.CLF),
handling and placing (CLF.VB), measuring (MASS), and, most
importantly, metalinguistic activity (NAME, GEND/NUM). In a
metalinguistic expression the signifier refers not to an object of the world
but to an object of language (Rey-Debove 1978). The distinction between
the two is not a categorial one. Instead, a “continuum of metalinguistic
density” can be discerned (Rey-Debove 1978: 12) for a given set of
expressions – distributed over different techniques – where metalanguage
and object language eventually merge.
We are now ready to examine pragmaticity in its interplay with
semanticity and their various aspects in the sequence of techniques of
APPREHENSION. It must be kept in mind that the techniques in their
continuous ordering on the dimensional level (Figure 1) are common
denominators of corresponding subcontinua ordered according to the same
principles. It is the subcontinua that feature actual language data in their
pragmatic and/or semantic aspects. It is, however, not possible within the
limits of this paper to present the full array of subcontinua, each one
pertaining to its proper technique.4 We must content ourselves to either
referring to the technique as a whole, or to discussing those data that most
patently exhibit their rate of pragmaticity vs. semanticity.
3. From high to low in pragmaticity and from low to high in

semanticity
3.1. NAMEGIVING
The conceptual basis of this technique must be conceived of as a process in

stages:
(a) a maker of the name (often unknown);

(b) a giver of the name;
(c) an act of attribution of the name (e.g. a rite);
(d) an individuum carrier of the name;
(e) a user of the name (sometimes = (d));
(f) an implicit and indefinitely renewable reference by the users to the act of
attribution.
Their reflexes in the individual languages exhibit aspects of
pragmaticity in the above outlined sense. They pertain to metalanguage in
various ways. A proper name is given. It is attached to an individualized
object, a person, and this object is assumed to be known. This is in sharp
contrast to common nouns, which are names of classes. A name for an
individuum can be changed or substituted for a different name. The
individuum can carry more than one name. The giving of certain names can
be discussed and criticized or tabooized altogether, which is important in
certain societies.
The proportional import of pragmaticity in this technique must be
gauged against the import of semanticity. It is on the background of this
proportion that the perennial dispute whether names have meaning or not
must be appreciated.
In his pioneering work on shifters R. Jakobson (1957/1971: 30) stated
that “the general meaning of a proper name cannot be defined without
reference to the code. In the code of English, ‘Jerry’ means a person named
Jerry”. The definition seems to consider metalinguistic activity and nothing
else. However, we note in the example about Jerry that the name refers to a
person and not to an animal. A name like Geraldine would refer to a
female person and not to a male. These are definitely aspects of
semanticity, specifically classificatory aspects, the kind we will encounter
in the adjacent techniques “to the left”. There are furthermore persistent
attempts, especially by laymen, to seek meaning, i.e. semanticity, in proper
names, reflected in the dictum nomen (est) omen.
To sum up, it is safe to say that in NAMEGIVING, pragmaticity
surpasses semanticity. The exact ratio can be narrowed down in the
comparison with the techniques that come next in line. Note that
pragmaticity is a necessary, and even a dominant component of proper
names.
16 Hansjakob Seiler
3.2. AGREEMENT in GENDER/NUMBER
The essentials have been worked out by Ch. Lehmann who stated that
agreement is achieved “by an elementary operation whose function is to
keep the linguistic object constant and which is part of the dimension of
APPREHENSION” (Lehmann 1982: 259). The operation says something
about the linguistic object and this is definitely metalinguistic, hence
pragmatic. Since gender/number in the languages hardly ever occurs
without agreement, it follows that metalanguage occupies a prominent
place in the technique. How does it score vis-à-vis the opposite scale of
semanticity? This is what we find:
(a) Gender classification is exhaustive, which means that each noun has to
be a member of one particular class.
(b) Gender classification stands in some correlation with biological sex.
(c) Only a small percentage of the objects devoted by nouns in a particular
language are in fact sexually differentiated. For the majority of nouns
semanticity remains doubtful or arbitrary.
The small area of semanticity is a (small) plus of semanticity for our
technique as against NAMEGIVING, where no such subdomain exists.
And it is a (small) minus of pragmaticity. To this it must be added that the
technique encompasses a great amount of structural phenomena distributed
over a vast area of language families. Accordingly, the ratio of prominence
between semanticity and pragmaticity may vary.
A continuum of gender systems – a subcontinuum of our technique –
has been pointed out (Walter 1982: 226) with two polar extremes A and B
and gradual transitions in between:
(4) Type A Type B

semantic desemanticized
object language metalanguage
derivative inflectional
non-inherent inherent
movable fixed
overt covert
While A seems to anticipate properties of the technique next in line, B

shows affinities with NAMEGIVING, especially with regard to
metalanguage. One directly connected feature consists in the perennial
discussions about the appropriateness of a specific gender marking and in

the attempts at eventually changing it. The discussions, known since
antiquity (Seiler 1986: 122) continue to this day in the preoccupation of
certain feminist linguists.
To sum up, metalinguistic-pragmatic density is somewhat attenuated
vis-à-vis NAMEGIVING, but still strongly represented against semanticity.
Yet, we note, again, that pragmaticity is a necessary component of gender
marking.
3.3. The classificatory techniques
The three classificatory techniques constitute an area of transition. As with

the preceding techniques it still operates on the premise that the object and
its representation are given. Classification gradually shifts in its import
from pragmaticity to semanticity. Interaction gradually shifts from
metalanguage to object language. As with the preceding techniques and
with the subsequent relational techniques, each one exhibits subcontinua
ordered according to the same converse principles that hold for the entire
dimension. This parallelism strengthens the plausibility of the orderings on
both levels.
NUMERAL CLASSIFICATION, of which examples (1)-(3) have been
discussed above, is restricted to the context of counting, plus, in some
languages, to the contexts of demonstratives and attributive adjectives
(pointing). Pragmaticity is thus present, though restricted to a limited
context. Typically, the classifier adds semantically little or nothing to what
is already inherent in the counted noun. In the example (1) circle is already
inherent in ring. Examples (2) and (3) exhibit a graded increase in
semanticity, where (3) seems to occupy a position near the extreme point
of a subcontinuum.5 It shows that classification need not be exclusively
pragmatic. It may refer to a very complex shape of the object and thus add
to semanticity.
CLASSIFICATION by ARTICLES as featured in the Siouan languages
(Barron and Serzisko 1982: 85 ff.) involves such different structures as
verbs of placement and classificatory definite articles. Both imply
interaction with an individualized object and may thus be said to represent
pragmaticity. As an example we take Mandan (Barron and Serzisko 1982:
99 ff.). There are three elements, translated as ‘standing’, ‘sitting’, and
‘lying’ that are sometimes used as verb forms, sometimes as classifiers
18 Hansjakob Seiler
within complex noun phrases. As verbs or as auxiliaries they can refer both
to position and to the shape of the object: long objects are standing, round
objects are sitting, and flat objects are lying. As classifiers, these elements
are obligatory with demonstrative pronouns:
(5) dε -mãk ‘this one (lying)’

dε -nak ‘this one (sitting)’
dε -hãk ‘this one (standing)’
There is a continuum of grammaticalization between the four languages

Dakota, Mandan, Yuchi and Ponca (Barron and Serzisko, l.c.: 102). Dakota
does not show article function, and a free choice between stative verbs
strengthens semanticity. Ponca, on the other hand, shows predominance of
the classificatory article function, which strengthens pragmaticity. In the
languages in intermediate position, like Mandan, semantic and pragmatic
function may coexist or gradually merge.
CLASSIFICATION by VERBS is found primarily on the American
(Sub-)Continents. The classificatory verbs refer to placement, handling,
and counting. The verb contains two components: a classifying element of
pragmatic character, and a predicative element contributing to semanticity.
This may be illustrated with examples from Diegueño (Langdon 1970: 78
ff.; Barron 1980: 43 ff.):
(6) a. a'mił ‘to hang (a long object)’

b. pamił ‘to carry (like bucket)’
c. tu'mił ‘to hang (a small round object)’
(7) a. a·xi·ł ‘to drag (a long object)’

b. caxi·ł ‘to drag (a bunch of objects)’
(8) a·mar ‘to cover (a long object), to bury someone’
We may identify: the predications “to HANG” (-mił), “to DRAG” (-

xi·ł), “to COVER” (-mar); the classifying elements of a·- “long object”, pa-
“bucket-like”, tu'- “small round object”; and ca- “bunch of objects”. A
continuum has been found (Barron 1982: 142) reflecting the degree of
fusion of both components and ranging from isolability (as in the examples
from Diegueño) to complete amalgamation with several intermediate
degrees.
3.4. The relational techniques
In the three remaining techniques the representation of the object, instead

of being given, has to be construed by means of relational, predicative
expressions. There is a starting point, an operation, and a final state.
Semanticity is high with a cline from ABSTRACTION to COLLECTION
to MASS and MEASURE. Pragmaticity is correspondingly low.
A MASS is a quale mentally apprehended by our interaction with it, i.e.
by extracting a quantum. Our interaction with masses involves various
kinds of handling, such as placing, moving, grasping, dividing, etc. Among
them is also measuring, and, by way of measuring: counting – the foremost
kind of interaction in some civilizations of the world. This aspect relates
the technique to the foregoing classificatory ones with partially the same
verbs of interaction, and this is surely an aspect of pragmaticity. However,
it is by way of this very same kind of interaction that the mass is
semantically constituted as such. In languages like English or German
almost any noun can appear in a mass noun slot and can thus appear as a
mass. This has been observed before, even for proper nouns, as in:
(9) It may be that the National Gallery of England has many more
Rembrandts than the National Gallery of the United States, but those
who are interested in expanse and expense may find out that the
latter has much more Rembrandt than the former. (Ware 1975: 383).
Note the contrast between much more Rembrandt and many more
Rembrandts (count). We further note that pragmaticity and semanticity are
merged in the same operation, but that semanticity takes the upper hand,
because this is the aspect that constitutes the notion of a mass.
COLLECTION is based on a relation between individual and group.
Relationality is signalled by relational nouns (of the type group or head
of), relational numerals, relational number (dual), verbs, that are relational
ipso facto. The relation is either associative or dissociative. To understand
this, it is necessary to adopt an operational view assuming a starting point,
an operation (association or dissociation), and an end state.
In the associative relation the starting point is an individual set (as in
students, shoes, carrots). Relational nouns (as in group of, pair of, bunch
of) or other relational elements are the means for performing the operation
of union. The end state is a collective expression (as in group of students,
pair of shoes, bunch of carrots). Typically, the relational noun has
20 Hansjakob Seiler
classificatory properties (as in the English examples cited). It is this

property that might be interpreted on the one hand as a link to the
preceding techniques, and on the other hand as a modest vestige of
pragmaticity.
In the dissociative relation the starting point is a collection represented
by a collective noun (as in cattle, family, police). Relational nouns (as in
head of, member of) or other relational elements are the means for
performing the operation of dissociation. The end state is the expression of
an individual set (one or more individuals) as plotted against the
corresponding collection (as in head of cattle, member of the family).
Typically again, the relational noun has classificatory properties, but this
time it acts as an individualizer. The term ‘singulative’ is used in the
grammars of certain languages, e.g. Arabic.
ABSTRACTION, finally, is based on predicates which are nominalized.
A predicate is a relational expression. A predicate’s being relational means
that it opens places for arguments. The content of a predicate in
nominalization is treated like an object.
The places for arguments belonging to a nominalized predicate can be
filled with NPs or they can be left empty:
(10) a. The destruction of Carthage by the Romans in 146 B.C. had

far reaching consequences.
b. The destruction of Carthage had far reaching consequences.
c. Destruction is an activity and at the same time a result.
There is thus a continuum from maximally filled places to unfilled ones.

The scale has its correlate on the meaning side (a) exhibits maximal
semanticity by construing the thing via a maximum of information. (b)
occupies an intermediate position. In (c) semanticity is weakened. This
kind of construction is typical for definitions and thus exhibits a
metalinguistic component. As for use, (a) and (b) in their semanticity are
the normal case, whereas (c) with its metalinguistic component is
recessive. We now can find a way of linking up the two poles of the
dimension, viz. ABSTRACTION and NAMEGIVING, with one another. In
the latter technique the relation between pragmaticity and semanticity is
reversed. Pragmaticity is dominant in its metalinguistic appearance, while
semanticity is recessive. As each of these two polar techniques has its
appropriate subcontinuum, where both pragmaticity and semanticity are
represented, though at reversed ratios, it seems tempting to widen the two-
dimensional concept of the dimension into a three-dimensional one by way

of the model of a Möbius band.6
4. Consequences
1. Within the dimension of APPREHENSION we have encountered

pragmaticity as a unified principle based on communicative interaction
with the representation of a concept, in our case the concept ‘thing’,
assumed to be given. It includes deixis, handling, placing, and
metalinguistic activity. It is only in parts segmental. But it is equipollent
with that other principle of semanticity to which it stands in a relation of
converseness. A decrease in pragmaticity is coupled with an increase of
semanticity, and vice-versa.
2. The techniques as ordered along this twofold system appear as a well
established, non-arbitrary array. The suspicion voiced by some of our
critics that the techniques of the dimension constitute an ensemble chosen
at will (Comrie 1985: 462), and that the “facts of the languages under
discussion could not have surfaced but for UNITYP’s theoretical
framework” (see Song 2003: 149 following Comrie) is therefore unfounded.
3. The above outlined interplay between the two principles of semanticity
vs. pragmaticity will shed new light on our appreciation of the Saussurean
doctrine of the arbitrariness of the linguistic sign. On this basis of
arbitrariness Saussure (1916: 106ff.) denies the possibility of interaction
with the linguistic sign in the sense of discussing or even modifying it.
This, however, as shown in the above, is exactly what happens in language
use and communication. It might well be that arbitrariness holds for those
realms where semanticity predominates; and that other theoretical
instruments might have to be applied where pragmaticity is a necessary or
an optional concomitant of linguistic signs (see also Seiler 2006: 99 ff.).
Notes
1. Language Universals Series [LUS], vol. 1 in three parts: Seiler and Lehmann
(1982), Seiler and Stachowiak (1982), Seiler (1986).
2. With particular reference to gender: Lehmann (1982: 201–267).
3. The corresponding details have been presented in my summarizing work
(Seiler 1986: 26 ff.).
22 Hansjakob Seiler
4. For a complete presentation see my summarizing work (Seiler 1986).

5. The full array of the subcontinuum has been presented by F. Serzisko (1982:
158).
6. This idea has been explored in more detail in Seiler (2008).
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(eds.), 133–146.
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1982 Universal and typological aspects of agreement. In Seiler and
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Weighing semantic distinctions in person forms
Dik Bakker and Anna Siewierska
1
1. Introduction
It is generally recognized that person agreement markers typically, though

by no means exclusively, develop from independent person forms2 (see e.g.
Givón 1976; Lehmann 1982b; Corbett 1991; Siewierska 1999; Ariel 2000).
This development may be viewed as involving three dimensions: formal,
functional and semantic. The formal dimension concerns the change from a
word to a clitic to an affix, the degree of fusion of the affix with the stem
and finally its disappearance. The functional dimension relates to the
change from a referential expression with deictic or anaphoric force and
full rhetorical value to a syntactic marker with little or even no referential
potential which only redundantly expresses (some) person features. And
the semantic dimension pertains to the reduction in the range of semantic
distinctions encoded by the person agreement markers as compared to their
pronominal source, most notably person but also number, gender, inclusiv-
ity, and honorificity. Functionally oriented linguists tend to see the changes
operating on these three dimensions as an instantiation of the unidirec-
tional diachronic process of grammaticalization, i.e. the change from lexi-
cal item to grammatical marker or from less grammaticalized to more
grammaticalized marker.3 Formalists, who generally consider grammatical-
ization to be an epiphenomenon, on the other hand, see the above devel-
opments as a by-product of general processes of language change, in par-
ticular phonological reduction and semantic attrition affecting equally
lexical and grammatical material. Issues of theoretical orientation and ter-
minology aside, assuming the three dimensions of change involved in the
development of person agreement markers, the question that arises is what
is the relationship between these changes.
The relationship between the formal and semantic/functional dimen-
sions of the development of grammatical markers has been the subject of
much debate by functionalists and more recently also formalists critical of
the grammaticalization approach. Proponents of grammaticalization adhere
to the Parallel Paths Hypothesis (PPH) which specifies that the various
dimensions of grammaticalization should run more or less in parallel (see
26 Dik Bakker and Anna Siewierska
e.g. Lehmann 1982a: 236; Bybee et al. 1994: 20; Heine 1994: 109). They
are somewhat less united with respect to the existence and nature of a
causal link between the evolution of meaning and form. Nonetheless, the
dominant position is that formal reduction is a response to increase in fre-
quency of use which itself is the outcome of a shift or change in meaning
or rhetorical value (see e.g. Givón 1975: 96; Bybee et al. 1994: 21; Dahl
2001: 126; Haspelmath 1999: 1050). Formalists, and detractors of gram-
maticalization, by contrast, argue that formal and semantic reductions do
not tend to proceed at the same pace (counter to the PPH) and maintain that
they are fully independent of each other, i.e. formal reduction may precede,
follow or be contemporaneous with semantic/functional change (see e.g.
Campbell 2001: 123; Newmeyer 2001: 193).
Irrespective of the theoretical framework that is taken as a point of de-
parture, and the type of questions one wants to answer in relation to dia-
chronic changes in person forms, comparisons have to be made between
the respective forms within and across languages. For that purpose, a cal-
culus is needed with which to determine and compare the amount of coding
in person forms for the respective semantic dimensions. We are not aware
of any proposal for such calculus in the literature, not even in the work of
Christian Lehmann. The present contribution will seek to provide one.
Since we are involved with person forms, this semantic dimension will
be present by definition. In addition, we will take into account the dimen-
sions most frequently co-occurring with person, i.e. number, gender, and
inclusivity. Each of these may be elaborated to a greater or lesser degree
within a person paradigm. In developing a weighing system for them, we
will consider not only whether a given semantic dimension is present or
not but also how exactly it is manifested in a paradigm. In particular, we
will take into consideration the number of oppositions expressed within
each dimension, their distribution within the paradigm and the major pat-
terns of homophonies displayed by it. On the basis of these parameters we
will quantify the degree of elaboration of each of the four dimensions
within a paradigm.
The system of quantification that we propose is intended to capture the
markedness patterns evinced in person paradigms documented in the typo-
logical literature of the last 30 years or so. Accordingly, the degree of
elaboration of each semantic dimension in a paradigm is measured some-
what differently. For person we have taken the default situation to be
maximal specification of the dimension, i.e. the existence of a distinction
between the first, second, and third person. For number, on the other hand,
Weighing semantic distinctions in person forms 27
our default is not the maximal four-way contrast between singular, dual,
trial/paucal, and plural but the presence of a two-way opposition between
singular and plural. And in the case of gender and inclusivity we have
taken the total absence of either dimension as the norm. As the defaults for
each semantic dimension are quite different, they have been assigned quite
different numerical values. These may be added to, for richer distinctions
in number, gender, and inclusivity, or subtracted from, in cases of under-
specifications of person and number. Further adjustments are made for
homophonies and covert forms. The resulting numerical scales are thus
well equipped to capture fine-grained semantic distinctions between para-
digms corresponding to the small steps in terms of which grammaticaliza-
tion is seen to proceed. Further details pertaining to the nature of the se-
mantic distinctions within the four dimensions and our system of
quantifying them are explicated in sections 2 to 5, for person, number,
inclusivity, and gender respectively. Section 6 gives a brief impression of
the different weights we found for the 447 languages in our database on
person agreement (cf. Siewierska and Bakker 1996). The example sen-
tences that we will use below also stem from this database.
2. Person
The grammatical category ‘person’ is typically viewed as embracing three

persons, the first, second, and third, with the first person corresponding to
the discourse role of speaker, the second person to the discourse role of
addressee, and the third person to the other, i.e. neither the discourse role
of speaker nor addressee. This is also the interpretation of the category
person adopted here. Thus counter to Benveniste (1971), we do not con-
sider the third person as falling outside the category of person and unlike in
some other grammatical traditions, do not recognize a fourth person, how-
ever defined.4 Nonetheless, we do acknowledge that the first and second
persons are more central to the grammatical category of person than the
third. Moreover, in measuring the degree of semantic elaboration of person
paradigms we will rank the first person over the second, i.e. we will use the
traditional person hierarchy in (1).5
(1) 1>2>3
Within the three person system, a paradigm fully specified for person is
one in which each of the three persons is distinguished from the other by a
phonologically distinct form. A potential point of contention is whether all
of the forms in question need to be overt or whether one of the forms may
be covert, i.e. zero. In the case of independent person paradigms three pho-
nologically distinct overt forms are the cross-linguistic norm. In the case of
dependent forms the presence of a zero if not exactly statistically dominant
(see Siewierska 2005) is a highly common phenomenon, particularly of the
third person singular. Further, the zero forms found in independent person
paradigms and person agreement markers tend to be interpreted differently.
Zero forms may be indicative of the absence of a person distinction alto-
gether. Or they may be functionally equivalent to overt forms, i.e. they may
function as a paradigmatic zero. The latter is the case for the present singu-
lar paradigm of the verb in English, where the third person –s contrasts
with the -∅ first and second person. The former situation generally obtains
in the case of missing independent forms, which may then be functionally
replaced by a demonstrative or a lexical NP. But it may also occur in the
case of bound forms, as shown by the paradigm for Object suffixes in the
Oceanic language Raga in example (2) below. In the plural, the missing
forms for the first and second person are not paradigmatic zeroes. In con-
text, 1PL and 2PL are marked by the obligatory presence of the corre-
sponding independent forms. These form the real contrast with the third
person plural suffix.
(2) Raga (Crowley 2002a: 628)

1SG -u/-au 1PL -
2SG -go 2PL -
3SG -a/-e 3PL -ra
This difference in interpretation of missing forms is attributable to the fact

that a paradigmatic zero is much more difficult to detect with independent
person forms than with person inflection, since the former, in contrast to
the latter, are typically not obligatory and need not occupy a unique syntac-
tic slot in the utterance. Accordingly, if independent person forms are
taken as the model for what constitutes a fully elaborated person paradigm,
overtness of all three person forms must be taken as the norm. But if de-
pendent person paradigms are taken as the point of departure, the overtness
as opposed to covertness of the forms indicating the three persons may be
considered to be functionally much less relevant. Since the wider context
of this exercise is to get a better understanding of grammaticalization proc-

esses in general, and the development of person agreement markers from
(overt) independent ones, the former position is more viable. Thus in sum,
we will view a paradigm as fully specified for person if the distinction
between the three persons is maintained by phonologically distinct overt
forms. Paradigms in which one or more of the relevant forms are missing
will be seen as lacking the relevant person distinction and will be viewed
as defective. Paradigms in which one of the relevant forms is zero will be
taken to be underspecified with respect to the category person. The degree
of underspecification is in line with the person hierarchy in (1), a paradig-
matic zero for third person being considered as the least severe form of
underspecification for person, and a paradigmatic zero for first person as
the most severe type of underspecification.
A more radical type of underspecification for person, lack of phono-
logical distinctiveness arises in cases of homophony. In the context of the
three person paradigm, homophony may involve any two persons, as in
(3a-c) or even all three, as in (3d).
(3) a. 1 vs. 2=3

b. 1=3 vs. 2
c. 1=2 vs. 3
d. 1=2=3
Pattern (3a), homophony between the second and third person with a dis-
tinct form for the first can be observed in the plural of the Subject suffixes
in Fore in (4). Pattern (3c), homophony between the first and second per-
son and a distinct form for the third, is illustrated in the Subject prefixal
paradigm in the singular of Au in (5). Pattern (3b) where the first and third
persons are homophonous and distinguished from the second is illustrated
in (6) below on the basis of the singular Subject suffixes of the realis mood
in the Papuan language Koiari. This language also provides an example of
(3d): in the plural there is complete homophony. INDEP is for the inde-
pendent person form; S/A is for the bound person form that agrees with the
intransitive Subject and the transitive Agent.
(4) Fore (Foley 1986: 73f.)

INDEP S/A
1SG náe -u
2SG káe -a:N
3SG áe -i-
1DU tasíge -us
2DU tisíge -a:s
3DU isige -a:sko-
1PL táe -uN
2PL tíge -a:
3PL íge -a:
(5) Au (Scorza 1985: 233, 223)

INDEP S/A
1SG hi h-
2SG ti h-
3SG M/N hirak k-
3SG F hire w-
1DU hawir w-
2DU yi y-
3DU M hirakit t-
3DU F hir n-
3DU N hirem m-
1PL haiu m-
2PL yi y-
3PL M/F hir n-
3PL N hirem m-
(6) Koiari (Dutton 1996: 23)

PRES PAST
1SG -ma -nu
2SG -a -nua
3SG -ma -nu
1PL -a -nua
2PL -a -nua
3PL -a -nua
While homophonies involving non-distinctiveness of all three persons ob-

viously constitute a more radical departure from a fully specified person
paradigm than those involving non-distinctiveness of two persons, the lat-

ter can be further differentiated with reference to the person hierarchy in
(1). Homophonies which obliterate the distinction between the first and
second person as in (3c), result in a more drastic underspecification of
person than those which do not, and among the latter those which involve
the first person (3b) are more damaging than those in which the first person
is not involved (3a). Thus the patterns of homophony in (3) define a de-
crease in the elaboration of the category person with the patterns in (3a)
being the least damaging and the one in (3d) the most damaging.
The effect of the respective homophonies on the category person can be
further refined if we take into account whether all the forms in question are
overt, as in the examples cited above, or whether some are zero forms. The
zero form may correspond to the person not involved in a homophony, i.e.
to the first person in the case of (3a), to the second person in the case of
(3b) and to the third person in the case of (3c). Illustrative paradigms of
(3a) and (3c) are presented on the basis of the present tense singular Sub-
ject suffixes in Dutch in (7) and on the basis of those in the Caucasian lan-
guage Hunzib in (8).
(7) Dutch
1SG -∅ 1PL -en
2SG -t 2PL -en
3SG -t 3PL -en
(8) Hunzib (van den Berg 1995: 83)

1SG -č(o) 1PL -∅
2SG -č(o) 2PL -∅
3SG -∅ 3PL -∅
Our database does not hold an example of a paradigm corresponding to

(3b) with the second person being zero. Alternatively the homophonies
may involve zeroes. Patterns (3a) and (3b) with homophonies involving
zero forms are illustrated on the basis of the Subject suffixes in the singular
of the Papuan language Wambon (9) and the Australian language
Kalkatungu (10), respectively.
(9) Wambon (De Vries 1989: 22)

1SG -ep 1PL a
2SG -∅ 2PL -e (past)/-na(future)/∅(present)
3SG -∅ 3PL past)/-na(future)/∅(present)
(10) Kalkatungu (Blake 1977: 36)

1SG -∅ 1DU -l 1PL -r
2SG -n 2DU -nu 2PL -nur
3SG -∅ 3DU -(mu)ju 3PL -na
For examples of patterns (3c) and (3d) involving homophony of zero forms
we need not look further than the present Subject inflection of English
(11); pattern (3c) occurs in the singular and pattern (3d) in the plural.
(11) English
1SG -∅ 1PL -∅
2SG -∅ 2PL -∅
3SG -s 3PL -∅
Given our condition with respect to the overtness of the person forms in a
paradigm fully specified for person, homophonies in the presence of a zero
as in (7) or (8) emerge as more strongly underspecificied for person than
those where there are no zeroes as in (6). Homophonies involving zeroes
such as those in (9) through (11) are even more strongly underspecified
then when zeroes are not involved as in (7) and (8).
All the various forms of underspecification for person mentioned above
lead to a 14 point scale. This scale subdivided in terms of the number of
overt oppositions expressed is presented in (12) where the weight of the
person specification decreases from top to bottom and from left to right,
indicated by the > sign. Note that on this scale, overtness takes priority
over person. This is in keeping with our view that this scale, and those
presented below, are not so much a (static) measure for semantic weight of
person forms, but rather a (dynamic) measure for the (reverse of) the cost
for the hearer to retrieve that information, or the ease of disambiguating the
forms.
(12) The specification for person scale:

a. 3 oppositions via 3 overt forms >
b. 3 oppositions via 2 overt forms:
no homophonies & a paradigmatic zero in 3rd >
no homophonies & a paradigmatic zero in 2nd >
no-homophonies & a paradigmatic zero in 1st >
c. 2 oppositions via 2 overt forms:
with homophony of 2nd & 3rd >
with homophony of 1st & 3rd >
with homophony of 1st & 2nd >
d. 2 oppositions via 1 overt form; homophony non-zero:
with homophony of 2nd & 3rd & paradigmatic zero in 1st >
with homophony of 1st & 3rd & paradigmatic zero in 2nd >
with homophony of 1st & 2nd & paradigmatic zero in 3rd >
e. 2 oppositions via 1 overt form; homophony zero:
with homophony of 2nd & 3rd involving zero forms >
with homophony of 1st & 3rd involving zero forms >
with homophony of 1st & 2nd involving zero forms >
f. no opposition:
homophony of three persons with overt forms >
homophony of three persons with zero forms
The value of each of the 15 above patterns is determined by subtracting

from a maximum of 3 points (1 point for each of the three persons) as-
signed to a fully specified person paradigm 1/14th for each step along the
above scale. Thus a three person paradigm where the third person is a para-
digmatic zero receives 92.9% of 3 points, i.e. 2.8, and one in which the
second person is zero 85.7% of 3 points, i.e. 2.6, et cetera.
Since we take the unmarked case to be the maximum, i.e. a three way
person distinction in each of the number oppositions that a paradigm dis-
plays, in assessing the extent to which a paradigm is specified for person,
the scale in (12) needs to be applied to each of the number oppositions
present. In doing so, we assign more weight to full person specification in
the singular than in the non-singular, with full specification in the plural
being assigned more weight than that in the dual or paucal, in accordance
with the number hierarchy presented further below in (15). This is
achieved by weighing the contribution to the overall person value defined
by the scale in (12), giving a weight of 4 to the singular, 3 to the plural, 2
to the dual and 1 to the trial or paucal. The person value for the whole
paradigm is the weighted average of the sum of the person values for each
number opposition in the paradigm. This value ranges from a maximum of
3 to a minimum of 0.
Summing up, in terms of the above procedure, any paradigm which has
a distinctive overt form for each of the three persons in each of the number
oppositions that it displays be it singular vs. plural or singular vs. dual vs.
plural or even singular vs. dual vs. paucal vs. plural will receive the maxi-
mum value of 3 points for the category of person. Any type of underspeci-
fication be it due to the presence of a paradigmatic zero or homophonies or
both will result in a value lower than 3 the precise nature of which will
depend on the type of underspecification and the number opposition in
which it occurs. By way of illustration let us calculate the person value for
the Kalkatungu paradigm given earlier in (10). This paradigm has a three
way number opposition, singular, dual, and plural. In the dual and plural
there are three distinct overt forms for each person. But in the singular
there is an overt form only for the second person while the first and third
are both zero. Thus the value for person in the singular is very low, only
0.64 (3/14 of 3), in the dual it is 3 and in the plural also 3. Applying the
weighting system of 4 for the singular (4 × 0.64 = 2.56), 3 for the plural
(3 × 3= 9), and 2 for the dual (2 × 3 =6) gives us the figure of 17.56. The
weighted average of 17.56 is arrived at by dividing 17.56 by the sum of the
weights assigned to each number (4+3+2=9), which gives us the overall
person value of 1.95. If this paradigm had lacked the dual, the overall per-
son value would have been lower, namely 1.65 and if there had been a
paucal with three different overt forms as well, the overall person value
would have been slightly higher, namely 2.06.
A word still needs to be said about defective paradigms. Earlier above
we mentioned paradigms lacking a particular person distinction, which, in
contrast to those featuring a paradigmatic zero, we called defective. In such
cases, we simply count the persons which do occur, i.e. paradigms lacking
one person have been assigned the value of 2 rather than 3 and those lack-
ing two persons, the value of 1. As our counting system for person is ap-
plied to each number opposition separately, if the absence of person is only
partial, say in the plural but not in the singular the same procedure is ap-
plied with adjustments for the lower weight assigned to person in the plural,
as outlined above. In terms of our point system defective paradigms score
lower for person than those featuring paradigmatic zeroes or homophonies
based on zeroes. That this is indeed so can be illustrated on the basis of our
calculations as applied to the paradigm of Object suffixes in (2) from the

Oceanic language Raga, repeated for ease of reference.
(2) Raga (Crowley 2002a: 628)

1SG -u/-au 1PL -
2SG -go 2PL -
3SG -a/-e 3PL -ra
As we have argued above, the absence of first and second person markers
in the plural of the Object suffixes in this language does not constitute an
instance of homophony, analogous to that of the English singular pattern in
(11) since in place of the first and second person plural suffixes independ-
ent person forms are used obligatorily. Consequently, the third person plu-
ral suffix is not in complementary distribution with a zero form for the first
and second person plural but with the corresponding independent person
forms. The paradigm in (2) thus qualifies as defective in our terms. Apply-
ing our counting system, 3 points would be assigned for person in the sin-
gular and 1 point in the plural. The weighted average would then give us
the value of ((4 × 3) + (3 × 1)) / 7 = 2.14. Assuming homophony, on the
other hand, would give us a person weight for this paradigm of ((4 × 3) +
(3 × (2/14))) / 7 = 1.78, which is lower. This is in line with the interpreta-
tion of these figures as a measure for disambiguation: the higher the value
value of a form the easier it is to process.
3. Number
Although there are person paradigms which do not manifest the semantic
dimension of number, the overwhelming majority do: 94.2% of the lan-
guages in our database display a number opposition. Most commonly per-
son paradigms display only a two way number opposition, of singular,
denoting exactly one first, second or third person and non-singular, denot-
ing more than one individual. There are, however, person paradigms which
also feature a dual as in Fore and Au illustrated above in (4) and (5) re-
spectively. Yet higher numbers, namely trial as in the Austronesian lan-
guage Larike (13) or paucal (several or a few) as in Southeastern Ambrym
(14) are also to be found in person paradigms, though so far they have been
attested only among the languages of Micronesia.6
(13) Larike (Laidig 1993: 321)

SG DU TRI PL
1 INCL itua- itidi- ite-
EXCL au arua- aridu- ami-
2 a-/ai- irua- iridu- imi-
3 HUM mati- ∅- ∅- ∅-
3 NHUM i- ∅- ∅- iri-
(14) Southeastern Ambrym (Crowley 2002b: 666)

SG DU PAUC PL
1 INCL rali- rati- ri-
EXCL ni- mali- mati- mu-
2 ui- muli- muti- mu-
3 i- lali- lati- li-
The cross-linguistic distribution of number oppositions in person para-

digms is seen as conforming to the number hierarchy in (15), i.e. in the
main the presence of a trial or paucal implies the presence of a dual, that of
a dual a plural, and that of a plural, a singular.
(15) singular > plural > dual > trial/paucal
Assuming that the unmarked situation is the presence of the same number
oppositions, be it singular vs. non-singular or singular vs. dual vs. plural et
cetera for all three persons, departures from this norm may be treated as
instances of homophony. In order to distinguish homophonies due to the
lack of differentiation for number from those arising from lack of differen-
tiation for person, discussed in section 2, we will call the former horizontal,
the latter vertical.7 The horizontal homophonies may be classified with
reference to which person they involve and which number oppositions they
embrace. Thus, for example, the paradigm for the independent person form
in the Australian language Biri in (16) below displays horizontal homoph-
ony in the dual and plural, involving the third person.
(16) Biri (Terrill 1998: 23, 25)

SG DU PL
1 ŋaya ŋali ŋana
2 yinda yibala yura
3 nhula dhana dhana
If we weigh the expression of number in the three persons with reference to

the number hierarchy in (15), the loss of distinctiveness due to horizontal
homophonies involving third persons may be viewed as less severe than
that due to homophonies involving second persons, which in turn is less
severe than that due to homophonies involving first persons. Although a
horizontal homophony does not directly affect the link with the person
involved, we think that more distinctions in the overall paradigm would
make the identification of person as such easier. This ease of identification
is accounted for by weighing horizontal homophonies according to the
person hierarchy. Analogous to the weighing of person, we will apply a
lower weight to occurring homophonies to the extent that they are found
lower on the number hierarchy.
Taking into account the overall number oppositions expressed in a para-
digm and the presence of horizontal homophonies leads us to the following
system of counting the degree of elaboration of the dimension of number in
a paradigm. We take as the default the presence of a singular vs. non-
singular opposition. The maximum degree of elaboration for number is 7
and the minimum, for complete absence of number is zero. The value 7
corresponds to a paradigm with a four way number opposition of singular
vs. dual vs. trial/paucal vs. plural. A three-way number opposition involv-
ing singular vs. dual vs. plural receives the value 6, a two-way number
opposition between singular and plural the value 4 and the presence of just
the singular the value 1. In other words the presence of the plural is
weighted higher than of the dual, and of the dual is weighted higher than of
the trial or paucal. From this basic value resulting from the range of num-
ber oppositions present in a language subtractions are made for horizontal
homophonies calculated relative to both the person and number involved.
A percentage is subtracted from the contribution made by the lowest num-
ber on hierarchy (15) of the two numbers involved in a horizontal homoph-
ony. Thus in case of homophonies involving the singular and dual a per-
centage is subtracted from the contribution of the dual (i.e. 2), and in the
case of homophonies involving the singular and plural a percentage of the
contribution of the plural (i.e. 3). The percentage to be subtracted depends
on the position of the person involved on the hierarchy in (1). Thus, 16.7%
is subtracted from the weight of the number category in the case of hori-
zontal homophonies in the third person, 33.3% in the case of the second
person, and 50% in the case of the first person.
To give a concrete example, let us consider the calculations for the
paradigms of independent person forms in Au and Biri mentioned above
and presented earlier in (4) and (16) respectively. Recall that both para-
digms have a three way number opposition of singular vs. dual vs. plural.
In Biri there is a horizontal homophony between the third person dual and
plural. Thus from the basic value of 6 (for the three-way number opposi-
tion) we subtract 16.7% of the contribution that the dual makes, namely of
2, which is 0.33. This gives us the figure of 5.67. In Au there is a homoph-
ony between the second person dual and plural. Thus we subtract 33.7% of
2 from 6 and arrive at the figure of 5.33. If the homophony in Biri had been
between the third person singular and plural rather than the dual, we would
have subtracted 16.7% of 3 (rather than 2), i.e. 0.5 giving the figure 5.5.
And if the homophony in Au would have involved the singular and plural
the resulting figure would have been 5.
4. Inclusivity and the first person complex
Inclusivity is associated with the non-singular dimension but is not in itself

part of the dimension of number. It relates to some of the possible interpre-
tations of non-singular first persons, namely those that do not involve sim-
ply more than one speaker as represented in (17b-d) and illustrated on the
basis of examples from English in (18b-d).
(17) a. 1+1 more than one speaker

b. 1+2 the speaker and addressee
c. 1+2+3 the speaker, addressee, and minimally one other
d. 1+3 the speaker and other
(18) a. We solemnly swear.

b. We’ve got a bond in common, you and I.
c. You, Anne, and I are working ourselves to death.
d. Christian and me, we are linguists.
Although none of the interpretations of the first person non-singular speci-

fied in (18) receives special encoding in English, all but the first (1+1) do
so on a cross-linguistic basis. The encoding possibilities of the other three
interpretations that have been attested are summarized in (19), taken from
Siewierska and Bakker (2005: 157).8
(19) no we
unified we 1+2=1+2+3=1+3
only inclusive 1+2=1+2+3
minimal inclusive 1+2 vs. 1+2+3=1+3
augmented inclusive 1+2+3 vs. 1+2=1+3
inclusive/exclusive 1+2=1+2+3 vs. 1+3
minimal augmented 1+2 vs. 1+2+3 vs. 1+3
The label ‘no we’ is used for paradigms which have no separate form for
non-singular first person, i.e. they have no ‘we’ as distinct from ‘I’. The
label ‘unified we’ (abbreviated ‘unifwe’) embraces paradigms which have
one form for non-singular first person covering all three interpretations,
1+2, 1+2+3, and 1+3, as is the case in English and most of the person
paradigms cited earlier. We will consider this form to belong to plural
number in case there is such a paradigm. The third pattern labelled ‘only
inclusive’ (abbreviated ‘only incl’) is used for paradigms in which there is
a special form for 1+2 together with 1+2+3 but not for the exclusive 1+3.
An example of such a paradigm is given in (20) from Chalcatongo Mixtec,
a language spoken in south-central Mexico, in which this pattern occurs
both in the independent person forms and the corresponding Subject clitics.
(20) Chalcatongo Mixtec (Macaulay 1996: 139)

1 rú÷ú 1+2 žó÷ó
2 ró÷ó 1+2+3 žó÷ó
3M càà
3F nā÷ā
3 ANML kìtì
3 SUPNAT í÷a, íža
The fourth pattern called ‘minimal inclusive’ (‘min incl’) denotes para-
digms such as the one in (21) from the Austronesian language Uma spoken
in Sulawesi. In this language there is a separate form for the speaker-hearer
dyad 1+2 and another form covering both 1+2+3 and 1+3.9
(21) Uma (Martens 1988: 169)

SG NONSG
1 aku’ 1+2 kita’
1+2+3 kai’
1+3 kai’
2 iko 2 koi
3 hi’a 3 hira’
In the next pattern, called ‘augmented inclusive’ (‘aug incl’), there is a

special form for 1+2+3 and another form covering 1+2 and 1+3, as we see
in the paradigm in (22) from Bunuba, a language of Western Australia.
(22) Bunuba (Rumsey 1996: 138)

SG NONSG
1 ngayini 1+2 ngiyirri
1+2+3 yaarri
1+3 ngiyirri
2 nginji 2 yinggirri
3 niy 3 biyirri
The penultimate pattern is the traditional inclusive/exclusive distinction

(‘incl/excl’), which establishes the separation of groups involving the
speaker and addressee (1+2 & 1+2+3) from those that involve the speaker
and some other party (1+3). This pattern can be seen in the paradigm of
Gapapaiwa, a Western Oceanic language of New Guinea.
(23) Gapapaiwa (McGuckin 2002: 299)

INDEP S/A
1SG taku a-
2SG tam ke-/ku-
3SG tuna i-/e-
1EXCL tokai ka-
1INCL tota ta-
2PL tami ko-
3PL ti i-/e-
And finally there is the three way split within the first person non-singular
which we call the ‘minimal augmented’ (‘min/aug’) where there are sepa-
rate forms for the minimal inclusive, augmented inclusive, and exclusive.
This pattern is illustrated in (24) from Koh, a language of Cameroon.
(24) Koh (Glidden 1985: 230)

SG NONSG
1 mì 1+2 ná
1+2+3 nári
1+3 bburu
2 mù 2 ì
3 ka 3 i
The above encodings may be grouped in terms of the number of formal

distinctions made within the first person complex, as in (25) or the degree
of separation of the speaker-addressee dyad, as in (26).
(25) 3 2 1 0
min/aug > in/excl > only incl > no we
aug incl unif we
min incl
(26) min/aug > in/excl > aug incl > only incl > unif we > no we
min incl
In assessing the degree of elaboration of the first person complex we have

used the latter scale since it is more refined. The distribution of points
along this scale is as follows. The value of 0 has been assigned to ‘no we’
and ‘unif we’, the value of 1 to ‘only incl’, the value of 2 to ‘min incl’ and
‘aug incl’, the value 3 to ‘incl/excl’, and the value 4 to ‘min/aug’. The
presence of more than one instance of a given subdivision of the first per-
son complex within a paradigm has been dealt with by multiplying the
relevant value by the number of times it occurs. Thus for example, a para-
digm with an inclusive/exclusive distinction in both the dual and plural as
evinced by Lavukaleve in (33) further below receives a value of (2 × 3) = 6
and one with an inclusive/exclusive distinction in the dual, trial/paucal, and
plural such as the ones from Larike in (13) and Southeastern Ambrym (14)
above receive the value of (3 × 3) = 9, which is the maximum score for this
semantic dimension for any language in our database. Unequal subdivi-
sions of the first person complex in the non-singular numbers are dealt
with by adding up the respective values of the first person complex in each
number opposition.
Horizontal homophonies involving the dimension of inclusivity other
than those covered by the scale in (26) are very rare. One celebrated case in
point is of the so-called unit augmented pattern found in particular among
the non-Pama-Nyungan languages of Australia illustrated in (27).
(27) Mangarayi (Merlan 1982: 102 )

SG DU PL
1+2 ŋi 1+2+2 ŋi
1+2+3 ŋa-r 1+2+3+3 ŋa-ļa
1 ŋaya 1+3 ŋi-r 1+3+3 ŋi-ļa
2 ñaŋgi 2+2 nu-r 2+2+3 nu-ļa
This pattern has been analysed as involving an inclusive/exclusive distinc-

tion in the dual and plural and a trial encompassing 1+2+3. Under our anal-
ysis, based on that of Cysouw (2003: 233), the Mangarayi paradigm
evinces a distinction between the augmented inclusive (1+2+3) and the
exclusive (1+3) in the dual and plural and an undifferentiated (homopho-
nous) minimal inclusive (1+2/1+2+2). We have compensated for the ho-
mophony by assigning the regular 4 points to the plural but subtracting 1
point from the dual, giving a total of 7 points.
Other horizontal homophonies involving the dimension of inclusivity
such as that between the first person singular and the exclusive manifested
in the paradigm of the Subject marker in the Austronesian language Yapese
shown in (28) have been dealt with under number within the category of
first person. Since the homophony is only with half the first person forms
of the plural, we will apply a 25% rather than the regular 50% penalty for
unitary first person homophonies.
(28) Yapese (Jensen 1977: 132–142)

SG PL
1 INCL da
EXCL gu gu
2 mu mu
3 io ra
Vertical homophonies among the first person non-singular forms, 1+2, 1+3,
and 1+2+3 are directly incorporated in the scale in (26). Vertical ho-
mophonies between any of the first person non-singular forms and the
other two persons as, for example, in the Southeastern Ambrym paradigm
in (14) for the exclusive and second person forms in the plural are treated
as person homophonies within the relevant non-singular category. In this
case (2c) applies.
5. Gender
If, as is typically the case, class marking is included within gender, there is
no upper limit to the number of gender oppositions encoded in person
forms. E.g. Chalcatongo Mixtec in (20) above has a four part distinction in
masculine, feminine, animals, and supernatural referents. However, most
common is a bi-partite opposition. This may be either a sex-based one,
such as masculine vs. feminine, as in the Arawakan paradigm in (29), or
masculine vs. non-masculine, or feminine vs. non-feminine, as in the
Warekena paradigm in (30).
(29) Arawak (Pet 1987)

INDEP S/A
1SG dei da-
2SG bi- be-
3SG M lihi le-
3SG F toho the-
1PL wei wa-
2PL hi he-
3PL hun naha na-
(30) Warekena (Aikenvald 1998: 293, 323)

INDEP S/A
1SG nu-ya nu-
2SG pi-ya pi-
3SG F ayu-palu ayu-
3SG NF e-palu ∅-/i-
1PL wa-ya wa-
Or we find an animate/inanimate opposition, or a human/non-human one,

as in the Larike paradigm in (13) above.
Unlike in the case of number, which tends to be distributed uniformly

across each of the three persons, gender strongly favours the third person;
see the paradigms in (29) and (30) above. Gender in the second person is
rather uncommon outside of North Africa, where it occurs in the Semitic,
Berber, Cushitic, and Chadic languages. And gender in the first person is
quite rare cross-linguistically (cf. Siewierska 2004: 105). A paradigm
which quite exceptionally manifests gender in all three persons is given in
(31) from Ngala, a Papuan language of the Sko family.
(31) Ngala (Laycock 1965: 133)

SG DU PL
1M wn 1 äyn 1 nan
1F ñən
2M mən 2 bən 2 gwn
2F yn
3M kər 3 (kə)bər 3 rär
3F yn
The likelihood of a particular person displaying gender is captured in the

hierarchy in (32).
(32) 3 > 2 > 1
Gender is not only typical of the third person as opposed to the second and
first but also of the singular rather than the non-singular. Moreover, among
the non-singular categories it seems to favour the more restricted ones, i.e.
the dual or dual and trial as opposed to the plural, at least in the case of
sex-based gender. This is shown in (33) on the basis of the independent
person forms of the Papuan language Lavukaleve, in which there is a tri-
partite gender opposition in both the singular and dual, but no gender at all
in the plural.
(33) Lavukaleve10 (Terrill 2000: 156,159)

SG DU PL
1EXCL ngai el e
1INCL mel me
2 inu imil imi
3M fona fonala fova
3F fo fol fova
3N foga fogala fova
The preference for sex-based gender distinctions in the singular and re-
stricted number categories as opposed to the non-restricted plural may be
seen to follow from the increasing difficulty of establishing the gender of
larger groups of individuals as compared to smaller ones. Accordingly, the
distribution of gender relative to number is better viewed as favouring the
hierarchy in (34) rather than the number hierarchy in (15) given earlier in
the section on number.
(34) singular > dual/trial/paucal > plural
Since gender in other than the third person is uncommon and is also typi-
cally restricted to the singular, we have not treated the absence of gender
say in the second person as opposed to the third or the non-singular as op-
posed to the singular as involving homophony, i.e. seeing them as two
forms rather than just one. Rather in assessing the degree of elaboration of
a paradigm for gender we have focused on the person/number combina-
tions that do display a gender distinction. We have assigned gender relative
to person on the basis of the hierarchy in (32), weight 3 being assigned to
gender in the third person, 2 to gender in the second person and 1 to gender
in the first person. The presence of gender relative to number has been
weighted in accordance with the hierarchy in (34), gender in the singular
being assigned a weighting of 3, in the dual, trial, and paucal a weighting
of 2 and in the plural a weighting of 1. We then take the mean of these
weights over all relevant numbers in order to determine the global gender
weight. Thus, the maximum value for gender is 6, which corresponds to the
presence of gender in first, second, and third person in all of the number
oppositions that a language displays.
Horizontal homophonies involving gender do occur, as in the paradigm
of the Object suffixes in Dahalo in (35) where there is homophony between
the masculine forms for the second person singular and plural.
(35) Dahalo (Tosco 1991: 37)

1SG -÷i 1PL -ni
2SG M -ku 2PL M -ku
2SG F -ki 2PL F -kinná
3SG M -du 3PL -÷iñá
3SG F -di
They have been dealt with like those involving number, however with a
reduced penalty calculated relative to the person in question. So, in the
case of the second person, of 16.7% rather than of 33.3%. And analogously
with respect to vertical homophonies involving gender as in the Subject
affixes of the Cushitic language Oromo illustrated in (36).
(36) Oromo (Owens 1985: 65)

1SG -∅ 1PL -n
2SG -t 2PL -ani
3SG M -∅ 3PL -ani
3SG F -t
6. Applying the factors
In this section we will see what values emerge for the respective weights in
a large cross-section of the world’s languages. For this exercise we took
the data in our database on agreement that we have been referring to. We
selected all 447 languages currently contained in it, dropping any claim as
to the typological representativeness of the figures to be presented below.11
Table 1 gives a breakdown of the languages in the database per linguistic
area.
Table 1. Areal classification of the languages in the agreement database
continent languages
n %
Africa 89 19.91
Eurasia 89 19.91
SE.Asia 31 6.94
Australia 29 6.49
New Guinea 53 11.86
Oceania 20 4.47
N.America 56 12.53
C.America 14 3.13
S.America 66 14.77
total 447 100.0
In sections 2 through 5 we presented a calculus for determining the weights

of the respective semantic dimensions. It may be applied to any person
form in a language, both free and bound. In order to compare languages,
however, one has to decide which paradigms to select for such comparison.
Different routes may be taken here. For example, in the case of the free
person markers, one may take a specific form, such as the nominative, or
the mean weight over all different forms. For bound markers on the verb
there may be a choice between different tenses, between subject and object
agreement markers, or between verb classes. A good criterion may be to
take the paradigm in which most distinctions are made, irrespective of
whether it is present, past, et cetera. For this overview, we opted for the
following forms, provided that there is an option in a language in the first
place:
(a) for independent person forms:
– the NOM/ABS form; if not available
– the cardinal form
(b) for bound forms on the verb:
– past tense; if not available
– the realis
– from this paradigm:
the S/A form
Applying these definitions, we found the following values for the four se-
mantic dimensions in our 447 language sample. We have measured the
values for the free person forms, for the marker of the intransitive subject
(S) and for the marker of the transitive object (P). The values for the transi-
tive subject (A) were virtually always the same as the S-values. P forms do
not vary for tense or aspect. We have excluded fused forms, where no dis-
tinction can be made between the A and the P, as in example (37) from
Guaraní (Gregores and Suárez 1967: 132).
(37) po-peté pene-peté

1.2PL-hit 3.2PL-hit
‘I/we hit you’ ‘he/she/it/they hit(s) you’
For each of the four semantic dimensions, we measured the mean, the
minimum and the maximum values for those languages for which the re-
spective markers were relevant. They are given in Table 2 below. In brack-
ets we mention the number of languages to which the respective values
apply. E.g. there were 5 languages which had the value of 7.0 for the num-
ber weight of their S markers, which is the maximum for this dimension.
Table 2. Distribution of the weights for the four semantic dimensions
FreePro (n=447) S (n=350) P (n=266)

person mean 2.96 2.15 1.50
min 1.81 (1) 0.21 (1) 0.50 (2)
max 3.00 (415) 3.00 (185) 3.00 (130)
number mean 5.38 3.81 2.73
min 0.00 (23) 0.00 (38) 0.00 (35)
max 7.00 (9) 7.00 (5) 7.00 (4)
gender mean 1.16 0.67 0.58
min 0.00 (295) 0.00 (269) 0.00 (196)
max 5.50 (2) 5.50 (1) 5.50 (2)
inclusivity mean 2.82 1.75 1.23
min 0.00 (253) 0.00 (223) 0.00 (174)
max 9.00 (8) 9.00 (5) 9.00 (4)
We will not analyze these figures here in any depth. We restrict ourselves
to the following observations.
For gender and inclusivity, a large amount of languages score value
0.00, which means that the corresponding feature is not present on the cor-
responding marker. Zuni (Amerindian) scores value 0.0 on virtually all
points apart from its free pronouns. For three out of four dimensions, the
maximum possible value is reached for all three types of markers. For per-
son, maximum score 3.0, i.e. all three persons represented was observed for
a great many languages. Maximum score 7.0 for number and 9.0 for inclu-
sivity were found for only a restricted number of languages, often com-
bined. E.g. Ungarinjin (Australian) scored the maximum value for both on
its free pronouns, Tolai (Austric) for its S-marker, and Tigak (Austric) for
its P-marker. The only dimension where the maximum score (6.0) is never
reached is gender. The Khoisan language Nama from Namibia is close with
5.5.12 Finally, for all semantic dimensions it is the case that the mean
scores for the free forms are the highest, followed by the subject markers
and then the object markers. This gives us the following hierarchy for the
semantic coding on person markers (SCPM):13
(38) SCPM1: Free Pronoun > Bound S-marker > Bound P-marker
The scores for the four semantic dimensions have different ranges, which
makes the respective values rather incomparable. Therefore, we standard-
ized them to a scale between 0 (minimum) and 1.0 (maximum). This gave
us the mean values in Table 3.
Table 3. Distribution of the means for the standardized weights
FreePro (n=447) S (n=350) P (n=266)

person 0.99 0.73 0.50
number 0.77 0.54 0.39
inclusivity 0.31 0.19 0.14
gender 0.19 0.11 0.10
These figures suggest that there is another hierarchy on the semantic cod-
ing on person markers hidden in our data:
(39) SCPM2: Person > Number > Inclusivity > Gender
Note that both SCPM1 and SCPM2 apply in a cross-linguistic sense, not
necessarily for individual languages.14
Finally, we aggregated the four standardized values per language and
derived an overall score of semantic coding for person markers. This gives
us the following totals for the three markers, where 0.0 means no coding at
all and 1.0 means maximum coding on all four dimensions. In the cells we
give the percentages of the relevant languages with the respective weights,
e.g. 37.7% of the 350 languages with an S-marker have a value of 0.4 on
the scale.
There are no languages with the maximum score of 1.0 for the overall
weight. The language with the highest score for the free pronoun is Nama.
It has scores 1, 0.86, 0.92, and 0.67 for Person, Number, Gender, and In-
clusivity, respectively, and overall score 0.86. There are six languages with
a score of 0.80 for their S-markers: Fijan, Larike, Tijak, Mohawk, Oneida,
and Tolai. The first three have the maximum score for their P-markers as
well, just like Anejom. Although the aggregated scores are still the highest
for the free forms, followed by the S-forms and then the P-forms, it is strik-
ing that the mean values for the standardized scores are much closer to
each other than the means measured for the individual dimensions in Table
2, where the values for the free forms are typically double the value for the
P-forms, with the S-forms more or less halfway between them.
Table 4. Distribution of the standardized and aggregated weights.
FreePro (n=447) S (n=350) P (n=266)

.0 0.0 0.3 0.0
.1 0.0 1.7 4.1
.2 0.5 6.0 9.8
.3 4.7 12.3 19.2
.4 32.9 37.7 27.8
.5 38.1 26.9 21.8
.6 18.5 12.0 13.2
.7 2.9 1.4 2.6
.8 2.3 1.7 1.5
.9 0.2 0.0 0.0
1.0 0.0 0.0 0.0
mean 0.49 0.43 0.41
7. Concluding remarks
In this contribution we propose a calculus for the weighing of the semantic

features most commonly found on person markers. We discussed scales for
person, number, gender, and inclusivity. For each of these scales, basic
values were determined for what we think are the unmarked cases in the
languages of the world. For diversions from these basic values, we added
points in the case of extra paradigms and subtracted points for homopho-
nies which affect the presence of the semantic dimension under considera-
tion. In a brief exercise, we applied the calculus to the 447 languages in our
database on agreement. We could show that the marking for free forms is
generally heavier than for bound S forms, and for the latter heavier than for
bound P forms in terms of our calculus. In the same vein, there is heavier
coding for person than for number, for number than for inclusivity, and for
inclusivity than gender on each of these markers cross-linguistically. The
differences do not, however, indicate that there are absolute or even statis-
tical universals at hand.
A further point is that in our calculus, we did not make any provision
for the amount of difference between forms in a paradigm. Each two forms
are different unless there is complete homophony. It could be argued that a
more refined measure is called for, which would distinguish between, e.g.
differences in a regular paradigm – the same stem but different affixes –

and cases of suppletion. The latter should then be assigned extra points by
virtue of their greater differentiation capacity. Another approach would be
weighing the differences in phonological terms, as in McMahon and
McMahon (2003).
A last and rather important issue, only very briefly touched upon above,
is the status of our weightings. On the one hand they may be interpreted
statically, as an indication of the amount of information the three types of
person markers provide with respect to the intended referent. However, we
assume that this is a minor function at best, and mainly a remainder of their
typical nominal origin. Rather, we would like to interpret the values dy-
namically, i.e. as a reference tracking device, helping the hearer to identify
the relevant discourse referents. In that sense, the respective (accumulated)
weights could be a measure for the ease of processing. It remains to be
seen in what shape and form this is best done. One of the many considera-
tions would be whether an absolute scale should be taken, with the typo-
logically maximum values as a point of departure, as in Table 2, a stan-
dardized version, as in Table 3, or whether the values should be weighted
only within the closed system of the respective languages themselves. This
should then be set off against other reference tracking devices of the lan-
guage concerned as well as empirical evidence from psycholinguistic ex-
periments. We will leave such explorations for a revised version of this
proposal.
Notes
1. The authors are grateful to one of the editors for remarks that led to clarifica-
tion and improvement of a number of issues raised. Several other points not
discussed here we hope will be taken up in some future extension of the pro-
posals made in this contribution.
2. In this paper we will use the terms person form and person marker in prefer-
ence to pronoun as what constitutes a pronoun is very much theory dependent.
3. This rather narrow view of grammaticalization which focuses on individual
items due to Meillet (1912) has more recently been superceded by an approach
which includes also the development of and changes within constructions. See
in particular Dahl (2001), Haspelmath (1998), Croft (2000).
4. The label 4th person is applied to several quite different kinds of categories: a
combination of the speaker and addressee, the first person plural (in the
French tradition), the obviative as opposed to proximate (in Algonquian stud-

ies), logophoric forms.
5. This hierarchy has been argued to be applicable to the vast majority of the
world’s languages (cf. Siewierska 2004). A case has been made for a 2 > 1 > 3
hierarchy in some language families, in particular Algonquian. However,
Macaulay (2005) has shown for the latter group that it is a local hierarchy at
best, i.e. that it is valid for a restricted number of paradigms in these languages,
and certainly not a global one.
6. Note that a form for 1-INCL in the singular is logically absent. Corbett (2000:
21–38) cautions that most trials are in fact paucals and therefore some para-
digms traditionally interpreted as having both a trial and paucal or in the case
of Sursurunga, a trial and a quadral are better interpreted as displaying a
greater and lesser paucal.
7. This terminology reflects the traditional layout of person paradigms where the
dimension of person is vertical and that of number horizontal, as for example
in the paradigm in (13) from Larike.
8. The typology of the first person complex in (19) is a slight modification of the
typology developed by Cysouw (2003).
9. Paradigms with a minimal inclusive pattern are typically treated as manifesting
a dual confined to the first person. We, however, recognise the existence of a
dual only if it is used in all person categories.
10. In Lavukaleve four degrees of distance are distinguished in the third person
forms. Only the proximal forms are given here.
11. The sample contained in the database contains a subsample of around 250
languages which is representative in terms of the sampling technique described
in Rijkhof and Bakker (1998).
12. The related language !Ora, which is not in the sample would score 6 for gen-
der.
13. Similar conclusions were drawn in Siewierska and Bakker (2006).
14. In fact, SCPM1 and SCPM2 hold for only between 66% and 69% of the lan-
guages, which does not allow them to be interpreted as universals, maybe not
even as tendencies.
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Spatial reciprocity: between grammar and lexis
Ekkehard König and Claire Moyse-Faurie
1. Introduction1
Among the numerous strategies identified in recent typological studies

(König and Kokutani 2006; Evans 2008; Nedjalkov 2007) as well as stud-
ies of individual languages for the encoding of reciprocity the one exempli-
fied by examples like the following has largely gone unnoticed.
(1) French
Ils ont lutté corps à corps.
‘They fought man against man.’
(2) Italian
Hanno lavorato spalla a spalla per diversi anni.
‘They have worked shoulder to shoulder for several years.’
(3) English
We were out together dancing cheek to cheek.
(4) German
Und am Schluss des Dramas sitzen die beiden feindlichen Frauen
Rücken an Rücken an zwei Tischen beim Frühstück…
‘And at the end of the play the two hostile women are sitting back
to back at two tables, having breakfast…’
The strategy in question obviously straddles the line between lexis and
grammar. Reduced to its syntactic properties, it is an instance of the pattern
NPN. If we look at the lexical fillers of these categories we note that the
same noun is used twice. The noun typically denotes a body part2 and the
overall meaning is basically one of spatial reciprocity, which may assume
various metaphorical extensions of meaning.
As pointed out in some recent work by Jackendoff (2007), the construc-
tion under description is one subfamily of a more general construction
NPN, which also includes all of the following non-reciprocal cases:
58 Ekkehard König and Claire Moyse-Faurie
(5) English
a. Student upon student came into my room.
b. We went through the garden inch by inch.
c. Page for page, this is the best book I have ever bought.
d. We endured the cold day after day.
Over and above describing the complex mixture between the idiomaticity
and productivity of the NPN construction, Jackendoff pursues the more
general goal of showing that this construction can only be accounted for in
a theory of grammar that takes the periphery of language as seriously as the
core and recognizes constructions as theoretical entities. Our goal is a dif-
ferent and more limited one. We will only consider the reciprocal subfam-
ily of the NPN construction, examining both formal and semantic proper-
ties of its various instantiations. We will make some observations about its
occurrence in the languages of the world and especially discuss its implica-
tions for a general typology of reciprocity.
2. A descriptive survey
2.1. Formal properties
Reciprocal NPN constructions are wide-spread among the languages of

Europe. As soon as we go beyond Europe and Standard Average European
(SAE), our categorial label NPN has to be replaced by the more general
one NRN, where R stands for ‘relational element’ or ‘relator’ and is also
meant to subsume postpositions, verbs, case affixes, adverbs and posses-
sive elements. Given that we may have two relators preceding or following
the relevant nouns we even need a more general cover term such as
(R)NRN or its mirror image NRN(R). Instantiations of this more general
pattern are also found in European languages, as will be shown below. In
Mandarin Chinese, where the distinction between verbs and prepositions
cannot clearly be drawn anyway (cf. Chao 1968: 749), the relevant pattern
is best described as NVN (6) and in Finnish the spatial relationship is ex-
pressed by case affixes (cf. note 2).
(6) Mandarin
a. shŏu tuī shŏu liànxí shi tàijíquán de yíxiàng
hand push hand practice be taiji POSS one.CL
Spatial reciprocity 59
jĭběn gōng.
basic skill
‘One basic skill of taiji is to push back the hand of your oppo-
nent.’
b. liăng ge rén bèi kào bèi zhàn zhe.
two CL person back lean back stand PROG
‘The two are standing back to back.’3
The languages we have identified so far as lacking this construction in-

clude Amerindian languages, which have very few nouns anyway, or Oce-
anic languages where reciprocal suffixes or circumfixes can not only com-
bine with verbs but also with nouns.4 In East Futunan, the derived form can
be used either as verb (7a) or as adverb (7b), and generally has an idio-
matic interpretation.
(7) East Futunan (Polynesian)

a. e fe-gutu-'aki le sā ta'ineliki. (gutu ‘mouth’)
TAM PREF-mouth-SUF ART CL girl
‘The two girls are bad-mouthing each other.’
b. e momoe fe-’ulu-’aki a toe. (‘ulu ‘head’)
TAM RED.sleep PREF-head-SUF ABS child
‘The children are sleeping head to head.’
or ‘The children are sharing one pillow.’
Among the formal properties of the construction NRN the following are
particularly noteworthy:
2.1.1. The categorical pattern
As already mentioned, two identical nouns are typically combined with a

preposition, but we also find verbs, see (6), two prepositions (German von
Angesicht zu Angesicht ‘face to face’) and two adverbs instead of preposi-
tions (8). Note that there are two adverbs but only one noun in (8b) and
even that may be omitted:
(8) French
a. Ils sont partis bras dessus bras dessous.
‘They left arm in arm.’
b. Il a mis son pull (sens) devant derrière.

‘He put on his sweater back to front.
In languages with systems of case marking the second noun is marked

with the case usually governed by the preposition, while the head noun
may get its case on the basis of its syntactic function (Russian spina k
spin’e ‘back to back’; licom k licu ‘face to face’).5 Even though the two
nouns are typically tokens of the same noun, we may also find different
nouns, see (10), or a number specifying the cardinality of the relevant body
parts:
(9) German
Wir werden das unter vier Augen besprechen.
we will that among four eyes discuss
‘We will discuss this face to face.
(10) a. English
The two horses were standing head to tail.
b. French
Il était couvert de plumes des pieds à la tête.
‘He was covered with feathers from his head to his feet.’
If the two nouns differ in these constructions they have to be in a rela-

tionship of oppositions, i.e. converse or antipodal terms as is shown in
(10a-b). Articles are rarely found in such constructions. There are some
rare cases in French, such as (la) main dans la main ‘hand in hand’. Note
that it is invariably the first of two articles that can be omitted in such
cases. Modifiers other than articles are possible, however, as long as the
interpretation is a literal one.
(11) a. French
Ils se sont fait des confidences, (les) yeux dans les yeux.
‘Looking into each others’eyes, they were sharing secrets.’
b. English
I see us running down the street, my little hand in yours.
2.1.2. Syntactic functions
The relevant expressions are typically used as adverbials (12a), but may
also be used as arguments (12b-c) and attributive modifiers (13).
(12) French
a. Des milliers d’étudiants ont manifesté au coude à coude con-
tre le CPE.
‘Thousands of students demonstrated together against the
CPE.’
b. Le coude à coude attendu entre les deux grands favoris de la
compétition n’a pas vraiment eu lieu.
‘The big confrontation between the two great favourites did
not really take place.’
c. Je déteste chaque face à face avec mon chef.
‘I hate each confrontation with my boss.’
(13) English
These talks may develop into a face-to-face dialogue.
The adverbial use may further develop into a preposition. French

vis-à-vis (de) ‘opposite, concerning’, for example, derives from Old French
visage > vis ‘face’ and can be used as noun, adverb, or preposition in Mod-
ern French:
(14) French
a. Je n'ai pas de vis-à-vis.
‘I don’t have neighbours (on the other side of the street).’
b. Nous étions placés vis-à-vis de Lionel Jospin.’
‘We were seated opposite Lionel Jospin.’
c. Les Français sont devenus méfiants vis-à-vis de la politique.
‘The French have become suspicious with regard to politics.’
2.1.3. Singular subjects
The complex reciprocal NPs do not require dual or plural subjects but may
also occur with symmetric predicates (meet, with, etc.) as so-called “dis-
continuous reciprocals” (Dimitriadis 2008). Alternatively, we may say that
NRN constructions may form new symmetric predicates in combination

with the symmetric preposition with (15). Such discontinuous reciprocals
are the only possible option whenever the two reciprocants are not of the
same type, as in (16).
(15) French
J’ai envie de dîner en tête à tête avec Madonna.
‘I would like to dine alone with Madonna.’
(16) English
I was, however, face to face with difficulty.
2.1.4. Productivity
Like other subfamilies of the NRN construction the reciprocal subcases

also differ in their productivity, which mainly depends on the preposition.
With some prepositions (German an, French contre, English to, etc.) we
find very high productivity, in other cases there are just a few fixed expres-
sions (English neck and neck, Russian bok o bok ‘side by side’). As far as
the nouns are concerned, expressions for certain body parts are well-
established in specific languages and may manifest several literal and
idiomatic interpretations and there are standard collocations between nouns
and prepositions (cheek to cheek, hand in hand, etc.). On the other hand,
there is also room for creative extensions for these established patterns as
in the following attested German example:
(17) German
In der Rangliste der Fettleibigkeit liegen Briten und deutsche
Bauch an Bauch auf dem zweiten Rang hinter den Amerikanern.
(Die ZEIT, 52/2004)
‘In the ranking of obesity the British and the Germans are placed
belly to belly in second position after the Americans.’
Moreover, the choice of preposition is not completely determined by the

choice of body part:
(18) French
a. Ils se sont promenés (la) main dans la main.
‘They were walking hand in hand.’
b. La boîte de chocolat est passée de main en main.
‘The box of chocolates passed from one person to the other.’
2.1.5. Noun classes
As already pointed out the noun in the NRN constructions with reciprocal
meanings typically denotes a body part or complete persons (d’homme à
homme ‘entre nous’), but we also find parts of buildings and other expres-
sions that may specify locations (side by side, German Tür an Tür ‘living
next door to each other’; French pare-chocs contre pare-chocs ‘bumper to
bumper’). In English the most frequently used expressions for body parts in
NRN constructions are face, eye, arm, hand, back, head, cheek; in German
Arm, Hand, Auge, Schulter, Rücken, Kopf, Wange, Angesicht, Stirn are
particularly frequent. Locations and paths are specified by distinct (con-
verse or antipodal) nouns in the following cases.
(19) French
a. J’ai fait un aller-retour entre Marseille et Paris.
‘I made a round trip between Marseille and Paris.’
b. J’ai examiné la maison de haut en bas.
‘I examined the house from top to bottom.’
2.2. Semantic properties
The typical use of the reciprocal NRN construction is to express perfect

symmetric location with various metaphorical extensions.
(20) French
Cézanne et Picasso sont exposés côte à côte au musée d’Orsay.
‘C. and P. are shown side by side at the Orsay Museum.’
(21) French
Le face à face entre la Juventus et le Milan AC s’est terminé dos à
dos pour les deux équipes.
‘The match between Juventus and Milan ended with a draw.’
In addition to these core cases we also find most of the other interpreta-
tions identified for the English reciprocal marker each other in Dalrymple
et al. (1998). Parallel to the English example like (22) we find the French
examples (23)-(25) with reciprocal NRN constructions:
(22) English
a. The actors followed each other on to the stage.
b. Lyte looked around at us, slowly passing from face to face.
(23) French
Les porcs ont été contaminés par contact nez à nez.
‘The pigs were infected through nose-to-nose contact.’
(24) La nouvelle s’est répandue de bouche à oreille.

‘The news spread from mouth to ear.’
(25) De fil en aiguille, il a fini par tout nous raconter.

‘Step by step [lit. from thread to needle] he told us everything in the
end.’
Moreover there are cases with a pairwise reciprocal interpretation

analogous to ‘The people at this party were married to each other’:
(26) Ils ont combattu corps à corps.

‘They were fighting man against man.’
And there are cases which require a dual interpretation for the set of re-
ciprocants:
(27) Ce fut le premier tête à tête entre Serbes et Albanais du Kosovo.

‘This was the first direct contact between Serbs and Albanians
from Kosovo.’
Finally, we also find the typical ambiguities characteristic of reciprocal

markers across languages, i.e. with iterative, with chaining and with socia-
tive interpretations. Iterative interpretations are found in (20)-(23) and
sociative-reciprocal ambiguities can be found in (8a), (12a), (15) and in the
following example:
(28) English
But social success and true love do not go hand in hand.
3. Implications for a general typology of reciprocity
After this descriptive survey we are now in a position to examine the prop-
erties of reciprocal NRN constructions in the light of what we know about
other strategies for encoding reciprocity found across languages and to
assess the implications of these constructions for a comprehensive typol-
ogy of reciprocity.
Reciprocal NRN constructions are half lexical, half grammatical strate-
gies of encoding symmetric spatial relations. They are wide-spread, at least
in the languages of Europe and manifest nearly identical properties in these
languages, apart from some idiosyncratic properties found in individual
languages and individual cases. Two tokens of the same noun are com-
bined with a relator, typically a preposition. Alternatively, we may find
two prepositions before the two noun phrases (cf. (22)) or two adverbs
following them (cf. (8a)). The nouns typically denote body parts. As far as
their syntactic functions are concerned, they typically occur in adjunct
positions but their uses in argument positions or as attributive modifiers are
also possible.
As far as their formal properties are concerned, they are strikingly simi-
lar to three other strategies of encoding reciprocity, viz. to verbal redupli-
cation, to the so-called quantificational strategy exemplified by French l’un
avec l’autre and to the reduplication of adverbs or prepositions found for
local chaining in Bantu and Dravidian languages.
Verbal reduplication as a strategy for marking reciprocity is attested in
Austronesian as well as in Creole languages. The following example is a
case in point:
(29) Tok Pisin

Tupela i pait-im-pait-im.
3.DU PRED hit-TR-hit-TR
‘They two were hitting each other.’
In reciprocal NRN constructions it is not the V but the N that is redupli-

cated as it were, the relator specifying the local position of the reciprocants
involved.
The other strategy which reciprocal NRN structures resemble is one of

the most frequent strategies found across languages, the quantificational
strategy exemplified by such expressions as l’un avec l’autre in French or
l’uno a l’altro in Italian. We have specifically selected examples with an
intervening preposition because the parallelism is most striking in these
cases6, not least because the relevant expressions in Romance languages do
not manifest various stages of fusion found in Germanic (einander, elkaar,
each other). Quantificational markers of reciprocity are specifically moti-
vated for this function, since they can be analyzed as expressing assign-
ment functions for the variables over the set of the reciprocants. Expres-
sions like l’un avec l’autre indicate that the semantic representation of the
relevant sentences contains two variables to which different values must be
assigned for each assignment of values. The disjoint character of the vari-
ables and the possible assignment of values is clearest signaled by such
alterity expressions as other, l’autre, etc. In reciprocal NRN constructions
the repetition of the same noun again indicates that disjoint referents are
involved, which are characterized as two tokens of the same kind. The
intervening preposition specifies the relevant local relation between two or
more referents specified in terms of two tokens of the same type of body
part:
(30) French
a. Ils comptent l’un sur l’autre.
‘They count on each other.’
b. Ils ont manifesté coude à coude.
‘They demonstrated side by side.’
Finally, the NRN construction manifests some striking similarity of

constructions used in Shona and in Kannada to encode spatial reciprocity
of more than two entities, as in such examples as ‘The five men are sitting
next to each other.’
(31) Shona (Bantu)

Va-rume va-shanu va-gere pedyo ne-pedyo.
CL2-man CL2-five CL2-sit next with-next
‘The five men are sitting next to each other.’
As far as their meaning is concerned, reciprocal NRN constructions

manifest both the various weak and strong readings pointed out in the rele-
vant literature and the ambiguities (sociative, iterative, etc.) typical of re-
ciprocal markers in the languages of the world. Given that reciprocal mark-
ers often also have a reflexive reading (Maslova and Nedjalkov 2005;
Heine and Mayashita 2008), it would also be very interesting to find an
NRN construction with a reflexive reading. The following examples are the
best instances of such a case that we have been able to find:
(32) French
a. Me voilà nez-à-nez avec moi-même.
‘Here I am, facing myself.’
b. Vis-à-vis de moi-même, j’ai beaucoup d’indulgence.
‘Concerning myself, I am very indulgent.’
Notes
1. We would like to thank the editors of this volume for commenting on an ear-
lier version of this paper and for suggesting various improvements. We are
also indebted to Wang Lin (Mandarin), S. Naïm (Arabic), A. Takasi (East Fu-
tunan) for providing us with the relevant examples of their languages and to
Carola Emkow for sharing her data on Shona with us.
2. The body parts which seem to occur most frequently in NRN constructions
across languages are ‘face’, ‘side’ and ‘back’. In Classical Arabic, we find
only a few examples of NRN constructions such as dhahr li dhahr ‘back to
back’; there are also very few cases in Sanaa (Yemen), shigg shigg ‘side by
side’, or in Oriental Arabic, ’iid b ’iid ‘from hand to hand’ (Samia Naïm, p.c.).
3. In English analogous (absolute) constructions are only possible with plural
NPs and a few verbs: He felt my gaze and turned his head, our eyes interlock-
ing.
4. With the exception of examples from the Bible, which are practically word-to-
word translations from the original:
ko le mata ki le mata, nifo ki le nifo
TOP ART eye PREP ART eye tooth PREP ART tooth
‘an eye for an eye, a tooth for a tooth’
5. In languages with local case like Finnish we find case marking rather than
prepositions in the relevant constructions: Käsi kädessä (hand hand.INESSIVE)
‘hand in hand’, kasvoista kasvoihin (face.PL.ELATIVE face.PL.ILLATIVE) ‘face
to face’.
6. The prepositions that appear in the NRN constructions are exactly those used
in the quantificational strategy of encoding reciprocity: French l’un contre
l’autre, l’un pour l’autre, l’un sur l’autre, l’un dans l’autre, de l’un à l’autre,
etc.
References
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and Philosophy 21 (2): 159–210.
Dimitriadis, Alexis
2008 Irreducible symmetry in reciprocal constructions. In Reciprocity and
Reflexivity: Cross-linguistic Explorations, Ekkehard König and
Volker Gast (eds.), 375–410. Berlin/New York: Mouton de Gruyter.
Evans, Nicholas
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and Volker Gast (eds.), 33–104. Berlin/New York: Mouton de
Gruyter.
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König, Ekkehard, and Shigehiro Kokutani
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and Japanese. Linguistics 44 (2): 271–302.
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Amsterdam: Benjamins, 5 vols.
A chapter in marginal possession: on being six(ty)
in Europe (and beyond)
Christel Stolz and Thomas Stolz
1. Exploring the periphery
In research on possession1, linguists have a leaning towards working with a

certain prototypical constellation according to which the possessor should
be (definite and) human whereas the possessum is an indefinite concrete
inanimate entity (Heine 1997: 5). All semantic variations on the two nu-
clear components of the possessive situation (and construction) are con-
ceived of as increasingly peripheral derivations of the prototype. Unsur-
prisingly, much of what we know about possession in general is
extrapolated from our analyses of prototypical patterns and the relations
associated with them2. The prototype and its immediate neighbours on the
semantic map are in focus of many crosslinguistic studies because the au-
thors aim at formulating generalizations and perhaps even at putting for-
ward full-blown universals. The further away we get from the prototype,
the less probable it becomes that our hypotheses will cover a large number
of languages.
However, Manzelli, Ramat, and Roma (2002) demonstrate that it makes
sense (areo-)typologically to look more closely also at what they term mar-
ginal possession i.e. at categories that happen to be located at a consider-
able distance from the prototype on the periphery of the functional dimen-
sion. Our Italian colleagues investigate the role of physico-mental states or
feelings as possessa and compare them to expressions of prototypical pos-
session and equivalents of English to be right (not only but) especially in
the languages of the Mediterranean basin. The authors show that the bulk
of the Romance languages together with Albanian and Maltese – two heav-
ily Romancised languages – employ the same predicative construction for
all of the three possible contexts and thus treat marginal possession and
prototypical possession alike whereas other languages of their sample de-
viate from this pattern. In this contribution, we take up the issue of mar-
ginal possession in the languages of Europe by way of checking whether or
not telling one’s age is expressed by possessive constructions and whether
or not the solutions for which the languages opt yield an areally significant
70 Christel Stolz and Thomas Stolz
distribution3. We also ask the question to what extent the choice of posses-
sive-based or other strategies is structurally determined in the languages of
our sample. For practical reasons, we only look at predicative possessive
constructions.
Our data-base consists mainly of the original and the translation of An-
toine de Saint-Exupéry’s Le Petit Prince. We draw examples for 64 Euro-
pean4 languages of all phyla from this source (with the occasional adden-
dum from other descriptive materials to fill in some gaps). This
“Eurocentric” part of our article is complemented by a section dedicated to
similar phenomena attested in non-European languages. A word of caution
is in order: we consider languages all those varieties into which the sample
text has been translated including regional and dialectal varieties. We do
not aim at conducting a parallel-corpus study, nor are we interested in the
quantitative side of our topic. What we want to determine is which of the
languages have a wide domain of prototypical possessive constructions and
which ones have a narrower domain.
2. At the margins of possession
In a language like German, there are hardly any restrictions as to the onto-
logical classes to which the referents of the possessa in the HAVE-
construction belong. The Duden dictionary (2001: 694–5) has two columns
dedicated to the usages to which the verb haben ‘to have’ is put in contem-
porary German. The various classes of possessa come in this order: (a)
ownership of concrete objects (ein Auto haben ‘to have a car’), (b) kin and
social relations (Kinder haben ‘to have children’), (c) abstract concepts at
one’s disposal (Zeit haben ‘to have time on one’s hands’), (d) bodily prop-
erties (lange Beine haben ‘to have long legs/to be longlegged’), (e) phys-
ico-mental properties (permanent) (gute Manieren haben ‘to have good
manners’), (f) physico-mental states (temporary) (Durst haben ‘to be
thirsty’), (g) illnesses (Fieber haben ‘to have a fever’), (h) abstract con-
cepts outside of one’s control (das Recht haben ‘to have the right to’), (i)
states-of-affair (Urlaub haben ‘to be on a holiday’), (j) physical possession
(kann ich mal das Handtuch haben? ‘may I have the towel?’), etc. This list
is incomplete as there are many more possibilities to employ haben some
of which however, lie outside the proper domain of possession. If we dis-
regard some details, the range of uses of German haben and the one of
English to have largely coincide (cf. Webster’s [1994: 650]). The sole “ma-
A chapter in marginal possession 71
jor” difference is class (f): at least some temporary physico-mental states

like Hunger haben ‘to be hungry’, Angst haben ‘to be afraid’, Sorgen ha-
ben ‘to be worried’ are treated differently in the two languages. Where
German employs the usual haben English goes for predicative adjectives.
Thus, the functional domains of predicative possessive constructions of
German and English overlap considerably. They diverge from one another
only on the outskirts of the possessive domain i.e. in an area which is far
removed from the prototype. Physico-mental states – be they temporary or
permanent – are atypical possessa as they are neither concrete nor under
the control of the possessor.
If we extend the comparison to include a Romance language like say,
French, the picture is very similar to the above – at least superficially. On
closer inspection, we learn from Robert (1979: 145–6) that French sides
with German as to the use of the HAVE-verb avoir ‘to have’ for class (f) of
the above list (avoir soif ‘to be thirsty’, avoir faim ‘to be hungry’, avoir
peur ‘to be afraid’, avoir des soucis ‘to be worried’). This is nicely in line
with the areal bonds between these two languages as major representatives
of the Charlemagne Sprachbund (van der Auwera 1998). However, French
also includes something in the domain of avoir which is impossible for
German haben and English to have, namely telling one’s age.
The very first sentence of the narrative text in the original of Le Petit
Prince contains a temporal clause which is reproduced in (1).
(1) French [LPP French I, 1]

Lorsque j'avais six ans
when I-have:IMPF(.1SG) six year(.PL)
‘When I was six years old…’
The age (six ans ‘six years’) is treated as the direct object of the transitive
verb avoir ‘to have’ like any other possessum. We could replace the NP six
ans with NPs such as une voiture ‘a car’, deux amis ‘two friends’, peur
‘fear’, etc. The German and the English translation of the French original
do not make use of haben and to have, respectively, cf. (2)-(3).
(2) German [LPP German I, 1]

Als ich sechs Jahre alt war
when I six year:PL old be:PRT.1SG
‘When I was six years old…’
(3) English [LPP English I, 1]

when I was six years old.
The two Germanic languages opt for predicating age as a property in a

copula-construction involving their BE-verbs and thus do not treat one’s
age as a possessum. This is in line with Lehmann’s (1998: 4) idea that (not
only) possessive relations are ordered according to the empathy hierarchy
and the further below on this scale a potential possessum is located, the
less probable it becomes that it is treated formally on a par with those cate-
gories which rank higher on the scale. One’s age is ontologically not a
tangible concrete object and thus comes last in line as it does not constitute
a proper entity (= one of the two lowest-ranking concepts on Lehmann’s
[1998: 7–8] hierarchy). Heine (1997: 40) paints a radially organised dia-
gram for the purpose of characterising the possessive prototype. On this
diagram, abstract possession is located in the outermost circle i.e. at a dis-
tance from the prototype. In Heine’s (1997: 34–5) terminology, abstract
possession refers to a possessive situation in which at least one of the two
participants is an abstract concept. This applies to one’s age, of course.
On the other hand, one’s age is certainly something that belongs to “the
personal sphere of ego” (Lehmann 1998: 6). Independent of the variability
of one’s age over time, a person always “has an age” to tell, meaning: be-
ing X years old is a permanent property of a living human being whereas
the exact amount of years is subject to increase during one’s life-span. In
this way, one’s age can be compared to one’s name, character, memory,
etc. – all of which are potential possessa which may change over time.
Some of these would count among Heine’s (1997: 10) category of “indi-
vidual concepts” prone to be treated as inalienable crosslinguistically for
which, however, no common semantic ground has been proposed. Perhaps,
it is this ambiguous character of one’s age (with temporary and permanent
aspects) that contributes to its divergent treatment in crosslinguistic per-
spective: some languages categorise one’s age as an individual concept
which belongs to the personal sphere of ego and thus as a prime candidate
to function as a possessum in prototypical possessive constructions
whereas other languages make the most of the abstract nature and thus
deny one’s age the right of being a possessum at all.
In the subsequent section, we look at the behaviour of our European
sample languages. Which of the above solutions yields the larger class –
telling one’s age by employing a possessive construction or by making use
of something else? Is there a genetic, areal or typological reason for the

languages to opt for one or the other of the solutions?
3. The data
3.1. European evidence
The 64 languages of our sample are divided into two major types and a
minor “type”. There is a sizable group of languages whose expressions of
telling one’s age resemble the French model structurally because the ex-
pressions are based on the prototype of HAVE-construction. We baptize
these languages “possessive languages”. The great competitor is the type of
languages which employ copula constructions similar to the ones reported
for German and English. One’s age is a predicate noun or adjective. The
languages of this type go by the name of “property languages”. There is a
third group of languages which is smaller in size but nevertheless very
interesting from the point of view of areal linguistics. In these languages,
constructions are employed for the purpose of telling one’s age which nei-
ther qualify as properly possessive nor copular in the sense of predicating a
property. For this type, we suggest the label “neither-nor languages” (cf.
section 3.2 for an elaboration on this type).
Before we look more closely at the characteristics of each of the above
groups, we present our data ordered according to construction type and
genetic affiliation. The examples in (4)-(6) are all extracted from the first
sentence in our sample text i.e. from the translation thereof. We thus need
not indicate the sources separately. Proper HAVE-verbs are highlighted. For
reasons of space, we do not transmorphemise these examples. Only where
we expect readers to have difficulties in parsing the examples do we add
information as to the structures involved in the endnotes.
(4) possessive-languages
a. Romance
Aragonese Cuan yo teneba seis añadas
Badiota Canche i â sis agn
Catalan Quan tenia sis anys
French Lorsque j'avais six ans
Galego Cando eu tiña seis anos
Gascon Tanben qu’ avèvi sheis ans
Gherdeina canche ove sies ani

Italian quando avevo sei anni
Languedocien Un còp, qu’aviái sièis ans
Moldavian Pe cînd aveam şase ani
Portuguese Uma vez, tinha eu seis anos
Provençal Quand avièu siéis an
Rumanian cînd aveam eu şase ani
Rumantsch Grischun Cur ache jau aveva sis onns
Sardinian Cando aio ses annos
Spanish Cuando yo tenía seis años
b. Slavic5
Belarusian mne bylo šesc’ gadoŭ
Macedonian koga imav šest godini
Polish Kiedy miałem sześć lat
Russian Kogda mne bylo šest’ let
Slovak Keď som mal šest’ rokov
Ukrainian Koli meni bylo šist’ rokiv
c. Other Indo-European
Latvian Kad man bija seši gadi
d. Non-Indo-European
Azeri altı yaşım olanda6
Basque Sei urte nituen artean7
Maltese meta kelli sitt snin
(5) property-languages
a. Germanic
Alsatian Sechs Johr bin i àlt gse
Danish Da jeg var seks år
Dutch Toen ik een jaar of zes was
English When I was six years old
Faroese Tá ið eg var seks ára gamal
Frisian Doe't ik in jier as seis wie
German Als ich sechs Jahre alt war
Icelandic Þegar ég var sex ára
Limburgian Wie ich zès jaor waas
Luxemburgian Wéi ech sechs Joer al war
Norwegian Da jeg var seks år
Swedish När jag var sex år
Yiddish Ven ikh bin geven zeks yor alt
b. Slavic
Bulgarian Kogato bjax na šest godini
c. Other Indo-European
Albanian Kur isha gjashtë vjeç
Armenian Erb es vec’ tarekan ēi
Breton Pa oan c’hwec’h vloaz
Greek Otan émoun eksaxronos
Irish Nuair a bhí mé sé bliana d'aois
Kurdish Gava ez šeš salî bûm
Lovari Kana shove bershengo somas
Welsh pan oeddwn i’n chwech oed
d. Non-Indo-European
Estonian Kui ma olin kuue aastane
Finnish Ollessani kuusivuotias8
Georgian ekvsi c’lisa rom viq’avi9
Saami Go mun ledjen guđajahkašas
Turkish altı yaşındayken10
(6) Neither-nor languages

a. Slavic
Croatian kad mi je bilo šest godina
Czech Když mi bylo šest let
Serbian kad mi je bilo šest godina
Slovenian Ko mi je bilo šest let
b. Other Indo-European
Lithuanian Kai man buvo šešeri metai
The above inventory is incomplete because several of our sample lan-

guages do not offer translations which fit our purpose. Several languages
give preference to nominal adverbials such as Hungarian Hatéves korom-
ban lit. ‘in my six-year age’, Corsican À l’età di sei anni ‘at the age of six’,
Vallader Cun ses ons ‘with six years’, etc. Some Romance languages of the
Alpine regions employ verbs meaning ‘to live’ in this sentence (for in-
stance Sursilvan Cura ch'jeu vevel sis onns lit. ‘when I lived six years’).
Therefore, it is necessary to complement the examples in (4)-(6) with other
data also taken from the Le Petit Prince. We fill the gaps in our list with
the translations of sentence [LPP French IV.24] Quel âge a-t-il? ‘How old
is he?’. We only take those languages into account whose data are not con-
clusive in the case of sentence [LPP French I.1] above.
(7) Additions
a. possessive languages
Asturian Cuántos años tien?
Corsican Quantu hà?
Friulan Tros agn àjal?
Vallader Quants ons ha’l?
b. property languages
Sursilvan Cun vegls eis el?
Hungarian Hány éves?11
All additional members of the possessive type belong to the Romance phy-
lum whereas the two property languages are genetically diverse: Sursilvan
is the only Romance language which employs a property-construction and
Hungarian joins the majority of our non-Indo-European languages which
opt for the property-construction. The exact distribution of types over
phyla is shown in Table 1.
Table 1. Distribution of types over phyla
phylum possessive property neither-nor sum

Romance 20 1 0 21
Germanic 0 13 0 13
Slavic 6 1 4 11
other IE 1 8 1 10
non-IE 3 6 0 9
sum 30 29 5 64
With 47% and 45%, respectively, possessive and property languages have
almost the same statistical weight in Table 1 whereas the third type is a
minority solution by all means as it accounts for slightly more than 7% of
the sample languages. The statistical parity of the two major types goes
along with a genetically-based divide: Romance languages are character-
ised by a next to exceptionless leaning towards the possessive type. Of the
21 Romance languages, Vallader is unique as it takes the property-
construction (which fits in with other aspects of Germanisation of this
Rhaeto-Romance variety!). For the Germanic phylum, the reverse holds
because all 13 members of this phylum are property-languages. Thus, it can
be expected of a Romance language to employ a possessive construction
for the purpose of telling one’s age. For Germanic languages, it can be
predicted that they take the property-construction.
More interesting than this differential behaviour of the two large phyla
is the distribution of types over the other phyla/genetic groupings. The
Slavic phylum is divided in such a way that it is represented in each of the
three types: In the property-type, Slavic languages are rare (with one single
representative, namely Bulgarian), they are more numerous in the compet-
ing possessive-type (six languages out of eleven) – on top of that, they
form the largest group within the third type. Four out of five languages
representing the neither-nor type belong to the Slavic phylum. The fifth
member of this class is Lithuanian i.e. a language from the European east
and a neighbour of the Slavic languages represented in this class. Accord-
ing to our classification, Lithuanian is one language of the heterogeneous
class of “other Indo-European languages”. However, Lithuanian diverges
from the bulk of these languages which are property languages. Note that
the other singularity in this group is Latvian, Lithuanian’s closest relative,
which deviates from both its Baltic sister and the remainder of the class as
Latvian is a possessive language. Non-Indo-European languages distribute
over the two major types in the following way: one third are possessive
languages and two thirds belong to the property type. This makes the prop-
erty type the only solution that is genetically unrestricted (albeit disfa-
voured by some of the groups). The possessive type does not include any
Germanic language and the neither-nor type is largely a Slavic affair (=
80% of the languages classified as neither-nor). In the property type, Ger-
manic languages account for 45% of the languages. In the possessive type,
however, the Romance phylum covers 67%. This means that the possessive
type is clearly genetically biased towards Romance and less so towards
Slavic. It is a relatively exceptional feature of languages belonging to other
phyla. However, especially East-European languages have characteristics
which impel us to dwell a little on a well-known fact.
3.2. The neither-nor type
Romance languages and Germanic languages normally have proper HAVE-

verbs which they employ in predicative possessive constructions. This is
not the case for a variety of other languages such as Celtic, various non-
Indo-European languages (except Basque and Georgian), Latvian and East
Slavic. In Latvian and Russian, for instance, predicative possession re-
quires a construction in which the possessor is case-marked for an oblique
case (= dative/genitive at times goverened by a preposition) whereas the
possessum is in the nominative (or a case with partitive reading = genitive).

The two participants normally come in the order possessor > possessum
and a form of the copula may connect the one to the other, cf. (8)-(9). The
sample sentences translate [LPP French II, 53] Il a des cornes ‘It [= the
sheep] has horns’.
(8) Latvian [LPP Latvian II, 53]

Viņam ir ragi.
he:DAT be.3 horn:NOM.PL
‘It has horns.’
(9) Russian [LPP Russian II, 53]

U nego roga.
at he:GEN horn.NOM.PL
‘It has horns.’
Thus, in spite of the fact that neither Latvian nor Russian have a proper
HAVE-verb, their expressions of telling one’s age (cf. (4b)-(4c)) are based
on the usual construction employed for predicating possession.
Western and southern members of the Slavic phylum make use of a
proper HAVE-verb (though to different extents). As the glossonyms in (4b)
show, several languages (Macedonian, Polish and Slovak) behave like East
Slavic in so far as they use the possessive construction for telling one’s age
although their constructions are different from the one used in Bielarusian,
Russian and Ukrainian. All other Slavic languages belong to other types.
Disregarding the sole Slavic language in the property type (Bulgarian), we
find four Slavic languages in the neither-nor type. These languages are
provided with proper HAVE-verbs – just like Bulgarian, Macedonian, Pol-
ish and Slovak, cf. (10) which again translates [LPP French II, 53]. The
verb-forms are highlighted.
(10) HAVE-verbs
Croatian ima rogove
Czech má rohy
Serbian ima rogove
Slovenian rožičke ima
However, the languages in (6a) do not use the HAVE-verb in the construc-
tions under scrutiny, nor do they follow the lead of Bulgarian and opt for a
property construction in the above sense. Their solution is one that superfi-
cially resembles the obligatory structure employed by East-Slavic lan-
guages, cf. (11).
(11) Dative construction, Croatian [LPP Croatian I, 1]

POR COPULA PUM
kad mi je bilo šest godina
when I.DAT be.3SG be.PCL.N six year:GEN
‘when I was six years old’
In this construction, the possessor is encoded as a pronominal dative. A

copula is employed, too. The possessum is represented by the NP inflected
for genitive according to the morpho-syntactic rules of numerals common
to many Slavic languages (Stolz 2002). The order is possessor > possessum
as in East Slavic.
Interestingly, Lithuanian displays similar properties although it has a
full-blown HAVE-verb turėti ‘to have’. The latter is illustrated in (12).
(12) Lithuanian [LPP Lithuanian XV, 68]

Turiu dar ir gėlę.
have:1SG however also flower:ACC
‘But I also have a flower.’
For the purpose of telling one’s age, however, Lithuanian makes use of a
construction which is identical to the one reported for Latvian in (4c) and
(8), namely (13).
(13) Lithuanian [LPP Lithuanian I, 1]

POR COPULA PUM
kai man buvo šešeri metai
when I:DAT be.PRT.3 six:COLL:NOM.PL year:NOM.PL
Thus, Lithuanian differs from Latvian in a way similar to the one in which
Croatian differs from Russian: Lithuanian and Croatian are equipped with
HAVE-verbs. These HAVE-verbs are not made use of for telling one’s age.
However, no property construction is employed either. What Lithuanian
and Croatian do is resort to a construction which elsewhere in their phyla is
the primary choice for predicating possession.
A clarification is in order as to the different class membership of the

two Turkic languages Azeri and Turkish. Turkish is a property language
whereas Azeri is a member of the possessive type. In Azeri, possession is
predicated according to the so-called genitive schema (Heine 1997: 47).
The existence of the possessum is asserted while the possessor is marked
on the possessum and/or by a genitival attribute, cf. (14).
(14) Azeri [LPP Azeri II, 53]

Onun buynuzlari var.
it:GEN horn:PL:POR.3 be.3
‘It has horns.’
The same construction is used in Turkish for predicative possession. How-

ever, in contrast to Azeri, which employs this kind of construction also for
telling one’s age, the Turkish solution is to keep predicative possession and
telling one’s age formally apart (yaşında– already means ‘be X years old’).
3.3. Areality
On the European map (cf. map I)12, the three types tend to cluster sepa-
rately in different quadrants. There is an accumulation of possessive lan-
guages in the south-west corner of Europe which is counter-balanced by a
similarly strong cluster of property languages in the north-west. In the
north-east, possessive languages show up again in sizable numbers whereas
property languages have another stronghold in the south-east. Where the
two large sub-areas meet and intersect, we also find the representatives of
the neither-nor type: Czech connects with possessive Slovak in the east and
the property language German in the west, Slovenian, Croatian and Serbian
are sandwiched between property languages like Hungarian, Lovari and
Albanian, on the one side, and Romance possessive languages on the other.
Lithuanian is different in the sense that it is surrounded by possessive lan-
guages but does not employ its HAVE-verb. Lithuanian takes the East-
Slavic and Latvian construction to express what Polish encodes by its
HAVE-verb.
Icelandic Saami Finnish
Estonian
Faroese Norwegian Swedish
Latvian
Irish English
Danish
Welsh Dutch Frisian Lithuanian Bielarusian
Limburgian
German Yiddish Polish Russian
Luxemburgian
Alsatian Slovak Ukrainian
Czech
Breton
French Rumantsch Moldavian
Gascon Languedocien Sursilvan Lovari Rumanian
Basque Vallader Badiota Slovenian Hungarian

Galego Asturian Provençal Gherdeina Friulan Croatian
Serbian
Aragonese Corsican Italian Albanian Macedonian Bulgarian Georgian Azeri
Portuguese Catalan Sardinian Greek Turkish Armenian

Spanish Maltese Kurdish
Map I: Distribution of language over types in Europe (lines surround possessive languages)
According to Heine (1997: 50) the so-called action schema i.e. the concept
underlying the use of transitive HAVE-verbs “[c]ontrary to views expressed
in earlier writings on this subject, […] is not among the most frequently
employed sources for predicative possession”. This is tantamount to a cer-
tain exoticity of the European area where proper HAVE-verbs abound.
However, the wide-spread occurrence of HAVE-verbs in Europe seems to
be a relatively recent development which literally led to the marginalisa-
tion of other schemata (location schema, companion schema, etc.) – if we
follow the general line of argument of Heine and Kuteva (2006). It is very
likely that the proper HAVE-verbs in the West Slavic and South Slavic
branches are latecomers just like Lithuanian turėti ‘to have’. These HAVE-
verbs are perhaps copied to some extent from more westerly sources (i.e.
Germanic and Romance) and/or Greek. The newly developed HAVE-verbs
first occupied the prototypical core area of possession and then began to
diffuse from there into other functional territories. Their predecessors –
most likely constructions like Latvian (8) or Russian (9) – have been
ousted from their erstwhile positions of which today only a small number
remain uncontested, among which we find telling one’s age. What this
means is that the neither-nor type most probably reflects a residual state.
The use of the dative construction (11)-(12) is the relic of a formerly more
widely used construction of predicative possession which made do without
a proper HAVE-verb.
In a way, the languages of the neither-nor type have developed a spe-
cialised construction for the expression of (at least) one type of marginal
possession, namely one’s age. This is the result of the successive reduction
of the functional domain of an old goal/location schema in predicative
possession. In other languages, the HAVE-verbs have extended their domain
such that it also covers marginal possession or telling one’s age is the task
of a construction which is completely alien to possession. Where HAVE-
verbs have not entered the scene yet, the extant constructions of predicative
possession also count marginal possession of the above kind among their
functions.
The use of possessive constructions for telling one’s age has also
spread from Romance into Basque and most probably also into Maltese. It
is interesting to see that Basque employs a proper HAVE-verb while Mal-
tese is dependent upon one of its many pseudo-verbs which reflect erst-
while constructions with a spatial preposition (in this case għand ‘at’ in the
present tense and combinations of the perfect or future copula with lil ‘for’
[kien + lili > kelli ‘was to me’ > ‘I had’; ikun + lili > ikolli ‘will be to me’
> ‘I will have’]). Modern Standard Arabic has a completely different way
of telling one’s age as can be seen from (15).
(15) Modern Standard Arabic [LPP Arabic I, 1]

wa-anā fī s-sādisati min ‘umr-ī
and-I in DEF-sixth.GEN from life-POR.1SG
A phrase like I am twenty years old translates into Modern Standard Arabic
as ‘umrī ‘išrūna lit. ‘my life (is) twenty’ (Andreas Ammann p.c.). The pos-
sessor suffix notwithstanding, there is not a trace of predicating possession
in the Arabic version. This supports the idea that Maltese has adapted the
distribution profile of its construction of predicative possession to the pat-
terns familiar from Romance.
3.4. Looking beyond
The Arabic example already takes us beyond the confines of the European
continent. Without any claim to exhaustiveness, we briefly review some
data from languages spoken elsewhere on the globe. For a start, we look at
two Creole languages, namely Spanish-based Papiamentu and French-
based Seselwa of the Netherlands Antilles (Caribbean) and the Seychelles
(Indian Ocean), respectively.
(16) Creoles
a. Papiamentu [LPP Papiamentu I, 1]
tempu mi tabatin seis aña
when I PAST:have six year
b. Seselwa [LPP Seselwa I, 1]
kan mon ti annan 6 an
when I PAST have 6 year
The lexifiers of these two Creoles are Romance languages which use their
HAVE-verbs to express one’s age – and the same holds for the Creoles.
Note that the Papiamentu HAVE-verb tin ‘to have’ is directly derived from
its Spanish equivalent tener ‘to have’ whereas Seselwa annan ‘to have’ has
nothing to do with French avoir ‘to have’ but reflects the verb gagner ‘to
earn’ which has never been employed in this way in French.
Yucatec Maya, a language which has been under strong Spanish pres-
sure for half a millennium, also instantiates the same pattern although in
this case, the predication of possession is not expressed by a proper HAVE-
verb, cf. (17).
(17) Yucatec Maya

a. Telling one’s age (Blair and Vermont Salas 1979: 139)
B’eintidòos ’ányos yàan teen.
21 years:PL be to:1SG
‘I am 21 years old.’
b. Predicating possession (Blair and Vermont Salas 1979: 140)
Yàan tèech ’ìihos ?
be to:2SG child:PL
‘Do you have children?’
Predicative possession in Yucatec Maya reflects the goal schema (Heine

1997: 59–61). The idea that Yucatec Maya has copied the Spanish pattern
is far from conclusive as Mesoamerican languages more generally do not
display proper HAVE-verbs or at least did not have such in pre-conquest
times. Thus, the Yucatecan construction is presumably of pre-Hispanic
origin and this perhaps also includes its employment for marginal posses-
sions such as one’s age.
Tahitian has been subject to increasing influence on the part of French.
Nevertheless, the possessive system of this Austronesian language still
looks sufficiently non-European, cf. (18).
(18) Tahitian
a. Telling one’s age (Paia and Vernaudon 1999: 173)
E maha àhuru mā ono matahiti to na.
PRED 46 year POSS s/he
‘S/he is 46 years old.’
b. Predicating possession (Paia and Vernaudon 1999: 130)
E fare to rāua.
PRED house POSS they
‘They have a house.’
The general possessive article to is used in both constructions to introduce

the possessor. The morpho-syntactic patterns are identical – and certainly
do not look like French. What Tahiti shares with French however, is the
use of the same construction for both telling one’s age and predicating
possession. In Tahitian too, one’s age is treated like a prototypical posses-
sum.
Another Austronesian language – though only very distantly related to
Tahitian and spoken at the opposite rim of the Pacific – is Chamorro
(Mariana Islands). Chamorro is heavily hispanised which is the result of
230 years of Spanish rule over the islands. The high proportion of Spanish
lexical items notwithstanding, Chamorro has retained its own pre-Hispanic
system of possession, cf. (19).
(19) Chamorro
a. Telling one’s age (Onedera 1994: 20)
Sais åños idåt-ña i patgon.
Six year age-POR.3SG DEF child
‘The child is six years old.’
b. Predicating possession (Topping and Ogo 1980: 36)
Guaha kareta-hu.
EXIST car-POR.1SG
‘I have a car.’
The Spanish HAVE-verb tener ‘to have’ has not made it into the inventory
of Hispanisms of Chamorro. Predicating possession is achieved via the so-
called genitive schema (cf. above). The indication of one’s age follows a
similar, yet distinct pattern as no existential verb is used. Note that in
(19a), not only the numeral sais ‘six’ (< Spanish seis) and the word años
‘year(s)’ (< Spanish años) are taken from Spanish but also idåt ‘age’ (<
edad). In spite of the impressive presence of Hispanisms in the construc-
tions, the constructions themselves remain as un-Spanish as can be.
However, even where no European possessive-language has been
around do we occasionally find languages which not only treat marginal
possession like prototypical possession but also employ expressions which
include elements which resemble proper HAVE-verbs. One such language is
Greenlandic (Eskimo-Aleut), cf. (20).
(20) Greenlandic
a. Telling one’s age (Berthelsen 1996: 29)
Ilinniartitsisoq Pele Barselajsen
teacher Pele Barselajsen
25-nik ukio-qar-poq.
25-PL.INST winter-have-IND:3SG
‘The teacher Pele Barselajsen is 25 years old.’
b. Predicating possession (Berthelsen 1996: 21)
Atuartut maana aasami
pupil:PL now summer:LOC
atua-nngi-ffe-qar-put.
learn-NEG-time-have-IND.3PL
‘The pupils now have summer holidays.’
In Greenlandic, there is a post-base -qar(-poq) ‘to have’ which cannot oc-

cur on its own but must host some nominal(ised) element to its left. This
post-base combines with all sorts of possessa from concrete object-like
down to outright abstract. Among the latter we find such time-related cate-
gories such as ukioq ‘winter’ (counted as years) and atuanngiffik ‘holidays’
(lit. ‘time of no learning’). This relatively free combinability looks Euro-
pean in a way. However, it does not conform to the distribution profile of
the HAVE-verb in Danish, the colonial prestige language in Greenland.
Much the same holds for Swahili (Bantu, Niger-Kordofanian). In Swa-
hili, predicative possession follows the so-called companion schema
(Heine 1997: 53–7) which depicts the relation between possessor and pos-
sessum as a situation of accompaniment. Again, there is no full-blown
HAVE-verb. Simplifying, the construction operates on the basis of a zero-
copula and an inflected preposition na ‘with, and’13, cf. (21).
(21) Swahili
a. Telling one’s age (Brauner and Herms 1986: 76)
A-na mi-aka mi-tatu
CL1.SG-with CL2.PL-year CL2.PL-three
‘He [= the boy] is three years old.’
b. Predicating possession (Brauner and Herms 1986: 56)
Ni-na wa-toto wa-wili
1SG-with CL1.PL-child CL1.PL-two
‘I have two children.’
As in the previous cases, telling one’s age is one of the functions of the
prototypical predicative-possessive construction of the language. The pat-
tern is far too wide-spread in the Bantu phylum to invite a contact-based
interpretation. None of the major adstrate languages of Swahili in Kenia
and Tanzania – Arabic and English – can be the source of the distributional
properties of Swahili na. Languages do not need a European pattern to
copy from nor is it necessary for them to employ proper HAVE-verbs.
Thus, we learn that the inclusion of cases of marginal possession in the
functional domain of the prototypical predicative possessive construction
of a language is by no means a European prerogative. There is compelling
evidence for the recurrence of the phenomenon outside the European area.
Sometimes, Romance languages might be held responsible for the spread
of this pattern. However, this contact-based scenario cannot always be
invoked as the Greenlandic, Swahili and Chamorro cases suggest.
4. Conclusion
The above discussion of crosslinguistic facts reveals that it is worthwhile

to study not only the prototypes of possession but also the peripheral cate-
gories which are not always integrated in the functional domain of a given
construction of predicative possession. The European data show that the
inclusion of a marginal function such as telling one’s age in the domain of
a prototypical possessive construction is largely independent of the pres-
ence/absence of a proper HAVE-verb. This dissociation is corroborated by
the extra-European languages surveyed in section 3.4. In some cases, the
generalisation of the prototypical predicative construction over all kinds of
possessive relations including the marginal ones seems to have spread via
language contact. This is certainly true of the Romance-based Creoles –
and very likely also of Basque and Maltese. Our neither-nor languages also
support the hypothesis that the possessive systems especially in the Euro-
pean east have been experiencing changes which might ultimately go back
to contacts with neighbouring languages. Investigating the fringes of pos-
session thus, may offer us interesting insights into the typology and areality
of this operational dimension of language (Seiler 1983).
Notes
1. This contribution has grown out of the project on Alienability relations in

Europe at the University of Bremen (financed by the Deutsche Forschungs-
gemeinschaft). We are grateful to Andreas Ammann, Cornelia Stroh and Aina
Urdze for their kind help with technical matters.
2. Already in his seminal monograph, Seiler (1983: 1) lamented about the wealth
of publications on possession which makes it “impossible to review them in
any detail here”. Almost a quarter of a century later, the situation has become
even more uncontrollable and thus we refrain from recapitulating even the
most general lines in the recent history of thought within the framework of
possession research.
3. Our investigation is a pilot-study in the sense that to our knowledge, nobody
has ever paid attention crosslinguistically to the expressions used tor telling
one’s age.
4. For a definition of Europe in linguistic terms, cf. Stolz, Stroh, and Urdze
(2003).
5. For the languages which do not employ proper HAVE-verbs, we refer the
reader to our discussion in connection with examples (8)-(9) below.
6. The Azeri example is a non-finite converb construction. The construction
itself is morpho-syntactically intricate as it is based on the genitive schema
employed for predicative possession in this language: the possessum’s exis-
tence is asserted by the non-finite form of olamak ‘to be’ while the possessum
hosts the possessor affix. The cardinal numeral altı ‘six’ is an attribute of the
possessum noun.
7. The Basque verb-form nituen ‘I had them’ is the past of ukan ‘to have’. The
morpheme –it– refers to a patient participant in the plural i.e. to the age sei
urte ‘six years’ which is formally transnumeral.
8. The Finnish construction is non-finite – however, the initial infinitive ollessani
lit. ‘in my being’ is not only inflected for the inessive (-ssa) but also for pos-
sessor (-ni). The possessor represents the subject of the associated finite ver-
sion of the construction.
9. The Georgian construction includes a relative clause introduced by rom
‘which’ for purposes of focus. If we drop the relativiser, a normal construction
of telling one’s age results.
10. The Turkish example is again non-finite with the converbial affix -(y)ken.
Schroeder (2003: 69 and 94–5) argues that most of the Turkish converbs do
not necessarily display coreferentiality restrictions although there is a tendency
for some to pick out the subject of the main clause. This is also the case in our
example from Le Petit Prince.
11. Literally ‘how many year–ADJ’. The copula may be absent from this kind of
construction – as does the subject pronoun.
12. On the map, we use the following conventions: possessive languages occur in
normal print, property languages in italics and neither-nor languages in bold
face.
13. One could also argue that na has developed into a pseudo-verb meaning some-
thing like ‘to be with’. According to this solution, the copula is absent from
the construction as there is no need for a copular element at all.
References
Berthelsen, Christian
1996 Kalaallisut sungiusaatit/Læsestykker i grønlandsk. Nuuk: Atuakkior-
fik Ilinniusiorfik.
Blair, Robert W., and Refugio Vermont Salas
1979 Spoken Yucatec Maya. Columbia: Lucas Brothers Publishers.
Brauner, Siegmund, and Irmtraud Herms
1986 Lehrbuch des modernen Swahili. Leipzig: Enzyklopädie.
Duden
2001 Duden. Deutsches Universalwörterbuch. Mannheim: Dudenverlag.
Heine, Bernd
1997 Possession. Cognitive sources, forces, and grammaticalization.
Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
Heine, Bernd, and Tania Kuteva
2006 The changing languages of Europe. Oxford: Oxford University
Press.
Lehmann, Christian
1998 Possession in Yucatec Maya. Structures – functions – typology.
München: LINCOM Europa.
Manzelli, Gianguido, Paolo Ramat, and Elisa Roma
2002 Remarks on marginal possession: are feelings owned? In Mediterra-
nean languages. Papers from the MEDTYP workshop. Tirrenia, June
2000, Paolo Ramat and Thomas Stolz (eds.), 223–246. Bochum:
Brockmeyer.
Onedera, Peter
1994 Fafa’ñag’gue yan hinengge siha. Tamuning: St. Anthony School.
Paia, Mirose, and Jacques Vernaudon
1999 Tahitien ia ora na. Paris: Bibliothèque Centre Pompidou.
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typologische Analyse. Unpubl. Habilitation, Univ. of Osnabrück.
Seiler, Hansjakob
1983 Possession as an operational dimension of language. Tübingen:
Narr.
Stolz, Thomas
2002 Is “one” still “one” in “twenty-one”? On agreement and government
properties of cardinal numerals in the languages of Europe.
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Stolz, Thomas, Cornelia Stroh, and Aina Urdze
2003 Solidaritäten. Lingua Posnaniensis 45: 69–92.
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Van der Auwera, Johan
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guage. New York: Gramercy Books.
A.2 Constraints on the Encoding of Concepts
Thoughts on (im)perfective imperatives
Johan van der Auwera, Andrej Malchukov, and Ewa
Schalley
1. Introduction1
This paper is a sketch of some of the issues concerning the relation be-
tween aspect and mood, more particularly the interaction of the perfective
imperfective distinction and the mood dimension of the positive impera-
tive. As far as we know, this issue has never been dealt from a typological
point of view. Section 2 discusses the perfective imperfective distinction,
section 3 is about imperatives, section 4 presents data, and section 5 offers
explanations. Section 6 is the summary.
Our data come from two databases: a (positive) imperative database of
419 languages in the dissertation Schalley (2008), constructed along the
lines of Rijkhoff et al. (1993), and a partially overlapping prohibitive data-
base compiled by van der Auwera, based on the “restricted sample” of 179
languages found in Miestamo (2005) – this includes one language for each
“genus” (in the sense of Dryer 2000) at the ratio of the coverage of the
“macro-area” (see again Dryer 2000) that gets the worst coverage (see
Miestamo 2005: 27–39 for discussion).
2. Perfective and imperfective
For the purpose of this paper the following “definition” of the notions of
perfective and imperfective aspect will have to do: (i) with a perfective
aspect one looks at a state of affairs as a totality and events and processes
that make up the state of affairs are therefore looked upon as complete, (ii)
the imperfective looks at the internal structure of the state of affairs and as
a consequence any constitutive events and processes are seen as incom-
plete. In identifying the categories cross-linguistically, there are many
problems. First, for many languages one should distinguish between sub-
types of perfective and imperfective, like progressive and habitual. Second,
though the terminology suggests a neat two-way distinction, in some lan-
guages they may be members of a larger set, sometimes comprising a so-
94 Johan van der Auwera, Andrej Malchukov, and Ewa Schalley
called “aorist”, for example. Third, it is often difficult to distinguish the

categories of perfective and imperfective from other, related categories,
e.g., the perfect. Fourth, not all linguists use the terms in the same way.
Finally, not all languages have grammaticalized the distinction, and if they
have, they may have done it in different ways. One important parameter is
the degree of grammaticalization: does aspect have a syntactic, periphrastic
exponent or has it reached morphology, and if the latter is the case, what
kind of word does it manifest itself on (the auxiliary, the lexical verb, or
something other than a verb). Another important parameter is the formal
markedness (or degree of overtness; Haspelmath 2006) of the distinction,
in the sense that the perfective or the imperfective may contrast in that only
one has an overt morphosyntactic exponent. In Russian (1) the perfective
form napisal equals the imperfective pisal, but it has the additional perfec-
tivizing prefix na-. So the forms differ in formal markedness, and the dis-
tinction is shown in the morphology.2
(1) Russian
a. Ja pisal pis’mo.
1SG.NOM write.IMPF.PST.SG.M letter.ACC.SG
‘I was writing/wrote the letter.’
b. Ja na-pisal pis’mo.
1SG.NOM PFV-write.PST.SG.M letter.ACC.SG
‘I wrote (up) the letter.’
In Tondi Songway Kiini (2) the imperfective construction with kóy equals
the perfective construction, but it has the additional marker wà. Here the
exponent is syntactic.
(2) Tondi Songway Kiini (Songhay, Mali, Heath 2005: 221, 163)
a. ày káyn-ó: kóy ...
1SG.POSS elder.sibling-DEF.SG go
‘My brother went ...’
b. à nέ ŋ́ wà kóy.
3SG say 3SG.LOG IMPF go
‘He said that he goes.’
For an example of a perfective imperfective distinction without any formal

markedness correlation, one can consider Yucatek Maya in (3). In this ex-
Thoughts on (im)perfective imperatives 95
ample, the imperfective is marked with the suffix -k, and the perfective
with the suffix -h.3
(3) Yukatek Maya (Mayan, Mexico, Lehmann 1990: 41)

a. k-in tàas-k-o’b.
PRS-1SG bring-TR.IMPF-ABS.3PL
‘I bring them.’
b. t-in tàas-h-o’b.
PRT-1SG bring-TR.PFV-ABS.3PL
‘I brought them.’
3. Imperative
Languages that have grammaticalized the perfective imperfective distinc-

tion also differ as to whether it is relevant in the imperative mood. We will
focus on positive imperatives4 and on one that could be called “direct” (see
also Schalley 2008). A direct imperative is a construction that is morpho-
syntactically dedicated to expressing an appeal to the hearer(s) to do some-
thing. (4) lists three examples for direct positive imperatives.
(4) a. Spanish
Llor-a!
cry-IMP.2SG
‘Cry!’5
b. English
Cry!
c. Sawu (Malayo-Polynesian, Indonesia, Walker 1982: 33)
əgo we ri ou ∅ ne kuhi d’e!
fetch.SG IMP ERG 2SG ABS ART key DEM
‘Fetch the key!’
In Spanish the ending –a is specialized for the imperative second singular.6

In English there is no special morphology, but the imperativeness is sig-
nalled by the syntax, more particularly by the verb first pattern and by the
lack of a subject pronoun. Sawu has no special imperative morphology
either, but (4c) contains a dedicated imperative particle we.
Direct strategies contrast with indirect ones: the latter have a wider use.
In Monumbo, imperative meaning can be conveyed by a declarative indica-
tive present, and in Önge, one can use a declarative indicative future.
(5) a. Monumbo (Monumbo, Papua New Guinea, Vormann and

Scharfenberger 1914: 130)
u-ndáro.
2PL-go.IND.PRS
‘You go.’ or ‘Go!’
b. Önge (South Andamese, Andaman Islands, Dasgupta and
Sharma 1982: 34)
ṅ-ilokowale-nene.
2SG-eat-IND.FUT
‘You will eat.’ or ‘Eat!’
Of course, English allows declarative indicative presents and futures to

convey imperative meaning as well. But we assume that in Monumbo and
Önge the association of the imperative meaning and the indicative present,
respectively, indicative future is a strong one, no doubt in part because the
languages lack direct strategies. We could say that the use of the indicative
present or future has conventionalized the imperative meaning and even
that the relevant forms in Monubo and Önge are not actually indicative but
rather “indicative-imperative”.
4. (Im)perfective imperatives: data
How does the perfective imperfective contrast fare in the context of direct
imperatives? It would seem that one can order both an action or a process
as such or one that is or would be in progress. So one would expect at least
some languages to reflect the distinction in imperatives. Russian is a case
in point: the language allows both perfective and imperfective imperatives.
(6) Russian
a. Pishi pis’mo!
write.IMPF.IMP.2SG letter.ACC.SG
‘Write the letter!’
b. Na-pishi pis’mo!
PFV-write.IMP.2SG letter.ACC.SG
‘Write the letter!’
But the language that has both imperfective and perfective imperatives is
only one of four logical possibilities. Are there any languages with impera-
tives that are obligatorily neither imperfective nor perfective? Are there
languages in which the imperatives are obligatorily perfective? And finally,
are there languages in which the imperatives are obligatorily imperfective?
The answers to each question will be positive.
A language in which the imperatives cannot have any perfective imper-
fective marking is Yucatek Maya. In this language, the imperative suffixes
occupy the same slot as the perfective and imperfective suffixes and the
two types of suffixes are incompatible.
(7) Yucatek Maya (Elisabeth Verhoeven, p.c.)

tàas-∅-e'x-oʔ b!
bring-IMP-2PL-ABS.3PL
‘Bring them!’
Another possible example is Tondi Songway Kiini. But here the situation
is not that clear, and this has to with the fact that at least in indicatives the
perfective marking is zero. (8) illustrates the imperative in Tondi Songway
Kiini.
(8) Tondi Songway Kiini (Heath 2005: 174)

a. kóy!
go
‘Go!’
b. ò kóy!
2PL.IMP go
‘Go!’
It is clear that the imperative cannot contain the imperfective marker wà

illustrated in (2b). But what does its obligatory absence imply? Heath
(2005: 173–174) takes it to mean that the imperative is aspect neutral,
though he does not explain why.7 It seems that one could also argue the
imperative to be obligatorily perfective, and this would be the third type,
but again Tondi Songway Kiini would be a controversial illustration.
A straightforward illustration of the obligatorily perfective imperative

comes from Misantla Totonac. Both the perfective and the imperfective
aspect use suffixes, though in both the exponent must sometimes be a zero.
For the second person singular the perfective marker is –ti and for the plu-
ral it is a zero – compared to imperfective zero for the singular and –yaa
for the plural (MacKay 1999: 125–126, 139–140). The imperative has to
use the perfective markers.
(9) Misantla Totonac (Totonacan, Mexico, MacKay 1999: 144)

a. ka-paš-ti!
IRR-bathe-PFV.2SG
‘Bathe!
b. ka-paš-∅-tat!
IRR-bathe-PFV-2PL
‘Bathe!’
In a fourth and final type the imperative has to be imperfective. In Egyptian

Arabic verb stems are either imperfective or perfective. Thus ‘write’ has a
perfective katab stem and an imperfective ktib stem. The direct imperative
has to use the imperfective stem.8
(10) Egyptian Arabic (Semitic, Egypt, Woidich 2006: 76)

I-ktib!
IMP-write.IMPF.2M
‘Write!’
It is important to point out that this overview only deals with the direct
imperatives which have to be either perfective or imperfective (the first,
third and fourth type exemplified above) or cannot be perfective or imper-
fective (the second type). For some languages, the basic direct imperatives
can be argued to be aspect neutral, but they may optionally be enriched by
perfective or imperfective marking. In Tukang Besi, the direct imperative
is arguably neutral, but the verbal form also accepts the perfectivizing suf-
fix –mo, which is used to mitigate the imperative appeal. In Una, the direct
imperative is arguably aspect neutral, too, but it can optionally get what the
grammarian calls “continuous” or “incomplete” markers (Louwerse 1988:
35) (12) illustrates the “continuous” marking. Of course, like for Tondi
Songway Kiini, one should investigate whether the expandability of these
basic forms with either a perfective or an imperfective form can be con-
strued as evidence for the claims that the basic forms are actually imperfec-
tive (in Tukang Besi) or perfective (in Una). In the case of Tukang Besi,
however, such a claim would seem implausible for the perfectivizing suffix
does not seem to have its normal aspect meaning and it does not therefore
clearly contrast with a zero exponent marking imperfectivity.
(11) Tukang Besi (Western Malayo-Polynesian, Indonesia, Donohue

1999: 453)
a. kede!
sit.IMP.2SG
‘Sit down!’
b. kede-mo!
sit.IMP.2SG-PFV
‘Sit down!’ (polite)
(12) Una (Mek, Indonesia, Louwerse 1988: 36, 37)

a. buk-dum!
sit-IMP.2SG
‘Sit!’
b. bu-ran-dum!
sit-CONT-IMP.2SG
‘Sit continually!’
A final note is that we dare not, at this stage, pronounce any frequency
claims. To do this well one would need a careful study of the relevance and
the nature of aspect distinctions in indicatives as well. One would expect,
for instance, that the perfective imperfective distinction matters for impera-
tives only if it also matters for indicatives.10 We leave this for future re-
search.
5. (Im)perfective imperatives: explanations
One may assume that if languages with a general perfective imperfective

distinction employ this distinction in imperatives too, what is at play (at
least to some extent) is analogy. And similarly, analogy will be a factor in
the explanation of why languages that do not have the distinction in the
rest of the grammar don’t have it in imperatives either. In what follows we
hope to shed some light on why languages with an obligatory indicative
perfective imperfective choice do not have that choice in their imperatives,

which are either obligatorily neutral (like Tondi Songway Kiini, under one
interpretation) or perfective (like Tondi Songway Kiini, under the other
interpretation, or like Misantla Totonac) or imperfective (like Egyptian
Arabic). Let us start with a preliminary consideration: the fact that each of
the four logical possibilities is in fact attested (both perfective and imper-
fective, neither, only one, only the other) predisposes one to think that
more than one explanatory factor may be involved. In fact, we propose
three such factors.
One of them, we claim, is pragmatic. We assume that the typical and
most frequent imperative will involve an appeal to the hearer(s) to achieve
something, to perform the action as a whole and not merely to be engaged
in the activity or part of it. This idea has been used to explain why the Eng-
lish progressive, which successfully pervaded the English verb system, is
exceedingly rare in imperatives (see e.g. De Clerck 2006: 171), though not
impossible (see Davies 1986: 15–16; Williams 2001). (13) is an authentic
(web) example retrieved by De Clerck (2006).
(13) Get that Summer Static sticker on your vehicle now, and be listening
to 88.9 SHINE.FM! (De Clerck 2006: 19)
Of course, the English progressive is a peculiar type of imperfective, but

the idea seems generalizable. Thus, though Russian allows both perfective
and imperfective imperatives, the imperfective usually does not have a
progressive meaning (‘Continue V-ing!’), which is a primary function of
imperfective indicative forms (cf. Birjulin and Xrakovskij 2001: 32). Thus,
Pishi pis’mo in (6a) typically does not imply that the addressee is already
in the process of writing a letter (“continue writing”), unlike the imperfec-
tive indicative form Pishet pis’mo ‘(S/he) is writing (imperfective) a let-
ter’. The hypothesis of the pragmatic perfectivity bias also allows an inter-
esting perspective on why the formally perfective–mo suffix in Tukang
Besi (11b) is not semantically perfective: on the assumption that even the
Tukang Besi bare stem imperative is predominantly perfective and that the
politeness meaning is a derived meaning, the addition of an exclusively
perfective suffix is relatively redundant and thus “free” for a derived mean-
ing (cp. Malchukov 2001: 174 on the politeness use of a perfectivizing
suffix in the imperatives of the Tungusic language Even).11
A second explanatory factor may be formal. Imperatives are cross-
linguistically relatively simple constructions: they are often limited to sec-
ond persons, they have limited tense options, and they often lack agree-
ment morphology.12 From that point of view, one would expect imperatives
to be aspectually simple too, which would then result in the imperative
taking the morphosyntactic trimming of either the perfective or the imper-
fective, whatever happens to be simpler. English again serves to illustrate
this point: the bare stem sing is simpler than the periphrastic be singing,
which makes it unsurprising that the normal imperative is sing. Or consider
Tukang Besi: the bare stem kede is simpler than the suffixed kedemo form,
which might (help) explain why the normal imperative is kede. Note that
the formal argument does not really force any view on whether the mean-
ing of the simple format imperative is either perfective or imperfective or,
instead, aspect neutral. Another point is that the above argument related the
degree of formal markedness of either perfective or imperfective to the
relatively low degree of formal markedness of the imperative. But this
relation is not necessary. It is a well-known observation in the typological
literature that formally marked categories are more restricted in their dis-
tribution as compared to unmarked ones (Croft 1990: 157). From this point
of view the imperative could be a context that the more restricted format
might not extend to. Note, finally, that the pragmatic and the formal factors
may reinforce one another. Thus the absence of the progressive form in the
English imperative can be attributed both to formal markedness and to the
perfective bias of the imperatives. However, they could be in conflict as
well. Thus in Qiang the imperative uses the perfective, even though it is a
marked form (which also marks direction).
(14) Qiang (Tibeto-Burman, China, Lapolla 2003: 173)

ə-z-na!
DIR-eat-IMP
‘Eat!’
We now come to the third explanatory factor, which concerns the di-
mension of time. Languages may or may not have their perfective and im-
perfective verbs line up with default time spheres, and then it is the perfec-
tive that goes with the past and the imperfective with the non-past
(compare e.g. Comrie 1976: 82–84). If this happens, then the perfective is a
less likely candidate for the imperative function, for the latter has a defini-
tional future orientation. This is arguably the case for Egyptian Arabic.
Basically, the perfective stem is strongly dedicated to past sphere uses
(Eisele 1999: 63–81; Woidich 2006: 270) and the imperfective stem is used
for anything else. The imperfective stem would therefore be the obvious
choice for imperatives.13
6. Conclusion
In this paper we had a preliminary look at the interaction of mood and as-
pect, more particularly, at the relevance of the perfective imperfective dis-
tinction for positive imperatives. We found there to be at least four types of
languages: in some languages the imperatives are obligatorily either perfec-
tive or imperfective. Other languages do not have that choice: the impera-
tives have to be aspect-neutral, or they have to be imperfective, or they
have to be perfective. We then speculated about the explanations for these
facts. We focussed on three factors: (i) imperatives may be expected to be
typically and most often result-oriented, which yields a preference for per-
fective imperatives, (ii) imperatives are typically coded in a relatively sim-
ple format, which may line them up with whatever aspect type happens to
be formally simpler, and (iii) imperatives are future oriented, a fact that
harmonizes better with the imperfective aspect.
Notes
1. Thanks are due to the University of Antwerp, Princeton University, and the
Flemish Science Foundation. They supported the first author during a sabbati-
cal in Princeton, and the University of Antwerp further supported the third au-
thor with a predoctoral fellowship. We are also grateful to the Belgian Federal
Government (Interuniversity Attraction Poles, Project P6/44). Thanks are also
due to Daniel Van Olmen.
2. Overall, Russian aspect is more complex than would appear from example (1).
For one thing, certain verbs have a marked imperfective (“secondary imperfec-
tivization”). Second, for some aspectual pairs the formal markedness is the
other way round. Nevertheless, the contrast illustrated in (1) is the majority
pattern and there is furthermore a correlation with functional markedness (Ja-
kobson 1957; Bondarko 1971; Mel’čuk 1988: 28), as manifested in neutraliza-
tion contexts.
3. Perhaps the clause-initial prefixes k- and t-, glossed as temporal in (3), are
aspectual as well (compare Lehmann, Shin, and Verhoeven 2000; Bohnemeyer
2002: 216–344), but then again, both aspects are marked. Note also that for in-
transitive verbs there are two main groups as concerns markedness of aspect:
intransitive verbs of the “inactive class” are morphologically marked in the

imperfective by the suffix -Vl while the perfective is ∅. In contrast, intransi-
tive verbs from the “active” class are morphologically marked in the perfective
by the suffix -nah while the imperfective is ∅. Then there is a third class, and
here both the perfective and the imperfective are marked (cf. e.g. Bohnemeyer
2002).
4. One might assume that aspect distinctions made in positive sentences carry
over to negative sentences, but as we know for declaratives (Miestamo 2005:
180–181; Miestamo and van der Auwera, in print), that would be a mistake.
5. The English imperative does not show number, but here and elsewhere the
gloss will make clear whether number is expressed in the source language.
6. This is not to say this ending does not occur anywhere else in Spanish verbal
paradigms. Thus the indicative present third person singular may also be
marked with an -a. This is considered homonymy and the rule of thumb for
ruling out homonymy is that for morphological dedication only second persons
are to be considered.
7. Interestingly, aspect does seem to matter for prohibitives. The language has
negative markers: perfective ná and imperfective sí, and it is the latter that is
used in prohibitives: ò sí kóy! (IMP.2PL PROH go) ‘Don’t go!’, (Heath 2005:
174). The imperfectivity of the prohibitive is a problem for both analyses. If
one takes the positive imperative to have no aspect, one should explain why
the prohibitive does have it, and if one takes the positive imperative to be per-
fective, then one has to explain why its negative counterpart switches aspect.
8. This stem is normally prefixed, except precisely in the imperative, and for this
reason one may resist considering the stem itself imperfective (thanks are due
to Samia Naïm (Paris) for this point). But even then the imperfective and the
imperative will be considered to use the same stem and thus show at least an
affinity. Note that the true, prefixed imperative can also convey imperative
meaning (Woidich 2006: 276).
9. Note that the imperative is irrealis. Just like in Tondi Songway Kiini, it is
interesting to look at the prohibitive. Like in Tondi Songway Kiini, the pro-
hibitive is necessarily imperfective, but whereas the Tondi Songway Kiini the
prohibitive is arguably irrealis (Heath 2005: 175), the one in Misantla Totonac
is arguably realis (MacKay 1999: 201).
10. This is not say that imperatives may not have distinctions that are unique to
them (see van der Auwera, De Vogelaer and Schalley, in print), but this is
probably very rare.
11. We do not claim that politeness can only accrue to redundant perfective mor-
phology; Gusev (2005: 76), for one, notes politeness effects for imperfectives.
12. Note the hedge in the phrase “relatively simple” though: in about half of the
419 languages studied by Schalley (2008), imperatives have overt morpho-
logical marking, even for a singular or a number neutral form.
13. Interestingly, in some languages (Schalley 2008 lists Georgian, Laz,

Monumbo, Yapese, Bambara and, with some reservation, Jola-Fogny and
Pampangan), imperatives are morphologically identical with past tense forms.
If imperatives are preferentially perfective and if in these languages the past
tense historically derives from perfective aspect, this paradoxical fact makes
sense. (There is another, pragmatic explanation, however, offered in Schalley
(2008): one presents the wished for state of affairs as already in effect, thus al-
lowing no other option for the hearer than to catch up with reality and do what
the speaker wants him/her to do.)
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sowitz.
Animacy and argument hierarchy in conflict:
constraints on object-topicalization in Korean
Yong-Min Shin and Elisabeth Verhoeven
1. Introduction: the phenomenon1
A central issue in contemporary language typology is the impact of differ-

ent hierarchical concepts of syntactic, semantic, and pragmatic properties
and the interaction between them:
(1) a. syntactic functions hierarchy: subject > object

b. role hierarchy: actor > undergoer
c. animacy hierarchy: animate > inanimate
d. topicality hierarchy: topic > non-topic
Optimal constructions result from the harmonic alignment of these hierar-

chies (cf. Comrie 1981; Dahl and Fraurud 1996; Aissen 1999) which
means that a sentence in which the subject is animate, actor and topic and
the object is inanimate, undergoer and non-topic is an optimal configura-
tion for a transitive clause (cf. prototypical transitivity in Hopper and
Thompson 1980). Conflicts between these hierarchies result in construc-
tions that are less typical: consider a sentence with an inanimate and non-
topical subject or a sentence with an animate and topical object. The
world’s languages may display constraints that ban suboptimal construc-
tions of this type or they may mark them through specific constructions
such as voice, ergative marking, differential object marking etc. The kind
of constraints (or their hierarchical arrangement in optimality approaches)
and the corresponding range of constructions that are banned or receive
special marking are highly language specific: hence, it is a task of language
description to identify the exact locus of the constraint in the respective
object language and the range of constructions that are excluded or more
marked.
In this paper, we discuss an empirical phenomenon in Korean illustrat-
ing the abovementioned conflict between the hierarchy of syntactic func-
tions, the hierarchy of semantic roles, the topicality hierarchy, and the ani-
macy hierarchy. We use primary data elicited with 4 native speakers.
108 Yong-Min Shin and Elisabeth Verhoeven
Korean experiencer object constructions typically occur in SOV order,

which is the canonical order in Korean, exemplified in (2). The subject
may be either topic-marked or nominative-marked, both suffixes being
mutually excluded; the object appears in the accusative.
(2) kË kunin-Ën/-i (kË) haengin-Ël nolla-ke

D3 soldier-TOP/-NOM D3 pedestrian-ACC surprised-ADVR
haess-ta.
do:CMP-DECL
‘The soldier surprised the pedestrian.’
It is generally possible to topicalize and front the undergoer constituent

(e.g. Sohn 1999: §9.2.8), which results in the OSV order, as exemplified in
(3) for 3rd and 1st person subjects.
(3) kË haengin-Ën kË kunin-i /nae-ka

D3 pedestrian-TOP D3 soldier-NOM 1.SG-NOM
nolla-ke haess-ta.
surprised-ADVR do:CMP-DECL
‘As for the pedestrian, the soldier/I surprised him.’
However, when the object outranks the subject on the animacy hierar-
chy the construction of object fronting and topicalization is rejected by
some consultants. Example (4a) illustrates a situation where an inanimate
subject acts upon an animate 3rd person object, in example (4b) an animate
3rd person subject acts upon a 1st person object, and in (4c), an inanimate
3rd person subject acts upon a 1st person object. The constructions that
correspond to (4a-c) without object fronting and topicalization, i.e. con-
structions parallel to (2) are all perfectly well-formed.
(4) a. ?
kË haengin-Ën kË kwangko-ka …
D3 pedestrian-TOP D3 advertisement-NOM
(int.) ‘As for the pedestrian, the advertisement …
b. ??
na-nËn kË kunin-i …
1.SG-TOP D3 soldier-NOM
(int.) ‘As for me, the soldier …
c. ?*
na-nËn kË kwangko-ka …
1.SG-TOP D3 advertisement-NOM
(int.) ‘As for me, the advertisement …
Animacy and argument hierarchy in conflict 109
… nolla-ke haess-ta.
… surprised him/me.’
As indicated in (4a-c), the judgments which our consultants gave, dif-

fered as to the degree of acceptability. Prosodic prominence of the second
NP and a pause between the first and the second NP sometimes helped to
increase acceptability for some consultants. Additionally, judgments were
not always identical. Thus, (4c) was rejected more clearly and by more
consultants than example (4b), while example (4a) was judged better than
the other two. Differences in judgment indicate that the phenomenon that
we are dealing with is not a clear-cut matter of grammaticality but merely
reflects the preference against certain structures.
Our study shows that Korean syntax is sensitive to the harmonic align-
ment of participants on the prominence hierarchies introduced above (cf.
Lee 2001, 2003, 2006). The data to be examined provide evidence that
there are a number of factors which influence the fronting and topicaliza-
tion of object constituents in Korean. One factor is the relative position of
the arguments on the animacy hierarchy (see (3) vs. (4)), which is dis-
cussed in section 2. Another factor is the case marking of the fronted ar-
gument: the constraint applies to those fronted and topicalized arguments
that are unmarked for case and not to case-marked fronted arguments (see
section 3). A third factor is the complexity of the verbal construction: com-
plex verbal constructions are more clearly judged as infelicitous than sim-
ple ones, when a fronted and topicalized object outranks the subject on the
animacy hierarchy. In section 4, it will be discussed in how far putative
constructional ambiguities influence the rejection of such constructions.
2. Hierarchies in conflict
2.1. Hierarchies
As indicated in section 1, we assume a number of hierarchies, which will

be briefly introduced in the following. A participant bears certain proper-
ties independently of its relational properties in a situation. These are fea-
tures such as [animate], [human], [speech act participant], [abstract], [indi-
viduated], etc. The properties of a participant can be viewed as its position
on the so-called animacy hierarchy (cf. Comrie 1981, ch. 9) or empathy
hierarchy (cf. Kuno and Kaburaki 1977; Kuno 1987). Distinctions in this
hierarchy have been identified as relevant to many grammatical features,
among them split ergativity (Silverstein 1976), pronominal systems, in-
verse systems (e.g., Palmer 1994, ch. 8.2.2.), the assignment of grammati-
cal relations (e.g., Lehmann et al. 2000), etc. In our present investigation,
we test effects with respect to two main oppositions on the animacy hierar-
chy, namely speech act participant > non-speech act participant’ and ‘ani-
mate > inanimate’.
Furthermore, a hierarchy of syntactic functions is assumed. Such a hier-
archy can be established on the basis of criteria such as the accessibility of
the nucleus of a relative clause to a given relation (cf., e.g., Keenan and
Comrie 1977; Lehmann 1984, ch. IV.3.1.1), its structural markedness con-
cerning case marking and verb agreement (cf., e.g., Lehmann 1983: §4;
Croft 1990, ch. 5.3.2), or its dependency on the valency of verbs. For the
aims of our present study, the two-way distinction in the upper part of the
hierarchy as outlined in Lehmann et al. (2000: 10), namely ‘subject > ob-
ject’, will be considered.
Hierarchies of semantic roles have been proposed in numerous ap-
proaches (e.g. Fillmore 1968; Dik 1997; Foley and Van Valin 1984; Van
Valin and LaPolla 1997). We will use the macro role concepts actor and
undergoer, which are related to the basic notions of control and affected-
ness (Foley and Van Valin 1984; Grimshaw 1990; Van Valin and LaPolla
1997).2 They form the actor > undergoer hierarchy. More specific semantic
roles are located on this hierarchy which indicates their probability of be-
ing marked as an actor or undergoer in a language.
Finally, the topicality hierarchy orders topic before non-topic following
work by Chafe 1976, Givón 1976, Givón (ed.) 1983, 1994 and others. Top-
ics are associated with given prominent information in discourse which
canonically precedes new and less prominent information.
There is rich cross-linguistic evidence for a harmonic alignment of the
mentioned hierarchies (Aissen 1999; Bresnan et al. 2001; Lee 2001, 2003,
2006 for Korean etc.). A harmonic alignment means that corresponding
positions on the scales are naturally associated and less marked while the
association of a high-ranking value on one scale with a low-ranking value
on another scale may cause a morphologically more marked expression or
may even be subject to a constraint in a language.
A harmonic alignment of the animacy hierarchy and the role hierarchy
means that items on the upper end of the animacy hierarchy are more natu-
ral actors while items on its lower end are more natural undergoers. There
is rich evidence in functional typological literature supporting a harmonic

alignment of animacy hierarchy and role hierarchy starting with Silverstein
1976, which shows that more marked configurations on these hierarchies
are also morphologically more complex.
In an accusative language such as Korean, in an active clause, the high-
est-ranking macro-role, i.e., the actor, is linked to the syntactic subject
while the lowest-ranking macro-role, i.e., the undergoer is linked to the
syntactic object. Since within this work, we will only deal with active con-
structions, we can merge the semantic role hierarchy and the syntactic
function hierarchy to a generalized semanto-syntactic argument hierarchy
in the following way: actor/subject > undergoer/object.
As regards the topicality hierarchy, a harmonic alignment of this hierar-
chy with the animacy hierarchy and the hierarchy of syntactic functions has
been discussed by various authors (e.g. Aissen 1999 following influential
work by Chafe, Givón and others). Topicality naturally aligns with a high-
ranking value on the animacy scale, i.e. highly animate referents are more
natural topics. Furthermore, there is an unmarked association of topic with
subject, which is also reflected in Korean morpho-syntax. The preferred
configuration of a transitive construction in discourse involves a topic-
marked actor/subject. Nominative case on the actor/subject is information-
structurally marked and has a focus interpretation (cf. e.g. Kim 1990).
In the remainder of the paper, we investigate in how far alignment mis-
matches on the introduced scales affect the possibilities of object fronting
and topicalization, i.e. the occurrence of the construction [NPtop NPnom Vtr].
2.2. Relative position on animacy hierarchy
The data shown in section 1 gives rise to the following observation: When
the undergoer/object outranks the actor/subject on the animacy hierarchy,
the construction of object topicalization, i.e. [NPtop NPnom Vtr], may be
judged as infelicitous. When, however, object and subject occupy the same
position on the animacy hierarchy or, when the subject outranks the object
on the animacy hierarchy, [NPtop NPnom Vtr] is judged as well-formed. In
this section, we are going to investigate the behavior of representative
verbs of a number of transitive verb classes with respect to the above gen-
eralization in order to explore if it applies to transitive verbs or construc-
tions in general or only to a subset of these.
Another set of examples largely confirming the above observation will

be discussed in the following. In contrast to the construction tested in (2) to
(4), which is a periphrastic causative construction based on an intransitive
experiencer-oriented verb and the transitive auxiliary verb hata ‘do’, ex-
amples (5)-(7) feature a transitive (activity) verb piphanhata ‘criticize’
(composed of piphan ‘criticism’ + hata ‘do’). In (5a), the actor/subject
outranks the undergoer/object on the animacy hierarchy; in (5b), ac-
tor/subject and undergoer/object occupy the same position on the animacy
hierarchy, and both constellations allow for object topicalization in the
initial position of the clause.
(5) a. kË kica-nËn nae-ka piphanhaess-ta

D3 journalist-TOP 1.SG-NOM criticize:CMP-DECL
‘As for the journalist, I criticized him.’
b. kË cakka-nËn kË kica-ka piphanhaess-ta
D3 author-TOP D3 journalist-NOM criticize:CMP-DECL
‘As for the author, the journalist criticized him.’
However, in (6) and (7), the undergoers/objects outrank the ac-

tors/subjects on the animacy hierarchy, i.e. in (6) the undergoer/object is a
1st person while the actor/subject is an animate 3rd person; in (7) the un-
dergoer/object is again a 1st person argument while the actor/subject is an
inanimate 3rd person. In these constellations, object topicalization in the
initial position of the clause is rejected or judged as infelicitous by most of
our consultants, similar to (4) above. Similar to the judgments given for
(4), more marked associations of animacy hierarchy and argument hierar-
chy are more clearly rejected, i.e. in sentences with a topicalized 1st person
undergoer/object, an animate 3rd person actor/subject is less clearly re-
jected than an inanimate 3rd person actor/subject.
(6) ??
na-nËn kË kica-ka piphanhaess-ta.
1.SG-TOP D3 journalist-NOM criticize:CMP-DECL
(int.) ‘As for me, the journalist criticized me.’
(7) ?
*na-nËn kË sinmun-i piphanhaess-ta.
1.SG-TOP D3 newspaper-NOM criticize:CMP-DECL
(int.) ‘As for me, the newspaper criticized me.’
Note that we tested both proper nouns and definite common nouns as
instances of the animacy class ‘animate 3rd person’. Since they did not
show a difference in behavior with respect to our research question, we use
instances of both types in the examples. Moreover, the second NP, in-
tended to be the actor in the sentences, is preferentially definite, independ-
ent of the relative animacy of the participants. Sentences with bare nomina-
tive NPs in second position are generally rejected in an interpretation of
object topicalization, even if the putative topicalized undergoer does not
outrank the putative actor on the animacy hierarchy (e.g., in (3), (5b)).3
Furthermore, also canonical (basic) transitive verbs such as ttaelita ‘hit,
beat’, capta ‘hold’, chita ‘hit’, kËlita ‘paint’, hËntËlta ‘shake’, kkËlta ‘pull’,
chata ‘kick’, ppopta ‘choose, select’, kkocipta ‘pinch’ etc. may produce
infelicity judgments when they occur with topicalization of a more animate
object in the construction [NPtop NPnom Vtr], as shown in (8) for a constella-
tion with a 3rd person subject and a 1st person object. Note that examples
(8) are rejected by fewer consultants.
(8) ?
na-nËn Suni-ka ttaely∏ss-ta /cap-ass-ta
1.SG-TOP Suni-NOM hit:CMP-DECL hold-CMP-DECL
(int.) ‘As for me, Suni hit/held me.’
These verbs occur naturally with animate actors/subjects so that a par-

ticipant constellation of an inanimate actor/subject acting on an animate
undergoer/object cannot be tested with them.4 However, transitive causa-
tive verbs derived from intransitive bases such as cukta ‘die’ ~ cukita ‘kill’,
salta ‘live’ ~ salita ‘make alive, animate, save’ select for animate as well
as inanimate causers/subjects. Again, some consultants rejected sentences
with a more animate topicalized undergoer/object, as in (9a) and (9b).
Again, sentences with a 1st person undergoer/object are more clearly re-
jected than sentences with a 3rd person undergoer/object when the ac-
tor/subject is an inanimate 3rd person (cf. judgments of (4a) and (4c)).
(9) a. ?
kË ai-nËn kË yak-i saly∏ss-ta.
D3 Kind-TOP D3 m.-NOM live:CAUS:CMP-DECL
‘As for the child, the medicine saved it.’
b. ?
*na-nËn kË yak-i saly∏ss-ta.
1.SG-TOP D3 medicine-NOM live:CAUS:CMP-DECL
‘As for me, the medicine saved me.’
Finally, we consider the canonical ditransitive verb cuta ‘give’ and the
possibility of topicalizing and fronting the indirect object. The example in
(10) gives evidence that the construction [NPtop NPnom NPacc Vtr] featuring
an indirect object recipient which outranks the subject on the animacy hi-
erarchy is judged as infelicitous by some consultants, too.
(10) ??
na-nËn Suni-ka ppang-Ël hana cu-∏ss-ta.
1.SG-TOP Suni-NOM bread-ACC one give-CMP-DECL
(int.) ‘As for me, Suni gave me one bread.’
In sum, the constraint of topicalizing and fronting an undergoer/object

which outranks the actor/subject on the animacy hierarchy affects a variety
of verb classes and verbal constructions. Rejections of the examples pre-
sented differed in number and strength. There seems to be a tendency that
more marked associations of animacy and argument hierarchy are more
clearly rejected across verb classes. This concerns sentences with a 1st
person undergoer/object and an inanimate 3rd person actor/subject. In the
reminder of the paper, we will further investigate, under which conditions
topicalization of a more animate undergoer/object is rejected in Korean.
3. Resolving ambiguity: topic marking vs. case marking
In the preceding section, we saw that for a number of verbs object fronting
and topicalization of the form [NPtop NPnom Vtr] is rejected when the under-
goer/object outranks the actor/subject on the animacy hierarchy. The next
examples disentangle the effect of case ambiguity: (11a-b) differ from the
rejected (4a-b) in that the fronted objects in (11) are marked for case (accu-
sative) (which induces a focus interpretation). Since these examples are
completely well-formed, we conclude that the constraint against fronted
outranking undergoers/objects applies to case-ambiguous arguments.
(11) a. kË haengin-Ël kË kwangko-ka ...

D3 pedestrian-ACC D3 advertisement-NOM
b. na-lËl kË kunin-i …
1.SG-ACC D3 soldier-NOM
… nolla-ke haess-ta.
‘The advertisement surprised the PEDESTRIAN (a)/ME (b).’
Further evidence for the view that the case ambiguity of the topic con-
stituent causes the rejection of fronting an undergoer/object which outranks
the actor/subject on the animacy hierarchy comes from dative-marked NPs.
The examples in (12a-c) illustrate a verbal construction with an idiomatic
verb – object meaning (phihaelËl cuta ‘give damage’). It retains the argu-
ment structure of ditransitive cuta ‘give’ so that the person damaged re-
ceives dative case. (12a) illustrates the canonical word order. The dative-
marked constituent follows the topic-marked or nominative-marked ac-
tor/subject constituent. (12b) shows that a construction featuring fronting
and topicalization of the more animate object constituent is rejected by
most consultants. However, when the fronted argument bears both a topic
marker and a case suffix (which is possible for dative arguments), then
there is no restriction on the topicalization of a more animate object.
(12) a. kË salam-Ën/-i na-eke …

D3 (wo)man-TOP/-NOM 1.SG-DAT
‘(As for) the person(, s/he) …
b. ?
*na-nËn kË salam-i …
1.SG-TOP D3 (wo)man-NOM
(int.) ‘As for me, the person …
c. na-eke-nËn kË salam-i …
1.SG-DAT-TOP D3 (wo)man-NOM
‘As for me, the person …
… phihae-lËl cu-∏ss-ta.
damage-ACC give-CMP-DECL
… damaged me.’
In conclusion, the fronting constraint for objects outranking subjects on

the animacy hierarchy applies to arguments which are not marked for case.
4. Evidence from complex constructions
In this section, we will compare the acceptability of undergoer/object topi-

calization in simple vs. complex verbal constructions (section 4.1). Fur-
thermore, some of the complex constructions display some constructional
ambiguity regarding the identification of the semanto-syntactic roles of
their lexical NPs. It will be discussed in how far putative constructional
ambiguities influence the object topicalization constraint (section 4.2).
4.1. Complex control constructions
In section 2.2, we saw that undergoer/object fronting and topicalization in

sentences with canonical transitive verbs such as ttaelita ‘hit, beat’ or
capta ‘hold’ receive mild rejections when the undergoer/object is more
prominent on the animacy hierarchy than the actor/subject. In this section,
we examine the acceptability of object topicalization when such verbs are
subordinated under control verbs such as siphta ‘want’ and pota ‘try’.
Example (13) illustrates subordination under the volitive auxiliary si-
phta ‘want’. Contrary to (8) the sentence in (13) is rather clearly rejected
by all consultants. It becomes obvious that a more animate topic-marked
initial constituent is not interpreted as the undergoer of ttaelita ‘hit, beat’,
i.e. (13) is rejected with the translation indicated. (Note that with another
interpretation, this sentence is grammatical, see 4.2.)
(13) ?
*na-nËn Suni-ka ttaeli-ko siph-∏ss-ta.
1.SG-TOP Suni-NOM hit-CON want-CMP-DECL
(int.) ‘As for me, Suni wanted to hit me.’
If we again change the relative animacy of the topic and the nominative
constituent, i.e. if the topic-marked putative undergoer/object is outranked
in animacy by the following nominative-marked constituent, then the con-
struction is fully accepted with the interpretation of object topicalization.
(14) Suni-nËn nae-ka ttaeli-ko siph-∏ss-ta.

Suni-TOP 1.SG-NOM hit-CON want-CMP-DECL
‘As for Suni, I wanted to hit her.’
Subordination under pota ‘try’ produces results identical to those of

sentences with siphta ‘want’, as regards the constellations tested before:
(15a-b) are parallel cases to (13) and (14).
(15) a. ?
*na-nËn Suni-ka ttaely∏ po-ass-ta.
1.SG-TOP Suni-NOM hit:CON try-CMP-DECL
(int.) ‘As for me, Suni tried to hit me.’
b. Suni-nËn nae-ka ttaely∏ po-ass-ta.
Suni-TOP 1.SG-NOM hit:CON try-CMP-DECL
‘As for Suni, I tried to hit her.’
Thus, we conclude that the fronting and topicalization constraint is

clearer in complex control constructions than in corresponding simple con-
structions featuring the otherwise subordinate verb as main verb.
4.2. Constructional ambiguity
For some of the complex constructions exemplified above, there is an al-

ternative analysis under which the nominative case of the second constitu-
ent is licensed. Example (13) is well-formed if the initial topic-marked
constituent is interpreted as actor/subject and the second nominative-
marked constituent as undergoer/object with respect to the subordinate
verb ttaeli- ‘hit’, as indicated in (16). The volitive auxiliary siphta ‘want’
may assign nominative case to the undergoer/object NP of the subordinate
verb (cf. Yoo 2003). Thus, with the mentioned interpretation, (16) follows
a harmonic alignment of animacy hierarchy, semanto-syntactic argument
hierarchy, and topicality hierarchy and hence is completely acceptable.
(16) na-nËn Suni-ka ttaeli-ko siph-∏ss-ta.

1.SG-TOP Suni-NOM hit:CON want-CMP-DECL
‘As for me, I wanted to hit Suni.’
Furthermore, peripheral causative constructions such as (4b) may re-

ceive an alternative analysis justifying the nominative case of the second
constituent. Under the bracketing in (17), the sentence in (4b) is marginally
acceptable with the interpretation that the initial topic-marked constituent
takes actor/subject function.
(17) na-nËn [ kË kunin-i

(?)
nolla-ke] haess-ta.
1.SG-TOP D3 soldier-NOM surprised-ADVR do:CMP-DECL
‘As for me, I surprised the soldier.’
Now we may hypothesize that the fact that the sentences in (13)/(16)
and (4b)/(17) may receive competing interpretations may cause the rejec-
tion of fronting and topicalizing a more animate undergoer/object. How-
ever, this hypothesis is not borne out if we investigate alternative construc-
tion possibilities for (15) which features subordination under the control
verb pota ‘try’. Example (15) does not possess a construction alternative
with a nominative-marked undergoer/object. The auxiliary pota ‘try’ be-
longs to a group of auxiliary verbs which do not assign nominative case to

the undergoer/object of the subordinate verb. Rather case marking of the
undergoer/object is determined by the subordinate verb itself (cf. Yoo
2003). Furthermore, an alternative interpretation of peripheral causative
constructions as indicated in (17) is semantically acceptable only if the
nominative-marked constituent is a possible argument of the intransitive
subordinate verb. This does not hold true for sentences such as (4a) and
(4c) above. (E.g., the putative alternative interpretation of (4) ‘As for the
pedestrian, he surprised the advertisement.’ does not make sense.) Thus,
alternative interpretations in the way indicated in (17) are not available for
all instances of peripheral causative constructions.
Hence we conclude that factual constructional ambiguity is not a reason
to reject one of the possible interpretations, i.e. the one which is not con-
form with a harmonic alignment of animacy hierarchy and argument hier-
archy. Rather, it can be argued that the pattern [NPtop NPnom V AUXtr] con-
stitutes a possible construction in Korean with the interpretation that the
second nominative-marked constituent is the undergoer/object of V. Given
this potential interpretation and, thus, a possible ambiguity as to the role
interpretation of a nominative argument in complex constructions, har-
monic alignment of animacy hierarchy and argument hierarchy is favored.
The harmonic alignment hypothesis is corroborated by the preferential
interpretations of sentences with factual constructional ambiguity, i.e. sen-
tences with subordination under the auxiliary siphta ‘want’. Example (18)
(repeated from (14) above) is perfectly acceptable with the interpretation
resulting from a harmonic alignment of animacy hierarchy and argument
hierarchy (i.e. 1st person actor/3rd person undergoer), but is rejected by
some consultants with the reading resulting from a non-harmonic align-
ment of animacy hierarchy and argument hierarchy (i.e. 3rd person ac-
tor/1st person undergoer), as indicated in the translations of (18).
(18) Suni-nËn nae-ka ttaeli-ko siph-∏ss-ta.

Suni-TOP 1.SG-NOM hit-CON want-CMP-DECL
‘As for Suni, I wanted to hit her.’
??
‘As for Suni, she wanted to hit me.’
Examples (13) and (16) above feature the reverse participant constella-
tion with respect to animacy and topic/case marking in comparison to (18).
The reading resulting from a harmonic alignment of animacy hierarchy and
argument hierarchy in (16), ‘as for me, I wanted to hit Suni’ is accepted,
while the reading ‘as for me, Suni wanted to hit me’ resulting from a non-
harmonic alignment of these hierarchies is rejected, see (13).
Finally, if we also take the topicality hierarchy into consideration, we
notice that the rejected interpretation in (18) is still harmonic in featuring
an actor-topic, while the rejected interpretation in (13) violates a harmonic
alignment of topicality hierarchy and argument hierarchy. Note that this is
in line with the strength of rejection, as indicated in the examples.
5. Summary
The data presented in this paper supports earlier analyses (cf. Lee 2001,
2003, 2006) claiming that Korean syntax is sensitive to a harmonic align-
ment of participants on diverse prominence hierarchies, i.e. the animacy
hierarchy, the semanto-syntactic argument hierarchy, and the topicality
hierarchy. In this paper, we investigated a particular mismatch of argument
hierarchy and topicality hierarchy, i.e. constructions of fronting and topi-
calization of undergoers/objects, and its consequences for alignment con-
straints concerning the animacy and argument hierarchies. In particular, we
discussed animacy constraints in the construction [NPtop NPnom Vtr].
Our results show that a harmonic alignment of animacy and argument
hierarchy yields well formed constructions of the mentioned type, even if
the undergoer/object role is underspecified due to the lack of case marking.
However, sentences with a non-harmonic alignment of animacy and argu-
ment hierarchy are rejected to different degrees if the case roles are not
fully explicit. This holds true for a wide range of transitive verbs and also
in complex verbal constructions of the type [NPtop NPnom V AUXtr].
Additionally, the evidence presented in sections 1 and 2 suggests the
conclusion that more marked associations of animacy hierarchy and argu-
ment hierarchy, i.e. participant constellations of 1st person undergoers and
inanimate 3rd person actors produce stronger rejections than less marked
associations of values on these hierarchies. However, this observation
needs to be tested more systematically in a follow up study.
Furthermore, object fronting and topicalization were analyzed in more
detail in complex verbal constructions since some of these constructions
are structurally ambiguous, providing for an alternative analysis that identi-
fies the second nominative-marked constituent as undergoer/object of the
subordinate verb. It could be shown that interpretation preferences of am-
biguous constructions are also sensitive to a harmonic alignment of ani-

macy hierarchy and argument hierarchy.
Finally it has to be highlighted that, given the gradient nature of the ac-
ceptability judgments and thus the phenomenon investigated, a follow up
study should systematically test a variety a associations of the prominence
scales and consider judgments of a sufficiently large number of speakers.
On the basis of such an experimental study, constraints of alignment mis-
match can be identified more exactly.
Notes
1. Work on this paper was financially supported by the University of Bremen

(project 10/853/05) for Elisabeth Verhoeven.
2. In the proto-role approach (Dowty 1991), these largely correspond to proto-
agent and proto-patient, which are characterized by a number of prototypical
properties (e.g., control, sentience, cause etc. for the proto-agent and affected-
ness, change of state, etc. for proto-patient).
3. For the construction type investigated, relative definiteness (specificity) may
play a role with two third person common noun arguments. Within our current
investigation this factor was not systematically tested, but will be in a follow
up study.
4. Marginally, some of these verbs may take an inanimate subject, as e.g. mang-
chi ‘hammer’ may be combined with chita ‘hit’, or cha ‘car’ may occur as the
subject of kkËlta ‘pull’. However, in such cases, the object is generally inani-
mate, too, so that this constellation does not concern our research question.
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A.3 Limits of the Exponence of Functions: Zero
Zero and nothing in Jarawara
R.M.W. Dixon
1. Introduction – zero and nothing in Pān̩ini
The analytic device called “zero” in modern linguistics has its origin in
Pān̩ini’s analysis of Sanskrit. He uses the term lopa to describe a blank in a
grammatical pattern. “This blank or lopa is in several places treated as
having a real existence and rules are made applicable to it, in the same way
as any ordinary substitute that has an apparent form” (Vasu 1891, 1: 56).
Bloomfield (1933: 209) applies this idea to English and suggests that, in
sheep, “the plural-suffix is replaced by zero – that is, by nothing at all.”
The idea of “zero” (written as ∅) is nowadays used in a variety of dif-
ferent – and sometimes confusing – manners. I suggest (pace Bloomfield)
that a distinction should be made between:
(a) zero, referring to an empty (and blank) slot in grammar (this to be shown
by “∅”); and
(b) nothing, the absence of anything (this to be shown by a space, or by
“{nothing}”).
Note that an empty slot is something. It is relevant to quote in full the rele-
vant Sūtras from Pān̩ini’s As̩t̩ādhyāyī (Vasu 1891, 1: 55–56):
1.1.60 The substitution of a blank (lopa) signifies disappearance.
1.1.61 The disappearance of an affix when it is caused by the words luk, ślu
or lup are designated by those terms respectively.
1.1.62 When elision of an affix has taken place (lopa), the affix still exerts
its influence, and the operations dependant upon it take place as if it
were present.
1.1.63 Of the base (anga) whose affix has been elided by use of any of the
three words containing lu [that is, luk, ślu, lup], the operations de-
pendent on it do not take place, regarding such base.
I understand this to mean that lopa indicates a zero allomorph of a suffix,
an empty slot (or blank) where the suffix would be expected to be. Sūtra 62
states that this blank functions in many ways as a non-zero suffix in its
126 R.M.W. Dixon
position, and sūtra 63 states that elisions called luk, ślu or lup do not have
this property. In confirmation, Monier-Williams’ (1899: 904) dictionary of
Sanskrit includes within its entry for lopa: “when lopa of an affix takes
place, a blank is substituted, which exerts the same influence on the base as
the affix itself, but when either luk or ślu or lup of an affix is enjoined, then
the affix is not only dropped, but it is also inoperative on the base.”1
In terms of the distinction suggested here, Pān̩ini’s lopa represents what
I would call (a) zero, whereas luk, ślu and lup correspond to (b) nothing. In
section 6, a morphological distinction between zero and nothing will be
illustrated for Jarawara, from the small Arawá family of southern Amazo-
nia. But first it will be useful to survey some of the varying uses of zero
and of nothing.
2. Phonological change
English knee was originally pronounced with initial /kn/, later simplified to
just /n/. This kind of change is sometimes written as k > ∅; that is, k being
replaced by zero. In terms of the parameters adopted here, this is not an
appropriate use of the term zero. There is no justification for saying that
the modern form /ni:/ involves an underlying consonant cluster, with its
initial slot being left empty. The change should be described as k >, or k >
{nothing}.
3. Syntactic constructions
Zero may legitimately be used to represent an empty slot in a syntactic

construction (which is a syntagmatic chain). A clear example is John came
in and ∅ sat down, where the subject slot of the second clause is left
empty. In terms of the syntactic conventions of English, the subject of the
second clause – realized by zero – is taken to be identical with the subject
of the first.
Other circumstances in which zero may be employed as a syntactic tool
in English include sentences such as John ate an apple and Mary ∅ an
orange, I like sour milk better than fresh ∅, and You were running faster
than I was ∅ (Bloomfield 1933: 252). The zeros here should be reconsti-
tuted as eat, milk and running respectively. One way of describing these
examples is to say that an underlying element is replaced by zero through a
rule of ellipsis (there is a multitudinous literature on this).
Zero and nothing in Jarawara 127
4. Morphological structures
Generally, every word should include a root, which typically may be

flanked by a number of prefixes and/or suffixes. There can be special cir-
cumstances under which a root slot is left empty; one could say that here
the root has a zero alternant. It is highly unusual for a root to have zero
form in every circumstance. Roberts (1997) does report such a situation in
Amele (Gum family, Papua New Guinea). In this language a verb takes
pronominal suffixes referring to (in this order): direct object, indirect ob-
ject, oblique object and subject. ‘Give’ is realized simply by a complex of
bound pronouns in regular form, but with indirect object preceding direct
object (the indirect object pronoun could be regarded as a surrogate root to
which the other bound forms are attached).
My Jarawara corpus includes about 700 verb roots. One of these makes
up no less than 17% of the textual occurrences of verbs. This is -ka- ‘be in
motion’; it shows a number of irregularities. There is a verbal suffix -ke
~ -ki ‘coming’. As might be expected, it occurs most frequently with the
verb -ka- ‘be in motion’, the combination being equivalent to the English
verb come. When there is no prefix (which is when the subject is 3rd per-
son singular), we get the straightforward root-suffix combination ka-ke:
(1) bati ka-ke

father be.in.motion-COMING
‘Father is coming.’
However, if there is a pronominal prefix (for instance, o- for 1st person

singular subject), the root slot is left blank (Dixon 2004: 148):
(2) o-∅-ke
1SG:SBJ-be.in.motion-COMING
‘I am coming.’
Since -ka- is the only root which may have zero realization, one infers that
the empty root slot in (2) is realization of ‘be in motion’. There are two
ways of describing this:
(a) Saying that ‘be in motion’ has zero realization when preceded by a prefix
and followed by the ‘coming’ suffix.
(b) Saying that the underlying structure of (2) is o-ka-ke, and the -ka- drops
from this sequence (the root slot then becoming a blank).
128 R.M.W. Dixon
We can note that the ‘coming’ suffix has form -ke when preceded in its
phonological word by one or three syllables and -ki when preceded by two
or four syllables; it can conveniently be represented as -kI, where I is a
morphophoneme realized as i or e. Under analysis (b), the underlying form
of (2) would be o-ka-kI; if the -ka- did not drop, it would be realized as o-
ka-ki. We would have to specify that the rule omitting -ka- applies before
the rule specifying realization of the morphophoneme. However, under
analysis (a) there are no concerns of this sort, suggesting that (a) is to be
preferred.
Sections 3–4 have discussed zero elements in syntagmatic strings – in a
syntactic construction in section 3 and in a morphological structure in sec-
tion 4. We can now look at the most pervasive use of zero, which is as
realization of a term (or as one of the alternative realizations of a term) in a
paradigmatic system.
5. Grammatical systems
A grammar includes a number of closed systems, each consisting of a lim-

ited number of terms. The function and meaning of each term is defined
with respect to the functions and meanings of the other terms in its system.
For example, in a typical three-term number system, something which is
neither “singular” nor “plural” is recognized to be “dual”.
One term in a system may have zero realization in all environments; this
produces an empty slot (a “blank”) in the place where the system is real-
ized. The blank has contrastive value, just as do the other terms in the sys-
tem, which have non-zero realization. Consider the regular inflection for
number of an English noun, such as dog:
(3) SINGULAR dog-∅ referring to just one dog

PLURAL dog-s referring to two or more dogs
Singular, marked by zero (a blank in the slot available for number suffix in
the template of noun structure in English), has the specific meaning of
referring to a single individual, in contrast to plural, which has the specific
meaning of referring to more than one individual. Consider:
(4) a. The dog-∅ stands in the yard.

b. The dog-s stand in the yard.
The noun dog-∅, as subject, selects the 3rd person singular present/generic
ending, orthographic -s, on the verb, whereas noun dog-s selects the non-
3rd-singular ending -∅.
There are two ways in which zero plays a role within grammatical sys-
tems. Zero may be the sole realization of a term, as for singular on nouns in
English. Or zero may be one of a number of alternative realizations (an
allomorph) of a term. Plural is shown by orthographic -s on most count
nouns in English, but by zero on a few, including sheep (also deer, fish and
a few others). Corresponding to (4a-b), we get:
(5) a. The sheep-∅ stands in the yard.

b. The sheep-∅ stand in the yard.
Number agreement with the 3rd singular ending -s on the verb in (5a)
shows that the ∅ on sheep in (5a) is the invariant realization of singular
number, while agreement with the non-3rd-singular ending -∅ on the verb
in (5b) shows that the ∅ on sheep in this sentence is the zero allomorph of
plural. For another example, consider inflections on an English verb.
(6) 3rd singular subject -s

present/generic
non-3rd-singular subject -∅
past regular -ed, some verbs use internal change
(e.g., take/took), some have zero (e.g., cut)
With a regularly inflecting verb, such as slice, we get:
(7) ENDING ON VERB

a. generic, 3.SG subject, -s
John slice-s the bread each morning.
b. generic, non-3.SG subject, -∅
I slice-∅ the bread each morning.
c. past, -ed
John slice-d the bread yesterday.
d. past, -ed
I slice-d the bread yesterday.
The sentences corresponding to (7a-d) for a verb, such as cut, which has
zero allomorph for past tense are:
130 R.M.W. Dixon
(8) ENDING ON VERB

a. generic, 3rd sg subject, -s
John cut-s the bread each morning.
b. generic, non-3rd-sg subject, -∅
I cut-∅ the bread each morning.
c. past, -∅
John cut-∅ the bread yesterday.
d. past, -∅
I cut-∅ the bread yesterday.
In (8b), the ∅ on cut is the invariant realization of the present/generic term

in the tense system. In (8c-d), the ∅ on cut is the allomorph, for this verb,
of the past term in this system. Quoted outside of an instance of use, cut-∅
is ambiguous between present/generic and past values. But, within a sen-
tence, the identity of the zero is likely to be clarified by the other items
present. In (8d), time adverb yesterday indicates that the ∅ here is an allo-
morph of past, while in (8b) the time adverb each morning shows that the
∅ on cut is the present/generic term. We have seen that there are two uses
of zero within a grammatical system:
(a) The sole realization of a term – for example, singular in the number sys-
tem for nouns in English, and present/generic with a non-3rd-singular
subject in the tense system for verbs.
(b) One of the alternative realizations of one (or more) terms in a system –
for example, plural in the number system and past in the tense system.
It would not be possible for there to be two terms in a system both having
entirely zero realization, type (a). However, there could be two terms of
type (b), each having a zero allomorph (in different, or in overlapping,
circumstances). And, as illustrated for sheep and cut, a system can have
one term of type (a) and one (or more) of type (b). This leads to potential
ambiguity, which is likely to be resolved from the discourse context.
5.1. Markedness
It is often said that zero is linked to markedness. For example: “within a

grammatical correlation a zero affix cannot be steadily assigned to the
marked category and a ‘nonzero’ (real) affix to the unmarked category”
(Jakobson 1990: 157). In point of fact, one needs to distinguish two kinds
of markedness within grammar:
(a) Formal markedness. A term with invariant zero form is the formally un-
marked member of its system.
(b) Functional markedness. This relates to context of use. The marked
term(s) are only used with specific meanings, in restricted contexts,
whereas the unmarked term may be used with a general meaning in gen-
eral contexts.
Formal and functional markedness do not necessarily coincide. Consider
the inflectional system on verbs in Dyirbal, illustrated for bani- ‘come’:
(9) positive imperative bani-∅

negative imperative bani-m
present/past bani-nyu
future bani-ny
purposive bani-gu
Positive imperative is realized by zero and is the formally unmarked term

in the system. But the present/future, baninyu, is the functionally unmarked
form. Whenever a speaker wishes to refer to a verb (without recourse to
whether it is imperative, purposive, past, present or future) they will use
baninyu as citation form.2
5.2. Obligatory system, including zero, versus optional system
There can be, say, three possible forms for a word – with suffix X, or with
suffix Y, or with no suffix. There are then two possible analyses:
(a) An obligatory three-term system, with two of the terms having suffixal
realization and the third term being realized by zero.
(b) An optional two term system, with the terms realized by suffixes X and
Y. When a word is used with no suffix at all, this indicates that the sys-
tem has not been applied.
In contrast to the “zero” analysis, (a), we could call (b) a kind of “nothing”
analysis. Which analysis should be preferred depends on whether or not the
root with no suffix has a specific meaning, a value contrastive to (and
complementary with) those of the words with suffix X and with suffix Y,
132 R.M.W. Dixon
or whether it simply bears a general meaning, independent of those relating

to X and Y.
Many languages have a grammatical system which must or can specify
the type of evidence on which a statement is based. As with other systems,
one term can have zero realization. There is a three-term evidentiality sys-
tem in Bora (Bora-Witoto family, Colombia; see Aikhenvald 2004: 44).
(10) TYPE OF EVIDENCE REALIZATION

visual zero
inferential clitic ˀ ha
reported clitic βa
Here zero has a specific meaning, visual evidence, complementary to the

inferential and reported meanings of the other two terms in the system,
each realized by a non-zero clitic. Analysis (a) is plainly appropriate for the
obligatory system of evidentiality in Bora (one term of the system having
zero realization).
This can be contrasted with evidentiality specification in Retuarã (Tu-
canoan family, Colombia; data from Aikhenvald 2004: 49). There are three
non-zero markers onto verbs:
(11) TYPE OF EVIDENCE REALIZATION

auditory suffix -ko
reported suffix -re
assumed suffix -rihi
But, in addition, a verb may bear none of these three suffixes. Is this a zero,
a fourth term in the system? It is not, the reason being that a verb with none
of these suffixes does not carry a specific meaning. It simply indicates that
no specification of evidentiality is being made (a “nothing”). A verb with
no suffix can be used if in fact the evidence was auditory or reported or
assumed, but the speaker does not choose to specify this; and it must be
employed when the evidence was of some other type (for instance, visual).
It will be seen that analysis (b) is appropriate for Retuarã; there is an op-
tional evidentiality system, all of whose terms have non-zero realization.
The system need not be applied; then we get nothing in the way of infor-
mation about type of evidence.
The number system on nouns in English is of type (a), the term with
zero realization having a specific value (singular) in contrast to that of the
formally marked term (plural). This is an inflectional system, obligatory on

each count noun, see (3). Now compare the system in (3) with ways of
marking number on nouns in Dyirbal, for example, on guda ‘dog’:
(12) a. guda any number of dogs (one, two or more)

b. guda-jarran two dogs, a pair of dogs
c. guda-guda many dogs (generally, three or more)
This is not a grammatical system of number marking, similar to that in

English. In (12c), reduplication indicates plurality; since there is a specific
marker for dual, illustrated in (12b), reduplication is generally (but not
exclusively) used for a group of more than two individuals. Dyirbal has a
set of stem-forming affixes to a noun; they include -jarran ‘two, a pair of’
– in (12b) – and also -gabun ‘another’, -mumbay ‘all (and only)’
and -bajun ‘really, very’ (Dixon 1972: 221–232, 243–243).
The point to note is that the plain noun with neither suffix nor redupli-
cation, in (12a), indicates nothing about number. It could not be considered
a term in a number system in the way that zero (indicating singular) can be
for English. (To specify singular reference in Dyirbal, one must simply
modify the noun with number adjective yuŋgul ‘one’; that is, guda yuŋgul
‘one dog’.)
Mithun (1986) provides a fascinating account of differing systems of
bound pronouns. In some languages, an argument is obligatorily realized
by a bound pronoun, optionally augmented by a noun phrase; if one term in
the paradigm of bound pronouns – say 3rd person singular – has zero reali-
zation, then the absence of an overt realization in the bound pronominal
slot implies 3rd person singular. In other languages, an argument may be
realized either by a bound pronoun or by a noun phrase. There may be no
bound pronoun for 3rd person singular, so that a noun phrase has to be
included to indicate this argument. Here the absence of an overt realization
in the bound pronominal slot carries no implication of 3rd person singular
reference (that is, there is no term in the system with zero realization).
6. Zero and nothing in Jarawara
Pān̩ini’s discussion, summarized in section 1, is also appropriate for

Jarawara. The masculine form of the “continuous” suffix can be assigned
zero form (Pān̩ini’s lopa); in contrast, the masculine form of polar inter-
134 R.M.W. Dixon
rogative corresponds to one of Pān̩ini’s lu elisions, being nothing. First we

need to supply a little grammatical background.
6.1. Some basic grammatical information
Jarawara has two genders: f(eminine), the functionally unmarked choice,

and m(asculine). These are not shown on a noun itself but by agreement of
modifiers within a noun phrase, and on the verb. Verbal agreement is with
the pivot (grammatical topic) of the clause. This is in A function in one
kind of transitive clause (an A-construction) and in O function in another
kind (an O-construction). All the examples below involve intransitive
clauses, where the pivot is in S function, or copula clauses where the pivot
is in CS (copula subject) function.
Most verbal suffixes have distinct feminine/masculine forms, e.g., de-
clarative -ke/-ka. For example, with nouns mati ‘mother’ and bati ‘father’
and intransitive verb tafa ‘eat’:
(13) a. matiS tafa-ke ‘Mother eats.’

b. batiS tafa-ka ‘Father eats.’
A verb whose root ends in a (and a number of suffixes, including nega-

tor -ra) maintain a constant form when non-final, as in (13a-b). However,
when word-final, they do agree with the pivot in gender – a is maintained
for feminine and raised to e for masculine agreement. Thus:
(14) a. matiS tafa ‘Mother eats.’

b. batiS tafe ‘Father eats.’
6.2. Zero realization of masculine form of “continuous” suffix
The “continuous” suffix appears to have form -ine (where the i replaces a
preceding a) for feminine and zero (∅) for masculine (Dixon 2004: 187).
Thus, when followed by declarative, we get (15a-b); when there is no fol-
lowing declarative suffix, we get (15c-d).
(15) a. matiS tafi-ne-ke ‘Mother is eating.’

b. batiS tafa-ka ‘Father is eating.’
c. matiS tafi-ne ‘Mother is eating.’

d. batiS tafa ‘Father is eating.’
These forms can be explained by the following analysis:
(16) a. tafa-ine
eat-CONT.F
b. tafa-∅
eat-CONT.M
In ‘eat-CONT.M’, the root-final vowel a is not word-final; it is followed by

the zero allomorph of the continuous suffix for masculine gender. It is be-
cause of this zero element that the root-final a of tafa is not word-final and
is thus not raised to e in order to show masculine agreement, as in (14b).
6.3. Masculine polar interrogative is not zero, but nothing
The situation is rather different for the polar interrogative mood suffix
(Dixon 2004: 410–411). This has feminine form -ini, as in the copula
clause (including negative suffix -ra):
(17) ratenaCS ama-ri-ni?

flashlight.F be-NEG-POL.INT.F
‘Isn’t it a flashlight?’
Here negative suffix -ra- plus feminine polar interrogative -ini- gives -ri-ni.
The corresponding question with masculine agreement is:
(18) afiaoCS ama-re?

plane.M be-NEG.M
‘Isn’t it a plane?’
We could suggest that the masculine form of the polar interrogative is zero.
But if this were the case we would get:
(19) ama-ra-∅
be-NEG-POL.INT.M
136 R.M.W. Dixon
And the zero would stop the raising of the a of negator -ra to e to mark
masculine gender agreement. But we do get this raising. The only thing to
conclude is that the masculine form of the polar interrogative is not zero,
but nothing. The a of negative suffix -ra does count as word-final, since
nothing follows it, and is raised to e to mark masculine agreement. In the
morphology of Jarawara – as in Sanskrit (and probably many other lan-
guages) – there appears to be a distinction between zero and nothing.3
Notes
1. Note that Pān̩ini did not employ the word for “zero” in Sanskrit (see Allen
1955: 113). According to the Oxford English Dictionary the earliest use of
“zero” as a grammatical term in English is in Vasu’s 1891 translation of the
As̩t̩ādhyāyī. It occurs in the sentence immediately preceding that quoted in the
first paragraph above: “In Sanskrit Grammar, this ‘lopa’ is considered as a
substitute or ӑdesa and as such this grammatical zero has all the rights and li-
abilities of the thing which it replaces.” Vasu’s introduction of the term “zero”
was unfortunate; “gap” or “blank” might have been preferable. However, the
usage is now too deeply ingrained to be overturned. For further useful discus-
sion of Pān̩ini’s lopa, etc., see Subrahmanyam (1999: 45–46, 148, 176–177).
2. The account given here applies to the southern dialects of Dyirbal. Northern
dialects have the same forms of inflections, but differ in how they assign time
reference to them:
INFLECTION SOUTHERN DIALECTS NORTHERN DIALECTS
-nyu present/past past
-ny future present/future
Interestingly, the citation form is present/past, baninyu, for southern dialects
but present/future, baniny, for northern dialects. That is, the inflection whose
reference includes present time is always the functionally unmarked term in
the system.
3. Contini-Morava (2006) presents a very similar analysis of noun class prefixes
in Swahili, in terms of zero and nothing.
References
2004 Evidentiality. Oxford: Oxford University Press.
Allen, W. S.
1955 Zero and Pān̩ini. Indian Linguistics 16: 106–113.
Bloomfield, Leonard.
1933 Language. New York: Holt.
Contini-Morava, Ellen
2006 The difference between zero and nothing. In Advances in Functional
Linguistics, Columbia School Beyond its Origins, Joseph Davis,
Radmila J. Gorup, and Nancy Stern (eds.), 211–222. Amsterdam:
John Benjamins.
Dixon, R. M. W.
1972 The Dyirbal Language of North Queensland. Cambridge: Cambridge
University Press.
2004 The Jarawara Language of Southern Amazonia. Oxford: Oxford
University Press.
Jakobson, Roman
1990 On Language, edited by Linda R. Waugh and Monique Monville-
Burston. Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press.
Mithun, Marianne
1986 When zero isn’t there. In Proceedings of the Twelfth Annual Meeting
of the Berkeley Linguistics Society, Vassiliki Nikiforidou, Mary Var-
Clay, Mary Niepokuj, and Deborah Feder (eds.), 195–211. Berkeley:
Berkeley Linguistics Society.
Monier-Williams, Sir Monier
1899 A Sanskrit-English Dictionary, Etymologically and Philologically
Arranged, with Special Reference to Cognate Indo-European lan-
guages. Oxford: Clarendon Press.
Roberts, John R.
1997 GIVE in Amele. In The Linguistics of Giving, John Newman (ed.),
1–33. Amsterdam: John Benjamins.
Subrahmanyam, P. S.
1999 Pān̩inian Linguistics. Tokyo: Institute for the Study of languages and
cultures of Asia and Africa, Tokyo University of Foreign Studies.
Vasu, Śrīśa Chandra
1891 The As̩t̩ādhyāyī of Pān̩ini. Allahabad: Indian Press.
Clause linkage in a language without coordination:
the adjoined clause in Iatmul
Gerd Jendraschek
This paper describes the adjoined clause in the Papuan language Iatmul.
After some general remarks on the language in section 1, the adjoined
clause will be introduced in section 2. One prominent feature of the ad-
joined clause in Iatmul is switch-reference syntax, which means that it
indicates whether the superordinate clause has the same or a different sub-
ject referent as the adjoined clause. There are no means of coordinating
clauses, so that clause linkage is always morphosyntactically asymmetrical
(section 3). The semantics of the linkage can be left to inference, so that
the adjoined clause can be either semantically restrictive or non-restrictive;
in the latter case, it can give rise to clause-chains. I will argue in favour of
recognizing the “adjoined clause” as a characteristic of Iatmul syntax, as it
is more appropriate than the alternative term “medial clause” (section 4).
The linkage can occur at a subclausal level, thereby yielding verb forms
functionally equivalent to simple adverbs and complex predicates (section
5). Finally, the superordinate and the adjoined clause may or may not have
the same illocutionary force, as will be shown in section 6. A distinction
between subordination and cosubordination is therefore unfounded.
1. The Iatmul language: some general information
Iatmul is a Papuan language of the Ndu family, spoken in the East Sepik
Province of Papua New Guinea. The speakers live in approximately 30
villages along and close to the Sepik River, although half of the community
has migrated to towns, e.g., Wewak and Madang. Overall, there are over
40.000 speakers, although children, especially in the towns, grow up speak-
ing the national creole Tok Pisin most of the time.
The morphosyntax of Iatmul is half-way between agglutination and fu-
sion, with some elements of polysynthesis, and the language is predomi-
nantly suffixing. Basic constituent order is AOV/SV, both transitive and
intransitive subjects appear in the unmarked nominative and are cross-
referenced on the verb.
140 Gerd Jendraschek
2. The adjoined clause: introduction
Iatmul links clauses by suffixal morphology on the verb. Relative clauses

and adverbial (conditional, causal, purposive) clauses will not be consid-
ered in this paper. The language has no established class of conjunctions,
and no means of coordinating independent clauses.1 To compensate for
this, it has a type of “generic” dependent clause that has no direct equiva-
lent in European languages. I will call this clause type “adjoined clause”, to
distinguish it from the semantically more specific adverbial clauses.
The term “adjoined clause” was used in Hale (1976) to refer to a type of
multifunctional subordinate clause common in Australian languages. Be-
cause of its versatility, the adjoined clause can express various interpro-
positional relations, including temporal, conditional, causal, purposive, and
contrast. The “correct” interpretation then depends on contextual clues,
although it seems more appropriate to say that the interpropositional rela-
tion is not semantically specified in the way it is in English, where the dif-
ferent types of adverbial clauses are structurally distinguished. I do not
wish to imply that what I call “adjoined clause” in Iatmul is directly com-
parable to the type of clause Hale described for Australian languages. I will
use the term rather in the sense of Lehmann (2004):
a subordinate clause that modifies its main clause as a whole without being a
constituent of it is an adjoined clause … Adjunction is the weakest and loos-
est form of subordination. The subordinate clause is almost of the same rank
as the main clause, the only difference being that the main clause, but not
the subordinate clause by itself can represent the whole structurally. Apart
from this small bias, the construction is almost coordinative.
Morphologically, the adjoined clauses in Iatmul do split up in two types,
those with person-marking on the predicate and those without. The latter,
non-finite, verb forms are typologically common and have been called
“converb”, “medial verb”, “dependent verb”, or “participle”, depending on
the descriptive tradition and theoretical persuasion of the author. I will
avoid all these terms, and simply use “non-finite verb form”, as it does not
highlight any particular use of these versatile forms.
Semantically, the adjoined clause can be non-restrictive or restrictive.
The non-restrictive adjoined clause expresses a sequence or addition of
events and is often found in clause chains, whereas the restrictive adjoined
clause can express reason, cause, manner, etc. As this is a semantic and not
a structural division, a given linkage can often be interpreted in more than
one way.
Clause linkage in a language without coordination 141
3. Switch reference: different vs. same subject in adjoined clauses
Although switch-reference is not marked morphologically, it is a character-

istic of Iatmul syntax. When the adjoined clause and the superordinate
clause share their subject referent, a non-finite verb form must be used in
the adjoined clause; only the verb of the superordinate clause is marked for
person and number, see (1a). Person-marking in both clauses implies that
their subject referents are different, as in (1b).
(1) a. ki’ki’da kuk-ka yaki ki’-li’-li’]2

[food do-DEP] [tobacco eat-PROG-3.SG.F]
‘She was preparing food and smoking.’
‘She was smoking while preparing food.’
b. ki’ki’da kut-ti’-li’ yaki ki’-li’-li’
[food do-PROG-3.SG.F] [tobacco eat-PROG-3.SG.F]
‘While shei was preparing food, she*i/j was smoking.’
In (1a), the suffix -ka indicates the dependency of the first clause morpho-
logically. The form kukka is marked for neither tense nor person. In (1b),
the verbs in the two clauses seem to be of comparable morphological com-
plexity, as both consist of a root, an aspect marker, and a pronominal
marker.3 However, only the verb in the superordinate clause can be tense-
marked. As past tense is zero-marked, none of the verbs in (1b) has tense-
marking; in other words, there is no morphological difference between the
tenseless form in the first clause and the past tense form in the second. In
contrast, if the utterance has future reference, the asymmetry between the
two clauses becomes obvious. In (2), only the verb in the superordinate
clause contains the future tense morpheme -kiya, whereas the verb of the
adjoined clause cannot be tense-marked.
(2) Pius avla but-di’ wuk-kiya-mi’n]

[Pius self tell-3.SG.M] [hear-FUT-2.SG.M]
‘When Pius himself tells you, you’ll hear it.’
This asymmetry entails that independent clauses cannot be coordinated.

While this may sound odd from a European perspective, it seems to be a
typological characteristic of many clause-chaining languages (see e.g.,
Genetti 2005: 51). Compare examples (3a) and (3b). In both examples, the
first clause is subordinated to the second. Although the semantic nature of
the linkage is not overtly expressed, the adjoined clause is functionally

equivalent to a temporal adverbial clause in these examples.
(3) a. gabu-li’-ni’n sudu kwa-a-mi’n

[speak-PROG-1.PL] [sleep lie-PRS-2.SG.M]
‘You are sleeping, while we’re talking.’
b. sudu kwa-mi’n gabu-li’-ni’n
[sleep lie-2.SG.M] [speak-PROG-1.PL]
‘We were talking, while you were sleeping.’
Examples (3a) and (3b) also illustrate the difference between the tenseless
adjoined clause on the one hand, and the superordinate clause where past
tense is marked by a zero-morpheme, on the other. The form is gabuli’ni’n
in both cases: in (3a), it is interpreted as present tense, as it appears in a
present tense context marked only in the second clause. In contrast, ga-
buli’ni’n in (3b) constitutes the superordinate clause, and can only be in-
terpreted as past tense.
4. Non-restrictive vs. restrictive adjoined clauses
Because of its versatility, the adjoined clause can be functionally equiva-

lent to coordinate as well as subordinate structures in European languages.
Especially when several successive clauses share the same subject referent,
they can be arranged in a string of non-final clauses containing non-finite
verb forms, with only the final clause containing a finite form marked for
tense, person, and number. The clause-chain in (4) shows two linking suf-
fixes: the general, i.e., semantically non-specific marker -ka (simply
glossed as ‘DEP’), and -laa/-taa4 for consecutive events (‘CONS’). Note
that -ka is reduced or omitted after stems ending in a.
(4) sak yi-ka naami’i vi’-ka

[lake go-DEP] [basket see-DEP]
kakka vi’-ka ki’ki’da kwat-taa
[fish.trap see-DEP] [food find-CONS]
lugwamat-taa ya-a
[return-CONS] [come-DEP]
nyaan o laan-kak nau sau-ka
[child or husband-DAT sago fry-DEP]
ki’ki’da kuk-ka
[food do/hold-DEP]
ki’-ka ki’sa ti’-kiya-nyi’n
[eat-DEP] [chew(DEP)] [stay-FUT-2.SG.F]
‘You will go to the lake, check the baskets, check the fish traps, find
food, come back, fry sago for child or husband, prepare food, and
eat.’ (lit.: ‘Going to the lake, seeing the basket […] you will stay.’)
The verb forms of the non-final clauses have been called “medial”, as they
appear in the “middle” of the clause-chain, i.e., at the end of the non-final
clauses, while preceding the final clause. However, at least for Iatmul, this
terminology is misleading, as the non-finite forms can appear in various
positions. They can for example appear sentence-finally, as the adjoined
clause can follow the superordinate clause. In these cases, the linkage is
interpreted as semantically restrictive, i.e., indicating the manner, reason,
or temporal frame of the state of affairs expressed in the superordinate
clause. In (5a), the adjoined clause gives a reason; in (5b), jwaakka ‘walk-
ing’ specifies the manner of the verb yi ‘go’.
(5) a. yaki’bi-ba daali’-ka-di ki’viya-kak vaak-ka

[smoke-LOC sit-PRS-3.PL] [mosquito-DAT fear-DEP]
‘They are sitting in the smoke, because they are afraid of the
mosquitoes.’
b. a-yi jwaak-ka
[IMP-go] [walk-DEP]
‘Go and have a walk.’
5. Complex verb phrases
Another possible position for non-finite verb forms is inside a clause, i.e.,
between another verb and its arguments. In (6), the finite form kutdi’ ‘he
made’ governs the direct object ni’ma gaai ‘big house’; the non-finite form
kulakka occurs between the finite verb and its argument.
(6) ni’ma gaai kulak-ka kut-di’

big house win-DEP do-3.SG.M
‘He has successfully built a big house.’
Genetti (2005: 72-75) has convincingly argued that such an arrangement

should not be analyzed as embedding of one clause within another, but as
the result of the linkage “applying at a level below the clause” (2005: 37).
The non-finite form in (6) is therefore functionally equivalent to an adverb
in English.
This type of linkage can give rise to “case prolepsis”, the “case-marking
of an argument by a verb in a non-adjacent clause” (Genetti 2005: 35).
Note that in Iatmul only highly individuated direct objects receive case-
marking. This explains why in (6) ni’ma gaai ‘big house’ is not case-
marked, although it is a direct object. In (7), the superordinate verb form is
vi’li’di ‘they were watching’. Its direct object argument is Yavi: like all
proper nouns functioning as direct objects, it is marked with the dative case
marker -kak.
(7) Yavi-kak paku-laa vi’-li’-di

[Yavi-DAT [[hide-CONS] [see-PROG-3.PL]]]
‘Having hidden, they watched Yavi.’, ‘They secretly watched Yavi.’
The ambitransitive (S=O) verb paaku ‘hide’ is shortened to paku- when a

linking suffix is attached. In (7), this verb carries the suffix -laa for con-
secutive events. The form pakulaa ‘having hidden’ is then part of a com-
plex verb phrase consisting of two simple verb phrases, of which only the
second governs the clause-initial argument Yavi. Note that any of the verbs
in such a complex verb phrase can govern the preceding argument, so that
the correct interpretation may depend on prosody and pragmatics. The
verbs in a complex verb phrase can also share arguments. Compare (8a)
and (8b); both contain forms of the verbs paaku ‘hide’ and ki’ ‘eat, drink,
smoke’. (8a) contains the generic linker -ka, which can express restrictive,
i.e., adverbial, relations. In contrast, (8b) introduces a new marker, the
suffix -kakwi for simultaneous events. The different properties of the two
suffixes lead to a different syntactic representation of verb-argument rela-
tions, as shown by the labels in the first line.
(8) a. S=A O intr. verb tr. verb

maatnyan-gu yaki paku-ka ki’-li’-ka-di
child-PL tobacco hide-DEP eat-PROG-PRS-3.PL
‘The children, hiding, smoke cigarettes.’, ‘The children smoke
secretly.’
b. A O tr. verb tr. verb

maatnyan-gu yaki paku-kakwi ki’-li’-ka-di
child-PL tobacco hide-SIM eat-PROG-PRS-3.PL
‘The children [hide and smoke] cigarettes.’ (i.e., they smoke
some of the cigarettes straight away and steal some to smoke
later)
In (8a), paaku is used intransitively: the children hide while smoking ciga-
rettes. In (8b) however, the same verb is used transitively: the children hide
cigarettes, while at the same time smoking.
Another possibility is for the first verb to be transitive and the second to
be intransitive. The two verb phrases can either share the same subject
referent (9a), or have different subjects (9b).
(9) a. O tr. verb intr. verb

di-kak yalavi’k-ka li’-ka-wun
3.PL-DAT think-DEP stay-PRS-1.SG
‘I am (staying here) thinking about them.’
b. S=O tr. verb intr. verb
da’mage laavwi-di li’-ka-di’
door open-3.PL stay-PRS-3.SG.M
‘They left the door open.’, lit.: ‘They opened the door (and it)
stays (open).’
The first construction bears similarity to periphrastic tense-aspect expres-

sions, and can therefore be translated into English as a progressive. In Iat-
mul, however, the finite verb is not grammaticalized to an auxiliary, as (a)
there is no semantic bleaching; the semantics of li’ implies that the subject
referent is not moving; and (b) it does not become obligatory, maintaining
its paradigmatic relation to similar intransitive verbs such as ‘sit’ or ‘lie’.
The different-subject complex predicate in (9b) has no equivalent in
European languages. Note that the first verb in (9b), ‘they opened’, is sub-
ordinate to the second, ‘it stays’, just as the non-finite form ‘thinking’ in
(9a) is subordinate to the finite verb ‘I stay’. Thus, the two constructions
are parallel, the only difference being same vs. different subject linking,
this time at a subclausal level.
6. The adjoined clause: subordination or cosubordination?
The mismatch between the morphologically expressed dependency of the

verb forms in adjoined clauses and the observation that they sometimes
translate into English (and other European languages) as coordinate struc-
tures has led to proposals that we have to do in fact with a third way of
clause linkage between subordination and coordination. This has conse-
quently been termed “cosubordination” (Foley and Van Valin 1984: 256-
259), and the corresponding verb forms as “coordinate-dependent” (Foley
1986: 177). The crucial characteristic of cosubordination that distinguishes
it from subordination was said to be the scope of operators. More specifi-
cally, the cosubordinate clause must have the same illocutionary force as
the “final” clause (Foley and Van Valin 1984: 257). Similarly, Foley
(1986: 199) asserts that “dependent verbs take their illocutionary force
specification from the independent verb: whatever speech act is marked on
the independent verb applies to the dependent verb as well”.
As for Iatmul, it is true that there is a difference between adverbial and
adjoined clauses with respect to the scope of illocutionary force. Compare
(10a), where the first clause is a temporal-conditional adverbial clause
(which is not affected by switch-reference), and (10b), where it is an ad-
joined clause. The superordinate clause in both examples has imperative
mood.
(10) a. Wewak yi-m-ay-an, wun-kak yaki

Wewak go-2.SG.M-FUT-COND 1.SG-DAT tobacco
a-kla-ba
IMP-get-OPT
‘When/if you go to Wewak, buy me cigarettes.’
b. pi’li’-ka a-yi
run-DEP IMP-go
‘Run and go.’
The conditional clause in (10a) is not under the scope of the imperative of
the second clause, whereas in (10b), the imperative has scope over both
verbs. However, this is more a pragmatic difference, rather than a robust
syntactic criterion (a similar argumentation can be found in Genetti 2005:
68). A conditional clause constitutes a presupposition for its apodosis. The
linkage involving an adjoined clause, however, has no such conceptual
basis; the semantic relation between the clauses is therefore more variable.
Note that in (10b), the dependent form pi’li’ka ‘running’ can also be ana-
lyzed as the functional equivalent of a manner adverb, yielding the alterna-
tive translation ‘go fast!’. Examples (11a) to (11c) show even more clearly
that there is no requirement for the linked clauses to share the same illocu-
tionary force.
(11) a. agwiba daali’-ka mi’da-na kut-ti’-m-a?

[there sit-DEP] [what-FOC do-PROG-2.SG.M-FOC]
‘What are you doing (while) sitting there?’
b. agwiba daali’-ka nau-a sau-li’-ny-a?
[there sit-DEP] [sago-FOC fry-PROG-2.SG.F-FOC]
‘Are you frying sago (while) sitting there?’
c. wega yi-laa wun-kak ya-a a-vi’-ba
[market go-CONS] [1.SG-DAT come-DEP IMP-see-OPT]
‘After going to the market, come and see me.’
In (11a), the superordinate clause is a constituent question, while in (11b)

it is a polar question. In both examples, the first clause is outside the scope
of the question. In (11c), there is no requirement to interpret the utterance
in such a way that the speaker asks the addressee to go to the market; the
addressee might go there anyway. Therefore, the imperative has only scope
over the second clause, the first clause being presupposed. Consequently,
shared scope of interrogative or imperative operators is not a characteristic
of the construction, and cannot be used as a criterion to distinguish be-
tween cosubordination and subordination.
We can conclude that all clause-linkage in Iatmul is subordination.
European languages, which have both subordinate and coordinate linkage,
split the functional domain of interpropositional relations into these two
areas. As Iatmul does not distinguish between these two types of linkage, a
coordinate linkage in English corresponds to a subordinate construction in
Iatmul. This is particularly visible in the clause-chain, and also explains
why a subordinate clause may or may not be under the scope of main
clause operators.
Notes
1. A few concessions should be made here: a) Iatmul has borrowed the conjunc-
tions o ‘or’ and tasol ‘but’ from Tok Pisin; while o is well integrated into the
system, tasol continues to be considered as borrowed; b) sentences can be
linked by connectives like wuba ‘then’, wugikak ‘therefore’, ti’kali’ka ‘in the
meantime’ etc.; these are morphologically complex and thus obvious recent
innovations (cf. Aikhenvald 2007: 29 on their Manambu counterparts); c) two
imperative/optative clauses are frequently juxtaposed if the first event is a pre-
requisite for the second (‘extrinsic interpropositional relation’) as in
[come!][let me see!] or [walk slowly!][don’t you fall!] or [come!] [let’s go!].
2. The letter on the left represents the allophone(s) on the right. Those allo-
phones divided by ‘;’ are in complementary distribution; those divided by ‘or’
are in free (idiolectal, regional, stylistic, etc.) variation: a [a]; [] or []. a’ [a]
or [a]. a’i [a/i9] or [ai9]. aa [a˘]. b [mb]. d [nd]. g [Ng]. i’ [ɨ]. j [ndÉZ]. k [k]; [g].
kk [k]. k’ [kN]. l [l] or [R]. n [n]; [N]. n’ [N]. tt [t]. u [u]; [¨]. v [B].
3. This superficial similarity of the verb forms in the subordinate and the su-
perordinate clause has led to the erroneous claim that both verb forms are ‘in-
dependent’ (Foley 1986: 183).
4. The alternation between the stop and the liquid is phonologically conditioned,
the liquid appearing intervocalically.
References
2007 The semantics of clause linking in Manambu. Paper presented at the
International Workshop on Clause Linking. La Trobe University, 16.
August 2007.
Foley, William A.
1986 The Papuan Languages of New Guinea. Cambridge: Cambridge Uni-
versity Press.
Foley, William A., and Robert D. Van Valin, Jr.
1984 Functional Syntax and Universal Grammar. (Cambridge Studies in
Linguistics 38.) Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
Genetti, Carol
2005 The participial construction of Dolakhā Newar. Studies in Language
29 (1): 35–87.
Hale, Kenneth
1976 The adjoined relative clause in Australia. In Grammatical Categories
in Australian Languages, R. M. W. Dixon (ed.), 78–105. New Jer-
sey: Humanities Press.
Lehmann, Christian
2004 Nexion – Complex sentences (course material). Erfurt: Universität
Erfurt.
B. Semasiological Perspective:
From Form to Function
B.1 Establishing Categories and Relations

Once more on linguistic categories
Paolo Ramat
According to the so-called “Sapir/Whorf hypothesis” our way of perceiv-

ing the world and shaping our thoughts is deeply influenced by the particu-
lar language we speak. People who make use of very different grammatical
systems will observe the reality in different ways and will think of it in
different forms. Language is therefore much more than a technique for
communicating: it is a system which influences our “Weltanschauung” and
has a creative function.
Within the framework of this relativistic way of thinking Benjamin Lee
Whorf (1897-1941) maintained that the basic distinction between nouns
and verbs we find in almost any language of Europe does not hold in Hopi
and many other American Indian languages.
Our Indian languages [Hopi, etc.: Paolo Ramat] show that with a suitable
grammar we may have intelligent sentences that cannot be broken into sub-
jects and predicates. Any attempted breakup is a breakup of some English
translation or paraphrase of the sentence, not of the Indian sentence itself
(Whorf 1956: 241).
The problem raised by Whorf and the relativistic hypothesis clearly
touches the question of the existence or non-existence of universally valid
categories: are nouns and verbs universal categories which have to be pre-
sent in every language? Can a language do without such a verb-noun oppo-
sition? As we shall see below, the question cannot be answered without a
clear distinction between form and function. This distinction was not clear-
cut in the classical tradition: philosophers such as Plato and Aristotle used
ónoma both as noun and subject, rhêma both as verb and predicate (cf.
Sasse 1993: 190).
The discussion concerning the universality of concepts like noun and
verb started more in philosophical and ideological than in linguistic terms,
but it has been taken up again in recent times within the framework of cog-
nitive linguistics on the one hand, and linguistic typology on the other.
Cognitive linguistics is concerned with how grammatical strategies are tied
to more general cognitive capacities and more general cognitive processes
(of categorization), (see, among others, Tomlin 1997: 164, Tomasello
2003).
152 Paolo Ramat
As for linguistic typology, the debate on the existence of such universal

categories is still open. Relating particularly to North American languages
such as Cayuga (Iroquoian family), Comox and Bella Coola (Salish fam-
ily), Nootka (Wakashan family) etc., H.-J. Sasse has maintained that Ca-
yuga does not possess the lexical category noun as traditionally conceived
of on the basis of the European languages (see, e.g., Sasse 1993).1 The
lexicon of Cayuga has “roots” which must always appear endowed with
affixes expressing pronouns, and aspect (also tense, mood, negation, etc.).
Thus, a root never appears in isolation: the root -nhoh- ‘door’ is realized as
a predication: kanhóha‘ ‘it is a door’.2 Consequently Sasse assumes that
categories have to be considered as language-specific clusters of features
or properties, having formal as well as conceptual aspects. According to
him there exist no cross-linguistic abstract categories (Sasse 1993: 195).
This assumption is clearly along the relativistic line already alluded to and
advocated by Sapir, Jespersen and many other linguists. As Edward Sapir
put it in his famous book on Language:
No logical scheme of the parts of speech – their number, nature, and neces-
sary confines – is of the slightest interest to the linguist. Each language has
its own scheme. Everything depends on the formal demarcations which it
recognizes. (Sapir 1921: 119, quoted in Anward, Moravcsik, and Stassen
1997: 168)
And Otto Jespersen wrote:
The principle here advocated is that we should recognise in the syntax of
any language only such categories as have found in that language formal ex-
pression. (Jespersen 1924: 50, quoted in Bickel 1997:62)
The French linguist Gilbert Lazard has recently reconsidered the entire
problem (Lazard 1999). Contrasting languages of different types, he has
suggested a continuum between two ideal poles which are never fully real-
ized in real languages. At one end we can posit an ideal type without any
lexical, morphological or syntactic distinction between verbs and nouns; at
the other end the opposite ideal type would have verbs and nouns not shar-
ing any feature at any language level. As a matter of fact we do not know
of any real language which does not possess at least one criterion for dis-
tinguishing nouns from verbs, nor there exists a language where verbs and
nouns are completely separated. Even the European languages which have
a sharp distinction between noun and verb as two different morphological
categories, may have some overlapping between nominal and verbal forms
when the root is the same for nouns and verbs: see for instance French
Once more on linguistic categories 153
change, marche (noun and verb inflected for 1st–3rd person singular, indica-
tive and present), Italian ripiano, conforto (noun and verb inflected for 1st
person singular, indicative and present), and consider also participles such
as French commandant ‘officer’, chantant ‘singer’. Cross-linguistic data,
as well as (neuro)psychological tests concerning linguistic production and
comprehension, lead to the conclusion that the distinction between nouns
and verbs is not neatly dichotomic but may be thought of as a continuum
between two poles (cf. e.g., the Arabic maşdar and ‘ism al-marrati con-
structions, Simone 2003).
This is due to the very fact that categories are bundles of features. Dif-
ferent categories may share some features. Verbs usually have a number
distinction just as nouns do. Cayuga nouns may have aspect suffixes. Bhat
(1994) observes that, due to their high dependence on their head nouns,
adjectives prototypically should not take “nouny” inflectional endings
marking case, number, gender or definiteness, since these specifications
are usually already marked on the head nouns. English adjectives without
agreement would therefore be more prototypical than Latin or Sanskrit
adjectives. As a matter of fact, adjectives show in many (Indo-)European
languages the same features as their head nouns: gender, number, case; and
there are adjectival lexemes that in specific contexts may be used as nouns:
(1) Italian
[il/la giovane]NP sorrise
‘The boy/the girl smiled’.
The article-marked noun phrase has giovane as its head noun, and the
meaning of this head is determined just by the gender of the article. Gender
is a feature prototypically connected with noun. But there are many exam-
ples of verbs endowed with gender distinction as, e.g., the 3rd Past Sg. of
Russian: on cital ‘he read’, ona citala ‘she read’, ono citalo ‘it read’; Arab.
kataba ‘he wrote’, katabat ‘she wrote’, etc.
It is well-known that infinitives may be substituted by action nouns
(nomina actionis), especially in agglutinative languages, whereas fusive
languages seem to prefer infinitive forms which belong more strictly to the
verbal paradigm (cp. Sgall 2006: 410–417). Contrast Turk. gitme-m lazım,
lit. ‘go-my (Infin. gitmek) is necessary’, with its Engl. translation ‘I must
go, I have to go’.
The examples of overlapping features in different morphological cate-
gories could be easily augmented. We may conclude that features are not
154 Paolo Ramat
rigidly bound to categories: on the contrary, they may extend over different
categories in quite unexpected ways (N.B.: unexpected for a Eurocentric
linguistics!).
Moreover, syntax may play a decisive role in assigning a lexeme to dif-
ferent categories (see already (1), above). The famous sentence of Logical
Structures in Language, Flying planes can be dangerous (Chomsky 1957),
receives different meanings according to the rules of the English syntactic
structures.
This discussion shows that categories are not to be considered as water-
proof boxes. Shifts from one box to another are always possible. What is
the lexeme like? To decide whether it is a verb, an adjective or an adverb
we need an appropriate morphosyntactic context. Categorial assignment
has often been a one-sided operation based either on semantic, or morpho-
logical, or syntactic criteria only (Ramat 1999). After having underlined
the necessity of a global assessment in order to (prototypically) assign a
lexeme to a given morphological category, we have to add that the func-
tional nature of language, which basically serves to predicate something
about someone or something, causes that with more than chance frequency
the basic categories are cross-linguistically comparable.
As a matter of fact linguists who study “exotic” languages keep speak-
ing of “verbiness”, “nouniness”, “adverbiality”, thus applying these labels
to linguistic elements which are difficult to be categorized. A recent study
on Tobelo, a Papuan language spoken by approximately 15.000 people in
the eastern Indonesian province of Maluku, has shown that words indicat-
ing properties of the referent have categorial ambiguity: they behave as
nouns when the noun they modify represents new information, and as verbs
when the noun they modify represents old information (Holton 1999: 342).
The distinguishing criterion is thus a pragmatic one – but in spite of the
great difference between Tobelo and European languages, Holten finds it
useful to keep on speaking of adjectives, verbs and nouns as categories.
Accordingly, it seems that the old partes orationis of the classical rhe-
torical and grammatical tradition are still the most useful approach to lin-
guistic categories. I do not think that this is simply due to a Eurocentric
perspective. Rather, I would say that these morphosyntactic categories do
really refer to basic cognitive functions and behaviours which necessarily
find their reason and, at the same time, their realization in the functional
nature of language. There are mixed flexible types and changes of syntactic
category (e.g. verb → noun, noun → verb) but the typological comparison
confirms the validity of the parts-of-speech analysis we know from the
Once more on linguistic categories 155
tradition. As I said at the beginning of this contribution, the difference

between the traditional approach and the typological one lies in the fact
that the former made no distinction between morphological behaviour and
semantic function. The typological approach takes account of both dimen-
sions (plus the syntactic one) though keeping them distinct (see Ramat
1999).
Notes
1. Hagège (1982: 71) writes: “Dans certaines langues tout nom d’entité X peut
indiquer un état ‘être X’, et même une action, d’où par ex. en comox […]
l’identité formelle entre ‘(il est) ce qui court’ et ‘il court’ ou entre ‘(il est) ce
qu’Y voit’ et ‘Y le voit’.’’ Cp. also Yaguello (1988: 70f.): ’’[…] certaines lan-
gues ignorent radicalement l’opposition nom / verbe et le prédicat y prend une
forme qui échappe à toute distinction de catégorie syntaxique’’.
2. However, Marianne Mithun (2000) maintains that nouns and verbs are clearly
distinguished lexical categories in Iroquoian languages; ka- of kanhóha‘ is a
noun prefix and -a‘ is a suffix forming nouns and not an aspect marker suf-
fixed to a noun. See also Broschart (1997: 126).
References
Anward, Jan, Edith Moravcsik, and Leon Stassen

1997 Parts of speech: A challenge for typology. Linguistic Typology 1:
167–183.
Bhat, Darbhe N. Shankara
1994 The Adjectival Category. Criteria for Differentiation and Identifica-
tion. Amsterdam/Philadelphia: Benjamins.
Bickel, Balthasar
1997 Spatial operations in deixis, cognition, and culture: where to orient
oneself in Belhare. In Nuyts and Pederson (eds.), 46–83.
Broschart, Jürgen
1997 Why Tongan does it differently: Categorial distinctions in a language
without nouns and verbs. Linguistic Typology 1: 123–165.
Chomsky, Noam
1957 Logical structures in Language. American Documentation 8: 284–
291.
Hagège, Claude
1982 La structure des langues. Paris: Presses Universitaires de France.
156 Paolo Ramat
Holton, Gary
1999 Categoriality of property words in a switch-adjective language. Lin-
guistic typology 3: 341–360.
Jespersen, Otto
1924 The Philosophy of Grammar. New York: Norton.
Lazard, Gilbert
1999 La question de la distinction entre nom et verbe en perspective typo-
logique. Folia Linguistica 23: 389–418.
Mithun, Marianne
2000 Noun and verb in Iroquoian languages: Multicategorisation from
multiple criteria. In Approaches to the Typology of Word Classes,
Bernard Comrie and Petra M. Vogel (eds.), 397–420. Berlin/New
York: Mouton de Gruyter.
Nuyts, Jan, and Eric Pederson (eds.)
1997 Language and Conceptualization. Cambridge: University Press.
Ramat, Paolo
1999 Linguistic categories and linguists’ categorizations. Linguistics 37:
157–180.
Sapir, Edward
1921 Language. New York: Harcourt, Brace and World.
Sasse, Hans-Jürgen
1993 Das Nomen - eine universale Kategorie? Sprachtypologie und Uni-
versalienforschung 46: 187–221.
Sgall, Petr
2006 Zur Typologie des Infinitivs [11958]. In Language in its Multifarious
Aspects, Petr Sgall. Prague: The Karolinum Press.
Simone, Raffaele
2003 Maşdar, ‘ism al-marrati et la frontière verbe/nom. In Estudios ofreci-
dos al Profesor José Jesús de Bustos Tovar, 2 vols, José Luis Girón
Alconchel, Javier Herrero, Sylvia Iglesias, and Antonio Narbona
(eds.), 259–288. Madrid, Editorial Complutense.
Tomasello, Michael
2003. Constructing a Language: A Usage-based Theory of Language Ac-
quisition. Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press.
Tomlin, Russell S.
1997 Mapping conceptual representations into linguistic representations:
the role of attention in grammar. In Nuyts and Pederson (eds.), 162–
189.
Yaguello, Marina
1988 Catalogue des idées reçues sur la langue. Paris: Éditions du Seuil.
Whorf, Benjamin Lee
1956 Language, thought and reality. In Selected Writings of Benjamin Lee
Whorf, John B. Carroll (ed.). Cambridge.: The MIT Press.
Questions surrounding the basic notions of the
word, lexie, morpheme, and lexeme
Christian Touratier
Some linguists would like linguistics to be a science, and even the science
of language. But linguists are not scientists. They are men of letters, who
have studied (and often continue to study) the beautiful texts of Literature.
They like beautiful sentences and expressions, and they generally either
don’t understand or hate mathematics (there is no science without mathe-
matics!). Like in literature or philosophy, every 10 or 20 years, someone
bases linguistics on new principles or discovers a new field, and throws out
all earlier theories into prescientific darkness. But even if each little revolu-
tion brings a new set of vocabulary, it doesn’t erase earlier terms.
1. Morpheme and word1
There are terms such as morpheme, word or lexeme which are used in lin-
guistics to describe a grammatical fact or to elaborate a general and new
theory, but they are not defined on the basis of a consensus among lin-
guists. “Word” is the oldest of these terms. Almost all linguists now say
that although the word is a difficult grammatical unit to define, native
speakers generally have no difficulty identifying words in actual speech.
“The morpheme”, which, in accordance with its etymology (cf. gr. μορφή
‘form’), was originally either a grammatical element of the word, like a
prefix or a casual inflexion, or a grammatical word, like a preposition or a
conjunction (cf. Marouzeau 1969: 148–149). With structural linguistics, the
morpheme became the minimal unit of linguistic description. Now this term
chiefly means two different things (cf. Touratier 2002: 13–17). In Harris’s
distributional analysis, it means “a class of one or several complementary
morphemic elements” (Harris 1960: 212–213), the morphemic elements
being “independent phonemic sequences” (Harris 1960: 157). But for the
Prague School and American structuralism, “Morphemes are the smallest
individually meaningful elements in the utterances of a language” (Hockett
1969: 123). This is the meaning that we will adopt here. Martinet need-
lessly tried to call this minimal meaningful unit a moneme. But his defini-
158 Christian Touratier
tion of the moneme, which fortunately relates it to Saussure’s theory of the

linguistic sign, brings nothing new to the structuralist definition of the mor-
pheme: “Like every linguistic sign, the moneme is a unit with two sides,
one side which is signified, its meaning or its value, and one side which
signifies, which shows it through a phonic form, and which is composed of
second articulation units” (from Martinet 1967: 16). So we will call a mor-
pheme the smallest unit that associates a signifier (i.e., expression or “sig-
nificant”) with a signified (i.e. content or “signifié”). Since a morpheme
seems to be a very different unit from the “word” of traditional grammar,
Martinet goes as far as dismissing the word completely: “Our conclusion is,
of course, that this term cannot be used either in serious syntactic research
or in the presentation of its results” (from Martinet 1965: 84).
But why completely reject a notion which has been used by all gram-
marians to describe different languages, and in the end describes them in a
rather satisfactory or at least understandable way? We have shown (cf.
Touratier 2002: 22–24) that the “word” is probably definable, if, as Tes-
nière proposed, syntactic structure is distinguished from word order. Then
we can say that the “morpheme” pertains to syntactic structure, while the
“word” pertains to the linear sequence of word order. Under these condi-
tions, the morpheme can be considered as a minimal syntactic unit and the
word as a minimal syntagmatic unit by giving the syntagmatic order its
Saussurian meaning of a succession in a spoken sequence (cf. Saussure
1967: 176–177). This point of view gives a definite place to the word in
linguistic theory, but it will be necessary to reexamine the traditional prob-
lems of so-called compound and derived words.
Chomskyan linguists, for whom the term “structuralist” was almost an
insult, soon rejected the morpheme with structuralism altogether. Noam
Chomsky claimed to have counterexamples to the definition of morphemes
“as minimal meaning-bearing elements” (Chomsky 1957: 110); and the
morpheme was only considered as a simple morphological unit of descrip-
tion, which Noam Chomsky called a “formative”. But curiously, he admit-
ted that “the formatives [could] be subdivided into lexical items and gram-
matical items” (Chomsky 1968: 65).
2. Lexeme and “lexie”
As far as the lexeme is concerned, it denotes the abstract unit which occurs
in different inflexional forms of the same word (cf. Lyons 1968: 197), or, to
Word, lexie, morpheme, and lexeme 159
simplify, a “dictionary entry” (Aronoff, in Frawley 2003, vol. 2: 439).

Rather than relating it to the word, we will define, along the same lines as
Martinet, the lexeme as a sort of morpheme: a lexical morpheme, i.e. a
morpheme that belongs to an unlimited class of morphemes (cf. Martinet
1967: 119 and Touratier 2002: 17). Martinet differentiated the lexeme,
defined as a lexical moneme, from the morpheme, defined as a grammatical
moneme. If we don’t use the term moneme, we can differentiate the lexeme
from the grammeme, defined as the grammatical morpheme. But this term,
notably proposed by Bernard Pottier (cf. Pottier 1967: 15–16), is not very
common.
If the word is recognized as a syntagmatic unit in linguistic theory, it is
necessary to examine how syntactic structure is expressed by syntagmatic
sequence, and among other things how the word is related to the mor-
pheme. For there are words that are not minimal units, and there are groups
of words that grammar books or dictionaries usually consider as simple
words. Martinet proposed the term syntheme to denote “a combination of
significant units corresponding to a single choice by the speaker” (Martinet
1975: 272), functioning as a single morpheme, and belonging to a class of
morphemes. The syntheme “has the same compatibilities as the monemes
(= morphemes) with which it commutes” (Martinet 1975: 272), and it is a
minimal syntactic unit.
Some good examples of synthemes are the French nouns maisonnette
‘small house’, fillette ‘little girl’, chansonnette ‘ditty’, etc. or the French
adjectives indésirable ‘undesirable’, croyable ‘credible’, dirigeable ‘ diri-
gible’. But Martinet himself provided quite bad examples, such as chaise-
longue ‘deckchair’ (Martinet 1975: 189), au fur et à mesure ‘as one goes
along’ (Martinet 1975: 194), or pomme de terre ‘potato’ (Martinet 1975:
193), which are nothing but minimal units or morphemes. Bernard Pottier
proposed to call these bad examples “lexies”, and gave the following defi-
nitions :
The lexie is the behaviour unit. It is constituted of words. (Pottier 1967:
17)
The lexie is the memorized lexical item. (Pottier 1974: 265)
The lexie or sequence of words memorized as an individual sign. (Pottier
1992: 34).
Bernard Pottier, who uses the term “lexeme” to denote lexical morphemes
(cf. Pottier 1992: 37), seems to have thought that the lexie was a general
term to designate every lexical item, when he wrote:
The simple lexie coincides with the word: chien [‘dog’]. The compound
lexie contains several words partly or completely integrated (graphically, or
in its tactical behaviour: a brise-glace [‘icebreaker’]). The complex lexie is a
more or less set sequence of words: faire une niche [‘to play a trick’], en
avoir plein le dos [‘to be fed up’], pomme de terre [‘potato’], au fur et à me-
sure [‘as one goes along’ ] (Pottier 1967: 17).
But we prefer to reverse this point of view and give the lexeme the major
role. It seems more in accordance with the traditional theory of the linguis-
tic sign if we admit that the lexie is fundamentally both a sequence of
words and a single lexical item memorized by the speaker, and conse-
quently a lexeme. We can also say that the lexie is a particular kind of lex-
eme and not vice-versa; it is a lexeme composed of several words. Defined
thus so, the lexie, like the syntheme, becomes a notion that sets up a rela-
tionship between the level of morphemes and the level of words, the lexie
being a lexeme formed by several words, and the syntheme a word formed
by several morphemes.
Considering the lexie as a sort of lexeme, as well as considering the lex-
eme as a sort of morpheme, doesn’t separate the study of lexicon from the
developments of modern linguistics, but strictly relates lexicology to mor-
phemic analysis. However, the terms “lexie” and “lexeme” are often used
by linguists or grammarians simply as lexical items or even dictionary en-
tries; and the progress of modern linguistics is thus thrown out the door.
But this is not Bernard Pottier’s position:
The morpheme”, he said, “is the smallest linguistic sign. It cannot be de-
composed, synchronically speaking. In most languages, there are two
classes of morphemes: lexical morphemes or lexemes, which belong to end-
less and open lists, and grammatical morphemes or grammemes, which be-
long to limited and closed lists (Pottier 1967: 15).
When Bernard Pottier uses the term linguistic sign, he means the Saus-
surian sign. Indeed, he wrote:
The sign, whatever size it might be, always has the same constituents:
sign = signifier + signified
The relationship between both components has a double implication:
signified <==> signifier
Accordingly, if a signifier has no signified in a natural language, it is not a

sign: *croupère. In the same way, a signified which begins to appear in a
natural language will become a sign if it is related to a signifier (Pottier
1974: 26).
It is important to position the lexie of Bernard Pottier in the perspective of
the morpheme and of the word. The lexie is a morpheme, more precisely a
lexical morpheme, and also a group of words. It belongs to both levels dis-
tinguished by Tesnière, the structural level and the linear level.
Bernard Pottier defines the word as an “independent constructed unit”
(Pottier 1992: 34). This definition seems very accurate to us, and cor-
responds exactly to our definition of the word, if “constructed” means
“morphologically constructed”, and “independent” means “syntagmaticly,
linearly independent”. When we are performing morphemic analysis, it is
important to distinguish between the words Danielle Corbin calls “complex
unconstructed words” and the words she calls “constructed words” (cf.
Touratier 2002: 52–57). Constructed words are words formed by several
morphemes, which Martinet calls synthemes, such as maisonnette, indésir-
able. Their overall meaning is constructed from the meaning of their seg-
ments. Complex unconstructed words are words such as carpette (‘rug’,
and no ‘little carp’), all of whose segments are not interpretable; these
words are not analysable and consequently correspond to a single mor-
pheme. But apart from complex unconstructed words, it is still necessary to
distinguish constructions of words whose overall meaning is not con-
structed from the meaning of each of these words; these complex uncon-
structed words are morphemes which are unanalysable in smaller meaning-
ful units. These units are precisely what we call lexies.
We will thus consider the following examples (almost all taken from
Bernard Pottier) as lexies :
les allées et venues [‘the running about’], le chemin de fer [‘the railway’], la
porte cochère [‘the carriage entrance’], un poids lourd [‘a heavy goods ve-
hicle’], faire une niche [‘to play tricks’], en avoir plein le dos [‘to be fed up
with’], se la couler douce [‘to have it easy’], table ronde [‘round table’],
etc.
But how should we analyse the following examples?
prêt-à-porter (Pottier 1974: 307) [‘ready-to-wear’], par cœur [‘by heart’],
charbon de bois [‘charcoal’] (Pottier 1992: 17), mettre la table [‘to lay the
table’] (Pottier 1992: 123), juge de paix [‘justice of peace’]?
Native speakers are often tempted to believe that these compound words
are complex meaningful units which linguists would call “more-or-less
bound associations of morphemes”. What is indeed prêt-à-porter ‘ready to
wear’ or tire-bouchon ‘corkscrew’? The former is a mass-produced line of
clothing which allows a customer to try on a garment, buy it and wear it
home straight away; the latter an instrument with which one removes corks
from bottles. But never, or at least rarely, does it correspond to a dictionary
definition. For prêt-à-porter, the dictionaries say:
mass-produced clothing…, as opposed to custom-made clothing [from Le
Nouveau Petit Robert 1993], a set of clothes made according to normalized
measurements [from Le Petit Larousse Illustré 1991], clothes cut according
to normalized measurements and which are suited to the size of the cus-
tomer [from Lexis 1994].
If it seems possible to associate a signified with one or several formal ele-
ments of this compound word, nothing among these means that it is a mat-
ter of clothes. If the American English word ready-to-wear (the French
word prêt-à-porter is a calque of the English term) is an abbreviation of
ready to wear clothing, we can admit that ready to wear clothing is a
phrase, which has become a bound expression, and thus a syntheme. But
the meaning of the words ready-to-wear and prêt-à-porter doesn’t result in
the meaning of all the elements, and these three words are consequently the
signifier of a single meaningful unit and thus a morpheme. This morpheme
is a lexie whose signifier is partially motivated. We say that a linguistic
item is motivated “if we perceive a link between the linguistic sign and the
denotated entity, and if the linguistic sign provides some information about
what it denotes” or means (from Fruyt 1998: 56). The morphological seg-
ments ─ we call morphological segment, as Harris would, every sequence
of one or several phonemes that is formally independent of its environment
(cf. Touratier 2002: 57–59) ─ of the word prêt-à-porter correspond to three
segments which in other environments are the signifier of three different
morphemes whose content has a certain relationship with the signified of
the morpheme prêt-à-porter. Because of this relationship, the lexie is said
to be partially motivated.
Led by my native speaker intuitions, I falsely considered the following
lexies as synthemes:
casse-noisettes [‘nutcrackers’], tire-bouchon [‘corkscrew’], essuie-main
[‘hand towel’], taille-crayon [‘pencil sharpener’], lave-vaisselle [‘dish-
washer’], sèche-cheveux [‘hair drier’]
machine à laver [‘washing machine’], machine à écrire [‘typewriter’], table

à repasser [‘ironing board’], fer à repasser [‘iron’], fer à souder [‘soldering
iron’] (Touratier 2002: 50).
But in the word tire-bouchon, nothing means that it is a tool made with a
long twisted piece of metal, and that a cork is a round object made of cork
or plastic that is used for closing wine bottles. The meaning is richer than
that of both of the free lexemes tirer ‘to pull’ and bouchon ‘cork’. Even if
two of the segments of the word fer à repasser can commute, which gives
the words table à repasser and fer à souder, and if the segment repasser
means ‘to smooth out clothes’, the segment fer, when it is a free form,
doesn’t mean ‘a tool with a flat metal base’. Thus the word fer à repasser
cannot be a syntheme; it is only a lexie. If the word machine, as a lexeme,
means ‘a device with moving parts which uses power, chiefly electricity, to
do a particular job’, we find this meaning in the word machine à laver, but
not in the word machine à écrire. Nevertheless, nothing in the word ma-
chine à laver indicates that this machine is used to wash clothes, and is
different from the lave-vaisselle, which is a machine to wash plates, cups,
etc. Consequently, all these compound words are not synthemes, but lexies.
Therefore must we conclude that compound words are never entirely
formed of morphemes? It seems that it is not the case, since the meaning of
words such as lat. pater familias ‘the head of a family, a householder’, fr.
chef de famille ‘head of the family’, maîtresse de maison ‘housewife’,
chien de chasse ‘gun-dog’, or germ. Sprachwissenchaft ‘linguistics’ indeed
corresponds to the combination of the meanings of all its components. The
pater familias is the man who has authority (pater) over all the family, the
maîtresse de maison is the woman who governs (maîtresse) a house, i.e. all
that takes place in a house: cooking, washing, receptions, etc.; a chien de
chasse is a dog that hunts (chasse), i.e., that ‘chases wild animals or birds
in order to catch or kill them’, and the Sprachwissenschaft is ‘the scientific
study (Wissenschaft) of language or of particular languages (Sprache)’.
Both lexemes of these compound words can commute, which respectively
gives us:
lat. pater familias: mater familias ‘the wife of a paterfamilias, the mistress
of a household’, filius familias ‘a son subject to the patria potestas’; pater
patriae ‘father, protector of city’, diuum pater ‘father of gods’
fr. maîtresse de maison: employé de maison ‘domestic employee’, gens de
maison ‘household servants’, maître de maison ‘host’; maîtresse de ballet
‘ballet mistress’, maîtresse d’école ‘teacher’
fr. chien de chasse: avion de chasse ‘fighter plane’, fusil de chasse ‘hunting
rifle’; chien de garde ‘guard dog’, chien d’appartement ‘house dog’, chien
de berger ‘sheepdog’
all. Sprachwissenschaft: Rechtswissenschaft ‘law, jurisprudence’,
Wirtschaftswissenschaft ‘economics, case law’, Geschichtswissenschaft
‘history’; Sprachlehrer ‘language teacher’, Sprachlehere ‘grammar’.
Should we consider these compound words composed of several mor-
phemes as lexies or as synthemes? It would be rather unsatisfactory to say
that they are lexies, because it would modify our definition of the lexie too
much and needlessly, since it would be either a morpheme or a combination
of morphemes. Consequently it is preferable to modify our definition of the
syntheme, which will still be a bound combination of morphemes, but
which could correspond to one or to several words, and no longer, as we
said above, to just a single word. Thus we will say that the compound
words such as lat. pater familias, fr. maîtresse de maison, germ. Sprachwis-
senschaft, are synthemes, and not lexies.
3. Conclusion
We believe that it is better not to reject the notions our predecessors prof-
itably worked with. It is preferable to elaborate a general theory that inte-
grates, without contradiction and with coherence, the word and the com-
pound word of classical grammarians, the morpheme of structuralism, the
linguistic sign of Saussure, the syntheme of Martinet and the lexie of Ber-
nard Pottier. This way, linguistics will develop a cumulative base of knowl-
edge and will become a true science: the science of language.
With my best wishes, I dedicate this essay to Christian Lehmann.
Notes
1. I would like to thank Rachel Spiess, whose discussions, advice and emenda-
tions greatly helped me to write this paper, and Oriana Reid-Collins, who very
kindly accepted to read over my text.
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1957 Syntactic Structures. The Hague: Mouton.
1965 Aspects of the Theory of Syntax. Cambridge: MIT Press.
Corbin, Danielle
1987 Morphologie dérivationnelle et structuration du lexique. Presses
Universitaires de Lille.
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tions de l’Université de Provence.
Linguistic typology and language theory:
the various faces of syntax
Lunella Mereu
1. Introduction1
Until recently syntax has primarily been associated with formal grammar,
in other words with abstract theories exclusively aimed at detecting univer-
sal syntactic principles of sentence construction. The principal point of
reference has been Chomsky’s work on generative grammar from its first
formulations up to Principles and Parameters Theory (Chomsky 1979,
1981) and the Minimalist Program (Chomsky 1995).2
When it comes to typology, syntax has never been a privileged area of
investigation because of typology’s broader conception of grammar as a
multi-level system to be studied on the basis of large scale cross-linguistic
comparison. However, since the mid-eighties various typologists have
started publishing studies on syntax; alongside the work on Functional-
Typological syntax by Givón (1984,1990), one may think of Payne’s
(1997) volume on morpho-syntax, or Van Valin and LaPolla’s (1997)
wide-ranging study and also of Tallerman’s (1998) introduction.
Of course this does not mean that typologists have discovered the im-
portance of syntax only recently. After all the notion of linguistic type was
developed precisely on the basis of Greenberg’s (1963) investigation on
syntactic order, and a great deal of typological work has always been de-
voted to syntax, not only to the issue of word order as in Li (1975), in Com-
rie (1981), or Hawkins (1983)3, but also to syntactically related phenomena.
But it is certainly true that in recent times more attention has been devoted
to syntax, to its role and its interaction with both morphology and the other
levels of grammar.
The aim of this paper is therefore to discuss what syntax is today on the
basis of all the theoretical and typological insights we have achieved so far,
and also to see what kind of universals of sentence construction we can
now propose after all the empirical research that has specifically been de-
voted to the syntax of the world’s languages.
In sum we will compare different definitions of syntax and see what
kind of theoretical background is associated with each definition and ap-
168 Lunella Mereu
proach. We will not go through a historical overview of all the approaches

which have had to do with syntax as in the well-documented work by
Graffi (2001); we will instead discuss two basic and opposing views in
order to propose a third way for syntax. From our discussion it will emerge
that this third way simply involves a combination of some of the theoretical
and methodological issues deriving from both typology and formal gram-
mar.
2. Definitions of syntax
Various definitions have been applied to syntax in the literature. The sim-
plest or the one which can be shared by all linguists is that syntax is the
study of “how words group together to make phrases and sentences”
(Tallerman 1998: 1). Generally the definition also points out that the aims
of syntax are “to discover the common properties between languages, and ..
ultimately to discover something about the workings of the human brain”
(Tallerman 1998: 6). The first part of the above definition implies that
when doing syntax we basically ask the following questions:
(1) What is a sentence?
(2) What are the elements of a sentence?
We can find more or less articulated replies to question (1) depending

on the theoretical approach; one distinguishing trait between different theo-
ries is related to whether we assume a sentence to be connected to the utter-
ance or not, that is whether we have a functional perspective − according to
which a sentence must be a meaningful unit in discourse − or whether we
stick to a formal definition of a sentence in terms of grammaticality judg-
ments, as in generative grammar. The more radical differences are certainly
to be found in answer to (2) not so much in terms of the nature of syntactic
constituents as both functionalists and formalists would agree in consider-
ing noun phrases, verb phrases and so on as sentence constituents, but more
in terms of its subcomponents. Let us have a look, for example, at Van
Valin’s and LaPolla’s (1997: 1) definition of syntax: “the branch of gram-
mar dealing with the ways in which words, with or without appropriate
inflections, are arranged to show connections of meaning within the sen-
tence”; here we find an explicit mention to morphology as this “can be used
Linguistic typology and language theory 169
to express ‘who is doing what to whom’ in some languages, while word

order does this in others and accordingly the cross-linguistic study of syn-
tax cannot be carried out without paying serious attention to morphology”
(Van Valin and LaPolla 1997: 2). Although even generativists acknowledge
that inflectional morphology is important for syntax (after all the affix hop-
ping rule applied to verbs and to the affixes under the auxiliary constituent
[Chomsky 1957] was the first syntactic rule to include morphological
units), certainly they would not see the morphological processing of the
sentence as an alternative way of building sentence meaning. Instead func-
tional typologists not only recognize morphology “as a system of adjust-
ments in the shapes of words that contribute to adjustments in the way
speakers intend their utterances to be interpreted” (Payne 1997: 21), but
they even characterize the way in which morphology can contribute to the
syntactic construction of the sentence as shown by Nichols’ (1986) distinc-
tion between head-marking and dependent-marking languages.
However the major differences are connected to the second part of the
definition above, the one which specifies the aims of syntax; these really
depend on the kind of linguistic theory adopted and lead to different meth-
odologies for characterizing syntactic data.
We will just consider here the differences between generative grammar
and the functional-typological approach. When dealing with generative
grammar, we will refer exclusively to Chomskian grammar, and not to
other generative approaches such as Lexical-Functional Grammar (Bresnan
1982, 2001), as this shares some properties with the typological approach.
2.1. The generative approach to syntax
The basic idea of generative grammar is that languages share a common

organizing structure and that the differences among individual languages
are only superficial. This is due to the fact that languages are the realization
of a shared linguistic capacity, the “language faculty” (Chomsky 1979)
which is innate and biologically determined. The fact that the child is able
to acquire a language on the basis of limited data or according to the so-
called “poverty of stimulus” (Chomsky 1986: 7) has led to a view of syntax
as an abstract linguistic capacity. This is also called “Universal Grammar”
insofar as it “may be regarded as a characterization of the genetically de-
termined language faculty .. as a ‘language acquisition device’, an innate
component of the human mind .. a device that converts experience into a
170 Lunella Mereu
system of knowledge attained” (Chomsky 1986: 3). Universal Grammar is

therefore “a theory of the ‘initial state’ of the language faculty” (Chomsky
1986: 3), and it is characterized by a set of universal principles shared by
all languages, and a few parameters to account for linguistic variation.
Though initially not interested in diversity in languages, generative
grammar has started to account for the study of variation through the stud-
ies on parameters, as they allow to identify “open points of variation, ...
choice left open by Universal Grammar, which are set on one of the values
on the grounds of exposure to a corpus of data” (Longobardi 2003: 255).
Two important parameters identified in the eighties, the null subject
(Jaeggli and Safir 1989) and the ‘head first’ and ‘head last’ parameters
(Chomsky 1986)4 have led to distinguish in formal grammar between pro-
drop and non-pro-drop languages and between head-initial and head-final
languages. More recently more work on parameters has characterized the
Minimalist Program (Chomsky 1995). However, with the notable exception
of the important work Longobardi (2003a, 2003b, 2005)5 has been develop-
ing recently, the interest of generative grammar is more in characterizing
universal principles of language structure than in pursuing the extension of
language variation.
Going back to the conception that generative grammar has of syntax,
this is defined as a computational system (=CHL), and it is characterized as
an autonomous level with properties of meaning and of sound being con-
sidered as “conditions ‘from the outside’” (Chomsky 1995: 221). Therefore
communicative aspects of language or performance data are neglected as
they represent sources of ‘imperfections’:
“..output conditions reveal that items commonly appear ‘displaced’ from the
position in which the interpretation they receive is otherwise represented at
the LF interface .. Why do languages have such devices? .. facilitation of
parsing on certain assumptions, the separation of theme-rheme structures
from base-determined semantic relations .. conditions imposed on CHL by
the ways it interacts with external systems. That is where we would hope
the source of ‘imperfections’ would lie, on minimalist assumptions.”
(Chomsky 1995: 316f.).
In this sense the interest of canonical generative grammar mainly con-
cerns the common properties of languages. However, in addition to the
studies on parameters, there has been another way in which generative
grammar has contributed to the study of variation, even though this line of
research no longer characterizes generative studies today. In the eighties a
macro-typological distinction was proposed by Hale (1981, 1983) on the
basis of his studies on Warlpiri. In his works Hale drew a distinction be-
tween configurational and non-configurational languages and the distinc-
tion was meant to recognize that not all languages are hierarchically organ-
ized with subjects and objects occurring in different positions in the syntac-
tic tree, therefore identifiable in terms of their configurations. There are
languages with flat syntactic trees, that is languages in which subjects and
objects may occur in any position within the sentence determining the so-
called free word order effect. These non-configurational languages have a
number of other peculiar properties such as extensive pro-drop and/or dis-
continuous elements which make it difficult to apply the technical genera-
tive machinery without adding some devices to handle non-
configurationality. However, in the nineties Kayne (1994) reformulated the
hypothesis that languages share a unique construction principle in terms of
his ‘antisymmetry of syntax’, stating that all languages are SVO at deep
structure level and that the superficial order for languages which strongly
deviate from SVO sequences is obtained through dramatic displacements of
their elements. This has led to a restatement of the configurational property
of syntax in terms of what is now called the ‘cartographic’ approach (Rizzi
1997, 2004; Cinque 2002, Belletti 2004). This idea of configurationality is
of course also shared by those who, like Chomsky, do not adopt the anti-
symmetry approach.
2.2. The typological approach
Basically typology too is concerned with the search for universal principles
of language, but these are not only syntactic insofar as they relate to the
communicative function of language: “human language’s role as a means
of communication, its role in broader cognitive processes .. are all relevant
.. to the study of language structure” (Van Valin and LaPolla 1997: 11).
However typology is also interested in linguistic diversity or variation as
this shows the range of grammatical realizations different languages can
incorporate. In Lehmann’s words “The invariant itself, i.e. human lan-
guage, does not present itself directly. It appears exclusively under the form
of its variants, the historical languages. Variation is essential to the nature
of the invariant. Human language could never be fully represented by a
single historical language” (Lehmann 2006: 164). To Chomsky’s assump-
tion about the poverty of stimulus, typology opposes a belief in the richness
of linguistic data (Comrie 1981). In other words, typology concentrates on
172 Lunella Mereu
weighting “the breadth .. of coverage of languages” (Comrie 1981: 4) rather

than the depth of single languages.
Methodologically this means concentration on cross-linguistic data and
also on cross-level work or interface studies. Syntax is not viewed as an
autonomous level but it interacts with all levels as one phenomenon can be
marked syntactically in one language and morphologically or phonologi-
cally in another and the marking is always motivated by communicative
needs, therefore by semantico-pragmatic constraints.
3. A third way to syntax
Recently some linguists have started exploring a common route to syntax;

the idea they share is that in order to do syntax it is useful to combine the
typological and the formal approach and to build a kind of formal system,
that is a theoretical syntactic architecture open to typological hypotheses, to
the study of variation and to the interaction with morphology and with the
other level of analysis (Mereu 2004: 14). In brief a typological-formal
grammar with a strong cross-linguistic basis, oriented towards interface
analyses. We believe Van Valin’s and LaPolla’s (1997) or Van Valin’s
(2001) version of Role and Reference Grammar, or, on the side of formal
grammars, the non derivational multi-dimensionally constrained models of
Lexical-functional Grammar (Bresnan 1982, 2001) or Head-driven Phrase
Structure Grammar (Pollard and Sag 1994) should be understood precisely
as moving in this direction.
At this point, rather than describing each single theoretical framework,
which is certainly not among the aims of this paper, we think it is more
useful, as a preliminary operation, to define what a syntactic approach of
this kind should ideally look like.
4. What it means to do syntax
A good way of building syntactic argumentation is in terms of the questions

syntax ought to answer; apart from questions (1) and (2) above, we think
the following are important questions:
(3) Which linguistic phenomena belong to the sentence domain?

(4) What relationship does syntax have with the other levels of analysis,
or how does it interact with the other components in determining the
organization of the sentence?
(5) What relationship is there among the syntax of languages which are
different from one another?
Curiously enough, (3) is never explicitly asked in texts introducing formal

syntax. We generally find definitions of what the sentence unit is, how this
is hierarchically organized in groups containing classes of words or gram-
matical categories, the lexical properties of some word classes such as
verbs bearing information about its complements (and argument structure).
This set of elements and relations are what Graffi (1991, 1994) calls ‘naïve
syntax’, as it concerns concepts which (a) are part of the linguistic capacity,
(b) are independent from any theory, and (c) are identifiable at the observa-
tional-descriptive level. This of course leads to the recognition of a ‘theo-
retical syntax’ which includes the set of all theory-bound concepts, princi-
ples, modules and operations that are typical of some version of generative
grammar. Only through the handling of all this technical apparatus can we
characterize some theoretically relevant linguistic behaviour, in particular
some operations such as passive or subject raising or long-distant opera-
tions, best known as movement phenomena, or also the binding of overt
and non-overt anaphoric categories. Of course there are a number of analy-
ses and insights which have been an important contribution of generative
grammar, especially the distinction between functional and lexical projec-
tions (though this idea has a long and pre-generative tradition). But linguis-
tic phenomena certainly cannot emerge from theoretical syntax if this aims
at stating abstract conditions on rule application, and therefore at isolating
and ‘cleansing’ phenomena in relation to fixed objectives (Cinque 1991:
16).
Typologists, instead, are more focused on linguistic phenomena, but cer-
tain phenomena nonetheless escape their examination due to the perspec-
tive adopted6, among these those concerning wh-movement or the pro-drop
phenomena, i.e. null anaphora and its conditions.7
We think it useful therefore to give a list, albeit non exhaustive, of the
main phenomena that have syntactic relevance in the world’s languages:
(6) a. syntactic order;

b. distinction between argument and adjunct behaviour;
174 Lunella Mereu
c. complex structures (coordination and subordination);

d. pronominalization;
e. inflectional (case and agreement systems) and syntactically
relevant derivational (incorporation) morphology;
f. prosodic marking of grammatical features;
g. function-changing operations;
h. long-distance and in situ operations;
i. information structure systems;
j. negation;
k. definiteness and animacy.
We do not have space to go through all the items on the list, but will just
say a few words about some of them. Starting from (6a) it is curious, if not
paradoxical, that generative grammar books should not contain sections
devoted to syntactic order,8 if only to state, after extensive exemplification,
that this is only a superficial problem9 and show how to handle variation of
word order in terms of movement rules.
The distinction in (6b), instead, is recognized in all syntactic ap-
proaches, but not much work, at least until recently, has been devoted to
detecting the diagnostics to distinguish between oblique complements and
adjuncts.10
As for (6d), typologists are more concerned with analyzing overt forms
of pronouns and discriminating them in terms of their agreement properties
(Givón 1976; Lehmann 1982, 1985), whereas generativists are concerned
with stating the binding conditions of some kinds of overt and empty nomi-
nal and pronominal forms.
Instead, as far as (6e) is concerned, though Chomsky (1995) recognizes
that most variation is morphological (and the verbal functional projections
singled out since the eighties have been in line with his statement) not
much work has been devoted by generativists to analyzing different case
and cross reference systems, 11 while this is the area deeply investigating
upon by typologists.
As for (6g-h) it is, of course, also curious that typological approaches do
not deal with movement rules in those languages in which function chang-
ing operations are given by movement of constituents, or with wh-
movement or wh- in situ phenomena.
Moving to question (4) this has been the main contribution of typologi-
cal approaches to syntax; in this perspective grammar is identified as mor-
pho-syntax under the assumption that grammatical relations and their rela-
tionships to semantic and pragmatic relations are basically marked by mor-

phological and syntactic means.
As for question (5), although it has always been on the typological
agenda, we think that it has not yet been given completely satisfactory an-
swers. Of course this is not an easy question, as it really implies the ability
to single out the universal algorithm of sentence construction. Let us try
then to deal with question (5) in our own terms.
To answer question (5) we think it is useful to show the various possi-
bilities of morpho-syntactic encoding that languages use to form sentences
(Mereu 2004):
(7) hierarchical relations

configurational
morpho- precedence relations
syntactic case (dependent-marking)
encoding agreement (head-marking)
non-configurational
case + agreement
∅ or pragmatic markers
The part of this scheme we are interested in is the one concerning non-
configurational systems of morpho-syntactic encoding which, in addition to
dependent-, head-marking and mixed systems, also takes into account ∅-
marking systems. These appear in languages such as Mandarin Chinese
described by Li and Thompson (1976, 1981) as “Topic prominent lan-
guages” as they mark the Topic in initial position while the Comment, usu-
ally given by the predicate, follows the first position. Interestingly, there is
no morphological or syntactic marking for grammatical relations, and that
is why we think Chinese is a ∅-marking language; subjects and objects,
when they do not correspond to Topic – Comment sequences determining
SVO order, can occur in any position while no marking helps identify
them. Just to give an example, consider the following sentence:
(8) Nèi-chang huǒ xìngkui xīaofang-duì laí de kuài.

that-CLF fire fortunate fire-brigade come PCL quick
‘(As for) that fire, fortunately the fire-brigade came quickly.’ (Li
and Thompson 1976, ex.(7))
In (8) the Topic is not a syntactic argument of the verb, rather it is linked to
the predicate semantically. As a matter of fact, if we have something such
as the coordinate clause in (9):
176 Lunella Mereu
(9) Nèi-chang huǒ xīaofangduìi laìde zāo, *suǒyi __i hěn lèi.
that-CLF fire fire-brigade came early so very tired
‘(As for)that fire the fire-brigade came early, so they are very tired.’
(Li and Thompson 1976: [29])
we notice that the coordinate clause is ungrammatical since the null subject
is controlled by the subject of the previous clause and not by the Topic.
Given these data from Chinese, we think that Li and Thompson are right
in considering this language as being constrained by information structure.
Now the question is what kind of pragmatic principle governs Chinese syn-
tax. We can go back to the two principles which Givón (1984) proposes in
relation to word order variation, namely:
(10) More indefinite/discontinuous/new information follows more defi-

nite/continuous/old information. (Givón 1984: 207)
(11) More surprising/disruptive/new information precedes more continu-

ous/predictable/old information. (Givón 1984: 206)
We have no space to discuss Givón’s principles on the ground of the data

he describes. We can only say that (10) can be considered the principle of
progression from given to new information applied in configurational lan-
guages. Instead (11), which is also proposed by Mithun (1987) as the
“Newsworthy Principle”, is shared by non-configurational languages if we
modify it in the following way (Mereu 2004):
(12) Pragmatically prominent information precedes less prominent infor-

mation.
(12) states that, rather than just New or Focus information, non-
configurational languages can have both Topic and Focus in first position
provided that either is prominent in that it represents contrastive or em-
phatic or restricted information. Evidence in favour of this interpretation of
the newsworthy principle comes from Chinese. Consider the following
piece of discourse:
(13) A: tā gēn shéi niàn-shū?

3.SG with who study-book
‘Who does s/he study with?’
B: Gēn Lĭsì niàn-shū.

With Lisi study-book
‘S/he studies with Lisi.’ (Li and Thompson 1981: 558)
In (13) there is a restricted Focus in initial position and not a Topic. We can
also have a contrastive Topic in first position, as in:
(14) yīfu xīn de hǎo; péngyóu jiù de hǎo.

clothes new NOM good friend old NOM good
‘Clothes, new ones are good; friends, old ones are good.’ (Li and
Thompson 1981: 101)
In other words we propose that the distinction between configurational and

non-configurational languages, either morphologically or ∅-marked, is still
valid, if we regard the former as syntactically oriented languages and the
latter as pragmatically oriented ones. In these terms syntactically oriented
languages would be those configurational languages undergoing the prag-
matic principle in (10) above, while pragmatically oriented ones would be
those undergoing the principle in (12). However the distinction is not only
to be intended in cross-linguistic terms, as there are configurational lan-
guages with areas of non-configurationality and vice versa (Hale 1994;
Mereu 2004). Therefore principle (12) applies both to non-configurational
languages and to non-configurational phenomena in configurational lan-
guages. Evidence in this direction is given by the differences in left and
right dislocations and left or right focalizations in languages such as Italian.
Let us consider the following sentences:
(15) (Il libro), Gianni l’ ha comprato.

The book Gianni DO.3.SG.M has bought
‘As for the book, Gianni bought it.’
(16) Gianni l’ ha comprato, il libro.

Gianni DO.3.SG.M has bought the book
‘Gianni bought it, the book.’
(15) and (16) are instances of left and right dislocations respectively; Bos-
song (1981), Berruto (1986) and Simone (1997) rightly consider instances
of right dislocation as mechanisms for making whatever stands to the left
prominent. This interpretation is further confirmed by prosodic evidence:
178 Lunella Mereu
whereas left dislocation is marked by a pitch accent, right dislocation is

prosodically flat. The same happens with cases of left and right focaliza-
tion, as only left focalization is marked by a pitch accent (Mereu 2004;
Mereu and Frascarelli 2005).
Therefore, there are two universal algorithms of sentence construction
according to whether we are dealing with configurational or non-
configurational languages or phenomena: the principle of progression from
given to new information in (10) implies equivalence among syntactic posi-
tions, semantic and pragmatic roles and is applied to configurational lan-
guages in neutral sentences; the principle in (12) linked to non-
configurationality implies no correspondence among syntactic positions,
semantic and pragmatic roles, but entails that salient information comes
before non-salient information.
5. Conclusions
In this paper we have tried to show that after a large body of empirical and
theoretical work on syntax in the past century, a good way of doing syntax
today is simply to sum up the results of both formal and typological ap-
proaches. Both recognize that there are universal principles of sentence
construction, even if they take into account cross-linguistic variation in
different ways.
Basically we need to maintain the distinction between a configurational
and non-configurational way of constructing the sentence and abandon the
idea that variation pertains exclusively to morphology. As a matter of fact,
sentence construction is constrained by pragmatic principles according to
which either we have the SVO structure corresponding to the Given – New
sequence, or apparent free word order corresponding to a [+ Prominent] –
[– Prominent] pragmatic sequence.
Notes
1. I wish to thank my friend Nigel Vincent for his useful suggestions and com-
ments on this paper. I am, of course, fully responsible for any mistakes or in-
accuracies.
2. There are also other formal approaches such as Lexical-Functional Grammar
(Bresnan 1982, 2001) and Head-Driven Phrase Structure Grammar (1994)
which share the idea of syntax as a highly-constrained system, but these are
more oriented towards a multi-linguistic and a cross-level analysis of lan-
guages and in line with the idea of syntax we will defend in the paper.
3. Of course the work mentioned in the text is only part of the foundational work
done by typology up to the eighties.
4. The ‘head first’ and ‘head last’ parameter which was initially proposed to take
into account the VO and OV languages then becomes the ‘head directionality
parameter’ and extended to characterize a head, both verbal and nominal, in
relation to its dependent phrases, see Baker (2001).
5. Specifically Longobardi has conducted large-scale comparisons of languages
both synchronically and diachronically in terms of a rich set of parameters and
has also contributed to the theory of parameters.
6. This does not mean that typology does not analyse interrogative sentences or
binding phenomena in the languages it investigates upon, it simply means that
it is not interested in movement phenomena and binding conditions per se, as
again neither movement of constituents nor general binding conditions are
shared by all types of languages. Still it is true that in configurational langua-
ges question formation rules may be characterized as syntactic operations
which look like movement or chain formation rules. As for binding, things are
a bit more complicated, as they would be dealt with by typology according to
the different logophoric systems languages implement and more in cross-level
terms, that is considering the interaction between morphosyntax and seman-
tics.
7. Van Valin and LaPolla (1997) refer to pro-drop, but they only hint at this
phenomenon without characterizing it.
8. By syntactic order we mean both different orders of constituents and free
word order. Variation of word order is therefore the possibility for languages
to realize either one of the six order of constituents for a sentence with two ar-
guments or total freedom of syntactic order, that is discontinuous sequences of
words.
9. Remember that word order variation in generative grammar is generally char-
acterized in terms of the parametric difference between head-initial and head-
final structures.
10. The book in the Eurotyp series (van der Auwera 1998) mainly focuses on bare
adverbs and sentential adverbials. Van Valin and LaPolla (1997) discuss the
180 Lunella Mereu
distinction and give a typology of obliques in terms of different kinds of pre-

positions. Prandi (2004) also discusses the issue.
11. In other words, with few exceptions such as Bittner and Hale (1996) in which
ergative case systems are analysed, the different case systems (nominative /
accusative, ergative / absolutive, active, ..) or the cross referencing of subject
and object through agreement markers on the verbal head, have not been dealt
with very extensively in generative grammar.
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University Press.
Linking without grammatical relations in Yucatec:
alignment, extraction, and control
Jürgen Bohnemeyer
It is argued that the linking between semantic roles and syntactic arguments
is not governed by grammatical relations in Yucatec. Intraclausally, align-
ment (or “obviation”) constraints disambiguate arguments for linking: the
“actor” argument of transitive active verb forms must outrank the under-
goer on a “prominence” hierarchy if both are third-person. Interclausally,
linking is regulated by construction-specific rules: in the case of extraction,
one that mandates use of a special voice form in case the target of extrac-
tion thematically outranks another argument; in the case of control, one that
requires the highest-ranking thematic role to be linked to the target of con-
trol.1
1. The problem
Yucatec Maya has a typologically exotic cross-reference system which

treats the single argument of intransitive clauses on a par with the “actor”
argument of transitive clauses in some inflectional categories and with the
“undergoer” in others, while argument marking in transitive clauses is in-
variable. What organization of grammatical relations – if any – co-occurs
with such an unusual argument marking pattern?
Grammatical relations (GRs) or “grammatical functions” – subject, di-
rect object, indirect object, primary/secondary object, etc. – serve to regu-
late the “linking” between thematic relations and syntactic arguments (e.g.,
Culicover and Jackendoff 2005: 187–232; Van Valin and LaPolla 1997:
242–316, and references therein). I assume the Role-and-Reference Gram-
mar (RRG) framework, in which GRs are considered language-specific.
The hallmark of GRs is “restricted neutralization” (Van Valin and LaPolla
1997: 274–285): syntactic processes – or properties of syntactic representa-
tions – that are restricted to a particular “privileged” argument thematically
neutralized in the sense that a range of different thematic relations is linked
to it. In this paper, I examine evidence from clause-internal linking and
from linking in two families of inter-clausal constructions in Yucatec, ex-
186 Jürgen Bohnemeyer
traction and control constructions.2 I show that clause-internal linking is

subject to “alignment” constraints of a nature similar to what has been de-
scribed for other Mayan languages (Aissen 1997, 1999; Zavala Maldonado
1997, 2007): in active transitive clauses with two third-person arguments,
the “actor” argument must outrank the “undergoer” argument on a promi-
nence hierarchy. Left-dislocation, passivization, and clefting are used as
means to resolve alignment violations. However, none of these construc-
tions can be said to be restricted to inverse alignment, and so none can be
said to express inversion. I argue that the Yucatec alignment system serves
to disambiguate linking between two third-person arguments, and I take
this as evidence that GRs are not involved in regulating intra-clausal link-
ing in Yucatec. Disambiguation is an issue with 3rd-person arguments only,
for obvious reasons. 3rd-person arguments are realized by bare agreement
or cross-reference markers and optionally in addition by noun phrases. Di-
rect evidence that the interpretation of these noun phrases is not governed
by GRs comes from the regular repair interpretations triggered by sentences
with alignment violations. These repair interpretations appear to override
the otherwise rigid constituent order of the Yucatecan clause. Constituent
order, instead of discriminating GRs, directly determines the linking be-
tween syntactic arguments and semantic roles – but only under “harmonic
alignment,” i.e., in case the highest-ranking argument on the thematic hier-
archy – the actor – corresponds to the highest-ranking argument on the
prominence hierarchy.
Extraction constructions include relativization, clefting, and content
questions in Yucatec. These show an organization that has been considered
ergative in work on Mayan syntax (e.g., Dayley 1981 on Tz’utujil; Larsen
1981 on Awakatek; Van Valin 1981 on Jakaltek): all arguments and obli-
ques are extracted without restriction except for the “actor-” (i.e., highest-
ranking on a thematic hierarchy) argument/oblique of active transitive and
passive clauses. Extraction of the passive actor is barred completely, while
extraction of the active actor requires the so-called “agent-focus” (or “A-
focus”) form, a special voice form of the Mayan verb. Both restrictions can
be accounted for in terms of a single linking rule that mandates the use of
the A-focus form in case the target of extraction outranks another argument
of the same verb. In RRG terms, extraction operates on an “invariable syn-
tactic pivot” in Yucatec which includes arbitrary arguments and obliques
except for the transitive A-argument. However, this pivot has no uniform
morphological expression. Control constructions in turn operate on a nomi-
native invariable syntactic pivot: they require the target of control to be
Linking without grammatical relations in Yucatec 187
either the actor argument of a transitive verb or the single argument of an

intransitive verb, but disallow passivization of the controlled core. Again,
the relevant generalization cannot be stated in terms of a uniformly marked
grammatical relation of Yucatec. The simplest alternative is a linking rule
that requires the highest-ranking thematic role in a controlled verbal projec-
tion to be linked to the target of control.
In sum, in line with an argument marking system that fairly transpar-
ently reflects the “macro-roles” of actor and undergoer, linking between
semantic roles and syntactic arguments is governed, not by GRs, but
clause-internally by alignment constraints and in inter-clausal syntax by
construction-specific linking rules.
2. Argument marking
Yucatec lacks nominal case marking. There are two paradigms of cross-
reference markers, customarily called “set A” and “set B” in Mayan lin-
guistics. These behave like agreement markers in the presence of a co-
indexed nominal in the same clause and like bound pronominal arguments
in its absence; they do not co-occur with free pronouns inside the clause
unless the latter are used deictically (see examples in section 5). The set-B
markers are suffixes. The singular set-A markers are clitics; they either
procliticize to the (verb or noun) stem or form a phonological word with a
preceding host, in particular, the preverbal “aspect-mood markers” (see
(2)). The plural set-A markers are complex, combining a clitic with the set-
B plural marker of the requisite person category. Example (1) shows nomi-
nal predicates that carry the A1.SG clitic marking the speaker as possessor
and the B2.SG suffix marking the addressee as theme:
(1) Síi in=ìiho-ech, in=pàal-ech, ko’x!

yes A1.SG=son-B2.SG A1.SG=child-B2.SG EXHORT
‘You ARE my son alright, you ARE my child; let’s go!’
The single argument of intransitive verbs (henceforth “S”) is cross-

referenced by the set-A markers in incompletive “status”, but by the set-B
markers in completive, subjunctive, and extra-focal “status”. In contrast,
cross-referencing of the actor (the higher-ranking argument; “A”) and un-
dergoer (the lower-ranking argument; “U”) of transitive verbs is not sensi-
tive to status. Status is an inflectional category specific to and common
among Mayan languages (Kaufman 1990). The architecture of the status

system varies from language to language. The Yucatecan system is pre-
sented in Bohnemeyer (2002: 216–242) along with a semantic analysis of
its aspectual and modal components. Examples (2a) and (3a) illustrate the
argument marking contrast between incompletive (2a) and completive (3a)
intransitive forms of hàats’ ‘bat’. For comparison, (2b) and (3b) show the
corresponding transitive forms (hàats’ is the antipassive of hats’ ‘hit’). No
more than two arguments are marked on the verb, and there are neither
primary nor indirect objects; recipients of transfer events are encoded by
obliques.
(2) a. Intransitive incompletive b. Transitive incompletive

k-in=hàats’-∅ k-u=hats’-ik-en
IMPF-A1.SG=hit\APASS-INC IMPF-A3=hit-INC-B1.SG
‘I bat’ ‘he hits me’
(3) a. Intransitive completive b. Transitive completive

h=hàats’-nah-en t-u=hats’-ah-en
PFV=hit\APASS-CMP-B1.SG PFV-A3=hit-CMP-B1.SG
‘I batted’ ‘he hit me’
A number of different classifications and analyses of the Yucatec argu-

ment marking pattern have been proposed; cf. Bohnemeyer (2004) for an
overview. Bohnemeyer (2004), building on DeLancey (1985), and rejecting
in particular an ergative feature-based linking mechanism proposed by
Krämer and Wunderlich (1999), describes the system as split-intransitive,
with linking organized as follows: where there is a ranking of thematic
roles, the higher role is linked to the set-A-marked argument and the lower
to the set-B-marked one. In intransitive clauses, where there is no ranking,
linking depends on viewpoint aspect: incompletive forms are semantically
imperfective, and so their single argument patterns with the transitive
A-argument. In contrast, completive, subjunctive, and extra-focal forms are
semantically perfective; their single argument patterns with the U-argument
of transitive clauses.3
The linking rules proposed in Bohnemeyer (2004) do not refer to GRs,
but operate directly on the arguments cross-referenced by the set-A and set-
B markers. The aim of the present paper is to demonstrate that the facts of
linking in Yucatec are best accounted for in terms of the interaction of ar-
gument marking, constituent order, and a system of constraints on the
alignment between thematic roles and relative “prominence” of referents in

active transitive clauses, without reference to GRs. Constituent order and
the alignment system are the topics of the following two sections.
3. Constituent order
Yucatec, like all Mayan languages, is verb-initial. This fact is obscured in

connected discourse – above all, in narratives - due to the high frequency of
left-dislocations. The conditions under which left-dislocation occurs are
discussed in some detail in section 4. In brief, left-dislocation is used to
make the discourse topic of a sentence explicit. In addition, there is a ten-
dency to avoid multiplicity of clause-internal noun phrases. One way to
achieve this is to left-dislocate the A of transitive clauses, the “figure” or
theme of locative descriptions, and so on. The pervasiveness of this pattern
has led some researchers to conclude an SVO order for Yucatec (e.g.,
Durbin and Ojeda 1978; Gutiérrez Bravo 2006). Consider example (4):
(4) Juan=e’ túun lúub-s-ik le=che’=o’.

Juan=TOP PROG:A3 fall-CAUS-INC(B3.SG) DET=tree=D2
‘Juan, he’s felling the tree.’
The question is whether the preverbal nominal preceding the progres-

sive marker in (4) is clause-internal, and thus bears the A-argument relation
to the verb. Crucial evidence against the clause-internal analysis comes
from the particle =e’ following the nominal in question. This belongs to a
paradigm of four indexical particles which are in complementary distribu-
tion. They only occur pre-verbally and clause-finally. Their use is triggered
by a variety of expressions. For instance, definite descriptions must be fol-
lowed by either the exophoric (and, by implicature, proximal) particle =a’
or the indexical (and, by implicature, distal) particle =o’ (Bohnemeyer
2009). In contrast, proper nouns and indefinite NPs are optionally followed
by the text-deictic particle =e’ (see detailed account and further triggers
such as adverbials, negation, etc. in Bohnemeyer 2002). Crucially, the only
elements that can intervene between the particle and the preverbal aspect-
mood marker (in (4), the progressive marker) are adverbial particles and
focused constituents. In short, the particle preceding the verb (or the pre-
verbal AM marker) marks the right edge of a phrase that contains the trig-
ger of the particle. The question is, then, whether this phrase is the S/A
argument of the verb. The answer is clearly negative. In (5a), the particle
follows a nominal which stands in a possessive relation to the only clause-
internal nominal, and (5b) shows a particle-marked phrase that could not
possibly be any constituent of the clause but stands in a superset relation to
the object of the clause:
(5) a. U=nah-il Pedro=e’, nohol yàan u=ho’l.

A3=house-REL Pedro=TOP south EXIST(B3SG) A3=hole
‘As for Pedro’s house, its door is (facing) south.’
b. Le=wolis túun=o’, tu’x kéen in=ts’a’
DET=circle so.then=D2 where SR.IRR A1.SG=put(B3.SG)
le=t-a=ya’x a’l-eh?
DET=PFV-A2=first say-SUBJ(B3.SG)
‘As for the circles then, where am I going to put the one you
mentioned first?’
In other cases, the particle-marked phrase is a prepositional phrase refer-

ring to a time or place. What these examples –which are in no way unusual
or infrequent in Yucatec discourse – show is that the particle-marked sen-
tence-initial phrase (a) is not restricted to A, S, or any other particular syn-
tactic function inside the clause, (b) in some cases could not possibly have
any syntactic function inside the clause, and (c) always defines a topic of
the following clause (cf. section 4). I conclude that this phrase is adjoined,
i.e., not a constituent of the clause. In RRG terms, it is in the “left-detached
position” (Van Valin and LaPolla 1997: 36–37). It follows that the clause in
(4) does not have a nominal A-argument. Hence, it does not have SVO
order.
In transitive clauses in which both arguments are realized by nominals,
the U argument canonically precedes the A argument (but see Skopeteas
and Verhoeven 2005), as in (6a-b).
(6) a. T-u=p’at-ah uy=atan Pedro.

PFV-A3=abandon-CMP(B3SG) A3=wife Pedro
‘Pedro left his wife.’
b. T-u=chi’-ah hun-túul pèek’
PFV-A3=mouth-CMP(B3.SG) one-CLF.AN dog
le=síina’n=o’.
DET=scorpion=D2
‘The scorpion stung (lit. bit) a dog.’
However, transitive clauses that on a “VOS” (i.e., VUA) parse violate

constraints on the alignment between the A > U ranking and the ranking of
the referents in terms of a “prominence” or “accessibility” hierarchy are
readily reinterpreted to the effect of a “VSO” (i.e., VAU) ordering. Align-
ment constraints are discussed next.
4. Alignment constraints
Transitive clauses with two third-person arguments are subject to alignment

restrictions similar to those documented for other Mayan languages (cf. in
particular Aissen 1997, 1999 for Tzotzil; Zavala Maldonado 1997 for
Akatek; and Zavala Maldonado 2007 for Chol and Huastec). The
A-argument must outrank the U-argument on a semantic-pragmatic hierar-
chy determined in particular by topicality, definiteness, humanness, ani-
macy, and referentiality (Aissen’s “individuation”), and the U-argument
cannot be coreferential with the possessor of the A-argument. Like other
Mayan languages, Yucatec lacks proximate/obviative marking on nominals
and inverse marking on the verb4 as known from the Algonquian languages
in which grammatical alignment constraint systems have first been studied.
The most common means to avoid alignment violations are left-dislocation,
passivization, and focussation. Consider, first, the constraint barring the
U-argument from coreference with the possessor of the A-argument, illus-
trated in (7):
(7) ??T-u=p’at-ah Pedro uy=atan.

PFV-A3=abandon-CMP(B3.SG) Pedro A3=wife
intended: ‘His wife left Pedro.’
Under the interpretation that Pedro is the U- and uyatan ‘his wife’ the
A-argument, consultants reject (7) unanimously. However, consultants
volunteer that (7) is marginally acceptable if interpreted as synonymous
with (6a) above. Such repair interpretations in which alignment patterns
appear to override canonical constituent order are readily available with all
sentences that trigger alignment violations on canonical-order interpreta-
tions.5 This suggests that the role grammatical functions play in the linking
of thematic roles to arguments is at best malleable. Two common strategies
for expressing the intended meaning of (7) are the passive in (8a) and the
“agent focus” construction in (8b):
(8) a. Pedro=e’ h-p’at-a’b

Pedro=TOP PFV-abandon-PASS.CMP(B3.SG)
tumèen uy=atan.
CAUSE A3=wife
‘Pedro, he was left by his wife.’
b. Pedro=e’ uy=atan p’at-eh.
Pedro=TOP A3=wife(B3.SG) abandon-SUBJ(B3.SG)
‘Pedro, his wife (was the one who) left him.’
The so-called agent focus form is a special voice form of the Mayan
verb that occurs under “extraction” – focussation or relativization – of the
transitive A-argument.6 In Yucatec, the A-focus form is characterized by
deletion of the set-A marker and the AM marker. As Tonhauser (2007)
points out, the form is nevertheless easily identified as transitive since it
retains the transitive series of status suffixes. Aspect-mood marking in the
A-focus form is reduced to a three-way contrast between bare incompletive
status for imperfective reference, bare subjunctive status for past perfective
reference, as in (8b), and the irrealis subordinator keen plus subjunctive
status for future time reference, habitual reference, and generic reference.
Aissen (1999) argues that the A-focus form in Tzotzil is a special “inverse”
verb form restricted to the A-extraction context. However, as shown in
section 6, Aissen’s analysis does not apply to Yucatec. In Yucatec, the use
of the A-focus form is a strategy of avoiding alignment violations, not an
expression of inverse alignment. The same holds for passivization and left-
dislocation; cf. section 5. Each of the three constructions has its own se-
mantics (to be briefly analyzed below and in the following sections) of
which alignment is not a part; they are tied into the alignment system by
pragmatics.
Next, consider humanness as a factor. Example (9a) again triggers a re-
pair interpretation under which it was in fact the child who bit the spider;
otherwise, (9a) is rejected. To express the proposition intended in (9a),
either left-dislocation (9b) or passivization is chosen (the corresponding
example is left out in the interest of space).7
(9) a. ??T-u=chi’-ah le=pàal

PFV-A3=mouth-CMP(B3.SG) DET=child
hun-túul x-chìiwol=o’.
one-CLF.AN F=tarantula=D2
intended: ‘A tarantula bit the child.’
b. Hun-túul x-chìiwol=e’,
one-CLF.AN F-tarantula=TOP
t-u=chi’-ah le=pàal=o’.
PFV-A3=mouth-CMP(B3.SG) DET=child=D2
‘A tarantula, it bit the child’
In (9), the U outranks the A not just in humanness, but also in definite-
ness. When both arguments are definite, the distribution is the same, as
shown in (10a). In (10b), the strategy selected to avoid the alignment viola-
tion is left-dislocation; other possible options would be passivization and
the A-focus construction (see illustration of these constructions in (8)).
(10) a. ??T-u=chi’-ah Pedro le=kàan=o’.

PFV-A3=mouth-CMP(B3.SG) Pedro DET=snake=D2
intended: ‘The snake bit Pedro.’
b. Le=kàan=o’, t-u=chi’-ah Pedro.
DET=snake=D2 PFV-A3=mouth-CMP(B3.SG) Pedro
‘The snake, it bit Pedro.’
When the A-argument outranks the U-argument in definiteness, the ac-

tive transitive form with two clause-internal nominal arguments is perfectly
acceptable even if the U is human and the A is not:
(11) T-u=kins-ah hun-túul nohoch

PFV-A3=die:CAUSE-CMP(B3.SG) one-CLF.AN big
máak le=x-chìiwol=o’.
person DET=F-tarantula=D2
‘The tarantula killed an elderly person.’
Definiteness appears to be the second-most powerful factor governing

alignment in Yucatec – it dominates humanness and animacy. An indefinite
NP in A combined with a definite in U is rejected even when the former
outranks the latter in humanness, as in (12a). Example (12b) illustrates the
possibility of avoiding this alignment violation through left dislocation:
(12) a. *T-u=pech’-ah le=xoh

PFV-A3=squash-CMP(B3.SG) DET=cockroach
hun-túul x-ch’úupal=o’.
one-CLF.AN F-female:child=D2
intended: ‘A girl squashed the cockroach.’
b. Hun-túul x-ch’úupal=e’,
one-CLF.AN F-female:child=TOP
t-u=pech’-ah le=xoh=o’.
PFV-A3=squash-CMP(B3.SG) DET=cockroach=D2
‘A girl, she squashed the cockroach.’
I assume that left-dislocation of a nominal coreferential with an argu-

ment marks the referent as topic. Then (12b) may be taken to suggest that
topicality outweighs even definiteness as a factor determining alignment
prominence. Interpreted along the same lines, (9b) and (10b) suggest that
topicality outranks humanness and (8b) that it outranks possession. In the
absence of left-dislocation, topicality is most commonly expressed by pro-
nominalization (Givón 1983, 1994). In Yucatec, this means that the topical
argument is not realized by a nominal at all, but represented by the cross-
reference marker only. (However, a referent tracked by a bare cross-
reference marker is not necessarily topical; it may not even necessarily be
“old” – see below.) The following excerpt from a “Frog Story” narrative
(recorded by Christel Stolz in 1992) illustrates that a transitive active voice
form may be used with a U outranking the A in humanness if the A’s refer-
ent is topical and traced from preceding discourse, represented in the clause
by the set-A marker only. The excerpt describes the cliff scene; the pro-
tagonists of this episode are the boy, his dog, and the deer. The deer is al-
ready established as a topic and is marked as such in the first line of the
fragment in (13). In the next line, a plain transitive active verb form is used
to describe the deer throwing the boy off the cliff from its antlers. The boy
is referred to by the sole nominal of the clause, the U argument. Neither
left-dislocation nor passivization or A-extraction is needed to avoid an
alignment violation in (13) – none occurs because the deer is already un-
derstood to be topical in this context.
(13) Context (literal translation): ‘Well, the deer, it is going having shoul-
dered (“backed”) the child with its head as it is going. Well, and then
the dog as well, there it was hit (by a swarm of wasps) where it was
behind its master, the dog was also barking at the deer.’
... pwes, le=kéeh=o’, chich u=bin túun=e’.
well DET=deer=D2 hard A3=go so.then=D3
Le=káa=t-u=pik+ch'ìin-t-ah
DET=CNJ=PFV-A3=fling+pelt\APASS-APPL-CMP(B3.SG)
le=pàal=o’, káa=h-lúub le=pàal=e’,

DET=child=D2 CNJ=PFV=fall(B3.SG) DET=child=D3
tak le=pèek’ túun=o’ h-lúub-ih.
as.far.as DET=dog so.then=D2 PFV-fall-CMP(B3.SG)
‘well, as for the deer, fast was how it went. And then it threw off the
child, and then the child fell, and even the dog, it fell.’
The correlation between argument realization and “preferred argument

structure” (in the sense of Du Bois 1987), accessibility, and topicality en-
sures a preference for “harmonic alignment” between thematic structure
and the relative prominence of referents in transitive clauses in which one
or both arguments are realized by a bare cross-reference marker: the refer-
ent of the A-argument tends to be topical in line with the prominence hier-
archy in (15) below. The first line of the passage also illustrates the use of
left-dislocation to select one of several entities all of which are accessible
in the discourse as the topic of the sentence. In contrast, clause-internal
nominal arguments are used in reference to entities that are accessible, but
do not constitute the topic of the sentence in which they occur. Table 1
summarizes the functions of the various realization options in the introduc-
tion and tracking of argument referents and the marking of topics.8 This
table leaves open the question of accessibility in clauses with multiple
clause-internal argument nominals. This is the proper domain of the strate-
gies for avoiding alignment violations in (9a) and (10a) above.
Table 1. Argument realization, discourse referents, and topicality in Yucatec
realization new referent introduced referent

clause-internal nominal introduction of new, tracking of old, accessible
(plus cross-reference marker) inaccessible referent but non-topical referent
left-dislocated nominal introduction of new, selection of old, accessible
(plus clause-internal cross- inaccessible referent as referent as sentence topic
reference marker) sentence topic (to mark topic switch or
disambiguate topic)
bare cross-reference marker (N/A?) continuation of topic from
preceding discourse
Animacy, as opposed to humanness, is perhaps the weakest factor in

alignment constraints. The preference for the passive over the active is
comparatively weak in the following examples featuring inanimate A- and
animate but non-human U-arguments:
(14) a. ?T-u=kins-ah le=kàan

PFV-A3=die:CAUS-CMP(B3.SG) DET=snake
le=k’áak’=o’.
DET=fire=D2
intended: ‘The fire killed the snake.’
b. H-kins-a’b le=kàan
PFV-die:CAUS-PASS:CMP DET=snake
tumèen le=k’áak’=o’.
CAUSE DET=fire=D2
‘The snake was killed by the fire.’
The prominence hierarchy in (15) captures the ranking of some of the

factors evidenced above:
(15) topicality > definiteness > humanness > animacy
The highest property on this scale that applies to a given A-argument

must outrank the highest property that applies to its co-argument. I follow
Aissen (1999) in that I do not consider possession (coreferentiality of the U
with the possessor of the A) part of the semantic-pragmatic hierarchy in
(15).9 Counterparts of (15) are known in the literature on alignment con-
straint systems under labels such as “topicality hierarchy”, “prominence
hierarchy”, or “saliency hierarchy”.
Finally, there are no alignment restrictions on clauses with 1st- or 2nd –
person U-arguments. The example in (16) features a non-human and in-
definite A- and a 1st-person U-argument:
(16) T-u=nes-ah-en hun-túul xoh.

PFV-A3=gnaw-CMP-B1.SG one-CLF.AN cockroach
‘A cockroach bit me.’
The absence of restrictions on clauses with speech-act-participant argu-

ments, combined with the role of left-dislocation and the interaction be-
tween left-dislocation and argument realization as discussed above,
strongly suggest that the alignment constraints serve to control the interpre-
tation of clauses or verbal cores with multiple third-person arguments. I
suggest below that alignment constraints may be necessitated as a disam-
biguation mechanism because of the absence of grammatical functions
governing linking. I take the repair interpretations triggered by clauses that
violate alignment constraints when parsed according to canonical constitu-

ent order as direct evidence of the absence of grammatical functions medi-
ating between arguments and thematic relations.
5. Passive and prominence
Passivization is one strategy used to avoid alignment violations. But pas-

sivization is not restricted to inverse configurations and thus cannot be con-
sidered an expression of inversion. Thus, the passive in (17) was accepted
by all consultants without hesitation, even though the oblique actor phrase
outranks the S argument (corresponding to the U of the active form) in
humanness and definiteness.
(17) H-kins-a’b hun-túul kàan

PFV-die:CAUS-PASS.CMP(B3.SG) one-CLF.AN snake
tumèen le=máak=o’.
CAUSE DET=person=D2
‘A snake was killed by the person.’
It is thus not necessary for the passive undergoer to outrank the actor on
the alignment hierarchy postulated in (15) above. This fact further supports
the hypothesis that the function of the Yucatec alignment system is simply
to disambiguate linking in clauses with two 3rd-person arguments. The
semantic function of the passive is to block the actor role of transitive verbs
from argument linking, relegating it to oblique status (Bohnemeyer 2004).
Since the passive has only a single argument, it is not itself subject to
alignment restrictions and therefore becomes a pragmatic option for the
encoding of configurations that would trigger alignment violations in the
active form. This is not to say that actor and undergoer are equally likely to
be topical in a passive clause. Sentences such as (17) are at best rare in
connected speech. Even less likely are passive sentences in which a nomi-
nal coreferential with the actor is left-dislocated. Such configurations seem
of limited use pragmatically – but, unlike the alignment violations of sec-
tion 4, they are not excluded by the grammar of the language.
The passive is, however, subject to a syntactic constraint that bears a
certain resemblance to the alignment restrictions. The complement of the
causal preposition that “flags” the actor in passive clauses may be a free
3rd-person pronoun, but cannot be a 1st- or 2nd-person pronoun – consult-

ants unanimously reject the corresponding versions in (18):
(18) Juan=e’ h-ha’ts’ tumèen *tèen/*tèech/(leti’)

Juan=TOP PFV-hit\PASS(B3.SG) CAUSE me/you/it
‘Juan, he was hit by me/you/her-him-it.’
Aissen (1997) reports a parallel restriction on the passive in Tzotzil. Fu-

ture research will have to clarify what is responsible for the pattern in (30)
and how, if at all, it is related to the alignment restrictions on 3rd-person
arguments in active transitive clauses.10
6. Extraction
The extraction of arguments may be restricted by grammatical relations.

This is not the case in English and other Indo-European languages; but the
phenomenon is well-known from Austronesian languages (e.g., Keenan
1976 on Malagasy). In Yucatec, there is a restriction on the extraction of
the A-argument of transitive verbs, which strictly requires the A-focus form
introduced above (see (8b)), and on the oblique actor phrase of passives,
which is excluded. Other than that, extraction is unrestricted. The following
discussion is confined to relativization, but the relevant phenomena are the
same in clefts and content questions.11
Relative clauses are illustrated in (19a-b). If the head of the relative con-
struction is a noun, the relative clause follows it immediately. Example
(19a) shows relativization of the S-argument of an intransitive verb marked
for imperfective aspect. In (19b), the U-argument of a transitive verb is
extracted out of a perfective clause.
(19) a. T-inw=il-ah le=máax

PFV-A1.SG=see-CMP(B3.SG) DET=who
k-u=bin Ho’ sáan-sáamal=o’.
[IMPF-A3=go Mérida RED-tomorrow]=D2
‘I saw the (one) who goes to Mérida every day.’ (Bricker,
Po’ot Yah, and Dzul de Po’ot 1998: 181)
b. K’àas le=wàah
bad(B3.SG) DET=tortilla
t-a=hàan-t-ah=o’.
PFV-A2=eat-APPL-CMP(B3.SG)=D2
‘The tortilla you ate was bad.’
Now compare (19b) to (20), featuring A-relativization in a perfective

clause. In (20a), the A-focus form is used: the transitive verb appears in the
bare subjunctive12 and the set-A clitic is deleted. In contrast, (20b) is an
attempt to use a regular transitive active form under A-extraction. This
sentence is perfectly unambiguous: the set-B suffix identifies the addressee
as the U; so only the 3rd-person set-A clitic, linked, as always, to the actor
role, can be coreferential with the head of the relative construction. Never-
theless, participants generally respond to this sentence with puzzlement: out
of six speakers with whom I tested (20b), three straightforwardly rejected
it, one found it hard to understand, and one rated it as acceptable but prefers
(20a) for expressing the same meaning and only one speaker considered
(20a) and (20b) equally good. In a sentence completion task I conducted
before eliciting judgments about (20b), all six speakers spontaneously pro-
duced the form in (20a).13
(20) a. K’àas le=máak òokol-ech=o’.

bad(B3.SG) DET=person steal-B2.SG=D2
‘The person (who) robbed you is bad.’
b. ??K’àas le=máak t-uy=òokol-ah-ech=o’.
bad(B3.SG) DET=person PFV-A3=steal-CMP-B2.SG=D2
intended: ‘The person (who) robbed you is bad.’
I conclude that the A-focus form is generally preferred in A-extraction

contexts in Yucatec. As mentioned above, Aissen (1999) analyzes the A-
focus form in Tzotzil as a special “inverse” verb form restricted to the A-
extraction context: it is used with third-person A and U arguments only and
even then competes with the active voice form, being preferred over the
latter the more clearly U outranks A on the prominence hierarchy. The Yu-
catec A-focus form differs from its Tzotzil counterpart in that it is not re-
stricted to third-person arguments – A, U, or both can refer to speech act
participants (U does in (20)). It remains to be determined whether the use
of the A-focus form is sensitive to the relative prominence of the target of
extraction compared to that of a third-person (co-)argument. I tentatively
assume that the Yucatec A-focus form marks A-extraction regardless of
alignment type. Therefore, I assume that it is not an expression of inverse
alignment, but merely a pragmatic strategy of avoiding it, along with pas-
sivization and left-dislocation.
Recipients are expressed by oblique prepositional phrases headed by the
generic preposition ti’, as in (21). Under relativization of recipients, normal
transitive active verb forms can be used, and all argument markers are re-
tained. The head of the relative clause may be a noun phrase, as in (21a), or
an indefinite pronoun, as in (21b). The preposition ti’ follows the head of
the relative construction in (21a-b). Alternatively, it may remain in place in
the relative clause, which is judged as equally good by the consultants.
(21) a. K’àas le=máak ti’

bad(B3.SG) DET=person PREP
t-a=ts’a’-ah le=ta’kin=o’.
[PFV-A2=put-CMP(B3.SG) DET=money]=D2
‘The person to (whom) you gave the money is bad.’
b. K’àas le=máax ti’
bad(B3.SG) DET=who PREP
t-a=ts’a’-ah le=ta’kin=o’.
[PFV-A2=put-CMP(B3.SG) DET=money]=D2
‘The (one) to whom you gave the money is bad.’
The pattern in (21) may be replicated for further prepositional phrases,

as it is exemplified for comitatives in (22a) and instrumentals in (22b).
(22) a. K’àas le=máak y=éetel k-a=tsikbal=o’.

bad(B3.SG) DET=person A3=COM [IMPF-A2=talk]=D2
‘The person to (lit. with) (whom) you talk is bad.’
b. K’as=ma’+lo’b le=motosyèera
rather=NEG+bad(B3.SG) DET=chainsaw
y=éetel k-a=xot’-ik le=che’=o’.
A3=COM [IMPF-A2=cut-INC(B3.SG) DET=wood]=D2
‘The chainsaw with (which) you cut (down) the tree is pretty
good.’
Interestingly, relativization of the oblique actor phrase of a passive ap-

pears to be rejected. Even English equivalents of (23) are pragmatically odd
and certainly far less common than their active counterparts;14 however, all
consultants rejected the sentence in (23a) without hesitation (and the same
holds for the version of (23a) with the preposition tumèen in place in the
relative clause). The restriction in (23a) does not refer to the preposition at
issue, but to the thematic role: it is possible to relativize the complement of
the causal preposition tumèen in active sentences, as (23b) illustrates.
(23) a. *T-inw=il-ah le=máax

PFV-A1.SG=see-CMP(B3.SG) DET=who
h-òokol-t-a’b-ech tumèen=o’.
[PFV-rob-APPL-PASS.CMP-B2.SG CAUSE(B3.SG)]=D2
intended: ‘I saw the (one) who you were robbed by.’
b. T-inw=il-ah
PFV-A1.SG=see-CMP(B3.SG)
ba’x tumèen t-a=hats’-ah le=máak=o’.
what CAUSE [PFV-A2=hit-CMP DET=person]=D2
‘I saw why you hit the person.’
To summarize, extraction is expressed by the realization of the extracted

argument inside the target clause by cross-reference markers only. The only
clear constraints on the target of extraction concerns the A-argument of
transitive verbs and the oblique actor phrase of passives: the former re-
quires or favors the A-focus form, while the latter appears to be simply
unavailable. The triggering of a special voice form under A-extraction as
opposed to S- and U-extraction has been traditionally considered an erga-
tive trait of Mayan syntax (e.g., Dayley 1981 on Tz’utujil; Larsen 1981 on
Awakatek; Van Valin 1981 on Jakaltek). On an RRG account, extraction
operates on an “invariable syntactic pivot” – a syntactic pivot since it in-
volves restricted neutralization and an invariable one since it excludes the
“derived” single argument of passives (Van Valin and LaPolla 1997: 281–
282).15 However, this pivot is not uniformly marked in Yucatec: arguments
in this pivot are cross-referenced by the set-A clitics with intransitive verbs
in incompletive status and by the set-B suffixes elsewhere. In addition, as
shown in the following section, control constructions likewise operate on
an invariable syntactic pivot in Yucatec – but on a nominative (i.e., S=A)
pivot. I conclude that linking in extraction is most parsimoniously de-
scribed as being governed, not by GRs, but by a construction-specific link-
ing rule:
(24) Linking under extraction: If the target of extraction thematically

outranks another argument or oblique of the same verb, the verb
must appear in the A-focus form.
The rule in (24) takes care of both the extraction of the transitive A-
argument and the oblique actor of the passive, requiring the A-focus form
in both cases. This effectively excludes extraction of the passive actor,
since the passive and the A-focus form are mutually incompatible voice
forms of the Yucatec verb.
7. Control
In the framework of this article, a construction is considered a “control

construction” if and only if it involves obligatory coreference between an
argument of a matrix predicate and an argument of an embedded verbal
core such that the two coreferential arguments combined can be realized by
a nominal maximally once in either the lower core or the matrix. This defi-
nition covers both constructions in which both the “controller” (the antece-
dent of control, i.e., the higher argument) and the “target” (the lower argu-
ment) are cross-referenced in their respective cores and constructions in
which the cross-reference marker indexing the target is deleted. Control
constructions in Yucatec involve embedded verbal cores that function as
arguments or obliques of their matrix predicates.16
There are two types of control constructions in Yucatec – henceforth
“type-I” and “type-II” constructions. Type-I constructions include comple-
ments of predicates of desire, fear, and attempt and the so-called “motion
cum purpose” construction. Predicates of attempt exhibit the least complex
range of possibilities within type-I: one argument of the lower verbal core
must be controlled by the A-argument of the matrix. This is illustrated in
(25). The matrix verb is ts’a’ ‘put’; the argument structure frame that gives
the attempt reading requires this verb to be reflexive, with the embedded
core expressing the attempted action. Reflexivity is expressed by realizing
the U-argument as a possessed nominal headed by báah ‘self’, the posses-
sor coreferential with the A-argument. In (25a), the lower core is intransi-
tive, the antipassive form of the transitive root k’ay ‘sing’. The verb ap-
pears in the incompletive, which is zero-marked for this class of verbs. The
set-A clitic which marks the S-argument of intransitive verbs in the incom-
pletive in main clauses is deleted. Example (25b) shows a transitive lower
verb; it appears in the subjunctive, which is unmarked on transitives (ex-
cept in clause-final position, cf. endnote 18). The target of control is the A-
argument; the set-A clitic is retained.
(25) Le=pàal=o’, t-u=ts’a’-ah u=báah…

DET=child=D2 PFV-A3=put-CMP(B3.SG) A3=self
a. … (*u=)k’àay.
[A3=sing\APASS]
‘The child, (s)he tried to sing.’
b. … u=ts’ak le=doktòor=o’.
[A3=cure(B3.SG) DET=doctor]=D2
‘The child, (s)he tried to cure the doctor.’; Not: ‘The child,
(s)he attempted for the doctor to cure her/him’
c. … *(u=)ts’a’k-al tumèen le=doctòor=o’
[A3=cure\PASS-INC CAUSE DET=doctor]=D2
intended: ‘The child, (s)he tried to be/get cured by the doctor’
d. … (*uy=)uts-tal
[A3=good-INCH.INC]
‘The child, (s)he tried to recover’
The target cannot be the U-argument of a lower transitive verb; thus,

(25b) can only be interpreted to the effect that the child tried to cure the
doctor, not to the effect that the child tried to bring about an event in which
the doctor cured her/him. Crucially, control is incompatible with passiviza-
tion of the lower core, as (25c) illustrates. This restriction cannot be ex-
plained in purely semantic terms; as (25d) demonstrates, syntactic control
does not always require the antecedent to have control over the eventuality
expressed by the lower core in the semantic/conceptual sense. Neither is the
restriction the result of more general syntactic constraint barring passiviza-
tion in embedded verbal cores. In verbal cores embedded under causative
predicates, which do not involve control, passivization is natural and in fact
often preferred over the transitive active form. In (26a-b), where the causa-
tive light verb is mèet ‘make’, the passive is preferred over the active
(whereas with ch’a’ ‘let’, active and passive are judged as equally accept-
able; examples omitted in the interest of space).
(26) Pedro=e’ t-u=mèet-ah …

Pedro=TOP PFV-A3=make-CMP(B3.SG)
a. … ?u=ts’ak-ik le=pàal le=doktòor=o’.
[A3=cure-INC(B3.SG) DET=child DET=doctor]=D2
‘Pedro, he made the doctor cure the child.’
b. … u=ts’a’k-al le=pàal tumèen le=dokòor=o’.

[A3=cure\PASS-INC DET=child CAUSE DET=doctor]=D2
‘Pedro, he made the doctor cure the child (lit. he made the
child’s being cured by the doctor).’
Thus, the restriction barring passivization in the lower core is a syntactic

constraint that is specific to control constructions. The target of control can
be an S- or A-argument, but it can neither be the U-argument of a transitive
active verb form nor the S-argument of a passive form. In RRG terms, con-
trol, like extraction, operates on an invariable syntactic pivot – but on a
nominative (S=A), rather than a “quasi-absolutive” (S=U, plus obliques;
see endnote 23), pivot. The same distribution can straightforwardly be cap-
tured in terms of a construction-specific linking rule:
(27) Linking under control: The highest-ranking thematic role in a con-

trolled verbal core must be linked to the target of control.
All type-I constructions share the following properties: if the lower core
is intransitive, it appears in the incompletive and the set-A marker that
would otherwise cross-reference the target is deleted; if the lower core is
transitive, it appears in the subjunctive and the set-A marker cross-
referencing the A-argument is retained; the A-argument is the only possible
target of control in transitive cores. These two properties are illustrated
with the stative matrix predicate sahak ‘be afraid’ in (28a-b). Passivization
of the lower core is again not permissible. One difference to the attempt
case in (25) is that instead of a controlled embedded core, sahak also li-
censes a subjunctive subordinative clause introduced by the subordinator
káa; this clause does not contain a controlled argument (28c).
(28) a. Sahak-en (*in=)tsikbal.

afraid-B1.SG [A1.SG=talk]
‘I am afraid to talk.’
b. Sahak-en in=tsikbat le=kwèento=o’.
afraid-B1.SG [A1.SG=talk:APPL(B3.SG) DET=tale]=D2
‘I am afraid to tell the story.’
c. Sahak-en káa u=lox-en le=máak=o’.
afraid-B1.SG [SR A3=box-B1.SG DET=person]=D2
‘I am afraid that the person (may/might) beat me up.’
Matrix predicates of desire follow the same pattern as those of fear, but
introduce another twist. Passivization of the embedded core is again in-
compatible with control; it requires realization of the complement as an
uncontrolled subordinate clause in the subjunctive (29a). However, there is
an alternative expression of the same meaning – in (29), the desire to be
cured – that involves realization of the complement with a structure headed
by the “gerundive” form of the lower verb, a derived stative form with pro-
spective aspectual reference (29b). Like the passive, the gerundive links the
undergoer of the base to its sole argument and the actor to an optional
oblique. Thus, if the sole argument of the gerundive is controlled in (29b),
this construction violates (27). However, on closer inspection it turns out
that the sole argument of the gerundive is not controlled at all. This is
shown in (29c), where the S-argument of the gerundive is not coreferential
with any argument of the matrix.17
(29) Le=pàal=o’, t-y=óot-ah

DET=child=D2 PFV-A3=want-CMP(B3.SG)
a. … káa ts’a’k-ak tumèen le=doktòor=o’.
[SR cure\PASS-SUBJ(B3.SG) CAUSE DET=doctor]=D2
‘The child, (s)he wanted that (s)he be cured by the doctor.’
b. … ts’ak-bil tumèen le=doktòor=o’.
[A3=cure-GIV(B3.SG) CAUSE DET=doctor]=D2
‘The child, (s)he wanted to be cured by the doctor.’
c. Pedro=e’, t-y=óot-ah
Pedro=TOP PFV-A3=want-CMP(B3.SG)
ts’ak-bil le=pàal tumèen le=doktòor=o’.
[cure-GIV(B3.SG) DET=child CAUSE DET=doctor]=D2
‘Pedro, he wanted that the child be cured by the doctor.’
The so-called motion-cum-purpose construction (cf. Aissen 1987 for

Tzotzil, and Zavala Maldonado 1993 for an overview including other
members of the Mayan language family) combines a verb of change of
position or change of location (a verb of “inherently directed motion”, in
Levin’s (1993) terminology; a “path verb” in Talmy’s (2000)) with a lower
core that describes an eventuality understood to occur – if realized, which is
not entailed – at the end point of the motion event. The lower verb is in-
transitive in (30a) – the result of incorporation – and transitive in (30b),
exhibiting the familiar transitivity-dependent pattern. Once again, passive
in the lower core is excluded by control. Alternatives are an uncontrolled
subjunctive clause or an equally uncontrolled gerundive form (see above).

The controller is always the theme of the matrix verb; it is linked to the S-
argument if the verb is intransitive (30) and to the U-argument if the verb is
transitive (31). Together with the examples, in which the controller is the
A- ((25); (29)) or S-argument (28) of the matrix, this shows that there are
no verb-independent syntactic constraints on the controller.18
(30) Le=pàal=o’, h-tàal

DET=child=D2 PFV-come(B3.SG)
a. … ch’a’+ta’kin
[take+money]
‘The child, (s)he came to collect/withdraw/take money’
b. … u=ch’a’ le=ta’kin=o’
[A3=take(B3.SG) DET=money=D2]
‘The child, (s)he came to collect/withdraw/take the money’
(31) Pablo=e’, t-u=túuxt-ah

Pablo=TOP PFV-A3=send-CMP(B3.SG)
a. … le=pàal u=ch’a’ le=ta’kin=o’
DET=child [A3=take(B3.SG) DET=money]=D2
‘Pablo, he sent the child to collect/withdraw/take the money’
b. … u=ch’a’ le=ta’kin le=pàal=o’
[A3=take(B3.SG) DET=money DET=child]=D2
‘Pablo, he sent the child to collect/withdraw/take the money’
The fact that the gerundive, like the passive, demotes the actor to
oblique, but is not controlled by the matrix, makes it possible to leave the
actor of the action described by the lower core unspecified, leading to ex-
amples such as (32), which seem quite puzzling from an English point of
view, but are judged acceptable in Yucatec. The most salient interpretation
of (32) is the third one: the captain sent an unspecified agent to kill the
prisoner.
(32) Le=prisyonèero=o’, h-túuxt-a’b

DET=prisoner=D2 PFV-send-PASS.CMP(B3.SG)
kins-bil tumèen le=kapitàan=o’
die:CAUS-GIV(B3.SG) CAUSE DET=captain=D2
‘The prisoner, (s)he was sent by the captain to be killed’
OR: ‘The prisoner, (s)he was sent (by sb) to be killed by the captain’
OR: ‘The prisoner, (sb) was sent by the captain to kill him/her’
OR: ‘The prisoner, (sb) was sent to kill him/her by the captain’
Type-II constructions occur with complements of aspectual verbs, cog-

nition verbs, and in the “gerundial” construction.19 In these constructions,
the lower core uniformly appears in the incompletive and the target of con-
trol is invariably cross-referenced by a set-A marker on the lower verb.
With cognition verb complements and in the gerundial construction, control
is obligatory; with aspectual verbs, control depends on the transitivity of
the matrix. If the aspectual verb is intransitive, the lower core itself consti-
tutes its sole argument; if it is transitive, its A-argument obligatorily con-
trols the S-/A-argument of the lower core. As (33a) shows, passivization of
the embedded core is fine if the aspectual verb is intransitive, since no con-
trol is involved in this case. The same sentence with a transitive form of the
aspectual verb is ill-formed (33b). In contrast, (33c), where the matrix verb
is passivized, is fine again.
(33) Pedro=e’, táantik u=chúun-ul

Pedro=TOP IMM A3=start\ACAUS-INC
a. … u=hats’-a’l tumèen le=òokol-o’b=o’
[A3=hit-PASS.INC CAUSE DET=rob-PL]=D2
‘Pedro, he just started to be hit by the robbers’
b. … *u=hats’-a’l tumèen le=òokol-o’b=o’
intended: ‘Pedro, he just started to be hit by the robbers’
c. Pedro=e’ h-chun-a’b
Pedro=TOP PFV-start-PASS.CMP(B3.SG)
u=hats’-a’l tumèen le=òokol-o’b=o’
‘Pedro, he was started to be hit by the robbers’
The actors of the two passives in (33c) are likely understood to be

coreferential. In fact, this interpretation may be inevitable, since aspectual
verbs are not causative verbs (this remains to be tested, however). If so,
(33c) represents a case of control that calls for a refinement of principle
(27) towards a formulation that takes into account not just the thematic
ranking of the target, but also the linking properties of the controller. Given
the unclear status of (33c), no such reformulation is attempted here.
Cognition verbs that take embedded cores deserve mention because the
controller in this case is an oblique “experiencer” phrase. In the following
examples, the lower core is intransitive (34a), transitive (34b), and passive
(34c), the last-mentioned case again resulting in ill-formedness.
(34) H-tu’b tèen

PFV-forget(B3.SG) me
a. … in=tsikbal y=éetel le=máak=o’
[A1.SG=talk A3=COM DET=person]=D2
‘I forgot to talk to the person’
b. … in=túuxt-ik le=kàarta=o’
[A1.SG=send-INC(B3.SG) DET=letter]=D2
‘I forgot to send the letter’
c. … *in=ka’n-s-a’l
[A1.SG=learn:PASS-CAUS-PASS.INC
tumèen le=màaystro=o’
CAUSE DET=teacher]=D2
intended: ‘I forgot to be taught by the teacher’
To summarize, with the possible exception of the double-passive case

with aspectual matrix verbs illustrated in (33c), the generalization ex-
pressed in (27) holds for all Yucatec control constructions: the target of
control thematically outranks all other arguments and obliques of the con-
trolled core. This explains both the exclusion of passivization in controlled
cores and, given the language-specific linking principles outlined in section
2, the restriction of the target to set-A-marked arguments.
8. Conclusions
The starting point of this paper was the question what kind of organization
of grammatical relations (GRs) might co-occur with an argument marking
system that expresses the macro-roles of actor and undergoer, rather than
any grammatical functions defined in terms of thematic neutralization, as
argued for Yucatec in Bohnemeyer (2004). I have considered evidence
from three domains of syntactic structure. Alignment restrictions constrain
the realization of clause-mate co-arguments. They require the actor (A)
argument in transitive active-voice clauses to outrank the undergoer (U) on
a semanto-pragmatic hierarchy determined by topicality, definiteness, hu-
manness, animacy, and other factors. A set of facts together suggest that the
alignment constraints function to disambiguate 3rd-person arguments for
linking: the absence of alignment restrictions on clauses with 1st- or 2nd-
person arguments; the use of left-dislocation, passivization, and clefting to
avoid alignment violations (each of these constructions has its unique func-
tion; none of them is restricted to inverse configurations, and so none can
be said to mark inverse alignment; but all three constructions leave a
maximum of one argument realized by a clause-internal nominal); the fact
that topicality trumps all other properties on the alignment hierarchy; and
the fact that the most accessible argument of a clause is clause-internally
realized by a cross-reference marker only. These findings suggest that intra-
clausal linking is not controlled by GRs in Yucatec. This conclusion is fur-
ther supported by the characteristic repair re-interpretations of clauses that
when parsed according to the canonical order of constituents trigger align-
ment violations. These re-interpretations simply ignore constituent order,
suggesting that the linking between thematic relations and arguments as per
their configurational properties is mutable.
Linking in inter-clausal constructions likewise is regulated independ-
ently of GRs. “Extraction” in relative clauses, clefts, and content questions
is unrestricted except in case the target is the A-argument of a transitive
verb – which triggers the so-called A-focus form – or the oblique actor
phrase of a passive, which is barred from extraction altogether. In control
constructions, the target of control has to be the A-argument of a transitive
verb or the S-argument of an intransitive verb; but passive voice is ex-
cluded from controlled verbal cores. In the Role-and-Reference-Grammar
framework, extraction and control may be characterized as operating on
invariable syntactic pivots in Yucatec – extraction on a “quasi-absolutive”
pivot, control on a nominative one. Cross-reference marking, however, is
not sensitive to either pivot, as Yucatec is morphologically neither nomina-
tive-accusative nor ergative-absolutive, but rather split-intransitive. Hence,
inter-clausal linking is described most parsimoniously in terms of construc-
tion-specific linking rules: in the case of extraction, one that mandates use
of the A-focus form in case the target of extraction thematically outranks
another argument; in the case of control, one that requires the highest-
ranking thematic role to be linked to the target of control.
Notes
1. In the late 1980s and early 1990s, Christian Lehman introduced me to the
study of both Yucatec Maya and syntactic typology. One of the most impor-
tant lessons he taught me – perhaps not altogether intentionally – was that I
was not cut out to become a syntactician. I hope he will nevertheless find the
present attempt at dabbling in syntactic analysis useful or, as the case may be,
entertaining. The bulk of the data presented in this paper was collected from
eight adult native speakers of Yucatec – six men and two women – in Yaxley,
Quintana Roo, Mexico in six field trips since 1999. I am greatly indebted to
my Yucatec consultants and teachers. This research was supported by the Max
Planck Society and the University at Buffalo. I would like to thank Jean-Pierre
Koenig, Elisabeth Norcliffe, Judith Tonhauser, Robert D. Van Valin, Jr.,
Roberto Zavala Maldonado, and the editors of the volume for extremely help-
ful comments.
2. As far as I am aware, these are the only types of constructions that involve
special linking patterns in Yucatec. There are no “matrix coding” or “raising”
constructions in this language.
3. This generalization does not account for argument marking in imperatives,
which are semantically perfective, but have an S=A pattern.
4. In fact, at least one Mayan language, Huastec, does appear to have developed
inverse marking; cf. Zavala Maldonado (2007).
5. In the optimality-theoretic account of Skopeteas and Verhoeven (2005), what
I present here as the “canonical” VOS = VUA order is optimal given har-
monic alignment between thematic and topicality hierarchy, and what I treat
as repair interpretations are analyzed as alternative orders favored by non-
harmonic alignment. These views are equivalent except that I assume a cate-
gorical framework; however, I do so primarily for the sake of ease of exposi-
tion.
6. The term “extraction” is used henceforth as shorthand for constructions in-
volving relativization or focussation by clefting – put differently, for the for-
mation of an open sentence that semantically functions as a predicate. I con-
sider the term “extraction” a metaphor – I do not assume a movement account.
7. There appears to be a strong discrepancy here between my data and those of
Skopeteas and Verhoeven (2005), who did not find humanness, as opposed to
animacy, to be a factor influencing topicality ranking. The source of this dis-
crepancy will have to remain the subject of future research.
8. A topic, in the broad sense in which the term is understood here, does not
need to correspond to an argument of the clause; cf. section 3. The topic
serves to constrain the set of alternatives introduced implicitly or explicitly in
context by eliminating all those that involve some entity, time, place, etc.,
other than the topical entity in the same role (see Büring 1997). A sentence
can have more than one topic; however, no more than one argument referent
can be topical. The question of whether it is possible in certain contexts to in-
troduce a new discourse referent with a bare cross-reference marker – as per
the central cell of the bottom row of Table 1 – has to remain open here. One
occasionally encounters examples that suggest as much; however, I have yet
to probe the properties of such examples with consultants in the field.
9. The possession constraint presumably derives from the semantics of the pos-
sessive construction making it impossible for the possessum to outrank the
possessor in topicality or prominence. The constraint thus has a semantic mo-
tivation; but that does not make it a semantic constraint. In any case, posses-
sion would be difficult to place on (15) since A and U cannot be independent
in topicality, definiteness, and, with certain exceptions, humanness and ani-
macy if they stand in a possessive relation.
10. The preposition tumèen ‘because of’ is – at least etymologically – analyzable
as a combination of the generic preposition ti’ and some form of the root mèen
‘do’, ‘action’, ‘deed’ carrying the third-person set-A clitic u=. When inter-
preted thus compositionally, the complement of tumèen is actually the argu-
ment of mèen cross-referenced by the set-A clitic. Hence, the free 3rd-person
pronoun leti’ is merely used for emphasis in (18).
11. The common denominator across the various constructions that feature “ex-
traction” in Yucatec has been argued to be that focus constructions, including
content questions, are clefts and that the subordinate clause in Yucatec clefts
is a headless relative clause (Bricker 1979; Bohnemeyer 2002: 116–129) (for
an alternative account based on the idea that relative clause constructions are
embedded focus constructions, see Tonhauser 2003, 2007).
12. The transitive subjunctive suffix -eh only appears in absolute clause-final
position.
13. The participants were given a scenario in which the fictional speaker had seen
the person who robbed the addressee. They were then prompted with various
sentence fragments which they had to complete with relative clauses referring
to the robber. These scenarios and stimuli were interspersed with others tar-
geting other arguments, obliques, and adjuncts. In all instances involving A-
extraction, all of the participants produced the A-focus form. It is thus clear
that the A-focus form is usually preferred with A-extraction – but is it obliga-
tory? Gutiérrez Bravo (ms.) and Elisabeth Norcliffe (p.c.) argue otherwise.
14. A Google search produces 587 hits for the phrase the one who robbed you,
compared to exactly zero for the one by whom you were robbed, the one who
you were robbed by and the one you were robbed by. With a more frequent
verb, such as hit, the results are 7,790 hits for the active version and zero for
three passive versions of the same construction.
15. In keeping with the traditional ergative analysis of extraction in Mayan, this
pivot might be considered absolutive (S=U). However, as mentioned above,
obliques can likewise be extracted without a special voice form; these extrac-
tions would have to be analyzed as involving special constructions if extrac-
tion is indeed restricted to an absolutive pivot.
16. I assume here subordination and embedding, as opposed to other “nexus”
types (cf. Van Valin and LaPolla 448–454), for these cores without discus-
sion. Bohnemeyer (2002: 91–101) has details of this analysis.
17. The U-argument of the matrix is the embedded core in this case. Several
sources of evidence support this analysis. In any case, the U-argument of the
matrix cannot be coreferential with – and thus cannot be the controller of – the
S-argument of the gerundive: if the latter refers to a speech act participant, a
coreferential U would be identifiable by the set-B marker on the matrix verb;
sentences with this property are, however, unanimously rejected.
18. In (51c), the “shared” argument is realized by a nominal that is a constituent
of the matrix. In (51d), which is judged equally acceptable by consultants, the
nominal is either a matrix constituent as well, in which case the lower core is
centrally embedded, or the nominal is a constituent of the lower core, as indi-
cated by the tagging. I do not think that either analysis should be excluded a
priori; hence, I assume that both are compatible with the known facts.
19. Like the motion-cum-purpose construction, the gerundial construction occurs
with matrix verbs of change of position and change of location. In contrast to
the motion-cum-purpose construction, the lower core appears always in the
incompletive and the set-A marker is retained. Whereas the motion-cum-
purpose construction entails that the location change precedes the event de-
scribed by the lower core (if the latter is realized at all), the gerundial con-
struction encodes overlap between the two events (cf. Bohnemeyer 2002:
100–101).
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B.2 Formal Typologies
Areal typology of tone-consonant interaction and
implosives in Kwa, Kru, and Southern-Mande
Firmin Ahoua
1. Problems1
Is the development of tones from consonants a genetic or an areal phe-

nomenon? The question may presuppose that languages in general might
have tones originally in order to exhibit tone and consonant interactions.
However, there are languages with no tones originally, but which devel-
oped tones from laryngeal features of consonants. For instance, non-tonal
proto-Afroasiatic, to which Semitic and Berber belong, developed tones in
Chadic (Wolff 1983). In Indo-European languages, tones developed from
consonants in Punjabi (Haudricourt 1972) while in Scandinavian tones
seem to have developed from prosodic factors like vowel length, stress,
and boundary tones (Lorenz 2000). The present paper focuses on the tone-
consonant interaction and doesn’t endorse the current view, highly covered
by press, of a possible biogenetic correlation with tonal development from
genes. Recently Dediu and Ladd (2007) have claimed that two genes in-
volved in brain development (ASPM and Microcephalin variants or “de-
rived” alleles) correlate with the geographic distribution of tonal lan-
guages. Their argument is based on statistics rather than on experimental
trials. Since the core argument is statistical correlation, it should not neces-
sarily relate to causality, a Humean view that is well accepted in statistics.
The present paper is modestly relevant to this issue as I shall argue that the
role of particular structural properties (i.e. segmental environments) and
geographic diffusion still provide with an adequate explanation of the oc-
currence of tones without necessitating the recourse to biogenetic proper-
ties of the populations at issue.
Regarding Niger-Congo (NC) languages, it is so far undisputed that
they originally had tones. Since the tone inventory in this phylum varies
from two (e.g. Baule-Anyi, Ga, Igbo, Efik, Mende) to five (Dan, Ashuku),
one may rather wonder where tonal proliferation or tonal splitting comes
from. Related questions in that respect are whether the latters may be
caused by some interaction of consonants and tones during diachronic de-
velopment or, whether they are developed from language contact or geo-
218 Firmin Ahoua
graphic diffusion. The general goal of the paper is to examine a set of evi-
dence of correlations between tone-consonant interaction in the “Sudanic
belt” (Clements and Rialland 2008) from a comparative perspective, cover-
ing Subsahara, in a way that may be extended to Central, Southern Sudan
and part of East Africa. The specific goal is to analyze the role of the im-
plosives in tonal development in a few representative West African lan-
guages in which tones historically did develop from consonants. The hy-
potheses that we shall examine are whether implosive consonants always
correlate with tones at all (a candidate for a universal), and whether implo-
sives necessarily correlate with tonal proliferation and complexity, that is
increase in tone inventories (as typological generalization). As the answers
to these questions are empirical, I would like to survey a few typical cases
of tone-consonant interaction in Kwa (Potou, Yoruba, Ega and Gbe), Kru
(Guere, Wobe), Southern-Mande (Yowle, Guro) in detail and attempt to
falsify these hypotheses. The central thesis of this paper is that implosives
may historically develop higher tones, a generalization that is generally
understated in the literature, while voiced obstruents are largely admitted
to historically develop low tones, contributing to tonal proliferation. Indeed
geographic contiguity may suggest diffusion and contact. For the sake of
presentation, I first analyze the data in section 2 language internally and
across related dialects from a historical comparative perspective proceeding
from Kwa, Mande to Kru, and then discuss the implications in section 3.
2. Areal and genetic typology of languages
Niger-Congo (NC) languages, with about 1436 languages, are assumed to

have developed from a two-tone system and constitute beside Asia the
major location of tonal languages (cf. Williamson 1989).
In the NC language phylum, there are languages that have from two to
five tones as mentioned above. The question that naturally emerges is how
do languages acquire, innovate with tone proliferation or how do they lose
tones? How do we explain that South East Asian languages display contour
tones systems and African languages have register tone systems? Possible
factors of tonal innovation due to downstep, downdrift, floating tones
caused by deletion of morphemes or segments should be added to the over-
all picture (cf. Ahoua 2007). It can be deduced from the areal distribution
of languages in the world that African languages are mainly tonal just as
Asian languages, while Indo-European languages are mainly non-tonal.
Areal typology of tone-consonant interaction and implosives 219
The traditional prosodic typology reflects the types tonal versus stress lan-
guages. Asian languages have unitary tones, while African languages have
composed tones, downsteps, and terracing as areal characteristics. A sur-
vey of the prosody of the world’s languages indicates that more than 30%
of the languages of the world are tonal, though one may question the
boundaries between tonal and non-tonal languages, as modern theories
regard non-tonal languages, that is, intonation languages, as having tonal
targets (Liberman and Pierrehumbert 1988). The question now arises as to
how many or which languages precisely exhibit consonant-tone interac-
tions? From the areal and genetic typological view, the question is to estab-
lish the correlations with respect to geographic location, the language fami-
lies, and to search for explanation.
Thus the systematic difference between African (Niger-Congo) lan-
guages (that are tonal) and European languages (that are accentual), can be
located at two levels: at the structural level (that is paradigmatic vs. syn-
tagmatic), the logical possibilities of lexical tonal differences per syllable
in tone languages are higher than in stress or pitch accent languages. In
pitch accent languages, there is only one High tone per morphological unit.
In stress languages, prominence (marked by duration, intensity, and seg-
mental cues such as aspiration, and not necessarily by a High pitch) is also
as limited as in pitch accent languages. At the functional level, tonal differ-
ence involves change in lexical meaning or in grammatical function
whereas in stress and pitch accent languages, this is not the case.
2.1. Obstruents depressors as factors in tonal proliferation
Genetic-historical research has made clear that the situation on the origins
and development of tones is not as clear as it would seem from the first
sight. It is quite widely accepted that non-tonal languages may develop
tones from consonants and laryngeal features thus become tonal, while
tonal languages may also lose their tones. A classical example is the earli-
est erroneous language classification by which Vietnamese was assigned to
the Tai family and not to the Mon-Khmer family (to which it actually be-
longs) because the latter family is non-tonal and Vietnamese is tonal, ig-
noring that Vietnamese developed tones from consonants during history
(Haudricourt 1972). The tonal criteria have been dismissed since Haudri-
court’s proof. A related question to this complex issue is whether tonal
proliferation or tonal splitting may be caused during diachronic develop-
220 Firmin Ahoua
ment by the interaction between consonants and tones. Synchronically, the

consonant-tone interaction has been reported in numerous studies on Afri-
can languages. According to Bradshaw (1997) and recent studies, the lan-
guages often cited with tone-consonant interaction are: in Afroasiatic
Ngizim, Bade, Ouldeme, Mulwi; in Niger-Congo Kordofanian, languages
with tone-consonant interaction are Adamawa-Ubangui with Suma, Gbaya,
Kwa with Gbe and Ewe, Central Togo Siya, Benue-Congo with Narrow
Bantu Makaa, Bantu with Nguni (Zulu, SiSwati), Xhosa with Phuti, Leso-
tho, Mijikenda with Digo, Chonyi, Duruma, Dzihana, Kambe, Kauma,
Rabai, Rihe, Giryama and Shona (Ikalanga). In all these languages, the
lowering effect of voiced obstruents has been recognized. Little has been
said so far on the possible raising effect of some consonants, especially of
implosives, for reasons to be discussed in section 2.2.
2.2. Implosives and tone-consonant interactions
Implosives in the “Sudanic belt”, and may be in all Niger-Congo lan-

guages, are realized with an ingressive airflow, often with negative intra-
oral pressure, larynx lowering, sometimes with and mostly without glot-
talization, and are generally voiced and have similar phonological distribu-
tion as, or alternate with the class of sonorants. They are generally classi-
fied as lenis stops. Lenis stops may have an “uplifting”, pitch raising ef-
fect, a feature which Painter (1978: 251) was among the first to notice and
to address in careful experimental work, especially with regard to bilabials.
Lenis are opposed to plain obstruents, the fortis class. The latter, especially
the voiced ones, belong to the set of so-called depressors, because of the
lowering effect on tones. Both segment classes may contribute to tonal
proliferation. These segments first cause pitch perturbations that at the end
phonologize. Thus, the latter take over the phonemic property of the con-
sonants when these consonants lose their laryngeal feature (generally voic-
ing). We assume that a strong correlation between implosives and tones
exist (based on language areal typology), which is accounted for by the
principle of preservation of complex segmental contrasts (Hagège’s princi-
ple of “maintien”). So, the principle in action is that of (trans)phonolo-
gization of tones preserving a phonemic or phonological distinction at dif-
ferent levels after sound shift. The general principle is that sound shifts are
generally motivated, and that there is no sound loss.
Tone realization and very likely tonal development is dependent on the

configuration of the laryngeal activity and the aerodynamic mechanism.
For fortis consonants, at least whenever breathyness is involved, the vocal
cords are not closely adducted, and thus the Bernoulli force should be
weak (cf. Hombert 1978: 91). The fortis consonants have a lowering effect
on pitch and generally belong to the class of so-called “Depressor Conso-
nants”. Lenis consonants, generally including sonorants and implosives,
may involve a lowering of the larynx for implosives with a quick air rate,
creating a positive Bernoulli effect and therefore a raising of the pitch.
Catford (1982: 108) explains the correlation of pitch raising with implo-
sives as follows:
In a voiced glottalic suction stop, such as [ɓ], the sudden downward larynx
movement may enlarge the supraglottal cavity so much that the transglottal
pressure difference is actually increased, leading to a higher frequency (a
“raised tone”) in the adjacent vowel.
If Catford’s (1982) explanation is valid and can be extended to all im-
plosive segments, we may conclude that the lenis consonants have a func-
tion opposite to that of the fortis one: they may raise the tones before and
after them. This may motivate their classification as “anti-depressor conso-
nants”. Beside that uplifting property, lenis also behave very often as
transparent segments (in contrast to depressors which are opaque to tone
assimilation or spreading). This is the case in Ega and comparative Cama-
Yoruba development where implosives are clearly transparent, do not
block tone spreading or affect tones at all as opposed to depressors.
Consonants effects and tonal development are now illustrated in details
in NC as exemplified by Potou (a subgroup of Kwa), Mande and Kru lo-
cated in the Côte d’Ivoire and neighboring countries (Liberia, Mali and
Guinea).
2.2.1. Depressor consonants in Cama
Potou is the Kwa lower branch for lagoon languages to which Nghwla and
Cama (also called Ebrié) belong. Cama has the following synchronic con-
sonants consisting of fortis and lenis obstruents as illustrated in (1):
222 Firmin Ahoua
(1) voiceless Fortis ph th ch kh

Lenis p f t s
voiced Fortis b v d Ô g gb
Lenis ∫ l j w
nasal m n ¯ ŋ
Cama has four phonetic tones (High [ @ @ ], Mid [ #], Low[ $ ] and Extra Low
[ $ $]), which are conditioned by the nature of the consonants. Voiced fortis
consonants lower all tones including phonological Low tones whereas lenis
consonants are transparent to tone rules or maintain the tone level:
(2) áphè ‘calabash’ ábe% ‘paddle’

ápà ‘mud’ ádE% ‘palm tree’
á∫wè ‘utterance’ áÔı% ‘palm nut’
a!fè ‘deer’ águ% ‘beard’
áthà ‘war’ ágba% ‘cold’
E0@nù ‘mushroom’
ásì ‘place’
Morphophonologically, the lenis implosives are transparent to rightward

High tone spreading from the prefix while voiced obstruents are opaque:
(3) Singular Plural Gloss

khù E0@khū#má0 ‘flies’
lE$ E0@nE#má0 ‘caterpillars’
chràlá E0@chrālá ‘pangolins’
∫ç$bç@ E0@mç#∫ç@ ‘termites’
kwE$kwE$ E0@kwE@kwE$ ‘manatees’
lèphà0 E0@ne@phà0 ‘persons’
làlà∫ōÁ E0@nálà∫ōÁ ‘ducks’
go% E0@go%má0 ‘buffalos’
du% E0@du%má0 ‘snakes’
The data in (3) illustrate the synchronic situation in Cama. However, the
potential of the lenis stops to raise tones appear in comparative work. Thus
Maddieson’s (1974) set of correspondences between Yoruba and Cama
implosives exhibits striking effects of tone raising after lenis stops, sug-
gesting an uplifting property, an issue that we shall mention to exist in the
genetically closely related Nghwla language.
(4) Cama Yoruba

underlying phonetic gloss phonetic gloss
á0∫ú m@mó0 ‘arm’ lá ‘dream’
∫á ∫á ‘come’ wá ‘come’
∫ō ∫ō ‘take’ mú ‘take, grasp, etc.’
ā∫ī ā∫ī ‘excrement’ īmi@ ‘faeces’
bç$0 bç$0 ‘be rotten’ bū ‘go mouldy’
bè bè ‘belch’ bī ‘vomit’
Îá á0Îá lá ńná ‘sleep’ lá ‘dream’
á0Îuú0 n#Ânó0 ‘palm oil’ E#rú ‘palm oil’
á0Îá0 ńná0 ‘animal’ E#rān ‘animal, meat’
Îí lí ‘eat’ ÔE# ‘eat’
á0dù á0dù ‘water’ ōdò ‘river’
ādū ∫E# adu ∫E ‘river’ ōdò ‘river’
dū dū ‘snake’ ēÔò ‘snake’
adūdū adūdū ‘rainy season’ òÔò ‘rain’
From the sample of data in (4) of which I report the most significant ones
with respect to all points of articulations, Maddieson (1974: 214) explicitly
expresses the generalization on tones and consonants interaction emerging
roughly as follows: all the Yoruba forms corresponding to Cama lenis con-
sonant show either High or Mid after lenis and not low tone. All the
Yoruba forms corresponding to Cama fortis consonant show either a High
or a Low tone and not Mid tone. These observations suggest that the de-
velopment of tones in Yoruba from the protolanguage (Proto-Potou-Niger-
Congo?) may have been triggered by the consonants. In Nghwla, Grassias
(1974) note an exceptional frequency of High tones following the implo-
sives and sonorants in their corpus, and the reverse for Low tones follow-
ing voiced obstruents. In a comparative short list presented by Bole-
Richard (1984: 34), one can observe that all Low tones in Proto-Potou
developed to Mid or High tones after (innovated) implosives in Nghwla.
These findings independently confirm the distant reconstruction between
Cama and Yoruba.
224 Firmin Ahoua
2.2.2. Implosives and tone-consonant interaction in southern Mande: Guro

and Yowle
Guro and Yowle are Southern-Mande languages, a subgroup of Mande.

First of all, Guro and Yowle have the consonant system in common pre-
sented in (5), with a regular set of sonorants including a bilabial implosive:
(5) p f t s kp kw
b v d Ô g gb gbw
∫ l j w
m n ¯ ŋ ŋw
In Guro, Halaoui et al. (1983) and Hopkins (1982: 15) have observed that
High tones and Higher Mid tones are found only in the environment of
voiceless obstruents or sonorants, a class including implosives. This is a
crucial observation as to the uplifting effect of implosives. As a contrast,
Low tones and Lower Mid tones are found only with voiced obstruents.
Since Low tones never occur before sonorants, we should conclude that
sonorants have a pitch raising effect, pointing to the role of sonorants in
the development of tones. The hypothesis is confirmed in comparative data
from Southern-Mande Guro and Yowle illustrating the tone-consonant
interaction. At this point, the present result may seem to contradict those of
Maddieson (1984) who assumes that sonorants are often depressors which
apparently differs from his (1974) analysis. However, one possible expla-
nation for the difference may be due to the fact that the sonorants under the
present investigation are often derived from implosives or belong to the
same natural class and therefore maintain the phonation property men-
tioned by Catford (1982) above.
In the small comparative set in (6) below, it is easy to observe that the
sonorants (including implosive ∫) in Guro correspond to voiceless conso-
nants with Higher tones in Yowle. In contrast voiced consonants in Guro
correspond to a voiceless segment in Yowle with an innovation of a Low
tone on the following tone bearing unit:
(6) Guro Yowle

bēlī pèlì ‘night’
dū dù ‘buffalo’
zé sè ‘suffering’
gç0#nE0# kç0$nE0$ ‘man’
(7) tū0rū0 tú0rú ‘tooth gum’

kūlī kūlū ‘tortoise’
∫ú ∫U@ ‘mother’
lálí lálí ‘poison’
wç@lE@ wE@lE@ ‘bone’
Now we turn to the Kru languages located in the Côte d’Ivoire that show
the most obvious innovation of a lexical Low tone after Depressor conso-
nants while maintaining Higher tones after implosives or sonorants.
2.2.3. Implosives and tone-consonant interaction in Kru
In this section we examine the We languages, a subgroup of the Kru lan-

guage family, with a focus on the dialects that are spoken in Bangolo
(Guéré dialect), Kouibly (Wobe dialect), Toulepleu (Nidrou). According to
Bole-Richard (2006) they constitute closely related dialects and exhibit
regular sound correspondences. These dialects share the following conso-
nants system with a set of sonorants (implosives):
(8) p f t s kw kp kpw
b v d Ô gw gb gbw
∫ l (Î) j (◊) (©) w (g∫)
m n ¯ ŋ ŋw
When we compare the initial consonants in these dialects, we observe the

shift from voiced to voiceless consonants with a reflex of word-initial low
tone in Wobe and Nidrou. Guere has retained the voicing of the latest
Common Ancestor (Common We). Kru dialects make use of 3 to 4 tone
levels (according to the dialects we may find 5 as in Guere and 7 types of
glides that combine in relationship with consonants types. The tone-
bearing unit is the mora. The notation is 1 for the Highest tone, 2 for Mid-
High, 3 for Mid, and 4 for the very Low tone. The correspondences are
summarized in (9) and (10) illustrating every point of articulation (DEP =
Depressors, N-DEP= Non-Depressors):
226 Firmin Ahoua
(9) depres- common Guere Wobe Nidrou gloss

sors We
a. DEP *ba01 ba041 pa041 pa04 ‘aid’
b. DEP *Dí2 Dí
42
Tí
4
TUí
44
‘buffalo’
c. DEP *Ôí3 Ôí43
cí 43
cí43
‘panther’
d. DEP *gí0E034 gí0E0434 kí0E0434 kE0334 ‘egg’
e. DEP *gwuo31 gwuo kuo wuo ‘stomach’
f. DEP *gbei31 gbei431 gbei41 ‘camp’
g. DEP *vE032 vE0432 fE04 fE04 ‘beard’
h. DEP *ZE02 zE042 sE04 sE04 ‘hunchback’
As we can see in (9), there is a strong correlation between the historical

development of depressor consonants as Low tones and their synchronic
realization in the present stage of the languages. The data demonstrate that
the loss of a voicing feature corresponds to a phonologized Low tone. Let
us examine the non-depressors tabulated in (10):
(10) N-DEP *∫iE21 ∫iE21 ∫iE21 ∫iE21 ‘hole’

a. N-DEP *Îe1 Îe1 Îei21 Îe2 ‘younger brother’
b. N-DEP *◊re24 ◊re24 ◊re24 ◊re24 ‘black chimpanzee’
c. N-DEP *wlu3 ©lu3 wlu3 wulu22 ‘language’
d. N-DEP *TU3 TU
3
TU
3
TU
2
‘tree’
e. N-DEP *cU2 cU 2
cU 2
cU 2
‘moon’
f. N-DEP *Kao14 Kao
14
Kao
14
Kao
214
‘water source’
g. N-DEP *kpau31 kpau31 kpau31 kpau33 ‘maize’
h. N-DEP *pUç32 pUç32 pUç32 pUç33 ‘wind’
i. N-DEP *Fuu414 Fuu
414
Fuu
414
Fuu
214
‘sponge’
j. N-DEP *SU03 *SU03 *SU03 *SU02 ‘arm’
In (10) we can observe that Kru does not innovate a lexical High tone with
sonorants and implosives but rather maintains or reinforces the Higher
tones.
3. Conclusions and discussions
One strong source of tonal proliferation in the investigated area is the in-
fluence of consonants on tones: implosives generally tend to correlate with
tonal preservation or tonal raising, while non-implosives or non-liquids
correlate with tonal depression or low tone innovation. Ega, Nghwla, Guro,
Yowle are languages that encode higher tones with implosives in specific
domains. Cama has higher tone correspondences with some cognates in
Yoruba, despite the remote relationship. Gbeto (2007) notes the same up-
lifting correlation with implosives in Gbe languages, also a subgroup of the
Kwa languages pointing to a possible diffusion phenomenon. With regard
to language universals, two questions emerge: a) Is there a universal corre-
lation between implosives and tonal complexity? b) Does tonal develop-
ment correlate with implosives? Maddieson’s statistical data of a large
range of world’s languages provides a negative answer to the first question
and a positive answer to the second.
From the UPSID data among 49 African languages with implosive con-
sonants in their inventories, of these 24 are shown with basically 2-level
tone systems, 15 have 3-level systems, 5 are reported as having 4 or more
levels, and for 5 of them. Thus, for the languages with implosives and with
at least some data on tone patterns the proportion of languages with more
than two-tone levels is higher than it is in African languages taken as a
whole. Therefore a coincidence between complex tones and complex con-
sonant types may be random. In a database of 526 languages for which
Maddieson (p.c.) has coded information on both their tone system and the
type of glottalized consonants they have, if any, there are 132 languages
(25%) with “simple” tone systems (usually this means just H and L as ba-
sic tones), and 88 (17%) with “complex” tone systems. The rest (58%) are
non-tonal (in the classical sense). There is an association between having
implosives and being tonal – only 12 languages with no tones have implo-
sives, whereas they occur in 59 of the tonal languages, in 29 of those with
complex tone systems and in 30 with simple tone systems. So there are 71
languages with implosives, or 13.5%. Multiplying the independent prob-
abilities together predicts finding only 12 languages having a complex
tonal system and implosives, 18 with simple tone system and implosives,
and 41 non-tonal languages with implosives. So tones and implosives tend
to occur together. Here again the relationship between implosives and
complex tones is not established. If we just restrict our attention to the
universe of tonal languages (220 in the database), then 27% have implo-
sives and the ratio of simple to complex tone systems is 60% to 40%. We
would there predict from these probabilities that there should be 35 lan-
guages (225×0.6×0.27) with implosives and simple tone systems and 24
with implosives and complex tone systems. The actual numbers of 30 and
228 Firmin Ahoua
29 are too close to this random classification to conclude that there is any
special association between complex tone systems and implosives.
These statistical data on the correlation between implosives and tonal
complexity are apparently contradictory to Clements and Rialland (2008:
32), who observe that the “Sudanic” belt is where the most tonally loaded
languages with three to five tone levels are located. They also report that
46% of these languages use implosives (N=100), as opposed to the 3.8% of
non-African languages (N=350 in their samples), though they accept other
arguments such as tonal multiplication due to segmental attrition, tendency
to monosyllabicity beside the frequent phonologization of consonantal
effects on tones.
We conclude on the basis of the correlation of implosives and tones in
the “Sudanese belt” by suggesting that tonal proliferation is an areal phe-
nomenon. Given that there are implosives without tones, and tones without
implosives, we leave open the issue of whether the heavy correlation be-
tween implosives and tones can be viewed as a phonetically motivated
language universal (despite biases) or an areal typological tendency.
However a legitimate question that arises from the present discussion is
the possibility of speculating now on the origins of tones in NC with re-
spect to segmental environments. Indeed Stewart (2002) and Williamson
(2003) have proposed the existence of implosives and tones in proto-NC
and that there would be presumably no need to suggest that tone result
from implosive. Nevertheless, one could still raise the question of tono-
genesis triggered by other sources of phonation which are not only present
in implosives but also in ATR vowels and which function as a redundant
feature for enhancing contrast. With regard to our limited knowledge and
reconstruction of tonal data of NC, we may not settle the issue by now.
Notes
1. This paper is a small sign of recognition to Christian Lehmann who raised my

interest in language typology and universals, as a teacher and as a friend. I am
grateful to the editors and to Bruce Connell for helpful comments. All errors
are mine.
References
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The internal structure of adpositional phrases
Silvia Luraghi
1. Introduction
The aim of this paper is to discuss the relation that holds between adposi-
tions and nouns in languages in which the same adposition can occur with
different cases, as for example in German:
(1) a. Ich fahre in der Stadt.

‘I drive inside the town (dat.).’
b. Ich fahre in die Stadt.
‘I drive into town (acc.).’
In German, case variation with prepositions as shown in (1a) and (1b) con-
tributes to specifying the semantic role of prepositional phrases. 1 This fact
is at odds with current definitions of government. Usually, the relation
between an adposition and its complement is considered a typical example
of government. The problem with examples such as (1a) and (1b) comes
from the occurrence of different cases, since the definition of government
implies that on the side of the governed element there is no possible varia-
tion of form that can also convey different meanings: so for example the
definition of government in the linguistic dictionary of Lewandowski
(1985: 835) reads as follows: “Rektion: 1) Bestimmung des Kasus eines
grammatisch-syntaktisch abhängigen Wortes durch ein übergeordnetes
Wort; ... 2) Einseitig gerichtete Abhängigkeitsbeziehungen zwischen Verb
und notwendige Ergänzungsbestimmungen;... 3) Die Relation der De-
pendenz. Das Regens regiert seine Dependentien”.
In the present paper, I would like to elaborate on the notion of govern-
ment, in connection with the occurrence of different cases with the same
preposition (case variation) in some Indo-European languages.2 I will argue
that case variation in examples such as (1a) and (1b) can be accounted for
by using a scalar and multifactorial definition of government, connected
with our knowledge about grammaticalization processes and language
change. I will also show that not all instances of case variation actually
represent the same phenomenon, even within the same language, and that
232 Silvia Luraghi
cases may have functions that are not typical of their category. In such
instances, it is not the notion of government that needs to be modified, but
rather the definition of cases involved.
2. Government and modification
Christian Lehmann devoted various papers to the nature of syntactic rela-

tions. According to his classification, given below in Figure 1, dependency
relations are divided into two types: government and modification (see
further Lehmann 1985a). Lehmann describes the development of adposi-
tions as follows (Lehmann 1999):3
(2) X = body part > local noun > relational noun > adposition
Examples of this development are easily available from numerous lan-

guages; cf. the English word front in the expression in front of, and similar
developments of its cognates in the Romance languages.4
One must note further that, at least in the Indo-European languages, X is
from the beginning on the head of the phrase, but at the stage represented
by body part noun it is modified by its dependent. In other words, the
phrase at that stage is endocentric: The dependent can be left out, much in
the same way as the modifier of a noun phrase. Body part nouns (or rela-
tional nouns of different origin)5 that undergo the process outlined above
develop into adverbs, which can still head endocentric phrases if they can
occur alone. Only when the adverbs become adpositions and must obliga-
torily take a complement the phrase changes from endocentric to exocen-
Figure 1. Taxonomy of syntactic relations (cf. Lehmann 1983: 341)
syntaktische Relation
Dependenz Soziation
Rektion Modifikation Koordination Apposition ...
Verb- Präp- … adnominale adverbiale

dir. Obj. Kompl. Modifikation Modifikation [Adjunktion]
Determination Attribution …
The internal structure of adpositional phrases 233
tric. If we consider the example of in front of, we find that the nominal
origin of the expression is still clear, in the occurrence of the preposition
of, that indicates nominal dependency, but in fact the phrase headed by in
front is exocentric, because the complement is obligatory and in front can
occur alone only to a limited extent.6
Case variation with adpositions has been variously approached by
scholars within different theoretical frameworks; besides, this phenomenon
is often described for one or another Indo-European language by specialists
who have little knowledge of the pertinent literature on other languages.
The combination of these two tendencies makes the issue very compli-
cated; in my paper, I offer a partial discussion and a possible solution re-
garding the notion of government, but I am well aware of the fact that the
issue would deserve a wider and more systematic treatment than what I am
going to offer in the following pages.
While I am not going to discuss possible semantic motivation of case
variation in German exhaustively, 7 I would like to mention that, beside
discussing variation between the dative and the accusative as in examples
(1a) and (1b), Di Meola (2000) also points out that variation between the
dative and the genitive with some German prepositions, such as entlang
‘along’, is connected with linguistic registers, rather than conveying infor-
mation relative to the semantic role of the PP (or some other type of se-
mantic difference). This remark is important because it shows that case
variation with adpositions can have different motivations, and that this can
happen even within the same language. Furthermore, not being connected
with a change in the function of the PP, this type of alternation does not
create problems for the definition of government: simply, the preposition
entlang governs the dative in certain register and the genitive in another,
more formal one. I will come back to this point in section 5.2.2.
Among possible answers to the question what notion of government
must be used to describe case variation with adposition, scholars have sug-
gested that the two occurrences of in in (1a) and (1b) should be considered
as representing two different (homophonous) prepositions, or that the
preposition and the case ending must be regarded as parts of a discontinu-
ous morpheme.8 I will discuss these two hypotheses in sections 3.2 and 3.3.
I will not consider another possible solution, namely that there are no
prepositions with case variation in German at all.9
Because the existence of homophones has been set up in order to ex-
plain double behavior of certain lexical items that can function as adposi-
234 Silvia Luraghi
tions and as adverbs, I will briefly discuss the categorial status of such
words in the next section.
3. Adverbs, adpositions, and cases
3.1. The Indo-European preverbs
Preverbs are a peculiar lexical class of Indo-European; even in the oldest

written records they also have adpositional usage. The possibility for the
same adposition to occur with different cases is also typical of the Indo-
European languages.10
The Indo-European case system included four cases that could occur
with adpositions: locative, accusative (which could function as an allative),
ablative, and instrumental.11 In Old Indic, for example, one can observe a
relation by which a NP is added to the adverb/adposition as an apposition,
as in (3):
(3) è ’ntáh ‘in the mouth, inside’ (with the locative)

yāÁd antáh ‘out of (the interior of) the mouth’ (with the ablative)
(adapted from Delbrück 1893: 673).
In the above phrases, the noun is a modifier of an adverb, rather than a

complement of an adposition; evidence is provided by the fact that the
noun in the ablative alone could express the same spatial relation (i.e. it
can occur alone and mean ‘out of the mouth’). The adverb, which is not
obligatory, denotes a spatial region; the case ending adds information as to
the specific semantic role of the phrase (e.g. locative or ablative, as in (3)).
The same adverbs can also take a genitive modifier, thus behaving as a
noun, as in (4):12
(4) antár sárvasya ‘inside the world’ (antár and antáh are allomorphs
of the same adverb; from Delbrück 1893: 673).
The categorial status of the Indo-European preverbs has often been con-
sidered problematic: it is not clear whether they are adverbs or adpositions;
besides, they can also be prefixed to verbs. Note that this peculiarity is
preserved in some modern Indo-European languages in spite of the loss of
morphological case, as shown in the following English examples:
(5) a. We met over lunch. (preposition)

b. The next town over. (adverb)
c. Hand it over. (verb particle)13
Adverbial and adpositional behavior on the side of the same linguistic item
has also been explained resorting to homophony, much in the same way as
the occurrence of different cases with the same adposition. Resorting to
homophones may be a convenient solution, but there are other facts that
should make us suspicious about the need for homophones: for example,
many other adverbs, of later origin, and which cannot be reconnected to the
Indo-European preverbs, also share this ambiguous behavior, as we will
see in section 3.3. I will suggest that double behavior derives from the exis-
tence of a continuum between the lexical categories adposition and adverb,
and that homophones should be set up only in cases in which there is clear
historical and semantic evidence for their existence.
3.2. Discontinuous morpheme
3.2.1. Prepositions and cases in the Indo-European languages according

to Kuryłowicz
Kuryłowicz devoted a number of studies to cases in Indo-European. His

suggestion with respect to the use of cases with prepositions is that the case
ending and the preposition together constitute a discontinuous morpheme:14
___
(6) extra /urb/ em (Kuryłowicz 1949: 134).
This solution, which is also argued for by Touratier (1978), raises a num-
ber of problems. In the first place, there is little support from diachrony.
Historically, adpositions do in some cases develop into case affixes, but
this is generally not the case for prepositions in the Indo-European lan-
guages: I will come back to this issue below, in the discussion of the data
in (6).
It can further be remarked that commonly occurring discontinuous mor-
phemes are constituted by (sub-)morphs that do not express a composi-
tional meaning and mostly cannot occur alone. A typical example of a dis-
continuous morpheme is the morpheme of the German past participle,
which also shows that even the particular allomorph of the stem often can-
236 Silvia Luraghi
not occur alone: ge-sung-en can be analyzed as such, but there are neither
an independent *gesung nor an independent *sungen.15 The analysis in (6)
implies that a certain case ending, e.g. -em of the accusative, should be
viewed as a complete morpheme when it occurs without prepositions, and
only a part of a bigger morpheme when it occurs within a prepositional
phrase.
3.2.2. Coalescence of affixes in agglutinative languages
A partly similar position is argued for in Beard (1995). Beard mentions the
following examples form Serbo-Croatian, where we find the typical Indo-
European situation in which the same preposition takes two cases, based on
the motion/rest opposition:
(7) a. lez ati pod kamen-om a´. ići pod kamen-∅

‘lie under the rock-INST’ ‘go under the rock-ACC’
b. lez ati nad kamen-om b´. ići nad kamen-∅
‘lie over the rock-INST’ ‘go over the rock-ACC’
c. lez ati za kamen-om c´. ići za kamen-∅
‘lie behind the rock-INST’ ‘go behind the rock-ACC’
d. lez ati pred kamen-om d´. ići pred kamen-∅
‘lie in front of the rock-INST’ ‘go in front of the rock-
ACC’
Beard compares Serbo-Croatian with Lezgian, an agglutinating lan-

guage, in which the same affix that expresses location relative to a referent
can be followed by other affixes, that express locative, allative, and abla-
tive:
(8) a. Locative II sevre-xh ‘behind the bear’

b. Ablative II sevre-xh-aj ‘(out) from behind the bear’
c. Goal II sevre-xh-di ‘to the bear’
d. Locative III sevre-k ‘under the bear’
e. Ablative III sevre-k-aj ‘(out) from under the bear’
f. Goal III sevre-k-di ‘(to) under the bear’
(Beard 1995: 265f.)
Beard argues that:

The interesting aspect of this [i.e. the Serbo-Croatian] paradigm is that the
Case but not the preposition changes with the function. It is difficult to claim
that the preposition governs the Case in these instances since the P does not
change with the Locus-Goal functions. Either cases determine preposition
selection or some third factor controls both the Case ending and preposition.
In the current framework, ..., the P + Instrumental ... expresses [Locus
[x-essive]], while the P + Accusative ... expresses [Goal[X-essive]]. The
cleanest account of these P + Case relations, then, is that the primary spatial
functions, Locus and Goal, select the Locative [sic] and Accusative Case,
respectively, while the secondary functions, Subessive, Superessive, Poste-
rior, and Anterior, select the preposition. In other words, function deter-
mines Case endings and prepositions alike but independently. (Beard 1995:
265)
and reaches the conclusions that (a) adpositions are grammatical mor-
phemes and not lexemes, and (b) adpositions are functional markers in a
class with inflectional endings and not function assigners (Beard 1995,
chap. 10, 11).
The parallel between Indo-European and Lezgian only seemingly holds.
In some agglutinative languages the Lezgian situation can be reconstructed,
but the affixes are no longer clearly separate, as in Finnish and Hungarian:
(9) Finnish:
inessive talo-ssa < *-s-na adessive katto-lla < *-l-na
elative talo-sta < *-s-ta ablative katto-lta < *-l-ta
illative talo-on < *-s-en allative katto-lle < *-l-le-k
(10) Hungarian:
inessive ház-ban elative ház-ból
superessive asztal-on delative asztal-ról
illative ház-ba sublative asztal-ra
The above examples point toward coalescence of two formerly distinct

suffixes, no longer analyzable as separate affixes. So Beard’s theory ap-
pears to apply to Finnish: note however that there is no historical evidence
for it in the case of prepositions in the Indo-European languages. Indeed, in
many of the Indo-European languages cases have either disappeared (as in
Romance) or they have been reduced (as in Germanic), but there are no
examples of coalescence with prepositions. In particular, in languages such
238 Silvia Luraghi
as Latin and Romance, case variation became redundant inside preposi-

tional phrases, and then disappeared so that only the prepositions were left,
as I will show in section 3.3.2.
Even in the Slavic languages, in which cases have a wide semantic use,
they cannot occur freely and express the same spatial relation expressed by
prepositional phrases.16 With respect to the examples in (7), one must re-
mark that (a) neither the instrumental nor the accusative could express the
same local function outside prepositional phrases, and (b) with most prepo-
sitions that allow case variation, the opposition rest/motion is marked by
the locative and the accusative, the occurrence of the instrumental with rest
being conditioned by the occurrence of the some specific prepositions.
Maybe owing to their position, since they are not adjacent to case end-
ings,17 the Indo-European adpositions display little tendency toward coa-
lescing with their complement, and even at advanced stages of grammati-
calization they mostly remain adpositions, rather than become affixes,
while the number of cases that can appear within prepositional phrases
tends to be reduced.18
3.3. Homophones
3.3.1. Adverbs or adpositions
As already mentioned in section 3.1, the same element can behave, within
the same language and at the same time, as an adverb or as an adposition.
Let us consider the following set of Italian examples:
(11) a. Vado dentro.

‘I go inside.’
b. Vado dentro alla stanza.
‘I go into the room.’
c. Vado dentro, nella stanza.
‘I go inside, in the room.’
d. Vado all’interno della stanza.
‘I go in the inside of the room.’
In (11a) dentro is an adverb, but in (11b) it is a preposition, because it de-

termines the choice of the other preposition a (one could not replace (11b)
with vado alla stanza). In (11c) dentro is again an adverb, modified by an
apposition, the PP nella (in + det.) stanza, which expresses the same se-
mantic relation as dentro. Diachronically, this is the earliest type of con-
struction, and it was already attested in Latin, where the adverb intro
mostly occurred alone:
(12) ferrum intro clam in cubiculum ferre

‘bring the weapon secretly inside, in the bed room’ (b. Afr.)
Otherwise, the Italian adverb could have a modifier with the preposition di
that expresses nominal dependency. In Italian this mostly happens with
adverbs of recent nominal origin; dentro takes adnominal modifiers with di
only to a limited extent (mostly with pronouns), but see interno in (11d),
which still has nominal nature.
I mentioned the case of dentro because, to my knowledge, nobody has
ever suggested that dentro in (11a) and (11b) represents two different but
homophonous words. However, this would be the consequence of setting
up rigid borders between lexical categories. Of course, one cannot rule out
the possibility that homophones exist (and in fact, languages have plenty of
homophones), but there should be some positive evidence that two items
with related (or identical) meanings are indeed different lexical items, on
account of partly different syntactic behavior; note further that, in the case
of prepositions with case variation, the two putative lexical items do not
even belong to different word classes.
In the sections 3.3.2 and 3.3.3 I will discuss an example in which dia-
chronic data do not support the hypothesis of homophony, and one in
which they could be taken as pointing indeed toward creation of homo-
phones.
3.3.2. Adpositions with different cases and the same meaning: Latin
In Latin, there are three prepositions, in ‘in’, sub ‘under’, and super ‘on’,
‘over’, that allow case variation. If they were homophones, one would not
expect them to have merged after the loss of morphological case. But in-
deed they have: in Italian, for example, one can say salto sul tavolo and
mean either the configuration in Figure 2 (a) or the configuration in Figure
2 (b).
240 Silvia Luraghi
Figure 2. Salto sul tavolo ‘I jump on the table’

(a) (b)
In Latin the configuration in Figure 2 (a) would require super plus an NP

in the ablative, while the configuration in Figure 2 (b) would require super
and an NP in the accusative: but the diachrony of this preposition does not
point in the direction of two homophonous and separate lexical items, as it
would if, after the disappearance of cases, the prepositions had split into
two different outcomes, or if it had lost one of the two meanings.19
3.3.3. Adpositions with different cases and different meanings: Greek
The latter change is possibly attested in Greek. In Luraghi (2005) I sug-

gested that the preposition metá in Classical Greek might have represented
two different homophonous lexemes for the speakers, on account of its
meaning (‘with’ with the genitive and ‘after’ with the accusative, see ex-
ample (13a)) and because the data from its diachrony point in this direc-
tion. In Modern Greek, all prepositions take the accusative; Classical
Greek metá corresponds to two different prepositions, me ‘with’, and metá
‘after’, as shown in (13b):
(13) a. metà Sōkrátous ‘with Socrates’ (gen.); metà taûta ‘after these
events’ (acc.)
b. me ton patéra ‘with (one’s) father’; metá tis eniá ‘after nine
o’clock’
The origin of the semantic split between metá with the genitive and metá
with the accusative can be traced back to Homeric Greek, in which the
partitive genitive started to be used with prepositions (see Luraghi 2003:
244–255, and 2005). In Homer, the meaning of metá was ‘among’, and the
accusative occurred with continuous landmarks, while the genitive oc-
curred with discrete ones (see endnote 23 for this terminology). When the
spatial meaning of the preposition was lost, semantic motivation for case
variation also disappeared, and the two different meanings associated with
case variation may have led to the creation of homophones. I will come
back to the function of the partitive genitive with prepositions in section 5,

where some examples will be discussed.
3.3.4. The categorial status of adpositions
As remarked in section 3.1, homophony has not only been invoked in order
to explain case variation with adpositons, but in order to motivate double
or triple syntactic behavior of certain adpositions that can also function as
adverbs or preverbs (verb particles). Such a solution it typical of the ten-
dency to postulate pre-existing categories, rather than set up categories
empirically, based on the actual linguistic data (see Haspelmath 2007).
Indeed, an historical development such as the one outlined above for Latin
in points in the oposite direction, i.e. that there has always been a single
lexeme in, so one should look for a different solution. Similarly, the evi-
dence of Italian dentro and other former nouns that have undergone gram-
maticalization and have become adverbs and adpositions indicates that
there must be a stage at which the same item displays at least double be-
havior: grammaticalization is an ongoingo, continuous process, and does
not procede by jumps (see section 4).
Historical evidence and the existence of grammaticalization processes
itself show that word classes are structured as prototypical categories. Pro-
totypical categories have no clear cut boundaries between each other, but
are separated by a continuum, on which items are located that display fea-
tures of both categories. Such items may have as their typical feature multi-
categorial status, as do the Indo-European preverbs, or they can most often
share the behavior of one of two bordering categories, and only occasion-
ally display non-prototypical function, as Italian dentro (most often and
adverb, only occasionally used as preposition).
4. Synchrony and diachrony of government
Diachronically the occurrence of different cases with the same adposition

is easily explained by keeping in mind that government often derives from
modification. In a diachronic perspective, one can see a motivation for the
occurrence of different cases with the same adposition: NPs start out as
adpositions of adverbs, develop into modifiers and then into complements.
242 Silvia Luraghi
At an advanced stage of grammaticalization the case marker on the NP

only indicates that the NP is the complement of a preposition:
... the more a case affix is grammaticalized, the more it comes to express ...
just these syntactic relations. This is the relation of the nominative to the
subject relation, ... and of the oblique grammatical cases to the preposition-
complement relation. The attraction of an NP into the valence of its control-
ler, so that it ceases to be a modifier, and the grammaticalization of the case
suffixes are thus two processes that condition each other. ... Throughout the
history of the Latin language, we observe a steadily increasing presence of
government. The first step in this direction was the subordination of an NP
to the adverb that accompanied it, and thus the creation of prepositional
government. (Lehmann 1985b: 95f.)
Lehmann summarizes the differences between adverbs and adpositions in
Table 1.
Table 1. Dependents of adverbs and adpositions (Lehmann 1999)
adverb adposition
(a) dependency relation modified by dependent governs dependent
(b) dependent optional obligatory
(c) case relator on freely chosen according uniquely determined by
dependent to meaning superordinate element
In the light of the above criteria, an interesting example of the develop-

ment from body part noun to adverb is the English word ahead, which can
occur either alone, or with a dependent of phrase. Ahead represents a less
grammaticalized stage than in front of, discussed in section 2, because its
dependent, being optional to a large extent, can be viewed as a modifier
(from this point of view the phrase headed by ahead is endocentric), but,
according to criterion (c) above, it is a complement, since ahead uniquely
determines the occurrence of the preposition of in the dependent phrase. So
one can say that ahead constitutes a counterpart of German in, and governs
its dependent according to criterion (b), but raises problems if one consid-
ers it in the light of criterion (c).
So far I have described a situation where either property (b) or property
(c) holds. In order to build a scale by which we can say that we have in-
stances of more or less prototypical government we need an independent
definition of government. Such definition can be given in purely syntactic
terms. Moravcsik (1995: 708) defines government as follows:
(14) Constituent A governs constituent B if the syntactic function of B

depends on A.
The syntactic function of the noun phrases der Stadt and die Stadt in
(1a) and (1b) is determined by the preposition in.20 The syntactic function
of the two NP’s is: complement of a preposition; as such they cannot occur
alone (as they could do if their relation to their head were e.g. appositional,
as in Figure 1) in sentences such as (15a-b). The verb fahren cannot take an
NP, but only a PP.
(15) a. *Ich fahre der Stadt.

b. *Ich fahre die Stadt.
With PPs that are syntactically adverbials, the case is slightly different
following this criterion. Let us examine an example with ahead. As we
have already seen, ahead requires its dependent to be marked by the prepo-
sition of. Even when a PP with of cannot substitute a PP with ahead (+ of
...), if the expression is an adverbial we can find another PP, as in:
(16) a. Mary came ahead of time.

b. *Mary came of time.
c. Mary came on time.21
On a scale of prototypicality prepositions which meet all the above criteria

(as e.g. German zu, which only takes the dative) score the highest; a prepo-
sition as German in constitutes a case of less prototypical government,
while the relation between ahead and its dependent in (14), while also
displaying a feature of government, is closer to modification.
5. A case which is not (only) a case: the partitive
5.1. The Ancient Greek genitive with prepositions
In this section, I will briefly summarize some aspects of case variation with
Ancient Greek prepositions, 22 especially in connection with the partitive
genitive. Let us start by reviewing some well known facts about Greek.
244 Silvia Luraghi
Ancient Greek had five cases: nominative, vocative, accusative, dative,

and genitive. Leaving aside the nominative and the vocative, all other cases
could occur with prepositions:
(17) Prepositions
a. with one case: antí, apó, ek, pró (genitive), eis (accusative),
en, sún (dative)
b. with two cases: diá, katá, hupér (genitive and accusative)
c. with three cases: amphí, aná, epí, metá, pará, prós, hupó
Let us now focus on the function of the genitive. In the other ancient Indo-
European languages, the genitive could occur with adpositions limited to
cases in which it originated from a modifier of an adverb, as in (4) from
Old Indic, or when it had merged with the ablative as in Slavic. In Ancient
Greek, the genitive partly replaced the Indo-European ablative, which had
disappeared on account of case syncretism:23
(18) a. parà neòs ‘from the ship’ (gen.)

b. parà neusì ‘near the ships’ (dat.)
Example (18) is parallel to Old Indic (3): Greek lost both the ablative and
the locative, which merged with the genitive and the dative.
Most frequently, however, the Greek prepositional genitive does not
represent the ablative. Consider the following examples:
(19) a. stê d’ ár’ hupèr kephalês

stay:AOR.3SG PCL then over head:GEN
‘he took his stand above (his) head’ (Il. 2.20 and passim)
b. met’ állon léxo
among INDEF.GEN.PL.M lie:IMP.AOR.MID.2SG
hetaíron
comrade.M:GEN.PL
‘lie with the rest of your comrades’ (Od. 10.320)
c. mé ... è halòs è epì gês
not either see:GEN either on earth:GEN
pêma pathóntes
pain:NOM/ACC.PL suffer:PART.AOR.NOM.PL
‘that you do not suffer evil anywhere on sea or on earth’ (Od.
12.27)
In the above example we find a number of prepositional phrases with the

genitive: hupèr kephalês ‘over (his) head’, met’állon hetaíron ‘with the
other comrades’, epì gês ‘on earth’. In such occurrences, the genitive does
not add ablative meaning to the preposition, as it does with pará in (18),
and the function of the prepositional phrases is rather to express locative.
Note that the genitive alone can function as a locative in Homer, as shown
by the occurrence of halós ‘on sea’ in example (19c), in which the seman-
tic role is not even indicated by the verb (halós is an adverbial).
The above occurrences can be understood by carefully contrasting simi-
lar passages in which the accusative occurs instead of the genitive. Often
the meaning of the prepositional phrase is the same, and case variation
points toward a different conceptualization of the landmark. Compare
(19b) with (20):
(20) toîsi dè thumòn enì stēÂthessin

DEM.DAT.PL.M PCL soul:ACC in breast:DAT.PL
órine pâsi metà plethún
stir:AOR.3SG all:DAT.PL.M among crowd:ACC
‘he moved the soul of everyone in the crowd’ (Il. 2.142–143)
As remarked in section 3.3.3, the genitive is used for discrete landmarks (in
(19b) a plural count noun), while the accusative is used for continuous
ones (in (20) a collective noun).24 The nature of the landmark also deter-
mines the type of trajectory along which a trajector can move within the
landmark, as shown in:
(21) autàr ho bê dià

but DEM.NOM.M walk:AOR.3SG through
dôma polútlas
hall:NOM/ACC.PL much.enduring:NOM.SG
dîos Odusseùs. óphr’ híket’
goodly:NOM O:NOM until reach:AOR.3SG.MID
ArēÂten te kaì Alkínoon basilêa
A:ACC and and A:ACC king:ACC
‘but the much-enduring goodly Odysseus went about in the hall ...
until he came to Arete and to Alcinous the king’ (Od. 7.139–141)
(22) bàn d’ iénai protéro dià

walk:AOR.3PL PCL go:INF.PRS forwards through
246 Silvia Luraghi
 atos,
dōÂm hêos híkonto Telémakhon
hall:GEN until reach:AOR.3PL.MID T:ACC
‘they walked through the hall, until they reached Telemacus’ (Od.
15.109–110)
Motion denoted by dià dôma (acc.) in (21) must be understood as wander-

ing around and changing direction, while motion denoted by dià dōÂmatos
(gen.) in (22) follows a straight path across the landmark.25 In a discrete
landmark, a trajector can move along a trajectory which can be traced
down, and has a precise direction (unidirectional path); inside a continuous
landmark, instead, a trajector can move around, but its motion is random
(multidirectional path).
5.2. Partitivity and definiteness
5.2.1. Partitivity and definiteness in Finnish and in Basque
As well known, the partitive occurs as a separate case in a number of

Finno-Ugric languages, for example in Finnish, where it is used as alterna-
tive to the nominative for partitive subjects (mostly with presentative
verbs) and to the accusative for partitive objects. The occurrence of the
partitive has several implications regarding some features of the referent:
in the Balto-Finnish languages it normally denotes affectedness and defi-
niteness, as in kirja-t ‘the books’ (nom.) vs. kirjo-ja ‘books’, ‘some
books’(part.).26
Basque, too, has a partitive case, which can be used for subjects of in-
transitive verbs or for patients of ergative verbs. Its meaning is similar to
the meaning of the Finnish partitive, even if Basque shows a bigger con-
nection of partitive with negation (see Laka 1993).
Both in Finnish and in Basque, the partitive is morphologically realized
as a case marker, besides, historical evidence shows that the Finnish parti-
tive derives from the ablative case. For these reasons, it is considered a
case in reference grammars. However, at a closer look, the fact that the
partitive can be used for both subjects and objects indicates that it adds
some type of information that is not completely coherent with the category
case. Indeed, if we assume the function of morphological case to be “mark-
ing dependent nouns for the type of relationship they bear to their heads”
(Blake 1994: 1) the partitive not only does not fulfill this function, but it
also partly hides the specific relation.
The peculiar features of the partitive have led several scholars to sug-
gest that it should not be considered a case, but rather a determinative. For
example, Laka (1993: 158) suggests that “what is referred to as ‘partitive
case’ in Basque is a polar determiner, much like English any”, and further
notes that the partitive is in complementary distribution with all other de-
terminers. A similar suggestion, in a GB theoretical framework, is formu-
lated in Asbury (2006) with regard to the Finnish partitive.
Interestingly, the Finnish partitive can also be used with adpositions.
With some of them, it alternates with the genitive. The semantic difference
is similar to the difference between the accusative and the partitive genitive
in Homeric Greek:
(23) a. lelu-t o-vat keskellä lattia-a.

toy-PL.NOM be.PRS-3PL in.the.middle.of floor-PART
‘The toys are in the middle of/all over the floor.’
b. lelu-t o-vat lattia-n keskellä.
toy-PL.NOM be.PRS-3PL floor-GEN in.the.middle.of
‘The toys are in the middle of (lit: at the centre of) the floor.’
(from Lestrade 2005)
The difference borne about by case alternation does not concern the seman-
tic role of the adpositional phrase. Much in the same way as in (21) and
(22), the difference rather lies in the specificity of the relation between the
trajector and the landmark. In Finnish, the partitive, having an indefinite
value, triggers a less definite meaning of the preposition.
5.2.2. Partitivity and definiteness in Romance
Other languages with grammaticalized means for partitive also show that
partitive does not have the same function of grammatical case (or of its
equivalents, e.g. adpositions). In French, for example, we find a highly
grammaticalized partitive article, built with the preposition de, with a dis-
tribution which is different from the distribution of other primary preposi-
tions:
(24) je suis venu avec les amis / je suis venu avec des amis
‘I came with (lit.: the) friends / I came with some friends’.
248 Silvia Luraghi
The last example, where des co-occurs with the preposition avec, demon-
strates change of lexical category. Indeed, French de is generally consid-
ered a determiner, even if it derives from the preposition that has taken
over the functions of the genitive. Interestingly, the preposition de in Latin
means ‘from’, i.e. it has an ablative meaning: the source for the partitive
determiner in French is the same as the source for the partitive ‘case’ in
Finnish.
5.2.3. Partitivity and definiteness in Homeric Greek
Much in the same way, the Greek genitive in examples (19b-c), and (22)
bears a type of information (again, partitivity) which goes beyond the in-
formation normally conveyed by morphological case. This construction is
normal in French, where the partitive is highly grammaticalized, and very
widespread in Italian, where it is gaining ground even in the more conser-
vative written language. It shows that a partitive construction does not
functionally correspond to a morphological case.
If we now go back to the Greek examples, and in particular to example
(19c), one can remark with Ruijgh “...ou bien quelque part dans la mer ou
bien quelque part sur la terre” “...epì gês, originellement ‘quelque part sue
la terre’, a fini par obtenir le sens moins spécifique de ‘sur la terre’”,
Ruijgh (1994: 148). In other words, in the beginning the prepositional par-
titive did not specify a semantic role as the other cases did (examples (3)
and (18)): the locative meaning of the prepositional phrase was expressed
by the preposition, and the genitive expressed indefiniteness, as the parti-
tive can do in Finnish.27
Limited to the accusative and the partitive genitive, case variation as
described in this section should not be viewed as a problem for the notion
of government: the prepositions involved do in fact govern their depend-
ents in the strictest sense, since case variation is connected with definite-
ness.
The partitive genitive in the occurrences shown in this section does not
fulfill a function homogeneous with the functions of the category case. In
this sense, the partitive is not a real case. Note that case variation involving
the partitive ends up being similar to variation between the genitive and the
dative with German entlang (section 2), in the sense that in both instances
morphological case fulfills a function that is not of the type one would
expect. The analogy ends here, because in the case of entlang case varia-
tion points toward different stylistic registers, while in the case of the
Greek partitive it expresses different values of definiteness.
One may wonder why the partitive function of the genitive in Greek did
not become fully grammaticalized, as with the Balto-Finnish partitive. The
problem is that, contrary to Finnish, Greek did not have a separate parti-
tive; furthermore, the genitive had also taken over the function of the abla-
tive case (as in example (18)). Possibly, this was the reason why the incipi-
ent extension of the partitive to prepositional phrases did not develop fur-
ther in Greek. After the partitive meaning of the genitive became no longer
relevant with prepositions, the difference between (19b) and (20) and (21)
and (22) was no longer felt, the local meaning was lost at least in part, and
the resulting situation was the one described in section 3.3.3 for Classical
Greek, in which the preposition metá in association with different cases
acquired two meanings that could not easily be thought of as manifesta-
tions of polysemy.
6. Summary and conclusions
In my paper I have addressed a number of issues connected with the use of

cases with adpositions, and, more specifically, case variation with the same
preposition. In the first part of the paper, I have discussed the notion of
government, showing that in languages where the same preposition takes
two (or more) cases it is useful to view government as a prototypical no-
tion, which defines a continuum between government and modification. By
referring to such a continuum one can also gain insight on the problem of
the categorial status of words that can be used both as adpositions and as
adverbs, without having to resort to homophones.
In the second part of the paper, I have shown that case variation must
not always be connected with variation in semantic roles. In particular,
describing the use of the partitive genitive as prepositional case in Ancient
Greek, I have shown that the fact that there is a choice between the accusa-
tive and the genitive does not mean that prepositions do not govern their
dependents.
The occurrence of the partitive with prepositions in Greek raises the in-
teresting question of how wide is the variety of functions that morphologi-
cal case can fulfill within prepositional phrases, apart from the function of
expression semantic roles. It can be added that case alternation with ad-
positions in Finnish also involves the partitive: this is an issue that would
certainly be worth pursuing further.28
250 Silvia Luraghi
Notes
1. German prepositions that allow case variation are sometimes called ‘two-way’
prepositions, see e.g. Langacker (1999). Case variation with German preposi-
tions is extensively treated in Di Meola (2000). Various theories on this issue
are discussed in Zwarts (2006), which also contains extensive references. I
will come back to this type of case variation below, endnote 29.
2. Case variation with adpositions is also known from non-Indo-European lan-
guages, but I will limit my discussion to (some) Indo-European languages in
this paper (but see section 6 on Finnish).
3. For a more detailed account of the development of adpositions, see Lehmann
(1995: 74–79), with examples of relational nouns from various genetically un-
related languages.
4. In Spanish we find the adverb enfrente from en + frente, that can occur alone
or with a PP with de, and frente, that can still be used as body part, or take a
dependent with the preposition a. In Italian the word fronte is grammaticalized
in the adverb difronte, that can either occur alone or with a dependent PP with
a; in the latter case it behaves as a preposition, rather than a noun, see below,
the discussion of dentro in section 3.3.1.
5. In general, the Indo-European primary preposition (i.e. those that also function
as preverbs, see section 3.1) cannot be traced back to body part nouns (an ex-
ception is *h2ent- ‘in front of’). On various origins of German prepositions,
see Lehmann (1998).
6. Or it can occur alone only in elliptical expressions, cf. Lehmann (1995: 76).
7. See above, endnote 1 for reference on this matter; I will briefly come back to
it below, endnote 29.
8. These two theories do not exclude each other: it can be assumed that two ho-
mophonous adpositions are parts of discontinuous morphemes involving as
their other part two different case endings.
9. This position is argued for in Abraham (2001).
10. Traditionally it is said that adpositions have been ‘added’ to cases when the
latter were no longer able to express a certain ‘concrete’ meaning. This inter-
pretation implies the existence of a stage at which Proto-Indo-European had
no adpositions, because cases alone could express all semantic functions. That
such a stage can be reconstructed is questionable, as pointed out by various
scholars (see Dunkel 1990). Hittite, the oldest attested Indo-European lan-
guages, is sometimes said to have lacked adpositions at its most ancient stage.
I have argued elsewhere that this does not represent the original Indo-
European situation, see Luraghi (2001).
11. On these and other Vedic adpositions, see Delbrück (1893) and Macdonell
(1916: 208–210).
12. Adpositions can be pre- or postposed in Vedic; in Classical Sanskrit they are
mostly postposed.
13. See Brugman (1988) for a discussion of the categorial status of over.
14. Kuryłowicz (1964:176) also outlines a development of the relation between
prepositions and cases: “1. The whole syntactic group (preposition + noun) de-
termines the verb, the preposition representing either a reinforcement or a
specification of the ending of the noun. 2. If more than one case-form occurs
with the same preposition the ending of the case-form functions as a determi-
nant of the preposition, thus rendering its value precise. The shift from 1. to
2. is the crucial phenomenon”. How this shift actually happens, and what ex-
actly is the structure of the group preposition + NP with case at the two differ-
ent stages is not further explained; apparently, at stage (1) cases have a mean-
ing within PP’s that is similar to the meaning that they can express alone,
while at stage (2) the difference in meaning appears to hold only within the
PP. Unfortunately, in the discussion that follows the above quote, Kuryłowicz
(1964: 176–178) mostly gives examples of prepositions at stage (1).
15. I owe this observation to Ch. Lehmann.
16. In other words, the relation between cases and prepositions is not modifica-
tion, as it is in examples (3) and (4) from Old Indic.
17. This partly depends on the fact that in most Indo-European languages we find
prepositions, rather than postpositions, and partly depends on free word order
even in the languages that mostly have postpositions.
18. The Indo-European languages have sporadic examples of coalescence of a
postposition with an inflectional ending; the only systematic case of creation
of new case morphemes out of postposition is Tocharian, see Krause and
Werner (1960).
19. See Luraghi (1989) for more examples and discussion.
20. A different position can be found in Abraham (2001).
21. In (15a-b) the substitution of the SN in the dative or accusative with a SN in
another case, say the genitive, would not result in a grammatical structure.
22. From now on I use the word ‘preposition’, rather than ‘adposition’, with refer-
ence to Greek, because these items virtually all ended up being preposed in
Classical Greek, even if postpositional usage was frequent in Homeric Greek.
23. See Luraghi (1987) and (2003).
24. I use the terms ‘continuous’ and ‘discrete’ as they are used for example in
Talmy (2000: 21–96) to refer to the ‘state of Dividedness’ of entities. Discrete
entities are formed by a collection of separate items (they are “conceptualized
as having breaks” according to Talmy, 2000: 55), while continuous ones do
not display an analyzable internal structure. Nominal number can be a hint to
the way in which we conceive of the internal structure on an entity: according
to Langacker (1987: 294) “the grammatical differences between plurals and
252 Silvia Luraghi
underived mass nouns reflect the greater individuation of plurals wrought by

their compositionality”.
25. See Luraghi (2003). Apparently, in Homer a free genitive with local reference
had more chances of being taken as a locative, than as an ablative. Indeed, the
partitive genitive could occur in an array of functions, including direct object,
subject, adverbial of time, and locative adverbial as in (19c) (see Luraghi
2003: 60 for the relevant examples).
26. See Sulkala and Karjalainen (1992) for the use of the partitive in Finnish; on
definiteness and the Balto-Finnish partitive see further Barbera (1999).
27. With this meaning the genitive built an opposition with the accusative, which
expressed complete affectedness: the opposition was based on definiteness,
and not on semantic roles.
28. Various scholars have pointed out that variation between the dative and the
accusative in German cannot simply be explained by the opposition between
locative and allative, and have argued that in this language, too, case variation
provides information as to the way in which the landmark is conceived, as an
unbounded entity which contains the trajector (dative) or as a bounded entity
crossed by a trajectory (accusative; see among others Smith 1995). Note how-
ever that German does not provide cases of complete identity of semantic
roles, as does Greek, for example in (22) and (23a). Apparently, case variation
in German provides both types of information at the same time, i.e. semantic
role and boundedness of the landmark.
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On the form of complex predicates:
toward demystifying serial verbs
Masayoshi Shibatani
1. Introduction*
As the recent volume edited by Aikhenvald and Dixon (2006) indicates,

interest in verb serialization or serial verb constructions (SVCs hereafter)
persists. Indeed, the question of how serial verbs differ from other types of
complex predicates such as converbal complex predicates and verb com-
pounds, as well as other multi-verb constructions like coordination and
subordination, remains one of the outstanding questions in both formal and
typological studies. This paper, by critically examining the widely held
current characterizations of SVCs, attempts to remove some of the miscon-
ceptions surrounding serial verbs. In particular, we focus on the similarities
between serial verbs and converbal complex predicates containing a non-
finite marker, and argue that they are not distinct types of complex predi-
cate, contrary to the claims made in the recent literature on SVCs. While
space limitation prevents us from developing it further, our discussion of
SVCs, in particular the functional aspect of the predication of these con-
structions, benefits greatly from some of Christian Lehmann’s earlier work
(e.g., Lehmann 1989) on the typology of clause linkage. I thus find it fitting
that I contribute this paper as a token of the great admiration that I hold
with regard to Christian’s many seminal works in modern linguistic typology.
As seen in the following characterization of SVCs by Aikhenvald
(2006), the current definitions of SVCs such as Foley and Olsen (1985),
Bisang (1995), and Bril (2004) typically refer to the four defining proper-
ties summarized in (1) below:
[An SVC] is a sequence of verbs which act together as a single predicate,
without any overt marker of coordination, subordination, or syntactic de-
pendency of any other sort. Serial verb constructions describe what is con-
ceptualized as a single event. They are monoclausal…SVCs may also share
core and other arguments. Each component of an SVC must be able to occur
on its own right. (Aikhenvald 2006: 1)
256 Masayoshi Shibatani
(1) a. There is no intervening conjunction, linker, or a non-finite

marker between two or more verbs.1
b. Each of the serialized verbs occurs in its “own right” in non-
serial context.
c. Serialized verbs form a single predicate of a single clause.
d. Serialized verbs typically share arguments.
SVCs with these properties are said to form “a clearly recognizable, robust
construction type” (Dixon 2006: 338), but are generally thought to be
somewhat mysterious, hence attracting so much attention in the field. If
serialized verbs satisfied property (1b) and (1c) above simultaneously, they
would indeed form an unusual construction because these two properties
are contradictory (see section 3 below).
Shibatani and Huang (forthcoming), to the best of our knowledge, is the
first attempt to critically examine the defining properties of SVCs in an
effort to unravel some of the myths surrounding SVCs. In the first place,
they have shown that property (1a) does not hold in SVCs of certain For-
mosan languages. For example, while SVCs in the Wulai dialect of Atayal
do not have a linker, those in the Mayrinax dialect do in the form of i , as
shown in (3) below:
(2) Wulai Atayal

m-wah=ku÷ m-ita÷ yaya÷=su÷
AF-come=1SG.NOM AF-see mother=2SG.GEN
‘I came to see your mother.’
(3) Mayrinax Atayal

wah-an ÷i÷ m-itaal ni÷ yumin ÷i÷ yaya=nia÷
come-LF LK AF-see GEN Yumin NOM mother=3SG.GEN
‘Yumin came to see his mother.’
Paiwan and Changpin Amis are two other Formosan languages that include
a linker in their SVCs – obligatorily in the former and optionally in the
latter. Shibatani and Huang (forthcoming) arrive at their conclusion that
these constructions with a linker are indeed SVCs on the basis of the fact
that they obey the same syntactic restrictions that govern SVCs without a
linker. The relevant restrictions include the following:
On the form of complex predicates 257
(4) a. Focus marking in the second verb is either default AF (actor

focus) or harmonizing with that of the first verb.2
b. The second verb does not host a pronominal clitic.
c. The second verb cannot be negated.
d. The second verb cannot be marked for mood.
These properties of the second verb (and others following the initial one)
of SVCs distinguish serial constructions from other multi-verb construc-
tions such as coordination and subordination, where these restrictions do
not hold.
2. Converbal complex predicates
The conclusion by Shibatani and Huang (forthcoming) that SVCs may

contain a linker leads to the question whether converbal complex predi-
cates seen in Japanese, Korean, and Altaic languages at large are also
SVCs. These complex predicates appear at least functionally similar to the
regular SVCs, as the parallel expressions below indicate:
(5) a. Asante SVC3 (Niger-Congo)

ɔ-fa-a huma=no bra-a ha
3SG-take-PST book=DET come-PST here
‘He brought the book here.’
b. Japanese converbal complex predicate
Kare=ga koko=ni hon=o mot-te ki-ta.
he=NOM here=DAT book=ACC take-CON come-PST
‘He brought the book here.’
(6) a. Mandarin Chinese SVC

tā zŏu qù le.
she walk go ASP
‘She went walking.’
b. Korean converbal complex predicate
Kunye=nun kel-e ka-tta.
she=TOP walk-CON go-PST
‘She went walking.’
In the Japanese grammatical tradition, the converbal ending -te, glossed as

CON above, is treated as a conjunctive particle since it also conjoins two
clauses as below:
(7) Japanese
a. Taroo=ga gitaa=o hii-te,
Taro=NOM guitar=ACC play-CON
Hanako=ga utat-ta.
Hanako=NOM sing-PST
‘Taro played the guitar and Hanako sang.’
b. Yuki=ga hut-te, kion=ga
snow-NOM fall-CON temperature-NOM
saga-ru sooda.
drop-PRS HERESAY
‘They say that it will snow and that the temperature will
drop.’
While these constructions above clearly involve two clauses, there is evi-
dence that the constructions in (5b) and (6b) are monoclausal, indicating
that the two verbs connected by the converbal ending (Japanese -te and
Korean -e/-ko) form a single complex predicate similar to serialized verbs.
For example, whereas biclausal conjunctive structures of the type seen in
(7) obey Ross’s constraint against extracting an element from one conjunct
of a coordinate structure, those with a converbal complex predicate do not
(see Shibatani (2007) and Shibatani and Chung (2007) for more evidence
and further discussions on this point). Observe:
(8) Japanese
a. Taroo=wa tegami=o kai-te, gakkoo=ni it-ta.
Taro=TOP letter=ACC write-CON school=DAT go-PST
‘Taro wrote a letter and went to school.’
b. *[Tagoo=ga ∅ kai-te, gakkoo=ni it-ta] tegami
Taro=NOM write-CON school=DAT go-PST letter
(lit) ‘the letter that Taro wrote and went to school’
(9) Japanese
a. Taroo=wa tegami=o kai-te it-ta.
Taro=TOP letter=ACC write-CON go-PST
‘Taro went away having written a letter.’
b. [Taroo=ga ∅ kai-te it-ta] tegami

Taro=NOM write-CON go-PST letter
(lit) ‘the letter that Taro wrote and went away’
‘the letter that Taro wrote and left behind’
Converbal complex predicates are formally different from the typical

SVCs in having an intervening non-finite marker. The characterizations of
SVCs and converbs by Bisang (1995) below point to what appears to be a
more substantive difference between the two types of complex predicates
under discussion.
Verb serialization is the unmarked juxtaposition of two or more verbs or
verb phrases (with or without subject and/or object), each of which would
also be able to form a sentence on its own. (1995: 139; emphasis added)
[Converbs are] verb forms that are specialized for the expression of adver-
bial subordination, but cannot form a sentence on their own, i.e. they do not
occur as main predicates of independent clauses. (1995: 141; emphasis
added)
Along the similar line, Aikhenvald (2006) tells us that:
Serial constructions are different from complex predicates and other multi-
verb sequences which are syntactically combined, but where neither compo-
nent can function on its own, especially if one of them is a dependent or a
nominalized form…Along similar lines, converb constructions…are not se-
rial verb constructions. (2006: 5)
Others also point out the lack of lexical autonomy of converbs and other
non-finite forms as a way of distinguishing them from SVCs. In the words
of Bril (2004: 3), “[l]exical autonomy is a prerequisite for serialization,
excluding non-autonomous coverbs and nonfinite forms, as well as co-
lexicalized compounds”.
Converbs indeed do not function as predicates of independent sentences
indicating that converbal endings mark non-finiteness or dependency of the
relevant verb forms. Thus, from (9a) above, we obtain only one well-
formed sentence. A similar pattern is seen in converb expressions in Ko-
rean and other languages.
(10) Japanese
a. Tagoo=ga it-ta.
Taro=NOM go-PST
‘Taro went.’
b. *Taroo=ga tegami=o kai-te.

Taro=NOM letter=ACC write-CON
(lit) ‘Taro having written a letter’
According to Bisang (1995) and others quoted above, this is in sharp con-
trast to the verbs involved in SVCs, each of which is said to function as a
predicate of independent sentences. Take the Mandarin example in (6a).
The serialized verbs in this example do appear to individually function as a
predicate of independent sentences, as shown below:
(11) Mandarin Chinese

a. tā zŏu le
he walk ASP
‘He has walked.’
b. tā qù le
he go ASP
‘He is gone.’
Our point in this paper is that the contrast seen above between converbs
and serialized verbs is only apparent. In particular, we argue that only one
of the serialized verbs can function as an independent predicate and that
the other verbs in the series do not have the lexical autonomy of an inde-
pendent verb. To see this point, take the two verbs in Asante SVC (5a)
above. While the first verb can form a sentence, the second by itself cannot
in the way the first verb can since it lacks a pronominal clitic.
(12) Asante
a. ɔ-fa-a huma=no
3SG-take-PST book=DEF
‘He picked up the book.’
b. *bar-a ha
come-PST here
‘(He) came here.’
Indeed, lack of a pronominal clitic on the second verb is one of the lan-
guage specific defining properties of SVCs in many languages, as noted for
the Formosan Atayal language above (see (4b)). Compare Asante SVC (5a)
with the coordinate structure of the language, in which the second verb
requires a pronominal clitic. In contrast to the verbs in SVCs, each verb in

this type of structure can function as an independent predicate.
(13) Asante
ɔ-fa-a huma=no, ná ɔ-bra-a ha
3SG-take-PST book=DEF and 3SG-come-PST here
‘He picked up the book, and he came here.’
Thus, despite the fact that serialized verbs may show certain formal fi-
niteness features such as focus marking in Formosan languages and a tense
marker as in Asante SVCs, there is in fact only one verb that functions as a
finite verb; the other verbs are functionally non-finite, and as such they
cannot function as independent predicates outside the SVC context. One
may say that an Asante verb like bra-a ‘come-PST’ does function as a
predicate if it is morphologically adjusted to include a pronominal clitic.
Such morphological adjustment, however, is nothing but conversion of a
non-finite form into a fully finite verb form. Converbs too can function as
independent predicates once a morphological adjustment such as tense
marking has been applied to them; e.g., by changing the converbal -te end-
ing to the past -ta ending in (10a). This possibility distinguishes serial
verbs and converbs, both of which can be turned into a fully inflected form,
from so-called coverbs, seen, for example, in the languages of northern
Australia, which cannot be made into an inflected form, and accordingly
their independent occurrence is limited (see McGregor (2002: 105) for the
contexts in which these forms, referred to as U(ninflecting) V(erb) by him,
occur independently). Similar forms are called “verb adjuncts” (e.g., [dad
ms amun-a-k] ‘carrying outside go-3S-PST’) in Pawley’s (in press) study
of the Papuan language Kalam, which he characterizes as occurring “only,
or primarily as the partner of one or a very few verb roots to form a com-
plex predicate.” Before turning to the issue of the functional non-finiteness
of serialized verbs, let us note that many languages allow verb roots to be
serialized, as in the following examples:
(14) Budai Rukai (Formosan; Huang 1997)

madalan-aku alupu
like.ACT-1SG.NOM hunt
‘I like hunting.’
(15) Kalam (Papuan; Lane 2007: 54)

Bin pataj ogok am yg pak dad
woman young these go dig hit carrying
ap-elgp-al…
come-PST.HAB-3PL
‘Young women used to go and dig and hit and bring back (these
animals)...’
(16) Paameese (Oceanic; Crowley 2002: 43)

Inau nau-vaa tooni atute navule
1SG 1SG:REAL-go miss place Navul
‘I went past (the village of) Navul.’
These root verbs seen above certainly do not function as independent verbs
in other contexts. Bisang (1995) may distinguish them (as root serializa-
tion) from others in which serialized verbs show finiteness features, but we
shall argue below that serialized verbs with certain finiteness features are
also functionally non-finite as the root verbs above are.
3. Non-automonous nature of serialized verbs
Serialized verbs may show formal finiteness features such as tense marking
and verb agreement, but these verbs in the series, except one, are not fully
autonomous in the sense that they are neither formally nor functionally
finite.4 In the first place there are formal restrictions on serialized verbs
such that usually only one verb in the series has the potential of displaying
the full range of formal finiteness features. We noted in the introduction
that SVCs in Formosan languages, whether they have a linker or not, place
severe syntactic restrictions on the second and other verbs following the
initial one. In contrast to autonomous verbs, these serialized verbs cannot
choose focus marking freely, and they cannot host a pronominal clitic.
They can be neither negated, nor can they be marked for mood. We have
also noted that in Asante SVCs the second verb cannot host a pronominal
clitic. Although the second verb in Asante SVCs is marked for tense, it is
dependent on the tense of the first verb such that tense marking throughout
serial verbs shows concord. Thus, while (17a) below is grammatical, (17b),
where a past tense form is combined with a future tense form, is not.
(17) Asante (Morrison 2007: 14)

a. Yaw fa-a ɛduane=no ma-a ne jire.
Yaw pick.up-PST food=the give-PST his wife
‘Yaw picked up the food and gave it to his wife.’
b. *Yaw fa-a ɛduane=no bɛ́ -má ne jire okyina.
Yaw pick.up-PST food=the FUT-give his wife tomorrow
‘Yaw picked up the food and will give it to his wife tomorrow.’
Asante also exhibits negative concord such that if the first verb is negated,
the following verbs in the series must also be negated, as in the following
example:

Bɛma=no n-nanti n-nanti n-hwɛhwɛ ɛdwiane.
man=DET NEG-walk NEG-walk NEG-find food
‘The man doesn’t walk for a long time to find food.’
Similar observations on the dependency of serialized verbs have been

made elsewhere. For example, Crowley (2002) notes a number of restric-
tions on serialized verbs in Paamese, which also has SVCs in which the
second verb displays a number of formal finiteness features, as in the fol-
lowing example:
(19) Paamese (Crowley 2002: 55)

Inau ni-uasi vuasi hee-mate.
1SG 1SG:DIST.FUT-hit pig 3SG:DIS.FUT-die
‘I will hit the pig to death.’
First, the second verb under serialization cannot have its own subject, ac-
cording to Crowley. If it did, the sentence would be interpreted as a non-
serial coordinate construction, as below:
(20) Paamese (Crowley 2002: 55)

Inau ni-uasi vuasi (kaa) kai hee-mate.
1SG 1SG:DIS.FUT-hit pig and 3SG 3SG:DIS.FUT-die
‘I will hit the dog and it will die.’
Crowley (2002) also points out that other formal finiteness properties such
as clitics and mood marking are severely restricted in their distribution in
serial verbs. In his own words:
In the case of serial verb constructions, there is no independent choice of cli-

tics for the two verbs in a serial construction. (2002: 56)
In the case of serial verb constructions, there is a close dependence between
the mood and polarity categories that are marked on the first verbs in the se-
ries, and the categories which are marked on the second verb. (2002: 57)
Bisang (1995: 144) points out the high degree of indeterminateness or
“coolness” of the verb “with regard to Tense-aspect-mood, and the tech-
niques of the dimension of PARTICIPATION” in isolating languages such
as Chinese and Thai. Isolating languages typically lack verb morphology
for these grammatical categories, and it is indeed difficult to distinguish
between finite and non-finite verbs. But the above observations on inflec-
tional languages also show that formal finiteness marking can be deceptive
in that even those that mark verbs for certain categories may not be fully
autonomous and may be dependent upon another verb with regard to the
finiteness features. Even in isolating languages it is a matter of discovering
properties distinguishing between finite and non-finite verbs. Matthews
(2006), for example, notes that in Cantonese serialization, only the second
verb takes the experiential morpheme gwo3. If this morpheme is attached to
the first verb, a serial interpretation does not obtain. With the assumption
that all independent (finite) verbs in the language take this experiential
morpheme, we can consider the verb joek6 ‘to have a date’ in (21a) to be
non-finite with regard to this property.
(21) Cantonese (Mathews 2006: 73)

a. ngo5 joek6 keoi5 tai1-gwo3 lil tou3 hei6
I date 3SG watch-EXP this CLF show
‘I’ve seen this movie with her (on a date).’
b. ngo5 joek6-gwo3 keoi5 tai2 lil tou3 hei6
I date-EXP 3SG watch this CLF show
‘I’ve arranged with her to see this movie.’
To the extent that converbs by definition never display finiteness features,

they are different from some of these serialized verbs that may show cer-
tain finiteness features. But I consider such difference to be trivial (see
below on a related issue). There is more substantive similarity between
converbs and serialized dependent verbs. Namely, neither of them is func-
tionally finite – i.e., neither converbs nor serialized dependent verbs make
a separate predication. The illocutionary act of asserting, questioning, or-
dering, etc. constitutes the major function of predication, which may be
modulated by certain verbal categories, such as modality and evidentiality,

contributing to the finiteness. Non-finite verbs such as converbs suspend
the predication function of a verb. Our point is that serialized verbs do not
individually perform the predication function either (and as such they can-
not occur as independent verbs in their own right). That is, in both conver-
bal complex predicates and serial verbs, the relevant verbs jointly make a
single predication. It is through the finite verb that a predication is per-
formed, and the formal finiteness features help ground a proposition in a
specific speech context so that a proposition can be given a truth value and
the speaker can be held accountable for his speech act.5 Tense marking, for
example, situates the content of a proposition with regard to the time of the
speech event. Serialized verbs, even if they may display certain finiteness
features, do not perform these functions individually, just as non-finite
converbs do not. Careful reading of some of the current definitions of se-
rial verbs reveals an internal logical contradiction. Take the following
quotes from Bril (2004) and Aikhenvald (2006):
1) Verbs and Verb phrases (or predicates or nuclei) constitute one single
predication referring to aspects of a single event;
7) Lexical autonomy is a prerequisite for serialization, excluding non-
autonomous coverbs and nonfinite forms, as well as co-lexicalized com-
pounds. (Bril 2004: 2-3; numbering hers)
[SVCs] are monoclausal…and they have just one tense, aspect, and polarity
value.
Each component of an SVC must be able to occur on its own right.6 (Aik-
henvald 2006: 1)
If serial verbs constitute one single predication, as in Bril’s characteriza-
tion, the individual verbs shouldn’t be able to function autonomously be-
cause they do not make predication separately. If SVCs, as Aikhenvald
says, have just one tense, aspect, and polarity value, which is correct, then
some verbs in the series cannot occur in their own right, for they lack
specifications for tense and other categories or their specifications are de-
pendent on another verb, as we saw in Asante and Paamese above.
The characterization of serial verbs in terms of their ability to individu-
ally function as independent predicates is based on two kinds of observa-
tion; 1) serial verbs may display certain formal finiteness features and 2)
they, accordingly, show superficial resemblance to independent finite
verbs. We have shown above that serial verbs are typically dependent on
one of the verbs in the series in their formal properties relating to catego-
ries such as focus (in Austronesian focusing languages), person, tense,

mood, and polarity. As such they are unable to occur in an independent
context where there is no determining finite verb. This is exactly the same
as the situation with converbs, which must occur in construction with a
determining finite verb. Indeed, such dependency of serial verbs and con-
verbs is prerequisite for the single joint predication that they make together
with a finite verb, the central characteristic shared by serial verbs and con-
verbal complex predicates.
A “single joint predication” by the relevant complex predicates is a
functional correlate of the observation that serial verbs “together act like a
single verb” (Durie 1997: 290; see also Aikhenvald 2006: 1). Thus, the
formal study of complex predicates must explicate what it means to say
that “serial verbs act together like a single verb”. This task, however, has
proven very challenging because of the wide variety of formal properties
that SVCs exhibit across languages and because of the lack of a compre-
hensive theory of argument structures for complex predicates. In the bal-
ance of this paper, we shall outline the relevant issues that must be ad-
dressed in dealing with the formal aspects of complex predicates in general
and serial verbs (including converbal complex predicates) in particular.7
4. The wordhood of complex predicates
In dealing with complex predicates or in ascertaining what is meant by

“serial verbs acting together like a single verb”, we must distinguish at
least three senses of the technical term “word”. Complex predicates vary
considerably in terms of phonological wordhood. Some form a unit of pho-
nological word, as in the case of Alamblak cited in footnote 4, while oth-
ers, like the Paamese root or nuclear serialization exemplified earlier in
(16), where verbs may occur successively without an intervening NP, do
not form a phonological word. In fact, Crowley (2002: 60) uses this as a
criterion for distinguishing serial verbs from verb compounds; in the for-
mer each verb maintains phonological autonomy, while in the latter com-
ponent verbs are subject to a variety of phonological adjustment such as
vowel reduction so the whole unit would conform to the phonological pat-
tern of a single word.
In converb languages simple juxtaposition of a converb with a finite
verb does not tell us whether the combination is a complex predicate or a
reduced form of clausal or VP coordination. For example, the Japanese
form in (22a) below can be analyzed in two ways depending on how the
form is pronounced.
(22) Japanese
a. kat-te yat-ta
buy-CON give-PST
b. kat-te yat-ta
H L L H
‘(I) bought (something) and gave (it to someone).’
c. kat-te yat-ta
L H H H
‘(I) bought (someone something).’
(22b), in addition to a slight pause between the two verbs, has a pitch con-
tour of two phonological words with each verb having a pitch contour
H(igh)-L(ow) or L-H of a single (phonological) word. In (22c) the entire
phrase has a pitch contour of a single word with a single series of high
pitched moras, indicating that Japanese converbal complex predicates form
a unit of phonological word. In Japanese the criterion of phonological
wordhood, accordingly, does not distinguish converbal complex predicates
from verb compounds, which also form a phonological word.
Japanese complex predicates, however, are different from verb com-
pounds in terms of the notion of morphological wordhood. Morphological
words exhibit the property of lexical integrity such that internal parts of a
word are not susceptible to morphological and syntactic processes – e.g.,
they do not inflect, cannot be modified, and do not form referential rela-
tions with an external element. Morphological integrity obtains in typical
compounds of both nominal and verbal type. But this is not the case with
many serial verbs, where each verb may inflect, despite the fact that inflec-
tional possibilities are constrained to a greater or lesser extent. Japanese
converbal complex predicates are not morphological words either. They
allow the second verb to interact with such morphological processes as
honorific conversion and suppletion, which cannot affect the second mem-
ber of a verb compound. Observe the contrast below, where compound
verbs do not allow their parts to be morphologically altered, whereas con-
verbal complex predicates show no morphological integrity: 8
(23) Japanese verb compounds

a. hon=o moti-kae-ru →
book=ACC carry-return-PRS
*hon=o moti-o-kaeri-ni naru
book=ACC carry-HON-return-ADV become
‘bring back a book’
b. kako=o kaeri-mi-ru →
past=ACC return-look-PRS
*kako=o kaeri-goran-ni naru
past-ACC return-look.HON-ADV become
‘look back the past’
(24) Japanese converbal complex predicates

a. hon=o mot-te kae-ru →
book=ACC carry-CON come-PRS
hon=o mot-te o-kaeri-ni naru
book=ACC carry-CON HON-return-ADV become
‘bring back a book’
b. kako=o hurikaet-te mi-ru →
past=ACC turn.back-CON look-PRS
kako=o hurikaet-te goran-ni naru
past=ACC turn.back-CON look.HON-ADV become
‘try reflecting upon the past’
Japanese converbal complex predicates are, thus, phonological but not

morphological words, whereas verb compounds are words in both phono-
logical and morphological senses.
The most challenging task in dealing with serial verbs is explicating
their nature as syntactic words. The general consensus that serial verbs act
together as a single verb – despite their variability in the dimensions of
phonological and possibly morphological wordhood – alludes to their syn-
tactic wordhood. In the following I shall focus on two related issues con-
cerning the syntactic wordhood of serial verbs. The first issue has to do
with the questions of whether SVCs are monoclausal and whether they
express a single event – kin notions with the idea that serial verbs act to-
gether as a single verb. The general consensus in the field here is that
SVCs are monoclausal and that they express a single event, as obvious
from some of the characterizations of SVCs quoted earlier.9 The second,
more difficult problem has to do with the nature of argument structures

associated with serial verbs.
We have already shown that Japanese converbal complex predicate
constructions are monoclausal (see (9)). While the syntactic monoclausal-
ity and the conceptualization of the multifaceted event as a single event are
generally thought to go hand in hand in SVCs (see Aikhanvald’s charac-
terization of SVCs in the introduction), there are actually situations where
these two do not coincide. The case in point involves causative expres-
sions. In serializing languages causative situations may be expressed in the
form similar to serial verbs. Compare the following Asante forms:
(25) Asante
a. m-mɛma=no piã m-mofra=no tɔ fɛ m
PL-men=DET push PL-child=DET fall ground
‘The men push the children down.’
b. m-mɛma=no ma m-mofra=no di nkwain
PL-man=DET CAUS PL-child=DET eat soup
‘The men make the children eat soup.’
(25a) is a cause-effect serial verb construction, while (25b) is a periphrastic

causative. Asante periphrastic causatives show the major hallmarks of
monoclausality sharing with SVCs of the language such properties as
tense-aspect-mood and polarity concord (Yoon 2007). Now, Morrison
(2007) shows that while there is a strong tendency for the cause-effect
SVC in (25a) to be understood as expressing a unitary event, the causatives
such as (25b) clearly express distinct sub-events. In (26a) below it is likely
to be understood that the women also push the children down, while (26b)
allows two different readings – either the women also make the children
eat the soup, or they eat the soup, where the caused event is isolated.

a. m-mɛma=no piã m-mofra=no tɔ fɛ m
PL-men=DET push PL-child=DET fall ground
ná m-maa=no nso yɛ saa ara
and PL-woman=DET also do the same
‘The men push the children down and the women also do
the same thing.’
b. m-mɛma=no ma m-mofra=no di nkwain
PL-man=DET CAUS PL-child=DET eat soup
ná m-maa=no nso yɛ saa ara

and PL-woman=DET also do the same
‘The men make the children eat soup and the women also
do the same thing.’
Yoon (2007) also shows that the scope of adverbial modification is differ-
ent between SVCs and causatives such that in the former the entire event
comes under the scope of an adverb – e.g., both pushing the children and
their falling down take place at the same time, say 3 pm –, but in the latter
the caused event can be isolated and be put under the adverbial scope inde-
pendently from the causing event – e.g., only the children’s eating soup
takes place at 3 pm, with the understanding that the causation act takes
place prior to this time.
Whether or not SVC-looking causatives are SVCs is controversial (see
Durie 1997: 333), but if the expression of a unitary single event is a defin-
ing criterion of SVCs (see footnote 9), causatives expressing indirect cau-
sation of the type seen above are certainly not SVCs despite their superfi-
cial formal resemblance to true SVCs and despite their sharing some
crucial syntactic properties characterizing monoclausality.10
5. The argument structure of complex predicates
As noted above, the issues surrounding the nature of argument structures of

serial verbs are most challenging in the treatment of serial verbs. In the
remainder of this paper, we can only hope to simply identify one out-
standing problem in this area that awaits a systematic treatment. This prob-
lem has to do with the central feature of SVCs, namely the property of
argument sharing and its syntactic consequences. In (25a) above, for ex-
ample, the argument m-mofra=no ‘the children’ is the patient with regard
to both piã ‘push’ and tɔ ‘fall’. Argument sharing results from the integra-
tion of separate sub-events into a unitary macro event at a conceptual level.
Durie (1997) offers some preliminary attempt to formally represent this
conceptual unification after critically examining Baker’s (1989) syntax-
based approach to the problem. Rather than offering my own critical re-
views of these approaches, I shall content myself by presenting some data
that seem to demand a systematic solution in whatever approach one takes
in dealing with the problems of argument structures of serial verbs.
First, a couple of semantically-based phenomena indicative of unified

argument structures of SVCs are observed in Japanese. One has to do with
the difference in the implied meaning between a converbal complex predi-
cate form and its clausal subordination counterpart, as observed in pairs
such as the following:
(27) Japanese
a. Hanako=wa kodomo=o toire=ni ture-te it-ta.
Hanako=TOP child=ACC toilet=DAT take-CON go-PST
‘Hanako took the child to the toilet.’
b. Hanako=wa, kodomo=o ture-te, toire=ni it-ta.
Hanako=TOP child=ACC take-CON toilet=DAT go-PST
‘Hanako went to the toilet taking the child along.’
The difference in meaning between these two sentences is that (27a) im-
plies that the child had to go to the toilet to relieve himself, whereas (27b)
implies that Hanako had to go to the toilet to relieve herself. If we assume
that only the arguments of a verb can be associated with the conventional
meaning of the verb (phrase), the above phenomenon suggests that kodomo
‘child’ in (27a) is an argument of the verbal complex of ture-te iku ‘take-
CON go’ rather than simply being an argument of the converb ture-te
‘take-CON’, for it is in relation to the verb phrase toire=ni iku ‘go to the
toilet’ that the conventional meaning of relieving oneself is engendered.
Indeed, this conventional meaning is not associated with kodomo ‘child’ in
(27b), where it is solely an argument of the converb ture-te ‘take-CON’.
The relevant meaning contrast is also seen in the accompanying English
translations, and it underscores Durie’s (1997: 291) point that “a serial
verb complex can often be best translated into a non-serializing language
using a single, mono-verbal clause”.
The other phenomenon has to do with benefactive constructions. As
shown in Shibatani (1996), benefactive constructions in general convey the
intention of transfer of a concrete object to a beneficiary, as in (28a). How-
ever, some languages permit constructions with a metonymic interpretation
of the type shown in (28b) and (28c), where it is not actually a book or a
door that gets transferred – rather it is the content of a book in the case of
(28b) and opening space in (28c) that come under the possessive control of
the beneficiary.
(28) Japanese
a. Taroo=wa Hanako=ni hon=o kat-te yat-ta.
Taro=TOP Hanako=DAT book=ACC buy-CON GIVE-PST
‘Taro bought Hanako a book.’
b. Taroo=wa Hanako=ni hon=o yon-de yat-ta.
Taro=TOP Hanako=DAT book=ACC read-CON GIVE-PST
‘Taro read Hanako a book.’
c. Taroo=wa Hanako=ni to=o ake-te yat-ta.
Taro=TOP Hanako=DAT door-ACC open-CON GIVE-PST
‘Taro opened the door for Hanako.’
Now, the object argument of the individual verbs in (28b) and (28c) are not
associated with the metonymic interpretation in the non-serial context.
Neither hon=o yomu ‘read a book’ nor hon=o yaru ‘give a book’, for ex-
ample, yields a metonymic sense that the content of a book was the object
of the action of reading or giving. The metonymic transfer sense of (28b),
for example, obtains only when the goal (to be construed as a beneficiary)
and the patient/theme argument are linked to the complex predicate <yon-
de yaru> ‘read-CON GIVE’ in the form of the unified argument structure
<Agent (Taroo), Goal (Hanako), Patient/Theme (hon)>.
A clear piece of syntactic evidence that serial verbs form a unified ar-
gument structure is seen in the focus marking pattern in the Formosan lan-
guage Atayal.
(29) Wulai Atayal

a. m-wah=ku m-ita÷ yaya÷=su÷
AF-come=1SG.NOM AF-see mother=2SG.GEN
‘I come to see your mother.’
b. wah-un=mu m-ita÷ yaya÷=su÷
come-PTF=1SG.GEN AF-see mother=2SG.GEN
‘I will come to see your mother.’
c. *m-wah=ku÷ yaya÷=su÷
AF-come=1SG.NOM mother=2SG.GEN
‘I will come to your mother.’
d. *wah-un=mu yaya÷=su÷
come-PTF=1SG.GEN mother=2SG.GEN
‘I will come to your mother.’
As discussed earlier, in Formosan SVCs the focus marking of the second

verb is limited such that either it is default AF (actor focus) or it harmo-
nizes with the first verb. In Wulai Atayal, the focus marking on the second
verb is default AF. The interesting point of the above data is that in (29b)
the first verb wah ‘come’ focuses on the patient yaya÷=su÷ ‘your mother’
of the second verb. The verb wah ‘come’ in isolation does not take a hu-
man as a goal, let alone the possibility of focusing it with PTF marking –
see the ungrammatical forms in (29c,d). The pattern above, thus, indicates
that yaya÷=su÷ ‘your mother’ in (29a,b) is functioning as a patient of the
verbal complex <wah ita÷>‘come see’ and that it triggers PTF marking in
the first verb.
The benefactive constructions seen above, however, present some inter-
esting problems for the view of the unified argument structure of SVCs.
The verb yaru ‘GIVE’ in the Japanese benefactive construction functions
exactly like benefactive applicatives in other languages that increase verb
valency by one. The syntax of benefactive constructions of this type paral-
lels the syntax of the basic “give” construction of the language, as shown
in Shibatani (1996).11 Compare the following patterns, where if the lan-
guage has the direct object-indirect object pattern in the basic “give” con-
struction, the benefactive construction follows the same pattern, as in
Japanese, whereas if the language has the double object pattern in the basic
“give” construction, the benefactive applicative construction also exhibits
the double object pattern, as in Balinese.
(30) Japanese (DO-IO pattern)

a. Basic “give” construction
Taroo=ga Hanako=ni hon=o yat-ta.
Taro=NOM Hanako=DAT book=ACC give-PST
‘Taro gave Hanako a book.’
b. Benefactive construction
Taroo=ga Hanako=ni hon=o kat-te yat-ta.
Taro=NOM Hanako-DAT book=ACC buy-CON give-PST
‘Taro bought Hanako a book.’
(31) Balinese12 (Double object pattern)

a. Basic “give” construction
Tiang nge-maang anak=e cenik buku.
I AF-give child=DEF male book
‘I gave the boy a book.’
b. Benefactive applicative13
Tiang meli-ang anak=e cenik buku.
I buy-APPL child=DEF male book
‘I bought the boy a book.’
The syntax of the Balinese suffixal benefactive applicative construction

parallels the basic “give” construction in other respects. For example, ei-
ther the first or the second object of these constructions can be patient-
focused and be made a topic, as shown below:
(32) Patient-focus constructions for (31a)

a. Anak=e cenik baang tiang buku.
child=DEF male PTF.give I book
‘I gave the boy a book.’
b. Buku=ne baang tiang anak cenik.
book=DEF PTF.give I child male
‘I gave the book to a boy.’
(33) Patient-focus constructions for (31b)

a. Anak=e cenik beli-ang tiang buku.
child=DEF male PTF.buy-APPL I book
‘I bought the boy a book.’
b. Buku=ne beli-ang tiang anak=e cenik.
book-DEF PTF.buy-APPL I child-DEF male
‘I bought the book for the boy.’
Now, interestingly Balinese in addition has a benefactive SVC of the fol-

lowing form:
(34) Balinese benefactive SVC

a. Tiang meli buku=ne baang anak=e cenik.
I AF.buy book=DEF GIVE child=DEF male
‘I bought the book for the boy.’
b. Buku=ne beli tiang baang anak=e cenik.
book=DEF PTF.buy I GIVE child=DEF male
‘I bought the the book for the boy.’
c. *Anak=e beli tiang buku=ne baang.
child=DEF PTF.buy I book=DEF GIVE
‘I bought the boy the book.’
Here the syntax differs markedly from that of the basic “give” construction
or that of the benefactive applicative construction in such a way that the
second object – the object of the second verb – cannot be focused and
made the topic of the whole sentence.14 Compare this with the pattern ex-
hibited by the Central Malayo-Polynesian language Sikka of Flores Island,
which has the following two possibilities – (35a)-(36a) – with the benefac-
tive SVC construction:
(35) Sikka benefactive SVC

a. Nimu boter payung beli ina nimun.
he buy umbrella GIVE mother his
‘He bought an umbrella for his mother.’
b. *Ina nimun nimu boter payung beli.
mother his he buy umbrella GIVE
‘He bought his mother an umbrella.’
(36) Sikka benefactive SVC

a. Nimu boter beli ina nimun payung.
he buy GIVE mother his umbrella
b. Ina nimun nimu boter beli payung.
mother his he buy GIVE umbrella
The pattern in (36a) is not available in Balinese, a Western Malayo-

Polynesian language, in which benefactive and other applicative SVCs
appear less well-developed than in their Central Malayo-Polynesian sisters.
Now, the Sikka PTF (patient-focus) construction simply moves a
theme/patient nominal to sentence initial position. It turns out that while
the goal/beneficiary of beli ‘GIVE’ of (35a) cannot be patient-focused, that
in (36a) can, indicating that in the latter the boter beli ‘buy GIVE’ se-
quence form a unified argument structure in which the agent, theme/patient
and goal/beneficiary nominals function as its arguments.
It thus appears that in the benefactive SVC of the form “buy X GIVE
Y”, the argument structures of the individual verb are not fused at least in
the syntax, in contrast to the SVC of the form “buy GIVE Y X” as seen in
Japanese – see (30b) – and in one of the benefactive SVC patterns in Sikka
shown in (36a), where the two verbs occur contiguously. Whether the con-
tiguous verb pattern obtains or not seems to depend, at least to some extent,
on the OV/VO distinction, with the former favoring the contiguous verb
pattern.15 Additional examples showing the contrasting pattern are given
below for benefactive and instrumental SVCs.16
(37) Y X V1 V2pattern/X Y V1V2 pattern

a. Alamblak (Durie 1997: 307 from Bruce 1988)
na yawyt yimam wikna-hay-më-an-m
I dog people buy-give-REMOTE.PST-1SG-3PL
‘I bought a dog for the people.’
b. Imonda (Durie 1997: 307 from Seiler 1986)
sa ka-m pɔt-ai-h-u
coconut I-OBJ pick-give-REC-IMP
‘Pick the coconut and give it to me.’
c. Barai (Durie 1997: 306 from Foley and Olsen 1985)
fu burede ije sime abe ufu
he bread DEF knife take cut
‘He cut the bread with the knife.’
(38) V1 X V2 Y pattern
a. Asante (Morrison 2007)
Yɛ-bɔ-tɔ bi a-ma mo
1PL-FUT-buy some CONS-give 2PL
‘I will buy you some.’
b. Mandarin Chinese (Shibatani et al. 1994: 464)
wŏ zuò fàn gĕi háizi
I cook rice GIVE child
‘I cooked the child rice.’
c. White Hmong (Durie 1997: 345 from Jarkey 1991)
mws muab riam txiav nqiaj qaib
3SG take knife cut meat chicken
‘She cut some chicken with a knife.’
Assuming that the first pattern above has the flat ditransitive syntax of the
Japanese benefactive SVC in (30b) and the second pattern the complex
double VP syntax of the Sikka benefactive SVC pattern in (35a), the ques-
tion remains as to how this distinction follows from the unified argument
structure if such unification takes place in both types of construction. Durie
(1997: 374), adopting Jackendoff’s (1990) theory of lexical conceptual
structures, offers the following fused conceptual structure for the instrumen-
tal SVC of the type exemplified by the White Hmong example in (38c).
(39) AFF— ([SHE]A, [CHICKEN]A)

CS+ ([SHE], [INCH ([BE.CUT ([CHICKEN])])])
CS+ ([SHE], [AFF— ([KNIFE], [CHICKEN])]
BY
AFF— (SHE)A, [KNIFE]A)
Durie (1997: 348) tells us that “in accounting for serial structures like
[(38c)] it is possible to calculate θ-roles and a θ-hierarchy at two levels: at
one level to determine the separate objects of individual verbs, and again at
the level of the fused argument structure”. That is, KNIFE in the above
conceptual structure is the patient of muab ‘take’ at the level of individual
verbs, but it is construed as the instrumental of the overall fused argument
structure. While this is an attractive analysis capturing an intuition behind
a structure like (38c), the question is how the arguments of the fused argu-
ment structure are realized and how their syntactic behavior can be ac-
counted for. That is, it remains to be explicated as to how the two benefac-
tive SVC patterns in Sikka in (35)-(36), for example, are accounted for in
terms of the representation like (39). The conceptual unification of the
arguments in (35a) does not seem to automatically lead to a fused argument
structure in syntax.
6. Conclusion
Shibatani and Huang (forthcoming) and this paper together constitute a

challenge to some very basic current understandings of the nature of SVCs.
The former has shown that the alleged property of SVCs listed in (1a) in
the introduction, namely that SVCs do not have an intervening linker, de-
pendency marker, or conjunction, excludes SVCs with a linker in some
Formosan languages. This paper has strived to demonstrate that serial
verbs do not have the lexical autonomy of independent verbs, and as such
cannot function out of the serial context, contrary to the point made in (1b).
The remaining properties in (1), namely that serial verbs form a single
predicate constituting a simplex clause and that they typically share argu-
ments, do not distinguish serial verbs from converbal complex predicates.
Indeed, serial verbs are much like converbal complex predicates in that
there is dependency between the component verbs and that each verb does
not make a separate predication individually. While a number of out-
standing problems remain, especially in the area of argument structures and
their realization, or what it precisely means syntactically to say that “serial

verbs act like a single verb”, SVCs are not as mysterious as the current
definitions appear to make them. Neither do they form a “robust construc-
tion type”, pace Dixon (2006: 338). The general point of this paper is that,
while serialized verbs all show some kind of grammatical dependency
among them, SVCs are not a unified phenomenon across languages or even
within a single language.
Notes
* The preparation of this paper was in part supported by the NSF grant BCS-
0617198.
1. In his later work (1997: 382), Foley modifies his definition of SVCs slightly
and recognizes the possibility of an intervening conjunction, such as the se-
quential marker mpi in Yimas, between serialized verbs. His new definition
reads as follows: “Serial verb constructions may be defined as strings of juxta-
posed verbs stems, typically with no overt conjunctions, which share at least
one core argument…” (emphasis added)
2. In this paper I use the expressions “the first verb” and “the second verb” in
reference to the verbs in the series. The former refers to the verb that has the
full finiteness features. Such a verb may actually be initial, as in the Atayal ex-
amples here, or may be the last one in the verb series, depending on the lan-
guage. The “second verb”, which may not actually occur second in place, re-
fers to the verb that we claim is restricted in formal properties.
3. The Asante examples here and below are based on the class notes from the
course Linguistics 407/408 “Linguistic Field Methods” at Rice University
taught during the 2006-2007 academic year. I am grateful to Alex Aphiah,
who helped the class as an Asante consultant. See Morrison (2007) for a fuller
account of the Asante SVCs.
4. In SVCs of the following kind, where serialized verbs form a phonological
word, it is not even accurate to talk about one verb being fully finite and the
other(s) not: Tat-noh-më-an-r (hit-die-REMOTE.PST-1SG-3SM) ‘I killed
him’ (Alamblak, Papuan; Durie 1997: 307 from Bruce 1988).
There is an interesting issue that needs to be further pursued here. In this paper
we simply assume that the first, or one of the verbs, in the series takes on all
the finiteness features and the other verb(s) showing only partial, if any, for-
mal finiteness. It is possible that at the abstract level there is one finiteness
functional head that governs all the verbs in a series. How the finiteness fea-
tures are distributed over the serialized verbs depends on individual languages.
In such a treatment, verbs in a series would play the predication function
jointly (cf. a discussion below in the text), but none of them would be uniquely
associated with the finiteness and hence would be able to occur independently
outside the serialization context.
5. See the recent paper by Anderson (2007) for a related discussion on the notion
of predication and the finiteness of a predicate form.
6. Interestingly Durie (1996), one of the most thorough studies of verb serializa-
tion, does not ascribe this putative property to serial verbs.
7. See Durie (1997) for detailed and revealing discussions on the relevant issues
from both formal and functional angles.
8. Japanese converbal complexes also allow insertion of particles such as wa
(contrastive topic), mo ‘even’, and sae ‘even’ after the -te ending. Construc-
tions with these particles typically form a concessive clause followed by a
negative clause. Similarly, Korean benefactive converbal forms such as yel-e-
nun cwu-ess-ta-man (open-CON-TOP GIVE-PST-IND-though ‘though (I)
opened the door (for someone)’) and mwun-ul yele-to cwu-ko, tat-a-to cwu-
ess-ta (door-ACC open-CON-also GIVE, close-CON-also GIVE-PST-IND
‘(I) also opened and also closed the door (for someone)’) are possible with the
intervening topic particle nun and the adverbial particle to.
9. Cf. Durie (1996: 291): “a single serial verb complex describes what is concep-
tualized as a single event: this is repeatedly reported to be a clear intuition of
native speakers, and can be demonstrated through semantic analysis. It follows
from this that a serial verb complex can often be best translated into a non-
serializing language using a single, mono-verbal clause.”
10. Yoon (2007: 18) points out a couple of syntactic differences between SVCs
and periphrastic causatives in Asante. One of them has to do with the distribu-
tion of pronominal clitics. As mentioned earlier, SVCs do not permit a pro-
nominal clitic on the second verb, but in causatives the causee NP may appear
in a nominative clitic form; cf.
a. bɛma=no ma-a no di-i nkwain=no
man=DET CAUS-PST 3SG.ACC eat-PST soup=DET
‘The man made him eat the soup.’
b. bɛma=no ma-a ɔ=di-i nkwain=no
man=DET CAUS-PST 3SG.NOM=eat-PST soup=DET
‘The man made him eat the soup.’
Whatever the relationship between (a) and (b) above may be, the points that
Morrison and Yoon make with regard to Asante causatives obtain with regard
to the (a) type of construction, which resembles true SVCs in form. The
monoclausality and the single eventhood do not generally go hand in hand in
productive morphological causatives, e.g., Japanese aruka-se ‘walk-CAUS’, if
they express indirect causation with the causee acting as an agent. They ex-
press two distinct events – the causing and the caused event – even though
they may show syntactic monoclausality (see Shibatani and Pardeshi 2002).
11. For example, unlike some other ditransitive verbs, which permit passivization
centering on either object, the main verb yaru ‘give’ does not permit neither
object to become a subject of a passive clause. Neither do V-te yaru SVC
forms even if the first verb by itself allows passive formation.
12. The Balinese data below have been provided by Ketut Artawa of Udayana
University. The Sikka data further below were collected during my fieldwork
in Flores Island in eastern Indonesia in the summer of 2008.
13. Foley (1997: 392) argues that the argument structures of SVCs and those in-
volving morphological applicative affixes differ fundamentally. The parallel-
ism between the Japanese benefactive SVCs and the Balinese benefactive ap-
plicative constructions casts doubt on this assumption, while it is true that the
two types of benefactive in Balinese show sufficiently different syntax to war-
rant different treatments (but see the Sikka data below).
14. See Li (1991) and Manfredi and Laniran (1988) for this kind of “object asym-
metry” between the object of the first verb and that of the second verb in
SVCs in other languages.
15. The correlation between the double-object pattern and word order mentioned
here is only suggestive. I do not have sufficient data to confirm the correlation.
16. Stewart (2001: 234ff) would not consider these instrumental constructions as
SVCs. His discussion, however, centers mostly on those instrumental construc-
tions in which the first verb has been grammaticalized to a considerable extent.
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Conjunctive coordination in Amharic:
some typological approaches
Dieter Metzing and Saba Amsalu Teserra
1. Introduction1
This chapter is related to different research contexts: research in language

typology, formal language theory and grammar as well as in computational
language processing. (1) Research in language typology is especially fo-
cused on lesser studied languages (cf. the DOBES program, started in
2000); it is oriented towards broader empirical bases (different types of
corpora) as well as towards (computational) language documentation (cf.
Lehmann 2001; Gippert, Himmelmann and Mosel 2006; Oflazer and Ni-
renburg 2003; Metzing and Pönninghaus 2007). (2) Current theories of
natural language syntax and semantics like Lexical Functional Grammar,
Head-Based Phrase Structure Grammar or Multi-Modal Combinatory
Categorial Grammar (MMCCG) make universal claims about natural lan-
guage to be tested empirically by analysis of typologically distinct lan-
guages. (3) Societies whose official language belongs to so-called lesser
studied languages have a vital interest in using information technology for
their own purpose, and there is evidence also that language technology can
profit from formal representations developed for typologically distinct
languages (cf. Frank 2003).
The language chosen for our contribution is Amharic, a Semitic lan-
guage, in Ethiopia the working language of the government, and the second
most spoken Semitic language. The linguistic phenomena chosen are con-
junctive coordinating constructions. There are significant correlations be-
tween coordination and basic word orders of languages; coordination has
become an object of study in language typology and a very prominent one
in formal theories of syntax and semantics. Coordination (and ellipsis) are
key features of natural language, and a system of natural language process-
ing must be able to process coordinated and elliptical sentences. The for-
mal theory chosen is Multi-Modal Combinatory Categorial Grammar
(MMCCG), for which efficient implementations and processing compo-
nents have been developed (as to coordination cf. White 2006). Language
technology approaches to Amharic have started (cf. Amsalu 2006a, 2006b,
284 Dieter Metzing and Saba Amsalu Teserra
2007; Amsalu and Gibbon 2005; Alemayehu and Willett 2002; Bayu 2002;
Alemu 2002; Bayou 2000), however, there are only a few syntactic parser
prototypes, and a semantic parser is still a research goal.
2. Conjunctive coordination in Amharic: types of coordination
Coordination in European languages has been intensively studied, but the

range of variation found in the languages worldwide has just started to be
discovered (cf. Haspelmath 2004, based on Haspelmath 2007; cf. also Leh-
mann 1988). Conjunctive coordination is part of Amharic grammars (cf.
Leslau 1995; Leslau 2000), but it has not yet been analyzed according to
detailed cross-linguistic parameters of coordination. Since our short de-
scription of conjunctive coordination of Amharic will be based on catego-
ries of Haspelmath (2007), we will introduce these categories at first.
According to Haspelmath, “the term coordination refers to syntactic
constructions, in which two or more units of the same type are combined
into a larger unit and still have the same semantic relations with other sur-
rounding elements”. Haspelmath distinguishes the following dimensions:
(1) types and positions of coordinators, (2) contrastive coordination, (3)
types of coordinands, (4) semantic sub-types of coordination, (5) special
strategies of conjunction, (6) ellipsis in coordination, and (7) delimitation
of coordinatoion. For our purpose aspects in (1), (3) and (6) will be par-
ticularly relevant.
In general, the coordinating elements, coordinators, may be particles or
affixes. The units combined, conjuncts or more generally coordinands, may
be words, phrases, subordinate clauses or full sentences. The coordinators
are placed either prepositive preceding their coordinand or postpositive
following the coordinand, and they are combined either with one coordi-
nand (monosyndetic coordination) or also with the second coordinand (bi-
syndetic coordination); however, a coordination without overt coordinators
is also possible (asyndetic coordination).
– Adam and Eva: particle as coordinator, prepositive, monosyndetic;
– both Adam and Eva: particle, prepositive, bisyndetic;
– sugar, pepper, salt are on the list: asyndetic coordination.
In the case of multiple coordinands there is either the full pattern or there
are language-specific patterns of omission.
Conjunctive coordination in Amharic 285
As to ellipsis in coordination, the ellipsis is placed either at the begin-

ning of coordinands (catalipsis; backward gapping) or at the end (analipsis;
forward gapping). There are languages which allow one type or the other
or even both types (e.g. Amharic). Since ellipsis in coordination is signifi-
cant with respect to typological differences and with respect to basic word
orders, more distinctions will be introduced later. Amharic data2 of con-
junctive coordination will be presented below3.
Types of coordination
I. in sentences: monosyndetic; particle: dägmo
(1) ela t´ättá-c, sara dägmo bälla-c.

ela drank.PF-3.SG.F, sara COORD ate.PF-3.SG.F
‘Ela drank whereas Sara ate.’
Dägmo is placed after the first phrase of the second conjunct. Sometimes it
may have a slight adversative connotation. When both sentences are se-
mantically related (e.g. causally), the coordinator -im is also used.
II. in nominal phrases: (a) asyndetic
(2) k´äw bärbäre gäzza-hu

salt pepper bought.PF-1.SG
‘I bought salt and pepper.’
The NPs are understood as one conceptual unit (natural conjunction).
(b) monosyndetic; affix -nna, postpositive on first coordinand
(3) wämber-u-nna t´äräpéza-w.

chair-DEF.M.SG COORD table-DEF-M-SG
‘the chair and the table’
(c) bisyndetic; affix -m, postpositive
(4) k´äw-m bärbäre-m gäzza-hu.

salt-COORD pepper-COORD bought.PF-1.SG
‘I bought salt as well as pepper.’
In this case the NPs are not seen as a conceptual unit (accidental conjuc-
tion).
The conjuncts should be of the same type. Verb phrases, adjective as
well as adverbial phrases have similar structures of coordination.
With respect to the typological patterns of coordination described in
(Haspelmath 2007) there are the following patterns of conjunctive coordi-
nation (co) in Amharic:
monosyndetic: ‘A B-co’ postpositive on second coordinand (dägmo,
-im (causal coordination)) for sentences, ellipses;
‘A-co B’ postpositive on first coordinand (-nna) for phrases;
bisyndetic: ‘A-co B-co’ postpositive (-m …-m);
multiple coordinands: to the ‘A-co B’ pattern corresponds:
‘A-co B-co …N’, no coordinator on last coordinand;
to the ‘A B-co’ pattern corresponds:
‘A B-co C-co …’, no coordinator on the first coordinand;
coordinator omission pattern: to the ‘A-co B’ pattern corresponds:
‘A B … M-co N’ or
‘A-co B … N’ all but the first one are omitted.
It has been observed (cf. Stassen 2003: 775) that the order of conjunctive
coordinators correlates with basic word order patterns of a language (verb
argument order): languages with postpositive coordinators tend to have
verb-final word order. Amharic follows this general tendency.
3. Ellipsis in coordination
At least three types of ellipsis in coordination have been distinguished:

Gapping, i.e. verb removal in one coordinand, Right Node Raising, i.e.
removal of rightmost part of one coordinand and Conjunction Reduction,
i.e. removal of subject of one coordinand. According to Ross (1970) there
are cross-linguistic generalizations concerning the relationship between
basic word order parameters and constraints on deletion or gapping under
coordination, generalizations which have been reformulated lateron in
terms of surface constituent order in the Combinatory Categorial Grammar
framework. There are clear tendencies between basic constituent order and
direction of gapping (leftward or rightward):
(a) SOV: SO & SOV; *SOV & SO

(b) VSO: VSO & SO; *SO & VSO
(c) SVO: SVO & SO; *SO & SVO
If a language has a relatively free word order, there are more complex gap-
ping patterns, for example in Turkish or in Amharic:
(5) (SO & SOV)

sara shurab zofi dägmo suri gäzz-u.
sara pullover zofi COORD trousers bought.PF-3.PL
‘Sara bought pullover and Zofi trousers.’
(6) (SOV & SO)

sara shurab gäzz-ac zofi dägmo suri.
sara pullover bought.PF-3.SG.F zofi COORD trousers
(7) (OS & OSV)

shurab-u-n sara suri-w-n
pullover-DEF-ACC sara trousers-DEF-ACC
dägmo zofi gäz-ac-cci-w.
COORD zofi bought.PF-3.SG.F.OBJ
(8) (OSV & OS)

shurab-u-n sara gäzz-ac suri-w-n dägmo zofi.
Note that the verb tends be plural marked when located at the end (co-
ordination agreement) (cf. (5) vs. (7)).
There is evidence that the following gapping patterns exist in Amharic:
SO & SOV, SOV & SO, OS & OSV, OSV & OS, and are excluded: *SO &
OSV, *SOV & OS; however, some non-parallel constructions are appar-
ently possible: OSV & SO (if object – first or second one or both- is defi-
nite, i.e. known in context) and equally: SOV & OV (if V expresses a se-
quence of actions) and SOV & SV. An asymmetry in gapping has been
reported, backward gapping being more restricted (cf. Kracht and Spor-
tiche 2003 for a discussion of this aspect). As to Amharic, backward ellip-
sis in non-parallel constructions seems to be excluded.
The gapping patterns of a language can only be explained in a theoreti-
cal framework. Different approaches have been developed, structural (e.g.
Ross 1970) and functional approaches (e.g. Kuno 1976). In the MMCCG
approach there is no ‘underlying word order’, patterns of gapping originate
from the lexicon rather than the grammar (cf. Baldridge 2002; Bozsahin
2000; Steedman 2000). There is an interaction between a small universal
set of rules of combination and specifications in the lexicon controlling
rule application, word order and in the end : aspects of linguistic diversity.
A typological approach to elliptical coordination has been developed in
(Sanders 1977). Ross’ analysis is criticized in detail, and the new typology
is based on six reduction types, formed in the following way: each coordi-
nand consists of an initial part, a middle and a final part. This leads to the
following structure of coordination ABC & DEF and to six different reduc-
tion types in elliptical coordination: (A*)BC & DEF (A); A(B*)C & DEF
(B); AB(C*) & DEF (C); ABC & (D*)EF (D); ABC & D(E*)F (E); ABC
& DE(F*) (F). According to a typology based on these reduction types
Amharic belongs to a type of language in which the positions C>D>E>F
can be eliminated in elliptical coordination (‘Russian-type’):
ABC & DEF
S O -- SOV
SOV & S O --
SOV & -- O V
SOV & S -- V
Sanders postulates an ‘implicational hierarchy’: “For any natural language
L, L does not permit coordinate ellipsis in position x unless it also permits
ellipsis in all positions easier than x.” (Sanders 1977: 266) Each of the
possible ranges of coordinate ellipsis constitutes a continuous subse-
quence, e.g. there should not exist a reduction type in which positions C E
F may be eliminated but not D.
Note that this approach does not distinguish grammatical functions but
only surface elements that may be eliminated at certain positions. Conse-
quently elliptical coordination is not explained with respect to grammatical
restrictions but with respect to functional requirements of communication
(efficiency, economy vs. clarity, decodability). We will come back to this
view on elliptical coordination in the final section.
In the next section we will analyze Amharic conjunctive coordination in
the MMCCG framework. Coordination and especially ellipsis in coordina-
tion has been an important topic in the CCG literature, for coordination
reveals constraints on basic word orders of a language and cross-linguistic
constraints (cf. Ross 1970; Steedman 2000; Bozsahin 2000). E.g. (9a) is an
acceptable coordination of a typical SVO language, but not (9b):
(9) a. Peter eats pears and Fred bananas.

b. *Fred bananas and Peter eats pears.
Notice that the second coordinand of (9a) is not a constituent in the usual
sense of the term.
Arguments about the adequacy of (MM)CCG have been built also on
facts about coordination and on their analyses. As to Amharic, we claim
that research on Amharic coordination can profit from the (MM)CCG re-
search context. Efficient implementations and language technology tools
available (cf. OpenCCG; Baldridge et al. 2007) may contribute to computa-
tional linguistic and information technological approaches to Amharic.
Besides English, aspects of several typologically distinct languages have
been analyzed within the (MM)CCG framework: Basque, Dutch, Dyirbal,
Icelandic, Inuit, Japanese, Tagalog, Toba Batak, Tzotzil and most inten-
sively Turkish (cf. Baldridge 2002; Bozsahin 2002; Bozsahin and McCon-
ville 2005), also an SOV language with forward and backward gapping,
and objects may precede subjects.
4. Conjunctive coordination in Amharic: the Multi-Modal

Combinatory Categorial Grammar approach
Multi-Modal Combinatory Categorial Grammar (MMCCG, Baldridge

2002) is an extension of Combinatory Categorial Grammar (CCG, Steed-
man 2000), which has been an extension of Categorial Grammar. The uni-
versal claim of MMCCG has been expressed in the following way:
“Although Multi-Modal CCG has the same set of rules as standard CCG, its
improved resource-sensitivity enables it to have a universal rule component.
It places all cross-linguistic variation in the lexicon, leading to a typological
perspective on grammar that not only describes, but can also make predic-
tions about, syntactic structure: Multi-Modal CCG provides a new view on
how a typological perspective can be incorporated in a lexicalized, non-
transformational setting.” (Baldridge and Kruijff 2003)
Since lexical information plays a central role, the organization of this in-
formation is crucial. Given the impact of unification-based grammars, lexi-
cal and morphological information is represented as feature structures in an
efficient way (cf. OpenCCG site). The role of syntactic information is pri-
marily the incremental construction of semantic representations.
A categorial grammar associates a functional type or category with all

grammatical entities (cf. Steedman and Baldridge 2003 for a state-of-the-
art introduction). A universal set of semantically and syntactically moti-
vated combination rules (cf. endnote 5.) applies to these categories. For
example transitive verbs of English are in the lexicon associated with the
following category:
sees: = (S\NP)/NP
This may be phrased as: this category ‘seeks’ an NP to the right; if found,
the result is indicated to the left of the last slash and is equivalent to the
category of an intransitive verb; this category S\NP ‘seeks’ an NP to its
left; if found, the result, indicated to the left of the slash, is S. The result of
applying the rules of forward and backward application is shown in the
following derivation:
Peter sees Susan
NP (S\NP)/NP NP
------------------------>
S\NP
---------------------<
S
Note that given our Amharic data, some affixes (e.g. -nna) should also be
associated with categories controlling the process of syntactic and semantic
composition (cf. Bozsahin 2002).
In the MMCCG approach lexical control has been extended: slashes are
typed and associated with modes4 corresponding to types of combination
rules. So lexical specifications influence the applicability of these rules and
thereby licence certain syntactic structures or not. The roots of syntactic
diversity and of typological variation lie in the lexicon of a language.
In the following we will focus upon the tight connections between rules
of a universal rule component and lexical information, based on Amharic
data.
(10) Ela ate and Sara drank. (cf. example (1) above)
Rules: (>) X /* Y Y -> X (forward application)
(<) Y X \* Y -> X (backward application)
Lexical information (partial): Ela: NP; Sara: NP; ate: (S \. NP); drank: (S \.
NP); and: (S \* S) /* S (more generally: (X\*X)/*X)4
Syntactic derivation (without semantic information):

Ela ate and Sara drank.
NP S\.NP (S\*S)/*S NP S\.NP
-----------------------<
S
------------------------------->
S\*S
--------------------<
S
-------------------------------<
S
(11) ela bälla-c sara dägmo t´ättá-c.

Lexical information: dägmo: ((X \* X)/* X)\* NP
Syntactic derivation:
ela bälla-c sara dägmo t´ättá-c.
NP (S\.NP) NP ((X\*X)/*X)\*NP (S\.NP)
-------------------------------<
(X\* X)/* X
((S\.NP)\* (S\.NP))/* (S\.NP)
------------------------------------>
(S\.NP)\* (S\.NP)
---------------------------------------------<
S\.NP
-------------------------<
S
Elliptical coordination: backward gapping

Rules:
(>B) X/◊Y Y/◊Z -> X/◊Z (forward composition)5
(>T) X -> (T /i (T \i X) (forward type raising)6
T Є { S, S\NP, S\NP\NP, S\NP\NP\NP }
Lexical information: dägmo: ((X/* X)/* NP)\* NP
(12) cf. example (5) for glossing

sara shurab zofi dägmo suri gäzzu.
NP NP NP ((X/* X)/* NP)\* NP NP S\.NP\.NP
---->T ----------------------------------<
S./(S\.NP) ((X/*X)/* NP)
------------->T ---------------------------------->
(S\.NP)/.(S\.NP\.NP) (X/* X)
--------------------------->B
S/.(S\.NP\.NP) (S\.NP\.NP)/* (S\.NP\.NP)
------------------------------------------------------->
S\.NP\.NP
-------------------------------------------------------->
S
Elliptical coordination: forward gapping7

Lexical information: dägmo: (((S\.NP\.NP)\*(S\.NP\.NP) )\*NP)/*NP
(13) cf. example (6) for glossing
sara shurab gäzzac zofi dägmo suri.
NP NP (S\.NP\.NP) NP (((S\.NP\.NP)\*(S\.NP\.NP))\*NP)/*NP NP
---------------------------------------------------->
------->T ((S\.NP\.NP)\*(S\.NP\.NP) )\*NP
S/.(S\.NP) ---------------------------------------------------<
(S\.NP\.NP)\*(S\.NP\.NP)
--------------------------------------------------------<
---------->T S\.NP\.NP
(S\.NP)/(S\.NP\.NP)
----------------------------->B
S/.(S\.NP\.NP)
--------------------------------------------------------------->
S
(14) [sara shurab]s\np\np [gäzzac]s\np\np [zofi]np dägmo [suri]np
Note that the analysis proposed for (13) requires a new type of semantics
with greater flexibility and expressivity than the λ-calculus-based seman-
tics, a semantics, distinguishing lexical predications, semantic features and
dependency relations, called Hybrid Logic Dependency Semantics (cf.
Kruijff 2001) and applied in (White 2006) for efficient natural language
generation, coordinate structures included. This approach, combining very
specific lexical definitions (syntactic types) with rather language-
independent semantic representations, has several advantages in our con-
text: It shows how detailed lexical specifications may determine the basic
word order of a language (cf. (14)). Typological differences between lan-
guages may also be compared on that level, e.g. with respect to the syntac-
tic role of coordinators in different languages and their semantic represen-
tation. Furthermore, this approach permits the coordination of ‘unlike cate-
gories’ and does not require the introduction of virtual conjuncts (‘decom-
position rules’) which has been criticized in the literature (as an early ex-
ample cf. Lobin 1993: 74–76).
Coordinators in Amharic may be particles or affixes like -nna, and
some affixes have lexical specifications controlling the process of compo-
sition as in the following example (cf. (3) above):
(15) wämbär -u -nna t´äräpéza -w

N NP\N (XP\*XP)/*XP N NP\N
------------------------< -------------------<
NP NP
(NP\*NP)/*NP
------------------------------->
NP\*NP
----------------------------------<
NP
In the case of asyndetic or bisyndetic coordination syntactic patterns

have to be checked before and then the analysis will proceed as in the case
of -nna.
(16) Conjunctive coordination: lexical information8

a. dägmo: ((X\* X)/* X)\* NP (sentence coordination)
b. nna: (XP\* XP)/* XP (phrasal coordination)
c. dägmo: ((X/* X)/* NP)\*NP
(elliptical coordination: backward gapping)
d. dägmo: (((S\.NP\.NP)\*( S\.NP\.NP))\*NP)/*NP
(elliptical coordination: forward gapping)
The lexical categories of the coordinators, the lexical rules (e.g. for type
raising) and the set of multi-modal universal rules of combination control
the wellformedness of word orders also in: coordinated phrases, sentences
as well as in ellipsis in coordination; this is the case in Amharic as well as
in other languages. The source of typological differences and of linguistic
diversity on the level of basic word order structures is supposed to be lo-

cated in the lexicon. This observation is highly relevant for the develop-
ment of language-specific processing components.9 However, besides the
lexicalized word orders there are also influences of discourse context, as
has already been pointed out in (Steedman 2000: 197). This aspect will be
considered in the last section.
5. Topics for future research
Conjunctive coordination has been described from the point of view of

cross-linguistic parameters of coordination, followed by a typology for
ellipsis in coordination, and finally as part of a typological perspective on
formal grammar (Multi-Modal Combinatory Grammar) and its approach to
coordinated structures. Explicit comparisons, e.g. with related languages
like Turkish or Yaqui10 (cf. Fabián 2006), would be a topic for future re-
search. To conclude we would like to point out some topics of research if
coordination and ellipsis in coordination in Amharic is related to current
discourse-oriented approaches.
Ellipsis in coordination has been analyzed from the point of view of
cross-linguistic variation as well as from the perspective of information
structure, and the overt realization of information structure is also a topic
of typological research. Information structure determines the amount of
material to be expressed, or deleted, according to the different approaches,
e.g. to ellipsis. The focus and background structure of the first conjunct
determine the elements to be expressed (or deleted). The position of the
focus is constrained by the type of language.
In Kuno (1976) discourse functions were associated with constraints on
gapping. In Keller (2001) Kuno’s observations and conjectures have been
empirically tested and related to constraint approaches of (semantic) opti-
mality theory. It remains to be seen to which extend the constraints found
according to acceptability judgements of speakers of English are language-
specific or cross-linguistically valid, applicable also to constraints on gap-
ping in Amharic.
Amharic is considered to be a “strict discourse-configurational language
where information structure and clause structure work in tandem”11 (Aboh
2007: 223). The overt realization of focus by special grammatical means
(prosody, morphology, syntax and their combinations) is subject to cross-
linguistic variation. Focus and related constructions (e.g. wh- questions,
types of coordination, narratives) are a topic of current research. As to

Amharic, focused vs. non-focused wh- phrases have been analyzed (Aboh
2007) as well as topics and topicalization in Amharic (Demeke and Meyer
2007). The relationships between types of coordination in Amharic and
information structure are still to be explored.12 As to MMCCG, “the disso-
ciation between explanation of word order and information structure in
MMCCG” has been criticized by Kruijff (Kruijff 2001: 278), a connection
that has been explicitly worked out (in a CCG framework) in his disserta-
tion. According to his ‘hypotheses for informativity’ the informational
focus of ‘non-rigid verb-final languages’ should be “directly before the V
wherever the V is placed” (2001: 210), hypotheses to be verified with re-
spect to Amharic data.
In section 3 non-parallel constructions of gapping and conjunction re-
duction in Amharic were mentioned, acceptable only with a certain re-
stricted meaning. Similar observations may be found in the literature (e.g.
Hendriks and Spenader 2005: 30–33), and they are taken as evidence that
criteria of economy are insufficient as explanation; a ‘full form’ has not
been ‘transformed’ into a reduced form to be produced with ‘less effort’.
Ellipsis in coordination signals a special meaning, generated directly given
a certain restricted meaning. Gaps in ellipsis in coordination are related to
information contextually given, they are a means to establish coherence
relations and have been analyzed with categories of information structure
and discourse structure (Kuno 1976; Steedman 2000: 189; Féry and Hart-
mann 2005). In fact, there is broad evidence that information from different
levels of description has to be combined in a more comprehensive analysis
of coordinated constructions.13 In an approach of a (semantic) optimality
theory coordination is seen as a ‘cross-modular process of optimization’
(Hoeks and Hendriks 2005). A multi-level documentation and description
of Amharic corpus data seem to be desirable for such an approach.
Notes
1. We would like to thank an anonymous reviewer of a first version of this article

for his helpful comments. We are especially grateful to Ronny Meyer, expert
in the linguistics of Amharic, for his comments on our Amharic data; however,
we are responsible for the remaining imperfections.
2. Corpora of modern Amharic texts are highly desirable. In its absence we relied
on judgments of native speakers and on a small text corpus documenting a
greater variety and the use of coordinators in context. The data will be made
accessible under ODIN (Online Database of Interlinear Text).
3. Amharic has its own syllabic writing system; for the sake of understandability
we have transliterated the examples into the Latin system, including the pho-
nemes that do not exit in English. The vowel /ä/ is more or less close to the [e]
in current, the consonant /c/ is equivalent to /t∫/ (German <tsch> as in
Deutsch). Ejectives are written in letters with apostrophe: /p´/ (bilabial), /ts´/
(dental/alveolar), /t´/ (alveolar), /tš´/ (post-alveolar), /k´/ (velar).
4. There are four modalities: * allows only the most basic applicative rules; ◊
permits order-preserving associativity; x allows permutation and .allows all
rules to apply. The modalities are organized into a type hierarchy. The most
limited modality * is the top of the hierarchy, the most permissive mode . in-
herits the properties of all the others. Categories defined with modality * are
not able to serve as input to rules with modality x. The rules are in fact general
rule schemata.
5. a. Forward Application: X/*Y : f Y:a -> X : fa
b. Backward Application: Y : a X\* Y : f -> X : fa
c. Forward Composition: X/◊Y : f Y/◊Z: g -> X/◊Z : λx.f(gx)
d. Backward Composition: Y\◊Z : g X\◊Y: f -> X\◊Z : λx.f(gx)
e. Forward Substitution: (X/◊Y)/◊Z : f Y/◊Z: g -> X/◊Z : λx.fx(gx)
f. Backward Substitution: Y\◊Z : g (X\◊Y)\◊Z : f -> X\◊Z : λx.fx(gx)
g. Forward Crossing Composition: X/xY : f Y\xZ: g -> X\xZ : λx.f(gx)
h. Backward Crossing Composition: Y/xZ : g X\xY: f -> X/xZ : λx.f(gx)
i. Forward Crossing Substitution: (X/xY)\xZ : f Y\xZ : g ->X\xZ : λx.fx(gx)
j. Backward Crossing Substitution: Y/xZ: g (X\xY)/xZ : f ->X/xZ: λx.fx(gx)
6. Type raising is one of the universal lexical rules. T is a metavariable over
categories. The slash index i may be read as : this category will have the same
modality as the one the raised category is applied to.
7. The solution chosen adopts the approach developed in (White 2006; cf. Ar-
gument Clusters and Gapping) for efficient natural language generation.
8. Because of limited space case specifications have been omitted; they are
needed in order to distinguish between well-formed and ill-formed gapping
patterns (cf. *SO & OSV, *SOV & OS).
9. Cem Bozsahin has called the analysis of coordination “a great litmus test for
setting up the skeleton for NLP (i.e. the verbal categories)”. (personal com-
munication)
10. Yaqui belongs to the Uto-Aztecan family. Fabián (2006) describes properties
of coordination very similar to Amharic, a special affix coordinator in inter-
rogative utterances included.
11. E.g. The sequencing of the wh- phrases in the question determines a rigid
ordering of the constituents in the answer.
12. There has been some research on coordinate ellipsis and information structure
in typologically different languages (Chinese, German)in a project of the Cen-
tre for General Linguistics, Typology and Universals (ZAS, Berlin); cf.
Schwabe (1997), (2000), Schwabe and Winkler (eds.) (2006).
13. Methodologies for multi-level XML-documents have been developed in sev-
eral research contexts, e.g. in projects of the research unit “Texttechnological
Information Modeling” (text-technology.de)
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Linguistic type and complexity: some remarks
Pierluigi Cuzzolin
1. Introduction
Despite the ever increasing amount of literature on typology, it is surprising

that the notion of type itself has not been thoroughly discussed in recent
years, or only sporadically. In some sense, in the typological literature very
often the notion of type seems to be intuitively presupposed so that the la-
bel of type is applied to different linguistic objects pertaining to different
conceptual domains. For this reason, for instance, languages have been de-
scribed as belonging either to the agglutinative type or to the ergative type,
or to the Balkanic “type” and so forth. It is easy to realize, however, that in
the first case the principle according to which the type is established is
morphological, in the second syntactic, in the third areal, all implying dif-
ferent theoretical perspectives. Clearly, the label type does not encompass
all the differences mentioned and it should be employed in a more specific
and coherent way.
In addition, in recent years the notion of complexity has received much
attention, not only in the field of linguistics but as a general epistemologi-
cal issue (see, for instance, Bocchi and Ceruti 2007). But, even though
complexity is attracting attention in several fields of our discipline, in par-
ticular in the field of applied linguistics (translations studies, dubbing, etc.),
it is all the more surprising that the issue of the relationship between the no-
tion of linguistic type and complexity has not yet been explicitly addressed.
Typologists seem to be, at least at the moment, paying attention to other
matters.
In this contribution, whose honorand is one of the most rigorous and
thorough linguists in exploiting all the tools by which we investigate lan-
guage, I will make some comments on the notion of linguistic complexity,
and will also try to show its relevance to the notion of linguistic type,
which, however useful may it be, does not seem to be yet sufficiently
worked out to establish itself as a commonly accepted tool of investigation
to encompass all the cases occurring in real languages. Needless to say,
only a few crucial points will be touched upon in order to sketch a tentative
scenario for the relationship between the two concepts.
302 Pierluigi Cuzzolin
2. Can linguistic complexity be measured?
The issue of what linguistic complexity is and to what degree it can be

measured has been seriously addressed only recently. It was sometimes dis-
cussed, even though very often only implicitly, especially during the Sev-
enties and the Eighties, when the discussion generated by the fundamental
paper by Greenberg (1966) was particularly lively. One of the major exam-
ples of that trend was the work of John Hawkins, who, in order to provide
the Greenbergian universals with theoretically consistent foundations,
ended up elaborating a typological theory based partly on the ease of proc-
essing the linguistic phenomena related to word order, and how this con-
tributed to a linguistic theory altogether (see, for instance Hawkins 2004).
But a specific attempt at bridging the gap between complexity and typology
always remained out of the mainstream of the typological investigations.
Why a serious typological enterprise cannot but integrate in its program one
complexity theory will be clear below.
However, nowadays the issue on complexity has been reopened by
McWhorter (2001), according to which creoles grammars are the simplest
grammars. This proposal has raised not only a strong debate (two issues of
Linguistic Typology have been devoted to McWhorter’s articles and to
eleven papers of comments on it) about creoles and pidgins but also – and
as a consequence thereof – about how much complexity there is in a gram-
mar. It must be noted, however, that McWhorter’s proposal was primarily
intended to “provide a metric of complexity which will serve the purposes
of elucidating and rendering falsifiable my specific claim that Creole lan-
guages in general tend to be less complex than older languages” (2001:
134). Furthermore, it has been explicitly noted that: “… this metric does
not stipulate that complexity is indexed with relative difficulty of produc-
tion or processing” (2001: 134).
The metric proposed by McWhorter has been used as a starting point by
other scholars (the ones invited to comment on McWhorter’s article in the
issues of Linguistic Typology mentioned above and Shosted 2006) to test its
validity against different languages, and the two assumptions quoted above
have been generally disregarded. It goes without saying that this metric is
not the only one possible, and others can be worked out that include all the
various linguistic domains. In this direction, a recent survey of the issue of
complexity, strictly conjoined with the opposite notion of simplification,
has been provided by Fiorentino (2007). In her contribution she broadens
the perspective on the issue, taking into account other criteria for evaluating
Linguistic type and complexity 303
complexity/simplification that have been employed in the discussion, i.e.

cognitive processes and first language acquisition or loss: “la nozione di
complessità, intesa come possibilità teorica di individuare e definire una
metrica sulla base della quale confrontare lingue e stabilirne il grado di
maggiore o minore complessità strutturale, si associa a temi centrali della
linguistica generale quali la ricerca degli universali linguistici,
l’acquisizione e la perdita del linguaggio” (Fiorentino: 2007). Obviously,
things become much more complicated if criteria involving semantics or
pragmatics are taken into account. On the one hand, in order to provide a
framework within which the global complexity of a language whatever can
be measured according to certain parameters, it seems to be self-evident
that all the domains relevant to the grammar of that language have to be
taken into consideration. Therefore, not only phonetics or morphology must
be involved, as usually is the case, but even discourse strategies, which
seem to be much more complicated to treat. On the other hand, however, it
is at least equally self-evident that measuring complexity in phonology or
phonetics crucially differs from the corresponding criteria if applied to
pragmatics, for instance, and a different notion of complexity is necessary
(a useful survey of the concept of Markiertheit ‘markedness’ as intertwined
with complexity is Ludwig 2001; see also Glatz 2000: 34-38 and Lehmann
1989). Here I will only concentrate on the criteria concerning phonetics
/phonology and morphology and their relationship to complexity.
3. Measuring linguistic complexity: McWhorter’s metric
The following criteria are the ones advocated by McWhorter:

1. “… a phonemic inventory is more complex to the extent that it has more
marked members” (2001: 135);
2. “… a syntax is more complex than another to the extent that it requires
the processing of more rules” (2001: 136);
3. “… a grammar is more complex than another to the extent that it gives
overt and grammaticalized expression to more fine-grained semantic
and/or pragmatic distinctions than another” (2001: 136);
4. “… inflectional morphology renders a grammar more complex than an-
other one in most cases ” (2001: 137).
Some remarks are in order:

A. The metric proposed is heterogeneous. It is not clear whether the cri-
teria suggested are only relevant to McWhorter’s claim or whether they
could serve as criteria to measure complexity in any language. In addition,
whereas criteria, 1., 2. and 4., are structural and therefore measurable
mathematically, the third criterion, referring to semantic/pragmatic distinc-
tions, is qualitative rather than quantitative.
B. Complex/complexity are covers used in McWhorter’ article, but the
principles behind them are not always identical or consistent. McWhorter
(2001: 160) accepts the idea, first set forth by Greenberg, that what is com-
plex in phonology corresponds to what is marked, i.e. to what is less fre-
quent. It has to be kept in mind that since Jakobson and in a definitive way
with Greenberg, complex tends to correspond to, and in fact has been re-
placed by, marked, which in its turn is identical with infrequent (interesting
remarks in Bruzzolo 2003). But what is complex or, in opposition, simple
in a language is far from being the same phenomenon in another language
and a warning is in order. This equivalence does not hold because it can
lead to contradictory results. Let us have a closer look. We can imagine that
two crucially different entities are involved: on the one hand, there is the
linguistic element whose complexity has to be measured, i.e. syllable,
word, etc.; on the other hand, there are the rules by which such linguistic
elements can be combined. Just to give an example: it is generally accepted
that the phoneme /b/ is more complex than /p/ because it has an additional
feature [+voiced]. This is an intrinsic case of complexity measured accord-
ing to the criteria provided by phonological features, which also imply ad-
ditional articulatory effort. But the question arises: is the complexity of /b/
measurable also according to its capacity of being a member of a minimal
pair? If we were to evaluate, for instance, the complexity of the phonologi-
cal system of Classical Arabic or Modern Standard Arabic, where, as well
known, there is no phoneme /p/, how should we deem this fact, if we take
into account that what is more complex, and is the marked element of the
pair, i.e. /b/ is also the more frequent (there is not even the minimal pair /p/
vs. /b/)? In this case, the two criteria of evaluation end up yielding contra-
dictory results: in term of articulatory effort /b/ is the marked element, in
term of frequency it is not. A solution could be either to assume that the
virtual position of /p/ in the phonological system of Arabic is occupied by
another phoneme, or to avoid equating complex with marked and, in its
turn, marked with frequent, since these three labels refer to different no-
tions which are only partially overlapping. Also, in the field of morphology
Corbett (2005) has convincingly shown that what is canonical (= un-

marked) does not necessarily coincide with what is more frequent. In addi-
tion, in syntax if a pattern is complex, this could also mean that it refers to
more than two terms (Dryer 1995: 1061). In order to measure pragmatic
complexity as different from phonetic complexity, we should be able to
draw a distinction between two kinds of complexities that in fact we are
unable to draw thus far.
C. As correctly stressed by Gil (2001), in his comments on
McWhorter’s paper, one of the principles along which the metric proposed
by McWhorter is structured is time. The typology that is conceived turns
out to be a dynamic one and is only conceivable over time, whereas the
other typologies are temporally independent.
4. Shosted’s assessment on linguistic complexity
The issue on complexity has been taken up by Shosted (2006), who tried to
reassess it explicitly within a typological framework. The main aim of
Shosted’s paper was to ascertain whether the claim is correct according to
which, if a language is complex in phonology, then its morphology and
syntax are less complex and vice versa. As pointed out by the author, this
claim called the negative correlation hypothesis, is usually taken for
granted in many handbooks and articles on linguistic theory but had never
been tested previously against a sample of languages.
According to Shosted a linguistic object can be described as complex
only by means of the intrinsic complexity the linguistic object itself dis-
plays; no cognitive or pragmatic criteria are invoked. It is therefore meas-
ured according to a given complexity metric, based on the one worked out
by McWhorter (2001). Preliminarily, the investigation has involved the re-
lationship between syllable structure and inflection, since “phonological
and morphological complexity can be sampled in reasonable ways”
(Shosted 2006: 5).
From the point of view of the method employed, Shosted has assumed
the correctness of also counting elements in potentia and not only in prae-
sentia (2006: 11–12), so that potential new types of elements, not occurring
but virtually possible, could be integrated into slots already present in the
system. However, it seems to me that this is a principle that obviously over-
generates structures in whatever domain because it is too powerful. How-
ever, there are more fine-grained, abstract relational distinctions within the
set of the elements in praesentia, useful for some specific cases, and con-
ceptually close to the elements in potentia that have to be taken into ac-
count. There are languages for which a correct and complete description of
their inflectional system requires not only an explicit list of features associ-
ated with the different forms of the paradigms (such as {CASE, NUMBER,
GENDER} etc.), but also additional features which are only retrievable from
the effects they exhibit on the phonological environment. I refer to the ex-
ample of the Celtic languages, for instance, probably the most famous case
of languages where mutations with morphological function occur. In all the
nominal paradigms of Old Irish, for instance, many declensional forms
trigger a mutation, namely either a lenition or a nasal mutation, onto the
immediately following word, when the required conditions are met. The
most important condition is that the immediately following word had to
start with a consonant that could undergo such a mutation: for instance, /m/
could undergo the lenition yielding /w/ (spelled <mh> in Modern Irish),
whereas /n/ could not; /b/ could undergo the nasalization yielding /m/
(spelled <mb> in Modern Irish), whereas /m/ did not.
The crucial case is the one in which two identical words trigger a differ-
ent mutation: the declensional paradigm of a word like túath ‘tribe’ (be-
longing to the ā-stem), for instance, had two identical forms, túath in the
nominative case singular that triggered lenition onto the following word,
and túath, absolutely identical with the former, but occurring in the genitive
case plural, that triggered nasalization. Within the same paradigm there was
also the form túaith in the accusative singular, triggering nasalization, iden-
tical with túaith, in the dative singular and triggering lenition. In the gram-
mars of the Celtic languages these two pairs are traditionally, but effec-
tively, cited as túathL - túathN and túaithN - túaithL, where the letters in capi-
tal characters L and N refer to lenition and nasalization, respectively. It has
to be noted that different pairs are possible between different cases accord-
ing to the various declensional classes. What is a useful notational system
also turns out to be an intrinsically motivated notation: in fact, the para-
digmatic forms of Old Irish are complex in the sense that they expand their
domain beyond the morphological border. In this case, complexity is in-
tended in a way different from the one usually ascribed to fusional lan-
guages, which cumulate at least two meanings on the same morph. In the
case of Old Irish, the description of a paradigmatic form has to include the
rule: “Lenite/nasalize the following word if the conditions required are
met”.
The question that obviously arises is the following: at what level of

analysis does this instruction-like rule have to be set? It is obvious that the
mutation phenomenon cannot be related to the phonological shape of the
word, because it would otherwise be impossible to account for the different
mutations triggered by an identical phonological string. The phenomenon
cannot be set at the phrasal level either simply because the mutation trig-
gered affects the following word, independently of its belonging to the
same phrase in which the word that triggers the mutation occurs. Conse-
quently, the phenomenon has to be set at the word level and entails some
property of other features like {CASE}. Such phenomena seem to show that
establishing a complexity metric includes not only counting but also (see
the important contribution by Dahl 2004) rules connecting elements at the
same level or also at different level. Rules of this type I envisage as the
ones that have to be taken into account from now on in the new typology.
Obviously, a more detailed analysis of the phenomena like the one consid-
ered here remains to be done.
Admittedly, the results achieved by Shosted’s investigation do not sup-
port the claim that the negative correlation hypothesis is wrong, even
though they do not confirm it either. But the last words of Shosted’s paper
are worth quoting (2006: 35): “the results of my research lead to the only
possible conclusion at present: if there are indeed cognitive limits that de-
termine the complexity of the components of a language, these limits are
not, so far as we know, approached by existing languages”.
5. Conclusion
At this point, it should be clear to the reader from my previous remarks that
I am in favor of a reappraisal of a holistic perspective on typology. But
within the framework of a holistic perspective the reason why typology has
to combine with the complexity theory becomes nearly self-evident.
As claimed above, it is rather surprising that the notion of linguistic type
has remained thus far rather unspecified even in typology. An exposé rai-
sonné about the notion of type and the ways it has been employed in the lit-
erature are beyond the scope of these short notes. Some remarks, however,
are in order.
Typologists have used, and still use, the label type in several different
ways, but mainly envisaging one phenomenon as the representative of the
global type. Just to give an example, it is frequent in literature that when-
ever a language shows an ergative-absolutive alignment it is referred to an

ergative-absolutive type. Of course, one could object that this is simply a
matter of labels: the problem disappears as soon as is stipulated that the la-
bel type is primarily referred to alignment. Not only does this inclusion not
render the situation clearer, in fact such an inclusion is crucially mislead-
ing. The question, as far as I can see, is not whether one can use one label
instead of another, but rather, what we are entitled to derive from the label
we employ. However innocent it may appear, the real problem one faces is
not given by the confusion between the two labels alignment and type, but
rather by the fact that one could think that one is entitled to derive specific
conclusions from false premises. The question now is: what are we entitled
to draw from the fact that we know that a language belongs, let say, to the
ergative type? Or that it exhibits a nominative-accusative alignment? Given
such vague premises, the answer to this question is, in principle: nothing.
One need only consider the differences between ergative languages like
Basque and Yidiny, for instance, to realize how different types and, ulti-
mately, grammars one and same label can conceal. Of course, the notion of
linguistic type does not coincide with the notion of alignment exactly as the
notion of agglutinative language could hardly cover the notion of linguistic
type tout court.
In the end, the ultimate goal of typology should be to be able to envis-
age as many types as possible, whose constitutive elements are necessarily,
i.e. implicationally related to one another at any level.
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10 (1): 1–40.
B.3 Discovering Function in the Identity of Form
Constituent questions and argument-focus
constructions: some data from the North-Caucasian
languages
Nina Sumbatova
1. North-Caucasian languages: introduction
The North-Caucasian family includes two distantly related language groups

– West-Caucasian (Abkhaz-Adyghe) and East-Caucasian (Nakh-Daghes-
tanian). Structurally, the two groups have very little in common: the East-
Caucasian languages are agglutinating and dependent-marking, while
West-Caucasian languages are polysynthetic and head-marking. Languages
of both groups are usually characterized as ergative, but this feature mani-
fests itself in two entirely different ways in the two groups: most Nakh-
Daghestanian languages have very branched case systems where the erga-
tive case encodes the agent of a transitive clause; West-Caucasian lan-
guages have very few or no cases; their ergativity mainly manifests through
choice and position of personal prefixes within the polysynthetic predicate.
Another common feature found in many languages of both groups is di-
rect morphosyntactic coding of elements of information structure. Many
North-Caucasian languages directly mark the focused group (be it the ver-
bal predicate or any other syntactic constituent) by the position of certain
auxiliary elements (usually particles), which at the same time express their
own grammatical meaning – tense, person, negation, interrogation, etc.
(see, e.g., Kalinina and Sumbatova 2007). If the main verb of the sentence
does not belong to its focused part, it is normally presented by a non-finite
form – most usually, the one used in relative clauses (attributive), as in the
following example from Dargwa (the dialect of Icari; Sumbatova and Mu-
talov 2003: 141):
(1) ih ʁibij c’il-di-q’al w-aˁr-un-ci u

that Gibi later-2-but(PCL) M-go:PFV-PRT-PTCP you
‘But you went to that Gibi LATER on.’
Here the focused constituent is the adverb c’il ‘later’, which is signalled by
the position of two focus-marking clitics, i.e. the second person marker -di
314 Nina Sumbatova
and the particle -q’al (the latter marks sentence as known to both commu-
nicants). The main verb waˁrunci ‘went’ is in a participial form also char-
acteristic of relative clauses.
In Adyghe (West-Caucasian) the focused group takes the position of the
main predicate of the sentence, whereas the head predicate of the non-
focused part also takes the form characteristic of relative clauses (see sec-
tion 4).
2. Constituent questions and argument-focus structures
Constituent questions are used “to inquire which values (if any) instantiate
the variables of an open proposition” (Siemund 2001). Their meaning in-
cludes (a) an open proposition, i.e. an expression with at least one free
variable, and (b) this variable placed under the scope of an interrogative
operator, cf. (2):
(2) Who came? Q(x) [x came]
This variable, expressed by the question phrase, is often treated as an ana-

logue of the focused part of declarative sentences and frequently referred
to as question focus.
Extending the analogy to the rest of the question evokes the idea that its
open proposition is somewhat parallel to the presupposed part of a declara-
tive, cf. Lambrecht (1994: 282): “the use of an information question is
appropriate only if the open proposition resulting from removal of the
question expression... from the sentence is pragmatically presupposed in
the discourse”. More than that, we tend to expect that the open proposition
of a constituent question is semantically presupposed: when uttering a
question, the speaker believes its open proposition to be a true statement.
In (2), the speaker believes that the statement somebody came is true.
This approach presents constituent questions as parallel to argument-
focus structures: both are viewed as a combination of a presupposed propo-
sition (true or at least taken for granted) and a focused constituent, whose
identity is either claimed or questioned:
(3) a. Who came? [x came] + (x = ?)

b. It is John who came. [x came] + (x = John)
Constituent questions and argument-focus constructions 315
The analogy of argument-focus structures and constituent questions is em-

phasized, or even grammaticalized in some languages, where the syntactic
structure of constituent questions is frequently or obligatorily parallel to
that of argument-focus structures (see Drubig and Schaffar 2001). The well
known example of such similarity can be found in French where constitu-
ent questions are frequently structured as cleft constructions, cf. example 4
(title of a song by Joe Dassin):
(4) Qu’est-ce que j’ai pu faire hier soir?
However, the idea that the open proposition of a constituent question is

pragmatically and semantically presupposed is not generally true. In par-
ticular, there are numerous constituent questions that easily allow negative
answers: if the corresponding open proposition were presupposed, such
answers would not be appropriate. A sentence like Who wants coffee? 1
differs from Who brewed this coffee? in that answering Nobody would be
absolutely normal in the first case, but strange in the second one. The open
proposition of the second question x brewed this coffee is strongly presup-
posed to be true, but the proposition of the first example, i. e. x wants cof-
fee, has no presupposed truth value.
Though the similarity between (part of) constituent questions and argu-
ment-focus sentences is semantic, the structural parallelism between these
sentence types is frequent, but far from being universal.
In this connection, it would be useful to check how often and to what
degree the syntactic structure of constituent questions parallels that of de-
claratives with analogous information structure. A priori I would expect
that parallelism should be observed in the languages that explicitly and
consistently – obligatorily or at least very frequently (like French) – mark
the focused part of the sentence. This paper makes some steps in this direc-
tion taking the data of some North-Caucasian languages. In section 3, two
types of oppositions between different interrogation strategies are intro-
duced. In section 4, constituent questions of Adyghe are discussed in more
detail. The last section summarizes the observations made.
I express my sincerest gratitude to the colleagues who helped me in
providing data; first of all to Timur Majsak and Solmaz Merdanova (Agul),
to Yakov Testelets (Avar) as well as to Yury Lander who is always very
helpful in our joint work on Adyghe; I am also indebted to Johannes
Helmbrecht for careful reviewing and insightful comments.
316 Nina Sumbatova
3. Constituent questions and argument-focus structures
3.1. Avar: constituent questions as argument-focus structures
As mentioned in the previous section, many languages emphasize or even

grammaticalize the analogy of argument-focus structures and constituent
questions. In the North-Caucasian language group, this is the case of the
Avar-Andi languages.
The simplest example is Avar. In most declarative sentences the predi-
cate is part of the focus; in this case it is expressed by a finite form in Avar
and cannot be expressed by a participle. If the predicate is out of focus
(which is the case in argument-focus sentences), it must take the form of a
participle. The same is observed in constituent questions: the predicate is
expressed by a participle, cf. the following sentences (Kazenin 1997: 38–
40):
(5) a. was-as mašina tunk-ana / *tunk-ara-b

boy-ERG car:ABS break-AOR / break-ATR-N
‘The boy broke the car.’
b. was-as-χa mašina tunk-ara-b / *tunk-ana
boy-ERG-FOC car:ABS break-ATR-N / break-AOR
‘It was the boy who broke the car.’
c. λi-λa mašina tunk-ara-b / *tunk-ana
who:ERG car:ABS break-ATR-N / break-AOR
‘It was the boy who broke the car.’
In argument-focus sentences, the focused phrase is marked by the particle

(in 5b, –χa); in constituent questions, the question word is not additionally
marked. This strategy, which places the question word in the focus posi-
tion, this is the only way of asking a constituent question in Avar.
3.1. Dargwa: two types of constituent questions
However, even the languages that consistently mark the focused phrase in
declarative utterances do not always present them as argument-focus struc-
tures. In Dargwa, e.g., the focus-marking particles, which normally follow
the focused phrase, may attach either to the question phrase (6) or to the
main verb of the question (7). Both examples are from the Icari dialect of
Dargwa (cf. Sumbatova and Mutalov 2003: 38; 135).
(6) čina-b-ni di-la qati ?

where-N-Q I-GEN cap
‘Where is my cap?’
(7) murti duχ:u d-ir-an-ti-da-n nuš:a ?

when sensible 1/2PL-become:IMPF-OBG-ATR.PL-Q we
‘When shall we become sensible?’
So, Dargwa has two strategies of asking constituent questions: one parallel
to argument-focus structures (below it is labelled as focusing strategy; (ex-
ample 6) and one parallel to predicate-focus declarative sentences (non-
focusing, or neutral strategy; example 7). I have no representative statis-
tics, but the texts from Akusha Dargwa (cf. van den Berg 2001), Kubachi
Dargwa (cf. Magometov 1963), as well as my own field data from the Icari,
Kunki and Amux dialects create an impression that the non-focusing strat-
egy is much more frequent. However, we do not know by now if Dargwa
makes any functional difference between the two question-asking strategies
described in this section.
3.2. Agul: semantic opposition of question-asking strategies2
Like Dargwa, many languages have more than one strategy asking a con-
stituent question. Below I shall try to show that some of them use opposi-
tions of these strategies to encode functional differences of different ques-
tion types.
For example, this is the case in Agul (Lezgian, Nakh-Daghestanian).
The way of marking focus in Agul is similar to Dargwa: the focused phrase
is accompanied by the copula, which plays the role of the focus marker; the
non-focused predicate takes a participial (attributive) form, cf. (example
from Majsak, Merdanova 2002):
(8) а. ča-f-as Hüni gul.u-ne dar.a-¿

we-APUD-ELAT cow lose.PFV-PF forest-INTER
‘We lost a cow in the forest.’
318 Nina Sumbatova
b. Hüni e ča-f-as gul.u-f dar.a-¿

cow COP we-APUD-ELAT lose.PFV-ATR forest-INTER
‘What we lost in the forest was a cow.’
Agul has two possibilities of constructing a constituent question: in the

first case, interrogativity is marked by a question word only (sentence 9a);
in the second case, the question phrase is marked as the sentence focus: it
is accompanied by the copula, whereas the main predicate of the sentence
takes the form of a participle (9b, 10). The argument-focus structure is
used when the speaker wants to stress the fact that the open proposition is
true and that he/she has already known it:
(9) a. fi lix.a-a ge-wur.i ?

what build.IMPF-PRS that-PL:ERG
‘What are they building?’
b. fi e ge-wur.i lix.a-je-f ?
what COP that-PL:ERG build.IMPF-PTCP2-NM
‘What (what exactly) are they building?’
(10) ha-mi-daHan gaf-ar fi-t:.i-÷ e

EMPH.DEM-this-so.much word-PL what-NM-INES COP
čun lik’.a-je-f ze ?
you.PL write.IMPF-PTCP2-NM my
‘Where (lit. ‘in what thing’) are you recording such a lot of my
words?’ [about audio-recording of texts]
As in Dargwa, the non-focusing strategy in Agul seems to be less marked

and more frequently used.
3.3. Abkhaz: syntactic opposition of question-asking strategies
Like other West-Caucasian languages, Abkhaz is a polysynthetic language

with multiple prefixes in the predicate cross-referencing its basic argu-
ments. Abkhaz has several strategies for asking a constituent question
(Hewitt 1989, Chirikba 2003). Unlike all the language mentioned above,
the structure of a constituent question in Abkhaz depends on the syntactic
role of the questioned constituent. If we simplify somewhat, we can say
that questions asking for argument NPs are different from questions asking
for adverbials.
The verbs in Abkhaz clearly oppose finite and non-finite forms, and this
opposition is differently marked in two groups of tenses (Hewitt 1989:
199–204): the first group of tenses (Present, Aorist, Future I and II, Per-
fect) expresses non-finiteness by the absence of the finite morpheme; the
second group (Imperfect, Past Indefinite, Conditional I and II and Pluper-
fect) marks non-finite forms by the suffix -z.
Constituent questions asking for an argument NP differ from corre-
sponding declarative in three aspects: first, the questioned NP is substituted
by the interrogative morpheme -da (human) or -y/-zə-y (non-human), which
is added to the right edge of the verbal complex (see examples 11–13 be-
low); second, constituent questions always use non-finite, and, more than
that, relative forms of the main predicate: if the verb form belongs to the
second group of tenses, the interrogative marker is followed by the non-
finite marker; third, the syntactic role of the questioned constituent is sig-
nalled by the position of the relative prefix3: it is placed in the position of
the personal prefix corresponding to the relativized argument, cf. examples
(11)–(14) (Hewitt 1989: 10–15; glosses are mine):
(11) y-aa-da ?
REL-come-Q(HUM)
‘Who came?’
(12) yə-z-fa-c˚a-x’a-da-z ?
3SG-REL-eat-too.much-PF-Q(HUM)-NFIN
‘Who had already eaten too much?’
(13) yə-co-zə-z ?
REL-go-Q(NHUM)-NFIN
‘What was going?’
In (11) and (13), the relative prefix is in the leftmost position of the verb
form – this is the position of the prefix cross-referencing the S/O argument.
In (12), the prefix corresponds to the transitive agent and is placed on the
right of the S/O prefix.
An alternative possibility for questions asking for an argument NP is a
relative form of the verb and an interrogative pronoun (instead of the inter-
rogative morpheme)4:
320 Nina Sumbatova
(14) y-aa-z darban ?

REL-come-NFIN who
‘Who came?’
As in the East-Caucasian languages mentioned above, asking a constituent

question in Abkhaz in certain cases implies relativization of its open
proposition. These questions can be analysed as pseudocleft constructions
where the position of the focus constituted is occupied by a question parti-
cle or question word: e.g., sentences (11) and (14) consist of a relative verb
form (meaning ‘the one who came’) and the interrogative morpheme or
question word pointing at the questioned constituent (‘who?’).
The situation is very different with temporal, locative and manner ad-
verbials. In this case, the interrogative morpheme -ba- (-pa-) is inserted in
the verbal complex immediately after the derivational morpheme introduc-
ing the corresponding adverbial. The verb takes the non-finite form of the
appropriate tense, in the first group of tenses the interrogative suffix -y is
added:
(15) a. d-an-ba-co-w ?
3SG.H-TEMP-Q-go-NFIN
‘When was he going?’
b. d-a-ba-ca-x’o-w ?
3SG.H-LOC-Q-go-PF-NFIN
‘Where has he already gone?’
c. də-ş-pa-ca-rə-y ?
3SG.H-MOD-Q-go-FUT1-Q
‘How will he go then?’
All strategies of asking constituent questions in Abkhaz imply that the verb
takes a non-finite form. However, questions to NPs also imply relativiza-
tion of the open proposition; syntactically, they are pseudocleft construc-
tions with an interrogative particle or question word in focus. Questions to
adverbials express interrogativity within the verbal complex, which looks
like an extreme variant of an in situ question.
4. Constituent questions in Adyghe 5
Like many East-Caucasian languages, Adyghe (West-Caucasian) is very

consistent in marking the focus of the sentence. In Adyghe, the focused
phrase is placed in the position of the main predicate of the sentence, the
open proposition being relativized and taking the position of its absolutive
argument. E.g., in (16a), the NP (my) neighbour is the absolutive argument
of the verb ‘came’; in (16b), (my) neighbour is the main predicate of the
sentence and the headless relative ‘one who came’ is its absolutive argu-
ment.
(16) a. s-jə-ʁ˳əneʁ˳ / ʁ˳əneʁ˳ə-r qe-ḳ˳a-ʁ

1SG-POSS-neighbour / neighbour-ABS DIR-go-PST
‘My neighbour / the neighbour came.’
b. s-jə-ʁ˳əneʁ˳ / ʁ˳əneʁ˳ qe-ḳ˳a-ʁe-r
1SG-POSS-neighbour / neighbour DIR-go-PST-ABS
‘It is my neighbour (a neighbour) who came.’
The word order in Adyghe is free; the distribution of basic syntactic roles
in (16) can be seen from case marking: the phrase marked by the absolutive
morpheme is an argument6; the predicate is either unmarked (as in 16a and
16b) or bears some of the sentential markers, which can only be attached to
the main predicate and are therefore used to identify it (sentential negation
marker -ep, interrogative particle -a, the particle -ba ‘but’).
Like Dargwa, Agul and Abkhaz, Adyghe has more than one strategy of
constructing a constituent question (cf. Zekox 2002). The focusing strategy
presents the questioned constituent as the sentence focus. In this case, the
question phrase takes the position of the main syntactic predicate of the
sentence:
(17) xet(-a) qe-ḳ˳a-ʁe-r ?

who(-Q) DIR-go-PST-ABS
‘Who came?’ (lit. ‘Who is the one who came?’)
The verb is relativized and accompanied by the absolutive marker -r, which
means that it takes the position of the absolutive argument. In constituent
questions of this type, the interrogative particle -a is optional; if present, it
always accompanies the question phrase, as in (17), which also marks it as
322 Nina Sumbatova
the main predicate. Fronting of the question phrase is optional; its linear
position is as free as the position of the predicate in a declarative.
A different, non-focusing, strategy leaves the question phrase in situ;
the syntactic predicate of the sentence encodes the main predicate of the
open proposition, the interrogative particle -a attaches to the predicate.
These questions are structured as if the main predicate of the open proposi-
tion were focused:
(18) səd b-ʁe-hazərə-n-ew wə-faj-a ?

what 2SG-CAUS-be.ready-POT-ADV 2SG-want-Q
‘What do you want to cook?’
Unlike Dargwa and Agul, the focusing strategy in Adyghe seems to be less
marked: when translating questions, the informants frequently produce it as
the first or the only option; in the most detailed grammar of Adyghe (Ro-
gava and Kerasheva 1966), the syntax of questions is not described, but
most examples of interrogative sentences are those using the focusing strat-
egy; the same tendency can be observed in the corpus of oral texts recorded
in the RGGU field trips in 2003–2006.
The choice between the two strategies in Adyghe is influenced by sev-
eral factors. In some cases, the opposition of the two strategies is similar to
what Majsak and Merdanova observed in Agul: constituent questions pre-
supposing that their open propositions are true tend to choose the focusing
strategy; the non-focusing strategy is preferred when the speaker wants to
show that he/she does not know whether the open proposition is true:
(19) a. murat təde ḳ˳a-ʁ-a ?

Murat where go-PST-Q
‘Where did Murat go?’ (the speaker is not sure whether Murat
really has gone; ≈ ‘Did Murat go?’ + ‘If yes, where?’)
b. təd-a mwərat zə-de-ḳ˳a-ʁe-r ?
where-Q Murat REL-LOC-go-PST-ABS
‘Where did Murat go?’
More than that, the non-focusing strategy often implies that the speaker
believes the open proposition to be false, as in (20b). In (20a), the speaker
presupposes that something has really happened, in (20b) he rather wants
to convince the hearer that nothing serious has happened.
(20) a. ssəd-a qe-χ˳ə-ʁe-r ?

what-Q DIR-become-PST-ABS
‘What happened?’
b. dwənajə-r q˳əte-ž’ə-ʁ-a ŝəw,
world-ABS break-RFC-PST-Q PCL
səd qe-χ˳ə-ʁ-a ?
what DIR-become-PST-Q
‘It’s not the end of the world, is it? What happened?’
Another factor influencing the choice of the question asking strategy is

the syntactic position of the questioned constituent. In this respect, Adyghe
is to a certain degree similar to Abkhaz. If the question phrase is a core
argument of the predicate, the non-focusing strategy is obviously marginal
and only used to stress the fact that the truth value of the open proposition
is not known to the speaker (as shown above). However, the non-
relativising strategy is frequent or even preferable if the question phrase is
an adverbial, especially if this is an adverbial that typically belongs to the
focused part of the sentence (e.g., a manner adverbial or a locative):
(21) a. xet ə-wəž wə-jə-t-a ?

who 3SG-after 2SG-LOC-stand-Q
b. xet-a zə-wəž wə-jə-t-ər ?
who-Q REL-after 2SG-LOC-stand-ABS
‘Who are you after in line?’ (in a queue)
(22) a. sədewəš’tew q˳aje-r a-ṣ̂ə-r-a ?

how cheese-ABS 3PL-make-DYN-Q
b. sədewəš’tew-a q˳aje-r ze-r-a-ṣ̂ə-re-r ?
how-Q cheese-ABS REL-MOD-3PL-make-DYN-ABS
‘How is cheese made?’
In both (21a) and (22a), the main predicate of the interrogative is the same
as in the corresponding declarative; the interrogativity is signalled by the
presence of a question word and the question particle, which is in this case
placed at the right edge of the predicate. In (21b) and (22b), the predicate
position is occupied by the question word, which is accompanied by the
interrogative particle. The ‘former’ predicate is relativized and placed in
the position of the absolutive argument of the question word/predicate: it is
marked by the absolutive suffix and has a relative prefix z(ə)- in the slot
corresponding to the position of the questioned constituent. The relativized
324 Nina Sumbatova
predicates in (21b) and (22b) can be literally translated as ‘the one you are
after in line’ and ‘the way of making cheese’.
The focusing strategy remains possible, but creates a strong emphasis
on the question phrase: such questions normally require a more concrete
and more detailed answer:
(23) a. tawš’tew je-ǯ’e-r-a ?

how 3SG-read-DYN-Q
‘How does he learn?’ (≈ ‘Does he learn well or badly?’)
b. tawš’tew-a ze-r-je-ǯ’e-re-r ?
how-Q REL-MOD-3SG-read-DYN-ABS
‘How does he learn?’ (1. What is his method of learning?; 2.
How exactly does he learn, what are his marks?)
There are questions whose open propositions are trivial and therefore ob-
viously true. E.g., asking a question like Where were you born? the speaker
can be sure that its open proposition ‘the hearer was born in place x’ is
true. Such trivial truths in Adyghe do not need to be emphasized: the non-
focusing strategy becomes acceptable without any additional semantics:
(24) a. təde wə-qə-š’ə-χoə-ʁ-a ?

where 2SG-DIR-LOC-become-PST-Q
b. təd-a wə-qə-z-š’ə-χoə-ʁe-r ?
where-Q 2SG-DIR-REL-LOC-become-PST-Q
‘Where were you born?’
(25) a. thapš wə-nəbž’-a ?

how.many 2SG-age-Q
b. thapš-a wə-nəbž’ə-r ?
how.many-Q 2SG-age-ABS
‘How old are you?’
It seems that the same mechanism allows the speakers to use the non-
relativizing strategy in conventional questions uttered in everyday situa-
tions:
(26) sədew wə-š’ət-a ?

how 2SG-stand-Q
‘How are you?’
5. Conclusions
The results of our brief study are not very consistent. However (keeping in
mind the fact that our data were far from being full), we can say that gen-
erally constituent questions are not encoded as argument-focus structures
(an exception is Avar).
We observed two important semantic oppositions influencing the choice
of the constituent question structure:
– questions semantically presupposing that their open proposition is a true
statement vs. questions lacking this presupposition (Agul);
– questions addressed to core arguments of the predicate vs. questions to
its adverbial modifiers (Abkhaz).
Adyghe shows a rather complicated interplay of these two and some
other factors.
The “left” member of both oppositions implies a possibility or obliga-
tion to express the open proposition of the question by a relativization.
Structurally, they are often parallel to a cleft, pseudocleft or another con-
struction used in argument-focus sentences. The “right” opposition mem-
ber shows a less marked structure characteristic of neutral (predicate-
focus) sentences.
In the first case, the explanation seems to be obvious: questions that are
semantically parallel to argument-focus declaratives, are more frequently
encoded as argument-focus structures. The second opposition can be ex-
plained by the simple idea that less frequent information structures are
encoded by more marked constructions. Focuses consisting of an adverbial
and nothing else are quite usual (especially for certain adverbial types, like
manner adverbials), which is not the case with core arguments (especially
the agent). That is why non-focusing strategies can be more usual in ques-
tions to adverbials than in questions to core arguments.
Notes
1. This example was suggested by Barbara Partee (p. c.) and discussed in Kalin-
ina, Sumbatova 2007. Lambrecht (1994: 285) gives a similar example (Who
wants a cookie?).
2. For the data of Agul I am indebted to Timur Maisak and Solmaz Merdanova.
326 Nina Sumbatova
3. The relative prefix is either y(ə)- (replaces the absolutive prefix) or z(ə)- (any
other prefix).
4. With non-human arguments, there are also two alternative possibilities: (1) a
simple non-finite (relative) form (with a special stress and prosody), like yə-
co-z ‘What was going?’, can be used and (2) the interrogative morpheme can
be placed after the non-finite marker, as in yə-co-z-zəy, with the same mean-
ing.
5. The work on Adyghe was supported by the RGNF grant 06-04-00194а. The data
have been collected in 2005–2006 in the village of Haqurinohabl (Adyghe
Republic, Russia).
6. Certain NP-types (for example, NP with a possessive prefix, like s-jə- ˳əneʁ˳
‘my neighbour’ in example 16) do not attach case markers when placed in an
argument position. The syntactic role of such an NP is, however, clear, since it
can be substituted by another NP with an overt case marker (like əneʁ˳ər
‘neighbour-ABS’).
References
Chirikba, Viacheslav
2003 Abkhaz. München/Newcastle: LINCOM Europa.
Drubig, Bernard H., and Wolfram Schaffar
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1104. Berlin/New York: Walter de Gruyter.
Hewitt, George B. (in collaboration with Z. K. Khiba)
1989 Abkhaz. London/New York: Routledge.
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2007 Clause structure and verbal forms in Nakh-Daghestanian languages.
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tions and their explanation: evidence from the languages of Dagh-
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system of the Hpjuk dialect of Agul]. Ms.
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“A lot of grammar with a good portion of lexicon”:
towards a typology of partitive and pseudo-
partitive nominal constructions
Maria Koptjevskaja-Tamm
1. Partitive and pseudo-partitive nominal constructions: Introduction
The present paper has a threefold aim. First, it aims at outlining a syn-
chronic typology of partitive and pseudo-partitive nominal constructions
across the European languages. Bulgarian examples below illustrate parti-
tive (1a, 1c) vs. pseudo-partitive (1b, 1d) nominal constructions:
(1) Bulgarian (Ljuba Veselinova p.c.)

a. čaša ot tova vino
glass from that wine
‘a glass of that wine’
b. čaša vino
glass wine
‘a glass of wine’
c. buket ot moi-te rosi
bouquet from my-DEF.PL rose:PL
‘a bouquet of my roses’
d. buket rosi
bouquet rose:PL’
‘a bouquet of roses’
The synchronic perspective is further complemented by a diachronic one,

whereby the paper suggests several grammaticalization processes for ex-
plaining the development of the different types of partitive and pseudo-
partitive constructions. Finally, the paper aims at showing the relevance of
this domain for lexical typology. This section will introduce, define and
characterize partitive and pseudo-partitive nominal constructions.
Both partitive and pseudo-partitive (for the latter term see Selkirk 1977)
nominal constructions are noun phrases involving two nominals, one of
which (čaša ‘glass’, buket ‘bouquet’) quantifies over the other one, the
“Quantified”. Quantification in the two cases proceeds in different ways. In
330 Maria Koptjevskaja-Tamm
partitive nominal constructions, hence PCs, the Quantified refers to a defi-

nite, specific, or in one or another way presupposed set of items (‘my
roses’) or to a definite, specific, or presupposed entity (‘that wine’), and
the nominal Quantifier indicates a subset or a subpart which is selected
from it. In a pseudo-partitive nominal construction (PPC) the nominal
Quantifier merely quantifies over the kind of entity indicated by the other
nominal. The difference between the two constructions is illustrated in Fig.
1 below.
Figure 1. ‘A glass of that wine’ vs. ‘a glass of wine’ (Damberg 2002: 6–7)
Bulgarian clearly distinguishes between PCs, where the Quantified is
marked with the construction marker ot ‘from, of’, and PPCs, where the
Quantifier and the Quantified are simply juxtaposed to each other. In Eng-
lish, this distinction is somewhat blurred in that both PCs and PPCs use
one and the same construction marker of, cf. a glass of that wine vs. a glass
of wine, and a bouquet of my roses vs. a bouquet of roses.
A defining property of the phenomena considered here is the nominal
nature of the Quantifier. Glass and bouquet are real nouns that share in-
flectional and syntactic behaviour with other nouns, as opposed to numer-
als (five), adjectives (few), etc. And in fact, the English examples look very
much like prototypical constructions headed by nouns – possessive NPs (a
glass of my best friend) or various other combinations of two nominals (a
map of England or a ring of gold). In Bulgarian, on the contrary, neither
PCs nor PPCs have any similarities with possessive NPs which involve the
preposition na, e.g. čaša na Ivan ‘Ivan’s glass’. The construction marker in
PCs, ot functions as a direction marker ‘from’ at a clause level or as a
marker of material attributes within noun phrases (‘a ring of gold’), while
juxtaposition of two nominals is, on the whole, mainly restricted to apposi-
tional contexts (‘my brother Ivan’). However, Bulgarian PPCs appear as
structurally quite similar to constructions with typical quantifiers, such as
numerals, that are normally juxtaposed to their complements. The cross-
linguistic variation in the internal structure of PPCs and PCs stems from
the general conflict between the origin and functions of nominal quantifiers
schematically represented in Fig. 2:
A lot of grammar with a good portion of lexicon 331
originate as function as
nouns nominal quantifiers quantifiers
Figure 2. The origin and functions of nominal quantifiers
The Bulgarian-English contrast introduces the major points of cross-
linguistic variation to be considered in this paper. I will focus on the means
used to express the relationship between the Quantifier and the Quantified
in PCs and PPCs across languages, primarily the absence vs. presence of an
explicit construction marker and, in the latter case, on its origin or other
uses. A couple of further clarifications are in place here and come immedi-
ately below. These concern, first, semantic contribution of nominal quanti-
fiers and, second, structural, or at least syntagmatical delimitation of the
Quantifier within (P)PCs.
It is often held that nominal quantifiers, in contrast to classifiers, “cre-
ate” units to be counted for those entities that either do not come in “natu-
ral units” (like mass nouns), or come in “different units” (cf. six bunches of
carrots). However, the class of quantifier nouns is semantically quite het-
erogeneous and includes, at least, the following major subtypes: conven-
tionalized measures (“a litre of milk”), abstract quantity nouns (“a number
of students”), containers (“a pail of apples”), fractions/parts (“a slice of
bread”, “the majority of the students”), quanta (“a drop of milk”), collec-
tions (“a group of students”), and forms (“a pile of sand/bricks”). “Quanti-
fication” means therefore different things for different quantifier nouns:
thus, while “litre” and “glass” create units that can be further counted, this
hardly holds for “majority”, or “amount”. Lexical semantics of quantifier
nominals and their selectional properties are to a large extent responsible
for their preferences to be used in PCs or in PPCs and for their morphosyn-
tactic behaviour (section 4).
In (1) the Quantifiers consist of one single word. However, already their
English equivalents present certain problems for the definition of (P)PCs:
what counts as the Quantifier – glass or a glass? And with numerals the
questions of constituent structure become even more complicated, cf. the
choice between [three [bottles of wine]] and [[three bottles] of wine].
There is an extensive theoretical literature dealing with the structure and
semantics of PCs and PPCs in various languages (e.g. Jackendoff 1977;
Selkirk 1977; Löbel 1986; Delsing 1993; Hoeksema ed. 1996; Vos 1999;
Kinn 2001; Ormelius 2003; Stavrou 2003). Here I will try to minimize
these complications by concentrating on the (P)PCs without numerals and,
further, by not taking any stance on how much material, in addition to their
lexical heads, is included in the Quantifiers.
The structure of the paper will be as follows. Section 2 deals with the
typology of PCs and PPCs in the languages of Europe. Section 3 is devoted
to the grammaticalization processes behind these types and to possible
connections between (P)PCs and other constructions. Section 4 outlines
several aspects of (P)PCs that make them an excellent domain for research
within lexical typology.
2. Partitive and pseudo-partitive nominal constructions in the

European languages: types and generalizations
Below I present the major types of PCs and PPCs found in the languages of
Europe, mainly following my earlier cross-linguistic study (Koptjevskaja-
Tamm 2001). The sample underlying the research is given in Table 1.
The parameter behind the classification is the absence vs. presence of
an explicit construction marker relating the Quantifier and the Quantified
and, in the latter case, its origin or other uses; hence we are dealing here
with construction-marking types. These types lie behind several generaliza-
tions, which for the time being (in the absence of a corresponding world-
wide study) will count as “Euroversals”.
Euroversal 1: PCs always involve an explicit marker (a case marker or an
adposition) associated with the Quantified.
Two or three types of markers can be distinguished here, depending on
their origin and/or on their use in other constructions:
– the Separative type: the PC marker originates and/or is used as a marker
of ‘FROM’/‘SEPARATION’ (e.g., the ablative case, cf. (1a)), and
– the Possessive type: the PC marker originates and/or is used as a posses-
sive marker (e.g., the genitive case), cf. (2) where the possessive NP and
the PC share the peculiar Albanian pattern of marking the dependent
with the syncretic genitive/dative/ablative case and introducing it with
the attributive marker that agrees with the head in gender, number and
case).
(2) Albanian (Alexander Rusakov p.c.)

a. a possessive NP
got-a e këtij
glassF-DEF.SG.NOM ATR:F.SG.NOM this
fshatar-i
peasant-GEN/DAT/ABL.INDEF.SG
‘this peasant’s glass’
b. a PC
got-a e këtij
glassF-DEF.SG.NOM ATR:F.SG.NOM this
qumësht-i
milk-GEN/DAT/ABL.INDEF.SG
‘the glass of this milk’
Table 1. The European language sample used in the present paper
Indo-European Baltic Latvian, Lithuanian

Slavonic Bulgarian, Czech, Croatian, Macedonian, Polish,
Russian, Ukrainian
Germanic Danish, Dutch, English, Faroese, German, Ice-
landic, Norwegian, Swedish, Yiddish
Celtic Irish, Scottic Gaelic, Welsh
Romance French, Italian, Portuguese, Romansch, Ruma-
nian, Spanish
Greek Modern Greek
Albanian Albanian
Armenian East Armenian
Indic Romani
Finno-Ugric Finnic Estonian, Finnish
Sami Eastern Sami, Northern Sami, Western Sami
Ugric Hungarian
Finno-Permic Komi, Mari, Mordvin, Udmurt
NE Caucasian Daghestanian Agul, Akhvakh, Avar, Bezhta, Budukh, Chama-
lin, Godoberi, Khinalug, Khvarshi, Kryz, Lak,
Lezgian, Rutul, Tabassaran, Tzahur
NW Caucasian Abkhaz
Kartvelian Georgian, Mengrelian
Isolates Basque
Afro-Asiatic Semitic Assyrian, Maltese
Altaic Turkic Turkish
The sample contains also a few languages where the PC marker both origi-
nates as a separation marker and is used as a possessive marker, e.g., de
with variants in most of the Romance languages apart from Rumanian, of
in English, van in Dutch and von in German. For these particular lan-
guages, the partitive uses seem to stem from the separative ones, but as I
am not familiar with any systematic historical research, such examples can
so far been viewed as the syncretic Separative-Possessive type.
PPCs show a greater degree of cross-linguistic diversity than PCs, oc-
curring in two major types:
– the Juxtapositional type: the Quantifier and the Quantified are juxta-
posed to each other, without any marker relating the two, cf. (1b), and
– the Explicit-marker type: a PPC involves an overt marker (a case marker
or an adposition) associated with the Quantified), cf. (3) and the English
examples in section 1.
(3) Lithuanian (Jurgis Pakerys p.c.)

stiklinė pien-o
glass milk-GEN
‘a glass of milk’
Each of the types occurs in subtypes. Thus, the Juxtapositional type is at-
tested both in case languages (i.e., in languages where nouns inflect for
case) and in caseless languages (where nouns lack case inflection). In the
majority of the sample’s case languages with the Juxtapositional type it is
the Quantified that is treated as the “morphosyntactic locus” of the con-
struction, whereby it receives the morphological case marker appropriate to
the slot filled by the whole construction. Turkish (4) is representative for
this group, as is evident from the Dative case marker on ‘milk’. A few of
the case languages in the sample show other patterns, while for caseless
languages like Swedish and Bulgarian the question of the morphological
locus in juxtapositional PPCs does not make much sense.
(4) Turkish (Kari Fraurud p.c.)

Bir bardak süt-e bir kaşık bal ekle-n-ir.
one glass milk-DAT one spoon honey add-PASS-AOR
‘To one/a glass of milk is added one/a spoon of honey.’
Most of the construction markers within the Explicit-marker type fall into
the same three categories as the PC-markers – Separative, Possessive and
Separative-Possessive – with Comitative-based markers representing an

alternative minor option in some languages (cf. section 3). Table 2 gives an
overview of the PC and PPC types with examples of languages in which
they occur.
Table 2. The types of partitive and pseudo-partitive nominal constructions with
examples of languages in which they occur
types types of PPC

of PC Juxtapositional type Explicit-Marker type
case on no case others Separative Possessive Separative-
quantified Possessive
Separative Turk. Bulg. Greek Finnish Irish
Hung. Swed. Rum.
Possessive Albanian Lith.
Russ.
Separative- Germ. French English
Possessive
Word order is an additional parameter that could in principle be used for

classifying PCs and PPCs across languages. Interestingly, in spite of the
diversity of the construction-marking types manifested by the PPCs across
languages, the data in my sample support the following generalisation:
Euroversal 2: In PPCs, the Quantifier (almost) always precedes the Quantified.
This tendency is particularly striking in the Baltic languages, where the
Quantified attaches the genitive case marker and PPCs therefore belong to
the possessive type. However, while genitive attributes normally precede
their heads, as in (5a), the Quantified follows the Quantifier, cf. (5b). This
word-order preference is relevant only for PPCs: in PCs the Quantifier can
both precede or follow the Quantified, cf. (5c).
(5) Lithuanian (Jurgis Pakerys p.c.)

a. mokytoj-o namas, auks-o žiedas
teacher-GEN house, gold-GEN ring
‘a/the teacher’s house, a/the golden ring’
b. stiklinė pien-o
glass milk-GEN
‘a glass of milk’
c. gabalėlis t-o pyrag-o/

slice this-GEN cake-GEN
t-o pyrag-o gabalėlis
this-GEN cake-GEN slice
‘a slice of this cake’
With respect to word order, PPCs provide a clear parallel to numeral con-
structions, in which the Numeral (quantifier) in the European languages
almost always precedes its complement (the quantified) (Dryer 2005) – cf.
section 4 for the discussion of Basque. The word order in PCs, on the other
hand, is not restricted in a comparable way.
Inspite of certain structural differences (primarily related to the internal
structure of the Quantified), the English PPC “a slice of bread” and the PC
“a slice of this fruit cake” share the same construction marker and belong
to the same construction-marking type. Languages differ in the extent to
which they distinguish between PCs and PPCs. The following generalisa-
tion trivially follows from the obligatory use of an overt marker in PCs
across the languages of Europe.
Euroversal 3: If a language has juxtapositional PPCs as its main PPC type,
its PPCs and PCs will belong to different construction-marking types.
In fact, the cross-linguistically preferred option in Europe consists in hav-
ing a clear formal PC/PPC distinction, with PCs of the Separative type and
PPCs of the Juxtapositional type, as in (1). Examples come from various
language families, e.g. Indo-European (Bulgarian, Greek, Armenian, Swed-
ish), Semitic (Maltese), NE Caucasian (Lezgian), Turkic (Turkish), Finno-
Ugric (Hungarian), and Basque.
Neutralisation, or severe reduction of the PC/PPC distinction is, on the
contrary, genetically restricted to certain groups of Indo-European lan-
guages. In Baltic and Slavic (apart from Bulgarian and Macedonian) PCs
and PPCs share the possessive marker, while in Romance and English the
shared marker is of the Separative-Possessive type. The PC/PPC neutralisa-
tion was also found in older Indo-European languages – Latin, Classical
Greek, Old German, where the meanings of the genitive case included
“genitivus partitivus” (covering the Quantified in both PCs and PPCs).
A few other combinations of PC and PPC types are attested in the Euro-
pean languages, e.g., PCs of the Possessive type vs. PPCs of the Juxtaposi-
tional type, cf. (2) from Albanian, or PCs of the Separative type and PPCs
of the Possessive type in Irish (buidéal bainne ‘bottle:NOM milk:GEN’ =
‘a bottle of milk’ vs. buidéal den bhainne ‘bottle:NOM from:the

milk:GEN’ = ‘a bottle of the milk’, Skerrett 1972). A few languages show
several different patterns for PCs, PPCs or for both.
Now, even in languages where PCs and PPCs belong to the same con-
struction-marking type, the two can still differ in how these types are im-
plemented. Lithuanian PCs allow a freer word order than PPCs, as (5b-c)
shows. Finnish has Separative PPCs and PCs, but whereas PPCs always
involve the partitive case (an erstwhile ablative case) on the Quantified, the
Quantified in PCs can be marked with either the Partitive or the Elative
case (for the details see Koptjevskaja-Tamm 2001), cf. PPC in (6a) and PC
in (6b). A similar picture is found in Rumanian, with its contrast between
the ablative preposition de ‘of’ (used in PPCs) and the elative preposition
din ‘from inside’ (used in PCs), cf. o bucată de prăjitură ‘a slice of cake’ =
‘a slice of a cake’ vs. o bucată din prăjitura asta bună ‘a slice from.inside
cake that good’ = ‘a slice of that good cake’ (Elisabeth Stark, Andrei
Avram p.c.).
(6) Finnish (Päivi Juvonen p.c.)

a. pala kakkua
bit:NOM cake:PART
‘a bit of cake’
b. pala tätä kakkua
bit:NOM this:PART cake:PART
pala tästä kakusta
bit:NOM this:ELAT cake:ELAT
‘a bit of this cake’
The next section discusses several diachronic processes that might be re-
sponsible for the different types of (P)PCs and for the similarities/dissimil-
arities between PCs and PPCs in one and the same language.
3. Grammaticalization
The construction-marker typology of PCs suggests two basic sources for

the construction marker in PCs: a marker of ‘FROM’/‘SEPARATION’ and a
possessive marker. The two sources agree well with two different ‘stages’
in the part-whole relations relevant for PCs. Take the example of ‘a slice of
the cake’ (schematically shown in Fig. 3 below). At first, a slice of the cake
is a part belonging to the whole – the situation often encoded by possessive

constructions, e.g. ‘the roof of the house’, ‘the middle of the street’ or ‘the
lion’s head’. At a later stage the slice gets separated from the cake.
A slice of the cake
Figure 3. The Separative vs. Possessive grammaticalization sources for ‘a slice of

the cake’
Finnish PCs with the Quantifier in the Elative case (6b) provide an interest-
ing evidence for the gradual development of the Separative type. They are
both lexically restricted (primarily to words referring to parts/fractions)
and appear most often in contexts where a part is taken away from the
whole in a way which has a clear impact on it. On the basis of these facts it
is reasonable to assume that the development of Separative PCs involves
reanalysis of sentences referring to physical separation of a part from an
object, e.g. “Give me a slice from the cake”, where both the part and the
whole are verbal dependents rather than co-constituents within one and the
same phrase (for the details cf. Koptjevskaja-Tamm 2001).
A number of facts from other languages support this assumption. Dam-
berg’s (2002) corpus-based study of Swedish (P)PCs shows a remarkable
divergence in the propensity of different nominal quantifiers to occur in
PCs vs. PPCs, exemplified in Table 3. While fractions are very frequent in
PCs (del ‘part’ appears almost exclusively in PCs), most other quantifiers
by far prefer PPCs with only rare occurrences (or even none) in PCs. This
statistics on the actual uses of (P)PCs in texts supports the assumption that
the development of PCs starts in contexts involving fraction expressions.
Some evidence for the hypothesis about the clausal sources for Separa-
tive PCs comes from Basque, which has two kinds of PCs. Possessive PCs
in (7) look like ordinary possessive NPs and have a strict “Quantified –
Quantifier” order. In Separative PCs, on the contrary, there is no strict or-
der between the Quantifier and the Quantified (8a-b) and the two can even
be separated from each other (8c). Thus, rather than being related to each
other by tight syntactic bond, both function as verbal dependents.
Table 3. Occurrence of some Swedish nominal quantifiers in PCs vs. PPCs in the
Parole-corpus at the Swedish Language Bank, 19.4 mln words (accord-
ing to Damberg 2002: 27)
PCs PPCs
tokens % tokens %
fractions: del ‘part’ 198 99 2 1
bit ‘bit’ 80 41.5 113 58.5
quanta: droppe ‘drop’ 3 11.1 24 88.9
conventionalised measures:
kilo ‘kilogramm’ 4 1.3 304 98.7
abstract quantity nouns:
mängd ‘amount’ 11 1.4 773 98.6
group nouns: grupp ‘group’ 6 0.9 696 99.1
containers: flaska ‘bottle’ 0 0 200 100
(7) Basque (Alan King p.c.), PCs of the Possessive type

tarta goxo hon-en zati bat
cake delicious this-GEN piece one
‘a piece of this good cake’
(8) Basque (Alan King p.c.), PCs of the Separative type

a. tarta goxo hon-etatik zati bat
cake delicious this-ABL piece one
b. zati bat tarta goxo hon-etatik
piece one cake delicious this-ABL
‘a piece of this good cake’
c. Zati bat eskatuko dut tarta goxo hon-etatik
piece one request.FUT AUX cake delicious this-ABL
‘I’m going to ask for a piece of this nice cake.’
A later development of Separative PCs involves, most probably, three dif-

ferent processes. These are extension from fraction expressions to a larger
class of nominal quantifiers, reanalysis of the original construction
whereby the “part” and the “whole” end up by making up one constituent
instead of being two dependents to one predicate (cf. Fig. 4), and extension
of predicates from those referring to concrete separation to others. The
story of Possessive PCs remains to be worked out.
reanalysis
he got [a slice] [from the cake] he got [a slice from the cake]
Figure 4. Reanalysis (probably) involved in the development of Separative PCs
PPCs are cross-linguistically more diverse than PCs. The cross-linguistic
preference for the Juxtapositional type is a particular challenge for gram-
maticalization-minded researchers. Europe has two different groups of
languages with such PPCs:
– In a few languages Juxtapositional PPCs are a result of a recent devel-
opment (Cont. Scandinavian, Icelandic, German, Dutch; Bulgarian, Ma-
cedonian, Greek). Juxtaposition is the final output of grammaticalization
(the loss of overt markers, cf. Lehmann 2002: 12).
– For the majority of the languages with Juxtapositional PPCs this con-
struction type seems to be old. Juxtaposition there is therefore something
that has not undergone any grammaticalization at all.
Three possible explanations for this preference are listed below.
First, the juxtapositional strategy may be due to the tendency to develop
a unified treatment of nominal and other quantifiers, in particular cardinal
numerals, which, in the vast majority of languages, are normally juxta-
posed to their complements. Various phenomena point to a gradual asso-
ciation of nominal quantifiers with typical quantifiers (recategorization),
e.g., the word order preferences (Euroversal 2), and to their gradual alien-
ation from the class of nouns (decategorization), e.g., the loss of nominal
inflectional distinctions for some nominal quantifiers in Germanic (cf.
Swedish två liter/*litrar mjölk – ‘two litre/*litre.PL milk’, and German
nach drei Glas/Gläsern Bier – ‘after three glass/glass:DAT.PL beer’).
Since numerals often develop from nominal quantifiers, possible connec-
tions and „cross-pollination“ between the two are quite intricate. Signifi-
cantly, languages in which numerals assign case to their complements (e.g.,
Finnic and most Slavic) lack juxtapositional PPCs (for a detailed discus-
sion cf. Koptjevskaja-Tamm 2001), justifying the following generalization:
Euroversal 4: If a language has juxtapositional PPCs, it will not have nu-
merals that assign case to their complements.
Now, the apparent morphosyntactic similarities between constructions with
nominal and other quantifiers do not per se explain their common prefer-
ence for juxtaposition, which calls for other explanations.
Second, in a PPC, the Quantifier and the Quantified are generally

“weakly coreferential” (Kinn 2001: 5): they are used about the same real-
world object, but categorize it in different ways. An earlier similar sugges-
tion is found in (Löbel 1986: 77–88) who views PPCs as intermediate be-
tween loose apposition (Hans, mein Onkel) and tight apposition (mein
Onkel Hans).
Finally, rather than being generally coreferential, the Quantifier and the
Quantified are coreferential on a clause level, where both are used as ver-
bal dependents: if X is taking a glass of tea, (s)he is taking both a glass and
tea. The Quantifier and the Quantified are later reanalyzed as co-
constituents.
For non-juxtapositional PPCs several grammaticalization scenarios are
possible. First, since the overt markers in PPCs generally fall into the same
categories as the PC markers and quite a number of languages show the
same construction-marker type for their PCs and PPCs, it is reasonable to
suggest that such markers have spread from PCs to PPCs. Inspite of the
semantic difference between the two constructions, there are contexts that
allow both interpretations and can therefore function as “bridging con-
texts” between the two constructions. This cake in a slice of this cake can,
for instance, refer either to a particular entity or to a particular kind of en-
tity. The bridging function is presumably carried out by fraction expres-
sions, which are naturally compatible with both contexts (cf. Table 3).
Two other grammaticalization scenarios for PPCs have been suggested
and elaborated for Swedish and Norwegian, which combine the standard
Juxtapositional option with two other more restricted ones – involving the
prepositions av ≈ ‘of’ and med ‘with’ (Delsing 1993; Ekberg 1994;
Koptjevskaja-Tamm 2001; Kinn 2001; Damberg 2002). As shown in Table
4, av occurs mainly with quanta and group nouns, followed by form and
abstract quantity nouns, while med occurs with forms, containers and
groups.
Ekberg (1994) and Kinn (2001: 121) suggest that the use of av vs. med
reflects two different metaphors for quantity, cf. Fig. 5. According to the
“material metaphor”, drops, groups and piles are “made of” entities they
quantify in the same vein as a house is made of bricks, cf. (9). According to
the “containment metaphor”, groups and piles “contain” entities they quan-
tify in the same vein as a glass contains water, cf. (10). Here, there is also
an additional initial semantic extension from containers containing some
quantity to containers full with, or measuring a certain quantity.
Table 4. Distribution of the three different PPC types in Swedish in the Parole-
corpus at the Swedish Language Bank (according to Damberg 2002:50)
quantifier type juxtaposition av ‘of’ med ‘with’ totals

conventionalized measures 100% 0% 0% 753
abstract quantity nouns 97% 2.9% 0.1% 905
containers 94.2% 0.4% 5.4% 727
fractions/parts 97.4% 2.6% 0% 153
quanta 76.1% 23.9% 0% 117
group nouns 85.4% 11.7% 2.9% 827
forms 90.6% 3% 6.4% 235
totals 93.4% 4.5% 2.1% 3717
Figure 5. The material and containment metaphors (pictures by Katarina Tamm)
(9) Swedish
Material: ett hus av rött tegel ‘a house of red bricks’
PPCs with quanta nouns: en droppe av blod ‘a drop of blood’
PPCs with group nouns: en grupp av kvinnor ‘a group of women’
PPCs with form nouns: en stapel av böcker ‘a pile of books’
(10) Swedish
Accompaniment: en vas med blommor ‘a vase with flowers’
PPCs with container quantifiers: ett helt glas med vatten ‘a whole
glass of water’
PPCs with group nouns: en grupp med flickor ‘a group of girls’
PPCs with form nouns: en stapel med böcker ‘a pile of books’
Interestingly, Norwegian, as opposed to Swedish, allows expressions for

conventionalized measures, such as ‘meter’ and ‘litre’, to occur in con-
tainment-based PPCs (Kinn 2001: 135), which means that the grammatical-
ization of such constructions in Norwegian has gone further than in Swed-

ish.
Fig. 6 summarizes the different connections between (P)PCs and other
constructions that have been dealt with in this section.
ACCOMPANIMENT MATERIAL POSSESSION
PART ‘FROM’
PPC PC SEPARATED
PART
APPOSITION QUANTIFICATION
Figure 6. PCs, PPCs and “related constructions” (arrows show grammaticalization

paths, lines show general semantic relatedness)
4. Partitive and pseudo-partitive constructions and lexical typology
As stated in section 1, the class of nominal quantifiers is semantically het-

erogeneous. Different semantic groups of nominal quantifiers do in fact
differ in their behaviour and morphosyntactic properties:
– Propensity to occur in PCs vs. PPCs: cf. Table 3 in section 3.
– Occurrence in structurally different types of (P)PCs: cf. Table 4 and the
discussion of the Scandinavian PPCs in section 3.
– Word order preferences: in Basque, PPCs with expressions for conven-
tionalized measures show the order “Quantifier – Quantified”, while
PPCs with expressions for fractions, quanta and collections have the or-
der “Quantified – Quantifier”.
Not only semantic groups of nominal quantifiers, but also individual lex-
emes can differ in their behaviour and properties, usually as as conse-
quence of their lexical semantics (understood broadly). Let us take a few
Swedish examples to illustrate restrictions on standard Juxtapositional
PPCs. First, nominal Quantifiers often show quite restricted combinability
with particular types of Quantified entities, at least in particular construc-
tions, in many cases reflecting cultural preferences. Korg ‘basket’ and plåt
‘baking-plate’ can be used as container quantifiers in such juxtapositional
PPCs as en hel korg svamp ‘a whole basket of mushrooms’ and en hel plåt
kanelbullar ‘a whole baking-plate of cinnamon buns’. However, en hel
korg böcker ‘a whole basket of books’ or en hel plåt torkad svamp ‘a
whole baking-plate of dried mushrooms’ sound strange. In addition, it is
not always predictable or clear which words will be used as quantifiers at
all, and even closely related languages can differ here. Such apparent con-
tainers as vas ‘vase’ and portmonnä ‘purse’ never appear as Quantifiers in
Juxtapositional PPCs, whereas generation ‘generation’ does, e.g., en ny
generation tonåringar ‘a new generation of teenagers’ – note that German
does not allow such uses for Generation. There is also an interesting inter-
action between possibilities to use a syntactic quantifying construction (a
PPC) and lexicalization processes, which is particularly obvious for
groups, forms and quanta. Swedish distinguishes between the compound en
vargflock and the PPC en flock vargar, ‘a pack of wolves’. The compound
designates a particular type of a collective, with its own internal organiza-
tion, while the primary function of the PPC is quantificational, to denote a
group of wolves of a certain size. On the other hand, for the compound en
sockerbit and the PPC en bit socker, which both can translate as ‘a lump of
sugar’ into English, the difference is hard to pinpoint.
All this makes PCs and PPCs a challenging object for lexical typology
understood as a search for typologically relevant features in the grammati-
cal structure of the lexicon, or as typologically significant correlations
between lexicon and grammar (Lehmann 2000; Koptjevskaja-Tamm et al.
2007).
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Index
Abkhaz, 313, 318–321, 323, 325 Balinese, 273–275, 280

ablative, 234, 236, 237, 240, 244–246, Bantu, 65
248, 249 Barai, 276
absolutive, 308, 321, 323, 326 Basque, 246, 247, 308, 333, 336–339
abstraction, 11, 12, 20 benefactive, 271–277, 279, 280, 282
adposition, 231–235, 237, 238, 241, Berber, 217
242, 244, 247, 249 Biri, 36, 38
adverb, 234, 235, 238, 239, 241–245 bisyndetic, 284–286, 293
Adyghe, 313–315, 321–326 body part, 60, 62, 63, 232, 242
agreement, 16, 25, 46, 50, 136 Bora, 132
Agul, 315, 317, 318, 321, 322, 325 Budai Rukai, 261
Akatek, 191, 214 Bulgarian, 329–334, 336, 340
Alamblak, 266, 276, 278 Bunuba, 40
Albanian, 332, 333, 335, 336 Cama, 221–223, 227, 230
alignment, 107, 109–111, 117–120, Cantonese, 264, 282
185–189, 191–199, 209, 210 case marking, 114, 187
allative, 234, 236, 237 categorial grammar, 283, 289
allomorph, 125, 129, 130, 135 Caucasian, 313, 315, 318
ambiguity, 114, 115, 117, 154 causative, 112, 113, 117
Ambrym, 35, 41 Cayuga, 152, 153
Amele, 127 Chadic, 217
Amharic, 283–290, 293–296 Chalcatongo Mixtec, 39, 43
animacy hierarchy, 107–111, 113–116 Chamorro, 85
animacy, 191, 193, 196, 209–211 Chol, 191
applicative, 273–275, 280, 281 classification, 11, 13, 17, 18
apposition, 330, 341, 343 classificatory techniques, 17
apprehension, 11–13 clause, 139, 140–143, 146
Arabic, 20, 83, 98, 100, 304 clause linkage, 139, 146, 255, 281
Arawakan, 43 clefting, 186, 209, 210
areality, 80 clitic, 257, 260–264, 279
argument hierarchy, 107, 119 coalescence, 236, 237
argument structure, 269–273, 275–277 collection, 19
Asante, 260–265, 269, 276–279, 282 completive, 187, 188
asyndetic, 284, 285, 293 complex predicates, 255, 257, 259,
Au, 29, 38 266, 267, 270, 277
Avar, 315, 316, 325 compound word, 163, 164
Awakatek, 186, 201 configurational, 171, 175–181
Azeri, 80 conjunctive, 283, 284, 289, 293, 294
348 Index
consonant, 217–228 government, 231–233, 241–243, 248

constituent question, 313–322, 325 grammatical relations, 185, 198, 208
control, 185, 186, 196, 201–209, 212 grammaticalization, 2, 231, 238, 241,
converb, 255–261, 264–271, 277–282 242, 329, 332, 337–343
coordination, 139, 146, 255, 257, 266, grammeme, 159, 160
283–296 Greek, 240, 243, 244, 247–249
cosubordination, 139, 146 Greenlandic, 86
Dahalo, 45 Guaraní, 47
Dakota, 18 Guere, 218, 225, 226
Dargwa, 313, 316–318, 321, 322 Guro, 218, 224, 225, 227
definiteness, 191, 193, 194, 196, 197, have, 73, 82–87
208, 211, 246–249 head-driven phrase structure grammar,
diachrony, 235, 240, 241 172, 182
Diegueño, 18 homophony, 31, 36–38, 235,, 239
dislocation, 178 Hopi, 151
dual, 36 Huastec, 191, 210
Dyirbal, 131, 133 humanness, 191–197, 209–211
East Futunan, 59 Hungarian, 75, 76, 237
Ega, 218, 221, 227 Hunzib, 31
empathy hierarchy, 72, 110 Iatmul, 139–147
English, 38, 58, 60–64, 128, 232, 234 Imonda, 276
ergative, 186, 188, 201, 209, 212, 301, imperative, 93, 95, 96, 98–100, 102
308 imperfective, 93, 94, 101, 102
euroversal, 332, 335, 336, 340 implosive, 217, 218, 220–228
extraction, 185, 186, 192, 194, 198– inclusivity, 38, 42, 48, 49, 50
202, 204, 209–212 incompletive, 188
feminine, 134, 135 indicative, 96, 100
finiteness, 259, 261–265, 278, 279 indicativity, 12
Finnish, 58, 237, 246–249, 337 information structure, 294, 295
focus, 313–318, 325 instrumental, 200, 276, 277, 280
formal dimension, 25 interpropositional, 140, 147, 148
French, 59– 67, 71, 152, 247, 248 interrogative, 314, 318–323, 326
functional concepts, 5, 6 intra-clausal linking, 186, 209
functional dimension, 25, 69 Italian, 153, 177
Gapapaiwa, 40 Jakaltek, 186, 201
gapping, 285–296 Japanese, 257–259, 266–282
Gbe, 218, 220, 227, 229 Jarawara, 125–127, 134, 136, 137
gender, 16, 43, 44–50, 153 juxtaposition, 330, 334–336, 340–344
generative grammar, 167–170 Kalam, 261, 262
genitive, 233–240, 243–249 Kalkatungu, 31
German, 60, 70, 71, 231, 243, 248, Kannada, 66
250, 333, 334, 336, 340 Koh, 41
gerundive, 205, 206, 212 Koiari, 29
Index 349
Korean, 107, 109, 257–259, 279 Nghwla, 221, 223, 227, 229
Kru, 7, 217, 218, 221, 225, 226 Nidrou, 225, 226
Kwa, 7, 217, 218, 220, 221, 227 non-configurational, 171, 176–178
Larike, 35, 41, 43, 49 number hierarchy, 36, 45
Latin, 2, 238, 239–242, 248 number, 16, 35, 48–50
Latvian, 77, 78 numeral, 330, 331, 336, 340, 345
Lavukaleve, 41, 44 object fronting, 108, 111, 120
left-dislocation, 186, 189–196, 200 obstruents, 218–224
lexeme, 157, 158, 160, 163 Old Indic, 234, 244
lexical typology, 329, 332–345 Önge, 96
lexical functional grammar, 172 onomasiological perspective, 3, 5
lexie, 157–164 Oromo, 46
Lezgian, 236, 237 Paamese, 262, 263, 265, 266
linguistic categories, 151, 154 Papiamentu, 83
linguistic complexity, 301–303, 305 partitive, 240, 243, 246–249, 329,
linguistic type, 301, 307, 308 332–335, 337, 343–343
linker, 256, 257, 262, 277 passive, 186, 188, 191, 195, 197, 198,
linking, 185–188, 191, 196, 197, 201, 200–208, 209, 212
204, 207–210, 213 passivization, 186, 187, 191–194, 197,
Lithuanian, 77, 79, 333–335, 337 200, 203, 204, 207–209
locative, 234, 236, 238, 244, 245, 248 patient, 270, 272–275, 277
Maltese, 83 paucal, 36
Mandan, 18 perfective, 93, 94, 98, 101
Mandarin Chinese, 58, 175, 182, 257, person hierarchy, 27
260, 276 person, 25–29, 31, 33, 38, 47–50, 127,
Mande, 217, 218, 221, 224 129, 133
Mangarayi, 42 phonological change, 126
markedness, 94, 101, 102, 131, 303 Ponca, 18
masculine, 134–136 possession, 69, 72, 77, 80, 82, 84, 194,
Mayrinax Atayal, 256 196
Mende, 217 possessive, 69, 71, 72, 87, 332, 334,
metaphor, 341, 342 336–339
Misantla Totonac, 98, 100 pragmaticity, 11–17, 20, 21
modification, 232, 241, 243, 249 preposition, 231, 233, 235–250
moneme, 157, 159 preverb, 234, 235, 241
monoclausality, 269, 270, 279 prominence hierarchy, 186, 195, 196
monosyndetic, 284–286 Punjabi, 217
Monumbo, 96 Qiang, 101
morpheme, 157–164 quantification, 329, 331
morphological categories, 152–154 quantifier, 330–343
Nama, 48, 49 Raga, 28, 35
namegiving, 11–16 raising, 291, 293, 296
Ngala, 44 reciprocal, 58, 59, 61–67
350 Index
reciprocity, 57, 65, 66 tone-consonant interaction, 217, 218,

relational noun, 19, 232 220, 224, 225
relativization, 186, 192, 198–200 topicality hierarchy, 107, 110, 111,
Retuarã, 132 119
role and reference grammar, 172, 185 topicality, 191, 194–196, 208
role hierarchy, 107, 110 topicalization, 108, 111, 112, 120
Russian, 60, 62, 77, 78, 94, 96, 153 trial, 36
Sanskrit, 125, 126, 136, 137 Tukang Besi, 99, 100
Sawu, 95 Turkish, 80, 287, 289, 294, 333, 334
semantic dimension, 25, 26 typology, 2, 167, 168, 171, 179, 283,
semanticity, 12, 14–16, 20, 21 288, 294, 302
semasiological perspective, 3, 5, 6 Tzeltal, 13
sentence, 167, 168, 171–173, 175 Tzotzil, 191, 192, 198, 199, 205, 212
separative, 332, 334, 336–340 Uma, 39
Serbo-Croatian, 236, 237 Una, 99
serial verb, 255, 259–272, 277–280 universal categories, 151, 152
serialization, 262–266, 279–282 universal grammar, 169, 170
Seselwa, 83 universals, 302
Shona, 66, 220 verb compounds, 255, 266–268
Sikka, 275–277, 280 Vietnamese, 219
Spanish, 95 volitive, 117
subjunctive, 187, 188, 192, 199, 202, Wambon, 31
204–206, 211 Warekena, 43
subordination, 116, 117, 139, 140, 146, White Hmong, 276
147, 255, 257, 259, 271 Wobe, 218, 225, 226
superordinate clause, 139, 141–143, word order, 167, 169, 171, 174, 176
146–148 word, 157–164
Swahili, 86 Wulai Atayal, 256, 272, 273
Swedish, 333, 334, 336, 338–343 Yapese, 42
syntactic functions hierarchy, 107, 110 Yidin, 308
syntax, 167–182 Yoruba, 218, 221, 223, 227, 230
syntheme, 159–164 Yowle, 218, 224, 225, 227
Tahitian, 84 Yucatec Maya, 2, 7, 84, 95, 97, 185–
Thai, 264 202, 206, 208–212
Tobelo, 154 Yuchi, 18
Tok Pisin, 65 zero, 125–137
Tondi Songway Kiini, 94, 97, 100
tone, 217–230

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Form and Function in Language Research

Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data

Form and function in language research : papers in honour of Chris-

Bibliographic information published by the Deutsche Nationalbibliothek

One of the main challenges in language research is to bring the enormous

A. Onomasiological Perspective: From Function to Form

A.1 Functional Typologies

The continuum of pragmaticity: a sketch

Weighing semantic distinctions in person forms

Spatial reciprocity: between grammar and lexis

A chapter in marginal possession:

A.2 Constraints on the Encoding of Concepts

Thoughts on (im)perfective imperatives

Animacy and argument hierarchy in conflict:

A.3 Limits of the Exponence of Functions: Zero

Zero and nothing in Jarawara

Clause linkage in a language without coordination:

B. Semasiological Perspective: From Form to Function

B.1 Establishing Categories and Relations

Once more on linguistic categories

Questions surrounding the basic notions of the word, lexie,

Linguistic typology and language theory:

Linking without grammatical relations in Yucatec:

B.2 Formal Typologies

Areal typology of tone-consonant interaction and implosives

The internal structure of adpositional phrases

On the form of complex predicates:

Conjuctive coordination in Amharic: some typological approaches

Linguistic type and complexity: some remarks

B.3 Discovering Function in the Identity of Form

Constituent questions and argument-focus constructions:

“A lot of grammar with a good portion of lexicon”: towards

1 first person DECL declarative

INT interrogative POT potential

The nineteen articles collected in this volume are presented to Christian

2. Form and function in language and linguistics

One of the main research interests in much of Christian Lehmann’s work

complexity in the linguistic sign, the arbitrariness and motivation of the

3. Typology of individual languages: Latin and Yucatec Maya

Throughout his linguistic career Christian Lehmann paid special attention

4. Methodology in typology and descriptive linguistics

This brings us to another strong focus of Christian Lehmann’s research,

a purely functional or semantic notion or a type of constructions which is

5. Endangered languages and language documentation

Long before the problem of endangerment of the majority of languages of

6. Outline of the volume

The articles collected in this volume present original research of linguists

non-prototypical uses of possessive constructions may contribute to the

introduced by Bernard Pottier in the French structuralist linguistic tradition

which is shown to be powerful enough to deal with typologically diverse

(Complete list of Christian Lehmann’s publications can be found on the website:

A.1 Functional Typologies

The following pages are to be understood as epilegomena to our three

(1) waě nùŋ wong

2. Pragmaticity vs. semanticity

– now Pragmaticity – by examining its various aspects in the sequence of

(2) ho -b'ehč' laso

(3) ho -hiht' laso

3. From high to low in pragmaticity and from low to high in

The conceptual basis of this technique must be conceived of as a process in