A grammar of the Kadu (Asak) language

David Sangdong (M.Div)

A thesis submitted in total fulfillment

of the requirements for the degree of
Doctor of Philosophy

School of Communication, Arts and Critical Enquiry

Faculty of Humanities and Social Sciences

La Trobe University
Bundoora, Victoria 3086
Australia

February 2012
 Abstract

This thesis is a grammatical description of Kadu–a Tibeto-Burman language spoken in

Katha district of Sagaing division, Myanmar.

It contains eleven chapters. Chapter 1 is an introduction to the language and its speakers.

Chapter 2 is an outline of the phonological structure of Kadu. Chapter 3 looks at the word

classes and word-forming processes. Chapters 4 to 6 look at nominal aspects of the

grammar. Chapter 4 discusses the structure of the noun phrase, while the well-developed

system of numeral classifiers in Kadu is discussed in Chapter 5. Chapter 6 looks at case

marking postpositions.

Chapter 7 looks at the elements that make up the verb complex in Kadu. It discusses post-

verbal modifiers such as auxiliary verbs, verbal particles, and modal auxiliaries. Clause

final particles and aspectual particles are also looked at in this chapter.

Chapter 8 looks at the general structure of the clause. The structures of interrogative and

negative clauses are discussed in Chapters 9 and 10 respectively. Chapter 11 looks at

complex structures. It covers topics such as subordination, coordination, and narrative

structures.

iii
 Statement of authorship

“Except where reference is made in the text of the thesis, this thesis contains no material

published elsewhere or extracted in whole or in part from a thesis submitted for the award

of any other degree or diploma.

No other person’s work has been used without due acknowledgment in the main text of

the thesis.

This thesis has not been submitted for the award of any degree or diploma in any other

tertiary institution.”

David Sangdong

iv
 Acknowledgments

I would like to express my sincere gratitude to many individuals who supported and

contributed to the completion of this thesis. First and foremost, I would like to thank all

the Kadu people who gave me the opportunity to study their beautiful language.

Particularly, to the people of Settau village for opening their doors and spending many

hours with me to record their language. Their openness and cheerful attitude made the

research a joy. I will also never forget the love and hospitality they showed me during

my field research in Settau village.

I express my heartfelt gratitude to all the Kadu leaders who were supportive toward this

research, particularly OD:a|Ïarmif (U Shwe Maung), who not only opened up his house to

me but also helped me find all of my wonderful language consultants. Thank you.

Knowing you has made my data collection a lot easier.

My language consultants, atmifoef:óG<f (Aung Than Nwe), 0if:ókdif (Win Naing) atmifausmfpdef

(Aung Kyaw Sein), atmifoef: (Aung Than), óSif:pkcdkif (Nin Su Khain), and at:]rwfol (Aye

Myat Thu), you guys are remarkable. Thank you so much for leaving your work aside

and helping me transcribe those wonderful Kadu stories. Though I asked the same

question many times you never tired of answering me. This thesis would have never

come into this shape without the help of these amazing people.

The pastor OD:cifa}smifqif (Khin Kyawng Sein) and his family in Banmauk Township

provided us a place to stay and warmly welcomed Kadu speakers into their home.

v
Thank you for opening your home and making delicious food for us. Thank you and

God bless you.

I express my deep gratitude to my supervisors Randy LaPolla and David Bradley. I am

particularly grateful to Randy LaPolla, my main supervisor, for accepting me as his PhD

student. Over time I have learned so much from his extraordinary knowledge of the

linguistic literature and his profound understanding of Tibeto-Burman languages. He is

not just a great linguist but also a good friend who takes an interest in my personal

well-being as well.

During my PhD candidature funding was provided by a La Trobe University

Postgraduate Scholarship and research grants from the Faculty of Humanities and Social

Sciences, and the Research Centre for Linguistic Typology. I am grateful for the

scholarship, without which this research would have never been undertaken. Many

friends from SIL International have also been a source of encouragement and support.

I thank my wife Sarzi for her love, understanding, patience and encouragement. Without

her support, this research would not have come to completion.

My deepest gratitude to God not only for His provision, guidance, and protection, but

also for giving me the wisdom and strength to complete this thesis.

David Sangdong

February 2012

vi
 Acknowledgments in Burmese

Tusrf:Úypk úyD:pD:ókdif\ef tzufzufrS ulnDtm:ay:cJÐjuaom vlykñKdvfrsm:tm: aus:Zl:wif }kEfÚyvkdygonf`

1. pdwf0ifpm:p\m aumif:vSonfÐ uwl:wkdif:\if:om: bmompum:ukd usrf:avÐvmÚypkókdif\ef

tcGit
fÐ a\:ay:cJÐjuonfÐuwl:vlrsdK:rsm:tm:vkH:?

2. txl:o]zifÐ rdrdwkdh> aetdrfokdh vëdufvëdufvSJvSJÎudqkdI uwl:|kd:\m ykH]yifrsm:? a0g[m\rsm:ukd tcsdefay:

toHoGif:ay:cJÐolrsm:?

3. uwl:wkdi:f \if:om:rsm:> |kd:\m"avÐ? orkdif:tajumif:ukd a]ymjum:ay:cJÐúyD:? tppt\m\m vkdavao:r\Sd

ulnDtm:ay:cJÐonfÐ pufawmaus:|GmrS OD:a|ÏarmifóSifÐ oufqkdi\

f m aus:\Gm tmEmykdifrsm:?

4. rdom:pk wm0ef0wW\m:rsm:ukd ab:z<fI uïefawmf txyfxyftcgcg ar:onfÐ ar:cGef:rsm:ukd rúiD:r]iL

a]zjum:ay:úyD:? toHoGif:xm:onfÐ uwl:ykH]yifrsm: ukd pdwf\Snf\Snf em\Daygif:rsm:pGm? \ufaygif:rsm:pGm?

t"dyíg<fzGifÐqkd ulnDay:cJÐjuaom

 uda
k tmifoef:óG<f (pufawm)

 uk0
d if:ókdif (ayukef:)

 uda
k tmifausmfpdef (pufawm)

 uda
k tmifoef: (pufawm)

 róSif:pkckdif(pufawm)

 rat:]rwfol(pufawm)

5. Aef:armufÚrdðe<f\Sd uwl:aus:|Gmrsm:wGif omru? yifv<fbl:Úrdðe<ftwGif:\Sd awmifarmf? a]rmufarmf?

armfvif? armfcg: ponfÐaus:\Gmrsm:okdh uGif:qif:avÐvm\mwGif teD:uyfvkdufyg ulnDay:cJÐonfÐ nDi<f

0if:ókdif?

6. Aef:armufÚrdðwGif aep\m? pm:p\m vkdavao:r\Sd ulnDyHÐykd:I rdom:pkarwWma0rûay:cJÐonfÐ q\m

OD:cifa}smifqif óSifÐ rdom:pk?

vii
7. tjuHOmEfaumif:rsm:pGmay:I? Tpmwrf:vuf\Sd ta]ctaea\mufvmatmif teD:uyf juyfrwfay:cJÐjuaom

vmx\kdyf (La Trobe) wUokdvfrS ygarmuQ Randy LaPolla óSifÐ ygarmuQ David Bradley

8. Tusrf:Úypkókdif\ef ynmoifp\dwf axmufyHÐay:cJÐonfÐ jopaw:vsókdii

f H? rJvfbke:f ÚrdðrS vmx\kdyf wUokdvf?

9. xkdi:f ókdifiHwGif pm:wrf:ÚypkonfÐ umvwGif tzufzufrS ulnDtm:ay:cJÐonfÐ SIL international?

10. uïefawmfudk t]rJwrf: em:vnf? tm:ay:wwfonfÐ cspfZeD: qm:\fZD (Sarzi Dalanggin) óSifÐ

11. t]cm:t]cm:aomaus:Zl:wifxkdufolrsm:tm:vkH: ?

uwl:wkdi:f \if:om:rsm:> yGifÐvif:|kd:om:rë? {nfÐ0wfausyGer

f ë? Tpmwrf:tay;tÚyoabmaqmifonfÐ

oabmxm: vuQEmrsm:u pmwrf:Úypkoltay; aysmf|GifrëóSifÐ cGeftm: ]zpfapajumif:? 4if:wkdhukd

xm0\trSwf\aernf ]zpfajumif: Tusrf:]zifÐ rSwfwrf:wiftyfygonf`

aus:Zl:txl:wifvsuf

David Sangdong

viii
 Table of Contents

ABSTRACT ..................................................................................................................... III

STATEMENT OF AUTHORSHIP ........................................................................................ IV
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS .................................................................................................... V
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS IN BURMESE .............................................................................. VII
TABLE OF CONTENTS .................................................................................................... IX
LIST OF TABLES .......................................................................................................... XVI
LIST OF FIGURES ....................................................................................................... XVIII
LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS AND CONVENTIONS .............................................................. XX
CHAPTER 1: INTRODUCTION ........................................................................................... 1
1.1 Aims and scope ................................................................................................... 1
1.2 The data and its presentation............................................................................... 2
1.3 The land .............................................................................................................. 6
1.3.1 Kadu in the larger context ...................................................................... 6
1.3.2 Kadu in the immediate context ............................................................ 10
1.4 The people and their language .......................................................................... 14
1.4.1 The people ............................................................................................ 14
1.4.2 Education.............................................................................................. 19
1.4.3 Livelihood ............................................................................................ 20
1.4.4 Religion and spiritual life ..................................................................... 23
1.4.5 Language context and language contact .............................................. 27
1.5 Previous research and linguistic classification ................................................. 35
CHAPTER 2: PHONOLOGY ............................................................................................. 47
2.1 Phonemic inventory .......................................................................................... 47
2.1.1 Consonants ........................................................................................... 47
2.1.2 Vowels ................................................................................................. 48
2.1.3 Tones .................................................................................................... 49
2.2 Consonants ........................................................................................................ 50
2.2.1 Single consonants ................................................................................. 50
2.2.1.1 Stops .................................................................................... 50
2.2.1.1.1 Voiceless unaspirated plosives .......................... 50
2.2.1.1.2 Voiceless aspirated plosives .............................. 53

ix
 2.2.1.2 Affricates ............................................................................. 55
2.2.1.3 Fricatives ............................................................................. 56
2.2.1.4 Nasals .................................................................................. 59
2.2.1.5 Approximants ...................................................................... 62
2.2.2 Consonant clusters ............................................................................... 65
2.2.3 Illustration of consonant contrasts ....................................................... 66
2.3 Vowels .............................................................................................................. 69
2.3.1 Front vowels ......................................................................................... 70
2.3.2 Low central vowels .............................................................................. 72
2.3.3 Back vowels ......................................................................................... 73
2.3.4 Illustration of vowel contrasts .............................................................. 75
2.4 Distribution of consonant and vowel phonemes ............................................... 77
2.5 Tones ................................................................................................................. 81
2.5.1 High tone .............................................................................................. 82
2.5.2 Mid tone ............................................................................................... 84
2.5.3 Low tone............................................................................................... 85
2.5.4 Illustration of tonal contrasts................................................................ 87
2.6 Practical orthography ........................................................................................ 89
2.7 Syllables ............................................................................................................ 94
2.7.1 Major syllables ..................................................................................... 95
2.7.2 Minor syllables ..................................................................................... 98
2.8 Other phonological processes ......................................................................... 104
2.8.1 Fusion ................................................................................................. 105
2.8.2 Linking ............................................................................................... 107
CHAPTER 3: WORD CLASSES ....................................................................................... 111
3.1 Major word classes ......................................................................................... 111
3.1.1 Nouns ................................................................................................. 111
3.1.1.1 The structure of nouns ....................................................... 113
3.1.1.1.1 Simple nouns ................................................... 113
3.1.1.1.2 Complex nouns ................................................ 117
3.1.1.2 Semantic classes of noun ................................................... 125
3.1.1.2.1 Human ............................................................. 125
3.1.1.2.2 Body parts ........................................................ 130
3.1.1.2.3 Animals ............................................................ 132
3.1.1.2.4 Plants and flowers ............................................ 135
3.1.1.2.5 Places ............................................................... 135
3.1.1.2.6 Kinship terms ................................................... 136
3.1.1.2.7 Iconic nouns ..................................................... 143

x
 3.1.1.2.8 Location nouns ................................................ 143
3.1.1.2.9 Time nouns ...................................................... 153
3.1.1.2.10 Derived nominals ........................................... 158
3.1.2 Verbs .................................................................................................. 167
3.1.2.1 Structure of verbs .............................................................. 167
3.1.2.1.1 Simple verbs .................................................... 167
3.1.2.1.2 Complex verbs ................................................. 170
3.1.2.1.3 Reduplication and attaching attendant words .. 172
3.1.2.2 Serial verbs: V-V constructions.......................................... 176
3.1.2.2.1 Resultative ....................................................... 176
3.1.2.2.2 Directional ....................................................... 180
3.1.2.2.3 Evaluative ........................................................ 185
3.1.2.2.4 Explanatory ...................................................... 188
3.1.2.2.5 Manner ............................................................. 188
3.1.2.3 Verb classes ....................................................................... 192
3.1.2.3.1 Transitive verbs ............................................... 194
3.1.2.3.2 Intransitive verbs ............................................. 216
3.1.2.3.3 Ditransitive verbs ............................................. 223
3.1.2.3.4 The copulas ...................................................... 225
3.1.2.3.5 Loan verbs ....................................................... 228
3.2 Minor word classes ......................................................................................... 231
3.2.1 Adverbs .............................................................................................. 231
3.2.1.1 Simple adverbs .................................................................. 231
3.2.1.2 Complex adverbs ............................................................... 233
3.2.2 Numerals and numerical approximations........................................... 236
3.2.3 Pronouns............................................................................................. 240
3.2.4 Quantifiers .......................................................................................... 246
3.2.5 Noun class terms ................................................................................ 251
3.2.5.1 CLASS TERM +NOUN compound ......................................... 251
3.2.5.2 NOUN + CLASS TERM compound ........................................ 256
3.3 Particles ........................................................................................................... 259
3.3.1 Nominal relational markers ................................................................ 259
3.3.2 Verbal particles .................................................................................. 260
3.3.3 Clausal particles ................................................................................. 260
3.3.4 Utterance final particles ..................................................................... 260
3.3.5 Speaker attitude particles ................................................................... 261

xi
CHAPTER 4: THE NOUN PHRASE .................................................................................. 263
4.1 Pre-head nominal modifiers ............................................................................ 263
4.1.1 Demonstratives ................................................................................... 264
4.1.2 Genitive modification......................................................................... 270
4.1.3 Noun complements............................................................................. 272
4.2 Post-nominal modifiers ................................................................................... 273
4.2.1 Attributives......................................................................................... 273
4.2.2 Plural marking .................................................................................... 274
CHAPTER 5: NOMINAL CLASSIFIERS ........................................................................... 279
5.1 Sortal classifiers .............................................................................................. 283
5.1.1 Generic and type/kind classifiers ....................................................... 284
5.1.2 Human and animal classifiers ............................................................ 285
5.1.3 Shape related classifiers ..................................................................... 289
5.1.4 Plants, vegetables, and field classifers ............................................... 293
5.2 Collective classifiers ....................................................................................... 296
5.2.1 Bundle classifiers ............................................................................... 296
5.2.2 Pair classifiers .................................................................................... 299
5.2.3 Group classifiers................................................................................. 301
5.3 Measure classifiers .......................................................................................... 303
5.3.1 Volume measurements ....................................................................... 303
5.3.2 Container classifiers ........................................................................... 306
5.3.3 Length measurements......................................................................... 307
5.4 Event classifiers .............................................................................................. 310
5.5 Auto-classifiers ............................................................................................... 312
CHAPTER 6: NOMINAL RELATIONAL MARKERS .......................................................... 315
6.1 ‘topic’ ........................................................................................................ 315
6.2 ‘anti-agentive’ ............................................................................................ 317
6.3 ‘locative’ ................................................................................................... 322
6.4 ‘allative’ .................................................................................................... 324
6.5 ‘ablative’ ................................................................................................ 327
6.6 ‘comitative’ ........................................................................................... 329
6.7 ‘benefactive’, or ‘for’ ............................................................................ 330

xii
 6.8 and ‘comparison’ .......................................................................... 331
6.9 ‘reason’ ........................................................................................ 332
CHAPTER 7: THE VERB COMPLEX ............................................................................... 333
7.1 Clause final particles ....................................................................................... 334
7.1.1 ‘irrealis’ ........................................................................................ 334
7.1.2 ‘realis’.......................................................................................... 337
7.1.3 and ‘hortative’ ............................................................... 339
7.1.4 Imperatives ......................................................................................... 340
7.2 Verbal modifiers ............................................................................................. 342
7.2.1 Auxiliary verbs ................................................................................... 345
7.2.1.1 Benefactives ...................................................................... 347
7.2.1.2 Associative ........................................................................ 351
7.2.1.3 Jussive and causative ......................................................... 352
7.2.1.4 Frequency and additive ..................................................... 354
7.2.1.5 Aspectuals ......................................................................... 357
7.2.1.6 Degrees .............................................................................. 367
7.2.1.7 Excessive ........................................................................... 370
7.2.1.8 Experiential ....................................................................... 371
7.2.1.9 Totality .............................................................................. 372
7.2.1.10 Discontinuity ..................................................................... 373
7.2.2 Verbal particles .................................................................................. 374
7.2.2.1 ‘plural’ .......................................................................... 375
7.2.2.2 ‘directional: away from the deictic centre’................ 377
7.2.2.3 ‘directional: toward the deictic centre’....................... 379
7.2.3 Modal auxiliaries................................................................................ 384
7.2.3.1 Deontic modality ............................................................... 384
7.2.3.2 Epistemic modality ............................................................ 390
7.3 Aspectual particles .......................................................................................... 392
7.3.1 ‘change of state’ ......................................................................... 393
7.3.2 / ‘still’ ..................................................................................... 396
7.3.3 ‘intrusive’ or ‘interruptive’ ......................................................... 398
7.3.4 ‘finally’ ........................................................................................ 400
7.4 Utterance final particles .................................................................................. 401
7.4.1 Hearsay marking ................................................................................ 402
7.4.2 Mirative .............................................................................................. 404

xiii
CHAPTER 8: THE CLAUSE ............................................................................................ 407
8.1 Constituent order ............................................................................................. 407
8.2 Clause types .................................................................................................... 409
8.2.1 Nominal predicate clauses.................................................................. 409
8.2.2 Verbal predicate clauses ..................................................................... 411
8.2.3 Relative clauses .................................................................................. 412
8.3 Complementation ............................................................................................ 416
8.3.1 Embedded clauses .............................................................................. 417
8.3.2 Embedding clauses with .............................................................. 418
8.3.3 Embedding of nominalised clauses .................................................... 420
CHAPTER 9: INTERROGATIVES ................................................................................... 423
9.1 Yes/No interrogatives ..................................................................................... 423
9.2 Alternative questions ...................................................................................... 427
9.3 Tag questions .................................................................................................. 427
9.4 WH- questions .................................................................................................. 428
9.4.1 ‘what’ .................................................................................. 429
9.4.2 ‘how many’........................................................................... 430
9.4.1 ‘how much’.......................................................................... 431
9.4.2 ‘who’................................................................................. 432
9.4.3 ‘how’ or ‘in which manner’ ................................................. 432
9.4.4 ‘which one’........................................................................ 433
9.4.5 ‘where to’ .................................................................... 433
9.4.6 ‘where at’ .................................................................................. 434
9.4.7 ‘why’ ....................................................................... 435
9.5 WH-question word as indefinite pronouns....................................................... 435
CHAPTER 10: NEGATION ............................................................................................. 439
10.1 The structure of negative clauses .................................................................... 439
10.2 Negative imperative ........................................................................................ 446
10.3 Marking mood on negated clauses .................................................................. 447
10.4 Negative interrogative clauses ........................................................................ 449
CHAPTER 11: COMPLEX STRUCTURES ........................................................................ 451
11.1 Subordination .................................................................................................. 451
11.1.1 Conditional clauses ............................................................................ 452
11.1.2 Purpose clauses .................................................................................. 457
11.1.3 Temporal clauses ................................................................................ 459

xiv
 11.1.4 Concessive clauses ............................................................................. 464
11.1.5 Sequential clauses .............................................................................. 466
11.1.6 Manner clauses ................................................................................... 467
11.1.7 Comparison clauses............................................................................ 469
11.2 Coordination ................................................................................................... 470
11.3 Narrative structures ......................................................................................... 476
11.3.1 Tail-head linkage ................................................................................ 476
11.3.2 Linking with adverbial clauses .......................................................... 479
APPENDIX A: KADU-ENGLISH-BURMESE GLOSSARY .................................................. 483
APPENDIX B: INTERLINEARISED KADU TEXTS ............................................................ 533
B.1 Text09: ‘A tiger and a rabbit’............................................................................... 535
B.2 Text15: ‘A jealous king’ ...................................................................................... 559
B.3 Text17: ‘My family’ ............................................................................................. 615
B.4 Text18: ‘Hunting a tiger’ ..................................................................................... 641
B.5 Text21: ‘How to make wild yams food’ .............................................................. 673
REFERENCES ............................................................................................................... 679

xv
 List of Tables
Table 1: Comparison of Kadu and Jingphaw verbs .......................................................... 29

Table 2: Comparison of Kadu and Jingphaw nouns ......................................................... 29

Table 3: Comparison of Luish wordlists with other Sal TB languages and PTB forms ..... 34

Table 4: Brown’s phonetic description of Kadu sounds ................................................... 36

Table 5: Comparison of Kadu and Sak nouns .................................................................. 44

Table 6: Comparison of Kadu and Sak verbs ................................................................... 45

Table 7: Kadu consonant phonemes ................................................................................. 48

Table 8: Kadu vowel phonemes........................................................................................ 48

Table 9: Distribution of initial consonants and vowels .................................................... 78

Table 10: Distribution of final consonants and vowels .................................................... 79

Table 11: Distribution of the medials with different consonants...................................... 79

Table 12: Distribution of initial consonant clusters and vowels ....................................... 80

Table 13: Kadu three-fold tonal contrasts with open syllables ......................................... 88

Table 14: Kadu three-fold tonal contrasts with nasal finals ............................................. 89

Table 15: Kadu three-fold tonal contrasts with stop finals ............................................... 89

Table 16: Orthographic representation of the Kadu consonant phonemes ....................... 92

Table 17: Orthographic representation of Kadu vowels ................................................... 93

Table 18: Orthographic representation of Kadu tones ...................................................... 94

Table 19: Kadu major syllable structures ......................................................................... 95

xvi
Table 20: Time nouns in Kadu ....................................................................................... 153

Table 21: Day temporal shifters...................................................................................... 154

Table 22: Year temporal shifters .................................................................................... 155

Table 23: The twelve lunar months ................................................................................ 157

Table 24: Kadu personal pronouns ................................................................................. 241

Table 25: Quantifiers in Kadu ........................................................................................ 247

Table 26: Demonstratives in Kadu ................................................................................. 264

Table 27: Noun classifiers that exhibit two forms .......................................................... 282

Table 28: Attested auxiliary verbs in Kadu .................................................................... 346

Table 29: WH-words in Kadu .......................................................................................... 429

Table 30: Subordinating particles in Kadu ..................................................................... 452

xvii
 List of Figures
Figure 1: Map of Myanmar and surrounding countries ...................................................... 7

Figure 2: Map of Sagaing Division................................................................................... 10

Figure 3: The current Kadu populated areas ..................................................................... 11

Figure 4: Geographical location of Banmauk, Pinlebu, and Indau Townships ................ 12

Figure 5: Classification of the Kadu varieties based on their recent migration ................ 17

Figure 6: Paddy field cultivation in the Kadu region........................................................ 21

Figure 7: A typical Kanan house in Nanza village ........................................................... 22

Figure 8: A monastery in Settau village ........................................................................... 24

Figure 9: Kanan villages (from Dawkins 2006) .............................................................. 31

Figure 10: Benedict’s Sino-Tibetan grouping .................................................................. 38

Figure 11: Shafer’s classification of Luish within Tibeto-Burman. ................................. 38

Figure 12: Matisoff’s Sino-Tibetan grouping ................................................................... 40

Figure 13: Bradley’s classification of Tibeto-Burman ..................................................... 41

Figure 14: Burling’s classification of Bodo-Konyak-Jingphaw languages ...................... 42

Figure 15: A pitch pattern of a closed syllable word with a high tone: ‘spicy’ ......... 82

Figure 16: A pitch pattern of an open syllable word with a high tone: ‘red’.............. 83

Figure 17: A pitch pattern of a closed syllable word with a mid tone: ‘iron’ ............. 84

Figure 18: A pitch pattern of an open syllable word with a mid tone,: ‘bitter’ ........... 84

Figure 19: A pitch pattern of a closed syllable word with a low tone,: ‘heart’ .......... 86

xviii
Figure 20: A pitch pattern of an open syllable word with a low tone: ‘heart’ ............ 86

Figure 21: Pitch patterns of minimal tone triplets (closed syllable words) ...................... 88

Figure 22: Pitch patterns of minimal tone triplets (open syllable words) ......................... 88

Figure 23: The script developed by HTMKY ...................................................................... 90

Figure 24: A script developed by NTL............................................................................... 91

Figure 25: Kadu syllable structure .................................................................................... 94

Figure 26: Metrical structure of the Kadu syllable ........................................................... 95

Figure 27: The structure of the Kadu noun phrase ......................................................... 263

xix
 List of Abbreviations and Conventions
* ungrammatical IMMF immediate future
reconstructed forms IMP imperative
# syllable boundary INTRUSIVE intrusive particle
§ section IPA International Phonetic Alphabet
/ / phonemic transcription IRLS irrealis
< > transliteration of written L.SUFF loan verbal suffix
Burmese Lit. literally
< derived from LOC locative
[ ] phonetic transcription LOCN locational noun
A.AG anti-agentive MIR mirative
ABL ablative NEG negator
AKYS Aung Kyaw Seing NOM nominaliser
ALL allative NP noun phrase
ATT attributive ONMT onomatopoeic word
ATTW Attendant word PART particle
AUX auxiliary PL plural
BEN benefactive PN proper noun
CFP clause final particle PTB Proto-Tibeto-Burman
CLF classifier PURP purposive
CLT class term Q question particle
COM comitative RLS realis
COMP compound SAP speaker attitude particle
CONJ conjunction SG singular
COS change of state marker SIL Summer Institute of Linguistics
DEM demonstrative SUBD subordinator
DIM diminutive SUFF suffix
DIR directional SUPL superlative
EMPH emphatic TB Tibeto-Burman
EUPH euphonic TOP topic
EXCL exclamatory VCX verb complex
FINALLY finality particle VSM verb sentence marker
HORT hortative WH wh-question word
HS hearsay

xx
Burmese words are often cited in this thesis. In describing those Burmese words, I have

adopted standard transliteration used in the Myanmar-English Dictionary, Myanmar

Language Commission 2008. These are shown below.

Consonants

u k [k] c hk [kʰ] }/C g [g] i ng [ŋ]

p s [s] q hs [sʰ] Z/ç z [z] n nj [ɳ]

w t [t] x ht [tʰ] '/" d [d] e/E n [n]

y p [p] z hp [pʰ] A/b b [b] r m [m]

< j [j] \ r [ɾ] v/V l [l] 0 w [w]

o th [t] [ h [h] \S sh [ʃ]

Medial Consonants

j -r- -s -y- -G -w- -S h-

Vowels and Tones

creaky mid low

/i/ -d i. -D i -D: i:
/e/ a-h ei. a- ei a-: ei:
/ɛ/ -Jh e. -<f e -J e:
/a/ - a. -m a -m: a:
/u/ -k u. -l u -:l u:

/o/ -dhk ou. -dk ou -d:k ou:

/ɔ/ a-mh o. a-mf o a-m – o:

/ʔ/ '

xxi
xxii
 CHAPTER 1: INTRODUCTION

This chapter begins by explaining the aims and scope of this thesis and the data and its

presentation. Subsequently, it looks at general background information of the language

community. It is organised in the following order: 1.1 Aims and scope, 1.2 The data and

its presentation, 1.3 The land, 1.4 The people and their language, and, finally, 1.5

Previous research.

1.1 Aims and scope

The analysis is designed to serve three main purposes. First, it is designed to serve as

documentation of this endangered language in a systematic way, including phonemic

analysis, syllable structure, tone, morphophonemics, and grammatical description.

Second, it is designed to serve as a reference for linguists, anthropologists, and other

scholars engaged in language research or with other interests in the language and

culture of the Kadu. Third, it is designed to serve as a foundation for the development

of a Kadu writing system and teaching materials to aid in the preservation and

maintenance of the Kadu language for the benefit of future generations of Kadu people.

1
1.2 The data and its presentation

This study is the result of about seven months of fieldwork in the Kadu-speaking areas.

The primary focus in this research is the Kadu dialect spoken in Settau village,

Banmauk Township, Katha District, Sagaing Division, Myanmar. Although there are

some slight differences of accent or speed of speech in how their language is spoken in

different areas, the differences are so trivial that the Kadu use their own speech variety

to communicate with people from other villages and understand everything. The Settau

variety was selected for the following reasons. First, according to a sociolinguistic

survey reported in Sangdong 2008, the speakers of Kadu reported that Kadu dialects

spoken across the region are very similar. Therefore, selecting one variety of Kadu to

describe will benefit the entire Kadu population and will undoubtedly broaden linguistic

studies in this extremely interesting and long-neglected area of the linguistic world.

Secondly, Settau is not only the largest existing Kadu village but also one where the

language vitality is high. Thirdly, geographically it is not very far–just two miles–from

Banmauk Township.

This work primarily uses three kinds of data: library-based data for theoretical studies,

recorded wordlists, and language texts. First, all the available sources on Kadu, both in

English and Burmese, were studied. Next, a wordlist of over 1000 items was collected

from the Settau Kadu speakers. These words were transcribed and analysed using the

International Phonetic Alphabet (IPA) to determine syllable structure, phonemes, tones,

stress, and intonation. Third, several texts were also recorded–primarily from the Settau

2
speakers and from speakers from other locations as well. These texts were double-

checked and interlinearised with the help of two chief language consultants. Data was

also collected during intimate contact with the language in the natural setting of actual

day-to-day use.

This thesis uses about seven hours of recordings (see Appendix B). All the recordings,

both the wordlist and the texts, were done under non-laboratory conditions using the

following equipment: Zoom H4, Zoom H4n, and an external Sony ECM-44B electret

condenser microphone. The data was compared and double-checked with two other

Kadu speakers from the same village.

The recorded texts were then broken down into clauses using the free digital audio

editor Audacity 1.2.6. After that, three of my chief language consultants who were

literate in Burmese used Burmese script to transcribe them. There were many

shortcomings and difficulties encountered during this process–one of the reasons being a

huge phonological gap between literary and colloquial Burmese. To Kadu language

consultants, this is particularly true when it comes to representing Kadu final consonant

sounds. For instance, written Burmese makes distinctions between final bilabial and

alveolar nasals, however, in colloquial styles these distinctions are not heard. Therefore,

Kadu speakers puzzle over which Burmese symbol to use when representing the sound

of the final bilabial nasal consonant. This is just one illustration of the difference

between written and colloquial Burmese. However, we continued using Burmese script

3
in spite of many drawbacks. Our main reason for doing this was just to get a general

idea of the text. Those texts were later put into a language database, first in Toolbox

database software and later SIL Fieldworks version 6.0.5, using a Roman-based

orthography I developed in order to see the Kadu sound and grammar patterns

accurately and to extract a glossary. Example sentences extracted from those recorded

texts are cited in this thesis, as in the following example.

(1) ó ā m l é (18:17)

ā= ó - ā wán =pán kám =pán =l =é

1SG=TOP wood-small chop =COS lay =COS sleep =MIR =SAP
'I cut the small trees, lay (them) down, and slept (there).

The first line in italics gives the natural utterance. Spaces mark phonological words. The

example is represented with two numbers in brackets: one at the beginning and the other

at the end. The first bracketed number at the start of the sentence provides an example

number used throughout this thesis. The other bracketed number, which contains two

umb r r d b ‘:’ (colo ) ri d rovid ourc from ic i

example was extracted. The first number represents the number of the text and the

second number represents the clause or sentence within that text. All my recorded

language data texts are simply named as Text 01 and Text 02, etc. (The list of texts that

were used for this thesis is given in Appendix B).

The second line provides the morpheme break-down and the third line gives morpheme-

by-morpheme English glosses. Most, if not all, grammatical morphemes are abbreviated

4
using SMALL CAPS. The representations of these abbreviated forms are presented in the

list of abbreviations and conventions on page xviii. The colo ‘:’ i u d for

contracted syllable which contains two grammatical categories. For example, the term

is analysed as a contraction of a directional verbal particle, plus ,a

change of state aspectual particle. In this case, it will be lo d ‘DIR2:COS’.

In the English free translation in line four, items in brackets are added simply to provide

the English words that are not overtly expressed in Kadu. Some Kadu morphemes are

not possible to gloss with a single word. In that case, English glosses which contain

mor o ord v do ‘.’ i d of c i i lo (S li r i

example (2)).

(2) ínnúkànghàpánták ngaúpánkaú (18:31)

ín-núk-àng-hà =pán =ták ngaú =pánkaú

NEG-flame-DIR1-know.how =COS =HS say =as.it.is.the.case
‘As it is the case that (it) didn’t flame,’

Ho v r d rd d E li ord uc ‘i r-in-l ’ ill b u d i.

In cases where items in English and Kadu correspond, in general, but have divergent

semantic details, the difference is left for the reader to infer from the context. For

example, words such as ‘o o ’ f c ’ ‘o v bl ’ c ‘o

clo ’ ‘o v bl i b ’ d ‘o o ’ d’

r ll lo d i i l ord ‘ ’i E li . Co v r l ‘ ird ro

5
 i ul r’ i K du o d r di i c io . I i c i ill b lo d ‘3SG’ d

i E li fr r l io i ill b i dic d i r ‘ ’ or ‘ ’b c u i i

normally obvious from the context whether the person referred to is male or female.

1.3 The land

This section describes the geographical and demographical setting of Kadu, discussed in

two sections: 1.3.1 Kadu in the larger context and 1.3.2 Kadu in the immediate context.

1.3.1 Kadu in the larger context

Myanmar, formerly known as Burma, is one of the largest countries in Southeast Asia.

It lies on the western edge of the large peninsula that used to be known as Indo-China

and is now called Mainland Southeast Asia. The country is cut off from the outer world

by hills in the North, West, and East and the sea on the South. It is probably one of the

most culturally and linguistically rich and diverse regions in all Asia. According to a

Myanmar Ministry of Foreign Affairs July, 2003 report, the population of Myanmar is

estimated at over 52.4 million with 135 national races. Many small speech groups of a

few thousand people still maintain their mother tongues in every-day life in many parts

of the country. The country is bordered by China on the Northeast, Tibet on the North,

India on the Northwest, Bangladesh on the West, Laos and Thailand on the East, and

the Bay of Bengal and the Andaman Sea on the South and Southwest. Therefore,

6
Myanmar is not only a fascinating place for linguistic studies but also is positioned at

the heart of the cultural-geographical crossroads of East, South and Southeast Asia (See

Figure 1).

Figure 1: Map of Myanmar and surrounding countries

“T cou r li b lo i ud 92⁰ and longitude 102⁰ east and between latitude

10⁰ and latitude 29⁰ north. Most of the country falls within the tropics, and the climate,

flor df u of l i r ccordi l ro ic l” (Do i o 1970: 22-27). The

7
country has two basic political delimitations: states and divisions. There are seven

states, which are named after seven major races: Kachin, Kaya, Karen, Chin, Mon,

Rakhine, and Shan. There is an equal number of divisions: Ayeyawaddy, Bago,

Magway, Mandalay, Sagaing, Thnintharyi and Yangon, most of which are in lowland

areas and predominantly populated by ethnic Bamar/Burmese. Most of the states, on the

other hand, are sparsely populated and are on highlands. The country is proud to

embrace languages of the Austro-Asiatic, Tai-Kadai, Austronesian, and Tibeto-Burman

families. The linguistic diversity is fascinating but seriously understudied. Thus, it

attracts and invites modern scholars of linguistics and anthropology.

Sagaing Division, where this research took place, is the largest division in the country

(See Figure 2). It is home to many Tibeto-Burman (TB) languages such as Bamar, Chin,

Naga, and Kadu. Many Tai/Shan speaking people, particularly Tailiang (Red Shan), are

also found in this state. It is bordered by Arunachal Pradesh of India on the North;

Nagaland and Manipur states of India, and Chin state of Myanmar on the West; Magwe

and Mandalay divisions on the South; Shan state on the East; and Kachin state on the

Northeast. The northern part is mountainous and home to many Naga languages. The

southern part, however, is relatively flat and home to Bamar, Karen, Tai and Mon

speakers. The majority of the population in this division are Bamar speakers. In the

southwest part, the area adjacent to Chin state, several Chin languages are spoken. The

central part has been home to the Kadu and their related speech varieties for centuries.

8
The Chindwin is the main river in this division. Its source is in Kachin state in the north

and it flows into the cou r ’ ri ci l riv r Irr dd i ou . A ricul ur i

the chief occupation. The leading crops, as in many parts of the country, are rice, wheat,

corn, sesame, peanuts, cotton, and tobacco. The division is one of the leading producers

of whea i M m r. M m r’ mo i ific bord r r d o i I di T mu

is in this division. Many products of India and Myanmar are exchanged through this

post. Figure 2 shows a map of the Sagaing division. The shaded area represents the

extent of the historical homeland of the Kadu, according to their oral history (Luce

1985:36).

Many parts of Sagaing division, including the Kadu areas, are still poor in terms of

communication and transportation. For example, there are no proper roads which

connect major towns in the Naga language speaking areas. People still rely on the

Chindwin river, which is navigable by small motor boat throughout the year.

Difficulties in communication and transportation in the hill areas range from less serious

to extreme, and probably account for much of the linguistic diversity we find. As in the

case of the Kadu, many language groups in Myanmar remain accessible only by foot to

this day.

9
 Figure 2: Map of Sagaing Division

1.3.2 Kadu in the immediate context

The speakers of the Kadu language live in Banmauk, Indau, and Pinlebu, which are

three townships in Katha District, Sagaing Division, Myanmar (see Figure 3 and Figure

4). Among these three, Banmauk has the largest Kadu population and Pinlebu has the

smallest Kadu population. See Figure 3 for a rough hand-drawn map showing the

township boundaries. The current Kadu populated area is highlighted in gray.

10
 Figure 3: The current Kadu populated areas

All three townships are adjacent to and just west of the north-south Mandalay-

Myitkyina railroad, and about halfway between those two cities. The Mandalay-

Myitkyina railway tracks pass through Indau Township, so Indau has become a gateway

to reach the Kadu community. Travelling to these areas, one must rely on Mandalay-

Myitkyina trains. There are a couple of trains that depart from each location every day.

All trains departing Mandalay leave at different times in the afternoon. Travelling by

train to the Kadu community is not convenient, as most of the trains reach Indau

between 1 and 4 am.

There are some buses which run regularly between Indau and Banmauk but

transportation to villages around these townships is still very poor. Most of the roads are

just dirt tracks so they are dusty during the dry season and muddy during the wet

11
season. Ox carts (and in some area, horses), are still the main means of transportation

but motor bikes from China are becoming an important means of local transportation. A

lot of people travel on foot even for 10-15 miles. For example, for Kadu high school

students, walking two to three miles during the school day is not considered a long

distance. Nowadays, some of the roads have been upgraded to allow motor bikes to

travel throughout the year.

Figure 4: Geographical location of Banmauk, Pinlebu, and Indau Townships

Although the Kadu language speaking area falls in the tropical zone, it has cool,

pleasant weather most of the year. The coldest months are November through January.

The rainy season is May through October. The heaviest rain is usually expected in June

and July. Rain in the dry season is rare.

12
Settau village, where most of the data used in this thesis was collected, is situated just

about two miles west of Banmauk Township. It is inhabited purely by Kadu, except for

a few intermarriages with other speakers. The elders from the village told me that the

village was founded by their forefathers who migrated from Taungmau village in the

1780s. According to one of the recorded texts which explains the origin of Settau

Kadu, there are two hypotheses regarding how they got this name.

The first hypothesis is that it may have come from a Burmese term juufawm <krakto:>;

which may be literally translated as a place plentiful with fowl. According to Kadu

elders, when the people first moved into the area, there may have been a lot of wild

fowl. Therefore, the place may have been called at first juufawm <krakto:> see example

(3) below.

(3) ó ó ó ò cc mā l é (10:25)

zayà =yí =tá kóng-yóyó-sà =pè pòkhá-

some =also =EMPH hill-simple-DIM =LOC forest-fowl

ngaúkà c c paú-ta =mā =lakà =é

as.for very plenty-L.SUF =RLS say =MIR =SAP
‘Som ( o l ) id i li l ill r r l of ildfo l i i id.

The other hypothesis is that it may have derived from the term AGufawm <bwakto:>, also

Burm rm ic li r ll m ‘mudd l c ’; see example (4) below.

13
(4) āmā c mā (10:44)

zayà =yí =tá pwát ā =mā =yí=tá ngaú-cí =mā

some =also=EMPH mud exist =RLS =also=EMPH say-PL =RLS
'Some, as well, said there was mud.'

Many local leaders favor the first hypothesis.

1.4 The people and their language

This section looks at the general background of the people and their language, presented

in the following order: 1.4.1 The people, 1.4.5 Language context and language contact,

1.4.2 Education, 1.4.3 Livelihood, and 1.4.4 Religion and spiritual life.

1.4.1 The people

T K du o c ll d m lv “A ” r ll o mo ir i bor for

their hospitality. No traveler arriving in a village unannounced or a sick or old person

will lack a roof or a meal. Partly it is the attitude of their Buddhist religion and partly it

is the character of the people. The Kadu population in Banmauk Township is estimated

to be at least 30,000 by the local Kadu leaders. There are also Kadu villages in Indau

and Pinlebu Townships and elsewhere, but it is not known how many Kadu live in these

l c .T ro ou ci io of ord “S ” i Burm i ‘T ’. T lor (1922)

claimed that the Sak inhabited the upper part of the Irrawaddy valley and might have

14
also spread into Manipur and become the ancestors of the Andro and Sengmai tribes.

Luc (1985:36) co firm i cl im d S l u r “o c r d

over the whole north of Burma, from Manipur perhaps to northern Yunnan.” Luce

considers the Kadu to be the earliest settlers of the region, i “ ur i of

antiquity is when one finds a language, unmistakably fragmented, spoken by minorities

in remote places, widely separated from each other by major languages.” Linguistically,

there is a strong connection between Kadu and the Thet or Sak, who are scattered parts

of Rakhine State and also across the Bangladesh border (Ah Ko Saw 1988:1). They are

l o om im r f r o “T u K du” d “T K du” (Nu Nu 1991:3). T iv

speakers of Sak in Bangladesh often refer to themselves as Chak or Chakma,

however,linguistically, the Chak is a distinct group from Chakma (Maggard 2007:1).

The Chak are unmistakably kin of the Kadu. Many Kadu leaders also acknowledge this

fact.

The Kadu, under the name Kantu, were the dominant group in the waumif: Tagaung

kingdom1 of upper Burma (Ah Ko Saw 1975:12; Bradley 2002:86). The local people

explained to me that the word Tagaung, with high tone on the second syllable, came

from t - ‘l - o ’ ic li r ll m i l c i K du. Ev

today, Kadu use this expression to indicate a place belonging to someone. However,

there is also a popular expression used by the Bamar which says ]refrmtpwaumif:u

1
According to the Burmese chronicles, Tagaung was the first Burmese kingdom in northern Myanmar.
However, there is no archaeological evidence to prove the existence of this particular Burmese kingdom.
If it existed, it could have been as early as 128 B.C. (Htin Aung 1967:6-7).

15
<mrangma asa.takong:ka.> which literally means Bamar begins from Tagaung. I leave
it to the historians to do further research on the historical birthplace of the Kadu due to

limited time and space, except for briefly looking at some available historical sources of

the Kadu migration into Burma.

Than Htun (2003) suggested that they may have migrated into Burma in the 4th century

from the North and their dominant power in upper Burma was weakened by the

migration wave of the ancestors of the Bamar2 in about the 9th century. Before the

Burmese intrusion, the Kadu had a long history of contact with the people called Pyu

(Nu Nu 1991). Luce (1985) suggests that the Kadu migrated into Myanmar before the

Pyu, however, some claim that they came into Myanmar following the Pyu (Ah Ko Saw

1975:11). When the Chin entered the Chindwin valley, the Kadu were split into two

groups and the fall of Kadu was completed by the Shan, who rushed in torrents into

Myanmar when the area now known as Yunnan in China was seized by the Mongols in

the 13th century (Luce 1985:43). This once strong and powerful dominant people of

upper Burma are now scattered in and around Katha district, Sagaing Division, and the

north of Rakhine State . They struggle for the survival of their language and culture in
3

the midst of very strong influences from Burmese and Shan.

2
In this paper the term Bamar refers to native speakers of Burmese; it doesn't include other ethnic
minorities who also speak Burmese.
3
Rakhine State was formerly known as Arakan State.

16
The Kadu in Katha District may be further roughly grouped into three groups: Settau,

Mauteik, and Maukhwin. The Settau, also known as Kwan Kadu, are the largest Kadu

speaking group. The majority of Settau Kadu live in Banmauk Township. The second

largest group is Mauteik, also known as Tapan Kadu. They live scattered around Indau

Township. The Maukhwin Kadu group, the smallest Kadu speaking group, is mainly

found in the southwest of Banmauk Township.

Figure 5: Classification of the Kadu varieties based on their recent migration

All three Kadu groups trace their recent migration from Maukhwin village in Pinlebu

Township. One of the story tellers begins the Kadu migration story with (5):

(5) m m c (10:01)

azák azáq m =káq =ták mát-ta-peú-cí

PN begin Maukhwin =LOC =HS note-L.SUFF-keep-PL
‘Keep note that Kadu begins from Maukhwin.’

Maukhwin village is situated at the northeast corner of Pinlebu Township. During my

fieldwork, I, along with one of my chief language consultants, visited some of the old

17
Kadu villages in Pinlebu Township, including Maukhwin. Unfortunately, no one speaks

Kadu in that village anymore. It is unclear whether people have switched to speaking

Burmese or Burmese people later moved in. According to the story, some of the people

from Maukhwin village moved to a place called Maulin-Maukha, a place where they

produced abundant salt. From there, some of them moved south and founded two

villages: Taungmau and Myautmau. Presumably the split into three main Kadu branches

begins from there. Kadu who live in villages around Banmauk Township claim that they

are the descendants of Taungmau village. They refer to themselves as Kwan or Kun

Kadu. On the other hand, Kadu who live in villages around Indau Township claim that

they are the descendants of Myautmau village. They refer to themselves as Mauteik

Kadu or Tapan Kadu. The people who remained in Maukhwin village later moved into

the southwest of Banmauk Township and become known as Maukhwin Kadu. Among

the three groups, Maukhwin Kadu has the smallest population. Their current location,

known as Anauktan-ngaywa (Lit. western five villages), is about 30 miles west of

Banmauk Township. They live in close proximity to the Kanan ethnic group.

The name Sak or Thet is used in at least three ways in the literature. First, it refers to

the Sak that live in the north of Rakhine State and eastern Bangladesh (Bradley

1997:25; Lewis 2010). This name al o r f r o “ ci S ” o of fir ic

groups to inhabit Myanmar, and the ancestors of the Kadu and Kanan (Luce 1985:36-

40). It is also the term the Kadu in Katha District use to refer to themselves.

18
Alternate names for the Kadu include Asak, Gadu, Gannan, Kado, Kadu-Gannan, Kato,

Katu, Kudo, Mawteik, Puteik, Sak, That, Thet, Woni (Paul 2009).

1.4.2 Education

Traditionally, the education of Kadu children was limited to male children only. It

began at the Buddhist monasteries when the male children were sent at an early age to

study Buddhism. They were to remain there for three to six years. The children learned

not only their religious practices but also learned to read and write Burmese. Women

did ’ v i rivil r for rl ll of old r om r illi r .Af

decades ago government-funded standard education was introduced to the Kadu

villages. Many primary schools were established in the region and opened opportunities

for both male and female children.

The language of instruction at school is Burmese. Today, almost all the children go to

school and learn to read and write Burmese. Settau village has a middle school and

most of the children from Settau and nearby villages go to that school. The children

who complete middle school go to Banmauk for high school, which is about 2 miles

away from Settau village.

Local leaders from Settau village reported a continuously high drop-out rate at the high

school level among the Kadu children. One of the reasons, they believe, is that most of

the children cannot cope with the school education because teaching in the schools is all

19
in Burmese and the Burmese proficiency among the Kadu children is relatively low.

Another reason for the high drop-out rate is the fact that the Kadu are poor and the

schools charge various fees to support the teachers. As they live in a remote setting, it is

difficult to find qualified school teachers. Also, education is still not a vital part of Kadu

culture, so most of the young people quit school after completion of primary school.

1.4.3 Livelihood

The Kadu homeland is a rich land in which there is plenty of food and starvation is not

known. Paddy rice is the main crop grown in the region and all the Kadu people

practice a similar type of cultivation. The Kadu are hard working and expert rice

growers. They practice both wet rice field and slash and burn cultivation. Both Kadu

men and women are involved in paddy rice production. The cultivation of rice involves

intensive and extremely arduous work from the time the monsoon rains soften the

ground sufficiently to permit plowing and planting until the crop is reaped in the winter.

Men do most of the plowing and the clearing of the fields, whereas women hoe the

fields, spread the seeds, and transplant the rice seedlings. Planting of rice has to be done

by hand, bent almost double, in tropical rain. Apart from paddy field planting, men are

also responsible for gathering wood and building houses. Women, on the other hand,

cook and do most of the housework. Traditionally, it is the responsibility of the women

to weave and sew cloth. However, as modern clothing is available at cheap prices in

nearby markets, traditional weaving is becoming a lost art among the Kadu women.

20
Modern methods of cultivation have had little effect on this area and they still use the

old traditional ways of cultivation. Cotton and tea are also grown. Tea is used for

drinking and welcoming guests. In addition, sesame, chili peppers, beans, tobacco,

onions, garlic, eggplant, tomatoes, gourds, pumpkins, cucumbers, and many other

varieties of vegetables are grown in the fields. A wide variety of fruits, mushrooms,

roots, leaves, and other wild vegetables are also gathered from nearby forests.

Figure 6: Paddy field cultivation in the Kadu region

As the population increased over time, the land in the lowlands could not provide

sufficient food for the people and this forced the local people to extend their fields up

into the hills and to practice slash and burn cultivation.

The most important domestic animals are the cow and water buffalo in terms of the

o l ’ liv li ood. T r m i m u d o lo ric fi ld d c rr

goods. Other traditional domestic animals include chickens, ducks, and pigs, which

provide meat for the family.

21
Young people, typically, leave their villages and go to nearby townships to earn money

after the planting season is over. Some of the Kadu people travel all the way to the

Chindwin river area and to northern Myanmar to labor in the private gold and jade

mining businesses.

Figure 7: A typical Kanan house in Nanza village

Most of the Kadu villages are located on spurs of hills just above the valley floor. The

main road generally cuts through the middle of the village and houses are built on both

sides of the road. As the area is abundant with teak (Tectona grandis), most of the Kadu

houses are built with invaluable teak, or of a kind of ironwood tree ysOf:uwdk:

<prangkatou:> (Xylia dolabriformis) and bamboo. Thatch roofing is common, however,

zinc roofing is becoming more common. Most of the houses are built on stilts and the

r u d r ou i l f o o f mil ’ imals and firewood. For some

o l i l c i u d for vi d ori om of f mil ’ ro r .

22
Modern Kadu houses are rectangular with wooden siding and high roofs. The older

Kadu said that their traditional house was identical with Kanan houses with a more oval

shape and low hanging roof. The traditional Kadu house was built without using a

single nail. They use a locking joints system. Traditional construction of a house used

cane/rattan and a thin strip of bamboo as rope, thatch for roofing, and timber or bamboo

frames for partitions.

The fireplace, which is the central point of the main room, has a large circular three or

four legged iron potholder. The main room is used as a kitchen and common room and

there are also one or two bedrooms where people sleep on the wooden floor on mats

made of straw with pillows made of wood. The typical house also has a veranda at the

back, which is used for drying paddy, corn, or other items and as a chatting place during

the warm season. The house is generally occupied by an extended family. They live

closely with their kin, with marriageable women leaving for other villages and women

from other villages marrying in. Monogamy has been practiced in the Kadu community

for many centuries.

1.4.4 Religion and spiritual life

The Kadu, like most of the neighboring peoples, Kanan, Shan, and Burmese, have been

practicing Buddhism for centuries. They are almost exclusively Buddhists. The exact

time the Kadu converted to Buddhism is not clearly known. They first practiced

23
Mahayana Buddhism and probably had converted to Theravada Buddhism during the

reign of Anawrahta (1044-1086 AD) or earlier (Maung Kyan Shin 1994:238-240). Luce

(1985) and Than Htun (1994) suggested a much earlier date by saying that one of the

early groups entering Burma, the Pyu, who, probably in AD 638, founded the first great

Buddhist capital in Burma, had been converted to Buddhism by the Sak (Thet).

Figure 8: A monastery in Settau village

The Kadu are devoted to their religious teachings and believe that their good merit will

bring good fortune and a better life in the next life cycle. The enormous monasteries are

one of the signs of their generous almsgiving and devotion to their religion. The monks

not only play important roles in religion but also within the social structure, from

weddings to funerals. The \SiÚf y <hrangpru.> novitiation ceremony of male children is

one of the most important religious activities among the Kadu. Unlike the Burmese,

they conduct combined community novitiations, including over 30 novices in one

24
ceremony that normally takes place during the summer and lasts 4-5 days. During this

ceremony, the whole community comes together and shares the tasks for the success of

the ceremony.

Although Buddhism is a very real part of their daily life, the Kadu are strongly

superstitious people, as well. Among the Kadu there is a widespread belief in the

existence of spirits (both good and evil) and many elements of animism have been

mixed into their Buddhism. They believe good Nats (spirits) bring prosperity and bad

Nats bring misfortune. They are scared of bad Nats and sacrifice chickens, eggs,

fermented fish, fresh fish, and flowers in order not to bring calamities upon themselves.

Some portions of each meal are sacrificed to the good Nats to bring good merit. Kadu

people believe that everything they see is possessed by some kind of Nat. Even today,

they still make sacrifices during their travels to please Nats at nearby shrines for

protection from the danger of wild animals such as wild tigers and bears. They believe

that only with the permission of the Nat can one get bitten by wild animals.

Among the Kadu, rkdi:f wkef\SifîuD: <moung:tun hrangkri:> is the chief Nat of all. All the

Kadu villages make sacrifices to this Nat at least once a year. It is a title in Burmese

which may be translated (<moung:toung> ‘ mou i ’ m ’ <hrang> ‘m r’ <kri:>

‘bi ’) m r rul r of M i du mou i . Accordi o om loc l l d r

his real name was u m. In the story recorded about this man, he was a lazy and good-

for-nothing type of person. However, fortunately, he happened to get a magical drum

25
which fulfilled all his desires and wishes and he later became a very powerful man.

When he died, he was considered a supernatural being and the Kadu worship him even

today. Look at the example below extracted from a story about u m.

(6) m lé m ù c é cā lù l ò m
thànglatá. (08:127)

maléq maítùng -cí =ká àng =panáq - cā

1PL PN lord-big =TOP that =NOM drum-magical.weapon

l -àng haíkkà g =ká lakò hamán - =tá

get-DIR1 and.then 3SG =TOP SAP spirit be-DIR1 =EMPH
‘As for our Maitung master, he became a spirit/Nat when he got a magical
drum.’

Besides this Nat, there are also regional, village, and house guardian Nats. When

someone from the household gets sick, sacrifices are made to the m ‘ ou

N ’ for r m d .M i crific o ou N i du of old f m l

in the family. Another Nat that is very common among the Kadu community is a

compound guardian Nat called c or c .

26
1.4.5 Language context and language contact

The Kadu have a long history of contact with different peoples. It may be because of

these historical contact patterns that some groups such as the Chin, the Jingphaw, and

the Shan claim that the Kadu are related to them. These claims are not made based on

linguistic evidence but are, rather, motivated by political gains.

Hou o (1893) m d i r i r m r bou K du d ir l u :“ o

the Kadu were originally remains uncertain, but now they are little more than Burmese

and Shan half-breeds with traces of Chin and possibly Kachin4 blood. If they ever had a

distinct language it is now extinct or has been modified so much by all its neighbours as

to be little bet r i d of Yiddi .” I fou d imil r i ud m i i

Shan speakers in the Homalin and Myitkyina areas, some of whom were claiming that

the Kadu-Kanan are part of the Shan, and referred to them as Shan-Kadu. Many

Jingphaw speakers also made a similar claim that the Kadu are related to them. Some

Kadu talk about a relationship with the Jingphaw as cousins. I, being one of the ethnic

minorities within the Kachin, was warmly welcomed in many villages, and was

considered one of their kin. I have no knowledge or time to work out the Kadu

relationship with the Chin but I must admit that the Kadu lexicon contains many words

4
I assume that the term Kachin here refers to the Jingphaw speakers. However, the term Kachin for
referring to the Jingphaw alone should be avoided as it is now widely accepted as a collective term for six
ethnic groups: Jingphaw, Lawngwaw, Lahi, Zaiwa, Rawang and Lisu.

27
cognate with both Shan and Jingphaw. However, looking at other linguistic features,

Kadu is quite distant from Shan, however, the numerals one to ten (§3.2.2) and some

kinship terms (§3.1.1.2.6) are certainly loanwords from Shan. It is highly possible that

the presence of the Shan numbers in Kadu is the result of the Shan economic

domination in the area for a long period. The Shan are the people who run the five-day

bazaars, so all Kadu and Kanan counting is in Shan (Luce 1985:35). However, today the

Kadu are shifting toward the Burmese counting system. Upon reaching the Kadu area, I

found out that there are many Kadu words which are clear cognates with Jingphaw.

Linguistic relationships between Jingphaw and Kadu still need to be established.

However, lexical and syntactic similarities between Jingphaw and Kadu are much more

promising than with the Shan. The Burma Gazetteer (1900) also suggested that Kadu

and Jingphaw are of the same stock. It says regarding the relationship of Jingphaw and

K du “ K du c m from P cou r before it fell from its position as the

capital province. They gradually scattered. Those who ascended to the hills are called

Kachins; those who settled in the plains became Kadu. They were all, however, of the

m r c d o m o u ” (G teer 1900:575). Just for the sake of com-

parison, I have compared some of the Kadu lexical items that are similar to Jingphaw

(see Table 1 and Table 2). Jingphaw wordlist items are written in the standard ortho-

graphy. The tones in Jingphaw r u m r d. T di cri ic ‘ - ’ m r or vo l [ə].

28
Kadu Jingphaw Gloss Kadu Jingphaw Gloss
l i be skinny hpai sling/carry
l stack hpun wrap
m / m npu under pru emerge
ā hkrap weep sa send
l u steal dip press
lā la take htu pound
l lu get dwi sweet
mā m l forget lu drink
m m ri buy ā rap cross
m m m smelly m rim catch
m i laugh ā tsap stand
Table 1: Comparison of Kadu and Jingphaw verbs

Kadu Jingphaw Gloss Kadu Jingphaw Gloss

chin m man face
ā or ām mam paddy ó hpun tree or wood
life/age l sau cooking oil
father san shan meat
c gwi dog husked rice
l m r sky/rain moon
l hka li rice seedling tooth
ā or earth, soil c m i thigh
l u snake ā l hand
tsap bear (animal) l b calf (body part)
ù yu rat u chicken
kweu oi or oi monkey ā wan fire
m moi long ago jum salt
Table 2: Comparison of Kadu and Jingphaw nouns

The Kanan, who live along the Mu River to the southwest of the Kadu villages in

Banmauk Township, are geographically the closest kin of the Kadu. The Kanan have

29
always been classified as a subgroup of Kadu and often associated under the name

Kadu-Kanan. The Ethnologue (Lewis 2010) and many other sources group Kadu and

Kanan together as one language. Culturally and linguistically they share many

similarities and both people groups recognised these facts. Dawkins 2006 reported that

there is a high degree of lexical similarity between Kadu and Kanan (see also Table 3

on page 34). Based on the statistics of 100 lexical items, the similarity between Kadu

and Kanan varieties ranges from 82 to 92% (Dawkins 2006:14). Among the Kadu, the

Maukwin Kadu have closer contact with the Kanan, as they live in closer proximity to

the Kanan. The Kanan villages are located in very remote settings accessible only by

foot for most of the year. The Kanan region in Banmauk Township is made up of 24

villages, (see Figure 5).

30
 Figure 9: Kanan villages (from Dawkins 2006)

The Kadu lexicon also includes a massive number of loanwords from Burmese. The

reason, obviously, is Burmese domination through religious (Buddhist) and government

schools and Burmese mass media. Today, most of the Kadu, regardless of gender or

age, with the exception of older people from remote villages, are bilingual in Kadu and

Burmese. The Kadu people used to have a negative attitude toward the national

language, Burmese. However, due to more freedom of travel, contact with outsiders,

31
and the education system, this attitude is changing and today Kadu are becoming more

and more bilingual in Burmese. Burmese words are frequently used either for the names

or ideas introduced by modern civilization or because they are considered more elegant.

Burmese influence on the Kadu is so great that we not only find an extremely large

number of Burmese loanwords in the Kadu lexicon, but also, typologically, Kadu is

becoming more like Burmese. This may be due to superstratum influence (see LaPolla

2009). Similarity of the structure of Kadu with Burmese is shown in (7). Notice in the

example below, although the forms of the words are different the structure is the same.

(7) Burmese: mi: hrou. =pri: prei: -hta: -louk =te =te.
Kadu: ā sút =pán kát -peú -àng =mā =ták
fire start.fire =COS run -keep -DIR1 =RLS =HS
‘(She) burnt and ran away (from him), it is said.’

A full x l io of K du’ r l io i i C i S Ji dT

languages deserves a full-length study in its own right, but it would exceed my

competence to attempt. However, Kadu is clearly a TB language and it deserves to be

respected in its own right. Brown (1920) recognized the distinct vocabulary of Kadu

belonging to the Tibeto-Burman family and further said that the structure and sound

system of Kadu greatly resemble those of Burmese.

Some more examples of lexical comparison with other TB languages are presented in

Table 3. Bodo and Eastern Naga data was taken from Burling (1983). The data from

Burling (1971) i r d i ‘ ^ ’ di cri ic m r . T d from v Br u l

32
(2008) is repr d i u r cri ‘ s ’. ‘x’ m od i v il bl . T S

data are presented in two columns; one from Luce (1985) represented as SakL. and the

other from Bernot (1966), represented as SakB. The Andro data was taken from Grierson

(1928). The Kadu, Kanan, and Jingphaw data are my own. The PTB forms are from

Matisoff (2003).

33
Gloss Kadu Kanan SakL SakB Andro Jingphaw Boro Atong Garo Konyak Tangsa PTB
sun əmi əmiʔ m ʔ mi chamit ɕ san r ŋ sal wanghi rangsal * ə * a, *ring
moon ʰə ə ’ d θ d ’ ʃə x jajong s
j joŋ linyu japi *s/g-la
rain əl ŋ əl ŋ r v ʔ r r ʔ x mr ŋ³ r ŋ r ŋ mikka^ x rangche *r-wa
fire wan wan vai wan l wan oʔr ʔr ʔl vun wal *mey, *war
egg əi ti ji kyi x udi d uʔdəi d uʔdəi doʔci x woci *t(w)i(y)
earth, soil ka ka ka ka x ga ʔ ʔ ʔ ka hah *r-ka
flower ə ə ə x əm biʔb r bar bibal jupiang pilpung *ba:r
salt sum sum əŋ ci x ɕum sem əmʔs x hum sim *gryum
ripe miŋ mɪŋ m m x x mʲi gumun mə s
min x x *s-min
dog ɕi ɕi vɯ vɯ/ 'ɤ ki gwi x əiʔ acak^ kui hi * ʷə
snake ə ʰu ə ʰu fɤ fɪ x lə u zi-bau dəb u cipbu pu puh *s-b-ruːl
house ɕim ɕim x i kem oʔ nok nok nok x *kyim ~ *kyum
finger ɕi ʃiʔ ʃi ʔ u x lataq yaosi chaksi s
jaksi yashao jaksi *m- uŋ/ * uŋ
water ɛ we o ɯ/i me ʰ ʔ dəi dəi ci yiang jung *ti(y)
eat jok jauk tsa³ ca i sha ʔ ʔ c ʔ ha sat *ʔ m
sit ʰoŋ ʰɔŋ to u ton duŋ x muʔ s
oŋ x tong *m-d/ uŋ
kill ɕi ʃi x x x sat x oʔo s
oʔo x tikduk *g-sat
father ə ə v ava ə iʔ-pa a-wa pagipa pa wa * ʷ

Table 3: Comparison of Luish wordlists with other Sal TB languages and PTB forms

34
1.5 Previous research and linguistic classification

A partial record of languages in the Luish/Sak group has been done by linguists in the

past few decades but no languages in this language group have been studied and

classified well in the field of linguistics. Linguistically, Kadu is poorly described.

Brown (1920) wrote about Kadu and presented a brief description of its sound system.

Brown appears to be the first one to acknowledge Kadu as a distinct language belonging

to the Tibeto-Burm f mil : “cl rl i i o j r o of Burm S dK c i

but a member of the Tibeto-Burman family of legitimate and respectable descent.”

Brown (1920:12), however, suggested that Kadu closely resembles the Burmese

structure and sound system. Prior to him, Houghton (1893), and a few decades later,

Leach (1959), treated the Kadu and their language as mere hybrids. Houghton compared

some vocabularies, and assigned Kadu to the Kachin-Kaga branch of the Tibeto-Burman

family, and went on to say that its nearest relative was Sa . I i r “K du di

r l iv ” r d om com r iv voc bul r of K du d of A dro d

Sengmai. Some of the vocabulary items in common with these languages are

characteristic of the Tibeto-Burman family of languages.

Brown described the Kadu sound inventory as consisting of (26) consonants and (11)

vowels (Table 4). It is probably a phonetic representation of the Kadu sounds. The

super-script symbols [ p, t, k ] presented in the table are unreleased stops that appear

only syllable finally and are in free variation with [p, t, and k] elsewhere. Aspiration is

35
m r d i mbol ( ‘ ). Bro r co i d v riou di l c of K du d id

Kanan is a variety of Kadu.

Table 4: Bro ’ o ic d cri io of K du ou d

Grierson (1921), another early linguist, assigned the Kadu language to the Lui or Loi5

rou . H id r rdi i rou “… r r c r i rvil rib m d Lui or

Loi, who have languages of their own, which are quite distinct from Meitei, and,

indeed, from any other form of speech found in the State of Manipur.” He compared

some wordlist items and concluded that Kadu is closely connected with Andro (Undro)

and Sengmai, omitting Chairel, and called them the Lui or Sak group. However, he was

uncertain about whether these languages still existed in Manipur. Regarding the

xi c of l u id “I v o of Loi l u if

5
It is known that there are three types of Loi/Lui. They are Andro, Sengmai and Chairel. Loi is a Meithei
term which means slave (Than Htun 1994).

36
were current at the present day; but this is a matter of some doubt. During the last half-

century the influence of Meit'ei has become widely spread over the whole State, and has

apparently superseded them. For our present purposes we must therefore treat them as

x i c ” (Gri r o 1921:39).

Benedict (1972), in his grouping of Sino-Tibetan, instead of presenting a conventional

language tree, placed Kachin as the centre of the geographical and linguistic diversity in

the family (See Figure 10). Although many researchers and scholars today will disagree

i om of B dic ’ ub-group alignments, in fact, it was a commendable initial

effort that introduced many newly discovered languages and gave the insight that

languages can overlap and can be difficult to group. Benedict grouped Luish and Taman

together. Tamans are now probably extinct but Brown (1911) did record the existence of

the Taman. The village called Tamanthi, home of the Tamans, still exists today. It is

located on the west bank of the upper Chindwin River but currently the people who live

in Tamanthi village are all Nagas. The reason for the disappearance of the Tamans is

unknown.

37
 Figure 10: B dic ’ Sino-Tibetan grouping

Shafer (1955) classified Tibeto-Burman languages into four groups; Bodic, Baric,

Burmic and Karenic. He assigned Kadu and Sak under the Luish branch of the Burmic

division.

Figure 11: S f r’ cl ific io of Lui i i Tib o-Burman.

38
Luce (1985) published wordlists for Sak, Kanan, Kadu, Andro, Sengmai, Chairel and

T m ic c ll d “S rou .” It is probably the most extensive Kadu

l u d r cord d i . A r from Bro ’ d Luc ’ r cord

there is little or no mention of Kadu in the field of linguistic studies. Luce characterised

K du l u b i “ r m r bl ur ll old Tib o-Burman type of

language. I can detect little, if any, admixture of Mon-Khmer, and not very much of

Burm ” (Luc 1985:43). H r i r co i bl o ic co c io

between the Sak of Rakhine State and the Kadu and Kanan of Sagaing Division.

Matisoff (2003) has a different grouping of Sino-Tibetan languages (See Figure 12).

The Nungish and Luish languages are grouped with Jingphaw. This grouping,

Jingphaw-Nungish-Lui i om imil r o B dic ’ rou i . H r co i

the Jingphaw language as having a special contact relationship with Northern Naga.

However, he also acknowledges the comparative/historical research that still needs to be

done on some of the Tibeto-Burm l u . “W il om br c of f mil r

relatively well studi d … v o i ro c i ll-worked out

r co ruc io for uc ub rou Qi ic B ic Lui d Nu i ” (M i off

2003:8). Based on my knowledge of these languages, there is an unmistakable historical

connection between Jingphaw and Kadu. However, as a native speaker of Rawang (a

Nungish variety), I find the connection between Nungish and Luish less promising. The

morphological relationships among these languages still need to be established in order

to have a clear understanding of this grouping.

39
 Figure 12: M i off’ Si o-Tibetan grouping

David Bradley (2002), in his classification, sub-grouped Luish under the Sal branch, the

term originally proposed by Burling (1983:4), and assigned Baric, Jingphaw, and Kuki-

Chin together with Luish to this group (See Figure 13). The name for this group is

d riv d from ord for ‘ u ’ ic i l u i san, sal, or jan, sometimes

r c d db ll bl for ‘ ’ ic i rou r from o r Tib o-

Burman languages (Burling 1983:11). The Kadu word for ‘ u ’i m [səmɪk].

We may correlate the initial minor syllable as a reduced syllable of san or sal. Burling

(1983) has provided a list of comparative vocabulary items which include languages

such as Boro, Garo, Atong, and Wanang of the Bodo–Garo group, and Konyak, Nocte,

and Tangsa of the Northern Naga group. By comparing these lexical items, it is evident

that there are many lexical similarities that Kadu shares with other Sal languages. See

Table 3 and also the lexical comparison of Kadu and Jingphaw in Table 1 and Table 2.

40
However, careful morphological analysis is needed in order to have a clearer

understanding of the position of both Luish within Tibeto-Burman and the position of

Kadu within Luish. It is imperative to complete an adequate grammatical description

and to do a survey among this family to establish the effective criteria for sub-grouping

while these languages are still spoken.

Figure 13: Br dl ’ cl ific io of Tib o-Burman

Burling (2003) classified the Kadu as belonging to the Luish group of languages and

assigned it under part of the Bodo-Konyak-Jingphaw super group of TB languages. as

shown in Figure 14.

41
 Figure 14: Burli ’ cl ific io of Bodo-Konyak-Jingphaw languages

Some publications on the linguistic and socio-economic life of Sak/Thet of Rakhine

State and Bangladesh have been done in different languages–Bernot (1967) in French,

Thun Shwe Khain (1988) in Burmese, Huziwara (2008, 2009) in Janpanese and English,

and Maggard (2007) in English. The Luish wordlist Bernot compiled and presented at

the end of the book was useful for comparative purposes. Thun Shwe Khain (1988), a

native speaker of Burmese, provides some useful information about the socio-economic

life of the Thet. He has also provided accounts of their migration and language and said

that during the 9th century Kadu and Thet were once a single group and lived in

Hukawng valley in the upper reaches of Uru river in Hukaung valley in Kachin State.

He said, regarding the split and migration route of the Thet and Kadu:

42
 “ouftpkcGJonf [l:aumif:awmifjum:óSifÐ O|kacsmif:zsm:rS csif:wGif:]rpftwkdif: qif:vm
cJÐ\m rEdyl\okdh vnf:aumif:? b}Fvm:a'Ð\Sf bufokdh vnf:aumif:? ysHóSHðoGm: onf` uwl:
tpkcGJwkdhrlum: waumif:bufokdha\mufvmúyD: xkdrSwpfqifÐ umom?]rpfîuD:em: bufokdhysHðóSHð
oGm:onf`” “[T T rou from u rr c of Uru riv r and Hukaung
valley came down along the Chindwin river and reached Manipur and Bangladesh.
The Kadu group, on the other hand, reached Tagaung and from there they scattered
i oK dM i i ” (T u S K i 1988:7) my translation]

Thun Shwe Khain also provided some wordlists in his book. However, his transcription

lacks final consonants except the glottal stop. He noticed regular sound correspondences

of the Burmese o /t/ and c /kh/ with Thet [sʰ] and [h], respectively. The same phenomenon

is also attested in the Kadu of Katha District.

The most recent research on Sak has been done by Huziwara and SIL International,

B l d . Mo of Hu i r ’ or r i J dI o bl cc mo

of it. The only English articles I could access wer “C r fix (2008)” d “C

numerals (2009).” SIL International, Bangladesh, has done a socio-linguistic survey on

the Sak in Bangladesh (see Maggard 2007). In that report, it is reported that Sak in

Bangladesh often refer to themselves as Chak or Chakma, which are indeed

linguistically non related–representing two very different languages families, the first

being a TB language and the latter being Indo-Aryan (Maggard 2007:1). The report

acknowledged that the Chak in Bangladesh are the result of migration from Myanmar.

Just for the sake of lexical comparison between Kadu and Sak, I have extracted some

43
wordlists from Maggard (2007) and Bernot (1967) and presented them in Table 5 and

Table 6. Kadu wordlist items are written using the tentative Kadu orthography I have

developed for this thesis (see §2.6). The Sak wordlist is presented using IPA, as it was

transcribed in the sourc . T o r l o l f ou from B r o ’ d . “x” m o

data. Table 5 compares Kadu and Sak nouns.

Sak, Thet or Chak

Kadu Gloss
Maggard Bernot
ān ŋ rice (paddy)
j jak əʔ today
ā ədʒ ka soil
b ù bːɪ kabi goat
kafu fɪ snake
ʃ θ tiger
əvu ɪ ɯ monkey
iŋ ə flower
uŋ ʰ ŋ tree/plant
ʃəd θ d moon
ā ŋ tana fish
ā v iŋ v fire
m ʃəmi mi sun
Table 5: Comparison of Kadu and Sak nouns

Some verbs are also compared in Table 6. It must be noted that in Maggard (2007),

most, if not all, the Chak verb forms are followed by the syllables, [hɛ], [hɛka] or [ga].

These are probably verbal particles. In the comparison, I have omitted those verbal

particles.

44
 Sak, Thet or Chak
Kadu Gloss
Maggard Bernot
ɨ/i i give
ik i sleep
ka ka hot
lā la v take
l v iŋ v come
mā ʃi/ ʃʲɛ sell
m mɨr mərɪ buy
ā l ŋ l go
m ou do/make
ɨm ŋ ɪ die
ʔ ʔ weave
uŋ u sit
u u drink
ʃ ca eat
x yu look at
Table 6: Comparison of Kadu and Sak verbs

I conducted the first socio-linguistic survey of the Kadu and Kanan people in 2003-

2004. The purpose of that survey was to gain an overview of the sociolinguistic

situation among these peoples. During the trip, I visited four Kadu villages in Banmauk

Township and four Kanan villages. In each site, a 436-item wordlist was gathered and

sociolinguistic questionnaires were administered to understand the language vitality,

attitudes towards the mother tongue, and also other related varieties and languages.

Lexical similarity among all these varieties was found to be very high (89-99%).

(Dawkins 2006).

45
Follow-up sociolinguistic surveys were conducted in 2006 and 2008. During these trips,

several Kadu leaders were interviewed. The main purpose of those surveys was to know

more about the sociolinguistic situation among the Kadu and Kanan peoples and to

id if o l ’ i ud o rd c o r d i ud o rd ir o c

varieties. I found that both Kadu and Kanan people felt their languages and culture were

related to each other, however, they also indicated that they have identities as separate

groups (Sangdong 2007). Among the Kadu there are some dialect differences. The

Maukhwin Kadu dialect seems to be a little different from the Kwan or Kun and

Mauteik Kadu. Further research among the Maukhwin Kadu is recommended.

46
 CHAPTER 2: PHONOLOGY

This chapter presents an overview of the phonological structures of Kadu. The

discussion is arranged in the following order: 2.1 Phonemic inventory, 2.6 Practical

orthography, 2.2 Consonants, 2.3 Vowels, 2.4 Distribution of consonant and vowel

phonemes, 2.5 Tones, 2.6 Practical orthography, 2.7 Syllables, and, finally, 2.8 Other

phonological processes. Transcription of phonemes will be provided using / /. For

clarity, if the phonemic and orthographic representation (see §2.6) are different, the

latter will be provided using < > brackets.

2.1 Phonemic inventory

2.1.1 Consonants

The consonant phoneme inventory of Kadu consists of twenty consonants. The final

co o r r ric d o l /m ŋ/ d voic l o / / d /ʔ/.

They are listed in Table 7 according to place (in top row) and manner (in left column)

of articulation. The description of the consonants is given in §2.2.

47
 Place: Alveo-
Bilabial Dental Velar Glottal
Manner: palatal
unaspirated p t k ʔ
Stop
aspirated ʰ ʰ (kʰ)6
unaspirated ɕ
Affricate
aspirated ɕʰ
unaspirated s ɕ h
Fricative
aspirated ʰ
Nasals m n ɲ ŋ
Approximant lateral l
central w j

Table 7: Kadu consonant phonemes

2.1.2 Vowels

This analysis proposes that Kadu has eight vowel phonemes as shown in Table 8.

Monophthongs Diphthong
Front Central Back Front Central Back
Close i u
Close mid e o
Open-mid ɛ ɔ
Open a ai
Table 8: Kadu vowel phonemes

6
There is no unambiguous Kadu native word that begins with an aspirated velar stop [kʰ]. I have included
this consonant in the chart because it often appears in Burmese loanwords.

48
Seven vowel phonemes are monophthongs and one is a diphthong. All of the

monophthongs can occur with the full set of final consonants. However, the diphthong

is restricted to the final /k/ only. See the description of vowels in §2.3.

2.1.3 Tones

Kadu is one of the many tonal languages spoken in Southeast Asia. Such languages

make use of pitch in one form or another to distinguish between words that would

otherwise be homophonous. Bur u (1998:186) r “l u ic m

use of differences in pitch to differentiate lexical items are commonly referred to as tone

languages.” In other words, the pitch of the word can change the meaning of the word.

Tone languages are divided into two major types. Pike (1948:4-15) used the term

“r i r o l u ” ic r uir ll bl or c c r i ic i d

“co our o l u ” ic r uir ll bl ob id i i c mov m .

“R i r o ”i l o used for those with phonation differences, like Burmese. The

Kadu language tonal system falls into the first category.

The three tonemic distinctions occurring in Kadu involve three pitch registers. See the

detailed description of tones in §2.5.

49
2.2 Consonants

The consonants are discussed in the follow order: 2.2.1 Single consonants, 2.2.2

Consonant clusters, and finally 2.2.3 Illustration of consonant contrasts.

2.2.1 Single consonants

Descriptions of single consonant phonemes are presented in the following order: 2.2.1.1

Stops, 2.2.1.2 Affricates, 2.2.1.3 Fricatives, 2.2.1.4 Nasals, and 2.2.1.5 Approximants.

2.2.1.1 Stops

The Kadu stops series demonstrates four distinctive places of articulation; bilabial,

dental, velar, and glottal stop. Three series of stops–bilabial, dental, and velar occur in

initial position. These series have aspiration contrasts at each place. The glottal stop /q/,

which is treated as a consonant, only occurs phonemically in coda position.

2.2.1.1.1 Voiceless unaspirated plosives

/p/ This phoneme is realised as a voiceless unaspirated bilabial plosive. When it

occurs in syllable initial position with the low tone it may be realised as the

allophone [b]. It is always realised as unreleased [ in syllable final position. It

50
 can occur in word initial, medial, and final positions. See the illustrations of this

phoneme in (8).

(8) (a) word initially

‘ moo ’
‘ l ’
ā ‘ mb r ’

(b) word medially

apai ‘i o ’
‘flo r’
l ò ‘b mboo’

(c) word finally

‘ uc ( c d )’
lā ‘c c ’
ā ‘ l’

/t/ This phoneme is realised as a voiceless unaspirated dental plosive. When it

occurs in syllable initial position with the low tone it may be realised as the

allophone [d]. It is always realised as unreleased [ ] in syllable-final position. It

occurs in word initial, medial, and final positions, as illustrated in (9).

(9) (a) word initially

‘ i’
‘mor i ’
‘ r’

51
 (b) word medially

‘moo ’
‘ ’
ù ‘for d’

(c) word finally

ā ‘r l ’
‘li ’
‘cu ’

/k/ This phoneme is realised as a voic l u ir d v l r lo iv . W i occur

i ll bl i i i l o i io i lo o i m b r li d llo o

[ .I i l o r li d u r l d[ i ll bl -final position. It can occur in

word initial, medial, and final positions. See the illustrations of this phoneme in

(10).

. (10) (a) word initially

ā ‘ oil’
‘ l’
‘mo ’

(b) word medially

l ò ‘mir iv ’
‘l dl ’
‘ric dli ’

52
 (c) word finally

c ‘cro ’
m ‘u d r’
m ‘coo ’

/ʔ/ This phoneme, represented as <q> in my Kadu orthography, is realised as a

voiceless glottal plosive. It is restricted in occurrence to syllable final position

only. See the illustrations of this phoneme in (11).

(11) c ‘ r orm’
‘ c r bb l ’ ’
‘ omi li r’

2.2.1.1.2 Voiceless aspirated plosives

/ ʰ/ This phoneme, represented as <ph> in my Kadu orthography, is realised as a

voiceless aspirated bilabial plosive. It does not show any allophonic variation

and can occur word initially and medially. See the illustrations of this phoneme

in (12).

(12) (a) word initially

‘ li ’
‘ ilv r/mo ’
ó ‘ ood’
‘ ri l ’

53
 (b) word medially

‘li rd
‘ ’
ā ‘foo ’

/ ʰ/ This phoneme, represented as <th> in my Kadu orthography, is realised as a

voiceless aspirated dental plosive. It does not show any allophonic variation and

can occur word initially and medially. See the illustrations of this phoneme in

(13).

(13) (a) word initially

ù ‘ ic ’
‘ coo ’
ām ‘ r’
‘ rriv ’

(b) word medially

‘fir fl ’
‘ c ’
‘ ’
‘ x ’

/ ʰ/ This phoneme, represented as <kh> in my Kadu orthography, is realised as a

voiceless aspirated velar plosive. This phoneme appears mostly with Burmese

loanwords, does not show any allophonic variation, and can occur word initially

and medially. See the illustrations of this phoneme in (14).

54
 (14) <hkou>
cdk ‘ i o ’
cGuf <hkwak> ‘mu ’
ó olcdk: <thuhkou:> ‘ i f’
ocif <thahkang> ‘m r’

2.2.1.2 Affricates

/tɕ/ This phoneme, represented as <c> in my Kadu orthography, is realised as a

voiceless unaspirated alveo-palatal affricate. It does not show any allophonic

variation and occurs word initially and medially. See the illustrations of this

phoneme in (15).

(15) (a) word initially

c ‘buff lo’
c ‘do ’
c ‘m o’
cé ‘l r’

(b) word medially

c ‘vomi ’
c ‘ l ’
c ‘c r full ’
c ‘c i d ’

/tɕʰ/ This phoneme, represented as <ch> in my Kadu orthography, is realised as a

voiceless aspirated alveo-palatal affricate. It does not show any allophonic

55
 variation and can occur word initially and medially. See the illustrations of this

phoneme in (16).

(16) (a) word initially

c ‘ our’
c ‘ xcr m ’
c ‘b mboo i rl r’

(b) word medially

c ‘mu j c d r’
c ‘c ’
c ‘ off’

2.2.1.3 Fricatives

/sʰ/ This phoneme, represented as <s> in my Kadu orthography, is realised as a

voiceless aspirated dental fricative. It does not show any allophonic variation

and can occur word initially and medially. See the illustrations of this phoneme

in (17).

(17) (a) word initially

ā ‘o ’
‘coll c ’
n ‘ ic ’
‘ ’

56
 (b) word medially

‘ i r’
ù ‘gibbon’
‘cold’
‘c r (fi )’

/s/ This phoneme, represented as <z> in my Kadu orthography, is realised as a

voiceless dental fricative. It does not show any allophonic variation and can

occur word initially and medially. See the illustrations of this phoneme in (18).

(18) (a) word initially

ā ‘build’
‘fi i ’
‘ ou r i r’
ā ‘ d’

(b) word medially

m ‘ um ’
‘ ’
‘ i ’
‘crumbl ’

/ɕ/ This phoneme, represented as <sh> in my Kadu orthography, is realised as a

voiceless alveo-palatal fricative and occurs word initially and medially. This

tongue position is lower when occurring with low back vowels. This phoneme is

illustrated in (19).

57
 (19) (a) word initially

ā ‘ m ll’
‘m dici ’
m ‘cold’
ā ‘ ovic ’

(b) word medially

‘i r-in-l ’
‘comb’
l ‘ b d’
m ‘since that time’

/h/ This phoneme is realised as a voiceless glottal fricative. It can occur word

initially and medially. See the illustrations of this phoneme in (20).

(20) (a) word initial

ā ‘b i’
‘ ll’
‘ / ’
m ‘co fi ’

(b) word medially

‘c i ’
‘ cr c ’
‘ rmi ’
c ā ‘fri d’

58
T i o m / / r c d db o / / or / / llo o [ ʰ.I ill u

the post-verbal modifier lo d ‘b c ’ or ‘ i ’ o illu r i .T

examples in (21a) illustrate this term following open syllables and nasal finals. The

examples in (21b) illustrate it following stop finals.

(21) (a) combining with open and nasal finals

l + > l ‘com b c / i ’
m + > m ‘bu i ’
m + > m ‘do i ’
+ > ‘ o i ’

(b) combining with /t/ and /k/ stop finals

+ > ‘ oo i ’
+ > ‘ru i ’
+ > g ‘ i ’
+ > ‘ ou i ’

2.2.1.4 Nasals

The nasal phonemes occur at bilabial, dental, palatal, and velar places of articulation.

/m/ This phoneme is realised as a voiced bilabial nasal. It does not show any

allophonic variation and can occur word initially, medially and finally. See the

illustrations of this phoneme in (22).

59
 (22) (a) word initially

mā ‘ ll’
m ‘ ood’
m ‘ ’
m ‘ o lov ’

(b) word medially

m ‘old r bro r’
m ‘ ou d’
m ‘b u d r’
mó ‘mo ’

(c) word finally

m ‘do m ’
m ‘ ll’
m ‘ ’
ām ‘ rc ’

/n/ This phoneme is realised as a voiced dental nasal. This does not show any

allophonic variation and can occur word initially, medially and finally. See the

illustrations of this phoneme in (23).

(23) (a) word initially

‘b bl ’
‘l ’
m ‘ of ’
‘bur ’

60
 (b) word medially

‘ r’
ù ‘ im l’
‘ (3PL)’
ù ‘mix’

(c) word finally

ā ‘ dd ’
‘ iv r icl ’
‘bi ’
mó ‘ ’

/ɲ/ This phoneme, represented as <ny> in my Kadu orthography, is realised as a

voiced alveo-palatal nasal. It occurs in syllable initial position only. It frequently

occurs in Burmese loanwords. The examples in (24a) illustrate /ny/ occurring in

word initial position and the examples in (24b) illustrate some Burmese

loanwords.

(24) (a) word initially

ó ‘o llo ’
‘ i (ro )’
ā ‘mi ’

(b) Burmese loanwords

ā ‘br i i ’
‘cli ’
‘ u ’

61
/ŋ/ This phoneme, represented as <ng> in my Kadu orthography, is realised as a

voiced velar nasal. This does not show any allophonic variation and can occur

word initially, medially, and finally. See the illustrations of this phoneme in

(25).

(25) (a) word initially

‘ ’
óm ‘ i mou ’
‘br ’

(b) word medially

‘b ’
ā ‘fi ’
ā ‘ o bo ’

(c) word finally

m ‘ri ’
ā ‘ if ’
ā ‘ r’

2.2.1.5 Approximants

Kadu has one lateral approximant phoneme and two central approximant phonemes. The

articulation of the lateral approximant is apical alveolar, but it will be treated

phonologically as dental to accord with the phonemes of other series having a dental

articulation. The two central approximants are the palatal /y/ and the labial-velar /w/.

62
The palatal /y/ involves an articulation similar to the high front vowel /i/, with the front

of the tongue close to the palate; the labial-velar /w/ is similar to /u/, with rounded lips

and the back of the tongue raised toward the velum.

/l/ This phoneme is realised as a voiced dental lateral approximant. It does not

show any allophonic variation and can occur word initially and medially. See the

illustrations of this phoneme in (26).

(26) (a) word initially

lā ‘ ’
l ‘com ’
l ‘mud’
l ‘ i ’

(b) word medially

l ‘ u b d’
lù ‘ r ’ or ‘ l ’
l ‘middl ’
ló ‘m ’

/y/ This phoneme is realised as a voiced alveo-palatal approximant [j]. It can occur

word initially and medially. It also occurs as the second member of an initial

consonant cluster (§2.2.2). See the illustrations of this phoneme in (27).

63
 (27) (a) word initially

‘bri ’
‘loo ’
m ‘c c ’
‘ ill fi ld’

(b) word medially

‘ ’
‘ om ’
‘ oor’
ó ‘ r r dc ild’

/w/ This phoneme is realised as a voiced labio-velar approximant. It does not show

any allophonic variation and can occur word initially and medially. See the

illustrations of this phoneme in (28). It also occurs as the second member of an

initial consonant cluster (§2.2.2).

(28) (a) word initially

‘jum do ’
‘ r’
ā ‘fir ’
‘u cl ’

(b) word medially

ā ‘f r’
‘imm di fu ur m r r’
‘i r-in-l ’

64
2.2.2 Consonant clusters

There are not many consonant clusters attested in Kadu. The two glides /w/ and /y/ may

occur as initial consonants or as the second consonant in an initial cluster. See the

distribution of consonant and vowel phonemes in §2.4. There are no final consonant

clusters. The occurence of these two phonemes is also common in Burmese loanwords.

They are treated as consonant clusters because in Burmese they were historically treated

that way. The phoneme /w/ occurring as the second element in an initial consonant

cluster is shown in (29a) and /y/ in (29b).

(29) (a) consonant clusters with /w/

taqG <ahswei> ‘fri d’

twGuf <atwak> ‘for’
ó udk:uG<f <kou:kwe> ‘ or i ’
pGJ <swe:> ‘ob ’
ng xGif: <htwang:> ‘c rv ’ or ‘cl r’

(b) consonant clusters with /y/

m ā ]ref <mran> ‘f ’
ā OmEf <njan> ‘br i ’
nD <nji> ‘ ou r bro r’
ā ]yef <pran> ‘ ’

65
2.2.3 Illustration of consonant contrasts

The following minimal pairs demonstrate voiceless unaspirated vs. voiceless aspirated

stop contrasts.

/p/ vs. /ph/ ‘ r’ ‘ li ’

‘d ’ ‘ ’

/t/ vs. /th/ ‘ i’ ‘ ic ’

ó ‘bi ’ ó ‘ i’

/k/ vs. /kh/ ‘b d’ ‘room’

‘bod ’ ‘ i o ’

The following minimal pairs demonstrate contrasts between voiceless unaspirated stops.

/p/ vs. /t/ ‘coll ’ ‘ r’

‘ oo ’ ‘ru ’

/p/ vs. /k/ ‘ m r ’ ‘ l’

p ‘b ’ ‘v i ’

/p/ vs. /q/ ‘ ri ’ ‘ i’

‘ ul do ’ ‘b l ’ ’

/t/ vs. /k/ ā ‘l ’ ā ‘ r ’ or ‘ oil’

‘cu ’ ‘ l ’

/t/ vs. /q/ ‘ l ‘b l ’ ’

l ù ‘ b ’ l ‘ or io ’

/k/ vs. /q/ ‘CFP’ ‘ irl’

‘ m r’ ‘b l ’ ’

66
The following minimal pairs demonstrate contrasts between voiceless aspirated stops.

As I have already mentioned, there are no native Kadu words that begin with /kh/.

However, with Burmese loanwords it appears frequently. I have included several here

for comparison.

/ph/ vs. /th/ ‘c rr ’ ‘ id ’

‘ ’ ‘ ’

/ph/ vs. /kh/ ‘ ’ ‘c ll’

p ‘ i r’ ‘ dd’

/th/ vs. /kh/ ‘ u ’ ‘ i o ’

‘ rro ’ ‘CLF. ord’

The following minimal pairs demonstrate aspiration contrasts between palatal-alveolar

affricates and aspirated stops.

/c/ vs. /ch/ c ‘do ’ c ‘ xcr m ’

c ‘ luc ’ c ‘ rdl ’

/ch/ vs. /ph/ c ‘ our’ ‘ li ’

éc ‘o ’ ā ‘ rubbi o ’

The following minimal pairs demonstrate contrasts between fricatives.

/s/ vs. /z/ ā ‘o ’ ā ‘b f r’

‘r ’ ‘b c u ’

/s/ vs. /sh/ ā ‘o ’ ā ‘ m ll’

m ‘m ’ m ‘cold’

67
/s/ vs. /h/ ā ‘o ’ ā ‘ l ’
‘iro ’ ‘ ’

/z/ vs. /sh/ ‘fi i ’ ‘di ’

‘ ’ ‘i ’

/z/ vs. /h/ ā ‘b f r’ ā ‘ l ’

‘ u i ’ ‘ r ’

/sh/ vs. /h/ ā ‘ m ll’ ā ‘ l ’

‘i ’ ‘2SG’

The following minimal or near minimal pairs demonstrate phonemic contrasts between

nasals which occur at four places of articulation; bilabial, dental, palatal, and velar.

/m/ vs. /n/ m ‘bu ’ ‘l u ’

m ‘ m ll ’ ‘d u r-in-l ’

/m/ vs. /ng/ mā ‘ ll’ ā ‘1SG’

m ‘d ’ ‘loo u ’

The phoneme /ny/ is attested occurring mostly with Burmese loanwords. See the

illustrations of contrast between /m/ and /ny/.

/m/ vs. /ny/ m ‘c ’ ‘ ic ’

mā ‘di ribu ’ ā ‘br i ’

/n/ vs. /ng/ ‘ bl o’ ‘ m’

‘i r’ ‘ u i ’

/n/ vs. /ny/ ó ‘mix’ ó ‘ llo ’

‘l c ’ ‘ u rr l’

68
The following minimal pairs demonstrate phonemic contrasts between lateral and

central approximants occurring word initially.

/w/ vs. /l/ ‘ r’ l ‘ox c r ’

ā ‘ lait’ lā ‘ ’

/w/ vs. /y/ ‘ r’ ‘ u ’

‘ i ’ ‘ o ’

/l/ vs. /y/ lā ‘ ’ ‘bri ’

l ‘ ’ ‘ ill fi ld’

2.3 Vowels

As I have already stated in §2.1.2, there are eight vowel phonemes, /i, e, ɛ, a, u, o, ɔ/

and /ai/, in Kadu which are represented as <i, e, eu, a, u, o, au>, and <ai> in my

orthographic representation. Seven are monophthongs and one is a diphthong. They can

be further divided into three front vowels (§2.3.1), two central vowels (§2.3.2), and

three back vowels (§2.3.3). The three front vowels are a close front unrounded vowel, a

close mid unrounded vowel, and an open mid-front unrounded vowel. The three back

vowels are a close back rounded vowel, a close-mid back rounded vowel, and an open-

mid back rounded vowel. The two central vowels include one monphthong and one

diphthong. There is no phonological contrastive vowel length in Kadu. The syllables

that have final stop codas tend to have shorter vowels than the syllables that have nasal

codas. This vowel length variation differs from speaker to speaker. Generally a vowel in

69
a clearly closed syllable with high tone may be pronounced shorter than a vowel in a

clearly open syllable.

2.3.1 Front vowels

The description of front vowel phonemes is presented in this section.

/i/ This phoneme is realised as a high front unrounded vowel. It has the allophone

[ɪ] when it occurs in syllables closed with stops. See the illustrations of this

vowel in (30).

(30). (a) with open syllables

‘ iv ’
m ‘bu ’
‘ ’

(b) with closed syllables

c ‘com clo ’
m ‘lov ’
‘ c ’

/e/ This phoneme is realised as a close-mid front unrounded vowel. It occurs both

with open and closed syllables. However, it is never attested alone as a word,

except in the exclamation é. This vowel becomes a front diphthong [ei] when it

occurs in closed syllables with the final /k/ and in a few cases with /ng/. See the

illustrations of this vowel phoneme in (31).

70
 (31) (a) with open syllables

é ‘i r’
l ‘ im l i ’
‘ lur l m r r’

(b) with closed syllables

‘ if ’
‘ v ’
é ‘r l ’
‘ c ’
é ‘full’

/eu/ This phoneme is realised as a mid-open front unrounded vowel [ɛ]. It can occur

both in open and closed syllables. However, it is never attested occurring alone

as a word except in the Burmese loanword ‘ ’. T i o m do o

show any allophonic variation. See the illustrations of this vowel in (32).

(32) (a) with open syllables

. c ‘buff lo’
‘r i ’
m ‘ ood’

(b) with closed syllables

‘r luc ’
ù ‘li ’
‘ ro ’

71
2.3.2 Low central vowels

The descriptions of the central vowel phonemes /a/ and /ai/ are presented in this section.

/a/ This phoneme is realised as a low central unrounded vowel. It occurs both in

open and closed syllables. The vowel length tends to be shorter with final stops

particularly with high tone. However, there is no evidence to suggest that there

is any contrastive or meaningful difference in vowel length. It often appears in

the initial weak syllable of sesquisyllabic words (§2.7.2). See the illustration of

this vowel in (33).

(33) (a) with open syllables

ā ‘cr b’
ā ‘ oil’
mā ‘ ll’

(b) with closed syllables

ā ‘flo do ’
m ‘l ’
ā ‘i c ’

/ai/ This phoneme is realised as a diphthong which begins from a low unrounded

central vowel and moves toward a high front vowel. It can occur in open

syllables, with a restricted set of words with final /k/, and in a few cases with

final /ng/. See the illustrations of this vowel in (34).

72
 (34) (a) with open syllables

‘r o ’
‘r ’
‘mor i ’

(b) with closed syllables

c ‘ xc ’
‘ bl iv m r r’
‘d m’

2.3.3 Back vowels

/u/ T i o m i r li d b c clo rou d d vo l. I do ’ o

allophonic variation. It can occur alone as a stem and also in open and closed

syllables. See the illustrations of this vowel in (35).

(35) (a) with open syllables

‘dri ’ or ‘fo l’
‘bur ’
ù ‘ ibbo ’

(b) with closed syllables

‘ l’
ù ‘ ’
m ‘cl c ’

73
/o/ T i o m i r li d b c mid clo rou d d vo l. I do ’ o

any allophonic variation and may occur in both open and closed syllables. This

vowel appears the least of the seven vowels. See the illustrations of this vowel

in (36).

(36) (a) with open syllables

c ‘ou r l r of b mboo’
ò ‘ xi ’
‘ u ’

(b) with closed syllables

ló ‘ m ll m ’
‘ ull off’ or ‘ ix’
ó ‘l ’

/au/ This phoneme is realised as a back mid open rounded vowel. It does not show

any allophonic variation and can occur in both open and closed syllables. See the

illustrations of this vowel in (37)

(37) (a) with open syllables

‘ ri ’
m ‘ lum ’
ù ‘ rfor ’

74
 (b) with closed syllables

‘di (b im l )’
m ‘ illo ’
‘b ’

2.3.4 Illustration of vowel contrasts

The following minimal or near minimal pairs of words demonstrate vowel contrasts.

/i/ vs. /e/ ‘penis’ é ‘sister’

‘vill ’ ‘d ’

/i/ vs. /eu/ m ‘bu ’ m ‘ ood’

‘ ’ ‘r luc ’

/i/ vs. /a/ ‘ ’ ā ‘l ’

m ‘ ’ m ‘ m ll ’

/i/ vs. /u/ ‘ iv ’ ‘dri ’

m ‘ri ’ m ‘ or ’

/i/ vs. /o/ c ‘ ru ’ c ‘b mboo i ’

l ‘b i d’ ló ‘ m ll m ’

/e/ vs. /eu/ é ‘i r’ ‘ i’

‘l i r ’ ‘c r d’

/e/ vs. /u/ é ‘i r’ ‘l u ’

‘ ro ’ ‘b r ’

75
/e/ vs. /o/ ‘ if ’ ò ‘u cl ’
‘bi ’ ‘r l ’

/e/ vs. /au/ é ‘i r’ ‘ r dmo r’

‘hill field’ ‘and’

/e/ vs. /a/ ‘A.AG’ ā ‘l ’

‘bi ’ ‘ fr id’

/eu/ vs. /u/ ‘ ’ ‘ or ou (clo )’

‘listen’ ‘cu ’

/eu/ vs. /o/ ‘ ’ ò ‘ xi ’

ù ‘ ic ’ ‘ u ’

/eu/ vs. /a/ ‘ ll’ ‘red’

m ‘ ood’ m ‘b ic’

/a/ vs. /u/ ‘ lic ’ ‘ or ou (clo )’

ā ‘i c ’ ‘b r ’

/a/ vs. /o/ ‘CLF.fl ’ ‘ b’

ām ‘ r’ m ‘blu ’

/u/ vs. /o/ ‘di ’ ‘ u ’

ù ‘ ’ ò ‘ orm’

In summary, Kadu vowel phonemes are simple and this study proposes eight vowel

phonemes. The only diphthong is /ai/; the rest are monophthongs. There are no vowel

sequences in Kadu, therefore choosing <au> and <eu> to represent /ɔ/ and /ɛ/ does

not cause any ambiguity. It is rare to find a vowel appearing alone as a stem, except for

a few occurrences of /i/ and /u/, in this language. The vowel /i/ as a stem, as in ‘ iv ’

76
appeared only one time in my corpus. The vowel appeared three times, two sharing

the same tone as in ‘c ic ’ d ‘dri ’ d o r i i o ‘d ’. T

vowel /a/ is the most common vowel of all.

2.4 Distribution of consonant and vowel phonemes

Table 9 presents the distribution of i i i l co o d vo l .T mbol “+”

indicates occurrences, whereas, the highlighted blank indicates no occurrences. The

mbol “+” i ( ) br c indicates occurrences found only with loanwords.

According to Table 9, we can conclude that /p, ph, t, m, n, h/, and /l/ can occur with all

the vowels while /th, z, s, c/, and /y/ occur with all the monothongs. The consonants

/kh/ and /ny/ occur mainly in Burmese loanwords except in ó ‘ llo ’ ic

does not resemble Burmese or Tai. The consonants /k/ and /ng/ do not occur with front

vowels. The glide /w/ is not attested occurring with back vowels and /sh/ is not attested

occuring with /eu, u/, or /ai/.

77
 i e eu a u o au ai
ph + + + + + + + +
th + + + + + + +
ch + + (+) (+) (+) (+)
kh (+) (+) (+) (+) (+) (+)
p + + + + + + + +
t + + + + + + + +
c + + + + (+) (+) (+) +
k + + + +
m + (+) + + + + + +
n + + + + + + + +
ny (+) (+) (+) + (+)
ng (+) + + +
s + + + + + + + (+)
sh + + + + +
z + + + + + + +
h + + + + + + + +
w + (+) + + +
y + + + + + (+) +
l + + + + + + + +
Table 9: Distribution of initial consonants and vowels

The final consonants, as mentioned above, are restricted to the unaspirated stops /p, t,

and k/, and the nasals /m, n/, and /ng/ serial. Table 10 presents the distribution of final

consonants and vowels in Kadu.

78
 i e eu a u o au ai
+ + + + + + + p
+ + + + + + + t
+ + + + + + + k
+ + + + + + + ʔ
+ + + + + m
+ + + + + + n
+ + + + + + ng
Table 10: Distribution of final consonants and vowels

Referring to Table 10, it can be summarised that the vowel /e/ never occurs with /m/ or

/n/, the vowel /eu/ never occurs with /k/ or /ng/, the vowel /u/ never occurs preceding

/ng/, and the diphthong /ai/ occurs only with consonant final /k/ and /ng/.

As mentioned above, the two approximants /y/ and /w/ can occur as the second member

of initial consonant clusters (§2.2.1.5). The distribution of these two consonants is given

in Table 11.

-y -w -y -w
ph + + n +
th + ny
ch ng +
kh + s +
p + + sh +
t + z +
c + h
k + y +
m + + l +
Table 11: Distribution of the medials with different consonants

79
Table 11 shows that /y/ is restricted to occurring with the labials /ph/, /p/, and /m/ and

/w/ can occur with almost all the consonants except /ch/, /ny/, and /h/. It must be noted

that most of the consonant clusters occur in Burmese loanwords.

The distribution of attested complex consonant onsets and vowels is illustrated in Table

12.

i e eu a u o au ai
phy + + + +
py + + + +
my + + + + + + +
phw + +
thw +
khw + +
pw + +
tw + + +
cw + + +
kw + +
mw +
nw + +
sw + + +
shw +
zw +
yw + +
lw + +
Table 12: Distribution of initial consonant clusters and vowels

Table 12 shows that the cluster /py/ occurs only with the back vowels but /phy/ occurs

only with the front vowels and /a/. The cluster /my/ occurs with all the vowels except

80
/u/. All other clusters tend to occur only with front vowels. The central low vowel is the

most common vowel to occur with initial consonant clusters.

2.5 Tones

This thesis proposes that Kadu has phonemic contrasts between high, mid, and low

tones occurring on all vowels and on all syllable types. Phonetically, the high toneme is

realised at a pitch level of [55] to [⁴⁴ or [⁴⁵ o [⁴⁴ ; the mid toneme has its focus at [³³],

but may be as low as [²²] and the low toneme is realised at a pitch level ranging from

[22] to [¹¹]. For the reason of simplification only one realisation is proposed for each

toneme. Mid tone is the most common tone in this language.

In order to show three tonal distinctions, I have analysed two sets of tonal triplets–one

with open syllable words and the other with closed syllable with nasal final words.

However, I am not very certain about having three tonal contrasts with stop finals. I

need to do further research and collect more data to prove whether we can establish

three tonal distinctions or simply two with stop finals. All data for this analysis come

from a male Kadu speaker, age 38, from Settau village. The pitch patterns are extracted

using the Praat_win98. I have first analysed the pitch patterns of individual tones and

shown the three constrastive three tonal pitch patterns at the end of this section.

81
2.5.1 High tone

The acute tone symbol, represented here with the low ce r l vo l/ / r r

high tone, as in [əta⁵⁵ ‘coo d ric ’. T i -toned vowels are articulated with

greater force of breath and are heard as tense and short (creaky phonation).

Phonetically, the high tone in monosyllablic (whether closed or open) words and the

final syllable of multisyllabic words starts at [55] and slightly falls down to [⁴⁴] at its end

point (see Figure 15) or m r [⁴⁴ d o li l i r o [⁵⁵ d f ll li l to

[⁴⁴ i o ll bl ord ‘r d‘ i Figure 16.

Figure 15: A pitch pattern of a closed syllable word with a high tone: ‘ ic ’

82
 Figure 16: A pitch pattern of an open syllable word with a high tone: ‘r d’

This tone can occur in both open and closed syllables. Some examples of high tone with

open and closed syllables are given in (38).

(38) (a) high tone with open syllables

‘l u ’
‘ ll’
é ‘i r’
m ‘old r bro r’

(b) high tone with closed syllables

m ‘ri ’
‘ oo ’
l ‘b i d’
mó ‘mo ’

83
2.5.2 Mid tone

T m cro o mbol /ā/ r r mid tone as in ā [ ³³ ‘l ’. P o ic ll

the mid tone [³³] starts at the middle of the voice range and may stay relatively the same

through its end point as in Figure 18 or may go slightly lower as in Figure 17.

Figure 17: A pitch pattern of a closed syllable word with a mid tone: ‘iro ’

Figure 18: A pitch pattern of an open syllable word with a mid tone,: ā ‘bitter’

84
This tone can occur in both open and closed syllables. Some examples of the mid tone

with open and closed syllables are given in (39).

(39) (a) mid tone with open syllables

‘c ic ’
‘climb’
ā ‘cr b’
l ‘rou d (obj c )’

(b) mid tone with closed syllables

ā ‘ dd ric ’
‘ ’
ā ‘ if ’
‘ b’

2.5.3 Low tone

T r v o mbol / / r r lo o i c [ətɕʰi² ‘c ’.

Phonetically, the low tone starts at a low position of the voice range [²] and may fall

slightly to extra low, [¹], at the end point.

85
 Figure 19: A pitch pattern of a closed syllable word with a low tone,: ‘ r’

Figure 20: A pitch pattern of an open syllable word with a low tone: ‘ r’

This tone can occur in both open and closed syllables. Some examples of the low tone

in open and closed syllables are given as (40).

86
(40) (a) low tone with open syllables

ù ‘ ro’
‘mor i ’
‘c i ’
‘ric dli ’

(b) low tone with closed syllables

c ‘cucumb r’
‘b d bu ’
mò ‘ ’
l ‘ roxim ’

2.5.4 Illustration of tonal contrasts

Three tonal contrast distinctions are found in Kadu. Alhough the three tonal distinctions

are much more common in open syllables, they are also found with closed syllables.

87
 Figure 21: Pitch patterns of minimal tone triplets (closed syllable words)

Figure 22: Pitch patterns of minimal tone triplets (open syllable words)

Table 13 illustrates a set of minimal triplets with open syllables that demonstrate all

three tone contrasts.

High Mid Low

‘di ’ ‘m dici ’ ‘four’
‘r d’ ā ‘bi r’ ‘ o o ’
m ‘ ood’ m ‘CLF.f m l ’ m ù ‘c oo ’
‘c rr ’ ‘ r’ ù ‘ rfor ’
‘l u ’ ‘CLF.rou d’ ù ‘ ro ’
Table 13: Kadu three-fold tonal contrasts with open syllables

88
The Table 14 illustrates a set of minimal triplets with nasal finals.

High Mid Low

cé ‘l r’ c ‘r ’ c ‘roll’
m ‘d im ’ mā ‘ rid ’ m ‘ i ’
‘com r ’ ā ‘ o’ ‘ iff’
ó ‘mudd ’ ‘ m’ ò ‘ riv l’
‘ ic ’ ‘iro ’ ‘mi d’
‘i r’ ā ‘l vi ’ ‘mirror’
Table 14: Kadu three-fold tonal contrasts with nasal finals

Some three-fold minimal contrasts with stop finals have also been attested. These are

exemplified in Table 15.

High Mid Low

‘ ’ ā ‘ u’ ‘o u ’
ó ‘ l ’ ‘ c ’ ò ‘CLF.b mboo’
‘ oo ’ ā ‘b ’ ‘ r r ’
‘ uc ’ ‘ ’ ò ‘joi ’
‘ i ’ ‘ov rflo ’ ù ‘li ’
Table 15: Kadu three-fold tonal contrasts with stop finals

2.6 Practical orthography

The Kadu have never had a writing system of their own. There are, however, a few self-

appointed individuals who are making some attempts to develop a writing system. One

individual based in Indau Township created a script largely based on phonetic symbols

with a mixture of Roman letters (Figure 23). He probably used the Mauteik Kadu

variety as the base for his orthography, as he belongs to that group. He has produced a

89
few reading materials based on this script, most of which are mere translations of

Burmese phrases or comparisons of these two languages. It must be noted that there are

a lot of controversies regarding this script in other Kadu communities.

Figure 23: The script developed by HTMKY

Another person, who is a monk from Khonan village in Banmauk Township, has

attempted to use Burmese script to write the Kadu language and published a vocabulary

of Kadu. However, not long after that he created a unique script. This script, however,

still has one symbol corresponding to each consonant in the Burmese orthography and

he tried to impose it on Kadu. This script is simply a modification of the Burmese

script. This script, as in Burmese, employs the Indic writing style. It contains graphs for

initial consonants and superscripts and subscripts represent vowels and tones (Figure

90
24). The upper chart in the figure shows the 33 Burmese consonants. The lower chart

shows the corresponding 33 consonants proposed for Kadu.

Figure 24: A script developed by NTL

For the purposes of simplicity, readability, and practical writing system development, I

have constructed a Romanised orthography that I will use throughout the rest of this

thesis. There are several factors involved when choosing these symbols. As I mentioned

rli r K du v r d ri i m of ir o (m o l ill c ’

believe that their language can be written as others) and their literacy rate in the

national language is considerably low. In addition, many Kadu have a very strong

identity as Kadu and do not show a positive attitude toward the Burmese language.

Therefore, choosing a Burmese based alphabet would not bring any motivation for the

91
Kadu people to learn to read and write. In addition, the literary style of Burmese does

not accurately reflect colloquial style. The phonological difference between literary and

colloqual Burmese is very large. Therefore, selecting Burmese script to represent Kadu

will simply add much confusion. Some of the community leaders, seeing some other

Romanised orthographies like Jingphaw and Rawang, requested their orthography be

similar to those. They consider that Romanised alphabets have many advantages over

other alphabets. Some of the reasons they mentioned were that they are easy to learn

and they will have better access to computers, the internet, and type-writers, etc...

Young educated people are more interested in learning English than Burmese. They said

that they want their children to learn to read and write Kadu and also added that using a

Romanised alphabet will allow them to bridge toward learning English, to some extent.

All these factors led to selecting a Romanised alphabet to represent Kadu.

Table 16 below shows the consonant phonemes and their orthographic representation.

Phoneme Orthography Phoneme Orthography

pʰ ph n n
p p ŋ ng
tʰ th ɲ ny
t t sʰ s
tɕ c ɕ sh
tɕʰ ch s z
kʰ kh h h
k k l l
ʔ q j y
m m w w
Table 16: Orthographic representation of the Kadu consonant phonemes

92
Referring to Table 16, my consonant orthographic representation of Kadu corresponds

well with their phonemes. For the purpose of writing convenience, for the phonemes /tɕ/

and /tɕʰ/ ‘c’ d ‘c ’ r c o .T lo l o m /ʔ/ i r r d ‘q’. A i

many other Romanised orthographies the phonemes /ŋ/ and /ɲ/ r r r d ‘ ’

d‘ ’ r c iv l . A ir dd l fric iv o m / ʰ/ i r d ‘s’. ‘ ’

d‘ ’ r c o for o m /s/ and /ɕ/.

The Kadu vowel phonemes and their orthographic representations are as shown in Table

17.

Phoneme Orthography
i i
e e
ɛ eu
a a
ɔ au
o o
u u
ai ai
Table 17: Orthographic representation of Kadu vowels

Almost all of my vowel orthographic representations correspond well with the vowel

phonemes. The only non-IPA orthographic representations are with the front and back

mid open vowel phonemes /ɛ/ and /ɔ/ ic ill b r r d ‘ u’ d ‘ u’.

The Kadu tone phonemes and their orthographic representations are as shown in Table

18.

93
 Phoneme Orthography
high __ˊ
mid __ˉ
low __ˋ
Table 18: Orthographic representation of Kadu tones

The three tones–high, mid, and low– r r r d i di cri ic m r ‘ˊ’ ‘ˉ’

d‘ˋ’ r c iv l . H c for I ill b u i m or o r ic r r io

unless it is necessary to provide phonetic [ ] transcriptions.

2.7 Syllables

This section presents two types of syllable structures attested in Kadu: major and minor

(also called strong and weak) syllables. Major syllables are those capable of functioning

as major word classes such as nouns and verbs. The major syllables have more complex

nuclei and contrastive tones. However, minor syllables cannot function alone but must

combine with some other major syllable and must always precede the major syllable.

The syllable structure of Kadu can be represented as follows:

(C1) (C2) V (C3)T

Figure 25: Kadu syllable structure

94
Table 19 presents the six possible major syllable types in Kadu.

1. VT ‘ iv ’
2. VC3T ‘l ’
3. C1VT l ‘com ’
4. C1C2VT ‘ oo ’
5. C1VC3T l ‘mud’
6. C1C2VC3T ‘m r’
Table 19: Kadu major syllable structures

Represented metrically, the canonical shape of the Kadu syllable has the following

hierarchical structure. Optional constituents are enclosed in parentheses.

Figure 26: Metrical structure of the Kadu syllable

2.7.1 Major syllables

Major syllables can be further broken down into open and closed types. Open syllables

are made up of an optional simple or complex consonant onset, an obligatory simple

vowel nucleus, and a supra-segmental tone. In Kadu, neither the onset nor the coda are

obligatory elements for a syllable to be well-formed. There are some instances of just a

95
vowel nucleus being a well-formed monosyllabic word and, therefore, by necessity, a

well-formed syllable.

#V# ‘ iv ’
‘c ic ’ or ‘dri ’

The onset may be a single consonant or a cluster of two consonants. In either case, there

are well-formed monosyllabic words without the coda, giving rise to two more types of

well-formed syllables: simple onset CV# and complex onset CCV#.

CV# l ‘com ’
ā ‘ l ’

CCV# ‘mo ’
‘ oo ’

In initial position, the clustering of more than two consonants is not attested. Although

many examples of consonant clusters have been attested in my corpus, a large number

of them are clearly Burmese loanwords. The distribution of initial consonant clusters is

discussed in §2.4. Some more examples of CCV# types are exemplified in (41) with their

Burmese origin.

(41) (a) consonant cluster with /w/

‘mo ’
‘mul i l ’ yGm: <pwa:>
‘c l br io ’ yGJ <pwe:>
ā ‘ oof’ cGm <hkwa>
m ‘ ir’ arÏ <hmwei>

96
 (b) consonant cluster with /w/

ā ‘vill ’ |Gm <rwa>

‘ ’ aysmf <pjo>
ā ‘ou id ’ ]yif <prang>
m ā ‘ uic ’ ]ref <mran>
m ó ‘ i d’ Úrdð <mro.>
‘li ’ óG<f <mwe>

A few examples of initial consonant clusters with Shan loanwords have also been

attested as exemplified in (42).

(42) l é ‘ o -in-l ’
‘c l ’

Closed syllables are made up of an optional simple or complex consonant onset, an

obligatory simple vowel nucleus, a consonant coda, and a supra-segmental tone, thus

giving rise to two types of closed syllables: VC# and CVC#.

VC# ‘ rro ’
ò ‘ r df r’
ā ‘ dd ric ’

CVC# m ‘c c ’
m ‘f c ’
‘jum ’

97
2.7.2 Minor syllables

As mentioned above, minor syllables cannot function alone. Minor syllables may have a

wide range of consonant initials or simply a single vowel, the schwa [ə], which is

represented as unmarked <a> in my analysis. It is an open and toneless syllable which

can never occur as the final element of the word and must precede the major syllable,

thus forming a sesquisyllabic (a syllable and a half) pattern. Minor syllables with

consonant initial clusters are not attested. Diachronically, these minor syllables may

have been full syllables with clear meanings, however, synchronically it is difficult to

assign any sort of precise meaning or morphological function to these syllables. For

example, we find the syllable ka- frequently appears with animals such as ‘ i r’

‘b r’ d ‘ ’. I m o v r l o occur i o r co x uc

‘ o’ ‘ rmi ’ d ‘ ur ’ ic r from diff r m ic

domains. It is beyond my competence and beyond the scope of this study to clarify the

diachronic meanings of these syllables. It would, indeed, be a fascinating topic for

further research.

In minor syllables, the initials are generally restricted to /p, t. k, m, n, c, s, z, l, w/, and

/y/. The aspirated consonants /ph, th, ch, kh/, and /sh/ are not attested in minor syllables

in native Kadu words. However, there are two occurrences with the initial /ph/ as in

‘ od’ d ‘ l’. T r lo ord from Burm bk\m: <hpara:>

and zaemifh <hpanong.>, respectively. The nominalised -al- infix also creates many

minor syllables. For example, terms such as m l ‘ ood( )’ d l ‘c rri r’

98
are derived by -al- infixation from the verbs m ‘b ood’ d ‘ o c rr ’

respectively. See §3.1.1.2.10 for a more detailed discussion of -al- infixation. The

following section illustrates minor syllables attested in Kadu.

a- This is the most common minor syllable of all and occurs in many different

contexts. It is common to find this with higher status kinship terms (§3.1.1.2.6)

which probably denote respect and authority. It has also been attested occurring

with body parts and stative verbs. The a- minor syllable is illustrated in (43).

(43) ‘c i ’
‘liv r’
‘f r’
c ‘c ’
c ‘ l ’
‘K du’

ka- This is the second most common minor syllable. As mentioned above, it is

common to find it appearing before the names of animals (§3.1.1.2.3). However,

it can also occur in a wide variety of other contexts. The ka- minor syllable is

illustrated in (44).

(44) ‘ i r’
l ‘ o’
‘ r’
m ‘ ou d’

ta- This is the third most common minor syllable. It is difficult to suggest a

common meaning for this syllable, however, occurrences of this syllable with

99
 nouns are much more common than with verbs. The ta- minor syllable is

illustrated in (45).

(45) c ‘ i ’
ù ‘l dl ’
‘brid ’
l ‘bo (obj c )’
m ‘o r o l ’
‘ ’ or ‘c lf of l ’

sa- This is the fourth most common minor syllable. As with ta- and ka-, it is

difficult to identify a common meaning for this syllable. It can occur with both

nouns and verbs. The sa- minor syllable is illustrated in (46).

(46) c ‘c i d ’
l ‘b ’
l ‘o u ’
‘ o ’
‘ c ’
‘moo ’
‘mou ’

pa- This is probably the fifth most common syllable. It appears mostly with nouns.

With this syllable, it is also difficult to suggest a common meaning, however, in

some cases it appears before the names of fish. For example, c ‘loach

fi ’ ‘d rf fi ’ d ‘c r fi ’. T K du iv ord for

fish is ā within which the second syllable is clearly cognate with PTB *ŋ

or *ŋ as reconstructed by Matisoff (2003:162). However, unlike in many

100
 other TB languages, neither the term ā or ā is used as a generic name

for fish in taxonomic compounds. It may be simply due to the fact the word for

fish is a two syllable word in Kadu. I suspect pa- occurring before the names of

some fish may have derived from the Tai or Shan plaa ~ paa . The pa- minor

syllable is illustrated in (47).

(47) ù ‘mix’
‘fl (i c )’
ù ‘ l’
ó ‘bo ’
‘flo r’
‘c r (fi )’

na- This is the sixth most common minor syllable. It occurs mostly with nouns. It

can also occur with kin terms (§3.1.1.2.6), particularly with lower status terms.

The na- minor syllable is illustrated in (48).

(48) c ‘c r full ’
‘mid d ’
‘ ’
ó ‘ r r dc ild’
‘ ou r ibli ’

ma- This is the seventh most common syllable. It occurs mostly with nouns. The ma-

minor syllable is illustrated in (49).

101
 (49) m ‘lo o’
m c ‘u l ’
m lā ‘fl ’
m m ‘m r l u ’
m ‘mu room’

ha- This syllable occurs only with nouns, as illustrated in (50).

(50) l ‘bo ’
l ‘ ’
ló ‘ m ll m ’
m ‘ iri ’
mò ‘ ’
‘2PL’
‘o o’

la- This syllable appears only six times in my corpus: five times with nouns and

once with the grammatical particle l m l ‘mir iv ’. T la- minor

syllable is illustrated in (51).

(51) l ā ‘ric fi ld’

l ‘c ’
l ò ‘b mboo’
l ‘ b d’
l m ‘mir iv marker’
l m ‘mor r’

wa- This syllable occurs five times in my corpus, always with nouns. The wa- minor

syllable is illustrated in (52).

102
 (52) ‘comb’
‘flo m’
‘ o ourd’
é ‘ m o’
ò ‘ of r ’

ya- This syllable occurs mostly with nouns; only one occurence with a verb, l

‘b lo ’ b d. S m ic ll i m ob ri b for

lengthy objects. Words with ya- initial minor syllable are illustrated in (53).

(53) ù ‘ r ll’
l ‘vi ’
mā ‘crocodil ’
‘ ould r’

za- This syllable occurs with both nouns and verbs although occurrences with verbs

are more common. Words with za- initial minor syllable are illustrated in (54).

(54) l ‘b l ’
l ‘drif ’
l ‘frisky’
m ‘u ’
‘li ’

ca- This syllable is the least frequent of all. Words with ca- initial minor syllable are

illustrated in (55).

(55) c ‘ llo ’
c ‘ of r ’
c ‘cori d r’

103
There are also synchronically analysable minor syllables. These syllables are a result of

an initial syllable weakening process in polysyllabic words. These may be considered

compounding reduction.7 In this process, the first major syllable of a polysyllabic word,

(either analysable or unanalysable) is reduced to a minor syllable. For example, the

minor syllable ta in ā ‘ ol ’ comes from the synchronically retrievable word ā

‘l ’. T i i i l syllable of other unanalysable polysyllabic words may also weaken, for

example m ~m ‚‘ u rc ’ ù ~ ‘ il’ d ~ ‘ x ’

Some words with two initial minor syllables have also been attested. Words with two

initial minor syllables are given in (56).

(56) lā ‘roo ’
l ‘vibr ’
ā ‘ im l’ <Pali. dhadawa
l ‘ ou d’ or ‘voic ’
‘u iv r l’ <Pali. pahtawi

2.8 Other phonological processes

This section discusses phonological processes such as fusion and linking which can

change the shape of the syllable structures in Kadu. Kadu, in general, does not permit

vowel complexes consisting of more than one vowel. When two vowels or two syllables

are juxtaposed, one of two phonological processes takes place–fusion or linking.

7
This term was adapted from Antony Dubach Green (2005).

104
2.8.1 Fusion

I will use the symbol (S) to refer to a syllable here. Vowel fusion occurs when the

syllable (S2), begining with a vowel is attached to an open syllable which has an

identical vowel phoneme. The rule is V1 + V2 = V. For example, when a numeral

cl ifi r for ‘bu c ’ i follo db um r l o , the vowel of S2 is absorbed

into the vowel of S1. Look at the example in (57).

(57) (a) l phà l l (08:107)

salà- phà-à =naík l -ìng =lá

banana-CLF.fruit CLF.bunch-one =only get-DIR2 =NOM
‘I only got a bunch of bananas (nothing else).’

(b) cm

c m- -
house-CLF.building-one
‘One house’

In the examples in (57), in the gloss line, I have separated the fused forms to present the

underlying morphemes. However, in actual speech they are heard as a single mora.

There is no lengthening of the vowels. The negative clitic = following a word with

an identical vowel, also follows the same rule. Compare the two examples in (58).

105
(58) (a) ā l lā á (25:169)

ā l =tè a-lā-kák =á
king daughter =A.AG NEG-take-want =NEG
‘I don’t want to take (marry) the king’s daughter.’

(b) aheúhà (25:52)

a-heú-hà =á
NEG-tell-know.how =NEG
‘I can‘t tell or (I) don’t know (what) to tell.’

T o for iv cli ic i i o v r i fu d form i do ’ r i i o .

Similarly, the vowels of the two verbal directionals and when preceded by a

word with an identical vowel, are absorbed into the preceding vowel and the tone. Thus,

ā ‘ o’ + ‘DIR1’ b com ā and m ‘bu ’ + ‘DIR2’ b com m .

However, in cases where S1 ends with a high front vowel /i/ and S2 begins with a central

low vowel /a/, in the fused form the vowel of S2 is retained. Thus, c ‘ lur l’ +

‘DIR1’ b com c , and ‘fi i ’ + ‘DIR1’ b com . The examples in

(59) illustrate this type of fusion.

(59) cáng āmā (13:3)

weúkú -cí-àng = āmā

bathe emerge-PL-DIR1 =HORT
‘Let’s go out for a bathe.’

106
What we have discussed so far is fusion of vowels when they occur next to each other.

Fusion of S1, an open syllable, with an S2 which has an initial consonant has also been

attested in Kadu. In this process, the resulting fused form is somewhat different in

phonological shape. The rule is S1 + S2 = S3. Consider the examples in (60).

(60) (a) ā shók (15:61)

ā =tè a-tán-shí =sà =yók

1SG =A.AG NEG-beat-die =NEG.IMP =INTRUSIVE
‘Don’t kill (beat to death) me yet.’

(b) azaúnzónshík (18:105)

a-zaún-zón =sà =zík

NEG-follow.after-CONTINUE =NEG.IMP =FINALLY
‘Do not follow (it) anymore.’

In the examples above, the negative imperative clitic is followed by CFPs ó

‘INTRUSIVE’ d ‘FINALLY’. H r vo l d cod of S2 are retained and the

initial of the combined form is /sh/.

2.8.2 Linking

Consonant lengthening is attested with nasals. In this process, if S1 ends with a nasal

and S2 starts with a vowel, the final consonant of S1 is lengthened. The examples in (61)

illustrate this. Phonetic representations are presented in [ ] brackets. I use a single nasal

(see line one) in my transcription.

107
(61) (a) m mā [ mm mā

m- =mā
stay-DIR1 =RLS
‘(He) stays/lives (there).’

(b) m mā [ mm mā

m- =mā
stay-DIR2 =RLS
‘(He) stays/lives (here).’

(c) ā mā [ āngngā mā

ā - =mā
go-DIR1 =RLS
‘(He) went (there).’

If S1 ends with /p/ or /t/ and S2 starts with a vowel, the two syllables are linked by

inserting the homorganic nasals /m/ and /n/, respectively. The two examples in (62)

illustrate this.

(62) (a) m ó l lé kápmàngmā (19:1)

m ó laúklé =yaúk káp-àng =mā

long.ago sling.shot =COM owl shoot-DIR1 =RLS
‘Long ago, (someone) shot the owl with a sling.’

(b) c ó ó nàng (12:57)

cún-tóng =pè =kón kát-àng-peú =pán

island-big =LOC arrive =PURP run-DIR1-keep =COS
‘(He) ran until he reached the island.’

108
If S1 ends with one of the front vowels /i, e/, or /eu/ and S2 starts with a vowel, the

semi-vowel /y/ is inserted. See the illustrations in (63).

(63) (a) l yàngmā (08:123)

salà- phà-à -àng =mā

banana-CLF.fruit CLF.bunch-one give-DIR1 =RLS
‘(I) gave a bunch of bananas.’

(b) ā yàng (09:23)

ā =yeún heú-àng =
2SG =BEN tell-DIR1 =IRLS
‘(I) will tell (it) for you.’

However, if S1 ends with one of the back vowels /u, o/, or /au/ and S2 starts with a

vowel, the semi-vowel /w/ is inserted. See the illustrations in (64).

(64) (a) l w m mā (12:33)

anáq -waleú =tè -àng meú =mā

this breast-liquid =A.AG drink-DIR1 good =RLS
‘Drink this milk. (It) is good.’

(b) l wàngmaták (24:3)

halá ngaú-àng =mā =ták

3SG husband say-DIR1 =RLS =HS
‘Her husband said, it is said.’

109
110
 CHAPTER 3: WORD CLASSES

This chapter presents what has been traditionally called parts of speech. Lexical word

classes are presented in two sections: major and minor word classes. Subsequently,

grammatical particles will be presented in a separate section.

3.1 Major word classes

The two main major word classes in Kadu, as in many other languages, are nouns and

verbs.

3.1.1 Nouns

Syntactically nouns in Kadu can be followed by numeral classifier phrases to specify

the type of referent (Chapter 5) or by various postnominal elements to indicate semantic

roles such as an Agent, Patient (Chapter 6). There is no distinction of grammatical

gender in nouns such as there is in Spanish. However, when reference to an animate

noun does not provide gender, if need be, gender nouns such as ‘f m l ’ d lā

‘m l ’ m follo ou i c (elephant-f m l ) ‘f m l l ’ d lā

(fowl-m l ) ‘roo r’.

111
A noun can function as the head of an NP and also as a core or peripheral argument of a

clause. In attributive or equational clauses it can function as the predicate of a clause

(see §8.2.1).

Nouns in Kadu are an open class. They are a class of words which contains the names

of most persons, places, and things (Schachter and Shopen 2007:5). They express the

most concrete and time- bl co c . . ‘mou i ’ ‘roc ’ d ‘ ou ’ (P

1997:33). Their bundled (co-experienced) properties, such as size, color, shape, or

consistency thus change relatively slowly as individual f ur ll (Givó

2001:51). Abstract nouns such as freedom, love, experience, and anger are not attested

in the Kadu noun class. They are, rather, expressed by verbs or adjectival verbs. In

order to express an abstract noun concept, the verb must be nominalised, as in (65).

(65) (a) m m mā

m = m =mā
love =NOM good =RLS
‘Love is good.’ Or ‘To love is good.’

(b) m

= -m -
angry =NOM NEG-good-NEG

‘Anger is not good.’ Or ‘To be angry is not good.’

The following section on nouns is divided into two: 3.1.1.1 The structure of nouns and

3.1.1.2 Types of nouns.

112
3.1.1.1 The structure of nouns

The structure of nouns in Kadu may be simple or complex.

3.1.1.1.1 Simple nouns

Simple nouns are those treated as monomorphemic by the native speakers of Kadu.

Structurally, they may be monosyllabic, sesquisyllabic, or disyllabic words.

Monosyllabic nouns are the most common of all Kadu nouns. They cannot be further

broken down into meaningful units. Some monosyllabic nouns are shown in (66).

(66) c ‘do ’
ā ‘ r ’ or ‘ oil’
cm ‘ ou ’
c ‘buff lo’
m ‘co ’
ó ‘ old’
‘mo ’
m ù ‘l c ’

Sesquisyllabic nouns, which make up the second largest noun type, are formed by a

weak initial syllable plus a full syllable. We can further divide weak syllables into two:

one that is analysable (§3.2.5), in which case the lexical meaning of one or both of the

two morphemes is retrievable, and one that is not (§2.7.2). Some sesquisyllabic nouns

are shown in (67).

113
(67) c ‘ l ’
‘coo d ric ’
l ‘ u b d’
l ‘ ’
l ò ‘b mboo’
ò ‘ c ’
‘ ’
m lā ‘fl ’
‘roof’

Disyllabic nouns are composed of two full syllables. They cannot be further broken

down into meaningful units. They are always considered as a single monomorphemic

unit by the speakers of Kadu. Some examples of disyllabic nouns are exemplified in

(68).

(68) ā ‘mu rd’

m ‘ umm r’
ā ‘clo i ’
ām ‘b d d d fi ’
‘ oo ’
ā ‘ o d’
ù ‘cor ’
ā ‘c ’
kaúhán ‘o r’

114
A few trisyllabic nouns have also been attested in Kadu, as exemplified in (69).

(69) pòkweúsút ‘ om Ardsia rub ’

ā ‘b ’
āl ‘I di i d ’
mùkchíthú ‘ or ’
u lā ‘o r’

Nouns in the Kadu lexicon also include many loanwords from neighboring languages

and are frequently used in day-to-day speech. The great majority of the loanwords come

from Burmese and Shan, and loanwords from Pali have also been attested. Loanwords

may be recognisable as being from a particular language, but it is not possible to break

them down into meaningful morphemes in Kadu. Some Burmese loanwords are

exemplified in (70).

(70) l vufaqmif <lakhsong> ‘ if ’

ā ykHpH <pumsam> ‘ r ’
ā ynm\dS <panjahri.> ‘ i m ’
m ó trsdK:tóG<f <amjou:anwe> ‘ rib ’
cùm uïef <kjun> ‘l v ’
tdrfaxmif <eimhtong> ‘f mil ’
tā l oefvsuff <thanljak> ‘r li ’

Some Pali loanwords are exemplified in (71). Most of these loanwords are recent and

came via Burmese. Notice in the examples below that there is a regular sound

correspondence between /t/ in Kadu and /s/ in Pali. This historical sound change from

/ / > /θ/ (/θ/ > / / i K du) d /r/ > /j/ i Burm b lr d id ifi d (

115
Bradley 1979). An exception to this is mó ‘mo ’ or ‘ ri ’ ic m b dir c

older loanword.

(71) Kadu Pali

/dukkha/ ‘ uff ri ’
āā /bhasa/ ‘l u ’ or ‘r li io ’
/koti/ ‘ millio ’
ā ā /ratana/ ‘j l’
ā ā /sangha/ ‘m mb r of Budd i ord r’
mó /samana/ ‘ ri ’
m ā /metta/ ‘lov ’

Shan loanwords are also attested. These Shan loanwords were identified with the help of

my language consultants who understood some Shan. Interestingly, many Kadu kinship

terms are Shan loanwords. Some Shan loanwords are exemplified in (72).

(72) ó ‘b c lor’
‘c i f’
m ‘mo r-in-l ’
‘f r-in-l ’
āl ‘vill ’ c i f’
‘ li r’

Some loanwords from English have also been attested. These loanwords came into the

Kadu lexicon through school education or via Burmese. They are illustrated in (73).

116
(73) tivi ‘TV’
vidio ‘vid o’
redio ‘r dio’
‘c ’
b i ‘b r ’
‘ r’ (d riv d from ou d box)
sat ‘ l’
‘b ll’

3.1.1.1.2 Complex nouns

Complex nouns, unlike simple nouns, are polymorphemic. Most of the complex nouns

come from the process of compounding. A compound is a word that is formed from two

or more different morphemes, most frequently members of open lexical classes

(Aikhenvald 2007:24). Kadu compound nouns are formed, as in many other languages,

by two or more morphemes–either from the same or different lexical classes. The

meaning of both words, in most cases, is clear to speakers of Kadu. There are three

types of compounds: endocentric, exocentric, and coordinate compounds. Endocentric

compounds ((Bauer 1988:35), as quoted in (Aikhenvald 2007:30)), denote a subclass of

items referred to by one of their elements that can be treated as the head of the

compound. Exocentric compounds denote something which is different from either of

the components. Coordinate compounds consist of two juxtaposed nouns which refer to

a unitary concept (Aikhenvald 2007:30-31). Most of the Kadu compound nouns exhibit

endocentric and coordinate compounds. There are a few compound nouns in Kadu

which may be analysed as exocentric compounds such as -c (li r ll ‘jum -

117
cro ’) ‘locu ’ d - (li r ll ‘ ill fi ld-b c u ’) ‘ r ’. Ho v r i i d

of compound is not common in Kadu, therefore our attention in the following section

will be given to subordinate and coordinate compounds in Kadu.

Aikhenvald identifies (1) phonological (2) morphological (3) morphosyntactic and (4)

semantic criteria for distinguishing compounds from phrases. Phonologically,

compounds often form one phonological word with a single stress pattern.

Morphologically, compound words are overtly marked by particular morphemes.

Morphosyntactically, case makers cannot be inserted between the components of a

compound word. Semantically, compounds tend to have compositional meanings

(Aikhenvald 2007:24-28).

In Kadu, as it is a fairly isolating language, compounds do not necessarily behave like a

single phonological word. It is possible to have a short pause between the two

components. However, morphosyntactically it is impossible to insert a case marker

between these components. For example, the two words c m ‘ ou ’ d ‘fo l’ or

‘c ic ’ r bo fr l xic l mor m . T r for c b dir c l follo db

the anti-agentive marker , as in (74).

(74) (a) c m m mā

cm = m =mā
house =A.AG buy =RLS
‘I buy the house.’

118
 (b) m mā

= m =mā
fowl =A.AG buy =RLS
‘I buy the fowl/bird.’

However, when they are used as a compound noun c m ‘dom ic c ic ’ ic i

a single word to the native speakers of Kadu, it is impossible to add the same anti-

agentive marker between the two syllables. See illustrations in (75). Example (75a)

is grammatical but (75b) is not.

(75) (a) cm m mā

c m- = m =mā
house-chiken=A.AG buy =RLS
‘I bu om ro c ic .’

(b) *c m m mā

Semantically, many of the Kadu compounds have a compositional meaning. For

x m l ord for ‘ r ’i m ( m ‘mo r’ + ‘f r’). Mo

K du com ou d r of i of ‘bi r ou com ou d’. Ho v r r r lo

other compounds, for example, c ‘ i ’. T fir ll bl i c ro ic ll

analysable as a reduced form of ā ‘l ’ o v r co d mor m i o r latable

to its lexical source. Therefore, we may define Kadu compounds loosely by adopting

M i off’ d fi i io of L u com ou d : “ ol mor mic ruc ur i omi l

ucl u com ou d” (M i off 1973:54). Com ou d i K du r r di ree

119
sections: subordinate compound nouns, coordinate compound nouns, and imitative

compound nouns.

Subordinate compound nouns are composed of a head noun and an attributive member.

The attributive member is either a noun or a verb. The attributive member modifies the

head noun by making the meaning more specific. The attributive noun precedes the

head noun and the attributive verb follows the head noun. NOUN + HEAD NOUN

compounds are frequently found in the Kadu lexicon. As Kadu lacks a genitive marker,

it is often difficult to distinguish between a NOUN+NOUN compound and a genitive

construction. For example, m - ā c b i r r d ‘ iri - lf’ or ‘ iri ’

lf’ d m ā-c m ‘ um - ou ’ or ‘ um ’ ou ’. NOUN+NOUN

compounds may be further divided into two: one that has an underlying classificatory

r ‘ cific + ric’.

In a NOUN + NOUN subordinate compound, the first member stands in a subordinate

relationship to the second. The role of the first member of a compound word is to

specify or narrow the reference. For example, ‘l u ’ i ric rm for

language (any language), and can be modified by ‘K du’ ic rro

r f r c o cific ll ‘K du l u ’. Som mor x m l of NOUN + NOUN

com ou d i ‘ cific + ric’ cl ific or r iv i (76).

120
(76) c m- (house-person) ‘f mil m mb r’
ù-m (lips-hair) ‘b rd’
- (tooth-tusk/fang) ‘ oo ’
ā - l (fire-tongue) ‘fl m ’
- l (water-tongue) ‘ v ’
- l (village-leader) ‘c i f’
-ā (hill field-paddy) ‘ric from ill fi ld’

Another type of compound noun has a verb modifying the head noun. This is done by

either a non-nominalised verb directly following the head noun or by a nominalised

verb or verb phrase immediately preceding the head noun, as in a relative clause

structure. See derived nouns in §3.1.1.2.10 and relative clauses in §8.2.3. In the HEAD

NOUN + VERB compound, the attributive verb slot mostly comes from stative verbs or

adjectival verbs. Some examples of HEAD NOUN +VERB compound nouns are given in

(77).

(77) ā ā- (taro-steam) ‘ m d ro’

- l (belly-drift) ‘di rr ’
- (fowl-bad) ‘ ild fo l’
l - (liquid-spicy) ‘li uor’
-lóm (water-warm) ‘ rm r’
ā - (paddy-nutty taste) ‘ ic ric ’
- (belly-widen) ‘ v l’

Some VERB + HEAD NOUN compound nouns have also been attested in Kadu. The

examples given in (78) may also be analysed as reduced relative clauses where the

nominaliser ~ (§8.2.3) is absent.

121
(78) m - (ripe-water) ‘ u’
- (urinate-water) ‘uri ’
ò (?-water) ‘ ’
- ā ā (transplant-taro) ‘ ro’

Compound nouns with VERB +VERB structures are not attested, except one word, lóm ā

‘ rm clo ’ (lóm ‘ rm’ d rob bl ‘ o . o ’) r i r of

components is a noun.

Coordinate compound nouns, also known as dyadic compounds (Evans 2006), consist of

two juxtaposed nouns where neither member is subordinate to, nor modifies, the other

and the two together refer to a unitary concept. For example, m - (mother-

f r) ‘ r ’. T i i r r commo i i i rm i K du. Coordi

compounds nouns in Kadu are illustrated in (79).

(79) m - (big brother-younger sibling) ‘bro r ibli ’

é- (big sister-younger sibling) ‘i r ibli ’
ò - (father-in-law-mother-in-law) ‘ r -in-l ’
m ā - ā (beef-pork) ‘m ’
- (cooked rice-curry) ‘food or di ’
é- ā (sarong-shirt) ‘clo i ’

Another type of compound noun is the imitative compound, which consists of two

members: a noun member and an imitative member. Each member usually consists of

two syllables. The first member can usually be used independently and has its own

meaning, however, the second member can never be used independently. For example,

the word s ‘ r dc ild’ c b follo db x r ion such as s which

122
 o m ic v lu i i o .T c b com r d i ‘ x r iv com ou d ’

(Po 2006:278) d ‘ l bor x r io ’ (M i off 1973:81). M i off o d

elaborate expressions are a typical construction of Southeast Asian languages in general.

Many Kadu imitative compounds also contain four-syllable compound words, as in

Burmese and Lahu. See the examples in (80).

(80) (a) awmifay; awmifatmuf (Burmese)

tong -po tong -ok
mountain -on.top mountain under
‘every where’ (lit. on the mountains and valleys)

(b) ɔ-l -ɔ-lɔ (Lahu: Matisoff 1973:82)

‘custom, tradition’

(c) c m- -c m- m (Kadu)
cm cm m
house on.top house under
‘every where’ (lit. on the top and below the house)

In Kadu, many sesquisyllabic or disyllabic nouns take imitative members, thus forming

a four syllable word pattern. Three common patterns are found: A-B-A-C, A-B-C-B, and

A-B-C-D. Imitative compound nouns in Kadu generally denote a generic or inclusive

meaning. For example, when a disyllabic word ‘b ’ i imi d i

ù it denotes various kinds of baskets.

The A-B-A-C pattern is the most common. In this process, the first syllable of the second

member is a duplication of the first syllable of the first member. The second syllable of

123
the second member is euphonic. Some examples of the A-B-A-C pattern are given in

(81).

(81) - ù ‘b ’
- ā ‘c rri r ’
- ‘d r d l c ’
- ‘ r dc ild’
mā- ‘ ou d ’
m l -m l ‘mu room’
l - l ‘v bl ’
- ‘bird ’
l - lā ‘i ( uff)’

Some examples that have the A-B-C-B pattern, where the second and the fourth syllables

are identical, have also been attested, as in (82).

(82) lā - lā ‘m ’
ò - ‘ r -in-l ’
m ā - ā ‘b f d or ’
ó ā- ā ‘ old d ilv r’

A few examples that have the A-B-C-D pattern, where none of the four syllables are

identical, are also attested, as in (83). Although none of the initial consonants of both

members are identical, in all examples the rhyme follows the A-B-A-B pattern.

(83) - ‘ im l’
-s ‘ d’
- l ‘ m i d’

124
3.1.1.2 Semantic classes of noun

Noun classes are presented in the following order: 3.1.1.2.1 Human, 3.1.1.2.2 Body

parts, 3.1.1.2.3 Animals, 3.1.1.2.4 Plants and flowers, 3.1.1.2.5 Places, 3.1.1.2.6

Kinships, 3.1.1.2.7 Iconic nouns, 3.1.1.2.8 Location nouns, 3.1.1.2.9 Time nouns, and

3.1.1.2.10 Derived nouns.

3.1.1.2.1 Human

The Kadu call themselves , but the etymology of this name is unknown. The term

for ‘ um ’ i i r i .I i com ou d of m ‘o r o l ’ d ā ‘c ild’ (Li .

m r l ‘o r o l ’ c ild’). It contains the PTB etyma *mi ‘ r o ’ d

*tsa ~ *za ‘ o ’ r co ruc d b M i off (2003:668). Som ou u d or f r o

humans are given in (84).

(84) l ‘m ’
m ā ‘ um ’
‘ irl’
m ‘o r o l ’
é ‘d u r’
é ‘ if ’ or ‘ om ’
ā ‘c ild’ or ‘ o ’

125
3.1.1.2.1.1 Personal names

Most Kadu personal names consist of two or more syllables. Names with two syllables

r mo commo . If m r icul rl f m l ’ m ree syllables, the

last syllable may be reduplicated and used alone to express an intimate relationship. For

example, may be called as . Today, almost all the Kadu have

adopted Burmese names to identify themselves. Therefore, most of the Kadu personal

names, although each syllable may have a recognisable meaning in the source language,

are not lexically analysable in Kadu. Some names of my language consultants are

shown in (85) for illustration.

(85) Female name Male name

ém é u
c
l
m ém
u l
maq buq m
té m
l m

The Kadu, like the Burmese, do not have surnames nor birth order names like the

Rawang or Jingphaw. Some personal names that are probably of Kadu origin are also

d. O of m l u co ul ’ o m d ó - é - m (gold-

full-beauty), which is not a common practice today among the Kadu. Some personal

names in one of the recorded texts are probably Kadu, such as l and lù

in (86). The lexical meanings of these names are not transparent.

126
(86) l lù m m (15:2)

l l ngaú=panáq amú-nashì eút-peú =mā =ták

PN PN say =NOM brothers drop-keep=RLS =HS
‘(The two) brothers who were called Phakhulu and Phalutau, were left behind,
it is said.’

I also collected some older personal names that were once reported to be common

among the Kadu. These names are presented in (87).

(87) Female names Male names

l x
lò c ù
m ó ù
ā

All the names in (87) contain two syllables each. It is interesting to notice that in those

names, the same syllable can be used for both male and female names. For example, the

syllable or ù occurs both in male and female names. With male names it

occurs in initial position, whereas, with female names it occurs following something.

And, also, in the last set of names given in (87) the order is reversed. The third example

in (87) contains two Burmese honorifics, maq and ó female and male honorifics,

respectively (§3.1.1.2.1.4).

127
3.1.1.2.1.2 Professional titles

There are not many professional titles in Kadu. Some professional titles, which are

probably borrowed words, attested in Kadu are given in (88).

(88) ‘lord’ or ‘mo ’

mó ‘mo ’
m l ‘ u ’
l ‘ i ’
ó c ‘ c r’
l ‘l d r’ or ‘ ld r’
‘ric r o ’ or ‘bu i m ’

3.1.1.2.1.3 Other peopl ’ m

Kadu terms for the peoples who live around them are as illustrated in (89). So far, I

have not been able to relate any of these names to their lexical meanings.

(89) ā ‘Ji ’
‘C i ’
kap ‘S ’
‘K ’
‘C i ’
‘ ub-cl of K du’

128
3.1.1.2.1.4 Honorifics

All the personal names mentioned in (85) above can be attached with Burmese general

honorific terms, r <ma.> and a'; <do> for females and ukd <ko> and OD: <u:> or zdk:

<hpou:> for male speakers (see Okell 1969:99-100). My transcriptions of these

honorifics in Kadu are m , , , , and ó respectively. These honorifics

precede the personal names. It is interesting that the Burmese royal or honorific awmf

<to> (my transcription ) which follows personal names or professional titles, is still

used among the Kadu speakers in their day-to-day speech. It is particularly found with

kinship terms such as - (teacher-honorific) ‘mo ’ m - (father-

o orific) ‘f r’ m - (mother- o orific) ‘mo r’ d - (brother-

o orific) ‘ ou r bro r’. T rm m and m however, are never

u d i r f rri oo ’ o r .T r u d il or f r o mo ’

father and mother. If the monk has resigned from the monkhood, these titles are no

longer applicable to his parents. However, the use of these terms seems to be gradually

disappearing as the younger generations are more and more exposed to colloquial

Burmese. The use of apart from those kinship terms mentioned above is rare.

The term is used when addressing a supernatural being, such as a god or spirit.

It is also used with an extremely respectable person, like a king or a monk, as

exemplified in (90).

129
(90) ‘ od’
m ‘ iri ’
mó ‘mo ’
ā l ‘ i ’

When directly addressing someone with one of those titles mentioned above, the term

follows the second person pronoun, which may be translated into English as

‘ ou m lord’ x m lifi d i (91).

(91) ā ó ó ó l ù (07:62)

ā swáng panáq athá phóngtakó tong-kák =lá =yeù

2SG master DEM more glory.power big-want =Q =SAP
‘Master, do you want to become more powerful than this?’

3.1.1.2.2 Body parts

Some body part terms occur with the initial minor syllables a-, ka-, and sa- as

illustrated in (92a, b and c).

(92) (a) ‘c i ’
‘i i ’
‘liv r’

(b) ò ‘ c ’
‘ icl ’
ù ‘ ro ’
‘ r’

130
 (c) ‘li ’
‘mou ’
ò ‘ o ’

Terms referring to the hand typically occur with the initial formative root ‘ d’

which is clearly a reflex of PTB *lak ‘ d/ rm’ r co ruc d b M i off (2003:65)

as in ‘fi r’ d ‘ lbo ’. Simil rl rm r l d o l ic ll

occur with the initial formative root ta-, which is a reduced form of ā ‘l ’ i

‘c lf’ and ā ‘foo ’. These kinds of structures are discussed in great detail in

§3.2.5. Other minor syllables are ha- and la-, each occurring in one word as in h l

‘ d’ dl ‘c ’. T r r l o bod r rm r mo o ll bic. T

are given in (93).

(93) ‘ cr ’
‘b ll ’
l ‘bod ’
m ‘f c ’
‘penis’
‘vagina’

Some body part terms include the syllable . The etymology of this syllable is

unknown. These body terms are exemplified in (94).

131
(94) ‘ r’
l ‘ ir’
‘ d’
‘c ’
m ‘ bro ’

3.1.1.2.3 Animals

Many terms denoting animals have been attested in Kadu. In general, names of common

domestic animals such as cow and dog are monosyllabic, as illustrated in (95).

(95) ‘c ic ’
c ‘do ’
. ‘ i ’
m ‘co ’

Three minor syllables that occur with animal and insect names have been attested in

Kadu. They are a-, sa-, and ka- (§2.7.2) and the last is the most common. Animal names

that occur with the minor syllable a- are illustrated in (96).

(96) c ‘ l ’
c ‘mu j c d r’
. ā ‘cr b’

Mostly insect names occur with the sa- minor syllable, as illustrated in (97). An

exception to this is ù ‘ or ’.

132
(97) c ‘r d ’
c ‘c i d ’
. salít ‘cockroach’
ù ‘ or ’

A large number of names for wild animals, insects, and small reptiles occur with the ka-

minor syllable, as illustrated in (98).

(98) ‘ i r’
ù ‘r ’
‘mol ( im l)’
‘ ’
‘mo i or li rd’
‘b r’
ò ‘fro ’
ù ‘ o ’
‘ rmi ’
l ‘cric ’

Otherwise, many insect and animal names are made up of two or more major syllables.

These are illustrated in (99).

(99) (a) Disyllabic animal names

‘b ’
ù ‘li rd’
ó ‘ ’
ā ‘ o d’
‘fir fl ’
ù ‘ c o’

133
 (b) Trisyllabic or quadrisyllablic animal names

ù ‘dr o fl ’
l ‘ r li rd’
ù ù m ‘c r ill r’
ù ‘ oli ’

Mo bird m occur ‘ ric- cific/ ribu iv ’ xo omic com ou d i

‘ ild c ic ’( ‘ ric-fo l’ + ‘ ribu iv -b d’). For fur r di cu io

of taxonomic word formations see §3.2.5.

However, unlike in many neighbouring languages, names of fish in Kadu do not follow

this taxonomic word formation pattern. The generic word for fish is <PTB

*nga ~ *nya but does not occur in taxonomic compounds. Instead, the Shan/Tai

word pa < *plaa is used in some taxonomic compounds for fish names. Some fish

names are as illustrated in (100).

(100) ā ‘ d d fi ’
ā ‘c fi ’
c ‘lo c ’
‘d rf c fi ’
‘c r ’
ù ‘b rbu c ol ’ ig:vÏm <nga:lwa>
‘??’ ig:vaÂr <nga:lamwei>
ò ù ‘ omu ’ ig:cHk:r <nga:hkom:ma.>
‘??’ ig:acsm <nga:hkjo:>
‘c fi ’ ig:usnf: < nga:kri:>

134
3.1.1.2.4 Plants and flowers

All plants generally take class terms ù ‘CLT. r ’ d ‘CLT.flo r’. Illu r ions

of many names of plants and flowers are given in the section on categorising class terms

§3.2.5.2.

3.1.1.2.5 Places

Most of the Kadu place names have at least two syllables. As the Kadu are immigrants

to their present location, most of the place names are either of Burmese or Shan origin.

The names of the Kadu villages around Settau are shown in (101). Alternate

pronunciations in Kadu are given in ( ) brackets.

(101) (a) Kadu village names of Burmese origin

l éc ( c) v<feufjuD: <lenakkri:>
ó ayukef: <peikong:>
l ā( ā ) tv<f\mG <alerwa>
ā ā uef\mG <kangrwa>
é ó ta\Sðukef: <ahrei.kong:>
( ) ckdeef: <hkonang:>
ā ó (ó ā ) om<mukef: <thajakong:>
ā ā( ā m ) anmifom<m <nyongthaja>

135
 (b) Kadu village names of Shan origin

( m )
ā l ( ā )

( ò )
m ( m )
ā m ò
( é )
mó

3.1.1.2.6 Kinship terms

All kinship terms in Kadu are nouns. Like other nouns they may be followed by

numeral classifier phrases and other post nominal elements. Their primary meaning is to

denote persons who are blood kin. These forms may be used with an extended meaning

denoting someone who is not a blood relation in order to show respect and affection. In

doing so the person is treated in speech as occupying a position comparable to that of a

blood kin. For instance, while I was conducting my research in the Kadu community I

became very close with one of my male language consultants who was about my

f r’ .I i u io r I r d o of ir i i

inappropriate for me to address the man by his name or title. Therefore, we had to

figure out a position comparable to that of a blood kin. In our case, the term ,a

rm for o ’ o f r’ ou r bro r c o ou r m

136
father. Likewise, if the addressee is a female in a comparable position, the term for

female kin may apply to the situation.

In the following section, I will discuss the word structures of kinship terms.

Subsequently, I will divide those kinship terms based on kinship relations. Kadu kinship

terms can be analysed as monosyllabic, sesquisyllabic, or disyllabic. The monosyllabic

kinship terms are illustrated in (102).

(102) yó ‘bro r ( ou r of f m l )’
‘i r ( ou r of m l )’
‘d u r-in-law’
é ‘ if ’
ó ‘ r l r df r’

Sesquisyllabic kinship terms are interesting. There are three different minor syllables (a,

na , and sa) which attach to kinship terms and thus form sesquisyllabic words. The

kinship terms with a- minor syllable are well attested, crosslinguistically, among many

TB languages (Post 2007:214; van Breugel 2008:128). Matisoff (1973:65) called this a-

prefix a vocative of kinship terms and noted that it is widespread in TB languages and

Chinese, as well. Kinship terms with the minor initial a- syllable are also well attested

in Burmese8 (Okell 1969:99). An interesting fact about this minor initial syllable a- is

that, both in Kadu and Burmese, it occurs only with kinship terms that refer to an older

generation. Therefore, we can assume that this syllable functions to denote respect and

8
taz<ahpei>‘father’, tar <amei>‘mother’, tudk <akou>‘older brother’, and tr <ama.>‘older sister’,

137
authority. It occurs with both genders. Kinship terms that have the a- initial syllable are

shown in (103).

(103) ‘f r’
m ‘mo r’
é ‘old r i r of m l df m l ’
m ‘old r bro r of m l df m l ’
‘m r l r dmo r’
‘ r l r dmo r’
‘ u (mo r’ old r i r)’

The second sesquisyllabic kinship term forming an initial syllable is sa-. Only two

occurrences are attested in my corpus and both instances relate to younger relations, as

in (104). It reflects the PTB ord for ‘c ild’ *tsa ~ *za as reconstructed by Matisoff

(2003:668).

(104) é ‘d u r’
‘ r dc ild’

The last sesquisyllabic kinship term forming an initial syllalbe is na-. Its lexical source

is unknown. It occurs in terms for addressing someone from a younger generation,

therefore, it probably denotes an affectionate relationship. Sesquisyllabic kinship terms

that occur with the na- initial are illustrated in (105).

(105) ‘ ou r ibli ’( m d r)
ó ‘ r r dc ild’

138
Other kinship terms are disyllabic terms as illustrated in (106).

(106) ò ‘f r’ old r bro r’ (Li . m ll r l r df r)

ò ‘m r l r df r’
‘f r’ ou r bro r’
‘f r-in-l ’
m ‘mo r-in-l ’
‘ if ’ ou r i r’

The Kadu kinship system is bilateral. Unlike a classificatory kinship system which

distinguishes parallel and cross cousins9, the Kadu system is very similar to the

Burmese kinship system. Even though, like Burmese, they distinguish paternal and

m r l u d u cl i c u l r c ic bo r ’ i r r d i u l

respect.

It is also noticed that the Kadu kinship terminology is a mixture of terms that were

originally Shan or Burmese. Some of the Shan terms may have arisen as a result of

early contact with those peoples and some Burmese terms as a result of more recent

contact. It is rather striking to see many Kadu in-law kinship terms that are similar to

those of Shan (for example, ‘f r-in-l ’ and m ‘mo r-in-l ’.

A study of Kadu kinship terms will, indeed, be interesting and will definitely provide

invaluable information in regards to their contact and historical relationship with

Tai/Shan and Burmese. In this research I have not attempted to compare or contrast

9
The children of mother's brother and father’s sister are cross cousins. The children of father’s brother and
mother’s sister are parallel cousins.

139
Kadu kinship terms with Tai or Burmese ones, as it is not the focus of this research.

T
However, for clarification I have added superscripts or B for kinship terms that are

similar or identical with Shna/Tai or Burmese, respectively. Consanguinal kinship terms

are presented in (107).

(107) Consanguinal kinship terms

ò T
‘ r l r df r’
‘ r l r dmo r’
ò T
‘m r l r df r’
‘m r l r dmo r’
‘f r’
m B
‘mo r’
ò T
‘f r’ old r bro r d f r’
‘f r’ ou r bro r’
‘mo r’ old r i r d mo r’
m m ‘mo r’ ou r i r’
m ‘ ld r bro r’
é ‘ ld r i r d if of old r bro r’
‘ ou r ibli ’
ó ‘bro r ( ou r of f m l )’
‘ i ter (younger of male)

140
Filial kinship terms are presented in (108).

(108) Filial kinship terms

l ‘ u b d’
‘ if ’
ā ‘c ild or o ’
‘d u r’
ó ‘ r dc ild’
ó ‘ r r dc ild’
l T
‘ ’ or ‘ i c ’

Affinal kinship terms are presented in (109).

(109) Affinal kinship terms

T
‘f r-in-l ’
m T
‘mo r-in-l ’
‘d u r-in-l ’
éT ‘ o -in-l ’
B
‘bro r-in-l ’10
T
‘bro r-in-l ’11
é ‘i r-in-l ’12
T
‘i r-in-l ’
13

10
It refers to the older brother of one’s wife or the older sister’s husband.
11
It refers to the younger brother of ones wife or the younger sister’s husband.
12
It refers to female’s older brother’s wife.
13
It refers to the younger sister of one’s wife.

141
There is one affix worth mentioning here. It is the form é-, which can be prefixed to

any kinship term to express an affectionate or intimate relationship. All of my

informants agreed on where this term may have derived from. They told me that Kadu

people are superstitious. When they go to the jungle, they believe that evil spirits can

imitate the human language and deceive them, particularly, by imitating human names

or kinship terms. The evil spirit then uses the personal names or kinship terms to call

and mislead the person, which may result in the person being lost in the jungle and not

finding the way home. Kadu believe that the only sound the evil spirit from the forest

cannot pronounce is the sound é. Therefore, they attach it before names or kinship

terms to notify the hearer that it comes from a friend or kin. When the form é is

attached to a-prefix kinship terms, the weak syllable is obligatorily omitted, whereas

there are no phonological changes with other fully disyllabic kinship terms. Look at

some examples in (110).

(110) é ‘f r’
ém ‘mo r’
éé ‘old r i r of m l df m l ’
ém ‘old r bro r of m l df m l ’
é ‘m r l r dmo r’
é ‘ ou r ibli ( m x)’
é ó ‘ r dc ild’

142
3.1.1.2.7 Iconic nouns

Some of the nouns, particularly bird names, are iconic with the sound the birds make.

They are exemplified in (111).

(111) ‘dov ’
‘cuc oo bird’
‘r d- l dl i bird’
cé cé ā ‘ ilor bird’
c ‘m bird’
‘ ru ’s flu ’

3.1.1.2.8 Location nouns

This section discusses location nouns (LOCN) attested in Kadu. They are also known as

“r l or ou ” (S ro 1985:111-112) because they provide specific information

about the location. LOCNs in Kadu have a similar role as the Englis r o i io ‘i

o o o of d u d r’ d occur imm di l follo i NP. They may be also be

followed by postpositions (Chapter 6). The structure of NP+LOCN followed by

marks a static location, by (optionally followed by ) which marks a locative

source, and by which marks a locative goal. They may appear independently like

other nouns and are clearly nouns as they can be marked by postpositions (see Chapter

1). In a few cases, they may also indicate temporal relations.

Kadu LOCN r divid d i o r rou do i W l ’ (1982) rou i of

Burmese locational nouns: horizontal, vertical, and within and without LOCNs.

143
Horizontal LOCNs express loc io uc ‘i fro of’ ‘b id ’ d ‘b i d’. K du

horizontal locational nouns are presented in (112).

(112) l ‘b i d’
m ‘i fro ’ < ‘f c ’
‘ ’
ò ‘ ’
cm ‘ ou ’
c mm ù ‘ or ’
‘ri id ’
‘l f id ’

T rm i dic i ‘ ou ’ d ‘ or ’ r cl rl co v io li d rm from

location of the house as they contain the initial syllable c m ‘ ou ’. T rm c m

‘ ou ’ l o m corridor or fl l form ic i c d o ou for

ur o of dr i dd do r cro . Simil rl rm for ‘ or ’ oints to a

direction based on the position of the house. However, the lexical meaning for m ù is

unknown and at this point, unlike the term c m , it is hard to establish the lexical

meaning for c mm ù. T rm for ‘l f ’ d ‘ri ’ r l o co ventionalised terms

from bod r ‘ d’ co i i ii l ll bl ta- < ‘ d’.

The example below exemplifies the use of l as a head noun modified by the 3rd

person singlular pronoun, as is (113). The modifying pronoun, the speaker himself in

(113b), is omitted. The example (113a) is an afterthought sentence (§8.1). Therefore, a

locational phrase occurs after the verb complex.

144
(113) (a) ā l ù (08:42).

ā -à =zík halíng =pè =yeù

go-EUPH=FINALLY 3SG behind =LOC =SAP
‘Go after/behind him.’

(b) m m l ù m l é (18:60)

=pè ām sanàn =pán =naà

3SG =LOC torch snatch =COS =only

halíng =pà an-yeù -àng =lakà =é

behind =ALL DEM-manner stab-DIR1 =MIR =SAP
‘I snatched the torch from him and lit it behind (him) in this manner.’

Among the horizontal LOCNs mentioned in (112), only the term m ‘i fro ’ i u d

o x r m or l r l io . I i cl rl d riv d from ord ‘f c ’ i (114).

(114) m c ó l m l (15:132)

mán c ó l -sà m =pán =naà

face worriedly-DIM make =COS =only

l -à-háng =pán =ták

come-EUPH-back =COS =HS
‘With a gloomy/dejected face (he) came home, it is said.’

It expresses a locational meaning when it occurs immediately following another noun.

Look at the example in (115) provided by one of my informants.

145
(115) c mm ó mā

cm m = ó =mā
house face =LOC sit =RLS
‘(He) is sitting in front of the house.’

I i l ou d o x r m or l r l io uc ‘i fu ur ’ illu r di

(116).

(116) m m ù m (17:49)

=ká mán =pà =pè mà- ù

self =TOP face =ALL =LOC WH-manner

m -àng-thà = ngaú =panáq =tè

make eat-DIR1-must =IRLS say =NOM =A.AG
‘As for me, the thing I will have to do for a living in the future ..,’

Although it is not common to find lexical overlap between nouns and verbs in Kadu, in

the example in (117) the word m is used as a verb m i ‘f ci ’.

(117) ā ā m l (18:84)

ā= ā =pà mán =pán =lakà

1SG=TOP fire.place =ALL face =COS sleep =MIR
‘I slept facing the fire-place.’

Althought the term l ‘b i d’ i v r d i m corpus expressing a

temporal relation, my language consultants suggested that it is possible to say l -

(behind-mo ) ‘l mo ’. I d m ic ll imil r Burm rm

146
i fr l u d o x r m or l m i ‘ f r ’ or ‘l r’. To illu r i I

have given Burmese examples in (118). Example (118a) provides locational usage of

the term and (118b) provides its usage for temporal relations.

(118) (a) cifAsm:aemufrSm \Sdw<f (Burmese)

hkangbra: nok =hma hri.=te

2SG behind =LOC exist=RLS
‘It is behind you.’

(b) bG\
Jð úyD:wJÐaemuf rawGðjuawmÐbl: (Burmese)

bwe. ra.-pri: =te. nok ma-twei.-kra.-to. =bu:

degree get-finish =NOM behind NEG-meet-PL-PART =NEG

‘(We) haven’t met since (we) graduated.’

The use of k i K du x r i m or l r l io ‘l r’ or ‘ f r ’ i

illustrated in (119).

(119) ā mc ó lé lc (24:58)

ā= azàn =pánnàkà m-cí =yók =lé

1SG=A.AG pity =if make-PL =INTRUSIVE =EMPH

naúk=tè =ká l -cí =pán =ták

later=A.AG =TOP come-PL =COS =HS
‘“Do/help if you (plural) pity me” later (some people) came, it is said.’

Vertical LOCN x r loc io uc ‘ o ’ ‘b lo ’ ‘ov r’ d ‘ bov ’. T K du

vertical location nouns attested are illustrated in (120).

147
(120) ‘o o ’
m m ‘u d r ’
l ‘u r r / d id ’
l ‘do ro d or riv r’
m ‘b lo ’
‘ l c b lo o r’

The terms mentioned in (120), like horizontal location nouns, may be optionally

modified by another noun to indicate specific location. However, unlike m ‘i fro

of’ o of rm x r m or l r l io . T x mples in (121) illustrate the

usage of the term ‘o o ’.

(121) (a) lù l (18:53)

phún-kalùn =pè = =lá

wood-plant on.top =LOC sleep =IRLS =Q
‘Shall (we) sleep on top of a tree?’

(b) m (31:57)

ó =pà =pè -m - -
EXCL on.top =ALL =LOC NEG-ripe-know.how-NEG

‘Well the top part is not cooked yet.’

The term l b i lf m ‘ d’ or ‘ ’. I u LOCN is not attested in

my corpus. However, my language consultants told me that it can be used

metaphorically as a LOCN o i dic ‘u r r or dl d’ i (122).

148
(122) ā l āmā

ā l = = ā =mā
soil head =ALL =LOC exist =RLS
‘It exists in the upper parts/reaches of the area.’

The term l u u ll r f r o lo r r dm b r l d ‘do ro d’

or ‘do riv r’ i (123).

(123) ù l āmā

ya ù l = = ā =mā
river lower =ALL =LOC exist =RLS
‘It exists in the lower part/reaches of the river.’

However, if it is retrievable from the context, the preceding head noun may be left out,

as exemplified in (124).

(124) c ā m l (07:4)

a-c =á ā =manaík úng talà =pà =pè

NEG-true =NEG go =only.if that lower =ALL =LOC
‘This is not good. I will go down.’

The term m m x r loc io ‘u d r ’ i (125).

(125) c m m m m (25:99)

cím kamúk =pà =haík -ìng =mā =ták

house beneath =ALL =ABL stab-DIR2 =RLS =HS
‘(He) stabbed from underneath the house.’

149
The term lo d ‘lo r r ’i m loyed to indicate a place below

another place. Therefore, it normally occurs following a locational phrase as shown in

(126).

(126) u om ó ó l óā (08:3)

yàk -myóq tóngpaúlaú =káq sweú óā

now PN-town PN =LOC lower.area PN

‘Kothanpaukwah is below Tongpaulau (which is) now in Wunto (township).’

The term m, unlike other LOCNs that follow an NP, only appears as an independent

noun. It may correlate with English bottom or below. It is included here because it also

expresses vertical location. It occurs only one time in my corpus.

(127) mò m ā (12:3)

hamòk =haík m =pà =pè ā =pán =naà

sky on.top =ABL below =ALL =LOC go =COS =only
‘I, from the sky above will go to the bottom/below..,’

Aside from those LOCNs mentioned above, the Burmese form atmuf <ok> ‘b lo ’ m

transcription , also appears frequently in my corpus. Consider the examples in (128).

The Burmese example (128a) is taken from Okell 1969:251. Example (128b) is

extracted from my corpus.

150
(128) (a) ukwifatmufrSmxm:\w<f (Burmese: Okell 1969)

ku.tang ok =ma hta: -kra. =te

bed under =LOC keep -must =RLS
‘(We) had to keep (them) under the bed.’

(b) m ó (12:25)

m -ó =
big.brother-big below =NOM person
‘the second oldest brother.’ (Lit. the one who is under the oldest
brother)

The LOCNs that indicate within and without locations are presented in (129).

(129) ‘i id ’
ā ‘ou id ’
‘b id ’

The term lo d ‘i id ’ x r i rior loc io . T x m l i (130)

exemplify this.

(130) (a) c ò úpè zángmaták (25:97)

c =tè =ká pòkhú naú =pè záng =mā =ták

woman =A.AG =TOP basket inside =LOC put.in =RLS =HS
‘(He) put the woman inside a basket, it is said.’

(b) ù ā ā lé (17:76).

an-yeù ā asìn naú =pè ā =panáq =talé

DEM-manner 1SG mind inside =LOC exist =NOM =SAP
‘This manner that I have in mind.’

151
I have not attested a Kadu native word that expresses exterior location in my corpus.

However, one of my informants told me the term ā , which is a clear Burmese

loanword from ]yif <prang>, is used to express exterior location. Consider the examples

provided by the Kadu informant in (131) .

(131) cm ā mmā

cm ā = m =mā
3SG house outside =LOC make =RLS
‘He is making it outside the house.’

The last LOCN to mention here is the form .I m i of ‘b id ’ or ‘ r’

as in (132a) and (132b) respectively.

(132) (a) m ó c mā (18:07)

= m = ó -c =mā
water beside =LOC food cook =COS eat-PL =RLS
‘We cooked rice beside the water and ate together.’

(b) āmā (18:105)

anáq paík =pè ā =mā

this beside =LOC exist =RLS
‘Don’t follow it. (The tiger) is just near here.’

152
3.1.1.2.9 Time nouns

In this section, I present time nouns in Kadu. They are analysed as nouns because of

their nominal distributional characteristics. Time nouns related to parts of the day are

made up of diverse forms. The basic time nouns are such as ‘mor i ’ ‘d

( im )’ m ‘d ’ c ‘ i ’ d ‘ r’.

Unit and dimension Gloss

‘mor i ’
‘d or mid d ’
m ‘d im ’
c ‘ i ’
c ā ‘ v i ’
Table 20: Time nouns in Kadu

The initial syllable na- as in ‘d ’ or ‘mid d ’ i rob bl r fl x of PTB

word *ney ‘d ’. A d i ii l ll bl with the words related to night or

evening is a reflex of PTB *nak ‘bl c ’ r co ruc d b M isoff (2003:603).

Most of the time nouns are deictic (also called temporal shifters). The deictic centre is

usually the time of speaking (but need not be) or to a particular time within the

narrative discourse. For example, in (133), a sentence taken from one of the stories, the

time noun m is used for referring to the next day. Therefore, in this case, we

can say that the deictic centre is thus located within the timeframe of the narrative.

153
(133) c m u o é m m lé (08:84)

ta c -haút-àng =záng phàkmák =ká

woman eat-want-DIR1 =EMPH tomorrow =TOP

= zé-sà kámàkà mí-à =lé

PN =ALL market-DIM so.on buy-EUPH =EMPH
‘He told his wife to go to the Wuntho market the next day and buy some
(food).’

Temporal shifters in Kadu are simple. They may be divided into two: days and years.

Temporal shifers Gloss

ó m ‘ od b for rd ’
BACKWARD
m ‘ d b for rd ’
m ‘ rd ’
‘ o ’
CENTRE m ‘ od ’ or ‘ o / i d ’
m ‘ omorro ’ or ‘ x d ’
‘ d f r omorro ’
FORWARD ó ‘ od f r omorro ’
‘ r d f r omorro ’
Table 21: Day temporal shifters

Referring to Table 21, most of the day temporal shifters occur with the form m ‘d

im ’. T b c rd m or l if r ll co i i ii l ic m ‘ i ’i

this language (< PTB *nak ‘bl c ’). Ho v r im ord related to days yet to come

(forward) occur with the initial syllable .

154
Year temporal shifters are as shown in Table 22.

Temporal shifters Gloss

m ‘ r b for l r’
BACKWARD
‘ o r b for l r’
l ‘l r’

CENTRE
or ‘ i r’

‘ x r’
FORWARD ‘ r f r x r’
Table 22: Year temporal shifters

The word ‘ r’ i lo ord from Shan. It is the word Kadu speakers will answer

i if ou for ord ‘ r’ o i (134).

(134) ù l (17:23)

=ká pí-nù =naík -ta-à =lá

3sg =TOP year-one =only answer-L.SUFF-EUPH =NOM
‘He took the exam only one year.’

The relic form which reflects the PTB word *s- i ‘ r’ i lo d. T ou i i

never used in isolation, it shows up in words such as ‘ i r’

‘ x r’ d ‘ r f r x r’. Al ou iv r of

Kadu were not able to give me the meaning of the last syllable , it is clearly a

reflex of the PTB form. Below is an example provided by one of my language

consultants.

155
(135) n ā ó m

ā ó m =
next.year 1SG gold make =IRLS
‘Next year I will mine gold.’

Year temporal shifters related to past years (backward) occur with the syllable . The

meaning of this form may not correspond well with an English calendar year. It

expresses the general idea of an extended period of time or season, as it also occurs in

m ‘ umm r’ d ‘ i r’. T K du l xico l c m for v -

day week. Time words related to month contain the word sat ‘moo ’ illu r di

(136).

(136) ā ‘ i mo ’
m ‘comi mo ’
l ‘l / mo ’

Notice the word for moon is with a high tone on the last syllable. However, to say

‘ i mo ’i i ā with a clear mid tone. This is, once again, the result of a fusion

of two identical vowels + (moon + one), which resulted in ā ‘ i mo ’.

The horizontal LOCNs m ‘i fro of’ d l ‘b i d’ r c d ‘moo ’ o

i dic ‘comi mo ’ d ‘l mo ’r c iv l . S ori o l LOCNs in

§3.1.1.2.8.

156
The prefix ku- c o im ou o x r of ‘ v r ’. M l u

consultants told me that this prefix is a Shan loanword. Some examples with this prefix

are given in (137).

(137) m ‘ v r d ’
‘ v r r’
c ‘ v r i ’

The Kadu, as do the Burmese, follow the twelve lunar months (moon cycles) of the

year. Except for a few names of their own, they use the Burmese terms. Older Kadu

people are not able to relate to the European calendar, however, younger speakers

exposed to modern education frequently make use of the European calendar. Table 23

presents the twelve lunar months. Kadu native terms are represented in parentheses.

Months In Burmese European calendar equivalent

wefcl: March-April
uqkef April-May
e<kef May-June
ā 0gqkd June-July
ā 0gacgif July-August
l awmfovif: August-September
c oDwif:uïwf September-October
m wefaqmifrke:f October-November
n ewfawmf November-December
ā (ó ) ]ymokd December-January
ó wykdhwGJ January-Febuary
wefaygif: Febuary-March
Table 23: The twelve lunar months

157
The Kadu recognise three seasons and all the season names occur with the term as

in (138). The names for summer and winter are Kadu native terms, however, the name

for monsoon comes from Burmese rdk:wGif: <mou: twang:> ‘mo oo ’.

(138) m ‘ umm r’
mó ‘mo oo ’
‘ i r’

Time adverbials in Kadu are given in (139).

(139) ‘ o /d ’
m ù 14
‘ mom o’
m ù ó ‘ il o’
‘ mom l r’
ó ‘ il l r’
m ó ‘lo o’
‘ rl ’
l / l l ‘l ’
‘ ol d ’

3.1.1.2.10 Derived nominals

Derived nominals in Kadu are formed by infixation of -al-, by suffixing a nominaliser

to a noun, verb, or VP, or by reduplication. The infix -al- is employed with

monosyllabic forms of class terms and verbs. Class terms are discussed in (3.2.5).

14
could be a Shan loan, as in m :aw n ‘yesterday’.

158
Nouns derived from class terms are given in (140).

(140) Class term to noun derivations

l ‘ ic ’
l ‘br c ’
ù lù ‘ r ’ or ‘ l ’
l ‘rou d d obj c ’
l ‘ ’
l ‘ ’ or ‘ il ’
ā lā ‘l f’
l ‘f ’
ā lā ‘m ’
‘flo r’
l ‘ r d’
l ‘circl ’

Some examples of deriving nouns from class terms by the process of reduplication have

also been attested. These are given in (141).

(141) ‘frui ’
( ) ‘flo r’
( ) ‘ ’
( ) ‘ d’

159
Some nouns are also derived from verbs. These are given in (142).

(142) Stative verb-to-noun derivations (nominalisations)

k ‘bloom’ > l ‘blo om’

m ‘b ood’ > m l ‘ ood’
‘b bro ’ > l ‘ lf’
‘b b ld’ > l ‘fl ’
‘b u ’ > l ‘oil’

(143) Action verb-to-noun derivations (nominalisations)

‘ c ’ > lp ‘ c ( i i )’
‘c rr ’ > l ‘c rri r’
‘c o ’ > l ‘ i c ’
‘m bu dl ’ > l ‘bu dl ’
m ‘ c ’ > l m ‘ c ( i o i )’
ù ‘cli ’ > l ù ‘o ’
ù ‘cu ’ > l ù ‘ i c ’
m ‘ mbr c ’ > lm ‘ mount of an rmful’

This -al- derivation in Kadu functions similarly to the Burmese prefix a-, however,

unlike the Burmese prefix a-, it is not productive. Although the –al- infix appears to

have been used with many class terms in Kadu, its occurrence with verbs is not

productive. The examples in (144) illustrate the Burmese productive a- prefix

nominaliser.

160
(144) (a) [if:csufw<f (Burmese)

hang: hkrak =te

curry cook =RLS
‘He cooked curry.’

(b) [if:tcsuf awmfawmfaumif:w<f (Burmese)

hang: a-hkrak toto kong: =te

curry NOM-cook quite good =RLS
‘He is quite good at cooking curry.’

In the above example a noun is derived from the verb csuf <hkrak> ‘coo ’ i (144a) into

a noun tcsuf <ahkrak> ‘coo i ’ i (144b) by the a- prefixation. The Kadu

derivational infix -al- cannot be used in this context. See the similar examples in (145).

(145) (a) m mā

m =mā
rice cook =RLS
‘He cooks rice.’

(b) * m l ā m mā

There are two productive nominalisers, and , in Kadu that are suffixed to

verbs or verb complexes to form derived nominals. For example, the verb m ‘coo ’

mentioned in (145a) can be nominalised by attaching , as illustrated in (146).

161
(146) m ā ā m mā

m = ā ā m =mā
rice cook =NOM quite good =RLS
‘(He) is quite good at cooking rice.’

The derivational nominaliser occurs both on bare verb stems and on verb

complexes. The derived nominals may have a concrete or an abstract sense.

They, like ordinary nouns, can occur as the head of the NP.

(147) (a) mā

=mā
2SG say =RLS
‘He said.’

(b) m mā

[ = ] m =mā
3SG say =NOM good =RLS
‘What he said is good.’ Or ‘He is good at speaking’

The derived nominals in (147b), , in this case, may function like the gerund

in English in its ability to take verbal arguments. The verb m itself may be

nominalised, as in (148).

162
(148) m

[ m = ]
eat good =NOM eat
‘Eat what’s good!’

The nominaliser occurring after the verb complex is illustrated in (149). (149a)

simply illustrates a clause with a verb complex. (149b) illu r omi li r

occurring after the complex.

(149) (a) c mā

-c =mā
silver use-PL =RLS
‘(They) are spending cash.’

(b) c ù mā (17:42)

[[phú nát-cí =panáq] =tè] katùng =mā

silver use-PL =NOM =A.AG see =RLS
‘(I) saw people spending cash.’

Derived nominals, as with other ordinary nouns, may be followed by nominal relational

markers. The example just mentioned in (149b) and the following examples in (150)

illustrate this.

(150) (a) m (22:10)

[[atí =panáq] =tè] m-àng =

soft =NOM =A.AG make-DIR1 =IRLS
‘I will do the soft one.’

163
 (b) m ā mmā (17:85)

[[ m-haút =panáq] =ká] ā-ním =mā

make-want =NOM =TOP exist-stay =RLS
‘(I) have the desire to do (it).’

(c) m (18:50)

[ káp-àng =panáq] =pè] -à

3SG shoot-DIR1 =NOM =LOC look-EUPH
‘Look at where he shot.’

In (150a) and (150b) the derived nominals are followed by the anti-agentive marker

and the topic marker , respectively, to mark the NPs as Patient and Topic arguments

of the clauses. The derived noun in example (150c) is marked by the locative marker

, which expresses static location.

The nominaliser may also occur with the clause final particle ‘irr li ’ o

denote a proposition which has not come to realisation. Look at the two examples in

(151) and (152).

(151) m mā

[ = = ] m =mā
3SG say =IRLS =NOM good =RLS
‘What he will say will be good.’

164
(152) (09:89)

[ ā= [ = =panáq]] ín-ngaú-àng =sà

1SG=A.AG eat =IRLS =NOM NEG-say-DIR1 =NEG.IMP
‘Don’t say that you will eat me.’

Nouns are also derived by suffixing to make simple deverbal nouns and can be

followed by postpositions. Unlike pan , appears only with a bare verb. Consider

the examples in (153).

(153) (a) āmā

[ = ] ā =mā
give =NOM exist =RLS
‘(I) have something to give.’

(b) m l (30:33)

[m -ta =tìng] lā- =zík =seú

noodle squeeze-L.SUFF =NOM bring-DIR2 =FINALLY =SAP
‘Bring something to squeeze the noodles.’

(c) (15:40)

[[ = ] [ = ]] =
climb =NOM descend =NOM =LOC
‘at the ladders’ (Lit. at to climb and to descend)

The semantic difference between derived nouns with and is referential

versus non-referential. Compare the examples in (154).

165
(154) (a) ā āl (awkward)

ā [ = ] ā =l
2SG tell =NOM exist =Q
‘Is there anything you’ve told?’

(b) ā āl

ā [ = ] ā =l
2SG tell =NOM exist =Q
‘Is there anything you want to tell?’

The question in (154a) could imply that the person who asked the question presupposed

that the hearer may have said something. (154b) does not imply that kind of

presupposition. Many Kadu speakers think example (154a) is too straightforward and

considered awkward and rude. If the speaker does not intend to be specific or does not

want to convey any presupposition, it is appropriate to use the non-referential and

indefinite = ng nominal expression. Look at some more examples in (155) and (156).

(155) lā (referential)

[ = ] lā-
eat =NOM bring-DIR2
‘Bring what I ate (this morning).’

(156) lā (non-referential)

[ = ] lā-
eat =NOM bring-DIR2
‘Bring something to eat.’ (You may bring anything edible)

166
3.1.2 Verbs

Verbs in Kadu, like in other languages, denote activities, processes, and states.

Adjectives which express dimensions and qualities such as ó ‘bi ’ lóm ‘ rm’

and ‘b d’ fu c io v rb i K du. T r for ill b l d v rb . A

important criterion to define verbhood in Kadu is its ability to occur as the head of a

verbal predicate and its ability to be negated. Verbs in Kadu can be directly preceded by

one of two negative proclitics, - and a- , and followed by verbal modifiers (§7.2) and

clause final particles (§7.1). Verbs in Kadu do not take inflectional morphology. There

is no person or agreement marking except the verbal optional plural particle, c

(§7.2.2.1).

3.1.2.1 Structure of verbs

The structure of Kadu verbs, like nouns, can be analysed as simple or complex.

3.1.2.1.1 Simple verbs

Simple verbs are those treated as monomorphemic words by the native speakers of

Kadu. Structurally, they may be monosyllabic, sesquisyllabic, or disyllabic words.

Monosyllabic forms are the most common of all Kadu verbs. They cannot be further

broken down into meaningful units. Some monosyllabic verbs are shown in (157).

167
(157) c ‘i ’
‘ iv ’
l ‘com ’
ā ‘ o ’
‘c ll’
ā ‘ o’
‘c rr ’
‘b ’
‘ ’

Sesquisyllabic verbs are made up of minor and major syllables (see syllable structures

in §2.7). The most frequent sesquisyllabic verbs forming initial minor syllables in Kadu

are: a-, ka-, sa-, and za-. The etymology of each is unknown. Verbs with sesquisyllabic

structures are illustrated in (158).

(158) (a) c ‘vomi ’

‘ o boil’
‘ of ’
‘ i ’
‘ oor’
‘ i ’

(b) ‘ o’
m ‘b b u iful’
‘cold’
ù ‘ ’
‘lo ’
‘c ’
‘ ri ’

168
 (c) ‘ c ’
‘b boili ’ or ‘b oi ’
‘ oi ’

(d) ‘ u ’
l ‘drif ’
l ‘cl ’

As shown in (158), the two most common minor syllables in sesquisyllabic verbs are a-

and ka-. A few other minor syllables are also attested with just one or two occurrences

in my corpus. They are ta- as in ‘ ’ na- as in ‘b ’ d la- as in

l ‘ o r c ou ’.

Disyllabic monomorphemic verbs are not common in Kadu. Most of the disyllabic or

polysyllabic verbs are loanwords. Possible native disyllabic verbs attested in my corpus

are given in (159).

(159) l ‘ r off’
mā ‘ i ’
‘bo ( d)’
‘b ob i ’

Only one trisyllabic verb, ù m ‘ ’ b d i K du.

169
3.1.2.1.2 Complex verbs

Complex verbs are polymorphemic. They are either compounds or strings of verbs.

Unlike simple verbs, both members of compound verbs are, in most cases, semantically

identifiable. These verbs are regarded as lexicalised verbs and recognized by the native

speakers of Kadu as a single meaningful unit. Structurally, they can be divided into two

groups:

(1) noun + verb

(2) verb + verb

Some examples of noun +verb compounds are given in (160).

(160) Noun + Verb compounds

m - m (face-beautiful) ‘ ’
l - ā (husband-go) ‘m rr ’15
-lā (wife-take) ‘m rr ’16
m - (cow-emerge) ‘ d’
m - (cow-pound) ‘ or ’
- (medicine-get up) ‘b r ’

Though in many cases these compound verbs are lexicalised, in my transcription the

elements of the compound are glossed separately. Many verbs related to fire appear as

15
A woman marrying a man. (Lit. ‘go for a man’).
16
A man marrying a woman. (Lit. ‘take woman’).

170
compound words with the initial member ā ‘fir ’. Som fir r l d v rb i K du

are given in (161).

(161) ā -m (fire-extinguish) ‘ xi ui ’
ā - (fire-burn) ‘bur ’
ā - (fire-add) ‘ dd fir ood’
ā - é (fire-?) ‘ o i dl ’
ā -ā (fire-send) ‘oc / d li ’

The fire related verbs in (161) are lexicalised compounds. These verbs, except for

‘ dd ood’ d ā ‘ d’ do o rb m lv . T v rb m reflects the PTB

word *mi:t ‘ x i ui ’ r co ruc d b M i off (2003:350).

Verbs related to pain and sickness also occur as compound verbs, as given in (162).

(162) l - (head-bite) ‘ d c ’
- (belly-shout) ‘ i bdom ’
- (belly-bite) ‘ v d r ’
- l (belly-drift) ‘ v di rr ’
- (belly-climb) ‘ v fl ul c ’

Verb-verb compounds differ from serial verb constructions. They, like exocentric

compound nouns, express a meaning which is different from that of either of the

components. Serial verbs, on the other hand, usually consist of two or more juxtaposed

verbs, both of which together refer to a unitary concept. Some verb-verb compounds

which have exocentric compound meanings are illustrated in (163).

171
(163) Verb + Verb compounds

- (look-lazy) ‘ ’
ù - (see-?) ‘im i ’
m - (spin-hook) ‘lo ’
- (hear-emerge) ‘ r’
- (revile-want) ‘ r ’

3.1.2.1.3 Reduplication and attaching attendant words

Kadu verbs may be reduplicated using the same morpheme or may take attendant

words . Reduplication of dynamic verbs in Kadu signals an iterative aspect–that is, the
17

reduplication of an action verb has the semantic effect of signalling that the action is

b i do “fr u l ” or “r dl .”

(164) (a) mmā (12:70)

anáq síngngeút- =tè =pán ním =mā

this fig-CLT.fruit =A.AG eat eat =COS stay =RLS
‘The pig, time to time, eats fig fruit and stays.’

17
An attendant word is item that is not a free lexeme but occurs only with a steady partner word. (Ayoka
2010:41).

172
 (b) lā l ā m mm (23:14)

àngnáq =yaúk lā =pán =naà

that daughter =COM take =COS =only

l ā m m =mā =ták
field make make =RLS =HS
‘(He) married/took the daughter and repeatedly did cultivation.’

(c) mā m (23:8)

h - ā =pà =pè mā -tú

3SG daughter-small =ALL =LOC maiden-language

tapaúk tapaúk =mā =ták

speak speak =RLS =HS
‘(He) repeatedly expressed his love to her daughter.’

Stative verbs, unlike dynamic verbs, are not reduplicated from the same phonemic

forms. Rather, they, adopting a term from Ayoko (2010), take attendant words. In Kadu,

similar to Khmer, attendant words are not free lexemes but must occur together with

meaningful word. However, unlike Khmer, the attendant words in Kadu contain two

identical syllables which are identical in. Stative verbs together with attendant words

signal the delimitative aspect in Kadu–that is, state verbs with attendant words signal

m i of “ om V” or “b V bi .” Three tonal patterns (high-low-low,

mid-high-high, and low-mid-mid) are attested with this structure.

This pattern occurs with state verbs such as colour, weather condition and taste terms.

The colour terms with their attendant members are illustrated in (165).

173
(165) ‘bl c (i )’
l ù ù ‘ i (i )’
c c ‘d r i ’
‘d d r i ’
c c ‘bl c i ’
c ‘ llo i ’
‘r ddi ’

The taste terms with their attendant words are illustrated in (166).

(166) m ù ù ‘ li l fr r ’
‘ li l ’
‘ li l bi r’
c ‘ li l our’
c òmòm ‘ li l li l our’

The stative verbs in (166) may also be reduplicated if they are followed by the

diminutive marker . These patterns are usually interpreted as something that is

pleasingly V.

(167) m m ‘ l i l fr r ’
‘ l i l ’
c c ‘ l i l our’

174
The weather terms with their attendant members are illustrated in (168).

(168) ù ù ‘ li l cold’
l m ù ù ‘ li l rm’
‘ li l bri ’
th ‘ li l i ’
‘ li l o’
m ‘ li l f l cold’
c ù ‘ li l cl r’
l ‘ li l r i ’

Dimension and value verbs also take attendant words. Structurally, they can be divided

into two groups. The first group has a second member composed of a minor syllable

plus a major syllable. The pattern is that the main vowel and final consonant of the first

and second members are identical. The second group involves reduplication of all or

part of the second member. If the second member is a sesquisyllabic word only the full

syllable gets reduplicated. These are illustrated in (169a) and (169b), respectively.

(169) (a) ló ‘ li l or ’
l ‘ li l id ’
l ‘ li l rro ’
l ‘ li l u l ’

(b) ‘ li l ll’
‘ li l v ’
m ‘ li l of ’
‘ li l rd’
‘ li l li ’
m ‘ li l b u iful’

175
3.1.2.2 Serial verbs: V-V constructions

It is generally accepted that a serial verb construction is a sequence of verbs which act

together as a single predicate, without any overt marker of coordination, subordination,

or syntactic dependency of any sort (Aikhenvald 2006). In Kadu serial verb

constructions, the head verb always comes at the beginning of the verb phrase and the

others follow in some sort of subordinate relationship to the head. Four categories of

serial verb constructions will be dealt with in the following section: resultative,

directional, evaluative, and manner.

3.1.2.2.1 Resultative

In the V-V resultative construction, the first verb expresses an action and the second

verb provides a result of that action. Verbs that can occur as fillers of second verbs in

V-V resultative compounds are given in (170).

(170) ‘di ’
‘b cu off’
‘b bro ’
‘b f ll ’
‘b or ’
c ‘b full’

The verbs in (170), as fillers of second verb in V-V resultative constructions, are

illustrated in (171).

176
(171) (a) ā (25:173)

ā =tè tán-shí =
2SG =A.AG beat-die =IRLS
‘(They)will beat you to death.’

(b) ò lā (12:119)

katòk =tè tút- =pán =naà lā-ìng

3SG neck =A.AG cut-be.cut.off =COS =only take-DIR2
‘Cut off his neck and bring (the magic ball).’

(c) ó (21:22)

óng- wán-paík
coconut-CLF.fruit chop-be.broken
‘Chop up the coconut.’

(d) ó lù mā (AKYS)

ó - lù = - =mā
wood-plant =A.AG push-be.fallen =RLS
‘(He) pushed over the tree.’

(e) salà hásaíkpán (31:20)

salà há-saík =pán

banana.leaf grasp-be.torn =COS
‘I grasp the banana leaf (with my hand) to tear (it) apart.’

177
 (f) c mā (12:70)

-ceú =pán =mā

eat-full =COS sleep =RLS
‘(He) ate until he was full and slept.’

In all the examples in (171), the fillers of the second position are one-argument verbs.

Kadu, unlike Burmese, does not have transitive and intransitive verb pairs. In order to

express causative accomplishment, verbs like Burmese ]ywf <prat> ‘cu ’ dE li

break, the V-V resultative construction is used (for example, - ‘cu -b cu off’).

The first verb in this type of construction can be filled by any transitive verb. The

second verb can be any intransitive verb that expresses a change of state. A particular

action verb could be used as the first verb if the speaker knows the action that causes

the result stated by the second verb. If the speaker, however, does not know the exact

action, then the verb lā ‘ ’i mo commo v rb o fill fir v rb lo i V-V

resultative constructions. Compare the examples in (172).

(172) (a) l ò mā

l ò = - =mā
bamboo =A.AG chop-be.broken =RLS
‘Chop up the bamboo.’

(b) l ò lā mā

l ò = lā- =mā
bamboo =A.AG take-be.broken =RLS
‘Break the bamboo.’

178
Most of the stative verbs that fill the second verb slot cannot take a patient argument.

Compare the examples in (173).

(173) (a) l ò mā

l ò =mā
bamboo be.broken =RLS
‘The bamboo is broken.’

(b) *l ò mā

The Kadu lexicon lacks causative accomplish verbs like o ‘ ill’. To ill i ‘to cause

something to die’ i K du. T r for uiv l of ‘ ill’ i x r db V-V

resultative construc io ic m b r l d ‘do om i od ’. If

manner of killing is not known, the generic form to kill is (beat-di ) ‘b o

d ’. All x m l i (174) m b r l d ‘ ill’ i E li .

(174) ‘b od ’
‘c o od ’
‘ oo o d ’
‘ u od ’
‘ u c od ’

It must be noted that the second verb, which expresses a change of state, may not

necessarily be the final result, though it has a strong implication that it is. It can also be

an intended or expected result. Whether the action expressed by the first verb really

resulted or not is signalled by the CFPs mā ‘r li ’ d ‘irr li ’.

179
(175) (a) l (15:88)

ín-a-l =pánnàkà tán-shí =

NEG-NEG-get =if beat-die =IRLS
‘(I) will kill/beat you to death if (you) don’t get (it).’

(b) tánshícàngmaták (25:174)

tán-shí-cí-àng =mā =ták

beat-die-PL-DIR1 =RLS =HS
‘(They) killed/ beat (him) to death, it is said.’

3.1.2.2.2 Directional

Motion verbs frequently occur as the second member in a V-V directional construction.

As in resultative contructions, the first verb expresses an action and the second verb

provides the result, but in this case the result is a location. The first verb slot may be

filled from an open set of verbs indicating the action. The second slot, however, is

limited to a closed set of directional verbs indicating change of location. Motion verbs

that can occur as the second verb in V-V directional constructions are given in (176).

Based on different semantic interpretations and causal relationships these verbs are

divided into two categories, as in (176a) and (176b).

(176) (a) ‘d c d’ (b) ā ‘ o’

‘ c d’ ā ‘ l ’
‘dro ’ ‘ l /cro (brid )’
ā ‘r l ’ l ‘com ’
‘ m r ’

180
The first set of verbs mentioned in (176a) describes the action which results from the

first verb. When the second slot in a V-V directional construction is filled by

‘d c d’ ‘dro ’ or ‘ c d’ illu r d i (177a, b, and c) there is a tight

causal relation. The event described by the two verbs is realised as a single action. They

are usually pronounced without a pause between them. See the illustrations of these

motion verbs in (177).

(177) (a) ā mā (08:14)

ā út -sàt-àng =mā
at.once abandon-descend-DIR1 =RLS
‘(He) threw (it) down (into the river) at once.’

(b) ù (12:72)

síngngeút-kùn =pè phaúk- =páng

fig-CLF.plant on.top =LOC jump.up-climb =COS
‘(He) jumped onto the fig tree.’

(c) (13:5)

-eút-teúp =páng =ták

kick-drop-throw =DIR2:COS =HS
‘(They) kicked (him) down, it is said.’

(d) cā ā mā (07:117)

cā = tán- ā -àng =mā

PN =ABL beat-release-DIR1 =RLS
‘Kyansitta beat him away.’

181
The other closed set of motion verbs, mentioned in (176b), is ā ‘ o’ ā ‘ l ’

‘ l ’ l ‘com ’ d ‘ m r ’. T v rb ā and r bo lo d ‘ l ’

in my corpus. The semantic difference between them is that the verb ā correlates with

English walk; however, is used particularly with walking on a bridge or a long

pole.

(178) (a) m ā mā (17:24)

atá m - ā =mā
rice cook-go =RLS
‘(She) went cooking.’

(b) ó m āc mā (17:13)

ngón m- ā-cí =mā

gold make-walk-PL =RLS
‘(They) went out to mine gold.’

(c) l ò m (7:28)

-l = sèk-tàk pòkhá =pè kasúm =pán =naà

call-come =NOM person-PL forest =LOC hide =COS =only
‘The people (he) brought were hidden in the forest and ..,’

The verbs ā ‘ o’ d ā ‘ l ’ r i rc bl u d i co d lo i V-V

directional constructions. The verb ā is much more common than the verb ā .

When the second slot is filled by one of the three motion verbs ā ‘ o’ ā ‘ l ’

or l ‘com ’ illu r d i (178), unlike the resultative and directional compounds

182
already mentioned in the examples in (171) and (177), it orders two actions and it is

possible to pause between the two elements of the compound. It is realised as a V-V

ur o iv co ruc io ic m b i r r d ‘ o o do’ or im ly denote a

movement to or away from the deictic centre.

Therefore, we summarize that the motion verbs given in (176a) describe the resulting

location, whereas the motion verbs in (176b) describe an expected motion either to or

away from the deictic centre. As with resultative constructions where the second verb

expresses a change of state to a patient, in directional constructions the second verb may

not necessarily represent the final result though it has the strong implication that this is

the case. They can be either intended or expected results. Whether the change expressed

by the first verb really resulted or not is signaled by the CFPs.

When the verb ‘ l ’ fill co d lo i V-V directional construction, it denotes

oi o mor o l c .I m b r l di oE li ‘ oi from l c o

l c ’. Com r x m l i (179) and (180). Example (179) illustrates the verb

as the head verb of the clause.

(179) mā

= =mā
bridge on.top =LOC walk =RLS
‘(He) is walking on the bridge.’

183
The examples in (180) illustrate the verb as the filler of second verb in V-V

directional constructions.

(180) (a) ù mā (25:78)

peùt- - -àng =mā

lie-eat-walk-DIR1 =RLS
‘(He) went about cheating.’

(b) ém mā (AKYS)

é m- =mā
market buy-walk =RLS
‘(He) went about shopping.’

The motion verb ā ‘ r’ v rb d co d v rb i V-V

directional constructions. The verb ‘ m r ’ occur o l o im i m cor u

the second verb in a V-V directional structure, as illustrated in (181).

(181) m ó (18:40)

hamúk-tóng =haík kaú- =pán =naà

under-big =ABL curl.up-emerge =COS =only
‘Having curled up and emerged from under ..,’

184
3.1.2.2.3 Evaluative

In this V-V evaluative construction, the filler of the second verb gives an evaluative

meaning. The verbs that give an evaluative meaning in V-V construction are given in

(182).

(182) m ‘ ood’
‘difficul ’
‘ iml ’
óm ‘ ou ’

These verbs, unlike those in V-V resultative and directional constructions, do not denote

change of state or location. They express evaluative descriptions related to the action of

the first verb. In this structure, the two forms are realised as a tight unit and so

adverbial modification must come before the whole unit, not before the evaluative

terms, as in (183b). T v rb r u io uc “ o i ?.” The verb

me ic l xic l m i of ‘ ood’ d o om i ro ri

advisable, or enjoyable.

(183) (a) ā mm nímààng (08:6)

ā ním-meú =pè ním-à-àng

2SG stay-good =LOC stay-EUPH-DIR1
‘Wherever is good/appropriate to live you may live.’

185
 (b) cc m m (15:46)

cc -m =mā =
very eat-good =RLS =HS
‘It was truly enjoyable/good to eat, it is said.’

The verb óm as a second verb in V-V co ruc io d o m i of ‘b

sufficien o’ or ‘b ou of’ c io x r db fir v rb illu r di

(184).

(184) ù ām ómmā (17:47)

pák-nù paí -pák ā =m -kóm =mā

hundred-one over two-hundred exist =only.if eat-enough =RLS
‘(It) will be enough to eat only when we have over 100 or 200 (tins of)
paddy.’

The verb ‘ ’ co d v rb i V-V construction expresses the idea that the

action of the first verb is easy, as illustrated in (185).

(185) ó āmā (30:29)

phón -ìng satú- -zíng-àng = āmā

wood burn-DIR2 boil-easy-JUSS-DIR1 =HORT
‘Burn more wood. Let’s make it boil easily.’

I have also included some verbal modifiers such as ‘difficul ’ d

‘i di crimi l ’u d r V-V evaluative constructions. These two verbs, unlike

those mentioned above, never appear as head verbs. However, they are discussed here

as they also provide evaluative meaning to the first verb.

186
When the form follows action verbs such as m ‘m ’ or ā ‘ o’ i d o

m i of ‘difficul ’ or ‘ rd i ’. Ho v r follo i SENSE verbs (§3.1.2.3.2),

i m ‘u l ’ or ‘ o jo bl ’. Co id r x m l i (186).

(186) (a) mó l ā mā

mó = l ā- =mā
rainy.season arrive =if road walk-difficult =RLS
‘If the rainy season arrives, it is difficult to walk on the roads.’

(b) cé mā (10:42)

céttaú =ká teút- =mā

PN =TOP listen-difficult =RLS
‘(The name) Kyetthaw is unpleasant to hear.’

When the second slot in a V-V construction is filled by the term glossed as

‘i di crimi l ’ i d o o cl r i io or dir c io . I u i om

similar to that of the verb ‘ l ’ I discussed in the section on directional

constructions. The semantic difference between these two is that the verb denotes

purposeful action, whereas does not.

(187) (a) ā (21:1)

ā-yákpheú-àng =
walk-indiscriminately-DIR1 =IRLS
‘(I) will walk indiscriminately (around that mountain).’

187
 (b) ta mā (25:91)

tapaúk-yákpheú =mā
speak-indiscriminately =RLS
‘(H ) i di crimi l .’

3.1.2.2.4 Explanatory

Only one verb, ā ‘ o ’ i V-V constructions which denote the meaning of

demonstration or explanation of the action expressed by the first verb has been attested,

as in (188).

(188) (a) m lé ā é m (15:139)

maléq heú- ā = =seùé ngaú =mā =ták

1PL tell-show =IRLS =SAP say =RLS =HS
‘(They) said, “we will tell-show (explain it to you)”, it is said.’

(b) ā ā (25:115)

ā tán- ā =
1SG beat-show =IRLS
‘I will beat-show (show you how to beat).’

3.1.2.2.5 Manner

Fillers of the second verb in V-V manner constructions are few in number. The complete

listing is given in (189).

188
(189) ‘ ro ’
‘o ’
‘loo ’

When the verbs mentioned in (189) are used in the second slot in V-V constructions,

v ‘ i d of m r’ dv rbi l m i .T v u d r o a certain degree

of r mm ic li io . T r u io “I m r or o i c io

being done?.” Their grammaticalised meanings are illustrated in (190).

(190) ‘ if l ’
‘im uou l ’
y ‘ r ou ’

The verb dv rbi l m i of ‘ if l udd l ’ illu r d i (191).

(191) (a) ā l ó m m (7:66)

ā l tóng-teúp-ìng =mā =ták

at.once unusually big-throw-DIR2 =RLS =HS
‘(It) swiftly and unusually became big, it is said.’

(b) m (12:74)

ngaúkà m -teúp =píng

pig as.for awake-throw =DIR2:COS
‘The pig suddenly awoke.’

The verb denotes the adverbial meaning of how impetuously the action expressed by

the first verb is done. See the illustrations in (192) and (193).

189
(192) ā l l ā m ùé (07:65)

ā shì-leún kalàng ā-ta =pán =naà

finger four-CLF.stick approximate gauge-L.SUFF =COS =only

tút-út-àng =mā =ták =seùé

cut-toss-DIR1 =RLS =HS =SAP
‘(He) gauged (the drum to be) about four fingers length and cut (it)
impetuously, it is said.’

(193) z l é āl (12:127)

-waleú é ā laúng-ta-út-à-háng =páng

breast-liquid pot include pour-L.SUFF-toss- EUPH-back =COS
‘(He) poured (it) down including the milk pot.’

The verb denotes the meaning of ‘ r o’ or ‘c r full ’ i (194). It is also known

‘ rob iv ’ or ‘co iv ’ i li r ur . Prob iv or co iv d rivi from

v rb ‘ ’ or ‘loo ’ i di o r TB languages as well. See Coupe (2007:332 )

and Myit Soe (1999:225).

(194) l cm m mā ùé (17:5)

halá shí-àng =ká cím =pè

3SG husband die-DIR1 =TOP house =LOC

ním-háng- =mā =seùé

stay-back-look =RLS =SAP
‘As her husband died she is living at home.’ (She will stay until she finds a
permanent place.)

190
Example (194) m b r l d lo ‘S i m or ril livi i u . ’ or ‘S i

r i o o ould fi livi i f mil i .’. W v rb follows

a cognition verb such as ‘ i ’ denotes an adverbial meaning something

li ‘ o V-c r full ’ i (195).

(195) ām m ùé (07:09)

ā mín =káq sínzá-ta- -àng =mā =ták =seùé

PN king =LOC think-L.SUFF-look-DIR1=RLS =HS =SAP
‘The king, Anawyatha, was thinking carefully(about it), it is said.’

is also frequently attached to the verb ‘ ’ i (196).

(196) (a) c mā ùé (08:115)

c =tè =ká - =mā =seùé

woman =A.AG 3SG =TOP ask-look =RLS =SAP
‘He tried asking the woman.’

(b) c m (25:59)

chíthaúng =tè - - - =mā =ták

3SG bag =A.AG ask-look-back-DIR2 =RLS =HS
‘(They) tried asking his bag, it is said.’

The example in (196b) is taken from a story where the bag was able to speak like a

human. When the verb is attached to i m i of ‘ (for

i form io )’. W r v rb ng i lf m ‘ (for om i )’ v rb

is lexicalised as one unit by the native speaker of Kadu.

191
3.1.2.3 Verb classes

Morphosyntactically, there are no grammatical devices to signal voice or transitivity

alterations in Kadu. A transitive verb can take a patient argument which may be marked

by the anti-agentive marker (6.2) if the patient is animate, as exemplified in (197).

(197) (a) kasàtóngtè zàkmaták (09:4)

kasà-tóng =tè zàk =mā =ták

tiger-big =A.AG afraid =RLS =HS
‘(The rabbit was) afraid of the tiger, it is said.’

(b) ā ā (15:4)

ā ā-tàk =tè tán-shí =

2SG son-PL =A.AG beat-die =IRLS
‘(I) will kill your sons.’

The distinction between stative and dynamic verbs in Kadu is largely based on

semantics. Using the marking of progressive aspect, such as V-ing in English, to

distinguish stative and dynamic verbs does not work in Kadu. In Kadu, both progressive

and durative aspects are marked by a single auxiliary verb, m ‘ ’ . . m- m

‘do-i ’ d mó - m ‘b i - ’.

On distributional grounds, the most noticeable distinction between stative and dynamic

verbs in Kadu is their position when they are attributive modifiers of NPs. Dynamic

verbs, used as nominal modifiers require derivation as nominals via = to function

192
as attributives, precede the head, shown in the { } brackets in the examples in (198), in

a relative clause structure.

(198) (a) c m c cā (07:100)

{tacámín =panáq} c - cā
PN give =NOM rattan-weapon
‘The rattan weapon that Tacamin gave’

(b) m ó lù (08:59)

{eúhám wán-peú =panáq} ó -kalùn-

PN chop-keep =NOM wood-plant-PL
‘The tree that Euham cut down ..,’

(c) m é ā (08:79)

m - =panáq} kasé ā
prince-PL dress.up =NOM sarong shirt
‘The clothes that princes wore’

(d) ā m l (19:8)

ā =tè m =panáq} laúkzà

soil =A.AG make =NOM mud.stone
‘The mud stone that was made from the dirt/soil’

However, stative verbs immediately follow the head noun which they modify. This type

of adjectival verb modifying the head noun is mentioned in the section on NOUN+VERB

compounds in §3.1.1.1.2. More examples are given in (199).

193
(199) -lóm (water-warm) ‘ rm r’
-ló (monkey-white) ‘ i mo ’
-ó (tiger-big) ‘bi i r’
- ā (wife-small) ‘ co d if ’

3.1.2.3.1 Transitive verbs

Transitive verbs in Kadu can take a patient argument. Some of the monotransitive verbs

in Kadu have a prototypically default body part associated with the verb as an

Instrument/Manip. For example, the verbs ā ‘lic ’ d ‘ ic ’ v bod r

‘o u ’ d ‘l ’ r of ir l xic l m i .I follo i c io I examine

verb classes that have monotransitive interpretations. These verbs may be further

divided into: AFFECT, PLACEMENT, MENTAL EXPERIENCE, LIKING, and UTTERANCE verbs.

Ado i Dixo ’ (1991) l i AFFECT verbs are prototypically transitive verbs.

These verbs, quoting Dixon (1991:110), involve three semantic roles:

(a) an Agent moves or manipulates something (Manip)

(b) so that it comes into contact with some thing or person (Target)
(c) either the Manip or Target will be physically affected by the activity.

In this type, the Agent is typically a human and the Target may be either human or non-

human. The term Manip is used as a cover term for instrument, an object usually held

by the Agent, or a body part of the Agent. Under the AFFECT verbs, I have examined

verb types such as TOUCH, RUB, HIT, SEVER, STRETCH, WRAP, BREAK, and CREATE.

194
Under the category of TOUCH verb, only one verb, ‘ ouc om i li l i

om i l ’ b d. T ro o ic l M i i b d f ul bod r–

the hand. It denotes a light contact with the Target. The Target may be marked by

locative marker = (200) or anti-agentive = as in (201). The Manip may be either

implicit or explicit. For example, the Manip which is the body part–hand in (200) is

implicit.

(200) c lā é m k (08:12)

c - =tè lā =pán =naà

mango-CLT.fruit =A.AG take =COS =only

tí =pè -àng =mā =ták

3SG penis =LOC touch-DIR2 =RLS =HS
‘(He) took the mango and touched it on his penis, it is said.’

However, if the Manip is explicit, and is an instrument rather than a human body part, it

must be explicitly marked with the comitative , as illustrated in (201).

(201) m l ù mā (AKYS)

= - sh m -l =yák
snake =A.AG NEG-die die know -get =PURP

=yaúk - =mā
stick =COM touch-look =RLS
‘(He) touches the snake with a stick to see if it is dead or alive.’

195
RUB verbs describe the Manip being operated to affect the surface of the Target. RUB

verbs attested in Kadu are given in (202).

(202) ‘ ro ’
‘ cr c i d’
é ‘rub’
ā ‘lic ’
‘ cr c i f ’

The verbs é ‘rub’ ‘ cr c i f ’ d ‘ cr c i d’ m

involve greater force, whereas, ‘ ro ’ d ā ‘lic ’ m i volv l r forc o

the surface of the Target. The Manip for the first three verbs in (202) is a default body

part–the hand. The Manip of ā ‘lic ’ d ‘ cr c ’ r d f ul bod r –the

o u d im l’ l ( r icul rl c ic ’ f ) r c iv l . I i rd

and redundant to explicitly mention the Manip with these verbs. Some examples are

shown in (203).

(203) (a) * l ā mā (AKYS)

=tè salí =yaúk ā =mā

salt =A.AG tongue =COM lick =RLS
‘(He) licks the salt with his tongue.’

. (b) * ù mālé (AKYS)

- ù =tè ā = phaík-peú =mā

fowl-PL field =A.AG leg =COM scratch-keep =RLS
‘The chickens have scratched the field with their legs.’

196
HIT verbs involve a degree of force coming into contact with the Target. Here again,

like the TOUCH and RUB verbs, the default Manip is usually a specific body part unless

otherwise explicitly clarified. HIT verbs in Kadu are given in (204).

(204) ‘ ic ’
‘ ic ’
‘b / i’
‘ u c ’ or ‘ b’
‘ ri ’
m ‘gore’

The verbs mentioned in (204) describe a volitional Agent using a Manip to make

forceful contact with the Target. The prototypical Manip of ‘ ic ’ ‘b ’ d

‘ u c ’i d f ul um bod r –the leg for the first and the hand for the last

two. The Manip of ‘ ic ’ i d f ul im l bod r –the leg. The Manip of

m - (cow- ou d) ‘ or ’ or ‘bu ’ i ro o ic ll co bod r –the horn. The

first word may be replaced by any horn-bearing animal.

The prototypical Manip of ‘ ri ’ i lo obj c uc ‘ d ’ or

‘ x ’. I l o occur i im M i –the snake. Semantically, we can consider

these related because a snake uses its body as a Manip to make forceful contact with the

Target . With inanimate Manips, the representation of the Manip must be explicitly

marked with the comitative marker . However, with an animate object such as in

c of ’ ri M i i im lici . Com r xamples in (205).

197
(205) (a) m (09:101)

mā kaphú -shí -àng =mā =ták

that.time snake strike-die-DIR1 =RLS =HS
‘That time, the snake killed (the tiger), it is said.’

(b) ó lù mā (AKYS)

ó - lù = = =mā
wood-plant =A.AG axe =COM strike =RLS
‘Chop the tree with an axe.’

The Manip of and may also be instruments. In that case the Manip must be

explicitly mentioned and marked with the comitative marker , as illustrated in

(206).

(206) c ā (AKYS)

c =tè =yaúk tán =mā

3SG dog =A.AG rattan =COM beat =RLS
‘He hits the dog with a rattan.’

The Manip may also occur as a topic of the clause which may be marked by the topic

marker in Kadu. In my corpus, there is one story in which the adze had a magical

power and was treated like a faithful servant-instrument of a certain man. Look at the

example in (207 ) i ic m r ord r d o o d cu om o ’ c .I

this context, the Manip-adze is marked by the topic marker and take the role of

agent referent, as in (207b).

198
(207) (a) ù ò lā ó (12:93)

keù katòk =tè

right! adze 3SG neck =A.AG

wán- =pán =naà lā-háng-ìng =yók

chop-be.cut.off =COS =only take-back-DIR2 =INTRUSIVE
‘Adze, go and cut his neck and bring back (the magic ball).’

(b) l lā (12:94)

peúkút =ká wán- =pán =naà

adze =TOP chop-be.cut.off =COS =only

tátlúng lā- =píng

magic.ball take-back =DIR2:COS
‘The adze cut off (the neck) and brought the magic ball.’

SEVER and BREAK verbs involve an Agent using a Manip to change the physical unity

or the shape of the Target. These verbs can be divided into two groups–one which takes

non-human instruments as Manips by default and one that takes human body parts as

Manips by default. Verbs that take non-human instrument as Manip are given in (208).

199
(208) ‘ ri ’
é ‘br off ( rd cov r)’
‘ ru ’
‘cu ’
‘r ( c )’
ù or ‘c rv ’ or ‘ ou ’
‘ ic ’
‘c o ( i if )’
‘ v ’
‘r ( dd )’
‘r (l v )’

The prototypical Manips of the verbs mentioned in (208) are, by default, sharp metal

objects. The Manips of and are ‘ if ’ d‘ x ’ r c iv l . T v rb

and take the same Manip, a sickle, but have different typical patients. The Manip

may be implicit or explicit. If the Manip is explicitly mentioned, it must be marked with

the comitative marker . Compare the sentences in (209) and (210).

(209) kàmp ù ó m (06:35)

kàmpáng-kùn-tóng =tè
PN-CLF.plant-big =A.AG drum

thwáng -ta =pán =naà tán =mā =ták

carve-L.SUFF =COS =only beat =RLS =HS
‘(They) carved the Gambang tree into a drum and played, it is said.’

200
(210) ó lù ā ó ā (15:22)

ó - lù = ā -tóng =yaúk wán =mā

wood-plant =A.AG sword-big =COM chop =RLS
‘Cut the tree with a big sword.’

BREAK verbs that take human body parts as Manips are given in (211).

(211) ‘br (br c )’

‘br (l v )’
‘break off (soft shell)’

The Manips of and are human body parts–the hands. The Manip of the verb

is usually finger tips, however, it may also be a non-body part–a sharp tiny

instrument. If the Manip of the verb is a non-human body part, it must be marked

by a comitative marker . If the Target is clear from the context it can be omitted.

Compare the two example sentences in (212).

(212) (a) ā mā (AKYS)

ā =mā
mustard break =RLS
‘Break off the mustard leaves (from the plant).’

(b) ā ā mā (AKYS)

ā -shì =yaúk ā tèk =mā

knife-DIM =COM mustard break =RLS
‘Cut the mustard leaves with a knife.’

201
NPs before the verb have pragmatically determined word ordering (§8.1). Notice in

example (212) the Manip occurs in clause initial position.

Only a few STRETCH verbs, ‘b id d’ ā ‘m u’ d ā ‘ i ’

have been attested in my corpus. The prototypical Manip for these verbs is a human

body part–the hand. These are illustrated in (213).

(213) (a) l ā mā (06:35)

- l = ā =mā
lizard-leather =A.AG make.taut =RLS
‘Tighten the lizard skin.’

(b) mā

= =mā
bag =A.AG be.widened =RLS
‘(He) opened/stretched the bag.’

(c) ām ā mā

ām ā =mā
hemp twist =RLS
‘(He) twists the hemp.’

WRAP verbs involve an Agent using a Manip to wrap or cover a Target. The wrap verbs

attested in my Kadu data are given in (214).

202
(214) ‘cov r ( i umbr ll )’
‘ r( )’
‘ r (lo r rm )’
‘ r (u r rm )’
‘ u o ( d l)’ or ‘rid ’
‘ r ’
‘ c ’
‘bur ’ or ‘cov r’

Notice that the Kadu lexicon includes many WRAP verbs which may be translated into

E li ‘ r’ or ‘ u o ’. A lo of v rb r i l li d i cific NPs.

For example, the verb is associated only with an umbrella or bamboo hat, is

associated only with blankets or sheets, and is associated only with clothes worn

on the lower part of the body. These NPs usually occur immediately before the verbs.

The Manips of WRAP verbs are conventionalised to the extent that th do ’

comitative marker , as was the case with HIT and SEVER verbs.

(215) (a) l mā ó (AKYS)

haláng-weú =mā phú =yók

sky-water =RLS bamboo.hat put.on give =INTRUSIVE
‘(It is) raining. Put a bamboo hat on him.’

(b) * l mā ó

haláng- =mā = phú- =yók

sky-water =RLS bamboo.hat =COM put.on-give =INTRUSIVE

203
However, when the Manip is followed by an attributive element to indicate contrast or

emphasis, the comitative may optionally be added. The Manip with the comitative

occurs as clause initial as illustrated in (216a-b).

(216) (a) mā (AKYS)

= phú =mā
bamboo.hat =COM put.on give =RLS
‘(They) put a bamboo hat (not the umbrella) on him.’

(b) cm mā

=yaúk cm =mā
thatch =COM house cover =RLS
‘(They) are roofing the house with thatch (not with zinc).’

In some contexts, the conventionalised Manip can be left out and still be retrievable

from the context. See the illustrations in (217).

(217) (a) é m lé (AKYS)

atá é =tè -àng =lé

rice pot =A.AG close-DIR1 =EMPH
‘Oh! cover/put the rice pot(’s lid).’

204
 (b) m

phún =m =
3SG wrap give =only sleep =IRLS
‘I will sleep only if he covers me (with the blanket).’

CREATE verbs refer to creating or manufacturing objects from some other materials.

These verbs use a Manip to produce some new entity. The prototypical Manips of these

verbs are human body parts. The CREATE verbs attested in my Kadu data are shown in

(218).

(218) ā ‘build’
m ‘m ’
m ‘coo ’
ā ‘plait (of b mboo or c ri )’
‘ v (of r d)’

The verb m ‘coo ’ i i l li d i cific NPs. The prototypical Manip of the

verb m ‘coo ’ i i rum –a pot. The Manip is conventionalised and usually left

out. See the illustration in (219).

(219) òm m lé (15:52)

a-pò =m =pán m =talé

3sg NEG-exist =time/when emerge =COS cook =SAP
‘(She) cooked when (he) was absent.’

205
However, when the Manip is followed by an attributive element or is something other

than a prototypical pot, the comitative marker is obligatorily added. See the

illustrations in (220).

(220) (a) òm ò m mā

òm ò = m =mā
rice bamboo.tube =COM cook =RLS
‘The rice was cooked in a bamboo tube.’

(b) é ó m mā

é ó = m =mā
steam.pot big =COM cook =RLS
‘(It was) cooked in a big steam pot.’

PLACEMENT verbs in Kadu are further divided into MOVE, PLACE, HANG, TAKE IN/OUT,

and SEND verbs.

MOVE verbs, which cause objects to change their location, can be used transitively. The

prototypical Manip of most of these verbs is by default a human body part–the hand.

The MOVE verbs attested in Kadu are shown in (221).

206
(221) ‘o ’
‘ ro ’
‘ oo ’
l ‘mov ’
‘ u ’
‘ ull’
c ‘roll’

The Manip of the verb ‘ oo ’ i o -body part–an instrument. Therefore, it is

obligatorily marked by the comitative marker . It is illustrated in (222).

(222) l lé m mā (19:1)

laúklé =yaúk káp-àng =mā

sling.shot =COM owl shoot-DIR1 =RLS
‘(He) shot (the owl) with a sling shot.’

PLACE verbs, similar to MOVE verbs, also cause objects to change their location. The

prototypical Manip is by default a human body part–the hand. PLACE verbs attested in

my Kadu data are given in (223).

(223) ‘ ’
ā ‘ u o o’
‘ u do ’
m ‘o i li uid’
ù ‘ u i ’

These verbs have lexicalised locative meanings. Therefore, an overt locative argument

is not necessary unless the speaker wants to give a specific locative meaning.

207
(224) (a) m ù c l (11:35)

mà = ù peú-cí = =lá
WH =manner keep-PL =IRLS =Q
‘How shall (we) keep/put (them)?’

(b) (08:63)

anáq paík =pè peú

this beside =LOC keep
‘Just keep/put (them)!’

The verb ‘ u do ’ co v io lised meaning of putting down a cooking

pot from a fireplace. Compare the sentences in (225). The first sentence, (225a), is

grammatical while (225b) is not.

(225) (a) m (30:49)

yàk =ká -àng =mák

now =TOP put.down-DIR1 =HORT
‘Now, let’s put down (the pot).’

(b) *m

m -àng
hat put.down-DIR1

For putting down objects other than cooking pots, the speakers of Kadu more frequently

use the verb c , which is a loanword from Burmese cs <hkra.> ‘ u do ’.

208
(226) (a) c (26:28)

ngayeú c -ta =
hell put.down-L.SUFF =IRLS
‘(I) will put (you) in hell.’

(b) m c m (29:12)

phàkmák c -ta =mák

tomorrow trap put.down-L.SUFF =HORT
‘Let’s put traps tomorrow.’

The verb m ‘o i li uid’ l xic li d loc iv m i r for i i o

necessary to mention a location unless the type of liquid is worth mentioning. Compare

the two sentences in (227).

(227) (a) ó c m (21:10)

ó záng =pán c = pám

lime put.in =COS wild.yam =A.AG soak
‘Put (in) lime and soak the wild yam (in the water).’

(b) l m m mā (AKYS)

l - =tè -weú =pè

gooseberry-CLF.fruit =A.AG salt-water =LOC

pám =pánnàkà -meú =mā

soak =if eat-good =RLS
‘If (you) soak gooseberry in salty water (it is) good to eat.’

209
HANG verbs such as ‘ ’ c ‘u d’ d ‘ ’ v cific loc io

associated with the lexical verb so a locative argument is not necessarily overtly

expressed. The prototypical Manip of these verbs is a human body part–the hand. The

semantic difference between and is that the former is used when hanging an

object on a hook and the latter is used when the object which contains a hook is hung

on the wall. Compare the example sentences in (228).

(228) (a) (AKYS)

shíthaúng =tè -àng

bag =A.AG hang-DIR1
‘Hang the bagǃ (on the wall/post).’

(b) ó lù (AKYS)

= ó - l = -
axe =A.AG wood-branch =LOC hang-DIR1
‘Hang the axe on the tree branchǃ’

The verb c has the meaning of hanging something from the neck. Therefore, a

locative phrase is redundant and unnecessary.

(229) āc mmā (AKYS)

úng ā c k -peú =panáq katàm =mā

that child suspend-keep =NOM beautiful =RLS
‘The one that kid is wearing/suspended (on his neck) is beautiful.’

210
TAKE IN/OUT verbs such as ò ‘ ou om i b u i di o b / ol ’

and ‘ u i ’ i volve a locative source and goal, respectively. The locative source

and goal may be marked by the locative enclitic = as in (230) and (231).

(230) kalùng18 ò c mták (20:22)

kalùng shíthaúng =pè ò =pán -cí =mā =ták

PN bag =LOC take.out =COS give-PL=RLS =HS
‘They took (it) out of Kalung’s bag and gave (it), it is said.’

(231) l ā ā mā (16:11)

l ā = = = ā =mā
honing.stone =A.A merely bag =LOC put.in =COS go =RLS
‘(He) put the honing stone only in the bag and went away.’

However, the locative source or goal may be omitted if they are recoverable from the

context as in (232).

(232) (a) ā ò ù lù (AKYS)

ā nòk =ká nù-à =zeú a-l =á

crab take.out =TO CLF.animal-one=even NEG-get =NEG
‘(I went) taking crabs out (of their holes) but didn’t get even one.’

Kal ng is a mythical king of birds and also the enemy of the dragon.
18

211
 (b) c (21:18)

c =tè kazíp =pán záng

wild.yam =A.AG squeeze =COS put.in
‘Squeeze the wild yam and put (them) in (the pot).’

SEND verbs such as ā ‘r l d om o / om i ’ d ‘ d om i .’

have a lexicalised locative meaning related to sending something/someone to some

place. If the locative source or goal is retrievable from the context, it may be implicit as

illustrated in (233).

(233) (a) ā (08:85)

=tè ā =pán
3SG wife =A.AG release =COS
‘(He) sent his wife.’

(b) ā lā mā ù cé m (04:12)

ā =tè lā-kák =mā =yeù

2SG daughter =A.AG take-want =RLS =SAP

céng sák-ìng =mā =ták

letter send-DIR2 =RLS =HS
‘(They) sent a letter which says “(We) want to take your daughter (for
our son)”, it is said.’

If there is an noun representing the goal or source, it may be optionally marked by the

allative or ablative to mark a locative goal and source, respectively. They are

illustrated in (234) and (235).

212
(234) m d l ā mā (AKYS)

àngnáq mandalay =haík ā -ìng =mā

that Mandalay =ABL send-DIR2 =RLS
‘This was sent from Mandalay.’

(235) ā ā c (15:6)

ā ā-tàk =tè tachá =pà

2SG son-PL =A.AG other.place =ALL

sák-kák =pán sák-à

send-want =if send-EUPH
‘Send your sons to wherever you want.’

MENTAL EXPERIENCE verbs, a term used by Croft (1991:169), generally take two

arguments with the thematic roles of an experiencer and a stimulus (Perceiver and

Im r io i Dixo ’ rmi olo 1991:131). T r f r c o x ri c r ic

is usually human, always occurs before that of the stimulus in Kadu. The MENTAL

EXPERIENCE verbs attested in my Kadu corpus are given in (236).

(236) ù ‘ ’
‘loo ’
‘ r’
‘li ’
‘ ’
m ‘lov ’
‘ ’
‘f r/ fr id’
l ā ‘ cc ’

213
The first five mental experience verbs in (236) describe straightforward acts of

perception, in which an experiencer uses eyes, ears, nose, or tongue to experience the

stimulus. If the stimulus is recoverable from the context it may be omitted, as in (237).

(237) c l (04:15)

nacá teút-à -zí =pán =naà l -háng

carefully listen-EUPH look-finish =COS =only come-back
‘Go listen and look carefully (to what he said) and come back!’

These verbs, ‘li ’ d ‘ r’ omi l (i cludi ominalised

clauses) as complements. Complement clauses are shown in { } brackets in the

following examples. In the following examples reference to the experiencer (second

person in (238a) and first person in (238b)) is omitted.

(238) (a) ó c l (AKYS)

{ósací ngaú =panáq} -àng =lá

teacher say =NOM hear-DIR1 =Q
‘Did (you) hear what the teacher said?’

(b) éc c mmā (AKYS)

téch c =panáq} =tè teút-ním =mā

3SG song sing =NOM =A.AG listen-stay =RLS
‘(I) am listening to his singing.’

On the other hand, with the last four verbs, m ‘lov ’ ‘ ’ ‘f r/ fr id’

and l ā ‘ cc ’ x ri c r x r i ud of r m mb r c or f r that

214
the complement proposition has been realised (Noonan 2007ː130). The Experiencer may

be optionally marked by the topic marker . The Stimulus may be realised as a simple

NP, as in (239), or may be a complement NP, which may be marked by the anti-agentive

, as in (239b).

(239) (a) m m m ā (AKYS) (b) mā (AKYS)

myáqmyáq =tè m =mā = =mā

PN =A.AG love=RLS 3SG =A.AG hate =RLS
‘(I) love Mya Mya.’ ‘(I) hate him.’

(c) c mā (AKYS)

káq-ta =panáq =tè caík-ta =mā

dance-L.SUFF =NOM =A.AG like-L.SUFF =RLS
‘(I) like the dance.’

UTTERANCE verbs such as ‘ ’ ‘ ’ ‘ ll’ ‘ ’ d

‘i ruc ’ i volv r m ic rol –the speaker, the addressee, and the

message. The speaker role may be optionally marked by the topic marker . The

addressee is usually marked by the anti-agentive marker . The message can be an NP

or a complement clause (see §8.3).

(240) (a) “ āc ó ” mā (19:5)

āc -à =yók =tè ngaú =mā

sir call-EUPH =INTRUSIVE koel =A.AG say =RLS
‘(It) said to the koel (bird) “Go and call the master.”’

215
 (b) “ ù mā” mā (8:120)

katùng-ìng =mā heú =mā

see-DIR2 =RLS tell =RLS
‘(He) told (them) “I saw (them).”’

Arguments of the utterance verbs are omitted if they are retrievable from the context.

The following examples in (241) are natural expressions in Kadu.

(241) (a) mā (b) mā

=mā =mā
3SG say =RLS 3SG ask =RLS
‘He says/said.’ ‘He asks/asked.’

3.1.2.3.2 Intransitive verbs

Intransitive verbs may be either stative or dynamic. These verbs do not have a patient

argument. The examples in (242) exemplify intransitive clauses with stative verbs.

(242) (a) m l cc é m mā (25:25)

m - l cc zé meú =mā
cow-leather very market good =RLS
‘The cow leather price is good.’

(b) ā m mā (10:28)

ā m =mā
this place good =RLS
‘This place is good.’

216
 (b) ā mó ā (AKYS)

ā món =mā
1SG happy =RLS
‘I am happy.’

The examples in (243) exemplify intransitive clauses with dynamic verbs.

(243) (a) mā (09:12)

- ā -tóng =pè -cí =mā =ták

thatch-CLT.field-big =LOC sleep-PL =RLS =HS
‘(The tiger and rabbit) slept in the big thatch field, it is said.’

(b) é ā mā (16:27)

shí =ká ā =mā

3sg daughter die =TOP weep =RLS
‘(He) wept because his daughter died.’

Verbs that take one argument (primary-B v rb i Dixo ’ (1991) olo )i

clause may be subcategorised as HUMAN PROPENSITY, PHYSICAL SENSATION, SENSE,

DIMENSION and VALUE, WEIGHT, MOTION, UTTERANCE, PROPOSITIONAL ATTITUDE,

EVALUATION, POSTURE, THE WEATHER, and IMITATIVE verbs.

HUMAN PROPENSITY verbs such as mó ‘ ’ ‘l u ’ ‘cr ’ d ‘l ’

have a single argument. In most cases, the experiencer is a human.

217
(244) Emotion verbs

(a) ā mó ā (b) ā mā

ā mó =mā ā =mā
1SG happy =RLS 3SG weep =RLS
‘I am happy.’ ‘He weeps/wept.’

(c) m m mā (d) m m mā

m m =mā m m =mā
PN laugh =RLS PN lazy =RLS
‘Mya Mya laughs.’ ‘Mya Mya is lazy.’

PHYSICAL SENSATION verbs such as ā ‘i c ’ ‘ ur ’ d ‘ ir d (of limb )’

take an animate body or body part as an experiencer.

(245) Physical sensation verbs

(a) l ā mā (b) l mā

l ā =mā l =mā
body itch =RLS head hurt =RLS
‘(My) body itches.’ ‘(I) have a headache.’

(c) ò mā

- ò =mā
1SG-neck stiff =RLS
‘My neck is stiff.’

218
SENSE verbs that describe senses such as smell, taste, and temperature also take a single

argument, as in (246).

(246) Sense verbs

(a) mmā (b) c c mā

m =mā c - c =mā
dish fragrant =RLS mango-CLT.fruit sour =RLS
‘The dish is fragrant.’ ‘The mango is sour.’

(c) lómmā (d) ā

lóm =mā =mā

water warm =RLS water cold =RLS
‘The water is warm.’ ‘The water is cold.’

DIMENSION and VALUE verbs include dimension, value, weight, and texture. If a state of

something expressed by one of these verbs is relatively well established and known to

the speaker, the verb is immediately followed by the realis marker mā as in (247a).

However, if the state of the thing is an unexpected state, the progressive marker m

‘ ’ ill immediately follow the verb. It may carry a certain degree of mirativity.

(247) (a) mā (b) mmā

=mā - m =mā
3SG tall =RLS 3SG tall-stay =RLS
‘He is tall.’ ‘He is tall (to my surprise!).’

219
Verbs that describe DIMENSION and VALUE include ‘ id ’ ‘ rro ’

‘lo ll’ ‘ or ’ m ‘ ood’ d ‘b d’ i (248).

(248) Dimension and value verbs

(a) l mā (b) l mā

l =mā l =mā
road wide =RLS road narrow =RLS
‘The road is wide.’ ‘The road is narrow.’

(c) m mā (d) c ā

m =mā c =mā
this rice good =RLS this dog bad =RLS
‘This rice is good.’ ‘This dog bites.’(Lit. bad dog)

WEIGHT verbs include verbs ‘ v ’ ‘b li ’ ‘ ic ’ d ā ‘ i ’

as illustrated in (249).

(249) Weight and texture verbs

(a) ā mā (b) ā āmā

ā =mā ā ā =mā
shirt thick =RLS this shirt thin =RLS
‘This shirt is thick.’ ‘This shirt is thin.’

220
 (c) ó mā (d) mā

p ó =mā =mā
this wood heavy =RLS cotton light =RLS
‘This wood is heavy.’ ‘Cotton is light.’

MOTION verbs such as ā ‘ o’ ā ‘ l ’ ‘ru ’ ‘jum ’ ‘fl ’ l

‘flo /drif o r’ d ‘d c ’ u u ll i l r um .T m b

optionally preceded by locative phrases to specify goal, source, or general location.

However, when the source or goal location is common knowledge between the speaker

and hearer, it is usually omitted.

(250) Motion verbs

(a) ā mā (b) mmā

ā =mā - m =mā
3SG go =RLS 3SG run-stay =RLS
‘He goes/went.’ ‘He is running.’

(c) mā (d) l l mmā

=mā - l l - m =mā
crow fly =RLS timber-flat.item drift-stay =RLS
‘The crow flies.’ ‘The timber is drifting.’

PROPOSITIONAL ATTITUDE verbs express an attitude concerning the truth of the statement

made in their complement. These verbs include mā ‘ u ’ ‘b li v ’

221
‘co id r’ dm ‘ o ’. T v rb omi li d cl u ir

complements if they take an overt complement.

(251) Propositional attitude verbs

(a) m mā (b) ā mā mā

m =mā ā mā =mā
3SG know =RLS 1SG guess =RLS
‘He knows/knew.’ ‘I suppose/guess.’

(c) c m mā (AKYS)

acáng kán = míngsàhà =mā

3SG behaviour bad =NOM know =RLS
‘(I) know his bad behaviour.’

POSTURE verbs include ó ‘ i’ d ā ‘ d’. T m b o io ll r c d d

by locative phrases to specify a specific location. However, when the location is

common knowledge between the speaker and hearer, it is usually omitted.

(252) Posture verbs

(a) ó mā (b) ā mā

ó =mā ā =mā
3SG sit =RLS 3SG stand =RLS
‘He is sitting.’ ‘He is standing.’

WEATHER verbs in Kadu always occur with NOUN + VERB compound constructions.

The noun slot is filled by l ‘ ’ xc i r i v rb l (sky-

222
water) which is NOUN+NOUN compound. Some of the morphemes that come second in

these compounds can occur independently in other contexts. The weather verbs in Kadu

are given in (253).

(253) l (sky-water) ‘b rainy’

l m (sky-blow) ‘be windy’
l (sky-hot) ‘be sunny’
l ā (sky-dark) ‘be dark’
l (sky-overcast) ‘be cloudy’
l (sky-bright) ‘be bright’
mò ā (sky-thunder) ‘to thunder’
mò l m (sky-thundering) ‘be thundering’
mò (sky-lightning) ‘be lightning/flash’

Notice in the examples (253), the term ‘ r’ i compounded with l ‘ ’

d r ul i v rb l m i ‘ o r i ’. T v rb m ‘blo ’ d l m ‘ u d r’

do ’ rb m lv . To ‘i i d r ’ i l ā mā in Kadu. The lexical

source for the term ā may not be identifiable in the Kadu lexicon but it is obvious to

TB linguists that it is a reflex of PTB *nak ‘bl c ’ r co ruc d b M i off

(2003:326). See also §3.1.1.2.9.

3.1.2.3.3 Ditransitive verbs

Ditransitive verbs take three arguments: Donor, Gift, and Recipient (Dixon 1991). The

order of these arguments in Kadu is determined by the information structure but the

most common order is Donor > Recipient > Gift. In Kadu, like in many other TB

223
languages, the marking on arguments, either direct or indirect, is semantically based and

based on an actor vs. non-actor contrast (LaPolla 1992). Verbs that take two non-

agentive direct arguments are usually GIVING verbs (Dixon 1991:113). The ditransitive

verbs attested in my Kadu data are shown in (254).

(254) ‘ iv ’
‘f d’
‘off r dri ’
‘off r if o mo ’
l ‘off r’

The donor or agent who transfers an item can be optionally marked by the topic marker

. The Recipient is marked by anti-agentive . The Gift is unmarked.

(255) ( ) m ā m ā mā (AKYS)

(= ) m ā- - = m ā =mā
3SG (=TOP) human-CLF-person-one =A.AG arrow give =RLS
‘He gave an arrow to someone.’

(256) m lé ò (04:36)

=tè maléq pweúq =tìng a-pò =á

2PL =A.AG 1PL degree give =NOM NEG-exist =NEG
‘We don’t have to give you (PL) a title/degree.’

The Gift may optionally be marked with the anti-agentive marker when there is no

explicit Recipient for an emphatic purpose. Compare the examples in (257a-b). See the

detailed discussion on the anti-agentive marking in §6.2.

224
(257) (a) c (25:6)

ceú =
dowry buffalo give =IRLS
‘(I) will give a dowry buffalo.’

(b) c (AKYS)

ceú = =
gift buffalo =A.AG give =IRLS
‘(I) will give the dowry buffalo (not anything else).’

3.1.2.3.4 The copulas

There are two copula verbs in Kadu–equational and existential. An equational statement

may be signaled by either copula or by a zero copula. Consider the examples in

(258).

(258) (a) c (AKYS)

c
PN village.chief
‘U Ba (is) a village chief.’

(b) c mā (AKYS)

c =mā
PN village.chief be =RLS
‘U Ba is a village chief.’

225
Negating the copula has an intended meaning which may be translated in English

‘b o ibl ’ i (259).

(259) (a) ā ù (05:15)

[ ā a- -ta =yeù] ín-a-thà =á

1SG NEG-save-L.SUFF =SAP NEG-NEG-be =NEG
‘I must save (him).’ (Lit. It’s not possible for me not to help.)

(b) c (AKYS)

[ [ c - =
PN village.chief NEG-be =NEG
‘U Ba is not possible/fit to be a village chief.’

In order to negate the equational clause given in (258) the verb c ‘ ru ’ i u d i

(260). The Kadu verb c ‘ ru ’ r mbl the Thai verb c i ‘ ru ’. Ho v r i i

never attested occurring with the loanverb suffix –ta (§3.1.2.3.5), therefore, it may not

be a loanword.

(260) c c (AKYS)

c a-c -
PN village.chief NEG-true-NEG

‘U Ba is not a village chief.’

The copula ā lo d ‘ xi ’ is used to mark the existence or location of a

referent. The existential ā in examples in (261a-b) and (262) indicates that the

referent is present or exists.

226
(261) (a) āl (b) āmā

ā =l ā =mā
PN exist =Q exist =RLS
‘Is U Ba present?’ ‘(Yes, he) is (in).’

(262) ù óā ām ùé (08:3)

[àng panáq yahaùng] [kó- ā ā =mā =ták =seùé

that NOM river nine-CLF.river exist =RLS =HS =SAP
‘That river has nine outlets, it is said.’

The copula ā also is used for possession. The interpretation of ā as existential or

possession is pragmatically determined. Compare the two examples in (263a-b).

(263) (a) l āmā (17:66)

=pè alúk ā =mā

village =LOC work exist =RLS
‘(There) is work in the village.’

(b) c l ó ( ) āmā (AKYS)

c l ó (= ) ā =mā
friend many 3SG (=LOC) exist =RLS
‘He has many friends.’

The existential verb ā ‘ xi ’ c o b d i (264b). In order to express

non-existence the verb ò l o lo d ‘ xi ’ i u d i (264a). The use of the

ò verb in an affirmative sentence is not attested.

227
(264) (a) hamàngkazeú apòwá (08:117)

hà-màng = =zeú a-pò =á

WH-thing =Q =even NEG-exist =NEG
‘Nothing is there.’

(b) * m ā

hà-màng = =zeú a- ā =á
WH-thing =Q =even NEG-exist =NEG

3.1.2.3.5 Loan verbs

The Kadu lexicon contains many loanwords from neighboring languages. The great

majority of the loanwords come from Burmese but loanwords from Shan and Pali have

also been attested. Burmese loanwords are identified basically in two ways. First, from

r rc r’ rofici c i Burm and Jingphaw and, secondly, by the particular

apperance of post-verbal morpheme - ā - lo d ‘L.SUFF’ (lo (v rb) uffix)

which suffixes to Shan and Burmese loan verbs.

The lexical source of this morpheme, -ta, is not retrievable in Kadu. However, we can

assume that this morpheme -ta may have come from Burmese, the source of most Kadu

loan verbs, as it resembles the Burmese realis nominaliser wm <ta>. Consider the

Burmese examples in (265). Example (265a) illustrates a clause final particle w<f <te>

(verb sentence marker (VSM) in Okell 1969) and example (265) illustrates the realis

nominaliser wm <ta> (265b).

228
(265) (a) olaysmfw<f (Burmese) (b) olaysmfwmaumif:w<f (Burmese)

thu pjo =te thu pjo =ta kong: =te

2SG happy =VSM 2SG happy =NOM good =VSM
‘He is happy.’ ‘It is good that he is happy.’

When the same verb ‘ ’i u d lo ord i K du c

morpheme ta is obligatorily attached immediately after the head verb. However, ta is

never used with a native verb. Compare the two sentences in (266) and (267).

(266) mā

-ta =mā
3SG happy-L.SUFF =RLS
‘He is happy.’

(267) mó ā

mó =mā
3SG happy =RLS
‘He is happy.’

Both the examples in (266) and (267) are considered grammatical by the speakers of

Kadu. The verb in (266) is , which is borrowed from Burmese aysmf <pjo>,

therefore, the suffix -ta must be attached after the head verb. Without the suffixation of

-ta the sentence is not acceptable to the speakers of Kadu.

229
(268) * mā

=mā
3SG happy =RLS

The morpheme -ta has the allomorph of - when it is followed by verb modifiers or

other verbal particles as illustrated in (269) and (270).

(269) taúnímmaták (09:67)

kaphú =yí -ta-ním =mā =ták

snake =also coil-L.SUFF-stay =RLS =HS
‘The snake, as well, was coiling, it is said.’

(270) c taú mmā (10:37)

zí-c =tè thwáng -ta =pán =naà m =mā

plump-bush =A.AG carve-L.SUFF =COS =only stay =RLS
‘(They) cleared the plump bush and lived.’

Some Burmese loan verbs attested in my corpus are shown in (271).

(271) lé lā ‘ ud ’ avÐvm <lei.la>

‘com il ’ pkpnf: <su.siny:>
‘ ir ’ yifyef: <pangpan:>
có ‘r rd’ Îud:pm: <krou:sa: >
ā ‘cr ’ zefqif: <hpanhsin:>
‘ bli ’ wnfaqmuf <tanjhsauk>

l mā ‘b cl v r’ vdrRm <leimma>
m ‘ ucc d’ atmif]rif <ongmrang >
é ù ‘i vi ’ zdwfac; <hpeithko>

230
3.2 Minor word classes

In Kadu, like in many other languages, nouns and verbs are the two largest word

classes. Apart from these, several other word classes are considered minor word classes

in this thesis, presented in the following order: 3.2.1 Adverbs, 3.2.2 Numerals, 3.2.3

Pronominals, 3.2.4 Quantifiers, and 3.2.5 Noun class terms.

3.2.1 Adverbs

The structure of adverbs, like verbs and nouns, may be analysed as simple or complex.

Simple adverbs are words that function as adverbs and nothing else. Complex adverbs,

on the other hand, are derived from verbs or nominals by the processes of reduplication

or semi-reduplication. Adverbials, unlike reduplication of volitional verbs (§3.1.2.1.3),

may be followed by a diminutive marker– to soften or to delimit adverbials, which

m b r l di E li “ bi V-ly.” Both types of adverbials precede the head

verb. Futhermore, there are some Post-verbal modifiers that have adverbial functions.

These are discussed under verbal modifiers in §7.2. Temporal and locational forms are

treated as nouns and were already discussed under time nouns in §3.1.1.2.9.

3.2.1.1 Simple adverbs

Simple adverbs in Kadu are few in number. They usually occur immediately before the

verb complex (VCX) they modify, however, they do not have a fixed order of occurrence

231
in the clause. They form a small closed class of just three members: two degree adverbs

cc ~ c ‘ xr m l ’ dā ā ~ā ā ‘ ui om ’ do m r

adverb c ‘c r full ’. T r illu r d i (272).

(272) (a) ācc mm (15:45)

àngnáq - ā cc katàm =mā =ták

that girl-small extremely beautiful =RLS =HS
‘This girl was extremely beautiful, it is said.’

(b) m lé m m lé ā ā ù (17:09)

maléq m -tàk maléq awà-tàk ā ā thaùng-ta =pán

1PL mother-PL 1PL father-PL quite old-L.SUFF =COS
‘Our parents are quite old.’

(c) c c l (04:15)

nacá -ìng nacá teút-à

carefully take-DIR2 carefully listen-EUPH

-zí =pán =naà l -hang

look-finish =COS =only come-back
‘Look carefully, listen carefully, and come back.’

The etymologies of the degree adverbials c ~ c c ‘ xr m l ’ dā ā ‘ ui ’ or

‘ om ’ r o o .T r rob bl Burm lo ord of tjuD:tus<f

<akri:akye> and tawmf <ato>.

232
3.2.1.2 Complex adverbs

All the complex adverbials consist of two members and each member consists of two

syllables, thus forming a four syllable pattern. Some adverbials have clear relatable

lexical meanings, however, for many, I have not been able to identify the meanings. In

this thesis, the two members of adverbials will be hyphenated. Partial or semi–

reduplications, as in (274), are much more common than reduplication, as in (273), with

adverbials. One of my language consultants said that the stative verb ‘ uic ’

may be reduplicated, as in (273).

(273) āl - āmā (AKYS)

ā lán kazeút-kazeút ā =mā

1SG road quickly -REDUP walk =RLS
‘I walk quickly.’

However, the reduplication of in (273) may be due to Burmese influence, since

it is a common practice in Burmese to derive adverbials from stative verbs (Okell

1969:35; Wheatley 1982:34-39). Other language consultants said that, for them semi-

reduplication of , as in (274), is more natural in Kadu.

(274) āl - āmā (AKYS)

ā lán - ā =mā
1SG road quickly -REDUP walk =RLS
‘I walk quickly.’

233
Some of the adverbials are reduplications of nominals. For example, the -al- infix form

of ‘CLT. im ’ i r du lic d o fu c io dv rbi l ic m b r l d

i E li “fr u l ” illu r d i (275).

(275) l l (07:2)

=ká palán-palán =pán =ták

3SG =TOP frequently-REDUP hear =COS =HS
‘He heard (it) frequently, it is said.’

There are also some reduplicated -al- infix forms for which I was unable to identify the

lexical meaning. These include l - l ‘(fold) r dl ’ l - l ‘( )

r dl ’ d l - l ‘( u u ) i ro ’. I suspect some adverbials are

reduplications of an onomatopoeic word, such as - ‘( ) i vici i ’

and ā - ā ‘( ro ) i l ’.

The great majority of adverbials come from semi-reduplication. These patterns resemble

imitative nouns (§3.1.1.1.2), however, unlike imitative nouns, these adverbials cannot be

followed by postpositions. Semi-reduplicated adverbials consist of two members and

each member consists of two syllables thus forming four syllable patterns. The first

member is generally analysable; the second member is usually not. The four syllables

will be represented using the English upper case letters A, B, C and D. Generally, there

are three patterns: A-B-A-C (the first and the third syllables are identical), A-B-C-B (the

second and the fourth syllables are identical), and A-B-C-D (none of the syllables are

234
identical). Out of these, the A-B-A-C pattern is the most common. Example sentences

with semi-reduplicative adverbials are illustrated in (276).

(276) (a) m l m l m mā ùé (17:75).

=yí =tá maleú-malà-sà m-naút-àng- =mā

self =also =EMPH well-REDUP-DIM make-feed-DIR1-want =RLS
‘I also want to look after (do to feed them) (them) well.’

(b) l l āmā (AKYS)

l- l ā =mā
idly-REDUP walk =RLS
‘(He) walks idly.’

More semi-reduplicative adverbials with the A-B-A-C pattern are given in (277).

(277) - ‘curlicu ’
- ‘b r d’
l - lā ‘i / m ll’
l ù- l ‘viol l ’ < l ù
‘rou ’
- ‘o i l ( )’
- ‘u id do ’
l ù- l ‘ uffu ’
l- l ‘ l ’ < l ‘cl ’
- ‘ uic l ’ < ‘ uic ’
- ‘ rv r l ’

235
A few A-B-C-B (278a) or A-B-C-D (278b) examples have also been attested, as shown

below.

(278) (a) - ‘im dim ’

c - l ‘ orri dl ’
l - l ‘v u l ’
l -m l ‘ oo i l ’

(b) - l ‘ m ’
- l ‘d rior ’

3.2.2 Numerals and numerical approximations

Most of the native numerals in Kadu are lost. Only one through four of native Kadu

numerals were identified. When I requested Kadu numerals from older Kadu speakers,

the forms they provided were very similar to Tai/Shan numerals. These numerals never

appear in isolation. They are always attached to classifiers (Chapter 5), however,

classifiers do not occur with multiples of ten. No native ordinal numbers are attested in

Kadu. They simply use Burmese ordinal numbers. The numerals found in the Kadu

lexicon are shown in (279) together with the generic classifier ù glossed as

‘CLF. i ’. M cl ifi r r l o borrowed from Shan and they usually occur with

Shan numerals. However, native classifers may occur with both numeral systems. The

native numerals attested in my corpus are given in (279a) and Shan borrowed numerals

are given in (279b). There is a tone sandhi pattern such that any classifier following the

numeral l ‘ o’ c o i o .

236
(279) (a) Kadu numerals (b) Shan numerals Meaning

ù - ù - ù ‘CLF.thing-o ’
l - - ‘ o-CLF. i ’
óm- ù óm- ù ‘ r -CLF. i ’
- ù - ù ‘four-CLF. i ’
- ù ‘fiv -CLF. i ’
- ù ‘ ix-CLF. i ’
- ù ‘ v -CLF. i ’
- ù ‘ i -CLF. i ’
ù - ù ‘ i -CLF. i ’
‘ ’

The Kadu have been using Shan numerals since the early 20th century (Brown 1920).

M K du did ’ r li o imil r m of ir um r l r o T i d

consider them as their native numerals. Some older Kadu expressed their

disappointment that these counting systems are swiftly disappearing in day-to-day

speech. It is very probable that they will disappear soon, as younger Kadu speakers have

switched to using Burmese counting systems. Numerals above ten are all Burmese.

We can correlates the numerals l ‘ o’ óm ‘ r ’ d ‘four’ i PTB

numerlas *g-ni-s, *g-sum and *b-liy as reconstructed by Matisoff (1997:119). Examples

in (280) illustrate the use of two forms of the numeral four in Kadu.

237
(280) (a) m shìkaú (12:1)

amúnashì shì-kaú
brothers four-CLF.person
‘four sibling brothers’

(b) l ngaúkà ù l (12:113)

létnét ngaúkà pí- ù l =pán =ká

weapon as.for four-CLF.thing get =COS 3SG =TOP
‘As for the weapons, (he) got four.’

The numeral one in Kadu has two forms: and ù. The latter form mostly occurs with

Shan loanwords and has come from the Shan/Tai numeral ŋ ‘o ’ i (281).

(281) (a) m tua- ŋ19 (Thai: Haas 1942)

dog CLF.animal-one

‘a dog’

(b) ā (29:26) (Kadu)

ā húk-à
mountain CLF.round-one

‘one mountain’

(c) ā l ù (31:8) (Kadu)

ā zalaút-nù
sticky.paddy measurement-one
‘One measurement’ (a measurement equivalent to roughly 0.14 bushel
or a regular 16 oz. condensed milk tin)

19
In Thai, both –CLF-numeral or numeral-CLF structures are possible with difference in meaning.

238
Numerical approximation in Kadu, like in many TB languages, is expressed using two

classifier phrases where the second contains a numeral that is one greater than the first.

It is simpl um r l roxim io muc li E li ‘o or o’. T x m l

in (282) illustrates this type. Notice the example in (282) contains two forms for

classifying humans – and bo lo d ‘CLF. r o ’. (S d il d

discussion of numeral classifiers in Chapter 5).

(282) óm ó l m (13:27)

=ká sóm-hú shì-kaú -tóng =lamà

2PL =TOP three-CLF.person four-CLF.person-big =MIR
‘You are three or four people.’

Although the use of two numerical phrases for numerical approximation as mentioned

in (282) is common, it is also possible to have up to three classifier phrases, as in (283).

However, examples consisting of four or more classifier phrases to express numerical

approximation have not been attested.

(283) hawà kalìnghú súm ā m (04:06)

hú-à kalìng-hú óm-hú ā =mā =ták

CLF.person-one two-CLF.person three-CLF.person go =RLS =HS
‘A few people went there.’ (Lit. one person, two persons, and three persons)

The term l may be attached to a classifier phrase to indicate numerical

approximation of measurement. See the illustrations of this in (284).

239
(284) (a) m ò c ù c l mā (18:76)

àng =pà =pè m ò chát-nù

that =ALL =LOC gun CLF.shot-one

-chat =kalàng káp-pháng-àng-thà =mā

two-CLF.shot =approximate shoot-prior-DIR1-must =RLS
‘(We) have to make one or two gun shots to that side.’

(b) ó m l mā (18:80)

khayí tóng20-m =kalàng kát-ìng-thà =mā

journey three-CLF.mile =approximate run-DIR2-must =RLS
‘We had to come running about three miles distance/journey.’

(c) l l ù (07:65)

ā shì-leún =kalàng taí-ta =pán =naà

finger four-CLF.stick =approximate measure-L.SUFF =COS =only

tút-út-àng =yeù
cut-abandon-DIR1 =SAP
‘Measure approximately four fingers’ length and cut it!’

3.2.3 Pronouns

Pronouns, like nouns, may be followed by postnominal relational markers (Chapter 6).

However, unlike NPs, they cannot be modified by demonstratives and other attributive

noun modifiers. Kadu personal pronouns, like in many other languages, encode the

persons first (speaker), second (addressee), and third (person other than the speaker

20
This is a Burmese numeral.

240
and addressee) and the numbers singular and plural. There is no evidence of an

exclusive vs. inclusive distinction in the first person pronouns or dual marking on any

pronouns in Kadu. Pronouns are not pluralised in Kadu. The number distinctions are

straightforward–singular and plural–each having independent forms. The personal

pronoun forms in Kadu are shown in Table 24.

Singular Plural
First person ā m lé
Second person ā
Third person m
Table 24: Kadu personal pronouns

All of the singular forms are monosyllabic words and the plural forms are sesquisyllabic

or disyllabic words. The first person and the second person singular pronouns are

reflexes of the PTB forms *ŋ and * ŋ (Benedict 1972:93). The third person singular

pronoun and all the plural pronoun forms are different from other TB languages.

The third person plural ~m is interesting in that the final syllable is identical

with the animate plural marker . However, the speakers of Kadu perceived the form

mo omor mic. T r i o uiv l ord for E li ro ou ‘i ’ i K du.

They use demonstratives, instead. The third person plural pronoun mentioned in Table

24 is always used for animate referents and usually refers to a human. This is illustrated

in (285) and (286).

241
(285) matákyí ó m ā mā (17:25)

àntàk=yí =tá pyúng-ngón m =pà =pè ā =mā

3PL =also =EMPH gems.soil-gold make =ALL =LOC go =RLS
‘They also went to the muddy-gold mining area.’

(286) ā c mā (17:20)

ànták =ká - ā- cíng paút-záng-hà =yák

3PL =TOP body-son-PL letter skill-JUSS:DIR2-know.how =PURP

ngaú =pán =naà peú- -à =mā

say =COS =only keep-give-EUPH =RLS
‘They sent/kept us to school because they want us to be educated.’

All personal pronouns are used as address terms in Kadu. However, using them while

addressing someone higher in status is considered rude. In this case, the personal

pronouns are replaced by kinship terms. Using kinship terms instead of personal

pronouns is considered polite and affectionate by the native speakers of Kadu. The

following examples in (287) and (288) illustrate pronominal usage in Kadu. All

c m b r l d ‘I ill coo (for ou)’.

(287) ām

ā m - =
1SG cook-give =IRLS
‘I will cook (for you).’

242
The first person singular form ā may be replaced by any kinship term, as in (288a),

or personal name, as in (288b). Among these usages, kinship pronominal usage is more

common than personal names.

(288) (a) m

m - =
father cook-give =IRLS
‘I/father will cook (for you).’

(b) m

m - =
PN cook-give =IRLS
‘I/Win Tin will cook (for you).’

It must be noted that, semantically, pronominal usage of kinship terms differs from that

of personal pronouns. The personal pronouns, regardless of context, always refer to

referents in terms of their involvement in the speech act (speaker or addressee) where as

the pronominal reference of kinship terms can only be determined by the context. For

example, the kinship term in (288 ) m m ‘I/f r’ ‘ ou/f r’ ‘ /f r’

or ju im l ‘f r’ d di o ic co x u r c i u di .

Pronouns, except in a few cases, are used to refer to animals in the context where the

animal has the human attribute of speaking. The examples in (289) and (291) illustrate

pronouns with non-human referents.

243
(289) c m lé m lé
m mā (12:37)

wák =yaúk c ngaúkà maléq - ngaúkà

pig =COM dog as.for well! 1PL person-PL as.for

maléq =tè ngaúkà atá m -naút-thà =mā

1PL =A.AG as.for rice cook-feed-must =RLS
‘As the pig and dog said “Well, Our masters/lords have to feed us food.”’

Example (289) is taken from a narrative where the pig and dog were able to speak like

humans. In this narrative, they were discussing how thankful they are to their masters

for their generosity of providing of food to them. Example (290) is taken from another

narrative where the tiger and rabbit were friends. They also spoke like humans. At some

point, the rabbit became scared of the tiger and made a plan to burn and run away from

the tiger. Example (290) sets the background for the conversation between the tiger and

the rabbit in (291).

(290) ā m .
(09:15,20)

ā sút =pán kát-peú-àng =mā =ták kasà =tè

fire start.fire =COS run-keep-DIR1 =RLS =HS tiger =A.AG

kasà ngaúkà shíyeú =pán =naà zaún-ta =pán =ták

tiger as.for angry =COS =only run.after-L.SUFF =COS =HS
‘(The rabbit) burnt the tiger and ran away, it is said. (As for) the tiger he got
angry and followed the rabbit, it is said.’

244
(291) ā ā ā l lā ā ā
(09:25, 26)

ā ā =tè ā sút =pán l -peú =ká

Oh! 2SG 1SG =A.AG fire start.fire =COS come-keep =TOP

lā =pán yák = ā =tè ā =

catch =COS now =TOP 2SG =A.AG 1SG eat =IRLS
‘Oh you, you burnt me and (then)came here. Now, I am going to eat you.’

Pronouns frequently occur in conversations and narratives. They (particularly the first

and second person pronouns) may be omitted freely if they are retrievable from the

context. The omission of first and second person pronouns is also common in Burmese

(Bradley 1993; 2005:68). In making a statement, the first person pronoun may be

omitted, as in (292).

(292) ā ā ( ā) (09:23)

hàháng yaà ā =yeún ( ā) heú-àng =

friend Kachin now 2SG =BEN (1SG) tell-DIR1 =IRLS
‘My Kachin friend, now (I) will tell (it) for you.’

In asking a direct question, the second person pronoun may be omitted, as in (293).

(293) ( ā ) ā l (05:19)

( ā ) hà =pà ā = =lá
(2SG) WH =ALL go =IRLS =Q
‘Where are you going?’

245
Unlike in English, there is no separate class of possessive pronouns or a genitive marker

in Kadu (see the discussion on genitive modification in §4.1.2). The system for referring

to oneself and others, unlike that of Burmese, lacks denominal stems, which are very

common in Burmese. For instance, in Burmese the first person singular and the second

person singular pronouns can be replaced by uïefawmf <kwjunto> ‘ l v ’ + ro l or

r c ful uffix’ d cifAsm: <hkangbya:> derived from ocifb\k m: <thakhanghpara:>

‘Bod i v ’r c iv l (see Bradley 1993). It has been observed that the Kadu,

however, being devoted Buddhists, borrowed denominal terms from Burmese (such as

to refer to oneself as a layman in relation to a monk and to

21

address Buddhist monks). These words are analysable in the source language but not in

Kadu.

3.2.4 Quantifiers

Quantifiers follow the head noun they quantify and limit or increase the scope of NP.

Quantifiers are not numerous in Kadu. The following list in Table 25 shows all the

Kadu quantifiers attested in my corpus.

21
Burmese ‘servant’ + ‘honorific’ and ‘master’ + ‘lord or god’.

246
 Quantifiers Gloss
ā ‘ ll v r i ’
‘ ir l xclu iv l ’
l (ó ) ‘muc m lo ’
ù ‘ om ’
‘f ’
Table 25: Quantifiers in Kadu

The term ā d o om i li ‘ ll v r single one, nothing is left

b i d’. I ruc ur i V+ +V. In general, the V slot is filled by the same verb

and the second token always has a high tone. The most frequent verb that appears in

this construction is the existential verb ā, as in (294).

(294) (a) ó ā ā ā (07:21)

[[ ó ā phú ā ā ] =tè] =
gold so.on silver so.on all =A.AG give =IRLS
‘Such as gold and silver (I) will give (them) all.’

(b) l ā mā (08:8)

[ palíq ā ] =mā
fruit ATTW all plant =RLS
‘(He) planted all the fruit (trees).’

247
If the head noun phrase is recoverable from the context, it can be omitted, as in (295)

(295) ā m ó l l (08:33)

[ ā ] [ m ó l l =pán =naà
all the.whole.towhship come =COS =only
‘All (the people), the whole township, came and..,’

The verb slot in the V+ +V construction may be filled by another verb or even a

series of verbs, as illustrated in (296).

(296) l m m mā (08:7)

[[ -palíq -meú =naík -meú] =tè] =mā

fruit-REDUP eat-good =only eatgood =A.AG plant =RLS
‘(He) planted all the edible fruit (trees).’

T o r form v r of occur i m cor u x r ‘ ll d o li ’ i

ló which clearly is a Burmese loanword, tm:vkH: <a:lum:>. (297a) illustrates a

Burmese example and (297b) shows its occurence in a Kadu text.

(297) (a) tm:vkH:aumif:w<f (Burmese)

a:lum: kong: =te

all good =RLS
‘All are good.’

248
 (b) m ó lù ló ā m (08:50)

[[eúhám wán-zí =panáq phón kalùn = álóng]

PN chop-finish =NOM wood plant =PL all

ā háng m-ìng
stand back finish.up-DIR2
‘All the trees Euham cut down stood upǃ’

In order to express the idea of entirety the term lo d ‘EXCLUSIVE’ i

employed following the head noun, as illustrated in (298) and (299).

(298) l m ā mā ā l ó (30:31)

kalaú kámàkà -àng =m ā -ìng-hà =lá

small.wood so.on burn-DIR1=only.if fire flame-DIR2-know.how =NOM

phón =haìng a-thà =á

wood =EXCLUSIVE NEG-be =NEG
‘Only when you add small dried wood will (it) burn. (Large) wood alone
won’t burn.’

(299) ā l l ò lù mmā (18:20).

ā húk-à lúnglúng
mountain CLF.round-one throughout

pòkweúsút-kalùn =haìng thà- m =mā

tree-plant =EXCLUSIVE be-stay =RLS
‘The whole mountain was filled with only Pukweusut trees.’

249
In order to express a large mass or numerous countable items, the term l ó is

employed after the head noun, as illustrated in (300). Notice in (300b), the plural

marking on the head noun is optional.

(300) (a) cm l ó āmā (AKYS)

[c m- l ó ] ā =mā
house-PL many exist =RLS
‘(There are) many houses.’

(b) c l ó āmā (AKYS)

[ c l ó ] = ā =mā
friend many 3SG =LOC exist =RLS
‘He has many friends.’

In order to express an approximation of a small number or quantity, the form ù

i m lo d. I m b r l di oE li ‘ om ’. T d ou m b

omitted, as in (301b) if it is retrievable from the context.

(301) (a) m mā (AKYS)

m ā zayà ngaú =mā

human some say =RLS
‘Some people said.’

(b) āmā c mā (10:44)

zayà =yí =tá pwát ā =mā = = ngaú-c =mā

some =also =EMPH mud exist=RLS =also =EMPH say-PL =RLS
‘Some (people) said there was mud.’

250
The form is employed to indicate an approximation of a small amount.

(302) salaú zítsáq záng (21:23)

salaú zítsáq záng

oil little put.in
‘Add a bit of oil.’

3.2.5 Noun class terms

We have already discussed the structures of compound nouns under complex nouns in

§3.1.1.1.2 and this section deals with similar structures. However, in this section special

attention is given to special classes of nouns which are employed in compound nouns to

express a kind of categorisation or specific members of a word family. I call this class

of words CLASS TERMS (CLT) in this thesis. It is not uncommon to find this type of

categorising terms in TB languages. In this section, I propose there are two types of CLTs

in Kadu: one which occurs pre-nominally and one that occurs post-nominally. The

form r c b l d combi io of ‘ ol - r ’ or ‘cl - i d’ (CLT+ NOUN)’

and l r im l ‘ i d-cl ’ (NOUN + CLT).

3.2.5.1 CLASS TERM +NOUN compound

The process of adding one or more syllables to an initial CLT to form a word family or a

specific member of a category seems to be a common phenomenon not only in Kadu

but among many, if not all other, TB languages. It is also found in Garo (Burling

251
2004:168-173) and Burmese22 (Vittrant 2005). Burling treated the initial class terms as a

“c or r fix” of com ou d ou . H describes it as “... u of um rou ou

compounds constructed from a categorizing initial (portion) to which is added one or

mor ll bl i dic cific m mb r of c or ” (Burling 1985:14).

Like Burmese and Garo, many initial CLTs are also attested in Kadu. Kadu CLT+ NOUN

compounds are formed by an analysable initial syllable which provides generic meaning

and a noun (which may or may not be analysable) which provides specific meaning. For

example, most of the names that are categorised with ‘leg’ are formed by the initial

syllable ta, e.g. ‘c lf’. I i obviou fir ll bl ta, a reduced form of

ā i r l bl o i l xic l m i of ‘l ’. Ho v r ll bl is never used

in isolation. Some of the CLT+ NOUN constructions can also be seen as a sesquisyllabic

word. If the first syllable is an open syllable, the vowel is reduced to schwa. However, a

sesquisyllabic word with a class term differs from a sesquisyllabic word in simple

nouns. The lexical meaning of reduced syllables, in many cases, is relatable to its lexical

meaning in CLT +NOUN, whereas the initial reduced or weak syllable of sesquisyllabic

words in simple nouns is not.

CLT+ NOUN com ou d x ibi ‘ ol - r ’ cl ific io r di cu di

following section.

22
Similar to Garo, Burmese class terms include a category of animal names. Bernot’s dictionary (1979-92),
as cited in ( ittr nt 2005), included around 70 fish nouns starting with the class term /ŋə/. The generic
name for fish is /ŋ /. oncerning bird names, about 30 entries have the generic noun /ŋɛʔ/ as a first syllable.

252
Names that are categorised with leg are formed by the initial syllable ta, which has a

l xic l m i ‘l ’. T x m l i (303) exemplify the names that are associated

with ‘leg’ in Kadu.

(303) ā ‘l ’ com ou d

ā ‘ ol ’
c ‘ i ’
‘c lf’
‘ ’

N m r c ori d i ‘ d’ r form d b u i ll bl ā . It is a

reflect of the Proto-Tibeto-Burman (PTB) root *l(y)ak as reconstructed by Matisoff

(2003:51). Synchronically, the word for hand in Kadu is . This protoform of hand is

retained as an initial class term in Kadu, whereas the word for hand contains an

innovative stem. However, we may still explain the first syllable ta in the word as

a reduced form of ā . Some words associated with hand are exemplified in (304).

(304) ā ‘ d’ com ou d

ā ‘ rm’
ā ‘ lbo ’
ā m ‘fi r il’
ā ‘fi r’
ā ‘fi r ri ’

Names related to the category of eye are formed by using the syllable m , which has

l xic l m i of ‘ ’. T ll bl m reflects the PTB ord for ‘ ’ *mik

253
(Matisoff 2003:327). Some examples of names that are associated with eyes are given in

(305).

(305) m ‘ ’ com ou d

m ‘ r’ (eye + water)
m ù ‘ lid’ (eye + lips)
m ‘ bro ’ (eye + hair?)
m c ‘bli d’ (eye + mature or overripe)
m ‘ b ll’ (eye + CLT.round)

CLT+NOUN com ou d xibi ‘class- i d’ cl ific or ruc ur r illu r d

below. Many bird names are formed by using the syllable , which by itself has the

l xic l m i ‘c ic ’ or ‘dom ic fo l’. T PTB m for ‘c ic ’ i M i off

2003:392 are *ha:r, *rak, and ʔa:r. This clearly shows that the Kadu word for chicken

does not reflect the PTB root. However, it does reflect the PTB ord for ‘ ’ *t(w)i(y),

*ʔu as reconstructed by Matisoff 2003:195). Some names that are associated with

chicken or fowl, with its categorising initial , are exemplified in (306).

254
(306) ‘c ic ’ com ou d

‘cro ’
‘o l’
‘dov ’
‘ o l’
‘b ’
l ‘ bird’

Similarly, names related to rice are formed by the initial syllable ā which is a generic

name for husked rice in Kadu. These names are given in (307).

(307) ā ‘ of u d ric ’
ā m ‘ dd ’
ā ‘ ic ric ’
ā ā ‘fir im ou d d ric ’
ā ó ‘ co d im ou d d ric ’

Names related to the category of wood are formed by using the syllable ó , which

l xic l m i of ‘ r ’ or ‘ ood’. T i ll bl ó reflects the PTB word for

‘ ood’ *bul or *pul as reconstructed by Matisoff (2003:416). Some names that are

associated with trees are given in (308).

(308) ó ‘ r ’ com ou d

ó l ‘br c ’
ó m ‘ ood illo ’
ó lā ‘l f’
ó ù ‘r ru ’

255
Beside these analysable initials, a few other synchronically unanalysable initial CLTs

have been attested. For example, many terms denoting animals may be roughly grouped

into four: names that occur as monosyllabic words and names that occur with initial

reduced syllables: a-, sa-, and ka-. These syllables may be remnants of old pre-nominal

CLTs. These were already discussed under minor syllables in §2.7.2; see also §3.1.1.2.3.

3.2.5.2 NOUN + CLASS TERM compound

Post nominal class terms follow a noun, forming an N+CLT structure. Similar to

‘ ol - r ’ com ou d ou (§ 3.2.5.1), these terms also denote specific members of a

category. They are somewhat similar to NOUN +NOUN compound nouns with a SPECIFIC

+ GENERIC classificatory structure. However, unlike compound nouns which are made

up of two independent nouns, these CLT u u ll do ’ occur i d d ord . I

order for the class terms to be used independently they must be nominalised with the -

al- infix form.

Names that can be categorised as plants and trees take the CLT ù . This term covers

everything from giant trees to tiny plants, as given in (309).

(309) ó ó ù ‘j c frui r ’
c ù ‘m o r ’
ù ‘ lm l ’
l ù ‘b l ’
ā ù ‘mu rd l ’
c ù ‘cori d r l ’

256
Names that can be categorised under fruits and vegetables that have rounded shapes

take the CLT . Some fruit names are given in (310).

(310) l ‘b ’
c ‘m o’
m ‘ lum’
m ‘ um i ’
m c ‘ m ri d’
m ‘c ili’

A noun may contain two class terms, e.g. c - - ù (e.g. c - - ù (mango-

fruit- r ) m b r l d ‘m o frui b ri r ’). I v o com cro

noun followed by more than two categorising class terms in Kadu.

All the fruit bearing trees mentioned in (310) can be followed by the class term ù .

However, the other way around is not allowed. This indicates that, in general, the more

specific class term precedes the general. If the specific class term such as ‘frui ’ i

obvious from the context, it can be omitted. I have repeated some examples already

mentioned in (310) to illustrate this.

(311) l ( ) ù ‘b l ’
c ( ) ù ‘m o r ’
m ( ) ù ‘ lum l ’

The class term is not restricted to fruit names alone. It also occurs with nouns that

have rounded shapes. These are exemplified in (312). Notice the term m - - (eye-

round-frui ) ‘ b ll’ contains a prenominal and a postnominal class term.

257
(312) m ‘ b ll’
‘ i l ’ or ‘br ’
lù ‘bull ’

Names that can be categorised under creeper plants or vines take the already infixed CLT

y lù. Some names of this type are given in (313)

(313) c ù lù ‘ or cr r vi ’
m l ù lù ‘oblo frui vi ’
m lù ‘ um i vi ’
lù ‘ um i vi ’
c lù ‘cucumb r vi ’

Names that can be categorised under flowers take the CLT as given in (314).

Most flora names in Kadu are loanwords from Burmese.

(314) l ‘ r flo r’
cā ‘ u flo r’
‘ro ’
‘j mi ’
ā mā ‘ r’
ā ‘ l diol ’

All the names of meat take the class term ā as given in (315).

(315) m ā ‘b f’
ā ‘ or ’
ā ‘c ic ’
c ā ‘buff lo m ’

258
T r r o rm lo d ‘fi ld’ i li . T rm ā is used for human

grown fields (e.g. ā - ā ‘mu rd-fi ld’ d - ā ‘cor -fi ld’). T

other term, ā m b l o lo d ‘clum ’ i d crib clu r of trees (e.g.

l ò - ā and - ā ‘b mboo fi ld’ d‘ fi ld’ r c iv l .) Ho v r i

scope is not only for trees and can be used for other places (e.g - ā ‘ l fi ld’).

T r for I v lo di ‘fi ld’ i m cor u .

3.3 Particles

There is a large number of morphemes which I simply called particles in this thesis.

Particles do not occur as the heads of phrases. They only have grammatical and no

lexical meaning. They follow words, phrases, or clauses and provide important

grammatical information. Phonologically they may be clitics or independent syllables.

3.3.1 Nominal relational markers

Nominal relational markers are case marking particles which provide the grammatical

and semantic role of NPs at the phrasal and clausal levels. These include postpositions

such as ‘ o ic’ ‘ i- iv ’ d ‘loc iv ’. T r d l i i C r

6.

259
3.3.2 Verbal particles

The post-verbal particles presented in §7.2.2 include the plural marker, c and the two

directional markers, ‘ from d ic ic c r ’ and ‘o rd d ic ic

c r ’.

3.3.3 Clausal particles

Clausal particles are analysed as including two categories–subordinating particles and

clause final particles (CFP). Subordinating particles are a category of morphemes that

occur at the end of dependent clauses. The function of these particles is to mark

subordinate relationship such as condition, temporal relation, or purpose to the main

clause. These subordinating particles are presented in §11.1. Clause final particles (CFP)

occur with independent clauses and are a class of morphemes that occur at the end of

independent clauses. The function of clause final particles is to express mood, aspect, or

other features such as an actual vs. hypothetical event and they are discussed in §7.1.

Another small class of clausal particles are / ‘ ill’ ó ‘i ru iv ’ d

‘fi ll ’, which express the relationship between two time frames (§7.3).

3.3.4 Utterance final particles

Syntactically, utterance final particles follow the CFPs. They mark utterances as

questions, reported speech or miratives (suprise or unexpected situations).These

260
particles include the particles l ‘ u io ’ ‘ r ’ dl ~l ~l m

‘mir iv ’. T r di cu d i §7.4.

3.3.5 Speaker attitude particles

Speaker attitude particles (SAP) are a small class of morphemes which occur at the end

of the utterances. It is impossible to give English translations for these particles,

therefore, they are simply glossed as SAP in my corpus. They are frequently used to

express the emotional commitment or attitude of the speaker. The list in (316) shows

SAPs with possible English translations. Some references where these SAP are attested

are provided in ( ) brackets (see Appendix B). The text number and clauses within that

particular texts and seperated by colon (:).

(316) l ò ‘i d d of cour ’ (17:1, 33, 42)

lé ‘of cour ’ (17:8, 10, 11)
l ‘do ’ ou o ? of cour ’ (13:5, 8, 61, 63)
l ā ‘ m ic of cour ’ (9:97, 25:105)
‘ r ri ?’ (15:100, 101, 25:45)
ù ‘ u o ic m ic ou ?’ (17:5, 6, 12)
lé ‘ ou ? m ic’ (17:2, 7, 15)
ù ‘ uo iv ?’ ‘i i id?’ (17: 32, 77, 90)

These particles, except those which end with the vowel [e] =lé and = lé may be

addtionally followed by a euphonic =é which has high falling tone. The vowel may be

lengthened and may be pronounced as =e ³⁴⁵⁴³²¹. The SAP ù is the most common and

261
occurs in most of the utterances and the SAPs l and l ā are the least common. The

SAP occur o l i f m l ’ c .

262
 CHAPTER 4: THE NOUN PHRASE

This chapter examines the elements that constitute a noun phrase (NP). The only

obligatory element in a Kadu NP is the head noun. A head noun may be simple

(§3.1.1.1.1) or complex (§3.1.1.1.2). A demonstrative (DEM), genitive (GEN) phrase,

complement (COMPL) phrases or relative (REL) clause occur preceding the head noun

while an attributive verb (ATT.V), plural (PL) marking or classifier (CLF) phrase follows

the head noun. The structure of a Kadu NP may be presented as:

DEM
GENphrase
COMPLphrase (HEAD.NOUN) (ATT.V) (PL) (CLFphrase)
RELclause

Figure 27: The structure of the Kadu noun phrase

A large number of nominal classifiers have been identified and they will be dealt with

in Chapter 5. Numerals have been discussed in 3.2.2 above.

4.1 Pre-head nominal modifiers

Nominal modifiers that precede the head noun are presented in the following order:

4.1.1 Demonstratives, 4.1.2 Genitive modification and 4.1.3 Complement phrases.

Relative clauses and complement clauses also precede the head noun and are discussed

in §8.2.3.

263
4.1.1 Demonstratives

All the demonstratives in Kadu prototypically express a spatial relation to the speaker

and an addressee. In addition, they can also indicate, anaphorically, a referent that has

already been mentioned in the preceding discourse context. There are three

demonstratives in Kadu an-, - and -. They show three degrees of distance,

proximal, distal and remote. They are bound roots; they cannot occur without something

following after them. The most common form that follows the demonstrative is the

nominaliser naq ~ , as in ‘ o ’ d ‘ o (ov r

r )’. There are no special locative forms of demonstratives like here and there in

English. The same form is used with locative postpositions. These derived

demonstrative forms can be used on their own to refer to any object which is clear from

the context. Table 26 lists the demonstrative pronouns in Kadu.

Demonstratives Derived forms Gloss

an- a ‘ i ( r r)’
- ‘ ( r r r)’
- ‘ ( from bo )’
Table 26: Demonstratives in Kadu

Referents that are closer to the speaker at the time of speaking and may or may not be

visible are identified with the demonstrative ~ . Unlike distal and remote

demonstratives, an- cannot be immediately followed by , as in (317c). However,

the form frequently occurs with the proximal demonstrative an-, as in (317a) and

(317b). The form by itself may also function as proximal demonstrative, as in

264
(317d). The an- proximal demostrative is reduced to schwa a [ə] when it is followed by

the form , the rule is an + naq = .

(317) (a) ó lù (08:55) (b) anáq pòkhá

ó - lù - anáq pòkhá
this wood-plant-PL this forest
‘These trees’ ‘This forest.’

(c) * ó

(d) l ù (09:60)

ā = ù -ta =l = ù
this rabbit 1SG =A.AG lie-L.SUFF =MIR =SAP
‘This rabbit lied to me.’

The form can be used to refer anaphorically to a referent that has been already

mentioned, as in (318).

(318) ā m mā. c āmā (10:28)

ā m =mā
this place good =RLS

= - -c = āmā
this =A.AG clear.away-L.SUFF-PL =HORT
‘This place is good. Let’s clear/cultivate this (place).’

Referents which are closest to the hearer at the time of speaking and are still at a visible

distance and are identified with the demonstrative ~ as in (319).

265
(319) (a) ā l (06:23)

= ā l
that =NOM king
‘That king’

(b) ù ó mā

= ù ó =mā
that =NOM river big =RLS
‘That river is big.’

The demonstrative like can also be used anaphorically to refer to a

referent that has been mentioned, as in (320).

(320) l lā (15:93)

naká- =pè naká -waleú

dragon-country =LOC dragon breast-liquid

lā-thà = =ták ā =tè

take-must =IRLS =HS 1SG =A.AG
‘(He told) me that (I) must get dragon milk at the dragon kingdom.’

l (15:94)

àng =panáq ín-l =pánnàkà tán-shí = =ták

that =NOM NEG-get =if beat-die =IRLS =HS
‘If I cannot get that (dragon milk), (he) will kill (me), it is said.’

If the referents are far away from both the speaker and hearer at the time of speaking

they are identified with the demonstrative ~ as in (321).

266
(321) (a) úngpanáq ací sèktàk (15:168)

úng =panáq ací sèk-tàk

that =NOM elephant person-PL
‘Those (remote) elephant people’

(b) (13:14)

úng =panáq wán- = sèk

that =NOM hill.field chop-eat =NOM person
‘That (remote) farmer’

There are no special forms of locative demonstratives. The same demonstratives, with

or without attaching the form , are used with the locative postposition, (§6.3),

to form locative demonstratives in Kadu, as in (322) and also (319a).

(322) (a) l mā (11:9)

= l- =mā
that =LOC come-must =RLS
‘They have to come to that place.’

(b) mā (09:102)

= = =mā
that=NOM =LOC end =RLS
‘It stopped there.’

(c) (15:73)

= = =
that =LOC arrive =COS =HS
‘(They) reached that place, it is said.’

267
Unlike the distal and remote demonstratives mentioned above, when the proximal

demonstrative an- is followed by it takes the allomorph -, as in (323).

(323) (a) l

= l
here =LOC come
‘Come here!’

(b) m m mā (17:30)

aú =pè m-ním-à =mā ā=

here =LOC make-stay-EUPH =RLS 1SG =TOP
‘I am doing (it) here.’

A proximal location may be also expressed by the derived demonstrative form

followed by the locative , as in (324).

(324) anáqpè taúpcàngmák seùé (17:93)

anáq =pè -c - =mák =seùé

this =LOC end-PL-DIR1 =HORT=SAP
‘Let’s stop (it) here.’

If the speaker considers the entity they are referring to to be really far away, and almost

invisible, the form m is used, as in (325).

268
(325) m (20:11)

myán =pè
over.there palace =LOC
‘The palace way over there!’

Manner demonstratives are formed by combining a demonstrative and the manner

postposition ù or ù (§11.1.6), as (326) and (327). The forms and

ù can immediately occur with the bound demonstrative forms, as in (326a) and

(326b).

(326) (a) óé ù mmā (18:34)

óé =tè an-yeù -ním =mā

PN =A.AG DEM-manner look-stay =RLS
‘(The tiger) was looking at Photeingaung like this.’

(b) cā (09:41)

àng = cā thúk-ta =pán =ták

that =manner plan take.out-L.SUFF =COS =HS
‘(The rabbit) extracts/makes plans that way, it is said.’

However, the form n ù follows derived demonstrative forms, as in (327).

(327) ù m (17:50)

anáq = ù m- -thà =
this =manner be.wearily make-eat-must =IRLS
‘(I) will have to work hard this way for my living.’

269
4.1.2 Genitive modification

There is no overt marking of genitives in Kadu. Thus, a genitive phrase plus head noun

resembles a compound noun. For example, m ā ‘vill r’ could b vi d

ATT.N+N ‘ om o from vill ’ or i i iv i r r io ‘vill r o ’.

I ddi io K du do ’ v o iv dj c iv uc ‘m ’ d ‘our’ i

English. Therefore, it is often difficult to determine whether the pronoun is the subject

of the clause or possessor of the noun that follows it. Consider the examples in (328).

(328) ā l mā

ā l =mā
1SG village.chief be =RLS
‘I am the village’s chief.’ or
‘(He) is my village chief.’

The sentence in (328) has two possible interpretations: one as a genitive phrase and the

other as an equational clause. The choice of interpretation is determined by context. If

the context is not clear, the topic marker is inserted to distinguish the independant

pronoun from a genitive interpretation.

(329) ā l mā

ā = l =mā
1SG =TOP village.chief be =RLS
‘I am the village chief.’

270
As in the above example, the genitive always precedes the head noun. Another example

is illustrated in (330).

(330) ā lā mā ù (04:12)

ā =tè lā-kák =mā =yeù

2SG daughter =A.AG take-want =RLS =SAP
‘(We) want to take your daughter.’

When the possessor is the first person singular pronoun ā, it gets reduced to a minor

syllable nga [ŋə], as in (331) and (332).

(331) nga ā sántáttahángmanaík(08:88)

ā tè ā sántát -ta-háng manaík

1SG wife A.AG 1SG try.out L.SUFF-back only.if
‘I will test my wife.’

(332) nga c ā c mā (12:19)

ā teú =pè ací-pá

1SG hut =LOC elephant-female

ā c =mā
mother.son defecate =RLS
‘The mother elephant and its baby defecated near my hut.’

The Kadu genitive construction can have multiple possessors preceding the possessed

noun. Each possessor noun modifies the noun immediately following, as in (333a) and

(333b).

271
(333) (a) ā l m ó (07:124)

azàk ā l míqphyá-tóng
PN king queen-big
‘The queen of Kadu’s king’ (Lit. the head queen of Azak‘s king)

(b) m lé m c m ó mā (AKYS)

m lé m cm ó =mā
1PL big.brother house big =RLS
‘Our big brother’s house is big.’

4.1.3 Noun complements

There are two types of noun complements in Kadu: postpositional phrases and non-

finite complement clauses. Both complement types precede the head. See Chapter 6 for

a detailed discussion of postpositions. Some examples of postpositional complement

phrases are given in (334).

(334) (a) m m ā

m =yaúk m ā
hat =COM human
‎ person with (a) hat’
‘a

(b) m

panmaúk =haík
PN =ABL rice
‘rice from Banmauk’

272
 (c) ā

= ā
father =BEN book
‘a book for father’

A non-finite clause may complement the head in an attributive relation. See the

discussion on relative clauses in 8.2.3.

4.2 Post-nominal modifiers

Nominal modifiers that follow the head noun are presented in two section: 4.2.1

Attributives and 4.2.2 Plural marking. Classifier phrases are dealt with in Chapter 5.

4.2.1 Attributives

Post-head verb attributives are dicussed in §3.1.2.1.2. Some more examples of noun

with attributive verb members are illustrated in (335) again.

(335) (a) m c mā (10:36)

m - = c =mā - -
plum-CLT.fruit =A.AG extremely eat =RLS fowl-bad-PL
‘The fowls ate a lot of plums.’

273
 (b) ó m (09:4)

-ó = =mā =
tiger-big =a.ag afraid =rls =hs
‘(The rabbit was) afraid of the big tiger, it is said.’

4.2.2 Plural marking

Kadu has two plural markers in the NP: and , plus a separate optional plural

marker that occurs in the verb complex. The plural marking in the verb complex is

discussed in §7.2.2.1. The etymologies of the plural forms that occur within the NP are

not apparent. The form occurs only with living beings, whereas does not

have any restriction on its use and may occur following an NP referring to any type of

referent. Consider (336) where (336a) and (336b) are grammatical, but (336c) is not.

(336) (a) ā mc mā (15:13)

ā-tàk atá -ním-cí =mā

3SG son-PL rice eat-stay-PL =RLS
‘His sons are eating rice.’

(b) ā c ām (09:9)

kasà-tàk =ká ā c = ā =mā =ták

tiger-PL =TOP night =A.AG walk =RLS =HS
‘The tigers go out in the night, it is said.’

274
 (c) *c m āmā

c m- ā =mā
house-PL build =RLS

c l o occur i ro l m om r lur li i dic i “X and those

associated with them.”

(337) (a) maungmau

maungmaung-
PN-PL father
‘Maung Maung and his siblings’ father.’

(b) m m cm mā

myáqmyáq- cím =tè =yaúk =mā

PN-PL house =A.AG thatch =COM cover =RLS
‘(They) are roofing Mya Mya’s and (her family’s) houses with thatch.’

The plural marker is probably derived from the Burmese plural marker awG

<twei>. Look at the Burmese example in (338).

(338) óGm:awG (Burmese: Okell 1964:430)

nwa: -twei
cow -PL
‘cows’

In Kadu, it is common to find the plural marker following Burmese loanwords, as in

(339).

275
(339) l ā l (07:113)

síttá- l =pán ā - l =pán

soldier-PL come =COS enemy-PL come =COS
‘Soldiers are coming. Enemies are coming.’

The plural marker , occurring with reference to living beings, is illustrated in (340).

(340) (a) c m (15:168).

ací- -teúp-s m-ìng

elephant-PL call-throw-finish.up-DIR2
‘(She) brought elephants.’

(b) l l m ā l (04:30)

zalìt-zalàt m ā- =lakà
disgusting human -PL =MIR
‘Disgusting people’

However, the form is not attested with loan nominals. My language consultants

insisted that it is not natural to use the plural marker with loanwords like

‘ oldi r’.

(341) * l ā l

The plural marker is obligatorily omitted when it is followed by classifier phrases

(see Chapter 5), as illustrated in (342).

276
(342) (a) l ā (15:113)

l - ā = =
wife two-CLF.person exist =COS =HS
‘(He) has two wives, it is said.’

(b) é óm (24:7)

é óm-
sibling.sisters three-CLF.person
‘Three sibling sisters’

(c) l ù l (12:113)

l - ù l = =
weapon four-CLF.thing get =DIR1:COS 3SG =TOP
‘He got four weapons.’

277
278
 CHAPTER 5: NOMINAL CLASSIFIERS

Kadu has a highly developed nominal classifier system. The use of classifiers is

obligatory when a noun is modified by a numeral. Since these terms occur only with

numerals, they will be referred to as numeral classifiers (NCLF) or simply classifiers in

this thesis. The use of NCLFs has been widely attested across Asia (Jones 1970). NCLFs

are one of the common features of Southeast Asia languages regardless of their genetic

affiliation. Matisoff (1973:88) defines NCLF i Sou Ai “ of limi d

noun that occurs only after numerals or after another classifier and whose selection is

determined by a preceding noun.” In Kadu, a single noun may occur with different

NCLFs, for example, c m-l - (house-CLF.round-one) or c m- - (house-

CLF.building-o ) ‘o ou ’. T r for c oic of NCLF is constrained by the

ur of r f r of r c di ou . “T c oic of NCLF is rather

predominantly semantic ... the range of semantic oppositions employed in numeral

cl ifi r v ri i mo of i volv im c i d ruc ur .”

(Aikhenvald 2003:98).

In terms of word order, two orders are most commmon in Southeast Asia: numeral-

classifier-noun and noun-numeral-classifier. The former type is found in languages like

Chinese and Vietnamese. The latter type is common with languages such as Burmese

and Thai. The following examples in (343) illustrate the Burmese numeral classifer

construction.

279
(343) kjaun ta kaun (cat one CLF.animal) ‘o c ’
lu hna jau' (person two CLF.human) ‘ o o l ’
hpja thoun: cha' (mat three CLF.flat) ‘ r m ’

A typical Kadu classifier construction is, like in Burmese, a combination of a noun

followed by a numeral and then the classifier. An exception to this rule is with the

um r l ‘o ’ li i T i (H 1942) or G ro–a Sal language (Burling2004:244)

ic r v r ord r of um r l d cl ifi r um r l i ‘o ’. T

numeral ‘one’ in Kadu has two forms as in (344a) and ù as in (345a) a native and a

borrowed form from Shai respectively (see §3.2.2). It must also be noticed that the

Kadu numeral ‘o ’ i fu d i o r c di id ic l vo l. S di cu io of

vowel fusion in §2.8.1.

(344) (a) m (b) m l

m - m l -
plate CLF.round-one plate two-CLF.round
‘one plate’ ‘two plates’

(345) (a) ù (b) l

- ù l -
year-one two-year
‘one year’ ‘two years’

Notice in examples (344a) and (345a), even though only the form ù is clearly

borrowed from Shai/Tai, both forms for ‘o ’ follo T i ord ord r r .T

280
head noun can undergo deletion if it is pragmatically recoverable from the context. For

example, instead of (346) it is also possible to say (347).

(346) m l ā mā (AKYS)

m l - ā =mā
brothers two-CLF.person go =RLS
‘Two brothers go/are going.’

(347) l ā mā (AKYS)

l - ā =mā
two-CLF.person go =RLS
‘Two people go/are going.’

It is common to delete the noun when the same referent is referred to again in the

course of the same utterance, as in (348).

(348) maléq éó l ā lé l ā (17:04)

maléq é- ó kalìng-hú ā =talé

1PL sister-big two-CLF.person exist =SAP

( é- ó ) hú-à =ká halá ā -zí =pán

(sister-big) CLF.person-one =TOP husband go-finish =COS
‘I have two older sisters. One person/of them got married.’

Notice in (348) the form ‘CLF. r o ’ i r duc d o [ ə] and the semi vowel -w- is

inserted as a linker between the classifier and numeral. See the discussion of

phonological processes in §2.8. Some numeral classifiers in Kadu exhibit two forms:

281
one that occurs with the native Kadu numerals one to four, and the other that occurs

with the Shan loan numerals. Note that the highest Kadu numeral we have found that

reflects a PTB form i um r l for ‘four’. S §3.2.2 for the discussion of numerals

in Kadu. Most, if not all the classifiers that occur with Shan numerals are clearly Shan

loanwords. For example, the two forms and classify a human entity. The

former occurs with native Kadu numerals (one to four) and the latter occurs with

borrowed Shan numerals. Nominal classifiers that exhibit two forms are given in Table

27. They are separated by /. The first form occurs with the native Kadu numerals (one

to four) and the latter form occurs with borrowed Shan numerals.

Noun classifiers Meaning

ù / ‘ r l cl ifi r’
/ ‘ ro ’
ù/ ‘ im l’
/ ‘d ’
/l ‘ ic ’
/l ‘rou d’ or ‘ lobul r’
/ ‘ i ’ or ‘fl ’
/ ‘curr c ’
Table 27: Noun classifiers that exhibit two forms

Classifiers do not occur with multiples of ten. Any classifier following the numeral

l ‘ o’ c o i o . Cl ifi r u d i i r um r l r o

described in the thesis. The reason being, simply, that for the numerals eleven and

higher the Kadu use Burmese numerals and freely borrow classifiers from Burmese as

well. Therefore, I have focused on the numerals one to nine only.

282
Some numeral classifiers also occur as CLTs (§3.2.5.2) and may take -al- infixation to

form nominals. See the illustrations in examples (349a-b).

(349) (a) ó l ( l < )

ó - l -
wood-branch CLF.branch-one

‘one branch’

(b) ó lā ā ( lā < ā )

ó - lā ā-
wood-leaf CLF.leaf-one

‘one leaf’

Most of the classifiers are monosyllabic words in Kadu. So far, I have identified at least

58 of them. Just for the sake of convenience in analysing classifiers in Kadu I have

categorised them into four types broadly based on semantic domains. These are Sortal,

Collective, Measure and Event classifiers. The first type, in general, classifies objects

based on shape-specific, but often arbitrary, characteristics. The second type classifies

objects based on an arranged group, and the third type indicates measurement of

volume, quantity, and length. The last type quantifies activities described by verbs.

5.1 Sortal classifiers

Sortal classifiers are semantically based in Kadu. A sortal classifier, quoting (Lyons

1977:463) “i dividu v ri r f r oi rm of i d of i i i .”

283
They are further broadly divided by semantic subcategories as follows: 5.1.1 Generic

and type/kind classifiers, 5.1.2 Human and animal classifiers, 5.1.3 Shape related

classifiers, and 5.1.4 Plants, vegetal, and field classifers.

5.1.1 Generic and type/kind classifiers

There are two classifiers which express a non-specific and a kind/type reading as

opposed to a specific reading, as in (350).

(350) ù ‘ i r l ll ur o cl ifi r’ (Kadu)

‘ i d’ (Shan)

The use of the classifier ù in Kadu is similar to that of ck <hku.> in Burmese and m

in Lahu. It is used with a non-specific object as in ù m mā ‘ i one is

ood’. I c l o fr l b ub i u for mor cific cl ifi r . For x m l

specific classifier for rounded objects in m ‘o bo l or l ’c b

substituted by ù as m ù . For counting nonspecific objects, the general

classifier is used with numbers, e.g. ù l óm ù ‘o o r

( i )’. ù is also used to generalise the different types of nouns, as in (351).

(351) l ù l (12:113)

lé ngaúkà pí- ù l =páng

weapon as.for four-CLF.thing get =DIR1:COS
‘(He) got four weapons.’

284
When one does not want to make a specific indication, the head noun may be omitted,

as in (352).

(352) l l (12:98)

l - l -àng =ká
two-CLF.thing get-DIR1 =TOP
‘Having gotten two (weapons)’

The term i m lo d r o x r ‘ i d’ r di .I

generally occurs with the numeral one and takes the form ù.

(353) l ùl m ó cc ù ò mā (17:40)

alúk zá-nù l = ngaú =panáq amyó =yí =tá

work CLF.kind-one get =IRLS say =NOM kind/type =also =EMP

phú cc sòt -thà =mā

silver extremely bribe -must =RLS
‘Even to get a kind/type of job (we) have to bribe with a lot of money.’

5.1.2 Human and animal classifiers

Human and animal classifiers attested in Kadu are listed in (354).

(354) ‘ r o ’ (K du)
‘ r o ’ (S )
ù ‘ im l’ (K du)
‘ im l’ (S )

285
As shown in (354), each type–human and animal–exhibits two forms. The classifiers for

humans are and . The first is used with the native numerals and the latter is

used with borrowed Shan numerals. These are used when counting any human,

regardless of social status. For example, ā l - (king CLF.peron-one) ‘o

i ’ d mó - (monk CLF.person-o ) ‘o mo ’. T form is reduced to

ha [hə] when it is followed by - um r l ‘o ’ d li r -w- is inserted

between the two vowels (§2.8.2). Compare the examples in (355) and (356). The

example in (355) is grammatical, as the classifier occurs with the native numerals.

However, the example in (356) is not grammatical because the classifier and numeral do

not match.

(355) l óm ù ā m (04:6)

hú-à kalìng-hú sóm-hú

CLF.person-one two-CLF.person three-CLF.person

an-yeù-sà ā =mā =ták

DEM-manner-DIM go =RLS =HS
‘A couple of people like this went (there), it is said.’

(356) * l óm anyeùsà ā gmaták

-à l - óm-
CLF.person-one two-CLF.person three-CLF.person

an-yeù-sà ā =mā =ták

DEM-manner-DIM go =RLS =HS
‘A couple of people like this went there, it is said.’

286
The classifier is used with the borrowed Shan numbers, as in (357) and (358).

(357) m mmā (12:1)

amúnashì shì-kaú tayá áthúk-ta-ním =mā

brothers four-CLF.person law try-L.SUFF-stay =RLS
‘Four brothers are studying the law.’

(358) cm āl é (17:1)

ā = =ká cím peút-kaú ā =lakò=é

1SG =LOC =TOP house person eight-CLF.person exist =SAP =SAP
‘I’ve got eight people (in my family).’

In some stories, these classifiers occur with animals when they are able to speak like

humans, as in (359).

(359) é ā óm ā mā ù (13:29)

àngnáq é ā sóm-hú =tè ngaúkà

that animal three-CLF.person =A.AG as.for

ā =pán =naà -pháng-kák =mā =yeù

make.fire =COS =only give-prior-want =RLS =SAP
‘As for these three animals, I will make a fire and give (them) first.’

The classifier for animal referents also exhibits two forms: (Kadu) and (Shan).

They are used with all kinds of animals, from tiny mosquitoes to giant elephants. The

distribution of and , like with the human classifiers, is dependent on the numerals

they follow. Kadu numbers one to four take the form , as in (360).

287
(360) (a)

-
tiger CLF.animal-one

‘one tiger’

(b) l ‘ o i r’
óm ‘ r rmi ’

The Shan numerals take the classifier , as in (361).

(361) (a)

-
tiger four-CLF.animal
‘four tigers’

(b) ‘fiv ’
‘ ix mo ’

The Burmese animal classifier is used together with numerals borrowed from

Burmese, as in (362).

(362) c āó lé ngá (18:98)

c - ā- ó - lé ngá shít-
dog-male-big-PL four five eight-CLF.animal
‘A pack of big dogs.’ (Lit. four, five, eight big dogs)

288
5.1.3 Shape related classifiers

Shape related classifiers attested in Kadu are given in (363).

(363) ‘ i d fl obj c ’
‘ i d fl obj c ’
‘ lobul r i ’ (K du)
l ‘ lobul r i ’ (S )
‘ ic ’ (K du)
l ‘ ic ’ (S )
‘buildi ’
‘lo - dl d ool ’
‘lo i i ’

The classifier for counting thin and flat objects takes two forms: and . Both

classifiers occur with both native and borrowed Shan numerals. The former is used

when counting thin and flat (both flexible and non flexible) objects that are usually not

rounded. This classifier usually occurs when counting items such as wooden planks,

mats, mirrors, slices of bread, and sheets of paper.

(364) (a) ā l

ā l -
mirror two-CLF.flat
‘two mirrors’

(b) l ‘ o l ’
l l ‘ oc ’
m óm ‘ r (fl ) l ’

289
The latter form is used only with flexible flat objects such as mats, clothing, and

bamboo hats as illustrated in (365).

(365) (a) l

l -
mat CLF.flat-one

‘one mat’

(b) l ‘ o b mboo ’
ā óm ‘ r ir ’

The classifier for counting globular objects also takes two forms: (Kadu) and l

(Shan). The former occurs with the Kadu numerals one to four and the latter with Shan

numerals. These classifiers are used in counting spherical, cubical, or round objects,

such as plates, fruit, houses, heads, eyes, mountains, and bags.

(366) (a) m

m -
plate CLF.round-one

‘one bowl/plate’

(b) lùc l ‘ o cucumb r ’

m l ‘fiv bo l / l ’
l l ‘ ix bo l ’

T cl ifi r for ‘ ic ’ or ‘lo l d r obj c ’ l o o form : (Kadu) and

l (Shan). They are used in counting small long slender objects such as pencils,

290
sticks, spoons, needles, rope, small pieces of bamboo, firewood, and tails. The

distribution of and l , like that of the human and animal classifiers, is dependent

on the numerals they follow. The Kadu numerals one to four take the form , as in

(367).

(367) (a) ā

ā -
leg CLF.stick-one

‘one leg’

(b) l ‘ o il ’
ó óm ‘ r ood ic ’

The Shan numerals take the classifier l . These are illustrated in (368).

(368) l l m náqà tútnàng (07:64)

ā shì-leún kalàng m =pán =naà tút-àng

finger four-CLF.stick approximate make =COS =only cut-DIR1
‘Cut the length to about four finger lengths.’

The classifier is used in counting long buildings such as houses, halls, and

monasteries, as in (369).

(369) (a) cm

cm -
house CLF.building-one

‘one house’

291
 (b) l ù l ‘ or ou ’
c óm ‘ r mo ri ’

The classifier is used in counting certain elongated hand tools and weapons, such

as knives, guns, hoes, hammers, brooms, and umbrellas, as in (370). Notice linker -w-

between the vowels.

(370) (a) ā

ā -
knife CLF.tool-one

‘one knife’

(b) óm ‘ o rubbi o ’
‘fiv broom ’

The term is used to classify counting vines, thread, wires, and ropes, as in (371). In

fused form it is usually heard with a low tone .

(371) (a) l

lā -
thread CLF.thread-one

‘a string of thread’

(b) l ‘ ri of ir’
m óm ‘ r ri of b mboo i ’

292
5.1.4 Plants, vegetables, and field classifers

Classifiers for plants, vegetables, and fields attested in Kadu are given in (372). All

these classifiers can occur both with Kadu and Shan numerals.

(372) ‘lo v bl d frui ’

‘blo om ’
‘ d ’ or ‘ r i ’
ā ‘l v ’
ù ‘ l ’
ā ‘fi ld ( um ro )’
ā ‘fi ld ( ur l)’

The classifer is used for counting vegetables and fruits that have a long shape. This

classifier is identical with the human classifier , however, there seems to be no

semantic correlation between them. A few examples are illustrated in (373).

(373) (a) l

salà- kaú-à
banana -CLT.fruit CLF.piece-one

‘one banana’

(b) l kaú ‘ o ri b ’
m ómkaú ‘ r c ili ’

The classifier ic i d riv d from v rb for ‘bloom’ or ‘o u ’ i u d for

counting numbers of blossoms, as in (374).

293
(374) (a)

-
flower CLF.blossom-one

‘one flower’

(b) l ‘ o flo r’
m óm ‘ r mu room ’

The classifier is also used for counting seeds, grain, and kernels. Notice below in

(375) it can also occur as a class term.

(375) (a) m

m - -
pumpkin-seed CLF.seed-one

‘one pumpkin seed’

(b) m l ‘ o um i d’
ù óm ‘ r cor d’

The classifier ā is used only when counting numbers of leaves or sheets of papers. It

can occur as a CLT and can be nominalised with the -al- infix, as in (376b).

(376) (a) l l ā (31:57)

salà paítaúng kalìng- ā -háng

banana.leaf tip two-CLF.leaf close-back
‘Cover with two upper part of leaves again.’

294
 (b) ó lā l ( lā < ā )

ó lā l
wood leaf two CLF.leaf

‘two leaves’

The classifier ù is used when counting plants. It can occur as CLT and can be

nominalised with the -al- infix.

(377) (a) ó lù l ( lù < ù )

ó - lù l -
wood-plant two-CLF.plant
‘two trees’

(b) c ù l ‘two mango trees’

ā óm ù ‘three mustard plants’

There are two numeral classifiers, ā and ā that are used in counting fields. The

former is used when counting human-grown fields such as a field of mustard, corn,

beans, sugarcane, as illustrated in (378).

(378) (a) ā ā

ā ā -
mustard CLF.field-one

‘one mustard field’

(b) c l ‘ o i l fi ld ’
c óm ‘ r cori d r fi ld ’

295
The latter form, however, is used when counting non-human-grown fields, mainly with

larger plants, and clusters of many things, as in (379).

(379) l ò ā

l ò -ā
bamboo four-CLF.field
‘four bamboo fields’

5.2 Collective classifiers

Collective classifiers are used to describe an arranged group of referents such as

bunches, clusters, pairs, heaps, and stacks. Based on a broad semantic classification,

collective classifiers are further divided into three groups: Bundles, Pairs, and Groups.

5.2.1 Bundle classifiers

Cl ifi r di u d u d r ‘bu dl ’ r li d i (380). These classifiers are used with

items that are neatly arranged and can be counted. These classifers can occur both with

native and borrowed Shan numerals.

(380) ‘bu c (b )’
‘ l (b )’
‘bu c ’
‘bu c (coll c io of bu c )’
‘bu c ( r )’
‘clu r’

296
The classifier is used only when counting hands of bananas, as in (381).

(381) (a) l

l -
banana CLF.hand-one

‘one hand of bananas’

(b) l l ‘ o d of b ’

The classifier is used in counting stalks of bananas, as in (382).

(382) (a) l

l -
banana CLF.bunch-one

‘one branch of banana’

(b) l l ‘ o br c of b ’

There are three classifiers for counting tied up bunches. They are , and .

The term seems to occur with any kind of bunch. The term is used when

counting bunches that are made up of somewhat larger items, or collections of many

small bunches, as in (383).

(383) (a)

pa -
flower CLF.bunch-one

‘one bunch of flowers’

297
 (b) ‘o bu c of c ’
‘o coll c io of c bu c ’

The term occurs only with counting bunches of straw. Consider the examples in

(384), where (384a) is grammatical but (384b) is not.

(384) (a) ām

ām -
paddy CLF.bunch-one

‘one bunch of paddies’

(b) *

The classifier is employed to describe clusters of fruit and flowers, as in (385).

(385) (a)

-
flower CLF.cluster-one

‘one cluster of flowers’

(b) m l ‘ o clu r of lum ’

ó óm ‘ r clu r of coco u ’

298
5.2.2 Pair classifiers

Four classifiers under the category of pairs have been attested in Kadu as listed in (386).

These classifiers usually take borrowed Shan numerals, but may also occur with native

numerals.

(386) ‘ o ’
ù ‘ ir ’
‘ ir of lo d ’
‘o of ir’

The classifier is used in counting pairs of draught cattle, as in (387).

(387) (a) m ù

m - ù
cow CLF.yoke-one

‘a pair of oxen’

(b) m l ‘ o o of ox
c óm ‘ r o of buff lo ’

The classifier ù is used in counting pairs of personal ornaments, such as shoes,

earrings, and bracelets, as in (388).

299
(388) (a) ù ù

ù - ù
slipper CLF.pairs-one

‘a pair of shoes/slippers’

(b) l ‘ o ir of o / li r’
óm ‘ r ir of rri ’

The classifier i l xic ll r l bl o v rb ‘c rr ’. I i u d i cou i ir

of loads carried with a shoulder pole, as in (389). It can be used with any kind of goods

which weigh approximately 25-30 kilograms.

(389) (a)

-
salf CLF.carrier-one

‘a carrier of salt’

(b) ó l ‘ o c rri r of ood’

óm ‘ r c rri r of c ’

The classifier is used to count one article of things which are generally in pairs.

For example, one load of a is counted as . See the illustrations in (390).

(390) (a) ù

- ù
slipper CLF.half-one

‘one slipper’

300
 (b) ù ‘o b of ir’
ù ‘o br c l of ir’

5.2.3 Group classifiers

These classifiers, unlike the bundle classifiers discussed in §5.2.1, are used with items

that are not neatly arranged and are usually counted as piles or heaps. Four classifiers

u d r c or of ‘ rou ’ v b d i K du o f r iv i (391).

These are native terms, therefore they usually occur with native numerals.

(391) ‘ c of ood’
‘ ’
‘ rm’
‘group’

The classifier is used for counting stacks of firewood, as in (392).

(392) (a) ó m

-
wood CLF.stack-one

‘a stack of wood’

(b) ó l g ‘ o c of ood’

301
The classifier is used for counting heaps or piles, as in (393).

(393) (a)

phú -à
silver CLF.heap-one

‘a heap of silver’

(b) l m (25:108)

phú kalìng- =pán peú =mā =ták

silver two-CLF.heap bury =COS keep =RLS =HS
‘(He) has hidden two heaps of silver, it is said.’

The classifier is used for counting a colony of bees, an army of ants, or a swarm of

insects, as in (394).

(394) (a)

-
bees CLF.group-one

‘one swarm of bees’

(b) l ‘ o rmi of r d ’
óm ‘ r rm of fli ’

The classifier is used for counting a family or group of people, as illustrated in

(395). It is clearly a Burmese loanword from pk <su.> ‘coll c or r’. T r for i

takes Burmese numerals.

302
(395) (a) lé (10:12) (b) (10:7)

lé- na- -
family four-CLF.group two-CLF.group descend-DIR2
‘four families’ ‘two groups (of people) came down’

5.3 Measure classifiers

Measure classifiers are used to measure weight, length, area, and capacity. The Kadu

lexicon lacks a metric system of units so words such as pound, kilogram, centimeter,

meters, and kilometer are foreign to Kadu speakers. Rather they use a non-metrical

system of units, many of which are general approximations. I have divided measuring

classifiers into two: volume and length.

5.3.1 Volume measurements

Numeral classifiers for measuring volume have two types: one that indicates specific

amounts and one that indicates general approximations or non-specific amounts. The

former are discussed under container classifiers. In the following sections I will first

look at some non-specific volume measurements. Many CONTAIN verbs can also occur

as classifiers. Some contain verbs, except , which can also occur as classifers are

illustrated in (396).

303
(396) óm ‘mou ful’
m ‘ dful’
m ‘ rmful’
‘b ful’

The term óm i r l bl o l xic l v rb ‘ o om i i mou ’. I c

also occur as a numeral classifier for counting a small amount of something. This term

may correlate with the English phrase one tablespoonful, as in (397).

(397) (a) óm

óm -
water CLF.keep.in.mouth-one

‘one mouthful of water’

. (b) l l óm ‘ o mou ful of ou ’

The volume measurement classifier m i r l bl o l xic l v rb ‘ o cl c

fi ’. I i u u ll u d i m ou i cou i dful of i m uc ric

corn, wheat, or sugar.

(398) (a) m

m-
rice CLF.handful-one

‘a handful of rice’

(b) l m ‘ o dful of l’
m óm m ‘ r dful of d’

304
The volume measurement classifier m ‘ rmful’ i r l bl o l xic l v rb ‘ o

mbr c ’. I i u d i cou i umb r of i c rri d or ld i o ’ rm . I i

commonly used for carrying firewood, flowers, or vegetables.

(399) (a) ó m

ó m-
wood CLF.armful-one

‘an armful of wood’

(b) l m ‘ o rmful of ’
m óm m ‘ r rmful of u rc ’

The volume measurement classifier is an auto-classifier (§5.5), a repetition of the

second syllalbe of ‘b ’. I i u d i cou i a basketful of such items as

taro, potatoes, wood, or fish. It is often reduced to as in (400a). It is

co v io li d r for i i o c r om io ord ‘b ’.

(400) (a) ( )

ng -
basket CLF.basket-one

‘a basket’

(b) ù ‘o b ful of ro’

ó l ‘ ob ful of ood’

305
5.3.2 Container classifiers

Grain and crops are not weighed, but they are measured by containers. Many of the

containers dissussed in this section are standard measurements throughout Myanmar.

Unsurprisingly, the source for many of these terms for containers in Kadu come from

their long time neighboring language, Burmese. As in Burmese, the standard smalleset

unit for volume measuring grain in Kadu is the size of a regular condensed milk tin.

The Kadu lexicon contains different terms for the equivalent of two, four, eight, and

sixteen tins. Container measurement classifiers are given in (401).

(401) ‘o co d d mil i ’ (1 tin)

l ù ‘ o equal to one l ù’ (2 tins)
‘ o l ù equal to one ’ (4 tins)
‘ o equal to one ’ (8 tins)
l ‘ o equal to one l ’ (16 tins/two )’
ék ‘ o l equal to one é ’ (32 tins/four )
‘ o é equal to one ’ (64 tins/ eight )’
‘ o equal to one ’ (128 tins/sixteen )

It is evident that most of these terms mentioned above in (401) come from Burmese.

The only Kadu term is the term (§5.1.3). All others are relatable to Burmese. For

example, the term ]ynf <pranj> (my transcription ) is used to measure grain. It is

about 2.5 cubic litres, equal to eight regular condensed milk tins.

306
5.3.3 Length measurements

Numeral classifiers for measuring length are few in number. In general, the Kadu

lexicon lacks specific units of length such as centimeter, inch, or yard. Many length

measurements in Kadu simply use body parts that may be equal or close to the same

unit of length. For example, the smallest length measurement is the horizontal width of

m ’ fi r m b u l or clo o lf i c . Almo ll cific u i

of length are borrowed from Burmese. We will not deal with those loanwords in this

study. Some native metric units of length measurement attested in Kadu are given in

(402).

(402) ā ‘i c ?’ <‘fi r’
‘CLF.cubi ’ <‘ rm’ (S lo ?)
‘CLF. ’ <‘ o rid ’

The term ā ‘fi r’ o r i um r l cl ifi r for ic (Kadu) and

l (Shan) is probably the smallest length measurement unit in Kadu. The standard is

u u ll m ’ fi r’ idth. Look at the example in (403).

(403) l l m (07:64)

ā shì-leún kalàng m =pán =naà tút-àng

finger four-CLF.stick approximate make =COS =only cut-DIR1
“Measure approximately four fingers’ (width) and cut (it).”

The numeral classifier ‘cubi ’ or ‘foo ’ i u d o m ur di c from

elbow to the tip of the extend middle finger.

307
(404) (a) m āl

mà =naík-saúk ā =l
WH =many-CLF.cubit exist =Q
‘How many cubits are there?’

(b) āmā

- ā =mā
two-CLF.cubit exist =RLS
‘Two cubits/feet’

The verb ‘ rid ’ i l ou d um r l cl ifi r o i dic roxim

length of a medium length step.

(405) ā ‘o ’
ā l ‘ o ’

The term m ‘mil ’ ic i E li lo ord l ob di m

corpus. This term has come into the Kadu lexicon via Burmese and it occurs with the

Burmese numeral oHk: <thum:> (my transcription ó ) ‘ r ’ i (406).

(406) ó m l mā (18:80)

khayí tóng -m =kalàng kát-ìng-thà =mā

journey three -mile =approximate run-DIR2-must =RLS
‘We have to run about three miles.’

308
Other non-specific length measurement classifiers are those that indicate certain

portions of a particular item. Equivalent expressions in English are one half, one third,

or one fourth of something. These measurement classifiers are given in (407).

(407) ù ‘o i c of i m’
‘ lf of i m’
‘o four of i m’

The classifier ù i r l bl o l xic l v rb ‘ o m or io ’. I i u d i

counting half units or cross-sectional pieces of a unit, such as logs, bamboo, or fish, as

in (408).

(408) (a) ó ù ù

ó ù - ù
wood CLF.piece-one

‘half portion/section of wood’

(b) ó l ‘ o c io of ood’
l ò óm ù ‘ r c io of b mboo’

The classifier is used in counting half or one of two parts, not necessarily equal

parts, of spherical or cubical objects, such as fruit, bamboo, as illustrated in (409).

(409) (a) c

c -
cucumber CLF.half-one

‘a half portion of cucumber’

309
 (b) c l ‘ o lf or io of cucumb r’
l ò óm ‘ r lf i c of b mboo’

The classifier is used in counting a slice or a piece smaller than half. It generally

indicates one fourth or less of a unit. It is also used with counting segments of fruit and

cloves of garlic.

(410) (a) c

c -
cucumber CLF.quarter-one

‘a quarter of a cucumber’

(b) c l ‘two quar r of cucumb r’

l óm ‘ r clov of rlic’

5.4 Event classifiers

T v cl ifi r r o u if c ivi i ic m b r l d ‘ im ’

These are few in number. Event classifiers attested in Kadu are listed in (411).

(411) c ‘ o’
l ‘fr u c ’
‘fr u c ’ or ‘ im ’

The classifier c , a Burmese loanword csuf<chak>, is used when counting a number

of shots, as in (412).

310
(412) c ù c mā (18:76)

chát-nù -chát káp =mā

CLF.shot-one two-CLF.shot shoot =RLS
‘Shoot once or twice.’

The classifiers and l bo lo d ‘CLF. im ’ r u d cou i

number of repeated actions. The term occurs with borrowed Shan numerals. l ,

on the other hand, is attested only with native numeral one and may be translated into

E li ‘o c mor ’. S illu r io of o cl ifi r i (413) and (414).

(413) (a) ù ā m ó (07:106)

pán-nù nāng ín-ōm-zón =sà

CLF.times-one 2SG NEG-make-continue =NEG.IMP
‘(You) don’t do againǃ’

(b) ām l ù ā (06:16)

sām-pán lī -tí an-yeù tūngāk =pán =ták

three-CLF.times come -also DEM-manner bow =COS =HS
‘Even the third time (the lizard) bows its head (to the king) in this
manner, it is said.’

(414) l m m (31:23)

láp-à tīp-àng =kū

CLF.times-one pack-DIR1 =IRLS
‘Pack one (more) time’

311
5.5 Auto-classifiers

Some nouns can be repeated using the same phonological form to classify themselves.

These kinds of classifiers are also found in Lahu, Burmese and in many other

languages. I have adopted the term auto-classifiers from Matisoff (1973:89). Wheatley

(1982) following Okell (1969) simply called them repeaters in his Burmese grammar.

Auto-classifiers are often used if the noun has no salient physical features to classify it

with.

(415) (a) c m c mm (b) cm l cm

cm c m- cm l -c m
house CLF.auto-one house two-CLF.auto
‘one house’ ‘two houses’

(c) cm cm

cm -c m
house five-CLF.auto
‘five houses’

Most often with sesquisyllabic or disyllabic nouns only the second syllable is repeated,

as in (416).

(416) (a) l ò ò

l ò ò -
bamboo CLF.auto-one

‘one piece of bamboo’

312
 (b) m ùm ù

m ù m ù-
dipper CLF.auto-one

‘one dipper’

A few more examples of partially repeated classifiers are shown in (417).

(417) l - ‘o ( ric ) fi ld’

- ‘o flo r’
ā - ‘o boo ’

313
314
 CHAPTER 6: NOMINAL RELATIONAL MARKERS

This chapter looks at the relational markers attested in Kadu. They are cliticised after

the NP to signal the phrase as topic, anti-agentive, allative, ablative, locative, benefactive

or comitative. The nominal realational markers attested in Kadu are shown in (418).

(418) ‘ o ic’
‘ i- iv ’
‘loc iv ’
‘ ll iv ’
‘ bl iv ’
‘comi iv ’
‘b f c iv ’
and ‘com r iv ’
‘r o ’

6.1 ‘topic’

The particle lo d ‘ o ic’ m follo i i i l NP of a clause to introduce it

as a topic, as in (419).

315
(419) (a) ù ām ā ló l m l é (08:81)

= ù = ā m = ā ló
3SG =TOP horse =include royal.dress =include all

l m = m- =l =é
road =LOC hide-keep =MIR =SAP
‘He has hidden the horse as well as the royal dress on the road.’

(b) ā ā ó c
thàcípanáq ngaúkà nímcímaták (09:2).

[ ā heú- ā-àng = =panáq] =ká

1SG tell-show-DIR1 =IRLS =NOM =TOP

kasà-tóng =yaúk pángtaí - c

tiger-big =COM rabbit friend-friend

thà-cí =panáq ngaúkà ním-cí =mā =ták

be-PL =NOM as.for stay-PL =RLS =HS
‘The story I am going to tell is about the friendship between a tiger and
a rabbit. (They) lived together, it is said.’

The term also functions to contrast the referent with other possible referents, as in

(420).

(420) (a) ā l m mā (08:95)

ā-halá =ká eúhám =mā

1SG-husband =TOP PN call =RLS
‘My husband is called Eham.’ (not anybody else)

316
 (b) ā m (09:16)

kasà =ká ā -àng =mā =ták

tiger =TOP fire burn-DIR1 =RLS =HS
‘The tiger got burned.’ (not anything else)

The topic marker can also be used at the clausal level, and frequently occurs in tail-head

linkage structures. In this type, the verb complex of the preceding sentence is repeated,

setting a topic for the sentence that will follow. See more detailed di cu io o ‘ il-

d li ’ i §11.3.

(421) ù mc m (09:3).

[àng- ù =záng ním-cí] =ká

that-manner =EMPH stay-PL =TOP

pángtaí ngaúkà zàk =mā =ták

rabbit as.for afraid =RLS =HS
‘Having lived like that the rabbit was afraid, it is said.’

6.2 ‘anti-agentive’

I v do d rm ‘ i- iv ’ lo d ‘A.AG’ ic ro o d b

LaPolla (1992). He argued that in many TB languages the same marking is used for the

animate patient referent NP in a monotransitive clause and the goal or beneficiary in a

ditransitive clause to disambiguate a non-actor from the actor. The term in Kadu,

like anti-agentive marking in many other TB languages, almost exclusively occurs with

317
animate and human participants to distinguish a non-actor from an actor. The examples

in (422) illustrate the marking animate patient of a monotransitve clause in Kadu.

(422) (a) ā l ā (15:89)

ā l ā =tè tán-shí =
king 2SG =A.AG beat-die =IRLS
‘The king will kill (beat to death) you.’

(b) m (08:88)

ā =tè sántát-ta-háng =manaík

1SG wife =A.AG try.out-L.SUFF-back =only.if
‘(I) will test my wife.’

The goal or beneficiary referents may be marked by either , as in (423) or by

benefactive marker , as in (424). I still need more data to understand whether there

is any contrast in meanings with these markings.

(423) (a) m lé ò ù (04:36)

= m lé =
2PL =A.AG 1PL degree give =NOM

a= ò = = ù
NEG= exist =NEG =SAP
‘We have no title/degree to give you.’

318
 (b) m ā m ā mā (AKYS)

m ā - = m ā - =mā
3SG human CLF.person-one =A.AG arrow give-DIR2 =RLS
‘He gave an arrow to a man.’

(424) (a) m (18:73)

àng = ām ā =yeún -ìng

that =NOM torch 1SG =BEN give-DIR2
‘Give that torch to me.’

(b) ā ā ā (16:9)

ā ā =yeún ā atá a-naút- =á

2SG cat =BEN 1SG rice NEG-feed-can =NEG
‘I cannot feed your cat.’

The anti-agentive marker usually does not occur with inanimate arguments. This is

possibly because the semantic role of agent and patient is clear from the context. In

example (425), it is clear that the animate referent of the NP ‘3SG’ i o l

possible agent to do the chopping.

(425) é ùā ā (17:58)

seútkeù- ā wán =mā

3SG thatch-CLT.stick chop =RLS
‘He chops (bamboo) for making a thatch stick.’

When the anti-agentive marker occurs with an NP with an inanimate referent it has a

different semantic interpretation. Kadu does not have definite or indefinite articles such

319
as a or an and the in English. The anti-agentive marker carries a degree of

definiteness or emphatic interpretation when it occurs with an NP with an inanimate

referent.

(426) l (15:144)

atá =tè y -àng-l =pán =ták

3SG rice =A.AG eat-DIR1-get =COS =HS
‘(We) ate his food.’ (not regular food)

(427) l l lā (15:130)

palú -waleú =tè lā-thà =

ogre breast-liquid =A.AG take-must =IRLS
‘(You) must bring an ogre’s milk.’

In ditransitive clauses, the order of arguments is determined by information structure.

See the detailed discussion on ditransitive verbs in §3.1.2.3.3 and on constituent order in

§8.1. If the agent or anti-agent or both arguments are retrievable from the context, they

may be omitted. See the examples in (428) and (429). In example (428) both agent and

anti-agent NPs are omitted. In example (429) only the recipient NP is omitted.

(428) l mā (08:123)

[salà- phà-à] -àng =mā

banana-CLT.fruit CLF.bunch-one give-DIR1 =RLS
‘(She) gave (him) a bunch of bananas.’

320
(429) c m l mā (12:82)

tacámín leútneút -peú =mā

PN weapon give-keep =RLS
‘Takyamin gave a weapon (to three brothers).’

The patient NP may be fronted to topic position, as in (430) and (431), for reasons of

focus. See the detailed discussion on constituent order of the clause in §8.1.

(430) mā (12:28)

=tè ā =ká -heúq =mā

2PL =A.AG 1SG =TOP look-back:DIR2 =RLS
‘I came back and looked for you.’

(431) c mā (08:115)

c =tè =ká - =mā

3SG woman =A.AG 3SG =TOP ask-look =RLS
‘He asked his wife.’

The anti-agentive marker may be followed by topic maker for contrastive and

emphatic purposes as illustrated in (432).

(432) (a) ā ó óm m (23:23)

ā =tè =ká patóng ngóm-ním =pán

1SG daughter =A.AG =TOP boa keep.in.mouth-stay =COS
‘The boa is swallowing (Lit. keeping in mouth) my daughter.’

321
 (b) l (15:145)

àngnáq ín-a-l =pánnàkà

that NEG-NEG-get =if

ā =tè =ká tán-shí =

1SG =A.AG =TOP beat-die =IRLS
‘If (I) don’t get that, (the King) will kill me.’

The term also frequently occurs following time nouns (§3.1.1.2.9) to mark location

in time.

(433) (a) kasàt ā c ām (09:9)

kasà =tàk =ká ā c =tè ā =mā =ták

tiger =PL =TOP night =A.AG walk =RLS =HS
‘The tigers go out in the night, it is said.’

(b) ù m (21:11)

yàk-à =tè pán-nù =ká ōm-peú =pán

now/day-one =A.AG CLF.times-one =TOP make-keep =COS
‘(I) have done (it) once a day.’

6.3 ‘locative’

The term following the noun marks a static location. This term does not resemble

other locative markers in TB languages and the lexical source for this term is not

apparent. See the illustrations in (434).

322
(434) (a) l m l é (08:81)

l = m- =l =é
road =LOC hide-keep =MIR =SAP
‘It is hidden on the roadside.’

(b) weú lā l ngaúmaták (24:3)

weú =pè lā-zalaút-àng ngaú =mā =ták

water =LOC take-drift-DIR1 say =RLS =HS
‘Take and float/drift (it) on the water, it is said.’

The form can also appear directly after verbs. When it does, it functions as a

loc iv omi li r ic c b i r r d ‘ l c of V’. Som x m l of

as a locative nominaliser are exemplified in (435).

(435) (a) l ā (13:21)

zalaút =pè ā-ta-háng =píng

drift =LOC carry.away-L.SUFF-back =DIR2:COS
‘(He) was carried away in the current.’

(b) ā mm m (08:6)

ā ním-meú =pè ním-à-àng

2SG stay-good =LOC stay-EUPH-DIR1
‘You can just live at a suitable place (Lit. good living place).’

323
 (c) ā l lā c (04:32)

ā l lā-háng =pè c -ta = =

regalia take-back =LOC meet--L.SUFF =COS =HS
‘(He) saw (the situation) at a place where (he) came back and took
the regalia.’

may also occur following demonstratives (§4.1.1), WH-words (§9.4), and pronouns

(§3.2.3).

6.4 ‘allative’

The allative case, which expresses motion to or toward the referent of the noun, is

marked by the morpheme in Kadu. See the examples in (436).

(436) (a) é m ā l (07:32)

héq m -sà hà =pà ā = =lá

EXCL boy-DIM WH =ALL go =IRLS =Q
‘Hey, boy, where are you going?’

(b) ā l ā ā (07:33)

ā =ká l ā =pà ā =
EXCL 1SG =TOP field =ALL go =IRLS
‘Well, I am going to the field.’

324
When the allative case is used with motion verbs, as in (436b), the NP to which

attaches is interpreted as the end point or final destination of the motion expressed by

the verb. Some more examples are given in (437).

(437) (a) ā mā (07:30)

=pà ā = āmā
hill.field =ALL go =HORT
‘Let’s go to the field.’

(b) ò ā m (15:29)

=ká ò =pà ā =mā =ták

3sg =TOP forest =ALL go =RLS =HS
‘He went to the forest, it is said.’

The form cannot be used after NPs in clauses with existential verbs, as in (438b),

unless it is immediately followed by a locative marker .

(438) (a) cm āmā

cm = = ā =mā
2SG house =ALL =LOC exist =RLS
‘He is at home.’

(b) * cm āmā

cm = ā =mā
2SG house =ALL exist =RLS

325
The sequence of plus has different interpretations depending on which type of

noun it follows. Following human referents, it has the sense of definite goal, as in (439).

(439) (a) mā m (23:8)

- ā =pà =pè mā -tú =mā=

3SG daughter-small=ALL =LOC maiden-language speak =RLS =HS
‘(He) expresses his love to the younger daughter.’

(b) mó cm (07:76)

mó = = -c =m
monk =ALL =LOC run-PL =HORT
‘Let’s run to the monk.’

However, when the sequence of + follows an NP with an inanimate referent that

is a locality, it has r l dir c io l m i uc ‘o rd r ’.

(440) é ā c ām (21:1)

é ā =pà =pè = c ām-àng =

PN mountain=ALL =LOC now=TOP wild.yam search-DIR1=IRLS
‘As for now, I will go and search for wild yam in the area of Nweyek
mountain.’

(441) ā m (15:42)

=pà =pè ā -háng =mā =ták

hill.field =ALL=LOC go-back =RLS =HS
‘(He) returned toward/to the field, it is said.’

326
6.5 ha ‘ablative’

The ablative case, which marks the NP as expressing the source location, is marked by

the morpheme in Kadu, as in (442).

23

(442) (a) mò m ā (12:3)

hamòk- =haík m =pà =pè ā =pán =naà

sky-on.top =ABL below =ALL =LOC go =COS =only
‘(I) from the sky above will go down and..,’

(b) m lé ó mā (10:24)

maléq záktaú =ká zíkóng =haík záq-ta =mā

1PL PN =TOP PN =ABL begin-L.SUFF =RLS
‘We, Settau, begin/come from Zikong.’

Although it is not very frequent, the form haík occasionally occurs immediately after

an NP with an animate referent to mark the referent as the agent in Kadu. This is not an

uncommon phenomenon in TB languages. Regarding the development of case markers

in TB languages, LaPolla (2004) id “… o of c m r i …i TB languages

can confidently be reconstructed to the PTB level. When we find marking of some time

depth, it is generally a locative or ablative case at the rli …i m

l u m form i u d for iv d bl iv …” (L Poll

23
Some Kadu speakers, who seem to be speakers of the Mauteik variety, pronounce this as .

327
2004:56). It is probably the case in Kadu that the ablative marker is in the initial

stage of developing into an agentive marker, as illustrated in (443).

(443) (a) cā mā (07:112)

cā = - - =mā
PN =ABL beat-send-DIR1 =RLS
‘Kyansitta beat (him) and sent him away.’

(b) m (15:95)

= =mā =
3SG wife =ABL say =RLS =HS
‘His wife said, it is said.’

(c) m ā l m mā (08:90)

mà =pà ā =lá mángsá =haík - =mā

WH =ALL go =Q prince =ABL ask-LOOK =RLS
‘The prince asked “where are (you) going?”’

The sequence of plus is also attested in Kadu. However, the sequence of

plus has not been attested in my corpus. The sequence of + expresses a

r l dir c io l m i uc ‘from r ’. This is illustrated in (444) and

(445).

(444) c m m m m (25:99)

cím kamúk =pà =haík -ìng =mā =ták

house beneath =ALL =ABL stab-DIR2 =RLS =HS
‘(He) stabbed in from underneath the house, it is said.’

328
(445) kasà ngaúkà halíngpàhaík wáhángpìng (18:56)

kasà ngaúkà halíng =pà =haík wá-háng =píng

tiger as.for behind =ALL =ABL jump.down-back =DIR2:COS
‘The tiger jumps down behind, again.’

6.6 ‘comitative’

The comi iv ic x r m ic m i of ccom im uc ‘ i ’

or ‘ ccom i d b ’ i i dic db o o i io in Kadu. See the

illustrations in (446).

(446) (a) ā c āmā (15:10)

= ā -c = āmā
father =COM go-PL =HORT
‘Let’s go with father.’

(b) c m ù (11:32)

=yaúk tú tapaúk-cí-àng =mák =yeù

2PL =COM language speak-PL-DIR1 =HORT=SAP
‘Let’s debate (it) with you.’

329
The term also has an instrumental function, as in (447).

(447) (a) ā ó m (15:22)

ā -tóng =yaúk wán- =mā =ták

sword-big =COM hill.field chop-eat =RLS =HS
‘With a big sword (they) cultivated, it is said.’

(b) l lé m mā (19:1)

l lé = - =mā
sling.shot =COM owl shoot-DIR1 =RLS
‘(He) shot the owl with a sling shot.’

6.7 ‘benefactive’, or ‘for’

The recipient or benefactive argument of the action expressed by the verb is marked by

the form , as in (448). It may be also translated in some contexts into English as

‘o b lf of’.

(448) (a) ā ā mā (09:1)

ā = =naà heú- ā-àng-kák =mā

Kachin =BEN =only tell-show-DIR1-want =RLS
‘For the sake of Kachin I want to tell it.’

(b) l l (08:108)

salà- =ká ā =yeún -kák =lá

banana-CLT.fruit =TOP 1SG =BEN give-want =Q
‘Can you give the banana to me?’

330
6.8 and ‘comparison’

The comparative construction contains two NPs: the entity being compared and the

standard of comparison, followed by the verb. The NP representing the entity being

compared may be marked by the topic marker , and the NP representing the standard

of comparison is obligatorily marked by the comparative marker . The order is NP

(entity being compared which is the topic), NP (standard of comparison), then a verb

though the topic can be left out, as in (450). See the illustrations in (449) and (450).

(449) m m mā (AKYS)

=ká myáqmyáq =athá =mā

3SG =TOP PN =more.than tall =RLS
‘He is taller than Mya Mya.’

(450) ā ó ó ó l ù (07:62)

ā -swáng panáq =athá phóngtakó tóng-kák =lá =yeù

2SG-master DEM = more.than glory.power big-want =Q =SAP
‘You, master, do you want to be more powerful than this?’

The term is also attached to the noun phrase representing the standard of

comparison to indicate approximation of measurement as illustrated in (451).

(451) (a) ó mó m ā ó (06:25)

tóngmótá m ā =neúq tóng =píng =ták

3yr.old calf(cow) =as.much.as big =DIR2:COS =HS
‘(It) became about the size of a three year/season old cow.’

331
 (b) m lé l ò (11:43)

maléq =ká =neúq lakò ín-paút =á

1PL =TOP 3SG =as.much.as SAP NEG-skill =NEG
‘We don’t know as much as he does.’

6.9 ‘reason’

The form after an NP indicates that the referent of the NP is the cause of

om i d. I m o b mo l u d i r o ‘ ’

question, as in (452).

(452) (a) ā m m mā (AKYS)

ā = m m =mā
1SG =because.of PN fall =RLS
‘Mya Mya falls because of me.’

(b) ā l lā ùé ā mā ùé (25:160)

ā l sa =tè ín-lā-kák =á =seùé

king daughter=A.AG NEG take-want =NEG =SAP

àng = ā =mā =seùé

that =because.of weep =RLS =SAP
‘I don’t want to take the king’s daughter therefore (I am) crying.’

332
 CHAPTER 7: THE VERB COMPLEX

The verb complex (VCX) in Kadu can be defined as the nucleus of the clause.

Arguments of the clause, such as topics, agents or anti-agent complements, and other

constituents are often omitted if they are recoverable from the context. Therefore, we

can say that the verb, or the VCX itself, is a meaningful clause in Kadu. The VCX in

Kadu consists of an obligatory head verb, which may be preceded by an optional

negative marker and followed by one or more optional post-verbal modifiers, an

optional aspectual particle (ASP), and a clause final particle (CFP). In this chapter I also

discuss the utterance final particles (§7.4). They are not structurally part of the VCX, but

often phonologically fuse with the CFPs, so I am including the discussion at the end of

this chapter. The order of elements in the Kadu verb complex is illustrated in (453).

(453) VCX= (NEG) VH (V.MOD) (ASP) (CFP)

NEG = Negation
VH = Verb head
V.MOD = Verb modifier
ASP = Aspectual particle
CFP = Clause final particle

Before I describe each element within the VCX in Kadu, I shall briefly discuss the

terminology I use here. The structure of verb head may be simple or complex (§3.1.2). I

u rm ‘v rb modifi r’ o cov r umb r of l m ic occur b

head verb and CFPs. These include auxiliary verbs (§7.2.1), verbal particles (§7.2.2), and

modal auxiliaries (§7.2.3). All verbal modifiers, except the negative proclitics (see

chapter 10), are restricted to occurring post verbally only.

333
The ASPs discussed in §7.3 are ‘c of ’ / ‘STILL’ ó

‘INTRUSIVE’ d ‘FINALLY’. T r r d r cl i i v rb

complex. They occur between modal auxiliaries and CFPs. The CFPs occur at the end of

the VCX and they indicates the types of clauses, such as realis, irrealis, imperative, and

hortative.

This chapter is divided into three sections presented in the following order: 7.1 Clause

final particles, 7.2 Verbal modifiers, 7.3 Aspectual particles and 7.4 Utterance final

particles..

7.1 Clause final particles

We want to start with CFPs because they normally must occur with a head verb except

in imperative and negative clauses. They are a class of morphemes that mark clauses as

irrealis vs. realis or hortative. Each CFP attested in my Kadu data is discussed below.

7.1.1 ‘irr li ’

A clause ending with the CFP refers to an unrealised or a hypothetical event, as

illustrated in (454).

334
(454) (a) ā ā (09:26)

nāng =tè ngā yōk =kū

2SG =A.AG 1SG eat =IRLS
‘I will eat you.’

(b) ā lā (24:24)

-tàk =ká ā lā =
3sg daughter-PL =TOP 1SG take =IRLS
‘As for his wives I will take (them).’

The CFP is reduced to ka [kə] when it is follwowed by another clitic, as in (455).

(455) (a) kalá (18:15)

hà =pè īp =kū =lá

WH =LOC sleep =IRLS =Q
‘Where shall we sleep?’

The CFP may also occur in clauses which have no future time implication, and are

used to show lack of certainty, as in (456).

(456) (a) c (10:55)

chíttí =seú = thà =kū

PN =SAP die =DIR1:COS be =IRLS
‘Chitti may be dead.’

(b) cé (10:48)

céttaú thà-thà =kū

PN be-must =IRLS
‘It must be Cettau.’

335
 (c) m mā (07:109)

- shí- m = zàk =mā

master-PL die-finish.up =IRLS afraid =RLS
‘I fear that all my masters might die.’

The CFP may also be used in a relative clause construction, as in (457). The relative

clause is bracketed with { }RL (§8.2.3 ).

(457) (a) ā āmc m (18:8)

{īp =kū =panáq}RL nēyā =tè tām-cí =mák

sleep =IRLS =NOM place =A.AG search-PL =HORT
‘Let’s search for a place to sleep.’

(b) l ā (32:40)

{takà = =panáq}RL l ā
rice.seedling transplant =IRLS =NOM field
‘the field for planting rice seedlings’

may be followed by morphemes such as and to indicate immediate

realisation or imminent occurrence. I have not been able to identify the lexical and

grammaticalised meaning of , however, we may correlate the later item, , to the

change of state aspect (see §7.3.1). It is quite logical to analyse the combination of these

two markers, + ‘irr li ’ lu ‘c of ’ r r li io or fulfillm

of the action at the time of speaking. is reduced to [kə] thus forming the

sesquisyllabic words and . They are always considered a single

monomorphemic unit by the speakers of Kadu, therefore, I have analysed them as a

i l i m d lo d m ‘imm di fu ur (IMMF)’. T r of K du

336
express that and can be used interchangeably. See the sentences in

(458).

(458) (a) m (07:108)

tán-shí- m =kapán
2PL beat-die-finish.up =IMMF
‘You are about to kill (all my masters).’

(b) ā (24:56)

ā =tè tán-shí =kawàn

1SG =A.AG beat-die =IMMF
‘(They) are about to kill (Lit. beat to death) me.’

7.1.2 mā ‘r li ’

Clauses ending with the CFP mā indicate events that have come to realisation. It

indicates actuality, a generic event that has happened or is happening, or a state that

exists or has existed. See illustrations of the CFP mā in (459).

(459) (a) mó mmā (07:43)

mó àng =panáq =pè ním =mā

monk that =NOM =LOC stay =RLS
‘The monk lives there.’

(b) ā l m mā (08:95)

ā halá =ká eúhám =mā

1SG husband =TOP PN call =RLS
‘My husband is called Eham.’

337
 (c) m c mā (10:36)

maú- =tè ácí =mā

plum-CLT.fruit =A.AG extremely eat =RLS
‘(The birds) eat a lot of plums.’

mā is also used to mark ngomic situations–events that are true for all time, see

examples in (545).

The CFP mā, as mentioned above, marks non-future events. The distinction between past

or present is inferred from the context or can be specified by an adverbial time phrase.

Compare the clauses in (460). The first clause, (460a), does not contain a time adverbial

oi c b r l d “W ll I d m dici ” or “W ll I v m dici .” The

second clause, (460b), on the other hand, contains a time adverbial (m ó ‘lo

o’) o r l io of cl u i r i for rd.

(460) (a) āmā (16:39)

ā =pè ā =mā
EXCL 1SG =LOC medicine exist =RLS
‘Well, I have medicine.’ or ‘Well, I had medicine.’

(b) m ó m lé ā l ó āmā (06:1)

maeútóng maléq ā l -tóng ā =mā

long.ago 1PL king garden-big exist =RLS
‘Long ago, there existed our king’s big garden.’

mā, unlike , is not used in relative clauses; the bare form is understood as realis. See

the discussion on relative clauses in §8.2.3.

338
7.1.3 āmā and m ‘ or iv ’

There are two CFPs that express hortative mood in Kadu. The default time frame for a

hortative expression is the moment of speaking. The form āmā indicates a hortative

speech act, and has a similar sense to English shall we or l ’ . Though the speaker

always includes himself in the suggested action, it is not obligatory to use the verbal

plural particle c (§7.2.2) with āmā. See the examples in (461).

(461) (a) m āmā (31:1)

m = āmā
rice.cake eat =HORT
‘Shall we eat rice cake?’

(b) ā c āmā (15:10)

awà =yaúk ā -cí = āmā

father =COM go-PL =HORT
‘Let’s go with daddy.’

Except for a difference in tone, the structure of the hortative marker āmā is similar to

the ‘mu ’ lu mā ‘r li ’ co ruc io ic c rri the meaning of obligation or

compulsion as in (462) (and (547) in §7.2.3). The semantic distinction can only be

inferred from the context and the tone.

(462) ā m mā m (12:52)

ā m-thà =mā a-ngaú-ním =sà

1SG make-must =RLS NEG-say-stay =NEG.IMP
‘Don’t say that I have to do (it).’

339
In example (462), ‘mu ’ i u d v rb modifi r vi m i of

obligation, necessity, and compulsion. However, ā in (461) do ’ i dic

obligation or compulsion. It, together with mā, indicates a hortative meaning.

The other CFP that denotes a hortative meaning is m . It, unlike the term āmā,

indicates r’ ro u io o i difficul o r j c . I m b

i r r d ‘fi l u iv ’. T r l i clud im lf i

suggested action. However, unlike with āmā, it always occurs with the verbal plural

particle c . Look at the example sentences in (463) and (464).

(463) ó mc m (28:7)

kaí kónnáng m-cí =mák

well! hill.field fence make-PL =HORT
‘Well, let’s make the field’s fence.’

(464) ā m lé l c cm (12:89)

nāng peúkút =yaúk maléq tátlúng =yaúk caík-cí =mák

2SG adze =COM 1PL magic.ball =COM exchange-PL =HORT
‘Let’s exchange my adze and your magic ball.’

7.1.4 Imperatives

Imperatives in positive and negative sentences are marked differently in Kadu. Positive

imperative mood is marked by the absence of a CFP. Negative imperative mood is

marked by the enclitic= . The default time frame for both positive and negative

340
imperative sentences is the moment of speaking. Affirmative imperative clauses are

illustrated in (465).

(465) (a) (b) ā (c) l

ā l
eat go come
‘Eat!’ ‘Go!’ ‘Comeǃ’

One or more speaker attitude particles (SAP) (§3.3.5) may optionally follow the verb to

soften the illocutionary force. The examples in (466) contain three SAPs: , ù in

(466a), lé in (466b) and ù ùé (466c). As shown by (466a) more than one SAP

can be used at one time.

(466) (a) “ ā ù” ngaúmaták (15:102)

anáq ataí ā =ná =yeù ngaú =mā =ták

this pattern go =SAP =SAP say =RLS =HS
‘(The wife) said, “Please, go in this manner”, it is said.’

(b) lé (c)

. =lé =
rice eat =SAP rice eat =SAP
‘Please, eat rice’ ‘Please, eat rice’

Imperative negative clauses are formed by attaching one of the negative proclitics - or

a- (§10.2) immediately before the head verb and attaching the prohibitive clitic = at

the end of the VCX, as illustrated in (467). See the detailed disussion on negation in

Chapter 10.

341
(467) (a) ínngaúsà (11:22) (b) m ó (07:111)

ín-ngaú =sà a- m-zón =sà

NEG-say =NEG.IMP NEG-make-CONTINUE =NEG.IMP
‘Don’t say (it)ǃ’ ‘Don’t do (it) anymore!’

7.2 Verbal modifiers

A m io d rli r rm ‘v rb modifi r’ i u d cov r rm for umb r of

elements which occur after the head verb and before the CFP. It is very common to find

a head verb in Kadu followed by one or two verbal modifiers. However, in day to day

speech it is not common to find more than three or four morphemes occurring in a

single VCX. The examples in (468) illustrate VCXs that contain verbal modifiers. Verbal

modifiers are highlighted in bold.

(468) (a) mc mā (15:13)

atá -ním-cí =mā

rice eat-stay-PL =RLS
‘(They) are eating cooked rice.’

(b) “lā mā ” ngaúmaták (25:144)

lā-háng-àng-kák =mā ngaú =mā =ták

take-back-DIR1-want =RLS say =RLS =HS
‘(He) said, “(I) want to take (it) back”, it is said.’

As in the examples above, if the lexical or etymological meaning of a verbal modifier is

relatable it will be glossed using the lexical source. For example, the verbal modifier

m, as in (468a), which indicates progressive aspect, is glossed using its lexical

m i ‘ ’. All v rb l modifi r i K du follo d v rb. S m ic ll

342
they are always in a subordinate relationship to the head. Furthermore, unlike the head

verb, the verbal modifiers may or may not have a lexical meaning and do not allow

dir c io . T modifi r li i L u “... rv o rovid v r l or of

information that, in the grammar of languages like English, may be handled by

subordinating devices such as complementary infinitives, -ing complements, modal

uxili ri dv rb r o i io l r or v ol ubordi cl u ” (M i off

1973:200).

Languages such as Burmese and Lahu allow verb modifiers to occur before the head24

as well as after the head. Matisoff (1973) called the class of verbs that are juxtaposed to

the head verb in Lahu versatile verbs. He identified two types of versatile verbs: those

that appear before the head verb (pre-head versatiles) and those that appear after the

head verb (post-head versatiles). However, Kadu verbal modifiers are restricted to the

post-head position only.

In Kadu, many auxiliary verbs are also used as full verbs. To avoid ambiguity, the CFP

may be inserted after the first verb to block an auxiliary reading of the second

verb. Consider the examples in (469).

24
The example below shows the use of three pre-head verbs, ‘return’, ‘assemble’ and ‘ask’, in Burmese.
pyan su taun: sa: ca. te (Myit Soe 1999:162)
again gather ask eat PL RLS
‘We again asked together to eat (it).’

343
(469) (a) ā mmā (15:13)

ā- atá -ním =mā

3SG son-PL rice eat-stay =RLS
‘His sons are eating rice.’

(b) mmā (12:70)

síngngeút-shī =tè yōk =pán ním =mā

fig-CLT.fruit =A.AG eat =COS stay =RLS
‘(The pig) eats fig fruit and lives.’

In example (469a), the verb m immediately occurs following the head verb to mark

the action as progressive. The event in (469a) is seen as a single event, an action in

progress. However, in example (469b) the two verbs and m are separated by the

CFP . Therefore, example (469b) is interpreted as having two sequential events. Most

of the verbal modifiers are also true verbs and can function as the head verb in a

sentence.

The degree of abstractness of a verbal modifier depends upon the degree of

grammaticalisation it has undergone. Furthermore, the semantic interpretation of

auxiliary verbs may vary depending on the verb types they follow. Some main verbs

allow the auxiliary verb to retain its lexical meaning, whereas others do not. For

example, when the verb ‘ ’i r c d db v rb ‘ iv ’ i

grammaticalised benefactive meaning, which may be translated as ‘give something for

om o ’ b fi .’ However, when the verb ‘ ’ i u d u d follo i food

processing verbs such as m ‘coo ’ i (470), it retains its lexical meaning.

344
Therefore, we can say that the auxiliary verbs in Kadu can be more or less

grammaticalised, depending on the head verb they follow.

(470) m cm (18:08)

atá m -y -cí =mák

rice cook-eat-PL =HORT
‘Let’s cook (for our benefit).’

The verbal modifiers which occur between the head verb and the CFPs are many. It is

impossible to establish an exact order for them. Without strictly following the order of

the verb modifiers, we may group them into three categories, presented in the following

order: 7.2.1 Auxiliary verbs, 7.2.2 Verbal particles, and 7.2.3 Modal auxiliaries.

7.2.1 Auxiliary verbs

Syntactically, all the auxiliary verbs in Kadu follow the head verb and precede the

v rb l r icl . Tr di io ll rm “ uxili r ” i u d o r f r o l m

provide information such as tense, aspect, and modality (Payne 1997:84). The auxiliary

verbs in Kadu embrace a wider range of semantic domains than these. Some domains in

Kadu may correlate with the function of adverbs in other languages. For example,

auxiliary verbs such as ‘ l ’ d ‘ rior’ v dv rbi l fu c io d

‘ord r’ dm ‘o r’ v c u iv d oci iv fu c io

r c iv l . Al ou I do ‘ cl im li i com l i i i I ro o 20

auxiliary verbs in Kadu.

345
Based on their position within the VCX and semantic domain, auxiliary verbs in Kadu

are further divided into ten categories and presented in the following order: 7.2.1.1

Benefactives, 7.2.1.2 Associative, 7.2.1.3 Jussive and causative, 7.2.1.4 Frequency and

additive, 7.2.1.5 Aspectuals, 7.2.1.6 Degrees, 7.2.1.7 Excessive, 7.2.1.8 Experiential,

7.2.1.9 Totality, and 7.2.1.10 Discontinuity.

Table 28 presents the auxiliary verbs attested in my Kadu data.

Semantic domain Auxilary verb Lexical meaning Grammaticalised meaning

‘ ’ ‘b f c iv ( lf-b f c iv )’
Benefactive
‘ iv ’ ‘b f c iv (o rb f c iv )’
Associative m x ‘ oci iv ’
Jussing and ‘ ’ ‘ju iv ’
Causative ‘ord r’ ‘c u iv ’
x ‘b c i r dl ’
ph x ‘ ddi io ll ’
Frequency/Time
x ‘do rior o om i ’
x ‘ l ’
m ‘ ’ ‘ ro r iv ’
Aspectual ‘ ’ ‘r ul iv ’
‘fi i ’ ‘com l iv ’
m x ‘ rul ’
Degree
x ‘u o ’
m x ‘b . xc d’
Excessive
x ‘ xc d’
Experiential x ‘ x ri i l’
Totality m ‘fi i ’ ‘ o li ’
Continuity ó x ‘di co i ui ’
Table 28: Attested auxiliary verbs in Kadu

Table 28 is arranged, from top to bottom, in their general order of occurrence within the

VCX. The auxiliary verbs that appear closest to the head verb are presented at the top.

346
L xic ll irr ri v bl i m r r r d b ‘X’. I i l o vid from Table 28

that, in general, auxiliary verbs that are closest to the head verb and aspectuals have a

clearer retrievable lexical meaning. A clause, in general, may contain two or three

auxiliary verbs, however, though not natural, my language consultants approved a

clause which contains five auxiliary verbs, as illustrated in (471).

(471) m ò mā (AKYS)

m - -phòt-háng-peú =mā
make/do eat-order-dd.more-back-keep =RLS
‘He has made (him) do once more again (for his benefit).’

7.2.1.1 Benefactives

Two auxiliary verbs, ‘ ’ d ‘ iv ’ dd b f c iv m i o d

verb they follow. These auxiliary verbs occur closest to the head verb. These verbs do

not change the transitivity of the verb. If the benefactive argument is made explicit, it

may be optionally marked by éu ‘b f c iv ’ i (472a), or unmarked, as in

(478c). A VCX containing more than one benefactive auxiliary verb is not attested. The

semantic interpretation of the benefactive meaning of these two verbs may be explained

‘ lf-b f c iv ’ d ‘o r-b f c iv ’.

The verb is used for self-benefactive (V for a living) and i u d for ‘o r-

b f c iv ’ (V-to do for o r’ b fi ). To co firm m ic i r r io

are self-benefactive and other-benefactive, I tested the two forms using the benefactive

nominal particle, lo d ‘b f c iv (BEN)’ i r um of v rb.

347
The native Kadu speakers said example (472a) is acceptable and natural but example

(472b) is awkward.

(472) (a) m (AKYS)

=yeún atá m - =
3SG =BEN rice cook-give =IRLS
‘I will cook rice for him.’

(b) * m (AKYS)

=yeún atá m - =
3SG =BEN rice cook-eat =IRLS
‘I will cook rice for him.’

The benefactive meaning of the auxiliary verb is even clearer when it follows a

verb expressing an action that is something a person does on a regular basis as a

profession or livelihood. Look at the example sentences in (473) and (474).

(473) mā (AKYS)

phú - =mā
3SG silver borrow- eat =RLS
‘He lends money.’ or ‘He lends money for a living.’

(474) l ā m m mā (17:11)

azàk-tàk =ká l ā m- = myá-ta =mā

PN-PL =TOP field make-eat =TOP plenty-L.SUFF =RLS
‘Most Kadu practice wet-rice field cultivation.’
Or ‘Most Kadu do wet-rice field cultivation for their living.’

348
The verb following head verbs that express activities related to processing food or

actions that are done for the purpose of food consumption retains the lexical meaning.

This is illustrated in (475).

(475) (a) m cm (18:7)

atá m - -cí =mák

rice cook-eat-PL =HORT
‘Let’s cook to eat the rice.’

(b) ā ó m (15:22)

ā -tóng =yaúk wán- =mā =ták

sword-big =COM hill.field chop-eat =RLS =HS
‘(They) clear/chop the hill field (for their livelihood) with a sword, it
is said.’

Cross-linguistically, it is not uncommon to find verbs of consumption to have such an

extended meaning (Newman 2009). Cl rl ui ‘ ’ v rb uxili r v rb for

a benefactive meaning is an areal feature; it is also attested in many other TB languages

in Burma. For comparison, I have constructed Rawang, Burmese and Jingphaw

examples, as in (476).

(476) (a) rəm m (Rawang)

rəm -am =e
field do-eat =CFP
‘(He) cultivates field for (his) livelihood.’

349
 (b) awmif<mvkyfpm:w<f (Burmese)

tong-ja loup-sa: =te

field do-eat =CFP
‘id’

(c) yi l i (Jingphaw)

yi - =ai
field do-eat =CFP
‘id’

The verb ‘ iv ’ li v rb ‘ ’ dd b f c iv m i o d v rb.

However, it is mostly associated with non-food related verbs and the semantic function

i l ‘o rb f c iv ’. Ex m l (477) exemplifies as the head verb of the

clause, whereas the examples in (478) exemplify as an auxiliary verb.

(477) c (25:6)

ōnnáng ceú ī =kū

dowry buffalo give =IRLS
‘I will give you a dowry buffalo.’

(478) (a) m mā ó (25:102)

m c mā- =yók
pestle sell-give =INTRUSIVE
‘Sell your pestle (for us).’

(b) l mā ó (AKYS)

haláng-weú =mā phú- =yók

sky-water =RLS bamboo.hat put.on-give =INTRUSIVE
‘(It is) raining, put a bamboo hat on him.’

350
 (c) ā c mā (17:20)

ànták =ká - ā- cíng paút-záng-hà =yák

3PL =TOP self-son-PL letter skill-JUSS:DIR2-know.how =PURP

ngaú =pán =naà peú- -à =mā

say =COS =only keep-give-EUPH =RLS
‘They sent/kept us in school because they want their children to be
educated.’

7.2.1.2 Associative

The term m lo d ‘o r’ c ronically not relatable to a lexical source, is

employed to add an associative meaning to the head verb. Syntactically, it occurs

following benefactive auxiliary verbs and preceding jussive and causative auxiliary

verbs. It may be translated into English as ‘V- o r’.

(479) (a) m m (04:14)

=yaúk atá -m =másà

3SG =COM rice eat-together =only.if 3SG daughter
‘The only one who eats together with him (the king) is his (own)
daughter.’

(b) ā ā mm káká (15:5)

ā-tàk =yaúk ā ín-a-ním-m -kák =á

son-PL =COM 1SG NEG-NEG-stay-together- want =NEG
‘I don’t want to live together with your sons.’

351
 (c) m m mā (AKYS)

m- -m - =mā
do-eat-together-want =RLS
‘(I) want (us) to do (it) together.’

7.2.1.3 Jussive and causative

The term lo d ‘ju iv ’ (JUSS), i m lo d o dd r’ comm d or

permission. It is relatable to the lexical verb ‘ ’. T o l mi or diff r c

between these two is the tone. The implication is mostly found with the first person

directly signaling his or her proposition to the third person. Consider the examples in

(480) and (481). The examples in (480) exemplify the use of as a head verb.

(480) (a) lé c (25:7)

maléq -tàk =pà =pè ceú =

1PL uncle-PL =ALL =LOC buffalo ask =IRLS
‘I will ask for a buffalo from my uncles.’

(b) m (08:4)

=pè -à =mā =ták

Shan.chief =LOC ask-EUPH =RLS =HS
‘(They) asked the Shan chief, it is said.’

352
The following examples in (481) illustrate the use of as an auxiliary verb.

(481) (a) “ ā ” ngaúmaták (08:26)

“ ā-zíng” ngaú =mā =ták

exist-JUSS say =RLS =HS
‘(The chief) said, “Let (her) stay”, it is said.’

(b) ā l mā (15:72)

àngnáq ā l =tè -zíng-à-kák =mā

that husband.wife =A.AG call-JUSS-EUPH-want =RLS
‘(I) want to let (someone) call that couple.’

When the term is used in hortative clauses, it functions as a causativiser. It may be

r l di oE li ‘ o c u /m V’. Co id r x m l i (482).

(482) (a) ā l m āmā (15:30)

=tè ā l m-zíng = āmā

3SG =A.AG king make-JUSS =HORT
‘Let’s make him a king.’

(b) āmā (15:117)

=tè shí-zíng-àng = āmā

3SG =A.AG die-JUSS-DIR1 =HORT
‘Let’s cause/make him to die.’

Another term that denotes causative meaning to the head verb is the verb

‘ord r’. I m v d riv d from combi io of v rb ‘ ’ d ‘ ’.

Ho v r I v lo di i l v rb ‘ord r’ b c u most Kadu speakers see it as

a single unit. The examples in (483) exemplify the use of as a head verb.

353
(483) (a) mā (AKYS)

=tè =mā
3SG =A.AG order =RLS
‘(He) ordered him.’

(b) “ l l lā ” m (15:127)

“ l -waleú lā-thà = ” =mā =ták

ogre breast-liquid take-must =IRLS order =RLS =HS
‘(The king) ordered “You have to bring the ogre’s milk”, it is said.’

When the verb is used as an auxiliary verb, it adds a causative meaning to the

action expressed by the head verb. The following examples in (484) illustrate the use of

as an auxiliary verb.

(484) (a) mā ùé (15:150)

tán-shí- =mā =seùé =tè

beat-die-order =RLS=SAP 3SG =A.AG
‘(The king) made (his official) kill him.’

(b) c mā (25:9)

ā =tè ceú - -ìng =mā

1SG =A.AG dowry buffalo ask-order-DIR2 =RLS
‘They made me ask the dowry buffalo.’

7.2.1.4 Frequency and additive

The auxiliary verbs which indicate frequency, repetition, and the order in which the

action expressed by the head verb happens relative to some other event are given in

(485). Sychronically, they are not relatable to lexical meanings.

354
(485) ‘b c ’ or ‘ i ’
ò ‘ dd mor ’
‘ rior’ and
‘ l ’

The term denotes repetitive action, as in (486).

(486) (a) mā lé (12:16)

=tè -háng =mā =talé

2PL =A.AG look-again =RLS =SAP
‘I am looking after you, again.’

(b) cā m (09:68)

acān ōm-háng =pán =ták

plan make-again =COS =HS
‘(The rabbit) made a plan again.’

Ho v r i m l om ‘b c ’ i follo mo io v rb uc ā ‘ o’ d

l ‘com ’ i (487).

(487) (a) m ù ā m (15:42)

phàkmák = ù =pà =pè

tomorrow =manner hill.field =ALL =LOC

ā -háng =mā =ták

go-back =RLS =HS
‘The next day, (he) went back to the field, like that, it is said.’

355
 (b) l (15:15)

héwà lī-háng =zík

daddy come-back =FINALLY
‘Daddy, come back.’

The term ò lo d ‘mor ’ dd ddi iv m i o d v rb. I occur

only three times in my data, each time following the verb ‘c ll’ i o of

rr iv . I c b r l d ‘mor of V’ i E li i (488).

(488) m ā ò āmā (18:93)

m ā -phòt-àng = āmā
human call-more-DIR1 =HORT
‘Let’s make more calls to people.’

My language consultants, however, said that it is not restricted to following the verb

‘c ll’ o l bu m follo o r v rb. Som mor x m l i ò

provided by Kadu language consultants are given in (489).

(489) (a) m ò ā (b) ò ā

m- ò =mā - ò =mā
do-more =RLS eat-more =RLS
‘do more’ ‘eat more’

The term lo d ‘ rior’ d o c io x r ssed by the head verb is

prior to some other action and temporary in most cases, compared to the other action,

which is more permanent. The action which may follow may or may not be explicit. In

most cases, it is pragmatically determined. Consider the examples in (490).

356
(490) (a) lā (24:19)

awà lā-pháng =
father medicine take-prior =IRLS
‘(I)-father will bring medicine, (and heal him).’

(b) m m (31:30)

múngshī-há ōm-pháng =kū

noodle-red make-prior =IRLS
‘I will make red noodles first (and do others later).’

It also denotes that the action expressed by the head verb is not a permanent but, rather,

a temporary action. This is particularly true with posture verbs such as m ‘ ’ d

ó ‘ i ’. Co id r x m l i (491).

(491) (a) ā m ā mā m ó (13:28)

ā = m ā =mā = m-pháng =yók

2SG =TOP human be =RLS beside =LOC stay-prior =INTRUSIVE
‘You are a human, (therefore) stay aside (for a while).’

(b) ó (AKYS)

aú =pè thóng-pháng =
here =LOC sit-prior =IRLS
‘(I) will sit here (for a while).’

7.2.1.5 Aspectuals

The verbs m ‘ ’ ‘ u ’ or ‘ o l c ’ d ‘fi i ’ x r

cu lm i ‘ ro r iv ’ ‘r ul iv ’ d ‘com l iv ’ r c iv l

357
they are used as auxiliary verbs. Each verb is dealt with in detail in the following

section.

Continuity25 in Kadu is marked by the use of the verb m‘ ’ uxili r v rb.

Continuity is a semantic notion that describes states as enduring and non-states as

o oi i u io . Co i ui uo i Comri (1976:24) i d fi d “ ...

imperfectivity not occasioned by habituality.” He divided continuity into two

morphological categories: non-progressive for stative verbs and progressive for non-

stative verbs. In Kadu, continuity, both non-progressive and progressive, is handled by a

single auxiliary verb, m ‘ ’. I c occur bo i d mic o oi dur iv

events (activities, achievements, and accomplishments) and states but is not used for

habitual action. When used with achievement verbs it has iterative sense. The following

examples in (492) exemplify the use of the intransitive verb of location m in Kadu.

(492) (a) ā l mc mā (15:69)

àntàk ā l ním-cí =mā

3PL husband.wife stay-PL =RLS
‘They, husband and wife, live (there).’

(b) ngak óā mmā (08:93)

ā =ká óā =pè ním =mā

1SG =TOP PN =LOC stay =RLS
‘I live at Kothanpaukwaq.’

25
Continuousness in Comrie (1976).

358
The semantics of the verb m ‘ ’i x m l i (492) imply the existence of an

animate entity (the actor) being at a specific location and the maintenance of this

situation over a certain period of time. The phenomenon of a marker of imperfectivity

d rivi from r mm ic li io of loc io v rb ‘ ’ or ‘liv ’ i ll d

cross-linguistically. This phenomenon is found in Burmese, Lahu, Thai, and Chinese

(Matisoff 1991: 415-418). For comparison, I have given examples from Burmese and

Lahu. The Burmese example in (493) is my own and the Lahu example in (494) is from

Matisoff (1973).

(493) Burmese examples

(a) xrif:pm:aew<f (b) xrif:uylaew<f

htamang: sa:-nei =te htamang: =ka. pu-nei =te

rice eat-stay =RLS rice =TOP hot-stay =RLS
‘(He) is eating rice.’ ‘The rice is (being) hot.’

(494) Lahu examples (Lahu: Matisoff 1973:237)

(a) vəʔ -c ɛ (b) chu -c ɛ

wear -stay be.fat -stay
‘is wearing’ ‘is still fat’

As shown in examples (493) and (494), in both languages continuity is marked by a

post-v rb l uxili r ic d riv from m i v rb ‘liv ’ or ‘ ’ Burm ae

<nei> and Lahu chɛ. Matisoff (1973:240) glossed chɛ ‘b i c or of V-ing

or be still V-i ’ cl rl i it is used with verbs that describe both states and

non-states.

359
In Kadu, the auxiliary verb m is attested occurring both with state and non-state

verbs. For example, in the examples in (495) two stative verbs, ā ‘ xi ’ d

‘r d’ r u m r d for c.T r im l follo d by the realis marker mā to

indicate that the situations expressed in the clauses are happening or known to have

happened at the speech time or prior to the speech time.

(495) (a) l āmā (17:66)

=pè alúk ā =mā

village =LOC work exist =RLS
‘(I) have work to do in the village.’ Or ‘(There) is work in the village.’

(b) mā (AKYS)

=mā
this flower red =RLS
‘The flower is/was red.’ (timeless truth)

The auxiliary verb m can be added, as in (496), to describe the continuity of the

stative situation at the moment of speaking.

(496) (a) m é ó ā mmā (17:85)

m-haút =panáq =ká phéng =kón ā-ním =mā

make-want =NOM =TOP full =PURP exist-stay =RLS
‘(I) have full desire to do (it).’ (Lit. I am having full desire.)

. (b) mmā (AKYS)

- m =mā
this flower red-stay =RLS
‘The flower is/was red.’ (temporary truth)’

360
The same term m is also used to express the continuity of a non-state situation, as

shown in (497).

(497) (a) mc mā (15:13)

atá -ním-cí =mā

rice eat-stay-PL =RLS
‘(They) are eating rice.’

(b) “ ā l lā m lé ù” ngaúpánnaà ā mm (25:172)

“ā l =tè lā-kák =mā =lé = ù”

king daughter =A.AG take-want =RLS =SAP =SAP

ngaú =pán =naà ā -ním =mā =ták

say =COS =only weep-stay =RLS =HS
‘(He) said “I want the princess” and was crying, it is said.’

The resultative or perfective aspect is marked by the post-verbal modifier , which is

d riv d from l xic l v rb ‘ o ’ or ‘ o l c ’. T l xic l u of is

illustrated in (498).

(498) (a) anáqpaíkpàpè peú (08:63)

anáq paìk =pà =pè peú

this beside =ALL =LOC keep
‘Keep (it) around here!’

(b) pòkhápè peúmaták (24:29)

pòkhá =pè peú =mā =ták

forest =LOC keep =RLS =HS
‘(He) had kept (the princess) in the forest, it is said.’

361
When the verb is used as an auxiliary verb it adds the sense of perfective aspect. It

patterns like the Burmese xm: <hta:> ic “m r of u d r o r r ul i

from the activity expressed by the main verb–a state that is seen as stable and

rm ” (Rom o 2008:183). T focu i i of c i u d r o r

affected entity. It indicates that the activity brought about by the actor has been

completed and is kept in that state. The examples in (499) exemplify the auxiliary usage

of the verb .

(499) (a) m ā m mā (07:27)

m ā-tàk =tè kasúm-peú =mā

3SG human-PL =A.AG hide-keep =RLS
‘(He) has hidden his people/followers.’

(b) m lé ò mā (09:22)

maléq òk-tàk heú-peú =mā

1PL grandfather-PL tell-keep =RLS
‘Our forefathers had told (us).’

The situation which resulted from the activity is realised as a permanent state unless it

gets interfered with or modified by other events, as illustrated in (500).

(500) “m lé m c mā l c l ” l (18:86)

“m lé = m c = - =mā
1PL =TOP last.night =TOP tiger shoot-keep =RLS

l - -c = =l ” =l
come-EUPH-PL =IRLS =Q say =MIR
‘(We) told them, “Last night we shot a tiger, (We’re going to look for it), and
will you come with us?.”’

362
The post-verbal is also used to express enduring qualities of the state or situation.

It can even extend its scope to events that may hold true for any time (gnomic). For

example, the speakers of Kadu believe that they all migrated from a place called

Maukhwin, as in (501). Notice the ablative in (501) is a Burmese loan word.

(501) m (10:1)

azàk azáq m =káq =ták

PN begin PN =LOC =HS
‘Kadu begins from Maukhwin, it is siad.’

Therefore, based on the fact that all the Kadu migrated from Maukhwin, it is

appropriate to use the sentence in (502).

(502) m l mā (AKYS)

- m = l- =mā
PN-PL PN =ABL come-keep =RLS
‘The Kadu had come from Maukhwin.’

The post-verbal modifier is also used when a present state provides evidence of a

past event. For example, if the wet grass evidently indicates that it has rained, example

(503b) is possible.

(503) (a) l mā (AKYS) (b) l mā (AKYS)

l - =mā l - - =mā
sky-water =RLS sky-rain-keep =RLS
‘(It) rains.’ or ‘It is raining.’ ‘It has rained.’ (It is still wet).

363
When the post-verbal modifier is followed by the irrealis marker , it denotes a

future perfect, as in (504).

(504) ó c lc l ó m (AKYS)

ósací a-l -c anáq alúk

teacher NEG-come-before this work

zí =kón m-peú =
finish =PURP make-keep =IRLS
‘I will solve this problem before the teacher comes.’ Or ‘By the time the
teacher comes I will have finished the work.’

T com l iv c i d fi d b B b P r i d P liuc (1994:57) “ o do

something thoroughly and completely and the completive sometimes carries the

semantic sense that the object of the action is totally affected, consumed, or destroyed

by the action.” In Kadu the auxiliary verb , which is synchronically relatable to the

lexical source ‘fi i ’ i m lo d o i dic com l iv c ic lo

includes the sense of total affectedness of the patient of the action.

The verb ‘fi i ’ i commo l fou d full l xic l v rb i u io

expressed is shared knowledge between the speaker and the hearer and it would be

redundant to repeat it, as in (505).

(505) (a) m m l (AKYS)

mà =naík m zí = =lá
WH =only time finish =IRLS =Q
‘When are you finishing (it)?’

364
 (b) m (AKYS)

phàkmák zí =
tomorrow finish =IRLS
‘(I) will finish (it) tomorrow.’

A similar situation can also be found in English when someone “I fi i d

whole glass of wine.” This does not mean that the person has completed the object (the

glass) but, rather, it is the completion of the activity or process. The only implied

activity or process in this case would be the drinking of the wine. If the speaker,

however, is asking about a specific activity or process, it is obligatory to use the

specific verb. Consider the examples in (506)–conversations which are frequently used

as greetings among the speakers of Kadu in their day to day lives.

(506) l (b) ( )

k- = =l ( ) z =
rice eat-finish =COS =Q (eat) finish =COS
‘Have (you) finished eating?’ ‘(I am) finished (eating).’

Omission of the main verb is often found in non-final clauses, as in (507).

(507) weú mā mā (AKYS)

weúkú =mā Ø zí =pán tanákhá paú =mā

bathe =RLS (bathe) finish =COS cosmetic.paste apply =RLS
‘She bathed. After (bathing) she put on cosmetic paste.’

365
(508) ā m c ā cm ùé (28:24)

ā kámàkà wát-háng-cáq26
hill.field mustard so.on shave-back-PL

zí =pán =naà =yí =tá ā -cí =mák =seùé

finish =COS =only =also =EMPH go-PL =HORT=SAP
‘Cut the mustard field and so on! If (it) is done, let’s go.’

When the form is used post verbally, it indicates the completion of the situation. It is

common to find the post-verbal modifier followed by the change of state CFP to

express the completion of the situation and the state of having changed the situation, as

in (509).

(509) (a) ā (30:1)

ā -zí =pán
paddy transplant-finish =COS
‘The paddy transplantation is done.’

(b) lā (17:3)

lā-zí =pán
marry-finish =COS
‘(He) is married.’

The post-verbal usage of the verb ‘fi i ’ i o r ric d i rm of m ic

of the verb it attaches to. I have tested this auxiliary verb with different verb classes and

my language consultants said that all the examples in (510) are grammatical.

26
This is a Burmese verbal plural form.

366
(510) (a) ā m ā ù (Stative)

ā m ā- - = ù - =
1SG human-CLF.person-one =A.AG see-finish =COS
‘I already saw the man.’ (Now I can go)

(b) (Accomplishment)

- =
water boil-finish =COS
‘The water has already boiled.’ (It’s no longer boiling)

(c) (Achievement)

- =
break-finish =COS
‘(He) broke it.’

(d) m (Activity)

m- =
do-finish =COS
‘(He) did it.’

7.2.1.6 Degrees

This section deals with adverb-like auxiliary verbs such as mā ‘ rul ’ d ù

‘ u o ’. T uxili r v rb i dic d r of c r i d li li ood. W m

also analyse these two auxiliaries as epistemic modals.

The auxiliary verb mā denotes a degree of certainty about the action expressed by the

main verb. It shares the same form with the verb mā ‘for ’ o v r dv rbi l

m i of ‘ rul ’ or ‘r ll ’ do o m o v any semantic relationship with this

367
form. More data is needed to understand the origin of mā . It is not restricted to state or

c io v rb . I m b r l di oE li ‘r ll c r i l ur l c u ll or

d fi i l ’. I i illu r d i (511).

(511) (a) c mā l ā (09:91)

c -mā =lá ā
true-truly =Q 2SG
‘Are you really sure?’

(b) mā (09:62)

hīng =tè yōk-māt =kū =naík

3SG =A.AG eat-truly =IRLS =only
‘(I) will certainly eat him now.’

Unlike other auxiliary verbs, the order of the auxiliary mā within the VCX is less fixed.

It generally occurs toward the end of the VCX following the benefactive,

jussive/causative, aspectual, and frequency and additive auxiliaries. Consider the

examples in (512). Example (512a) is grammatical but example (512b) is not.

(512) (a) l mā ā (AKYS)

l- -mā =mā
come-order-truly =RLS
‘(He) truly orders (him) to come.’

(b) *l mā mā

l -mā - =mā
come-truly-order =RLS

368
However, its position relative to the benefactive, jussive/causative, aspectual, and

frequency and additive auxiliaries is fixed, but not fixed relative to the verbal particles

and modal auxiliaries. Kadu language consultants said that all the examples illustrated

in (513) and (514) are grammatical. Notice mā occuring before or after verbal

particles, as illustrated in (513).

(513) (a) mc mā ā

m-c - -mā =mā

do-PL-DIR1-truly =RLS
‘(They) really did (that).’

(b) mmā c mā

m-mā -c - =mā
do-truly-PL-DIR1 =RLS
‘(They) really did (that).’

It may also occur either before or after modal auxiliaries as illustrated in (514).

(514) (a) m mā ā

m- -mā =mā
do-want-truly =RLS
‘(I) want to really do.’ Or ‘(I) really want to do.’

(b) mmā mā

m-mā - =mā
do-truly-want =RLS
‘(I) want to really do.’ Or ‘(I) really want to do.’

369
The auxiliary verb ù d o r’ u o i io bou li li ood of

action represented in the predicate. It is restricted to occurring with a negative verb

only. It occurs only once in my corpus. More data is need to understand this auxiliary

verb.

(515) (a) l m ā ā ù (18:106)

l m ā a- ā -pheù =á
be.far NEG-go-suppose =NEG
‘(I) suppose (the wounded tiger) did not go far.’

(b) l ù (AKYS)

-l - ù =
3SG NEG-come-suppose =NEG
‘(I) suppose (he) is not coming.’

7.2.1.7 Excessive

There are two terms, m ‘ xc ’ d ‘ xc d’ x r com r iv or

excessive sense. The former is used to indicate a comparative degree of quality, as in

(516).

(516) (a) l m ml (02.18)

l =tí meú-hàm =lakaú

3SG come =also good-be.excess =MIR
‘It’s better if he comes too.’

370
 (b) tónghàmpín sèk (11:4)

tóng-hàm =pín sèk

big-be.excess =NOM person
‘The older person’

The latter, , is mostly used to indicate an unintended or uncontrollable excess

situation. Look at the example sentences in (517).

(517) (a) ā (AKYS)

- =mā
eat-exceed =RLS
‘I ate more (than I needed).’

(b) ā m (18:29)

ā =ká -pát- -ním =tún

1SG =TOP sleep-asleep-exceed -stay =STILL
‘I was still asleep.’ (more than I was supposed to)

7.2.1.8 Experiential

The auxiliary verb lo d ‘b ’ i dic c io of m i v rb

unintended or experiened previously, as illustrated in (518). It does not occur as a head

verb in my data.

(518) (a) m lé (17:15)

nga =yí =tá m- -páp =talé

1SG =also =EMPH make-EUPH-been =SAP
‘I, as well, have done that before(experience of mining gold).’

371
 (b) ù m mā ā (07:49)

katùng-páp- -kák =mā ngā =yí =tá

see-been-EUPH-want =RLS exist =also =EMPH
‘I want to be (able to say) I‘ve seen the monk before.’ Lit. I, as well,
want to have experienced seeing (the monk).’

(c) m (15:110)

atá -páp- =
rice eat-been-EUPH =COS
‘(S/he) happened to eat rice.’ (ate without considering the
consequences)

7.2.1.9 Totality

The term m, relatable to the lexical verb m ‘u d u ’ i dic o li of

relevent participants of the action expressed by the head verb are affected by the action.

The example (519) exemplifies the use of m as a head verb.

(519) lù m l (18:68)

talù- =yí =tá m =kapán =l

seed-CLF.fruit =also =EMPH used.up =IMMF =SAP
‘(We) are running out of bullets as well.’ (Lit. we are running out seeds)

The auxiliary usage of the verb m m b r l di oE li ‘V- ll’ or ‘V-

u rl ’. T r illu r d i (520) and (521).

372
(520) ā m (07:108)

ā -tàk =tè tán-shí- m =kapán

1SG lord master-PL =A.AG 2PL beat-die-used.up =IMMF
‘(You) are going to kill all my masters.’

(521) l l m (13:48)

phák-lán -lán ā -háng- m =pán

?-road body-road go-back-used.up =COS
‘(They) all went back to their respective places.’

The term m may be preceded by the plural marker c to mark the totality of plural

referents. The function of the verbal plural marker c is discussed under verbal particles

in §7.2.2.

(522) ù m mc m (04:34)

an-yeù m-ním-cí- m =pán

DEM-manner make-stay-PL-finish.up =COS
‘All (people) are doing (it) in this manner.’

7.2.1.10 Discontinuity

The term, ó lo d ‘CONTINUE’ v r occur d v rb i m d .I i

restricted to occurring only with negative verbs and is employed to indicate a

discontinuitive notion to the main verb event. See the illustrations in (523).

373
(523) (a) azaúnzónshík (18:105)

a-zaún-zón =sà =zík

NEG-follow.after-CONTINUE =NEG.IMP =FINALLY
‘Don’t continue following (the tiger).’

(b) ā m ó (07:106)

ā ín- m-zón =sà

2SG NEG-make-CONTINUE =NEG.IMP
‘You, don’t do it again.’

(c) * m ó mā

m- ó =mā
do/make-CONTINUE =RLS
‘(He) keeps on doing it.’

In order to express a positive continuative proposition the clause final aspectual particle

is employed (see the discussion of Aspectual particles in §7.3)

7.2.2 Verbal particles

This section discusses three verbal particles: c ‘PL’ ‘DIR1’ d ‘DIR2’. T

are highly grammaticalised. Synchronically it is not possible to relate them to any

lexical sources. I have grouped them together simply because of their syntactic position

within the VCX. They all occur following auxiliary verbs (§7.2.1) and preceding modal

auxiliaries (§7.2.3). The directional particles and occur in the same slot,

following the particle c within the VCX. In the following sections I will discuss each of

them in turn.

374
7.2.2.1 c ‘ lur l’

If the agent referent that performs the action is more than one person, the verbal particle

c can be added to the predicate to mark plurality, as in (524).

(524) (a) ò ā c mā (18:2)

pòkhá nāng-cí =mā

forest go-PL =RLS
‘(We) went to the forest.’

(b) m mc l (12:121)

ma =nīng ōm-cí = =lá

WH =manner make-PL =IRLS =Q
‘What shall (we) do?’

(c) c (15:12)

atá yōk-cí =zík

rice eat-PL =FINALLY
‘(You plural) can eat rice now.’

The function of c resembles that of Burmese ju <kja.>. Consider the Burmese and

Kadu examples in (525). The Burmese example in (525a) is my own and I repeat the

Kadu example given in (524a) as (525b).

(525) (a) awmoGm:juw<f

to: thwa:-kra. =te

forest go-PL =RLS
‘(We) went to the forest.’

375
 (b) ò ā c mā (18:2)

pòkhá nāng-cí =mā

forest go-PL =RLS
‘id’

However, the position of these particles within the VCX in the respective languages

differ. In Burmese <kja.> follows most of the auxiliaries, however, it preceds the

auxiliary \ <ra.> ‘ rmi io ’ (W l 1982:232). The position of the particle c ,

unlike <kra.>, within the vcx in Kadu is stable. It follows the auxiliaries and precedes

the two directional particles, and and the modal auxiliaries. See c followed

by the directional verbal particles in (538).

The insertion of the particle c in the predicate is optional. Its usage seems to depend

o r ’ fr ill. For x m l l ou r icl c was not present in the

natural sentence, my language consultants said that it is possible to insert it without any

changes in meaning.

(526) mmā (10:12)

àng =panáq =pè =ká - ním-(c ) =mā

that =NOM =LOC =TOP PN-PL stay-(PL) =RLS
‘Tapan people live there.’

Using the term c with a singular agentive referent is ungrammatical. Consider the

examples in (527). Example (527a) is grammatical as the verbal plural particle c is

used with a plural referent m lé ‘1PL’ o v r (527b) is not grammatical since a

singular agentive referent is used with the verbal plural particle c eventhough there a

plural non-agentive is mentioned.

376
(527) (a) m lé c mā

m lé = -c =mā
1PL 2PL =A.AG look back-PL =RLS
‘We are looking after you.’

(b) * ā c mā

ā = -c =mā
1SG 2PL =A.AG look back-PL =RLS

7.2.2.2 ‘dir c io l: from d ic ic c r ’

The particle lo d ‘DIR1’ i dic c io or mov m from d ic ic

centre. Look at the example in (528).

(528) mā (10:56)

=pè -àng =mā

3SG =LOC arrive-DIR1 =RLS
‘(They) reached towards him.’

The deictic centre is determined by pragmatic and shared knowledge between speaker

and addressee. Example (528) indicates an action or movement away from the deictic

centre. In this case the deictic centre could be the speaker. When the action or

movement is happening toward the third person, using ‘DIR1’ i r mm ic l bu

not ‘DIR2’. W r x m l (528) in (529a) to show the contrast of these two

directionals. The first example is grammatical but example (529b) is not.

377
(529) (a) mā (10:56)

=pè - =mā
3SG =LOC arrive-DIR1 =RLS
‘(They) reached towards him.’

(b) * mā

=pè - =mā
3SG =LOC arrive-DIR2 =RLS

Some more examples of with motion verbs to denote the action or movement away

from the deictic centre, the speaker, are given in (530).

(530) (a) ù ā mā (08:14)

weú yahaùng =pè út-sàt-àng =mā

water river =LOC abandon-descend-DIR1 =RLS
‘Throw (it) down to the river.’

(b) cā ā mā (07:112)

cānsíttá =haík tán-tāt-àng =mā

PN =ABL beat-release-DIR1 =RLS
‘Kyansitta beat and sent (him) away.’

The particle l o i dic i l di l c m ‘ ’ i (531).

(531) (a) mā (05:4)

=panáq =tè -àng =mā

order =NOM =A.AG give-DIR1 =RLS
‘(We) gave away a slave girl.’ (Lit. the ordered one)

378
 (b) l mā (08:123)

salà- -phà-à -àng =mā

banana-CLT.fruit-CLF.bunch-one give-DIR1 =RLS
‘(I) gave away a bunch of bananas (to him).’

With action verbs, it indicates actions performed with self volition or strong intention.

See illustration in (532).

(532) (a) l lé m mā (19:1)

laúklé =yaúk káp-àng =mā

sling.shot =COM owl shoot-DIR1 =RLS
‘(Someone) shot an owl with a sling shot.’

(b) m mā (25:32)

hīng awà =tè yīm-àng =mā

3SG father =A.AG arrest-DIR1 =RLS
‘(The man) arrested his father.’

7.2.2.3 ‘dir c io l: o rd d ic ic c r ’

The particle , in contrast to , indicates an action or movement toward the deictic

centre27. T id of mov m o rd r’ loc io i r icul rly true when

follows motion verbs in Kadu, as illustrated in (533).

27
This particle resembles Burmese cJÐ <hke.>, which Allott says is used when “the speaker associates a
specific action carried through in one location (in space or time) with another location.” As it is related to
the speaker, she called it “speaker oriented” (Allot 1965:299).

379
(533) (a) mā (18:44)

àng =panáq sàt-ìng =mā kasà

that =NOM descend-DIR2 =RLS tiger
‘That tiger came down (toward us).’

(b) ó m l mā (18:80)

tóng m kalàng kát-ìng-thà =mā

three mile approximate run-DIR2-must =RLS
‘(We) came running about three miles.’

(c) paúlaú paúlaú zalaútnìngmaták (08:16)

paúlaú-paúlaú zalaút-ìng =mā =ták

floating-REDUP drift-DIR2 =RLS =HS
‘(The raft) came drifting (towards them), it is said.’

When , together with the realis marker mā, follows activity verbs it indicates a

‘ r ori d’ d ic ic u u ll i ‘ ’r f r c .I m b i r r d s

‘oV l r db r o ’i E li . Co id r x m l i (534).

(534) (a) mā (AKYS)

=mā
rice eat =RLS
‘I ate/eat rice.’ or ‘I am eating rice.’

(b) mā (AKYS)

- =mā
rice eat-DIR2 =RLS
‘I ate rice (before I came here).’

380
The example in (534a) simply indicates a realis situation, which may be interpreted with

past or present reference. However, when is used together with the realis marker

mā, the interpretation with present time reference is not possible.

The time reference with m b ‘r mo ’ or ‘ r ’. I i u u ll

determined by time adverbials such as m ‘ od ’ m ó ‘lo o’ or

simply the pragmatics of the situation. Consider the examples in (535).

(535) (a) m mā (25:130) (near past time reference)

yàkmák -háng-ìng =mā

today emerge-back-DIR2 =RLS
‘(I) came out (of the prison) today.’

(b) é ā mā (10:31) (remote past time reference)

àntàk =ká =é ngá ā -ta-ìng =mā

3PL =TOP =SAP five village establish-L.SUFF-DIR2 =RLS
‘They had founded/established five villages.’

Unlike with action verbs, when occurs with state verbs (particularly true with

mental perception verbs), the sense of physical movement is blocked and it simply

indicates the situation happened in a past time frame.

(536) (a) m ó ù m (15:64)

m ó-tàk ngaúkà katùng-ìng =mā =ták

hunter-PL as.for see-DIR2 =RLS =HS
‘Hunters saw (them), it is said.’

381
 (b) ó c mā (AKYS)

ósací ngaú =panáq - =mā

teacher say =NOM hear-DIR2 =RLS
‘I heard what the teacher said.’

(c) ā ā ā mā (11:15)

theūtheū wāwā ngā-ìng =mā

grandly ATTW exist-DIR2 =RLS
‘(They) became wealthy.’

plus with other action verbs indicates the probability of an unrealised situation.

(537) (a) n ā c (13:20)

ā =pà c -ìng kaphú -ìng =

1SG =ALL come.close-DIR2 snake eat-DIR2 =IRLS
‘Come close toward me, the snake will eat you (there).’

(b) m l (08:87)

ha=màng=kà l -ìng = a-heú-hà =á

WH=thing=Q get-DIR2 =IRLS NEG-tell-know.how =NEG
‘(I) don’t know what (she) will get.’

I have already mentioned that the plural particle c precedes and within the

VCX. When c is followed by one of these particles, it results in vowel fusion. See the

discussion on fusion in §2.8.1. I will not repeat the discussion of this phonological

process here but, instead, simply illustrate it with a few examples, as in (538).

382
(538) (a) m m mc l (30:41) (c + >c )

ha=màng=kà ōm-ním-càng =lá

WH=thing=Q make-stay-PL:DIR1 =Q
‘What are (they) doing?’

(b) taleú zángcìng (30:41) (c + >c )

taleú záng-cìng
dangling put.in-PL:DIR2
‘(You plural) put (the noodle) in dangling position!’

Any of the CFPs discussed in §7.1 can follow the directional verbal particles and

. However, when ‘COS’ imm di l follows one of these particles, the two

forms result in fusion thus forming a monosyllabic word. The rule is + >

and + > . There is tone sandhi with fused forms. If the preceding

ll bl i i o . .‘ ’ fu d form takes the low tone. However, if the

r c di ll bl i i r lo or mid o ( . . ‘ ’ or ‘ā ’) fu d form

high tone. The examples in (539) illustrate the fused form of + > .

(539) (a) ó ó lāpángták (08:73)

ó -tóng =tè sanàn =pán lā = =ták

drum-big =A.AG snatch =COS take =DIR1:COS =HS
‘(He) snatched the drum and took (it) away, it is said.’

(b) c (12:51)

c =haík ngaú =p =ták

dog =ABL say =DIR1:COS =HS
‘The dog said, it is said.’

383
The examples in (540) illustrate the fused form of + > .

(540) (a) (13:50)

kaphú =ká =píng =ták

snake =TOP emerge =DIR2:COS =HS
‘The snake came out, it is said.’

(b) l lā (12:94)

tátlúng lā-háng =
magic.ball take-back =DIR2:COS
‘(He) took back the magic ball.’

7.2.3 Modal auxiliaries

Syntactically, modal auxiliaries occur following verbal particles (§7.2.2) and preceding

CFPs (§7.1). I E li co v “ r l io i b r f r of ubj c

NP d c io ” (V V li d LaPolla 1997:41). In general, two types of modals

may be classified: deontic and epistemic. The former provides information on the

obligation, capacity, ability, possibility, and permission of the actor to perform the

action. The latter, on the other hand, co v “ x o ic ri

commi d o ru of ro o i io ” (B b 1994:179). Deontic and epistemic

modalities are discussed in §7.2.3.1 and §7.2.3.2, respectively.

7.2.3.1 Deontic modality

Modal auxiliaries with a deontic reading attested in Kadu are shown in (541). Each will

be discussed subsequently.

384
(541) ‘b ccu om d o bi u l o o ’
‘desider iv ’
‘d id r iv ’
‘ rmi io obli io c r ’
‘c bili rmi io ’

T u io “Do r f r o o o do c io x r db

r dic ?” i r db rm lo d ‘ o . o ’. I i dicates the agent

r f r ’ l r d bili ill d o l d .I m b r l d i o E li

‘ o o ’ or ‘ bl o’ illu r d i (542).

(542) (a) ā mā (07:35)

tākpá =yí yū-hà =mā

palm =also look-know.how =RLS
‘(He) knows how to read palms, as well.’ Or ‘He is able to read palms,
as well.’

(b) c mā (25:128)

chíthaúng tú tapaúk-hà =mā

bag language speak-know.how =RLS
‘The bag knows how to speak.’ Or ‘The bag can speak.’

The term has other functions as well. It is used to mark a customary or habitual

c io . H bi u li i d fi d “... i u io ic i c r c ri ic of x d d

period of time–so extended, in fact, that the situation referred to is viewed not as an

incidental property of the moment but precisely as a characteristic feature of a whole

riod” (Comri 1976:27-28). In English, habituality includes two types: present and

. E. . ‘H o o offic ’ d ‘H u d o o o offic ’. T form r i dic

that the event is taking place regularly at speech time and beyond. The latter, however,

385
indicates that the event was a customary action in the past but it no longer holds true at

speech time. Kadu, unlike English, does not distinguish present and past habituality.

The only way to make the present and past habituality distinction is to use a time

adverbial phrase like l ā ‘l r’ i (543b).

(543) (a) m d l ā mā (AKYS)

mandalay = ā - =mā
3SG PN =ALL go-know.how =RLS
‘He goes/used to go to Mandalay.’

(b) l ā m d l ā mā (AKYS)

l ā mandalay = ā - =mā
last.year 3SG PN =ALL go-know.how=RLS
‘Last year, he went/used to go to Mandalay.’ (but not anymore)

The interpretation of as either as a modal auxiliary or a marker of habituality is

pragmatically determined. Consider the examples in (544).

(544) (a) l l é (08:62)

kweú -palíq -hà =lakà =é

monkey as.for fruit-ATTW eat-know.how =MIR =SAP
‘Monkeys eat fruit (from time to time)’. Or ‘The monkey knows how to
eat fruit.’

(b) m d l ā mā (AKYS)

mandalay = ā - =mā
3SG PN =LOC go-know.how =RLS
‘He goes to Mandalay (from time to time).’ Or ‘He knows how to go to
Mandalay.’

386
Unlike temporary habitual action with omic i u io “ v re regarded

as timeless because they hold true for all time, but they still can be regarded as in effect

mom of c ” (Bybee, Perkins et al. 1994:141), are expressed with the realis

CFP mā, as illustrated in (545).

(545) (a) c mā

c =mā
dog bark =RLS
‘Dogs bark.’

(b) m ā mā

m ā =mā
people food eat =RLS
‘People eat/ate food.’

T u io “Do r f r v obli io o do c io m io ed by the

r dic ?” i r db mod l lo d ‘mu ’. I d o com ul io

permission, and obligation. The modal has an identical form with the copula ,

however synchronically it is not the copula, as there are cases where the copula is

followed by the modal , as in (546c). When the modal is followed by the irrealis

marker it indicates a strong suggestion or compulsion, as in (546).

(546) (a) ā ā (07:19)

ā ā -thà =
2SG go-must =IRLS
‘You must go.’

387
 (b) naká z l lā (15:93)

naká -waleú lā-thà = =ták

dragon breast-liquid take-must =IRLS =HS
‘(You) must bring dragon’s milk, it is said.’

(c) cé (10:48)

cé - =
PN be -must =IRLS
‘(It) must be Cettau.’

However, when it is followed by the realis marker mā, it simply denotes a strong

obli io ic c b r l d ‘mu ’ or ‘ v o’ i (547).

(547) (a) m mā (40:35)

haúk m-thà =mā

hill.field make-must =RLS
‘We have to cultivate the hill field.’

(b) m é l mā (11:9)

m é katú sèk -tàk àng =pè l -thà =mā

PN Kadu person -PL that =LOC come-must =RLS
‘The Mauteik Kadu have to come to that place.’

T u io “Do r f r v d ir or illi o do c io

x r di r dic ?” i r db mod l or . Both are glossed

28

‘ ’ d hey can be used interchangeably in many cases to denote a desiderative

This particle has the same semantic sense as Burmese csif <hkrang>, thwa:hhrang ‘want to go’, thi.hkrang
28

‘want to know’; and also Lahu : ‘want to go’, ‘want to know’. Matisoff supposed that it
may have once had an independent verbal meaning like 'think of conatively; desire' (Matisoff 1991:394).

388
meaning. However, is used more frequently than . They both can be translated

i oE li ‘ o V’. T mod l is illustrated in (548).

(548) (a) ā ā mā (09:1)

hàháng =yeún =naà heú- ā-àng-kák =mā

friend Kachin =BEN =only tell-show-DIR1-want =RLS
‘I want to tell (the story) for (my) Kachin friend.’

(b) mā (26:4)

tángngà k-kák =mā

fish eat-want =RLS
‘(I) want to eat fish.’

The desire for food, water and to do something is expressed by the modal . The
29

examples in (549) exemplify the desiderative construction with .

(549) (a) at m (18:7)

atá -haút =píng m ā =ká

rice eat-want =DIR2:COS boy 1SG =TOP
‘I am hungry.’ (Lit. Boy! I am hungry)

(b) ā (AKYS)

- =mā
water eat-want =RLS
‘(I) am thirsty.’

The qu io “Do r f r v bili o do c io x r db

r dic ?” i r db mod l lo d ‘c ’. I i lo o r l bl o

It may have derived from the Tai (Shan) word hiw ‘hungry’.
29

389
lexical meaning. Unlike in (542), ic i dic r f r ’ learned ability, it

denotes semantic notions such as physical ability or capability, as in (550).

(550) (a) (07:97)

azàk =tè ná- =pán

PN country =A.AG win-can =COS
‘(We) can win the Kadu kingdom.’

(b) c c ā (AKYS)

c c - =mā
3SG letter read-can =RLS
‘He can read the letter.’

(c) l āl ā (13:60)

leú-zíyeū-tayā lū-ta-yeūn =mā

ox.cart-CLF.cart-one.hundred offer-L.SUFF-can =RLS
‘(He) can offer a hundred ox carts.’

It also denotes the semantic notion of permissibility, as in (551).

(551) ā ā m ā (07:54)

ā -háng ā -háng m- =mā

2SG emerge-back enter-back make-can =RLS
‘You may/can freely go in and out of my palace.’

7.2.3.2 Epistemic modality

T u io “W i r’ m of li li ood of c io

mentioned b r dic ?” m b r di v r l .O ruc ur i o u

390
the copula followed by the modal ‘mu ’ d r li . See the examples in

(546). The auxiliary verbs mā ‘ rul ’ d ‘u o ’ ic lo v i mic

meanings, are discussed in §7.2.1.6. The auxilary l , which is relatable to the lexical

verb l ‘ ’ or ‘ob i ’ lso has an epistemic sense. Consider the examples in (552).

Example (552a) illustrates l as the main verb of the clause, whereas example (552b)

illustrates the word l as a modal auxiliary with an epistemic meaning.

(552) (a) āl mā (11:13)

ā l -àng =mā
son get-DIR1 =RLS
‘She got pregnant.’ (Lit. She got a child)

(b) m lāl (15:81)

shí =másà =tè lā-l =

3SG die =only.if 3SG wife =A.AG take-get =IRLS
‘It is probable that he will take the wife when he dies.’

Reduplication of (§11.1.6) following a VCX also has an epistemic reading, which

m b i r r di E li ‘ m o b ’ or ‘loo li ’ illu r d i (553).

(553) (a) (AKYS)

= ng =
3sg tall =manner =REDUP
‘He seems tall.’

391
 (b) (AKYS)

= =
this new =manner =REDUP
‘It looks new.’

7.3 Aspectual particles

Five verbal particles that indicate aspectual meaning are / ‘ ill’ ó

‘i ru iv ’ ‘fi ll ’ d ‘c of ’.S c ic ll r icl and

occur in the same slot as mā ‘r li ’ d ‘irr li ’ i VCX. However, with

the particles ó and the irrealis marker may follow to indicate irrealis

situation.

The particles / have similar functions to Burmese ao: <thei:>, and the use of

ó and are similar to Burmese tkH: <um:> and <to.> respectively. The
functions of these particles in Burmese are best explained by Okell (1979). Okell,

do i Mic l Morri ’ (1973) vi oi d ou mor m imil r o

‘ ill’ ‘ ’ d‘ mor ’ i E li “ v o do i rim r im of r f r c

of ‘ o ’ d im li d co d r im ic i r viou o fir ” (O ll

1976:69). Ad i O ll’ ro c I ill u mbol Ω and Δ to represent two time

frames and occurrence or non-occurr c of i u io i mboli d ‘+’ d ‘-’

respectively. Quoting exmples from O ll (1976) for x m l ‘Mr. Jo i ill

m ri i loc ’ r r d +Ω +Δ ic i clud bo ‘Mr. Jo i

(now) tampering (+Ω)’ d ‘Mr. Jo ( r viou l ) m ri (+Δ)’. Simil rl

‘Mr. Jo i ’ m ri i loc mor ’ c b r r d -Ω +Δ: -Ω ‘

392
i o m ri ( o )’ d +Δ ‘ m ri ( r viou l )’. E c cu l

particle that relates two time frames in Kadu is discussed in the following sections.

7.3.1 ‘c of ’

The CFP , glossed a ‘c of (COS)’ m r c of or i u io .

This concept of COS may be unusual in European languages, however, it is well attested

in Southeast and East Asian languages (Wheatley 1982:220). This particle , like úyD

<pri> in Burmese, indicates that at the moment of speaking the point of realisation of
the action or state indicated by the verb has been reached (Allot 1965:289). It may be

r l d i of i c o iv m i ‘ lr d ’ i E li . In this section, I

will use the Greek ahphabets omega (Ω) and delta (Δ) to resprents two time frames,

present and past respectively. This change of situation in positive clauses with may

be represented as +Ω -Δ and conversely, -Ω +Δ in negative clauses. Clauses with the

CFP p are illustrated in (554). For the expressions of -Ω –Δ and +Ω +Δ in Kadu see

also mā ‘r li ’ (§7.1.1) and ‘irr li ’ (§7.1.2).

(554) (a) é l (13:64)

yatéq l =pán
hermit come =COS
‘The hermit has come.’ or ‘The hermit is coming.’

(b) c (12:61)

síngngeút-shī cún =pè thōk =pán

fig-CLT.fruit island =LOC arrive =COS
‘(He) reached fig tree island.’

393
 (c) l ā (06:30)

ā = l - ā =
1SG =A.AG head NEG-bow =COS
‘(He) no longer bows his head to me.’

(d) m l (15:38)
am k a-lī-h ng p n
brother =TOP NEG-come-back =COS
‘(The) older brother did not come back.’

G r l ffirm iv r o o u io uc “ i/ / V- d?” i K du ould

be sentences like those just mentioned above. The implication can be made from the

examples in (554) that at the time of speaking, the anticipated action has finally come to

fulfillment and the activity is now in progress. Therefore translation to render this

co ruc io i E li ould b “ V- d’ or ‘i V-ed.” For example with a process

li coo or ri ː‘ coo d/i coo d’ or ‘ ri d/i ri ’.

may occur both with stative and dynamic verbs. When it occurs with stative verbs

like ù ‘ ’ dm ‘ o ’ i i dic i u io r di o

new stage or state at the speech time. For example, compare the two examples below.

(555) (a) c ù mā (17:42)

phú nát-cí =panáq =tè katùng =mā

silver use-PL =NOM =A.AG see =RLS
‘(I) see/saw (people) spending money.’

394
 (b) húng nát ngaúkà katùngpánták (07:101)

húng nát ngaúkà katùng =pán =ták

PN spirit as.for see =COS =HS
‘The Hung spirit saw (the people who are in trouble), it is said.’

Example (555a) simply states that the entity has seen or sees a situation (people

spending money). However, (555b) indicates a change of state from a non-seeing stage

to seeing stage. Similar situations can be also exemplified by the verb of knowing, as in

(556).

(556) (a) m mā

m =mā
3SG know =RLS
‘He knows.’

(b) m

m =
3SG know =COS
‘He knows (it now).’ (He didn’t know before.)

However, when the COS is used with action verbs, it has a different semantic

i r r io . U li i iv v rb i d o m i of ‘ o i

started/begun to V’ or ‘ o i i V-i ’. Co id r x m l i (557). Depending on

the context, clauses with may indicated imminent action.

395
(557) (a) ā l l (06:9)

ā l l =pán
king come =COS
‘The king has come.’ Or ‘The king is coming.’

(b)

=
rice eat =COS
‘(I) have eaten.’ Or ‘(I) have started eating rice.’

is also often employed in order to express the idea of one action immediately

followed by another, see sequential clauses in 11.1.5.

7.3.2 / ‘ ill’

The particles and , lo d ‘STILL’ r i com l m r di ribu io . T

former occurs with positive situations and the latter occurs with negative situations. See

the examples in (558a) and (558b) respectively.

(558) (a) m lé m ā ù (17:44)

maléq m =tún ā =tún =tún ayweù

1PL make =STILL walk =STILL eat =STILL age
‘We are still active/strong.’ (Lit. We who are in the age of still working,
walking and eating.)

(b) (26:12)

tángngà=tè =ká a- -àng =yún

fish =A.AG =TOP NEG-eat-DIR1 =STILL
‘(I) still haven’t eaten the fish (yet).’

396
Syntactically, they appear in the same position as CFPs. A clause which ends with

indicates an action/state that was previously occuring and is still occuring at the

reference tim “ o .” This situation may be respresented as +Ω +Δ. The examples in

(559) illustrate clauses with the particle .

(559) (a) ù lù m l (08:79)

sapù =ká l =pán mínwúttasà l -ta =tún

horse =TOP get =COS royal.dress need-L.SUFF =STILL
‘(I) got the horse, (I was needing the royal dress) (I) still need the
royal dress now.’

(b) m ā l (24:15)

m ā =yaà zá =tún =lá

human =EUPH alive =STILL =Q
‘(the person was alive previously,) Is the person still alive?’

Conversely, a clause which ends with indicates a situation which had not occured

previously and has still not occurred now. It may be represented as -Ω -Δ. The examples

in (560) illustrate clauses with the particle .

(560) (a) m ā (24:18)

m ā a-shí =yún
human NEG-die =STILL
‘(The person hadn't died previously,) and hasn't died yet.’

(b) (26:7)

a- -àng =yún
NEG-eat-DIR1 =STILL
‘(He didn't eat previously.) He hasn't eaten yet.’

397
Example (560b) c b r d im l i ‘ r c di o +V-ing (not eating) and

further continuation of the same action. The meaning of the sentence may be understood

‘( ou im com for im o ) o ’.

7.3.3 ó ‘i ru iv ’ or ‘i rru iv ’

The particle ó lo d ‘INTRUSIVE’ i dic i ru iv or i rru i i u io .

This particle informs the hearer that an action or situation that is going to take place is a

new, intrusive, and mostly a temporary situation. The previous action or situation

(usually inferred from context) may resume shortly. Look at the example in (561). This

example was taken from the context of a Kadu speaker who was on his way to a paddy

field when a fake monk invited him to come to do palmistry.

(561) l ó ā ā m mā (07:31)

l -pháng =yók
come-prior =INTRUSIVE

ā ā -sà m -àng = āmā

2SG palm-DIM so.on look-DIR1 =HORT
‘Come here first. Let’s do palmistry.’ (Later you can continue your journey).

The clause with ó m b i r r di E li ‘I’v b or i /doi i for

some time, and now I will do something else and may continue that la r’. I occur

only in future non-realised situations. Therefore, it can be followed by the CFP

‘irr li ’ bu ’ b d occurri i o r CFPs such as mā and the ASP

. Consider the examples in (562). (562a) is grammatical, but (562b) and (562c) are

not.

398
(562) (a) m c ó (15:54)

sapáksà mōk-ī = sèk =tè

dish cook-give =NOM person =A.AG

chaúng-ta =yók =kū

spy-L.SUFF =INTRUSIVE =IRLS
‘I will spy on the one who cooked dish/curry (for me).’

(b) *c ó mā

chaúng-ta =yók =mā

spy-L.SUFF =INTRUSIVE =RLS

(c) *c ó

chaúng-ta =yók =
spy-L.SUFF =INTRUSIVE =COS

The particle ó cannot occur together with the negative clitic = . However, it may

be preceded by the negative imperative clitic = (§10.2) to indicate an action or

i u io o old ic m b r l di E li ‘do not V i ’. W ó

follows the negative imperative enclitic = , they are fused into a single phonological

unit. The rule is + ó > ó . See the illustrations in (563).

(563) (a) ó lé (09:77)

ín- k-shók =lé

NEG-eat-NEG.IMP:INTRUSIVE =SAP
‘Don’t eat me yet.’

399
 (b) ā ó (15:61)

ā =tè a-tán-shí-shók
1SG =A.AG NEG-beat-die-NEG.IMP:INTRUSIVE

‘Don’t kill/beat me to death yet.’

7.3.4 ‘fi ll ’

The term lo d ‘FINALLY’ dd m i of fi li o r dic .T i

particle informs the hearer that the action that is going to take place is the final one or

something in contrast to the previous action/state. Similar to the particle ó it informs

the hearer of om c io o l c bu l o im li m i ‘ ou’v b doi

i for om im d fi ll ou v o do ’. Cl u i r icl are

shown in (564).

(564) (a) atá c (15:12)

atá -cí =zík

rice eat-PL =FINALLY
‘(Now,) eat the food.’ (We have been walking for many hours)

(b) (30:5)

=pè záng-àng =zík

basket =LOC put.in-DIR1 =FINALLY
‘Add (it) to the basket.’ (It has been kept outside for two to three
days).

400
 (c) yàkká weú zángìngzík (30:65)

yàk =ká weú záng-ìng =zík

now =TOP water put.in-DIR2 =FINALLY
‘Now, add the water.’ (We have been making other preparations)

The particle , like ó , cannot occur together with the negative proclitic = .

However, it may be preceded by the negative imperative enclitic = (§10.2). When

follows the negative imperative enclitic = , like + ó > ó , they are

fused together into a single phonological unit. The rule is + > . See the

illustrations in (565).

(565) (a) azaúnzónshík (18:105)

a-zaún-zón =shík
NEG-follow.after-CONTINUE =NEG.IMP:FINALLY
‘Don’t continue to follow after.’

(b) ā m (30:64)

ā =tè a- -teúp-àng =shík

fire =A.AG NEG-burn-throw-DIR1 =NEG.IMP:FINALLY
‘Stop burning the fire.’

7.4 Utterance final particles

Utterance final particles include the particles l ‘ u io ’ ‘ r ’ d la ~

l m ‘mir iv ’. S ruc ur ll i dic u r c u io r or d c or

miratives (suprise or unexpected situations). Syntactically, they follow the VCX and may

be phonologically bound with the preceding CFPs. For example, when the hearsay

401
marking particle occurs following the realis CFP mā , mā is reduced to a minor

syllable, thus forming the sesquisyllabic word m [mə ‘r li - r ’.

However, structurally they are outside of the verb complex and may also appear

following noun phrases.

7.4.1 Hearsay marking

We have already discussed in §7.1.2 that the realis marker mā is employed to express

an event that really happened or is happening. However, no grammatical marking has

been attested to indicate events as eye-witnessed in Kadu. The same marker mā ‘r li ’

may be employed to indicate a situation that is either eye witnessed or is indisputable

common knowledge.

If the situation expressed by the main verb is not the speak r’ fir d o l d

the term lo d ‘ r (HS)’ is obligatorily attached to the VCX following the

CFP. W m l i vid i lm r i ic “... r f r o r mm ic l

marking of the source of evidence for a proposition ...” (D l c 2001). I m b

interpreted as an indirect evidential marker as it indicates the proposition is reported

speech or hearsay. Sentences with the term are illustrated in (566).

(566) (a) ò ā m k (15:29)

=ká pòkhá =pà ā =mā =ták

3SG =TOP forest =ALL go =RLS =HS
‘He went to the forest, it is said.’

402
 (b) ā (15:109)

ā =tè =ká tán-shí = =ták

1SG =A.AG =TOP beat-die =IRLS =HS
‘(The king) will kill me, it is said.’

(c) l ā (15:113)

kalìng-hú ā =pán =ták

wife two-CLF.person exist =COS =HS
‘(He) now has two wives, it is said.’

(d) (15:9)

= = - = =
wife =A.AG =TOP NEG-divorce =NEG =HS
‘(He) didn’t divorce (his) wife, it is said.’

can also occur following a nominal predicate, as in (567a), or a time adverbial

phrase, as in (567b).

(567) (a) ù ù mā (05:6)

ù = = ù - =mā
PN =HS =SAP tell-DIR1 =RLS
‘(He) told (them), (it is) “Wipadupa”, it is said.’

(b) m ó ā l ām (16:1)

m ó = ā l - ā =mā =
long.long.ago =HS son two-CLF.person exist =RLS =HS
‘Long ago, it is said, there were two sons, it is said.’

403
7.4.2 Mirative

The terms l ~l and l m are interchangeably used to indicate when the

situation expressed by the main verb, usually first hand knowledge, is an unexpected

one for the speaker. Analogous to the hortative (§7.1.3) and imperative (§7.1.4), the

default time reference for the mirative expression is the moment of speaking. Clauses

that contain the mirative markers l and l m are illustrated in (568). The example

in (568b) was taken from a story about a giant mythical snake. In that story, during the

night the snake would come out from its skin and become a man. He then expressed his

lov oo of ido ’ d u r d red into his skin before dawn. One night

the widow found the skin and burned it down. When the snake-man came back, to his

ur ri did ’ fi d i i .

(568) (a) c c ā l (12:55)

c c ā =haìng -peú =pán =lakà

dog footprint =exclusive step.on-keep =COS =MIR
‘Stepped all over, leaving a dog’s foot prints only.’

(b) “ ā l ò l m ” (23:12)

ā l =ká ín-pò =pán =lamà

1SG leather =TOP NEG-exist =COS =MIR
‘My skin/leather exists no longer.’

The terms l and l m are also attested occurring immediately after NPs. These

particles occurring with nominals indicate an expression as explanatory, which may be

lo d ‘of cour ’ or ‘ f r ll’. S x m l (569a). It was taken from a story

where the king ordered his officials to bring someone. The one brought before him

404
unexpectedly happened to be his younger brother. All my language consultants said that

the term l m can be replaced by l , as in (569b), with no difference in

interpretation.

(569) (a) ā l m (15:75) (b) ā l

ā =lamà ā =lakà
1SG younger.brother=MIR 1SG younger.brother =MIR
‘(It’s) my younger brother.’ ‘(It’s) my younger brother.’

405
406
 CHAPTER 8: THE CLAUSE

We have already looked at various elements that make up the verb complex (VCX) in

Chapter 7. In that chapter, it was indicated that the VCX itself in Kadu can be a

meaningful clause. In this chapter, I will examine consituent order in the clause (§8.1),

different predicate clauses (§8.2) and complementation (§8.3). Interrogative and

negative clauses will be discussed in Chapters 9 and 10 respectively, and subordinate

clauses in Chapter 11.

8.1 Constituent order

Although Kadu has been in contact with Shan, a verb medial language, for many years

and the Kadu lexicon includes many Shan loanwords, its basic word order is

consistently verb final. A clause may be a VCX alone or may contain a single NP or

several NPs. NPs are optionally followed by nominal relational markers (see Chapter 6)

which express semantic case-marking and topic marking. The structure of the noun

phrase has been discussed in Chapter 4. The arguments of the clause are often absent if

they are retrievable from the context. They are syntactically present when needed for

disambiguation. Therefore, the presence and order of NPs in the Kadu clause is, as in

Chinese, to signal pragmatic factors rather than grammatical relations (LaPolla

1995:297; 2002). Consider the examples in (570).

407
(570) (a) ā l ā (15:89)

ā l ā =tè tán-shí =
king 2SG =A.AG beat-die =IRLS
‘The king will kill/beat you to death.’

(b) ā (09:26)

ā = ā =
2SG =A.AG 1SG eat =IRLS
‘I will eat you.’

The structure with the agent NP preceding the patient NP is illustrated in (570a). The

order of agent and patient NP arguments is reversed in (570b). In (570b) the agent of the

verb, ā ‘1SG’ occur i foc l o i io imm di l b for v rb. T r for

we can say that the NPs within the clause have pragmatically determined ordering, as in

agent>patient>VCX ordering in (570a) and patient> agent >VCX ordering in (570b).

The position of arguments within the clause is rather determined by information

structure. This is true of arguments of ditransitive verbs as well. See the discussion of

ditransitive verbs in §3.1.2.3.3.

Post-verbal constituents are not generally found in careful speech. However, they are

attested in narrative texts that were recorded without prior discussion of what will be

recorded. Generally, arguments which occur after the VCX as afterthought constituents

are less prominent and are often recoverable from the context. Afterthought constituents

generally serve as reminders or clarifications of the arguments. Either the agentive NP,

as in (571a), the anti-agentive NP, as in (571b), or both NPs can occur as afterthoughts,

as in (571c). Afterthought constituents are presented in { } brackets.

408
(571) (a) ù m l (08:112)

sapù =tè kasúm-peú =lakà =ká}AGENT

3SG horse =A.AG hide-keep =MIR 3SG =TOP
‘As for him, he hid the horse.’

(b) ā ù mā mó (07:48)

ā =yí katùng- =mā = samón =tè}PATIENT

1SG =also see-want =RLS that =NOM monk =A.AG
‘I also want to see the monk.’

(c) ù ó ó ù m l ām (18:32)

an-yeù thók thók yeù m-àng =lakà

DEM-manner ONMT REDUP SAP make-DIR1 =MIR

=ká}AGENT ā m =tè}PATIENT
3SG =TOP torch =A.AG
‘In this manner, he shook the torch “Thok ,Thok.”’

8.2 Clause types

Three clause types are discussed, presented in the following order: 8.2.1 Nominal

predicate clauses, 8.2.2 Verbal predicate clauses, and 8.2.3 Relative clauses.

8.2.1 Nominal predicate clauses

In nominal predicate clauses, a noun functions as the main predicate. It totally lacks a

verb or verbal elements altogether. It usually occurs as two NPs with nothing in

between. The second NP functions as the main predicate. Languages like English require

the copula verb to be used with nomi l r dic i ‘Jo i c r’. Ho v r i

409
has been attested crosslinguistically that other languages use a noun as the predicate

without any sort of copula or verbal elements. It is also attested in Burmese, as in (572).

(572) (a) oluvlqkd: (Burmese) (b) olausmif:q\m (Burmese)

thu ka. lu so: thu kjaun: hsaya

3SG SUB person bad 3SG school teacher
‘He is a bad person.’ ‘He is a school teacher.’

Kadu nominal clauses, like the Burmese examples above, are attributive clauses, as in

(573) or equational clauses, as in (574).

(573) (a) c (b) ó c

- c ó c
3SG village-chief 3SG teacher
‘He is a chieftain.’ ‘He is a teacher.’

(574) (a) m l l é (15:27)

amú =ká l =l =é
3SG brother =TOP PN =MIR =SAP
‘His older brother is Phakulu.’

(b) lù l é (15:27)

= l =l =é
3SG younger.brother =TOP PN =MIR =SAP
‘His younger brother was Phuluthau.’

The topic marker, (§6.1), in (574a) is optional. It is often employed to disambiguate

a free NP from a possessive NP (§4.1.2). If the context is clear to the speaker and hearer,

410
it is not necessary to insert it. We have already discussed that there is no overt marking

on possessor or possessee in Kadu (§4.1.2).

Nominal predicate clauses are also frequently attested with locative predicates, as in

(575).

(575) (a) o (b) cm

yangon = cm =
3SG PN =LOC 3SG house =LOC
‘He is in Yangon.’ ‘He is at home.’

8.2.2 Verbal predicate clauses

The verbal predicate clause has a verb as the head of the clause. Independent or main

clauses are marked by CFPs (§7.1) and aspectual particles (§7.2.2). Subordinate clauses

are marked by subordinate markers in the same position. Subordinate clauses will be

discussed in §11.1. We have also discussed patient arguments marked by the anti-

agentive marker (A.AG) to distinguish the patient argument from the agent (§6.2).

However, if the patient argument is an inanimate referent, is optional. In Kadu

arguments, either agent, patient or recipient, need not be overtly stated when they are

recoverable from the context. Verb classes that can take patient arguments are presented

in §3.1.2.3.1. Verbs that do not take a patient argument are presented in §3.1.2.3.2. And

also verbs that can take patient and goal or recipient arguments are discussed in

§3.1.2.3.3. Since most of the examples in this thesis have verbal predicates, I have not

given examples in this section.

411
8.2.3 Relative clauses

Relative clauses in Kadu precede the head noun. There is no relative pronoun, such as

‘ o’ or ‘ om’ ( ic i l imate actor and undergoer in English), in Kadu.

Clausal nomination and relative clauses overlap in Kadu. The same nominaliser

(§3.1.1.2.10) is used in the relative clause construction. Andrews (2007:206) defines

r l iv cl u i follo i . “A r l iv cl u i ubordi cl u ic

delimits the reference of an NP by specifying the role of the referent of that NP in the

i u io d crib d b r l iv cl u .” W v di cu d l xic l nominalisation in

§3.1.1.2.10. In that section, I discussed that a noun may be derived by attaching the

term to the VCX, the term to a bare verb (§3.1.1.2.10), or by

infixation of -al- (§3.2.5) to a monosyllabic verb. In this section, we will be looking at

clausal nomination.

Relative clauses may indicate restrictive function–either specific or non-specific. The

specific restrictive relative clause is signalled by the absence of the realis CFP mā and

the non-specific restrictive relative clause is indicated by the presence of the irrealis

maker . Compare the two examples in (576).

(576) (a) m ā (07:84) (Specific)

[[ ním =panáq]RL ā NP =pè =ká

3SG stay =NOM place =LOC =TOP
‘At the place he stayed.’

412
 (b) ā (18:8) (Non-specific)

[ = =panáq] RL ā NP

sleep =IRLS =NOM place

‘a sleeping place’ or ‘a place (where we) will sleep’

In (576a) the relative clause has a specific restrictive function where the speaker is

indicating a specific place–“ l c .” However, in (576b) as the irrealis CFP is inserted

and so the relative clause has a non-specific restrictive function indicating an indefinite

place–“ l c ” for l i .

Multiple relative clauses may modify the same head noun. For example, the example in

(577) contains two clauses modifying the head noun ā ‘ ord’.

(577) m l l ā ó
m (15:22)

[[hamán-tàk -peú =panáq]RL [ l l -sà -zíng =panáq] RL

spirit-PL give-keep =NOM itself-DIM show.up-JUSS =NOM

ā -tóng]NP=yaúk wán- =mā =ták

sword -big =COM hill.field chop-eat =RLS =HS
‘With the sword that was given by the spirits and that appeared by itself,
(they) cultivate the land for their livihood.’

In the following example in (578), the head noun occurs after each modifying clause.

The head noun of the relative clause funtions as the patient argument of the main verb

m ‘ o l ’.

413
(578)
mā (07:23)

[[azàk =tè túk-ta =kū =panáq]RL azīazīn]NP

PN =A.AG battle-L.SUFF =IRLS =NOM plan

[[pahōzī =tè phyát-ta =kū =panáq]RL azīazīn]NP =tè

drum =A.AG destroy-L.SUFF =IRLS =NOM plan =A.AG

hīng =ká zīmān-ta =pán

3SG =TOP plan-L.SUFF =COS
‘He makes a plan for battle and a plan to destroy the drum and the Kadu
(Asak) people.’

Relative clauses may also used with a non-restrictive function. In those cases, the

relative clauses appears as appositional phrases, as illustrated in (579). Notice the

example in (579a) is an afterthought sentence, therefore the topic NP appears after the

verbal predicate.

(579) (a) l ù m maléq ayànpín sèktàkká (17:31)

phú ín-l =yeù =ká a- m- =á

silver NEG-get =SAP =TOP NEG-make-can =NEG

[maléq [[ayàn = RL sèk-tàk]]NP =ká

1PL poor =NOM person-PL =TOP
‘We, the poor, without getting payment/money, can’t work.’

(b) c ó ù mā (AKYS)

[ c [[ ó = ù NP =mā
elephant big =NOM animal roar =RLS
‘The elephant, the big animal, roars.’

414
The personal pronouns discussed in §3.2.3 usually do not occur as the head noun of a

restrictive relative clause. However, nouns such as ‘ ro ’ d m ā ‘o r

o l ’c u i o i io . T rm occurs more frequently than m ā.

See the illustrations given in (580).

(580) (a) m m ā m (04:19)

matàk [[ = RL m ā NP =tè -àng =mā =ták

3PL order =NOM human =A.AG give-DIR1 =RLS =HS
‘They gave a servant girl (Lit. the ordered one), it is said.’

When the term is used as the head noun of a relative clause, the relativising form

occurs much more commonly than its alternate form , as in (581).

(581) (a) lā (13:5)

[[a-lā-kák = RL sèk]NP
NEG-take-want =NOM person
‘(A) jealous person’ (Lit. a person who does not want)

(b) (13:14)

[ wán- =pín]RL sèk]NP

hill.field chop-eat =NOM person
‘(A) farmer’ (Lit. a person who cuts to eat)

The term is often conventionalised to the point where a nominaliser or

is no longer required and it may alone function as a nominaliser, as in (582).

415
(582) (a) l m m l m m (17:14)

[láksamá m-hà sèk]NP láksamá m

carpenter make-know.how person carpenter make
‘(people) who know carpentry, work as carpenters’

(b) mā (28:21)

[ sèk] NP -à =mā
borrow person borrow-EUPH =RLS
‘(person/people) who borrows/borrow (paddy)’

(c) m ùé (08:44)

[ēk thà sèk]NP =ká ngaú =mā =ták =seùé

wife be person =TOP say =RLS =HS =SAP
‘The wife said, it is said.’ (Lit. The person who is his wife said, it is
said.)

The head noun of relative clauses may be followed by nominal relational markers to

indicate its semantic relationship with the main verb. For example, the head noun of a

relative clause represents a location in (576a), an agent argument in (580b), and an anti-

agentive argument in (580a).

8.3 Complementation

This section examines complementation, particularly sentential complementation, in

Kadu. Sentential complementation, according to Noonan (2007:59), involves a syntactic

situation in which a sentence or a clause is an argument of a predicate. It may either

function as the agentive or anti-agentive argument of that predicate. Three complement

416
types are discussed in the following sections: (a) embedded complement, (b) embedding

with the particle ù and (c) nominalised complement.

8.3.1 Embedded clauses

In Kadu, independent finite clauses may be embedded as a complement of the main

verb. The embedded clause as a complement of the main verb will appear as it is when

it is used as an independent clause before a verbal predicate. Without overt marking on

the complement clause, the main clause and complement clause are syntactically

independent. This kind of embedding is common with direct quote complement of

utterance verbs such as ‘ ’ d ‘ ll’. Som co i io v rb uc

‘ r’ d mā ‘ u ’c lo dir c mb dd d cl u .T follo i

examples illustrate embedding of finite declarative clauses, an irrealis clause in (583a),

and a realis clause in (583b), as the quotation complement of the utterance verb

‘ ’. For cl ri mb dd d cl u r br c d i }.

(583) (a) l l mā (15:145)

{zōkshī waleú lā- -thà =kū} ngaú =mā

breast liquid take-DIR2-must =IRLS say =RLS
‘(He) said “(you) will have to bring dragon’s milk.”’

(b) mā mā (26:4)

{tángngà -kák =mā} ngaú =mā

fish eat-want =RLS say =RLS
‘He said “(I) want to eat fish.”’

417
The example in (584) illustrates an embedded clause with an utterance verb ‘ ’.

(584) ù mā mā (08:120)

{katùng-ìng =mā} heú =mā

see-DIR2 =RLS tell =RLS
‘He told (him) “(I) he saw (them).”’

An interrogative sentence may be embedded as a complement clause of the utterance

verb ‘ ’ i (585)

(585) ā l āl mā (AKYS)

ā halá ā =lá} =mā

2SG husband exist =Q ask =RLS
‘(He) asked “do you have a husband?.”’

8.3.2 Embedding clauses with ù

Clauses that are embedded may be optionally marked by the particle ù. Throughout

i i I v lo d i mor m ‘SAP’ b c u i fr u l occur d

of utterances like many speaker attitude particles (§3.3.5). However, this morpheme also

often appears as a complementiser immediately following an embedded clause. See the

illustrations in (586).

(586) (a) l lā ù m (15:84)

{naká -waleú lā-thà = } =yeù ngaú =mā =ták

dragon breast-liquid take-must =IRLS =SAP say =RLS =HS
‘(He) said to (me) “(You) will have to bring dragon’s milk.”’

418
 (b) m ù m k (13:25)

{tókháq -ním =pán} =yeù hák =mā =ták

trouble arrive-stay =COS =SAP shout =RLS =HS
‘(He) shouted, “(I) am in trouble”, it is said.’

In the presence of the particle ù, the main clause predicate can be dropped. This is

particularly common with the utterance verbs ‘ ’ d ‘ ’

illustrated in (587).

(587) (a) cc ó ó mā ù ( mā) (07:7)

{acíceù phóngtakó tóng =mā} = ù ( =mā)

extensively glory.power big =RLS =SAP say =RLS
‘(He said) that (the king) is so powerful.’

(b) l ù ( mā) (08:108)

ā =yeún -kák =lá} =yeù ( =mā)

1SG =BEN give-want =Q =SAP ask =RLS
‘(He) asked “Do you want to give (it) to me?”’

The insertion of ù after a complement clause is necessary with other utterance verbs.

This is illustrated using the verb ù ‘li ’ i (588).

(588) m mā mā (AKYS)

míngsàhà =mā} =yeù ù -ta =mā

3SG know =RLS =SAP lie--L.SUFF =RLS
‘(He) lied that he understood.’

419
8.3.3 Embedding of nominalised clauses

For certian types of verbs the clause it takes as a complement is nominalised. With

realis embedded clauses the CFP is obligatorily deleted and the clause is followed by the

nominaliser . However, with irrealis embedded complement clauses, the irrealis

marker is obligatorily retained in its position to indicate a hypothetical statement,

which is then followed by the nominaliser . This type of nominalised complement

clause is common with indirect quote complement of speech act verbs, attention verbs,

propositional attitude verbs, and verbs of evaluation. Some examples of complement

clauses, bracketed with { }, are illustrated in (589).

(589) (a) m mā (AKYS)

{weúkú =panáq} meú =mā

bathe =NOM good =RLS
‘To swim/bathe is good.’

(b) (09:89)

ā =tè = =panáq ín-ngaú-àng =sà

1SG =A.AG eat =IRLS =NOM NEG-say-DIR1 =NEG.IMP
‘Don’t say that you will eat me.’

Complement clauses with attention verbs and propositional attitude verbs may be

optionally followed by the anti-agentive marker .

420
(590) (a) c ù mā (17:42)

phú nát-cí =panáq =tè katùng =mā =seú

silver use-PL =NOM =A.AG see =RLS=SAP
‘I saw that other people spent the money.’

(b) m (AKYS)

ngaú =panáq =tè -ta =mā

3SG say =NOM =A.AG believe-L.SUFF =RLS
‘I believe what she said.’

Complement clauses with evaluation verbs and the insertion of an anti-agentive are

considered ungrammatical, as in (591a). However, the topic marker following the

nominalised clause is grammatical, as in (591b).

(591) (a) * ā c ā ā m mā (AKYS)

ā- c =panáq = ā ā meú =mā

child-PL sing =NOM =A.AG quite good =RLS

(b) m ā ā ā (AKYS)

m =panáq =ká ā ā kán =mā

3sg make =NOM =TOP quite bad =RLS
‘What she did was very bad.’

It is also common to find independent clauses occurring with the nominalised phrase

(‘ ’+ ‘ omi li r’) ic m b r l di oE li ‘ it is to

’ or ‘ i i f c ’.

421
(592) (a) m mā m (AKYS)

m =mā ngaú =panáq -ta =mā

3SG know =RLS say =NOM trust-L.SUFF =RLS
‘It is to say that I believe/trust that he knows (it).’

(b) m l m mā (17:83)

= m =pán -l = ngaú =panáq}

WH =manner make =if eat-get =IRLS say =NOM

m =mā
know =RLS
‘I know what (one) needs to do to survive.’

422
 CHAPTER 9: INTERROGATIVES

This chapter looks at yes/no questions, alternative questions, tag questions and WH-

questions in Kadu. Some WH-questions words are also used as indefinite pronouns in

Kadu and will be discussed subsequently.

9.1 Yes/No interrogatives

The term yes/no interrogative or polar interrogative is used to refer to interrogative

cl u for ic x c d ri “ ” or “ o.” Yes/no questions in Kadu are

formed by simply adding either of the two interrogative particles l and at the end

of the phrase. The particle l is employed with a VCX and with a NP. They may be

r l d “i i c X?” or “i i X?” r c iv l . T r o / o

questions can be simply affirmation or disaffirmation. The Kadu interrogative particle l

is clearly a reflex of the PTB question particle *la. Matisoff (2033:231) reconstructed

the Proto-Tibeto-Burman interrogative particle as *la on the basis of Burmese vm: <la:>

yes/no question particle, Lahu l ‘id’ dN ri lā ‘id’ dM i i la ~ lə ‘id’.

Consider the examples illustrated in (593).

(593) (a) ā l āl (08:94)

ā halá ā =lá
2SG husband exist =Q
‘Do you have a husband?’

423
 (b) l l (08:41)

l -àng =lá
gift give-DIR1 =Q
‘Did you give the gift?

(c) l l (08:108)

salà- = ā = -kák =lá

banana-CLT.fruit =TOP 1SG =BEN give-want =Q
‘Do you want to give the banana to me?’

The question particle l can also occur with a negated VCX. When l occurs with a

negated VCX, the negative clitic = is absent, as in (594). This happen when the

ri i r “ om o i illi o do X” or if the counter proposition is

true. In (594), the speaker presupposes that the person being questioned wants to do X.

(594) (a) l ā (07:37)

a-swáng-kák =lá nāng

NEG-rich-want =Q 2SG
‘Don't you want to be rich?’ (I assume you do)

(b) l l (08:109)

salà- a- -kák =lá

banana-CLT.fruit NEG-give-want =Q

‘Don’t you want to give me the banana?’ (I assume you do)

424
The positive reponses to the questions in (594) are given in (595).

(595) (a) mā (b) mā

swáng-kák =mā -kák =mā

rich-want =RLS give-want =RLS
‘Yes, I do.’ ‘Yes, I do.’

In must be noted that there are no words in Kadu that are equivalent to the English

words yes or no. In order to give a yes (affirmative) answer the affirmative clause is

used and to give a no (disaffirmative) answer the negated clause is used. Therefore, the

answer to example (594a) could be simply mā “Y (I) do” i (595a), or

“No (I) do ’ .”

Realis and irrealis distinctions can also be made in interrogative mood sentences.

Absence of the realis marker mā in interrogative sentence indicates a realis mood, as in

(593a). The irrealis interrogative mood is made by adding [kə], the reduced form of

‘irr li ’ r c di i rro iv r icl l , as shown in (596).

(596) (a) ā kalá (18:70)

ā kát-pháng = =lá
1SG run-prior =IRLS =Q
‘Shall I run first?’

(b) l c kalá (18:86)

l -à-cí = =lá
come-EUPH-PL =IRLS =Q
‘Will (you) come?’

425
The interrogative marker can also be preceded by the CFP ‘COS’ o i (597).

The structure followed by l simply questions a change of state situation which

m b r l d i o E li “ i V?”

(597) (a) l (30:20)

=ká phaú =pán =lá

mortar =TOP wash =COS =Q
‘Have you washed the mortar?’

(b) ā ó ó gpánlá (30:27)

ā ó tóng =pán =lá

pot place =COS =Q
‘Have you placed the pot?’

The question particle l c o dir c l follo omi l (co ul ) c o “i

X Y?.” Instead the morpheme , identical with the topic marker except for having a

low tone, is employed. This is illustrated in (598a).

(598) (a) ā m (07:105) (b) * ā m l

ā hamán =kà ā hamán =l

2SG spirit =Q 2SG spirit =Q
‘Are you a spirit?’

Some more examples with the question particle are given in (599).

(599) (a) ā m ā (12:14) (b) (18:63)

ā m ā= = =
2SG human =Q WH =LOC =Q
‘Are you a human?’ ‘Where is it?’

426
9.2 Alternative questions

The speakers of Kadu reported that yes/no questions in Kadu can also be expressed by

l r iv i rro iv x r io uc “I om i X or o X.” Though I

have not attested this alternative question in my corpus, my language consultants said

that it is common in their day-to-day speech. In this construction, the speaker provides

two possible answers and the hearer is to choose the answer from one of these two

possibilities. The affirmative clause usually appears first and the negated form then

follows, as shown in (600).

(600) (a) m l m l (AKYS)

-meú =lá a- -meú =lá

rice eat-good =Q NEG-eat-good =Q
‘Is it good to eat or not?’

(b) ā ā l ā l (AKYS)

ā ā = =l - ā = =l
2SG go =IRLS =Q NEG-go =IRLS =Q
‘Will you go or will you not go?’

9.3 Tag questions

The other way to signal an interrogative in Kadu is to tag on a short question which

m b r l d i o E li “O.K? ri ?’ at the end of the clause. The tag

question is formed by the verb c ‘ ru ’ follo db u io r icl l . The tag

question is usually reduplicated, thus forming V1+Q + V1+Q or used as alternative

question V1+Q + NEG V1+Q. It is often heard as V1+(Q) + (NEG) V1+Q. There is tone

427
sandhi on the second token of c . It usually takes the high tone. In fast speech, the l

between the verbs changes its tone from high to mid and it is often omitted in fast

speech. The intonation of the four syllable taq question is mid-mid-high-low, see line

one of (601). In my morpheme analysis, line two, however, the underlying tone is

shown.

(601) (a) m ā ā ā mc l c lāc l (10:47)

m ā-tàk =ká ā ā-ta =pè ním-cí =lakà

human-PL =TOP pleasant-L.SUFF =LOC stay-PL =MIR

c (=l ) c =lá
true (=Q) true =Q
‘People live in pleasant places, isn’t that true?’

(b) l lò ó lò c lāc l (07:40,41))

l =pán =seú phú-palòt ngón-palòt

get =COS =SAP silver-heap gold-heap

c (=l ) ( -)c =lá

true (=Q) (NEG-)true =Q
‘(He) got heaps of gold and silver, isn’t that true?’

9.4 WH- questions

Kadu WH- questions are formed by attaching the WH-word forming morphemes, m or

lo d ‘WH’ o cific omi l or omi l o o i io . T r

interchangeably used and may be reduced to ma [mə] and ha [hə]. However, the

occurence of m is much more frequent than in my corpus. These forms are

obligatorily followed by postpositions or other nouns to specify what type of question is

428
being asked. The WH-words cannot be directly followed by nominal class terms or

numeral classifiers. Kadu question words, as in many other languages, are used to

indicate that the clause is a question and to indicate what information is being requested

(Payne 1997:299-300). The WH-word remains in-situ, in the slot where the referent

being questioned would normally occur. A WH- question clause with a verbal precidate

takes the question particle l and a nominal predicate takes the question particle .

The question-word forms of Kadu are listed in Table 29.

WH-word Postpositions/nouns Meaning

m ‘ i ’ ‘ ’
m ‘ ro ’ ‘ o’
ù ‘m r’ ‘ o ’
‘m ’ ‘ o m ’
m - - ‘muc ’ ‘ o muc ’
‘ bl iv ’ ‘ r o’
‘loc iv ’ ‘ r ’
‘ ll iv ’ ‘ r from’
‘ omi li r’ ‘ ic o ’
Table 29: WH-words in Kadu

9.4.1 m ‘ ’

The WH-word m followed by the term m lo d ‘ i ’ form ‘ ’

question word. It has a non- um im lic io . T ‘ ’ u io ord i K du i

illustrated in (602) and (603).

429
(602) ā hamàngkà lā l (12:29)

ā =ká hà =màng = lā-kák =lá

2SG =TOP WH =thing =Q take-want =Q
‘What do you want to take?’

(603) ā ó m m l (04:26)

ā satóng =tè mà-=màng =kà pweúq = =lá

2SG grandchild =A.AG WH=thing =Q degree give =IRLS =Q
‘What royal title (Lit. degree) will you give to your grandchild?’

9.4.2 m ‘ o m ’

The WH-word m followed by the term lo d ‘m ’ form ‘ o m ’

question word. It is used with count nouns. Though my language consultants said that

may also occur in this position, using m before is much more natural. In my

corpus, - is not attested occuring with . The question word m plus is

used to inquire about the quantity and measurement of something. This question word is

always followed by a classifier (Chapter 5) in order to clarify the specific referent that

is being asked about. This is illustrated in (604).

(604) (a) manaíksatá (28:4)

mà =naík-satá
WH =many-CLF.month
‘How many months?’

430
 (b) manaíksaúk (07:27)

mà=naík-salaúk
WH=many-CLF.cubit

‘How many feet?’

(c) m l (10:4)

mà=naík-hú pū-ìng =kū =lá

WH=many-CLF.person emerge-DIR2 =IRLS =Q
‘How many (of you) will come out?’

9.4.1 m ‘ o muc ’

The WH-word m followed by the term lo d ‘ muc ’ form

u io ord ‘ o muc ’ i K du. I i u d i m ou s to inquire about the

amount or approximation of something. This question word cannot be followed by a

classifier. This is exemplified in (605).

(605) (a) maneúq kalàng kátnìngthàlá (18:80)

mà=neúq kalàng kát-ìng-thà =lá

WH=as.much.as approximate run-DIR2-must =Q
‘How much distance have (you) come running?’

(b) ā m l (AKYS)

anáq ā mà=neúq -ìng =lá

this shirt WH=as.much.as give-DIR =Q
‘How much did you pay for this shirt?’

The term may also occur with other nouns to denote an approximation of

something (§6.8). An example of this type is illustrated in (606).

431
(606) ó mó m ā ó k (06:25)

tóngmótá m ā =neúq tóng =píng =ták

3yr.old calf(cow) =as.much.as big =DIR2:COS =HS
‘(The lizard) grew to about the size of a three year old calf.’

9.4.2 m m ‘ o’

The WH-word m followed by the term m lo d ‘ r o ’ forms the question

ord ‘ o’ i K du. I i u d o r f r o um d i illu r d i (607).

(607) (a) ā m m (12:26)

ā =ká mà=hameú =kà

2SG =TOP WH=person =Q
‘Who are you?’

(b) ngaká màhameúyaúk nímkalá (15:38)

ā =ká mà=hameú =yaúk ním = =lá

1SG =TOP WH=person =COM stay =IRLS =Q
‘With whom will I stay?’

9.4.3 m ‘ o ’ or ‘i ic m r’

The WH-word m followed by the term ~ ù lo d ‘li ’ (§11.1.6),

form u io ord ‘ o ’ or ‘i ic m r’ i K du. I i u d o i uir bou

the manner in which something is done or has been done. This is illustrated in (608).

432
(608) (a) m ù m alá (07:8)

m = ù m = =lá
WH=manner make =IRLS =Q
‘How shall (we) do?’

(b) m l (11:46)

mà=nīng peú =kū =lá

WH=manner keep =IRLS =Q
‘How shall we keep/place (them)?’

9.4.4 m ‘ ic o ’

The WH- word m - followed by the nominaliser (§3.1.1.2.10) forms the question

ord ‘ ic o ’ or ‘ ic i ’ i K du. T i i illu r d i (609).

(609) (a) m m (15:107)

mà=panáq m -sà =
WH=NOM boy-DIM =Q
‘Which boy is it?’

(b) m lù (07:27)

mà=panáq kalùn =
WH=NOM plant =Q
‘Which tree is it?’

9.4.5 m ‘ r o’

The WH-word m or followed by the allative marker (§6.4) forms the question

ord ‘ r o’ or ‘ ic dir c io ’ i K du. T i i illu r d i (610).

433
(610) (a) é m ā l (07:32)

héq m -sà hà=pà ā = =lá

hey! boy-DIM WH=ALL go =IRLS =Q
‘Hey buddy, where (which direction) are you going?’

(b) hàpà kátnànglá (08:3)

hà =pà kát-àng =lá

WH =ALL run-DIR1 =Q
‘Where (which direction) did (he) run to?’

9.4.6 ‘ r ’

The WH-word m followed by the locative marker (§6.3) forms the question word

‘ r ’ or ‘ ic l c ’ i K du. I i u d o bou loc io of c io .

This is illustrated in (611).

(611) (a) ā l (18:15)

nā =ká hà =pè = =lá

2SG =TOP WH =LOC sleep =IRLS =Q
‘Where (which place) will you sleep?’

(b) ā l (25:6)

hà =pè ā -thà = =lá

WH =LOC go-must =IRLS =Q
‘Where (which place) will (I) have to go?’

434
9.4.7 m āé ‘ ’

The cause or reason is questioned by the clausal expression m āé (WH-thing

b r o /for) ‘for r o ?’. I i o l l c i m cor u r form

é is attested. It is probably an allomorph of the anti-agentive marker .

(612) (a) m āé ml ā (07:107)

=m ā =é m =l ā
WH =thing exist =reason make =Q 2SG
‘Why did you do that?’

(b) ā m āé ā l (25:158)

nang = =m ā =é hap =l
2SG =TOP WH =thing exist =reason weep =Q
‘Why did you cry?’

9.5 WH-question word as indefinite pronouns

WH-question words in Kadu may also function as indefinite pronouns denoting notions

uc ‘ o v r’ ‘ v r’ ‘ r v r’ ‘ o ’ or ‘ i ’. T r i o

distinction of positive or negative indefinite pronouns, such as in English everyone and

anyone, respectively. In Kadu, the positive indefinite pronouns are formed by the WH-

words followed by the structures (be-want-be) or (say-want-

). To x r iv i d fi i ro ou uc ‘ obod ’ or ‘ o o ’ WH-

words may be optionally followed by ‘ l o’ d m rix v rb i d.

435
Examples of wh-question words functioning as indefinite pronouns provided by my

Kadu consultants are illustrated in (613) - (615).

(613) ‘ o v r’

(a) m m l

m = m - - l
WH =person be-want-be come
‘Come someone/anyone.’

(b) m m l c (4:21)

m - = m -l -c
WH =person also NEG-come-PL

‘Nobody/no one came.’

(614) ‘ v r’

(a) m m

=m - - m
WH =thing be-want-be do
‘Do whatever!’ or ‘Do anything!’, or ‘Do something!’

(b) m m m

- =m - m =
WH =thing also NEG-do =NEG

‘(He) didn’t do anything.’

436
(615) ‘ r v r’

(a) ā

= - - ā
WH =LOC be-want-be go
‘Go somewhere/anywhere.’

(b) ā

- = - ā =
WH =LOC also NEG-go =IMP.NEG

‘Don’t go anywhere.’

437
438
 CHAPTER 10: NEGATION

Negation indicates events, situations, or states of affairs that are not true. In addition, it

is also used to indicate that an event that has not come to realisation. Nouns in Kadu are

not negated. Negation is a property of verbs, either action or stative verbs, in Kadu.

Verbs in Kadu are negated by double negation–proclitic and enclitic. The verb complex

in Kadu can have more than one verb (§3.1.2.2). However, the negative proclitic never

occurs on secondary verbs or on post verb modifiers; instead it must always precede the

main verb. The negative enclitic occurs at the end of the VCX.

10.1 The structure of negative clauses

There are two negative proclitics, a- and - in Kadu. Either one, as in (616), or both of

them, as in (617b), is attached before the main verb and the enclitic = follows the

VCX. Consider the examples in (616).

(616) (a) ó (06:4)

zángkōk a-tóng =á
lizard NEG-big =NEG
‘The lizard is not big.’

(b) ó (06:5)

zángkōk īngīng-sà ín-tóng =á

lizard tiny-DIM NEG-big =NEG
‘Lizard was a tiny one, not big.

439
 (c) ā ó m (17:29)

ā =ká ngón a- m =á
1SG =TOP gold NEG-make =NEG
‘I don’t make/mine gold.’

The two negative proclitics, - and a-, can be used interchangeably but a- occurs more

frequently than the -. However, the native speakers of Kadu say that - has a stronger

sense of emphasis than -. They may also occur together. When they both occur in a

single verb complex the - always precedes the a-, as in (617b). The use of two

negative proclitics in a single VCX denotes extremely strong negative emphasis. We may

relate the etymology of the proclitic a- to *ma, the PTB negator as reconstructed by

Matisoff (2003:488).

(617) (a) ù c (04:35)

wíqpatùpáq a-c =á
PN NEG-true =NEG
‘It is not Wipatuba.’

(b) ā mm (15:5)

ā ín-a-ním-m -kák =á
1SG NEG-NEG-stay-together-want =NEG
‘I don’t want to live together (with your sons).’ (I really mean it)

Regarding the development of the negative prefix -, native speakers of Kadu

explained that when they are speaking loudly to someone at a distance, it is very

difficult to say the unstressed negative prefix a- . In that case, they would prefer to use

440
 -. This morpheme is also similar to the negation marker of Turung30 which is a

syllabic nasal /n/. I have repeated the example (616b) for comparison in (618b).

(618) (a) Turung example (Morey 2011:627)

turung thah go pheyn n-khat

Turung with TOP war NEG-fight

‘They did not fight the Turungs.’

(b) ó (06:5)

-sà ín-tóng =á
lizard tiny-DIM NEG-big =NEG
‘The lizard was a tiny bit, not big.’

The use of two negative proclitics could be the result of merging two dialects together

or the development of different stages over time. The a- prefix is probably older and -

is probably more recent. Due to the limit of time and scope, I will not go deeply into the

etymology of these negative proclitics. If time permits, it will definitely be an

interesting topic to explore further.

In fast speech, when the initial phoneme of the main verb is a high front vowel, the

negative a- is often not heard. However, the negative meaning of the clause can still be

recoverable from the negative enclitic = , as in (619).

30
Turung is a variety of Jingpho spoken in Northeast India (see Morey 2011).

441
(619) (a) káká (04:10)

(a-) -kák =á
(NEG-)give-want =NEG
‘(I) don’t want to give.’

(b) ā akhwák (AKYS)

ngā akhwák (a-)ī-yeūn =á

1SG permit (NEG-)give-can =NEG
‘I cannot give permission.’

The speakers of Kadu often use a structure of (X, but not X) for strong negative

emphatic expressions. In this structure the same verb is repeated and they are usually

linked by the morpheme ‘ v ’ (§11.1.4) or ‘ l o’ (§11.2). is the most

frequent in this position. Usually, the first verb is positive and the second verb is

negative. A more elaborate structure of this type may be presented as (V1- -not-V1).

In this kind of expression, the negative proclitic a- is often not heard.

(620) (a) c ( )c ù mā (08:104)

caík =yí (a-)caík-ta =á yeù ngaú =mā

like =also (NEG-)-exchange-L.SUFF=NEG SAP say =RLS
‘(She) said like this “(I) don’t love (him) at all.”’

(b) l ( )l (AKYS)

l = (a)-l -
come =also (NEG)-come-NEG
‘(He) didn’t even/also come.’

442
Before we look in detail at the negative enclitic = , it is a good idea to remind

ourselves of the two phonological processes, fusion and linking, that I discussed in §2.8.

These processes are illustrated in (621) and (622).

(621) fusion: with identical vowels (a+a= a)

(a) m à (13:12)

a- m-hà =á
NEG-make-know.how =NEG
‘don’t know how to do.’

(b) phónhaìng athà (30:31)

phón =haìng a-thà =á

wood =EXCLUSIVE NEG-be =NEG
‘only wood won’t burn’

(622) linking: (i) following /p/ and /t/ the nasals /m/ and /n/ are inserted, respectively.
(ii) following the front vowels /i, e, eu/, /y/ is inserted.
(iii) following the back vowels /u, o, au/, /w/ is inserted.

(a) ná (19:10)

=zeú a-naút =á [ -
medicine =even NEG-feed =NEG
‘(You) didn’t give me medicines.’

(b) c yá (18:58)

kasà =zeú a-c =á [c -

tiger =even NEG-true =NEG
‘It’s not even a tiger.’

443
 (c) l wá (26:30)

a-l =á [l -
merit NEG-get =NEG
‘(You) don’t get merit.’

Syntactically, = occurs in the same slot as the CFPs mā ‘r li ’ d ‘irr li ’

within the VCX. See the detailed discussion on CFPs in §7.1. The examples in (623)

illustrate clauses with the CFPs and mā. Their negative counterpart expressions are

illustrated in (624).

(623) (a) ā m mā (10:28)

anáq nēyā meú =mā

this place good =RLS
‘This place is good.’

(b) ā ā (09:26)

nāng =tè ngā yōk =kū

2SG =A.AG 1SG eat =IRLS
‘I will eat you.’

(624) (a) ā m (AKYS)

anáq nēyā a-meú-

this place NEG-good-NEG

‘This place isn’t good.’

(b) ā ā (AKYS)

nāng =tè ngā a-yōk-

2SG =A.AG 1SG NEG-eat-NEG

‘I won’t eat you.’

444
However, with the CFP ‘COS’ (§7.3.1), like those aspectual particles discussed in

§7.3, the negative clitic = is obligatorily omitted. A negative clause with the CFP in

(625) indicates a situation which was once in progress but is no longer true at the

moment of speaking.

(625) (a) l ā (06:28)

haláng a-tūngāk =pán =ták

head NEG-bow(head) =COS =HS
‘(The lizard) no longer bows its head, it is said.’ (The lizard used to
bow its head.)

(b) l (15:34)

=ká ín-a-l =pán =seú

3SG =TOP NEG-NEG-come =COS =SAP
‘He does not come anymore.’ (He used to come)

The negative clitic = is also obligatorily omitted in subordinate clauses. See the

illustrations in (626). Subordinate clauses are shown in { }SUB.CL brackets. Notice the

example (626b) is an afterthought sentence (§8.1). Therefore, the subordinate clause

appears after the main clause.

(626) (a) cm l ò l āmā (17:66)

{cím =pè =záng alúk a-pò =tí =tá}SUB.CL

house =LOC =EMPH work NEG-exist =also =EMPH

=pè alúk ā =mā

village =LOC work exist =RLS
‘Though there is no work at home there is work to do in the village.'

445
 (b) ùm l ó ā c (18:25)

pán-nù m -háng-ìng =lakà

CLF.times-one awake-back-DIR2 =MIR

{kó nāyī a-thōk-cī =tè}SUB.CL

nine o'clock NEG-arrive-before =A.AG
‘(I) woke up one more time before nine o’clock.’

10.2 Negative imperative

Negative imperative clauses are formed by adding one of the negative proclitics - or

a-, immediately before the head verb and cliticising the prohibitive particle = ,

lo d ‘ iv im r iv ’ (NEG.IMP), at the end of the VCX, as illustrated in (627).

(627) (a) ínngaúsà (11:22)

ín-ngaú =sà
NEG-say =NEG.IMP
‘Don’t say!’

(b) m ó (07:111)

a- m-zón =sà
NEG-make-continue =NEG.IMP
‘Don’t do (it) anymore!’

The negative imperative suffix is never used without one of the negative proclitics.

Look at the illustrations in (628). (628a) is grammatical but (628b) is not.

446
(628) (a) lé lé (18:13)

a- =sà =lé àng =pè =lé

NEG-sleep =NEG.IMP =SAP that =LOC =SAP
‘Don’t’ sleep there!’

(b) *

=sà
sleep =NEG.IMP
‘Don’t sleep!’

Notice the example in (628 ) i f r ou c .I l o co i r’

attitude particle lé lo d ‘SAP’ o of im r iv x r io (§3.3.5).

10.3 Marking mood on negated clauses

Unlike affirmative clauses, which distinguish between realis and irrealis situations using

CFPs (§7.1), negative clauses do not syntactically distinguish realis and irrealis mood. In

order to make these distinctions in negated clauses, the affirmative clauses can be

nominalised and used as arguments of the verb c ‘b ru ’ ic i d.

This type of construction in Kadu is parallel with Lahu31 and Burmese32.

31
Matisoff in his Lahu Grammar states that “clauses in Lahu are negatable by means of ʔ, provided
they are first nominalised, usually via the particle ve” (Matisoff 1973:26).
32
A syntactic device to code the distinction between future and non future in a negated proposition is to
nominalise the affirmative proposition, which is marked for tense, and to make it the argument of the verb
[kwf/hou/ ‘be true/right/be the case’, which is then negated <thu pyo ta ma-hou hpu:>. ‘It’s not the case that
he said (it).’ (Myint Soe 1999:146).’

447
(629) (a) m lé m c (AKYS)

maléq m =panáq a-c =á

1PL make =NOM NEG-true =NEG
‘It is not the case that we did/do (that).’

(b) m lé m c (AKYS)

maléq m = =panáq a-c =á

1PL make =IRLS =NOM NEG-true =NEG
‘It is not the case that we will do (that).’

The realis CFP mā is obligatorily omitted in nominalised clauses, as in (629a).

However, the irrealis CFP is obligatorily present in nominalised clauses, as in

(629b). Example (629a) simply expresses that the proposition made by the nominalised

verb m ‘m ’ do o old ru im of i : iv r li mood.

Example (629b), on the other hand, signals a strong assertion of the unlikelihood of the

situation mentioned in the utterance: negative irrealis mood.

Kadu nouns can also be negated by the expression (NP c ) ‘i i o c / ru of

NP’. I ord r o rovid iv r o r c can be used as a

complete utterance. Similarly, c mā in used to give an affirmative response. The

answer to an identity question ā ‘Ar ou K du (A )?’ ould b i

(630a) and (630b)–affirmative and negative responses, respectively.

(630) (a) c mā (AKYS) (b) c (AKYS)

c =mā -c =
true =RLS NEG-true =NEG
‘Yes, (I am).’ ‘No, (I am not).’

448
With alternative in an nominal interrogative clause, it is obligatory to use the NP with

the verb c to make a clear distinction of which noun phrase is negated. See example

(631), an interrogative sentence which has two nominal arguments, and the possible

answers in (632).

(631) m ā ā m (07:105)

m ā =kà ā hamán =kà

human =Q 2SG spirit =Q
‘Are you a human or a spirit?’

(632) (a) m c m ā c (07:106)

hamán =yí a-c =á m ā =yí a-c =á

spirit =also NEG-true =NEG human =also NEG-true =NEG
‘I am neither a human nor a spirit.’

(b) m c m ā c mā (AKYS)

m -c = m ā c =mā
spirit NEG-true =NEG human true =RLS
‘I am not a spirit, (but) a human.’

10.4 Negative interrogative clauses

Negative interrogative clauses, unlike affirmative clauses, do not make realis or irrealis

mood distinctions in Kadu. The head verb is negated by one or both negative proclitics:

- or a-. The negative clitic = is absent and the question particle l is attached at the

end of the clause. The affirmative interrogative form differs from its negative

interrogative counterpart only in that the negative prefix is not affixed to the main verb.

449
The affirmative interrogative form is exemplified in (633a) and its negative counterpart

in (633b).

(633) (a) m l l (12:5)

hà=màng = l -kák =lá

WH=thing =Q need-want =Q
‘What do you need?’

(b) m l l (12:6)

hà=màng = =zeú a-l -kák =lá

WH=thing =Q =even NEG-need-want =Q
‘What do you not want?’

450
 CHAPTER 11: COMPLEX STRUCTURES

In this chapter I will look at various constructions that involve combined clauses and

phrases, organised in the following order: 11.1 Subordination, 11.2 Coordination and

11.3 Narrative structure.

11.1 Subordination

Subordinate clauses occur in sentence initial position preceding the main or independent

clause. Subordinate clauses are marked by grammatical particles to mark their

subordinate relation to the independent clauses. Subordinate clauses in Kadu do not

encode tense nor aspect nor make a distinction between irrealis and realis. The verbs in

the matrix clauses make these distinctions. Some emphatic particles may optionally

follow subordinating particles. The distribution and function of each emphatic particle

will be also discussed. Table 30 summarises the subordinating particles attested in

Kadu. They are subdivided into five sections and will be presented in the following

order: 11.1.1 Conditional clauses, 11.1.2 Purpose clauses, 11.1.3 Temporal clauses,

11.1.5 Sequential clauses, 11.1.6 Manner clauses and 11.1.7 Comparison clauses.

451
Category Subordinating terms Emphatic particles
/ ‘if’ - ‘o l / m ic’
Conditional ‘ l o l ou ’ - ‘ m ic’
m ‘o l if’
ó ‘o o’
Purpose/cause ‘i ord r o c u ’
‘ ur o iv ’
‘ il ’
‘ v r’
‘ ’
Temporal ‘i c ’
VP ‘ imul i ’
m c ‘u il’
c ‘ ( rior o)’
Concessive ‘ v if’
Manner and ù ‘i m r of’
Comparison ‘ muc ’
Table 30: Subordinating particles in Kadu

11.1.1 Conditional clauses

Conditional clauses (also called protasis or simply if-clauses), which set the condition

for the outcome of the main clause, occur in initial position and the then-clause (also

called apodosis) usually occurs in sentence final position. As shown in Table 30, there

are three terms: ‘if’ ‘ l o’ dm ‘o l if’ r c d o d

of i i i l cl u o form ‘if-cl u ’ i K du. E c co di io l cl u i di cu d

in the following sections.

The term is probably a combination of + + (‘c of ’+

‘o l ’ + ‘ o ic’) di m lo d o m co di io l cl u . Ho v r du o

452
fr u occurr c d iv r ’ vi of i form mo omor mic ord

I v lo di o ord ‘if’ i i i .S illu r tions of conditional

clauses marked by in (634). Conditional clauses are bracketed with { }.

(634) (a) ù m mā (09:45)

yahùng=pè weúkú =pánnàkà} meú-hà =mā

salt well =LOC bathe =if good-know.how =RLS
‘If (you) take a bath at the salt well (you) may get well.’

(b) ām ó mā ù m (25:113)

ām-pán =kón tán =pánnàkà}

three-CLF.times arrive =PURP beat =if

phú pū-hà =mā =yeù ngaú =mā =ták

silver emerge-know.how =RLS =SAP say =RLS =HS
‘If you beat three times (with this stick) money/silver emerges, it is
said.’

(c) m lé l ā l m (08:101)

{maléq =pè l =pánnàkà}

1PL =LOC come =if

ā alúk =yí a- m-thà =á

2SG work =also NEG-make-must =NEG
‘If you come to us you don’t have to work as well.’

The conditional marker ~ may be preceded by some modal auxiliaries, as

in (635), but never by CFPs, as in (635).

453
(635) (a) ā lā l (13:51)

ā -swáng lā-kák =pánnàkà} l -ta =

2SG-master take-want =if offer-L.SUFF =IRLS
‘If you want to get/take (I) will offer.’

(b) (32:77)

{a-pheú- =pánnàkà}
NEG-carry-can =if
‘If (you) cannot carry …’

It is common to find a modal ‘ ’ follo db ‘if’ ubordi

clause and the main clause represent the same sort of event, sharing the same agentive

argument and verb, as illustrated in (636).

(636) (a) o ā ā (AKYS)

yangon =pà ā -kák =pán ā =

3SG PN =ALL go-want =if go =IRLS
‘He’ll go to Yangon if he wants to.’

(b) ā (AKYS)

ā - = =
1SG eat-want =if eat =IRLS
‘I will go if I want to.’

The term indicates a converse conditional when it is subordinated to a positive main

clause, as in (637). The term changes to low tone when it is preceded by a syllable

with a high or low tone.

454
(637) l m l (AKYS)

l =tí} -ta-meú =lakaú

3SG come =also more-L.SUFF-good =MIR
‘Yes, of course, it’s better if he comes too.’

Like the conditional marker ‘if’ i m b r c d db mod l uxili r

to indicate that the subordinate clause and the main clause represent the same event,

sharing the same agentive argument and verb, as illustrated in (638).

(638) (a) (12:107)

-kák = } -àng
drink-want =also drink-DIR1
‘If (you) want to drink also (you can) drink (it).’

(b) m lé (04:10)

{maléq =tè tán-shí-kák =tí} tán-shí =k

1PL =A.AG beat-die-want =also beat-die =IRLS
‘If (he) wants to kill us too, he will.’

However, if one of the clauses is negated, the subordinate clause indicates concessive

fu c io ic m b r l d ‘ l ou ’ or ‘ v ou ’ i English.

Consider the examples in (639). In these sentences the main clause is negated.

(639) (a) ā (07:115)

{túk-ta =tí} ā a-ná- =á

battle-L.SUFF =also 1SG NEG-win-can =NEG
‘Even though I battle I cannot win.’

455
 (b) m lù (08:31)

m =tí} a-l -hà =á

3SG hold.up =also NEG-get-know.how =NEG
‘Even though he embraced (it)/held (it), (he) couldn’t (soothe the
baby).’

In the following examples in (640), the subordinate clauses are negated.

(640) (a) cm l ò l āmā (17:66)

{cím =pè alúk a-pò = = }

house =LOC work NEG-exist =also =EMPH

=pè alúk ā =mā

village =LOC work exist =RLS
‘Even though there is no work at home, there is work to do in the
village.’

(b) mā (AKYS)

{swáng =záng a-swáng = = } - =mā

rich =EMPH NEG-rich =also =EMPH give-must =RLS
‘Even though (we) are not rich, we have to give/pay.’

The subordinate particle may be additionally followed by the emphatic particle

for more emphatic purposes, as in (640). The tone of the particle is determined by

the preceding particle . It simply follows the same tone that takes. The use of the

emphatic particle as a subordinator has not been attested.

The term m lo d ‘o l if’ l o co di io l b c rou d for ou com

of the main clause. It can occur both with realised and unrealised main clauses. The

speakers of Kadu said that the term m has stronger emphasis than the term .

456
(641) (a) m lāl (15:81) (unrealised)

shí =másà} k =tè lā-l =

3SG die =only.if 3SG wife =A.AG take-get =IRLS
‘(He) will be able to take his wife only if he (the husband) dies.’

(b) l ā ā m m mā (31:27)

=panáq waleú
salt sweet =NOM liquid

ā ā záng-àng =másà} -meú =mā

quite put.in-DIR1 =only.if eat-good =RLS
‘It tastes good only if we put in more sweet liguid.’ (Lit. sweet salt
water)

This term m is clearly a Burmese loaned subordinator rSom <hma. tha> which is

r l d ‘o l if o l V’ (S O ll d Allo 2001:165-166). In Burmese,

the second syllable om <tha> is optional, and it is used for emphatic purposes.

(642) "gwfyHkygrS zwfjuygw<f (Burmese: Okell 2001:165)

da'pum pa =hma. hpat -kra' =te

picture be.present =only.if read -PL =CFP
‘(They) read (them) only if (they) have pictures.’

11.1.2 Purpose clauses

There are two terms, ó and lo d ‘o o’ r m lo d

subordinators to indicate the purpose of an action. The clause with ó functions to

stimulate or motivate an agent referent of the subordinate clause to perform an action.

457
The motivating event is usually an unrealised situation at the time of the main event.

Initial clauses with the subordinator ó are illustrated in (643).

(643) (a) lā ó c ó (15:55)

{lāp =kón} chaúng -ta =yók =kū

catch =so.as.to spy-L.SUFF =INTRUSIVE =IRLS
‘(He) will spy on (her) to catch (her).’

(b) cm ā c ó m (17:88)

{cím-sèk-tàk =tè ngā =ká nacá

house-person-PL =A.AG 1SG =TOP carefully

peú-yeūn =kón} ōm =kū

keep-can =so.as.to make =IRLS
‘I will do so so as to keep my family members up to the standard.’

The term l o lo d ‘o o’ li e ó , also indicates a purpose of action

clause. This term, however, mostly occurs following the modal auxiliary (§7.2.3).

The form ‘ o . o ’m b r duc d o ha [hə] and the native speakers of Kadu

see ( + = ) as a single morpheme. Some examples of clauses that contain

the subordinator are illustrated in (644).

(644) (a) m lā é m m (15:165)

m lā phéng-háng-ìng-hà =yák}
flesh full-back-DIR2-know.how =so.as.to

m-àng =mā =ták

make-DIR1 =RLS =HS
‘(She) made it so that the flesh filled up (the bones), it is said.’

458
 (b) m mā mā (16:39)

{shí =panáq sèk =tè zá-háng-hà =yák}

die =NOM person =A.AG alive-back-know.how =so.as.to

m-hà =mā ā =ká ngaú =mā =ták

make-know.how =RLS 1SG =TOP say =RLS =HS
‘(He) said, “I can make the dead person come alive”, it is said.’

11.1.3 Temporal clauses

Several subordinators which temporally relate subordinate clauses to main clauses have

been attested and are discussed in the following sections. The term is employed to

indicate two actions happening simultaneously as illustrated in (645). Notice that the

sentence has a single agentive argument.

(645) (a) éc cé c mā (AKYS)

{técháng teút =zàk} céng c =mā

3SG song listen =while letter read =RLS
‘He is studying while listening to music.’

(b) cé c m ā mā (AKYS)

{céng c -ním =zàk} ā pyák-ta =mā

letter read-stay =while fire go.off-L.SUFF =RLS
‘While (I) was reading the light went off.’

If the two clauses have different agentive arguments, in order to clarify who does what,

it is necessary to insert reference to different referents in each clause. This is illustrated

in (646).

459
(646) m ā atá m mmā (AKYS)

-ním =zàk} ā atá m -ním =mā

3SG sleep-stay =while 1SG rice cook-stay =RLS
‘While he was sleeping I was cooking rice.’

The term i m lo d o i dic ‘ v r’. I x m l i (647a), the one

who performs the action, in this case ‘ o bo d’ of m i cl u i

omitted because culturally it is clear from the context. People and other creatures bow

to the king but not the other way around. Similarly with the 1SG referent in (647b).

(647) (a) ā l l mā (06:19)

ā l l =naíktaí} únyút-ta =mā

king come =whenever head.bow-L.SUFF =RLS
‘(The lizard) bows its head whenever the king comes.’

(b) l (AKYS)

{haláng-weú =naíktaí} a- -ta =á

sky-water =whenever NEG-happy-L.SUFF =NEG
‘I am not happy whenever it rains.’

I ord r o x r m or l r f r c ( ic m b r l d ‘ ’i E li )

the topic marker is employed at the end of the first clause, as illustrated in (648).

LaPolla (1995) and Genetti (1986) discussed the syncretism of postpositions and clausal

subordinators in TB languages. We can also see a similar development in Kadu. The

topic marker without a nominaliser can occur immediately following the VCX as a

temporal clausal subordinator.

460
(648) (a) l l ā (06:27)

l -háng =ká} haláng a- ā =pán =ták

come-back =TOP head NEG-bow =COS =HS
‘When (the king) returned (the lizard) no longer bowed its head, it is
said.’

(b) gká ací kátnàngpán (12:126)

tán-àng =ká} ací kát-àng =pán

drum beat-DIR1 =TOP elephant run-DIR1 =COS
‘When (he) played the drum the elephant run away.’

In order to indicate an initial boundary, the structure m ‘ im ou ’+

‘ bl iv ’ i m lo d i K du ic m b r l d ‘ i c ’ or ‘ v r i c ’ i

English. See the discussion on ablative in §6.5. Clauses with this structure are

exemplified in (649) and (650).

(649) ā ā mc m mé c mā
(09:51)

ā =yaúk ā =yaúk ngaúkà - ā =pè

2SG =COM 1SG =COM as.for thatch-CLT.field =LOC

ním-cí mà =hayaúk} mé thà-cí =mā

stay-PL time =since friend be-PL =RLS
‘As for you and me, we have been friends since we lived at the thatch field.’

461
(650) m ó l m m m (AKYS)

myóq =haík l -háng mà =hayaúk}

3SG town =ABL come-back time =since

hà =màng =kà =zeú a- m-kák =á

WH =thing =Q =even NEG-make-want =NEG
‘(She) doesn’t want to do anything since she came back from town.’

In order to indicate a negative condition, the subordinator m c lo d ‘ lo

’i i i i m lo d follo i d v rb. T i form i cl rl old

loanword from the Burmese term, rcsif: <mahkrang:> lo d ‘u il’ i O ll and

Allot (2001:152). Although the initial syllable is clearly a negative marker, r <ma> in

Burmese, thus forming (NEG+V-NEG+csif: <hkrang:>) structure, Okell analysed this

ubordi or i l mor m d rovid d E li r l io ‘for lo

as something has not V-ed, not been V-ed, until V- d’. T structure of the Burmese

negative initial boundary is illustrated in (651a) and the corresponding structure in Kadu

in (651b).

(651) (a) olroGm: rcsif: igroGm:bl: (Burmese)

thu ma-thwa: mahkrang: nga ma-thwa:-bu:

3SG NEG-go as.long.as 1SG NEG-go -NEG

‘As long as he doesn’t go, I won’t go.’

(b) lm c ā ā (02:42)

a-l =macháng} ā - ā =á
3SG NEG-come =as.long.as 1SG NEG-go =NEG
‘As long as he doesn’t come, I won’t go.’

462
csif: <hkrang:> in Burmese and c in Kadu also occur with positive verbs to indicate

coincidental actions or actions that happened simultaneously. Okell (2001:152)

r l d i rm ‘ oo imm di l u o V-i ’. I o Burm his

kind of coincidental action is expressed by attaching the term <hkrang:>, <chin:> in

spoken form, after a reduplicated verb, as in (652).

(652) ol a\mufa\mufcsif:pm:r<f (Burmese)

thu rok rok hkrang: sa. =me

3SG arrive arrive as.soon.as begin =IRLS
‘(We) will begin the moment s/he arrives.’ Or ‘As soon as s/he arrive (we)
will begin.’

However, in Kadu, the term c does not follow a reduplicated verb, rather it occurs

in between the two iterations of the verb. The sentence provided by one of my language

consultants is given in (653).

(653) c mā (AKYS)

{nàntè =cháng } weú taík-ta =mā

guest arrive =CH NG arrive water offer.drink-L.SUFF =RLS
'(I) offered drinking water to the visitor the moment (s/he) arrived.’ Or ‘As
soon as the guest arrived, (I) offered (him/her) a drink of water.’

Another temporal subordinator is c ic m b lo d ‘b for ’. I o l occur

with a negated verb to indicate that the action the negated verb refers to happens after

the action of the verb in the main clause.

463
(654) ó ā c ùm l (18:25)

{kó ā ín- -c }
nine o'clock NEG-arrive-before

pán-nù m -háng-ìng =lakà

CLF.times-one awake-back-DIR2 =MIR
‘(I) awoke again before nine o’clock.’

(655) m m m m c
(24:42)

=tè maháng =pè peú =mā =ták

bird =A.AG 3SG that.thing =LOC keep =RLS =HS

m awà-tàk a-míngsàhà-c }
3SG mother 3SG father-PL NEG-know-before

‘He hid the bird in that place before his parents noticed (it).’

11.1.4 Concessive clauses

The term lo d ‘ v ’ i m lo d o i dic ‘ v if’ cl u . I i lo

used to indicate a proposition which is counter to the expectation expressed in the main

clause, as in (656).

(656) (a) ā ā ā (AKYS)

ā =zeú} ā a- ā =á
3SG go =even 1SG NEG-go=NEG

‘I won’t go even if he does.’

464
 (b) m m ā (AKYS)

m m = } ā =
mother scold =even go =IRLS
‘I will go even if mother scolds me.’

It may be immediately followed by the emphatic particle for even more emphasis, as

in (657).

(657) c mm m ùé (17:54)

cím-mát =zeú =tá} a- m- =pán =seùé

house-watch =even =EMPH NEG-make-can =COS =SAP
‘(My parents are old now), (They) can’t even do the job of looking after the
house.’

The form can also occur with an NP. Following an NP, it indicates an emphatic

m i ic m b r l d ‘ v ’i E li (658a). It may be additionally

followed by the emphatic particle for more emphasis, as in (658b).

(658) (a) m (19:10)

ha=màng=kà =zeú a-naút =á

WH=thing=Q medicine =even NEG-feed =NEG
‘(You) didn’t even give (me) any sort of medicine.’

(b) kalìngsatá sóm ā (17:26)

kalìng satá sóm satá =zeú =tá ā =pán

two month three month =even =EMPH exist =COS
‘It’s already been up to two or three months.’

465
11.1.5 Sequential clauses

In order to express the idea of one action immediately followed by another the

‘c of ’ ASP employed at the end of the first clause, as in (659).

(659) (a) c mā (12:70)

wàk ngaúkà síngngeút- =tè

pig as.for fig-CLT.fruit =A.AG

-ceú =pán =mā

eat-full =COS sleep =RLS
‘The pig ate the figs (to full) and slept.’

(b) c ā ā ā m (07:53)

caúng- ā ā ā =pán -àng =mā =ták

school-small include build =COS give-DIR1 =RLS =HS
‘(The king) built a school/monastery and gave (it to him), it is said.’

A few examples in my corpus also contain three consecutive events as illustrated in

(660) and (661).

(660) k (15:157)

= wán-shí =pán =pán peú =páng =ták

3SG =A.AG chop-die =COS bury =COS keep =DIR1:COS =HS
‘(They) chopped to death, buried and kept/placed (him), it is said.’

(661) m m ták (08:57)

zìnpúk =pè tím =pán ním =pán yū =pán =ták

bush =LOC hide =COS stay =COS look =COS =HS
‘(He) hid, stayed in the bush and looked, it is said.’

466
In some cases, when a sentence contains three sequential events, the first event may be

left unmarked, as in (662).

(662) ā l m lā (15:31)

ā l m pheú-pán lā =pán =ták

king make carry-COS take =COS =HS
‘(They) made him king, carried and took him, it is said.’

The term may be additionally followed by an emphatic particle , glossed as

‘o l ’ o i dic m ic ur o or c of rior o c io x r d

by the following verb. Consider the illustrations in (663) and (664).

(663) l ò lā (29:20)

lapòk wán =pán =naà lā =pán =naà =pán =naà

bamboo chop =COS =only prune =COS =only tie =COS =only
‘chopped, pruned, and tied the bamboo…,’

(664) m (15:100)

atá =pán =pán =naà

rice pack =COS give =COS =only

tawák =ká weú =pè naút-àng =ná ngaú =mā =ták

half =TOP water =LOC feed-DIR1 =SAP say =RLS =HS
‘(She) packed the rice and gave (it to him) and said “feed (them) half of it at
the water”, it is said.’

11.1.6 Manner clauses

The term ù is attached to the end of the first clause of two or more

clauses to express manner, as in (665). See also the discussion of adverbials in §3.2.1.

467
(665) (a) ù m m (15:103)

ngaú = ù} m- -àng =mā =ták

3SG wife say =manner make-give-DIR1=RLS =HS
‘He did (for them) in the manner his wife had told (him).’

(b) c ù (07:103)

{ací hák = ù} hák-àng

elephant shout =manner shout-DIR1
‘Roar like an elephantǃ’

It may also occur after an NP to mark similarity in manner or attribute, as in (666).

(666) m m cm (04:11)

máq =tè =
3SG order girl female =A.AG 3SG daughter =manner

m =pán =naà atá -cí =mā =ták

make =COS =only rice eat-PL =RLS =HS
‘(He) dressed his servant girl like his own daughter and they ate rice, it is
said.’

(667) ā c m ù l (18:83)

ā c =ká kasà m = ù -ta =lakà

charcoal =TOP tiger eyeball =manner same-L.SUFF =MIR
‘(The) charcoal (in the fire) resembles a tiger’s eye.’

468
11.1.7 Comparison clauses

The term lo d ‘ muc ’ i m lo d o i dic mou or u i

of some action or quality expressed by the VCX, as in (668). It can also occur

immediately after an NP (§6.8).

(668) (a) ā lā (25:106)

{nāng lā-kák =neúq} ī =kū

2SG take-want =as.much.as give =IRLS
‘(I) will give you as much as you want.’

(b) lā (AKYS)

=neúq} lā
3SG give =as.much.as take
‘Take as much as he gives.’

I i l o u d o d crib ‘ muc V’ or o do om i o xr m .I i

of structure, the subordinator is preceded by one of the modal auxiliaries (§7.2.3)

and the same verb is repeated. The most common auxiliary in this position is

‘ o . o ’ illu r d (669).

(669) (a) nónhàneúq nón (30:26)

{nón-hà =neúq} nón

mix-know.how =as.much.as mix
‘Mix as much as possible.’

469
 (b) ngáhàneúq ngá (21:20)

{ngá-hà =neúq} =ngá

steam-know.how =as.much.as =steam
‘Steam as much/long as possible.’

11.2 Coordination

In coordinating two or more nouns (A, B, and C), ‘comi iv ’ ā ‘ d oo’ d

‘ d l o’ r m lo d. E c i x m lifi d b lo .

The term , which functions as a comitative (§6.6), is used when coordinating two

nouns (A and B). The examples in (670) illustrate coordinating two NPs.

(670) (a) ā (27:9)

{kasà =yaúk} ā =yaúk} a- -ta =á

tiger =COM cat =COM NEG-same-L.SUFF =NEG

‘tiger and cat–(they) are not the same.’

(b) ā m lé l c cm (12:89)

ā peúkút =yaúk} {maléq tátlúng =yaúk}

2SG adze =COM 1PL magic.ball =COM

caík-cí =mák
exchange-PL =HORT
‘Let’s exchange your adze and/with my magic ball.’

Although not attested in my corpus, the speakers of Kadu expressed that it is also

possible to use when coordinating three NPs such as A, B, and C, as in (671).

470
(671) é ā m ā c mā (AKYS)

saék =yaúk} ā= } m =yaúk} ā -c =mā

3sg daughter =COM son=COM cow =COM go-PL =RLS
‘His daughter, son, and the cow went.’

Only one time in my corpus, the comitative marker is attached to two clauses to

indicate temporal simultaneity of the two actions, as in (672).

(672) ā l ām ò
ā “ ā l m āmā” ā l m
lā (15:30).

{úng =pà =panáq sèk-tàk ngaúkà

that village =ALL =NOM person-PL as.for

ā l ām-ìng =yaúk}
king search-DIR2 =COM

=yí =tá pòkhá =pè ā -ìng =yaúk}

3SG =also =EMPH forest =LOC go-DIR2 =COM

“ =tè ā l m- = āmā” ngaú =pán =naà

3SG =A.AG king make-JUSS =HORT say =COS =only

ā l m pheú =pán lā =pán =ták

king make carry =COS take =COS =HS
‘At the time people from that village came looking for a king and the time he
was going to the forest, (they found him and) said, “let’s make him a king”,
And they made him king and carried him away, it is said.’

The term ā is also employed to coordinate two or more NPs. The lexical meaning of

this morpheme is not retrievable in Kadu. However, as it is common to find Kadu

speakers using a lot of grammatical words from Burmese, we can relate this term with

471
Burmese yg <pa>. Compare the examples in (673). The example in (673a) is in Burmese

and (673b) is in Kadu.

(673) (a) acG:yg 0ufyg ac;oGm:w<f (Burmese)

{hkwei: =pa} {wak =pa} hko-thwa: =te

dog =and pig =and take.along-go =RLS
‘(He) took along a dog and a pig.’

(b) c ā ā c (12:49)

c = ā} {wàk = ā} ngaú-cí =pán =ták

dog =and pig =and say-PL =COS =HS
‘The dog and pig said, it is said.’

It is also common to find the term ā when coordinating more than two NPs, as in

(674).

(674) m m ā ā l ā lé (17:2)

m hà-kaú m = ā} {awà = ā}
sibling five-CLF.person mother =and father =and

l = ā} ngaú =pánnàkà peút-kaú =talé

nephew =and say =if eight-CLF.person =SAP
‘(I’ve got) five siblings, a mother, a father, and a nephew, (we are altogether,)
eight.’

The term is employed to connect two NPs, particularly connecting personal names,

as in (675).

472
(675) m m cl é (08:1)

{zaúpaúmaí = } {eúhám = } kát-cí =lakà =é

PN =and PN =and run-PL =MIR =SAP
‘Zaupaumai and Eham run away.’

This marker is identical with the Burmese coordinate marker \<f <je>, as in (676).

(676) oDwm\<f ]r]r\<f vmw<f (Burmese)

{thita =re} {mra.mra. =re} la =te

PN =and PN =and come =RLS
‘Tita and Mya Mya came.’

There is one other term that is employed to coordinate two or more NPs when there

are ’ x austive listings. It is the term ā lo d ‘ o.o ’ ic m b r l d

‘ uc ’ or ‘ o o ’ i (677).

(677) ó ā ā ā (07:21)

{ngón ā} {phú ā} ā =tè =

gold so.on silver so.on all =A.AG give =IRLS
‘(I) will give all things such as gold and silver.’

The term ā ‘ o.o ’ fr u l occur i ruc ur ā+m + ā (so.on+WH-

+ o.o ) ic m b r l d ‘ uc or of i ’i E li . I i ruc ur

there is tone sandhi. The token of ā in the initial position changes to high tone and the

one in the final position changes to low tone. Due to its frequent occurrence, I have

lo d i ruc ur i l l xic l i m ‘ uc . or .of. i ’.

473
(678) l m mā m ā (17:64)

{zalaùk kámàkà} mā kámàkà} ā =

resthouse sort.of.things community.hall sort.of.things build =IRLS
‘(We) will build a rest house and a community hall–that sort of thing.’

(679) é l m m lā (18:90)

tékshī zalūng kámàkà hà =màng = =zeú

pot sink sort.of.things WH =thing =Q =even

a-lā-háng-ìng =á
NEG-take-back-DIR2 =NEG
‘(We) didn’t bring anything such as a pot, a sink–that sort of thing.’

I ord r o x r ‘ i r-or’ r l io r ll l cl u r im l jux o d

shown in (680). Alternative clauses are shown in { } brackets.

(680) (a) ā é l (AKYS)

ā th - } é - } l
son be-want be daughter be-want be come
‘Come (one of you) either son or daughter.’

(b) ā m m m m (AKYS)

ā m =pán m = }
1SG do/make =if do/make =IRLS

- m =pán - m =á}
NEG-do/make =if NEG-do/make =NEG
‘I’ll do it if I want to, or I won’t do it if I don’t want to.’

Two interrogative clauses may be also juxtaposed, as illustrated in (681).

474
(681) (a) ā ā l l c l (12:114)

ā ā l àt-ta = =lá}
2SG king palace submit-L.SUFF =IRLS =Q

{sít túk-cí-ta = =lá}

war battle-PL-L.SUFF =IRLS =Q
‘You, king, will you surrender/submit your palace or (do you) want
war?’

(b) ā l ā l (18:70)

ā kát-pháng = =lá}
2SG run-prior =IRLS =Q

ā kát-pháng = =lá}
1SG run-prior =IRLS =Q
‘Will you run first or shall I run?’

I ord r o x r ‘ r or o ’ r l io i juxtaposition of two clauses is

employed. In this process, both clauses have the same verb; one of the clauses

expressing a negative and the other a positive proposition, as exemplified in (682).

(682) (a) m m ā m (08:88)

ā ā =tè {míngsàhà a-míngsàhà}

1SG wife 1SG =A.AG know NEG-know

ā sántát-ta-háng =manaík
1SG try.out-L.SUFF-back =only.if
‘I will test my wife (to see) whether my wife knows/recognises me or
not.’

475
 (b) m m (22:13)

{a- -meú} -meú} =ká a-heú-hà =á

NEG-eat-good eat-good =TOP NEG-tell-know.how =NEG
‘I can’t tell whether it is good taste or not.’

Notice in (682b) the negative VCX complex may precede the positive VCX.

11.3 Narrative structures

This section looks at the pattern of linking independent clauses that are frequently

di ori d rr iv r cord d. T o ruc ur r commo : “T il- d”

constructions and attaching adverbial clauses in the clause initial position of the second

of two consecutive independent clauses.

11.3.1 Tail-head linkage

T r i cl r r of “T il- d” li i K du. T i ruc ur i commo l

found not only in TB languages but also in Papuan languages (de Vries 2005). In this

structure, the last segment of the section of discourse–usually the final verb complex–is

partially or completely repeated at the beginning of the next sentence, as in (683a) and

(683b), The head clause and following segments are linked by the structure

+ ‘ ’+‘ i i c ’ ic m b r l di oE li ‘ vi

id ’ or ‘ vi id i i c ’.

476
(683) (a) ā (04:20)

úng =pè ā hú-à =píng}TAIL

that =LOC son CLF.person-one give.birth =DIR2:COS
‘Over there (she) gave birth to a baby son.’

(b) m m l c (04:21)

=píng =ták}HEAD ngaú =pánkaú

give.birth =DIR2:COS =HS say =as.it.is.the.case

mà =hameú =yí a-lī-cí

WH =person =also NEG-come-PL

‘Having given birth to a baby, no one came (to see the baby).’

The last segment of (683a), , is repeated at the beginning of (683b). In many

cases, the tail-head construction involves repetition of just the verb or verb complex

from ‘ il cl u ’ i (684) and (685).

(684) ù mā (18:15)

weú-yahaùng =pè {út-sàt-àng =mā}TAIL

water-river =LOC abandon-descend-DIR1 =RLS
‘(He) throws (it), at once, into the river.’

(685)
é l (18:16)

{út-sàt =pán =ták}HEAD ngaú =pánkaú

abandon-descend =COS =HS say =as.it.is.the.case shan.chief

-tàk ngaúkà athéng =yaúk l =pán =ták

daughter-PL as.for 3SG maiden HONR =COM bathe come=COS =HS
‘Having thrown that, the chief’s daughters and friends with a maiden came for
a bath, it is said.’

477
Kadu being a verb final language, the verbal predicate which comes at the end of the

sentence is frequently marked by CFPs: mā ‘r li ’, ‘irr li ’ d the ASP

‘c of ’. For i c il cl u i (684a) ends with the CFP mā. These

CFPs are usually not repeated in the head clause. Rather, they are replaced by the

‘c of ’ m r r follo db vidential hearsay marker .

If the tail clause contains nominals, they may be restated in the head clause, as in (686)

and (687).

(686) lā (15:78)

=tè lā-kák =pán}TAIL

3SG wife =A.AG take-want =COS
‘(The king) wanted his wife.’

(687) lā c cā m (15:79)

=tè lā-kák =pán =ták ngaú =pánkaú}HEAD

3SG wife =A.AG take-want =COS =HS say =as.it.is.the.case

=tè c cā -ta =mā =ták

3SG =A.AG way.to.die plan-L.SUFF =RLS =HS
‘Having wanted his wife, (the king) plans to kill him, it is said.’

The topic marker (§6.1; §11.1.3) may be employed as a temporal linker to connect

the head clause with the following segment, as illustrated in (688)-(690).

(688) m ó ā l ām (16:1)

maeúeútóng =ták { ā kalìng-hú ā =mā =ták}TAIL

long.long.ago =HS son two-CLF.person exist =RLS =HS
‘Long ago, there were two sons, it is said.’

478
(689) ā l ā ā l m mc m (16:2)

ā kalìng-hú ā =ká}HEAD
son two-CLF.person exist =TOP

ā kalìng-hú { m sanàn-cí =mā =ták}TAIL

son two-CLF.person inheritance snatch-PL =RLS =HS
‘Having two sons, they fought over the inheritance, it is said.’

(690) m mc ā m lā (16:3)

m sanàn-cí =ká}HEAD
inheritance snatch-PL =TOP

anáq ā ngaúkà m lā =páng =ták

this son as.for inheritance take =DIR1:COS =HS
‘Having fought for the inheritance, these sons took their shares, it is said.’

11.3.2 Linking with adverbial clauses

The form -m (ablative- im ) lo d ‘ im ’ l o fu c io m or l

linker of the two independent clauses, as in (691).

(691) (a) óm m (09:100)

= óm- =mā =
snake =A.AG hold-DIR1 =RLS =HS
‘(He) held the snake, it is said.’

(b) m m (09:101)

m - - =mā =
that.time snake strike-die-DIR1 =RLS =HS
‘At that time, the snake killed (the tiger), it is said.’

479
The phrase - (that-reason/because) is added at the beginning of the

second clause to indicate the result/consequence.

(692) (a) ā ā l lā ùé (25:160a)

ā = ā l =
1SG =TOP king daughter =A.AG

-lā- - = =é
NEG-take-want-NEG =SAP =SAP
‘I don’t want to take (marry) the king’s daughter.’

(b) ā mā ùé (25:160)

- ā =mā = =é
that-because.of weep =RLS =SAP =SAP
‘That’s why (I) cry.’

In order to indicate a concession relationship between two independent clauses, the

construction m (WH-thing-Q-EMPH say-also-EMPH) is used at the

beginning of the second clause, as in (693).

(693) (a) mā (18:91)

= - =mā
that =LOC abandon-keep =RLS
‘(We) left (our staff) there.’

480
(b) m lā c m (18:92)

h =m = = = =
WH=thing =TOP =EMPH say =also =EMPH

lā- -c - =m
take-back-PL-DIR1 =HORT
‘Whatever (is) said, let’s go and take them.’

481
482
 Appendix A: Kadu-English-Burmese glossary

The Kadu-English-Burmese glossary contains over 3000 entries that were gathered

during my two fieldwork trips (2009-2011) among the Kadu community. Most lexical

items and grammatical morphemes were gathered by extracting them from recorded

language data texts and elicitation and observation in natural language settings. Since

one of the main intentions of this research is to help the Kadu community develop a

writing system of their own so that they can maintain their language and culture,

therefore, it is presented using a tentative orthography I developed and used in this

thesis. In addition, I have included Burmese glosses with the intention of making the

data available to Burmese students of linguistics and Kadu younger generations who are

being brought up learning to read and write Burmese.

The order of the symbols in the Kadu alphabet is arranged following English

alphabetical order. Entries are also indicated with grammatical information, such as

verb, noun, and particle. Abbreviations used in the glossary are presented below.

adv adverb onmt onomatopoeic word

attw attendant word part particle
aux auxiliary prn pronoun
clf classifier quant quantifier
conj conjunction refl reflexive
dem demonstrative slg slang
excl exclamation subd subordinator
locn locational noun v verb
n noun

Po ibl lo ord from S d Burm r i dic d b “<S ” d “<Bur.”

Though I am pretty confident in my Burmese, due to lack of competence in Shan, many

483
 Shan loanwords are left unmarked. Variant forms or allomorphs are indicated by ( )

brackets.

Aa
a= part proclitic negative particle. ahá v pull \rf:qGJ qHyifwh?kd rsufóSmwkdhukd \rf:qGJwmrsdK:ukd
îud<mta\Sðwi
G ftokH:Úy\onfÐ t]iif:]y0dbwf` qkdonf`
á n strength cGet
f m: <Bur. ahā n crab uEef:
=á (-wá, ná, má, ná, ngá) part particle attaches to ahà n chin ar:apÐ
verbs or verb complexes to convey a negative aháhē excl wonderful! t[m:a[
sense. îud<maemufwGifokH:onfÐ t]iif:]y0dbwf` ahàmūngkū n beard rkufqdwfarG:
ā excl oh tm ahát n smell teH
à1 n numeral one wpf ahaú (haú) v 1) crawl wGm:oGm: 2) feel pain when
à2 v be opened [ someone eats pepper
-à part euphoric particle. acs aheú (heú) v scratch ukwf]cpf
acān n plan tjuH <Bur. aheū n fish ig:wpfrsdK:
acānaík v be in a fix tjuHtkduf <Bur. aík1 v hot tdkuf <Bur.
acáng n behaviour tusifh <Bur. aík2 v veer wdrf: veer; shift
acaúng n about tajumif: <Bur. aíkkalèaík onmt sound of small rooster crow
acaúngayín n reason tajumif:t\if: <Bur. atmuftD:tD:tGwf (wdefnifjuuf)
acaūteū n person tajumfonf <Bur. aīng1 onmt sound of day crying in pain acG:rsm:
acēng n time tîudrf <Bur. emusifonfÐtcg atmfonfÐtoH

aceú v vomit tef aīng2 n lake tkdif <Bur.

achák n time tcsuf <Bur. aìngsaì halaíng adv tilt apmif:apmif:
achángacháng refl mutually tcsif:csif: <Bur. aīngsaút aīngsaút adv limp axmÐeJðaxmeJð
achēanē n condition ta]ctae <Bur. ák v bloom, be slightly opened, yGifÐ?[ onf` ókHtonf`
achēng n time tcsdef <Bur. aká v roast uif nÛyf]zifÐ nÛyfúyD: uifonfukdwmqkd`
achēng akhā n time tcsdeftcg <Bur. akáq n dance tu <Bur.
achí n muntjac deer }sD akékhát n observe tuJcwf <Bur.
achì (chì) v chew 0g: akhā n time tcg <Bur.
achìn v shake off qdwfcGm As in shake off buds from akhán n room tcef: <Bur.
one's body rÏm:wkdhukd tom:rS cgcsonfÐ tcgwGifokH:onf` akhàtóng adv while tcgwkef: <Bur.
achīsalī achàsalā adv playful, impish r[kwfw|kwf akhaúng n coffin tacgif: <Bur.
achít v murmur nD:nL akhwák n permit tcGifÐ <Bur.
ácí adv exceedingly; extremely; very. tm:îuD:? wtm: akōng n all, everything tuke?f \Sd\Sdorû <Bur.
<Bur. akōnglóng n all, everything tukev f kH:? \Sd\Sdorû <Bur.
ací1 n elephant qif akú v dry a]cmuf
ací2 n indigenous hardwood tree tif:juif:yif akwák n blot tuGuf <Bur.
acíceù adv extensively tîuD:us<f <Bur. ákweú n spittle oGm:\nf
acísweū n tusk qifqG<f ákweúthaúk v spit wHaoG:axG:

484
ákyá n tree with long edible pods ajumifvûmyif áng1 n cabalistic square tif: <Bur.
álá excl Ah las! tm:vm: áng2 n 1) lake a\tkdif 2) pond a\uef
alaík part accordingly tvkduf <Bur. -àng part particle attaches to verbs to denote
aleūkóng n place's name tv<fuke:f directional meaning of away from deictic centre.
vkduf
aleúq n turn tvSnfÐ <Bur.
ángcháq v inscribe tif:cs <Bur.
aléuq n portion tvSnfÐ?zuf]crf: <Bur.
àngnáq prn that one tJ'g
alō n need tvdk <Bur.
angōk n stump tikwf <Bur.
alòkà excl surprise tvdku
āngtūng n basin tifwkH < Bur.
alōlō adv by itself, naturally tvkdvdk <Bur.
àngyeùzàngngaútì conj however 'gayrJh
álóng n all tm:vkH: <Bur.
àngzàngngaú conj but 'gayrJh
alū n offering tvSL <Bur.
àngzàngngaútì conj however 'gayrJh
alúk n work tvkyf <Bur.
ānkatùn n barn pyg:usD
amākà adv that time 'DtcgrSm
ānkū n rice qefjurf: any kind of non sticky rice
amān n true trSef <Bur.
ānmeū n paddy pyg:vkH: exclusively with paddy that
amànkáq n truly trSefu <Bur.
is mixed with pounded rice. qefeða
J \monfÐ
amát n official trwf <Bur. pyg:vkH:ukdomqkdonf`
amék n command trdefh <Bur. ānpānpaūk n second version of pounded rice
ameū n mother tar pyg:axmif:'kwd<oyf
ameūawà n parent rdb ānsaú n glutinous paddy
ameūsāsā n mother and son om:trd ānsaúsát n sticky rice aumufnÛif:qef
amú n older brother tpfukd àntàk (matàk) prn third person plural form. olwkdh
amúnashī n male siblings nDtpfukd āntān (āntahān) adv quite awmfawmf
amwē n inheritance tarG <Bur. anweū n lineage tóG<f <Bur.
amyeú n always t]rJ <Bur. anyeù dem like this, this manner 'Dvkd
amyeútán n always t]rJwef: <Bur. anyínakhòng n argue t]iif:tckH <Bur.
amyó n kind trsKd: <Bur. ānzapóng n pounded paddy pyg:yxroyf
amyó anweū n lineage trsdK:tóG<f <Bur. áp clf classifier for counting numbers words or
amyómyó n various way trsdK:rsdK: <Bur. utterances cGef:
amyótamí n female trsdK:orD: <Bur. āp clf classifier for counting numbers of mouthful
vkwf
an dem proximal demonstrative 'D anyeù dem
apaí1 n portion tydkif: <Bur.
ān1 v count a\wGuf <Bur.
apaí2 (paí ) locn tip top xdyfzsm:
ān2 n paddy pyg: 2
apáng n curse tyif:
anaí n maternal grandmother tzGm:
apaū locn upon tay; <Bur.
anánq n smell teHð <Bur.
apaúk n hole tayguf <Bur.
anáq prn this 'D
aphòkcí n clump tzkwf tuft or clump of hair or
anaūyathā n man's name taemf\xm
grass.
anè n condition tae <Bur.
aphweúq n team tzGJh <Bur.
aneúsóng quant at least tenf:qkH: <Bur.
aphyít n state t]zpf <Bur.
āng n sal tree tifjuif:yif
áphyít n by tm:]zifÐ <Bur.
àng dem that tJ'D
apú n ngapi iyd

485
apyā n blue t]ym <Bur. atékpeū n meaning t"dyíg<f <Bur.
apyīn conj in addition to t]yif <Bur. aténashī n 1) sibling sisters nDtr 2) siblings armifóSr
apyít n mistake t]ypf <Bur. ateú excl oh!.you toif
apyōpyān n maiden tysdKzsef: <Bur. athàng v guess txif
asá v shake cgcs athaúng n mother-in-law a<muQr term used by the
asaìng n intestines tl female to her in-laws. acï:rrS olha<muQrrsm:ukd ac;onfÐ
tac;ta0;`
asák n life, age touf
athéng n maiden txdef: <Bur.
asáng n group toif:
atheú locn inside txJ <Bur.
asāyēsā n food tpma\pm <Bur.
atheút locn up txuf <Bur.
aséng látlát adv still fresh, or raw tpdrf:vwfvwf
<Bur. atheút atheút adv repeatedly xyfcgxyfcg
aseút n connection tquf <Bur. athíq locn up to txd <Bur.
ashéq locn east ta\Sð <Bur. athú adv extraordinary txl: <Bur.
asheqkóng n place's name ta\Sðuke:f <Bur. áthúk v meditate tm:xkwf <Bur.
ashì1 n 1) sister-in-law r\D: 2) older sister of one’s athútalē n unusually txl:wvnf <Bur.
own mother and father older brother's wife rdrd athwé n youngest taxG: <Bur.
rdcif> tróSifÐ rdrdzcif tpfukd> ZeD:ukdac;onf` athweút n come out txGuf <Bur.
ashì2 v skinny ydef atí v soft ók
ashì naúngpaúng n sisters by marriage vif nDtpfr atíanān n vegetable toD:tóSH <Bur.
ashīn n lord t\Sif <Bur. atūtū adv together twlwl <Bur.
ashīn látlát adv alive t\Sifvwfvwf <Bur. atwé n idea tawG: <Bur.
ashúngkhān v surrender t|ë:cH <Bur. atwéqacūng n experience tawGðtjuHK <Bur.
asìn n mind and also liver pdwf?toJ aú prn here 'D
asīntít adv ready tqifoifh <Bur. aū excl well! atmf
asít n level tqifÐ <Bur. aúk1 locn below atmuf <Bur.
asó n ruler tpdk: <Bur. aúk2 v flip, change or reverse position of things;
asóng part extremity tqHk: <Bur. turn inside out. vSeo
f nf`
asùn n edge tpGef <Bur. aùkchín n seaweed ausmufyGifÐ kind of edible
aswē n friend taqG <Bur. seaweed pmvkdh\onfÐ a\nÛd wpfrsdK:`

asweù n tusk tqG<f <Bur. aūksweú n lower area atmufykdif:[k

t"dyíg<f\onf`atmufykdif:[k t"dyíg<f\onf` <Bur.
āt n broken usdK:
aūlaúq n speaker avSmfpyDum |kyfykHjunfÐ`
àt v submit tyf <Bur.
aúm locn front a|Sð
atá n rice xrif:
aūmpā n geese ief:
átā excl oh,no! tm:uGm
aūmpeút n duck bJ
ataí n pattern twdkif: <Bur.
aūng v pass atmif <Bur.
atáshínq n left over rice or snack xrif:jurf:
literally. cold food aùng- n particle that attaches before kinship terms,
father and mother to make it very polite
ataū n paternal grandmother zcifbufrS tzGm:
aqGrsdK:tac;ta0;a\SðwGif xnfÐokH:onfÐ yk'f
paternal grandmother zcifzufrS tzGm:
aùngawà n parents rdb
ataūtaū adv somewhat awmfawmf <Bur.
aūngmyīn n succeed atmif]rif <Bur.
até n older sister tr hété n
aūngtánnweū n man's name atmifoef:óG<f

486
aūngtweú n bamboo basket 0g:]zifÐvkyfxm:wJÐykH: ayék n shadow t\dyf <Bur.
awà n father taz ayékachē n situation t\dyfta]c <Bur.
awàsāsā n father and son om:tz āyūng n sense tm\Hk <Bur.
awút n clothe t0wf <Bur. ayweù n age t\G<f <Bur.
ayàn v poor qif:\J azàk n the name Kadu called themselves. oufvlrsdK:?
ayāng n prior t\if <Bur. uwl:vlrsdK:rsm: rdrdukd rdrd ac;onfÐ trnfemr`

ayát n place t\yf <Bur. azàn v pity, sympathetic oem:pmemonf`

ayaúng n color ta\mif <Bur. azáq n begin tp <Bur.
ayé n matter ta\: <Bur. azīazīn n plan tpDtpOf <Bur.
ayécí n important ta\:juD: <Bur. azúq n group tpk <Bur.

Cc
cá n in between jum: <Bur. capū n tree opft<fom:
-cā part contracted form of plural marker cí and cáq v cost/fall us <Bur.
euphoric marker à -cáq part particle attaches to verbs to denote
ca í n guardian Nat ]cHapmifÐewf plurality . ju <Bur.
caeú v be yellow 0g cáqcáq náqnáq adv do something carefully or
cahaúng n coriander eHeH comfortably ususee <Bur.

caìk n mango o\uf cáqtaù n as for juawmÐ <Bur.

caík1 v like Îuduf <Bur. caú n shoulder back ausm <Bur.
caík2 v cross over ausmfvÏm: caū1 v fry ajumf <Bur.
caík3 v exchange vJvS<f caū2 v 1) cross over ausmf 2) exceed ausmf <Bur.
cāk v cooked usuf <Bur. caúk n stone ausmuf <Bur.
cáknáng n fence 0g:pnf:|kd: caúktānpatamyá n precious stone ausmufoHywW]rm:
<Bur.
cáksaháng n drumstick 'efðovGef
caūlē n clan's name ausmfav
camà n luck jurRm <Bur.
caúng n school ausmif: <Bur.
cān1 v remain usef <Bur.
caúnq n because ajumifh <Bur.
cān2 v plan juHpnf <Bur.
cé1 n parrot aus:
cáng v flat? ]yefð
cé2 n bronze aju: <Bur.
-càng part contraction of (cí+àng=càng) juvkduf
cék v angry in mind usdwfcJ <Bur.
càngchī n mirror |kd:wGif:csnfqD
cēk1 v curve aumuf
cānphān v plan juHzef <Bur.
cēk2 v suspend from the neck vnfyif:wGifqGJxm:
cánpyén n floor jurf:]yif <Bur.
cékcéksā n tailor bird óSHyDpw
k f
cánsā n script usrf:pm <Bur.
cékkatéq cákkatàk adv zigzag auGðauGðaumufaumuf
cānsíttá n man's name usefppfom:
cēnát v satisfy ajueyf <Bur.
cānzī v plan juHpnf <Bur.
céng n letter pm
cāpá n lotus jumyef:

487
cēng1 clf time îudrf <Bur. cheùtphāng n eve qnf:qm
cēng2 n rattan îudrf chēyā n foot print a]c\m <Bur.
cèng v roll vdrfÐ <Shan chí v sour csnf
céttaú n place's name juufawm chī1 v true [kwf
ceú1 v full (stomach) Adkuf0 chī2 v march csD
ceú2 n buffalo uïJ chī3 v wash avûmf
ceú3 v wide usJ <Bur. chī4 n dung or excrement csD:? rpif
ceū1 v 1) read zwf 2) sing qkd 3) crow wGef chīlāchíqlá v tag question [kwfw<f[kwf
ceū2 v be over ripe \ifÐrm <Shan chím n clan's name csOf:
ceū3 n night or dark n?arSmif chīmánkwín n magical tied ring csnfref:uGif: <Bur.
ceū4 v deaf uef:?arSmif chīmīntā n toilet tdrfom
ceù n species of thorny creeper cyfcsdKóG<f chímtúng n clan's name csOf:wkef:
ceú lamù n buffalo OD:csdKwkduïJ chín v come near csnf:uyf <Bur.
ceú paíkpaík n yellow t0g chīnīk v defecate csD:yg
ceūceū nátnát adv with satisfaction ajuajueyfeyf chīnlínmùng n place's name csif:av:rkH
<Bur. chīnpaūng n vegetable csnfaygif <Bur.
ceúntaík n bael OoûpfoD: chíntwín n river's name csif:wGif:
ceūnyā v announce ajum]im <Bur. chīphí (chītát) v fart tD:ayguf
ceùt n roof's frame acgifrkd:tcsif: chīpókhalúk adv worriedly idkifwidk fwkdif
cézú n gratitude aus:Zl: chít v verbal particle that attaches to verb to
2
cézútīn v thankful aus:Zl:wif <Bur. denote rarity. cJ
chalá part verbal particle that attaches to verb to chìthú n anus ptdk
denote completive. ]yD:om: chíttí n man's name cspfw:D
chán v cold csrf: <Bur. chō n outer layer of bamboo óSD:ausm
chanákchī n grime }sD: chōngpūk n bush csKHykwf <Bur.
cháng refl reciprocal csif: <Bur. chūng (chūngcá) n bush csHK <Bur.
chántā v be rich csrf:om <Bur. chút v take off cïwf <Bur.
cháq v put down cs <Bur. cí n big juD: <Bur.
cháshí v drop something to kill csowf -cí part particle attaches to verbs to denote
chát1 n classifier for counting numbers of shots csuf plurality. ju
<Bur. cī1 n dog acG:
chát2 v cook csuf <Bur. cī2 v peel cGm as in taking out the inner layer of
chaū v miss acsmf <Bur. banana, cane plan. iSufaysmtl? îudrfzl: ponfwhkd
chaúk1 n six a]cmuf cGm<l\mwGif okH:onf`

chaúk2 n cliff acsmuf <Bur. =cī subd particle attaches to negated verbal
predicates to mean 'before'. rwkdifcif
chaúng1 v spy acsmif:junfh <Bur.
cíceū adv extremely juD:us<f
chaúng2 n river acsmif: <Bur.
cīhaúm n flower yef:wpfrsdK:
chaúngphyá n up river acsmif:]zm: <Bur.
cīlāng n squirrel |SnfÐ kátcīlāng n
chaúq v soothe acsmÐ <Bur.
cím n house tdrf
chék v hook csdwf <Bur.

488
címaúng n gong aju:armif: < Bur. cīpōn n spear vSH
címmát n look after the house tdrfapmifÐ cīsēk n plea acG:oef:
címmeù n north a]rmuf cīsōk n 1) wild dog awmacG:? acG:pkwf 2) kind of black
címpák n 1) corridor tdrfu]yif 2) south awmif big ants yk|GufqdwftrJtîuD: wpfrsdK:

címsàt v set up a separate house, or start a new cìt v pluck aÂccl:

family tdrfqif: cīt v come close uyfvm
címtaī n pillar tdrfwikd f cósámúq n trying hard îudK:pm:rë <Bur.
címwáng n compound tdrf0if: cótōk v tie Îud:wkyf <Bur.
cín v narrow usOf: <Bur. cówaítaú n palace's name Îud:0kdif:awm <Bur.
cīn v fall; drop (of leaves, fruits, etc.); drop off. cózá v try hard îudK:pm: <Bur.
aâuusonf` cùm n slave uïef <Bur.
cìn1 n cucumber(small) awmif<mocGm: small size and cùmmáq n slave girl uïefr <Bur.
has some spots. teHðtouf\SdI tpufta]ymufrsm:ygonf` cún n island uïef: <Bur.
cìn2 v dry t\nf crf:a]cmuf exclusively with fruits. cūng v meet or happen by chance or by accident or
-cìng part contracted form of cí 'plural' + ìng unintentionally or coincidentally juHK <Bur.
directional particle. jucJÐ cūngók n trunk of reeds usKikwf <Bur.
cīnú v delight junfól: <Bur. cūpīn n reed usKyif <Bur.
cīnúphweù n delightful junfól:zG<f be delighted, be cwáq v come âu <Bur.
very pleased; enraptured. <Bur.
cwēúq n wild yam aâuO <Bur.
cīnúq n earthworm wDaumif
cwēúqtaūng n place's name aâuOawmif
cínwán n pineapple emewfoD:
cweútsúk n shrew âuufpkwf <Bur.
cīnyō v respect junfndK <Bur.
cíp v firm ]rJ

Ee
é excl yes at: ēngsací n leader of a particular clan tdrfolîuD:
=é part euphoric particle which usually occur <Bur.
following speaker attitude particle. seú at: ēngsó n ruler of the clan or family tdrfpdk:
éé excl yes at:at: ēngthaūng n family, couple and household
ēk n wife ZeD: tdrfaxmif? rdom:pk? vifr<m: <Bur.

ēklā v man marrying a woman rdef:r<l eú excl that tJ'D

ēksāhalá n couple, a husband and a wife vifr<m: eù excl yes! at
ēlā adv large, giant eúhám n man's name tJcef:
ēng n house tdrf <Bur. eūhám n elephant foot yam tuber 0O
ēngmák n dream tdrfruf <Bur. eùm v die ao slang?
ēngnyaūng n house lizard tdrfa]rÛmif <Bur. eùn n barn pyg:wkduf barn built underneath the
house. tdrfatmuf\Sd wkdifwGif vkyfxm:onfÐ pyg:wkduf`

489
eúqaūshī n wheel used in waving pufoD: eút2 v left usef
eúqkhān v receive guest {nfÐcH <Bur. eútā n that tJ'g <Bur.
eút1 v drop us

Hh
há1 n red teD hákceù n turmeric qóGif:
há2 v jeer twif:a]ym <Bur. hākū v reckon, think, guess xifonf?cefðrSe:f onf`
há3 v grasp ukwfqGJ halá n husband vifa<musFm:
hā1 v walk oGm: halák v dull ókH?t
hā2 excl ha [m halàk n branch ukdif:
hā3 v bitter cg: -halák aux roughly wpf0ufwpfysuf
hā4 v be hit xdrSef halán halán adv fold something repeatedly
hà1 prn WH word bm?b<f txyfxyfacguf

hà2 n five ig: halánāng v woman marrying a man a<musfm:<l

hà3 clf classifier for counting buildings aqmif as in haláng n 1) head acgif: 2) sky rkd:aumif:uif
caúnghà ausmif:wpfaqmif halàng v in vain, meaningless tcsnf:teSD:
-hà aux know how wwf halánghú n hair qHyif
hàaì n waist cg: halángká v 1) hot aeyl 2) head burning acgif:yl
hāàng tèàng v go to and fro oGm:vkdufvmvkduf halángkāk n headdress acgif:aygif:
hàháng n Kachin ucsif halánglà n late ae]rifÐ
=haík part from rS?u halángmūn v wind avwdkuf
haíkkà (heúq) conj and then, after that úyD:awmÐ halángtháng v dark rkd:tkHh
haíkmà adv that time 'DtcgrSm halángweú v rain rkd:|Gm
haíkmākà (haíkmákhà) adv as for that time, and halángyá v dawn rkd:vif:
then 'DtcgrSm halángzèk v headache Ðacgif:ukduf
haìng v came up wwfcJÐ haláp v stack xyf
=haìng part particle attach to nouns indicating haláp haláp adv stack.repeatedly txyftxyf
the sense of exclusiveness. (comparable in usage halaúk n bunch pnf:
to adverbs 'only', 'alone', 'just') csnf:yJ
halawà n man/husband a<musFm:
haīnghaúng n cow bell óGm:]cL
halawàshā n boy a<mufusm:av:
hák1 v shout or call aloud ac;? atmfac;
haleù part accidentally rd
hák2 v widen or spread out, scatter; space out
halí n boat avS
csJonf` exclusively with firewood
rD:pcsJ\mwGifomokH:onf` halíng locn behind aemuf
hàk1 clf classifier for counting branches ukdif: see halíngsatá n last month vGecf JÐonfÐv
also halàk halíngtàm n backward aemuf]yef
hàk2 v dislocate ]yKwf <Shan halóng n small mat zsm:i<f small square mat which

490
 is used to dry tea leaf and hot cooked rice. cifAsm:wkdh? eifwkdh
vufzufa]cmuf? xrif:wkdh aóG:\ef? vSrf:\ef tokH:ÚyonfÐ hānshí n cat ajumif
av:axmifÐzsmi<fwpfrsdK:`
háp v unpack ]znf
halú n particle that attaches to kinship terms to
hāp v weep ikd
indicate immediate blood relation.
rdom:pktppftrSef]zpf]cif:ukd az;]yonfÐyk'f` blood relation. hát v 1) make Úyvkyf 2) move vëyf|Sm: something done
swiftly or without discernment
halū n rounded object tvkH:
hàt n bed bug jurf:ykd:
halū halúq adv rounded object vkH:vkH:îuD:
haú1 v preach a[m <Bur.
halúng onmt sound make by flame rD:awmuf? rD:vûH
]rnfoHtoH haú2 excl look! a[m
hám1 v setting a bait om:aumifukd zrf:\mwGif wnfonf haú3 v gather (xif:)acG gathering wood for one time
tpm`
1 use. w\ufpm? wcgokH:p\mtwGuf ukd qkdonf`

hám2 clf classifier for counting numbers of haū1 clf classifier for counting numbers of
2
packages xkyf used when counting package which implement and tools vuf as in counting knife,
is not tied by bamboo ties or rope. óSD:rcsDyJ spade etc.
xkyfxm:onfÐ [if:txkyfukdomokkH:onf` haū2 v also as strike as in snake's strike
-hàm aux be over, be excess ykd aÂraygufonfÐtcgvnf:okH:` exclusively with long
handle implements. It is also used with snake
hamán n spirit ewf
bite. vufukdif\SnfonfÐ aygufqdef]zifÐ ckwfayguf]cif:ukdqkdonf`
hamàngkàngātéq prn why bmajumifÐ aÂrayguf\mwGifvnf: tokH:Úyonf`
hameú n person ol haùheū n corn a]ymif:zl:
hamòk n sky aumif:uif haúk v bundle pnf: also means to harvest.
hamòkalúm v thundering rkd:csdef: aumufodrf:onf [kvnf:t"dyím<fxGufonf`
hamòkphā v (of lightning) strike. rkd:Îud:ypf haùk n field tcif:
hamòkzìháp v lightning vûyfpD:vûyf haúkmón n hornbill atmufcsif:iSuf
hamúk (kamúk) n under atmuf haúng n coffin tacgif:
hán1 v be threaten úcdrf:a]cmuf? \efapmif <Bur.? haúntū (tū4) n stick 'kwfacsmif:
hán2 n mat oif]zL:zsm haúp v drink an egg, or coconut juice
hān1 v lessen avsmÐ juufOukdrsdKcs?aomufcsonf`

hān2 v flow or go downward pD:qif:? pkef haūpát n snail c|k

hànáq n which b<f[m haūpút n glutinous rice cake acgykwf
háng v be sharp xufonf? cïefonf` haút v digging by animal usKH:<Suf
hāng v huge/wide gap usJ haùt v put in vdrfÐxnfÐ fold the cloth and put in
something ykqkd:pwGif vdrfÐxnfÐ]cif:ukdqkdonf`
-háng aux 1) back ]yef 2) again aemufwzef
-haút aux want csif
hángchì n cloud rkd:wdrf
haút salaút adv wanting csifcsif
hānghák n toad zg:]yKwf
haūttaūt khalaūt adv sag cGufcGuf sag (at the
hāngkashì hāngkazák adv sparsely usdK:wkd:usJwnf:
middle of surface).
hángmú n wild yam arsmufO t|kdif:wpfrsdK:
=hayaúk subd particle attaches to verbs to
hàngshíng n top (toy) }sif indicate the meaning of 'since', or 'from the time
hángtì n sweet potato uZGef:O of '. uwnf:u
hanīng prn second person plural form. rif:wkdh? hē onmt shivering sound ajumufonfÐtcg xGufonfÐ

491
 toH hīngkaú hīngkā refl himself olhbmomol
hé- n particle that attaches before the kinship híp v fall vSJ
terms to denote affectionate. rdom:pk ac;a0;rsm:a\SðwGif hípphāngmákkū (mákkū) n rib eH|kd:
cspfcifav:pm:rëukd ]y\eftwGufokH:onfÐ yk'f`
hīt v hang csdwf
héq excl exclamation a[Ð
hītzalaúng n hook csdwf
hété (hé-, até) n older sister rr
hó excl exclamation [kd:
heù excl yes! a[h?aygh
hōhōn n ash pumpkin ausmufz|kHoD:
heú1 v 1) tell a]ym]y 2) answer a]z
hōhōnná n kind of edible leaf ]rif:cGm|Gufvkd a]rrSm
heú2 n resin opfap: <Gef:xnfwhu kd kd okwfvdrf:onfÐ uyfaygufaom tyifwpfrsdK:
opfap:wpfrsdK:
hōk1 n six a]cmuf
heū1 v climb wwf
hōk2 v take off as a stick or post ]yefókwf
heū2 v borrow acs:iSm:
hōkáq prn there [dku <Bur.
heū3 v plant pkduf exclusively with planting as with
hōm v confine avSmif as in to confine chickens with
potato and yam. tmvl:? ydef:O ponfÐ Orsm:ukd
baskets. awmifóSifÐ juufavmifonfukdqkdonf`
pkduf]cif:ukdomqkdonf`
hóng part verbal particle attaches to verb to
heūhān onmt sound of wave? avvSKdif:xonfÐtoH
indicate sympathy. îud<móSifÐwJo
G kH:\onfÐ oem:nÛmwmrë
heūhān heūhān adv go ups and downs ukd]y onfÐ 0dbwf`
qkefqkeq
f efqef
hōp1 v be astringent zefonf`
heúheū onmt sound make when someone is short
hōp2 v tie csnf
of breath armonfÐ toH
hòt v make a hole aygufonf`
heúm v pregnant oaóÝwnf
hōtín prn there [dk'if: <Bur.
heūn v reluctant wGefðwkd
hòtúngkáqtaúq n long ago [kdwkef:uawmÐ
heúp1 v squeeze tpf squeeze or throttle or feel
tight. hú1 clf classifier for counting numbers of people
a<muf occurs with numerals one to there.
heúp2 v lure ]rÛLqG<f lure; entice; tempt; persuade.
]rÛLqG<fI tusnf:tusyfxJa\mufoGm:atmif vkyfaqmif hú2 v boil Úywf
<lwmrsdK:ukdqkdonf. hū v burn avmif
-heúq part contraction of an auxiliary verb and a hùhú (hahú) n snail c|k
directional verbal particle (háng+ìng=heúq). húk clf classifier for counting numbers of rounded
heūsàt heūsàt adv go ups and downs objects vkH: as in counting ball, pumpkin etc.
wwfwwfqif:qif: húktúktúk adv truly [kwfwkwfwkwf
heūtìng sáttìng n ladder wwfp\m?qif:p\m hūlā n empty Avm
heútlá n star flower plant ca\yif hūlā hūlā adv empty [mwmwm
heúttín n slipper zdeyf <Shan hūlāsā n bastard tzrJÐom:
héwà n father azaz hùnàsā n fontanelle, soft spot in the cranium of an
hīn v tease p?aemuf infant. i<fxdyf
híng onmt roar [def: <Bur. hūng clf stalk(banana) ckdif
hīng prn third person singular form. ol húngnat n Nat's name [ke:f ewf
hīngkalīng n bell csL small spherical metallic bell húnzaú n spoon ZGef:
which is wore in child's leg. uav: a]cwGifqGJonfÐ húp v 1) peel or to take off cGmonf? cïwfonf` 2) take
csLi<f` off cïwf

492
hùpón n kind of plant uemazgh húyá (katháng) n firefly ykd:pke:f juL:
hūtā n cousin 0rf:uGJ húyeú n ridged gourd juufc0JoD:

Ii
ì n thread tyfcsnf ìngzàngngaútì conj however 'gayrJh
ī v give ay: ìngzángtìng conj however 'gayrJh
íí n female's nick name tdtd ínnátóng n later ckeae
īkúq n scarab beetle's egg aemufacs:ykd:O edible íntóng locn next aemuf
pm:vkd\
h onf` íp v narrow usOf:
īlòt n bobbin \ufazmuf īp v sleep tdyf
ín1 excl Oh yesǃ īpmàng n dream tdrfruf
ín2 n cabalistic sign tif: <Bur. īpmàngthī v talk or act in one's sleep tdyfrufruf?
ín3 prn there tJ'D a<mif
ín= part proclitic negative particle. r īppát v sound sleep tdyfaysmf
īná n force tiftm: <Bur. īpthíng v unconscious arÐa]rm tdyfaysmfI
ínaīng n cabalistic square tif:uGufcsonf (vlukd owdvufvGwf]zpfonf`
]yKpm:onfÐenf:ynm) <Bur. īshíq n girl or woman trsdK:orD:
īnán n maiden ysdKar <Shan īshíqshā n girl rdef:uav:
íncháq v inscribe tif:cs ìsúk n prawn ykpGef
-ìng part particle attaches to verbs to denote ìtalá n thread tyfcsnfÎud:
directional meaning of toward a deictic centre. ítòng n female's name tdwkH
īngīng (ìīng) adv tiny ao:ao:

Kk
ká1 n car um: <Bur. structure as in kámàkà 'things so on' ponf]zifÐ
ká2 v hot yl =kà part interrogative particle enclitic to nouns.
kā1 n block um <Bur. vJ?vm:

kā2 n soil a]r kaaù n throat vnfacsmif:

kā3 v show ]y kācáng n plain a]r]yefð
kā4 part thing [m kachīn n Kachin ucsif
=ká part topic marker u?awmÐ kahīng adv quite cyfylyl
=kā part such as, so on ponf frequently occur in a kahú (kahùng) v hot tdkuf

493
kahún n termite ]c kamī n bamboo shoot rûpf
kahúnpúngtūng n termite mound ]cawmifbkdh kamík v look by concentration. pl:pkdufjunfÐonf`
kaí1 excl well! udkif: kámíkaúk n scorpion uif:rSD:aumuf <Bur.
kaí2 n frame ukdif: <Bur. kamòkchí n species of amaranth used as a
kaī kaī n type of plant rmefeDyif vegetable [if:ókóG<f

kaítàk n frame ukdif: kāmpaík v break cGJ

kāk v pulled or stretched tightly. eg the leather kàmpáng n tree uifyvif: name of several species of
used as in drum. juufonf` small evergreen trees producing clusters of
acidulous fruit.
kàk v open up azmuf exclusively with opening up
dam water qnfa\azmuf\mwGifomokH:onf` kāmpaúkchí n acacia uifyGe:f csOf
kák1 v go down the wrong pipe kán1 v bad qdk:
kák2 clf classifier for counting numbers long thin kán2 (kám ) n plate, bowl
2
objects acsmif: occurs with numerals one to three. kán3 v bite ukduf bite without causing pain. rematmif
eHygwf wpfrSokH:txd tokH:Úyonf` zGzGav:ukdufonf`
-kák aux particle attaches to verbs to denote wish kān1 n fortune uH <Bur.
or desire to do. csif kān2 n human grown field tcif:
kákcīng n charcoal rD:aoG: kān3 v multiply wkd:rsm:?yGm:
kalá n Indian ukvm: kān4 v squeeze npf
kalácahaùng n coriander ukvm:eHeH kaná n ear em: kanáceū v
kalaīng adv onomatopoeic word ]rnfoHpGJ kanà v hurt em
kalák n stick acsmif: variant form of kák kanà kanón adv sickly zsm:zsm:emem
kálán n motor road um:vrf: <Bur. kanáceū v be deaf em:uef:
=kalàng quant particle attaches to nouns to kanàchíq n opium bdef: slang: literally it is a
indicate that the quantity mentioned is an combination of 'wound' plus 'dung'
approximation. cefð measurement 'Davmufavmuf kanàhā v be sick zsm:
kalaú n wood xif:wkdxif:p rD:awmufvG<fonfÐ kanáhám v listen secretly ckd:em:axmif
xif:wkdxif:p? 0g:wkd0g:p`
kanán n Kanan ueef:
kalaúng v many aygrsm:
kanàt v starve iwf
kalaúngtóng adv many trsm:juD:
kanaú n beginning ueOD: <Bur.
kalé n place's name uav:Úrdð
kāncamā n luck uHjurRm
kalèt n cricket yk\pf
kāncí n man's name uHîuD:
kalìng n two óSpf
kaneú n fruit rufvifoD:
kalùn n tree or plant tyif
kāng1 (múngkāng) v old a[mif:
kalúng onmt sound of falling an object uvke:f
kāng2 v inflate azgif:
kalùng n name of mythical creature }VKef
kàng v roast uif roast superficially. zuf|Guf uifonf`
kám v lay cif:
káng káng onmt sound of falling down a big object
-kām aux prior action óSifÐ uefuef?uke:f uke:f
kamà n wound tem kānglaí n center tv<f <Shan
kamà kapeút adv wood temtqm kāngnyāng n large tree with oily sap unifyif
kámàkà part such sort of things ponf kāngpāng n tree uifyvif:

494
kángpè kángná n isolated or unimportant places kapheú n monitor lizard zGwf
acsmifîudKacsmifjum: <Shan v<fawm v<fpyf kaphú n snake aÂr
kàngtalá v be old (material) a[mif: kapí n mole (animal) ayG:
kánhalúk n bowl yef:uefvkH: kapòn1 n ringworm ayG:
kánhú n bed sheet tdyf<mcif: kapòn2 n collect <l taking the left over. vufusef
2
kánshì kánsaík adv battered pkwfpkwf]ywf]ywf awGukd <lonf`
kāntāt n taro ydef: kapòn kasaú adv gather odrf:usKH:
kānzaún n water convolvulus uefpGef:|Guf <Bur. kapóng v rinse usif:
kānzū n mustard rHknÛif: kapōt n ashes ]ym
káp v shoot ypf káppeù n scales csdefcGif <Bur.
kàp v prepare ]yifqif general word for preparing kapú v rotten ykwf
anything. see also kòm. kapú salú adv deteriorate aqG:aqG: a]rÐa]rÐ
kāp1 v beat |kdufykwf t]ym:]zifÐ|du
k fonfukdqkdonf` deteriorate; be in a state of decay.
kāp2 v peel óGm kapyā n poem uAsm <Bur.
kāp3 v stick uyf káq v dance u
kapā n world urBm <Bur. =káq1 part from u <Bur.
kapá1 n bank urf:yg: =káq2 part topic marker u <Bur.
kapá2 n large mole 0g:\if:ayG: larger the regular one kasà n tiger usm:
omrmef ayG:xufîuD:úyD: óSpfydomcefðîuD:wwfonf` kāsaleú (kā ) n sand oJ bigger in size than samát.
2
kapák1 v patch zm patch a hole zmax: ausmufp\pfoJrsdK:ukd qkdonf`
kapák2 v mess npfay|ëyfyG kāsamát n sand oJ?zkef
kapàn1 n herbaceous plant Z\pf kasáng n back ausm]yif
kapàn2 v boil vegetable Îudif:onf` kasát n bear 0uf0H
=kapán part clause final particle enclitic to verbs kasé n sarong ykqdk:
or verb complexes to indicate the sense of kasèng v raw tpdrf:
immediate future. awmÐr<f kaseú n tree uïJrcsdKvdrfyif
kapáng saláng adv empty Av ewd kasín v cold at:
kapātīú n from the very beginning urBmwnfOD: kasín túktúk adv cool at:pufpuf
kapaú n Shan \Srf: kasínshī n hail rkd:oD:
kapaūtī n testicles a}G:O kasòk n frog zg:
kapeù n goat qdwf kasōngláq n second month of the lunar calendar.
kapeút attw attendant word which follows the uqkefv <Bur.
word katòng 'worm' as in katòng kapeút ykd:rGm: kasú attw attendant word which follow the word
kaphaík kaphaík adv keep in vicinity \pfoD \pfoD kapú 'rotten' as in kapú kasú ykwfyG
(keep, remain, loiter) in the vicinity of somebody kasù n gibbon arsmufvGJausmf
or something.
kasúm v hide zGuf
kaphàng n wall eH\H
kát1 v 1) run a]y: 2) tdrf<ma]ymif:wmrsdK:ukd ac;onf.
kaphaúk n kind of rounded leaf zuf0kdif:
kát2 v 1) come close uyf 2) glue uyf <Bur.
kaphaút attw attendant word which follows kazeút
kát3 n tree anmifcsnf
as in kazeút kaphaúk ]ref]refqefqef
kát4 v offer uyf <Bur.

495
kāt n fire place shelf juyfckd: katú n Kadu uwl:
kàt clf classifier for counting numbers of yokes katù n forehead ezl:
katā n place's name uom katùng v see ]rif
katák v rare \Sm: katùngpá v imagine ]rifa<mif
katàk v obstruct (the view) uG<f katùpák v bald ezl:a]ymif
kàták n loom stick <ufwef: katùzīpaūng n porcupine ]zL
katàm v beautiful vS kaú1 v curlup uke:f ?aumÐ curlup at the ends
katàm shīshí adv beautiful vSvSyy kaú2 clf classifier for counting numbers of people
kátamá n driver um:orm: <Bur. a<muf occurs numerals four to nine. eHygwf av:rS
ukd:txd tokH:Úyonf`
katàng n bed ukwif <Bur.
kaú3 v need vkd
kataū n wife uawmf wife of an official or a
respected person.. <Bur. kaū1 v 1) call ac; 2) take along ac;oGm:
kataút n fruit ''Geðo
f D: kaū2 n gum aumf <Bur.
kátcī páksá n squirrel \SnfÐâuuf kaū3 v invite zdwf
kátcīlāng n squirrel \SSnfÐ =kaú part topic marker awmÐ
katē n million ukaõ <Bur. kaúhán n otter zsH
kātékshī n clay pot a]rtkd: kaún n bamboo root frame csif0g:
kateú v leak <kd exclusively with 'saliva' ákweú kaùng n nine ukd:
kāthā n incantation }gxm <Bur. kaūng clf classifier for counting animals aumif
1
<Bur.
kathánghú n chest \if
kaūng v step on eif:
katháp v stack xyfaqmif: 2
kaúngkīn n sky aumif:uif
kathaù v be numbed vûmxkH
kaúp v stack xyf
kathì kathaū adv curlicue twGeðt
f wuf curlicue;
convolution. kaūpyá n spade a};]ym: <Bur.
kathòk v stack up qifÐ toss up rice grains in a tray kaút v 1) scoop up cl: 2) gather up usHK:
to separate chaff, broken, wizened grains, etc. put kaùt v embrace zuf
one on top of the other; pile up; stack up. kaútaláq n man's name aUmov
qef]ym\mwGifom okH:onf` rëet
fð ókrsm: Zaugxdyfokdh kaūyē n liquid glue aumf\nf <Bur.
wwfvmatmif qifÐcgonf`
=kawàn part immediate future marker. awmÐr<f
kathòn n youngest taxG:
kayā n mountain awmif
katíp v fold acguf
kayà v lose aysmuf
katíq n promise }wd <Bur.
kayaū kasàk adv mixture a\ma\m aóSmaóSm
kàtnaúk n resin anmifcsnfap:
kayīyáq n implement u\d<m <Bur.
katòk n neck vnfyif:
kayù n rat âuuf
katón n barn usD
kazák v stir arG
katòn v roll vdyf as rolling mats. zsmvdyf\mwGifom
kazalíng n clusters twGJ as in clusters of vine
okH:onf`
pyspfoD:twGJ
katóng n Burmese Arm
kazalún kasalún adv imitative expression; in
katòng n worm ykd: large quantity tpkvkduftÚyHvkduf
katòng kapeút n insects ykd:rGm: kazán subd manner [ef?ykHpH

496
kazaú v flow pD:us khó n smoke tck:d <Bur.
kazaù v putting palms together vuftkyfcsD vufukd khō1 v make a short stay ckd <Bur.
a]rmif:vkd csdKifÐatmifvkyfonf[k t"Dyíg<fxGufonf` khō2 n pigeon cdk <Bur.
kazeú v wash aq: khók v chop ckwf <Bur.
kazeù v 1) be lower, low status edrfÐyg: 2) csdKifÐ0if khōnán n place's name cdkeef:
kazeút v quick ]ref khún clf classifier for counting numbers words or
kazeút-kaphaúk adv quickly ]ref]refqefqef utterances cGef: <Bur.
kazī n trap nGefðuGif: khūnnayét n seven day ckóSpf\uf <Bur.
kázīn n crucifying post um:pif <Bur. khūnnayét tapát n seven days a week
kazíng n ginger }sif: ckóSpf\ufowWywf

kazíp v wring npf khúq v be offended pdwfck <Bur.

kazúk v start fire arG: khwā v leave xGufcGm <Bur. n hoof cGm <Bur.
keú1 v naughty uJ <Bur. khwák n cup cGuf <Bur.
keú2 excl well! uJ khwēsúkchí n place's name acGpkwfcsD
keū v save u<f <Bur. khweú n half cGJ <Bur. v split cGJ <Bur.
keù excl right! uJ khweū v coil acG <Bur.
keūtaūmūpā v help! u<fawmfrlyg <Bur. khweúthwét v branch out, separated cGJxGuf <Bur.
keūtīn v save u<fwif <Bur. kínmeúq v be free from uif:rJÐ <Bur.
khā n word indicating number of times tcg <Bur. kó n nine udk: <Bur.
khaī v strong and lasting ckdifcHÐ <Bur. kō1 n 1) body/self ukd<f 2) self ukd<f <Bur.
khán n chapter/room cef: <Bur. kō2 part honorific term for male person. ukd <Bur.
khān v 1) receive \\Sd 2) accept vufcH <Bur. =kō part anti-agentive marker ukd <Bur.
khanák v pleasant.bitter cg: kōk v smear vl:
khanák khanák adv somewhat bitter cg:oufouf kókweū v worship ukd:uG<f <Bur.
khanáq adv often cE <Bur. kōlángtèkō refl oneself udk<fÐukd<fukd
khánq v appoint cefh <Bur. kóm v enough avmuf?awmf
khát1 v add cyf <Bur. kòm v prepare ]yifqif exclusively with food.
khát2 v strike cwf <Bur. =kón subd in order to, so as to atmif
khātlélé adv somewhat heavy cyfav:av: <Bur. kóng n hill ukef: <Bur.
khaū v call ac; <Bur. kóngyócí n hill ukef:|kd:îuD: <Bur.
khaūngmó n roof acgif:rkd: <Bur. kōnháng n basket awmif:
khayí n journey c\D: <Bur. kónháng kōnthōk n baskets awmif:yvkH
khék n this era 'Dacwf <Bur. kónnáng (kweúnàng) n fence ]cHpnf:|kd:
khēkhē excl attendant word ]rnfoHpGJ kónthaūng v old person vltdk <Shan
khét v difficult cuf <Bur. kōpyaúk n magical power to make oneself
invisible udk<faysmuf <Bur.
-kheúq aux verbal particle cJÐ <Bur.
kótān n nine outlets ukd:wef <Bur.
khīnmyáqú n female's name cif]rOD:
kótānpaúkwáq n place's name udk:wefayguf0
khīnyī n female's name cif\D
kōtèkō refl oneself udk<fudk<fukd
khít n era acwf <Bur.

497
kōyaúk kōkā refl oneself udk<fhzgomudk kúp v gulp down usdKuf
kōyaúkkōkà refl reciprocal ukd<fÐukdukd kūpí n every year óSpfpOf óSpfwikd f:
kú v see to bath kúq v treat uk <Bur.
kū v steal ckd: kúqtō n merit ukokdvf <Bur.
=kū part irrealis verb sentence marker. r<f? rnf` kūshī n poison tqdyf
kūlāng kūlāng adv in awe or wonder with eyes kút v play upm:
popping out. ]yL:wl:ajumifawmif kūyū v peep ckd:junfÐ
kùm part verbal particle attaches to a verb =kwā part speaker attitude particle. uGm
indicating unfinished activity. exclusively with kwák v circular figure uGuf <Bur.
negated VP. túiif:0guswGifom okH:onf`
kwán n sub-group of Kadu, also know as Settau
kūmángyák adv every day, each day aeðpOf aeðwkdif: Kadu uGmrf:
kūn v pick aumuf kwángpyàng n plain uGif:]yif <Bur.
kùn1 n tree or plant tyif kweú n monkey arsmuf
kùn2 v finish úyD: <Shan =kweū part speaker attitude particle. uG<f
kūng v prestige }kEf <Bur. kweúkasù n gibbon arsmufvGJausmf
kúng kúng onmt sound of falling an object uke:f uke:f kweùlākzīng n mussel a<mufoGm:
kúnshí n betel nut uGrf:oD: kyaw n man's name ausmf
kūnyī v help ulnD <Bur.

Ll
=lá part interrogative particle enclitic to verbal lákhák n instrument? vufcwf
clauses. vJ?vm:? the morpheme is realised as a lákhaúk n bark acguf as in tree bark opfacguf
nominaliser only when the preceding noun phrase =lakò part speaker attitude particle ukd:
is attached with naik 'only'. wm naík/sà+V+lá
lakóng part as well, ditto 4if: <Bur.
lā1 n male txD:
lákpàng n red silk cotton tree vufyH Salmalia
lā2 v take <l malabarica.
-laík aux just vkduf <Bur. láksamá n carpenter vuform: <Bur.
laīng v brought <lcJÐ lákzeút v tear off cïwf as off snake's skin aÂrta\cGH
laīngkaúng n cave vëdEf}l <Bur. làkzweú n comedian vl|Ïifawmf
laíngtháq v wave vSdKif:x lám1 v dry vSrf:
=lakà part particle attaches at the end of lám2 (lán) n road vrf:
utterances to indicate a surprise realisation;
=lamà part particle attaches at the end of
mirative status. wmukd:
utterances to indicate a surprise realisation;
=lakaú part particle attaches at the end of mirative status. ukd:
utterances to indicate a surprise realisation;
lamāng part kind uJÐokdh?rsdK: particle following a noun
mirative status. wmukd:
denoting similarity (in usage equivalent to

498
 adverbs 'as' , 'like') lē n boat avS <Bur.
lamaúng n mortar armif:qkH a]c]zifÐeif:onfÐ armif:qkH` lēcímócí v raining at the same time windy
lāmmīng v miss the road rsufpdvnfvrf:rSm: avjuD:rkd:juD: <Bur.

lámmù lámpá n roadside vrf:rvrf:ab: has a lēk v askew |GJð exclusively with knife, hoe etc "g:wkdh
negative meaning when refers to someone. ayguf]ym:wkdh |Go
Jð Gm:]cif:ukdqkdonf`

làmphák n tea vzuf lēng v lie vdrf <Bur.

làmphákweú n tea vzuf\nf lēngmā v clever vdrRm
lámzā v be far, far distance tvSrf:a0: =lèō part speaker attitude particle; of course!. Asm
lān1 n spear vSH <Bur. léq v roam vSnfÐ <Bur.
lān2 v tilt back vSef <Bur. léqlā v research avÐvm <Bur.
làng1 v pleasant om<m probably there is variety léqleū v go around vSnfÐvnf <Bur.
differences Settau people do not agree with this =lētā part particle attaches to utterance to
word. indicate to denote speaker attitude. yguGm
làng2 (láng) n body udk<f léttwéqáphyít adv practically vufawGðtm:]zifÐ <Bur.
làng3 v just take <lvkduf a contracted form of lā leú n ox cart vSnf: <Bur.
‘take’ + àng ‘directional particle’ leū v visit vnf
lángshìngkalìng n naked ukd<fwkH:vkH: only upper leún clf classifier for counting numbers long thin
body. tay;ykdif: 0wfvpfpm:vpf]zpf]cif:ukdomqkdonf` objects acsmif: occurs with numerals four to nine.
lánq v afraid vSehf <Bur. eHygwf av:rS ukd:txd tokH:Úyonf`
lánsūng lánkhwáq n junction vrf:qkH vrf:cG <Bur. leùshíng (lashíng) n seabean seed or potsherd
lānzétcā n powerful magical spear ckHnif:apÐ Entada pursaetha used in a game of pitch.
vuf]zifÐvSnfÐum ypfupm:onfÐ ckHnif:apÐ`
láp clf classifier for counting numbers times or
occasions îudrf leút clf classifier for counting numbers of
implement and tools vuf <Bur.
lāp v 1) catch rd 2) reachable rD
leútneút n weapon vufeuf <Bur.
lapā n field v<f
leūtní n potholder vufóSD: potholder; cloth used
lapàng n check yg:
when handling hot cooking utensils.
lapòk n bamboo 0g:
leútsaūng n gift vufaqmif <Bur.
láq n month v
leútthát v marry vufxyf <Bur.
láqpyíq n full moon night v]ynfÐ <Bur.
lézá v respect av:pm: <Bur.
laúk (lút) v 1) release vGwf 2) escape vGwf <Bur.
lī v come vm
laúklé n sling shot avmufav:
līhàng naháng adv go to and fro oGm:]yefvm]yef
laúkzà n mud stone use to shot with sling shot
līn subd if vûif <Bur.
avmufpmvHk:
līzáng n coop (juuf)]cH
laùn v make circle 0kdif: shake grain around in a
circular bamboo tray to separate it from the chaff. lō v need vdk <Bur.
laūn v exceed rsm:?îuD: lōát v need vdktyf <Bur.
laúng v pour avmif: <Bur. lòk v abandon pGefðypf exclusively with liquid.
t\nfrsm:ukd pGefðypf\mwGifom okH:onf`
laùng n drainage a]rmif:
lōlētémashíq v nothing lack of vdkavao:r\Sd <Bur.
lé n four av: <Bur.
lōlō adv appear like vdkvdk <Bur.
=lé part speaker attitude particle; you know? av:

499
lóm v warm aóG: lúktá n brother-in-law a<mufz <Shan
lóm paùkpaùk adv warm aóG:aóG: lūmyó n race vlrsdK: <Bur.
lómhā n warm clothe taóG:xnf lúng v white ]zL
lōn n mud |GHð lúng pūngpūng adv white ]zL]zL
lóng1 clf classifier for counting numbers of round lúngkaùng n clan's name vHk:augif
objects vkH: lúnglúng adv completely; entirely; without
lóng2 v round vHk: exception; throughout; the whole time vHk:vkH:
lōngshíng n stone ausmufcJ lúnglùng n clan's name vHk:vkH
lóngwáq adv completely vHk:0 lūpyō n bachelor vlysdK <Bur.
lōngzā n honing or sharpening stone "g:aoG:ausmuf lūzīn n (of social attributes) be of standard. vlpif
lóq part particle used by a public crier when <Bur.
announcing something in public. AsdKð call of a lwá v peel vÏm <Bur.
public crier. lwaí (lwá) v reach out vSrf:onf` <Bur.
lū1 n human vl <Bur. lwáng v flutter vGifÐ <Bur.
lū2 v get \ lwāng n plain uGif:]yif <Bur.
lū3 v offer vSL <Bur. lwáq n handsaw vÏ <Bur.
lúk (halúk) clf classifier for counting numbers lweú1 v except vGJ <Bur.
rounded objects vkH: lweú2 v sling vGJ <Bur.
lūklēng (nūklēng) n servant tckdif:tap
lúkngánkhwìn n workplace vkyfief:cGif <Bur.

Mm
ma- n this 'D has negative implication such as in mā1 v sell a\mif:
'that one!' in English' txif]rifao:? tvkdrus]zpfonfÐ mā2 n timber-tree yielding smooth-grained wood.
tcgwGif trnfemr> a\Sðwi
G f okH:onf` <raeyif Gmelina arborea.
ma= part negative particle which attaches before mà1 n time tcsdef
the verb r <Bur. mà2 prn what bm
=mā1 (nā) part clause final particle enclitic to =macháng conj particle attaches to verbs to mean
verbs or verb complexes to indicate realis mood. 'as long as' rcsif: <Bur.
w<f
macheúkóng n place's name rusD:ukef:
=mā2 part nominal relational marker equivalent to
maeú n long ago a\S:
English locative prepositions such as 'at', 'on', 'in',
or ' by'. rSm <Bur. maeúeútóng n long long ago a\S:a\S:wkef:
má1 v be septic a\mif?\if: maeútóng n long ago a\S:wkef:
má2 v mistake rSm: <Bur. mahà n large r[m <Bur.
má3 excl what! bm mahāmyaīng n place's name r[múrdKif

500
maháng prn that thing [dk[m 'many'
maī n mile rdkif <Bur. =manaík subd particle attaches to verbs to denote
maíhaú n kind of tree usdKðyif emphasis. rS

maìkkú (meùtkú) n tail túrD: manākceū (nākceū) n last night nwke:f

maíkmāzeú (manaìkmāzeú) adv never b<fawmhrS mànālō v envy remvkd <Bur.
maíkmeú v dark rdkufrJ <Bur. manáng attw attendant word which follows
manīng 'what manner' as in manīng manáng
maítùng n place's name rSdKif:wkef
b<fvkd nmvkd may be translated into English as
mák v open zGifÐ 'whatever manner'
=mák part clause final particle enclitic to verbs or mandalay n Mandalay rÊav:
verb complexes to indicate hortative sense. pkdh
máng n date aeð
màk1 v be a long time juefðjum? jum
māng n pride rmef <Bur.
màk2 v thorn inside the flesh ql:onf`
=màng prn morpheme which attaches to
makākcīng n mushroom rëdO interrogative pronouns to indicate 'which things'
mákhà n time/when tcsdeftcg or 'what' bmvJ
mákheú n parrot a|ÏcJ mángcéng (macíng) n tamarind rusD:oD:
mákhú n tick rÏm: tick, parasite which infests cattle, mánghá n summer aóG\moD
horses, goats, etc māngká n guava rmvumyif <Bur.
mákkū n bone t\dk: māngkalāsaūng v wedding r}Fvmaqmif <Bur.
mákná n myrobalan tree zefcg:yif mángmú mángtà n public work rif:rë rif:om <Bur.
màkzák v be pricked ql:pl: mángsá n prince rif:om:
malā n flesh tom: mángtúng n guardian house Nat tdrfOD:ewf
malà attw attendant word which follows maleú mángyák n day aeð\uf
'good' as in maleú malà aumif:aumif:rGefrGef
manìng manáng adv in such a manner b<fvkdnmvkd
malànmakán n proximity rvSrf:rurf:
manīng maneúq adv whatever b<fvkd nmvkd
malāt (-māt) part verbal particle that attaches to
mánkatàm v shy \Suf
verb to denote adverbial meaning of truly and
certainty. trSew
f u<f mánphī v wash face
malaút n kind of climbing shrub bearing red, mānsácéng (mānsáqcéng) n love letter tysdKpm
acidulous, oblong fruit rSeu
f loD: Elaeagnus latifolia. mānsáq n maiden tysdK
maléq prn First person plural form. igwkdh?uïefawmfwkdh` mánsatá n coming month aemufv
maleú-malà adv well aumif:aumif:rGefrGef mānták v 1) think xif?pOf:pm: 2) guess cefðrSe:f
mamá n maternal aunty a';av: māntān n mantra rÊef <Bur.
mán1 part particle to nouns or verbs to indicate mántayá n mantra refw\m: <Bur.
cognizance rSef: <Bur. mántháng n ugly person |kyfqkd:
mán2 n 1) face rsufóSm 2) in front of a\SðrSm maphyítnaīpú v it is not possible r]zpfókdifbl: <Bur.
mán3 v decay usif (juufO) mapyétà v can't run ra]y:om <Bur.
mán4 v turn face aside rsufóSmvnfÐ mapyít v does not abandon rypf <Bur.
mān1 v true rSef <Bur. máq n feminine r <Bur.
mān2 v distribute a0 =máq conj particle attaches to nouns or verb to
manaík prn contracted form of 'WH-word' and denote emphasis. rS <Bur.

501
máqlé excl exclamatory rav: mayūngyīn v if you don't believe r<kH\if <Bur.
=másà subd particle attaches to verbs to denote mazí n mushroom opfuyfrëd
emphasis. (equivalent in usage to the adverbial mazì n gums oGm:zkH:
'only then' or 'only if'). rSom mékswē n friend rdwfaqG <Bur.
=màshaúk (māshaúk) subd particle attaches to méng v relish rdef: <Bur.
verbs to denote emphasis. (equivalent in usage to
meú1 (maleú) v good aumif:
the meaning 'only then' or 'since then'). uwnf:u
meú2 part big îuD:
mashī (mīshī) n sugarcane juHacsmif:
meū n feminine r<f <Bur.
mát v note rSwf <Bur.
meù1 v choose a|Ï:
māt v forget arÐ
meù2 clf classifier for counting numbers of coconut
màt v scold qJ
shell which is used as container. rëwf auto
matàkkaú matàkkā refl by themselves. naturally classifier as in yameùshī meùyà a\rëwf wpfrëwf
olhwdhb
k momolwhdk
meūcaī n female's name r<fÎudif
mátè subd when tcgrSm
meūmaī n widow rkqkd:r
mathák subd more xuf rSmxuf
meūshīlā n nun r<foDv <Bur.
mátmíq v remember rSwfrd
meūt v change vJ ykqkd:a\vJonf ukdqkdonf`
mátsà (mátshī) adv tempting csifp\m <Shan?
meútnátóng n just a moment ago, just past
màtshí adv pleasing csifzG<f ckEwkef:u
maú n plum ZD: meūzaúng n mother-in-law a<muQr
maū n mining area armf mí v buy 0<f
maù1 n water leech arûmÐ mì v reach rD <Bur.
maù2 v lift up rxm: mīhàk n bamboo ties 0g:óSD:
maúk v overturn arSmuf <Bur. mík n eye rsufpd
-maūk aux together, associative tw míkceū n blind rsufuef:
maūkhá n place's name armfcg: míkhú n eyebrow rsufckH:
maūkhwīn n place's name armfcGif míklóngpū míkhàpū adv bulging (as of eyes)
maūlīn n place's name armfvif rsufvkH:]yL: rsufqH]yL:
maún n pillow acgif:tkH: míkmūngkū n eyelid rsufawmifarÏ:
maúng n gong armif: <Bur. míksateū n lower eyelid rsufcGH
maūng part particle that frequently occur as a míkshīnyúp v wink rsufpypf
address terms to denote intimate relationship. míktū n eye rsufpd
armif
míktūshī n eyeball rsufvkH:
maúngkhát n spread news armif:cwf <Bur.
míktūshī zīngzúksá n pupil (of the eye) rsufvkH:
maungmaung n man's name armifarmif oli<ftdrf
maūngnyān n man's name armifnH míkweú n tear rsuf\nf
maungpáq n man's name armifb mín1 n king rif: <Bur.
maút v lift up yifÐwif exclusively with lifting up to mín2 prn second person singular rif: <Bur.
the shoulder. ykckH:ay;ukd rwifay:]cif:rsdK:ukdomqkdonf`
mīn v awake ókd:
maūték n place's name armfwdwf
míng1 v ring ]rnf
mayà adv hardly reJ

502
míng2 v ripe rSnfÐ?usuf món1 v 1) happy or smile 0rf:om?ÚyH: 2) smile ÚyH:
mīng1 v spin vnf? rsufpdvnf]cif:Yom okH:onf` món2 n cost zdk:
mīng2 n nail (vuf)oJ món3 n tree oa]y
míngsàhà v know od móngkángkū n fortune uH
míngweú n pus ]ynfykwf mōnmōn n tree pD:rGJ
mīngzák v loose one's sense rsufpdvnf mótwánghá n rainy season rkd:wGif: <Bur.
mīnkalā (màngkaláq) n auspicious r}Fvm <Bur. mù v fool |l:oGyf
mínnyīmíntá n royal brothers rif:nDrif:om: <Bur. mū v crazy |l:
mínsóyāzākō n ruling people rif:pkd:\mZm <Bur. múkcìng n pestle usnfayGð
míntóq prn second person plural form. rif:wkdh <Bur. múkcìngkalāng (múkcìngkāng) n pestle usnfayGð
mínwúttasà n royal dresses rif:0wfwefqm <Bur. mūláq n origin rlv <Bur.
mīnyeú v awake ókd:x múmát n officials rë:rwf <Bur.
mīpā n buttocks wifyg: múmyít n Mu river rl:]rpf
mìpák n pumpkin a|Ïz|kHoD: mūn v blow wkduf
mīpúk n inner layer of bamboo óSD:twGif:om: múng1 n snack rëefð <Bur.
míqphyá n queen rdbk\m: <Bur. múng2 n hornet ysm:wl
míqtázúq n family rdom:pk <Bur. mūng1 n small size dam a]rmif:qnf
mīsān n arrow ]rÛm: mūng2 (mú) n core t"du
mīsū n bamboo filament which can be used for múnggángkū n fortunate vl]zpf\Îud:eyf
starting fire. 0g:trûif? óSD:rëduf mūngkāng n old a[mif: exclusively with old hill
mít v love cspf fields. awmif<ma[mif:rsm:óSif omokH:onf`
mīt1 v strips ]zm cut into strips as with bamboo mūngkū (mūnkū) n hair, feather tarG: (iSuf)
strips. óSD:]zm]cif:ukdqkdonf` mūngkū zúngzúng adv hairy tarÏ:pkwfzGm:
mīt2 v extinguish úidrf: múngshī n rice cake rkeðzf ufxkyf
mītheū n needle tyf múngtī n noodle rkefðwD <Bur.
mók n light food rëefð múngwàkchī n hornet (0ufacs:)ywl
mōk1 v cook csuf mútaūmáttaū n official rSK:awmfrwfawmf <Bur.
mōk2 n cow óGm: mwē v stir arG <Bur.
mōkchíthū n kind of pennywort used medicinally myá 1) v be many rsm: 2) part marker for plurality
and also as a vegetable. ]rif:cGm|Guf rsm: <Bur.
mōkneú n red pepper i|kwfoD: myaīng n jungle úrdKif <Bur.
mōkpá n cow óGm:r myán prn over there [kd:
mōkpū v tend herd óGm:ausmif: myān v quick ]ref <Bur.
mōksān n beef trJom: myáng v tall or high <Bur.
mōkshā n calf (cow) óGm:i<f myānmyān adv quickly ]ref]ref <Bur.
mōksó n hunter rkqdk: <Bur. myáqmyáq n female's name ]r]r
mōksūp n hat OD:xkyf myát v angry trsuf <Bur.
mōkthū v gore acGð myaú v drift arsm <Bur.
mōkwā n bull óGm:okd: myaū v wait for, long for a]rmf <Bur.

503
myaúk n north a]rmuf <Bur. myít n river ]rpf <Bur.
myaúkmaù n place's name a]rmufarmf myítq v high ]rifÐ <Bur.
myétnangeū v dejected rsufóSi<f <Bur. myíttā n love arwWm <Bur.
myeūcí n earth a]rîuD: <Bur. myíttāpóq v send a good wishes arwWmydkh <Bur.
myeútaí subd as usual ]rJwkdif: <Bur. myó n kind trsdK: <Bur.
myín n horse ]rif: <Bur. myóq n town úrdKð <Bur.
myínshī n ovoid r\rf: Bouea burmanica. tree bearing myóqwáq n city/town entrance gate Úrdðt0if0 <Bur.
clusters of ovoid fruit, which turn yellow when
ripe and may either be sour or sweet.

Nn
ná v win ókdif nakhā n two times óSpfcg <Bur.
=ná1 part particle attaches to verbs to indicate nákhátóng n before [dkwke:f
comparative degree. It may be reduplicated as nákkamák n yesterday raehu
náná avav náleū v understand em:vnf <Bur.
=ná2 part speaker attitude particle; agree?, you nám v smelly eH
know? aemf particle following a verb conveying the
nāmeū n name emrnf <Bur.
sense of making a polite request, seeking
approval or emphasising some point. nán n daughter-in-law aÂc:r <Shan
nà v erect avcg:axmif exclusively with erecting nàn1 v mix arGaóSmuf exclusively with legs.
ladder. avcg:axmif\mwGifomokH:onf` a]caxmuf]zifÐ óS<f?arGaóSmuf]cif:ukd qkdonf`

=naà subd particle attaches to verbs to denote nàn2 n guest {nfÐonf see also nàntè
emphasis rS náná subd the more avav
nacá adv carefully aocsm náng v compress odrfÐ <Bur.
naháng v return ]yefoGm: nāng1 v go oGm:
nahū n midday aehvnf nāng2 prn second person singular form. rif:?cifAsm:
naí n mist óSif: nàng v stiff anmif:
=naík1 part particle attaches to nouns or verbs to nángyeù attw attendant word which follows
1
denote emphasis. rS?yJ?orû manìng 'what manner' as in manìng nángyeù
=naík2 part see manaík b<fvkd nmvkd

=naíktaí subd whenever wdkif: =nāngzeù (=zeú ) part particle attaches to verbs
1
to denote emphasis. It can be interchangeably
naíktóng subd whenever tcgwkdif:
used with zeú. awmif? yifvûif
naíng n mist or fog ]rLckd:?óSif:
nánná n basil yifpdrf:
nāk (halángnāk) v dark csKyf
nānpát n number eHygwf <Bur.
naká n dragon e}g: <Bur.
nánq v spread out everywhere óSHð <Bur.
nākceūhān n evening naeapmif:
nántaū (nán1) n palace eef:awmf <Bur.

504
nàntè n guest {nfÐonf naúktaúq adv later aemufawmh <Bur.
nántwíntá n royal boy eef:wGif:om: <Bur. naúkthát adv again aemufxyf <Bur.
nántwíntū n royal girl eef:wGif:o <Bur. naùkwàk n moor hen a\juuf Gallinula chloropus.
nanù n animal om:aumif common moor hen.

nanù nānā adv tiny ao:ao:aomaom exclusively naùkwànpū n pigeon iSufióGm: green imperial
with animals. pigeon

nanù zapú n various types of creatures naūngsaúng n sister-in-law (wife's younger sister)
taumifyavmif acr <Shan

nányónántā n fortresses eef:|kd:?eef:wm <Bur. naút v feed auï:

náp v strips cGm]zm as stripping that has already been nawáng n sister-in-law a<mufz>ZeD:
marked by a knife "g:]zifÐ t\mvkyfúyD:om:ukd nayá v new topf
cGm]cif:ukdqkdonf` nāyī n o'clock em\D <Bur.
nashī n younger sibling armif?nD?óSr nayó n ridge em:\dk: <Bur.
nát1 n spirit ewf <Bur. náyōk v bully ókdifpm:
nát2 v use oHk:?wG<f nayóng n great grandchild ]rpf
nát3 v come vm?óSuf <Shan? nayōngláq n third month of the lunar calendar
nàt v tire arm <Shan e<kefv <Bur.
nàtámwétwēpātwē n incense sticks nèk v heavy av:
eHðomarG:awGbmawG <Bur. nēk v dress up 0wfonf` exclusively with dressing up
nátnīng n next year aemifóSpf lower garments such as pants and longyi. ykqkd:?
nátpī n celestial ewf]ynf <Bur. xrdef? abmif:bDwkdhóSifÐom okH:onf`

nàttaūng n place's name ewfawmif <Bur. nèk zíkzík adv heavily av:av:vHvH
nátzíng n spirit ewfpdrf: <Bur. néng1 n sister-in-law a<muR
naú1 (naúng) locn inside xJ néng2 v short óSdrfÐ <Bur.
naú2 n syllable that occur to represent a daughter neú1 quant few enf:
as in sātàk naútàk. om:wkdhorD:wkdh However, it is the neú2 n traditional wind instrument óSJ <Bur.
only occurrence and it still needs further neū1 n area e<f <Bur.
research. neū2 v mix óS<f <Bur.
naū n shoot or sprout tanÛmifÐ neù n taro ydef:O
naúk1 adv later aemuf <Bur. neūkā n land e<fa]r
naúk2 n resin tap: all kinds of resins opfap:rSeo
f rûukd neúneú adv little eJeJ <Bur.
ac;onf`
neúneú pápá adv few enf:enf:yg:yg: <Bur.
naúkchìngkweú n mynah bird q\ufiSuf
=neúq quant particle attaches to nouns or verbs to
naúkhá n blood aoG: slang used by hunters. mean 'as much as' or 'approximation'. cefð?avmuf
Literally means 'red resin' particle attaches to nouns to indicate that
naúkkàt n blue or green jay iSufcg: quantity mentioned is an approximate number.
naūklúng n heron AsdKif: nēyā n place ae\m <Bur.
naúkmā n later aemufrSm <Bur. nēyātaí n everywhere ae\mwdkif: <Bur.
naúkpaí n later aemufydkif: <Bur. ngá1 n five ig: <Bur.
naúkpyān n backward aemuf]yef <Bur. ngá2 v steam aygif:

505
ngā1 prn First person singular form. ig?uïefawmf denote similarity (equivalent in usage to adverbs
ngā2 v exist \Sd 'like', 'as') vkd?uJokdh

ngák v lift up r =nīngyeù part particle attaches to nouns or verbs

to denote similarity (equivalent in usage to
ngàk v chase armif:
adverbs 'like', 'as') vkd?ovkd
ngākaú ngākā refl myself ighbmomig
nít1 (na) n two óSpf <Bur.
ngám v bite as win fish; snap; snatch with the
nít2 n year óSpf <Bur.
teeth as in dog ig:wkdh? acG:wkdh [yfonf` as in fish bite
ig:[yfwmrsdK:ukdqkdonf` níttít n new year óSpfopf <Bur.
ngānaíkngá quant all, everyone of them tm:vkH: nòk1 v dull t <Shan
ngáng v look up armÐjunfÐ nòk2 v taking out by putting one's hand into
pocket, bag etc óëduf
ngāng v contracted form of existential verb and
verbal directional marker. \Sdvkduf nōknākchī n brain OD:aóSmuf
ngapyín n lazy person iysif: <Bur. nōm v soft aysmÐ
ngát v starve iwf <Bur. nón v mix óS<f exclusively with hands. vuf]zifÐ
óSdyfóS<f]cif:ukdqkdonf`
ngàt v break csdK:
nōp v 1) bury ]rKyf 2) cover zkH:
ngathwēyú n man's name iaxG\ë:
nóqyē n milk ók\dh nf <Bur.
ngaú v say qkd?a]ym
nù1 clf classifier for counting animals aumif
ngaū v bent ukdif:?nGefð
nù2 n one wpf
ngaúkà part as for qkd\if
nù3 v swing vÏJ
ngaūng v undeveloped grain zsif:onf`
núk1 v burn, flame, glow rD:vûH?rD:awmuf
ngayeú n hell i\J <Bur.
núk2 v pull out ókwf <Bur.
ngeút n bird iSuf <Bur.
núkhà n cane bud îudrfzl: edible pm:vkdh\
ngeútmízweú n drongo bird iSufrD:óSpfcGiSuf
nūkhwé n son-in-law oruf <Shan
ngeūtū ngeūtá n followers, servants i<foli<fom:
<Bur. nūklán n nephew wl?wlr <Shan
ngīng ngīng onmt sound of dog crying udeu
f def nùn v wipe okwf
ngók n trunk ikwf <Bur. nūshēk n small i<fol refers to small/tiny animals.
taumifi<fav:rsm:ukdqkdonf`
ngóm v keep in the mouth ikHonf`
nút v sharpen aoG:
ngón n gold a|Ï
nūzaúng (nūzaùng) n eagle odrf:iSuf? pGef
ngúp v submerge ikyf <Bur.
nweū n lineage tóG<f <Bur.
ngwē n silver aiG <Bur.
nweūzú n weaving instrument óG<fql:
ní v laugh \D
nwēyék n place's name aóG\dwf
nī v lazy, bore ysif:
nyān n brain OmEf <Bur.
nìk n leech arsmÐwpfrsdK: leech that enters into animal's
nose uïJóGm: emacgif:xJ 0ifwwfonfÐ arsmÐ` nyáng v 1) quarrel ]iif:ckH 2) oppose or reject ]iif:y<f
<Bur.
nīkchí n sarong xrdef
nyánq v poor nHÐ be poor in quality
ním v stay ae
nyáqnēzaúng n evening naeapmif:
nímzák ngāzák adv while simply staying ae\if:
xkdif\if: nyáqnēzaúnghān n late evening naeapmif:
=nīng part particle attaches to nouns or verbs to nyaūngpāng n banyan tree anmifyif

506
nyaūngúphí n man's name anmifOD:zD: nyīnyút v unit nDnGwf <Bur.
nyeúp v clip nÛyf <Bur. nyíq v 1) discuss nÛdókdif: 2) level nÛd literally to level.
nyeút1 v sticky, gummy or be stingy uyfpD:?yspfcïJ` nyít v squeeze npf <Bur.
uyfpD:enf: <Bur. nyìt v quarrel qlqJ used particularly when women
nyeút2 v twist uspf three or more big ropes Îud:îuD: quarrel. trsdK:orD:rsm: tdrfóSpftdrfjum:
óSpfacsmif:xufru uspf\wGifokH:onf` atmf[pfqlqJ]cif:ukdqkdonf`
nyeútkát n sticky ap:uyf <Bur. nyón v swallow Úrd
nyī n younger brother nD <Bur. nyóngeū v sad ndK:i<f <Bur.
nyínphān v miss vGrf:

Oo
ó excl exclamation tkd òktóng n paternal grandfather zcifzufrS ab:`
ō part euphoric particle which usually occur óm v hold udkif
following speaker attitude particle seú tkd ōm v do or make vkyf
ók n brick tkwf <Bur. óng n coconut tkef:oD: <Bur.
òk n paternal grandfather tazzufrS tzkd: óngmūk n coconut shell used as a cup tke:f rëwf
òknaí n maternal grandfather rdcifzufrS tzkd:` <Bur.
òknaítóng n maternal great grandfather rdcifzufrS ōnnáng n gift vufzGJð gift that comes from wife's
ab:` relative. owkdhorD:wkdh zufrS ay:onfÐ tarG`
òkshī n 1) uncle bîuD: 2) brother-in-law (husband of ōp1 v cover tHkh <Bur.
a woman's elder sister or elder brother of one's ōp2 v close ydwf
husband). cJtkd ósací n master, teacher q\mîuD:
òkshī wángshī n brothers by marriage r<m:nDtpfukd ózī n drum tdk:pnf <Bur.
òkthaúng n father-in-law a<muQxD: term female
used to call her parent-in-law a<muQxD:ukd acï:rrS
ac;onfÐ ta0;

Pp
pá1 n feminine rowW0g pá5 v imagine a<mif never appears as head verb. It
pá2 n palm vuf z0g: attaches after the verb 'see' or 'hear'
pá3 v slice vÏm cut into thin layers or slices as in pā1 v include yg <Bur.
slice onion. juufoGefeD óGmonf` pā2 v spill out zdwfpif
pá4 clf, n flower yef: auto classifier; repetition of =pā 1) part and a\m 2) v bring yg
final syllable form the word 'flower'. papá =pà part to or toward okdh?qDokdh

507
páchīkān n earth turned up by a plough palīng palāng adv tiny i<fi<f|G<f|<
G f
x<facs:?x<fpm palíq attw attendant word which follows shīshī
pacīsá n loach ig:ovJxkd: 'fruit' as in shīshī paliq opfoD:0vH
pahángcháng n friend oli<fcsif: palòt n natural piles of things, plants obm0
pahōzī n drum A[dkpnf pkykHaeonfÐ tykHrsm:óSifÐokH:

paī v own ydkif <Bur. palú n ogre bDvl: <Bur.

paí1 quant over ausmf palūng onmt sound of dropping stone into the
1
water yvkH
paí2 v chop ydkif: <Bur.
palūng n heap/pile tykH derived from 'accumulate'
paìk locn beside or near tem:? eab: 2
see the verb pūng
paík1 v be broken uGJ?cGJ
palút v wounded yGef:yJÐ wounded superficially
paík2 clf classifier for counting half of something
pám v soak pdrf
]crf: also palaík
pām v carry ydk:
paítaúng locn tip tzsm:ykdif: exclusively with banana
leaf. iSufaysm|Guf tzsm:ykdif:ukdomqkdonf` pámahúkpú v nothing! bmr[kwfbl: <Bur.
pák1 clf classifier for counting currencies. usyf pamūn n place's name yrHk
pák2 n hundred \m pān1 v 1) circle vSnf 2) drunk t\ufrë: <Shan
pák3 n vagina a<med pān2 v sprinkle ]zL: as in 'sprinkle sesame.'
óSrf:]zL:onf`
pakaút n 1) large wooden ladle a<mufcsdK 2) wrist
vufaumuf0wf pán1 n birthmark arG:\mygtrSwfom: <Bur.
pāknaík adv alike uJokdhl pán2 clf classifier for counting numbers trips îudrf
páktékhalét adv prostrate ]ym:]ym: =pán1 part clause final particle indicating change
of state mood. úyD
pàkweú n rain water rkd:a\
=pán2 subd particle attaches to verbs to indicate
pālá n elder or leader vlîuD:? acgif:aqmif
the sense of 'if' \if
palaík n broken piece uGJonfÐt]crf: derived from the
=panáq (pín) part 1) nominaliser wJÐ?wm 2) ablative
verb 'be broken', see the verb paìk
rS 3) demonstrative 'DOpPm
palák n flat t]yif derive from the verb 'be flat' by -
panaù v mix a\m <Shan? t}Fgaw óS<fwmrsdK:ukd qkdonf`
al- infixation.
páng1 v invite yifhzdwf <Bur.
palán locn middle tv<f
páng2 v collapse úydK <Shan
palán palán adv very often, frequently rjumcE?
tacgufacguf tcgcg
=páng part clause final particle; a contracted form
of a directional marker that indicates action away
paláng n bottle ykvif: <Bur.
from the deictic centre plus a change of state
palásaték n plastic yvyfpwpf >Eng. clause final particle. vkdufúyD`
palaúng n millet óSHpm:a]ymif: pāng v embank qnfzkdh
palí n package txkwf pack which is not tied with pàng1 n pancreas ab|Guf
ropes or bamboo ties. óSD:rcsDyJ xkyfxm:onfÐ
pàng2 v roast something in embers or hot ashes.
xrif:txkyfukdomokkH:onf`
rD:tkH:
palì n tree rckwf
pángtaí n rabbit <kef
palī palák adv idly ysif:ysif:\d\d
pāngtaík n place's name yef:wkduf
palíng n stick waÂc stick used for plucking fruits.
=pánkaú part as it is the case (qkd)\ifawmÐ
opfoD:aÂc\mwGifokH:onf waÂc`
pānmúk (pànpōk) n township's name. ÚrðdwpfÚrdð>

508
 trnf` paúk2 v return ]yefacguf <Shan
pánnàkà subd if \if paúk3 v pull out as in grass or small plants ]rufókwf
panyā n education ynm <Bur. only with small plant that has root t]rpfwG<fonf
tyifi<frsm:óSifÐom okH:onf`
panyāshíq n wise man ynm\Sd <Bur.
paūk v time oyf?îudrf
-páp aux been, experiential zl:?rd
paúkkān n pagan yk}H
papá n flower yef:
paúkmaí n place's name aygufrëdif:
papūng onmt sound of drum AkHoD:oH
paūkpaū n eggplant c\rf:oD: (t\SnfrsdK:)
pāpūzaūng n blanket ygblapmif <Bur.
paúkpaúk attw attendant word which follows lóm
=páq part speaker attitude particle; of course!
'warm' lóm paúkpaúk aóG:aóG:axG:axG:
ygh?aygh <Bur.
paūkphweū (paūphweúq) n eggplant c\rf:uïwfoD:
páqtūcweū n man's name bolâu<f
paūksàt n eggplant c\rf:pyf
pasàt n name of many carp species ig:ckef:r
paúksēng (pasēng) n axe ykqdef <Bur.
pát1 v wrap ywf <Bur.
paúlaú n floating aygavm <Bur.
pát2 adv asleep aysmf exclusively with the verb 'sleep'
paūmaī n widower rkqkd:zkd
pāt1 adv long \Snf\Snf
paùn v strip aÂc pull kernels off
pāt2 v give birth ayguf as in give birth by hatching.
OaygufwmrsdK:ukd qkdonf` paūng1 v roast zkwf
pātā n religion bmom <Bur. paūng2 n ?? rwef:?zsef: <Shan?
patamyá n ruby ywW]rm: <Bur. paúngká n basket csif:awmif:
pataū n towel obuf paúngká paúngtù n various types of baskets
awmif:yavmif:
pataúk n type of hardwood tree ydawmuf
paúngkámíktū n basket csif:jum:rsufcGuf
pathàmáq n first yxr <Bur.
paūngpaūng attw attendant word which follows
pathàmáqtán n first class yxrwef: <Bur.
túm 'fragrant' as in túm paūngpaūng Ð]rnfoHpGJ?
pathawī n universal yx0D <Bur. arG:arG:av: denotes a pleasant smell.
patóng n boa pyg:îuD:aÂr paúngpheút v mingle together aygif:zuf <Bur.
pátpátleù n all around ywfywfvnf <Bur. paúngsāng n glutinous rice cooked in a green
pātseút v sprout tcGHuGJ tcGHuGmI bamboo tube. aygif:oif:
tyifaygufvm]cif:ukdqkdonf` paūngshī n fish-trap made of bamboo. ]rÛHK:
pátteút v regarding ywfouf <Bur. paúngsūng adv all aygif:pkH <Bur.
patùn n eel ig:\SnfÐ paút v skill or clever wwfa]rmuf? vdrRm
patūng n man's name y'kH paūt n lung tqkwf
paú1 v plenty ayg <Bur. paútí n bohdi tree aAm"dyif
paú2 v 1) apply something vdrf:]c<f 2) swim a\ul: 3) paūwaú n cuckoo bird OjoiSuf
dye ta\mifqkd:
paūweú onmt stump |kd:ikwf iconic noun
paū1 locn on top tay; <Bur.
paūzaúng n father-in-law a<muQxD: term used by
paū2 v fall, collapse vJSonf` daughter-in-law <Shan
paū3 v show up, appear ay; <Bur. pawáq n life b0 <Bur.
paúk1 v reachable, or in good condition to travel. payanatī n place's name Ag\me'D
ayguf <Bur.
payáphú v pilgrimage bk\m:zl: <Bur.

509
pazàt v be crumbled aju? ajurG phāk v twist uspf twisting two small threads.
pazèk n fly <ifaumif csnfyifti<f óSpfyifukd uspf\mukd qkdonf`

pazèkchíq n pimple rSJð phák1 v split or divorce uGJonf` exclusively used

with divorce. vifr<m:uGJuGm]cif:ukdqkdonf.
pazèkmún n black flies Úzwf
phák2 v pair wGJzuf
pazèkzaūk n mosquito ]cif\Snf
phák3 v stride cG
pazeūkán n old and no longer useful cloth
t0wfpkwf phák4 prn his olh
pazīngzú n striped dwarf catfish ig:pOf|kdif: phákhūlū n man's name zg:clv
pē n feet ay <Bur. phákkaú phákkā refl he himself olh[mol
=pè part nominal relational marker indicating phàkmák n tomorrow reuf]zef
locative sense. (equivalent in usage to the pháksaháng n kind of tree ]yif:awmfwdeyf if
preposition 'to'). rSm pháktà n clan's name zgufwm
pék v close ydwf <Bur. phàktaì n tomorrow morning reuf]zefreuf
pēpaūng n earring em:uyf phaláng phaláng adv open tm
péq n measurement ]ynf <Bur. phaleú n carrier txrf: derive from the verb 'carry
péshítpá n eight curses ab:\Spfyg: <Bur. on shoulder' by -al- infixation, see also pheú
pētāng n fortune telling, prediction aA'if <Bur. phān part numerical classifier denoting frequency
peū v look junfÐ Looking after time to time as with zef <Bur.
traps. ausmÐuGif:? ÚrH: axmifxm:onfrsm:ukd tcsdefeJð phanaúk n heel zaóSmifÐ <Bur.
tcsdev
f kdufjunfÐ]cif:ukdqkdonf` phāng n mountain slope awmifapmif:
peú1 v keep xm: -pháng aux in advance, prior t\if?óSifÐ
peú2 n bean yJ <Bur. phānsín v create zefqif: <Bur.
peúkút n adze yJcGyf <Bur. phāseūmā n prostitute zgonf <Bur.
peúnán v obstinate ayuwf phát v wither óGrf:
peút n eight \Spf <Shan phátphúng phátyá adv scatter disorderly
peùt v lie vdrf ]yefðwd]yefðusJ
peūt v over flow ]ynfÐvûH only as verb modifier. phaú v wash aq:ajum
peútshí n hook use for fishing ig:rûm:csdwf phaū v dig up azmf <Bur.
peúzì peúzàk adv act or speak perversely. phaúk1 v jump up cke(f txufukd)
t|Gwfwu
kd f phaúk2 v open azguf <Bur.
phá v flatter zm: <Bur. phaúk3 v ferment azguf <Bur.
phā1 v thin yg: phaúkcaík n locust óSHaumif
phā2 v patch a hole taygufzg <Bur. phaúkphaù n relative aqG:rsdK: <Bur. abmufaz;
phā3 v stumble cvkwfwdu k f phaúkzaleú yánzaleú adv active wGufwGufvufvuf
phà clf classifier for counting bunches of banana zD: phaúkzaúk v jog ckeq
f G
phaík v scratch by chicken juuf<uf phaúkzaúk phaúkzaúk onmt jogging ckeq f Gckeq
f G
phaíkhū n shoulder yoke xrf:ykd: phaúng onmt sound of gun fire aoewfypfoH
phaíkhū phaíktā n carriers txrf: phaūng n raft azgif
phaīng n dam qnf phaūthúk v discover az;xkwf <Bur.

510
phayá n god bk\m: <Bur. phóntanùk n trunk opfikwf
phayálaúng n one striving to attain Buddhahood phónzìng n ant yk|Gufqduf
<Bur. phóq v fill zdkh <Bur.
phayaūsáq n flies <if type of flies. phósùtaù n acolyte zdk:olawmf white-robed acolyte
phēk v pare zsif pare down (wood, as in fashioning <Bur.
the blade of an oar). ckwfxpfI zsifonfukdqkdonf` -phòt aux exceed, add more xyf?ykd
phékhaù v invite zdwfac; <Bur. phóténgaūng n man's name zdk:odef:atmif
phéng v full ]ynfÐ phú1 n silver aiG
pheú v carry xrf: phú2 v put on hat or umbrella aqmif:
pheū n slope awmifpG<f phū v blow rëwf
pheù part suppose xif negative VP only phūceū n chief oljuD:
pheūlā n mountain slope awmifapmif: phúk onmt sound light items falling ayghyg:onf
pheún n currency usyf t\m0xMKusonfÐ toH
phí1 v sling vG<f phūkná n bamboo hat carmuf <Shan
phī1 v kick uef phúlūthaū n man's name zl:vlaxmf
phī2 v wash rsufóSmukd a\óSifÐoyfonf` as in 'washing face' phūn v wrap ]cHK
mánphi rsufóSmukd a\]zifÐoyfonf` phūntìng nīktìng n clothing t0wftpm:
phīm v embrace or hold up ayGð phwákaneú adv appear suddenly zGm:ueJ <Bur.
phīng v push wkduf also possible to say 'phāngtamā' phwéq v compose zGJð <Bur.
vlvlcsif:wkdufonfÐtcgwGifokH:onf` phyá n tip zsm: <Bur.
phít1 v kick by animal uef(óGm:)onf` cwfonf` phyārārátrát onmt sound of wind |Svwfvwf
phít2 v sprinkle (a\)zsef: phyát v destroy zswf <Bur.
phó part honorific term for older male zkd:?OD: phyéphyé adv slowly a]z:a]z: <Bur.
phō (aphō) n male zkd phyét onmt sound of swift movement ]zyfceJ ]rnfoH
phócí n old man tzkd:îuD: phyeū v answer a]z <Bur.
phócíō n old man zdk:îuD:tkd <Bur. phyít v be ]zpf <Bur.
phón n tree or wood xif:?opf pí1 n four av: <Shan
phōng n dust zkef <Bur. pí2 n year óSpf <Shan
phóngkān n glory bke:f uH <Bur. pí3 v 1) ride pD: 2) fly ysH 3) put on pD:
phóngshíq v powerful zke:f \Sd <Bur. pí4 v pack xkyf
phóngtakó n glory, power bke:f wefckd: <Bur. pí5 v finish úyD: <Bur.
phóngtóng n jack fruit ydêJ =pí conj particle attaches to verbs to indicate the
phónhalák n branch opfukdif: completion of an act. úyD: <Bur.
phónhaú v gather firewood xif:acG gathering pī1 v 1) smooth acsm 2) slip acsmf
firewood for small amount, daily use. w\ufpm? pī2 n country ]ynf
wcgokH:pm xif:|Smonfukd qkdonf`
pì v stroke with water a\oyfw<f
phónlákhaúk n tree bark opfacguf
pīk n beside uyf\uf some pronounce also as paík
phónmaún n wooden pillow opfom:acgif:tkH:
pīn n tree or plant tyif <Bur.
phóntalát n leave opf|Guf
pīng v thin ydef <Bur.

511
=píng part clause final particle; a contracted form pón1 v muddy (a\)aóSmuf
of a directional marker that indicates action pón2 v exceed vGefoGm: > Shan? vGefoGm:onf`
toward the deictic centre plus a change of state póng n bucket ykH: <Bur.
clause final particle.
pōng n story yHk]yif <Bur. also pōngyī n
pínkhánneū n place's name yif:cef:e<f
pōngmān n regular yHkrSef <Bur.
pīnpán n tire yifyef: <Bur.
pōngná n Brahmin ykÓm: <Bur.
pīnpīnpánpán adv be wearily yifyifyef:yef: <Bur.
pōngpyīn n story yHk]yif <Bur.
pīnyín n origin yif\if: <Bur.
pōngzān n pattern yHkpH <Bur.
pīt1 n chip off yJÐ
pópó n grandfather zdk:zdk: <Bur.
pīt2 v angle rûm: angle; as in fish ig:rûm:
pú1 v worn out \d?]yJ
pìt v come close csnf:uyf
pú2 n betel uGrf:
pītá n civilian ]ynfom: <Bur.
pū1 v tend or look after xdef:?ausmif:
pítaúq conj and then, after that úyD:awmÐ <Bur.
pū2 v emerge xGuf
pò v exist \dS exclusively with negated VP. r\SdonfÐ
pū3 v worry yl
t\mukdaz;]y\wGifom okH:onf`
pū4 n kind of large tree with soft wood axmufjuefðyif
pō v be excess ykd <Bur.
púchò n gourd bl:oD:
pōcí n captain AkdvfîuD: <Bur.
pūháng n name for variety of Kadu
pók v help ulnD never appeared as head verb.
uwl:rsdK:óG<fpkcGJwpfrsdK:>trnf`
pōk1 (palōk) v hatch 0yf
púk n belly Adkuf
pōk2 n nest tokduf
púkhák v (of gas in the abdomen ) become
pòk1 v foresty awm|ëyf <Shan? agitated. avx
pòk2 n classifier for counting numbers of bamboos. púkheū v have stomach-ache tat:ywfúyD:Akdufem
acsmif: auto classifier; repetition of final syllable
púkká v hungry xrif:qm
form the word 'bamboo'. lapòk 0g:vkH: \nfwGuf\mwGif
okH:onf emrftrsdK:tpm:]yyk'f` púkkanà v have frequent motions of the bowels.,
or stomach ache Akdufem? 0rf:avûm
pòkhá n forest awm
púkkāng v belly swell Akdufy
pòkhānshí n wild cat awmajumif
púktáq n Buddha Ak'Ý <Bur.
pòkhápòk v be thick forest awmx
púktheú n navel csuf
pòkhú n round bamboo basket for storing paddy
ykwf púkūm v .belly swell Akdufa\mif
póksā n problem ykpPm <Bur. púkzalaút v diarrhoea 0rf:avûm
pòkwàk n boar awm0uf púkzèk v dysentery 0rf:ukduf
pòkweúsút n tree juufrtkHhyif Ardsia name applied púmatíq páqmatíq n expressing in Burmese for
to some shrubs. not knowing anything. <Bur.
pōm v cover? tkH: as in covering fruits to make them pūng1 v accumulate yHk <Bur.
ripe iSufaysmoD: tkHwmrsdK:ukdqkdonf` pūng2 onmt sound of drum AkHoH
pòn v shrivel ól (of leaves) shrivel up (through pūngpūng attw attendant word which follows lúng
disease). <Shan? t|Guf toD:rsm: r]zpfxGef:yJ 'white' as in lúng pūngpūng ]zL]zL?azG:azG: may be
óloGm:onfukdqkdonf` translated into English as pleasant white.
pōn v teem |G teem; exclusively as in ants and bees. pūngtaūng n drum AHk
yk|Gwfqdwf? ysm:wkdh ttkHrS xGuf]cif:ukdomqkdonf`

512
pūnsūn n hay aumuf|kd: pyāng2 v repair ]yif <Bur.
pūnyūn n tree opfzGJ pyānmā n place's name ]ArRm <Bur.
púp v suck pkyf exclusively with candy. pyānmāpī n place's name ]ArRm]ynf <Bur.
ojum:vkH:pkyfonfukdqkdonf` pyāpyā adv blue ]ym]ym <Bur.
pút1 v be tender or soft ól: pyaū v happy aysmf <Bur.
pút2 n kind of rice xreJ delicacy made of glutinous pyaúlaík v tell a]ymvkduf <Bur.
rice, oil, sesame, groundnut, etc. pyaúng v change a]ymif: <Bur.
pútát (pútalát) n leaf of betel nut plant uGrf:|Guf pyaūng n buffalo a]ymif <Bur.
pūtsú pūtsú adv jelly soft aysmÐpdpd pulpy; jelly-soft; pyaūpá v happy aysmfyg: <Bur.
weak; flaccid.
pyaūpyaūpápá adv happily aysmfaysmfyg:yg: <Bur.
pútsún n soil? tqkyf earth scooped out when
pyīn n timber ysOf <Bur.
digging âuuf? ayG:ponfwhkd wl:qGxm:onfÐ a]rpm
rsm:ukdac;onf` pyíq v full ]ynfÐ
pūzaū v scarify ylaZmf <Bur. pyíqpyíq zūngzūng adv adequately ]ynfÐ]ynfÐpkHpkH
<Bur.
pwá v multiply yGm: <Bur.
pyíqsūng v complete ]ynfÐpkH <Bur.
pwáq v pulpy yG <Bur.
pyít1 v make a mat of thatch (for roofing) yspf
pwáqzíqzíq adv complain yGpdpd <Bur.
<Bur.
pwát n mud AGuf <Bur.
pyít2 v abandon ypf <Bur.
pwáttaú n muddy place AGufawm <Bur.
pyítsí n thing ypPnf: <Bur.
pweú n celebration yGJ <Bur.
pyítzīn n shooting place ypfpif <Bur.
pweúq n degree bGJð <Bur.
pyōk v give a birth uav:arG: as with human
pweúqpéteù v give a title bGJhay:w<f <Bur. vluav:arG:wmrsdK:
pyák v ruin ysuf <Bur. pyúng n gem bearing soil ]AKef: <Bur.
pyān1 v again or return <Bur. pyúq v do Úy <Bur.
pyān2 v fly ysH <Bur.
pyāng1 n outside t]yif <Bur.

Ss
sá n salt qm: <Bur. t]iif:]y0dbwf`
sā n son om: have particular meaning for male saàng (sàāng) n inside of the mouth cHwGif: feel a
offspring. om:a<musfm:av:ukdqkd\mwGif vnf:okH:onf` sour or uneasy sensation in the mouth (making
-sà1 part merely om one want to eat, drink, or smoke)

-sà2 part diminutive particle av: sààngát v hip cup }sdKðxkd:

=sà part particle attaches to verbs or verb saceù (sakeù) v clear junfvif
complexes to convey a negative imperative sense saceù sínsín attw crystal clear junfjunfvifvif
îud<maemufwGifokH:onfÐ trdefðay:wm:]rpf onfÐ sací n centipede uif:a]crsm:

513
saēk n daughter orD: combination of sa+ek 'child' salí n tongue vûm
+'female or wife'= daughter salíp n cockroach ykd:[yf
saén n sweet chestnut }kH:oD: salít n gall onf:a]c
sāheúm v pregnant oaóÝwnf salóng part all pvHk: <Bur.
1
saī v relevant qkdif <Bur. salóng n mat zsm
2
saík v be torn ]yJ sām n three oHk:
saíng n cane or bamboo strips qkdif:(îudK:) <Shan samát n sand oJ
saíngtalá n necklace qGJÎud: sāmépweú n exam pmar:yGJ <Bur.
sák1 v rest em: samón n monk bke:f îuD:
sák2 v send ydkh sán v breathe |ë
sák3 v join quf <Bur. sān1 v 1) shake vSKyf 2) shiver wkef
sāk v itch <m: sān2 (salān) n meat tom:
sakā part diminutive marker av: sān3 part verbal particle that attaches to verb to
sakalá n sound or voice toH denote the action expressed by the verb is for the
sakaú n teak wood uïef: Tectona grandis purpose of leading and guiding. only as verb
modifier.
sakaùng n midnight oef:aumif
sān4 v be tuber O
sakaút n kind of sweet lime a\Smuf0kdif:oD:
sanà n nose emacgif: used with animals' noses only.
sákphák v messy |ëwyf G
vlhemacgif: twGuf rokH:yg? wd\dpméer
f sm: twGufom`
sáksán v breathe touf|ë
sanàchī n mucus óSyfacs:
sáksè n draw oa\ draw or tie oa\usonf`
sanàn1 v snatch vk
sàksè n witness oufao <Bur.
sanàn2 n sesame seed eef:apÐ
sakút n citrus lemon plant a\SmufóG<fyif
sanáp v wedge oyfoGif:
salà n banana iSufaysm? leaf zuf leaf (used for
sanàpòk n nostril emacgif:
wrapping things, rolling cheroots, roofing house)
sanátnát attw attendant word which follows pīng
salāk v prune oyf prune as in branches. tukdif:?
'thin or skinny' as in pīng sanátnát ]rnfoHpGJ?
twuf awGukd oyfonfukdqkdonf`
ydefao:ao:
salán salán adv speak repeatedly xyfcgxyfcga]ym
sānaú n children om:orD:
sáláng naúláng attw adverbial expression to
sāng v enter 0if
indicate a mother whose children are grown up
and she is free and independent. sàng v send message rSm
tysdK\nf]yef]zef:onfÐrdcif rdrduav:awG îuD:ukev
f kdh sāngkán n Buddhist monk's rope ouFef:
vGyfvyfoGm:onfÐ rdcif sāngpaláng n king
salāp v rough ]urf: trëefðrsm: jurf:onfukdomqkdonf` sángphaúhángtì n cassava or tapioca yDavmyDeH
salàpaúk n banana core iSufaysmt sāngsé n lion ]caoÐF
salaú n oil qD see also saú sāngsūng n shirt tusÀ
salaù v rough jurf: as in leaves and timbers sángyeúsá n poor people qif:\Jom: <Bur.
opf|Gufrsm:jurf:onfukdqkdonf` sānsalún n naked ukd<fwkH:vkH:
salaù-salàt adv roughly jurf:jurf:wrf:wrf: sántát v test or try out prf:oyf <Bur.
salaúk (saúk ) n feet tawmif sanú n thatch roof trkd:
1
salē n leather oa\ sanúnúp v roofing tdrfrkd:rkd:

514
sānzá v reign pHpm: <Bur. saū v insert through vûdK
sáp v spread cif: saú1 v collect oDrf:
sapáksà n dish [if: saú2 v nutty taste qdyfÐ
sapáksàwaleú n soup [if:\nf saú3 v urge aqmfjo <Bur.
sapaúng part first OD: saù1 v be awaken ókd:vm
sapaūng n herb }kHrif: Amomum corynostachyum kind saù2 v be bored úiD: as in tired of hearing something
of edible herb. pm:vkdh\onfÐ tyif wpfrsdK:` repeatedly. em:úiD:onfukd qkdonf`
sapaút1 n foam t]rKyf saúk1 n feet tawmif
sapaút2 n sponge gourd oyGwftloD: Luffa pentandra saúk2 v secluded ZmwfÚryf live a secluded
sapíkàt n palm tree |kH: Anogeissus acuminata. large saúknú n 1) one thousand wpfaxmif 2) one feet
timber tree yielding a strong and resilient wpfawmif
yellowish wood. trkd:rkd:\mwGif tokH:ÚyókdifonfÐ saúkpyá n chisel aqmuf]ym: <Bur.
tyifwpfrsdK:` saún n food qGrf: food offered to monks or the
sapù n horse ]rif: Buddha.
sapút sapát adv soaking wet pkdpkd||GJ GJ saūn v teach oif?rSm
sāpyōk v birth uav:arG: saúng1 v bang, jolt aqmifÐ <Bur.
sàsà adv slowly a]z:a]z: saúng2 v wait apmifÐ <Bur.
sasāng n ridged gourd c0J\SnfoD: saūng n two óSpf <Shan
sāsēk n mother rdcif saúngnù n twenty óSpfq<f <Shan
sát v pay back qyf <Bur. saúngpák n two hundred óSpf\m <Shan
sàt1 v descend qif: saūngpyāng n sand beach awmif]yif <Bur.
sàt2 n husked rice qef saúngqcaúngq v squat seated aqmifÐajumifÐ
satá n moon or month v saúthū n broom wHrsufpnf:
satā n this month 'Dv sayācí n sir q\mjuD: <Bur.
satáng n news owif: sécaú v wash aq:ajum <Bur.
sataūsét n royal chef pm:awmfquf sék n mind pdwf <Bur.
satēng n thatch oufi<f sēk1 n louse oef:
sateù v hard/stubborn ta]ymtqkd\cufonf sēk2 n poison tqdyf <Bur.
sateū n lips óëwfcrf: sèk n person ol?vl
sateūmūnkū n mustache óëwfcrf:arG: sēkchántā v happy pdwfcsrf:om <Bur.
satí1 v remember owd séng heūheū adv alive t\Sifvwfvwf
satí2 v point nGef sépéng n opium bdef:
satílū v remember owd\ séphówákháq n cost for medical treatment
satóng n grandchild a]r: aq:zdk:0g:c <Bur.
sātóng n oldest son om:juD: sēt n sleeping area tdyf<m
sàtshī n broken rice, fried rice qefuGJ? qefavSmf seú v ring (vuf)pGwf
satú v 1) noisy ql 2) boil a\ql =seú part speaker attitude particle enclitic to
satún n mouth yg:pyf nouns and verbs to denote politeness. av

sátyáq n chestnut }kH:oD: seū1 n ten q<f <Bur.

seū2 n blood aoG:

515
seū3 v pour water from a kettle. iJÐ shīnát n the day after tomorrow wbufcg
seū4 v take out something form water q<f< shīneún n three days after tomorrow
4
exclusively taking out something from water. av:\ufa]rmufaeð
seúqnanāyī n 12.o'clock 12 em\D <Bur. shīng1 v deteriorate wkH:vm deteriorate and cease to
1
seúqngá n fifteen q<fÐig: <Bur. be ; become extinct.

seút1 v join quf <Bur. shīng2 v tie pnf: aygif:cg:pnf:Îud:csnf \mwGifom okH:onf`
seút2 v scatter seed tapÐjuJ shínhá (shīmhá) n winter aqmif:\moD
seút3 v offer qufo <Bur. shínón n two days after tomorrow zdef:óGJcg
seūtaūng n 10.cubit q<fawmif measure by the shíp n ten q<f
cubit. <Bur. shīphēk n herbal medicine awmxGufob0aq:
seútcā n powerful magical weapon pîufm <Bur. shīpheūn n scar trm|Gwf
seútkeù n thatch oufi<f <Bur. shípnú n ten wq<f
seúttáq v offer qufo <Bur. shíq1 v exist \Sd <Bur.
shā v small i<f?cav: shíq2 n portion zJh
shalát onmt sound of wind avwkdufvkdh ]rnfoH \Svwf shīshā n child uav:
sháng v clear \Sif: <Bur. shīshí attw attendant word which follows katàm
shāng n novice uk\d if 'beautiful' as in katàm shīshí vSvSyy

shángphaú n ship oabFm shīshī n fruit toD:

shaúk v address avûmuf <Bur. shīshī palíq n various types of fruits opfoD:0vH
=shaúk part contracted form of a diminutive and shít n eight \Spf <Bur.
comitative particles. (sà+yaúk) av:eJð shītalát n tobacco aq:|GufîuD:
shaúkpán n pomelo a\Smufyef:oD: <Bur. shíthaúng n bag vG<ftdwf
shēk v small i<f shīyeú v angry pdwfqkd:? a'goxGufonf` as in suffering
sheūlyá v be very long \Snfvsm: <Bur. due to adverse effects of amulets, charms, etc.

shí v die ao shīzú n hair knot qHxkH

shī1 n leg a]cacsmif: =shók part contraction of the negative imperative
form sà and clause final particle yók. eJðtkH:
shī2 v bear fruit (toD:)oD:
shóq v decrease avsmÐ <Bur.
shī3 n medicine aq:
shúng v loose |ëH: <Bur.
shī4 n fruit toD:
shúqzá v look |ëpm: <Bur.
shī5 v comb úzD:
shwé n sound make for chasing chicken
shì1 n four av:
juufarmif:wJÐtoH
-shì2 part diminutive marker av: see also sà
shwē n gold a\Ï <Bur.
shīk v break off a portion of something. zJÐ? pdyfonf`
shwēaūng n man's name a|Ïatmif
break off a portion of something. zJÐonf? pdyfonf`
shwēúqtaūngcówaí n place's name
=shík part contracted form of a negative
a|ÏOawmifîudK:0ki
d f:
imperative and a clause final particles.
(sà+zík=shík) eJðawmÐ síkthàsík n owner tpkd:\ol
shìlák n gooseberry ZD:]zLyif emblic.myrobalan sīm v mess |ëyfaxG: exclusively with small tiny staff
ao:i<fonfÐ ypPnf:rsm:óSifÐom okH:onf`
shīlák n gooseberry ZD:]zL
sín v spicy pyf
shīm v cold csrf:

516
sīn1 n iron oH sóng adv superlative degree qHk: <Bur.
sīn2 v wash(hand) aq: sóntàng (saúntaū) n food qGrf:
sīn3 v sprinkle pif <Bur. sòt v 1) block; stop (a bottle) qkdhonf` 2) bribe vmbfxdk:
sīn4 n elephant qif <Bur.

sìn n mind pdwf sōteúq n one that is called qdkwJh <Bur.

síngngeút n fig a\ozef: sú v smell rank (fish or flesh) nDapmfeH
sìnhú n heart óSvkH: sū n slave uïef
sìnká pùkká adv worry pdwfyl súk1 v bark a[mif as in dog bark acG:a[mifonf`
sínkheúqtà n came down qif:cJÐom <Bur. súk2 v moldy rëdwwf
sīnpháng n grubbing hoe oHwl|Gif: sūn v pound zGyf exclusively with grains such as
corn, paddy, and mustard seeds. tapÐrsm:ukd
sīnphyū n white elephant qif]zL <Bur.
zGyf\mwGifomokH:onf`
sīnpyaūng n elephant qifa]ymif <Bur.
sún1 v sew or stitch csKyf
sínteút v descend qif:ouf <Bur.
sún2 n onion juufoGef
sìntū pùktū adv weary a]crukdifrdvufrukdifrd
sùng n mortar qkH <Bur.
sínzá v think pOf:pm: <Bur.
sūng v complete pkH <Bur.
síp n seven ckóSpf
súnshìhá n onion juufoGefeD
sít1 v authentic tppf <Bur.
súnshìlúng n garlic juufoGe]f zL
sít2 n war ppf <Bur.
sūp v wear (hat) aqmif:
sítchī v march to war ppfcsD <Bur.
súq n present qk <Bur.
sítkhín v go for war ppfcif: <Bur.
súqlát n gift qkvwf <Bur.
síttá n soldier ppfom: <Bur.
sút v start fire or burn \ðëd
síttán n record ppfwrf: <Bur.
sūt n mosquito net ]cifaxmif <Shan
síttī n soldier ppfonf <Bur.
swá n tooth oGm:
síttū n soldier ppfol
swáng1 n master t\Sif
síttūcí n captain ppfolîuD: <Bur.
swáng2 v rich csrf:om
síttúk v battle ppfwdkuf
swáng3 v put oGif: <Bur.
só n dominate pkd: <Bur.
swángyōk v prosperous aumif:pm:
sòk 1) v bump aqmifÐ 2) v, slg make mischief uke:f wkduf
swásweū n eye-teeth ''wf
slang: to make mischief or cause trouble (between
two parties). swé v 1) sharpen aoG: 2) grind aoG: as in oeyfcg:aoG:
sòkhū n stove with stones base zkdcaemuf sweú v obsessed with pGJruf <Bur.
sòksòk onmt cough acsmif:qkd: sweū n tusk pG<f <Bur.
sóm n three oHk: <Bur. sweúmát v concept qGJrSwf <Bur.
sōm v used up ukef sweūtaū n name of flower qG<fawmf

517
 Tt
-ta (-taú) part particle attaches to foreign loan to denote reported speech. wJÐ hearsay marker
verbs. jum:xm:onfÐ tajumif:t\mukd ]yefa]ym\wGifokH:onf 0dbwf`
tá1 v block wm: <Bur. tāk1 n hand vuf
tá2 n son om: <Bur. tāk2 v lick vûuf
=tá part particle attaches to nouns or verbs for tàk v weave <uf
emphasis. yJ -tàk part animate plural marker wkdh? ouf\SdóSifÐomokH:`
tà v 1) receive cH 2) accept 3) collect cH taká1 n one car wpfum: <Bur.
tā1 n field ae\m?tcif: taká2 n bridge wHwm:
tā2 n leg a]caxmuf takà n rice seedling ysdK:yif
=tā part realis nominaliser wm <Bur. takalāt n root opf]rpf
tacá n sugar ojum: <Bur. takaúk n bracelet vufaumuf
tacámín n Sakkra ojum:rif: takeū adv really wu<f <Bur.
tachá n other place w]cm: <Bur. takhā n one time wpfcg <Bur.
tací1 n chief olîuD: <Bur. takhápaúk n door wHcg:ayguf door step
tací2 n thigh aygif takhāteú adv at once wpfcgwnf: <Bur.
taeūkáq n acre wpf{u <Bur. takháwáq n at a door step wHcg:0 <Bur.
tahà n 1) red ant cgcsnf 2) right side nmzuf takhīn n master ocif <Bur.
tahaù n ladder avScg: takhó n thief olckd: <Bur.
tahaūng n hole wGif:?ayguf takhúttà n place's name oacGwWm
tahú n hand vuf tākī n member of the Cakya dynastic clan omuD
taí v measure wdkif: <Bur. tākīwīn n clan's name omuD0if <Bur.
taì n morning eHeuf tākkasú n elbow wHawmifqpf
taī n post wkdif <Bur. tāklín n shuttle (of a loom) vGef:
taík v 1) battle wdkuf 2) collide wkduf <Bur. tákmá n grass hopper "g:ckwfaumif
1
taík v offer a drink wdkuf <Bur. tākmīng n finger nail vufoJ
2
taíkhánleúqleū v royal visit wdkif:cef:vnfÐvnf <Bur. tākmú (tākmūng) n thumb vufr
taíkpweú n battle wdkufyGJ <Bur. tākpá n palm z0g:
taīktaīk adv attendant word which follows zàk tākpaūng n arm vufarmif:
'hard' as in zàk taīktaīk rmwmwm tākseú n ring vufpGwf
taíkú (ténkú) n wing tawmif tākshī n 1) finger vufacsmif: 2) forefinger vufndK:
taīpāng v discuss wdkifyif <Bur. tākshīasít n knuckles vufqpf
taípī n country wdkif:]ynf <Bur. tākshīkathùn n little finger vufoef:
taītán v report wkdifwef: <Bur. tāksúkcī n loom <ufuef:pif
taítapá n other country wdkif:wpfyg: <Bur. talá n thread csnfÎud: variant form of tá
taítóng n edible ridged luffa ykHvkHoD: talà n lower atmufykdif: lower part of river and road.
ták v hook nÛd ]rpfatmuf? vrf:atmufykdif:ukd qkdonf`
=ták part particle attaches at the end of utterance talaí v hanging wGJvGJqGJcJÐ

518
talák n one tube wpfawmifÐ?qkH motor used for making tān4 n stick wH <Bur.
noodle. rëew
fð D npf\mwGifokH:onfÐ qkH` tān5 part verbal particle that attaches to verb to
talāt n leaf \Guf denote acceptance. derived from the verb tām
talaút (taút) n solid tcJ 'search'?

=talé part speaker attitude particle that occurs at tanát n gun aoewf <Bur.
the end of the clause to denote surprise tanátkhá n thanakha oeufcg: ground-up bark of
realisation. w<fav: the tree of the same name. <Bur.
talèp n turtle vdyf tānchaūng n bucket oHacsmif <Bur.
talèt n bow av: tanéq tanaík n at one day wpfaeh wpfY <Bur.
taleú v dangling wGJavmif:csdwf táng1 v ukdufnD? 0ifqefðonf`
taleút1 n one tool or implement wpfvuf <Bur. táng2 n basket awmif:?wif: <Bur.
taleút2 v move a|Ïð táng3 onmt sound of breaking wpfpkHwpf\m
taleùt (teùt) n tongs nÛyfuif derive from the verb uGJoGm:onfÐtoH
'clip' by -al- infixation, see also teùt tāng1 v put onto wif <Bur.
talìnghā n last year róSpfu tāng2 n knife "g:
talīp n package txkwf tangeūchín n friend oli<fcsif: <Bur.
taló n post ]cHwkdif tāngkā n Sangha ; member of Buddhist Order.
talù n circle tvkH:?t0kdif: slang: bullet <Bur. oHCm

tām v search \SmazG tāngkaū1 n sword "g:\Snf

tamān n soil of rice fields wref: tāngkaū2 n bean? yJovufoD:
tamaúngkú n shin ndKousD: tángkwoì n a basket which holds twenty four pē
(approximately a bushel and a half). wpfwif:cGJ
tamāyūng n community hall "rR|kH <Bur.
<Bur.
tameū n deer orif
tángngà n fish ig:
tamí n daughter orD: <Bur.
tángpà n banister vuf\rf:
tamì n other people olrsm:
tāngpāng v sit cross legged wifysOfacGxkdif <Bur.
tamíktū n ankle a]crsufpd
tāngshī n pointed knife "g:a]rmif
tamíng n seed rsdK: seeds saved for transplanting
tānlyeút n regalia oefvsuf <Bur.
rsdK:apÐ
tānlyeúttá n four-edged dagger which forms part
tamìsā n human vl
of the Myanmar regalia. oefvsufom: <Bur.
támyít v forbid wm:]rpf
tānó n pot 'eftkd: <Bur.
tamyó n one kind wpfrsdK: <Bur.
tanòk n trunk ikwf?t\if:
tamyóqneūlúng n people from the whole town
tānphó n value wef:zkd: <Bur.
wpfúrdKðe<fvkH: <Bur.
tánshí v kill (beat to death) |kdufowf
tán1 v beat wD:?|kduf
tāntayáq n doubt oHo< <Bur.
tán2 n quality wef: <Bur.
tānwayáqyāzà n man's name oH0\\mZm
tān1 n numerical classifier used in counting
different legs of a journey, component parts of tányát v be cross over wef:vef: <Bur.
abstract concepts. wef <Bur. táp clf classifier for counting flat objects tcsyf
tān2 n iron oH <Bur. tapalín v vibrate wkecf g
tān3 n pain 'Ef <Bur. tapàn n sub-group of Kadu also know as Mauteik

519
 wyef? armfwdwfuwl:[kvnf:ac;onf` tatát n one cluster wwyf <Bur.
tapát1 n encircle wpfywf <Bur. tatātayá n generosity o'Ýgw\m: <Bur.
tapát2 n one week wpfywf <Bur. tataúlúng n whole forest wawmvHk: <Bur.
tapaú n principle oabm <Bur. tataūnglúng n whole mountain wpfawmifvHk: <Bur.
tapaúk1 v speak a]ym tataūútāng v term used while addressing to
tapaúk2 n calf a]covkH: royalty oHawmfOD:wif <Bur.
tapaúkkā v explain a]ym]y tatawā n animal owW0g <Bur.
tapaúngláq n twelfth month waygif:v <Bur. tátchúk v constipate "gwfcsKyf <Bur.
tapaútayá n example wabmw\m: <Bur. tathú n knee 'l:
tapaútayámā n example or in principle tathúthaúk v kneel 'l:axmuf
wabmw\m:rSm <Bur. tathwā n one span wpfxGm <Bur.
tapaútū v agree oabmwl <Bur. tatī tī (tatī, tī ) v lay egg OO
3
tapék n monk's bowl oydwf tatínsó n bad news owif:qkd: <Bur.
taphā n foot or sole a]cz0g: tátlúng n magic ball "gwfvkH: <Bur.
taphyān n measure wpf]yef Myanmar measure of tátmát v set rule owfrSwf <Bur.
time (equivalent to four seconds). tātmí n torch "gwfrD: <Bur.
tapíq n servant wynfÐ <Bur. táttayáq n third wwd< <Bur.
tapīté adv level wa]ywnf: <Bur. tatū (tū ) n seed tapÐ
4
tapītī adv real wu<f <Bur. tatū zapúq n seed rsdK:apÐ
tapyá n one plank wpf]ym: <Bur. taú1 n jungle awm <Bur.
tapyā n stick for driving draught animals wHzsm taú2 v carry o<f <Bur.
tapyān n about the length of the whole bamboo taū1 v wear (shirt)
w]yef <Bur.
taū2 v 1) fit awmf 2) enough awmf 3) proper 4) be
tasà n ornament wefqm <Bur. related <Bur.
tasák n life long, one whole life wouf taū3 v prune csdKif
tashaúk locn along wpfavsmuf <Bur. taū4 part honorific terms to show reverence, power,
tashī n uncle OD:îuD: mother's older brother. sacredness, royalty when speaking to monks. awmf
rdcif>tpfukd <Bur.
tashō n spy olvûdK <Bur. =taū conj when aomf? wJÐtcg <Bur.
tát1 v attach wyf <Bur. taù v perforate azguf
tát2 n wedge oyf taūcí n woman tzGm:îuD: address term used by a
tát3 part verbal particle attaches to a verb to denote husband to his wife.
the acquiring of some knowledge, skill, capability taúk1 v, slg do/hit wG<fypf slang. an expression to do
etc. wwf <Bur. or to use something forcefully.
tāt1 clf classifier for counting numbers of leaves |Guf taúk2 onmt sound of clicking sound when someone
see also talat got angry awmufacgufoH
tāt2 v 1) release or send vGwf?ykdh 2) send ykdh taūk n cattle's hump óGm:vykdh
tàt v kill owf <Bur. taúkōleū v hunting awmudkvnf <Bur.
tataítaí onmt sound of gun fire w'dkif:'kdif: taúkshaúk adv directly awmufavûmuf <Bur.
tātākshī n toe a]cacsmif:uav: taúktaù n gecko awmufwJÐ

520
taūlā n jicama pdrf:pm:O tēcaúng n way to die aoajumif: <Bur.
taúlāng v rebel awmfvSef <Bur. técháng n song oDcsif: <Bur.
taún v castrate a0S:oif:onf` <Shan ték adv quite odrfh <Bur.
taùn v portion ydkif: tyifxufyGm:vmatmif]zwfwmukd tèk v break leaves cl:w<f` as in breaking leaves.
qkdonf` opf|Gufrsm: cl:\mukdqkdonf`
taúng n ten thousand aomif: <Bur. tékhòt n pan avSmftkd:
taūng n feet awmif tékpáq n innate wisdom ody >Pali
taúngá n rice power rëeófð Spf tékshī n pot tkd: kātékshī n
taūngkapyān n place's name awmifuysH tén v gather odrf: <Bur.
taūngkúng n place's name awmifukef: téng1 v quiet úidrf
taúngláng n big circular tray on a stand used for téng2 v plant pdkuf exclusively with seeds
serving meals. tapÐpkdufysdK:]cif:ukdomqkdonf`
taūngmaū n place's name awmifarmf tēngwīn v be ordained into monk hood odrf0if
taūngmwé n rod awmifa0S: <Bur. <Bur.

taúngpān v apologise awmif:yef <Bur. =téq1 subd reason, because vkdh

taùngsaúkmú n caterpillar cl<m: =téq2 part realis nominaliser wJÐ <Bur.
taùngséng n fly (big with green colour) <ifaumif teú1 n hut wJ <Bur.
taúngyú n place's name a'gif:<l: teú2 v cut superficially |S
taúp v end qkH: teú3 v wait apmifÐ
tawaík n around w0dkuf <Bur. teū1 v walk avûmuf exclusively with walking on a
bridge or log opfwkH:? wHwm:ay;wGif avûmuf]cif:ukdom
tawák n half wpf0uf <Bur.
qkdonf`
tāwūn n responsibility wm0ef <Bur.
teū2 v establish wnfaxmif <Bur.
tāwūnceū v responsible wm0efaus <Bur.
=teū part clause final particle enclitic to verbs or
tayá n law w\m: <Bur. verb complexes to indicate realis mood. w<f
tayā n one hundred wpf\m <Bur. <Bur.
tāyā v pleasant om<m <Bur. teúēng n hut wJtdrf <Bur.
tāyācīnú v pleasant om<mjunfól: <Bur. teúkhō v putting up at a place wnf:ckd <Bur.
tayáq n one portion or section wpfykdif:? wpf\yf <Bur. teúm1 v concentrate pl:pkduf
tayát n one stop wpf\yf <Bur. teúm2 v pillow tkH:
tayaù n undressed cotton 0g teùn clf classifier for counting unspecific objects or
tayéksān n animal wd\pméef <Bur. kinds ck
tayūyū adv jelly soft tdtd teúnsú n bamboo clip 0g:uifnÛyf used when roasting
fish iguif\mwGifokH:onfÐ ig:ukdnÛyfonf 0g:]crf:`
tazáqtazáq adv bit by bit, step by step, gradually
wpp <Bur. teúp v throw ypf
tazí n one cart wpfpD: <Bur. teút v listen em:axmif
tazúq n one group wpfpk <Bur. teūteū adv lightly omom
-tē (twē) part general plural maker awG <Bur. teútpū v hear jum:
=tè part anti-agentive marker emrfaemufwGifwGJokH:I teútpūpá v hear confusedly jum:a<mif
Úyvkyfolr]zpfajumif:]yonÐf 0dbwf` teútsaīyā n relevant oufqkdif\m <Bur.

521
teūzák ngāzák adv while simply walking oGm:\if: théng v control xdef: <Bur.
vm\if: thèng v deep euf exclusively with well.
thá v keep xm: <Bur. wGif:eufonfukdomqkdonf`
thà v be ]zpf théngténg v archive xdef:odrf: <Bur.
-thà aux must, have to \ thēp v prevent wm:qD: obstruct; block; prevent.
thaí onmt sound of gun fire aoewfypfoH uG<fonf? um:qD:onf`

thaík n should xkduf <Bur. théq v add xnfÐ <Bur.

thaíktān v deserve xdkufwef <Bur. theú1 n navel csuf as in púttheú 'navel' csuf
thaíng v slow aóS: <Bur. theú2 v widen (as of mouth) ]zJonf`
=thák part particle attaches to verbs to form a theū n plough xnf <Bur.
verbal noun. zkdh?p\m theù v thick xl
thákéqtaúq v when left behind xm:cJÐawmÐ <Bur. theūn v repeat xyf used when changing flower
thām v near eD: from the flower pot. yef:tkd:vJonfÐtcgwGifokH:onf`

=thāmā part clause final particle enclitic to verbs theūtheū wāwā adv grandly xnfxnf0g0g <Bur.
or verb complexes to indicate hortative sense. thí n umbrella xD: <Bur.
\atmif thī1 v dream ruf
thán v carry xrf: <Bur. thī2 v scoop aumfcyf exclusively with scooping water
=thān part to or toward xH <Bur. from a water pot. a\tkd:rS a\aumfcyf]cif:ukdom qkdonf`
tháng v overcast tkHh thī3 v shine om as with moon shine.
thàng v just happened ]zpfvkdu thīn v press zd
thāng1 n think xif <Bur. thīng n village \Gm
thāng2 n pattern ykHpHcGuf thīngpālá n village leader |GmvlîuD:
thángāk n jaggery xef:vûuf palm sugar; jaggery. thīngphūceū n village's chief \GmolîuD:
thāthātweù n female's name xm:xm:oG<f thīngsá n villager |Gmom:
thaū1 v put down (rice pot) tkd:cs exclusively with thīnpaū v known xifay; <Bur.
putting down rice's pot. xrif:tkd:cs\mwGifomokH:onf` thīnthú n tree opfyifwpfrsdK:
thaū2 v reap thatch oufu<f\dwf exclusively for thíphyū n white umbrella xD:]zL <Bur.
reaping thatch. oufu<f\dwf\mwGifom okH:onf` thíq v touch xd <Bur.
thaù v carve xGif: thít v nick xpf make a nick or notch. <Bur.
thaúk1 v point out axmuf]y <Bur. thó v joust xkd: <Bur.
thaúk2 v spit wHaoG:axG: thō v push wGef:
thaūng1 v boil usdKcsuf something boil for a long thók onmt sound of shaking something wpfpkHwpfckukd
time tjumîuD: usdKcsufonfukdomqkdonf` vëyfcgonfÐ toH
thaūng2 n jail axmif <Bur. thōk1 v touch or dip something lightly wkdh?wkdhpm:onf`
thaūng3 v up right axmif <Bur. thōk2 v arrive a\muf
thaùng v be old (loan word from Shan) tkd <Shan thōkkón n until wkdifatmif
thék1 v shock xdyf <Bur. thōm v blunt knife
thék2 n tip xdyf <Bur. thómà n short moment cEwm
thēk v pinch qdwf thōmpòk n gun aoewf slang: literally short length
théktí n first class xdyfoD: <Bur.

522
 of bamboo closed at one end. usnfawmuf language. \kdif:pkdif:onf pum:rsm:]zifÐ
thōn1 n mortar qkH qJa\:wkdif:xGmonfukdom qkdonf`

thōn2 v plough xGef =tìng part purposive nominaliser zdkh?p\m

thóng1 n lime xkH: <Bur. tínhaút v angry pdwfqdk: qJqkdcsifonf`
thóng2 v sit xdkif tīnmaung n man's name wifarmif
thónghaúng n old custom xHk:a[mif: <Bur. tínq aux should oifÐ <Bur.
thóngtít n new custom xkH:opf tíntān onmt hanging wGJavmif:
thóngzānshíqtíq v as it is a custom to xHk:pH\SdonfÐ tīp v pack; bundle; wrap with paper or leaves xkwf
<Bur. tìsaúk v build wnfaqmuf <Bur.
thōnshī n mortar (i|kwf)qkH tít n one wpf <Bur.
thót v balance or measure csdefonf?wkdif:qonf` títánq adv separately oD:oefð <Bur.
measure (things by volume) ]cifonf? qef?pyg:? a|Ï títthúkyé n logging opfxkwfa\: <Bur.
ponfwhkd
títtīweúq n red wattled lapwing bird? wpfwDwl:
thòt v pluck cl: for the purpose of eating.
tó v increase wdk: <Bur.
pm:zkdhcl:<l]cif:ukdqkdonf`
tók1 onmt sound of shaking something off
thú v different xl: <Bur.
wpfpkHwpfckukd vëyfcgonfÐ toH
thū v 1) pound axmif: 2) dig wl:
tók2 (atók) v hold on a moment aetkH:
thú chèkchèk adv be black teuf? rJrJ
tōk v collect firewood xrf:acG
thúchá v different xl:]cm: <Bur.
tòkcī n palm tree rif:ayg Caryota mitis. kind of large
thúk v take out or extract xkwf <Bur. palm yielding hardwood.
thúm v black euf tókháq n trouble 'kuQ <Bur.
thún v harrow xGef <Bur. tókháqteū n sufferer 'kuQonf <Bur.
thūncīn n sensitive plant Mimosa pudica. xdu|kH: tōklī tōklāng adv dangling wGJavmif:wGJavmif:
thūnswá n rake xGefoGm: <Bur. tókweú n sweat acï:
thúntaúk v shine xGef:awmuf <Bur. tōm n below atmuf
thūthaūng v establish xlaxmif <Bur. tōn v short wkd
thwáng v 1) carve, gouge or to clear the field for tóng1 v 1) big îuD: 2) fat 0
plantation xGif: 2) clear away \Sif:vif: <Bur.
tóng2 n three okH: <Bur.
tí n penis vdifwH
tóng3 n log wkH:
=tí subd also or although vnf:?vnf:yJ
tóng4 v place wnf exclusively with putting a
tī1 (tatī) n egg O cooking pot on a stove tkd:wnf]cif:ukdomokH:onf`
tī2 v sweet csdK tóng5 onmt sound of falling something. 'ke:f
tī3 v lay egg (O)O imitative verb derived from the tōng ngōng tōng ngōng onmt sound of a gong
word 'egg' tati armif:wD:wH
tīlùtwēkō n these people 'DvlawGudk <Bur. tóngcìng n three times oHk:îudrf
tím v hide ykef: tóngkhā n three times or trips oHk:cg <Bur.
tīm v put down cs?axmif as in putting down tōngkwán n ring or loop uGif:vkduf
mosquito net or curtain ]cifaxmifcs?
tóngmótá n three years/seasons old oHk:rkd:om <Bur.
vkdufumcswmrsdK:ukdqkdonf`
tóngpaúlaú n place's name wkef:aygavm
tín v revile qJ used excessively with obscene

523
tóngzúq n three groups okH:pk <Bur. tūlōlō adv onomatopoeic word ]rnfoHpGJ <Bur.
tōp1 v fist xkd: túm v 1) fragrant arÏ: 2) smell erf:
tōp2 v 1) stab with an object. xkd: 2) beam xkd: (rD:) tūm v blow flute rëwf exclusively with flute
1
-tóq part particle attaches to nouns to denote yavGrëwfonfukdqkdonf`
plurality. wkdh <Bur. tūm v clench qkyf as in tahù tūmàng vufoD:qkyf`
2
tóteút v improve wkd:wwf <Bur. túm paùngpaùng adv fragrant arÏ:ÎudifÎudif
tōtpát tōtsaúk adv up side down aZmufwdaZmufxkd: tūmí n firearm wlrD: <Bur. a percussion lock
tú1 n language pum: firearm wlrD: aoewf

tú2 v 1) lean against rSD? 2) prop up axmuf exclusively tún v pull qGJ
with stick or posts. 'kwfacsmif:?wkdif ponfwhkd =tún part clause final particle enclitic to verbal
rSD\mwGifomokH:onf` predicates to indicate the action express by the
tú3 v pound xk verb is still in progress. ao:w<f

tū1 v same wl <Bur. tūngngāk v bow acgif:ndrfÐ

tū2 prn third person singular form. ol <Bur. túngngún n bee ysm:
tū3 v carry on head |Guf túpíkkà n pinnacle xkydum <Bur.
tū4 v be cut off ]ywf túq v fake wk <Bur.
tù v grow ayguf exclusively with seeds. tapÐrS túqtayáq n second 'kwd< <Bur.
ayguf]cif:ukdomqkdonf` túqtúqpáqpáq n man's name olholhyy
túk v transport wdkuf transport (things) in ox's cart tút v cut ]zwf
1
or vehicles vSnf:? um:]zifÐ o<f<l]cif:ukdqkdonf` twá v go oGm: <Bur.
túk v battle wdkuf transport (things) in ox's cart or twák v calculate wGufcsuf <Bur.
2
vehicles vSnf:? um:]zifÐ o<f<l]cif:ukdqkdonf` twé v think awG: <Bur.
tūktān n cemetery okùmef <Bur. tweú onmt sound make for chasing bird
túktháqkúqmàráq n man's name ok'Mukrm\ iSufarmif:wJÐtoH
túktúk attw attendant word which follows kasín
'cold' as in kasín túktúk cyfat:at:

524
 Uu
ú1 n head OD: <Bur. úmeú v deep a\euf used together with úshík
ú2 v deep euf exclusively with water. úng dem that [dk
a\euf\mwGifomokH:onf` únyút v bow one's head in respect to someone OD:nGefh
ū1 v drink aomuf <Bur.
ū2 n fowl juuf ūpá n hen juufr
ū3 excl oh! tl úpáq n man's name OD:b
ūhá n crow usD: ūpháksā n bat vifókdh
ùhākū n kind of poisonous root aq:rif: used for ūphūt n caucal bkwf greater coucal bkwfiSuf
poisoning fish. ig:tqdyfcyf\mwGif tokH:ÚyonfÐ tqdyf úqyīn n garden O<smOf <Bur.
opf]rpfwpfrsdK:` úshík v shallow wdrf
ùhánphám v yawn tmorf: út v 1) abandon pGefðypf 2) toss ypf
ūhaū n owl ZD:uGuf ùtaùkchí n sunburn aeavmifuGuf
ūhaút v thirsty a\qm ūthū n nest juufÚrH hen's nest
ūkán n wild fowl awmjuuf ūtī n egg juufO
ūkatú n dove }sdK:iSuf ūweú onmt sound of infant cry uav:i<fikdoH
ūkaú n koel Ojo ūyaùt (ūlaùt) n flower yef:wpfrsdK: type of flower
ùkkalùkùk onmt sound of a big rooster crow {u\mZfyef:
atmuftD:tD:tGwf(juufzîuD:) úzá n priority OD:pm:
úkzā n thing OpPm <Bur. ūzík n bird iSuf
ūlā n rooster juufz ūzík ūkán n fowl iSufrsm:
ūlēk n pheasant bird \pf ūzík ūyá n various types of fowls juufiSuf
ūlīzáng n chicken coop juuf]cH ūzíkpalúk n bird's nest iSufokduf
ūlūshī n star ju<f ūzíksá n bird iSuf
ūm v swell a\mif

Ww
wá1 v jump down ckecf s waí2 n cane or rattan îudrf
wá2 n bamboo 0g: <Bur. waí3 v vanish tjuHrxa]rmuf <Shan?
wā1 (waláng) n male usm:owW0g?txD: waī v be askew |GaJð pmif:
wā2 n lent 0gwGif: <Bur. waì v do obeisance (with palms raised together on
wā3 v plait (of bamboo strips) <uf (awmif:? csif:) the forehead) vuftkyfcsD \Sdckd:

waí1 v encircle 0dkif: <Bur. waík v round 0dkuf <Bur.

525
wák v 1) wide us<f 2) loose acsmif used with clothing wānsút v burn rD:|ëd Ð
tusÀykqkd: us<f?acsmif\mwGif okH:onf` wāntāt1 n stove rD:zkd fire place within a house
1
wàk n pig 0uf tdrfcef:twGif:\Sd rD:zkdukdom qkdonf`
wákkáhángtì n wild yam 0ufa]rO wāntāt2 v light rD:xGef:
wàkzáng n big pen 0uf]cH wántòk n west, behind taemuf
walànníq n moss or slime a\nÛd wāntū n burning fagot or firebrand rD:p
waleú (weú) n liquid t\nf wānyá n torch rD:|ä: bamboo torch 0g:]crf:awGukd pdyfúyD:
waleúsín n liquor t\uf literally spicy or hot rD:wkwfozG<f tokH:Úyonf`
liquid. wānzék v kindle (fire) rD:nÛd
wán v chop ckwf wānzū v make fire rD:xnfÐ? xif:rD:xyfxnfÐ
wān1 n fire rD: wáq n circle 0
wān2 v clear xGif\Sif: exclusively with clearing small wáqlúng n circle 0vHk: <Bur.
plants opfyifi<frsm:ukd ckwfxGif:\m wGifomokH:onf` wasá n flotsam 'ku
d f
wàn clf numeral classifier for counting numbers of wasáp n sponge gourd aygif:jurf: Luffa pentandra
days é\uf used with numeral four to nine. stringy mass of fibres from the dried fruit of the
eHygwfav:rS ukd: txdom okH:onf` sponge gourd used as a spongeor scourer.
wān hítzalaúng n iron hook attached to a long washì n comb bD:
pole used in fighting fire. rD:csdwf washìlā n crested tarmuf
wānakhó n smoke rD:ckd: washīng n steamer ties aygif:cg:pnf:
wánaúk n east, in front ta\Sð washìtū n fruit uapmcg:oD:
wāncīng n charcoal rD:aoG: wát1 v \dwf (ókwfcrf:arG:)
wáng n compound ]cH0if: wát2 n below atmufykdif: lower part of mountain,
wangán n pot's case tkd:tzkH: valley. awmifatmufykdif:ukd \nfnGef:onf`
wángshì n younger brother of one's husband (of wàt n leech uïwf
1
women) rwf waték n steaming pot aygif:tkd:
wángshì n uncle ba'G: one's father's younger watòk n kind of tree oHrvef:
2
brother zcif>nD
wēphān v critique a0zef <Bur.
wāngwáq n entrance 0if0 <Bur.
weū v hang (bag) csdwf exclusively with hanging on
wánhú n rice sieve Zaum a hook. csdyfwGif csdwfqGJ]cif:ukdom qkdonf`
wānkākcīng n live coal rD:cJ weú àngtūng n insect a\xJwGif awGð\wwfonfÐ taumif
wānkāng n firewood that didn't burn and those edible pm:vkd\
h onf`
left in the fire place rD:âuif:rD:usef weú kasúm n goblet a\waumif: vnfyif:usnf:onfÐ
wānkazúk v add firewood, make fire rD:arG: a\waumif:
wānmīt v extinguish fire rD:úidrf: weúaīng n lake a\tdkif <Bur.
wánneú v sad 0rf:enf: <Bur. weúkú v bathe a\csdK:
wānpōt n fire place rD:zkd weúmakōk n person who do not bath a\rcsdK:o
wànpyák v light went off rD:ysuf weúpaìk n bank a\pyf
wānsāng n cup aomufa\cGuf exclusively a cup used weúsalí n wave vëdif:
for drinking water weūsālī n Indian nightshade c\rf:uapmoD:
wānsūng v smoke rD:ckd: weūtanā n pain a0'em <Bur.

526
weúwá v jump down Jckecf s as into the water consequence of one's deeds. <Bur.
a\xJokdhckefcs wúng onmt sound of dropping a massive object 0ke:f
wílú wánglú adv vaguely a0a00g:0g: vaguely; wúntō n place's name 0ef:okd
hazily; indeterminately. wūsùt (wasùt) n knot hair qHxkH:
wīn n member 0if <Bur. wút v wear 0wf <Bur.
wīnkāntáq n man's name 0ifuHo wūtcwé n debt 0õfaâu: atonement or expiation for
wíqpatùpáq n man's name 0dywly past sins and misdeeds. <Bur.
wíqpétcamà n consequence 0dyufjurRm result, effect,

Yy
yá v bright vif: yáktánwán n whole day waeukef
=yá conj particle attaches to nouns or verbs to yalán v long \Snf never used as a head verb.
indicate the meaning 'also' or 'either. ]zpf]zpf? ]zpfap yalaùt n bud tnÏefð
yā1 v gauge, size up vsm <Bur. yaleù yalán adv suffuse <SufóG<f
yā2 part verbal particle that attaches to verb to yalū n vine óG<f
indicate an excessive meaning. yalūcaík n cucumber ocGm:oD:
yaà (yákà) n now tck yalún yalún adv imitative expression; in tows or
yàā n one day wpf\uf rows of many things tpDt\D
=yaà part euphoric particle. ]zifÐ?av?yJ yamà n crocodile rdacsmif:
yahāk n rope Îud: yameùshī n dipper a\rëwf
yahán n monk-hood \[ef: yāmpák n hemp avûmf
yahaūk n husk zGJ yāmpū n banded snake head fish ig:\Hð
yahaūkchí n tender husk zGJók can feed the animals. yán v struggle |ke:f
wd\pméawGukd auï:vkdh\onf` yān v fight \ef <Bur.
yahaùng n river acsmif: yānān n bush csKH
yahaùnghaláng n head river acsmif:zsm: yanéq n today <aeð <Bur.
yahaùngtóng n river ]rpf yanéqchíngthíq n until today <aeðcsdefxd <Bur.
yahú n edible thorny leaves ql:ykwf yáng v be straight a]zmifÐ
yahùng n well a\wGif: yāngyaó n vase pot anmifa\tkd: vase, pot or jar in
1
yahùng n steamer aygif:acsmif pot with a perforated which water and flowers are placed as a religious
2
bottom forming the upper part of a steamer offering.
(cooking utensil). yānsapú n freshwater catfish ig:cl
yàk n 1) now tck 2) day \uf yāntháq n fight \efx <Bur.
-yák yāntū n enemy \efol <Bur.
yàkmák (yamák) (yàk) n today 'Daeh yáp1 v reap or to harvest \dwfodrf: exclusively with
yákpheú adv indiscriminately avûmuf cutting with a sickle. wHpOf]zifÐ \dwf]cif:ukdomqkdonf`

527
yáp2 (nyāp) n wax za<mif: yeú v get up x
yāp1 v fan <ufcwf =yeū conj and \<f
yāp2 v cross ]zwful: =yeù1 part particle attaches to nouns to denote
yapá n shoulder ykckH: similarity (equivalent in usage to adverbs 'like',
'as') vkd anyeù dem
yapà n string bean yJawmifÐ|Snf
=yeù2 part speaker attitude particle vkdh
yát v stop \yf <Bur.
-yeūn aux can, be able to ókdif? tpGrf:tp\Sdonf`
yàt v clip/cut nÛyf?]zwf exclusively cutting plants
with knife. "g:]zifÐ tyifaysmÐrsm:ukd ]zwf]cif:ukdqkdonf` =yeún part nominal relational marker indicating
purpose or beneficiary. twGuf
yātanā n jewel \wem <Bur.
yeúpaū n soldier \Jabmf <Bur.
yatéq n hermit \aoh <Bur.
yeút n day \uf <Bur.
yátyát zaúngzaúng adv with difficulty cufcufcJcJ
<Shan? yeútín n axe \J'if: <Bur.
yaú v ask, propose, prepare awmif:\rf:onf? =yí part also vnf:
em:azgufonf` prepare the ground (for a proposal of yīm v arrest zrf:
marriage). r}fvmtwGuf em:azguf]cif:ukdqkdonf` yīnnā v sad \ifem <Bur.
yaū excl exclamation a\mf yīp v slice vSD: chopping one after another. wpfcsuf
yaúk1 clf classifier for counting numbers of people csif:]zwfcsif: ukdqkdonf`
a<muf <Bur. yìpalák n kind of bean aóGyJoD:
yaúk2 v arrive a\muf <Bur. yít v spin \pf <Bur.
=yaúk1 part nominal relational marker indicating yīthú (yathú) n long handled axe cGef
a comitative sense. eJð yítíyátá adv (act) ambiguously, evasively; shilly-
=yaúk1 subd particle attaches to a verb to indicate shally; (behave) dilatorily; (fool) away, around
purpose atmif probably reduced form of hayaúk. <D:wD:<m:wm:
yaúkā n disease a\m}g <Bur. yīyweūcheút n purpose \nf|G<fcsuf <Bur.
yaúkcá n man a<musFm: <Bur. yó n ridge |kd: <Bur.
yaúkpháq n brother-in-law a<mufz <Bur. yók n disgrace <kwf <Bur.
yaūng v fake a<mif <Bur. yōk v eat pm:
yaúngmáq n ladle a<mif:r <Bur. =yók part clause final particle enclitic to verbs or
yaūngpáng conj because of or the reason for ajumifÐ verb complexes to indicate the action expressed
yaúngyínkhát v disorder a<mif:\if:cwf <Bur. by the verb is a temporary or an intrusive action.
tkH:
yaúp v reduce; lessen; decrease. avûmÐonf` as in flat
type avavûmÐ]cif:wGifokH:onf` yōkhaút v hungry Akdufqm
yaūpū n cotton }Grf: yōkmātaū v wicked <kwfrmaom <Bur.
yāzā n king \mZm <Bur. -yōkyá aux particle attaches to verbs to denote the
sense of difficulty to do something. cufcJ cannot
yé v write a\: <Bur.
be used as a main verb. t"du îud<m]zifÐ rokH:yg`
yē n water a\ <Bur.
yóng n younger brother armifav:
=yē (yeú ) part particle attaches to the name of
2 yōng v trust <Hk <Bur.
the person hailed. wpfOD:wpfa<mufukd ac;\mwGif
trnf> aemufwGif okH:onfÐ 0dbwf` <Bur. yōngcī v believe <Hkjunf <Bur.
yēk n hill field awmif<m yóngkáng n horn csdK
yēkzák n grass ]ruf yóngshī yóngzán n sibling armifóSr

528
yōngyīnleú v even if (you) believe <Hk\ifvnf: <Bur. hasn't V'. ao:bl:
yōp v stop crying wdwf yūnī (yūníq) v hate rke:f
yōpshīshí adv quiet wdwfwdwf yúp v desire wyfruf be infatuated with; desire
yōtē v respect \dkao <Bur. inordinately.

yóyà n tradition \dk:\m <Bur. yút1 v recite \Gwf <Bur.

yóyó adv simple \dk:|kd: <Bur. yút2 v run after a]y:vkduf <Shan vdkufzrf:]cif:ukdqkdonf`
yú v 1) collapse vSJ 2) stiff tanmif:qefð yútyút adv imitative expression ]rnfoHpGJ follows the
verb 'soft' as in tí yútyút ókzwfzwf
yū1 v take <l <Bur.
ywā n village |Gm <Bur.
yū2 v look junfÐ
ywākaúng n village crier |Gmaqmf <Bur.
yúk n image \kyf <Bur.
ywé v select a\G: <Bur..
=yún part clause final particle enclitic to negated
verbal predicates to indicate the meaning of 'still

Zz
zá1 v eat pm: <Bur. zákzák adv deliberately oufouf <Bur.
zá2 v alive \Sifoef zalá v health usef:rm
zá3 clf classifier for counting numbers of kinds zalàk v loose acsmif
rsdK:?r<f zalàk zalàk adv loosely acsmifacsmif
zā1 v build aqmuf zaláphátphát adv alive t\Sifvwfvwf
zā2 v far a0: zalaūk n pack zufxkyf uawmÐykHpH xkyfxm:onfÐ
zaeú n cicada ykZOf:\ifuGJ zufxkwfukdom qkdonf`
zaíhaúng n cavity opfacgif: zalaùk n rest house Z\yf <Bur.
zák1 v 1) catch nÛd 2) be pricked ql:pl: zalaút1 v drift arsm
zák2 n machinery puf <Bur. zalaút2 quant measurement p|Gwf dry measure
zák3 onmt sound of pulling a rope swiftly ZufceJ equivalent to 0.14 bushel. <Bur.
2]ynfóSifÐukdufnDonf`
=zàk subd while wkef:?vsuf
zalí v clean pifju<f
zàk1 v afraid ajumuf
zalí zalák adv neatly oefðoefð]yef]yefð
zàk2 v hard rm
zalīn v frisky or fluster |Gonf? ysmonf` tysdKuav:awG
zàk taīktaīk adv be hard rmwmwm
awmfawmf|Gonf`
zakáqīngtīng n spider yifÐul
zalìt v disgusting npfywf
zákkalīng n spotted lizard uif:vdwfavûm
zalìt zalàt adv disgusting |GHp\m filthily; dirtily;
zákkū n paper pUL <Bur. obscenely. npfwD:npfywf? npfnpfywfywf
zákseù n fish scooping net <ufoJÐ zálóqmyá v eat pm:vkdhrsm: <Bur.
záktaú n Settau pufawm zalùn n tree core tlwkdif
zàktaú n place's name pufawm

529
zalūng n sink ZvHk <Bur. <Bur.
zamík1 n sun ae zātnīng n the year after next aemufwpfóSpf
zamík2 n shrub prGwf edible shrub. derived from zaú v (of tooth) protruding (oGm:)acg
Burmese term 'zamút'. pm:vkdh\onfÐ tyifwpfrsdK:` zaúhá n thorn ql: exclusively with tree's thorn.
zán1 v test prf: <Bur. tyifrS ql:ukdom qkdonf`
zán2 n younger sister nDr zāúk n book pmtkyf <Bur.
=zán part interrogative particle enclitic to verbal zaūk1 v pour avmif:
clauses to indicate rhetorical question. vJ zaūk2 locn on top tay;
zān n levitate psmef zaūk3 v long and tall \Snf?]rifÐonf`
zàn n mirror rSef zaúkkaīngkaíng n armpit usdKif:
zanà v light aygh zaúkkalaìng v stack up qifÐ as in sieving husked
zanàt v squeeze npf rice pyg:wapmif:qifÐ\mwGifomokH:onf`
zāncwáq v levitation psmefâu <Bur. zaùkleú n small basket vufukdifawmif:av:
zāng n shelf pif zaúkzá v wait apmifhpm: <Bur.
zàng part part apvkduf zaún v follow after someone vkduf <Shan
záng1 v add, put in xnfÐ zaúng1 n honorific term for supernatural beings
záng2 part contraction of a jussive marker and a t\Sif?bk\m:
directional verbal particle (zíng+àng=záng). zaúng2 v wait apmifh <Bur.
záng3 part sympathetic \Sm zaúng3 v early apm
=záng part particle attaches to nouns for zaūng n blanket apmif <Bur.
emphasis. yJ zaúngshī adv early cyfapmapm
zángkōk n lizard ykwfoif zaūngwaí n rattan îudrfvkH:
zángpapá n flower Zum:0gyef: zaúpaúmaí n man's name apmaygrSdKif:
zángsà subd particle attaches to a verb to convey zaūpwá n Shan chief apmfbGm: <Bur.
the sense of being limited in degree or extent zaúshòk n rice qef
(equivalent in usage to adverbs 'just', 'only')
zaút v be sprout tnGefðxGuf
zāngyeún subd barely ókdif|kH
zayà n some wpfcsdKð
-zāngzeú aux particle attaches to verbs to convey
zé n market aps: <Bur.
the notion of unwillingness. ukd<frvkyfapcsifonfÐt\m
ukd junfÐ?a]ymcJÐwm ukd qkdvkdonf` zē part jussive marker ap <Bur.
zánhà n bitter gourd juuf[if:cg:oD: zék n measurement pdwf <Bur.
záp v sieve rice qef]ym zèk v bite udkuf
zāp1 v stand \yf zèksalá n witch pke:f
zāp2 v stinging pyf stinging as with wound. zēng v soak pdrf <Bur.
tempyf\mwGifomokH:onf` zēngkhaū v challenge pdefac;
zāpatí n sparrow pmuav: zéq v completed apÐ <Bur.
záq v begin p <Bur. zētanā n charity apwem
zát1 v upright \yf zeū v easy vG<f
zát2 locn near pyf <Bur. zeú part might cJÐ same with zángzeù
2
zátcá n in between two time frames pyfjum: <Bur. zeù taleúqsà adv easily vG<fvG<fav:
zátkhúqtékpáq n all knowing power puQKody zeùnzaleú n carambola apmif:vsm:oD:

530
zeùt v cut superficially \S zíyeū2 adv ?? ]ywfcgeD:eD: oa\uGif:óSifÐom okH:onf`
zí1 v finish úyD: zīzák kānzák adv impediment txpftaigh
zí2 v ride pD: <Bur. zīzák zīzák adv cut or grow repeatedly
txyfxyfayguf grow or cut something so tightly
zí3 n plum ZD: <Bur.
txyfxyfaygufa\mufonf`
zí4 n border pnf: <Bur.
zīzú n spider yifÐul edible pm:vkdh\onf`
zī1 n drum pnf <Bur.
zīzúpalōk n spider web yifÐultdrf
zī2 v chop or break into many pieces ayguf? ayguf]crf:
as in chopping into many pieces tcsuft\nf zōk v transplant pdkuf exclusively with planting trees
trsm:îuD: aygufxm:]cif:ukd ac;onf` tyifukd pkduf\mwGifom okH:onf`

zī3 v smile ÚyH: zōkkántàk n taro ydef:csdK

zī4 part each pD <Bur. zōkshī n breast ókdh
=zík part clause final particle enclitic to verbs or zón v leak <kd
verb complexes to indicate finality. awmÐ zón part continue quf used only with negated verb
zīká v busy pnfum: <Bur. t]iif: 0guswGifom okH:onf`

zíkán n discipline pnf:urf: <Bur. zòp v join quf

zíkóng n place's name ZD:uke:f zōp v test ]rnf:?wkdh
zílóng v unit pnf:vkH: <Bur. zōpyū v taste ]rnf:junfÐ
zīmān v plan pDrH <Bur. zōtzīn v do something inadvertently qwfaqmÐ
zíng part verbal particle attaches to a verb zú v chain or to thread
denoting effectuation and jussive. zū v burn arG:xnfÐ exclusively with firewood
zīng v ask ar:?awmif: xif:rD:xnfÐ\mwGifom okH:onf`

zīngkalíng v skinny ydefcsHK: zūn n salt qm:

zīngkweúlák n pangolin oif:acGcsyf zūng v complete pHk <Bur.
zíngyōk v order ckdif:pm: zūngtalīn v complete pHkvif <Bur.
zīngyū v ask ar:junfÐ zúnqceú v offer away pGefhjuJ <Bur.
zíngzíngpaúktà n magpie robin oydwfvG<fiSuf zúnqpyít v throw away pGefhypf <Bur.
zīngzúksá n dragonfly ykZOf: zúp v suck pkyf
zìnpúk n bush csKHykwf zūpyā n tree rtlvufyef:
-zíp aux particle attaches to verbs to convey the zúq1 v accumulate or gather pk <Bur.
notion of always and as usual. t]rJ zúq2 clf classifier for counting clusters or groups
zípīn n plum tree ZD:yif <Bur. tzGJð? tpk <Bur.

zísín v flow pD:qif: <Bur. zúqzí v compile pkpnf: <Bur.

zít1 v urinate ao:ayguf zút1 v wet pkd
zít2 v few enf: zút2 v put on pGyf <Bur.
zīt v sieve ppf <Bur. zweú n scale ydom
zītalóng n place's name pnfovHk:
zítná quant few eJeJ
zítsáq adv little or few eJeJ
zítweú n urine qD:
zíyeū1 n carts and vehicles pD:a\ <Bur.

531
532
 Appendix B: Interlinearised Kadu texts

Table 31 provides all the interlinearised texts from which I extracted the examples in

this thesis. It contains 32 texts labelled simply as text 01, 02, etc... in my corpus. The

first three texts are not natural texts; they are, rather, grammatical questionnaires. These

were gathered in my initial stage of research in order to understand the grammatical

patterns of the Kadu language as quickly as possible. All other texts are recorded in

language natural settings.

Text No. Speaker Title Time

Text 01 Ne Tha lung Grammtical questionnaire 1 41:50
Text 02 Aung Than Nwe Grammtical questionnaire 2 52:22
Text 03 Aung Than Nwe Grammtical questionnaire 3 29:05
Text 04 Pa Maung Kadu migration story part one 06:14
Text 05 Shwe Maung Kadu migration story part two 03:47
Text 06 Shwe Maung The king and the lizard 03:46
Text 07 Shwe Maung The powerful Kadu drum 15:15
Text 08 Shwe Maung Story of the lazy Euham 15:26
Text 09 Aye Aung A tiger and a rabbit 08:05
Text 10 Aye Aung The origin of Kadu 09:28
Text 11 Aye Aung Marriage customs 05:24
Text 12 Thin Maung A story about four brothers 09:27
Text 13 Thin Maung The unthankful prince 09:20
Text 14 Pa Thin Kadu song 00:38
Text 15 Ma La Seing & Ma Nai The jealous brother 39:42
Text 16 Ma La Seing The two brothers 03:29
Text 17 Win Naing My family 11:27
Text 18 Shwe Maung Hunting a tiger 16:59
Text 19 Maung Maung an Owl story 01:24
Text 20 Kyaw Ze Yah How Kadu reached to a Palace 02:03
Text 21 Khin Yi How to make wild yam food 02:30

533
 Text 22 Khin Yi How to make food form yam tuber 01:31
Text 23 Tin Sein A daughter who wanted a husband 11:04
Text 24 Tin Sein The three sisters 04:06
Text 25 Lah Sein Mr. Maung Nyan 15:57
Text 26 Khi Yi The nun who wanted to eat fish 02:59
Text 27 Htun Lah The life of a hunter 04:02
Text 28 Htun Lah How to clear a field 04:59
Text 29 Htun Lah How to trap animals 03:30
Text 30 Khin Yi How to make rice noodles 07:59
Text 31 Khin Yi How to make rice cake 07:17
Text 32 Nin Zuh Khai How to do rice planting 09:57
Table 31: List of recorded Kadu texts

Out of 32 texts, I have presented five texts of different genres. The first two texts are

traditional fictional stories ‘a tiger and a rabbit’ and ‘a jealous king’, respectively. The

two texts that follow are narrations of actual life experiences. One of them talks about a

family situation and the other talks about an experience of encountering a tiger. The last

text is procedural narrative, telling us about how to make wild yam food. These texts

are presented almost exactly the same as they were recorded. A few alterations made to

these texts are the removal of hesitations and unnecessary noises. False starts and

unnecessary repetitions are provided with { } brackets. All texts are glossed with

English and Burmese. Burmese glosses are provided with the intention of making the

data available to Burmese students of linguistics and Kadu younger generations who are

being brought up learning to read and write Burmese. English free translation is also

provided.

534
 Text09: ‘A tiger and a rabbit’

1. léq ò h h à h p pí q pū pyī yà swē hāh y à

h āà ā.

- -
- - - - - -

- -
- -

‘I want to tell a story that our parents (Lit. father-in-laws and mother-in-
laws) told us long ago, to a Kachin friend.’

2. h āà ūp q sà y p í í swē ūchí hàcíp q à í cí .

-
-

- -
- -

‘The story I will tell is about a friendship between a tiger and a rabbit.
(They) lived (together), it is said.’

3. à ī y ùz í cí p í í à zà .

- .
-

‘Living like that, the rabbit was/became afraid, it is said.’

4. kasàtóngtè zàkmaták.

‘(The rabbit was) afraid of the tiger, it is said.’

535
5. màkná zàkná {màkná zàkná} zákmatákseùé.

‘The longer it lasted the more afraid the rabbit became, it is said.’

6. zà p à ī y ùz p í í ī y ù cā phā l īpcí è wā s p
p yà ūp q è hī cā phā í ā s ùé

- -
-

-
-

‘As it happened, the rabbit planned to burn (the tiger) and run away when he
was asleep.’

7. qè ī y ùō à hà ūz y ù.

- -
- -

“How should I do this?”

8. à ī y ùz swē p í í àà p q sà è wā s p p yà ūp q hī
īpp í è.

536
 -
-

‘Like that, the rabbit (made a plan) to burn the tiger and run away while
(the tiger) was asleep.’

9. sà à ā c ū è hā léq ò à h p ā léq ūà h p ā.

- -
- -

-
-

‘Our forefatherss (Lit. grandfather and grandmother) told us that the tiger
went out during the night.’

10. chī chī ā h y hà à p q pū pyī lé.

- -
- -

‘(I) am not certain whether it is true or not, it’s just a story.’

11. à ī z hū è sà à īp ā.

-
-

‘Like that, the tiger slept during the day.’

12. hū è īp ès ē ā péq īpcí .

-
-

‘When (they) slept in the daytime, (they) slept in a thatch field, it is

said.’

537
13. s ē ā pè īpcí à ī y ùz p í í à ī y àh í ā à cā lūp hī

-
-

-
-

‘As (they) slept in the thatch field, like that, the rabbit woke up, and (it)
got an idea, it is said.’

14. “ā q cā qpè í hī è yà ”.

“Now, I will act out my plan on the tiger.”

15. h í ā à wā s p p yà sà è .

-
-

‘That time, (the rabbit) burned the tiger and ran away, it is said.’

16. ā à sà wā hūà .

-
-

‘That time, the tiger got burnt, it is said.’

17. sà wā hūà sà à í h p .

-
-

‘Having gotten burnt, the tiger got angry, it is said.’

538
18. h í ā àp í íèz p .

‘Then (the tiger) ran after the rabbit, it is said.’

19. sà à wā hūh l hàà .

- -
- -

‘The tiger got burnt slightly, it is said.’

20. wā hūh l hàà à pè sà à shíy p àz p .

- -
- -

‘When he (got) burnt, the tiger got angry and ran after the rabbit, it is
said.’

21. z ū à ī y ùz h pè wā hūh l pè p í h p .

- -
- -

‘While being chased like that, (the rabbit) stopped and waited for the tiger
at the bridge (which was slightly/roughly burned), it is said.’

22. léq ò à h p ā.

-
-

‘Our forefathers told (us this).’

539
23. swē hāh y à ā y h yà ū.

-
-

‘My friend Kachin, now (I) will tell (it) to you.’

24. à ī z pè p í sà z à sà à cū h z pí .

- - -
- -

‘Having waited at the broken bridge, when the tiger arrived they met again,
it is said.’

25. “ ā ā è wā s p līp à ā à lāpp yà .”

“Alas! As you burnt me and came here, now (I) I caught you.”

26. “ ā è ā yō ū.”

“I will eat you.”

27. àngnaíkmà ngaúkà paíngtaí ngaúkà zàkhángpángták.

-
-

‘Then, the rabbit became afraid again, it is said.’

540
28. zàkhángàngkà “ā à ī l ī h h q ūz ā à hī è y ù”.

- -
- -

- - -
- -

‘Becoming afraid again, (the rabbit thought), “Well, how should I trick him
again?”’

29. à ī y ùz à pàpè z qz q pī à hā p qpè chí à s ùé.

- - -
- -

‘And then, (the rabbit) slowly came closer toward to the bridge that was
about to fall, it is said.’

30. chí à à ī y ùz à pè ā í pàpè hō à è à sàyí z q z q ā

ngaúlakàé.

- -
-

-
-

- -
-

‘As he got closer to the broken bridge, the tiger also came closer bit by
bit, it is said.’

31. à ī z sà à h p à pè.

- -
-

541
 -
-

‘When (it) came closer, the tiger fell down there, it is said.’

32. h h í ā àp í í à ph p .

- -
- -

‘When (it) fell down that time, the rabbit ran away again, it is said.’

33. á káthángpíng yàkká laúktahángpányeù.

- - -
- -

‘Now, the rabbit ran (away) again, and escaped again.’

34. ā līph zí q sà ày ù zū y hù pè p í h p

-
-

-
-

‘(The rabbit said), “Let (the tiger) come” and he waited at the salt well, it
is said.’

35. zū y hù pè p í hā à à ī y ùz sàyí shīy p y p ù āh p hī y ù

shíyeúpánnaà zaúntahángpángták.

-
-

- -
-

‘While he waited at the salt well like that, the tiger got angry and (said)
“He did (it) once again”. (The tiger) got angry and followed (the rabbit), it
is said.’

542
36. swē chī léq ò h p pí q pō .

‘(My) friend Kachin, (it is) the story our forefathers told (us).’

37. ù yū yī pō pyī yō yī l pō p q. (Burmese)

‘If you don't believe it, take it as a story. Even if you believe it, it is
(still) a story.’

38. à ī y ùz zū y hù pè í lāp h p .

- -
- -

‘Like that, while (he) waited at the salt well, (the tiger) caught up to (the
rabbit) again, it is said.’

39. sàyí lāp h à “ lāph pí lé”.

- - -
- - -

-
-

‘When the tiger reached/caught (to the rabbit), “Well, I caught the rabbit
again”.’

40. sà wā hūh l à “lāph pí y ù”.

- -
- -

‘The wounded tiger (said) “(I) now got you”.’

543
41. à ī z hī yí à ī y ù cā h hà ūz y ùà ī cā h p .

- -
-

‘Like that, the rabbit, as well, (said) “how should I make another plan?”.
Thus he made another plan, it is said.’

42. p í í à yā ā ā l àé.

'The rabbit is wise, it is said.' (Lit. The rabbit got a brain.)

43. yā cí ā ā l à.

‘The rabbit is really wise.’

44. à ī y ùz “ chīy ”

‘Like that, “Thauk (clicking sound)! It’s not good.”’

45. hī è p q zū y hù pèà w p à à hà ā h yà í hī è y ù.

- -
- -

‘(I) will tell him that (he) will recover if (he) takes a bath in this salt
well.’

544
46. zāpp shízà hà āy ù.

“So that (the tiger) will get burned and die.”

47. à ī y ùz “ lāph p ā āès ū p āp ā p à”.

-
-

‘Like that, “Alasǃ (I)’ve got you again, You tricked me two times”.’

48. “s ū p āp l p āp .”

“For the second time (you) tricked (me).”

49. “kalìngpán ngaúpánkaú yák pánnùká ā èí p y ū p .”

-
-

‘“Having (tricked me) two times, this time, I can't let you go”.’

50. í p y ū p p à ī z à pè zū y hù h í “í yō sh swē sày ù”.

-
-

-
- -

‘Having not let (the rabbit) go, like that, (the rabbit) from the salt well
(said) “My friend tiger, don't eat me yet”.’

545
51. “ ā y y às ē ā pè í cí àh y é swē hàcí ā.”

-
-

-
-

“You and I have been friends since we lived in the thatch field.”

52. “ ā zō zī p qà s zà āà q ā èy ù.”

-
-

“It inadvertently caught fire and you got burned.”

53. “zō zī p s zà āp l ù.”

“I inadvertently burned you.”

54. “à pè ā wā hūà ā í h à sà.”

- -
- -

“You got burned there. Don't get angry.”

55. “y yí ā è h z ā ā y ù.”

- -
- -

“Even now, I want you to recover/get well.”

546
56. “ ā yà wā hūh l p q zà p à à q zū y hù pè p à à ū .”

-
-

-
-

“If you want to heal your (wound).., if you take a bath in this salt well,
(you) will recover, it is said.”

57. “é à pè zū y hù pè ā z wà .”

-
-

“Just go and bathe in that salt water.”

58. “meúyàngkaláyeù” hī zū y hù s à āw à èà p í í h p .

- -
- -

- -
- -

‘(The tiger asked), “Will I recover?” and he went down into the salt well.
While the tiger was taking a bath, the rabbit ran away again, it is said.’

59. káthángàngká àngnī y ùz h hō h p h í ā à.

- -
- -

-
-

‘When he ran away, like that, (the rabbit) found another place, it is said.’

547
60. káthángàngká “ā p qp í í èp l ày ù.”

- - -
- -

‘When he ran away, (the tiger said), “This rabbit lied to me”.’

61. “sā p āp hī èp ày ù.”

“The rabbit has lied to me three times.”

62. “ y ù chīy y p ù hī è yō ū í yō ā ū í í hà hī è.”

‘“This is bad”. “(I) will eat him(the rabbit).”, “I will certainly eat
him(the rabbit).” “I can’t help it”.’

63. “ yō ū chīy cí p ā hī .”

- -

“(His) words can't be trusted.(The rabbit) lied so many times.”

64. y ù p ph à hw ū ūp í à ā .

‘Having said that, there was a snake coiling, it is said.’

548
65. { hō h p } à pè s í h p p í í àh í ā à.

- - -
- -

‘{The tiger arrived} while the rabbit waited there, it is said.’

66. y ù p à àà p q zū y hù pè wà p q à {zāpp } hī zāpp à

à ī y ùz shíy p àz h p .

-
-

- -
-

‘If that is the case, (the tiger), having bathed in the salt well, got
burned, got mad, and followed (the rabbit), it is said.’

67. z p àh í ā àà ī z hī h í pè ph yí hw ū í .

‘The tiger followed the rabbit again but there was a snake coiling at the
place where (the rabbit) was waiting, it is said.’

549
68. í p à ī z à p qp ù h ū cā ō h p .

- -
-

-
-

‘Having stayed like that, the rabbit made a plan to trick (the tiger) again,
it is said.’

69. ā è yō ū í q ch l à.

“Well, this time, (the tiger) will eat me.”

70. “ q ch p y ū p ” āy ù.

-
-

(The tiger) said “This time,(I) won't let him (get away)”, it is said.’

71. “yō ā ū í èy ù” cā h h í .

- - -
-

‘”(He) surely will eat me”, The rabbit make a plan again.’

72. cā h h p h í ā à.

- -
-

‘Then (the rabbit) made a plan again, it is said.’

550
73. cā h h à ī z “ā p q ph èà zí yō à í hī è”.

- -
-

-
-

‘Having made a plan, like this, “Well, (I) will order/ask (the tiger) to hold
this snake”.’

74. “ ph p à à hī è h ūshíyà l y ù.”

-
-

“If (he) holds the snake, (will the snake) kill (bite to dead) him?”

75. à ī z hà ā è yō ū í yà .

“Like that, I can’t stop now. (I) am going to eat you”

76. “yō ū í í alùwá.”

“(I) will eat (you), no matter what”

77. “ chīlé í yō sh lé.”

“No!, don't eat me yet.”

551
78. “ pè ā hàp q shī pè ū wé hw ū p ā{ }.”

-
-

“Here, (I) have coiled a rod, the medicine to heal you.”

79. “ ū wé p p à à ā yà ū.”

-
-

“If (you) hold this rod and prop it up, (you) will be cured.”

80. “ ā y y yà h pè í hālū ū.”

“Then we both can live at that place.”

81. “py ūpy ūp p sà s ē ā pè í h cà lū ū swē sà” chaúqtahángpánták.

- - - -
- - - -

- -
-

‘(The rabbit) soothed (the tiger) “My friend tiger, (we) can live happily in
the thatch field again”, it is said.’

82. à ī z chīy h yí y gtamaták kasàyítá.

‘Like that, “No!”, (the tiger), as well, argue, it is said.’

552
83. “ chīy ā sā p āp qpā sh p āp .”

“No, you (tricked me) three times,including this (it’s) four times.”

84. “ cí à cē hā ā y ù.”

-
-

‘Some people say, (It is) up to three times. (You can forgive up to three
times)’

85. “yàkká ā sh p s āp ā .”

“Now, for you, (it is) four times.”

86. “ qpā sh p āp ā p ày àp h p ā èy ù.”

- -
-

“Including this, it's already four times you tricked (me). Now, you are
tricking me again.”

87. “ínpeúttawá ínpeúttawáyeù.”

- -

“I am not tricking (you). I am not tricking (you).”

553
88. à ī z “ chīlé ā .”

‘Like that, “Oh, it is not like that”.’

89. “ pè q ū wéz z ph à è yō ūp qí wà sày ù.”

- - -
- -

-
-

“Don't say that you will eat me, just hold this rod first.”

90. “ q èz ū wé p z ph à y y ù.”

- - -
- -

“Hold the rod and try it out first.”

91. à ī y ùz “chī ā l ā .”

‘Like that, “Are you sure?”

92. “chī ā āy ù.”

“Yes, it is really true.”

554
93. “chī ā ā p chī ā ā ”.

- -

“If you say, it's true, it is really true, right?”

94. “é chī ā ā.”

“Yes, it is true.”

95. “ swē sày ù ā è āl ò í ū p q l chīp s ū í àp l .”

- -
- -

- -

“My friend tiger, you and I have been living (together) for a long time, when
did (I) trick you?”

96. “y ū ā sā p āp s qpā sh p āp s .”

“Well, you (already tricked me) three times. Including this, it is now the
fourth times.”

97. “ā à pè y lē ā à pí à hī àlé.”

“Oh, that's one thing, (I) was just teasing (you).”

555
98. “ ī hī l ā shí ū ō p s y ù.”

“What kind of teasing was that? I nearly died.”

99. “ í y ù p à à chī ā ā p à ày p ù à í chīy p ā è ā

yō ūyeù.”

“Well, if so, if it is the case, “this time, if it is not the case, I will
eat you”

100. “ ù z à ū yà ” kaphútè ómàngmaták.

- - -
- -

“Well, (I) will try (it) out.” (The tiger) holds the snake, it is said.’

101. h í ā ph h ūshíyà .

-
-

‘That time, the snake killed/strike to death (the tiger), it is said.’

102. é àngpanáqpè p ā.

‘Well, it ends here.’

556
103. swē hàh q yū yī pū pyī .

‘My friend Kachin, if (you) don't believe (it), take (it) as a mere story.’

557
558
 Text15: ‘A jealous king’

1. maeúeútóngták àngpanáq halawà ngaúkà ēktóng shíyàngká ēkshì lāhángmaták hīngká.

-
-

- -
- -

‘Long ago, a man took/married a second wife when (his) first wife died, it is
said.’

2. ēkshì lāhángká phákhūlū phúlùthaū ngaúpanáq amúnashì eútpeúmaták sā.

- -
- -

‘When (he) took/married the second wife, two brothers, Phakhulu and Phaluthau
(sons of the first wife), were left behind, it is said.’

3. sā kalìnghú eútpeúká naúkthát lāpanáq ēkshìká àngnáq sātàktè alākákáták hīngká.

-
-

- -
- -

‘When left the two sons, the second wife, the one that was taken later,
didn't like those sons, it is said.’

559
4. ínlākákpánták ngaúpánkaú “nāng sātàktè tánshíkū ngaúpán tánshí tachápà sátkákyí sátà”.

- -
- -

-
-

- .
-

‘As it is the case that (she) didn't want those sons, (she) said (to her
husband), “If you are going to kill your sons, kill them. (If not), send them
to another place. Send (them) away.”’

5. “anyeù achīyá ngaúpán nāng sātàkyaúk ngaúpán ngā ínanímmaūkkáká” anyeù ngaúmaták.

-
-

- -
- -

‘(The wife) said, like that, “If not (the case), I don't want to live
together with your sons”, it is said.’

6. “anyeù ngaúpánták ngaúpánkaú {àntákká} ā anímmaūkkáká nga nāng sātàktè tachápà sákkákpán
sákà” anyeù ngaúmaták.

- - -
- - -

- -
- -

‘As it is the case, (the wife) said it like this, “As for them, Oh! I don't
want to live together with your sons. Send them to other places”.’

560
7. anyeù ngaúzípká “é maūng manīng ngā sātàklakà manīng sátàkalá” anyeù ngaúmaták.

-
-

- -
- -

‘When the wife told this very often,(the man) said, this manner, “Well, my
dear, of course, they are my sons. How could I send them away?”.’

8. “á achīyá anyeù ngaúpánnàkà nāng sātàkyaúk nāngyaúk atūtū nímmaūkkákmā ngaúpánnàkà ngatè
phákhángīpàngkaú” anyeù ngaúmaták.

-
-

- -
- -

-
-

‘“No!” the wife said, “If it is like this-if you want to live together with
your sons, divorce me first.”, it is said.’

9. “aū meúpán meúpán nāng anyeùtóng ngāzípmàngpanáqkáyeù” {ēktèká aphákáták} sātàktè àngnáq sā
halawà kalìnghútè àngnáq phákhūlū phúlùthaū ngaúpanáq amúnashì kalìnghútè sákàmaták
àngnaíkmákhàtè ngaúkà pòkhápàpè.

- -
- -

-
-

561
 -
-

‘“Well, all right, if you are being like that.” {He didn't divorce his wife,
it is said}.(The husband) at that time, sent (his) two sons, who are called
Phakhulu and Phuluthaw, to the forest, it is said.’

10. “awàyaúk nāngcíthāmā pòkhápàpè nāngcíthāmā úng pòkhápàpè nāngcíthāmā” ngaúpánnaà shīshātàktè
anyeù mók chaúqtaúpánnaà “atá tīp atá tīp” ngaúmaták.

- -
- -

- -
- -

‘(The father) persuaded (the sons) with snack/light food and said “Pack the
rice. Pack the rice. Let's go to the forest with Daddy”.’

11. atásà tīppánnaà kaūpán lānāngmaták pòkhápàpè.

- .
-

‘After packing the rice, (he) called (them) and took them to the forest, it
is said.’

562
12. pòkhápà kaūpán lānāngká àngnaíkmákhàtè pòkhápè thúkká á atá yōkcízík atá yōkcízík ngaúmaták.

- -
- -

‘Then (he) called them and took them to the forest. When they reached the
forest, (the father) said “Well, eat the rice, eat the rice.”, it is said.'

13. hīng sātàk yàkká atá yōknímcímā zátcátè hīngká útpeúpán līhángpeúpán seùé.

- -
- -

-
-

‘(While) his sons were eating, he left them and returned home.’

14. “awà yák chíníkphángkūná” ngaúpánnaà peúttaūpánnaà līhángpeúpánták hīngká.

-
-

- -
-

‘He lied to them (saying) “Daddy will go and defecate” and came home, it is
said.’

15. címpàpè līhángpeúká ínmákhàtèká sātàk ngaúkà yàkká pòkhápè seùé halángnákìng halángkà nák awàká
alīhánghà “héwà līhángzík halángnāksōmpìng, héwà līhángzík” àngnaíkmàkà màhameúzeútá alīhángá
seùé.

-
-

563
 - -
- -

- -
- -

- - -
-

-
-

-
-

‘When (he) came back home, that time, his sons were (left) in the forest
(and) (it) became dark. “It’s dark. Daddy, come back. Daddy, come back”, Then
nobody came.’

16. ínlīhángká pòkhápè nímmákcàngthàmaták īpmákcàngthàmaták.

- - - -
- - - -

- - -
- - -

‘When (the father) did not come back, they had to stay and sleep in the
forest, it is said.’

17. īpmákcángthàká zák zák īpmákcípánták.

- - - - -
- - - - -

‘When they slept (by themselves), (they) slept (there) very afraid, it is
said.’

564
18. īpmákcángká àngnaíkmákhàtè ngaúkà hamántàkhaík phānsíntaúpánnaà īmaták.

- -
- -

- -
-

‘When (they) slept, that time, (the) Nat created (something) and gave (it to
them), it is said.’

19. eú panáq maták ōmyōktìng {anyeù seùé} tāngkaūtóng haūwà ìngmaták.

- -
- -

‘For their livelihood, (the Nats) gave (them) a big sword, it is said.’

20. alōlōyeù teūzák ngāzák nímzák ngāzák {sàyeù} āntalīp sàttalīpsà anyeù amyósà úngpè maták ām
téngpán yōkàngtìngsàyítá paūtìngmaták alōlōyeù.

-
-

- -
- -

- - - -
- - -

‘When they were staying there (Lit. while going and staying,) small packages
of paddy and husked rice, like that, (paddy to grow and to eat as well)
appeared, it is said.’

565
21. paūtìngká teúshāyítá alōlōsà {anyeùsà} ngāzāngzeúká àngnáq tāngkaūtóngyaúksà maháng ōmpánnaà
teúshāpè nímmákcímaták àngnaíkmákhàtè amúnashì.

- - -
- -

- -
- -

-
-

- -
- -

‘After (these) appeared, a small hut also appeared on its own accord. Then
the two brothers (cultivated) with the sword and lived in the small hut, it
is said.’

22. nímmákcíká àngnaíkmákhàtè ngaú àng teúshāpè àngnáq hamántàk īpeúpanáq alōlōsà paūzíngpanáq
tāngkaūtóngyaúk yēk wányōkmaták.

- -
- -

- -
- -

‘During that time, (they) cleared the hill field (for their livelihood) with
the sword given by the Nats and which had appeared of its own accord, it is
said.’

23. yēk wánpánnaà àngpè téngmaták.

‘They cleared the field and planted (paddy), it is said.’

566
24. āntē téngpánnaà àngnáq āntē yōkpán nímmákcímaták.

- -
- -

- -
- -

‘(They) planted paddy, ate it and lived (there), it is said.’

25. anyeù nímmákcíká tanéq tanaík cáqtaùká yēk wányōkákcímaták.

- -
- -

- -
- -

‘When (they) lived like that, one day (they) cultivated a hill field (for
their livelihood), it is said.’

26. amúnashì kalìnghú yēk wánpánnaà yōkákcímaták.

- -
- -

‘The two brothers cultivated (rice) field (for their livelihood), it is

said.’

27. yōkákcíká āntān màkmákhàtè ngaúkà {yàk ngaúnīngyeù} hīng amú ngaúkà hīng nashītè hīng amúká
phákhūlūlakaúé hīng nashīká phúlùthaūlakaúé.

- -
- -

‘When ate/cultivated for themselves, after sometimes, {like this manner} the
older brother (said) to the younger brother... the older brother was Phakhulu
and his younger brother was Phuluthau.’

567
28. anyeù ngaúpánlakaú hīng amú phákhūlū ngaúkà yákà mákhàtè ngaúkà “maūng ngā úngpàpèà
nāngphángkūná nāngká nímphángnáyeù” ngaúmaták.

-
-

-
-

-
-

‘As it is the case, like that, one day the older brother, Phakhulu, said “(My
brother) I will go away and you stay back here.”, it is said.’

29. “nímphángná” ngaúpánnaà hīngká pòkhápà nāngmaták.

-
-

‘(He said) “Stay here, my dear” and (he) went into the forest, it is said.’

30. àngnaíkmákhàtè ngaúkà {yàknīngyeù} taítapátàk ngaúkà “sāngpaláng ōmkūkáq apòwá” ngaúpánnaà
úng thīngpàpanáq sèktàk ngaúkà sāngpaláng tāmìngyaúk hīngyítá pòkhápè nāngìngyaúk “hīngtè
sāngpaláng ōmzíngthām”ā ngaúpánnaà sāngpaláng ōm pheúpán lāpánták àngnaíkmákhàtèká hīngká.

-
-

- -
- -

-
-

568
 ‘Then people from another country said “There is no one to be a king”. While
the people from other villages came out in search of a king, (the older
brother) was on his way to the forest and they met him there. They said
“Let's make him the king”. Then they made (him) a king and carried and took
(him) away, it is said.’

31. pheúpánnaà làngká àngnaíkmátè ngaúkà teúpè ngaúkà àngpanáq hīng nashī phúlùthaū eútpeúyákmaták.

-
-

‘When (they) carried him away, (he) left his younger brother Phuluthau in the
hut, it is said.’

32. eútpeúyákká àngnaíkmákhàtè ngaúkà anyeù ngaúmaták.

-
-

‘Having left there left (there), that time, (he) said like this, it is said.’

33. “aū léq amúká maíkmà līhángkalá, léq amúká maíkmà līhángkaláyeù” ngaúpánnaà myaūtaúpánnaà
halángnákàngmaták {hīngyítá}.

-
-

-
-

569
 - -
-

‘He (the younger brother) said, “When will my brother come back?” and (while)
waiting (him), (it) became dark, it is said.’

34. halángnákàngká hīng amútèká tamì kaūlāpánlakà úngpè sāngpaláng ōm sèktàk kaūlāpánlakà hīngká
ínalīpán seú àngnaíkmákhàtèká.

-
-

-
-

‘When (it became) dark, the people who appointed the king had taken his
brother and that time, he was not coming back.’

35. ínalīhángká àngnaíkmákhàtè ngaúkà aū léq amúká halángnāktítá ínalīhángpán yákmákká

ngāhaìngsànaík ngapánlá ngaúpánnaà līhángmaták hīngká.

-
-

-
-

-
-

570
 -
-

‘When he had not returned, then (the younger brother) said “Though it is
dark, my older brother has not returned. Today, I am left by myself.” and
came back (home), it is said.’

36. līhángká lámpè ngaúkà acísweū lūwìngmaták.

- -
- -

‘As (he) returned, on the way he found/got an elephant's tusk, it is said.’

37. acísweū lūwìngká acísweūsà pheúpán līhángmaták.

- - -
- - -

‘When (he) found/got a tusk, (he) carried the tusk (on his shoulder) and came
back, it is said.’

38. “yákmákká léq amúká alīhángpán léq awà útpeúmā ngaúpín atheúpè léq amúyítá útpeúyákhángpán
ngatèkáyeù yákmákká ngaká màhameúyaúk nímkalá pòkhápè ngāhaìngsàká” ngaúpánnaà acísweūsà
pheúpán līhángmaták.

-
-

- -
- -

- -
- -

571
 -
-

‘(The younger brother) said, “Today, my brother is not coming back. In

addition to our father abandoning us, now my older brother has also abandoned
me. With whom should I live in this forest? I am now by myself.”, and he came
home carrying the elephant’s tusk, it is said.’

39. acísweūsà pheúpánnaà līhángká àngnáq hīng heūtìng kaūngtìngpèà cháqtaúpánnaà peúhángìngmaták
àngnáq acísweūtè.

- -
- -

-
- -
- -

‘When (he) came back carrying the elephant’s tusk, (he) put the elephant’s
tusk down at the steps, it is said.’

40. àngnáq acísweūtè cháqtaúpánnaà hīng heūtìng sàttìngpè

‘Having put the tusk down at the ladder,’

41. àngnaíkmátè ngaúkà sīnsweūsà cháqtaúpeúhángìngká àngnáqpè hīngká kaūng kaūngpán heū hamàng ōm
ōmká anáqsà cháqtaúpán peúpánnaà hīngká yēk wánmyeútaí wányōkmaták.

-
-

- - -
- -

572
 -
-

‘Then he put the elephant’s tusk down (at the steps), and he often steps on
it (when he goes out and it) and (continue) to do/cultivate the hill field as
usual, it is said.’

42. phàkmáknīngyeù yēkpàpè nānghángmaták.

-
-

‘The next day, he went back to the fields, it is said.’

43. yēkpáqpè nahángká anáq acísweūheúqyeù anáq {sīnphyūmeū īshíqshā} acílúng pūngpūngshà īshíqshà
pūpánnaà hīngyeún atá sapáksà mōkákmaták.

-
-

-
-

‘When (he) had gone to the field, a white elephant came out of the tusk and
cooked food for him, it is said.’

44. mōkpán īmaták.

‘(S/he) cooked (for him), it is said.’

573
45. {àngnáq acísweūhaík pūpánnaà} àngnáq īshíqshà cíceū katàmmaták katàmyítá katàmshīshísà ták.

-
-

‘ This girl was very beautiful, it is said. (She was) extremely beautiful, it
is said.’

46. àngnaíkmátè ngaúkà pūpánnaà atá sapáksà mōkákkánaà hīngká “aū yàkmákká màhameú mōkīzeúlá
ngātèká anáq atá sapáksàká màhameú mōkpán īzeúláyeù” {phàkmáknīng ngāyítá} yōkyí cíceū
yōkmeúmaták.

-
-

‘When (she) came out, she cooked. (The man) said “Today, who came and cooked
this food for me? Who cooked this rice and curry for me?”. {And it happened
the next day}. (It) was so delicious, it is said.’

47. phàkmáknīngyeù ngāyítá túmpaūngpaūngsà yōkmeúmaták.

-
-

‘And the next day, as well, (the food was) fragrant and delicious to eat, it
is said.’

574
48. naúktèká phàkmáknīngyeùyítá nahángpánták hīngká yēk wánhángàká līhángpánták {àngnaíkmàtè
ngaúkà līhángpánták}.

-
-

- - -
- - -

- -
- -

‘The next day, as well, he went back (to cultivate the field), it is said.
(He) went to cultivate and (he) came back, it is said. {Then he came back, it
is said}’

49. hīng līhángpán ngaúpánnàkà sāngpán nímhángpán ngaúlakàé.

- -
- -

‘When he came back, (she) entered (into the tusk), it is said.’

50. anáq īshíqshāká hīng līhángpán sāngpán nímhángpánták eú asweùnaúpè.

-
-

-
-

‘When he comes back, the girl enters into the tusk and stays (there), it is
said.’

575
51. àngnaíkmákhàtè ngaúkà nímhángàká àngnaíkmákhàtèká hīng nahángpán ngaúpánnàkà pūpánnaà
mōkīhángpìngták.

- -
- -

-
-

-
-

‘(She) stayed inside, that time, when he went back. (She) came out and
cooked food (for him), it is said.’

52. hīng apòmákhà pūpán mōktalé.

‘(She) came out and cooked in his absence.’

53. īká phàkmáknīng ngātí anyeù shīnátnīng ngātí anyeù kalìngyák sómyák màkàngmákhàtè ngaúkà “aū ngā
chaúngzáng chaúngtayókkū anáq īshíqshàtè” ngaúmaták.

-
-

-
-

‘Then she cooked (for him) and the same thing happened on the next day and
the next two days. After two or three days, (he) said, “I will spy on this
girl”, it is said.’

576
54. “ngāyeún atá sapáksà mōkīpín sèktè chaúngtayókkū” ngaúmaták.

‘(He) said “I will spy on the one who cooked food for me.”, it is said.’

55. “lāpkón chaúngtayókkū ngā” kalìngyàk súmyàk màkàngmákhàtè ngaúkà chaúngtapánták

àngnaíkmákhàtè.

- -
-

‘“I will spy (on her) to catch her.” Two or three days (he) spied (on her),
it is said.’

56. chaúngtaúkánaà àngnaíkmákhàtèká mōkpán nímhángpìngták.

-
-
-

‘While (he) spied, that time, (she) came and cooked (for him) again, it is
said.’

57. hīng nāngpeúpán ngaúpánnàkà hīng nāngpeúmákhàtè mōkpán nímháng hīngká.

577
 -
-

‘When he's gone, by the time he is gone, she cooked and stayed (in the hut)
again.’

58. àngnaíkmákhàtèká lāpkón “ateú nānglakà aúpè atá sāng sāngpánnaà mōkkà nānglakáyeù”.

‘This time, (he shouted) to catch (her) , “Oh, you!, You are the one who
often came in and cooked the food.”’

59. àngnaíkmákhàtè ngaúkà é chīmāyeù àngnáq shīshāyítá seùé.

‘Then the girl (said), “Yes, it's true.”’

60. “é chīmāyeù nāng hawàsà anyeù ngāním lamàyeù yūpánnaà nāngyeún ngā kūnyītaūīyákmā” {anyeù
seùé naú pōngzānká}.

- -
- -

- -
-
-

“Yes, it's true. I helped you, as I looked/noticed you living by yourself.”

{It is the manner/pattern (it was said)}

578
61. “nāngtè ngā azànká mítpánnaà ōmpókákmā” {anyeù seùé} “ngātè atánshíshók”, “íntánshíyáyeù”
naúktèká.

-
-

“I helped cook for you because I loved you, as I felt pity on you.”. “Do not
kill me yet,” “No, I won't.”

62. àngnáqhaík lāpán nímcàngmaták àngnaíkmákhàtè ngaúkà.

-
-

‘From then on, (they) took (married) and lived (together), it is said.’

63. lāpán nímcàngká àngnaíkmàtè ngaúkà {àngpanáq meútnátóng} hīng amú phákhūlū tamì taípīpàpè
sāngpaláng ōmàpanáq sèk ngaúkà.

-
-

-
-

‘When (they) got married, that time, his older brother, Phakhulu, the one who
was a king in another country,’

579
64. àngnaíkmákhàtè ngaúkà {àngnáqtàk ngaúkà} mōksótàk ngaúkà katùngìngmaták àngnáq taípīpanáq
tamìsātàk taúkōleūtìngkánaà ànták ēksāhalánáqà katàmshīshísà lakò.

- -
- -

- -
- -

- -
-

-
-

‘Then when the people from that other country came hunting, (they) saw
(them), it is said. (They were) extremely beautiful.’

65. “àngnáq acíshà sīnphyūmeūshà ngaúpanáq cíceū katàmmā” ngaúlakàé.

‘“The elephant girl was extremely beautiful”, it is said.’

66. katàmpánták ngaúpánkaú àngnaíkmákhàtè ngaúkà “ā àngnáq àngnáqyópè” {anyeù seùé naú
pōngzānká} sāngpalángyeún heúhángàtalé.

- -
- -

‘As it is the case that (they) are beautiful, that time, (the hunters) told
the king “(the couple live) there, on the ridge.” {in that manner/pattern it
was said.)’

580
67. “àngnáqyópè seùé” ngaúmaták.

‘(They) said “On that ridge.”, it is said.’

68. “àngnáq sīnphyūmeūshàyí cíceū katàmmā àngnáq ēksāhalá nímcímā” {anyeù seùé naú}.

-
-

‘“The elephant girl is extremely beautiful. The couple lives at that place”
{the manner (it was told)}.’

69. katùngìngmā īshíshàyaúk ànták ēksāhalá nímcímā katùngìngmā anyeù heúhángpánták.

- -
- -

- -
- -

‘(They) told the king, this manner, “(We) saw a young girl. (We) saw a
couple.”, it is said.’

70. sāngpalángtàkká {nāngyítá} maeú thóngzānshíqtíqataí tamì ēk katàmshīshísà ngaúpán lākákmā seùé.

-
-

- -
- -

‘It is an old regular practice with kings, (they) want someone's wife who is
beautiful.’

581
71. lākákpánták ngaúpánkaú àngnaíkmàtè ngaúkà “ā kaūwàthàkūyeù” ngaúmaták.

-
-

- -
- -

‘As it is the case with kings, that time, (the king) said “Well, (you) must
go and call (her).”, it is said.’

72. {é kaūzíngákkákmā} “àngnáq ēksāhalá nímpanáqtè kaūzíngákkákmāyeù” ngaúmaták.

- -
- -

- -
- -

‘(The king) said, “As the couple lives, (I) want (you) to bring the couple.”,
it is said.’

73. àngnaíkmàká kaūcípìngták kaūcíká àngnaíkmákhàtè ngaúkà úngpè thōkpánták.

- -
- -

‘Then they called them, it is said. When (they were called), they came
(there), it is said.’

74. thōkàngká àngnaíkmákhàtè “aū màhameúzáng māntáklakaú” ngaúmaták.

-
-

‘When (they) arrived, that time, (the king) said, “Well, who do (I) think
(he) is?”, it is said.’

582
75. “ngā nashī lamàé”.

“(It's) my younger brother.”

76. {ēksāhalátóng kaūwàngmāé.}

-
-

‘(The king) called the couple.’

77. {ēksāhalátóng kaūpánnaà àngnaíkmákhàtè ngaúkà “aū màhameúzáng māntáklakaú” hīng maháng
lamàyeù àngnaíkmákhàtè ngaúkà.}

‘When (the couple) was called, then (the king said), “Who do (I) think (he)
is. It’s him.”

78. àngnaíkmàtè ngaúkà é hīng ēktè lākákpán seú {àngnaíkmàtè}.

-
-

‘Then (he) wanted to get his wife.’

583
79. hīng ēktè lākákpánták ngaúpánkaú hīngtè tēcaúng cāntamaták.

-
-

‘As it is the case that the king wants his wife, (he) made a plan to kill
him, it is said.’

80. nashītè ayé aōmyeūnpán àngnaíkmákhàtèká ayé aōmyeūnká hīng ēktè lākákpánták ngaú anyeùyaúkzáng
tēcaúng cāntamaták àngnaíkmákhàtèká.

-
-

-
-

-
-

‘Then, (he) can no longer cared for his younger brother. When he no longer
cared for his younger brother and wanted his wife, then (the king) made a
plan to kill his brother, it is said.’

81. hīng shímásà hīng ēktè lālūkū {anyeù seùé naú}.

‘(He) can only get his wife if he dies {this manner (it has been told)}.’

584
82. “lālūkū” anyeù ngaúkà àngnaíkmátèká ngaúkà “úngnáq nakátàk nímpanáq weúaīngpè naká zōkshī
lāthàkū” ngaúmaták.

-
-

-
-

“I must get (his wife).” Then the king said, “Bring (me) dragon’s milk from
the pond where dragons live.”’

83. naká yōkshíyànghayák {shíyànghayák} cāntamā.

- - -
- -

‘(He) planned for the dragon to kill (Lit. eat to death) (him).’

84. “àngnáq nakátàk nímpeúpanáq nēyāpè naká zōkshīwaleú lāthàkūyeù” ngaúmaták.

-
-

-
-

‘(The king) said, “Bring (me) dragon's milk from the place where dragons
live.”, it is said.’

85. anyeù ngaúmaták “nāngtèlē sāngpaláng kaūmā”.

‘(The king’s officials said this manner to the man), “The king called you.”,
it is said.’

585
86. anyeù ngaúpánkaú nāngákmaták.

-
-

‘As it is the case, (he) went, it is said.’

87. sàngpaláng kaūmā ngaúkà nāngákká àngnaíkmákhàtè ngaúkà sàngpaláng ngaúkà anyeù
ngaúwaìngmaták {yàk nāngtè ngaú ngaú ngaúnīngyeù}.

-
-

- -
- -

‘When (I) went as the king called (me). Then the king told me like this, it
is said.’ {Just like what (I) have been just telling you}

88. “àngnáq nakápanáq zōkshīwaleú lāthàkū nāng, {anyeù seùé} ínalūpánnàkà tánshíkū” ngaúwaìngmaták.

-
-

- -
- -

‘(The king) said, “(You) must bring (me) dragon's milk. If not, (I) will kill
(you)”, it is said.’

586
89. “àngnáq khūnnayétmyaúkpèká anáq nāng alūwìngá ngaúpánnàkà nāngtè tánshíkū” anyeù ngaúmaták.

-
-

‘(The king) said, “On the seventh day, if you cannot bring (it), (I) will
kill you.”, it is said.’

90. ngaúpánták ngaúpánkaú àngmákhàtèká hīngká {līhángpán} mánsà nyóngeūtaúpán myétnangeūsà

ōmpánnaà līhángmaták.

- - -
- -

- -
- -

‘As it is the case that it was said, that time, he came (home) with a gloomy
and dejected face, it is said.’

91. līhángkánaà hīng ēk ngaúkà {àngnáq amú ngaúmaták hamàngkà} “hamàngkà ngaúwaìnglá”
ngaúmaták.

-
-

- -
- -

‘When (he) returned, his wife asked, “What did (the king) tell you?”, it is
said.’

587
92. “ā ngā aheúkákálē”, “aū heúyàng heúyàng amú, hamàngkà ngaúwaìnglá sàngpaláng naú nāngtè naú”
anyeù ngaúmaták.

- - -
- - -

- -
- -

‘(He) said “I don't want to tell you.” (The wife) said, like this “Husband,
just tell (me). What did the king tell you?”, it is said.’

93. “aū ngatèá” ngaúmaták “àngnáq nakápīpèà naká zōkshīwaleú lāthàkūták ngatè maūng”.

-
-

“Well, (the king) told me that I have to bring dragon's milk from the
dragon’s country.”, it is said.’

94. “àngnáq ínlūpánnàkà tánshíkūták seùé ngatè” anyeù heúyàngmaták hīng ēk zīngyūkánaà.

-
-

‘When his wife asked, (he) told (her), like this, “If I cannot get (the
milk), (he) will kill me, it is said”.’

95. heúyàngká àngnaíkmákhàtè ngaúkà hīng ēkhaíkà ngaúmaták.

- -
- -

588
 ‘When he told (her,) then his wife told (him)…, it is said.’

96. “aū hamàngkazeú apútàngsà {hamàngkazeú apútàngsà}” ngaúmaták.

- -
-

- -
-
-

‘(The wife) said, “Well, don't worry, don't worry.”, it is said.’

97. “ngā heúyàngkū” ngaúmaták.

-
-

‘(The wife) said, “I will tell you (what to do).”, it is said.’

98. “pháktaìnīng ngaúkà halángyákánaà ngā heúyàngpanáq ataí nāngzeù nāngnáyeù” ngaúmaták.

-
-

‘(The wife) said, "Tomorrow, when it is bright, just go where I tell you to
go.", it is said.’

589
99. hīng halátèá àngnaíkmà ngaúkà “ngā heúyàngpín ataínāngzeù nāng nāng” anyeù ngaúmaták naúktè
àngnaíkmákhàtè ngaúkà atá tīppán īmaták hīngyeún

-
-

‘Then (the wife) said to her husband, like this, “Just simply go as I told
you.”, it is said. Then (she) packed food for him and gave (it to him), it is
said.’

100. atá tīppán īpánnaà “anáq atátè” ngaúmaták “tawákká weúpè naútnàngná” ngaúmaták.

-
-

‘Having packed and given it to (him), (the wife) said, “Feed half of this
food into the water.”, it is said.’

101. “tawákká kóngpaūpènaà zúntceútàng īyàngnáyeù” ngaúmaták.

- -
-

-
-

‘And (the wife) said, like this, “Feed the other half onto the land.”, it is
said.’

590
102. hīng ēk ngaúwàngpanáqnīngyeù nāngákmaták hīngyítá “anáq ataí nāngnáyeù” ngaúmaták.

- -
- -

‘He went in the direction that his wife instructed him. (The wife) said, “Go
this way.”, it is said.’

103. anáq ataí nāngpánnaà àngnáqpè thōkmákhàtè àngnáq atá hīng ēk ngaúnīngyeù ōmīyàngmaták hīngyítá.

-
-

‘He, as well, having gone went that way and when (he) reached the place he
did as his wife told him to do, it is said.’

104. ōmīyàngká àngnaíkmákhàtè ngaúkà hīng ēk {ngaúwàng} ngaúnīngyeù ngaúwákpánták hīngyítá.

-
-

- -
- -

-
-

‘When given/fed (the food), that time,he spoke as his wife instructed him to
speak, it is said.’

591
105. ngaúwàngká àngnaíkmákhàtè ngaúkà {hīng naútnàngpanáq ín} “yákmákhaík záqtaúpán anáq atátèà
yōkákcàngyók” manīngyeù manángyeù anyeù tapaúkàng ngaúwànglakaúé.

-
-

- -
-

- -
- -

- -
- -

‘When spoken (as his wife told to), that time, (He) told (them)in such
manner, “From today on, eat this food.”, it is said.’

106. nakátàk ngaúkà hīng atátè yōkànglūpánnaà pūsōmìngmaták pyaūpásōmìngmaták.

- -
- -

- -
- -

‘The dragons, after eating the food he offered, came out, it is said. (They)
were happy, it is said.’

107. pyaūpásōmìngkánaà “aū yákmákpè mángyákká léqtèà zúntceútìngpanáq atátè ngaúkà maléqká
yōkpápmákàngká mapanáq amaūngsàkàyeù”.

-
-

- -
-

- - - -
- - - -

‘When (they were) happy, (the dragons said) “Well, today as we happened to
eat the food that was offered to us, who is this young man?”

592
108. “aū ngā ngā” ngaúmaták “ngātè ngaúkà” ngaúmaták.

‘(He) said “Well, (it's) me.”, it is said. “(The king) has instructed me.” it
is said.’

109. “sàngpalángyaà seùé anáq zōkshīwaleú laīngthàkūtákyeù ngaúmā anáq ínlūpínnàkà ngātèká tánshíkūták
anáq tóngyeútmyaúkpèyeù”.

-
-

‘“(The king) said “Bring (me) dragon's milk. On the third day, if I cannot
get (it), (he) will kill me, it is said”.’

110. nakámáqtàkyítá hīng zúntceútàngpanáq atá yōkpápmákpáng ngaúpánkaú zōkshīwaleú nyíttaūpányí

īìngmaták.

- - -
- -

- -
- -

- -
-

‘As it is the case that the dragons had already eaten the food he offered,
(they) milked the milk and gave it to (him), it is said.’

593
111. zōkshīwaleú nyíttaūpán īpanáqhaík apyīn lakò saēk hawà īyákhángìngtúnták {hīngyítá}.

- - - -
- - - -

‘In addition to giving milk, (they) also gave (him) one (of their) daughters,
it is said.’

112. létsaūng īyákheúqtúnták.

- -
- -

‘(They) gave her as a gift in return, it is said.’

113. àngnaíkmátèká ēk kalìnghú ngāpánták {àngnaíkmákhàtèká}.

‘That time, (He) has two wives, it is said.’

114. ēk kalìnghú ngāngká àngnaíkmákhàtè ngaúkà àngnáq nakámáqyeū acímáqyeū seùé kalìnghú ngāpán seú
hīngkáé.

‘Since, (He) got two wives, that time, (he) got two (wives), a dragon lady
and an elephant lady.’

594
115. àngnaíkmàtè ngaúkà anyeù ngāpánnàkà naúktèká khūnnayétmyaúktèká séttáqtahángpán seú naú hīngká
sàngpalángyeún.

- -
-

‘Then, later on the seventh day, he offered (the milk) to the king, it is
said.’

116. zōkshīwaleú īhángpán seúé naká zōkshīwaleútè.

-
-

‘The dragon's milk was given (to the king).’

117. īháng ngāká àngnaíkmàtè ngaúkà sàngpalángká “yaú hīngtèká ngā shízíngàngthāmāyeù [nakátàk
yōkshíyàngthāmā ōmlakà hīngká] ngayeún anyeù naká zōkshīwaleú séttáqtahángpìngseú ínshíyàngá seú”
anyeù ngaúnímmaták.

-
-

- -
- -

-
-

- - -
- -

‘When given (the milk), that time,Then the king said, “Well, I sent him so
that the dragons would kill him. He didn't die and even brought the dragon's
milk for me.”, it is said.’

595
118. “naká zōkshīwaleú séttáqtahángpìng ngayeún ínshíyàngá seú” anyeù ngaúnímmaták.

- -
-

-
-

‘(The king) said, like this, “He didn't die and (instead) offered me the
dragon's milk.”, it is said.’

119. naúktèká nímhángpánták kalìngyàk sómyàk.

-
-

‘Later, they stayed there for (another) two or three days.’

120. nímháng ngāngkánaà naúktè yūzíngyōkhángpánták hīng múcímátyàtáktè.

- -
- -

-
-

‘While (they) stayed, later, the king ordered his officials to go and spy (on
them), it is said.’

121. “yūhángàyók àngnáq amaūngsàtè” ngaúmaták “shípànglá hamàng ōmpángláyeù”.

- - -
- - -

‘(The king) said, “Go and see about this boy. Has he already died or what
happened to him?”, it is said.’

596
122. yūzíngyōkàngká àngnaíkmákhàtè ngaúkà “yaū shíkūpanáqhaík apyīn lakò lápmà lakò īshíqshà hawà
tótaúnímhángpányeù” ngaúmaták.

-
-

-
-

- - -
- -

‘When ordered to check, the officials said, “Well, instead of (him) being
dead, this time, one more has been added.”, it is said.’

123. “katàmshīshísà àngnáqyítá” ngaúmaták “lápmà lakò īshíqshà hawà tótahángpìngyeù” ngaúmaták.

- -
- -

- - -
- -

‘(The officials) said, “(This girl), as well, is extremely beautiful, this

time, one more girl has been added.”, it is said.’

124. ngaúká àngnaíkmákhàtè ngaúkà kalìnghú ngapìng yàkká ēk {anyeù seùé naú pōngzānká}.

‘When told that (he now has two wives), that time, now (he) has two wives.’
{it is the manner it was tolds manner, right?}

597
125. “yaú anyeù ngaúpánnàkà hīng nashītè shíhayákká hīngká manīng cānzīthàkalá” anyeù seùé hīngká.

-
-

‘“If so”, (the king) thought, “How can (I) plan to kill my younger brother?”’

126. “manīngyeù cānzīthàkalá” àngnaíkmàtè ngaúkà “palú zōkshīwaleú lāthàkū” ngaúmaták

àngnaíkmákhàtèká.

-
-

-
-

‘(The king) thought, “What should I plan?”, then. (The king) said, “You have
to bring (me) ogre's milk.”, it is said.’

127. “àngnáq palú nímpanáq cúnpè thōkkón nāngpánnaà palú zōkshīwaleú lāthàkū” zíngyōkmaták
{àngnaíkmákhàtèká}.

-
-

‘Then (the king) ordered (him), “Go until you have reached the ogre's island
and bring (me) ogre's milk.”, it is said.’

598
128. kaūzíngyōkhángpánták àngnáq halawàtè “kaūhángàyūyeù” ngaúmaták “àngnáq amaūngsàtè”.

-
-

- - -
- - -

‘(The king) ordered (them) to bring him. He said, “Go and call this boy.”, it
is said.’

129. kaūhángàyū ngaúká nāngákhángpánták.

- - - -
- - - -

‘When ordered to bring (him), (the officials) went again, it is said.’

130. nāngákhángká “àngnáq taípīpè thōkkón àngnáq palú zōkshīwaleútè lāthàkūyeù” ngaúmaták.

- -
- -

-
-

‘When (he) returned, (they) said (to him), “(Go) until you reach that country
and bring ogre's milk.”, it is said.’

131. anyeù ngaúká àngnaíkmákhàtè ngaúkà nyóngeūtaūpán līyákhángpánták hīngká “àngpanáq ínalūwìngá
ngaúpán nāngtè tánshíkūyeù” ngaúmaták.

- - -
- -

-
-

599
 ‘As it is the case, that time, he came home with sadness. (The officials)
told (him), “If you can't get it, (the king) will kill you.”, it is said.’

132. ngaúkánaà mán chīpókhalúksà ōmpánnaà mánsà myétnangeūyaúksà ōmpán līyákhángpánták

àngnaíkmákhàtèká.

- -
- -

- - -
- - -

‘When (he had been) told, that time, he came home with a worried and dejected
face, it is said.’

133. līyákhángká ēktàkká zīngyūwákhángcípánták “amú amú hànīng ngaúwaìnglá naú nāngtè” {hànīngyeù
ngaúwaìnglá} ngaúmaták.

- - -
- - -

- - -
- - -

- -
- -

- -
- -

‘When (he) returned, his wives asked (him) again, “Husband (lit. big
brother), what did (they) tell you?”, it is said.’

600
134. “sàngpaláng hànīngyeù ngaúwaìnglá naú nāngtè” manīngyeù manángyeù zīngyūwákhángcílakaúé
ēktàkká takháwáqsà nímpánnaà zīngyūmaták.

- -
- -

- - -
- - -

- -
- -

‘The wives stayed by the door and asked in such manner, “What did the king
tell you?” it is said.’

135. zīngyūká “aū ngā angaúkáká maūng” ngaúmaták.

- .
-

‘When (the wives) asked, (he) said “Well, I don't want to tell you, my
dears.”, it is said.’

136. “àngnáq khūnnayét myaúkpèà palú zōkshīwaleú lāthàkūták seùé” ngaúmaták.

-
-

‘“(The king) told me to bring ogre’s milk on/within the seventh day.”, it is
said.’

137. “àngnáq palú zōkshīwaleú ínalūpánnàkà ngatèká tánshíkūtákyeù” ngaúmaták.

‘(The king) said that, “If I can't get ogre's milk, (he) will kill me.”, it
is said.’

601
138. anyeù ngaúká “aū hamàngkazeú apūtàngsà hamàngkazeú apūtàngsà” ngaúmaták.

- -
-

- -
-

‘If that is the case, the wives said, “Well, don't worry, don't worry.”, it
is said.’

139. “maléq heúkākūseúé” ngaúmaták.

‘(The wives) said, “We will instruct you how to do.”, it is said.’

140. àngnaíkmàtè ngaúkà taì halángyákánaà àngnáq nakámáqpā àngnáq sīnphyūmáqpā atá tīppán
īyákcímaták seùé.

- -
- -

‘Then, when the dawn came, both the dragon lady and elephant lady packed the
food and gave it to him, it is said.’

141. “anáq ayátpè thōkkón nāngná amúná”.

“Husband (lit. older brother), go until you reach that place.”

602
142. “anáq ayátpè thōkpánnàkà meútnátóng ngaúwàngnīngyeù kóng tatawā yē tatawā zúnqceútaháng {anyeù
seùé} myíttāpóqtaūīhángàng” {anyeù seú} ngaúmaták.

-
-

- -
-

- - -
- -

‘(They) said, {this manner} “When you reach the place, as (I) have just said.
Offer (food) to the land and water creatures (and) make good wishes (for
them).”, it is said.’

143. àngnáq ngaúnīngyeù hīng ēktàk tīpīnīngyeù àngnáq atátīpsà lāpánnaà hīng ēktàk ngaúnīngyeù
ōmànghángàmatákseúé hīngyítá.

-
-

- -
- -

- - -
- - -

‘He did as his wives told him and packed (the rice). He took the rice and did
what he had been told to, it is said.’

144. ōmànghángàká àngnaíkmákhà palúyìtà {àngnaíkmà} àngnáq hīng atátè yōkànglūpánták ngaúpánkaú
“aū nāngtè ngā cíceū cézútīntàngmā maūngyeù” ngaúmaták seùé.

- - -
- - -

-
-

603
 - -
-

‘When he had done that, that time, the ogre (having eaten his food) said,
“Well, I am so very thankful to you.”, it is said.’

145. “cézútīntàngmā” anyeù “nāngyeún ngā hamàng cézúsáttathàkaláyeù” ngaúká àngnaíkmákhàtè ngaúkà
“yaū ngāká àngpanáq sàngpalángyaà ngātèká zōkshīwaleú laīngthàkū” ngaúmā “àngnáq ínalūpínnàkà
ngatèká tánshíkū ngaúmāyeù” ngaúmā.

- -
-

- -
-

- -
- -

‘When asked, “I am thankful, how can I pay back the gratitude I owe you?”, he
told the ogre, “I must bring back milk. If I cannot get it, the king said
that he will kill me.” ’

146. “éé” ngaúpánnaà palúmáqyí nyíttaúpán īìngmaták.

604
 -
-

‘The ogre said “yes” and (she) squeezed out some milk and gave it to (him),
it is said.’

147. nyíttaūpán īpínták ngaúpánkaú hīngká àngnáq nyíttaúpán īheúq apyīn lakò ēk palúmáqshà lakò ēkshā
īngīngsà {ēkshā lakò} hawà létsaūng īhángìngmaták hīngyeún.

- -
-

-
-

- - -
- - -

‘As it is the case, in addition to the milk, (they) gave him a wife, a young
ogre, as a gift, it is said.’

148. īhángìngká àngnaíkmákhàtè ngaúkà katàmshīshísà īhángìngmaták.

- -
- -

- - -
- - -

‘When given a daughter, that time, (They) gave (him) an extremely beautiful
one, it is said.’

605
149. īhángìngká ín tamìsāathá ahāná seùé katàmmā seú {nāngyítá cíceū é anyeù ngaúpánkaú sàngpalángká
caíktamā seùé}.

- -
- -

‘When given, (she) was as beautiful as human. {You know}, (she) was extremely
beautiful. (Therefore) the king liked (her).’

150. hīng ēktàktè lākákkánaà tánshízíngyōkmā seùé hīngtè amyómyó anyeùé.

- -
- -

‘Since (the king) wanted his wives, (he) ordered/planned to kill (him) in
various ways.'

151. àngnaíkmàkà ngaúkà yàk ngaúnīngyeù nahángpánták ēk sómhú ngāpánták àngnaíkmátèká

yūzíngyōkhángpínták ínmàkà sàngpalángká.

-
-

-
-

‘That time, as it is said, (he) went back, it is said. (He) now had three
wives, it is said. Then the king ordered (his officials) to spy on him again,
it is said.’

606
152. yūzíngyōkhángìngkánaà ínmàkà aū hīng ngeūtū ngeūtá tàkká yūhángpínták.

- -
- -

- -
- -

‘When ordered to spy (on them), that time, his followers went to see/spy on
him again, it is said.’

153. yūhángìngkánaà “yaū shípánglá àngpanáq halawà yūhángàyū” “hamàngkà shíhàkalá shíkūpanáqhaík
apyīnhaík ēk lakò sómhú ngāpín” ngaúmaták.

- -
- -

- - -
- - -

‘When returned and looked, (the king) ordered, “Go and see whether the person
is dead or not.” (The officials) told the king, “He is not dead; instead he
now has three wives.”, it is said.’

154. “anáq ēkyí katàm shīshísà” ngaúmaták.

-
-

‘(They) said, “His new wife is also extremely beautiful.”, it is said.’

607
155. “ā anyeùtóng ashíhàpanáqká hīngtèká aséng látlát ashīn látlát ōmpánnaàyeù tóngpaí paítàngkūyeù”
ngaúmaták àngnaíkmákhàtèká.

-
-

-
-

- -
-

‘Then the king said, as it is the case that he is not dead, “this time, (we)
will chop (him) alive into three pieces”, it is said.’

156. anyeù panyāshíqyaúk tātpanáq ínshíhà ashíhàpanáq amyókáyeù múcímátyàtáktè kaūzíngyōkpánnaà

tóngpaí paítàngmaták àngmákhàtèká tāngkaūtóngyaúk tóngpaí paítàngmaták tānlyeútyaúkyeù sāmtaùn
ōmàngmaták.

-
-

- -
- -

- -
-

- -
-

-
-

‘So, regarding the one who did not die from all these cunning tricks, the
king ordered his officials to bring him in and cut him into three pieces with
a big knife, it is said.’

608
157. sāmtaùn paítàngká àngnaíkmákhàtè ngaúkà wánshípán {àngnaíkmákhàtèká} wánshípán nōppán
peúpàngták.

- -
-

‘Since he was cut into three pieces, that time, (they) killed (him) (Lit.
chop to dead), buried (him), and left (him) (there), it is said.’

158. àngnáq sāngpalángtàkhaík wánshípán nōppán peúyàngká àngnaíkmákhàtèká ēk sómhúhaíkyeù

keūtacímaták.

-
-

-
-

- -
-

‘When the king and others had killed (him) (lit. chop to dead), buried (him),
and left (him), that time the three wives rescued (him), it is said.’

159. matàkkaú matàkkā taīpāngtacímaták.

- -
-

‘They discussed (it) among themselves, it is said.’

160. “nāngká phaūtaú” ngaúmaták.

‘“You dig (him) up.”, it is said.’

609
161. “nāngká phaūtaúzípánnaà nāngká seúttahayákyeù tapīté ngāhayákyeù nāngká ōm” ngaúmaták.

- -
-

‘“You dig him up. You reconnect those parts and make them even.”, it is
said.’

162. “ngāká asák swángtahàyákyeù ōmkūyeù” ngaúmaták àngnaíkmákhàtè ngaúkà.

- -
-

‘Then, “I will made him breathe.”, it is said.’

163. àngnaíkmákhàtèká tánshípán nōppeúpanáqtè sāmpaí paítaúpán nōppán peúpanáqtè sīnphyūmáqhaíkà

anáq acísweūheúq lūpanáq īshíqshàhaíkà ayāng phaūtaúmaták hīngká.

‘Then, first the elephant lady who came out from the tusk dig up the husband
who got killed, cut into three pieces and buried, it is said.’

610
164. phaūtaúpánnaà hīng halá mákkūtè hīngkaú hīngkā títántsà ōmpán peúmaták.

-
-

‘After digging (him) up, (she) placed her husband's bones by themselves, it
is said.’

165. naúktèká àngnáq nakámáqhaíkà lūwákpanáq nakámáq sèkká maháng ōmpánnaà hīngkaú hīngkā
seúttapán malā phénghángìnghayák ōmàngmaták.

-
-

- - - -
- - -

-
-

‘Later, the wife that was from the dragons , a dragon girl, did that, also,
so that the flesh filled up the bones by itself, it is said.’

166. àngnáq táttayáq lūpanáq sèk palúmáq sèkká asák zátahángìnghayák ōmàngmaták àngnaíkmákhàtèká
záhángìngmaták àngnaíkmákhàtèká.

- - - - -
- - - -

- -
- -

611
 ‘Then the third wife, the ogre, made (him) breathe again, it is said. Then
(he) became alive, it is said.’

167. àngnaíkmákhàtèká úngpè nakáhaík lūpanáq nakápanáq tamìsātè kaūsōmìng úngpè síttū pītátē
kaūsōmìngmāseùé naú.

- -
- -

-
-

‘Then the wife who came from the dragon (family) called the people, the
soldiers, and civilians together.’

168. haíkmàkà úngpanáq ací sèktàkyí acítwē acítwē kaūteúpsōmìng.

- - -
- - -

-
-

‘Then the elephant people also brought the elephants.’

169. nakátwē nakátwē kaūteúpsōmìng palútwē palútwē kaūteúpsōmìng kaūsōmìngmaták.

- - - - -
- - - - -

- -
- -

‘(They) called lots and lots of dragons and ogres, it is said.’

612
170. kaūsūmpánnaà àngnaíkmákhàtè sāngpalángtè {taíktaú} taíktàngmaták àngnaíkmákhàtè.

- - -
-

‘After calling (them), that time, (they) battled the king, it is said.’

171. taíktàngmákhàkà sāngpalángtàkká shúngtaúpánnaà matákká àngnaíkmákhàtèká àngnáq sèk sāngpaláng

ōmpánnaà míqphyátákyaúk sānzátaú nímàngmaták.

- - -
- -

- -
-
-
-
-

‘When battled, the king and others were defeated. Then, that time, (they)
made the person (their husband) a new king and (the king) with the queens
reigns (the country), it is said.’

613
614
 Text17: ‘My family’

1. nga cím sèk aú heúthàkū ngaúpánnàkà ngapèká címsèk peútkaú ngālakúqé.

-
-

‘If I have to tell about my family, I've got eight people (in my family).’

2. amúnashì hàkaú ameūpā awàpā nūklánpā ngaúpánnàkà peútkaútalé

‘Five siblings, plus a mother, a father, and a nephew, (we are altogether)
eight people.’

3. amútóng hawà ngāmā ngapèká ēklāzípán

-
-

‘(I) have one older brother (and) (he is) married. (Lit. he has taken a
woman).’

4. maléq atétóng kalìnghú ngātalé atétóng hawà atéshà hawà atétóngká halánāngzípán

-
-

-
-

615
 ‘(I've got) two older sisters - the oldest and the second oldest. The oldest
was married.’

5. hīng halá shíyàngkànaà címpè nímhángyūmā seùé.

-
-

-
-

‘When her husband passed away, (she) came back home to stay (with us).’

6. nūklán īshíq hawà pātìngmā seùé

- - -
- -

‘(She) brought along a nephew (her son/daughter).’

7. anyeù ngaúpánkaú anáq nūklánpā ngaúpánkaú yaà maléq amú ēkpā ngā ashítalé sā kalìnghú ngāpán

- -

‘In addition to this nephew, now, my older brother's wife, my sister-in-law,

has two children.’

8. álóng shípnúpán hawà ngāpán ngānaíkngá ngaúpánnàkàlé

-
-

‘So, (it’s) altogether eleven people.’ (Lit. ten after one)

616
9. maléq ameūtàk maléq awàtàk āntān thaùngtapán

- - -
- -

‘Our parents are quite old.’

10. maléqká maeúshaúk lapā ōmcílakàé

-
-

‘We’ve done wet-rice field cultivation since a long time ago.’

11. maléqpàpèká maléqsà achīyá maléq azáktákká lapā ōmyōkkà myátamā lé

-
-

- -
-

‘In our area, it is not only us, we, most Kadu, practice wet-rice field
cultivation.’

12. lapā ōmyōkcí mánghá ngaúpánnàkà ām kámàkà tén zí ngāzípán ngaúpánnàkà phú tāmhācí {anyeù
kámàkà seùé}

-
-

-
-

‘We cultivate wet-rice fields in the summer. After gathering the paddy and so
on, (we) go out to earn money.’

617
13. maléqyítá asák tóngákpìng ngaúpánkaú {maléqpènīng} maléq khítmákhàtèká ngón ōmhācímā

-
-

-
-

‘Since we have grown up, in our generation/era (we) mine gold.’

14. ngón kámàkà thūcí láksamá ōmhà sèk láksamá ōm anyeù hācímā seùé

- -
- -

-
-

‘(We) mine gold and so on and the people who can work in carpentry, work as
carpenters. Like that, we go out (to make money).’

15. ngayítá ōmákpáptalé

- -
- -

‘I have also done that.’

16. cíceū náttamā pīnpántamā héq ngón alúk ngaúpanáq amyóká

- -

‘This kind of work-to mine gold-is extremely tiring.’

618
17. caúng nímìngkàyítá kōyeún shípnútè aūngtakónyítá kōká anímìngyeūná seùé

-
-

- -
- -

‘Though I went to school, I couldn’t study (well enough) in order to pass the
ten standard for myself.’

18. nímká nímìngtalé aaūngtìngálē

- - -
- -

‘Of course, I went to school but didn't pass the exam.’

19. ameū awàtàkká {àntákká} mítpánták ngaúpánkaú kōsātè céng paùtzíngkákpánták ngaúpánkaú
peúīyákmā àntákká

-
-

-
-

-
-

‘Since our parents love us and (they) want their children to be educated,
(they) sent us to school (Lit. kept us in school).’

619
20. anyeùzáng pīnpántapanáq ayànnāzáng ngaútìtà àntákká kōsātàk céng paútzánghàyák ngaúpánnaà
peúīyákmā

-
-

- -
- -

‘In spite of poverty and hardship, they sent us to school so their children
would be educated.’

21. maléqká shípnútè aaūngtíngá seùé

- -
-

‘We didn't pass the ten standard exam.’

22. yaà nga zán hawà nga zányítá shípnú thōkákmā

- -
- -

‘One of my younger sisters also reached the tenth standard.’

23. hīngká pínùnaík phyeūtáklà aaūngtawà hīngyítá

- -
-

‘She took the exam only once, (but) she, also, didn't pass.’

620
24. yàkká hīngyítá maūpàpè atá mōknāngákkákmā ngaúpánnakaú atá mōknāngmā yàkká phúyaúk seùé

- -
- -

‘Since she wanted to go to the gold mining area as a cook, (she) went (there)
to cook and earn money (Lit. to cook with money).’

25. maléq atétóngtàk ameūsāsāyeū atá mōkàmā matákyítá pyúng ngón ōmpáqpè nāngmā

- -
- -

‘She went to cook together with my older sister and her child. They also went
to the muddy gold mining area.’

26. kalìngsatá sómsatázeútá ngāpán

‘It's already been two or three months.’

27. léq amúyítá ngón thūàmā paúkmaípè

-
-

‘My older brother also went to mine gold at Paukmai.’

621
28. maleú achīyànghà hākūká tamìká chīcíhàmā ngaúlakaù

- -
- -

- -
- -

‘We are not doing well. I think other people are doing well.’ (lit. we are
not knowing to be true, and other people know to be true).

29. ngāká ngón aōmá maū ngāmāsà ngaúlá ngāká thōkzeú athōkzángsà

-
-

‘I don't mine gold. Though it is said that there is a gold mining area, (I)
have never been there.’

30. anyeù ngaúpánták ngaúpánkaú yaà maléq azàktàk acaúngtèà léqlātamā zúqzítamā ngaúpánnaà aúpè
ōmnímákmā ngaká

-
-

- -

-
-

‘As it happens, now I am working here (as someone) who is studying and
compiling about us, the Kadu.’

31. hīngyítá phúyaúk ōmnímáktalé kwā

-
-

‘He also gave us money.’ (Lit. he works with money)

622
32. phú ínlūyeùká aōmyeūná seùé maléq ayànpín sèktàkká

-
-

-
-

‘We, the poor, can't work without getting money.’

33. címpèká maléq ameūtàk maléq awàtàk nímcí lakòé

- - -
- - -

‘Our parents live at home.’

34. maléq atéshàká mōkpūthàmā hīngká kūmángyák mōkpū

-
-

‘Our older sister tends the cows.’ ‘She tends the cows everyday.’

35. ngayítá mōkpūkáq athàseù maūng

‘It is not possible for me to tend the cows.’

36. mōkpūpánnàkà cāntapanáq alúk mōkpūpín sèk aōmhà seùé

-
-

‘If I tend the cows, the cowherd (my sister) can't do the remaining tasks.’

623
37. anyeù ngaúpánták ngaúpánkaú hāthàmā seú

-
-

‘Therefore, (she) has to go (tend the cows).'

38. ā míqtázúq tāwūn ngaúpanáq cíceū tóngmā azeūzángá héq

‘Oh! Family responsibilities are extremely big. (It is) not easy.’

39. àngyaūngpáng tamì ngaúcípanáq céngshìyítá paútnákhàmanaík yàk khékkáq {anyeùmásà

múnggángkūmeúlá} anyeù ngaúcímā seùé

-
-

- -
- -

-
-

‘Therefore, other people said, “It is important/helpful to get educated in

this era. {Only then will you have a good/comfortable life}.”

40. céng paútnáktìtà maūng maléqpàpèká phúnāngzeù apòwákkà alúk zánù lūkū ngaúpanáq amyóyítá phú
cíceù sòtthàmā

-
-

-
-

624
 -
-

‘In our areas, even though (you are) educated, you have to bribe (in spite of
having no income/money) a great deal of money to get a job.’

41. alùyeūná seùé

-
-

‘(It's) impossible to get one.’

42. kōká lakò alúktwē maneúqzáng nàttamā ngaútìtà tamì phú lūcípanáq phú nátcípanáqtè katùngmā seú

- -
-

-
-

-
-

‘How tiresome the work may be!. I can see other people making money and using
the money.’

43. ōmàngkákmā seú taúktàngkákmā seú

- - - - -
- - - -
-
‘I want to do it. I want to beat it.’

44. hamàngkà myó náttamā zàkthák meúmā pīnpántamáqzáng ngaúkák ngaú kōká shīshā ngaúpánták
ngaúpánkaú maléq ōmtún hātún yōktún ayweù ngaúpánkaú taúktàngkákmā

- -
-

625
 - - -
- -

‘What kind of work would be tiresome or fearful? In any case, we are young
and energetic (lit. still able to do/work, walk, and eat), therefore, I want
to do it!’

45. tamì lācí nátcípanáq kámàkà katùngmā seùé

- -
- -

‘We see other people making and spending (money) and so on.’

46. tamìyeù yaà hátnàngkákmā seùé

- -
- -

‘We want to do it like other people do.’

47. lapāyítá ameúhà ngaúpánták ngaúpánkaú anésóng maléqká ngā címsèkyaúk ngaúpánnàkà shípnúpán
hawà ngaúpánták ngaúpánkaú páknùpaí saūngpák ngāmásà yōkkómmā seùé

-
-

-
-

‘Since rice fields are not (producing) well, with my eleven family members,
it will only be enough when we get over 100 or 200 (tins of) paddy.’

626
48. anyeù ngaúpánkaú kōká tāmàng àngpè yōktìngpè sōmàng ānkā sàtkā míyōkhángthàmā ngaúpánták
ngaúpánkaú címsèk tóngpánták ngaúpánkaú màngkazeú athàhà seùé

-
-

-
-

- -
- -

-
-

‘Having said that, it goes on and on like this. We will earn money and spend
it for food and so on. Since we have to buy rice again, as the family is big,
nothing is enough! We can’t save anything.’

49. anyeù ngaúpánkaú kōká mánpàpè manīngyeù ōmyōkàngthàkū ngaúpanáqtè lakò nacá hīngkaú hīngkā
pūngmān phúlūhàkūpanáqtè swángzáng aswángìngtìtà kōyeún yōkzāngyeún ūzāngyeún ngāpanáqtè kōká
tāmthàmā seùé

- -
- -

-
-

-
-

627
 -
-

‘Having said that, one has to decide, “How will we work and feed the family
in the future? The business /thing that will run by itself. Though we can’t
become rich, (we) have to look for something/business which will provide
enough food and drink.”’

50. anáqnīngyeù pīnpīnpánpán ōmyōkthàkū ngaúpánnàkà ínzeūyá seùé

-
-

‘Like this, it is not easy to make a living with hard work.’

51. maléqká shīshātún ngaúpánnakaú yàknīngyeù zútzútzázá kámàkà ōmàngkákmā seú

- -
- -

‘As we are still young, we want to do work that involves risks.’

52. lapā ōmpánnaà shíthàkūpanáqtèá aphyítpè athōkkáká seú maléqyítá

-
-

-
-

‘We don't want to end up our lives by working in the wet-rice field.’

628
53. anyeù ngaúpánták ngaúpánkaú úngpáq hāàng teūyààng tāmààng kōyeún alúk ínpīnpántakūpanáq nacá
yōklūkūpanáq nímlūkūpanáq pūngmān phúlūkūpanáq anáq myótè tāmthà ōmthàmā seùé

-
-

- - - -
- - - -

- -
- -

‘Having said that, (we) look for a job everywhere (lit.go to and fro) - a
kind of job that is easy and makes a lot of profit, a kind of job that will
provide (us) with regular income/benefits.’

54. ameūawàtàkyí thaùngtapán aōmyeūnpán címmátzeútá {címmáthaìngkà màngkazeú} aōmyeūnpánseùé

- - -
- -

-
-

‘Our parents are too old to do anything. They cannot even look after the
house.’

55. anáqyítá maléq sángyeúsátàkká ōmthàlakaùé

- -
- -

‘This (looking after the house) we, the poor, have to do,as well.’

629
56. thaungtaútìtà thaungtapínalaík satóngsàzáng ngaútìtà pūthàmā.

- -

- -
- -

‘The old, in accordance with their age, have to look after the
grandchildren.’

57. címpè mīháksàzáng ngaútì mítthàmā

- -
- -

‘(They) also have to strip bamboo ties at home.’

58. paúngká paúngtùsàzáng ngaútì wāthàmā.

- -
- -

‘(They) also have to knit/weave baskets.’

59. yàkká satēng pyíttapín achēng seùé sétkeùtān wánnā ōmthàmā thaungtaútìtà

- -
-

‘Now, it is time for patching the thatch. Though old,(they) have to cut
thatch-sticks.’

60. ameū tháqsèkyítá satēng yáppín achēngká satēng yápthàtá.

-
-

‘In this thatch reaping season, even mother has to go and reap the thatch.’

630
61. àngnaíkmákhàká satēng pyíttaú ngāhángkūnaík seùé

-
-

‘And then, (after that) weave the thatch again.’

62. mángmú mángtà maléqpèká paútàngyaúk yàkyítá ók ōmnímmaták shípnú taká seùé

- -
-

‘(There are) lots of community work projects for us. Even now, people are
making bricks, the amount of one full carful each for ten families, it is
said.’

63. àngnáqtèà kalìngyàk hāthàmā seùé

-
-

‘(We) have to go there for two days.’

64. samón caúngyeún zalaúk kámàkà tamāyūng kámàkà zākū seùé

‘(We) will build a resthouse, a community hall, and so on for the Monastery.’

65. yàkká pòkhápàpè pyīn túktaú ngaúlá pyīn pheú ngaúlá hāthàmā seùé

-
-

‘Nowadays, (we) have to go to either transport or carry timbers.’

631
66. anímlūhà sángyeúsá ngaúpanáq amyóká kō címpèzáng alúk apòtìtà thīngpè alúk ngāmā

-
-

‘The poor people can't rest. If there is no work at home, there is work to do
in the village.’

67. thīngpèzáng ínpòtìtà címká alúk ngaúpín amyó ínkùntahà

- -
-

‘Even if there is no work in the village, the household work is never

ending.’

68. anyeù ngaúpánták ngaúpánkaú màhameúzeútá anímlūhà seùé

-
-

‘Having said that, nobody can rest.’

69. meútnátóng ngā ngaúwàngnīngyeù shīshāyí shīshāalaík pāláyí pāláalaík anyeù īshíq īshíqalaík
ngaúnīngyeù ōmcítháq hācítháq {haìng seùé}

-
-

632
 - - - -
- - - -

‘As I have said earlier, (we) have to do something - in the capability of a

child as a child, an older person as an older person, or a girl as a girl.’

70. hīng ōmhà ōm ngā ōmhà ōm ōmcítháqtalé

- - - -
- - - -

‘Everybody participates in household work.’ (Lit. s/he does what s/he can, I
do what I can)

71. anyeù lakò alúkyaúk tahúyaúk lakò ínalaúktapanáq lakò swángteúpmàngmā ngaúpínmyó ínpòhà seùé

- -
-

-
-

‘Even though (I am) always working hard, (Lit. work never escaping from
hands), there is no way to say that we become rich.’

72. zayàká lakò yōkzāngyeún ūzāngyeúnsàzeútá ínpòhà {ayé pātamáq}

-
-

- -
-

‘Some people don’t even have enough food (to meet their basic/minimum
needs).’ {That’s important.}

633
73. anyeù ngaúpánták ngaúpánkaú maléqká halawà ngaúpánkaú {móngkáng (maleú maleúsà) kū pánnáqà}
kō címsèktàktè maleú yōklū maleú nímlūhàyák nátzánglū ngāzánglūhàyák anyeù kōkáq tāmnaútthàkū
seùé

-
-

- -
- -

- -
- -

-
-

‘Having said that, as we are men {fortunate people}, we need to work to feed
our family members so that they will be able to eat good food, live a good
life, and spend money.’

74. halawà ngaúpánták ngaúpánkaú yàknīngyeù ameūawàtàktèká ayànpanáq anèyaúkká ashízàngkákyún

seú

-
-

-
-

‘Since I am a young man, I don't want my parents to die in this current poor
condition.’

75. kōyítá maleú malàsà ōmnaútnàngkákmā seùé

- - -
- - -

‘I want to look after them well.’

634
76. anyeù ngā asìnnaúpè ngāpanáqtalé

‘That's what I have in mind.’

77. thàyítá thàthàkūyeù kō sìnnaúpèyítá amyeútán kōlángtèkō yōngtamā seùé

-
-

-
‘I also believe, myself, that it might as well happen.’

78. ōmyítá ōmnímmā ngaká anyeù

‘Like this, I am also continuing to work.’

79. anáqnīngyeù pīnpīnpánpán ōmyōkkūpanáq pawáqpèká ngāká ínataúpzíngkáká ngāká

-
-

‘I don't want my life to end up in this kind of hard life/struggling life.’

80. nga lakò zánù zánùsakā pyaúngtahángnaík nga pawáq seùé

- -
- -

‘I will change from one kind/job to the other (looking for the best
apportunity). Oh my (poor) life!’

635
81. àngnáq achēngtè maíkmà thōkkalá ngaúpanáqyaúk yàk cózátaúnímtā ōmnímtā hānímtā anyeù

‘With the anticipation of when that good time will come, I am trying and
working hard.’

82. tamìsā hànīngzáng ngaúkákngaú héq ngayítá nga nōknākchīyaúk nga nōknākchī seùé

-
-

‘Whatever people may say, I have my own reasoning (Lit. I've got my own
brain).’

83. ín anyeù nga nōknākchīyaúk nátpánnáqà hànīng ōmpán meúkū hànīng ōmpán yōklūkū ngaúpanáq
hamàngkà myó alúkká kōyeún meúmā ngaúpanáqtè kōyítá kōyaúk kōkā twétaúpánnaà ōmmā seùé

636
 -

‘Like this, I use my own brain and am thinking/reasoning about what is good
and profitable for me to do.’

84. anyeù kōyítá lakò ōmhaútpanáq asìnyítá ngātháqlakà

-
-

-
-

‘Like this, I also have a mind/heart to work hard.’

85. anyeù ngapèká nga asìnnaúpèká ōmhaútpanáqká phéngkón ngānímmā seùé azáktúyaúk ngaúthàkū
ngaúpánnàkà

-
-

-
-

‘Like this, If I have to say it in Kadu, “In my mind, I am full of

desire/willingness to work.”’

86. ínyeù anyeù ngaúpánták ngaúpánkaú ngā címsèktàktè ngā tāwūn kínmeúqtàngnīng ngākū zàkmā

- - -
- -

‘Having said that, I am afraid to be an irresponsible person for my family.’

637
87. tāwūn apònīng ngāngkū zàkmā ngāká

‘I am afraid that I may be like (the one) who is irresponsible.’

88. àngyaūngpáng nga címsèktàktèà ngāká nacá anyeù peúyeūnkón ōmkū seùé

-
-

-
-

‘Therefore, I want to really work in order to keep my family members like

that.’

89. nacá peúyeūnkón amútàkpā atétàkpā ameūtàk awàtàk nūklántàk ngānaíkngátè màhameúzeútá úngnáq
apeúyá

- - - -
- - - -

- -
- -

‘In order to really help everyone, including my older brother, mother,

father, and nephew and others, (I am) not going to keep (them in that
laborious/difficult life).’

90. kōyaúk lakò maleú ním maleú yōkmaūk nacázáng nímlūhàyákyeù pyíqpyíq zūngzūng nímlūhayákyeù
amyeútán cózátaúnímkū ngaká

-
-

-
-

638
 - -
-

‘I am working hard so that they - together with me - will have a good life, a
life lacking nothing.’

91. ngā címsèk acaúngtè ngaúthàkū ngaúpán anáqnaíktá maūngyē

-
-

‘Since I have to tell about my family, that's all, my dear.’

92. ngayítá amyeútán yàk ngaúnīngyeù maíkmàzeú ashóqtawá

‘As I said , this manner, I will never give up.’

93. nga címsèktàk meúyōkkónká amyeútán ōmnímkūyeù ngaúpánnaà anáqpè taúpcàngmák seùé.

-
-

- .
-

‘Let me stop here by saying that I will always work (hard) for the good of my
family.’

639
640
 Text18: ‘Hunting a tiger’

1. maeútóng ashéq katā títthúkyé khayí pūwàngmákhàtè pínkhánneū cwēúqtaūngcówaítaú atwéqacūng

àngpè katùngpápmìngpanáq.

-
-

- -
- -

‘(I will tell)about the experience from long ago-the things (I) saw, when (I)
took a journey to see the logging industry of east Katha, Kywe Taung forest
reservation in Pinkan region.’

2. manīngyeùkà ngaúkaú pòkhá nāngcímā.

-
-

‘What happened was that, we went hunting.’

3. pòkhá nāngcíká tamìsā kalìnghúsà phóténgaūngyaúk ngayaúk.

- -
- -

‘When gone to the forest, (there were) only two people-Photeingaung and me.’

4. maneúq pòkhátóngtèlakà nanùtēká nùwà zípán nùwà kápshíyàngkūyeù

- -
- -

- -
- -

‘It's such a big forest, we would shoot animals one after another.’

641
5. hawàtè thōmpòk pòkàzī lāpánnaà takhāteú hācàngmā {akhātóngtè} shwēúqtaūngcówaínaútóngpè.

- -
- -

-
-

‘We each carried a gun and we went into the Shwe U Taung forest reserve.’

6. hācàngká yáktánwán hāàngkáq hamàngkazeú ínkatùngá.

- -
- -

‘Having gone (to the forest), We walked the whole day. (We) didn't see
anything.’

7. lénāyī thúkmákhàtèká phóténgaūngtè atá yōkhaútpìng maūng ngaká atá mōkyōkcímák ngaúká àngpè
weúpaìkpè atá mōkpán yōkcímā.

- -
- -

-
-

‘At four o'clock, (I) said to Photeingaung, “I am hungry, let's cook rice and
eat.”. We cooked and ate rice near the river.’

642
8. atá mōkpán yōkcíká yōkzípánnaà hàpè īpmàkaláyeù yàkká {hàpè īpmàkalá} īpkūpanáq nayā kámàkàtè
tāmcímák ngaúcílakà maléqkáé.

-
-

-
-

-
-

- -
- -

‘After (we) cooked and ate rice, we asked, “Where shall we sleep now?” “(We)
will look for a place to sleep.”’

9. anyeù ngaúpánkaú ngaúpánták ngaúpánkaú phóténgaūngká hā seúé kayāpè īpmàthàmā kayāpè

heūpánnaà īphángcílakà kayāthékpè.

-
-

- -
- -

‘As it is the case, Photeingaung said, “Let's go up the mountain and sleep
(there)”. We went up the mountain and slept on the top of the mountain.’

10. līpánnaà īphángcípìngták ngaúpánkaú àngnīngzáng ngaká kāpalákpè phónkalùntóng paūpánnaà

takhāteú hamàngkà phónkalùntóng lamà aheúhà

- -
- -

643
 -
-

‘As it is the case that (we) came up to sleep on the mountain, like that,
(there was) a big tree fallen on the ground. I don't know what kind of tree
it was.’

11. phónkalùntóng ēlātóng chaúktè tányátzàkyeù paūpánnímmā.

‘The big tree was fallen over across the big cliff.’

12. aū zaūkpàpèká manīng thànímlá ngaú zaūkpàpèká takhāteú kātwē ōppán nímmā seúé.

-
-

‘What was on the top of that (the log) was that, the mud covered the top part
of the fallen tree.’

13. zaūkpàpèká kātwē ōppán nímpánkaú é phóténgaūngká ā aīpsàlé àngpèlé

-
-

‘As it is the caseTherefore, Photeingaung said, “Don't sleep there.”’

644
14. á aúpènaík meúlá anáqpèká lómyí lómmā.

“Only here is good. It is warm as well.”

15. àngnīngzáng hīngká nāngká hàpè īpkalá

‘Like that, (He) said, “Where will you sleep?”’

16. ngaká aúpèzáng phónshā kámpánnaà phónshā wánpánnaà kámpánnaà ngaká aúpèzáng īpkūnaík

‘As for me, (I) will cut small trees and lay/floor (them) down and sleep
here.”’

17. ngaká phónshā wánpán kámpán īplakáé.

‘I cut the small tress, laid/floor (them) down and slept (there).’

645
18. anyeù ngaúpánkaú àngpè neūkā ayátká pòkweúsúttè ínwánlūwá.

‘Having said that, in that forest, one should not cut Pukweusut tree.’

19. pòkweúsútkalùnyítá lakò mīngzákthák meúmā àngpanáq pòkhápè.

‘Pukweusut trees are fearful in that forest. (Cutting it, one can lose their
senses.)’

20. kayāhúkà lúnglúng pòkweúsútkalùnhaìng thànímmā.

-
-

‘The whole mountain was filled with Pukweusut trees.’

21. anyeù ngaúpánkaú àngpanáqtè manīng tháqlá ngaúkaú īpcíká ngaká nūshēklakà hīngká tóngpánkaú
kanàchíq nyónpeúmā seú hīngká é.

-
-

‘As it is the case, what happened while we slept. I was young (at the time).
As he was big/mature, he swallowed/ate opium.’

646
22. kanàchíqyìtà nyónpán nímpánkaú hīngká méngtaúpán nímmā seú kanàchíq nyúnpán nímpánták
ngaúpánkaú.

‘Having swallowed the opium, he was hallucinating because he swallowed the

opium.’

23. anyeù ngaú ngaká kanàchíqyítá anyónákhà

- -
- -

‘Having said that, I don't know how to swallow opium.’

24. yáktánwán hānàttapánták ngaúpánkaú ngaká shīshā ngaúpánkaú īppán seúé.

‘Having travelled the whole day and being tired, as I was young, (I) was
asleep.’

647
25. īpmàngká àngnīngzáng nākceū kónāyī ínthōkcītè pánnù mīnhángìnglakà {kónāyī athōkcītè}.

-
-

- -
- -

‘After sleeping awhile, that manner, I woke up one time before o'clock.’

26. kónāyī ínthúkcītè pánnù mīnhángìngká ā aneúq pòkhátóngká ngayí zàkmā

- -
- -

‘When I woke up before o'clock, I was afraid, as it was such a big forest.’

27. ngā thōmpòktè ómpán ngāpán yū ā hamàngkazeú ínpòwá seú ínpòwánaúyeù.

‘I held the gun and looked. Nothing was there.’ {Nothing was there, right?”

28. àngnīngyeùzáng naúkpaítèká kónāyī khweútèká ngaká īppátpōthángpán.

-
-

‘Like that, later at 9:30 I was asleep again.’

648
29. īppátpōthángpánták ngaúpánkaú kasàká sàtpíng kayāpàhaík shalát shalát shalátyeù ngāká
īppátpōtnímtún.

-
-

‘As I was sleeping, a tiger came down from the mountain like this, “shalat,
shalat, shalat.”, while I was asleep.’

30. anyeù ngaúpánkaú phóténgaūng ngaúkà hīngká àngmàkà wāntōpmàngmā.

-
-

‘As it is the case, suddenly, that time, Photeingaung turned on the torch.’

31. wāntōpmàngká wān ngaúkà tōpmàngnīngyeù ínnúkànghà

- -
- -

- -
- -

‘When (he) turned on the torch, the torch did not work, as it was supposed
to.’

649
32. wān ngaúkà tātmí ngaúkà ínnúkànghàpánták ngaúpánkaú anyeù thók thókyeù ōmànglakà hīngká tātmítè

- -
- -

-
-

‘Since the torch didn’t shine, “thok, thok”, he shook the torch like this.’

33. àngmàkà shalátyeù wānyí núkìng kasàyí wúng kasàyítá takhāteú wúng waíngmā.

-
-

‘Then “Shalat”. When the torch suddenly flashed out, all at once the tiger,
also, jumped out.’

34. kasà wápínták ngaú àngpè kasà {ngāpanáq nēyāpè} hàpè nímìnglá ngaúkà ngā īpnímpanáq phónzaūkpè
hīngká ahà tāngpánnaà phóténgaūngtè anyeù yūnímmā.

-
-

‘Just then the tiger jumped down and landed/staying on the =TOP of the tree
(where I was sleeping). He(the tiger) was looking at Photeingaung laying with
its chin over its hands.’

650
35. anyeù ngaú phóténgaūngyítá manīng ngānglá ngaú àngnáqtè ahákànghàták seúé hē hē hē hē anyeù
ngānímàngmaták.

- -
- -

-
-

‘What happened to Photeingaung was he became almost speechless, and murmured

“Heu Heu Heu”, it is said.’

36. zàkpánnaà ngānímàngmā hīngká kasà kasà kasà ahákànghà hīngyí.

-
-

- -
- -

‘(He) was afraid and it happened that way. (He) couldn’t even shout, “tiger,
tiger.”’

37. anyeù ngaú ngāyítá īppátpōtnímtún hē hē hē ngāpanáqtè ngāyítá amíngsàhà amíngsàhà īppátpōtnímtún.

‘As it is the case, I was still sleeping and didn't know/hear the murmuring,
“heu heu heu”.

651
38. thōmpòk chátnù kápmàngká eú àngmákhàtè ngaúkaú kasà ngaúkaú néné hāhalákpàngták ngaúpánkaú
panáq kasángyópè hāhalákpángták ngaúpánkaú {halíngtàm phaúkàngká} halíngtàm phaúkpánnaà
takhāteú hīngtè anyeù yūnímhánglakà.

-
-

-
-

-
-

-
-

-
-

‘When shot one time, the tiger was hit slightly and got wounded a bit. That
is, he got hit slightly in the back and the tiger jumped backward and was
looking at him, in this manner.’

39. yūnímpán pánnù káphángmásà ngāká mīnlakà saūngpánmásà mīnnā saūngpánmásà.

-
-

‘(The tiger) was looking (at him). I became awake only when (he) shot one
more time. I became awake only when (he) shot the second time.’

652
40. saūngpánmásà mīnpánták ngaúpánkaú àngmákhàtèká àngpanáq phónkalùntóng hamúktóngheúq
kaúpūpánnaà hamàngkà héq

‘Since (I) woke up only when (he) shot twice, (I) came out, crouching, from
the tree (and) yelled, “Hey! What's happening?”

41. anyeùká ngaúpanáqkà tákshītè héq anyeù ōmpán kālakà.

‘“What that's mean?” (He) showed me his fingers like this.’

42. anyeù panáq ngaúpanáqká hīngká ceú mōk tameū anyeùpanáqká kasà kasà kasà hákteúpmìnglakà
hīngká.

-
-

‘As for him, (He was showing signs like this means buffalo, cow, deer) he
shouted, “This means tiger, tiger, tiger.”’

653
43. àngmákhàtèká ngayítá pāpūzaūng phūnpeúpanáqtè takhāteú pāpūzaūngpā àngpanáq wānpōttóng
zūpeúmā wásà waínglá.

-
-

‘At that time, I was putting on a blanket, and at once (I) jumped into the
burning fireplace.’

44. àng wānpōt halúng halúngtóng zūnímpanáqtè lakò àngpanáq sàtnìngmā kasà.

-- --
-
-

‘In spite of the fire burning/flaming, the (tiger) came down.’

45. anyeù ngaúpánkaú àngpanáqtè pāpūzaūngtóng phūnpánnaà ngayítá takhāteú wáteúppán hīngpàpè
tátmíká hīng ómpeúpánták ngaúpánkaú.

‘Since he had a torch, I, with a blanket on, jumped at once to his side.’

654
46. tátmíká hīng ómpeúpánták ngaúkaú manīng ngaúlá ngaúkaú ā nāngtèká kasà azèkàngzeú kānmeú
yákmákká maūng.

-
-

‘Since he had the torch, what (he) said was, “Well, today, you are lucky not
to be bitten by the tiger.”’

47. manīngngatéq kasà azèkàngzeú kānmeúkà maūng ā manīng nāng làngzaūkpè kasà pínímnīngyeù nāngká
phónhamúkpè kasàká zaūkpè ngānímpán.

-
-

‘“Why didn’t the tiger bite you?” “You are lucky.” “Well, it was like the
tiger was riding on you. You were right under the log and the tiger was on
=TOP of it”.’

48. anyeù ngaúpánnàkà hàpà nāngpeúlá àngpà nāngpeúpán.

‘“As it is the case, anyway, where did it go?” “It went to that side.”’

655
49. àngpà nāngpeúpán ngaúmákhàtèká hákìnglakáé.

-
-

‘“(It) has gone to that side, that time., then?”’

50. maléq nāngpánnaà phón tāmpán hīng kápmàngpanáqpè yūwà àngmákhàtèká naúkhátē ngaúkà
phátphúng phátyà ngāsōmpán lakò.

-
-

- -
- -

‘After gathering firewood, when we went and looked (at the spot) where the
tiger was shot,(there) was blood splattered all over the place.’

51. naúkhátē phátphúng phátyà ngaúká àngnīngzáng ín phóténgaūng maūng kasà ngaúkà ínazeùyá.

-
-

‘When he saw the blood scattered all over like that, my friend, Photeingaung,
said, “The tiger is not easy.”’

52. kasàkanà lūthàpán kasà maleú ínchīpán kaí anyeù ngāmā kátcíkalá.

-
-

656
 -
-

“The tiger is wounded, it is not normal any more, so let’s getaway/run.”

53. phónkalùn heūpánnaà phónkalùnzaūkpè kasé tūngkwán hítpánnaà lakò kasé tíntān tíntānyeù
phónkalùnzaūkpè īpkalá.

“Shall we climb up in the tree and hang our longyi (on the tree) and sleep in
it?”

54. á ngāká maūng phónkalùn aheūhà.

-
-

“Well, I cannot climb the tree.”

55. anyeù ngaúpánnàkà káttìngnaík lakaúé kátcíthāmā

-
-

“If that the case, it is a matter of running away. Let's go.”

56. anyeù ngaúnímcímā zátcá anyeù ngaúnímcímā apaítè manīngtháqlá ngaúkaú àngmákhàtèká kasà
ngaúkà shalát halíngpàhaík wáhángpìng.

-
-

-
-

657
 -
-

‘While we were talking, what happen during that time (Lit. in that
sense/portion)the tiger from behind ‘shalat’ jumped up again.’

57. wáheúqká ā nāng tátmísà īyóklé maūngyeù nāng tátmíyaúksà tōppán yūwàngkákmā lé maūng”
ngaúmā.

- -
- -

- - -
- - -

‘When he jumped down, (I) said, “Well, give me your torch.(I) want to have a
look with your torch.”’

58. á nāng kasàzeú achīyá aheúhàlé”

-
-

“Well, I can’t tell whether it is a tiger.”

59. ànghalíngpàlé nāngpánlétá kasàkálé” anyeù ngaúmā.

‘(He) said, “The tiger (went) behind.”

658
60. àngnīngzáng achīyá tátmízáng īphángìngyók” ngaúpánnaà hīngpè tátmí sanàmpánnaà halíngpà anyeù
tōpmànglakáé.

- -
- -

-
-

‘So (I) said, “That's not good, give me the torch first.”, (and) I snatched
the torch from him and shined it towards the back.’

61. halíngpà tōppánták ngaúpánkaú àngmátè kasà ngaúkà páktékhaléttóng nímpánnaà lakò láng lakò
páktékhaléttóng nímpánnaà mūngkū weú halángmūnpánnaà laíngtháqtaúnīngyeù heūhān heūhān
phyārārátrát phyārārátrát phyārārátrát kasà mūngkū kasà mūngkū páktékhaléttóng.

‘As it is the case, When (I) shined it to the back, the tiger was lying flat
(there). Its hair was swaying back and forth with the (sounds of wind),
“pharararat, pharararat”, like a wave.’

659
62. ngāyítá hákteúppán àngmàkà hē hē hē aúpè kasàtónglē aúpèlē kasàtónglē” anyeù ngānímpàng seùé.

‘Then, I shouted as well, “Hey, hey, hey, tiger! Tiger!, it is here.”, It

happened like that.’

63. hàpèkà hàpèkà” hīngyítá lakò kápchaūtaúwaìngpán

- - -
- -

“Where is it? Where is it?” He again shot and missed it.’

64. àngmàkà phyét” phaúkhángpán shalát” anyeù eútnàngmā pánnù tōphángpán katùnghángpán.

- -
- -

- -
- -

‘Then, “Phyet, phauk”, (sounds of a tiger jumping.) like that, the tiger came
down. (We) lit (the torch) again and saw (the tiger) again.’

65. àngnīngzáng kápchaūtahángpáng ahāhánghàpán kasàtè kápkà maléqká

- -
-

- -
- -

‘Similarly, (we) missed the shot again. (We) shot and were not able to hit
the tiger.’

660
66. tamìsā kalìnghú kasàtè kápkà ahāhánghàpàng.

- -
- -

‘Two people shot at the tiger and were not able to hit (it).’

67. tataítaí kápmàngpanáq ngaúkà hīng káp ngā káp ā anyeùká ínchīpánlē maūng kátcímák lé.

-
-

-
-

‘We were shooting, “dadai, dai”, (gun shot sounds) non-stop alternately.
(Lit. He shot, I shot), “Well my dear, it is bad, let's run now.”’

68. anyeùká ínchīpán {úngpanáqyìtà} talùshīyítá sōmkapánlē yeù.

“It is bad now and our bullets (Lit. seeds) are running out, as well.”

69. nāng káp nga káp sōmkapán ínpòpán kátcímákyeù {kátcímák} anyeùká ínchīpán maūng.

-
-

-
-

“The way we are shooting, (we are) going to run out of (bullets). Let's run.
It is bad, my friend”

661
70. àngpè nāng kátphángkalá ngā kátphángkalá anyeùlakáé.

- -
- -

‘“Do you want to run first or should I?”

71. ā nāng kátphángkū ngaúpánnàkà ngā wāntōpīkū.

-
-

“If you want to run first, I will shine (the torch for you).”

72. àngpín tátmí ngayeún īìng.

-
-

“Give that torch to me.”

73. àngpanáq tátmítè sanàmcílakà maūng hīngyí lākák ngāyí lākák kasà ngaúpánkaú seùé.

- -
- -

-
-

‘As it was with the case with the tiger, We were grabbing for the torch. We
both wanted the torch.’

74. kasà ngaúpánkaú hīngyí lākák ngāyí lākák tátmítè sanàmcíkà nāngyítá.

- -
- -

-
-

‘Since it was a tiger, we both wanted (the torch) and were grabbing for it.’

662
75. anyeù ngaúpánkaú kaí nāng akátzákpán ngā kátnàngkū aúpè phónkalùntè wāntōppeú lakò.

-
-

‘As it is the case, “Well, if you don't dare to run, let me run first. Shine
the torch onto this tree.”

76. wāntōpphángàngthàmā keú àngpàpè thōmpòk lakò chátnù saūngchát kalàng kápphángàngthàmā àngpàpè
phaúng phaúng anyeù.

- - -
- - -

- - -
- - -

‘It has to be first shine the torch to one side and made a couple of shots,
this manner “Phaung, Phaung”.

77. kápzímásà àngmásà kátthàlakáé.

-
-

‘Only after shooting (one) must run.’

78. kátpánnaà úngpè phónkalùnpè aúpàpè ngaká hīng wāntōppáng līpáqpè takhāteú hīngpàpè mánpà
peúheúqthàlakà ngā thōmpòktèká.

663
 - -
- -

‘Having run to that tree, (I) had to turn back to where he was shining the
torch. I had to point my gun off to his side.’

79. àngnīngzáng hīng thōkpíng ngaúpánnàkà ngā kátphángàng úngpàpè phónkalùntè tōpīháng phónkalùnpè
úngpè kātaūpánnaà ín àngmákhàtèká hīng zaúntahángpìng.

- -
- -

-
-

- -
-

‘Then, after he arrived, I ran first again, and (he) shined the torch onto
the tree. I covered myself in the tree (there) and he followed after.’

80. é anyeù khayí maneúq kalàng kátnìngthàlá ngaúkaú khayí tóngmaīkalàng kátnìngthàmā tóngmaīkalàng.

- -
- -

- -
- -

‘Well, this manner, how far we had to run was about 3 miles.’

664
81. anyeù ngaúpánkaú kátká àngnīngzáng maléq nímpanáq teúpè thōkhángcípìng.

- -
- -

‘As it is the case, having ran, we arrived back at the hut where we were
staying.’

82. maléq nímpanáq teúpè thōkhángcíàngká àngnīngzáng īp seúqnanāyī nāyīpyān tachát achīngtè
thōkheúqlaká maléq nímpanáq teúpè.

- - -
- - -

-
-

‘When we reached the hut where we were staying, like that, (We) reached the
hut around 12 o'clock.’

83. thōkheúqká àngnīngzáng wān ngaúkaú wāncíngyí meúlakà wāncíng kahīng kahīng kahīngyeù shīmhá
shīmhátè ngaúpánnakaú àngnīngzáng úngpè wāncíngká kasà míktūshīnīngyeù tūtaūlakáé.

-
-

‘When we arrived, the charcoal was burning (so hot) because it was in the
winter, that the burning charcoal looked like a tiger's eye.’

665
84. anyeù ngaúpánkaú kasà míktūshīnīngyeù nímpánták ngaúpánkaú wāncīng há há há há ngāpanáqtè
ngāká wānpōtpà mánpán īplaká.

‘As it is the case, as it is the case that burning charcoal was really red
and resembles a tiger’s eyes. I was sleeping facing the fireplace.’

85. wānpōtpà mánpán īppánkaú ín àngnīngzáng àngpanáqtèa īpmàngthīpánnaà mīnyí mīnìng īpmàngthīpán
phaúkyeúpánnaà takhāteú wāntū ngákpánnaà wānpōttè tánteúpmàngká ngayaúk īpmákcípanáq
tamìsāták ngaúkà phaúkyeúpán lakò hamàngkàlá maūng é kasàtónglē kasàtónglē anyeù lakò
ngāngthàmā.

-
-

-
-

- - -
- - -

666
 -
-

‘While I slept facing the fireplace, (I) was dreaming (talk or act in one’s
sleep)about (it) and woke up. When (I) jumped up at once and held up the
burning stick and beat the fire, the people who were sleeping with me stood
up and (asked), “What's the matter?” (I shouted) “Tiger, tiger.” It happened
just like that.’

86. ín ànghaíkà taì halángyámàkà ā maléqká manākceūká héq kasà káppeúmā līyákcíkalá ngaúlakà.

- -
- -

‘In the morning, (we) said, “Well, last night we shot a tiger. Do you want to
come (along)?”’

87. ā nāngákkákmā līyákcí.

- - - -
- - - -

‘“Well, we want to go.” “(Then) come.”’

88. maléq pheúyàngpanáq phaíkhū phaíktā kámàkà útpeúpán seú maūng àngpè.

-
-

‘We left all of our stuff we brought there, my friend.’

667
89. zaūng kámàkà hamàngkà shíthaúng kámàkà hamàngkazeú alāhángìngá

- -
- -

‘…blankets, bags, and so on. (We) brought nothing back.’

90. sàt kámàkà àngpanáq tékshī zalūng kámàkà tékshī kámàkà hamàngkazeú alāhángìngá.

- -
- -

‘Rice, pot, sink, and so on. (We) brought nothing back.’

91. àngpè útpeúmā

‘We left everything there.’

92. hamàngkazáng ngaútìtà lāhángcíàngmák

- - -
- - -

‘“Whatever happen (Lit. whatever people may say), let's go and take them
back.”’

93. tamìsā kaūphòtnàngthàmā.

- -
- -

‘Let's call some more people.’

668
94. hamàngkazáng ngaútìtà lāhángcàngmák

- -
- -

‘Whatever happen (Lit. whatever people may say) says, let's go and take them
back.’

95. tamìsā kaūphòtnàngthàmā.

- -
- -

‘Let's call some more people.’

96. àngnīngzáng tamìsā kaūphòtnàngká ā cī kaūwàngmanaík lakaú ngaúcílakàé

- -
- -

- -
- -

‘When we called some more people, (some) said, “Well, shall we take dogs?”

97. kaū seú cī meúpánnàkáyeù

‘“Yes, bring them, if they are good.”’

98. cī lé ngá shítkaūng cīwātóngtè lakò lé ngá shítkaūng kaūpánnaà zaúnhángcàngmā.

- -
- -

‘There were four, five, even eight dogs (only male dogs) and (we) took (them)
and followed after (the tiger).’

669
99. úngpè thōkká kasà anánqtè túmpáppánlakà cīká aīng aīng aīng aīngyeù ngāpán.

-
-

‘When we reached there, (the dog) got the scent of the tiger and cried,
“Aing! Aing! Aing!”’

100. úngpè cī nùwà aīng úngpè cī nùwà aīng aīng aīng” aīngyeù ngāpán.

- -
- -

‘The dogs, one here and one there, cried, “Aing! Aing! Aing!”’

101. yaū ā cītàkká maūng nímzàk ngāzàkká maūng manīng ngāsōmànglá”

-
-

-
-

“Oh, what’s the matter with these dogs, without any treat they are crying
(Lit. while simply staying)”

102. tamìsā paìkhaík lakò ínkhwātapán seú cītàkká hànīng ngāsōmàngláyeù.

- -
-

-
-

‘“The dogs won’t leave the people. What’s the matter with these dogs?”’

670
103. àngnīngzáng ā taūpánlē maūngtā maléq eútpeúpín maléq shíthaúng kámàkà lāpánnaà lakò kátcímáklē.

-
-

‘Finally, “Well, that's enough. Let's take our bags back and so on and run”.’

104. ínnátóngká ngāheúqkūlēyeù

-
-

“Later, (the) tiger may come back (Lit. will exist again).’

105. azaúnzónshík {azaúnzónshíkyeù} anáq paìkpè ngāmā.”

“Don't go after it. It is still around.”

106. lámzā anāngpheùyá anáqpaìkpè ngāmā.”

“(I) suppose (it) didn't go far. It is still around.”

107. anyeù ngaúpánkaú kátcímák kát līhángcíthàmā kátpán līhángcíthàmā.

- - - -
- - - -

- - -
- - -

‘As it is the case, “Let's run”. We came running.’

671
672
 Text21: ‘How to make wild yams food’

1. nwēyék kayāpàpè yàkká cwēúq tāmàngkū.

-
-

‘Now, I will go and look for wild yams in the Nweyek mountain area.’

2. cwēúq katákàngmā nwēyék kayāpáqpè hāyákpheúyàngkū.

-
-

-
-

It is very rare/difficult to find wild yams. I will simply go to to Nweyek

mountain.’

3. aūngtánnweūtàk mahángpàpè tāmàngkū yàkká àng aléuqpàpè.

- -
- -

‘I will go to Aungtannwe's -that (field) side of that area.’

4. zaúhá ngāmāó cwēúqyítá katákàngmā.

-
-

‘Oh there are thorns (in that area). Wild yam, as well, is very rare.’

673
5. àngnáqtè thūpánnaà lūp ng kal ngtaút ómtaút kāpmàngthàkū.

- -
- -

‘After digging (it) up, (I) got two or three pieces. (I) will peel the skin.'

6. kāppánnaà {maháng} weú phaú.

‘After peeling the skin, wash it with water.’

7. weú phaúzípánnaà yīp.

‘After washing it with water, slice it.’

8. yīpphángàngkū yàkká yīpzípán weú pám.

- -
- -

‘Now, I will first slice (it). After slicing (them), soak them in the water.’

9. weú pámká yàātè pánnù weú kazeúháng pámháng weú kazeúháng pámháng h háwàn pám.

- -
- -

- -
- -

‘When soaking, wash them once a day and soak in the water again. Do this for
four or five days.’

674
10. h háwàn pámzípánnaà lápmà thóng zángpánnaà {maháng} pámhángàngkū.

-
-

- -
- -

‘After soaking in the water for four to five days, add lime and soak in the
water one more time.’

11. thóng zángpán pámzí pámhángpán.

-
-

‘After adding lime, soak in the water. (I) have finished/done that.’

12. yōkzántàngkū yàkká ayōkmeú yōkmeúyeù weú nyíttaūpánnaà yàkàtè pánnù yàkàtè pánnùká ōmpeúpán
hīng.

- -
-

- - -
- -

‘Let me try it now, (to see) whether it is good to eat or not, (I) am done
sifting water once a day.’

13. weú caíkpeúpán thóng zángpánnaà weú kazeú weú kazeúháng pámhángká ōmpeúpán.

-
-

-
-

‘I have changed the water and added lime, washed them many times, and soaked
them again.’

675
14. weú pámkà aneúq ngaúpán lūthaíkkà cáqtapán {hīng} {ngázán} ngázántàngmanaík.

- - -
-

‘Soaking in the water should be enough. Let me try to steam it.’

15. ó aceúkū zàkmā léqō āntān hàmzáng ngáàngkūlé phón taúpmàngkónlé.

-
-

-
-

‘Oh I am afraid of vomitting (if the yam is not boil well, it can make
someone sick), (Let me) steam it more until we use all the firewood.’

16. waték tóngphángàngmanaík waték tóng.

- -
- -

‘Let me place the steamer.’

17. waték tóngzípánnaà àngnáqtè waleú kazíp

‘After placing the pot, squeeze/sieve (the water out).’

18. kazít ngāpánnaà yàkká yahùngpè záng wasáp sáp

‘After squeezing/sieving (the water), now add in the steamer. Spread out the
sponge gourd (in the steamer).’

676
19. wa áp áppánnaà cwēúqtè kazíppán záng.

‘After spreading out the sponge gourd, squeeze/sieve the water from the wild
yam and add (them).’

20. àngnáqtè zángpánnaà ngá.

‘After adding (the) steam.’

21. ngáhàneúq ngá {ngámanaík} ngápánnaà maháng ōm.

-
-

‘Steam as much as (you can). After that, do that.’

22. {yōkkūpanáqtè} yàkká óng hī kámàkà wánpaíkpeúpánmanaík ngáphángthàkū àngnáqtè ngá.

- -
- -

‘Now (I) will break the coconut. {(The yam) first needs to be steamed (before
you break/cut the coconut}.’

23. óng hī wánpaík chít alaú zít á záng.

‘Break and shred the coconut and add a little bit of oil.’

677
24. alaú zít áq zángpánnaà óng hī haúk ma haúk zūn haúk zángpán neūtaūpán yōk.

‘After adding some oil, add shredded coconut, salt and so on, and mix (it)
and eat (it).’

25. taúppàng eú maūng yàkká

‘(This is) the end, my dear.’

678
 References

Ah Ko Saw. 1975. avÐvmrdorûuwl:ueef:a'o [The region of Kadu and Kanan].

Yangon: Temple Press.
Aikhenvald, Alexandra. Y. 2006. Serial verb constructions: A cross-linguistic typology.
Serial verb constructions in typological perspective. A. Y. Aikhenvald and R. M. W.
Dixon (eds.), 1-68. Oxford: Oxford University Press.
Aikhenvald, Alexandra. Y. 2007. Typological distinctions in word formation. Language
typology and syntactic description. Vol. III: Grammatical categories and the lexicon,
Timothy Shopen (ed.), 1-64. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
Allot, Anna J. 1965. Categories for the description of the verbal syntagma in Burmese.
Lingua 15: 238-309. Amsterdam: North-Holland Publishing Co.
Andrews, Avery D. 2007. Relative clauses. Language typology and syntactic description.
Vol II: Complex construction, Timothy Shopen (ed.), 206-236. Cambridge: Cambridge
University Press.
Ayoka, Sakamoto. 2010. Attendant word complexes in Khmer (Cambodian). Linguistics
of the Tibeto-Burman Area 33.1:41-70.
Bauer, Laurie. 1988. Introducing linguistic morphology. Edinburgh: Edinburgh
University Press.
Benedict, Paul. K. 1972. Sino-Tibetan: a conspectus. Cambridge: Cambridge University
Press.

Ba Shin (ed), Papers on Asian History, Religion, Languages, Literature, Music

Folklore, and Anthropology: Essays offeredto G. H. Luce by his collegues and friends
in honour of his seventy-fifth birthday, vol. I, 67–91. Ascona, Switzerland: Artibus
Asiæ Publishers.
Bernot, Lucien. 1967.
de langue loi. Paris: Centre National de la Recherche Scientifique.
Bradley, David. 1979. Proto-Loloish (Scandinavian Institute of Asian Studies Monograph
Series No.39). London and Malmö: Curzon Press.

Bradley, David. 1993. Pronouns in Burmese-Lolo. Linguistics of the Tibeto-Burman Area

16-1: 157-215.
Bradley, David. 2002. Lisu demonstratives. Paper presented at 35th International
Conference on Sino-Tibetan Languages and Linguistics, Arizona.
Bradley, David. 2005. Reflexives in literary and spoken Burmese. Studies in Burmese
linguistics. Justin Watkins (ed.), 67-86. Canberra: Pacific Linguistics.

679
Bradley, David. 1997. Tibeto-Burman languages and classification. Tibeto-Burman
languages of Himalayas. D. Bradley (ed.), 1-64. Canberra: Pacific linguistics
Bradley, David. 2002. The subgrouping of Tibeto-Burman. Medieval Tibeto-Burman
languages. Christopher I. Beckwith (ed.), 73-112. Leiden: Brill.
Brown, R. Grant. 1911. The Tamans of the upper Chindwin, Burma. Journal of the
Anthropological Institute of Great Britain and Ireland 41: 305-317.
Brown, R. Grant. 1920. The Kadus of Burma. Bulletin of the School of Oriental Studies
1.3: 1-28. London: University of London.
van Breugel, Seino. 2008. A grammar of Atong. PhD dissertation, Research centre for
linguistic typology, La Trobe University.
Burling, Robbins. 1983. The Sal languages. Linguistics of the Tibeto-Burman Area 7.2:
1-31.
Burling, Robbins. 1985. Noun compounding in Garo. Linguistics of the Tibeto-Burman
Area 8: 14-42.
Burling, Robbins. 2004. The language of the Modhupur Mandi (Garo). Vol. I: Grammar.
New Delhi: Bibliophile South Asia.
Burma Gazetteers, 1900. part I, vol. I (575-6)
Burquest, Donald A. 1998. Phonological analysis: a functional approach. Dallas/Texas:
SIL International.
Bybee, Joan. L., Revere Perkins, et al. 1994. The evolution of grammar: tense, aspect,
and modality in the languages of the world. Chicago: University of Chicago Press.
Comrie, Bernard. 1976. Aspect: An introduction to the study of verbal aspect and related
problems. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
Comrie, Bernard. 1985. Tense. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
Croft, William. (1991). Syntactic categories and grammatical relations: The cognitive
organization of information. Chicago: University of Chicago Press.
Coup, Alexander R. 2007. A grammar of Mongsen Ao. Berlin/New York: Mouton de
Gruyter.
Dawkins, Erin. (2006). A sociolinguistic survey of the Kadu and Kanan peoples of
Myanmar. MS. SIL international.
DeLancey, Scott. 2001. The mirative and evidentiality. Journal of Pragmatics 33: 369-
382.
Dixon, R.M.W. 1991. A new approach to English grammar, on semantic principles.
Oxford: Clarendon Press.

680
Donnison, F. S.V. 1970. Nations of the modern world: Burma. London: Ernest Benn
Limited.
Evans, Nicholas. 2006. “Dyadic Constructions ” In Keith Brown (ed.) Encyclopaedia of
Language and Linguistics (2nd Edition).
G 8 “Th p f f p p
g g ” Proceedings of the Twelfth Annual Meeting of the Berkeley Linguistics
Society. 387-400. Berkeley: Berkeley Linguistics Society.
G T Syntax: An introduction. Vol. I. Amsterdam/Philadelpha: John
Benjamins.
Green, Antony Dubach. 2005. Word, foot, and syllable structure in Burmese. Studies in
Burmese linguistics. Watkins Justin (ed), 1-26. Pacific linguistics, research school of
pacific and Asian studies. The Australian National University.*.
Grierson, George. 1921. Kadu and its relatives. Bulletin of the School of Oriental Studies
2.1: 39-42. London: University of London
Grierson, George. 1928. Comparative vocabulary. Lui group. Linguistic Survey of India
1. Culcutta: Central publication branch.
Haas, Mary R. 1942. The use of numeral classifiers in Thai. Language 18.2: 201-205.
Houghton, Bernard. 1893. The Kudos of Katha and their vocabulary. Indian Antiquary
129-136.
Huziwara, Keisuke. 2008. Cak prefixes. Forty years of Sino-Tibetan language Studies
130-145.
Huziwara, Keisuke. 2008. Cak numerals. The Dhaka university journal of linguistics 1.2-
1-10.
Jones, Robert B. 1970. Classifier Constructions in Southeast Asia. Journal of the
American Oriental Society, 90.1. Online version: http://www.jstor.org/stable/598428
LaPolla, Randy J. 1992. Anti-ergative marking in Tibeto-Burman. Linguistics of the
Tibeto-Burman Area 15:1: 1-9.
LaPolla, Randy J. 1995a. Pragmatic relations and word order in Chinese. Word order in
discourse. Pamela Downing and Michael Noonan (eds), 229-331. Amsterdam &
Philadelphia: John Benjamins Pub. Co.
LaPolla, Randy J. 1995b. Ergative marking in Tibeto-Burman. New Horizons in Tibeto-
Burman morpho-syntax (Senri Ethonological studies 41) Yoshio Nishi, James A.
Matisoff, and Yasuhiko Nagano (eds), 189-228. Osaka: National Museum of
Ethnology.

681
LaPolla, Randy J. 2002. Problems of methodology and explanation in word order
universals research, Dongfang Yuyan yu Wenhua (languages and cultures of the East).
Pan Wuyun (ed.), 204-237. Shanghai: Dongfang Chuban Zhongxin.
LaPolla, Randy J. 2004. On nominal relational morphology in Tibeto-Burman. Studies on
Sino-Tibetan Languages, papers in honor of Professor Hwang-cherng Gong on his
seventieth birthday. Lin, Ying-chin, Fang-min Hsu, Chun-Chih Lee et al. (eds.)
Language and Linguistics Monograph Series Number W-4, 43–73. Taipei: Academia
Sinica.
LaPolla, Randy J. 2009. Causes and effects of substratum, superstratum, and adstratum
influence, with reference to Tibeto-Burman languages. Senri Ethnological studies 75.
Yasuhiko Nagano (ed.). 243-253. Osaka: National Museum of Ethnology..
Leach, E. R. 1959. Political systems of highland Burma: a study of Kachin social
structure. London: Bell and Sons.
Lewis, M. Paul (ed.), 2010. Ethnologue: languages of the world. Sixteenth edition.
Dallas/Texas: SIL International. Online version: http://www.ethnologue.com/.
Luce, Gordon H. 1985. Sak-Kantu. Phases of pre-Pagan Burma: Languages and history.
Vol. I. 36-46. New York/Oxford: Oxford University Press.
Lyons, John. 1977. Semantics. Vols: I and II. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
Maggard, Loren., Mridul Sangma and Sayed Ahmad. 2007. The Chak of Bangladesh: A
sociolinguistic study. Dhaka: SIL Bangladesh.
Mathews, Stephen and Virginia Yip (1994). Cantonese: A comprehensive grammar.
London/New York: Routledge.
Matisoff, James A. 1973. The grammar of Lahu. Berkeley, Los Angeles/Lodon:
University of California Press.
Matisoff, James A. 1991. Areal and universal dimensions of grammaticalization in Lahu.
In Approaches to Grammaticalization, Vol. II. Elizabeth C. Traugott and Bernd Heine
(eds.), 383-453. Amsterdam: Benjamins.
Matisoff, James A. 1997. Sino-Tibetan numeral systems: prefixes, protoforms, and
problems. Pacific Linguistics B-114, Canberra: Australian National University.
Matisoff, James A. 2003. Handbook of Proto-Tibeto-Burman : System and philosophy of
Sino-Tibetan reconstruction. Berkeley: University of California Press.
Maung Htin Aung. 1967. A history of Burma. New York and London: Columbia
University Press.

Maung Kyaw Shin. 1994. ueef:tvS [The beauty of Kanan]. Yangon: Temple Press.

Maung Kyaw Shin. 1994. uwl: [Kadu]. Yangon: Temple Press.

682
Ministry of foreign affairs, Government of the republic of the union of Myanmar (2003).
via http://www.mofa.gov.mm/aboutmyanmar/population.html
Morey, Stephen. 2011. Turung: A variety of Singpho language spoken in Assam.
Canberra: Pacific Linguistics.
M M h D 73 Th g hp f ‘ ’/’ ’ Journal of
Linguistics 9:65-69

Myanmar Government Education Department, (2008). ]refrm-t}Fvdyf tbd"mef

[Myanmar-English Dictionary]. Yangon: Department of the Myanmar language
commission.
Myint Soe. 1999. A grammar of Burmese. PhD dissertation, University of Oregon.
Noonan, Michael. 2007. Complementation. Language typology and syntactic description.
Vol II: Complex construction, Timothy Shopen (ed.), 52-150. Cambridge: Cambridge
University Press.

Nu Nu. 1991. uwl:ueef:orkdif:(1752_1885) [The history of Kadu and Kanan (1752-

1885)]. MA thesis, Mandalay University.
Okell, John. 1969. A reference grammar of colloquial Burmese. 2 vols. London: Oxford
University Press.
J h 7 ‘S ’ ‘ ’ : h <thei:>, <oun:>,
<to.>. Linguistics of the Tibeto-Burman Area 4.2: 69-82.
Okell, John., and A. Allott. 2001. Burmese/Myanmar Dictionary of Grammatical Forms.
Richmond. Surrey: Curzon.
Payne, Thoma E. 1997. Describing morphosyntax: a guide for field linguists. Cambridge:
Cambridge University Press.
Pike, Kenneth L. 1948. Tone languages: a technique for determining the number and
type of pitch contrasts in a language, with studies in tonemic substitution and fusion.
Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press.
Post, Mark W. 2006. Compounding and the structure of the Tani lexicon. Linguistics of
the Tibeto-Burman Area 29.1:41-60.
Post, Mark W. 2007. A grammar of Galo. PhD dissertation, Research Centre for
Linguistics Typology, La Trobe University.
Romeo, Nicoletta. 2008. Aspect in Burmese: Meaning and Function. Studies in Langague
Companion Series 96. John Benjamins Publishing Company.
Sangdong, David and Shumaung. 2008. A rapid appraisal survey of the Kadu people of
Sagaing division, Myamnar. Ms. SIL International.

683
Sangdong, David. 2007. A follow-up sociolinguistic survey of the Kanan and Kadu
peoples of Sagaing Division, Myanmar. Ms. SIL International.
Schachter, Paul and Timothy Shopen. 2007. Parts-of-speech systems. Language typology
and syntactic description. Vol I: Clause structure. Timothy Shopen (ed.) 1-130.
Cambrige: Cambridge University Press.
Shafer, Robert. 1955. Classification of the Sino-Tibetan languages. Word 11.1: 94-111.
Starosta, Stanley. 1985. Relator Nouns as a Source of Case Inflection. For Gordon H.
Fairbanks. V. Acson and R. Leed (eds), 111-133. Honolulu: University of Hawaii
Press.
Taylor, L.F. 1922. The Kadu.The Journal of the Burma Research Society. Vol. 12:50

Than Htun. 1994. ouf? uwl:? ueef:[Thet, Kadu, and Kanan]. Kalya Magazine. Yangon.

Than Htun. 2003. Sketches of Myanmar history: A humanities approach. Yangon: Plastic
rainbow book publication.
Thompson, Sandra A., Longacre, Robert E. and Shin Ja J. 2007. Adverbial clauses.
Language typology and syntactic description. Vol II: Complex construction. Timothy
Shopen (ed.), 237-269. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.

Thun Shwe Khain. 1988. \cdkifa]rmufzsm:a'orS oufwkdif:\if:om:rsm: [The Sak from

Upper reaches of Northern Rakhine]. Sittwe college.
Van Valin Jr., R. D. and Randy J. LaPolla. 1997. Syntax: structure, meaning and
function. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
Vittrant, Alice. 2005a. Burmese as a modality-prominent language. Studies in Burmese
linguistics. Justin Watkins (ed.), 143-162. Canberra: Pacific Linguistics.
Vittrant, Alice. 2005b. Classifier systems and noun categorization devices in Burmese.
Proceedings of the twenty-eight annual meeting of the Berkeley Linguistics Society,
129-148.
de Vries, Lourens J. 2005. Towards a typology of tail-head linkage in Papuan languages.
Studies in Language 29.2: 363-384.
Wheatley, Julian K. 1982. Burmese: A grammatical sketch. PhD dissertation, Berkeley:
University of California.

684