Treasures From Tell Basta Goddesses Off PDF

Treasures from Tell Basta:
Goddesses, Officials, and Artists in an International Age
C H R I S T I N E L I LY Q U I S T
Curator Emerita, Egyptian Art and Lila Acheson Wallace Curatorship in Egyptology
The Metropolitan Museum of Art
“The Tell Basta Treasure” is the generally used desig- shows the major pieces, and see Appendix 1, where all of
nation for the gold and silver vessels and jewelry the Tell Basta objects are catalogued by type). Nora Scott
discovered in 1906 at Tell Basta, the ancient Bubastis, published a photograph of most of the Museum’s important
in the eastern section of the Egyptian Delta. . . .Aside pieces in 1944, but scholars obtained a better idea of the
from the intrinsic interest of the treasure, it has aroused Tell Basta holdings in the Metropolitan Museum in 1959,
considerable discussion among non-Egyptologists when Simpson wrote his study of the decorated vessels in
because of the possible Asiatic origin of some of Cairo, Berlin, and New York and Curator William C. Hayes
the objects and among Egyptologists because of the included the major objects in his handbook on the Museum’s
general uncertainty which prevails as to the date of Egyptian collection.2
the treasure. Since the decorated patera from the There were two finds at Tell Basta in 1906, the first on
find is a forerunner of the “Phoenician” paterae of a September 22 and the second on October 17. Scholars, includ-
later date, the treasure has long been familiar to the ing Simpson, combined the two groups for several reasons:
classical archaeologist. The objects were reportedly from the same general location,
displayed similar object types, decoration, and technology,
W
illiam Kelly Simpson used these words in 1959 and included 19th Dynasty inscriptions from the reigns of
to introduce his comprehensive study of deco- Ramesses II (1279 – 1213 B.C.) and the female pharaoh
rated vessels from Tell Basta.1 Despite Simpson’s Tawosret (1188–1186 B.C.).3 (See the chronology, Figure 1.)
fundamental contribution, however, uncertainty has remained Although acknowledging the presence of motifs of foreign
about the date and origin of the treasure’s major items. In origin or character—as on two silver pitchers with gold animal
recent years, I have studied unpublished pieces in the Egyptian handles (which Simpson called Vessels A and B) that are
Museum in Cairo and the Metropolitan Museum. These inscribed for one Atumemtaneb (Figures 5, 6, 39, 40)—scholars
additions provide a means not only for clarifying the date judged the published Tell Basta vessels to be Egyptian.4 The
and place of the treasure’s manufacture, but also for better exception was Pierre Montet, followed by Hermann Ranke,
understanding the multicultural society in the eastern Delta who maintained that the vessels were Levantine.5
at the end of the second and beginning of the first millen- Scholars also tended to consider the Tell Basta treasure
nium B.C.—the Ramesside period in Egypt and the end of the Ramesside in date (1295 – 1070 B.C.), although here, too,
Late Bronze and the beginning of the Iron Age in the Levant. there were exceptions. Perhaps thinking of the animal han-
In 1906 the Metropolitan Museum purchased objects dles on Atumemtaneb’s jugs, Bertha Porter and Rosalind
from the first of two finds made that year at Tell Basta. In Moss dated some items to Dynasty 26 (688 – 525 B.C.).6
1920 the Museum sent its fragmentary pieces to Paris for Émile Vernier thought the more fragmentary pitcher of
restoration, and in 1930 it received three additional Tell Atumemtaneb (Figure 6) was Ptolemaic (306 – 30 B.C.), and
Basta items from the Theodore M. Davis Bequest (Figure 3 he provided no date at all for the famous “patera of Amy”
(more properly called a carinated bowl; Figure 18).7
Simpson mainly discussed the Metropolitan’s magnifi-
Metropolitan Museum Journal 47 cent repoussé bowl (Figures 3, 43), but he also introduced
© 2012 The Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York a third jug of Atumemtaneb in the Metropolitan (Vessel C)
Treasures from Tell Basta 9

C H R ON OL OG Y
00
00
00
00
0
17
15
13
11
90
70
50
30
10
10
30
B.C. A.D.
Second Intermediate Period

including the Hyksos Period
DYNASTIES 14–17 Roman Period
ca. 1700–1550 B.C. 30 B.C.– A.D. 364
New Kingdom Third Intermediate Period Ptolemaic Period Byzantine Period

DYNASTIES 18–20 DYNASTIES 21–25 306–30 B.C. A.D. 364–476
1550–1070 B.C. 1070–653 B.C.
Dynasty 18 Dynasty 21
1550–1295 B.C. 1070–945 B.C.
Psusennes I 1040–992 B.C
Dynasties 19–20
(Ramesside Period)
1295–1070 B.C. Late Period
DYNASTIES 26–30
Dynasty 19 688–343 B.C.
1295–1186 B.C.
Ramesses II 1279–1213 B.C. Dynasty 26 (Saite)
Merenptah 1213–1203 B.C. 688–525 B.C.
Seti II 1200–1194 B.C.
Siptah 1194–1188 B.C.
Tawosret 1188–1186 B.C.
Dynasty 20
1186–1070 B.C.
Ramesses III 1184–1153 B.C.
1. Dates relevant to the study and referred to a gold jar in Berlin, two gold jars in Cairo, Egyptological sources have followed Simpson’s dating, usu-
of the Tell Basta treasure and Amy’s bowl (Figures 3, 41, 7, 12, 13, 18). He argued, ally commenting on the group’s “foreign” flavor. Scholars of
on the basis of inscriptions, that these decorated vessels an “international style” attributed to the Late Bronze Age
were made late in Dynasty 19 and deposited in Tawosret’s (roughly 1600 – 1200/1000 B.C.) have referred to the trea-
reign or a bit later. Interpreting the vessels as most likely a sure variously, opening avenues for further research.11
“ritual table service” donated by the people whose names Scholars of the first-millennium B.C. Levant and Near East
appeared on them to the temple dedicated to the feline god- have explored the interchange of motifs and style in more
dess Bastet that stood in the center of the city of Bubastis, depth, particularly as they appear in later Phoenician bowls
he supported manufacture in Egypt, against Montet.8 and Assyrian and North Syrian ivories.12 In 2010 Dirk Wicke
In 1983, in a survey of the copper-alloy vessels from examined Egyptianizing Levantine work in the eleventh to
pharaonic Egypt, Ali Radwan referred to the Tell Basta ves- tenth century B.C. by studying the Amy bowl and a gold and
sels as belonging, for the most part, to a gold and silver wine silver bowl from Tanis that has similar iconography and is
service of late Dynasty 19.9 In 1982 and 2003 Kenneth dated 1040 – 992 B.C. (Figures 44, 46).
Kitchen transcribed and translated the inscriptions on six of The present study began during the complete reinstalla-
the vessels, maintaining Simpson’s dating.10 In 1990 – 91 tion of the Metropolitan Museum’s Egyptian collection
Jack Ogden focused on technical aspects of the exceptional between 1972 and 1983. During that project small, unpub-
pieces, assigning them all to the Ramesside period. General lished vessel fragments from Tell Basta were restored and
10
drawings made of them.13 These fragments revealed them-
selves to be mainly parts of strainers. Once the major
Metropolitan vessels were also drawn, it became obvious
that the character of the Tell Basta treasure as a wine service
should be investigated further.
In time, this study was expanded to include three related
vessels that appeared on the art market about 1970, a small
hoard found at Tell Basta in 1992, modern research at the
site, and unpublished material in Cairo.14 By including all
the material from the treasure as well as related finds, and
by making use of the increased awareness of interconnec-
tions between neighboring cultures fostered by excavations
in the Egyptian Delta and Nubia during the 1960s, I was
able to bring the understanding of the Tell Basta treasure to
a definitive point. Two decorated bowls from the treasure
have been discovered; scrap material has revealed the trea-
sure’s character as a hoard; two vessel owners have been
linked to standing monuments; and answers to questions of
artistic origin, style, and chronology can be seen more clearly.
This study will, in the end, be useful also to scholars work-
ing with ivories and metalwork of the first millennium B.C.
T H E C O N T E N T S O F T H E F I N D S AT
T E L L B A S TA
The First Find

The first of the finds at Tell Basta, near modern Zagazig in
Lower Egypt (see the map, Figure 2), was made on September
22, 1906. It was announced by Gaston Maspero, director-
general of the Egyptian Antiquities Service, and described
early the next year by C. C. Edgar, chief inspector of the
Antiquities Service in the Egyptian Delta.15 Neither man was
present when objects were lifted from the ground, but Edgar’s
account is more careful.16 He recalled how Tell Basta must
have appeared to the Greek historian Herodotus, who in the
fifth century B.C. described ancient houses and streets atop
mounds overlooking a low area surrounded by the water of
two-hundred-foot-wide canals. The large square red granite
temple of Bastet stood there amid tall trees, enclosed in high
walls adorned with sculptures. In 1903 workmen construct-
ing a railway across the Nile Delta to connect the cities of
Mansoura and Belbeis with Cairo had begun to remove the
mounds, and in 1906 they made the first find of precious
objects. According to Edgar, it was at a spot “west of the
temple, 160 metres from the west corner of the ruins and
100 metres from the north-westerly of the two circular
chambers in the Roman building . . . , not much higher than
[the level] of the granite ruins.” There, he said, “the tell was
being demolished by the [Egyptian State] Railways work-
men in a perpendicular section, in which one saw remains
both of houses and of burials: as we afterward learned, the 2. Sites relating to the Tell Basta treasure. Map: Pamlyn Smith

3. Major gold and silver vessels in the Metropolitan Museum from the first find at Tell Basta. Left to right, back row: cats. 18 (Vessel C), 21, 31 (bottle of Meritptah), 32, 25, 9
(repoussé bowl); front row: cats. 40, 43, 33, 39, 26, 15, 24. The Metropolitan Museum of Art, cats. 15, 33, 43: Theodore M. Davis Collection, Bequest of Theodore M. Davis,
1915; all others: Rogers Fund, 1907. Photograph: Karin L. Willis, Photograph Studio, MMA
treasure must have been discovered in the low ground level

with the railway at the foot of this perpendicular cutting.”17
From that first find the Metropolitan Museum purchased,
in Cairo, the major vessels shown in Figure 3 as well as mis-
cellaneous fragments (cats. 10–14, 17d, 17e, 19, 20, 27–30,
41, 44 – 52, 56 – 67, 84). The collector and benefactor
Theodore M. Davis also purchased objects from the treasure
in 1906: a gold strainer, a gold cone from a bowl, and part
of a silver vessel with gold trim. These eventually came to
the Metropolitan Museum and are also shown in Figure 3.
From that same find the Egyptian Museum in Cairo pur-
chased a gold lotiform goblet naming Tawosret and the two
silver jugs inscribed for the “first royal cupbearer” (or “but-
4. Lotiform goblet naming Tawosret
ler,” wbÅ nsw tpy) and “envoy to all foreign countries”
from the first find (cat. 22). Gold,
H. 3 3⁄4 in. (9.4 cm). Egyptian Museum, (wpwty nsw r ˙Å st nbt) Atumemtaneb (Figures 4 – 6).18 The
Cairo (JE 38708 and 39872, CG 53260, pitchers were worked with chasing and repoussé and
SR 1/6622). Photograph: Vernier 1927, equipped with gold animal handles. The condition and
pl. 104 exotic quality of the more complete of the two, which
5. Pitcher naming Atumemtaneb (Vessel A) from Simpson named Vessel A, immediately attracted the atten-
the first find (cat. 16). Silver with gold rim and
tion of scholars.
handle, H. 6 5⁄8 in. (16.8 cm). Egyptian Museum,
Cairo (JE 38705 and 39867, CG 53262, SR 1/6609). In 1910 the Ägyptisches Museum Berlin purchased, like-
Photograph: Scala /Art Resource, New York. See also wise in Cairo, parts of the fragmentary jug of Atumemtaneb
Figure 39. (Simpson’s Vessel B; Figure 6), a decorated gold jar, an elec-
trum situla inscribed for Tawosret, an electrum strainer, and
two fragmentary silver jars (Figures 7 – 10).
12
6. Pitcher naming Atumemtaneb (Vessel B) from the 8. Strainer and situla inscribed for Tawosret from the first find (cats. 55, 23). Electrum; strainer:
first find (cat. 17). Silver with gold handle. Body and H. 2 5⁄8 in. (6.8 cm), W. 4 1⁄4 in. (10.8 cm); situla: H. 5 1⁄8 in. (13 cm). Ägyptisches Museum und
neck fragment (cat. 17a): H. 5 3⁄8 in. (13.5 cm). Egyptian Papyrussammlung Berlin (ÄM 20104, 19736; situla now lost). On the situla, the ruler’s throne
Museum, Cairo (JE 38720 and 39868, CG 53258, names appear in cartouches topped with ostrich feathers and a disk. Olive leaves encircle the
SR 1/6623). Photograph: Edgar 1907b, pl. 44. Aurochs vessel’s rim and blue lotus sepals enclose the base.
handle (cat. 17b): H. 4 3⁄8 in. (11 cm). Ägyptisches
Museum und Papyrussammlung Berlin (ÄM 20106,
now lost). Neck fragments with goat and lion and calf
(lower left; cat. 17c): W. 2 3⁄8 and 1 3⁄8 in. (6 and 3.5 cm).
Ägyptisches Museum und Papyrussammlung Berlin
(ÄM 20107a, b). Photograph: Christine Lilyquist. Body
and neck fragments with goats, lion, and bovine (lower
right; cat. 17d, e): H. of largest fragment 17⁄8 in. (4.9 cm).
The Metropolitan Museum of Art, Rogers Fund, 1907
(07.228.219 – 22, 242). Photograph: William Barrette.
See also Figure 40.
7. Jar from the first find (cat. 38). Gold, 9. Jar from the first find (cat. 36). Silver, original H. 4 3⁄8 in. 10. Jar from the first find (cat. 37). Silver with gold rim,
H. 3 1⁄4 in. (8.4 cm). Ägyptisches Museum (11 cm). Ägyptisches Museum und Papyrussammlung H. 3 in. (7.5 cm). Ägyptisches Museum und Papyrus-
und Papyrussammlung Berlin (ÄM 21134, Berlin (ÄM 20105). Photograph: Frank Marohn, Ägyptisches sammlung Berlin (ÄM 20108). Photograph: Christine
now lost) Museum und Papyrussammlung Lilyquist

The Second Find In 1957 Labib Habachi placed the location of both
After the find of September 22 Edgar worked with his own hoards south of the kÅ -temple of Pepi I (2289 – 2255 B.C.),
staff to clear some “peculiar buildings of Roman date close and he also published blocks from a small chapel of
to the north-west end of the temple between the two tem- Amenhotep III (1390 – 1352 B.C.) south of Pepi’s temple. No
porary lines of the Railways . . . on practically the same photographs document this discovery, although whatever
level as the temple itself, which shows that that they must the location of the finds, it was not necessarily the place
have lain within the precincts.” Here, at a slightly higher where the objects were originally used at Tell Basta. The
level than the area where he understood the first group was most that can be said today is that in 1906 the site may have
found, in ground that had no traces of buildings though looked like a photograph taken early in the twentieth cen-
“still very high . . . , even the highest layer was pre-Roman,” tury (Figure 11) that was preserved among the papers of the
Edgar found a few pieces of jewelry and silver that he Egyptologist Georg Steindorff.22 Some impression of the cir-
judged unrelated to the first find.19 cumstances of the second find may also be gleaned from a
On October 17 the railway’s crew discovered a second hoard discovered at Tell Basta in 1992. Found within the
major group that was at least equal in richness to the first. enclosure wall of the goddess Bastet’s temple, ten feet
Edgar wrote that it was “in the level ground near the base underground, were a large pottery storage amphora and
of the perpendicular cutting . . . . It lay in one heap, just two travertine jars filled with items of adornment, namely,
below the surface of the ground; the lesser silver objects figurines, amulets, and pieces of gold and stone jewelry.
were at the top; the gold was found below, amid the sil- These objects have been dated from the early New Kingdom
ver bowls. . . . The spot where the second treasure lay was to the Third Intermediate Period.23
quite close to the place where the first is supposed to have The second Tell Basta find of 1906 provided much more
been found. But the two hoards must have been at least information than the first. It contained a greater number of
several metres distant from each other, for at the time when objects, most of them unknown until now. An Antiquities
the first was discovered the mound under which the sec- Service official was present at the discovery. All of the
ond lay buried had not yet been cut away. The first treasure objects went to the Egyptian Museum in Cairo, where the
must have lain a little nearer to the temple.”20 Like the spot most notable were published, albeit minimally, by Edgar
where Edgar found a few objects he considered unrelated, and Vernier.
this second location was quite empty. Except for the hoard,
he wrote, it was “remarkably bare of antiquities,” and with- Precious Objects of the Second Find
out walls or rooms. It yielded very little pottery, only a frag- At the bottom of the intact group were two fine gold jars,
11. Tell Basta in the early ment of painted New Kingdom ware and an industrial item two magnificent lapis-inlaid gold bracelets inscribed for
1900s. Note the railcar commonly referred to as a firedog (Appendix 1, cat. 86).21 Ramesses II, two pairs of gold ear studs, and gold and
right of center. Photograph: carnelian beads that may have been used with a clasp
Archives of the Oriental
Beneath this second major find were traces of burning and
Institute of the University nearby were a limestone block and a smaller stone with a (Figures 12 – 17).24 The gold jars, each with a ring handle,
of Chicago (P 64710) fragmentary inscription. are beautifully chased, the smaller one with a cat, swags,
and floral bands, the larger with floral bands, a lozenge pat-
tern, and, on the base, a lotus. The lapis bracelets are rep-
resentative of Ramesside jewelry,25 although the ducks with
backward-turned heads, the use of a large stone bezel, and
the elaborate gold decoration originated in the Near East.
Ear studs were likewise a borrowed form, but examples with
rosettes were common in Egypt by the time of Ramesses II.26
The Tell Basta studs are very like the bosses on gold earrings
inscribed for Seti II (1200 – 1194 B.C.) that were found in the
tomb of his wife and successor, Tawosret, at Thebes (KV 56,
the “Gold Tomb”).27 The minute gold granulated beads and
gold and carnelian pendants in the Tell Basta find, termed
“lotus seed vessels” by Alix Wilkinson, occur in Dynasties
18 and 19 and were popular at Palestinian sites. 28 There is
no known parallel for the long gold clasp in this second
Tell Basta hoard, but gold bar fittings pierced with holes
were found in the tomb of Tawosret.29 All of this intact gold
jewelry is of royal workmanship; perhaps it was given to the
temple treasury by a king or an official.
14
13. Three views of a small jar from the second find (cat. 34). Gold with faience inlay on the ring handle,
H. 3 in. (7.6 cm). Egyptian Museum, Cairo (JE 38707 and 39871, CG 53259, SR 1/6621). Photographs: Edgar
1907b, pl. 46
12. Large jar from the second

find (cat. 35). Gold, H. 43⁄8 in.
(11.2 cm). Egyptian Museum,
Cairo (JE 38706 and 39870, 14. Bracelets inscribed
CG 53261, SR 1/6624). Photo- for Ramesses II from
graph: Scala /Art Resource, the second find (cat. 68).
New York; Alfredo Dagli Orti / Gold inlaid with lapis
The Art Archive at Art Resource, lazuli, greatest H. 2 3⁄8 in.
New York (5.9 cm). Egyptian Museum,
Cairo (JE 38710 and
39873, CG 52575 – 76,
SR 1/6620). Photograph:
Egypt Memory
15. Ear stud from the sec-
ond find (cat. 70, see also
cat. 69). Gold, Diam. 1 3⁄4 in.
(4.5 cm). Egyptian Museum,
Cairo (JE 38712(a)– (b) and
39878(a), (b), CG 52327– 28,
SR 1/6615 – 16]. Photograph:
Ahmed Amin, Egyptian
Museum, Cairo
17. Clasp from the second find

(cat. 72). Gold, H. 3 1⁄4 in. (8.4 cm).
16. Gold beads and carnelian pendants from the second find (cat. 71). Greatest W. as strung Egyptian Museum, Cairo (JE 39876,
14 1⁄8 in. (36 cm). Egyptian Museum, Cairo (JE 38713 and 39875, CG 53184, SR 1/6611). CG 53182, SR 1/6610). Photograph:
Photograph: Edgar 1907b, pl. 52 Edgar 1907b, pl. 53

18. Bowl inscribed for Amy Mixed in with the gold items, at the bottom of the
with omega handle and deposit, were silver vessels that included the shallow bowl
cone over the omphalos
from the second find (cat. 1).
of Amy with swamp and desert scenes (Figure 18). Ogden
Silver with gold rim, handle, has noted technical similarities between the gold cone in
and cone; Diam. 6 in. the center of this bowl and the granulation of the lapis and
(15.3 cm), Diam. of cone gold bracelets (Figure 14). He advocated a Ramesside date
1 1⁄2 in. (3.8 cm). Egyptian
for the granulation, the guilloche decoration, and the
Museum, Cairo (JE 38709
and 39869, CG 53263, beaded gold tubing on Tell Basta treasure items.30
SR 1/6619). Photograph:
Edgar 1907b, pl. 48. See
also Figure 44. 20. Bowl with cloth impressions from the second find (cat. 7).
Silver, Diam. 9 1⁄2 in. (24 cm). Egyptian Museum, Cairo
(JE 39884.6, SR 1/6702). Photograph: Ahmed Amin
19. The three silver bowls

shown in Figures 20 – 22 as
they were discovered at Tell
Basta in 1906. Photograph:
Edgar 1907b, pl. 47
low-res
missing
21. Bowl with herringbone omega handle from the second 22. Base and rim of swimmers bowl from the second find (cat. 3). Silver with gold rim; Diam. of base 4 1⁄4 in.
find (cat. 2). Silver with gold rim, Diam. 6 7⁄8 – 7 1⁄8 in. (17.5 – (10.9 cm), Diam. of rim 6 3⁄8 – 6 3⁄4 in. (16.1 – 17.2 cm). Egyptian Museum, Cairo (JE 39884.2, SR 1/6698).
18.2 cm). Egyptian Museum, Cairo (JE 39884.1, SR 1/6697). Photographs: Ahmed Amin. See also Figure 47.
Photograph: Ahmed Amin
16
Seven other silver bowls were found with Amy’s bowl,
but only three of them — corroded and stacked — were pho-
tographed by Edgar in 1906 (Figure 19). When the three
were cleaned in the 1970s, they were revealed to be a
plain, undecorated bowl with a recessed base; a bowl with
a constricted neck, carinated shoulder, and herringbone
handle; and a similarly shaped bowl with a plain handle
and a base decorated with swimmers and a conical ompha-
los (Figures 20 – 22). The plain bowl (on the bottom of the
stack in Edgar’s photograph) has traces of cloth on the inside
and impressions of cloth on the outside, signs that it was
wrapped in linen when it was deposited.
The remaining four silver bowls at the bottom of the sec-
ond hoard were “of minor interest except for the specialist,”
23. Bowl with striated omega handle from the 24. Bowl with plain omega handle from the
according to Edgar. Edgar clearly saw very little of these
second find (cat. 5). Silver with gold handle, second find (cat. 6). Silver with gold handle,
vessels, however, owing to corrosion that was rectified Diam. 6 1⁄4 in. (16 cm). Egyptian Museum, Diam. 6 1⁄8 in. (15.5 cm). Egyptian Museum,
through conservation only in the 1970s. Presented here for Cairo (JE 39884.4, SR1/6700). Photograph: Cairo (JE 39884.5, SR 1/6701). Photograph:
the first time thanks to the cooperation of Egyptian col- Ahmed Amin Ahmed Amin
leagues, these objects are a plain bowl with a recessed
base, a striated handle, and an omphalos (Figure 23); a
similar bowl missing its base (Figure 24); the recessed base
of a bowl with a magnificent gold cone covering the ompha-
los (Figure 25); and a stunning decorated bowl inscribed for
the official Ameneminet (Figure 26).31 Three strainers may
also have been included in this lower group (Figure 27). The
shapes and the quality of all these vessels indicate that they
were most likely part of a temple treasury and were used in
drinking celebrations.32
25. Base of corroded bowl with a cone over the 26. Bowl naming Ameneminet with repoussé
omphalos from the second find (cat. 4). Silver friezes and a cone over the omphalos from the
with gold cone, W. 5 7⁄8 in. (15 cm), Diam. of second find (cat. 8). Silver with gold rim, cone,
cone ca. 1 5⁄8 in. (4 cm). Egyptian Museum, Cairo and spheres; Diam. 7 1⁄2 in. (19 cm), Diam. of
(JE 39884.3, SR1/6699). Photograph: Ahmed Amin cone 1 3⁄8 in. (3.6 cm). Egyptian Museum, Cairo
(JE 39884.10, SR 1/7789). Photograph: Ahmed
Amin. See also Figures 42, 90.
27. Strainers from the second find. Silver; top

(cat. 53): Diam. 4 3⁄8 in. (11 cm), bottom left (cat. 54):
L. of handle 2 3⁄8 in. (6.1 cm), bottom right (cat. 42):
4 x 4 3⁄4 in. (10 x 12 cm). Egyptian Museum, Cairo
(JE 38716 and 39880, SR 1/6694; JE 38716 and
39880, SR 1/6695; JE 38716 and 39880, SR 1/6693).
Photograph: Edgar 1907b, pl. 49

32. Earrings from the
second find (cat. 77).
Silver. Egyptian Museum,
Cairo (top: JE 39882[z],
[ac]; bottom: JE 39882[x],
[aj]). Photograph: Ahmed
Amin
28. Bangle from the second find 29. Finger rings from the second find (cat. 75). Silver,
(cat. 74). Silver. Egyptian Museum, Cairo Diam. 1⁄2 – 1 1⁄8 in. (1.2 – 2.9 cm). Egyptian Museum, Cairo
(JE 39881[i]). Photograph: Ahmed Amin (clockwise from left JE 39882[ap], [as], [aq], [ao), [ar]).
30. Stirrup ring with a lion 31. Stirrup ring with goats
from the second find (cat. 75). from the second find (cat. 75).
Silver. Egyptian Museum, Cairo Silver. Egyptian Museum, Cairo
(JE 39882[c]). Photograph: (JE 39882[a]). Photograph:
Ahmed Amin Ahmed Amin
33. Silver pendants, earrings, and toggle pins from the second find
(cat. 78). Egyptian Museum, Cairo (JE 39882[av], SR 1/7786).
Poor-Quality Silver Objects of the Second Find
What Edgar called the “lesser silver objects” at the top of the
second find — above the gold jewelry and silver vessels — 34. Silver scrap from the
were silver jewelry of strongly Near Eastern character, parts second find (cat. 78). Egyptian
Museum, Cairo (JE 39882[au],
of strainers and bowls, and scrap that suggests a metal- SR 1/7785). Photograph:
smith’s hoard. Vernier catalogued nineteen fairly complete Ahmed Amin
bangles, not in pairs; twenty-six crude finger rings; an
assortment of earrings, worn and without mates; and frag-
ments of jewelry and miscellaneous scrap (Figures 28 – 34).33
His description of the fragments was brief; they can now be
recognized as parts of bowls with gold papyrus fittings and dated by Vernier to the Ptolemaic period (306 – 30 B.C.) and
pieces of toggle pins, wire, a gold-covered wedjat eye, by Maspero even later. Edgar, Montet, and Ogden, however,
worked scrap, and dotted pendants. Missing from Vernier’s found second-millennium B.C. parallels for them, as well as
publications and only slightly mentioned by Edgar were bar for other Tell Basta forms, in Cyprus and the Levant. Further
ingots and folded ingots, some inscribed or decorated parallels may now be cited, among them the bangles found
(Figures 35 – 37).34 on the Late Bronze Age merchant ship that sank off the
The bangles (see Figure 28), which have incised cross- Turkish coast at Uluburun in about 1300 B.C.35 Although
hatching at the ends, sometimes with V-shaped lines, were such bangles could have been used as currency, gold
18
examples that were clearly arm ornaments were found at
Tell el-Ajjul, just south of Gaza.36 The finger rings (see
Figure 29) generally have Egyptian motifs: papyrus umbels
framing a wedjat eye, tilapia, a mask of the goddess Hathor,
the protector god Bes, or a uraeus. Neither the material nor
the crudeness of the rings is traditional in Egyptian adorn-
ment, however. Two signet rings have eastern Mediterranean –
Near Eastern motifs: on one (Figure 30) a dotted rosette and
a striding lion with an open mouth and a hatched body and
on the other (Figure 31) two facing caprids, or goats (with
tethers?), with a schematic rosette above each and at least 35. Large silver ingots from the second
four dots below.37 Two additional signet rings (cat. 75[b], find. Top (cat. 79): L. 5 1⁄2 in. (14 cm);
[k]) have minimal designs but are shaped much like exam- lower left (cat. 80): L. 2 3⁄4 in. (7 cm);
lower right (cat. 75). Egyptian Museum,
ples found at Syrian Ugarit.38 As for the earrings (see Cairo (JE 39883[a], [b], JE 39882[a]).
Figure 32), they exhibit Near Eastern and Aegean shapes — Photograph: Ahmed Amin 36. Small silver sheet ingots from the second find
boat, penannular, and drop — also current in Egypt during (cat. 83). Egyptian Museum, Cairo (JE 39884.9,
the Ramesside period.39 The silver scrap jewelry (Figures 33, SR 1/6705). Photograph: Ahmed Amin
34) likewise has Levantine or Cypriot parallels. The toggle
pins are Near Eastern, and the two disk pendants with
repoussé dots and incised rays, four on the larger and eight
on the smaller, are Palestinian.40
The industrial ingots among the scrap items (Figures 35,
36) were surely the property of a metalsmith. It is doubtful 37. Large decorated and
that all of the decorated and inscribed sheet silver ingots inscribed silver sheet ingots
(Figure 37) originated as vessels, given the large scale of the from the second find (cat. 83).
The fragment in the bottom
writing and decoration on several of them. The inscriptions
photograph at top right names
are particularly important; Kitchen has been able to read the Merenptah; the two bottom
effaced name of Ramesses II twice and that of his son fragments name Ramesses II.
Merenptah once.41 Egyptian Museum, Cairo
(JE 39884.9, SR 1/6705).
A date in the Ramesside period for manufacture of the
Photographs: Ahmed Amin
poor-quality silver jewelry is supported by the types of the
strainers found with it (Figure 27) and will be affirmed in
the discussion of the decorated vessels below. The date of
deposition of the second find, then, can be placed in or later
than the reign of Merenptah (1213 – 1203 B.C.).
The Second Find as a Hoard with Near Eastern Connections

Edgar wrote that the silver jewelry and scrap were “the con-
tents of a silversmith’s workshop,” and indeed, the ingots,
scrap, and unmatched jewelry parts point toward such an
identification.42 Heterogeneous groups of metal — usually
silver — are known from many sites in the Near East, how-
ever, and have been interpreted variously as temple work-
shop contents, currency, and treasury objects.43 In Egypt,
the early el-Tod treasure, buried carefully in a Middle King-
dom temple as a dedication, might plausibly be identified
as currency or booty.44 The second Tell Basta find, however,
containing valuable whole objects as well as miscellaneous
scrap, has a more haphazard aspect.45 T. G. H. James sug-
gested that much of Egypt’s silver — which is not native to
the country — came there as scrap.46 Nevertheless, to judge
by the quality, at least the inscribed and decorated ingots at

Tell Basta were worked in Egypt.47 While the poor-quality D E C O R AT E D V E S S E L S F R O M T E L L B A S TA
jewelry items could in theory have been made as temple
votives like faience pieces of jewelry that elsewhere were The decorated vessels are the most notable objects in the
dedicated in shrines for Hathor, I suggest that they were Tell Basta treasure. Made of silver and gold, they are worked
made for local residents.48 In that case, both the owners and with chasing and repoussé, have decoration and inscrip-
artisans of the rough silver pieces would have been of tions, and display a variety of forms. Even copper-alloy ves-
Levantine origin. Similar types of scrap were found within a sels with figural scenes prior to the Late Period are rare:
hoard at Tell el-Amarna in a private area of the city (in other Radwan collected only two decorated bowls and three
words, not in a temple area).49 Amarna had a mixed popula- stands among the vessels of two and a half millennia he
tion in about 1370 B.C., and in the Ramesside period, the surveyed.53 Few precious metal vessels have survived at all,
thirteenth and twelfth centuries B.C., the eastern Delta cul- even undecorated.54 The major group is from the royal
ture would have had an even greater degree of population tombs at Tanis dating to Dynasty 21 (1070 – 945 B.C.), and
diversity.50 The Amarna and Tell Basta hoards have parallels only one example from there (Figure 46) is decorated with
in bags of silver scrap found at Megiddo in modern-day scenes.55 Thus, the Tell Basta vessels in their context can tell
Israel and dated to the early part of the Iron Age, that is, a good deal about function and artistic style at the end of
starting somewhere between 1200 and 1000 B.C.51 the Late Bronze Age, in the thirteenth to twelfth century B.C.
Drawings of the decorated vessels from Tell Basta are shown
Comparison of the Two Tell Basta Finds on the same scale in Appendix 3.
It is possible that the character of the first Tell Basta find was
similar to that of the second, discovered a month later “at Vessels for Wine Service
least several meters” distant from it. The first find may also The first question to explore is function: how were these
have included scrap jewelry, based on a report from vessels used? Hayes, Simpson, and Radwan understood
Theodore M. Davis. After seeing alleged Tell Basta finds at a them to be appropriate for serving and drinking wine.
dealer’s in Cairo late in 1906, Davis wrote to Albert Lythgoe, Indeed, as Appendixes 1 and 2 demonstrate, virtually all the
curator at the Metropolitan Museum, that “the gold and sil- vessel shapes in the Tell Basta treasure match those used for
ver things are pitchers, vases, and bracelets.”52 The two finds wine service as it is depicted in tombs and temples. There
also had differences, however. They both contained similar are jugs for pouring, jars and a flask for mixing, many strain-
vessels (decorated bowls, cones, jars, and strainers), but the ers for removing sediment, bowls for receiving and drink-
first included additional vessel shapes (jug, goblet, situla, ing, and situlae and a goblet for drinking.56
bottle, flask). It also lacked finished gold jewelry, and its Wine services do not have a long history in Egypt. The
objects had inscriptions naming Tawosret rather than first complete set was found in the 18th Dynasty Theban
Ramesses II and Merenptah. Most importantly, it included tomb of Kha,57 although earlier metal stands and an ompha-
˛
the flask naming Meritptah, a “singer” (or “chantress,” šm yt) los bowl from Aniba, Nubia, were also likely used for wine.58
of Bastet (Figures 3, 48). This woman can now be identified The Aniba stands are a highly unusual form that has a paral-
with a “singer of Bastet Meritptah” in the thirteenth- lel in the tomb of Kha.59 While the Kha stand has simple
century B.C. Saqqara tomb of her husband, Ameneminet. geometric cutouts, one of the Aniba stands shows a banquet-
Several monuments have survived for that Ameneminet, ing scene where drink is served, and the other (Figure 38)
enough to be able to connect him to the Tell Basta bowl has flying ducks, papyrus, and grooms leading horses— ico-
from the second find that bears his name (Figure 26). Thus nography similar to that on the Tell Basta vesssels.60
it is now sure that the two Tell Basta finds are linked, and New Kingdom wine jugs, situlae, strainers, and bowls —
that the major objects did not come from a tomb. especially from Ramesside times — have been found
At the same time, while it will be demonstrated that the throughout the Nile Valley, although not often as complete
contents of both finds are essentially Ramesside in manu- sets. Beyond Egypt’s borders, several of the shapes have
facture, the first group — which became available through been found in Cyprus,61 but most examples come from the
dealers — had objects that are post-Ramesside, one of them Levant, a wine-growing area in antiquity. Vessels found in
with parallels in late Roman or Byzantine times. These later the southern part of the region have been catalogued by
objects are presented in Appendix 2. Whether they crept in Lilly Gershuny.62 She considers them Egyptian in origin,
from a dealer’s stock or indicate a later history for the first even if some were made locally. She catalogues twelve sets
find is unknown. Edgar stated that the second find was from tombs and two from a hoard. She has not, however,
“twenty or more metres below the Roman stratum,” and he dealt with the silver sets in Middle Bronze Age tombs at
reckoned that the first find had been at the same depth, Byblos, and generally her sets date to the Late Bronze Age
thereby concluding that all objects were Ramesside. rather than the subsequent Iron Age, beginning sometime
20
after 1200 B.C., when there are more examples.63 Most
importantly, she did not take into account the mixed popu-
lation in New Kingdom Egypt. At the very least, it can be
stated that Mediterranean immigrants in Egypt made and
drank wine, and that wine was an important part of elite
society in the Ramesside period.64
Egyptians used wine from earliest times.65 It was thought
to encourage creative and rejuvenating powers, and it was
offered, along with food, to deities in temples.66 But by the
New Kingdom wine had an even greater role, namely in com-
munal celebrations, several of which occurred in sequence
at Thebes. Late in the year came the Feast of the Valley,
where kings and the populace gathered at temples on the
east bank of the Nile before crossing to the west for com-
muning with the dead, thereby reaffirming continuity within A stone wine jar inscribed for “Osorkon,” the name used 38. Three details of an
the universe. Next came the Opening of the Year in the by four Third Intermediate Period kings between the tenth openwork stand from
Aniba. Dynasty 18, ca.
month of Thoth or creativity (celebrated throughout Egypt). and the eighth century B.C., has been connected by Ludwig 1430 B.C. Metal, H. of
This coincided with the beginning of the season of Inunda- Morenz to a festival at Tell Basta.71 The jar was found in a stand 61⁄2 in. (16.5 cm).
tion. It was followed by the Festival of Drunkenness, a feast Phoenician tomb in Spain and is inscribed with a toast that, Ägyptisches Museum –
celebrating the myth of the Distant Goddess. Finally came like the inscriptions on the jugs of Atumemtaneb from Tell Georg Steindorff – der
Universität Leipzig (4804).
the Opet Festival associated with the flooding of the land. Basta, mentions the king’s ka (kÅ ). And several scholars have
Photographs: Christine
Recently a “porch of drunkenness” was discovered by interpreted the iconography on the famous silver bowl from Lilyquist
Betsy Bryan in the Mut temple at Luxor that showed that a Agios Georgios (Golgoi), Cyprus, as a Phoenician reference
festival of drunkenness occurred there as early as the reign to a drinking festival at Bubastis similar to, or the same as,
of Hatshepsut (1473 – 1458 B.C.).67 The goddess Mut was the event Herodotus witnessed in the fifth century B.C.72
associated with Sekhmet, a goddess of pestilence; both god- Some evidence ties the greater use of wine in Egyptian
desses could, however, use their ferocity to protect people. culture to contact with the Levant and immigrants from that
Lakes were built in temple precincts as watering holes to region. Egyptian vineyards were located principally in the
tempt leonine goddesses to come in from the desert, but Delta, the point of common entry for Western Asiatics immi-
beer and wine, too, could provide temptation. In the myth grating from the eastern Mediterranean. A mid-second-
of the Destruction of Mankind, which became part of the millennium B.C. Egyptian text mentions a vineyard at the
myth of the Distant Goddess, the feline deity destroys man- Delta Hyksos capital Tell ed-Daba, and remains of a wine-
kind until she is tricked into drinking beer colored red like press have been excavated there in strata of the late Hyksos
blood. Red was the color of wine as well as the first waters period to early Dynasty 18 (ca. 1600 B.C.).73 Leonard Lesko
of inundation, and thus fertility was part of the rituals with mentions the inclusion of immigrants in the wine-making
leonine goddesses. Bryan suggests that at the Mut temple, industry in Egypt during the New Kingdom, and Dynasty 18
intoxicating drink and sexual activity helped partakers expe- tomb representations show foreigners making wine as well
rience the divinity of the goddess. Such a festival could also as receiving wine to drink.74 An 18th Dynasty wine flask and
have occurred for the feline goddess Bastet at Tell Basta, for its accompanying openwork stand decorated with caprids
a statue found there was made for a priest of Sekhmet “in all facing composite plants (“sacred trees”) name their owner as
her names.” It relates that Amenhotep III (1390– 1352 B.C.) “the Asiatic [one].”75
visited the city for a festival of Bastet.68 Beverage strainers are known from Sumerian times, and
Angela Milward Jones interpreted faience bowls of the pottery strainers have been identified in earlier second-
Ramesside period (1295 – 1070 B.C.) decorated with erotic millennium B.C. shapes of the Middle Bronze Age Levant.76
imagery as wine cups that reflect “the popular rites and cele- In contrast, the straw and strainer are not found in Egypt
brations connected with the flood . . . , a renewal of nature” at until the New Kingdom (equivalent to the Late Bronze Age,
the time of the Feast of the Valley and the New Year.69 These or the late second millennium B.C.), and the Egyptian words
small bowls share some iconography with the Tell Basta ves- for strainer appear only then.77 Wine and other drinks were
sels, and it is reasonable to suggest that fertility celebrations at being used for feasting in the Near East,78 and as Annie
Bubastis featured wine. The goddess Bastet was connected not Caubet points out, communal celebrations with drink were
only to the feline Sekhmet/Mut, but to Hathor, the eye of the both important and prevalent at Late Bronze Age Ugarit
sun god Re and inhabitant of the marshes where life began.70 (1300 – 1150 B.C.).79

Vessels A, B, and C Naming Atumemtaneb fertility, and an offering table with a lotus-draped ewer stand
It is likely that the pitchers or jugs dedicated to the royal between her and the official.
butler or cupbearer and royal envoy to all foreign countries On Vessel B (Figure 40) Atumemtaneb is shown raising
Atumemtaneb were used to pour wine in celebration of, or one hand in adoration and with the other extending a fan
devotion to, an Asiatic goddess and that with their use toward a goddess. This gesture of reverence is known else-
Atumemtaneb’s spirit was blessed. James Allen has noted where in the Ramesside period. It is normally given to the
that the “butler/cupbearer” determinative (the sign indicat- king but can be offered to a deity as well. The flabellum
ing a word’s particular meaning) on Atumemtaneb’s inscrip- signals Atumemtaneb’s title “fanbearer” (tÅy- h. w / tíy- h. w);
tions is a jug rather than the usual beer jar, perhaps a the title “royal fanbearer” was used for officials having
reference to the vessels on which the inscriptions occur.80 responsibilities outside Egypt. 83 The representation of
On the body of both Vessels A and B is a votive scene Atumemtaneb is more detailed on Vessel B than on Vessel A:
flanked by bands of inscription. On jug A (Figure 39), he wears a broad collar, a quite elaborate pleated linen
Atumemtaneb appears with a shaved head and a pleated dress, and sandals. The representation of the goddess is also
linen dress, and his hands are raised with reverence toward more detailed. She wears the uraeus, headdress, armlets,
a goddess.81 The goddess wears a plain hemmed sheath and bracelets, and ribbons befitting a queen or goddess, but her
a broad collar. Her headgear appears to be a crown like that crown and her hair bunches are hatched, and locks fall below
worn by the Egyptian goddess Neith (without projection), her crown. She carries a spear, and, like Neith, a shield.
but with three hair tufts springing from the top.82 She holds The hairstyles indicate immediately that the goddesses
39. Pitcher A naming Atu-
an ankh sign and, uniquely, a papyrus staff with a bird on both Vessels A and B are not Egyptian. The shield and
memtaneb (cat. 16), with a
detail of the scene showing perched on top of its umbel. A small lettuce plant, signifying spear could belong to either Anat or Astarte, Canaanite war
Atumemtaneb adoring a goddesses popular in Ramesside Egypt who could also be
Canaanite goddess (on the protectors. No clue comes from the small bird on the papy-
bowl opposite the handle)
rus scepter of Vessel A. Frustratingly, the personae of Anat
and a detail and drawing of
the frieze on the neck. Silver and Astarte overlap in both Ugaritic and Egyptian texts. Izak
with gold rim and handle, Cornelius, who has studied these and related Canaanite
H. 65⁄8 in. (16.8 cm). Egyptian goddesses, explains the difficulties of identifying one deity
Museum, Cairo (JE 38705 and
over the other in the Levant as well as ancient Egypt.84 He
39867, CG 53262, SR 1/6609).
Photographs: overall, see Fig- declines to identify the goddesses on the Tell Basta jugs.85
ure 5; William Barrette (scene Atumemtaneb’s Vessel C (Figure 41) lacks a worship
detail, from a reproduction scene, and the inscription encircling the neck of the jug is
in the MMA); Bernard Both- fragmentary. Nevertheless, the inscription must have been
mer (neck detail). Drawing:
Desroches-Noblecourt 1976,
similar to those on the necks of Vessels A and B. The vessel
pp. 292–93. was put together from pieces, and its restoration is unsure.
The largest fragment of the neck, attached to the handle, is
sure. The smaller fragment with an inscription, however,
would not have been placed as closely as Simpson showed
it and Kitchen translated it. The goat on it should probably
face a second goat, not a group of horses against tall papyri.
Kitchen has published the following translations of the
text flanking the scenes on Vessels A and B and on the two
fragments of Vessel C:86
22
17d
17b
17d, e
40. Pitcher B naming Atumemtaneb (cat. 17), with a detail of the scene showing Atumem-
taneb adoring a Canaanite goddess (on the bowl opposite the handle) and drawings of the
17a 17c three neck fragments in the Metropolitan (above). Silver with gold handle. Body and neck
fragment (cat. 17a): H. 5 3⁄8 in. (13.5 cm). Egyptian Museum, Cairo (JE 38720 and 39868,
CG 53258, SR 1/6623). Photograph: Edgar 1907b, pl. 44. Aurochs handle (cat. 17b):
H. 4 3⁄8 in. (11 cm). Ägyptisches Museum und Papyrussammlung Berlin (ÄM 20106, now
lost). Two neck fragments with goat and lion and calf and two with goats (cat. 17c):
W. 2 3⁄8 and 13⁄8 in. (6 and 3.5 cm). Ägyptisches Museum und Papyrussammlung, Berlin
(ÄM 20107a, b). Photograph: Christine Lilyquist. Three neck fragments, one with lion and
bovine and two with goats (cat. 17d): H. of largest fragment 17⁄8 in. (4.9 cm). Body fragments
17c with heart pattern and upper part of scene (cat. 17e): H. 11⁄8 in. (2.9 cm), W. 13⁄4 in. (4.4 cm).
The Metropolitan Museum of Art, Rogers Fund, 1907 (07.228.219 – 222, 242). Photograph:
William Barrette. See also Figure 6.
17a
41. Two views of Vessel C naming Atumemtaneb (cat. 18). Silver; H. without handle 6 1⁄4 in. (15.9 cm), Diam. of body 5 1⁄8 in. (12.9 cm). The Metropolitan Museum of Art, Rogers
Fund, 1907 (07.228.187). Photographs: Karin L. Willis, Photograph Studio, MMA. Drawings: William Schenck. The drawing in the upper right with horses renders a large frag-
ment on the neck that is attached to the handle. The drawing to the left of it reveals a fragment now attached to the jug but probably not in the correct location. The drawings
of two fragments below it have similar quality, and the hatching of the animals on all four sections has some consistency, but there are too many discrepancies in the three
smallest fragments to place them conclusively on this vessel. They are presented here for convenience. The smallest fragment originated on a vessel at the point where the neck
and body met.

Vessel A the owner of the vessel. Egyptians believed that life began
band to the left of the official: “(For) your spirit and in primeval marshes, and such subject matter appears on
your countenance, with life and prosperity! May vessels for temples and tombs throughout history (see also
you achieve a million years! (Life and prosperity) for the discussion in Appendix 4c).89 At the same time, what
the spirit of the Royal Cupbearer, Atum(em)taneb, could have been a conventional Egyptian desert scene in
justified in peace.” the upper register is a medley of images: an Aegean-style
griffin and wild animals in combat are interspersed with
to the right of the goddess: “(For) your spirit and your
Near Eastern composite plants and rosettes having cosmic
countenance, with life and happiness. May <you>
significance. Fantastic animals do appear on Predynastic
achieve everlasting in life and prosperity! for the
Egyptian slate palettes, Middle Kingdom magic knives, and
spirit of the Royal Cupbearer, Atumemtaneb,
steatite kohl pots of early Dynasty 18.90 The style and ico-
justified.”
nography of Vessel A’s friezes are Near Eastern and Aegean,
Vessel B however, and they must have mythological meaning. Some
band to the right of the goddess: “Life (to) your spirit, of this iconography appears on a gold bowl from Ugarit,
and your countenance, with life and prosperity! May where vegetation, rosettes, a bull, a lion, and heroes refer to
you achieve the million of year[s]! [for the spirit of the superhuman world.91
the] First [Royal] Cupbearer of the Lord of Both The theriomorphic handles on the three Tell Basta jugs
Lands, Atumemtaneb, justified.” (Figures 39 – 41) probably also contribute to the vessels’
meaning. On all three the rim is grasped by an animal’s
band to the left of the official: “For the spirit of the
mouth.92 The ruff on the feline indicates that it is a female;
uniquely excellent one, [truly] reliable [of disposi-
the goat and the aurochs are male.93 According to Marjan
tion . . . ]; Royal Envoy to all foreign countries, who
Mashkour, the goat’s nose ring indicates that it is domesti-
pleases his lord, [Atumemtaneb].”
cated.94 Vessel B adds horses to marsh iconography; Vessel C
upper inscription within the panel: “Royal adds a stag. In general, one may posit that all these scenes
Cupbearer.” refer to fertility and the balance of nature that supports life.
In addition, the bases of Vessels A and B both have a lotus,
lower inscription within the panel: “[of the foreign
a symbol of rebirth.
land of] Ary.”
Bowl Naming Ameneminet

Vessel C
The inscriptions and decoration on the bowl of Ameneminet
fragment with a goat: “. . . (?) you]rs, namely life and
(Figure 42), “royal scribe of correspondence of the Lord of
happine[ss(?) . . . ”
the Two Lands,” also reveal something about the vessel’s
area with horses attached to the handle: “. . . your function. The bowl is published here for the first time.95
deed; for the spirit of the uniquely excellent (one), Ameneminet’s name, “Amun in the Valley,” is a reference to
truly reliable of disposition, Royal Butler, pure of Thebes, the center for worship of the god Amun. Kitchen
hands, Atumemtaneb, justified.” translates the inscriptions on the bottom of the bowl as:96
The ka to which all of Atumemtaneb’s inscriptions refer reading right to left: “Long live your spirit, and your
is the life force the ancient Egyptians believed exists in countenance, with life and prosperity! May you
every human being from birth. Other “ka vessels” are see Him who presides in Hesret, you being kept
known: a calcite lotiform drinking goblet from the tomb of safe with [or in] a good lifespan . . . joy; for the spirit
Tutankhamun, two drinking cups in an early 18th Dynasty of the Royal Scribe Amenemone [Ameneminet],
temple inventory, three flat bowls with handles from other justified . . . ”
sites, and a situla with a handle.87 These, as well as other
reading left to right: “Long live your spirit, and your
inscribed vessels without the n k3 n phrase, were used for
countenance, may you be drunk every day, (and)
drink that could bring vitality, strength, and prosperity.88 A
may you see the Lords of Thebes; for the spirit of the
scene in the tomb of the 18th Dynasty official Rekhmire at
unique(ly) excellent one, beneficial for his lord, the
Thebes shows a servant pouring wine for guests at a funer-
Royal Scribe of Correspondence of the Lord of the
ary banquet and saying, “To thy ka, have a nice day.”
Two Lands, Amenemone, justified . . . ”
The friezes on the necks of Vessels A and B can be
expected to support the meaning of the texts on the bowls. This inscription is also of the ka type, here beginning from
In the lower register of Vessel A (see Figure 39) Nilotic an ankh sign rather than an adoration scene. Hesret is
scenes symbolize the verdant life that brings sustenance to Hermopolis in Middle Egypt, home of the titular deity Thoth,
24
42a. Repoussé bowl nam-
ing Ameneminet (cat. 8).
Silver with gold rim, cone,
and spheres; Diam. 7 1⁄2 in.
(19 cm), Diam. of cone
1 3⁄8 in. (3.6 cm). Egyptian
Museum, Cairo (JE 39884.10,
SR 1/7789). For a montage
of photographs and a rollout
drawing of the wall and
base, as well as drawings
of some unplaced framents
(lower left), see overleaf.
For the cone, see Figure 90,
middle right. Photographs:
Ahmed Amin. Drawings:
William Schenck. See also
Figure 26.
god of writing. Thebes is mentioned no doubt because The large recumbent bovine with horns may be Hathor.
Ameneminet held a position there. The inscription is note- In New Kingdom representations a standing cow in a boat
worthy for its wish that the owner be drunk every day. has been so identified by Maya Müller.97 The symbolism of
The bowl is large, about 7½ inches in diameter. It has the recumbent cow ferried by two men in a goose-headed
chased and repoussé decoration on the interior of the wall skiff on this bowl is less clear. In Old Kingdom scenes a calf
and formerly had an omphalos covered by a gold cone in is ferried as part of provisions offered to the deceased.98 In
the center of a recessed base. Here the scheme of Vessel A’s the New Kingdom, however, marsh scenes with recumbent
friezes is reversed (see drawing overleaf): the upper register calves in boats include bejeweled females in skiffs, musical
is composed of marsh and agricultural scenes, while the instruments, monkeys, nests, the god Bes, and the Semitic
lower register (now very fragmentary) shows desert animals goddess Qudshu — all symbols of the fertility and vitality
and at least five elaborate composite plants. Some of the with which Hathor was associated.99 Müller terms the
upper scenes are notable, if not unique, and will be marshy fertile world “a liminal realm between humans and
described in more detail in the discussion of style below. the greater gods.”100

42b. Montage of photographs and rollout drawing of the wall and base of the repoussé
bowl naming Ameneminet, with drawings of some unplaced fragments (at lower left)
26
43. Three views of repoussé Repoussé Bowl in the Metropolitan Museum
bowl (cat. 9) with rollout Similar in many ways to Ameneminet’s bowl is the repoussé This bowl is unique among Egyptian open vessels in hav-
drawing. Silver, Diam. 81⁄8 in.
(20.7 cm). The Metropolitan
bowl in the Metropolitan (Figure 43). A bit larger than ing decoration on the exterior rather than the interior.
Museum of Art, Rogers Ameneminet’s vessel, this bowl is not inscribed, lacks gold Therefore, its function is less easy to characterize. The for-
Fund, 1907 (07.228.20). embellishment, and has repoussé and chasing covering the mat has a parallel in the gold bowl from Ugarit that Annie
Photograph at bottom left, exterior rather than the interior. In broad terms, it has many Caubet dates to the mid-thirteenth century B.C. According
opposite: Karin L. Willis,
more scenes than other Tell Basta vessels, and the decora- to Caubet, that bowl was used for drinking, as recounted in
Photograph Studio, MMA.
Drawing: William Schenck tion is freer in its intermingling of motifs. Marsh scenes are the myth of the Semitic storm god Baal, and depicts “heroes
what remain in the two upper registers. The third register fighting mythological beasts among sacred trees.”101 Here
includes disparate scenes of desert, agriculture, and com- the scenes are derived from tomb decoration, which nor-
bat, while the innermost register illustrates husbandry and mally reflects wishes for the continuity of life.
wine making. A large open lotus, more elaborate than those
on Vessels A and B, fills the center.
28
reign of Ramesses II.103 Three additional singers — at least
two of them men — are known from Tell Basta, and singers
are even attested in the Levant. A Megiddo ivory panel fea-
tures a singer in the cult of Ptah South-of-His-Wall.104 And
Wenamun was comforted at Byblos, according to the
Dynasty 20 story, by a singer from Egypt (h. s.t n km.t) named
tÅ -n.t-nw.t (the one of Thebes).105
Radwan characterizes Amy’s vessel shape as one for
drinking. Drunkenness from wine and liqueur in a temple
44. Top and side views of Bowl of Amy setting is specifically invoked in the bowl’s inscription.106 A
bowl inscribed for Amy A third person who left an inscribed and decorated bowl at Dynasty 26 tomb relief mentions a “chantress of Neith,
(cat. 1) with drawing of
inside of bowl. Silver
Tell Basta that provides clues to vessel function was the Mistress of Sais” in a scene where two women gather grapes,
with gold rim; Diam. 6 in. “singer [or chantress] of Neith, Amy” (Figure 44). The the fruit from which wine was made.107 Unfortunately, no
(15.3 cm), Diam. of cone inscription runs around the outer edge of her bowl, and other mention of Neith has been found at Tell Basta, accord-
1 1⁄2 in. (3.8 cm). Egyptian Kitchen has translated it as follows: ing to Eva Lange, although there is slight evidence of an
Museum, Cairo (JE 38709
association between Neith and Bastet in a later period.108 In
and 39869, CG 53263, (For) your spirit and your (f.) countenance! One uses
SR 1/6619). Photograph: fact, there is little evidence in Egypt for Neith’s cult during
up (?) the years, abiding, spending the days(?). May
Edgar 1907b, pl. 48. the New Kingdom, but the goddess is attested during the
Drawing: William Schenck. your (f.) lifespan be doubled in health and life, may
Ramesside period and her historical cult center was at Sais,
See also Figures 18 and 90, your (f.) step be extended as the morning comes(?),
northwest of Tell Basta.109 Furthermore, as Radwan has
lower right. may there arise for you (f.) favour and wealth, in
pointed out, Neith — whose attribute as goddess of war and
provision and food, may you be drunk with wine
hunting was a shield with crossed arrows —has parallels
and pomegranate brew in the open court of Neith,
with Anat and Astarte.110
O lady of the house, Chantress of Neith, íAmy (or
˛ The decorative friezes on Amy’s bowl match the scheme
šm yt), justified!102
on Atumemtaneb’s: depictions of desert and mythical sym-
˛
Amy’s title (šm yt) indicates that she performed in daily bols on the outer band and swamp on the inner. As on
temple rituals and at occasional festivals and funerary rites. Atumemtaneb’s jug, the desert scene includes fantastic
According to Suzanne Onstine, many individuals with this creatures — here female sphinxes with characteristics more
title are known from the Ramesside period, when society foreign than Egyptian: wild hair, upswung wings, and
was more pious; in particular, they were common in the teats.111 While an 18th Dynasty bronze bowl from the tomb
30
45. Bowl from the
tomb of Hatiay, western
Thebes. Dynasty 18, ca.
1340 B.C. Bronze, Diam.
73 ⁄8 in. (18.6 cm). Egyptian
Museum, Cairo (JE 31383).
Photograph: Bissing 1901,
p. 61; drawing of insert as in
Radwan 1983, pl. 59
of Hatiay at Thebes (Figure 45) displays rich marshland ico- Tanis in the time of Psusennes I (1040 – 992 B.C.; Figure 46),
nography of the natural world, the Ramesside swamp scene and a faience relief chalice.112 In a Saite tomb relief (688 –
on Amy’s bowl highlights human sexuality. Fish and nude 525 B.C.) a swimmer floats below the tomb owner fowling
females swim in a narrow band of water, ducks fly, and a in his skiff, a pose in itself referencing sexual prowess.113
man ferries a boat with a standing cow that I here identify I am of the opinion that “the swimmer” is the same persona
as Hathor, goddess of beauty and reproductive vitality. that appears in duck-headed skiffs, as mirror handles, and
Swimmers occur on a Ramesside ostracon, faience tiles on other types of New Kingdom luxury arts; they are nfrwt,
from a Ramesside residence at Qantir, a gold bowl from young women in the train of Hathor.114
46. Bowl from the royal

tombs at Tanis. Dynasty 21,
1040 – 992 B.C. Silver
with gold insert, Diam.
71⁄8 in. (18 cm). Egyptian
Museum, Cairo (JE 87742).
Photograph: © DeA Picture
Library /Art Resource, New
York. Drawing of insert:
William Schenck

47. Recessed base of swim- Swimmers Bowl
mers bowl with conical Like the Metropolitan repoussé bowl (Figure 43), this newly
omphalos (cat. 3), with
detail and drawing. Silver
discovered bowl in Cairo (Figure 47) lacks an inscription,
with gold omphalos; Diam. although it may originally have had one. In several ways this
of base 4 1⁄4 in. (10.9 cm), bowl is similar to Amy’s bowl. They are shaped alike and
H. 3⁄8 in. (1 cm). Egyptian have omega handles as well as gold spheres on the rim.
Museum, Cairo (JE 39884.2,
Each also has a recessed base with an omphalos and prob-
SR 1/6698). Photographs:
Ahmed Amin. Drawing: ably originally a cone.115 Both the outer and inner friezes of
William Schenck. For rim, the new bowl have swamp scenes highlighting vitality: the
see Figure 22. outer band depicts females, fish, and ducks swimming with
pleasure in a wide band of water, and the inner one shows
men and cavorting calves among papyrus. There is no cur-
rent evidence for an inscription on the swimmers bowl.
Bottle of Meritptah This formulaic inscription — which differs from the ka

This fragmentary bottle in the Metropolitan from the first type used for Atumemtaneb, Ameneminet, and Amy — is
find (Figure 48) has two votive scenes placed opposite one most often used in funerary contexts. Furthermore, the vine-
another. On one side, Meritptah (her name means “Beloved wrapped papyrus stalk behind Meritptah is a symbol of
of Ptah”) wears a pleated fringed garment and shakes a regeneration often seen in Ramesside tombs. The formula
Hathor-headed loop sistrum to quiet the cat-headed god- here, however, which normally invokes a deity to “give
dess seated before her, “Bastet, lady of Dendera.” Although life,” occurs on a later Ptolemaic votive situla found among
Dendera was the cult home of Hathor and Bastet’s home temple furnishings at Saqqara.118 And Radwan points out
was Bubastis, Bastet was worshiped at other cities and was that this “royal offering” type of text was used on objects in
associated with Hathor.116 Here she holds a papyrus scepter temple settings, namely on private statues invoking pass-
and an ankh sign toward Meritptah, who (like Amy) is iden- ersby to say the text on the owner’s behalf.119 Most impor-
tified as a chantress. Kitchen translates the text: “An offering tantly, although no parallels have been found for the shape
that the king gives (to) Bast, that she may give life, (pros) of Meritptah’s vessel, because her tomb was at Saqqara, the
perity (and) health (to) Mer-P<t>ah.”117 Tell Basta bottle must have been used in a ritual in a temple.
32
49. Vessel fragment showing Hathor and
lion cubs (cat. 33). Silver neck with gold
collar, H. 3 in. (7.7 cm). The Metropolitan
Museum of Art, Theodore M. Davis Col-
lection, Bequest of Theodore M. Davis,
1915 (30.8.370). Photograph: Karin L.
Willis, Photograph Studio, MMA
48. Bottle inscribed for Meritptah (cat. 31), with details of scenes of Meritptah shaking a
sistrum for Bastet. Silver; H. 6 1⁄8 in. (15.5 cm), H. of neck 7⁄8 in. (2.2 cm). The Metropolitan
Museum of Art, Rogers Fund, 1907 (07.228.19). Photographs: overall, Karin L. Willis,
Photograph Studio, MMA; details: William Barrette
Fragment of a Vessel with Hathor Iconography Summary of Inscriptions and Iconography

Another decorated vessel from Tell Basta, although it is frag- In essence, then, the inscriptions and much of the decora-
mentary, may offer clues to its function. The fragment is the tion of these Tell Basta vessels confirm the belief of Hayes,
upper part of a silver vessel, its neck ringed with gold Simpson, and Radwan that the vessels served in a temple
repoussé symbols (Figure 49). On each side of the neck, a or shrine. The references are to vitality and to protection
Hathor “mask” is flanked by animals — a grouping known from the major goddesses Hathor, Neith, and Bastet. Anat
since the 18th Dynasty.120 The animals so depicted are often and Astarte, either separately or together, are invoked too,
cats, but the square heads, widely spaced slightly pointed although no shrine has been located for these Semitic god-
ears, flattened snouts, spotted coats, large paws, and long desses at Tell Basta. On the other hand, Reshef, the
tails of these creatures identify them as lion cubs. Hathor Canaanite storm god of plague, is featured on several
was the eye of the sun god Re. She inhabited marshes, where Ramesside stelae there,123 and in the Late Period a list of
life began.121 She was the original Distant Goddess and, like festivals from the time of Nectanebo II (360 – 343 B.C.)
the felines Sekhmet and Mut, was connected to Bastet. shows Reshef accompanying Astarte while she rides side-
Bastet herself was represented as a lioness before she mani- saddle on horseback.124 That Anat could be worshiped by
fested as a cat. I believe that this particular vessel could have Egyptians working in Palestine is seen by a Ramesside stela
held intoxicating drink and that the symbols are a reference set up at Beth Shan in the Jordan River valley in what is
to the Distant Goddess.122 now Israel.125

T H E O W N E R S O F T H E T E L L BA S TA V E S S E L S and to goods and slaves arriving from Khor, Djahy, and
Canaan, areas of today’s Levant.136 It is accepted that the
It is clear that all of the decorated wine vessels from the Tell chancellor Bay (died 1192 B.C.), a high-ranking and influen-
Basta treasure were made for temple or festival use in Egypt tial 19th Dynasty official (he also held the title “royal butler”),
and that there are references to the Levant throughout the was of northern if not Syrian origin, and it has been suggested
treasure and especially in the silver jewelry. That all of the that the minor king Siptah (reigned 1194 – 1188 B.C.) had
identified owners had international connections as well as Syrian blood.137 It was for Siptah that Tawosret became
local responsibilities now merits further consideration. regent before she assumed kingship, and there are inscrip-
Atumemtaneb’s and Amy’s names are unknown outside the tions mentioning him as well as Astarte at Qantir.138
context of these vessels, where they are written in the The second important official at Tell Basta who must
“group writing” used in Egyptian for foreign words.126 have had Asiatic connections was the “scribe of corres-
Ameneminet’s and Meritptah’s names are Egyptian, but they pondence of the king,” Ameneminet. We do not know
could be loyalist names of the type that were adopted by Ameneminet’s origins, but unlike Atumemtaneb he is known
foreigners upon entry into Egyptian society.127 from both a large and impressive tomb at Saqqara and a
The titles inscribed on the vessels may also refer to statue now in the State Hermitage Museum, Saint Petersburg
foreigners. The majority of royal butlers (cupbearers) lived (Figures 50, 51).139 From them it is learned that the official’s
in the Ramesside period, according to Simpson.128 Often earliest titles were “attendant,” “follower of the king in for-
they were described (as on Vessel C) as “clean of hands,” an eign lands,” and “royal envoy abroad.” Later, at home, he
epithet Alan Gardiner thought would have been appropriate became “royal herald,” “scribe of correspondence of the
for the serving of royal meals. Yet the services of a royal king,” “treasury chief,” “chief of works,” and “high steward
butler went far beyond provisioning palaces. According to of the king” at the Theban funerary temple of Ramesses II.
Bettina Schmitz, these men were initially officers who He also earned the high honorific “royal fanbearer.”140 In
attended the king when he dined and made up his entou- the inscription on his tomb Ameneminet said that he was
rage when on campaign, thus earning enough trust to serve “sent in commissions in every land” and called himself
as special representatives when Egypt’s bureaucracy broke “[one] whom the king made (to) follow his way . . . , useful
down during the Ramesside period.129 At that time a high to his lord, who makes his speeches . . . , mouth of the
percentage of the royal butlers or cupbearers were of non- king . . . , [and] royal messenger bearing the breath of life,
Egyptian origin. Tombs for them have been found in the north [one] who enters into the king at any time.”141
at Saqqara, as has a tomb for an ambassador.130 Atumemtaneb’s According to Kitchen, Atumemtaneb and others with
second title, “royal envoy to all foreign countries,” has in foreign connections “were at court and quite close to the
fact been equated with the modern term “ambassador” by royalties they served. Ameneminet at least had earlier been
Hassan El-Saady.131 Although El-Saady does not include a ‘Royal Envoy to all foreign lands,’ a very high role, hence
Atumemtaneb in his tally of Ramesside officials, he gives an was also a 1st Royal Cupbearer. And in a very cosmopolitan
idea of the duties such a person might have had while trav- context. Numerous foreigners served at all levels in Egypt —
eling along the eastern Mediterranean. Likewise, Betsy and abroad, one Amenmose (of Egypt) actually served the
Bryan has characterized the cultural interchange that might kings of Carchemish.” Kitchen also notes that the Tell Basta
have occurred when a representative of Egypt had adminis- vessels “belong to the world of Pi-Ramesse, Bubastis and
trative duties in Palestine.132 In Atumemtaneb’s case, the Memphis, on a key communications route, and their links
interchange must have been extensive, as he is identified as with the Levant and far beyond.”142 Yet in his Saqqara tomb
“the Ari(ite)” on Vessel B.133 According to Kitchen, this term Ameneminet and his wife Meritptah are not dressed or posi-
signals that the official’s origin was either Arri (or Arra) in tioned as foreigners, although one representation, on the
northern Syria or possibly “the less cosmopolitan Bostra north face, does show the official with a fleshy face and
in southeast Syria, east of the Sea of Galilee.”134 a large nose, perhaps indicating that he was not a native
The heights to which Atumemtaneb rose as a foreigner — Egyptian.143 He is shown in the tomb holding a fan before
including the title “fanbearer” — are impressive but not Thoth and Anubis, just as Atumemtaneb holds one before
unknown in the Ramesside period. By that time the Egyptian a Canaanite goddess on Vessel B.144 In the same scene,
administrative capital had been moved from Memphis to Meritptah grasps a very large Hathor-headed sistrum and
Qantir (ancient Pi-Ramesse, twenty-five miles northeast of flowers. She is identified as “chantress of Bastet,” the same
Tell Basta), and the god Seth, who was identified with the title that appears on her bottle from the first Tell Basta find,
Semitic storm god Baal, had risen high in the Egyptian pan- as well as “chantress of Bastet, lady of Thebes,” a title that
theon.135 Late New Kingdom Egyptian texts refer to Semitic indicates that she performed temple ritual in the south-
deities worshiped at Memphis, to Asiatics being at ease there, ern city where her husband was charged with estates of
34
50. Tomb relief of Ameneminet at Saqqara, Egypt, 51. Statue of Ameneminet, mid-13th century B.C. Lime-
mid-13th century B.C. Photograph: Said Gohary stone, H. 341⁄4 in. (87 cm). State Hermitage Museum,
Saint Petersburg (738). Photograph: André Bolshakov
Ramesses II. Given her devotion to Bastet, it is logical that T H R E E R E L AT E D B L A C K B R O N Z E V E S S E L S

Meritptah would offer a vessel in Bastet’s home in the Delta,
whatever her own origins or wherever her home may have Another owner of a decorated vessel who had foreign con-
been. Unlike her depiction on the Metropolitan’s bottle nections and served in the cult of a goddess during the
(Figure 48), where she lacks formal accessories, here she Ramesside period was the “singer of Sekhmet, Sakawahi-
wears a fillet and a lotus on her head. In a family scene of khana,” as read by Kitchen. His name appears on a frag-
the Saqqara tomb, she wears an ointment cone and again mentary carinated bowl of black bronze inlaid with gold
holds a sistrum.145 (Figure 52).147 The bowl was offered to the Metropolitan in
The Saint Petersburg statue of Ameneminet (Figure 51) October 1970 along with a black bronze goblet and frag-
is also typically Egyptian, of good rather than excellent ments of a black bronze cup (Figures 53, 54), all three of
quality. The wig is “crinkled” in the upper part and broadly which are assumed to have come from one find. They were
curled below. The toes and sandals are detailed, and the subsequently purchased by Norbert Schimmel, and after
costume includes a shebiyu collar. The orthography of Schimmel died, the bowl and cup were given to the
the statue is undistinguished, however, the official’s neck Metropolitan.148 The Israel Museum in Jerusalem purchased
is broad and his chest flat, the skirt flounces and neckline the goblet, which is also inlaid with gold and is much more
are rendered mechanically, and the arms merge into the slender and decorated than the naturalistic white-lotus gold
offering table support. The last feature is reminiscent of goblet inscribed for Tawosret from the first Tell Basta find
the deep cutting of late Ramesside relief.146 (Figure 4). The provenance of the three vessels is not known,
It may be assumed that the anonymous owners of the although Jürgen Settgast suggested Qantir.149 Their shapes and
remaining three decorated vessels from Bubastis — the bowl decoration indicate that they belonged to a wine service.
with swimmers, the Metropolitan repoussé bowl, and the Like jugs A and B of Atumemtaneb (Figures 39, 40), the
Hathor fragment (Figures 47, 43, 49) — were also from carinated bowl, which is comparable in size to Ameneminet’s
the upper layer of society that had access to a quantity of bowl and the repoussé bowl in the Metropolitan (Figures
silver, artisans, and inventive designs. 42, 43), has a central votive scene flanked by two ka-type

52. Fragmentary carinated
bowl naming Sakawahikhana.
Black bronze inlaid with
gold, Diam. 81⁄4 in. (21.1 cm).
The Metropolitan Museum
of Art, Gift of Norbert
Schimmel Trust, 1989
(1989.281.100). Photograph:
Peter Zeray, Photograph
Studio, MMA
53. Lotiform goblet. Bronze

inlaid with gold, H. 53⁄8 in.
(13.7 cm). Israel Museum,
Jerusalem (91.71.225)
54. Fragmentary cup. Black bronze inlaid with copper, silver, and

gold, 53⁄8 x 43⁄4 in. (13.7 x 12 cm). The Metropolitan Museum of Art,
Gift of Norbert Schimmel Trust, 1989 (1989.281.99). Photograph:
William Barrette. Drawing: William Schenck
inscriptions. Opposite this votive scene are the remains of a goddess, who extends a papyriform scepter in one hand and
handle represented now only by papyriform fittings. The holds an ankh sign in the other, has atypical features. She
scene shows a kneeling man holding up a sistrum in one wears a disk with a uraeus positioned in the center rather
hand and raising the other in a gesture of adoration. Unlike than on the front edge, her arm is hatched like the frame
Atumemtaneb, whose head is shaved, this official wears a around the scene, and she sits far forward on her throne.
wig. As Erika Fischer has pointed out, his pleated costume She is identified as the Egyptian goddess Sekhmet. Kitchen
is very schematically rendered,150 and the lioness-headed translates the inscriptions as follows: 151
36
right of the panel: “[May your spirit and your coun- style (Vessel A, the Amy bowl, the repoussé bowl, and the
tenance] be sated with her (=Sekhmet’s) provisions, Ameneminet and swimmers bowls); and from the Cananan-
(and) may you achieve 110 (years) at her hands! For ite jewelry to metal scrap.
the spirit of the Singer of Sekhmet, Sakawahikhana,
justified, daily.” Vessels A, B, and C Naming Atumemtaneb
The most elegant and finely wrought metalwork in the Tell
left of the panel: “[May your spirit (and) your counte-
Basta treasure is found on Atumemtaneb’s jug B (Figure 40).
nance (enjoy), or, May you spend] a lifetime in
A series of running spirals, olive leaves, persea fruits, dotted
happiness, and years of life! For the spirit [of] the
circles, and pendant lotuses and poppies frame a single
Singer of Sekhmet, Sakawahikhana, justified daily
register with flying horses, virile goats and a composite
and for eternity.”
plant, a leaping calf and a lion, and a duck with fluttering
Sakawahikhana’s name is neither Egyptian nor Western wings.155 The votive scene on the body of the vessel is
Asiatic, according to Kitchen, who also rules out Hittite and detailed, and its hieroglyphic signs were executed with
Luwian, as well as Mycenaean Greek, Early Iranian/Old sureness. The body of the gold aurochs handle is taut.
Persian, Sumerian, and Hurrian. He suggests that the name Altogether, the quality is masterful and reminiscent of metal-
is most likely northeastern African — either Libyan or in an work from the tomb of Tutankhamun.156 The chased swags,
ancient Nubian tongue. In all events, Sakawahikhana is dressed cats, and bands of olive leaves, dotted circles, pendant
as an Egyptian and shakes a sistrum to appease the leonine lotuses, and floral arches on the gold jars from Tell Basta
Egyptian goddess. Far fewer men had the title “singer” (Figures 7, 12, 13) are of similar quality.
˛
(šm w) than women, but two males in the funerary temple The workmanship and style on Vessels A and C (Figures
of Ramesses II at Thebes, who appear to be foreigners, were 39, 41) are much poorer. The marsh scenes on Vessel A, for
singers, and two men at Bubastis were singers as well.152 example, relate to a scene in a Theban tomb, but the bird trap
The cup associated with Sakawahikhana (Figure 54) is on the Tell Basta jug is simpler and less correct.157 The draw-
the most interesting of the three black bronze objects.153 ing of the figures is weak as well, recalling a Palestinian ivory
It is richly inlaid with copper, silver, and gold. Some of panel from Tell Fara (South) that could be contemporary.158
the iconography on the Tell Basta vessels reappears The boatman on Vessel A (Figure 39) seems to be ferrying a
here: An elaborate lotus fills the center; in the outer regis- bird, a box, and a trap, cargo that appears on a Ramesside
ter a series of pendant lotuses and cornflowers encircles bowl from Gurob with a female punter but is unusual.159 The
composite plants, caprids, a leaping bovine, desert animals, water is indicated by mounds marked with chevrons. The
and a pair of female sphinxes with wild hair; and the inner animals in the upper register have the open mouths com-
frieze is a swamp scene with flying ducks, a mongoose, and mon in depictions outside Egypt, but they resemble stuffed
a man ferrying what might be a standing cow, as on toys more than the leaping or ferocious beasts of Aegean
Amy’s bowl.154 According to Settgast, the decoration also and Near Eastern iconography.160 In the votive scene the
included fish and a running man with a triangular net, bird standing on top of the goddess’s scepter (derived from
motifs also included on Ameneminet’s bowl and on the Egyptian tomb paintings where birds sit on top of papyri in
Metropolitan’s repoussé bowl (Figures 42, 43). The general the marshes?) is reminiscent of a bird hunting for food under
scheme is very much like that on Amy’s bowl (Figure 44). the chair of a prince on a Megiddo ivory.161
The iconography, which points to a date in the Late Bronze On Vessel C (Figure 41), the flying horses and rampant
Age, is also similar. The cup’s technique is not found on any goat are frozen like wooden cutouts. The horses appear to
Tell Basta vessels, and one cannot expect a less subtle tech- be the compact bréviligne type but are more poorly drawn.
nique to match the nuance of the repoussé work from Tell The stag behind the horses was not native to Egypt. It could
Basta. But the subject matter does provide a link between have been bred in the eastern Delta during the Ramesside
the disparate vessels. period, but it belongs in a desert rather than a marsh scene.162
Surely the differences in the jugs of Atumemtaneb must be
attributed to their artisans rather than to their date. On the
T H E S T Y L E A N D DAT E O F T H E
basis of the owner’s titles, Vessel A, inscribed “royal cup-
T E L L B A S TA D E C O R AT E D V E S S E L S
bearer,” should be earlier than Vessel B, inscribed “first royal
The Tell Basta treasure represents a broad spectrum of cupbearer.” It is more likely, however, that the three jugs were
workmanship and quality that ranges from fine gold jew- created by contemporary craftsmen, one of whom had had
elry, jars, strainer, and cones to the flimsy Tawosret goblet; more training in Egyptian artistic traditions than the others. To
from plain silver jars, situlae, strainers, and bowls with judge from the quality of Vessel B, all three objects should be
handles to the decorated vessels of mixed iconography and dated in the reign of Ramesses II, or 1279–1213 B.C.

Bowl of Amy of ostriches that appear to be domesticated.170 Next comes
The bowl of Amy (Figure 44) may also date to Ramesses II a type of jungle fowl known in the Near East, and Near
but is by a different hand. The rivets on the gold rim and the Eastern composite plants function as scene dividers.171 This
omega handle on the side are advanced features (see band also shows a goat giving birth in the desert, a Nubian
Appendix 4b), yet the registers have Late Bronze Age motifs woman pounding some kind of solid foodstuff, and men
(ca. 1600 – 1200/1000 B.C.): spiky plants, leaping animals, with shields fighting a lion with an open mouth.172 The
and opposing sphinxes with wild hair. The inscription on innermost register illustrates another marsh scene (with a
the bowl is paleographically similar to Atumemtaneb’s on man pulling papyrus), various activities for wine making
Vessel C, and the bowl’s cone has the three-ply plait con- (though the vines look more like fig trees), and a wild desert
struction that Ogden assigns to the Ramesside period. 163 animal suckling its young.173
Thus, the bowl, with its international flavor, fits into Egypt’s Noteworthy stylistic features are the ubiquitous hatching
19th Dynasty. and chevrons used for modeling, the dotted rosettes, and the
bosses between registers, which echo details on the figures.
Repoussé Bowl In essence, the repoussé bowl is not conventionally
The repoussé bowl in the Metropolitan (Figure 43) was cre- Egyptian. Its composition is whimsical and its scenes
ated by yet another artisan and may be dated to the reign of loosely structured. Its creator selected long-standing tomb
Ramesses II on the basis of its iconography, even if there are and temple scenes but changed them slightly and aug-
few parallels from that time.164 Its agricultural, marsh, and mented them with late second-millennium B.C. features or
desert hunting scenes would be most at home on tomb Near Eastern designs. The artist may have derived inspira-
walls, but they are not typical in Ramesside tombs, where tion from Old Kingdom tombs in the north, but he worked
funerals and interaction with gods are generally repre- with a Levantine sensibility.174
sented.165 One notable exception is in the tomb of Ipuy at
Thebes from the time of Ramesses II, where a man carries a Ameneminet’s Bowl and Bottle Naming Meritptah
triangular net while other men net and clean whole fish, The inner band of Ameneminet’s bowl (Figure 42 and over-
trap birds anchored by bird-headed posts, and tread leaf) also has Late Bronze Age iconography: a lion, bovids,
grapes.166 The tomb paintings also share some of the liveli- a feline pouncing on a bovine, and composite plants.
ness of the scenes on the repoussé bowl; they show, for Further, the chased inscription is very well formed, and
instance, women selling fish and cakes who are wearing there are no orthographic mistakes. Yet the four decorative
lotus buds on heavy wigs like those traditionally reserved gold balls on the rim, with no corresponding ring or omega
for the Egyptian elite in formal settings. handle, are late features (see Appendix 4b). And although
The repoussé bowl has uncanonical features, however. some of the iconography in the top register is New Kingdom,
Even when complete it is unlikely to have included a larger- it is different from that on the Metropolitan’s repoussé bowl.
scale figure of its owner. In tomb representations the owner Here the band of tuftlike papyri is continuous, static, and,
oversees the various estate activities that will bring him sus- as Harpur points out, juxtaposed with activities and images
tenance in the next life. This bowl displays instead a collec- that do not belong in marshes: milking, grape treading, and
tion of vignettes placed haphazardly in the registers. At the the cobra Renenutet, goddess of the harvest.175 On the left
upper left in the rollout drawing calves confront cattle of the rollout drawing, elongated horses confront leaping
driven by a herdsman, and there is no water in sight. To bovines pursued by a man with a yoke; a cow is being
the right a man carrying fish and a man with a triangular net milked while a calf and a man, who may have roped its leg,
run toward a bit of swamp to which horses (not the stand idly by; and a kneeling woman holds a hand trap for
Ramesside bréviligne type) are being driven by a man with catching songbirds, an activity performed by men in the Old
a lasso and a boomerang. To the right of that, past an Kingdom. The scenes continue: a man transporting some-
unidentified reed structure, the fishing motif resumes as thing on a yoke pursues three calves, three men pull a clap-
men wearing lotuses clean fish (shown whole rather than net of Old Kingdom form, a man carrying birds walks in the
gutted as in the Old Kingdom).167 At the left in the next reg- opposite direction toward the cobra goddess Renenutet, a
ister are jousting boatmen, a scene rarely depicted after the man with an elongated head fills a wine jar, four men who
Old Kingdom. The men hold their poles at the ends, as if appear to be grasping ropes for support (as in the Theban
they were sticks, rather than in the middle as would be tomb of Ipuy from the time of Ramesses II) tread grapes in a
expected, according to Yvonne Harpur.168 The men pulling vat of wine (patterned horizontally rather than vertically), a
the clapnet in the next surviving vignette are perched on large cow (probably Hathor) rests among the papyri, and a
their toes, like men on the ivory panel from Canaanite Tell man carrying a bag walks in the opposite direction behind
Fara (South).169 The next register shows a man with a group a man with an elaborate cloaklike net. Finally, two women
38
fill wine jars next to an oval fishpond, a man incongruously
gathers papyrus from a boat ferrying two ducks in an enclo-
sure with hanging fruit, and a boat with a goose-headed
prow poled by two nude figures carries a recumbent calf.
By comparison, the bottle of Ameneminet’s wife Merit-
ptah (Figure 48) is much more traditional in its iconography.
Nevertheless, the goddess’s dress and Meritptah’s wig have
an atypical chevron pattern. Furthermore, Meritptah does
not wear the customary floral band or ointment cone. I have
found such a feature on only one other monument,
a stela from Amarna on which a woman named Arbura
appears with her husband, Tarura. Both their names are of
foreign origin.176
Ameneminet’s tomb at Saqqara and the statue of him
now in Saint Petersburg (Figures 50, 51) provide some evi-
dence for dating his and Meritptah’s vessels. In the tomb
Ameneminet’s figure is simplified and the relief carving
deep, with intersecting layers. Eva Hofmann places the later silver bracelets inscribed with Seti II’s name on which 55. Bracelets inscribed for
tomb in Dynasty 20, roughly 1190 – 1150 B.C.177 This is later Queen Tawosret is depicted pouring wine for her husband Seti II. From Tomb KV56,
Valley of the Kings, Thebes.
than the date Kitchen proposes for the official’s inscriptions; (Figure 55).180 Admittedly, metalwork from Tawosret’s era is Silver, H. 2 3 ⁄8 and 2 1⁄2 in.
he is inclined to place the official’s career entirely in the scarce.181 Ear pendants with the names of Seti II also from (6.2 and 6.5 cm). Egyptian
reign of Ramesses II (1279 – 1213 B.C.), although he does Tomb KV56 in the Valley of the Kings at Thebes probably Museum, Cairo (CG 52577,
not rule out the possibility that Ameneminet’s service belonged to her,182 and three simple objects associated 52578). Photograph: Egypt
Memory
extended into the ten-year reign of Merenptah (1213 – with her were in the Tell Basta treasure: the flimsy gold
1203 B.C.).178 Study of the tomb’s location and its paleo- lotiform goblet with her name on the stem, a more substan-
graphic features has allowed Jacobus van Dijk to be more tial electrum situla (now lost) with the ruler’s throne names
precise. He dates Ameneminet’s Saqqara tomb to before the in cartouches topped with ostrich feathers and a disk, and
fourth decade of Ramesses II’s rule (1249 – 1239 B.C.), the rim of a simple silver bowl or cup in the Metropolitan
although there is the possibility that it dates to Merenptah’s on which the ruler’s names are surrounded by two car-
reign or that of an immediate successor.179 touches with the epithets “lord of the two lands” and “lord
of crowns” written above them (Figures 4, 8, 74, cat. 11).
Swimmers Bowl A search for decorated metalwork later than Seti II’s time
Although fragmentary, delicate in scale, and missing much that offers parallels with the swimmers bowl yields the silver
of the original detail (including, no doubt, a decorated gold and gold bowl from the royal tombs at Tanis in the north-
cone in the center), the decoration on the Tell Basta swim- eastern Delta (Figure 46). If the swimmers bowl is set within
mers bowl (Figure 47) is captivating and draws the viewer the Ramesses II – Tawosret period, in line with the Tell Basta
into an inner world of grace and beauty. In both bands the inscriptions, then the bowl from Tanis, a gift of Psusennes I
composition is anchored by the four figures, either calves or (reigned 1040 – 992 B.C.) to his general Wandjebawandjed,
young women, but whereas the inner band with its papyrus would be at least 150 years later. This silver bowl with gold
freeze is more static, fluidity is achieved in the outer band overlay has a single register with four women arranged in
by the long, sinuous bodies of the swimmers and the curv- facing pairs surrounding an inlaid rosette. Tilapia and ducks
ing lotus stems that spring from the ring separating the reg- are used as filler, as at Tell Basta, but there is no indication
isters. There is a variety of filler shapes, and the background of water. The figures are large and their proportions regular.
is completely hatched (note the hatching in the fishpond Their poses are more wooden than New Kingdom maidens’.
on Ameneminet’s bowl; Figure 42). One of the young Altogether, the vessel is striking and monumental but less
women looks backward, and two of the four walking calves engaging than the bowl from Tell Basta. Ogden has also
do the same. noted the Tanis bowl’s traditional style, which is in keeping
Their long proportions indicate that these swimmers with other precious vessels from there.183 Like a contempo-
are later in date than those on Amy’s bowl, but how much rary mirror case for the wife of Pinodjem I from Thebes
later is uncertain. Elongated proportions already occur (1061 – 1040 B.C.), it displays the last remains of New
in the temple of Ramesses II’s wife Nefertari at Abu Kingdom iconography with nude, bedecked females but in
Simbel, yet the proportions are quite normal on a pair of a much drier manner.184

OV E RV I E W
The Tell Basta vessels with figurative scenes share a com-

mon format, New Kingdom iconography, and function, but
they vary in style. A case can be made to date them from the
reign of Ramesses II to that of Tawosret or a bit later, with
Vessel B the earliest stylistic example, and Ameneminet’s or
the swimmers bowl the latest. The corpus is varied, how-
ever, and needs more study, with particular attention paid to
the transition from the New Kingdom to the Third
Intermediate Period.
Third Intermediate Period faience relief chalices offer
interesting comparisons to the Tell Basta treasure and related
objects.185 The inlaid bronze lotiform goblet associated with
Sakawahikhana (Figure 53) has zones on the cup as on the
chalices, although the sepals that extend up the cup are
bordered by a simple zigzag and an abstract pattern, and
the stem has delicate alternating sedge and papyrus stalks.186
The most naturalistic of the chalices, like the example
shown here, share with the Bubastis vessels some of the
figural iconography (stands of alternating papyri, punting, a
recumbent bovine in a boat, a triangular net, a calf suckling
its mother, a swimmer looking back, even the horse, as on 56. Lotiform chalice. Third Intermediate Period,
the Rothschild cup), the use of relief (all except Atumem- Dynasty 22, ca. 945–712 B.C. Faience, H. 51⁄2 in. (14 cm).
The Metropolitan Museum of Art, Rogers Fund, 1913
taneb’s jugs and Meritptah’s bottle have repoussé as well as (13.182.53)
chasing), and the placement of decoration on the exterior
(as on the Metropolitan’s repoussé bowl).187 Furthermore,
the chalices feature iconography of the inundation and reju- ite plant, and a wooden pyxis probably from the time of
venation while adding deviations from traditional subject Amenhotep III (1390 – 1352 B.C.) has Hathor-like protomes,
matter. On a chalice in the Metropolitan (Figure 56) a young a chevron-delineated band of water, a central rosette, and
female briskly punts a boat, and on a fragment of a chalice female sphinxes flanking composite plants.193 The Dynasty 18
in the Fitzwilliam Museum, Cambridge, a young woman bronze bowl from the tomb of Hatiay (Figure 45) has an
with a long wig touches a calf.188 omphalos and displays a man in a boat, animal combat,
Unfortunately, inscriptions that could help date chalices chevrons, a band of rosettes, water with hatching (as on the
occur on only the most elaborate Third Intermediate Period swimmers bowl at Tell Basta), and perhaps a recumbent
examples, which are not the most naturalistic.189 Continued calf.194 Such evidence leads us to ask how much of the Tell
study could yield further information relevant to the Tell Basta iconography is “Egyptian” and how much “Levantine.”
Basta vessels, however. Bubastis thrived during Dynasties 21 In the Ramesside period, any Tell Basta immigrant artisan
and 22, and there were connections with the Levant, as could have had access to traditional monuments, such as
shown by the fine bronze statue base of Ramesses VI exca- earlier tombs at Saqqara or in the Delta. It is doubtful that
vated at Megiddo and the ivories at Tell Fara (South) and these artisans would have understood the iconography as
Megiddo.190 The makers of Phoenician bowls could have traditional Egyptians did, however. The early Dynasty 18
attended festivals for Bastet and intermingled with the maker of the Aniba stands (Figure 38) was likewise inter-
Delta populace, as there was interest in Egyptian deities in preting traditional imagery in a lively although somewhat
the Levant.191 inept manner: a groom turns back to grasp a rope that looks
Indeed, William Stevenson Smith suggested that the arti- like a beard, the horse’s mouth is open, the horse tails and
sans who created the Tell Basta vessels belonged to an east- papyrus calyxes are marked with chevrons, and the birds
ern Delta workshop that derived its repertoire from a style look like pelicans.195 Conversely, it is unlikely that tradi-
with “a certain international flavour” formed during the sec- tional Egyptian artists understood the Near Eastern iconog-
ond half of Dynasty 18.192 “Foreign” motifs had crept into raphy on the wooden pyxis or on the Metropolitan’s
Egypt earlier: ivory game boards of early Dynasty 18 feature repoussé bowl from Tell Basta. Certain motifs and stylistic
leaping animals, a wooden box in Bologna from about features were nevertheless used widely throughout the Late
1450 B.C. has a clumsy group of caprids flanking a compos- Bronze Age, especially from the eastern Delta up along the
40
eastern Mediterranean, as Erika Fischer and Dirk Wicke 8. Simpson 1959, p. 43. See also W. Smith and Simpson 1998,
have noted.196 And Susan Braunstein has remarked on the pp. 222 – 24.
9. Radwan 1983, pp. 136, 143 – 44, 157, 163.
creation of hybrid forms at Tell Fara.197
10. Kitchen 1982a, pp. 372 – 73; Kitchen 2003, pp. 270 – 71.
The Tell Basta craftsmen, as well as officials, newly trans- 11. J. Smith 2003 and Niemeier 2003. See also Crowley 1989,
planted to the Delta, added substantially to culture there pp. 221 – 27, 398, nos. 494 – 500, with summaries of earlier discus-
and were key participants in artistic production. In the end, sions. In 2006 (pp. 38 – 41, 101, 136) Marian Feldman posited that
the labels “Egyptian” and “Near Eastern” are too restricted certain iconography of the Amy bowl and Vessels A and B was
part of an international koine used to signal political status among
to describe the sumptuous objects that were produced in
the elite; see Fischer and Wicke 2011.
the religious, administrative, and culturally pluralistic society
12. J. Meyer 1987; Gubel 1987 and 2000; Boschloos 2009. The
of Tell Basta in the thirteenth and twelfth centuries B.C. As Cypriot scholar Einar Gjerstad (1946, pp. 3 – 4, 17 – 18) had followed
a whole, this treasure hoard reflects the varied culture in the Bissing’s assessments, but this was before the gold bowl from
eastern Mediterranean at the end of the Late Bronze Age Ugarit and ivories from Megiddo and Tell Fara (South) were known.
and the beginning of the Iron Age. 13. Cats. 10– 14, 17d– e, 19, 20, 27– 30, 44– 51, 56– 62, 84. These frag-
ments were referred to in Hayes 1959, p. 358, and in Simpson
1959, nn. 65, 68. They were restored by Marjuka Kaminen. With
the exception of Figures 74, bottom, 77, and 78, all of the drawings
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
in this article were produced by William Schenck, and most were
photographed by William Barrette.
This article is dedicated to the memory of Donald P. Hansen, 14. For the modern research, see Leclère 2008, pp. x – xi, 363 – 91;
who introduced me to the Levant, and of Lila Acheson information from Mohammed Bakr and Christian Tietze, as well as
Wallace, whose funds supported my primary research on current members of the joint Egyptian-German excavations, now
the Egyptian collection at The Metropolitan Museum of Art under the directorship of Eva Lange; and Rosenow 2010. See also
Habachi 1975, L. Martin 1995 and 2010, and Ashmawy Ali 2009.
between 1992 and 2010. I am also exceptionally grateful to
Dr. Wafaa el-Saddik (Director), Mme Hala Hassan (Curator of the
K. A. Kitchen for sharing his unparalleled expertise in the First Section), Dr. Yasmin el Shazley (Registrar of the Registration,
Ramesside period with me; to Zahi Hawass for permission Collections Management, and Documentation Department),
to publish objects in the Egyptian Museum and to my col- Ahmed Amin (photographer), and Dr. Janice Kamrin (Director,
leagues there, as well as Janice Kamrin, for their enthusias- Egyptian Museum Database and Registrar Training Project) were
tic and extensive help; to William Schenck for his unequaled extraordinarily helpful in providing access to and transmitting
information and photographs in 2009 – 10. Dr. Hoda Abdel-Hamid
skill and patience during a very long drawing project; and
and the restorer Nabila Ramadan extended themselves to stabilize
to William Barrette for photography and all-inclusive sup- objects for study and photography in a very short period of time.
port. For discussions on various points and for bibliographic 15. See Maspero 1907, p. 341; Maspero 1908a and 1908b; and Edgar
references, I am indebted to colleagues Ali Radwan, Erika 1907b. Edgar published further notes on the jug with a goat handle
Fischer, Jacobus van Dijk, Cynthia Sheikholeslami, Yvonne (Figure 5) in 1925, after it was cleaned.
16. Maspero’s accounts in 1907, p. 337, and 1908a, p. 403, are not
Harpur, Annie Caubet, Helmut Brandl, Dirk Wicke, and
reflected in Edgar’s descriptions.
James Weinstein. Research for this article was contributed 17. Edgar 1907b, pp. 93 – 95. I take “perpendicular cutting” to mean
by Thea Politis, Marta Ameri, and Heather Kopleff. working with hoes from top to bottom, moving parallel to the
mounds.
18. For a photograph showing the relative size of Cairo vessels from
N OT E S both finds, see Steindorff 1928, pp. 299, 327 – 28, and for good
color photographs of the Cairo objects, see Tiradritti 1998,
1. Simpson 1959, p. 29. Simpson had published an introductory pp. 260, 264 – 65, and H. Müller and Thiem 1999, pp. 193 – 94.
study, written while he was assistant in the Department of Egyptian 19. These were a broad collar, a “flat piece of silver covered with gold
Art at the Museum, in the MMAB in 1949. leaf,” and “two small figures, one of gold and one of electrum,
2. Scott 1944, fig. 19; Hayes 1959, pp. 358 – 60. apparently made for attachment against a flat surface” (Edgar
3. These are traditional dates, which would be shifted according to 1907b, pp. 94, 106 – 7, pl. 55). See Vernier 1927, CG 53181 (collar),
dates now proposed by Jacobus van Dijk for the reigns of CG 53256 (electrum Hathor amulet), CG 53257 (gold Isis amulet).
Horemheb and Seti I; see Van Dijk 2008 and 2011. Vernier gives their date of acquisition as 1900, but they were
4. Bissing 1910 and 1914; Scharff 1930, pp. 114 – 16; W. Smith 1958, entered into the Journal d’Entrée of the Egyptian Museum in Cairo
pp. 227 – 29. in 1906 as 38676 – 77 and in 1908 as 39879(a) – (b).
5. Montet 1937, pp. 133 – 35, 138 – 50; Ranke 1941. Montet had exca- 20. Edgar 1907b, p. 95.
vated in the 1920s at Byblos, Lebanon, a site with many Egyptian 21. On these enigmatic objects, see Aston 1989.
ties. For a review of his 1937 publication, see No. Davies 1938. 22. This is one of six photographs of Bubastis in the Georg Steindorff
6. Porter and Moss 1934, p. 34. papers at the Oriental Institute of the University of Chicago
7. The term patera is usually applied to Roman shallow bowls with a (P 64706 – 11), that were kindly called to my attention by John
straight handle, used for libations rather than drinking (conversa- Larson. They seem to have been prepared for an article or a dis-
tion with Joan R. Mertens, August 26, 2010). It is an inappropriate play, with captions in English. The photographs need not be
term here. Steindorff’s, and they are undated. Steindorff wrote a section on

Bubastis for an English-language publication of 1903 (Steindorff 45. Scenarios about origin are given in Drenkhahn 1980, pp. 72 – 73,
1903, p. 684), and he wrote about Bubastis from 1902 onward for and Settgast 1986, pp. 136 – 37.
the travel guide publisher Baedeker. Kerstin Seidel (emails to the 46. James 1984, pp. 185 – 86.
author, June 2009) has ascertained that Steindorff was at the site 47. A hoard of silver scrap was found at Ugarit near a mold (Galliano
with Günther Roeder and Wilhelm Spiegelberg in 1928 – 29. In any and Calvet 2004, no. 178).
event, François Leclère, Daniela Rosenow, and Eva Lange (conver- 48. For faience marsh bowls and pieces of jewelry (with uraei, wedjat
sations with and emails to the author, June 2009) do not believe eyes, Hathor masks, papyri, and Bes) dedicated to Hathor, see
the photographs show the alleged spot of the buried treasures but Pinch 1993, pp. 78 – 80, 275, 326 – 60. Faience objects with
rather an area to the east of it — within the temple of Bastet and Tawosret’s name were found in temples in Sinai and what are now
somewhat northeast of it. modern Jordan and Lebanon (Marée 2006, p. 126; Griffiths 2006;
23. Bakr 2008; Bakr and Brandl 2010, pp. 43 – 53, 206 – 45. I warmly Doumet-Serhal 2008).
thank Mohammed Bakr and Helmut Brandl for sharing detailed 49. Frankfort and Pendlebury 1933, pp. 59 – 61; James 1984, p. 186;
information with me. Bell 1986. Christopher Naunton kindly sent photographs of the
24. Wilkinson 1971, pp. 156, 225. Amarna pieces from the Egypt Exploration Society archives
25. H. Müller and Thiem 1999, pp. 194, 195, fig. 411. Ogden (1990 –91) (TA_30-31_0026, 0045a, 0047, 0106).
describes twisted and hollow beaded wire as well as granules 50. Bubastis long had an intermixed culture; see Bakr 1982 and Helck
fused onto gold sheet. For bezels, see Edwards 1976c, p. 22, fig. 13. 1955, pp. 1930 – 31, nos. 719, 720.
26. See also Wilkinson 1971, pp. 156, 225. 51. Loud 1948, pp. 157, 290, provenience 2012, plan 386, pl. 229
27. Egyptian Museum, Cairo (JE 39675); see Vernier 1907–9, pp. 137–38, (Museum of the Oriental Institute of the University of Chicago,
nos. CG 52397–98, pl. XXVII; and Altenmüller 2008, p. 210, fig. 75. A 18295a – e). See the discussion in Gershuny 1985, p. 42. For the
28. Wilkinson 1971, pp. 125, 150, 152; Lilyquist 2003, pp. 185 – 86. On dating to the beginning of the Iron Age, see Mazar 2011b, and for
the Palestinian sites, see Dothan 1979, pp. 42 – 43, and 2008, the dating of Megiddo VIA, where the silver hoard was found, see
pp. 45, 152, 159. Beth-Valley Archaeological Project 2010. Caubet (conversation
29. Davis et al. 1908, p. 38, pl. 14. with the author, November 2010) dates the transition in Syria and
30. Ogden 1990 – 91. the Levant to 1180/60 B.C.
31. Many decorated fragments and an omphalos are now associated 52. Davis to Lythgoe, December 1906, Department of Egyptian Art,
with this bowl; the photograph in the Cairo museum’s Special MMA. Maspero, too (1907, p. 336), refers to silver jewelry as being
Register for Section 1 for its number, 7789, taken in the 1960s or present in the first find, but his account is somewhat problematic.
1970s, shows the bowl complete. 53. Radwan 1983, nos. 328, 334, 467 – 69.
32. Examples of silver temple treasures are from Toukh el-Karamus, in 54. Lilyquist 1988.
the eastern Delta north of Tell Basta (Edgar 1907a), and Dendera 55. An earlier instance of silver being used with gold highlights
(Abdalla 1995, pp. 22 – 26), both of the Ptolemaic period. occurred in the remarkable tomb of Yuya and Thuya, from the time
33. Appendix 1, cat. 76 (JE 39882 [an]): “un lot de débris, argent, poid of Amenhotep III (Tomb KV46 at Thebes; now Egyptian Museum,
11 gr. 80 . . . débris au nombre de huit, bague, boucles d’oreilles, Cairo); see Lilyquist 1997.
et incertains.” 56. For depictions of some of these vessel shapes, see Säve-Söderbergh
34. See Appendix 1: bar ingots: cats. 79, 80; folded ingots: cat. 83; 1957, pls. 22, 23 (Theban Tomb 17); No. Davies 1943, pl. 66
wire ingot: cat. 75 (SR 1/6632). (Theban Tomb 100); No. Davies 1905, pl. 32 (tomb of Meryra); and
35. Pulak 2008. Davis et al. 1908, pp. 39 – 40, pls. 8, 9 (bracelets with Seti II). For
36. Sparks 2007, p. 115, no. 141. See also the silver examples in Ziffer Ramesside examples, see Fischer 2011.
1990, p. 54*, fig. 66. 57. Radwan 1983, nos. 332, 449, 466, and Schiaparelli 1927, pp. 83 –
37. Edgar thought that the marks in the lower right were a third animal. 84: Turin 8394 (silver situla), 8392 (silver strainer), 8401 (silver
I sincerely thank Annie Caubet and François Poplin for comments bowl), 8393 (bronze strainer). Other Kha vessels could be related:
on the rings (conversation with and email to the author, September Radwan 1983, nos. 249, 312, 464. It seems likely that a flask with
2010). a stand from Semna was used for wine (ibid., nos. 238, 397,
38. Conversation with Annie Caubet, September 16, 2010. 462a,b).
39. For the lance-shaped earring at the center top of Figure 33, see 58. Radwan 1983, nos. 304, 467, 468; Rommelaere 1991, no. 18;
McGovern 1985, fig. 46. Edgar (1907b, p. 104) found parallels for Dreyfus 2005.
these in Cyprus as well. 59. Radwan 1983, no. 466.
40. McGovern 1985, p. 134. 60. Ibid., no. 467; Dreyfus 2005. The horses are the longiligne type
41. Edgar 1907b, pls. 50, 51, p. 96; Kitchen 1982a, p. 373, g, and letter that appears early in Egypt and has its origin in the Sudan or
of July 2009. Turkmenistan.
42. Negbi 1970. Goring (1989) sees certain items as weights; see also 61. Hala Sultan Tekke (Åström 1983, pp. 172 – 73, N 1220 – 22), Kition
Snell 1995, pp. 1488 – 90, and Galliano and Calvet 2004, no. 178. (Karageorghis 1974, p. 90, 3[a] – [b]), and Kourion Kaloriziki Tomb
43. Osborne (2004) reviews many of the reasons for deposits. For 40 (Gershuny 1985, p. 16).
some examples from Cyprus, Syria, and Mesopotamia, see Åström 62. In addition to the eight sets in Gershuny 1985, Gershuny 2003
1983, McClellan 1986, and Lilyquist 1994. Such deposits have includes sets from Dan Tomb 387, Sa’idiyeh Tomb 32, Tel Nami
been interpreted as treasury workshop contents in Negbi and Tomb 69, and incomplete sets from Tel Nami Tomb 69, Sa’idiyeh
Moskowitz 1966 and Bjorkman 1993; as currency in Kletter 2003 Tombs 102 and T119, and Deir el-Balah Tomb 118. I am grateful to
and Kroll 2003; and as treasury objects in Feldman 2009. Dr. Gershuny for a copy of her 2003 unpublished paper.
44. Pierrat 1994. The objects are now in the Egyptian Museum, Cairo, 63. For the sets in the tombs at Byblos, see Montet 1928 – 29, no. 746,
and the Musée de Louvre, Paris. For thoughts on “treasures” in and associated silver vessels. On the dating, see Gershuny 1985,
Egypt, see Vernus 1989. pp. 46 – 47, and also Moorey 1980.
42
64. Kitchen 1982b. 94. Email to the author, November 9, 2009. The ring is notably large,
65. James 1995. however. Maspero (1908b, p. 30) and Edgar (1907b, p. 99) thought
66. Poo 1986 and 1995; C. Meyer 1986. the ring could have functioned to hang the vessel, but the jug does
67. Bryan 2005 and 2008. not need to be hung and, in fact, cannot physically be hung (see
68. Bakr and Brandl 2010, pp. 176 – 79, no. 53 (Archaeological Appendix 4b).
Museum of Zagazig University). 95. Additional photographs of it and other vessels are available in the
69. Jones 2011. Department of Egyptian Art, MMA, and planned for an e-journal.
70. See Morenz 2006, pp. 50 – 51, 57, and especially von Lieven 2003. 96. Letter to the author, November 16, 2009.
71. Morenz 2006. For the vessel (Museo Arqueológico de Granada, 97. M. Müller 2003.
8329), see Gamer-Wallert 1978, fig. 1, no. G-39, pp. 30 – 34, 284 – 98. Paget and Pirie 1898, pl. 32. In the Dynasty 18 tomb of Neferhotep
85, pl. 4. On the name Osorkon, see Hornung, Krauss, and (Theban Tomb 49), a cow is ferried in a skiff flanked by men pull-
Warburton 2006, pp. 493 – 94, and Aston 2009, pp. 19 – 37. ing papyrus, an activity pleasing to Hathor since the Old Kingdom.
72. Möller and Schubart 1910, no. 97, pl. 15; Gubel 1987, p. 267, and 99. Derchain 1976.
2000, p. 87, citing Emma Brunner-Traut. The bowl is in the 100. Müller suggests the ferried cow is is a symbol of masculinity. A
Ägyptisches Museum und Papyrussamlung Berlin. For a discussion pottery “votive bed” shows the nude Qudshu in a boat flanked
of this and other Egyptian festivals, see Lloyd 1976, pp. 267 – 76. by two cows (Loeben and Kappel 2009, no. 264; reference and
73. Bietak 1985. photographs kindly supplied by Loeben in March 2011). The
74. Lesko 1995, pp. 222, 228 – 29. For the tomb representations, see animals on an example in Chicago look more like gazelles
Säve-Söderbergh 1957, pp. 17ff., pls. 14, 15, 23. (OIM 14782, Teeter 2010, no. 239). Stadelmann 1985, fig. 1,
75. Radwan 1983, no. 469 (Art Institute of Chicago); Dreyfus 2005, pl. 40a, is very worn.
p. 249. 101. Caubet 2012. See also Schaeffer 1934, pp. 124 – 31, and Herbordt
76. Ziffer 1990, p. 84*, fig. 134. For a general account of viniculture 1986, where the bowl is dated considerably earlier. On the
along the Levant, see McGovern 2009, pp. 172 – 82. Ugaritic myth of Baal, see Pardee 1997, pp. 261 – 62.
77. Klebs 1934, pp. 58 – 60; Simon 1992; Janssen 1975, pp. 431 – 32. 102. Kitchen 2003, p. 271, l. 373:5b (“f.” stands for the feminine pos-
78. Collon (1992) shows that many more occasions gave rise to ban- sessive and subject); el-Sayed 1975, p. 278, doc. 88; el-Sayed 1982,
quets in the Near East than in Egypt, where the banquets depicted pp. 79 – 80, doc. 394. Amy’s name is unique, and some Egyptolo-
are generally funerary. See also Ziffer 2005. For Late Bronze Age gists have restored a “t” in order to relate it to an Egyptian name
representations, see Liebowitz 1980 and Fischer 2011. (Ranke 1935, p. 357 no. 5). The Egyptian word formerly read
79. Conversation with the author, January 3, 2009; Caubet 2012. pomegranate (šdh) . is now read as distilled red wine (Tallet 2010).
80. Conversation with the author, August 2005. 103. Onstine 2005, pp. 11 – 17, 27, 29 – 31, 78–79 (two male singers at
81. The cranium appears to be emphasized; it is unlikely that a hand- Tell Basta and two in the funerary temple of Ramesses II at Thebes
kerchief is represented, as in the scene in No. Davies 1948, pls. 22, who appear to be foreigners), 130, no. 684. On elite women in
30, or a shortened version of a long-stemmed lotus, as in Fischer temple service, see Quirke 1999, pp. 228 – 29.
2007, no. *H.32, pl. 49, and Hofmann 2004, p. 24, fig. 25. 104. Loud 1939, pls. 62, 63, nos. 378 – 82 (Rockefeller Archaeological
82. Such spiky tufts are worn by a variety of people, young and old, Museum, East Jerusalem, and Museum of the Oriental Institute of
male and female (see the Nubian in Raven 2007, fig. 6). However, the University of Chicago).
the Tell Basta examples best recall female sphinxes on ivory 105. Schipper 2005, p. 94; Breasted 1906, § 589.
plaques from Megiddo (Loud 1939, pl. 7). 106. Red wine within the bowl would also have provided the swim-
83. Pomorska 1987, pp. 44 – 46, 54, 70, 90. ming maidens with an appropriate environment.
84. Cornelius 2004, pp. 89 – 91. See also Leclant 1975 and Leitz 2002 – 107. Desroches-Noblecourt 1954. A scene of early Dynasty 18 also
3, vol. 1, p. 124, vol. 2, pp. 174 – 75, 212 – 13, vol. 8, p. 126. includes a woman (Hugonot 1989, pp. 262 – 63). Pischikova (con-
85. Cornelius 2004, pp. 29, 35 – 36, figs. 8, 20. versation with the author, 2006) relates this type of scene to those
86. Kitchen 2003, p. 270, ll. 372:l, 10, 15. “Justified” means that the where women pick flowers for perfume.
person is accepted as worthy by the gods in the next world. 108. Lange, email to the author, June 2009; Leitz 2002 – 3, vol. 1,
Kitchen has used > < to indicate a sign omitted by a scribe in pp. 511, 514, and vol. 8, pp. 265 – 74.
error, < > to bracket an omitted sign, and [ ] to indicate a lacuna 109. Schlichting 1982; el-Sayed 1982, vol. 1, p. 165.
in the text where he suggests a possible reading. 110. Conversation with the author, October 2009.
87. Edwards 1976a, no. 2. For the cups, which were equipped with 111. Bryan 1996, p. 72. Such creatures are known at least since the time
silver stands and are described in the inventory as being of gold of Amenhotep III on a wooden box from Gurob; see Lilyquist 2012.
and of silver rimmed with gold, see Sethe 1906, p. 22, ll. 13 – 17, 112. For the ostracon, see D’Amicone and Fontanella 2007, p. 212, and
stela CG 34001. For the bowls and situla, see Radwan 1983, Decker and Herb 1994, vol. 1, p. 861 no. T 2.5, vol. 2, pl. 437; the
nos. 332 (Schale), 335, 336 (flache Schüssel), 410. tiles (JE 89486, JE 89488), Habachi 2001, pp. 242 – 44; the bowl,
88. For example, Radwan 1983, nos. 334, 335, 344, 405, 411, 414. H. Müller and Thiem 1999, fig. 449; and the chalice, Tait 1963,
89. Arnold 1972, colorpl.; Tait 1963; Jones 1982; Radwan 1983, no. XXXVII.
nos. 328, 334; Pinch 1993, pp. 312 – 15. 113. Derchain 1972, pp. 12 – 13.
90. Bourriau 1982, Sparks 2006. 114. Lilyquist 2007, pp. 98 – 99. For a skiff, see Leahy and Leahy 1986,
91. Caubet 2012. See also Ziffer 2005. p. 133n3 (JE 37913); for mirror handles, Vandier d’Abbadie 1937 –
92. Maspero thought the goat was smelling the wine contained therein. 46, no. 2667, and 1959, nos. 3019, 3021. The swamp scene
93. The goat lacks a beard — unlike the typical Near Eastern animal — painted on an 18th Dynasty pottery situla in the Brooklyn
but seems to show the sheath of a phallus. Maspero (1907, Museum (59.2) includes two nude young women in boats. For
p. 340, and 1908b, p. 40) referred to the animal as both male studies of the swimmer, see Fischer 2007, pp. 305 – 14, 346;
and female. Lohwasser 2008; and M. Müller 2010.

115. The gold cone found with the swimmers bowl in 2009 (Figure 90, 144. Ibid., pl. 56.
middle right) covers the basal leaves of the papyri of the lower 145. Ibid., pl. 58, panel 4.
register of the bowl; it has subsequently been placed with 146. Habachi 2001, pl. 26; Hofmann 2004, fig. 130.
Ameneminet’s bowl. The omphalos of the swimmers bowl is 147. Black bronze is a copper alloy whose surface is artificially pati-
cone-shaped, projecting upward from the base, and slightly nated, in this case no doubt to show off the inlaid metals (informa-
golden, and it may have signs of wear, the cause of which I do not tion supplied by Deborah Schorsch of the Museum’s Department
know. A Late Bronze bronze bowl from Ugarit also has a conical of Objects Conservation, February 26, 1992). A more sharply
omphalos (Galliano and Calvet 2004, no. 290). carinated 18th Dynasty bowl in the Petrie Museum of Egyptian
116. Otto 1975; Morenz 2006, p. 54. Archaeology, University College London (UC64770) was said by
117. Letter to the author, July 2009. Petrie (1937, p. 28, no. 31, pl. 40) to be from “one of the great
118. Green 1987, no. 168 (Egyptian Museum, Cairo, not registered as silver groups at Bubastis.” According to Petrie Museum curator
of 1987). Stephen Quirke (email to the author, 2009), there is no informa-
119. Conversation with the author, October 2009. tion about the bowl’s provenance. A second Petrie bowl (Petrie
120. Compare Hayes 1959, fig. 108; and G. Martin 1974, p. 88, 1937, no. 30) is of uncertain date.
no. 368. 148. Schimmel exhibited all three in Berlin in 1978 (Settgast 1978,
121. This is extensively studied in von Lieven 2003. nos. 249 – 51). I thank Daphna Ben-Tor of the Israel Museum for
122. See Pinch 1993, pp. 190 – 97, especially p. 194. very kindly supplying photographs of the goblet.
123. Schulman 1984. 149. Settgast 1978, no. 249. Whether Settgast had any particular infor-
124. Naville 1891, pl. 45a. Rashef’s right arm is raised, no doubt to hold mation from the art market is not known.
a spear. 150. Email to the author, January 16, 2011. Compare Habachi 2001,
125. The man is assumed to be Egyptian because of his dress. Cornelius pl. 26, left, and G. Martin 1997, pl. 31.
(2004, no. 3.1) identifies the goddess as Anat. For current studies 151. Letter to the author, July 2009.
of this site, see Mazar 2011a. 152. Onstine 2005, pp. 78 – 79. See also note 103 above.
126. Ranke 1952, pp. 268, 380, no. 22 (for Atumemtaneb), n. 10 (for 153. The fragments of the cup were X-rayed when they were at the
Amy). Museum in October 1970. The X-ray cannot be located today,
127. Note the Egyptian and foreign names of an ambassador (a royal however, and the cup has suffered since it was exhibited in 1978.
envoy par excellence) buried at Saqqara (Zivie 2006). The drawing is the result of studying the 1978 catalogue illustra-
128. For the title, see Egyptological Bibliography 2001, and more tion and the object as it is today.
recently, Kitchen 2000 and 2003 and Raven 2007. 154. Note a Ramesside ostracon with a marsh scene from Deir el
129. Schmitz 1986. Gardiner is cited in Simpson 1959, p. 35. Medineh with female punting and duck with eggs (Vandier
130. Málek 1985 and 1988, Van Dijk 1993, Zivie 1997, Raven 2007, d’Abbadie 1959, no. 3020).
Daoud 2011. For the ambassador’s tomb, see Zivie 2006. 155. The horses on Vessels B and C are closest to the bréviligne breed
131. El-Saady 1999. known in the Ramesside period (Rommelaere 1991, pp. 34 – 37,
132. Bryan (1996) convincingly argues that Palestine was heavily influ- 44 – 46). Rommelaere has only one example of horses with all four
enced by Egypt but did not have a permanent resident Egyptian legs off the ground (no. 50).
population. For discussions of Ramesside culture in the Sudan 156. Edwards 1976a – c.
and in the Levant, see Vincentelli 2006 and Redford 1992, 157. No. Davies 1927, pl. 30.
pp. 202 – 3. 158. Decamps de Mertzenfeld 1954, pl. 1. The panel, exhibited cur-
133. Kitchen, letter to the author, July 2009. In Kitchen 2003, p. 270, rently in the Israel Museum, Jerusalem, is dated in Brandl 1995 to
l. 372:10, the inscription is translated slightly differently as “[of the the thirteenth century B.C.; see also Fischer 2011.
foreign land of] Ary.” Yoyotte had made this suggestion in 1962 159. Petrie 1891, pl. 20:4. The “box” is marked similarly; see Wallis
(pp. 467 – 68). Schulman (1986, p. 195) thought “Ari” could be 1900, fig. 40.
Atumemtaneb’s Semitic name. 160. For an example of Near Eastern metalwork, see the detailed pho-
134. Letter to the author, July 2009. Belmonte Marín (2001, p. 36) calls tographs of the gold bowl from Ugarit in Lilyquist 1988, p. 33.
Arra “a provincial Syrian center on a key route through north and 161. Loud 1939, pl. 4:2 (Rockefeller Archaeological Museum, East
central Syria.” Jerusalem, 38.780).
135. On Ramesside officials at Qantir, see Bietak and Forstner-Müller 162. Kitagawa 2008.
2011. 163. Ogden 1990 – 91, p. 10.
136. Caminos 1954, pp. 16, 117, 138, 200 – 201, 333, 337, 384. 164. For bird trapping and netting in middle Egypt and in the north at
137. Callender 2004, Dodson 2011. Saqqara during the Ramesside period, see Berlandini 1982,
138. Edgar Pusch, emails to the author, June 17 and July 23, 2009. pp. 86 – 92; Ockinga and al-Masri 1990, pls. 54, 55; and Hofmann
139. For the tomb, see Gohary 1991; Tawfik 1991, no. St 101, pp. 405, 2004, pp. 119 – 20. See also G. Martin 1987, Zivie 2003, and notes
407 – 8, pls. 56a, 57b,c, 58, fig. 1; and Van Dijk 1993, pp. 156 – 57. 157 and 166 above and below.
For the statue, see Málek 1999, p. 591, no. 801-638-300; Kitchen 165. An example at Saqqara is published in Ockinga 2004.
2000, p. 148; and al-Ayedi 2006, p. 576, no. 1936. I am very 166. No. Davies 1927, pp. 60 – 62, pls. 30, 37, 40.
grateful to André Bolshakov for information and photographs. 167. Simpson (1959, p. 38) called the reed structure a “windbreak.”
140. Kitchen, letter to the author, June 28, 2010. See also Pomorska Pischikova (conversation with the author, January 1, 2006) has iden-
1987, pp. 178 – 80. tified it as a shrine holding a mummy being dragged forward by
141. Gohary 1991. horses (rather than the more usual oxen) driven by a man with a
142. Undated letter of summer 2009; see Kitchen 2006. On foreign lasso and a throwstick. See Barthelmess 1992, pl. 4 (Theban Tomb
features found at Pi-Ramesse, see Pusch 1996. 296). No other scenes on the repoussé bowl are explicitly funerary,
143. Gohary 1991, pl. 51. however, and horses in marshes do appear on Tell Basta vessels.
44
168. I am grateful to Harpur for many observations of Old Kingdom 184. Egyptian Museum, Cairo (CG 44101); see Bénédite 1907 and
relief; her website (www.oxfordexpeditiontoegypt.com) is an Bianchi 1996, p. 159.
excellent resource for Old Kingdom tomb decoration. 185. See Bissing 1910 and 1941, Tait 1963, Fazzini 2001 (two fragmen-
169. See note 158 above. tary chalices in the Brooklyn Museum), and Lilyquist, database of
170. Several 18th Dynasty Theban tombs show ostriches being hunted faience relief chalices (in preparation). In addition to two com-
or brought back to a tomb owner (Porter and Moss 1960, p. 468, plete chalices (Figure 56 and MMA 26.7.971), the MMA has
[d]; Edwards 1976a, p. 52; Decker and Herb 1994, vol. 1, pp. 330 numerous fragments.
no. J 89, 338 no. J 107, vol. 2, pls. 157, 167), but in the Tell Basta 186. Radwan (1983, no. 406) noted the unconventional decoration of
case they appear to be domesticated. The ostrich may have a this goblet.
history in the Near East, for it appears on a Neo-Assyrian cylinder 187. The Rothschild cup was in the collection of Edmond de Rothschild
seal of the first millennium B.C. on which the bird is pursued by when Tait discussed it in 1963 (chalice IV, fig. 2). It has not been
a hero (Porada 1948, p. 70, no. 606). seen since.
171. A Middle Assyrian box offers the best parallel for the bird and its 188. Wicke 2010, figs. 11 (MMA 13.182.53), 12 (Fitzwilliam E.256.1939).
chicks; see Houlihan 1986, pp. 79 – 81, and Harper et al. 1995, 189. For chalices with inscriptions, see Tait 1963, nos. XVI (reconstruc-
pp. 83 – 85. tion based on four fragments, one of which is MMA 30.8.154) and
172. Lions were normally a royal symbol in Egypt; in the temple of XXXII (Ägyptisches Museum Berlin, 4563). Fazzini (1988) assigned
Ramesses III (reigned 1184 – 1153 B.C.) at Medinet Habu, they the second chalice to Osorkon II (872– 842 B.C.), but the first has
appear in scenes of chariotry and the hunt (Epigraphic Survey names used by Smendes (Hedjkheperra setepenra, ca. 1076 –
1930, pls. 17, 35). A lion being speared by an Asiatic was depicted 1052 B.C.) and Sheshonq I (943–923 B.C.). It has more divine sym-
in Egypt during the Hyksos period (Arnold 2008), but the gold bols, however, so a progression from naturalistic to symbolic is
drinking cup from Ugarit provides a better parallel yet (Schaeffer indicated. A chalice fragment from Jordan (Milward 1975) has
1949, pp. 23 – 48, pl. 8). Hedjkheperra, a name also used by several Dynasty 22–23 kings.
173. See the gazelle on a Ramesside bowl from Gurob (Petrie 1891, For a naturalistic chalice, in the Toledo Museum of Art (1983.12),
p. 19, §39, pl. 20:5). see H. Müller 1979. The dates here derive from Hornung, Krauss,
174. For Old Kingdom blocks reused in tombs near Ameneminet’s, see and Warburton 2006, pp. 493 – 94; for Third Intermediate Period
Tawfik 1991, p. 409, and Daoud 2011. Determining relationships dating, which is still under discussion, see also Aston 2009,
between monuments of different eras is a complex matter, how- pp. 19–37 and Broekman, Demarée, and Kaper 2009, p. 445.
ever; see Der Manuelian 1994, pp. 51 – 58, and Stammers 2009, 190. At Tell Basta, Habachi (1957) found the Ramesside names Seti I,
pp. 85 – 86. Harpur suggests that there would have been other Ramesses II, Merenptah, Seti II, Tawosret, Ramesses III, Ramesses
vehicles for transmitting iconography. VIII, and Ramesses X. See also Lange 2010. On the Levant, see
175. For a late Dynasty 18 depiction of Renenutet presiding over wine- Gubel 2000. For the statue base, see Breasted 1948, from a mixed
making, see No. Davies 1933, p. 37, pl. 48. context.
176. Russmann 2008. 191. Eggler and Gubel 2010. For good illustrations of the bowls, see
177. Hofmann 2004, pp. 109 – 10. Fontan and Le Meux 2007, pp. 12, 21, 126, 166, 169, 343 – 45.
178. Ameneminet had a title at the Ramesseum, and a cartouche of Some Phoenician bowls have associations with late ninth-
Ramesses II appears in the tomb that is spelled in the post – year century Cypriot pottery (Caubet, conversation with the author,
20 form (Van Dijk, email to the author, December 15, 2010, and November 2010).
see Gohary 1991, pl. 56, panel 2, col. 9). 192. W. Smith 1958, pp. 227 – 29. In 1963, in an unpublished review
179. Email to the author, December 15, 2010, and see also Van Dijk for the Gazette des beaux-arts, Smith’s student Donald P. Hansen
1993, chap. 6. He looks at the particular form of the “seated man” wrote, “Elements of style and iconography of the original
determinative in inscriptions of the Saqqara necropolis (Gohary arts . . . become so familiar that they remain, as it were, in a
1991, pl. 56, panel 2, cols. 12, 18; G. Martin et al. 2001, p. 25) and state of flux, divorced from the mother art, and capable of
the location of the tomb adjacent to that of the vizier Neferrenpet, being employed by the craftsmen in any of the great cosmopoli-
who announced the tenth and eleventh Sed festivals of Ramesses II tan centers.”
(years 57 and 60). 193. Roehrig 2005, cat. 25; Wicke 2008, p. 258, Gurob.1.
180. Davis et al. 1908, pp. 39 – 40, no. 15, pls. 9, 10; Altenmüller 2008, 194. Bissing 1901, pp. 60 – 62, ill.; Radwan 1983, no. 328, pl. 59.
fig. 77. 195. The stand with the banquet (Radwan 1983, no. 468) is especially
181. For monuments of her period, see Callender 2004 and Altenmüller maladroit; the heads of the figures are placed directly under pen-
2008. For a consideration of different contemporary styles in the dant lotuses, making it appear as though the banquet guests wear
Ramesside period, see Brand 2011, p. 57. lotus hats. These stands must have been made locally, and one
182. Altenmüller 2008, figs. 76, 77 (in Cairo). even wonders if the artist could have been an Asiatic.
183. Ogden 1990 – 91, p. 13. For other vessels, see Montet 1951 and 196. Conversation with the author, January 2009.
1960. 197. Braunstein 2011.

A P P E N D I X 1 : C ATA L O G U E O F T H E T E L L B A S TA T R E A S U R E
Items marked with one asterisk came from the first find (September 22, VESSELS
1906); those with two asterisks are from the second find (October 17,
1906).
Bowls
The objects are grouped first by type and then by location, in accession **1. Silver with gold rim, omega handle, and cone over omphalos.
number order. Accession numbers preceded by JE, CG, and SR 1/ Interior with chased outer register of animals and chased recessed
denote objects now in the Egyptian Museum, Cairo; those preceded by base with swamp. Inscribed on exterior for Amy
ÄM refer to objects in the Ägyptisches Museum und Papyrussammlung Diam. 6 in. (15.3 cm), Diam. of cone 1 1⁄2 in. (3.8 cm)
Berlin; and MMA numbers refer to objects in The Metropolitan Edgar 1907b, pp. 102 – 3, pl. 48; Vernier 1927
Museum of Art (cats. 15, 33, 43: Theodore M. Davis Collection,
JE 38709 and 39869, CG 53263, SR 1/6619
Bequest of Theodore M. Davis, 1915; all others: Rogers Fund, 1907).
Figures 18, 44, 57, 77, 90, Appendix 3
The pieces of a single object in the Metropolitan may have individual
accession numbers; in that case the lowest number is given to the
entire group. **2. Silver with gold rim, herringbone omega handle
Diam. 6 7⁄8 – 7 1⁄8 in. (17.5 – 18.2 cm)
Objects in Cairo were registered in the museum’s Journal d’Entrée (JE), Edgar 1907b, p. 101, pl. 47, middle
Catalogue Général (CG), and Special Register of Section 1 (SR 1/).
JE 39884.1, SR 1/6697
Objects on display were registered in the Journal d’Entrée twice, once
Figures 21, 91
in 1906 and again in 1908. A concordance of the two sets of numbers
was written into the Journal by Guy Brunton, who was keeper from
57. From left to right: repro- 1931 to 1948. The tags with uniform handwritten JE numbers still **3. Silver with gold rim, omega handle, and cone-shaped omphalos.
duction of Amy’s bowl attached to some of the items today probably date to that time. The Recessed base with swimmers
(cat. 1) by Émile Gilliéron corroded and fragmentary silver items were registered briefly in 1908, H. about 1 3⁄8 in. (3.5 cm), Diam. 6 3⁄8 – 6 3⁄4 in. (16.1 – 17.2 cm); H. of
(MMA, Dodge Fund, 1931, received a bit more detail in the Special Register of the 1960s, and recessed base, 3⁄8 in. (1 cm), Diam. 4 1⁄4 in. (10.9 cm)
31.10.20a); repoussé bowl underwent restoration in the 1970s. Edgar 1907b, pl. 47, top
(cat. 9); and reproduction
JE 39884.2, SR 1/6698
of goblet naming Tawosret Some of the objects that went to Berlin were lost during World War II,
Figures 22, 47, 92, Appendix 3
(cat. 22) by Émile Gilliéron so the dimensions given here for them are from the museum’s register.
(MMA, Dodge Fund, 1931, I measured the objects I saw in the museum in 1987.
31.10.22). Photograph: **4. Corroded silver base with gold cone over omphalos
Karin L. Willis, Photograph Shapes and features that occur on multiple vessels are reviewed in W. 5 7⁄8 in. (15 cm), Diam. of gold cone ca. 1 5⁄8 in. (4 cm)
Studio, MMA Appendix 4. Edgar 1907b, p. 101
JE 39884.3, SR1/6699
Figures 25, 90
**5. Silver with striated gold omega handle and omphalos

Diam. 6 1⁄4 in. (16 cm)
Edgar 1907b, p. 101
JE 39884.4, SR1/6700
Figures 23, 91
**6. Silver with plain gold omega handle

Diam. 6 1⁄8 in. (15.5 cm)
Edgar 1907b, p. 101
JE 39884.5, SR 1/6701
Figures 24, 91
**7. Large corroded silver with cloth impressions. Five decorated

fragments, one inscribed, that do not belong to the bowl
Diam. 9 1⁄2 in. (24 cm)
Edgar 1907b, p. 101, pl. 47, bottom
JE 39884.6, SR 1/6702
Figures 19, 20
46
*14. Bronze
Diam. 5 3⁄8 in. (13.6 cm)
MMA 07.228.255
Figure 74
*15. Gold cone

Diam. 2 3⁄8 in. (6.15 cm)
MMA 30.8.371
Figures 3, 58, 90
Jugs
58. Gold cone (cat. 15). Photograph: Karin L. Willis, *16. Simpson’s Vessel A. Silver with gold rim and goat handle.
Photograph Studio, MMA Chased neck, repoussé body, and lotus on base. Inscribed for
Atumemtaneb
H. 6 5⁄8 in. (16.8 cm)
Edgar 1907b, pp. 98 – 99, pl. 43; Vernier 1927
**8. Silver with gold rim, gold cone over omphalos, and gold
spheres. Repoussé swamp and animal friezes. Numerous decorated JE 38705 and 39867, CG 53262, SR 1/6609
fragments, the most readable included in drawing. Inscription nam- Figures 5, 39, Appendix 3
ing Ameneminet
Diam. 7 1⁄2 in. (19 cm), Diam. of gold cone 1 3⁄8 in. (3.6 cm)
*17a – e. Simpson’s Vessel B. Silver with gold aurochs handle. Chased
JE 39884.10, SR 1/7789 neck, repoussé body, and lotus on base. Inscribed for Atumemtaneb
Figures 26, 42, 90, 92, Appendix 3
a. Body and neck fragment
H. 5 3⁄8 in. (13.5 cm)
*9. Silver. Extensively chased with repoussé scenes Edgar 1907b, pp. 99 – 100, no. 2, pl. 44; Vernier 1927
Diam. 8 1⁄8 in. (20.7 cm)
JE 38720 and 39868, CG 53258, SR 1/6623
MMA 07.228.20
Figures 3, 43, 57, 76, Appendix 3 b. Aurochs handle. Formerly in Berlin, lost in World War II
H. 4 3⁄8 in. (11 cm)
*10. Silver rim, fragment ÄM 20106
W. 4 3⁄4 in. (11.9 cm)
c. Two neck fragments. Lion and calf; goat and floral bands
MMA 07.228.195
W. 2 3⁄8 and 1 3⁄8 in. (6 and 3.5 cm)
Figure 74
ÄM 20107a, b
*11. Silver rim, fragment. With Tawosret’s names surrounded by two
d. Three neck fragments. One with lion and bovine; two with two goats
cartouches with the epithets “lord of the two lands” and “lord of
H. of lion and bovine fragment 1 3⁄4 in. (4.6 cm); H. of largest fragment
crowns” written above them
1 7⁄8 in. (4.9 cm); H. of rim fragment 1 5⁄8 in. (4.2 cm)
Diam. 4 1⁄4 in. (10.9 cm)
Simpson 1959, pp. 39 – 40 MMA 07.228.219, 222, 242
MMA 07.228.196
e. Body fragments. Heart pattern; inscription from scene
Figure 74
H. 1 1⁄8 in. (2.9 cm), W. 1 3⁄4 in. (4.4 cm)
MMA 07.228.221, 220

*12. Silver rim of open vessel, fragment
W. 3 7⁄8 in. (9.9 cm) Figures 6, 40, Appendix 3
MMA 07.228.208
Figure 74 *18. Simpson’s Vessel C. Silver with lioness-headed handle.
Inscription naming Atumemtaneb
*13. Silver rim of carinated vessel, fragment H. without handle 6 1⁄4 in. (15.9 cm), Diam. of body 5 1⁄8 in. (12.9 cm)
W. 4 3⁄8 in. (11 cm) MMA 07.228.187
MMA 07.228.251a Figures 3, 41, 79, Appendix 3
Figure 75

59. Silver jug with gold rim *21. Silver with gold rim. No chasing
(cat. 21). Photograph: Karin L. H. 5 5⁄8 in. (14.2 cm)
Willis, Photograph Studio,
MMA MMA 07.228.15
Figures 3, 59, 79
Goblet
*22. Gold. Inscribed Tawosret

H. 3 3⁄4 in. (9.4 cm)
Edgar 1907b, p. 99, pl. 44(1); Vernier 1927
JE 38708 and 39872, CG 53260, SR 1/6622

Figures 4, 57
Situlae
*23. Electrum. Inscribed Tawosret

H. 5 1⁄8 in. (13 cm)
ÄM 19736 (lost in World War II)

Figure 8
*24. Silver with plain rim

*19. Chased silver fragment with reed leaves. Possibly from Simpson’s H. 5 in. (12.6 cm), Wt. 3 oz. (85.4 g)
Vessel C
MMA 07.228.17
H. 1 7⁄8 in. (4.9 cm)
Figures 3, 60, 80
MMA 07.228.215
Figure 41, Appendix 3
*25. Silver with chased leaf rim
H. 5 3⁄8 in. (13.7 cm), Wt. 2 1⁄2 oz. (69.6 g)
*20. Chased silver fragment with part of vessel body. Possibly from
MMA 07.228.18
Simpson’s Vessel C
Figures 3, 60, 80
W. 1 1⁄2 in. (3.8 cm)
MMA 07.228.246
Figure 41, Appendix 3
60. Situlae and flask. From

left to right, three situlae:
silver with a chased leaf rim
(cat. 25), electrum with
floral decoration (cat. 26),
and silver with a plain rim
(cat. 24); silver flask (cat. 32).
Photograph: Karin L. Willis,
Photograph Studio, MMA
48
*26. Decorated electrum
H. 5 1⁄8 in. (13.1 cm), Wt. 2 1⁄2 oz. (72.4 g)
MMA 07.228.22
Figures 3, 60, 80
*27. Silver base with lotus design

H. 3 1⁄8 in. (7.9 cm)
MMA 07.228.188
Figure 80
*28. Silver wall fragment with leaf

H. 1 3⁄4 in. (4.6 cm)
MMA 07.228.191
*29. Silver neck with chased leaves

H. 1 3⁄8 in. (3.5 cm)
**35. Gold chased with floral bands and lozenge pattern. Ring handle 61. Jars. From left to right,
MMA 07.228.209 with recumbent calf. Lotus on base gold chased with a cat, a
Figure 80 H. 4 3⁄8 in. (11.2 cm) swag, and floral bands, with
Edgar 1907b, pp. 100 – 101, pl. 45; Vernier 1927 a ring handle with faience
inlay (cat. 34; reproduction
*30. Silver cylindrical neck JE 38706 and 39870, CG 53261, SR 1/6624 by Émile Gilliéron in MMA:
W. 1 3⁄8 in. (3.5 cm) Figures 12, 61 Dodge Fund, 1931 [31.10.23]);
MMA 07.228.250a – d gold chased with floral bands
Figure 80 and a lozenge pattern, with a
*36. Silver chased with floral and heart patterns. Restored
ring handle with a recumbent
original H. 4 3⁄8 in. (11 cm)
calf (cat. 35; reproduction by
Bottle ÄM 20105 Émile Gilliéron in MMA:
Figure 9 Dodge Fund, 1931 [31.10.21]);
*31. Silver with oval body. Scenes of Bastet, inscribed for Meritptah
silver with a high neck
H. 6 1⁄8 in. (15.5 cm); H. of neck 7⁄8 in. (2.2 cm)
(cat. 39); silver with a low
*37. Silver fragments with gold rim. Chased with floral elements and neck and gold rim (cat. 40).
MMA 07.228.19
heart pattern. Virtually complete profile Photograph: Karin L. Willis,
Figures 3, 48, 81
H. 3 in. (7.5 cm) Photograph Studio, MMA
ÄM 20108
Flask
Figure 10
*32. Silver with pointed base
H. 5 5⁄8 in. (14.4 cm)
*38. Gold chased with floral bands and heart pattern. Ring handle
MMA 07.228.181 with recumbent calf. Lotus on base
Figures 3, 60, 82 H. 3 1⁄4 in. (8.4 cm)
ÄM 21134 (lost in World War II)

Unidentified closed vessel Figure 7
*33. Silver neck with gold Hathor band

H. 3 in. (7.7 cm) *39. Silver with high neck
H. 4 in. (10.3 cm), Wt. 3 oz. (85.8 g)
MMA 30.8.370
Figures 3, 49, 83 MMA 07.228.16
Figures 3, 61, 84
Jars
*40. Silver with low neck and gold rim
**34. Gold chased with cat, swag, and floral bands. Ring handle with
H. 2 1⁄2 in. (6.5 cm), Wt. 1 3⁄8 oz. (39.3 g)
faience inlay
H. 3 in. (7.6 cm) MMA 07.228.21
Edgar 1907b, p. 101, pl. 46; Vernier 1927 Figures 3, 61, 84
JE 38707 and 39871, CG 53259, SR 1/6621

Figures 13, 61 *41. Silver body without neck
H. 2 3⁄4 in. (7.1 cm)
MMA 07.228.193
Figure 84

*47. Silver rim fragment with complete lotus handle
W. 4 3⁄8 in. (11 cm)
Simpson 1959, n. 68
MMA 07.228.190
Figure 87
*48. Silver profile. No handle preserved

W. 4 3⁄4 in. (12 cm)
Simpson 1959, n. 68
MMA 07.228.194
Figure 86
*49. Silver rim

W. 5 1⁄8 in. (12.9 cm)
Simpson 1959, n. 68
MMA 07.228.198
Figure 86
*50. Silver upper part of vessel. No handle preserved

W. 4 3⁄8 in. (11 cm)
MMA 07.228.207
62. Gold strainer with chasing Strainers, shallow Figure 86
(cat. 43). Photograph: Karin L.
**42. Silver with lotus on handle. Rivet attaching end of handle
Willis, Photograph Studio,
4 x 4 3⁄4 in. (10 x 12 cm) *51. Silver profile with lotus handle
MMA
Edgar 1907b, pl. 49, lower right W. 4 1⁄2 in. (11.5 cm)
JE 38716 and 39880, SR 1/6693 MMA 07.228.249a

Figure 27 Figure 87
*43. Gold with chasing *52. Silver fragments (too small to draw)
Diam. 4 3⁄4 in. (12 cm), Wt. 2 3⁄8 oz. (67.2 g)
MMA 07.228.252
MMA 30.8.369
Figures 3, 62, 85
Strainers, deep
**53. Silver with broad handle

*44. Silver profile. No handle preserved
Diam. 4 3⁄8 in. (11 cm)
W. 3 1⁄2 in. (9 cm)
Edgar 1907b, p. 103, pl. 49, top
Quantitative analysis by Mark Wypyski (MMA) by SEM,
June 9, 2006: Cu 5.1, Zn .07, Ag 91.9, Au 2.8, Pb .09 JE 38716 and 39880, SR 1/6694
Simpson 1949, p. 65 Figure 27
MMA 07.228.185
Figure 86 **54. Silver with lotus handle
L. of handle 2 3⁄8 in. (6.1 cm)
Edgar 1907b, p. 103, pl. 49, lower left
*45. Silver profile. No handle preserved.
W. 4 3⁄4 in. (11.9 cm) JE 38716 and 39880, SR 1/6695
Simpson 1949, p. 65 Figure 27
MMA 07.228.186
Figure 86 *55. Electrum
H. 2 5⁄8 in. (6.8 cm), W. 4 1⁄4 in. (10.8 cm) (measured by author in 1987)
*46. Silver rim fragment with lotus handle ÄM 20104

W. 5 1⁄8 in. (12.9 cm) Figure 8
Simpson 1959, n. 68
MMA 07.228.189
Figure 87
50
*56. Silver *66. Silver fragments with incised lines (too small to draw)
H. 2 1⁄8 in. (5.5 cm)
MMA 07.228.253a – g
Simpson 1949, p. 65
MMA 07.228.184
*67. Silver fragments (too small to draw)
Figure 89
MMA 07.228.256 – 58
*57. Silver
Diam. 2 3⁄8 in. (6.1 cm)
GOLD JEWELRY
MMA 07.228.226
Figure 89
**68. Gold bracelets inlaid with lapis. Inscribed for Ramesses II
Greatest H. 2 3⁄8 in. (5.9 cm)
*58. Silver Edgar 1907b, p. 106, pl. 54; Vernier 1907 – 9
Diam. 2 1⁄2 in. (6.2 cm)
JE 38710 and 39873, CG 52575 – 76, SR 1/6620
MMA 07.228.227 Figure 14
Figure 89
**69. Large pair of inlaid gold ear studs

Strainer parts (see also Silver Jewelry, Vessel Parts, and Scrap, below) Diam. 2 1⁄4 in. (5.7 cm)
*59. Plain silver handle Edgar 1907b, pp. 105 – 6, pl. 53 left; Vernier 1907 – 9
L. 1 3⁄8 in. (3.6 cm) JE 38711, 39593, 39594, and 39877(a) – (b), CG 52325 – 26,
Simpson 1959, n. 68 SR 1/6617 – 18
MMA 07.228.201 Figure 63
Figure 88
**70. Small pair of inlaid gold ear studs
*60. Silver handle with rivet Diam. 1 3⁄4 in. (4.5 cm) 63. Inlaid gold ear stud
L. 1 5⁄8 in. (4.2 cm) Edgar 1907b, pp. 105 – 6, pl. 53, center and right; Vernier 1907 – 9 (cat. 69). Photograph: Edgar
1907b, pl. 53, left
MMA 07.228.204 JE 38712(a) – (b) and 39878(a) – (b), CG 52327 – 28, SR 1/6615 – 16
Figure 88 Figure 15
*61. Silver handle **71. Assemblage of gold and carnelian beads

L. 1 3⁄4 in. (4.3 cm) W. as strung 14 1⁄8 in. (36 cm)
Simpson 1959, n. 68 Edgar 1907b, pp. 104 – 5, pl. 52; Vernier 1927
MMA 07.228.237 JE 38713 and 39875, CG 53184, SR 1/6611

Figure 88 Figure 16
*62. Silver wall fragment with rivet **72. Gold clasp

W. 1 3⁄4 in. (4.5 cm) H. 3 1⁄4 in. (8.4 cm)
Edgar 1907b, p. 105, pl. 53, top; Vernier 1927
MMA 07.228.247
Figure 88 JE 39876, CG 53182, SR 1/6610
Figure 17
Undetermined vessel types
*63. Silver from wall (too small to draw) SILV ER J EWELRY, V ESSEL PA RTS, A ND S C RA P
MMA 07.228.200
**73. Parts of shallow strainers
Large folded and crushed fragment, 2 1⁄8 x 2 3⁄8 in. (5.5 x 6 cm); small
*64. Silver wall. Curved
crushed fragment with chevrons, greatest H. 1 1⁄2 in. (3.8 cm); wall
W. 1 3⁄4 in. (4.6 cm)
and lotus handle, W. 2 3⁄4 in. (7 cm), W. of handle 1 1⁄2 in. (3.7 cm)
MMA 07.228.238 Edgar 1907b, p. 104, pl. 51 (two)
64. Parts of shallow silver
JE 38716 and 39880, SR 1/6690 strainers (cat. 73). Photo-
*65. Silver fragments (too small to draw) Figure 64 graph: Edgar 1907b, pl. 51
MMA 07.228.251b – e

**78. Three boxes of silver fragments
Edgar 1907b, p. 104, pl. 50 (a few)
JE 39882(at) – (av), SR 1/7785 – 87

Figures 33 (JE 39882[av]), 34 (JE 39882[au]), 65
**79. Silver ingot

L. 5 1⁄2 in. (14 cm)
Edgar 1907b, p. 104, pl. 51
JE 39883(a), SR 1/6691
Figure 35
**80. Silver ingot fragment

L. 2 3⁄4 in. (7 cm)
Edgar 1907b, p. 104, pl. 51
JE 39883(b), SR 1/6692
Figure 35
**81. Two rim fragments of carinated bowl connected by plain gold

omega handle
JE 39884.7, SR 1/6703
65. Silver jewelry and silver **74. Seventeen complete and two nearly complete bangles **82. Three fragments of crushed silver carinated bowls, one with
fragments (cats. 74 – 78). Diam. 2 1⁄2 – 4 in. (6.2 – 10.1 cm); W. of two fragments 2 and 2 3⁄4 in. gold sedge fitting with ring
Photograph: Edgar 1907b, (5 and 6.9 cm) greatest dimension 3 1⁄4 in. (8.2 cm)
pl. 50 Edgar 1907b, p. 104, pl. 50 (some); Vernier 1907 – 9
JE 39884.8, SR 1/6704
JE 39881(a) – (u), CG 52613 – 32, 35, SR 1/6696 and 6670 – 89
Figures 28 (JE39881[i]), 65
**83. Sixteen pieces of scrap silver, most folded, some cut
Hieroglyphs: Edgar 1907b, p. 104, pl. 50; Kitchen 1982a, p. 373, g;
**75. Silver wire ingot and twenty-six silver finger rings, most with papyrus and bird: Edgar 1907b, p. 104, pl. 51 (some); cartouche of
papyrus umbels: four stirrup, six amuletic uraeus, six amuletic wedjat, Ramesses II: Edgar 1907b, p. 96
five amuletic Hathor head, three amuletic fish, two amuletic Bes
JE 39884.9, SR 1/6705
Diam. 1⁄2 – 1 1⁄8 in. (1.15 – 2.9 cm)
Figures 36, 37
Edgar 1907b, p. 104, pl. 50 (some); Vernier 1907 – 9
JE 39882(a) – (t), (w), and (ao) – (as), CG 52268 – 87 and 52337,

*84. Silver beads, ring, and bits (too small to draw)
SR 1/6327 – 6646, 6663, and 6665 – 69
Figures 29 (JE 39882[ap], [as], [aq], [ao), [ar]), 30 (JE 39882[c]), 31 MMA 07.228.254a – h
(JE 39882[a]), 35 (JE 39882[a]), 65
**76. Jewelry scraps POT T E RY

Edgar 1907b, p. 104, pl. 50 (a few); Vernier 1907 – 9
JE 39882(an), CG 52354, SR1/6664 **85. “Painted fragment of New Empire style” (blue-painted?)
Figure 65 Edgar 1907b, p. 96
**77. Silver earrings: fifteen loops with thickest part vertical or **86. “Part of a portable brasier”
horizontal, one with pendant grape cluster, one fragmentary with Edgar 1907b, p. 96; see Aston 1989
incised design on oval plate
Greatest dimension 1 in. (2.6 cm)
Edgar 1907b, p. 104, pl. 50 (some); Vernier 1907 – 9
JE 39882(u) – (v), (x) – (z), (aa) – (am); CG 52288, 52336, 52338 – 45,
52347 – 53; SR 1/ 6625 – 26, 6647 – 54, 6656 – 62
Figures 32 (JE 39882[z], [ac], [x], [aj]), 65
52
A P P E N D I X 2 : O B J E C T S I N T H E M E T R O P O L I TA N M U S E U M O F A R T T H AT P O S T DAT E
T H E R A M E S S I D E P E R I O D (Photographs are by William Barrette. Drawings, all at a scale of 3:5, are by William Schenck.)
Among the objects purchased by the Metropolitan Museum alleged to Silver “incense burner” and braided chain
come from the Tell Basta treasure are some that, for various reasons, The chased decoration could be interpreted as floral, with pairs of
appear to be later than the Ramesside period. Hayes (1959, pp. 358– drop-shaped holes near the petal tips. It is the holes that indicate that
60) and Simpson (1949, p. 64, and 1959, n. 65) mentioned some of the object may be an incense burner. The closest Egyptian parallels
these objects. Whether they are indeed from Tell Basta is unknown, are part of the Ptolemaic temple hoard from Toukh el-Karamus
although their corroded silver state when they were acquired matched (Pfrommer 1987, nos. KTK2 and KT17, pls. 3, 21). The chain, com-
that of the Ramesside items. A number of them have gilding, however, posed of four braided sets of wire, was found corroded in the pyxis
a technique not seen on other Tell Basta objects (light gilding was when purchased by the Metropolitan Museum. One fitting remains
reported on the body of cat. 37 but I did not find it) and that is not on the chain while another gilded fitting has broken from the chain.
documented until after the Ramesside period (see Ogden 2000, No parallel has been found for the fitting.
p. 160). A silver wedjat eye among the scrap of the second find H. 2 1⁄8 in. (5.5 cm), Diam. of bowl 4 1⁄4 in. (10.8 cm), Diam. of lid
(Figure 34) is gilded only by mechanical gold foil application. Items 4 1⁄8 in. (10.5 cm)
comparable to this group of objects have been found in later times. Simpson 1949, p. 64
MMA 07.228.183a, b
Gilded silver Harpocrates Figure 67
The child god wears an elaborate headdress and is seated with a
suspension loop attached to the upper part of his back. Similar figures
in the Louvre are gradated and suspended from a wire torque
(Vandier 1948). According to Marsha Hill (conversation with the
author, April 30, 2008), the Tell Basta figure is probably Ptolemaic.
H. 5 1⁄4 in. (13.3 cm)
Simpson 1949, p. 63; Simpson 1959, n. 65
MMA 07.228.23
Figure 66 66. Gilded silver Harpocrates
67. Side and top views of silver “incense burner,” and the
remains of its braided chain

68. Gilded silver vessel wall with swirls
69. Fragment of a silver lid or base
70. Gilded silver repoussé scene with frame
71. Leaded tin vial 72. Plain silver inscribed piece 73. Gilded silver inscribed fragment
54
Gilded silver vessel wall with swirls Bakirtzis 2002, Ghini-Tsofopoulou 2002, Papadopoulou 2002; I thank
See the design on a stand from Toukh el-Karamus (Pfrommer 1987, Christopher Lightfoot for the references). One vial displays a simple
no. KTK 3, pl. 4). shell and an Arab inscription for a Christian pilgrim (Jašaeva 2010,
W. 2 in. (5.15 cm), Diam. 4 5⁄8 in. (11.7 cm) p. 483). Helen Evans (conversation with the author, June 2010) sug-
gests it is reasonable to believe that the Tell Basta vial could be an
MMA 07.228.217
earlier example of the type. Sheila Canby (conversation with the
Figure 68
author, February 1, 2010) suggests later Islamic parallels: the shape is
reminiscent of a thirteenth-century A.D. glass bottle from Egypt,
Fragment of silver lid or base although the bottle is much larger; the vertical decorative forms could
L. 2 1⁄2 in. (6.3 cm) be cypress trees, a motif used in Egypt in the fourteenth century A.D.
H. 2 1⁄4 in. (5.7 cm)
MMA 07.228.248
Simpson 1959, n. 65
Figure 69
MMA 07.228.192
Figure 71
Gilded silver repoussé scene with frame
The iconography of the scene is unusual, with two votaries approach-
ing a seated bearded figure. The scene recalls a second-millennium Plain silver inscribed piece
B.C. limestone stela from Ugarit thought to show the king making an The inscription was read by Kitchen (letter of July 2009) as “before
offering to the seated god El (Yon et al. 1991, pp. 305–7; Galliano and Hathor, lady of [Byblos].” For a Demotic parallel of the Ptolemaic
Calvet 2004, no. 148). Along the edges of the band is a series of qua- period, see MMA 26.2.46 (Shore 1979).
trefoils inscribed within squares. Above and below the scene are hor- W. 1 1⁄2 in. (3.8 cm)
izontal bands of guilloche pattern, bosses, and fields comprised of MMA 07.228.245
five vertical ridges. Figure 72
Frame: W. 1 in. (2.4 cm), band: H. 1 5⁄8 in. (4.2 cm)
MMA 07.228.210, 07.228.239 Gilded silver inscribed fragment

Figure 70 A post-Ramesside date is supported by Kitchen (correspondence with
the author, June 2010), who read the fragmentary inscription as
“Khepri” (the god) and “weary ones.”
Leaded tin vial
a: three lines of inscription in raised relief, W. 1 5⁄8 in. (4.2 cm);
Mark Wypyski of the Department of Scientific Research at the MMA
b: corroded, W. 1 5⁄8 in. (4.3 cm)
performed energy-dispersive X-ray spectrometry in June 2009. The
Simpson 1959, n. 65
tests revealed that the vial is 75.5% tin and 24.5% lead, by weight.
The material, container type, and fabrication find parallels in Byzan- MMA 07.228.244a, b
tine times, and the iconography is generally Christian (Engemann 2001, Figure 73

A P P E N D I X 3 : D R A W I N G S O F T E L L B A S TA D E C O R AT E D V E S S E L S
A N D R E L AT E D B O W L S , A L L S H O W N AT A S C A L E O F 1:3
Frieze on the neck

of Vessel A from
Tell Basta (Figure
39, cat. 16)
Fragments in the
MMA of Vessel B
from Tell Basta
(Figure 40, cat. 17)
Fragments on or associated
with Vessel C from Tell Basta
(Figure 41, cat. 18)
Rollout drawing of the repoussé bowl

naming Ameneminet from Tell Basta
(Figure 42, cat. 8)
56
Rollout drawing of the
MMA repoussé bowl
from Tell Basta (Figure
43, cat. 9)
Bowl of Amy from Tell Basta (Figure 44, cat. 1) Bowl from the tomb of Hatiay (Figure 45) Bowl from the royal tombs at Tanis (Figure 46)
Swimmers bowl from Tell Fragmentary black bronze cup

Basta (Figure 47, cat. 3) from the art market (Figure 54)

A P P E N D I X 4 : T H E S H A P E S , M E C H A N I CA L F E AT U R E S , A N D M OT I F S A N D I C O N O G R A P H Y
O F T E L L BA S TA A N D R E L AT E D V E S S E L S (The scale of all drawings is 1:3 except Figure 90, which is at 1:1.5. All drawings
are by William Schenck except Figures 74, bottom, 77, and 78, which are by Tamara Bower.)
a. Vessel Shapes
With the exception of the goblet (cat. 22) and a bowl with a constricted Bowls with a constricted neck and carinated shoulder (cat. 2),
neck in the Egyptian Museum (such as cat. 1), all of the vessel shapes two with a recessed base with an omphalos (cats. 1, 3, Figure 77).5
catalogued in Appendix 1 exist as examples in the Metropolitan. The swimmers bowl (cat. 3) has a flat base with an integral cone-
Drawings have been made of all the vessels and reconstructable frag- shaped “omphalos.” Erika Fischer (in a conversation with the author,
ments in the Museum. The shapes are reviewed here with notes to January 16, 2011) has suggested that British Museum 1987,0727,136
illustrate how interrelated the Tell Basta vessels are in terms of function from Tell es-Sa’idiyeh 232 is similar. The related black bronze bowl
and iconography, while at the same time having both Egyptian and inscribed for Sakawahikhana from the art market (Figures 52, 78) is
Near Eastern parallels. this shape, but with a rounded base.
Simple bowls (cats. 10 – 12, 14, Figure 74).1 The most significant Jugs (cats. 16 – 18, 21, Figure 79). A decorated and a plain jug
fragment (cat. 11) has the cartouches of Tawosret, while the most (cats. 18, 21) were acquired by the Metropolitan from the first find.
open shape (cat. 12) is echoed in the black bronze cup inscribed Cairo received two additional decorated examples at that time
for Sakawahikhana from the art market (Figure 54). (cats. 16, 17). No jugs were present in the second find.
Carinated bowl (cat. 13, Figure 75). The fragmentary carinated bowl Goblet (cat. 22). The white-lotus shape of the chalice from the first
lacks a base. Radwan catalogues no exact parallel.2 Tell Basta find, which is inscribed on the stem with Tawosret’s birth
name in a cartouche surmounted by a pair of tall plumes and a sun
Bowls with a convex wall, flat base, and recessed center (cats. 6, 7, disk, is represented on the pair of silver bracelets that depict Tawosret—
9, Figure 76), two with an omphalos (cats. 5, 8).3 The flat recessed still a king’s wife — pouring from a situla into a goblet held by her
base with an omphalos and a gold cone but without walls (cat. 4) husband, Seti II (Figure 55).6 The goblet from the art market associ-
could belong to the preceding shape or the next.4 ated with Sakawahikhana (Figure 53) is the blue-lotus shape com-
monly used for faience chalices that have reference to rebirth (see
Figure 56).
76. Bowl with a convex wall, flat base, and recessed center, cat. 9
(silver repoussé bowl, Diam. 8 1⁄8 in. [20.7 cm])
77. Bowl with a constricted neck, carinated shoulder, and recessed

base with an omphalos (not drawn), cat. 1 (silver bowl with gold rim
inscribed for Amy; Diam. 6 in. [15.3 cm], Diam. of cone 11⁄2 in. [3.8 cm])
74. Simple bowls. From top to bottom: cats. 12 (silver rim fragment,
W. 3 7⁄8 in. [9.9 cm]), 11 (silver rim fragment naming Tawosret, Diam.
4 1⁄4 in. [10.9 cm], 10 (silver rim fragment, W. 4 3⁄4 in. [11.9 cm]), 14
(bronze bowl fragment, Diam. 5 3⁄8 in. [13.6 cm]), Figure 54 (frag-
ments of black bronze cup associated with Sakawahikhana from the
art market)
78. Bowl with a constricted neck, carinated shoulder, and rounded

base, Figure 52 (fragmentary black bronze bowl inscribed for
75. Carinated bowl, cat. 13 (silver rim fragment, W. 4 3⁄8 in. [11 cm]) Sakawahikhana, Diam. 8 1⁄4 in. [21.1 cm])
58
Situlae (cats. 24 – 27, 29, 30, Figure 80). The first find yielded seven Flask (cat. 32, Figure 82). This shape is a smaller version of flasks that
situlae, of which six are in the Metropolitan and one was in Berlin were used in washing or for decanting wine catalogued by Radwan.8
(cat. 23) and was lost during World War II. The shape occurs in No exact parallel has been found, although Radwan includes deco-
Egyptian pottery and was widely made in metal, although Radwan rated flasks of a comparable size.9
found no decorated bronze examples.7
Unidentified closed shape (cat. 33, Figure 83).
Bottle (cat. 31, Figure 81). The shape of the one bottle in the Tell Basta
finds has not been located elsewhere.
79. Jugs, cats. 18 (Vessel C: silver , H. without handle 6 1⁄4 in. [15.9 cm]), 21 (silver with gold rim, 81. Bottle, cat. 31 (silver with oval body, inscribed for
H. 5 5⁄8 in. (14.2 cm) Meritptah, H. 6 1⁄8 in. [15.5 cm])
83. Unidentified closed

shape, cat. 33 (gold-
embellished silver neck
with Hathor symbols,
H. 3 in. [7.7 cm])
82. Flask, cat. 32 (silver

80. Situlae. Complete examples, left to right: cats. 24 (silver with plain rim, H. 5 in. [12.6 cm]),
with pointed base,
25 (silver with chased leaf rim, H. 5 3⁄8 in. [13.7 cm]), 26 (electrum with floral decoration,
H. 5 5⁄8 in. [14.4 cm])
H. 5 1⁄8 in. [13.1 cm]); fragmentary examples, left to right: cats. 27 (silver base with lotus design,
H. 3 1⁄8 in. [7.9 cm]), 29 (silver neck with chased leaves, H. 1 3⁄8 in. [3.5 cm]), 30 (silver cylindrical
neck, W. 1 3⁄8 in. [3.5 cm])

84. Jars. Left to right: cats. 39 (silver with
high neck, H. 4 in. [10.3 cm]), 40 (silver with
low neck and gold rim, H. 2 1⁄2 in. [6.5 cm]),
41 (silver body without neck, H. 2 3⁄4 in.
[7.1 cm])
85. Complete gold shallow strainer, cat. 43 86. Fragments of bodies of silver shallow strainers, clockwise from top left:
(Diam. 4 3⁄4 in. [12 cm]) cats. 45 (profile fragment, W. 4 3⁄4 in. [11.9 cm]), 50 (fragment of upper part,
W. 4 3⁄8 in. [11 cm]), 44 (profile fragment, W. 3 1⁄2 in. [9 cm]), 49 (rim frag-
ment, W. 5 1⁄8 in. [12.9 cm]), 48 (profile fragment, W. 4 3⁄4 in. [12 cm])
87. Silver lotus handles from shallow strainers, cats. 47 (rim fragment with handle, W. 4 3⁄8 in. [11 cm]), 46 (rim fragment with handle, W. 5 1⁄8 in.
[12.9 cm]), 51 (profile fragment with handle, W. 4 1⁄2 in. [11.5 cm])
88. Fragments of silver handles from shallow strain- 89. Deep strainers, cats. 56 (fragment, H. 2 1⁄8 in. [5.5 cm]), 57 (fragment,
ers, clockwise from top left: cats. 60, 61, 59, 62 Diam. 2 3⁄8 in. [6.1 cm)), 58 (fragment, Diam. 2 1⁄2 in. [6.2 cm])
(W. 1 3⁄8 –1 3⁄4 in. [3.6–4.3 cm])
60
Jars (cats. 34 – 41, Figure 84). Berlin acquired a decorated gold 90. Cones. Left: cat. 15
jar with ring handle (cat. 38) and two decorated silver examples (Diam. 2 3⁄8 in. [6.15 cm]);
(cats. 36, 37) from the first find. New York has two high-necked right, top to bottom: cats. 4
plain examples from that find (cats. 39, 40), as well as the bowl of (Diam. ca. 1 5⁄8 in. [4 cm]),
a larger example (cat. 41). Cairo has two gold jars from the sec- 8 (Diam. 1 3⁄8 in. [3.6 cm]),
ond find (cats. 34, 35) that are quite similar to Berlin’s from the 1 (Diam. 1 1⁄2 in. [(3.8 cm])
first. Surprisingly, Radwan does not catalogue the shape, although
Gershuny has restored a similar form from Palestine.10
Strainers (cats. 42 – 62, Figures 85 –89). The shallow type is best rep-
resented in the gold MMA strainer (cat. 43). It is similar to a strainer
from Gurob that Radwan dates to Dynasty 19.11 The Tell Basta
example is also similar to examples from Palestine, although those
lack lotus decoration.12 Parts of many shallow silver examples were
in the first find (cats. 44 – 52). The deep strainer is a type well repre-
sented in the 18th Dynasty tomb of Kha and in Palestine.13 Berlin had At the point where the tips are inserted into the fitting, one jar has an
a deep electrum example, also from the first find (cat. 55). A shallow inlaid bezel and the other two each have a recumbent calf.25 Bovines
silver strainer and two deep ones from the second find are in Cairo, appear in Egypt and the Levant in the form of weights for measure; a
along with undetermined parts (cats. 42, 53, 54, 73). vessel fragment from Dan in Palestine has an animal on an omega
handle.26
The function of the ring handles on jars is puzzling. Reproductions
b. Mechanical Features of the Cairo jars (see Figure 61) show that the handles have little prac-
tical use.27 A flat-bottomed jar does not need a ring for suspension,
Theriomorphic handle (cats. 16–18). On Atumemtaneb’s jugs A and B
and the jar’s bulbous body prevents the vessel from hanging on a
(cats. 16, 17) a complete animal forms the vessel’s handle; the mouth
peg. Further, the ring’s placement near the rim does not facilitate
grasps the rim, while the forelegs are bent against the vessel neck
pouring. The purpose of such a handle is thus unclear. Another
and the tips of the hind hooves touch the bowl, a papyriform fitting
example has been found on a jug from the Sudan.28
anchoring them there.14 The handles differ markedly from those on
Most commonly, ring handles in Egypt are found on bowls, espe-
later Achaemenid amphorae but are not so different from a representa-
cially in Dynasties 19 and 20 when, according to Radwan, ring
tion in an 18th Dynasty tomb displaying foreign vases.15 On Vessel C
handles with wire wrapping occur.29 He classifies such bowls as
(cat. 18, see Figure 79) the tubelike handle ends in the head of a lion-
Trinkschale (drinking bowls). Ring handles on open forms are rare in
ess, also biting the rim. For this form, Ogden cites a Mycenaean goblet
Palestine; Gershuny illustrates them only on one rim piece and a
with dog-headed handles.16 A ceramic example is also known from
complete strainer from Deir el-Balah.30 One bowl from Ugarit has a
the same period in Anatolia, about 1600 – 1400 B.C.17
ring handle.31 Hartmut Matthäus locates the origin of the ring handle
Omphalos (cats. 1, 3, 4, 5, 8). Omphaloi are documented since early in Egypt and the Near East during Dynasties 19 – 20 (1295 – 1070 B.C.),
Dynasty 18 in Egypt.18 The earliest examples are on large basins with mentioning an example from Hama, Syria, from the twelfth or elev-
loop handles.19 On smaller vessels, omphaloi could serve as an aid enth century B.C.32 Possible precursors may occur in Egypt, Nubia,
in pouring and drinking, as shown in the tomb of Rekhmire; follow- and Palestine. Radwan associates several Dynasty 18 bowls having
ing the Egyptian convention of rendering three dimensions, the vestigial handles at the rim with food and drink.33 He terms the bowl
ompholos is visible as a protrusion from the base.20 Ompholoi seem with an omphalos from Aniba a Trinkschale.34 Bruce Williams dates a
to have already appeared in the Middle Bronze Age royal tombs at tomb at Qustul, also in Nubia, that yielded a bowl with an omega
Byblos and are known in Late Bronze Palestine and Syria.21 On sev- handle to the time of Tuthmosis III.35 It could be that, as with other
eral Tell Basta shapes (cats. 1, 3, 5) they are used instead of an open vessel features and types, a form of the ring handle originated outside
lotus, a symbol of regeneration (see Figure 43). Radwan has pro- the Nile Valley but was developed substantially within it. Gershuny
posed that the mound in the center of Hatiay’s bowl (Figure 45) is states that “bar handles” on pottery are common in Palestine from
the sun disk Re emerging from the watery abyss of Nun as a symbol the Middle Bronze Age II into the Iron Age.36
of rebirth.22 A bowl with a similar profile was excavated at Kition in
Omega handle (cats. 1 – 3, 5, 6, 81, Figures 91, 92). Omega handles
Cyprus in a context dated about 1225 B.C.; no parallel had been
were found on three undecorated and two decorated Tell Basta
found for it there at the time that it was published.23
bowls, as well as on one fragment (cat. 81), in Cairo. Ameneminet’s
Cone (cats. 1, 4, 8, 15, Figure 90). The three cones on bowls from bowl and the Metropolitan’s repoussé bowl (cats. 8, 9) lack such han-
the second find now in Cairo (cats. 1, 4, 8) are of similar size; the dles. Two other bowls (cats. 4, 7) are not complete enough to know
Metropolitan Museum’s cone from the first find (cat. 15) is much whether they had them or not. All the bowl handles are small ver-
larger and more elaborate. All four have three-ply plaiting and are sions of the bail handles used at the mouths of toilet vessels in the
similar except that the Museum’s example has a running spiral. tomb of Kha.37 A larger version of that handle occurs on an early
The cone on Amy’s bowl (cat. 1) is the least well made. Radwan vessel from Thebes.38 Four of the omega handles in Cairo (cats. 1, 3,
published no examples of cones, since they are an elaborate form 6, 81) are plain, one (cat. 5) is striated with parallel rings, and another
not found on bronze vessels. (cat. 2) has a herringbone pattern (see details in Figures 91, 92). The
papyriform fittings that attach them to the bowls vary in quality, as do
Ring handle (cats. 34, 35, 38). The ring handles on the three gold such fittings for the theriomorphic and ring handles.
Tell Basta jars resemble nothing so much as the thickened shanks of Radwan dated the copper alloy vessels on which he found omega
finger rings held to the jar by a riveted fitting with papyrus buds.24 handles to Dynasties 19 and 20.39

c. Motifs and Iconography
Heart-shaped and lozenge patterns (cats. 16, 17, 35 – 38). A heart-

shaped pattern appears on the bodies of Vessels A and B (cats. 16, 17)
and on three Berlin jars (cats. 36 – 38), all from the first find.42 No
parallels have been found. Edgar saw a fortuitous similarity with
Mycenaean ivy leaves; Fischer compares it to a scalelike pattern first
noted about the time of Tutankhamun, but the orientation is different.43
The lozenge-shaped pattern on the body of the larger gold jar in
Cairo from the second find (cat. 35) is unique; Tiradritti suggests that
it represents the seeds of a pomegranate.44 A silver pomegranate
vessel was found in Tutankhamun’s tomb.45
Lotus (cats. 9, 16, 17, 22, 23, 26, 27, 35, 38, 43, 46, 47, 51, 54, 73).
Opening as they did each morning in the marshes, lotuses were a
striking symbol of rebirth. Presumably, the Egyptians also knew that
the lotus contained narcotic alkaloids.46 On the Tell Basta vessels,
the form occurs variously. Vessels A and B (cats. 16, 17), Cairo’s
largest gold jar (cat. 35), and Berlin’s gold jar (cat. 38) each have an
open lotus incised on the exterior of the base.47 The Metropolitan’s
decorated bowl (cat. 9) has a very elaborate example in repoussé
on the exterior.48 The black bronze cup or bowl associated with
Sakawahikhana (Figure 54) has the lotus on the interior. Calyx leaves
appear on the bases of situlae (cats. 23, 26, 27), and blossoms occur
91. Omega handles. Top left and right: plain handle on the exterior and interior of cat. 6; bottom on strainer handles (cats. 42, 43, 46, 47, 51, 54, 73). The goblet of
left: handle striated with parallel rings (cat. 5); bottom right: handle with a herringbone pattern (cat. 2). Tawosret (cat. 22) and the chalice associated with Sakawahikhana
Photographs: Ahmed Amin, Egyptian Museum, Cairo (Figure 53) are lotiform.
Floral bands (cats. 17, 25, 26, 28, 29, 34– 38). Olive leaves and elabo-
rate garlands decorate the necks and rims of Vessel B and several
jars and situlae. The broad floral collar (swag) used on the smaller
gold jar from the second find in Cairo (cat. 34) reinforces the idea of
verdant vitality.
Composite plants (cats. 1, 8, 9, 16, 17d, 18, and see also Figure 54).
Although no exact parallels have been found for the plants on the Tell
Basta vessels, they manifest an internal consistency.49 Most are single
volutes with spiky stems alternating with papyrus buds like those
seen on mid- to late 18th Dynasty Egyptian objects and on objects
from Megiddo.50 Megiddo and Ugarit examples have featherlike
leaves.51 The double volute stem on Vessel A (cat. 16) appears on
a limestone fragment from the palace of Amenhotep III (reigned
92. Spheres on rims. Left and center: details of exterior and interior of swimmers bowl (cat. 3); right:
1390 – 1352 B.C.) at Malkata in western Thebes.52
interior of Atumemtaneb’s bowl (cat. 8) before cleaning. Photographs: Ahmed Amin
A plant flanked by rampant goats, which appears on Amy’s bowl
(cat. 1), is derived from Near Eastern prototypes. The motif occurs in
Egypt as early as mid – Dynasty 18. Its appearance on the representa-
Spheres on rim (cats. 1, 3, 8, Figure 92). On two vessels in Cairo tion of a bucket in the tomb of Ramesses III indicates that the iconog-
(cats. 1, 3) gold spheres are placed on the rim above an omega han- raphy continued at least until the mid-twelfth century B.C.53
dle. The spheres also occur on the rim of Ameneminet’s bowl (cat. 8),
which has no handle at all. In the latter case, the spheres may mark Figural decoration (cats. 1, 3, 8, 9, 16 – 18, 31, 33). By and large,
the place where the ends of the gold rim strip meet, although they Egyptians did not decorate vessels with figurative scenes. Major
would not have been functionally necessary. If anything, the spheres exceptions are Predynastic painted pots (before 3000 B.C.) and, in
should be attached to the interior of the wall opposite the exterior the New Kingdom, steatite kohl containers, faience lotus bowls,
ring or omega handle (see cat. 6, Figure 91), as on basins that blue painted pots, black and red painted pots, and faience situlae.54
Radwan dates to Dynasty 19 and the Dynasty 21 bowl from Tanis Marshes or divine symbols occur on faience relief chalices of the
(Figure 46).40 The origin of the spheres — like that of the ring and Third Intermediate Period, as well as on Late Period New Year’s
omega handles — is unknown.41 A silver bowl from the tomb of flasks. Bowls generally have such decoration on the interior. Radwan
Psousennes in the Egyptian Museum, Cairo (JE 85905), offers a com- suggests that two New Kingdom metal bowls with swamp scenes
parison in that it has a series of gold rivets near the rim on both sides on the interior were used for drink, but he mentions food and
that serve no purpose. ritual as well.55
62
Marsh and desert scenes (cats. 1, 3, 8, 9, 16 – 18). Early examples of 12. Gershuny 1985, nos. 115, 117.
marsh and desert creatures occur on Dynasty 11 pottery lids from 13. Radwan 1983, no. 449; Gershuny 1985, pls. 17, 18.
el-Tarif at Thebes.56 Incised pottery “fish platters” from the Hyksos 14. The handle of Vessel B (cat. 17) disappeared in Berlin during World
period, just prior to the New Kingdom, also combine fish and desert War II, but a photograph of it survives (see Figures 6, 40). A bit of
animals.57 The iconography of the Tell Basta vessels, however, begins the rim is preserved on MMA 07.228.242 (cat. 17d, also shown in
properly with the bronze bowl of Hatiay, about 1340 B.C. (Figure 45).58 Figures 6, 40), but there is no evidence of gold.
It shows men in skiffs, walking and recumbent cattle, a suckling calf, 15. Ogden 1990 – 91.
a feline attacking a bull, rosettes, and broadly hatched water. 16. Demakopoulou 1988, pp. 68 – 69. In fact, four drinking cups with
Marshes with ducks, nests, gazelles and calves, lotuses, and dog-head handles were found in a shaft grave at Mycenae; see
rosettes appear later on blue-painted ware and tomb painting in the Thomas 1938 – 39, pp. 68 – 72, where it is suggested that Cyprus is
mid-18th Dynasty,59 in representations of vessels during the Ramesside a probable origin for the motif. Note also the bowl and pitcher
period,60 and on faience relief chalices of the Third Intermediate from Tell es-Sa’idiyeh, Jordan, with a handle in the form of a rumi-
Period (see Figure 56).61 The marsh became increasingly important in nant’s head, its neck and horns oriented outward (Gershuny 1985,
Egyptian religious iconography in Dynasties 21 – 24, but there was p. 45, pl. 12).
greater emphasis on the divine than on the naturalistic world.62 17. Oriental Institute Museum A 10959, from Alishar.
18. Lilyquist 1988, pp. 17 – 18, and see Radwan 1983, nos. 262 – 68,
Animal combat (cats. 1, 8, 16, 17c, d, and 18[?]). The Metropolitan 304 – 6, 312, 333, 334.
repoussé bowl (cat. 9) has humans battling an animal. The bronze bowl 19. Radwan 1983, nos. 305, 306.
of Hatiay (Figure 45) may be the earliest known vessel from Egypt 20. No. Davies 1943, pl. 64.
depicting animal combat. Enigmatic wooden boxes of the Egyptian 21. Montet 1928 – 29, no. 776; Gershuny 1985, pl. 3; Galliano and
New Kingdom studied by Angela Busch have such imagery.63 Calvet 2004, no. 291.
22. Radwan 1983, no. 328.
Horses (cats. 8, 9, 17c, d, and 18[?]). High-status animals, horses were
23. Karageorghis 1974, p. 63, no. 20, pp. 90, 93 – 94, pls. 81, 165
brought into Egypt during the New Kingdom and were associated
(Diam. 7 1⁄4 in. [18.4 cm], H. 1 3⁄8 in. [3.5 cm]).
with the king and the elite. They are depicted with chariots, grooms,
24. For a finger ring, see Andrews 1990, fig. 49.
and scouts and as tribute and commodities. In more casual settings
25. A fitting of similar type but different style in the Petrie Museum of
they are represented on a variety of small objects: an 18th Dynasty
Egyptian Archaeology, University College London (UC 59671;
axe, wig curlers, a kohl tube, the Aniba stand (Figure 38), and a finger
Petrie 1937, p. 28, no. 44) is without provenance.
ring.64 They were also represented on elaborate vessels during the
26. Galliano and Calvet 2004, no. 132; Gershuny 1985, no. 85. A
Ramesside period.65 The horses posed with all four feet off the
recumbent cat is pegged to an ivory box from Lachish (Tufnell,
ground on two Tell Basta vessels (cats. 17, 18) are remarkable. Only
Inge, and Harding 1940, p. 61, pl. 17:11).
one other example of a representation of a horse with all four feet off
27. Electrotype reproductions made by Émile Gilliéron in the 1920s
the ground has been found, on a painted pottery jar of the 18th
and purchased from him by the MMA have been invaluable for
Dynasty (ca. 1400 B.C.) in Berlin.66 Otherwise, with the exception of
studying the Cairo vessels from which they were cast.
Vessel B (cat. 17), on the Tell Basta objects the poses and detailing of
28. Vincentelli 2006, p. 43, fig. 2.24, no. 138.
the horses are poor, as on the Aniba stand.
29. Radwan 1983, p. 113, nos. 316A – 322.
Astarte was the main deity associated with the horse, and she
30. Gershuny 1985, p. 9, no. 86, pp. 15 – 16, no. 116. See also Dothan
would have been known to any Asiatic craftsman. Her warlike nature
2008, p. 34.
made her protective, especially of Ramesses II.67 Rommelaere cata-
31. Galliano and Calvet 2004, no. 291.
logues Dynasty 18 – 22 scarabs on which a horse replaces a sphinx.68
32. Correspondence with the author, March 2009; see Mätthaus 1985,
Still, it is difficult to understand the meaning of horses on vessels.
p. 131, where later examples in Cyprus are cited, especially those
Horses and chariots are often seen on drinking vessels at Ugarit.69
found in pairs: nos. 325, 328, 373, 500, 502, 511.
33. Radwan 1983, nos. 303, 304, 311, 312, pp. 111 – 12.
N OT E S TO A P P E N D I X 4 34. Ibid., no. 304.
35. Williams 1992, pp. 101, 288, V 48 – 54; for the dating, see p. 18.
1. See Radwan 1983, nos. 153A (Dynasty 6), 233 (Second Intermediate 36. Gershuny 1985, p. 10.
Period, 266 (with omphalos, for drinking). 37. Turin 8487, 8490.
2. See ibid., pls. 49, 50. 38. Radwan 1983, nos. 408 – 11.
3. See ibid., no. 270 (for drinking); Gershuny 1985, pl. 5; and Loud 39. Ibid., nos. 323 – 36.
1948, pl. 190:13. 40. Ibid., nos. 335, 336. The Tanis bowl (H. Müller and Thiem 1999,
4. For an early example of the recessed base, see Radwan 1983, fig. 449) has a tube on the exterior through which the wire handle
no. 302, a Cypriot-derived vessel. passes. The tube is apparently riveted to the side of the bowl
5. See ibid., nos. 275 (for drinking), 335, 336 (wash basins of (Montet 1951, pl. 55).
Dynasties 19 – 20). 41. For the difficulty of tracing ceramic and metal vessel features, see
6. Altenmüller 2008, p. 211. Bergoffen 2007.
7. Radwan 1983, nos. 347 (Kha) and 348 (Diospolis Parva) are of 42. Edgar 1907b, p. 98 n. 1.
comparable size. 43. Conversation with the author, January 16, 2011. See Edwards
8. Ibid., pp. 140 – 44. 1976a, no. 29.
9. Ibid., nos. 401, 402. 44. Tiradritti 1998, p. 265.
10. Gershuny 1985, no. 123. 45. Edwards 1976a, no. 50.
11. Radwan 1983, no. 450; see also no. 452. 46. Harer 1985.

47. On Vessel A, see Edgar 1925, pl. 2. Ni. Davies 1936, pl. 43 (a fragment of wall painting from Theban
48. An elaborate version is seen on a faience vessel of the Ramesside Tomb 63 showing decorative gold vessels).
period (Borchardt 1910, pl. 14). 60. Prisse d’Avennes 1878, pls. 85, 95 – 97.
49. Kepinski 1982, nos. 919, 920. 61. Tait 1963, no. 2.
50. For the Egyptian objects, see ibid., nos. 1167 (a box without prov- 62. Fazzini 1988, pp. 22 – 23, 27.
enance), 938, 945, 946 (a dagger sheath and two tunics from 63. Busch 2010.
Tutankhamun’s tomb), 922, 923, 1152 (two faience wine cups and 64. Dreyfus 2005 (axe); Egyptian Museum, Cairo, JE 69308 (wig
a box from elsewhere in Egypt). For an ivory plaque from Megiddo, curler); Spurr, Reeves, and Quirke 1999, no. 20 (kohl tube);
see ibid., no. 769. Andrews 1990, p. 165 (finger ring).
51. Ibid., no. 662 (the gold bowl from Ugarit; see text, note 91). 65. Rommelaere 1991, pp. 141 – 44; Prisse d’Avennes 1878, pls. 85, 86.
52. Ibid., no. 936. Prisse publishes a representation from Theban Tomb 65 of a vessel
53. Prisse d’Avennes 1878, pl. 84; Kepinski 1982, no. 931. with a caprid running in the marshes (ibid., pl. 84; Rommelaere
54. For the kohl containers, see Sparks 2006; for the bowls and pots, 1991, no. 127). The tomb was created in the time of Hatshepsut/
Bell 1987, Hope 1987, Aston 2011, and Jones 2011; and for the Tuthmosis III and usurped in the time of Ramesses IX. There is no
situlae, Lilyquist 2008. way to know whether Prisse restored some of the vessel. E. Meyer
55. Radwan 1983, pp. 116 – 19. (1973, photo 753) and Wreszinski (1923 – 36, pl. 225) show little of
56. Arnold 1972. it preserved.
57. Aston and Bader 2009. 66. Rommelaere 1991, no. 50, and compare pp. 68 – 76, 85.
58. Radwan 1983, no. 328. 67. Ibid., pp. 135 – 40.
59. Hayes 1959, fig. 150 (MMA 11.215.460, a blue-painted amphora 68. Ibid.
from the palace of Amenhotep III at Malkata in western Thebes); 69. Caubet 2012.
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Treasures from Tell Basta:

Goddesses, Officials, and Artists in an International Age

Treasures from Tell Basta 9

Second Intermediate Period

New Kingdom Third Intermediate Period Ptolemaic Period Byzantine Period

The First Find

Treasures from Tell Basta 11

treasure must have been discovered in the low ground level

Treasures from Tell Basta 13

12. Large jar from the second

17. Clasp from the second find

Treasures from Tell Basta 15

19. The three silver bowls

27. Strainers from the second find. Silver; top

Treasures from Tell Basta 17

The Second Find as a Hoard with Near Eastern Connections

Treasures from Tell Basta 19

Treasures from Tell Basta 21

Treasures from Tell Basta 23

Bowl Naming Ameneminet

Treasures from Tell Basta 25

46. Bowl from the royal

Treasures from Tell Basta 31

Bottle of Meritptah This formulaic inscription — which differs from the ka

Fragment of a Vessel with Hathor Iconography Summary of Inscriptions and Iconography

Treasures from Tell Basta 33

Ramesses II. Given her devotion to Bastet, it is logical that T H R E E R E L AT E D B L A C K B R O N Z E V E S S E L S

Treasures from Tell Basta 35

53. Lotiform goblet. Bronze

54. Fragmentary cup. Black bronze inlaid with copper, silver, and

Treasures from Tell Basta 37

Treasures from Tell Basta 39

The Tell Basta vessels with figurative scenes share a com-

Treasures from Tell Basta 41

Treasures from Tell Basta 43

Treasures from Tell Basta 45

**5. Silver with striated gold omega handle and omphalos

**6. Silver with plain gold omega handle

**7. Large corroded silver with cloth impressions. Five decorated

*15. Gold cone

MMA 07.228.221, 220

Treasures from Tell Basta 47

*22. Gold. Inscribed Tawosret

JE 38708 and 39872, CG 53260, SR 1/6622

*23. Electrum. Inscribed Tawosret

ÄM 19736 (lost in World War II)

*24. Silver with plain rim

60. Situlae and flask. From

*27. Silver base with lotus design

*28. Silver wall fragment with leaf

*29. Silver neck with chased leaves

ÄM 21134 (lost in World War II)

*33. Silver neck with gold Hathor band

JE 38707 and 39871, CG 53259, SR 1/6621

Treasures from Tell Basta 49

*48. Silver profile. No handle preserved

*49. Silver rim

*50. Silver upper part of vessel. No handle preserved

JE 38716 and 39880, SR 1/6693 MMA 07.228.249a