CHAPTER 5

THE NARMADA BACHAO ANDOLAN

INTRODUCTION

Ever since the advent of the Industrial Revolution in the 18 th century,

humankind has only become more and more fascinated with machines, big and small.
The Revolution originated in Great Britain, but spread to all corners of the world.
India, being under British Rule at that time, could not fail to be impressed by the new
developments taking place in the rest of the world. Therefore, although the British left
India‟s shores back in 1947, their ideas related to electric and mechanical power
continued to remain rooted deep within the mindset of Indians, especially those in
governance.

This was evident by the manner in which the first Prime Minister of India,
Jawaharlal Nehru focused all his attention on the setting up of steel mills and
constructions of dams. He felt that India would succeed as an independent and
modern nation only after adopting rapid industrialisation. He was specifically in
favour of large dams, likening them to temples. The foundation for three large dams
was laid during Prime Minister Nehru‟s tenure. They are the Hirakud dam over the
Mahanadi River in Orissa, Bhakra-Nangal in Himachal Pradesh and Punjab over the
Sutlej River and the Nagarjuna Sagar dam which was planned over the Krishna River
in Andhra Pradesh. While laying down the foundation stone for the dam in Andhra
Pradesh, Nehru stated,

“When I lay the foundation stone here of this Nagarjuna Sagar,

to me it is a sacred ceremony. This is the foundation of the
temple of humanity in India, a symbol of new temples that we
are building all over India.”

However, when he gave permission for the setting up of yet another „temple‟
across the Narmada River, the project became embroiled in a huge controversy that
continues till date. The initiative was named the Sardar Sarovar Project. The Indian
Government expected this to be the largest dam construction amongst the 30 large and
small dams that would cover the entire course of the Narmada River. The project
became controversial from the beginning and slowly several organisations and

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eminent personalities including environmentalists took on the Government in protest
in what was to become known to the people as the Narmada Bachao Andolan. The
battle between environmental activists and politicians rages fierce even after so many
years on many unsolved issues, because the Movement has garnered tremendous local
and international support. It is worthwhile to note here that by 1958 even Pandit
Nehru was vocal about his disillusionment regarding big projects which he had
described as the „Temples of new India‟.

What River Narmada Means to India

The Sardar Sarovar Project was planned on the Narmada River, one of the
longest rivers in India. Deemed as the fifth longest river in India, the Narmada begins
her journey from the Maikal Ranges near the village of Amarkantak at Shahdol
District, Madhya Pradesh. It is protected by the Vindhya Hills on the north side and
the Satpura Hills on the south side, while traversing through this state. The river basin
occupies an area of 85,858 square kilometres in Madhya Pradesh. Narmada next
enters Maharashtra and covers an area of 1,658 square kilometres in the state after
which it enters the State of Gujarat. The river basin takes charge of 9,894 square
kilometres area in Gujarat, before rushing through the Gulf of Khambhat near
Bharuch, to finally bond with the Arabian Sea. “The river is largely untapped because
of interstate water disputes and annually about 32 MAF (million acre foot) of water
on an average flows into the sea from the river (Shelat, 2008: 2)”. During its 1,312 km
journey, the Narmada flows smoothly through deep channels or plains sometimes, and
acquires the shape of waterfalls at others. It also receives water from 41 tributaries
along the way.

Similar to every other river in India, the Narmada, with its huge volume of
water, is also viewed as a wonderful resource for providing adequate water
throughout the year. The monsoon, which last for barely four months, does bring large
amounts of water with it. However, the rains exhibit different moods in different
places, leading to heavy runoffs and deluges at times. India‟s population, therefore,
strives to subsist on groundwater sources and water traps, storage tanks, lakes, rivers
and reservoirs, most of the time. The Narmada basin is unique, since it covers such a
large area during its journey to the sea. The upper and middle regions of this basin
comprise of forested, hilly areas. Plains occupy the spaces between these hilly tracts.
They comprise of alluvial clays covered by black soil on the surface. The lowest parts

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of the basin are broader in appearance and extremely fertile in nature. These areas are
excellent for cultivation. Such benefits have lured indigenous tribal populations, such
as the Kurkus, Bhils, Gonds, Santhals, etc, to set up residence in the hills, the forests
and the river valleys. They are heavily dependent upon the river Narmada to fulfill all
their needs.

The Narmada is also surrounded by a large rural populace, which reveres the
river as a Goddess. In fact, she is akin to a mother, who bestows peace upon her
devotees. It is believed that a sacred dip in this holy river suffices to absolve an
individual of all his sins. This is not a belief that has sprouted from nowhere or on its
own. Ancient Hindu texts suggest that the Narmada is one amongst India‟s most
sacred rivers. In the book on the Temples of Madhya Pradesh, it has been said,

“Matsya Purana, an ancient Hindu text, attributes great spiritual

values to drinking water from this river. Some ancient Hindu
texts claim that while one needs seven dips in Yamuna and one
in the Ganga, a reverent look at the holy Narmada is enough to
cleanse one‟s sins (Temples of MP, 2012: 13).”

Then again, an Ancient legend states that the sacred river dropped from the
Heavens or from Lord Shiva‟s body in accordance with his wishes. It is for this very
reason that temples have been built all along the course of the river. One may find a
temple dedicated to almost every God and Goddess here. Furthermore, Mother
Narmada does not extend her benevolence to human beings alone. She is kind to
aquatic life like the marsh crocodiles, fish, etc and terrestrial animals like tigers, boars
and gaurs too. In Sanskrit, Narma refers to „pleasure‟, while „da‟ refers to give. Thus,
River Narmada gives pleasure to everyone through her very presence.

Launching of the Sardar Sarovar Project

Few people may be aware that the Narmada River had caught the attention of
the first British Irrigation Committee as far back as 1901. The Committee suggested
that a small dam or barrage be constructed at Bharuch, which formed the mouth of the
river. However, the English did not take this recommendation too seriously, because
of the black and alluvial soils present in this region. Such soil would not prove
suitable for flow irrigation. Investment in such a project might prove worthless.
Therefore, the Narmada River remained free from human interference until the 1940s,

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when the British undertook technical studies related to building of dams. They felt
that 16 sites were conducive for the initiation of hydroelectric projects. Once again,
they could not plan or do much, since World War II was going on. They had to focus
on rebuilding their own mainland, instead of concentrating on colonial growth.

However, the Central Waterways, Irrigation and Navigation Commission

(CWINC) decided to re-look at the government proposal in 1946. It identified seven
sites, including Bharuch, for setting up dams. The next year, India attained
Independence from British Rule. Soon after Independence, Prime Minister Nehru was
eager to get on with his plans for dam building. As mentioned earlier, he believed that
dam building was akin to nation building. It was for the common good. For instance,
while speaking to villagers, who were about to be displaced by the construction of the
Hirakud Dam in 1948, he declared, “If you are to suffer, you should suffer in the
interest of the country” (Viegas, 1992: 53). The Prime Minister was not like his
mentor, Mahatma Gandhi. He believed that the setting up of a centralised state,
governed by a paternal figure, was the best pathway to development. Gandhi, on the
other hand, emphasised upon the setting up of village republics. These self-
functioning villages deserved to be nourished and nurtured.

The Prime Minister‟s encouragement prompted the Central Water and Power
Commission (CWPC) to prepare a concrete proposal for the setting up of the Sardar
Sarovar Dam at Navagam. This was in 1959. Two years prior to that, an official from
CWPC had investigated the area. He felt that the rocky bed of the River Narmada
would prove greatly useful for constructing a dam. The proposal was submitted to the
Government of Bombay. According to the proposal, this dam was to be built in two
phases. Initially, its height would be 160 feet. Later on, it would be raised to 300 feet.
The Government of Bombay was happy with the proposal, making just minor
alterations. The second phase would see the dam rising to a height of 320 feet,
enabling water to reach every corner of Gujarat. Accordingly, soon after its birth, the
new State of Gujarat took charge of the project. The foundation stone for the Sardar
Sarovar Project was laid on April 5, 1961 by Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru. The
location was Gora in Gujarat, wherein the full reservoir level was 161 ft. However,
Madhya Pradesh, Maharashtra and Gujarat could not agree on sharing of benefits,
costs, etc. Therefore, the Project reached a deadlock for some time.

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 In order to resolve the deadlock, the Government of India set up a special
committee in 1964. It was headed by Dr. A. N. Khosla, who was the Governor of
Orissa at that time. He was also a well-known dam engineer. His team of engineers
was requested to focus on the site and the height of the proposed dam to be set up at
Navagam. The committee recommended that the dam be raised to 500 ft straightaway,
to enable equal sharing of the waters amongst the states. The terminal dam, that is,
Sardar Sarovar, was to be set up at Navagam. In addition, more than a thousand
minor, medium and major projects could be initiated along the course of the Narmada
River. Some of them could even be multipurpose projects for providing hydel power.
Furthermore, the parched areas of Kutch and Saurashtra in Gujarat would receive
water throughout the year. The Khosla Committee felt that this Project‟s ability to
provide additional storage would resolve all water issues. They emphasised that this
additional storage would permit greater carryover capacity, increased power
production and assured optimum irrigation and flood control and would minimise the
wastage of water to the sea (Supreme Court of India, 2000).

Nevertheless, Madhya Pradesh was not happy with these ideas. The main
submergence of lands and major displacement of people would occur in this state
(around 193 villages), thereby prompting the State Government to bear a major share,
or even all of the costs. Maharashtra would lose 33 villages, while Gujarat would lose
just 19. Furthermore, almost 38,000 hectares of land in the three states would be
submerged. The large-scale submergence would destroy rich forest regions, fertile
agricultural lands, riverbeds and other lands, causing tremendous harm to the
sustenance of scheduled tribes and villagers living there. Thus, matters came to a
standstill once again. Even the Central Government rejected the ideas put forth by the
Khosla Committee.

By this time, Mrs. Indira Gandhi had become the Prime Minister of India. She
decided to refer the matter to a special group set up by her, in 1969. This was the
Narmada Water Disputes Tribunal or NWDT. The Tribunal took a decade to come up
with an agreement that satisfied all the three states involved in the Sardar Sarovar
Project, as well as the dry State of Rajasthan, which was dragged in as a beneficiary
of this ambitious project. The dam at Navagam would be around 455 feet high. The
Project had the potential to benefit irrigation millions of hectares of land in Rajasthan,
Maharashtra and Gujarat. The Tribunal further stated that,

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 “It would generate 1,450 MW of hydropower, which would be shared
in the ratio of 57% by MP, 27% by Maharashtra and 16% by Gujarat.
It would also provide drinking water to 8,125 villages and 135 urban
centres in Gujarat (Shelat, 2008: 2).”

As per the Tribunal‟s decree, Gujarat would have to take charge of the bulk of
resettlement expenses in Maharashtra and Madhya Pradesh too. This was because it
would be receiving a major share of the Narmada waters, thereby benefitting its
farmers.

Apart from this, the Tribunal even went so far as to define three specific terms
in its report, in order that adequate compensation would be provided to the deserving
displaced. To illustrate, family referred to a husband, wife, minors and other
dependents. A grown-up son would be treated as the member of a separate family,
receiving his rightful share of the property. Such a distinction made it very difficult
for women to have any say in property matters or even own land. Then again, land
referred to anything that was attached to the earth or something that was fastened to
anything attached to the earth. This definition was in alignment with the Land
Acquisition Act of 1894 which is an act of the British era. This Act gave Government
the right to acquire land from landholders for the sake of constructing roads, dams,
lakes etc. in return for compensation given to them. The landowner would have every
right to receive the benefits arising out of his land. The landowner referred to an
individual alone, not the family, group, community or even village, as a whole.
Therefore, the government would deal with a single individual from each
household/group/community/village. The fact that such actions would drastically
disturb the entire habitat and social hierarchy, not just a lone landowner, was not
taken into account while framing the Act. Such omissions work in the favour of the
ruling authorities very well. Finally, who was to be regarded as an Oustee? Gates
observes

“An oustee shall mean any person who since at least one year
prior to the date of publication of the notification under Section
4 of the Act, has been ordinarily residing or cultivating land or
carry on any trade, occupation, or calling or working for gain in
the area likely to be submerged permanently or temporarily
(2012: 63).”

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 The Tribunal stressed that displaced villagers could opt to remain in their own
states, or shift to Gujarat. Either way, they would receive a site for building a house
and irrigable lands, in the form of compensation. These lands would have to be
similar to the ones that the oustees were losing. Thus, land would be exchanged for
land. It was imperative that the rehabilitated individuals be assured of making a
reasonable living, just as they had done previously from their earlier lands. Gujarat
was ordered to provide hard cash to those families, which had to bear rehabilitation
costs and receive grant-in-aid. The states were given the onus of finding residences
and finances for people affected by the dam‟s construction.

The Central Government was given the task of handling bureaucratic issues
and seeking funding resources for dam building. Towards this end, they approached
the World Bank. Prior to sanctioning any loan, the Bank demanded that extensive
environmental examinations be carried out by the government desiring funds. These
examinations were to provide detailed reports about the possible issues arising from
dam construction, environmental impacts and flooding of surrounding lands. Earlier,
the World Bank used to be contented if international experts associated with a Dam
Safety Panel suggested that the design, construction and operations of the dam were in
alignment with international standards. However, requirements began to change over
the years. In the 1980s, panels with environmental, public health and resettlement
expertise were added for the Bank‟s more contentious projects – most of which have
been large dams (Scudder, 2012: 308).

Accordingly, India‟s Department of Environment, an agency similar to the

Environmental Protection Agency in the USA, went in for an in-depth examination, in
1983. The Department gave internal clearance to the Project in 1985. As a result, the
World Bank offered funding support to the tune of $450 million. In its eagerness to
further India‟s progress on the line set by the western theme of development, it did not
bother to find out if the indigenous tribes that would be displaced, had been consulted
or not. In fact, it failed to do its homework properly. Thus, work on the Sardar
Sarovar Project began in earnest in 1987, thanks to the permission granted by the
Rajiv Gandhi Government, which was in power at that time.

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Origin of the Movement

By this time, the tribes themselves, as well as environmental activists and

organisations were beginning to wake up to the dangers posed by the ongoing
construction of the dam. Trees were being felled for the construction of roads leading
to the dam site. The rural folk and the indigenous tribes could sense that they would
lose their homes and fields soon. However, not being very knowledgeable or
courageous, they did not initiate any actions themselves. The environmental activists
did it for them. Thus, the peaceful protests began, albeit in rather an unorganised and
sporadic manner. It was only later on that the protestors came together in an organised
way.

The Action Research in Community Health and Development ARCH-Vahini

The first group to become involved was the Action Research in Community
Health and Development (ARCH-Vahini), an NGO determined to bring about social
change through democratic and peaceful social actions. Launched in 1982, the
organisation‟s first task was to set up a dispensary in Mangrol, Gujarat. The main aim
was to spread awareness about disease and death, amongst the rural poor and tribes.
This would lead to improvement in quality of life. Later on, the organisation extended
its activities to include every aspect of village and tribal life, including improvement
of resettlement and rehabilitation practices during and after building of any dam.

The organisation had already witnessed the inadequate response from the
Central and State Governments during the construction of another dam in Gujarat, the
Ukai dam built across the Tapti River. The tribes had been unaware of their rights and
unable to fight adequately in law courts. The ARCH-Vahini, therefore, lost no time in
entering the picture when they realised that history was about to be repeated via the
Sardar Sarovar Project. Even before the actual construction began (from 1980 to
1987), the organisation began a battle for fair rehabilitation practices.

According to the organisation, the NWDT‟s rulings were not being followed
by the Gujarat Government. Many of the oustees had received insufficient agricultural
lands for sustenance, as well as, meagre compensation for submerged lands.
Furthermore, those, without titles to their respective lands, were deemed as
encroachers and denied compensation. The NWDT had made it clear that all
individuals working or using a piece of land for a year or more were entitled to

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compensation. The decisions of the courts failed to help the indigenous population.
Finally, the ARCH-Vahini succeeded in getting the soon-to-be-ousted Gujarat
Government to change its compensation policy. The organisation used court appeals,
peaceful protests and demonstrations to achieve its target. It was finally decided that
all categories of families would receive at least five acres of land. From 1988 to 1997
onwards, the organisation began to oversee the appropriate implementation of the
promises made by the Gujarat Government.

The ARCH-Vahini, led by Dr. Anil Patel, often took recourse to legal means
to achieve their objectives. This was because people from tribes were illiterate and
backward, failing to comprehend what ARCH-Vahini, or any organisation for that
matter, could do for them. To illustrate, when the group began working with the
villages located near the Sardar Sarovar dam site, they found that government
officials were inclined to dupe them as best as they could. The additional collector of
Bharuch district, R. K. Trivedi, had informed Adivasi oustees residing in the first five
villages confronting submergence, that they would receive Rs. 4,600 per acre of lost
land. His superiors were trying to bring down the amount to Rs. 3,000. ARCH-Vahini
and Trivedi approached the Gujarat High Court with a petition on behalf of these five
villages. They won the case. The Adivasis, who had become used to witnessing
governmental indifference, began to see a ray of hope. They saw that if you are
prepared to fight, you will get satisfaction (Wood, 2007:138). Thereafter, they
cooperated with, and saw ARCH-Vahini winning many cases related to resettlement
and rehabilitation. Gandhi, if he had been alive, would have been happy, for he had
always felt that „the client has to be defended according to truth, whatever the
difficulties of arriving at it‟ (Hegde, 1983: 295). Morality, and not strict laws, should
decide the outcome of any case.

Despite everything, one cannot help wondering if Gandhi would really have
been in accord with this „approach the law‟ thought process. Being a Barrister
himself, over the years, his observance of court proceedings led him to various
conclusions. For instance, he believed that lawyers behaved more like mediators
rather than as directors of legal proceedings. Towards this end, both, the prosecuting
and the defence counsels would bring into play all manner of points of law, in order to
defeat one another. As a result, „truth‟ would become sidelined often. Even the winner
would not be able to recover the different kinds of costs associated with fighting a

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legal battle, completely. It was imperative, therefore, for the antagonists to become
linked to the dialectic, from which justice and truth would finally emerge. This could
not happen within the confines of a court of law, which generally saw the antagonists
and their supporters resort to all manner of unmanliness and cowardice, in order to
gain points. It could only occur outside the court via meaningful dialogues between
both parties. His practice of law became singularly different from how other lawyers
practised it. He opined,

“I realised that the true function of a lawyer was to unite parties

driven asunder. The lesson was so indelibly burnt into me that a
large part of my time during the twenty years of my practice as
a lawyer was occupied in bringing about private compromises
of hundreds of cases. I lost nothing thereby – not even money,
certainly not my soul (Gandhi, 1927: 12 45).”

Furthermore, where was the guarantee that the third party was always right?
People, in their simplicity, tended to believe that total strangers would grant them
justice by taking money from them.

Western nations believed the legal system to be the best institution for
resolving all kinds of conflicts between individuals or groups. The system emphasised
upon vociferous articulations and confrontations of opposites or alternatives. In
addition, sanctions were deemed as more important than qualities like compromise
and reconciliation amongst disputing parties, or even conversion of existing mindsets.
This was not in alignment with Gandhian thought, which stressed upon mediation,
dialogue and compromise. Overt clashes, defeats and victories were not to enter the
picture at all. Such thought processes formed the basis of Gandhi‟s Satyagraha as
well. Nevertheless, to grant them credit, ARCH-Vahini did succeed in gaining justice
for their „clients‟ by working with the authorities. After all, they were not against the
construction of the dam in its entirety. They were more concerned with resettlement
and rehabilitation of the rural poor. This necessitated changes in governmental
methods of formulating policies and implementing them. Otherwise, other villages
would suffer too, in future.

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The Genesis of Narmada Bachao Andolan

Apart from the ARCH-Vahini, other activists like Sunderlal Bahuguna, Baba
Amte, Medha Patkar, soon became a part of the movement and began to organise
large-scale public protests. The first one was at Dhule, a city and Municipal
Corporation in Dhule district, Maharashtra. The demonstration was held on April 9,
1984. It was against the construction of one of the largest gravity dams in the world,
i.e., the Sardar Sarovar Project. The opponents of the dam characterised the,

“Nehruvian development vision as one which results in

worsening conditions for the poorest of the poor and most
marginalised elements of society, and one which results from a
decision-making process that fails to consult with the poor and
thus fails to take seriously their needs and concerns (Gottlieb,
2004: 700).”

This was the beginning of what was to become a long-drawn battle lasting for
years and years. Within a couple of years after this demonstration, many states joined
in, each with a small organisation of its own. The next step was to forward a
memorandum signed by numerous citizens, in 1988. Several well-known personalities
signed it too. Baba Amte took up the responsibility of forwarding it to the then Prime
Minister, Rajiv Gandhi. It was a call for all works associated with the Narmada Valley
Development Projects, to be brought to a halt. People were ready to drown if they
were forced to, but they would not vacate their homes. In order to show that they were
serious about their intentions, around 30,000 individuals came together to take a
pledge on September 28, 1989. They gathered at the Valley of Harsud, Madhya
Pradesh. “Koi nahin hatega, bandh nahin banega” was the war cry of every villager.
Everyone vowed to fight destructive development, which involved cutting down of
trees, irrigation and power projects that threatened to harm the environment and
displacement of villages. The outcome was heartening. The Indian Government did
halt work on two dams, the Indira Sagar and Omkareshwar, immediately.

After this, all NGO groups came together to form an organisation called
Narmada Bachao Andolan. In actuality, before this group came into being, Medha
Patkar set up the Narmada Dharangrast Samiti, the Committee for Narmada-Affected
People. In Maharashtra, distraught villagers launched the Narmada Ghati

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Dharangrastha Samiti, that is, the Committee for Narmada Valley Dam-Affected
People. Over time, religious leaders, environmentalists, human rights leaders, evicted
villagers, adivasis awaiting displacement, etc, began to join these groups. These were
not the only groups; there were others too. They were horrified to discover that many
families had been evicted from their homes in the 1960s, even though the Project had
been stalled and the NWDT had not yet been formed. These families had been paid no
compensation at all. They hoped to gain something by joining these groups. Believing
that it would be best to fight the Central and State Governments as a united entity, the
various groups conglomerated to set up the Save the Narmada Movement or Narmada
Bachao Andolan.

Patkar’s First Rebellion

The battle against the Sardar Sarovar Project took off the following year itself,
when the World Bank stepped in with an offer to finance part of the Sardar Sarovar
Project. Although the NBA had not yet been formed, many organisations and their
supporters did come together in 1986, to halt this process. Along with Medha Patkar,
they decided to initiate a lengthy march, a padayatra, from Madhya Pradesh to the
Sardar Sarovar Project site. It would take 36 days to cover this route. However, the
organisers of this march hoped that this strong show of solidarity amongst local
NGOs, people‟s organisations and villagers from the three states affected by dam
construction in the Narmada Valley would make the Central and State Governments,
as well as the World Bank comprehend that the path towards „self-centred‟
modernisation would not be bereft of thorns and obstacles.

For Medha Patkar, the march was “a path symbolising the long path of
struggle (both immediate and long-term) that they really had (1995: 166).” However,
there were some rules to be followed by the participants. None of them would indulge
in initiation of violent acts or retaliate with violence. Secondly, the marchers were to
view themselves as Satyagrahis. The participants were more than ready to adhere to
these conditions. They decide to walk with their hands folded and tied in front of
them. Despite the peaceful nature of the protest, the law reacted with violence. There
were thousands of armed police officers waiting for them at the border of Gujarat.
Even as the marchers tried to push forward, the police went into a mode of violent
repression. The protesters were caned, abused, and even arrested. Women suffered the
indignity of clothes being torn off their bodies. Regardless, none of the participants

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engaged in retaliatory violence. The chaos attracted the attention of the media. This
sufficed to highlight all the various positive and negative aspects linked to the Sardar
Sarovar Project. Medha Patkar‟s movement benefitted due to all this publicity,
attracting more and more participants over the following days. In fact, she was able to
connect with similarly harassed residents in the eastern regions of India too. In
addition, the 36-day trek permitted Medha Patkar and the others to have lengthy
discussions about the Narmada Valley projects, all the developmental issues
associated with them, alternative ideologies and methods to counter governmental
apathy, etc.

This marked incident incorporates various Gandhian techniques all at once. It

included the practice of Padayatras, non-cooperation and civil disobedience. The
developments of the incident also led to intense self-suffering that had to be endured
by the Satyagrahis. It was obvious that Patkar wanted to make use of the Gandhism as
evinced by her idea of initiating a walk similar to the Dandi March. This 241-mile
long March had been undertaken by Gandhi and his followers during the pre-
Independence period, to protest against the unfair Salt Laws imposed by the British.
The British refused to let Indians continue preparing salt from the sea, as had been
their wont from earliest times. They even used force to prevent them from doing so.
The salt that reached marketplaces had always been taxed, but nominally. The British
went in for a heavy increase of this tax in 1835. The idea was to facilitate imports,
such that traders from Britain‟s East India Company would receive good dividends.
Around 8% of the British Raj revenue was obtained through this tax. Gandhi, thus,
had sound reasons for his protest. Salt was as essential to every Indian as water and
air. Making it unavailable to the poor via severe taxation was unjustifiable, especially
as the British were only concerned with political gains. Therefore, salt would
symbolise „freedom for India‟. People would go back to taking salt from the sea and
using it for their needs. They would not pay hefty taxes to purchase this commodity.
At the same time, Gandhi was practical.

Knowing that he might be arrested for his bold moves, he addressed the public
on the day prior to the March:

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 “In all probability, this will be my last speech to you. Even if
the Government allows me to march tomorrow morning, this
will be my last speech on the sacred banks of the Sabarmati.
Possibly, these may be the last words of my life here (1930).”

Although she did not actually voice her thoughts, Medha Patkar must have
been similarly aware of the consequences of their lengthy march. That was why she
had set the rules prior to starting the protest.

A Major Achievement – World Bank Halts Funding

Medha Patkar, a marvellous environmental visionary, was unwilling to let

governmental apathy and indifference affect the lives of the low-income groups. She
insisted that every dam project be taken up with a sense of accountability and
complete transparency. The people, who would be largely affected by the initiation of
such projects, had every right to know what was going on and how the huge losses
they incurred would be recovered. Over 20 million people were expected to suffer due
to dam constructions across the Narmada River. Naturally, this kind of attitude
endeared her to the masses, but not the classes. Amongst the masses, many were
women, who set up their own organisations for saving the holy river. One such was
the Narmada Shakti Dal in Madhya Pradesh, comprising entirely of villagers from the
local area. Launched on March 8 (International Women‟s Day), 1988, this
establishment objected to the setting up of the Maheshwar Dam in their state.

It was obvious that Patkar and the World Bank were at loggerheads over dam
constructions. Medha Patkar believed in the setting up of a decentralised system,
wherein production and sustainability would be practised in tremendously democratic
ways. In contrast, the World Bank seemed to harbour the mentality that one size
sufficed to fit all. They believed in a centralised system of governance. Patkar had
stated in an interview with Robert Jensen, of the Alternet,

“Once financing is taken care of, foreign capital legitimates the

process. Lenders like World Bank bring their own credibility,
among the elite and planners, and then people say, „Who are you
to know better than the World Bank?‟”

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 If the World Bank had to be stopped, Patkar had to garner national, as well as
international support. Therefore, she travelled to Washington D.C. between 1987 and
1989, in order to testify against World Bank performance. The hearing was arranged
by a congressional subcommittee. Her testimony garnered support from a few
Congressmen of the US. They even wrote to the World Bank, requesting suspension
of funding for the Sardar Sarovar Project. Apart from this, Patkar managed to get the
Environmental Defence Fund (EDF) on her side. The EDF was a non-profit
organisation keen to reduce environmental degradation and destruction across the
globe. A person named Lori Udall from the organisation approached the World Bank
on Patkar‟s behalf, requesting them to withdraw from the Project. Udall even created
an international network of environmental activists, comprising of members from
Australia, North America, Japan and Europe. They were to engage in dam resistance
in their own countries. The network did not suffice to halt funding for dam
constructions or prevent support for the same. Regardless, it was a beginning.

It was then that Patkar decided to take matters into her own hands. She set up
a meeting with World Bank executives in 1989. They did not agree to her demands
immediately, but did comprehend that the Narmada Valley dam projects would not
necessarily award healthy results as declared by the Indian Government. The
viewpoints expressed by Medha Patkar and the authorities involved with dam
construction in India were diametrically different. They prompted a director at the
World Bank to wonder if the concerned parties were talking about two different
projects or the same one! Even after returning from this meeting, Patkar and her
colleagues did not stay silent, just awaiting the outcome. They formed the NBA and
continued with their networking and protests. As a result, the World Bank began to
face pressure from activists in the U.S., Australia, Japan, etc. The international
community was eager to know why members of the World Bank had failed to keep
track of violation of human rights that would ensue if the Project got underway. It also
wanted to know what measures had been taken for resettlement and rehabilitation. In
fact, everyone questioned the viability of the Sardar Sarovar Project as a whole.

The aggressive arguments prompted the World Bank to appoint a few officials
from outside the Bank to conduct an Independent Review of the Project. This had
never happened before in the Bank‟s 45-year history! Bradford Morse, a former
Congressman of United States, was appointed the chairperson, while Thomas R.

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Berger, the deputy chairperson for the group. In the course of their study, the
members of the Independent Review interacted with various groups of people directly
or indirectly linked to the Project, such as academicians, NGOs, environmentalists
and other activists, retired public servants, working government officials, local
authorities, villagers and tribals residing in the Narmada Valley, and anyone who was
willing to give relevant information. They also examined official reports submitted to
the World Bank and went in for on-site evaluations. Above all, the group kept in mind
Convention 107, which had been passed by the International Labour Organisation
(ILO) in 1957.

Convention 107 stated that indigenous or tribal oustee families were to be

“provided with lands of quality at least equal to that of the lands previously occupied
by them, suitable to provide for their present needs and future development (Berger,
1993: 40)”. It had become necessary to initiate such a Convention, in view of the fact
that developing and industrial nations were keen to go in for high dam constructions
at the end of World War II. This resulted in damage or destruction of frontier, rural or
forest regions. Generally, tribals and indigenous people suffered the most, during the
process of involuntary resettlement. An international decision like this would prove
binding on nations, preventing much harm coming to poorer populations. India had
ratified this Convention on September 29, 1958. Thus, the Independent Review went
in for an in-depth perusal of the whole scenario, prior to submitting the final report on
April 1, 1992.

The Independent Review was outspoken and brutally blunt in its presentation.
It criticised both, the Bank and the Indian Government, for their failure to adhere to a
commitment towards human rights and human welfare. According to the report, it had
all begun with some policy changes initiated by the World Bank. The Bank came up
with a general resettlement and rehabilitation policy in 1980. Under this policy, those,
who were displaced due to dam or canal construction, were to be assured of being
able to live in the same manner as they used to live previously. Similarly, in 1982, the
World Bank came up with another policy aimed towards safeguarding the wellbeing
and integrity of displaced tribals via regulations or other methods. These policies
applied to every nation borrowing funds from the World Bank. Initiation of such rules
was commendable, since they seemed to recognise that any kind of large-scale project
taken up in frontier, rural or wilderness regions, resulted in involuntary displacement.

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These policies also recognised that the oustees had basic human rights and they ought
to be respected. National economic interests or national sovereignty had no right to
come in the way of implementing these rights in a just manner. Similar thoughts were
echoed by the Brundtland Commission in 1987 too, when they aimed to encourage
nations across the world to pursue sustainable development at all times. Notzke
observes,

“The starting point for a just and humane policy for such
groups is the recognition and protection of their traditional
rights to land and other resources that sustain their way of life –
rights they may define in terms that do not fit into standard
legal systems (1994: 4).”

The Independent Review harped on all these policies, as over 60 million

tribals existed in India at that time. Most of them were dependent on agricultural lands
that had been handed down over generations, for their livelihood. The majority of the
populace that would be affected by the launching of the Sardar Sarovar Project would
be the tribes residing near or in the Narmada Valley. These tribes depended upon the
nearby forests, their cattle and fields, to eke out a livelihood. Unfortunately, very few
of them possessed formal titles to their lands. Hence, the governments of the three
states, especially Madhya Pradesh and Maharashtra labelled them as encroachers.
This granted them the advantage of denying any kind of resettlement. Instead, these
tribal people would be treated as landless labourers. Naturally, they would have
nothing to call their own. In conclusion the report states, “The Bank must ensure that
in projects it decides to support the principles giving priority to resettlement and
environmental protection are faithfully observed. This is the only basis for truly
sustainable development (Report of the Independent Review, 1992: 16).”

The State of Gujarat, on the other hand, did award complete benefits to its
tribal population. However, the population residing in the Narmada Valley region of
Gujarat was quite small in comparison to the populations in the other two states. It
was obvious that the governmental authorities were defying the norms defined by the
ILO and even the World Bank. Even credit and loan agreements outlined how
displaced people were to be treated. Regardless, the World Bank, probably prompted
by greed, decided to overlook the conditions documented in the credit and loan
agreements. The World Bank followed what it called an “incremental” policy, never

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insisting on compliance with conditions laid down in the credit and loan agreements
until it was too late to secure such compliance (Berger, 1993: 42). Naturally, the
World Bank‟s cooperative stance only served to make the Indian Government very
happy.

As if this was not enough, the World Bank had failed to ask the Gujarat State
Government to sign a covenant declaring agreement with World Bank policies related
to resettlement and rehabilitation. This was with regard to a canal being constructed
for providing irrigation. This canal was part of the Narmada Valley dam projects.
According to the report, at least 140,000 families would be displaced. Amongst them,
at least 13,000 would lose everything that they owned, even compensation. The
Independent Review lamented that even those, who received compensation, would not
benefit much, thanks to the provisions outlined in the Land Acquisition Act. The same
scenario was being repeated, in the case of the Sardar Sarovar Project. Admittedly,
both, India and the World Bank could be deemed as flouting all official norms related
to human rights, without compunction.

After commenting upon the human weaknesses exhibited by authority figures

in India and the World Bank, the Independent Review switched to the effects of dam
construction on the environment. India did not have a national policy related to
resettlement and rehabilitation of people displaced due to dam construction in place,
since this was deemed as the responsibility of individual states. However, it did have
comprehensive environmental laws, practices and guidelines in place. Nevertheless,
the Ministry of Environment and Forests did not bother to adhere to them, while
granting permission for the initiation of the Sardar Sarovar Project in 1987. It was
imperative to explore the impacts of any project on the environment, prior to
launching it. In this case, the authorities suggested that environmental studies could be
undertaken in alignment with each stage of dam construction, i.e., pari passu. The
declaration that the study and construction would go hand in hand was informal.

On paper, it was suggested that every kind of study associated with the Sardar
Sarovar Project be completed by 1989. Very few studies were completed by the
stipulated deadline. Obviously, in the absence of proper data or analysis, one could
not expect appropriate assessments of the environmental situation, or even take
ameliorative measures prior to beginning the project. To illustrate, data related to the
impact of upstream sedimentation on backwaters had not been collected. It was

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possible that heavy sedimentation could cause a rise in river water levels to such an
extent that heavily populated farmlands in the surrounding areas were flooded.
Furthermore, flooding could occur repeatedly, causing extensive damage to human
and animal lives, property and the environment.

Similarly, there was no talk about the downstream impact. It was obvious that
the river and its estuary, fishing prospects and residents living in the surrounding
regions, would be adversely impacted. However, unless extensive studies were carried
out, no one could predict how seriously they would be affected. It was possible that
the Hilsa fish, which thrived wonderfully in the lower regions of the Narmada River,
would find survival difficult. Thousands of fisher folk, who depended upon these
waters for their livelihood, would suffer terribly. There is no way to make good the
loss because so far, scientists have not managed to breed Hilsa artificially (Roy, 2016:
142). Thirdly, just as environmental activists had suggested, even the Independent
Review felt that serious problems related to water logging and salinity would arise in
the future, especially in the Command, an area which covered the region around the
dam, which receives the benefits of electricity and irrigation water. The report even
questioned the design utilised to create the canal and irrigation network. If any
problems were to occur, the authorities did not have solutions, or even possible
solutions, in place. The Independent Review pointed out that the World Bank should
have been aware of issues arising in the command area of any dam construction, since
it had identified them even in earlier irrigation projects, especially in India. To
conclude, neither the Indian Government nor the World Bank considered anything
related to the environment or welfare of human beings as a crucial matter.

It was obvious that the Independent Review foresaw similar problems with the
launching of the Sardar Sarovar Project that Medha Patkar, Baba Amte, Sundarlal
Bahuguna and a host of other dedicated environmentalists and social activists had
already perceived earlier. The report, therefore, offered a few recommendations to
rectify issues, such that the enterprise could be implemented successfully. These
recommendations focused on initiating studies related to hydrological uncertainties,
ecological issues, human welfare, problems linked to downstream/upstream/command
areas, etc. At the same time, the Independent Review made it clear that the Indian
Government and the World Bank were free to take a final decision regarding the
continuation of the venture or putting a halt to it. Similarly, both parties were free to

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proceed according to the recommendations put forth, or disregard some or all
completely.

The final report of the Independent Review did force the World Bank to
rethink the issue. It did admit that it had not adhered to its own guidelines regarding
resettlement and rehabilitation, while considering funding for the Sardar Sarovar
Project. In light of what the Independent Review had discovered, the Bank advised
the Indian Government to halt dam construction until appropriate resettlement
measures could be initiated for the about-to-be displaced people. As expected, the
Indian Government‟s reaction to both, the Independent Review‟s report and the World
Bank‟s suggestion, was quite hostile. The Secretary of the Ministry of Water
Resources, Madhav Chitale, immediately dashed off a protest letter to the World
Bank. „At the outset, I must mention that the Independent Review has clearly
overstepped their Terms of Reference and have commented on several issues which
were not within their jurisdiction‟ (Gates, 2012: 71). He even suggested that scenario
related to the environmental impacts and resettlement measures had been grossly
distorted. India would always remain committed to human rights. It was unfortunate
that the report had failed to emphasise upon the benefits accruing to people after every
dam construction. Furthermore, various social service organisations had studied and
submitted reports linked to tribals and their socio-economic structures. These
documents had been ignored by the Independent Review group. In short, the group
was more intellectual in its attitude, rather than practical. Therefore, the Indian
Government would go ahead with its own Sardar Sarovar Project review.
Accordingly, the review was presented in 1994.

Predictably, the report found nothing that indicated halting the dam
construction process. Officials from Gujarat declared that the Project was dependent
upon World Bank funding to just a small extent, about 10%. By this time the World
Bank had cancelled the remaining of the loan due to the Government, which was $170
million out of the granted $450 million. Even if the funds were withdrawn, the Project
would not be seriously affected. Therefore, the Indian Government cancelled the
balance of the World Bank‟s loan in 1993. However, it did reconfirm its commitment
towards healthy resettlement and rehabilitation, as well as, environmental practices.
The Sardar Sarovar Project would continue as usual. Although Medha Patkar‟s initial
meeting with the World Bank executives did culminate in a withdrawal of funds, dam

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construction did not stop. The NBA would have to continue its battle in other ways,
probably even approach law courts in future.

Presently, the construction of the Sardar Sarovar Project has been completed.
The project was very recently dedicated to the nation by Prime Minister Narendra
Modi. But many issues remain unsolved even today. Most prominent among them is
the issue of rehabilitation of the displaced. The NBA and its Satyagrahis have
continued their struggle to get a dignified outcome for the locals, tribals and peasants.

Leadership of the Narmada Bachao Andolan

The NBA‟s often tumultuous, and often victorious, journey was aided by the
fact that it had inspiring leaders like Medha Patkar and Baba Amte at the core of the
group.

Medha Patkar

Medha Patkar, born on December 1, 1954, received her social awareness skills
from a very young age, since her father, Vasant Khanolkar, was a freedom fighter, an
experienced trade union leader and social activist. Even her mother, Indumati
Khanolkar a social activist, believed in serving humanity. She had set up „Swadar‟, an
organisation to help suffering women with issues relating to their financial, health and
educational matters. Her mother‟s work taught Patkar that many evils ailed Indian
society. Her father‟s work taught her how perseverant, determined and motivated one
had to be in order to bring about social change. Their thoughts and work inspired
Patkar to pursue her post graduation in the field of social work, at the Tata Institute of
Social Work. Her desire to attain a doctorate degree took her to the Narmada River in
1985, along with a research team, keen on gaining knowledge about resettlement and
rehabilitation procedures. Medha Patkar became so involved with her work with the
peasants and tribals that she could not complete her thesis.

In the course of obtaining relevant material for her study, Patkar interacted
closely with the rural folk and the tribals. They were upset and full of questions about
being displaced from their homes, but governmental agencies appeared indifferent to
their woes. An outraged Patkar took up the job of intermediary between the residents
in the Narmada Valley and the local governments. She believed, “There has to be a
micro-to-macro linkage to put ourselves forward as political actors (Jensen, 2004).”
The to-be-displaced residents were micro and the local authorities were the macro.

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The micro-to-macro linkage was to become the essence of the NBA‟s political, social
and economic struggle later on. The exercise taught Patkar that the passionate aim to
modernise India had rendered the Central and State Governments blind to the plight
of the residents. She decided to leave academics behind and instead, unite people to
protest against the concept of dam construction itself, rather than just unsuitable
relocation. It did take some effort to establish trust, for the about-to-be-displaced
population was not sure whether Patkar was acting for personal political gains or truly
concerned about their welfare. However, her persistence won the day and the to-be-
displaced populace decided that it would fight against the launching of the Sardar
Sarovar Project.

Medha Patkar came to occupy the central place in the Narmada Bachao
Andolan. She was the main organiser and strategist of the movement. She mobilised
the villagers and the tribals like never before on the issue and was at the helm of
thousands of meetings and rallies that were organised on the issue not only in the
country but also at the global level. She conducted Satyagraha from the tribal parts of
the affected areas to the capital of the country which led to unprecedented effects. On
many of these occasions she put the Government on the back foot. She took up fasting
on several occasions, the most trying being the 22-day fast that nearly killed her. She
made use of the methods of Satyagraha in innovative ways, one such being the Jal
Satyagraha that she undertook on several occasions by standing in the waters which
immersed the fertile land of the affected area.

Medha Patkar also struck a dialogue with eminent personalities and tried to
convince them of the blunders in big projects. She led the delegation which met the
World Bank officials to convince them to rethink their loan to the Government of
India to build the Dam. Finally, she succeeded and the World Bank not only stopped
its loan to the Sardar Sarovar Project but also made a policy decision not to fund any
such projects henceforth anywhere in the world. Patkar believed that development is
desirable and everyone wants it but it should not be sought at the expense of the
marginalised and disadvantaged. It should include proper planning and the use of
appropriate technology.

The practice of Satyagraha received its best expression in recent times under
the able guidance and leadership of Medha Patkar. Acknowledging her unparalleled

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contribution to the Narmada Bachao Andolan and also for her views, Medha Patkar
has been awarded the Goldman Environmental Prize and the Right Livelihood Award.

Baba Amte

Despite the many environmentalists, social activists, NGO members, etc, who
came out in support of Medha Patkar‟s mission to Save the Narmada, she received the
ablest support from Baba Amte. Just like her, he could not tolerate any kind of social
injustice based upon differences in birth, creed or caste. He was so inspired by
Gandhian ideals that he strove to follow faithfully in the Mahatma‟s footsteps. Baba
Amte believed that no one could replace the Mahatma for he had managed to create a
permanent bond between man and the spinning wheel. He had the potential to move
the masses of India with the intention to pick just a pinch of salt.

Baba Amte was a native of Wardha district, Maharashtra. Born in a very

affluent family, his course of life changed one day when he came across a leprosy
infected man. It led him to devote his entire life to the welfare of people afflicted with
this dreaded disease. His ashram, Anandwan, the Forest of Joy, proved to be, and still
is, a haven for these patients. Baba Amte also desired to bring about national
integration through eradication of communal violence. Therefore, he embarked upon a
padyatra from Kanyakumari to Jammu in 1985. During the course of his Bharat Jodo
Yatra, he mingled with people from many states. He pleaded for peace that stayed
above linguistic differences, religious fundamentalism and territorial quarrels. People
were generally supportive. When questioned, a Christian priest commented,

“It is easy to break a house, but it takes so long to make a

house. Baba‟s here on a mission, so we welcome him
wholeheartedly and pray for oneness between Hindu, Muslim,
Sikh, and Christian communities (Mirchandani, 2006, ch. 9).”

Apart from this padyatra, Baba Amte took part in several marches related to
justice and peace during his lifetime (1914 – 2008). His association with the NBA
lasted a very long period of his life. He stayed on the banks of the Narmada for most
part of his latter life having sworn not to return to Anandwan unless he was successful
in winning justice for the dam stricken people.

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 Gandhi gave the title of „Abhyasadhak’ to Baba Amte in recognition of his
efforts to fight for the removal of the fear regarding leprosy. Amte believed in the
Gandhian way of life, therefore, he led a very simple life incorporating frugality in all
its aspects. He was true to Gandhian principles all his life and stood firm on the stand
that he took on several occasions without the fear of consequences. He established the
„Anandwan’ which was the epitomisation of Gandhian concept of village community.
Baba Amte has been awarded with the Padma Vibhushan, Padma Shri, Gandhi Peace
Prize and also the Ramon Magsaysay Award.

Other than this, many locals also contributed to the movement in sensitizing
the people, creating awareness, taking initiatives and being part of the various
Satyagrahas declared from time to time. Some of the most prominent are:
Devrambhai, Sitaramkaka, Luvariyabhai, Ranyabhai Padavi. Deverambahi Kaneri,
Bhawatibhai Patidar and Jamsingh Nargave. Many of them were participants in the
most prominent fasts and Satyagrahas of the NBA. The movement has also received
significant support from hundreds of tribals; men and women alike.

Gandhian Philosophy

Unlike the ARCH-Vahini, the Narmada Bachao Andolan did not content itself
with resettlement and rehabilitation issues alone. It was against the construction of
any kind of dam on the Narmada River as well. This was because the leaders were
passionate followers of Gandhian thoughts and actions. The Sardar Sarovar Project
completely went against Gandhi‟s concept of development. Gandhi was never in
favour of development at the expense of the life of the rural masses. The project
basically challenged the practice of Sarvodaya, a socio-political philosophy concerned
with universal upliftment or progress of all. „Sarva’ referred to everyone, while „uday’
referred to uplift. As already discussed in a former chapter, John Ruskin‟s book,
“Unto This Last”, inspired Gandhi to come up with this concept. He summarised what
he had grasped from the book in the form of three tenets:

(1) The good of the individual is contained in the good of all.

(2) A lawyer‟s work has the same value as the barber‟s, as all
have the same right of earning their livelihood from their
work.

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 (3) A life of labour, that is, the life of the tiller of the soil and
the handicraftsman, is the life worth living. (Gandhi 1948:
265)

Gandhi stated that, he had known the first, but only dimly realised the second
one. The third tenet was something completely new. Suffice to say, Gandhi became a
changed man, harbouring a deep „Sarvodaya’ vision for India and Indians, and
yearning to put it into practice.

Sarvodaya’s Political and Economic Philosophy

Sarvodaya was actually a social ideology. Gandhi wanted this social ideology
to be converted into a political doctrine for the progress of post-independence India.
This was because political leaders tended to prove the best tools for improving the
economic, social, spiritual and moral arenas of society. If they were loyal to their
spiritual beliefs and moral conscience, they would even be able to protect their souls
against corrupting influences, sectarianism, etc. Gandhi deemed Sarvodaya as the best
kind of social order, built on the foundation of an all-encompassing love of one
human being towards another. It followed that there would be no social, political,
cultural or economic exploitation. There would be no suppression or liquidation.

In Sarvodaya, politics of power would be replaced by the politics of

cooperation. Rajniti, which stands for power concentrated in the hands of the elite,
will turn into Lokniti, in which politics would turn into an agency of service to the
people and the people will exercise true democratic power. Furthermore, the
inequality between social classes could only be reduced with the aid of state
machinery and political will. In turn, this would result in inclusive growth and
progress. Therefore, upliftment was to begin from the grassroots, i.e., from the most
deprived classes, generally farmers and tribals, living in villages, before moving
upwards to cover the other social strata. Towards this end, Gandhi even came up with
an 18-fold programme for converting existing society into a Sarvodaya society. The
programme included upliftment of farmers, upliftment of Adivasis, upliftment of
lepers, upliftment of students, adult education, Nai Talim (Basic Education),
upliftment of labour, upliftment of women, education in health & hygiene, village
sanitation, removal of untouchability, prohibition, communal unity, national language,
provincial language, Khadi, other rural industries and economic equality.

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 Probably, only the members of the Narmada Bachao Andolan grasped what
Gandhi meant. The authorities in charge of constructing the various dams across
Narmada River did not. Soon after freedom from British Rule, Indian politicians were
keen to show the world that their nation could become as „big‟ as the western
industrialised nations were. Therefore, Prime Minister Nehru‟s theory of dam building
being akin to nation building was received with great eagerness and frevour. All kinds
of dams began to come up – big, small, short and tall – along with novel irrigation
systems. The Central and State Governments even took over the traditional irrigation
systems, which had been initiated and managed by the rural populace for thousands
and thousands of years. Over time, lack of maintenance and non-usage led to these
innovative systems becoming atrophied. The only solution, therefore, was to come up
with more dams! Celebrated author, environmentalist and social activist Arundhati
Roy, a strong opponent of dam constructions, in her essay „The Greater Common
Good’ has stated the “Big dams started well, but have ended badly”. She elaborates
further in the same article on the website of the Friends of River Narmada thus:

“Ecologically, they are in the doghouse. They lay the earth to

waste. They cause floods, water logging and salinity. They
spread disease. There is mounting evidence that links big dams
to earthquakes. It is common knowledge now that big dams do
the opposite of what their publicity people say – the local pain
for national gain myth has been blown wide open (1999).”

This becomes significant in the backdrop that, India stands third in the rank
amongst dam building nations.

Gandhi sincerely believed that India lived in her villages and her tribes. It was
why he desired their upliftment. On the basis of Gandhi‟s vision of the Sarvodaya, Dr.
Rajendra Prasad, the first President of India visualised the „farmers and workers
would be at the centre of a Sarvodaya State and there will be no exploitation but for
this they need to organise themselves‟. However, far from focusing on development at
the grassroots, post-independence governmental authorities, especially those involved
with the Sardar Sarovar Project, were ruthlessly uprooting the rural populace and
Adivasis from their ancestral homes and residential areas. They did not even feel the
need to consult the original landowners regarding anything, including the usage of
their lands. This was not the politics of cooperation, but the politics of power.

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 The Central and State Governments decided that they had full right to decide
who would get how much water and from where, who would grow what and where,
who would be evicted, etc. They wished to control all of India‟s resources, including,
land, air, water, forests, animals, etc, and re-distribute them amongst a favoured few.
In other words, a vast rural population would be forced to lose everything that they
had worked for their entire lives, in order to benefit the smaller urban masses. This
was not social progress, but a widening of the gap between haves and have-nots.
Regardless, it was commendable that the Narmada Bachao Andolan was helping the
have-nots to organise themselves and fight for their rights.

Cooperating with the uprooting would fetch the poor farmers some monetary
compensation. Nevertheless, could any amount of money truly compensate for the
number of years spent in nurturing the soil, maintaining its fertility and growing crops
to feed the hungry? It was the same with the Adivasis. They had always revered the
trees and forests as holy shrines. They had learnt to commune wonderfully with
Mother Nature, their benefactor. They would obtain everything they needed from the
forests in which they resided. This included fodder, food, fuel, tooth powder, housing
material, rope, tobacco, medicinal herbs, gum, etc. They even tended livestock.
Narmada River was their mother, who supplied fish and water for all their needs. Dam
constructions would destroy their homes, leaving them destitute and helpless.

The utter worthlessness of the poor to the Indian Government was evident by
these words uttered in 1961, by Morarji Desai, the then Finance Minister. “We will
request you to move from your houses after the dam comes up. If you move, it will be
good. Otherwise, we shall release the waters and drown you all (Barlow & Clarke,
2011: 62)”. He was at that time addressing a gathering comprised of people living in
the submergence zone of the Pong Dam being constructed across the Beas River in
Himachal Pradesh.

Sarvodaya’s Philosophies Related to Health, Education and God/Truth

Gandhi believed that regardless of caste, creed, race, social status or beliefs,
every individual should be granted equal opportunities to develop as an all-round
personality. Towards this end, it was imperative that they become educated, not
merely literate. Education did not refer to attainment of schooling, degrees, etc. It
referred to knowledge about rights, duties, etc. Towards this end, the well-educated

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governmental authorities and elite would have to use their knowledge to answer the
wants of the poorest villages and not cater to the wants of imperial exploiters. Gandhi
advocated that the people in power were to respect the dignity of labour and promote
communities towards self-sufficiency. The rural folk and Adivasis comprehended this
better than the urbanites, since they laboured sincerely to earn their daily bread. The
Mahatma referred to this as „bread labour‟. The farmers laboured in a spirit of service,
offering food to a hungry society. They did not mind sharing the produce of their
labour with everyone. According to the Gandhi, “In reality, the toiler is the owner of
what he produces. If the toilers intelligently combine, they will become an irresistible
power (Mehta, 2004).” Yet, the propagators of the Sardar Sarovar Project and similar
others did not give them the respect they deserved. Instead, those who were expected
to be the trustees of their welfare were their worst exploiters.

To Gandhi, Sarvodaya was more than an ideology. Adherence to its principles

of respect of individual freedom, equality and justice for all and the creation of
fraternal feelings towards one another, would serve to establish a closer connection to
God. According to Gandhi, when one offered selfless service to the poorest of the
poor, one would be able to obtain a glimpse of God. Every human being, every plant
and every animal was God‟s creation. When one endeavoured to be harmonious with
the environment and the residents subsisting on it via all kinds of activities, one would
be able to realise God and attain true self-satisfaction.

Sarvodaya’s Environmental Philosophy

As mentioned earlier, Gandhi cared deeply for Mother Nature. He was not an
ecologist or environmental activist in the true sense. He did not urge people to
worship Mother Nature, simply because she provided so many benefits to humankind.
He believed that the environment and everything within it were representations of
God‟s creations. In fact, everything in the universe was associated with the
omnipotent and omnipresent Creator. Therefore, it had a right of its own, wherein it
could survive in any way it wanted. This „right‟ was to be respected by all. Since
Gandhi did not want Mother Nature to be stressed or degraded, he encouraged people
to limit their wants. Even in limitation, it was possible to live comfortably. The
environment could provide enough for the needy, but not for the greedy. Gandhi was
highly accurate when he said,

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 “The earth, the air, the land and the water are not an inheritance
from our forefathers but on loan from our children. So we have
to hand over to them at least as it was handed over to us
(Kaushik 2010).”

Gandhian Techniques

The Narmada Bachao Andolan is characterised by the indomitable faith of its

leaders and participants in the philosophy and practice of Gandhian ideas. The
movement had Gandhi at its core, as it was a movement against a flawed model of
development and an outright abuse of the rights of the common man. In his life
Gandhi challenged the notion of development which was far removed from the
realities of the situation. The development pattern of the west would not necessarily
become applicable to all societies of the world. He feared the time when India and
Indians would take up the same road. His methods of Satyagraha, practice of non-
violence and search for truth, were therefore directed towards addressing all the issues
raised by the advent of the economic, cultural and political practices of the modern
civilisation.

The term Satyagraha which stands for the insistence on truth was supposed to
be the path to reach the ultimate truth. To Gandhi, truth was akin to God. The ultimate
truth would be a revelation of the almighty as Gandhi felt that Truth is God and God
is Truth. He was inspired by the Ancient Hindu Texts, which declared that there was
no greater duty or religion than truth. If one managed to find truth, it would be as if
the individual had attained spiritual salvation. Therefore, any kind of untruth was to
be resisted with determination, albeit in a non-violent manner. To sum up, Satyagraha
was the force or power arising from a relentless hunt for truth and living in alignment
with truth. The aim was to bring about human equality and ultimately, the unity of all
human beings. According to Michael N. Nagler‟s interpretation of Gandhi‟s words,

“There is no such thing as a „win or lose‟ confrontation because

all our important interests are really the same and that
consciously or not, every single person wants unity and peace
with every other (McCarthy, 2012: 99).”

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 After all, each human being perceived or understood the „truth‟ of anything
only partially. It was, therefore, not fair to impose one‟s partial understanding of the
truth on another, as if it were the whole truth and nothing more. This belief prompted
Gandhi to use Satyagraha as a moral weapon during India‟s fight for Independence
from British Rule. Soul force incorporating love, non-violence and patient suffering,
was to be the weapon for overcoming physical force. Satyagraha did start out as a
political struggle for justice. Over time, it became a symbol for individual salvation,
achievable only through silent self-suffering and pure love. Towards this end, the
individual had to strive to develop a strong mindset. Satyagraha was meant to defeat
every kind of veiled or unveiled and direct or indirect type of violence. It did not
matter if the violence displayed itself through verbalisation, thought or action.
Gandhi‟s Satyagraha was founded on three basic pillars. They included truth, non-
violence and self-suffering.

According to Gandhi‟s reasoning, truth was a relative term. It was impossible

for anyone to comprehend the absolute truth, without making a determined effort to
seek it first. During this hunt for the truth, it was important to bring round the
opponent to the searcher‟s way of thinking. Together, they would work towards a
common goal, without causing harm to self or to anyone else. To give a simple
example, the authorities involved in dam constructions believed that they were
working for the common good. Every dam would provide sufficient water and
electricity for numerous people, thereby paving the pathway for greater development
and progress in all arenas. However, in their enthusiasm, they overlooked the
consequences of their actions on the people residing near rivers. No proper plans
regarding resettlement and rehabilitation of displaced people were put into place. Too
much of bureaucratic measures prevented any governmental agent from
comprehending the absolute truth of what was happening. Furthermore, with no
proper dialogues being initiated by either side, the chaos would continue.

People like Medha Patkar and other environmentalists, therefore, decided to

become part of the process to find peaceful solutions to existing problems. They were
the seekers of Satya, something that could never be destroyed or be defeated in any
kind of battle. In short, truth implied fairness, openness and honesty in thought, word
and action. They knew that their opponent was the mighty state who could make use

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of its coercive capacities to overrule the agitators. Still they chose to follow the path
of Satyagraha as they knew Truth was on their side.

The second pillar of Satyagraha is non-violence or Ahimsa. This was an

ethical concept advocated even by religions like Buddhism, Hinduism and Jainism.
Himsa referred to violence, while the addition of the prefix „a‟ turned it into non-
violence. Buddhist teachings considered ahimsa to be a cardinal virtue, while Hindu
texts considered it a way of life. Followers of Jainism stated their first vow as ahimsa.
Gandhi did not want this concept to remain confined to religious duties alone. He
wished to bring it into the political and social arenas too. Towards this end, Ahimsa
would become the positive force/weapon utilised for seeking political and social
truths. This would enable people to remain righteous in their actions. This concept
might become clearer through the words uttered by a spiritual guru giving a public
discourse related to verses from the Bhagwad Gita.

According to the Mahatma, non-violence, truth, righteousness and peace could

not be compartmentalised, for they were all dependent upon love. When one‟s
thoughts focused on love for all beings, one would be able to discover truth. In other
words, when love manifested itself as an action (righteousness), it became a display of
truth. In short, ahimsa referred to a refusal to inflict harm or injury upon others via
actions, thoughts or verbalisations. It was an effort to wean the opponent from
violence and sinful thought towards the thoughts and views of the Satyagrahi which
were based on truth and love. Those, who were protesting against the Sardar Sarovar
Project, demonstrated this very aptly by keeping their hands tied throughout the long
march. They wanted to reiterate their commitment to non-violence and faith in truth.
It was also a bold expression of their fearlessness, a virtue essential for a Satyagrahi.

The third pillar of Satyagraha is self-suffering. According to Gandhi, this

could be viewed as a test of true love, wherein one did not mind anything that was
inflicted upon the mind or body by the opponent. Even in the face of aggression, one
restrained from retaliating. An example was witnessed during Medha Patkar‟s march,
when the protestors and the police clashed at the borders of Gujarat State. One
requires much self-discipline to behave in this manner. It could be achieved when one
believed in a cause and was fighting for the benefit of all humanity. At the same time,
Gandhi also distinguished between self-suffering and cowardice. The former indicated
a moral and noble sacrifice, wherein one voluntary endured everything. The latter

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involved running away from a situation or just giving up helplessly when confronted
with aggressive behaviour from the opponent. When a person, who would normally
use arms to counter conflict, gave them up in order to invite suffering upon self, it was
the best demonstration of Satyagraha. Such an individual would not only be able to
continue practising the concept throughout life, but also preach it to others and change
their behaviour. According to Gandhi, self-suffering was a morally enriching exercise.
He writes,

“It is not because I value life low that I can countenance with
joy thousands voluntarily losing their lives for Satyagraha. But
because I know that it results in the long run in the least loss of
life, and, what is more, it ennobles those who lose their lives
and morally enriches the world for their sacrifice” (1944: 49).

Thus, self-suffering referred to the willingness to go in for self-sacrifice, in the

name of social service. The individual would sincerely refuse to harm the opponent in
any manner, clinging to the truth all the while. This kind of sacrifice could even result
in death sometimes. Regardless, this knowledge or awareness was not to act as a
deterrent in the fight for justice for all.

In the practice of Satyagraha, the Satyagrahi had to adhere to a code of

conduct. He had to make sure that he followed it all the time. A satyagrahi required to
possess the ability to imbibe these trying rules. He could do only with a pure heart,
dedication and an absolute faith in Satyagraha. For instance, no Satyagrahi could be
an atheist. God represented „hope‟. Every activist had to believe in God and exhibit
complete faith in his wisdom and intelligence to do good for humanity as a whole.
Gandhi wrote,

“The knowledge of the omnipresence of God means respect for

lives of those who may be called opponents. This contemplated
intervention is a process of stilling the fury of man when the
brute in him gets mastery over him (Harijan, 18-6-38).”

Then again, every Satyagrahi had to adopt another religion along with the
religion that he practised on a regular basis. This religion was truth and non-violence.
A belief in this novel religion could be evoked only if one exhibited a strong belief in
the inherent goodness present within every human being h encountered during life‟s

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journey. It followed that such strong faith would help the activist to accept any and
every kind of suffering in order to achieve a just objective or rectify a bad situation.
Such suffering might entail being imprisoned too, sometimes. In such a scenario, the
prisoner would have to adhere to all the prison laws and rules without complaint. At
the same time, the prisoner could desist from following a rule, which threatened to
harm one‟s self-respect. The Satyagrahi was expected to exhibit disciplined behaviour
at all times. Intoxicants were not to be touched, for they tended to affect reasoning
and behaviour. Above all, the Satyagrahi was expected to lead a chaste and simple
life. If need be, one had to be ready to give up one‟s possessions, or even one‟s life.
To conclude, the Satyagrahi would be the member of a movement, which believed in
fighting social injustice and promoting ethical values.

The tribals affected by the Sardar Sarovar Project had a peculiar yet vibrant
social history. They had unique norms and values. They led a life in tune with their
surroundings based on mutual co-existence. But they were amateurs as far as their
dealings with the political institutions were concerned. The movement against the
Sardar Sarovar Project shook them out their straight forward and simple life to harsh
realities. But their strong cultural and social roots made it possible for them to imbibe
not only the spirit of protest but also the practice of Satyagraha. It would not have
been so easy for any other group of people, e.g., the urban populace to learn it so
quickly. They lived on the simple realities of life. The practice of truth and non-
violence came easily to them. The other villagers had to be trained by the agitation
leaders to follow the same methods. Given the experiences of the affected people with
the police and administration of the state the agitators had to be trained for the highest
form of civil disobedience, wherein they would have to face atrocities of the worst
kind.

Using a Powerful Weapon called Non-Violence

It was commendable that the World Bank had been made to see sense via
peaceful methods. There had been no violent public protests, no damage to property
or loss of human lives, as often witnessed in modern times. All that Medha Patkar,
Baba Amte and other leaders had done was to request local and international support
for what they passionately believed to be „just‟ demands. Even the World Bank had
been presented with very truthful and convincing arguments, thereby encouraging
them to look at both sides of the story. Gandhi‟s weapon called non-violence proved

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immensely powerful in the hands of the Satyagrahis associated with the Narmada
Bachao Andolan.

Gandhi had made non-violence his philosophy of life. He declared that it was
not to be mistaken as a weapon of weak people, but as a weapon that could prove
useful to all. As per Gandhi‟s philosophy, violence existed in two forms. One was
passive, while the other was physical in nature. One could see examples of passive
violence everywhere in day-to-day life, whether it existed consciously or
unconsciously. Passive violence, in turn, proved to be the fuel for igniting a fire
known as physical violence. This was „himsa‟ or torture, which resulted in injury to
another. Such feelings intensified when circumstances became too disadvantageous to
handle comfortably. Gandhi disliked violence because it perpetuated hatred. Even if
any good resulted from violent actions, it tended to be temporary in nature. No
permanent advantages could result from violent acts. In fact, those who promoted
violence were responsible for society‟s disintegration. They had learned such
behaviour from others before them, for human beings did not possess a natural
tendency for violence. Therefore, it was better to practice non-violence, even in the
midst of the most adverse situations.

An advocate of non-violence was always ready to suffer by accepting violence

on self, especially when fighting for human rights. This was heroism at its best, not
cowardice at its worst. The non-violent person did not run away from situations,
violent or otherwise, like a coward. The coward just tried to avoid unpleasant
situations, by pretending that they were non-existent. In this respect, even the violent
person was preferable to the cowardly person. It was to be noted that Gandhi was not
against the taking up of arms in self-defence, when the honour of the family was at
stake, when weak and helpless people were being tortured or the nation was being
confronted by an aggressive enemy like the British. “I would rather have India resort
to arms in order to defend her honour than that she should, in a cowardly manner,
become or remain a helpless witness to her own dishonour (Gandhi, 2011: 94)”. After
all, it was possible to hope for a violent person to develop a non-violent mindset later
on in life. A cowardly person, on the other hand, could not be expected to become
fearless even in a million years.

Regardless, violence was to become a weapon only as a last resort and in

extreme cases only. Non-violence and the ability to forgive were far superior weapons

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in comparison to violence. The non-violent individual could comprehend the
importance of ahimsa (non-violence) even in the midst of all the himsa raging in
society. To go a step further, non-violence could only be practised by someone
harbouring great love for one‟s fellow beings in one‟s heart. The combination of love
and non-violence resulted in a weapon that was more powerful than brute force or any
other living force on earth. This was because non-violence implied a search for the
truth. Such a person did not know the meaning of fear. This made him stronger than
ever. It also permitted spiritual and physical emancipation. Since the weapon of non-
violence could be used universally, in every kind of situation, it could be viewed as a
science on its own. It would lead to the development of a purely democratic world.
Gandhi penned the following thoughts in a letter to Daniel Oliver in 1937,

“I have no message to give except this that there is no

deliverance for any people on this earth or for all people of this
earth except through truth and non-violence in every walk of
life without any exceptions (2008: 20).”

The year 1990 was definitely eventful in nature. Even while the World Bank
was conducting its Independent Review, the Narmada Bachao Andolan continued
with its activities. To begin with, numerous villagers took out a rally. As they moved
towards Badwani town, they kept stating that they would drown in the rising waters
caused by the dam‟s construction rather than give up their homes. Police barricades
proved useless to stop thousands of determined people calling out, “Koi nahin hatega;
baandh nahin banega”. This slogan had been coined by an innovative painter. He had
even painted it all along the Rajghat Bridge. Then again, a Rasta roko programme was
organised in March. The location was the Bombay-Delhi highway. The outcome was
not fruitful.

Therefore, two months later, 2,000 activists and oustees gathered once again in
Delhi. The majority of them were from Madhya Pradesh, since their state was to
become the most affected due to the dam construction. This time, they staged a dharna
outside the Prime Minister, V. P. Singh‟s residence. The dharna carried on for five
days. During these five days, they protested in the form of folk songs, tribal dances
and exhortative speeches. They were not noisy, but just intended to get the message
across to the concerned persons and the public. A dharna is always meant to be
peaceful, according to Gandhi. The dharna forced the prime minister to rethink the

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Narmada Valley project. He had a discussion with a delegation sent by the protestors
and agreed to review the Sardar Sarovar Project. Politicians from Gujarat immediately
launched a counter-protest. After all, their State stood to benefit the most from this
Project. They set up a meeting with the Prime Minister. Gadgil and Guha observed the
apathy of the political class thus,

“The Prime Minister granted them an audience immediately (he

had kept the Madhya Pradesh peasants waiting for days) and
told them what that his government was fully committed to the
implementation of the Sardar Sarovar Project (Gadgil & Guha,
2000: 255).”

This was a blow to the NBA. In retaliation, they set up a camp at Narmada
Nagar Village on December 5 and 6. More than 150 activists came together to discuss
the progress made by various committees. They even identified gaps that they needed
to fill. Volunteers went to every region, talking to people about the aims and actions
of the Narmada Bachao Andolan. They even distributed and sold literature related to
the NBA and the Sardar Sarovar Project wherever they went. One booklet was titled,
“Cry, O’ Beloved Narmada”. It had been written by Baba Amte. Talented painters
came out with innovative banners, armbands and flags. Gandhi‟s Satyagraha had
advocated this tactic of garnering publicity through printed media and journals. He
had also suggested that leaders use pamphlets, give lectures, set up camps or hold
demonstrations, whenever possible. Since this was all about the environment, NBA
leaders would have to harp on displacement of residents, destruction of Mother
Nature, etc. If the audience were illiterate, songs, stories, etc, would serve to spread
the message. At the same time, it was necessary to keep up a constant flow of talk
with the concerned governmental authorities via letters, as they were the final
decision makers.

The members of the NBA, most of them not educated in the ways of the
world, had begun to comprehend that rallies and dharnas were splendid weapons to
tackle injustice. The literature related to the Narmada Valley Projects and the public
discourses conducted by the leaders of the organisation helped them gain knowledge
about their constitutional rights too. Obviously, the leaders were encouraging legal
literacy. This did not mean that the tribals, rural folk and other citizens would be
literally educated in every law governing the land. Instead, they would be granted

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information about their legal rights in alignment with the Indian Constitution. They
would have to work responsibly to achieve them. Furthermore, it was necessary to be
aware that whenever there was a legal conflict, such as in the case of the Sardar
Sarovar Project, there were legal solutions available too. They could access these
solutions if they wanted. For instance, Baba Amte‟s “Cry O’ Beloved Narmada”,
outlined everything from the launch of the Sardar Sarovar Project on its many pages.
The pages contained definitions of every term associated with the Project, the details
of every governmental policy and the various actions undertaken by local and central
governments over the years. In fact, this booklet was a mine of information, sufficient
to let the to-be-displaced people know everything there was to know about dam
construction and its impact on the environment. Baba Amte had even sent out a clear
warning to officials about how the public would no longer tolerate injustice,
especially against the Adivasis. He wrote

“What we want to do this time, however, is to give out a

warning loud and clear – that the days when you could fool us
in this manner are gone. This time, we will closely question
you – every word you have spoken, every claim you have made
will be scrutinised with great care. And if your promises turn
out to be hollow, you will have to face the consequences of our
non-cooperation (Amte, 1989: 30).”

Regardless, the NBA would not go to the law courts just yet. They would try
other methods first. The leaders would let the other members know how these
processes would be implemented and how they would work.

The Famous Padayatra

Beginning at 6:30 AM on March 12, 1930 from the Sabarmati Ashram at

Ahmedabad and culminating on April 5, 1930 at the village of Dandi, Navsari, the 61-
year-old Gandhi‟s non-violent protest was the first of its kind in the world. It was
indeed commendable that people from diverse states, different religions and varied
castes, joined the March. There were protesters from Nepal too. According to Gandhi,
and the 78 Congress volunteers who began the march, since their cause was a just
one, the campaign was bound to be a huge success. It was! Throughout the march,
Gandhi talked about fighting for truth the non-violent way. Village after village in

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Gujarat joined him in the fight for Swaraj (self-rule and freedom from British rule)
through a breach of the Salt Laws. The sight of the Satyagrahis moved Jawaharlal
Nehru to great eloquence and he opined,

“Today the pilgrim marches onward on his long trek. Staff in

hand, he goes along the dusty roads of Gujarat, clear-eyed and
firm of step, with his faithful band trudging along behind him.
None that passes him can escape the spell, and men of common
clay feel the spark of life (1930).”

By the end of the Dandi March, over five million Indians echoed Gandhi‟s
views and actions. They broke the Salt Laws at various public meetings on the same
day, as Gandhi did. At the end of it all, Gandhi was able to connect with people from
the eastern, western, northern, southern and central parts of India. Satyagraha was
Gandhi‟s greatest contribution to a world filled with violence and greed. It has been
inspiring the birth of several movements across India and the rest of the world over
centuries.

The padayatra undertaken by Medha Patkar was with the aim to invoke, on
similar lines, in the people a commitment, a dedication for the issue on hand. The task
was difficult as the Salt March was to protest the laws of a colonial ruler while
Patkar‟s march was against the decision of the people‟s own government. It is not an
easy task at all to carry out a protest which was bound to bring about retaliation of a
violent nature. But the method of Padayatras has been developed by Gandhi was for
the specific intent to bind the people together. More and more people became vocal;
and indentified and associated themselves with the cause. With time they shed their
fears as they become aware that they all have the same opponent. Padayatras helps to
cross boundaries no matter how small, big, definite of indefinite. The methods of non-
cooperation and civil disobedience were an integral part of Satyagraha and were used
to court and challenge the opponent‟s view.

At the camp, the NBA took a pledge. The pledge was related to a padayatra
they were about to undertake from December 25, 1990 onwards. The NBA would not
call off this padayatra until its goal of halting the progress of the Sardar Sarovar
Project was achieved. Titled as the Narmada Jan Vikas Sangharsh Yatra or the
Narmada People‟s Progress Struggle March, the event would cover 250 km from

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Rajghat in Madhya Pradesh to Kevadia Colony, the site of dam construction in
Gujarat. Seven members, including Medha Patkar, decided that they would even give
up their lives at the end of the padayatra. NBA members followed this seven-member
team, right up to the borders of Gujarat State. The State countered the peaceful event
with violence. Police were waiting for them at the borders of the State. There were
also thousands of pro-dam demonstrators from urban areas to lodge a counter-protest
against the NBA. The police were brutal, engaging in violent arrests. Many were
dragged into trucks and dumped far away in the wilderness. Baba Amte and others
requested the police to allow them to continue to Kevadi. However, the stalemate
continued until the New Year. In January 1991, around 25 Satyagrahis, with their
hands tied in front of them, managed to get into the State. Other groups, including
Baba Amte, joined them. However, they were not allowed to proceed into the interior.
Therefore, the protestors sat down on Godhra River Bridge, indicating that they were
engaged in a dharna. This time, it would be indefinite.

It was to be noted that the NBA was engaging in a strategy proposed by

Gandhi‟s Satyagraha. This was the padayatra. The term was derived from Sanskrit.
While „pada‟ referred to foot, „yatra‟ referred to journey. This was a purposeful and
soulful journey on foot. Gandhi believed that a message linked closely to Sarvodaya
or justice for all, had to reach the masses, even in the remotest of areas. This could be
done only by „walking‟ towards them. It was imperative for educated executives of
the Narmada Bachao Andolan to give relevant information and knowledge to the
illiterate rural and tribal populace. They had to be made aware of their rights, such
that they did not remain helpless spectators of events affecting their very livelihood.
Governmental apathy had to be highlighted, during this struggle for justice. Opinions
had to be sought from various sections of society. All this could only be achieved if
the NBA walked from one village to another. Only those, who were given the
responsibility of putting up posters or painting walls, travelled ahead on bicycles or
motorcycles.

Most importantly, a padayatra was a great weapon to show the masses that the
initiators of a movement were „one‟ with them. It would lead to better connectivity
between one human being and another. One act of healthy purpose was always bound
to set off a chain reaction for the betterment of the human race. The Manav Ekta
Mission summed it up beautifully,

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 “The image of the padayatri is a symbol of sacrifice – a selfless
will to undertake strenuous walk, singular in purpose to
transcend the limits of body and the material world, to achieve
the noble goal of one‟s inner betterment (Manav Ekta Mission,
2014).”

The concept of padayatra has very Ancient beginnings, especially in India.

Spiritual gurus, saints and holy men had long been using this method to communicate
with the rest of society. Every „seeker‟ of truth had a message to hand out to the
community, as well as, spread awareness. This could be better achieved only by
journeying on foot to every single village and town. Sharing of knowledge, personal
experiences and wisdom always brought about improved bonding between the
intelligent and the ignorant, the wise and the not so wise, or the educated and the
uneducated masses. In addition, relationship building led to exchange of ideas,
viewpoints and feedback. As a result, the potency of the concerned message could
only become sharper and more comprehensible. The Mahatma was a living example
of the power of padayatras. One single man in a remote corner of India was able to
unite an entire nation, purely through his strong faith, and ability to „walk‟ and „talk‟.

Even before Gandhi, Swami Vivekananda had demonstrated the power of the
padayatra. He had begun his journey from Kanyakumari, holding on to the same
vision that Gandhi had also harboured, “One India”. Swami Vivekananda had even
visualised “One World”, wherein everyone lived in peace and harmony. Over time,
the concept of padayatra did not remain confined to Hinduism alone. Even people
from religions like Taoism, Christianity, Islam and Buddhism began to propound it
and practise it. Those, who believed in undertaking such pilgrimages, were
demonstrators of meditation in action. They would see a new light of truth at the end
of every journey.

Going into the Fasting Mode

As mentioned earlier, the Gujarat police refused to let the Satyagrahis go

beyond a few metres into the State. This led to the dharna on the river bridge. Here,
Baba Amte began an indefinite fast unto death. A couple of days later, Medha Patkar
and a few others entered into an indefinite hunger strike on the Madhya Pradesh side
of the border. The police tried to take them into custody, but spirited protestors

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prevented them from doing so. The fast continued for several weeks, right up to
January 28th. When the officials noted the deteriorating conditions of the fasting
protestors, they persuaded them to give it up. No solid promises regarding dam
construction were given, however. Seeing the Indian Government‟s stance, the NBA
retreated, vowing to take the fight back to the villages in the three states. They would
launch a programme of non-cooperation. In retaliation, the Gujarat Government got
into „malign‟ mode, with vicious interviews being given to the media. Arrests of
people trying to cross over into Gujarat continued.

Fasting was another method of Satyagraha, relevant then, and relevant today.
Even in modern times, politicians find this a most useful weapon to justify certain
demands. Gandhi himself had gone in for at least 15 fasts, and found the method
highly successful. However, it had to be used as a last resort, only if all other methods
of protest failed, for it was deemed as an extreme kind of Satyagraha. Furthermore, he
advocated it as a weapon only for those, who were properly trained to tolerate self-
suffering. The Satyagrahi was to be aware that the suffering could even culminate in
death. However, such a sacrifice was commendable when it was made in the name of
public service. A Satyagrahi makes his utmost effort to evoke the spirit of opponents
through self-suffering. Fasting is the best manifestation of the self-suffering and an
equally unparalleled expression of non-violence. The Satyagrahi never lost hope,
since the method of fasting was an extension of prayers emitting from a loving soul‟s
pure heart. Extensive faith in God‟s goodness, as well as the absence of any kind of
selfishness or anger tended to give the individual strength. This is why Gandhi had
suggested that only a person possessing a firm resolve, rigid discipline, serenity of
mind, humility and single-mindedness of purpose should undertake the rigorous mode
of Satyagraha fasting. The aim was to make the opponent comprehend his mistake
and correct self. This could happen only if the opponent comprehended the
Satyagrahi‟s sufferings, and was ready to purify self of all evil thoughts and actions.

In other words, the opponent could be morally persuaded to listen to the woes
of the unfortunate and take relevant action to mitigate them. Unfortunately,
governments, in this case, seemed to rarely understand, for they comprised of narrow-
minded and rigid people coming from diverse backgrounds. Undeterred, however, the
Satyagrahis continued with their actions. They believed in what Gandhi had said
about fasting setting the human soul free to engage in efficacious prayer. There were

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numerous examples of wise leaders and commoners, who had gone in for rigorous
fasting and prayer, purely to conserve the good of humanity. They could be viewed as
global teachers, setting great examples for the rest of society. Through prayer and
fasting, humankind could achieve three-dimensional peace. Thus, the „fasting‟
Satyagrahi remained ever fearless, harboured no grudges against humanity and placed
public interest above personal interest. Such an individual would not bow down to
violent reactions or coercion, but continue to fight for the upholding of truth by every
means possible.

Jal Satyagraha

While Patkar was engaged in her fast, Baba Amte ensured that the entire
Narmada Valley observed a bandh plus Rasta roko on January 25th, 1991. Roads were
blocked at seven strategic areas. The police countered with brutality once again. The
lathi charge and arrests prompted the protests to withdraw. The leaders decided that
they had no right to endanger the lives of innocent people any longer. The group
returned to the village of Badwani on January 30, holding public meetings wherever
possible. Soon after, the struggle shifted to another village, Manibeli, in Maharashtra.
This was because it became known that it would be the first village to be submerged
due to the Sardar Sarovar Project. The Government of Maharashtra sent out notices to
these villagers, as well as the residents of eight other villages in December 1991 and
January 1992. They wanted to relocate the villagers. However, the NBA wanted dam
construction to be halted, until the relocation process had been completed. Towards
this end, they obtained a stay order in March.

However, very soon another court in Dhule dismissed the NBA‟s petition and
ordered the dam construction to continue. This resulted in more protests, albeit
peaceful in nature. When the government continued to remain ruthless, the NBA tried
another tactic. Although not everyone within the NBA agreed with the decision to
give up lives by drowning, the leaders went ahead with the Jal Samarpan, sacrifice by
drowning in the Narmada waters programme. Some members even formed a save-or-
drown squad. Even while the water began to rise, people remained near their hamlets.
They stood knee-deep in the water, refusing to leave their homes. This led to forceful
detentions, arrests and beatings between 1992 and 1993. Nonetheless, NBA‟s actions
forced the Indian Government to undertake a review of the Sardar Sarovar Project. By
this time, even the World Bank had withdrawn from the project. Perhaps the most apt

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description of what happened on the Jal Samarpan day was echoed in these words,
“The image of Valley inhabitants, standing motionless and defiant in the face of rising
waters, ready to sacrifice their lives, is perhaps the most haunting of the movement”
(Hurwitz et al., 2008: 363).

Jal Satyagraha was an extreme form of self-suffering. The tribals and rural
folk were so passionate about defending their right to continue staying where they had
always resided, that they did not mind giving up their lives for the cause. They desired
to cut through the deadlock existing between their demands and governmental
stubbornness in refusing to accede to their demands. It was hoped that even the most
rationalised of arguments offered by the authorities would not be able to withstand the
sight of such intense human suffering. At the same time, it was imperative to ensure
that the Satyagrahi‟s self-suffering would be viewed in the right spirit by the
opponent, and not invite brutality, instead. This would only lead to more wrongdoing.
Then again, the Satyagrahi was not to take pride in establishing self as a martyr.
Instead, he was to determine to bring a positive change in the opponent‟s mindset
through a functional act of self-suffering. There was another aspect to self-suffering
or Jal Satyagraha, in this case. Even if the opponents did not experience a change in
attitude or mindset, the NBA‟s actions would suffice to convert public opinion in their
favour.

Gandhi had always declared that the best way to reach authoritarian hearts was
to awaken citizens‟ hearts. The public was to comprehend that the Satyagrahis were
not using this kind of weapon for obtaining revenge, but as a tool to reach the truth of
the matter. Self-abnegation was to convert into self-affirmation. When the public
noticed that, the Satyagrahis were not acting in the interests of self but in the interests
of others, it would join in the movement to achieve justice too. These Jal Satyagrahis
were aware that they were paying an extreme price for maintaining resistance, albeit
in a non-violent manner. Their actions could result in injury; they could result in
death. It would not matter as long as the goals were attained. Gandhi summed up
everything through these words,

“The conviction has been growing upon me that things of

fundamental importance are not secured by reason alone, but
have to be purchased with their suffering. If you want
something really important to be done, you must not merely

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 satisfy the reason, you must move the heart also (Young India,
1931).”

Even the stoniest of hearts could be moved through the witnessing of

suffering. This, in turn, would lead to a finer understanding in every human being.

Regardless of the brutality exhibited by the authorities and police forces, the
NBA and its devotees refused to give up. A march was undertaken by the residents of
Manibeli and Kevadia villages in May 1993. The marchers made it very clear that
they would not vacate their homes. Instead, they were ready to drown. The police
forces initiated curfew, that is, section 144 in all the to-be-submerged areas. Dharnas,
defiance arrests and hunger strikes followed any kind of police action. Frustrated
members of the NBA once again decided to give up their lives, for they were tired of
governmental duplicity and police brutality. In July of 1993, the group announced that
seven activists, including Medha Patkar, would drown in the monsoon-swollen
Narmada River. They would not carry out this action if the Indian Government
promised to go through with its own independent review of the Sardar Sarovar Project
by August 6, 1993.

The Central Government bowed to this demand, just hours before the
deadline. A five-member group would conduct a review. The Jal Samarpan event was
called off. Finally, even the Gujarat High Court came up with a stay order. No one
from the villages in Maharashtra would be forcibly evicted. The residents could stay
until they were relocated in alignment with the legal norms documented for
appropriate resettlement. Despite lawful assurances, the battles between activists and
police continued to rage throughout the year. Protestors at Dhule were lathi-charged
in November.

Moving the Law Courts

The month of January 1994 witnessed Medha Patkar once again initiating a
26-day fast at the site of the Sardar Sarovar Project. Her aim was to highlight the
woes of the displaced residents of the Valley. As a result, authorities were forced to
suspend construction work and request a committee to evaluate the Project once
again. However, the Indian Government had become emboldened by the withdrawal
of the World Bank from the Project. It was determined to complete the Narmada
Valley Projects, if only to put the Narmada Bachao Andolan in its place. Then again,

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the Sardar Sarovar Narmada Nigam Ltd, the corporation in charge of the Sardar
Sarovar Project, had decided to close the sluice gates. Water was rising in the region
and many areas would be submerged. This encouraged the NBA to try another
strategy – approach the Supreme Court directly. The organisation did this in May of
1994.

Much later, in an interview Balakrishna Rajagopal, an internationally

renowned professor of law and author, would criticise the NBA‟s decision to
approach the Supreme Court as too late for its wellbeing. Human Rights activist and
scholar, Smita Narula is of the opinion,

“Its decision to avoid Courts until its back was against the wall,
did not help, as Gujarat created a fait accompli with regard to
the dam and was able to argue that it would be too costly to
reverse” (2008: 374).

All those years of avoiding the courts, had given the Gujarat Government
enough time to have its arguments in place.

Nonetheless, the NBA would not agree with him. The organisation felt that the
Supreme Court would be just in its dealings, for it had always passed judgements in
accordance with constitutional rights. To illustrate, the members of the Supreme
Court interpreted Article 21 of the Indian Constitution, which talked about right to life
and right to personal liberty, to indicate rights to potable drinking water, livelihood,
clean environment, health care and fresh air. Furthermore, the Court had always
allowed social action groups to approach it without fear.

Accordingly, the NBA approached the Court with certain demands. Lawyers
representing the Narmada Bachao Andolan focused on three major points, while
arguing the case in court. At the outset, the Sardar Sarovar Project was
unconstitutional in nature. Secondly, it did not adhere to the „equal protection‟ clause
present in the Indian Constitution. Thirdly, the Indian Government had infringed upon
the people‟s residential rights. They had the right to stay wherever they wanted, and
could not be evicted forcibly. The petition appealed for a review, and a halt on all
manner of construction until the final report was completed. The petition was
accepted and numerous hearings were initiated. The Court even ordered the

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Government to hand over a previous review of the project. A stay order resulted in the
Narmada Control Authority suspending riverbed construction in December 1994.

The suspension, however, could also be attributed to the petition submitted by

Madhya Pradesh‟s Chief Minister Digvijay Singh, to lower the dam‟s height. He
wanted it to be reduced from 136.5 metres to 130.8 metres, since over 6,500 hectares
of land would be submerged, thereby endangering over 30,000 lives. The Supreme
Court went ahead with another stay order to suspend all construction related to the
dam in May of 1995. However, the locals did not heed the orders of either the
Supreme Court or the Narmada Control Authority. This enraged the NBA sufficiently,
to make them begin their Satyagraha again from June 5, 1995, via a march to Delhi.
All work was suspended from March 12, 1996 onwards, with the Supreme Court
declaring that no further submergence would take place until October of the same
year.

While it could not be declared as a significant victory for the NBA,

nevertheless, it was still a victory. Furthermore, the Supreme Court‟s willingness to
listen to both sides of the story, suggested that it possessed a conscience and was open
to reason. This was Gandhi‟s basis for his Satyagraha movement. He believed that
every individual was a mix of good and bad. The good within the individual would
compel a positive response towards any kind of friendly and noble action. It was
imperative that the Satyagrahis of the Narmada Bachao Andolan grant their opponents
the same credit that they would demand of themselves. By approaching the law, they
had demonstrated that they still believed in the better side of human nature. They
were optimists, who had faith in the system. “Even if the opponent plays false twenty
times, the Satyagrahi is ready to trust him for the twenty-first time, for an implicit
trust in human nature is the very essence of the creed (Gandhi, Young India 9-3-
1922).”

The NBA Intensifies its Efforts

The Supreme Court had been very just in its actions. However, the contempt
shown towards court rulings and laws by the people in charge of the Sardar Sarovar
Project had made Medha Patkar rather wary. Therefore, although dam construction
had come to a halt for the time being, the Narmada Bachao Andolan continued with
its peaceful protests everywhere. While conducting one such event for the oustees of

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Bargi dam at Bijasen Village, Madhya Pradesh, in August 1996, Patkar was arrested,
along with 15 other activists. The dharna had begun on 19 th and brought to an end on
the 20th by the Superintendent of Police and the District Magistrate. The officials had
heard that NBA activists were exhibiting hostility towards governmental authorities.
Therefore, they went to the site, to meet Patkar. She refused to discuss anything with
the officials or move from the place, although the water level was increasing. “In light
of her attitude, rising water level and continued slogan shouting, Ms. Medha Patkar
was arrested for preventing breach of peace and taken away by boat” (Mukherjee,
2005: 6).

Even in jail, Patkar was defiant. She refused to furnish any kind of security
for breach of peace. Therefore, she was taken into judicial custody on a non-bailable
warrant. Patkar filed and forwarded a letter petition to the High Court in Jabalpur,
requesting that severe action be taken against erring officials. The High Court refused
her demand.

The demonstration by the NBA activists at the site was called off only after
discussions took place between Patkar, the other activists and the Chief Secretary in
Seoni, on August 30, 1996. A review of the site was undertaken by the Chief
Secretary in October, leading to certain demands being met by the State and Central
Governments. To begin with, reservoir levels would be reduced to 418 metres on
December 15 of every year, to prevent flooding and submergence. An Indian
Administrative Officer would oversee rehabilitation projects, even ensuring that
budget allocation would be appropriate for carrying out relief works. Whatever areas
tended to be cut off from normal transport, would receive rations and medical supplies
via boats. Displaced people would be granted employment opportunities in alignment
with the physical and natural resources found in the area. Above all, all the affected
families would receive drawdown land for growing winter wheat crops. They would
be able to access the land based on ten-year leases. Thus, the dharna did have its
desired effect. It also revealed the fearlessness and self-confidence with which Medha
Patkar, Baba Amte and the other Satyagrahis acted, in order to achieve NBA‟s goals.
They were tireless seekers of truth, unfazed by the number of adversities that kept
coming in their way.

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 The next thing that happened was the coming together of 25,000 NBA
members at the site of the Maheshwar dam. They remained there for 20 days, in
protest against the involvement of multinational establishments in harmful dam
construction. Six members even went on an indefinite fast at this time. The Madhya
Pradesh Government finally came round to the NBA way of thinking on January 30,
1998. There would be a complete review undertaken. Until then, all dam construction
and related activities would be halted. The private companies, however, refused to
give up and began building a safety wall at the site, to keep NBA encroachers away.
This encouraged the NBA to organise another rally on April 3, 1998, at the same site.
The private companies were forced to stop their work and move, despite the police
stepping in with their strong sticks and firearms.

Apart from participating in rallies, NBA representatives also took part in two
international conferences, organised in 1997 and 1998. Both the conferences were
related to dam constructions. The first one was held in Brazil for a discussion on the
environmental impact of large-scale dams. The second one was jointly organised by
the World Bank and the World Conservation Union. It was meant to bring companies
and bilaterals involved in dam construction, peoples‟ movements from across the
globe and non-governmental groups together on the same platform. After heavy
discussions, the World Bank formed its World Commission on Dams (WCD) in May
1988. This Commission comprised of civil society activists and dam builders. Medha
Patkar was appointed the commissioner of this august body. During its two-year
tenure, the WCD made detailed studies of over 1,000 dams constructed in 79 nations.
The Commission concluded,

“While dams have made an important and significant

contribution to human development, in too many cases an
unacceptable and often unnecessary price has been paid to
secure those benefits, especially in social and environmental
terms, by people displaced, by communities downstream, by
taxpayers and by the natural environment (International Rivers,
2008).”

Shri. Atal Bihari Vajpayee was the Prime Minister of India at that time. The
NBA launched a signature campaign in January of 1999, appealing to him to
withdraw his ban on holding WCD meetings in India. In April of the same year, Baba

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Amte and Medha Patkar led a rally of five thousand villagers in Delhi. Arrests and
dumping of protestors at diverse police stations followed the event. Not to be outdone,
around 169 displaced families returned to their original homes in June 1999, ready to
confront the monsoon submergence. They had not been provided agricultural lands as
promised. They had been waiting for the last five years. Medha Patkar‟s Satyagraha
took root again on June 20, 1999. Unfortunately, the NBA did not have the support of
the Supreme Court this time. The Court had gone in for a rethink on its stay on the
dam construction, back in February 1999. It vacated the stay, deciding to focus on
resettlement and rehabilitation alone.

Such a decision angered noted author and social activist, Ms. Arundhati Roy.
She gave vent to her ire through public criticism and in the form of strong words in
her essay, „The Greater Common Good‟. In her essay, she remembered standing on
the banks of the Narmada and laughing aloud, as she looked at residential hamlets that
would soon be submerged during the monsoons. She even gave reasons for her
laughter,

“I suddenly remembered the tender concern with which the SC

judges (before vacating legal stay on further construction of the
Sardar Sarovar Dam) had enquired whether tribal children in
the resettlement colonies would have children‟s parks to play in
(Roy, 1999).”

The judges had been satisfied with the answers given by Government lawyers,
about how even swings, seesaws and slides dotted every park. The Supreme Court felt
that she was mocking the judges. It contemplated punishing the entire Narmada
Bachao Andolan for contempt of court. The charges would be for publicising Roy‟s
writings, undertaking direct political actions and going in for media advocacy tactics.
However, in the end, it contented itself by imposing a fine of Rs. 2,000 on Ms. Roy
and having her imprisoned for a day.

In 2000, the Supreme Court permitted the dam to go up to 90 metres in height.

It also announced that the completion of the dam should be undertaken as top priority.
If people were shocked by this change in mindset, they had no reason to be. The old
judges had been replaced by new ones, who believed in development and
modernisation, even at the cost of human suffering. The NBA was even more upset by

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the Court‟s utmost faith in the Narmada Control Authority, which was always
inclined towards protection of its powers and status quo. This was demonstrated by its
decision to raise the height of the Sardar Sarovar Dam to 95 metres, instead of the
stated 90 metres.

The NBA responded by submitting a petition regarding inadequate

resettlement and rehabilitation, in 2002. It was not in alignment with dam
construction. However, the Court refused to accept the petition. It recommended that
the NBA approach the Grievance Redressal Authority in the particular state. If this
body failed to address the grievance effectively, the NBA could move the Supreme
Court. The NBA did just that in 2005. The Grievance Redressal Authority of Madhya
Pradesh had ruled in favour of 27 villagers, who were facing submergence. However,
the state had rebuffed the Authority‟s judgment. The Court delivered its judgment,

“The reports of the Grievance Redressal Authority and of

Madhya Pradesh in particular, show that there is a considerable
slackness in the work of identification of land, acquisition of
suitable land and the consequent steps necessary to be taken to
rehabilitate the project oustees (Supreme Court of India,
2005).”

Towards this end, the three states of Gujarat, Madhya Pradesh and
Maharashtra would have to offer relief and rehabilitation packages in accordance with
what each state had decided for its displaced people. In addition, the states would
have to comply with the directions given by the Narmada Control Authority,
Grievance Redressal Authorities or the Review Committee.

The Supreme Court made another important decision in 2006. If ever the dam
height had to be raised anywhere, resettlement and rehabilitation measures would
have to be carried out in accordance with the NWDT directives. Additionally, the
state governments were ordered to respond to complaints and take appropriate action.
It also requested the Indian Government to give its opinion by July 6, 2006, after
receiving a report from the Oversight Group. The Prime Minister at that time was Dr.
Manmohan Singh. He had set up an Oversight Group comprising of three members, to
look into the grievances of the Project Affected Families (PAFs) and provide a
detailed report. The Group was headed by V. K. Shungulu, a former Comptroller and

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Auditor General. The members would carry out sample checks to ascertain if eligible
oustees or PAFs had received suitable alternative lands. They would also check if the
dealings gone through in a fair and transparent manner or not, and how many PAFs
were there in number. In short, it was imperative for the oustees to be satisfied with
the implementation of rehabilitation and resettlement measures and provision of civic
amenities.

When the report was completed, the Prime Minister decreed that work on the
dam should continue. Construction work would be stopped during the monsoons. At
that time, the shortcomings perceived in resettlement and rehabilitation works could
be remedied. The NBA countered that even the land that had been allotted so far was
generally uncultivable and impossible to irrigate. Furthermore, there had been no
appropriate monitoring of the relief measures undertaken by anybody in authority.
After hearing both sides, the Supreme Court set the date for actually looking into the
Sardar Sarovar case in detail, as March 10, 2008. The case continues to stagnate in
court.

This did not mean that the Narmada Bachao Andolan had ended. The
organisation continued with its efforts to attain justice for people displaced from their
residences by dam constructions across the Narmada River and other rivers in India. It
was only that a certain amount of realism set in over the years. Whatever they did and
however much the law promised to be on their side, the Indian Government and the
State Governments involved with the Sardar Sarovar Project, would not halt dam
construction per se. Furthermore, the heights of the already constructed dams would
be maintained within a certain limit, lowered or increased, in accordance with
perceived needs of the surrounding populations. As a result, displacements would
continue. This awareness led to the NBA changing its goals. They began focusing
more on resettlement and rehabilitation measures, rather than on stopping dam
construction. Over the years, the NBA has continued its Satyagraha. Even the law
courts have been dragged into the picture. However, a final decision has not come
through yet. Therefore, the Narmada Bachao Andolan continues even today.

Tracing the Narmada Bachao Andolan through ‘Andolan’

Gandhi as we all know was an ardent writer. He did not aim to impress with
flowery words neither did he have any peculiar style. His choice of words was

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flawless and impeccable. He made use of simple words which would put a clear
meaning to the reader. The directness of his words in his writings won him
appreciation. Gandhi has written on nearly every subject under the sun, thus taking
the number of his collected works to nearly a hundred volumes

Through his writings, Gandhi commented on issues, and informed the people
as well so that an opinion in the society was cultivated. This technique was also used
by the NBA. The NBA launched its own mouthpiece „Andolan’. It was a medium
through which it not only gave voice to the Narmada Bachao Andolan but also tried to
coordinate the activities of people‟s movements all over the nation. The Andolan
addressed varied issues like Sardar Sarovar Project, plans for big dams, dangers of
nuclear empowerment, swadeshi, the arbitrary salt act, threats to the various
occupations like fishing due to developmental projects, peace and threats to it,
developmental model of the west and the hypocrisy in it, working of the Gram
Sabhas, the attitude of the state and its agencies, popular support etc. The Andolan
traces the journey of the NBA and its trials and turmoil. It has reports and articles on
the various activities conducted by the movement. It has also provided space to
articles on the various issues mentioned above.

The Andolan raises its voice for equity and justice for the downtrodden and
the marginalised. It promotes the cause of those affected by the various
developmental project undertaken by the government and also regarding the ones it
plans to. One of its news reports of November 1998, covers the International
Conference on „Expanding People‟s Space in the Globalising Economy‟. The reporter
observes that delegates from around the world hold Gandhi and his philosophy in high
regard. The report further notes how the delegates discussed Mahatma Gandhi in great
awe. They believed he had the unique capacity to maintain a deep relationship
between the issues of a conflict and the principles and morals that could be
constructed while solving the issue. Basically they were discussing the Gandhian
notion of pure ends and pure means. The faith and observance of the NBA of
Gandhian principles stands vindicated here.

The report of the Jal Satyagraha conducted in 1999 is full of the valour, unity
and dedication of the Satyagrahis. It reports the horrors and atrocities committed by
the police on them. The protestors on the other hand reacted to this oppressions and

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beatings in a strong but peaceful manner. The training of the mind and intense belief
in their objective had prepared the Satyagrahis to face all odds.

In another report in May 1999, the author questions how the state can justify
the uprooting, displacement of the tribals and the rural population in the name of
development. They are not only uprooted but had also been scattered wide and far
making it difficult for them to maintain their cultural identities. The author further
observes that the Sardar Sarovar Project has in fact provided us with an opportunity to
do things in a different manner. It could be used by the state to take good and sensible
decisions through which general good could be sought. The same volume also has the
enthralling report of the „Manavadhikar Yatra‟, the journey for Human Rights which
commenced from Badwani in Madhya Pradesh and traveled through various districts
in Maharashtra to reach Mumbai and from there it went to New Delhi. The report
vividly presents before us the travel in which the participants received spontaneous
support of the people wherever they went.

The padayatra against exploitation, which culminated into the Ekta Parishad,
from 10th December 1999 to 20th June 2000 was a fully charged 3000 km walk against
the acquisition of land of the tribals and farmers. The report of this padayatra finds a
prominent place in the March 2000 volume. Further in the May 2000 volume,
Andolan reports the protest that took place in Seattle against the WTO Conference.
The agitators raised several issues like labour, environment, exploitation, threat of
globalisation etc. At this protest several protestors distributed pamphlets regarding the
Sardar Sarovar Project and the agitations of the Narmada Bachao Andolan. It was an
effort not only to sensitise the people about the issue but also to draw attention to the
follies of the state.

The issue of November 2000 deals with the decision of the Supreme Court
which went against the NBA. It contains the opinions of the leader of NBA Medha
Patkar, social activist Arundhati Roy, Senior Advocate Prashant Bhushan. Though the
decision changed the premises of the movement, Medha Patkar took the new
challenge very positively, a clear indication of the true Satyagrahi that she is. The
April 2001 issue reports the padayatra against globalisation that took place from 16 th
to 23rd March 2001. It was a walk for equality, justice, self-reliance and for
sustainable development.

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 Other than reports of the movement activities, Andolan also has articles on
several relevant issues. In an interesting article in the May 1999 volume, Shri. Sunil
comments on the role of the World Bank and the IMF in the economic planning of our
nation through his article, “What‟s hidden in this Budget?” He establishes how the
World and the IMF succeed in creating greater scope of activity for the corporate
houses and hand over the economic system of the nation to the market. This ends up
sacrificing Swadeshi at the altar of globalisation which in turn totally destroys the
social fabric.

In the volume of June 1999, Dr. Shripad Joshi has put forth his views
regarding the present scenario in his article, „The Globalised Direction of
Development‟. He observes that the process of globalisation has challenged the very
notion and process of National development making it irrelevant and unsuccessful. He
feels there is nothing left in the hands of the nations as they are not in a position to
determine the nature of their own economy. He further adds that globalisation, based
on exploitative and hierarchical relation among nations, violates the principles the
Universal Brotherhood. So it is very peculiar that the author not only looks at
globalisation from the economic point of view but also laments on the change in
relation of the „peoples‟ of the world.

In another article of October 1999, Prof. Puranchandra Joshi examines the

relevance of views of Gandhi in the present times in his article, „Economic vision of
Gandhi and Contemporary challenges‟. He reminds readers of the fact that according
to Gandhi, the pre-condition to economic equality is social equality. Hence, the
questions and issues of the ones displaced by the Sardar Sarovar Project become very
relevant here. They were agitating for their own identities as they had clearly not been
treated equally socially. Their life and existence had been manipulated by the policy
makers. He concludes that the spate of neo-colonialism in our country is the direct
result of our refusal to accept and imbibe Gandhian thoughts.

Andolan writes a different narration as far as development is concerned. It

does not curtail itself to only the Narmada Bachao Andolan, but takes up the
responsibility of addressing all those issues regarding the people, their life and
existence. A gutsy author agonizingly questions, „what could be crueler than the fact
that compensation to some was given in the form of land which was either barren or
so remote that there was no possibility of facilities ever reaching there. In fact the

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height of all was that to some tribals and displaced compensation was given in the
form of government bonds!! To many others, compensation was refused on the
grounds that they did not have the documents to support their traditional claims over
the land.

In a very important article in volume of June 2000, Prof. Desarda the

government‟s conception and policy formation of dams. He observes that the biggest
challenge to progress today is the ability of the plans to bring about equity and
sustainability. Sanjay Sangvai evaluates the work of National Coordination committee
of Peoples Movements since its establishment. It worked for the rights of the victims
of the Bhopal tragedy, questioned Enron project, tried to establish dialogue with
political parties and also organised agitations in various cities against globalisation.
He tests how far the activities have been able to stick to their objectives.

Yogini Khanolkar has written an eye opening article, „The Call of the
Narmada‟ in the July 2003 volume. In this heart wrenching article, she writes how the
height of the Sardar Sarovar Project was taken to 100 metres without taking
rehabilitative measures regarding those who were to be affected by it. The state
governments had shut their eyes and ears to the calls for help of these people. The
affected faced surely a fatal situation not only for their crops and homes but also
themselves. Therefore, in other places like Andhra and Tamil Nadu, the prospective
affected not a change in the Land Acquisition Act but a fundamental change in the
nature of developmental planning.

In this manner the Narmada Bachao Andolan made use of this technique very
effectively. The Andolan has articles and write ups of activists and experiences of the
participants. The mouthpiece makes an enthralling reading as it familiarizes the reader
with the varied issues with contentions. The magazine maintains the tenor of the
people‟s struggles and movements. It contains scores of writings which took the
movement to the society at large. It reached the colleges, Universities, NGOs and
other people‟s organisations. It managed to garner support from all corners for the
movement. It strengthened the significance and relevance of Gandhian philosophy.

NBA’s use of Civil Disobedience as a Whole

Throughout its struggle, the leaders and members of the NBA used all forms
of Satyagraha as dictated by Gandhi‟s philosophy. These included educating the

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public through lectures and discourses, padayatras, fasts, gaining of publicity for a
just cause via distribution of pamphlets and other literature to the public, dharnas and
approaching the law. Furthermore, they remained non-violent and truthful Satyagrahis
all the way, regardless of the many obstacles placed in their way. This was civil
disobedience at its best in a modern society. Satyagraha is like a banyan tree with
innumerable branches. Civil disobedience is one such branch. Satya and ahimsa
together make the parent trunk, from which all innumerable branches shoot out
(Gandhi, 2004: 140).

Civil disobedience refers to democratic opposition of injustice. A democratic

society supposes that everyone is equal, without overt or covert differences in caste,
creed or social status. In this kind of a society, when there is an injustice, it means that
the rights of a section of society are being violated. This is exactly what was
happening with regard to the Sardar Sarovar Project. When this happens, it becomes
the duty and responsibility of other citizens to ensure that these constitutional rights
are not violated. Towards this end, civil disobedience is justified, as long as it remains
within purview of societal norms and laws.

Obviously, violence has no role to play in this kind of a scenario. Protestors

use civil disobedience as an instrument to bring about social change by appealing for
a sense of justice. They approach the rulers at the centre and the state, and the
community at large. To sum up, the NBA‟s journey of civil disobedience, i.e., all the
actions that were undertaken were political, public and non-violent in nature, perfectly
in alignment with Gandhi‟s ideals. When the NBA went against politicians, they were
not motivated by any kind of greed or vengeance. The organisation only wanted
justice for the poorer sections of society as indicated in India‟s Constitution.
Similarly, its interactions with the public were transparent, open and fair. The NBA
took accountability for its actions. The group confirmed its respect for the political
systems in place through its non-violent and truthful behaviour.

Apart from Gandhi‟s Dandi March, probably, his handling of the situation in
Champaran District in 1917, proved to be an inspiration for the NBA. In those days,
an odd system known as Tinkathia was in place in this presidency of Tirhut in Bihar.
As per this system, the ryots were dragged into certain agreements by European
planters, wherein they had to use three plots from every 20 plots of rented land, for
growing indigo plants. This caused huge losses to the cultivators of land. However, as

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synthetic dyes began to gain importance in the global marketplace, indigo began to
lose its importance. Naturally, the ryots wanted their lands to be released or handed
back to them. The European planters agreed to return the plots only if the ryots agreed
to pay enhanced rents and other illegal dues. A local man named Rajkumar Shukla
decided that enough was enough. They would request Gandhi to come to Champaran
and resolve their problem.

When Gandhi arrived at Champaran, he conversed with numerous ryots, in

order to garner their viewpoints about the problem. Then, he took up the task of
tackling the European planters. However, the secretary of the planter‟s association
refused to divulge any information or discuss anything with Gandhi, regarding him as
an outsider. He was quite rough in his manner. Gandhi desired an appointment with
Tirhut‟s commissioner. The result was a threat and an order to leave the place
immediately. When the Mahatma refused to leave Champaran, the District Magistrate
ordered him into his presence. Gandhi visited the Magistrate as ordered. However, he
was prepared with an explanatory statement relating to his decision not to leave
Champaran until the ryots‟ problem was resolved. He considered it is his civilian duty
to help the cultivators. Towards this end, he was fully prepared to accept all penalties
linked to disobedience, without protest.

At the end of his statement, Gandhi declared, “I have disregarded the order
served upon me, not for want to respect lawful authority, but in obedience of the
higher law of our being – the voice of conscience (Apressyan, 1999).” The hearing
was postponed, since Gandhi‟s statement created disagreements between the judge
and state attorney. This gave Bapu sufficient time to tour the villages, along with a
few friends and record the statements made by many ryots. The group worked from
dawn to dusk. Even the local authorities agreed to cooperate with Gandhi. The Indian
Government appointed a commission of enquiry, making Gandhi one of its members.
Finally, justice won the day and the Tinkathia system was abolished forever by the
District Magistrate. However, Gandhi also tried to be fair to the European planters, for
they were suffering losses too. He suggested that they refund just 25% of the illegal
dues that they had collected from the ryots.

Gandhi succeeded in his endeavours because he had a natural sense of justice

and a deep belief in God. He did not willfully disobey the District Magistrate or
exhibit disrespect for his authority. Then again, he insisted that he had come to

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Champaran as a selfless, external observer. It was wrong to say that the problem had
nothing to do with him. The ryots were fellow Indians and deserved justice. If he
could give it to them, he would do so. He intended to act as a third-party mediator for
them, which was very much in tune with his philosophy of Satyagraha. Naturally, his
convictions gave him a stronger position in the case of Planters vs. Ryots. Global
historians, leaders, social activists, etc, had been wondering if civil disobedience
would work in a non-democratic society. Bihar‟s Champaran, at that time, was a non-
democratic society. Gandhi proved that civil disobedience could work anywhere and
everywhere, if it was carried out with the right intentions. Above all, the win could be
attributed towards the non-violent means of moving towards the truth.

Conclusion

The Sardar Sarovar Project was completed in Gujarat on December 31, 2006.
The Chief Minister, Shri. Narendra Modi poured the last bucket of concrete over the
dam as a symbolic gesture. The dam‟s height is 121.92 metres. Around 30 gates, each
measuring 50 feet, were installed over the next three years. The exact number of
displaced people is difficult to determine, but it is definitely a huge figure. Medha
Patkar and her Narmada Bachao Andolan are aware that dam construction cannot be
halted anywhere in India, for every newly elected government sees things differently.
There can never really be a consensus in a nation with so many political parties and
authoritarian figures offering diverse viewpoints. However, the NBA‟s efforts to fight
for the human rights of displaced citizens continue in the form of marches, dharnas,
public meetings, fasts, rallies, demonstrations and Satyagrahas. The NBA has also
gone in for initiating Jeevan Shalas or life‟s schools, with an alternative curriculum.
The group is also into spreading awareness about health care, integration of modern
medical care and indigenous medications, etc. Thus, the rural populace is receiving an
education that was thus far denied to them.

Both, Medha Patkar and Baba Amte received numerous national and
international awards for her dedicated approach to the task that they had taken on. The
NBA has taught the world a much-needed lesson about human beings and the
environment being interdependent upon one another. NBA has also made it clear that
it is not against development, but it should take place within a value framework,
where each individual is treated in a just and equal manner. This means,

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 “We must have decentralised management of resources,
whether it is water, land, forest, or fish. Rights should be
granted first to the smallest unit of population, and the benefits
should first take care of that unit, moving upward (Jensen,
2004: 37).”

The views expressed by the NBA have made sense to so many people across
the length and breadth of India, as well as to people outside India. More and more
educated youngsters from urban backgrounds are becoming part of the movement.
The aim is not just to save the Narmada River, but also to restore Mother Nature‟s
dignity, which has been torn to shreds through humankind‟s carelessness and self-
centeredness. Above all, the non-violent and dignified stance adopted by the rural
populace and the tribals already displaced and about to be displaced, has served as an
inspiration to many. It is a humbling lesson in what Gandhi‟s Satyagraha can achieve,
even in these modern times.

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241
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